BMHgniO] 
 
 m 
 
 8KB 
 
 B8& 
 
 HWP 
 
 Hi 
 
 ■ 
 
 ml HI 
 
 HI 
 Hi 
 
 mn 
 
 i 
 
 ■Hi 
 
 wm 
 
 vBa 
 
 m 
 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2013 
 
 http://archive.org/details/manuscriptsofearOOunse 
 

 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 
 
 FOURTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IX. 
 
 
 THE 
 
 MANUSCRIPTS 
 
 OP 
 
 THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, 
 
 THE EARL OF LINDSET, THE EARL OF ONSLOW, 
 
 LORD EMLY, THEODORE J. HARE, ESQ., 
 
 AND JAMES ROUND, ESQ., M.P. 
 
 Prerfnitrtr ta hatf> %outfe£ at parliament be Command at fotx JBaizttQ. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, 
 
 BY EYKE AND SPOTTISWOODE, 
 
 PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 
 
 And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from 
 
 EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.C., and 
 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or 
 
 JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 
 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or 
 
 HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. 
 
 1895. 
 ;C.— 7882.] Price 2s. 6d. 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
SALE OF GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS 
 
 The under-mentioned Firms have been appointed sole Agents for the sale 
 Government Publications, including Parliamentary Reports and Papers, Acts of Pari j 
 ment, Record Office Publications, &c, <&c., and all such works can be purchased fire j 
 them either directly or through retail booksellers, who, under the provisions of the saJ 
 agency oontracts, are entitled to a discount of 25 per cent, from the selling prices :— 
 
 IN ENGLAND :— 
 
 For all publications excepting Ordnance and Geological Maps, the Hydrographica 
 Works of the Admiralty, and Patent Offioe Publications :— Messes. Btee ajtj 
 Spottiswoode, East Harding Street, E.C. 
 
 For Ordnance and Geological Maps : — Mr. E. Stanford, Oockspur Street, S.W. 
 
 For Hydrographical Works of the Admiralty : — Mr. J. D. Pottee, 31, Poultry, E.' 
 
 Patent Office Publications are sold at the Patent Office. 
 
 For all Publications excepting the Hydrographical Works of the Admiralty « J 
 Patent Office Publications : 
 IN SCOTLAND: — Mbsses. John Menzies & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, \ 
 
 90, "West Nile Street, Glasgow. 
 IN IRELAND : — Messes. Hodges, Figgis, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dubl a. 
 
 The following is a list of some of the more important Parliamentary and other 
 Publications recently issued : — 
 
 Parliamentary : 
 
 Statutes — 
 
 Public General, Session 1895. With Index, Tables, &c. Cloth. Price 8*. 
 
 Second Revised Edition. By authority. Vol. 1. A.D. 1235-1713. Vol. II. A.D. 
 
 1714-1800. Vol. III. A.D. 1801-1814. Vol. IV. A.D. 1814-1830. Vol. V. 
 
 A.D. 1830-1836. Vol. VI. A.D. 1837-1842. Vol. VII. A.D. 1843-1846. 
 
 Vol. VIII. A.D, 1847-1852. Vol. IX. A.D. 1852-1857. Vol. X. A.D. 1858-1862. 
 
 Roy. 8vo. Boards. Price Is. 6d. each. 
 
 Revised Editions. Tables showing subsequent Repeals, effected by Acts of Session 
 
 57 & 58 Vict. 1894. Roy. 8vo. 34 pp. Stitched. Price 6i. 
 Statutes in Force. Index to. Thirteenth Edition. To the end of the Session 
 
 58 & 59 Vict. Roy. 8vo. Cloth. (In the press.) 
 
 Statutory Rules and Orders other than those of a Local, Personal, or Temporary 
 Character. With a List of the more important Statutory Orders of a Local 
 Character arranged in classes; and an Index. Roy. 8vo. Boards. Issued 
 in the years 1890, 1891, 1892, 1893, and 1894. Price 10«. each. 
 
 Statutory Rules and Orders in force on 1st January 1893. Index to. Price 10«. 
 
 Statutory Rules and Orders, 1895. Registered under the Rules Publication Act, 
 1893, are now in course of issue. 
 
 Acts of Parliament, Public and Local and Private, Session 1895, are now ready. 
 
 [C.7862 and 7862 — i. to vin.] Secondary Education Commission. Report, with Evidence, 
 Appendices, &c. Vols. I. to IX. (complete set). Price 19s. 0%d. 
 
 [C, 7894, 7894 — I.] Turkey. Correspondence relating to Armenia. Price 5s. 
 
 [C. 7898.] Bounties on the Construction and Running op Ships paid for by the 
 State in Foreign Countries. Reports on. Price 2%d. 
 
 [C. 7900.] Labour Department. Second Report, with Statistics. 1894-5. Price 10}d. 
 [C. 7901.] Strikes and Lock-Outs. 1894. Report by the Chief Labour Correspondent. 
 
 Price 2s. 9d. 
 
 [C. 7902. j Importation of Foreign Prison-made Goons. Report of Departmental 
 
 Committee on, with Evidence and Appendix. Price Is. 3d. 
 
 [C. 7923.] Turkey. Correspondence relating to the Introduction of Reforms in 
 
 Armenia. Price Is. 6d. 
 
 [C. 7926.] British Guiana. Correspondence relating to the Boundary of. Price 3%d. 
 
 [C. 7927.] Turkey, Armenian Question. Correspondence and Reports from Her Majesty's 
 
 Consular Officer. Price 2s. lid. 
 
 [C. 7933.] South African Republic Correspondence relating to the Recent Disturbances 
 
 in. Price Is. 
 
 [C. 7972.] Venezuela and British Guiana. Documents respecting I the Boundary 
 
 between. Price 4s. Ad. 
 
 [C. 7972—1.] Ditto. Maps. Price 2s. 9d. 
 
 [C. 7981.] Agriculture, Royal Commission. 2nd Report of Commissioners. Price 6d. 
 
 Mines. Reports of Her Majesty's Inspectors for the Year 1894, with Summaries of 
 
 the Statistical Portion, under the provisions of the Coal Mines Regulation Act, 
 
 1887, Metalliferous Mines Regulation Acts, 1872-1875, Slate Mines (Gunpowder) 
 
 Act, 1882, complete. Price 7*. 4d. 
 
 Mines worked in the year 1894. List of. Price 2s. 
 
 MlNE3 abandoned. List of the Plans of. Corrected to 31st December 1894. Price 7rf, 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION, 
 
 FOURTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IX 
 
 THE 
 
 MANUSCRIPTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, 
 
 THE EARL OF LINDSEY, THE EARL OF ONSLOW, 
 
 LORD EMLY, THEODORE J. HARE, ESQ., 
 
 AND JAMES ROUND, ESQ,, M.P. 
 
 $reftnt*tt to rjotf) ?i?au$e£ at parliament fig Comtnantr at $?cr JHajetftg- 
 
 i 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, 
 
 BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, 
 
 PRINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 
 
 f 
 
 And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from 
 
 EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.C.,and 
 
 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or 
 
 JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 
 
 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or 
 
 HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 10 1. Grafton Street, Dublin, 
 
 1895. 
 [C— 7882.] Price 2s. 6d. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 Introduction -----~ iii-xvii 
 
 The Earl of Buckinghamshire 1 
 
 Lord Emly - - - - - - - 155 
 
 Theodore J. Hare, Esq. - . - 200 
 
 James Bound, Esq., M.P. - 267 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey ------ 367 
 
 TnE Earl of Onslow ------ 453 
 
rv> 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 
 
 The first collection noticed in this volume, belonging to the 
 Earl of Buckinghamshire, consists of the correspondence of 
 Robert Trevor, son of the first Baron Trevor, who was Secretary 
 of Legation at the Hague under Horatio Walpole, from 1734 to 
 September 1739, when he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary 
 there, and who in 1741 was raised to the rank of Minister 
 Plenipotentiary. He resigned in November 1746, and was 
 appointed a Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland. He was 
 joint Postmaster-General from June 1759 to July 1765, succeeded 
 as Baron Trevor in 1764, was created Viscount Hampden in 
 
 1776, and died in 1783. His titles became extinct on the death 
 4 of his youngest son in 1824. 
 
 The collection is arranged in sixty bundles, each containing 
 the correspondence of one month or more, the first letter 
 calendared being dated January 27-February 7, 1735-6, and 
 W the last November 22, 1746. A very large proportion, probably 
 three-fourths of the whole, consists of despatches from the 
 Foreign Office to Trevor, or copies of his despatches home, of 
 w hich the copies and originals respectively are preserved among 
 the Foreign Office papers in the Public Record Orfice. The first 
 fifteen bundles were roughly compared with the Foreign Office 
 books preserved there, and those of which duplicates were found 
 were separated in each bundle from the rest, though even of this 
 residue some may be duplicates. It seemed unnecessary to go 
 through the same process with the remaining bundles, but the 
 papers calendared have generally been placed at the beginning of 
 each. A considerable number of the remainder are more or less 
 formal letters addressed by Trevor to the British representatives 
 at foreign courts, or by them to him. The former class has not 
 been noticed in the Calendar, nor have most of the latter, as thev 
 generally go over the same ground as the former class. Some 
 letters, however, of the latter class, which appeared to he of 
 interest, or which were written in a style more familiar than 
 official, have been noticed. The ultimate residue is compara- 
 
 o 77960. Wt. 21255. a 2 
 
 <>$ OKQR 
 
IV 
 
 tively small, but much of its contents is of considerable interest. 
 Trevor was on intimate terms with many of the leading English 
 statesmen, and corresponded with them with great freedom and 
 openness, so much go that in more than one letter is an injunction 
 to the receiver to destroy it as soon as read. 
 
 His most regular correspondent, especially in the earlier part 
 of the period, was Horatio Walpole, Sir Robert's younger 
 brother, who, through that relationship, and from his own 
 experience as a diplomatist and a member of Parliament, had 
 exceptional opportunities of observing what went on behind the 
 scenes, and who was Trevor's intimate friend. Till his brother's 
 resignation in 1742, many of his letters give vivid accounts of 
 the debates and speeches in Parliament, some being actually 
 written from the House during the debates. After that event 
 he attended less regularly. 
 
 Among the latter parts of the correspondence are several 
 important letters from Trevor to Henry Pelham and from the latter 
 to Trevor, two from Pelham's brother, the Duke of Newcastle, 
 and several, hitherto unpublished, from Lord Chesterfield, in one 
 of which, written in August 1746, he alludes to his son, and 
 recommends to Trevor Lord Charlemont, the well-known Irish 
 statesman, when he visited the Hague on his tour abroad. There 
 is one letter from William Pitt. Several from Sir Thomas 
 Robinson describe the difficulties which he encountered from the 
 pride and obstinacy of the Court of Vienna. 
 
 Three of the earlier letters are from the so-called King 
 Theodore of Corsica. In one, dated January 1736-7, he states 
 that the Queen of Spain, with the concurrence of Genoa, 
 intended to propose to the Corsican chiefs the Pretender's son as 
 their king. This might be supposed to be an invention to rouse 
 the apprehensions of England, and gain her support for the 
 writer, were there not allusions to some project of the kind in the 
 letters of the Duke of Ormonde, of 23rd October 1737, and of 
 Kelly, of 11th December 1737, intercepted by the English agent, 
 " Le Connu," which have been published in the Calendar of the 
 Weston Papers, in the first Appendix to the Tenth Report of the 
 Historical Manuscripts Commission, pages 504 and 509. That 
 agent himself is mentioned in a letter of 14th August 1738 but 
 
without any clue to his identity. Several other secret agents and 
 correspondents are mentioned passim, among them one La Roche, 
 and two Sicilian abbots, one of whom had died before September 
 1738. Allusions to such persons have been calendared, on the 
 chance of their illustrating any mention of them in other" 
 documents of the time. 
 
 There are a few letters from Sir R. Walpole, relating for the 
 most part to the purchase of pictures for his collection. In one 
 he remarks that he is not fond of the Dutch school, but would 
 like a specimen of each of the best painters. 
 
 The principal topics of the earlier letters are the affairs of the 
 Prince of Orange, the King's son-in-law, particularly his claims 
 on the States of Zealand relative to the Lordships of Flushing 
 and Terveer, and the investment of the fortune of the Princess, 
 the conflicting claims of the Elector of Hanover and the King of 
 Prussia to East Friesland in case of the failure of the ducal 
 line there, and the pretensions of Prussia and the Sulzbach 
 branch of the Palatine family to the Duchies of Berg 
 and Juliers on the extinction of the branch of Pfalz- 
 neuberg. The old King of Prussia and George II.'s personal 
 aversion to him are frequently mentioned. In one letter he 
 is said to be " extremely averse to do anything that squints in 
 " the least towards favouring the King of Prussia." Horatio 
 Walpole in another thinks Trevor's hint that the Prince Royal of 
 Prussia, afterwards Frederick the Great, would accept a pension 
 from the King, though a matter of great nicety, deserves serious 
 consideration. It does not appear positively that the suggestion 
 was acted on, though perhaps the 2,0001. in gold ducats sent 
 six months afterwards to Berlin with the utmost precautions for 
 secrecy may have had something to do with it. 
 
 The Porteous riots and those in London in 1736 are men- 
 tioned, the cause of the latter, according to Walpole, beino> that 
 the English workmen were driven out of their employment by 
 Irish cheap labour. Walpole writes at length about the proposed 
 reduction of the interest on the National Debt, Several letters, 
 printed by Coxe, refer to the last illness and death of Queen 
 Caroline, and there is one to the Princess of Orange from her 
 sister on the same subject. 
 
VI 
 
 Early in 1738, the difference with Spain, which the next year 
 resulted in war, begins to colour the correspondence. Mr. Wal- 
 pole was strongly in favour of peace, arguing ngainst the wild 
 " notion of leaving the people of England and the Queen of 
 (( Spain to worry one another. — Could the King and the 
 " ministry say fight dog, fight bear, between the people oi" 
 (i England and the Queen of Spain, and if our King was once 
 et engaged, would France quietly say so with respect to him and 
 " Spain?" 
 
 A remarkable letter of Walpole's in October 1740 describes the 
 resources of France both in men and money. 
 
 On the accession of Frederick the Great, there were many- 
 speculations about his character and probable policy. A good 
 understanding between him and his uncle George II. was hindered 
 by the narrow views and jealousies of one particular country, 
 Hanover. The Queen Dowager of Prussia acted as mediatrix 
 between her brother and son, but in July Walpole found that a 
 reconciliation so effected would relate only to family concerns, 
 and not produce a political union, which Europe, England, and 
 Hanover wanted, and in September Frederick gave offence, which 
 would scarcely be forgiven, by his inquisitiveness about a certain 
 will, doubtless either that of George I., which George II. is said 
 to have destroyed, or that of his divorced wife, the grand parents 
 of Frederick. In August Walpole thinks that though Frederick 
 has not his father's bad qualities he has no very good ones, at 
 least no great ones, but a month later that the Liege affair proved 
 he had one good point, that he would strike, which his father 
 would never do ; and a fortnight later Walpole suggests having 
 at Berlin a petit maitre who might gain his favour. A year later 
 he takes him to be a most arrant coward. 
 
 After 1740, the whole of the subsequent correspondence is so 
 full of the events of the war, which from a German became a 
 general European one, and of the consequent negotiations between 
 the different states of Europe, that it cannot be noticed in detail, 
 though much of it is of considerable interest. It may be remarked 
 that Frederick is frequently designated Anti-Mac, i.e. Anti- 
 Machiavel, in allusion to the book of that name published soon 
 after his accession when Trevor suspected Voltaire of having 
 
Vll 
 
 foisted in the boldest and. most exceptionable passages, especially 
 those that are taxed with irreligion, and regrets that he had not 
 obliged the public with it in the very same dress and condition 
 in which he received it. In some of the later letters the French 
 King is, curiously enough, spoken of as Mr. Nelson. 
 
 After Sir R Walpole's resignation the conduct of affairs was 
 hindered by the dissensions in the Cabinet between Lord Carteret 
 and the other ministers, and after Carteret's retirement in 
 November 1744 by the King's aversion to the ministers that were 
 forced on him. Numerous allusions to this state of things occur. 
 
 In May 1743 Horatio Walpole writes: — " Since his Majesty is 
 u determined to go, and stay I do not know where, and to do I 
 " don't know what, I heartily pray that he may be glorious and 
 " successful abroad, in order to be easy in his government when 
 " he returns again to us ; for in the confusion things are at 
 ** present here under a divided, distracted, and, I am afraid, weak 
 " administration, without any one person having the credit and 
 " confidence of his master or the goodwill of his fellow subjects, 
 " any disgrace on the other side or even inaction will cause a 
 et most troublesome and boisterous scene the next sessions." 
 And in August Weston mentions the dissatisfaction of the 
 ministers in England at the dryness and reserve of their cor- 
 respondent (Lord Carteret) abroad, and fears that the mala 
 sarta gratia of 1742 will not be long lived. The Dutch 
 complained of the want of harmony and union among the King's 
 servants, to which they attributed the want of forecast and 
 system, and steadiness in English measures. In May 1744, 
 H. Walpole speaks of the perpetual and irreconcileable discord 
 among the ministers, and in June Henry Pelham writes : " We 
 u were very nearly falling to pieces on the demand made by the 
 " Pensionary for our paying the G,000 Dutch as auxiliaries even 
 " after they came into Flanders." 
 
 After Lord Carteret's retirement the King was always trying to 
 get rid of his ministers. In June 1745, Lord Chesterfield 
 writes : "At home things stand on the foot of six month's 
 " warning ; and at the return from Hanover we are to know our 
 " fate, and to be really in, or really out ; we are now neither." 
 Even just after Preston Pans, Weston writes: — "The Jeu de 
 
 v 
 
Vlll 
 
 ' Cabinet is again in vogue. Who will win that game I can't 
 ' tell, but there is almost always a difference between that and 
 :< all other games, viz., that the standers by are the greatest 
 " sufferers"; while finally in February 1746 occurred the extra- 
 ordinary phenomenon of the resignation of the ministry, the 
 attempt of Earl Granville and the Earl of Bath to form a new one, 
 and the return of the old, all in forty-eight hours. 
 
 There was as much discord between England and her allies 
 abroad as in the Cabinet. Letters from the army in Flanders in 
 1744 and 1745 describe dissensions among the allied generals; for 
 instance, in July 1744, General Wentworth writes : "A council of 
 " war was held yesterday at the Marshal [ Wadejs quarters . . . 
 " The time was principally taken up in disagreeable expostula- 
 " tions, which never can do any good. Everv party seemed to 
 " have their particular interest in view, to which all other points 
 " were to be sacrificed, nor after consuming some hours in fruitless 
 " debates, did they conclude upon anything very material, and, as 
 " far as I can judge, did not break up in very good temper." And 
 at the close of the campaign : " The Marshal begins to think of 
 " returning home, undoubtedly with great pleasure, for, if I be 
 " not much mistaken, no mortal was ever more weary of a jail 
 " than he is of his command." It was hoped that the Duke of 
 Cumberland'b appointment would put an end to these quarrels, 
 but disputes on points of etiquette arose between him and the 
 Prince of Waldeck, who commanded the Dutch contingent. 
 
 Lord Chesterfield, in July 1745, gives an illustration worth 
 noticing of the system of subsidies. " I refer myself to Mr. 
 " Pelham's letter with regard to the Cologne affair, and will only 
 (t say that after bribing that Elector's ministers to influence him 
 " to take our money, it is a little hard, that we must afterwards 
 u bribe him himself into it; I take it to be a trick of Mr. 
 " Champigny's in order to go snacks with his master in a sum 
 " which he will say he procured him unexpectedly, and by his 
 " own dexterity." 
 
 From Florence came occasionally news from Horace Mann of 
 the doings and plans of the Jacobites at Rome. In January 1744, 
 he describes Charles Edward's secret departure for France, and in 
 the following April the dejection and consternation there at the 
 failure of the Dunkirk expedition. It appears that the first 
 
IX 
 
 project was to invade Hanover with the Pretender's son. Two 
 intercepted Jacobite letters of July and August from Paris and 
 Rome relate to the Prince's expedition to Scotland. The first 
 allusion to it in the English letters calendared is in Henry Pelham'a 
 of 10-21 September. He writes: "I heartily wish the troops 
 " were arrived, both Dutch and English, for, though I look upon 
 " these Highland rebels as a sort of rabble, yet if there is no 
 " force to oppose 'em, they may come in time to be considerable. 
 " We have scarce any regular troops in the country, and between 
 " you and I, I don't find that zeal to venture purses and lives 
 " that I formerly remember. I don't care to look out for the 
 " reasons." In less than two months a great change had taken 
 place. Early in November Weston writes : " There is a strong 
 " party for abandoning the Continent entirely, and dying, if we 
 " must die, se defendcndo. Where all this will end, God knows. 
 " But I doubt it must be little less than a miracle to save us." 
 Subsequent letters report the expedition to Derby and the subse- 
 quent retreat. In December it was reported that Charles 
 Edward's brother was heading a second expedition to Scotland, 
 and he was at first supposed to be one of the prisoners captured by 
 the Sheerness. 
 
 J. Stuart Mackenzie, the Lord Bute's younger brother, who had 
 met Trevor at the Hague, gives an account of the battle of 
 Falkirk, of which he was an eye-witness, and a letter from Sir 
 Everard Fawkener from Aberdeen shortly before Culloden 
 describes the condition of the Royal army. 
 
 A letter written by Lord Carteret's orders the evening of the 
 battle contains an account of Dettingen, and there is also an 
 account of the battle of Raucoux in 1746. Letters from Sir John 
 Ligonier and Colonel Graeme of the Dutch Service give their 
 personal observations at Fontenoy. 
 
 Coxe, after writing his life of Sir Robert Walpole, had access 
 to this collection, then in the possession of Trevor's son, the second 
 Viscount Hampden, and printed a large number of the most in- 
 teresting letters in his Memoirs of Horatio Lord Walpole, and one 
 each in his House of Austria and Pelham Administration, un- 
 fortunately with a great number of mistakes, some of which 
 completely alter the sense. For instance in one, " people of all 
 
ranks " appears as " people of rank " and in that giving an account 
 of H. Walpole's first interview with the King, after the death of 
 Queen Caroline, the conclusion should be <l Although his (the 
 (t King's) value and esteem for Sir Robert Walpole was certainly 
 (i greater on account of the Queen's judicious approbation (Coxe, 
 (< apostrophe) of him yet she (Coxe, he) knew that he himself 
 <{ had made him his chosen minister as superior and preferable 
 " to all his subjects." These mistakes have been noticed in the 
 Calendar, and the true readings given by Mr. F. H. Blackburne 
 Daniel], who has prepared the report on these papers. 
 
 The papers of the Earl of Lindsey, here calendared by Mr. 
 Eichard Ward, can scarcely be called the family correspondence 
 of the Earls of Lindsey, to whom they belong, inasmuch as they 
 do not contain more than half a dozen letters written from or to 
 any person who ever bore that title. Historically speaking, they 
 should be described as Danby or Osborne papers, as they relate 
 almost exclusively to members of that family, and especially to 
 Sir Thomas Osborne, of Kiveton, afterwards Earl of Danby and 
 Duke of Leeds, who was Lord Treasurer under Charles II., and 
 was impeached by the House of Commons for intrigues with 
 France, and confined in the Tower for many years. He married 
 Lady Bridget Bertie, daughter of Montagu, Earl of Lindsey. 
 
 In the second volume of the new series of the Retrospective 
 Review is contained an article intituled the Bertie Letters, the 
 writer of which letters was Charles Bertie, who was the son of 
 the last-mentioned Earl of Lindsey. His name frequently appears 
 in the present series, and several of the letters are written by or 
 to him. It is stated in that article that the letters there referred 
 to occupy the first two hundred pages of a thin folio volume in 
 the library of the Earl of Lindsey at Uffington. It is from 
 Uffington, where Charles Bertie lived, that the papers now under 
 consideration come, but that folio volume is not amongst them. 
 A few, however, of his earlier letters comprised in this Calendar 
 would appear to be part of that correspondence which seems to 
 have related principally to his foreign employments. 
 
XI 
 
 This Charles Bertie, who, as stated before, was the son of the 
 Earl of Lindsey, and therefore brother-in-law to the Earl of 
 Danby,' was Secretary to the Treasury when the latter Earl 
 was Lord Treasurer : and he appears to have been fully in 
 Danby's confidence and in possession of all his secrets. 
 
 In his old age the Earl, then Duke of Leeds, published a 
 volume of letters written to and by himself in the years 1676, 
 1677, and 1678, which was intended as a defence of his conduct 
 in relation to the dealings with France which went on at that 
 time, and also in relation to William III., or, as he then was, 
 the Prince of Orange. Amongst others, he published letters to 
 himself from Mr. Brisbane, whom he describes as a gentleman 
 employed at the Court of France about marine matters. It is 
 true that Brisbane writes home about marine matters, but he 
 writes about so much else that it is not unfair to assume that 
 his business was not confined to any one subject, and. that he 
 was instructed to report upon everything that went on. He 
 seems to have had access to many of the great men of the day 
 in Paris, and his correspondence shows how well informed they 
 were kept, or kept themselves, on English parliamentary affairs. 
 The Earl, however, only published such part of the correspondence 
 as he thought would serve his immediate purpose, and, as his 
 book may not be easily accessible, it has been considered best to 
 print the whole of those letters, so far as they have been found 
 at Uffington, without regard to whether they have or have not 
 appeared before. 
 
 There is a curious postscript to a letter from the Earl to the 
 Countess of Danby, written on 23 September, 1677, giving her 
 directions for her conduct to Nell Gwynn, and her son, Lord 
 Burford, who was then an infant. He says, " Remember to send 
 " to see my Lord Burford without any message to Nelly, and 
 " when Mrs. Turner is with you bid her tell Nelly you wonder 
 " shee should be your Lord's enemy that has alwaies been so kind 
 e< to her." Charles Bertie writes an interesting letter on April 26, 
 1679, to the Earl after his impeachment, giving an account of his 
 examination before the secret committee, when they hoped to 
 obtain admissions from him, damaging both to himself and to his 
 chief. He seems, however, to have got out of the difficulty^ 
 and as they were perhaps afraid to press him too hard he was 
 
Xll 
 
 ultimately left in peace. An attempt was also made to get the 
 King to use his power to stop the proceedings against Lord 
 Danby by bringing to bear the influence of Lord Plymouth, who 
 was a son of the King and son-in-law o£ Lord Danby. It does 
 not seem to have been successful, though Lady Plymouth received 
 minute directions from her father how she should proceed. Not- 
 withstanding his imprisonment, the Earl seems to have remained 
 on good terms with the King, as we find him frequently asking 
 favours for friends. Moreover, as he had his family to live with 
 him in the Tower, the imprisonment cannot have been of a very 
 rigorous or painful description. In February 1684, he was 
 released on bail. 
 
 There are several letters written at the time of the Revolution 
 of 1688 by the Earl and Charles Bertie. The former seems to 
 have been in a great state of anxiety as to what interpretation 
 would be put upon his attitude, and he writes letter after letter 
 to the Prince of Orange professing his devotion to his cause and 
 to the principles which he represented. 
 
 The correspondence ends with some private letters from the 
 Duchess of Leeds, as she then was, to her daughter-in-law, Lady 
 Carmarthen. They are full of allusion to family differences, for 
 which Lord Carmarthen seems to have been largely responsible. 
 The very last letter, which is dated September 1696, is an 
 attempt on the part of the Duchess to reconcile her husband and 
 son. 
 
 The Earl of Onslow was unable to find any family manuscripts 
 of historical interest at Clandon Park, but he kindly forwarded to 
 the Commissioners for inspection a handsome large quarto volume, 
 into which had been copied sundry " Anecdotes and other Miscel- 
 laneous Pieces," left by Arthur Onslow, the famous Speaker of 
 the House of Commons. The early part of this volume, selections 
 from which have been made by the Secretary to the Commission, 
 is made up of an essay on the functions of an Opposition in 
 Parliament, especially illustrated by the writer's own reminiscences 
 of parliamentary warfare, which date back to the time of Walpole's 
 eminent and effectual exertions against the Bill to restrain the 
 making of peers, the management of which, after its passage 
 
Xlll 
 
 through the House of Lords in November 1719, was entrusted to 
 the younger Craggs, then a Secretary of State. The eloquence 
 and tact with which these two leaders played their respective 
 parts are described in glowing terms : and Craggs's vigorous 
 support of the measure was the more amazing to Onslow, as he 
 had undoubted authority for saying that no one was privately 
 more opposed to the measure than the young secretary. The 
 morality of thus defending and supporting in public what 
 Craggs was really against and opposed in private, which Onslow 
 avers to be a common practice among ministers, is then discussed 
 at considerable length ; he concludes his remarks with this advice, 
 (< Be therefore of the first Duke of Ormonde's opinion, who used 
 " to say, ' However ill I may stand at Court, I am resolved to 
 Ci lye well in the Chronicle.' " 
 
 A second chapter on the same subject of Parliamentary 
 Opposition is still more remarkable for its comments on public 
 affairs, and the characters of the leading men during Onslow's 
 long service in the House of Commons. He has at first much 
 to say about Atterbury's plot in favour of the Pretender ; the 
 bishop he writes of as t( & man of great parts and of a most 
 " restless and turbulent spirit, daring and enterprising though 
 " then very infirm, and capable of any artifice ; but proud and 
 " passionate, and not of judgment enough for the undertakings 
 " he engaged in." He wanted to be not only the first church- 
 man, but the first man in the State ; not less than Wolsey, whom 
 he admired and thought to imitate. Walpole appeared before 
 the Lords as a witness for the Government against him, and the 
 bishop " used all the art his guilt would admit of, to perplex and 
 " make Mr. Walpole contradict himself, but he was too hard for 
 " the bishop upon every turn, although a greater trial of skill 
 " this w T ay scarce ever happened between two such combatants, 
 " the one fighting for his reputation, the other for his acquittal.' ' 
 After further remarks on Sir Robert's career, he concludes that 
 " he was in general a wise and able minister, and the best man 
 " from the goodness of his heart, which was characteristic in him, 
 " to live with, and to live under, of any great man I ever knew." 
 To some of Walpole's famous opponents Onslow gives equal if 
 not higher praise. Sir William Wyndham was " the most made 
 " for a great man of any one that I have known in this age. 
 
XIV 
 
 iS Everything about him seemed great." " There was much of 
 *' grace and dignity in his person, and the same in his speaking," 
 and " no man ever contributed more than he did to the dignity 
 " of Parliament." Of another member of the Opposition to 
 Walpole's administration, hardly so well remembered, Sir John 
 Barnard, one of the eminent of City representatives, Onslow 
 gives many interesting traits of character. The impressions made 
 upon him by Bolingbroke, Carteret, and Lord Chesterfield, are 
 also fully set down. 
 
 Of much greater length than the essay above quoted is the 
 account drawn up by the Speaker Onslow of his own family, 
 largely based upon papers and correspondence then preserved at 
 Clandon Park, but now, unfortunately, missing. The chief his- 
 torical interest of the earlier portion of this lies in the narrative of 
 the doings of Sir Richard Onslow under the Commonwealth and 
 Charles II., and more especially of his personal relations with 
 Cromwell. Of Sir Richard's son and his grandson, the first Lord 
 Onslow, who was uncle to the Speaker, we get many interesting 
 personal details, together with much throwing light on the general 
 history of the times. The writer says that he himself was born 
 at Kensington, rt in the first house of the left hand as you come 
 into the town from London""; he dwells at some length on the 
 circumstances of his early life and education, his marriage, and 
 entry into Parliament. From the first day on which he set his 
 foot in the House of Commons, he tells us, he " was an early and 
 " most constant attendant to and a most studious observer of 
 " everything that passed there." Onslow entered Parliament 
 just at the memorable time when the affairs of the South Sea 
 Company were undergoing close examination ; and he has much 
 to say about the ruin wrought by the Company's collapse, and 
 about the persons implicated in it, including the Earl of Sunder- 
 land, Aislabie, and Craggs, whose ""characters," after the fashion 
 of the time, are set out at great length. The prosecutions arising 
 out of the Atterbury plot, to w T hich he had previously alluded in 
 these essays, and the impeachment of the Earl of Macclesfield, 
 were historicals occasions on which a prominent part was assigned 
 to Onslow. Unfortunately this record of his parliamentary ex- 
 periences ends with his election as Speaker in the Parliament 
 elected after the accession of George IT. in 1727. Later on in 
 
the volume is, however, a curious note by him of an interview 
 with the King soon after the arrival of the news of Sir John 
 Cope's defeat at Preston Pans. Further particulars of family- 
 history down to 1785 are added by Sir Arthur's son, who became 
 Lord Onslow. In conclusion, it must be regretted that the 
 original documents upon which this very interesting volume was 
 based have entirely disappeared, and the Commissioners hope that 
 the attention thus drawn to the matter will be the means of re- 
 covering some portion of them, at any rate, for their noble owner. 
 
 In sequence to the account of Lord Emly's manuscripts in our 
 Eighth Report Dr. Gilbert has printed the concluding portion of 
 the correspondence of Edmund Sexten Pery, Speaker of the House 
 of Commons in Ireland. In. this correspondence, which extends 
 from 1780 to 1789, are to be found communications to and from 
 the following Peers: — Aldborough, Annaly, Athlone, Bristol, 
 Buckinghamshire, Carlisle, Charlemont, Clanricarde, Hawkesbury, 
 Leinster, Lucan, Macartney, Northington, Portland, Riversdale, 
 Sackville, Shannon, Shelburne, Sydney, Temple. There are also 
 here communications from Charles Agar, Protestant Archbishop 
 of Dublin, and James Butler, Roman Catholic Archbishop of 
 Cashel ; William Eden, John Foster, W. Ellis, Henry Grattan, 
 Sir Richard Heron, Sir Edward Newenham, Thomas Orde, 
 Thomas Pelham, John Ponsonby, Thomas Pownal, and Richard 
 Rigby. 
 
 The collection of Mr. Theodore J. Hare consists chiefly of letters 
 written by his ancestor Francis Hare, who was chaplain-general 
 of the army in Flanders under the Duke of Marlborough, and 
 afterwards Bishop successively of St. Asaph and of Chichester ; 
 and by members of his family down to the year 1770. The first 
 letter printed in the selection which has been made from these 
 papers by the Secretary to the Commission, is dated from Koch- 
 stadt, the day after the battle of Blenheim, and gives the 
 chaplain's " account of the greatest victory that has been won in 
 " the memory of man," to use the writer's own words. Succeed- 
 ing letters, like this addressed to the future bishop's cousin George 
 
XVI 
 
 Navlor, describe with fulness at greater or less intervals the 
 campaigning and negotiating which were carried on down to the 
 year 1711. Under date of May, 1706, are printed two interesting 
 and important letters signed apparently i( J. Walpole," describing 
 the raising of the siege of Barcelona by the Earl of Peterborough, 
 just when al! hope of saving the town from the united attacks of 
 the French and the Spaniards was abandoned. Between 1711 
 and 1733 there is but one letter in the collection, from Henry 
 Pelham to Francis Hare, then dean of Worcester, dated in 
 September 1722, offering him, on behalf of Sir Robert Walpole, 
 the vacant ushership of the Exchequer, a post which, Felham 
 says, if the dean should have a mind to till by deputy would still 
 leave the holder 800£. or 1,000/. a year to himself. The rest of 
 the letter comments on the proceedings which were being taken 
 by the Government against Lords Orrery and North, and other 
 Jacobites. From the year 1736 down to the period of the Bishop 
 of Chichester's death in 1740, his eldest son Francis, who took the 
 name of Naylor on inheriting Hurstmonceux through his mother, 
 was travelling abroad, and received many letters from -his father, 
 descriptive of debates in Parliament, and his views on politics and 
 society generally, at a period still in much need of illustration by 
 contemporary writers. A few letters of Mrs. Hare, the bishop's 
 widow, and of R. Marsham, a Norfolk gentleman, are noticeable 
 for their graphic accounts of travels in England and Scotland. 
 
 The collection of Mr. James Round, M.P., is miscellaneous in 
 character, and has been much neglected. Mr. J. Horace Round, 
 who prepared the account of it, discovered several of the 
 documents in a loft over the stables, among them being one 
 bearing the autograph signature of " the King -maker," with an 
 impression of his seal, believed to be unique, and another con- 
 taining the curious formula of the ward-staff of Ongar, the 
 existence of which had remained unknown. In a lumber room 
 were found, among old newspapers, the voluminous Petkum 
 correspondence, relating to the secret negotiations for peace in 
 1707-1711. 
 
 The manuscripts are calendared in five divisions. In the mis- 
 cellaneous deeds and papers will be found several relating to the 
 
XV11 
 
 neighbouring borough of Colchester and other Essex localities, 
 including a curious receipt from Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 
 " filz et frere des Rois." Anions the other items of interest in 
 this division are three deeds concerning the surrender of Revesby 
 Abbey, and a fine plan of Limerick in the 17th century. The second 
 division comprises the papers relating to the great Essex family of 
 De Vere, and to the Baynings, whose heiress married the last earl 
 of Oxford. This is followed by a " Diary of the Siege of Col- 
 chester," which, though it needs to be used with caution, contains 
 many details not found elsewhere, especially in the opening fight. 
 This narrative, which was used by Morant when writing his 
 "History of Colchester" (1747), and also by Mr. Gardiner 
 for his " History of the Civil War," was evidently written 
 by a local man on the loyalist side. It is of the same 
 character as that which was printed in the Commissioners' 
 Report on the Duke of Beaufort's manuscripts. The manuscript 
 from which this narrative is taken is an early 18th century tran- 
 script of the original, which is not known now to exist. A fourth 
 division is formed by the correspondence of Mr. Charles Gray, 
 member for Colchester in five Parliaments from 1747. Antiquary, 
 scholar, politician, philanthropist, his correspondence includes 
 letters from the credulous Dr. Stukeley (bearing on the famous 
 Bertram imposture), and an interesting description of New Jersey, 
 and Princeton in its early days, from Governor Belcher. The 
 bulk of them are from the pen of the scholarly Thomas Falconer, 
 " the Maecenas of Chester," who was related to Gray by marriage. 
 To this correspondence have been added some extracts from Mr. 
 Gray's Parliamentary note-book. 
 
 The Pet k una correspondence has been classed by itself. Com- 
 prising not merely the letters received by Petkum, but the drafts 
 of his own, it is of special interest from the close relations in which 
 he stood to Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary of the Netherlands. 
 It is largely in cipher, but the deciphering is interlined. Most of 
 the letters to Petkum are from Torcy, the French foreign 
 minister, but there is an interesting series of news-letters from 
 Paris at the close of 1711, illustrating the feverish desire of the 
 French at the time for peace. 
 
 o 77960= 
 
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EAUL OF 
 BUCKINGHAMSHIRE. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. Trevor mss. 
 
 1735-6, January 27 [- February 7].— Enclosing copies of the letters 
 of the Prince of Orange to himself and of the Princess to the Queen, 
 which desire that the King should write to the States of Zealand on the 
 Prince's behalf "relating to the violent and unjust proceedings of that 
 Government against the rights and possessions of his Highness," and 
 stating several points as necessary to be cleared up before his Majesty 
 should do so, and desiring Mr. Trevor to consult the Greffier con- 
 fidentially on the subject. 
 
 Enclosed : — 
 
 i. The Prince of Orange to Horatio Walpole. 
 
 l73[5-]6, [December 22-] January 2. — Leewarde. Giving 
 
 reasons why the King should write in. the first instance to the 
 Estates of Zealand. 
 
 In French. Copy. 
 
 ii. The Princess of Orange to the Queen. 
 
 [1735-6], January 20-31. — Leewarde. Urging the expediency 
 ■of the King's writing to the Estates of Zealand. " Je me souviens 
 journellement des paroles de Papa * Va, cherche fortune,' et ose 
 affirmer que je n'ai rien a me reprocher sur cet article." . . . 
 " Pour chaq'une de mes soeurs et Guillaume, dont vous paries 
 avec eloge, j'y trouve leurs caracteres. Je ne doute 
 
 nullement de la beaute de la harangue de Papa au Parlement." 
 
 In French. Copy. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1735-6, January 30 [- February 10]. London. — Your letter of 
 February 3rd relating to your discourse with M. Gansinot, I immediatelv 
 communicated to the King with the inclosed note. P.S. " I had liked 
 to forget telling you that his Majesty in his discourse with me about the 
 violent proceedings of the Prussians in Gueldre, &c, said that it was 
 the same everywhere, and that he would join with the princes in the 
 neighbourhood in a Convention to obviate . . for the future " such 
 outrages. 
 
 Enclosed : 
 
 The said Note. 
 
 *' If the Palatine Court can obtain from your Majesty what M. 
 Gansinot proposes, they will never think of an accommodation, and 
 consequently any project which your Majesty may frame relating 
 to Ost Prise to be blended with an accommodation about Bergue and 
 Juliers will not, I am afraid, take place, after the Palatine Court 
 shall have obtained sufficient security that things shall remain in 
 statu quo, till the pretensions be decided by the Aulick Court." 
 At foot in the King's hand : — 
 
 " I am of your opinion." 
 77960. Wt. . A 
 
Trevor MSS. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1735-6, March 12 [- 23]. — Referring to the approaching transit 
 through Holland of the Princess Augusta on her way to England to be 
 married to the Prince of Wales under the escort of Lord Delaware 
 " who between you and me seems awkward enough in this affair." 
 
 The Same to the Princess of Orange. 
 
 1735-6, March 16-27. — Informing her of the manner in which 
 40,000/., the balance of her fortune^ should be drawn from the Ex- 
 chequer, and advising its investment in a new loan of 600,000/t to be 
 borrowed that year, as all the funds were much above par, and even the 
 3 per cents, were at 2\ per cent, premium. 
 Copy. 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1736, June 25 [-July 6]. — Inclosing a statement of Lord Walling- 
 ford's claim to the property of Cornet Law, who had died at Maestricht,. 
 as against that of Madame St. Baron, and asking him to do Lord 
 Wallingford all the service he can in the matter. 
 Holograph. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1736, July 4-15. Hanover. — It would be extremely improper to 
 employ Mr. Ginkel " at Berlin, if this King was dead, in anything at all 
 or indeed now in anything, where the States are not concerned jj which 
 was the case of the projected marriages between our two Courts, when 
 I am not clear that he might not have had some hint from Amsterdam 
 perhaps to disappoint them. You might be cautious of Luiscius ... 
 he is certainly a R[ogu]e, and he and Borck have without doubt wrote 
 to their Court to the disadvantage of Sir R[obert] W[alpole] and me, 
 for between you and me I have undoubted proofs of the King of 
 Prussia's saying he would have nothing to do with the W[alpo]les, they 
 were not his friends." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736, August 8-19. Hanover. — * The late troubles at London will 
 make a noise abroad, but I find by a very particular account of them 
 from Sir R[obert] Wfalpole] that they had no manner of relation to 
 the affair in Westminster Hall ; but were truly occasioned at first by the 
 English tradesmen being drove out of their work by the Irish that work 
 cheaper. However, if they had been continued, it was apprehended that 
 the disaffected against the Government, and discontented about the Gin- 
 Act would have improved that opportunity to carry the disorders 
 farther/* 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736, [August 29 ■■-] September 9. Hanover. — * You need be in no 
 pain about the papers you sent Sir R[obert] W[alpole] ; ah ho' he does 
 not answer ycur letters, I find by experience that he is not guilty of a 
 regular correspondence." 
 
The Same to the Same. Tbevoemss. 
 
 1736, [September 25 -] October 6. — Gohrde. — "I really believe his 
 Majesty's aversion to the King of Prussia and to his having one foot of 
 ground more than he has, would make him readily concur in any step 
 with the States and even with France to prevent it 
 
 The quiet permission on the part of the Magistrates at Edinburgh of 
 the violent outrage of the mob without the least interruption is in my 
 opinion worse than the tiling itself. However, I hope the serious 
 enquiry into this affair and the strong measures taken, as well as the 
 encouragement offered for the discovery and punishment of some of the 
 authors will have the desired effect for the restitution of our law and 
 government. As to the peevish questions of the Pensionary, I can assure 
 him Nixon's trial was put off to be carried to Westminster Hall for the 
 greater solemnity of it ; and with respect to the rioters it is possible I 
 may have had some hand in it, for as the mob on that occasion was, upon 
 undoubted evidence, found to be raised by purely a dispute between 
 English and Irish workmen without any design against the Government, 
 and would not be prevailed upon by the Jacobites who attempted to 
 encourage them to make a disturbance in the State, I wrote my opinion 
 privately that I thought it imprudent as well as hard to execute the 
 rigour of the law against them, which would only please the enemies of 
 the Government. . . . By all my accounts the Gin- Act is like to 
 take place without the least disturbance." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736, October [10 -] 21.— Hanover. The Duke of Newcastle " is 
 like the children in the wood at Lisbon, not knowing what is proper to 
 be said or omitted according to the persons to whom he talks . . « 
 The King's birth-day, " I think, will certainly be kept here, an admirable 
 scheme to satisfy the mob and tradesmen in England." 
 
 George Tilson to the Same. 
 
 1736-7, December 23-January 3.— Helvoet Sluys. " God be thanked 
 we are safe here, since we could not get to England. Salvus Rex, 
 Salva Lex, salvi omnes, that is all who are come hither, for we are not 
 without pain for the Charlotte Yacht, and the German Chancery, and 
 the Page sloop with our Gentlemen, till we hear of them, for they did 
 not come in with us no more than the men-of-war, but our sea officers 
 here tell us the vessels are good and the Commanders able, and that they 
 may after rough usage gain their passage. . . . We had on Mon- 
 day morning a deceitful S.E. wind, which I remember some shook their 
 heads, at, but the word was Embark. His Majesty got on board about 
 10 in the morning, and I think we were all under sail a little after 11. 
 The wind was then so brisk and so favourable that we were out at sea 
 soon, and I thought I had taken my leave of the Dutch coast for this 
 time, for we ran about ten knots in an hour, and had got, as some judge, 
 between 15 and 20 leagues over, when upon the close of the night the 
 wind came to S., to W., to N.W., and blew a most violent storm that no 
 ship could carry any sail ; the sea ran so high, that our yacht ship't a 
 vast deal of water. ,The men were dead hearted and discouraged, and 
 we are much obliged to our Captain Knolles for the spirit, the resolution, 
 and temper he shewed in our distress. I indeed, rolled in his eabiu and 
 
 A 2 
 
Trevor MSS. knew not my danger, but his Excellency was tossed about and resigned, 
 and every one else knew not bow soon it might be their fate to be over- 
 whelmed. And though the hearing of Goree again was not the most 
 welcome sound, yet happy it was we got back again hither safe, Tuesday 
 in the afternoon." 
 
 P. A. Samson to the Same. 
 
 173 [6 -]7, [December 28-] January 8.— Helvoet. " Hier au soir, . 
 nous eumes l'agreable et consolante nouvelle de l'heureuse arrivee du 
 Page Sloop vendredi a 2 heures apres midi a Gravesend. . . . Le 
 vaisseau de guerre E It ham, coramande par Milord Auguste FitzRoy 
 n'est pas encore retrove, et nous ignorons absolument ce qu'il est 
 devenu." 
 
 Baron Theodore de Neuhoff, styled King of Corsica, to the 
 
 King. 
 
 l73[6-]7, January [10-]21. — Berne. Asking for the assistance of the 
 King and offering in return to grant a free port iu Corsica to England, 
 to use English manufactures exclusively, and to give them a preference 
 in the purchase of the produce of the island, such as wine, oil, wax, &c, 
 and stating as a further reason that •* the Queen of Spain, as is noto- 
 rious, spared no endeavour to seduce the Corsicans in favour of the 
 Infante Don Carlos, but having been unable to succeed in a rising 
 planned against me, they have agreed, with the advice of Cardinal 
 Alberoni, to propose to the Corsican chief's the son of the so-called 
 
 Pretender as their King The Courts of Italy and Genoa 
 
 itself know that Corsica is lost for them ; and so the same Genoese 
 Cardinals adhere to the ideas of Cardinal Alberoni in the chimerical 
 hope of one day recovering Corsica by the return of the Pretender as 
 ■King to England, which he (Alberoni) puts before them as certain by 
 means of the measures and cabals they are carrying on in different courts." 
 And asking further that if his uncle in Brandenburg, the Baron de 
 Neuhoff, is unable to procure for him 3,000 troops from the King of 
 Prussia, a like number of Hanoverian troops may be allowed him whom 
 he undertakes to pay. 
 
 In French. Copy. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1736-7, January 28 [-February 8]. —Cockpit. "The Bishop of 
 Oxford will soon be declared Archbishop of Canterbury, and I having 
 told Sir R[obert] W[alpole],that I think this promotion will have a good 
 or bad effect upon the election at the University according to his Grace's 
 behaviour (if he appears indifferent it will certainly lose you some votes, 
 if he appears zealous and in earnest for you it must be serviceable, for 
 those that were before undetermined will be influenced by the disposition 
 and weight of so much power and preferment iu the hand of an Oxford 
 man), he has promised fair and will be talked to in a very serious 
 manner by good authority." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736-7, February 25 [-March 8]. — I " send you inclosed the votes 
 of Tuesday last, by which you will see what passed there in the great 
 affair between the King and the Prince, which was carried in the 
 
negative by 234 against 204. The solicitation among the young mem- Trevor mss. 
 bers had been so industrious and had been employed by such a variety 
 of means for a long time and by personal intercession of his R. H. him- 
 self that several of them were hampered with an engagement, and could 
 not go back, altho' extremely desirous of it ; the same question was 
 proposed this day in the House of Lords, but carried in the negative 
 by 76 against 28, the proxies being called for, the first number was 
 increased by 24 and the last by 12, which made the numbers 100 
 against 40, so that I hope the matter will end here and ill humours 
 subside by degrees, altho' I am afraid his R. H. is got into hands that 
 will endeavour to bring all things into confusion." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736-7, March 15-26.— Cockpit. "You will learn by this post that 
 Mr. Bromley, your antagonist, died on Saturday morning of a pleuretick 
 fever, which immediately put your Oxford friends in motion, for which 
 I shall refer you to your brother for a more particular account. All 
 that I can say at present is that the new Archbishop will do nothing, 
 and without him nothing is to be done. I have seen letters this after- 
 noon from Oxford, by which it appears that some of the friends to the 
 Government are zealous for your standing again, but do not shew any 
 hopes of your being able to carry it, and I must own I am too much 
 your friend to have you disgraced a second time. .... 
 
 " As to the translation of the scandalous paragraph in the Dutch 
 Gazettes relating to the members of North Britain upon the Prince's 
 affair perhaps it was not necessary for you to mention it in your dis- 
 patch and indeed you judged extremely right in thinking that my brother 
 Walpole despises such vile and false aspersions ; but the Scotch nation, 
 I can assure you, are not so patient under it, and therefore I believe 
 you may receive some orders from Lord Harrington on this subject by 
 this post ; I know the Dutch have sometimes complained of our news- 
 papers and without any great effect, but nothing was ever published in 
 any degree like this ; what satisfaction can be given I can't tell, but 
 the chief thing in my opinion would be to make the newsmongers 
 discover their correspondents in England." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1736-7, March 22 [-April 2].— His Majesty continues "still ex- 
 tremely averse to do anything that squints in the least towards favouring 
 the K[in]g of P[russi]a. . . . The Tories at Oxford ate divided 
 and in the utmost confusion about a new member. However I do not 
 see that the Whigs can make any advantage of it. Those on the spot 
 must be judges if a surprise about the time and the person can produce 
 a favourable and unexpected result." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737, April 1 [-11]. — (Part printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, 
 Lord Walpole, i. p. 368, with the following mistakes: — p. 318, 
 line 21, after "by" insert "intimating that if nothing was intended 
 by (sic? but)"; line 26, insert "to" before "the"; line 28, for 
 "in" read "into"; p. 369, lines 5 and 6, for "indeed to put an 
 end to" and "a" read "tended to suspend at once" and "the"; 
 line 20, for " could " read " cared to " ; line 26, insert " only " after 
 
6 
 
 iKivoi;M>N. will." The letter continues thus: — "for indeed I see no reason for 
 the Hollanders to be alarmed. The short state of the question is 
 that all those who would rather take 3 per cent, certain for 14 years 
 instead of being paid off by the Sinking Fund will subscribe, or if 
 they do not like that offer they will continue in the Funds as they 
 are subject only to a gradual redemption. Whether there is any 
 quantity of loose money to subscribe to an annuity of 3 per cent, in 
 hopes of the 3 per cents, rising, as they did lately, six per cent, above 
 par, time will show. So much money as shall come in on that foot 
 may be employed if it should amount to a million jointly with the 
 Sinking Fund as it arises towards the discharging the redeemable debt 
 carrying 4 per cent. If no money should be subscribed for an annuity 
 at 3 per cent, things will continue as they are, that is the Sinking Fund 
 as it arises at present will be employed without any extraordinary 
 accident towards discharging gradually the redeemable debt. Why this 
 state of matters should alarm the Hollanders that are not stock-jobbers 
 I can't tell, unless the)- are resolved neither to submit to an annuity of 
 3 per cent, nor to a gradual redemption by parcels as the Sinking Fund 
 may increase, or other moneys be found at 3 per cent, to pay them off, 
 and unless they think they can employ their money to greater advantage 
 at home.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737, April 19 [-30]. — Cockpit. (Parts are printed in Coxe, Memoirs 
 of Horatio, Lord Walpole, i. p. 370 (where it is misdated the 29th) 
 with the following mistakes : — p. 370, lines 6, 10, and 14, for 
 " immediate " " on " and " national " read " irredeemable " " to prove " 
 and "public"; p. 371, line 1, add "the distress" after "feel," and 
 lines 3 and 6, read for f people of rank " " people of all ranks," and 
 for " redemption " " reduction." The omitted part is : — 
 
 " It is certain that the public has no right to reduce the interest, but 
 only a power of redemption or paying off the creditors as the public 
 may be able to find money to do it in such sums as by the Acts of Par- 
 liament they have a right to tender to the creditors ; and as to the, 
 preambles in the Acts of Parliament that regulated the preceding 
 reductions, the preamble about the common rate of interest being come 
 lower, &c. was a motive for the public offering to the creditors a lower 
 interest instead of being paid off, which were they not obliged to accept 
 without their consent, which words as to the reduction are likewise in 
 the same Acts, but as to the redemption no consent was necessary to 
 be asked, that being the express condition of the original contract." 
 
 (Then follows an illustration of a mortgagor who has borrowed 
 10,000/. at 4 per cent, and on the current rate falling to 3 offering the 
 mortgagee the alternative of taking 3 or being paid off.) 
 
 "I shall" now "take notice of some of your reasons on this subject. 
 
 " 1°. The preventing of the discussing matters of a pecuniary nature 
 (which compose the mortal soul of man), and will when touched get, 
 I am afraid, the better, of all right and reason, is a thing, as you 
 observe, more desirable than practicable in Parliament, where every- 
 body has a right to speak, and where that right appears always strongest 
 when exerted in behalf of the public, as it is pretended in the present 
 ease, and especially in matters of money under colour of saving to the 
 public a considerable sum yearly ; the advantage of which wants no 
 explanation, neither do I well see why the two simple propositions 
 should occasion at all any stock-jobbing. Artful men may indeed make 
 their advantage of the weakness of fearful men, but the proprietors 
 
having nothing to do but wait to see whether the Act of Parliament Trevor MSS. 
 
 will pass, and then determine whether they will continue in the Funds, 
 
 subject to the gradual reduction to which the public has a right, or 
 
 accept for a certain term of years of 3 instead of 4 per cent. ; but as 
 
 long as there are Parliaments and public debts and annual provisions 
 
 to be made for the support of the Government you may as well stop 
 
 the tide with your thumb, as prevent the discussion of these pecuniary 
 
 affairs in Parliament, which meets annually for that purpose. 
 
 " 2°. Considering the clamours of those that will be affected by the 
 reduction of interest from 3 to 4 per cent., altho' not compulsory, and 
 the ill consequences of the many being hurt and sore who are very 
 numerous, perhaps it may be more prudent to continue the gradual and 
 slow way of redemption than to push the other method, which will by 
 those that feel the loss be called, altho' unjustly, violence, and whose 
 resentment may increase in proportion to their distress, which may have 
 .an ill effect upon the Government, considering the variety of ill humours 
 already afloat in this nation. 
 
 " 3°. The annihilation of the capital and making all clear as you go 
 may be for the reasons you give perhaps desirable, but ... if this 
 annihilation should continue for three years successively the difficulty of 
 replacing the moneys paid off either in the Funds or elsewhere would 
 soon make the creditors desire to be at a certainty for a certain revenue 
 tho' smaller, for a certain number of years ; but as to the necessary 
 measures for our defence in case of danger, surely the procuring im- 
 mediately by, a voluntary reduction the increase of the Sinking Fund to 
 1,4-00,000/., and keeping that in our hands would be a greater security to 
 this Government than anything that can be proposed; for i would by no 
 means have the popular point of paying off the duties upon candles, 
 soap, and leather, &c. prevail, which would have no good effect upon our 
 manufactures, and would put that money which may be necessary for 
 our security out of our power, perhaps irrecoverably, or at least subject 
 to great difficulty and struggles to be laid on again, and I will maintain 
 it to be better to employ the Sinking Fund, when it is not applicable 
 to pay off the debts, in the current service of the year, than part with 
 Funds, which, in the Government's hands, will keep our neighbours 
 more in awe than a great body of standing forces, altho' I will own 
 that if, after the redemption of all the 4 per cents., the Sinking Fund 
 should be once made use of to ease the land or the malt tax, it might 
 upon the expiration of 14 years be difficult to bring the country gentle- 
 men to lay on the land and malt tax again, that the Sinking Fund may 
 be employed to annihilate some part of the debts of 3 per cent., which 
 will have become redeemable, and be too large to leave a constant load 
 upon the Government, altho' at so small an interest as 3 per cent. ; 
 but the two great advantages that would accrue to the Government by 
 a voluntary agreement of a reduction from 4 to 3 per cent, would be, 
 that supposing foreigners have 10 millions of 40 .... 400,000/. 
 gained to the public by this reduction would save yearly 100,000/. being 
 sent out of the nation ; the next is . . . ., . of the sum of 1,500,000/. 
 being in the hands of the Government for their security against -all 
 events, and it is well known how old the Cardinal is, and the quiet 
 situation of Europe may be looked upon to be perhaps -as precarious as 
 Eis life .... ,, 
 
 "4°. I cannot think the rise of Stocks is nominal but real as to their 
 value ;. and in the same manner, as all things will .rise or fall in value ; 
 if more money goes to market to be lent than is wanted to be borrowed 
 . . . . that commodity which is to be lent will in proportion be 
 cheaper ; and as to the rise of Stocks being a real profit to the original 
 
8 
 
 Trevor mss. lender, I do not think that is much to the question. When the Govern- 
 ment wanted the money they were forced to give the price the borrower 
 demanded, and surely by parity of reason the Government is entitled 
 to make that advantage which the low price of money and the condition 
 of the contract gives them by law ; and as to people being deterred for 
 the future from giving great proerniums to enter into the Public Funds,, 
 as they have hitherto done from an implicit faith of the stability of 
 them, that might be an argument if anything was proposed, that tended 
 to break faith, but, since that is strictly preserved, they will act with 
 respect to the Funds, as they must do with respect to any other property 
 to be purchased. When people have money, either their necessity for 
 living, or their interest and desire to grow richer, will not suffer them 
 to let it lie dead ; in which case they must purchase some revenue and 
 must give the price of the market for that revenue, whether it be in 
 Land, Stocks, &c, and you may call the excess of what that property 
 is worth above what it would have been sold for some time before 
 Prcemium or by any other name. Nobody will give de gaiete de cceuv 
 more than the value for what they want, and they must for their own 
 sakes give the current value for it, and everybody expects that what 
 they purchase whether at a low or a high rate will be bond fide well 
 secured to them according to the nature of the contract. . . . ") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737, April 26 [- May 7]. Cockpit.— " The Bill for the reduction 
 or redemption of the Funds will be read a second time on Friday, and 
 the debate will be whether it shall be committed, and as my brother 
 Walpole will exert himself against it I suppose it will be put an end to 
 that day." 
 
 Eobert Trevor to M. Tronchin. 
 
 1737, June 4. — Having obeserved several paragraphs in the Gazette 
 oV Amsterdam concerning the travels of the Pretender's son, requesting 
 " qu'en cas que vous le croyez d'uue necessite absolue d'informer de 
 temps en temps le publique des mouvements de ce jeune voyageur de 
 ne le plus qualifier de Prince, mais de le laisser du moins garder le 
 meme Incognito dans ce pays-ci, qu'il a trouve lui-meme necessaire 
 de garder en Italic" In French. Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 1737, December 1. Breda. 
 
 And 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737, December 3. Breda.— .(Both are printed in Ooxe, Memoirs of 
 Horatio, Lord Walpole, i. pp. 394, 395. Besides some omissions the 
 following mistakes occur: — p. 394 line 18 for the first "and" read 
 "of"; p. 395 lines 8 and 9 for "your "and " Five " read " the " and 
 " four " ; line 21 insert " to her," after " intimate " and " not" before 
 " desperate " ; lines 25 and 26 read " Mr. Stone's " for " Mrs. Hines's.") 
 
 The Princess Caroline to the Princess of Orange. 
 
 [1737, November 22— December 3]. — "C'est dans le plus grand 
 malheur, que nous voila plonges par la perte de tout ce qu'il y a 
 

 9 
 
 jamais eu de plus pretieux dans le nionde I Aprez avoir vu souffrir Trevor mss. 
 
 le plus cruelleraent la tres chere Maman pour dix jours de suite avec 
 
 une patience et resignation au dessus d'aucune personne que de cette 
 
 perfection ; nous disant a tous mille choses gracieuses pour fendre 
 
 les coeurs. Elle m'ordonna il y a deux jours de vous assurer, que elle 
 
 est morte votre tres tendre mere. C'est la seule consolation qui nous 
 
 reste, que de savoir que nous avons conserve ses bonnes graces jusques 
 
 a cette cruelle separation. Je ne doute nullement qu'elle n'est dans 
 
 le plus grand bonheur, que Ton peut s'iniaginer, l'ayant si fort merite. 
 
 II n'y a plus d 'autre esperance que de la rejoindre bientot ; ce que 
 
 me flatte que le bon Dieu permettra bientot. Je ne puis dire quelle 
 
 satisfaction ce rn'est de penser a ce qu'elle me dit pendant sa maladie ; 
 
 que je la suivrois bientot; et que tout le tems elle a paru s'en faire un 
 
 plaisir. Dieu veuille, que son exemple nous serve a l'imiter autant 
 
 qu'il est possible. Le Roi est aussi touche qu'il est possible, et tres 
 
 gracieux pour nous comme pour tous ceux qui avaient le bonheur d'etre 
 
 dans ses bonnes graces." Copy. 
 
 Horatio Walfole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1737, December 13-24. Whitehall. — (The material part is priuted 
 in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, i. p. 397 (where it is 
 misdated the 23rd) with the following mistakes : — p. 397, line 12, for 
 " older " read " elder," line 13, after " o'clock " add " on Saturday 
 last"; line 17, after "retire" add "but"; last line for "commenda- 
 tions" read "lamentations"; p. 398 line 7, after "confidential" add 
 " and affectionate " ; lines 1 7 and 18, for " apostrophe " and " he " 
 read " approbation " and " she " ; p. 399, lines 2 and 3, for " hear " 
 and " the " read " have " and " that.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737, December 19 [-30]. Cockpit. — (Part printed in Coxe, 
 Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, i. p. 399. In the original "inter- 
 ment" is spelt " enterrement." It proceeds: — "I am now to acquaint 
 you at the request of the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham, that 
 Mr. Pelham, who was commonly called Turk Pelham, and served for 
 Lewes is dead, and that it is actually resolved to nominate your cousin 
 Trevor to succeed him, in which it is hoped there will be no great 
 difficulty, and you are desired, and I must add the credit of Sir R. 
 Walpole and my own with you on this occasion, to procure his return 
 into England against the meeting of the Parliament. Curiosity as well 
 as business upon this late convulsion at Court will certainly bring all 
 the opponents to town, and we must get all our friends here too, and 
 therefore this is a serious affair.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737 [-8], January 3 [-14]. London. — " As to what we intended to 
 do for poor Troyelle, I immediately put your letter on that subject 
 into Sir R. W[alpole's] hands, who that very day mentioned it to his 
 ; Majesty, but the King was pleased to say in a very dry and short way 
 1 that he would not do it, he had a person of his own to give it to.' 
 After such an answer it was impossible to return to the charge. We 
 shall receive, I'm afraid, many such answers. 
 
10 
 
 Trevor MSS. : As to what you mention about the affairs of Oxford, and the prosecution 
 carried on against the great person that espoused your cause, I have 
 read your letter both to Sir R[obert] W[alpole] and the D[uke] of 
 Nfewcastle], who took particular notice of it, and the latter, I doubt 
 not, will mention it to the great man, before whom the cause is 
 depending. You will easily imagine that the Government could not 
 prevent such a thing being brought before the proper judge, and that 
 judge is so nice in his judicial capacity as not to suffer any political 
 hint or consideration to interfere in his proceedings, or himself to be 
 spoken to on that subject. And I cannot think that he has had or will 
 have in this whole affair any bias to the prejudice of your friends and 
 Oxford, and I dare say his Grace, who is more free and familiar with 
 him than anybody else, will touch upon this matter to him ; in the 
 meantime I should be glad to know particularly what you think will 
 humble our enemies and encourage our friends at that University. 
 
 His Grace was well pleased with what you wrote about your cousin 
 Trevor. It is not apprehended that the opposition will be great, and 
 he hinted to me as if it would cost Mr. Trevor nothing, .... 
 
 My nephew Horace has been a good deal out of order. He has his 
 choice to take a turn abroad and stay some time at the Hague, or to 
 study and stick to the Common Law. He has not yet declared his 
 opinion." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, January 17[ — 28]. — "As to your particular letter relating to 
 the University of Oxford, the removal of Holmes is certainly impractic- 
 able, on account of his having been preferred by the Royal Family here, 
 and having since procured the Archbishop's friendship, and his Grace's 
 situation makes the removal of his friends difficult altho' care will be 
 taken that such friends of his as are not so to the W[h]ig cause shall not 
 be preferred. But as to Dr. Fanshawe and Dr. Shaw, their personal 
 merits as well as disposition to the Government arc well known, and 
 I have fully apprised my brother of their deserts . . . and he has 
 promised me not to be surprised by the Archbishop in favour of anybody 
 else." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, January 24 ; , [ — February 4]. Cockpit.— " The opening of 
 our campaign, in Parliament will indeed prevent my troubling you so 
 much and so. often for the future. The speech is very short, as most 
 proper on. the present occasion. The motion for the Address was opened 
 by Mr. Stephen , Fox in the handsomest manner as well as with the 
 greatest decency and eloquence I ever heard ; in short, it was a 
 masterly performance ; and seconded by young Mr. Selwyn, who spoke 
 short and properly. 1 believe there was about 400 members in the 
 House, our friends very strong and hearty, and as far as I can see at 
 present it has the appearance of a short and quiet sessions. What is 
 most certain is, that the affair of the Prince will scarce be stiired, the 
 opponents being a body composed of men of different principles and of 
 different views are much disjointed, and have not any set scheme of 
 opposition, and.we imagine that the Prince's servants that are Whigs 
 will vote with the Court, that used to do so formerly, at least things 
 have that appearance at present, but incidents unforeseen may make 
 alterations." 
 
11 
 
 The Same to the Same. revorMss. 
 
 1737-8, January 29 [- February 9]. Cockpit. — " The Cardinal has 
 read to Lord Waidegrave, as his Eminence pretends, all the letters that 
 have passed from Vienna to the Porte, and not one word is said in 
 them about our good offices as mediators. It is certain the Imperial 
 Court lias done all they can to put a slight upon the Maritime Powers 
 in this affair. The unreasonable denial of the States to suffer him to 
 borrow money and the as unreasonable refusal or backwardness of the 
 King in not granting his contingent as Elector have without doubt 
 contributed a great deal to this unkind treatment of us both at Vienna, 
 but for M. Bartenstein to lay the blame on the English ministry with 
 respect to the last is the greatest indication of his ill will towards us, 
 as can be, because it is impossible for him to believe it himself, and 
 indeed those Electoral considerations in which we have not the least 
 concern do often prove inconvenient to us. 
 
 You will see what Ave do by the Addresses and the minutes in Par- 
 liament. The House is pretty full, and the attendance of our friends 
 numerous and zealous. We prevented the Patriots in their intention 
 of moving an address upon the birth of the Princess Augusta, and by 
 that means spoiled many eloquent and perhaps disagreeable speeches. 
 In all likelihood the great point of discord will not be stirred this year ; 
 the different motives and views of the Opposition occasion different 
 opinions among them, and this division suspends and will in all likelihood 
 put by for this year any motion of that nature." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, January 31 [- February 11]. Cockpit. — "I do not know 
 what to say to the just reproach of our Electoral conduct at Ratisbon, 
 in which the English have not the least concern, altho' we feel the 
 
 effect of it. I thank you for the catalogue of pictures 
 
 with your observations. I have put them into my brother Walpole's 
 hands, who will consider them at his leisure, and I will let you know 
 if he has any inclination for any of them." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 3 [- 14]. Cockpit. — "As we have been all this 
 day till 7 in the evening in the House of Commons debating upon 
 the number of Land-forces to be kept up for the current year, you will 
 not expect a long letter from me. However, I could not forbear to let 
 you partake in the satisfaction we have in carrying the question for the 
 same number of troops as were kept up last year. The question was 
 put, for the lesser number which was propounded of 12,000 only, by 
 way of amendment. The Yeas were 164, and the Noes 249, which is 
 a majority of 85, greater than L have known for many years. Then 
 the main question being put for the same number as were last year it 
 passed (without' a division, and the usual sum for maintaining them 
 passed too. All this was done in a Committee, and the report is to be 
 made on JMonday next, when we do not expect so much as a debate. 
 I count this has much forwarded our session, and by the nature of the 
 debate it has the appearance of a short and easy one." 
 
12 
 
 Trevor mss. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 7 [- 18]. Cockpit. — " I am ordered by my brother 
 Walpole to desire you will inform yourself as well as you can with 
 regard to the picture you like, called La Sainte Famille de Matteo 
 JPonzon, of the quality, country, and age of the painter, and how many 
 figures it contains, and what you think will be the price of it, and other 
 particulars that may be necessary to judge of the goodness and value 
 of it " 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 14 [- 25]. Cockpit. — "Our business in Parlia- 
 ment goes on so fast and glib that we go to dinner every day at 3 o'clock, 
 and indeed I foresee nothing at present that should prevent our rising 
 by the end of April." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 17 [- 28]. Cockpit. — "As to your other letter 
 relating to Hamilton, I know his residence, his character, and conduct, 
 and between you and me we have an opportunity of knowing too what 
 he writes, which, although not material at present, there being nothing 
 stirring among the Jacobites at present, may perhaps be of consequence 
 hereafter, and therefore altho' you do well to protect and support the 
 friends of the government against his insults and impertinences, per- 
 haps it would be more advisable to let him continue where he is than 
 to have him removed to some place where we shall not have an oppor- 
 tunity of discovering so well his transactions and correspondence." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 21 [- March 4]. Cockpit. — "Now my nephew 
 Horace has got a place for life to depend upon, I believe you will see 
 him at the Hague." 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 21 [-March 4]. London. — "Since I gave you 
 the trouble of inquiring by my brother after the picture of Matteo 
 Ponzoni T have learnt by looking into the Lives of the Painters that 
 he was a scholar of Sandro JPeranda, one of the best disciples of old 
 Palma, and that there are several of his works at Venice very well 
 known and highly esteemed, which has determined me to desire the 
 favour of you to buy this picture for me, as it is a hand very rare and 
 esteemed, and I leave it entirely to you to give for it what you think 
 proper. I have likewise a mind to the two pictures of Wccninx ~No. 88 
 and 89, which I suppose will not come very dear. 
 
 " As for the Dutch pictures, of which I have very few, I should be 
 glad to have a picture or a pair of each, of Breugle, of Brower, and of 
 Paul Brill, if they are very good of the kind and do not come too dear, 
 or of Ostade. I have of Tenier and Van der Werf as good as any are, 
 and one or a pair of those hands I think sufficient. Whatever you lay 
 out, T. desire you will draw upon me for, and it shall be punctually paid. 
 I am sure I need not give you a caution to see what you buy carefully 
 packed up, that they [can]not possibly move or touch one another, and 
 
13 
 
 chafe in the boxes. This unnecessary care of mine arises from a great Trevor' MS«*. 
 damage I have lately sustained by having one or two large capital 
 pictures sent from abroad almost entirely destroyed in the passage." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, February 28 [- March 11]. Cockpit. — "I don't see what 
 great harm Mr. Hamilton can do with the youth at Leyden that are 
 not Already disposed to receive his impressions ; at least it seems not 
 worth the while to get him removed, since we can be sure of his foreign 
 correspondence. 
 
 " The adjournments of the House by reason of the Speaker's illness, 
 and some letters from Cadiz of the cruel treatment of the English that 
 have been taken by using them like slaves have given leisure and occa- 
 sion to set ill humours afloat, and the merchants have resolved to 
 petition, and lay their case before the Parliament in very strong terms, 
 so that we shall certainly have some flame on that subject. In the 
 mean time Mr. Keen has transmitted an answer in form from the Court 
 of Spain to the D[uke] of N[ewcastle]'s memorial, wherein they insist 
 on the articles of the treaty of 1667 to have no manner of relation to 
 the West Indies; they promise redress when fully informed from their 
 Governors of the motives for the several captures, altho' it is very 
 plain that they are already sufficiently informed. It will certainly not 
 be satisfactory and what reply is to be made is still uncertain, because 
 the Council is divided with respect to the sense of the treaty of 1667 
 as to the West Indies, and his Grace must support what he has wrote 
 and signed, and Lord Chan[cello]r, between you and me, must support 
 his friend." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, March 7 [- 18]. Cockpit. — "To end our picture corre- 
 spondence for the present I send you inclosed my brother Walpole's last 
 resolution upon Blekenburgh's auction. 
 
 " Lord C[hancello]r has supported the D[uke] of N[ewcastle]'s opinion 
 of making the treaty of 1667 relate to the W. Indies, purely because, 
 I believe, it was his Grace's ; however that affair is settled to have an 
 answer returned to the Spanish paper in a manner as to connect the 
 two treaties of 1667 and 1670 together, which is at present under con- 
 sideration. In calling for the papers by the opponents we refused to 
 give La Quadra's answer to our memorial, because that answer was 
 under his Majesty's consideration, altho' we offered all other answers, 
 but they insisted upon the question, which we carried in the negative 
 by a great majority. You will have heard from Lord Harrington I 
 suppose, that the merchants have been told they may have letters of 
 reprisals, if required. They have asked for none, and I don't see any 
 likelihood of their demanding any, but still they continue in a great 
 flame, and don't know what they would have. Such a number of papers 
 are demanded that I can't tell when they will be got ready and con- 
 sequently when I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again. When- 
 ever I do, it will be but for a short time. Sir Robert having hinted 
 to his Majesty my desire to quit that embassy, and mentioned at the 
 same time your succeeding me in a proper way, His Majesty was so 
 good as to consent to it. It is not gone so far as to settle the foot 
 you are to bs upon, but I will take care of that matter before 1 leave 
 England. 
 
 Postscript. — My brother Walpole brought home his Lady on Sunday 
 last ; who is indeed a very sensible well-behaved modest woman, 
 
14 
 
 TTketor mss. appears not at all elated with her new situation and I dare say will 
 be generally esteemed/' 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole to the Same. 
 
 Same date. — " I thank you for the trouble you have given yourself 
 about the Pictures, but as the Flemish masters bear so high a price, 
 and will probably be run up high at this auction I will content myself 
 at present without bidding for any of them. I have of all the Flemish 
 hands you mention something except of those that I before desired, 
 except of Paulus Potter, of whom I never saw anj thing, but as the 
 picture you have seen is not in the auction, we need not be in haste, 
 and not having seen it, I am unwilling to give 200/. for it. I have as 
 good a Wouverman, and not of a small size, as any in England, and 
 there is now coming over from France two Battle pieces of that master, 
 which were sold at Madame Verne's auction at 230/. the pair. Prints 
 of them are sent to me, and they are indeed very fine, and as I shall 
 see them, being in the hands of one of our known picture buyers, I w T ill 
 wait for them. Be pleased therefore to secure the Ponzoni at any price 
 you think it worthy. And if the two of Weeninx are good of their 
 kind, and will come reasonably, I desire I may have them, which is all 
 the trouble \ will give you at present. I am not fond of the Dutch 
 masters, but as my collection is pretty extensive, I am willing, as they 
 can be pick'd up, to have one of each of the best hands." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, March 14[-2o]. Cockpit.-—" All the time I have had in 
 conversing with those that have come to see me has been taken up to 
 consider of the answer to be returned to La Quadra's letter upon our 
 memorial. We have been a good deal embarrassed in having laid, 
 altho' we don't care to own it, the foundation of our arguments upon a 
 wrong treaty. We scramble out of it as well as we can, and connect 
 the treaties of 1667 and 1670 together on account of the last having 
 confirmed the first, and the full powers for making the last being 
 founded upon the necessity of explaining the first. The project of this 
 answer is to be considered this night by the Lords of the Cabinet." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1737-8, March 21[-April 1]. Cockpit.—" Our friend, Tom Robin- 
 son, after having between you and me exerted all his dexterity and 
 address to get an augmentation of salary, or an additional place to 
 induce him to return back again to Vienna as a person that was neces- 
 sary there or might be inconvenient here, and the matter was brought? to 
 a crisis to take his final resolution, the King having given positive orders 
 for putting an end to his appointments, our friend, I say, has been with 
 me this morning to let me know, that he will venture being undone, 
 and will take the other trip to Vienna. . . . You will, before this 
 reaches you, have seen our answer to La Quadra's paper, which in. the 
 main may do well enough, considering the mistake that was first made 
 in our memorial, which we are not willing to own, although we shall 
 hear of it in Parliament, and those that are of a different opinion must 
 endeavour to support what they had no concern in." 
 
15 
 
 The Same to the Same. Tbevor MSS. 
 
 1737-8, March 24 [-April 4]. Cockpit. — "Just as I was stepping 
 into my coach to go to the hearing of the contested election for Windsor 
 (where by-the-bye the D. of M. in my poor notions of honour has 
 actad a very precipitate and indecent part) I was favoured with your 
 letter." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, March 31 [-April 11]. Cockpit. — "I write this chiefly to 
 congratulate you upon what I am persuaded will be as agreeable a 
 surprise to you as it has been to the whole town of the Duke of Marl- 
 borough having kissed his Majesty's hand yesterday, and accepted a 
 regiment vacant by the death of B. Murr[a]y This was kept a secret 
 from his nearest relations, until after having been yesterday morning, 
 with his particular friend Mr. Henry Fox, at my brother Walpole's, 
 he appeared at the King's levee ; where his Majesty received him in a 
 most gracious manner ; and after that his Grace wrote a letter to the 
 Prince of Wales to take his leave of his Royal Highness thinking that 
 more decent than to wait upon him in person ; having acquainted you 
 with this agreeable news, which with respect to the King, as well as to 
 my brother, was done in the handsomest manner, and consequently, 
 must have given all our family infinite satisfaction, as indeed it does all 
 honest men; I shall detain you no longer than i to let you know that 
 we had yesterday a long debate in the House of Commons for recom- 
 mitting the resolution we had taken in the Committee on the Tuesday 
 before. You will, I suppose, have heard upon what the debate turned 
 that day ; the Chairman having been on the side of the opponents, they 
 got possession of the motion which was to ascertain in express terms 
 our specific rights, relating to the navigation and commerce in order to 
 make the King of Spain acknowledge them in express terms. Mr. 
 Pulteney opened about five propositions for that purpose, and upon the 
 debate of the first which asserted our right of navigation and commerce 
 in the American seas to and from our own dominions, Sir H[obert] 
 W[alpole] not being able to persuade them to depart from this method, 
 took half the proposition and added to it by way of amendment the 
 resolution intended to have been proposed by us relating to the depre- 
 dations which included all (?) the facts of complaint as done contrary 
 to treaties and explained what was to follow, by way of Address to the 
 King and to strengthen his Majesty's hands by an additional number 
 of seamen. After a long debate in the Committee the addition pro- 
 posed was carried by a majority of 256 against 209, a majority of 47, 
 but upon the report yesterday against the recommitment we were 
 224 against 163, a majority of 61, and, indeed, notwithstanding this 
 moderate way of proceeding, I am persuaded that now resolution 
 and address together will be thought to have a spirit and vigour 
 enough." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, April 7[-18].— Cockpit. "It is certain in my opinion (altho' 
 a great many differ with me here) that Spain has not a formed intention 
 to break with us ; and I am persuaded the instructions as well as 
 intentions of Geraldino are to prevent a rupture, but then, unless they 
 give us more real satisfaction for' the late injuries, and for the . fntuJBe 
 * security of our commerce than- their promises* a war or something- equal 
 to a war will be unavoidable by the measures and orders which must be 
 
16 
 
 Tbevor MSS. put in execution on our side in the W. Indies after having made one 
 
 more earnest and friendly application 
 
 I cannot end . . . without satisfying my good friend the 
 Pensionary's curiosity and doubts about 2,600,000/. being voted this 
 year out of the Sinking Fund, when that Fund will have produced in 
 cash during the whole current year with what is already in the 
 Exchequer on that account but 1,600,000/. . . . and I have done 
 it in a separate paper for his perusal and consideration." 
 
 Enclosed: — 
 
 The said Paper. 
 
 " The Produce of the Sinking Fund when it has not been 
 applied to the services of the current year has been usually voted 
 in a Committee (not of Supply, or Ways and Means) to discharge a 
 proportional part of the old National Debt, of stock, or annuities 
 relative to the Bank or South Sea Company ; but as a certain time 
 (viz.) six months was always fixed for the creditors to receive their 
 proportion of the debt to be so discharged; the moneys arising 
 from the duties which create the Sinking Fund, are paid weekly 
 into the Exchequer, and there lay dead, and of no use until the 
 six months limited for the creditors to receive it are expired, 
 while in the mean time the Government after the money is voted 
 upon the Land or Malt tax, was obliged until those duties began 
 to come in to borrow money at interest upon those funds, for the 
 immediate service of the land and sea forces, in the mean while 
 o or 600,000/. arising from the Sinking Fund was paid into, and 
 remained unemployed, as I hinted above, in the Exchequer. 
 
 My brother Walpoie therefore in order to make use of this 
 money belonging to the Sinking Fund until the creditors were 
 obliged to receive it, and consequently to save the interest of so 
 much money as must otherwise be borrowed at interest in the 
 beginning of the year upon the Land and the Malt tax for the 
 current services ; proposed about two years ago that the applica- 
 tion of the money arising from the Sinking Fund should be voted 
 in the Committee of Supply which is done in the following 
 manner. 
 
 In the Committee of Supply, where all the sums are voted, 
 determined to be necessary for the service of the current year, a 
 million is granted to the King towards discharging a million of the 
 National Debt, which makes that sum likewise part of the service 
 of the current year. 
 
 In consequence of this, in the Committee of Ways and Means 
 for raising the supply voted in the Committee of Supply, a million 
 is granted to his Majesty out of the produce of the Sinking Fund, 
 which million is then part of the supply of the year, and is applied 
 by the Government at discretion, when there is money in the 
 Exchequer, towards the Army and Navy, and thereby the interest 
 upon the loans of the Land-tax and Malt-tax is saved till the time 
 of discharging the million of the National Debt, which is then 
 taken out of the other supplies of the year." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, April 11 [-22]. Cockpit. — " Nobody is come over as yet with 
 the D. of M.[arlborough], and indeed I believe he made it a secret to 
 everybody till the very night before or morning on which he kissed 
 hands." 
 
17 
 
 The Same to the Same. TbetWMSS. 
 
 1738, April 21 [-May 2]. Cockpit. — "Sir Robert Walpole is ex- 
 tremely satisfied with his pictures and the price you gave for them. 
 They are all at his house aud much admired, especially the Italian 
 piece. . . . 
 
 Our Sessions draw to a conclusion, and the illness of the Speaker 
 which made us adjourn from last Wednesday to Monday next will, 
 instead of prolonging, I believe forward business, by letting drop 
 several things depending, that cannot possibly receive a decision this 
 year, but the Money Bills being past, excepting that for Appropriating 
 the Supplies, which is got as far as the Committee, there will be one 
 day in the House of Lords about the Spanish depredations, for the sake 
 of Protests. Upon this head I am to acquaint you that we have lately 
 had letters from Madrid, which have brought no answer to our reply to 
 La Quadra, but only some expostulations upon our having offered the 
 merchants Letters of Reprisals. For my part I think the tenour and 
 tendency of them show rather a disposition to accommodate than to 
 come to a rupture, tho' others think they mean nothing but to gain 
 time, but whether that be so or no they must be explicit about giving 
 us satisfaction for past as well as late injuries, or else I am afraid a 
 rupture will be inevitable." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, May 1 [-12]. Cockpit.— " The difference between the op- 
 ponents and us did not turn so much upon the nature of our rights in 
 the debate about the American affairs ; but that the Parliament should 
 not ascertain them by specific resolutions as [to] what his Majesty 
 should require to be acknowledged by the King of Spain, altho' the 
 King might in his instructions to his Minister in Spain insist upon 
 those rights as a foundation for making satisfaction and restitution to 
 us." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, May 13 [-24]. Woolterton. — "I send you here the exact 
 dimensions for pictures over doors and chimneys ; if they should run 
 more upon the breadth and less high, if they are good, such as the last 
 you sent my brother, I would make them do." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, June 6 [-17]. Cockpit. — " My inexpressible concern for poor 
 Lady Walpole's death on her own account but more particularly by 
 reason of the deplorable and comfortless condition in which it has 
 flung my brother Walpole, who had his happiness, and indeed very 
 deservedly, wrapt up in her, will easily make you conclude that I have 
 had no great attention to business since my arrival in town." SHeS 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, June 13 [-24]. Cockpit.— I received your last "upon my 
 
 return from Richmond, where I have been often backwards and forwards 
 
 since my arrival from Norfolk to comfort my brother, and to divert his 
 
 melancholy by business, which seems to be the only means at present 
 
 O 77960. B 
 
18 
 
 Tkevob MSS. to suspend his grief. He is now come to town again, has seen the King 
 this morning for the first time since the death of his wife, and is now 
 at a meeting of a Cabinet upon the Spanish affairs, which puts me in 
 mind to ask you, to let me know in confidence, and between you and 
 me only, what our friends think of the last answer from La Quadra ; 
 whether it is so unsatisfactory, that we should immediately strike, and 
 do ourselves justice, or whether what is said about satisfaction for the 
 captures may deserve so much attention, as to enter into a consideration 
 of it, in order to make what is offered certain and effectual, notwith- 
 standing that the second point, which regards future security, is by 
 Spain's ascertaining the sovereignty of the American seas, left by the 
 answer upon the most precarious, and unreasonable foot that can be ; 
 although I may teli you in confidence, that Mr. La Quadra in delivering 
 his answer to Mr. Keen did let him know that the King of Spain was 
 ready to enter into a convention for ascertaining means that may 
 remove for ever the motives that have occasioned these disputes between 
 the two Crowns, and FitzG-erald has confirmed the same in the strongest 
 manner; but I can't at present enlarge upon this great crisis, and 
 difficult dilemma ; of immediate vengeance, or forbearance, considering 
 the consequences that may attend the one or the other; apparent 
 popularity, dignity, and glory present themselves at first sight on one 
 side ; but does not cruel disappointments, destruction and disgrace 
 threaten, as Europe is now constituted, from the inability of some 
 powers, and infidelity of others, the conclusion of such glorious 
 resolutions. . . . The resolution of the Aulick Court relating 
 to Ost Frise is abominable, and indeed I am glad our friends 
 have . . . communicated it in form to the King's Electoral 
 Minister only, because had they spoke to him as King, I am afraid we 
 should be obliged to have acted only an Electoral part. . . . The 
 reason for not making you a communication of this affair, because M. 
 Fenelon might expect the same, was by no means just, for France was 
 no party to the Treaty of Vienna, by which, I think, we are in con- 
 sequence of Count Sinzendorf's declaration in some measure obliged to 
 join with the States in favour of the poor people of Emden." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, June 20 [-July 1], Cockpit. — " My brother Walpole having- 
 taken a resolution to dissipate his sorrow with business is at present 
 in very good health, altho' accompanied sometimes with heavy groans 
 and sighs and restless nights. He is resolved to take a turn in the 
 country as usual in July, his absence in all will be about 14 days, but 
 that, instead of carrying me over to Holland, will detain me for several 
 reasons not proper, and most of which indeed do not want, to.be 
 explained ; so that you must go on or stand still in the affair of Bergh 
 and Juliers by your self alone, for indeed I cannot see what is to be 
 done by the Maritime Powers in it ; the other powers have taught us. 
 to take time for consideration by their own example since the answers 
 returned by the Courts of Berlin, and Mannheim ; there is no doubt 
 but that we might, as the Pensionary has observed, procrastinate our 
 resolutions by taking exceptions to the Palatine answer, but that will 
 avail us for a short time only, because I don't doubt but the French 
 court will prevail upon that Elector to explain the points in question to 
 our satisfaction for the sake of leaving us without excuse with respect 
 to the provisional possession, so that the reproach we shall receive from 
 the Imperial and French ministers for not proceeding according to their 
 
19 
 
 desires afterwards, will perhaps be more inconvenient, tlian the delay Trevor; MSS, 
 gained will be advantageous. Mr. Hop was with me two days since to 
 talk chiefly on this subject, and after having made him sensible that 
 Mr. Bassecour was the cause of all this perplexity, by having, to flatter 
 France, constated the provisional possession as a demand without endea- 
 vouring to compass it by a negotiation with and consent of the two 
 parties, although he never intended to support that point by force ; I 
 really owned to Mr. Hop that I was at a loss to know what to propose ; 
 he might indeed desire the two Courts to explain the means by which 
 they proposed to support the guaranty, before we should declare our- 
 selves upon that point, and should they consent to it, the explanation 
 might still embarrass us more ; for should France propose to employ 
 the greatest number, contenting themselves with a small body from 
 Holland, and with the King's concurring as Elector, to oppose, or 
 refuse the entry of the Prussian troops, the remedy in the first place 
 would be worse than the disease, because I imagine the chief reason for 
 preventing voye des faits in those parts is to obviate the danger that 
 may in consequence arise from France having too great an army in the ■ 
 Empire, and so near the States under any pretext whatsoever ; in the 
 next place any mischief that might occur to the King as Elector from 
 the Prussian troops, will never be recompensed to him by France, who 
 will always endeavour as well as the Emperor to keep those two Princes 
 at a variance, and after having served her ends, make up even with the 
 Prussian Court and lay the whole blame upon the Maritime Powers, in 
 order to make them and the King of Prussia for ever irreconcilable ; 
 should it be proposed that the Maritime Powers should employ the 
 greatest number of troops to oppose Prussia ; that would be imprac- 
 ticable both on account of the States not being able to spare enough 
 from their own garrisons considering the present weak condition of their 
 Barrier, and because England cannot send over a sufficient quota for 
 that purpose, nor would, I believe, the Parliament consent either to raise 
 more, or to furnish money to hire troops for that service, or were such 
 a scheme practicable, nothing would come of it, besides making us the 
 cat's foot. France is under obligation to the House of Sulzbach to 
 guarantee the provisional possession in the fullest extent, the Emperor 
 may have concurred in the like obligation or is forced in his present 
 circumstances to follow France, and the Maritime Powers without any 
 interest, or any obligations but that of preserving the public tranquillity 
 must follow the violent methods of France ; we have indeed gone too 
 great a length towards it already ; but how to stop, and how to get out 
 of this embarrass, is beyond my comprehension, who always foresaw 
 what is now come upon us, which is occasioned indeed by the ambition 
 of the late Pensionary who would appear in the weakest government, 
 to have a great share in the conduct of the affairs of Europe, and after- 
 wards by the slavish complaisance of Bassecour to Fenelon; and there- 
 fore what sentiments you can expect to learn from us, or we from Holland, 
 is like the countryman's expectation of the river, Rusticus expectat) 
 &c." .... 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, June 23 [-July 4], Cockpit. — " Between you and me (not to 
 be mentioned by you to any person whatsoever) some expedient will be 
 tried towards an accommodation, before a resolution be taken for war- 
 like measures, in the meantime no answer will be returned to La Quadra's 
 last paper." 
 
 B 2 
 
20 
 
 Trevok_mss. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, July 21 [-August 1]. Chelsea. — " I trouble you at present for 
 no other reason but to give you my notion of serving the Portuguese 
 Colonies with Negroes, which I look upon as a very advantageous trade 
 to those that can have an exclusive contract for that purpose, as what 
 must necessarily afford opportunities of introducing with the negroes, 
 or under colour of that trade the growth or manufacture of the country 
 whose subjects shall have made such a contract ; for although the 
 Portuguese are as jealous as the Spaniards of foreigners carrying on a 
 trade to their American possessions, and for that reason would never 
 let those that furnish them with negroes carry them directly to Brazil, 
 yet if any other place, or less frequented island should be appointed for 
 the delivery of them, the craft of the merchant joined with the interest 
 of the Governor would steal an introduction of goods as well as blacks, 
 and consequently this is an affair that requires attention, especially since 
 I am told that the African Company has lately bad, and I believe has 
 still, a negotiation depending with the Court of Portugal by the good 
 offices of Lord Tyrawley to procure a contract for their furnishing 
 negroes to the Portuguese; I shall take an opportunity of desiring the 
 D[uke] of Newcastle] to apprize Lord Tyrawley of this transaction or 
 intention of Don Louis to turn that trade into the hands of the Dutch, 
 that old K[na]ve is an implacable enemy to us ; and will ever be so. 
 
 FitzGerald has by his letters from Spain dated the T \ instant received 
 an account that the two couriers from hence with the projected scheme 
 for satisfaction, was arrived at Madrid just before the departure of the 
 post, but not time enough for Mr. Keen to be able to acknowledge it, 
 the Spanish minister pretends that he has not one syllable either of 
 approbation or dislike, and nothing besides, being told that he shall 
 soon receive an answer to his dispatches, which indeed we expect by 
 couriers to morrow at farthest, especially since FitzGerald had previously 
 acquainted La Quadra by a particular courier of his own with the idea 
 of what would come to be proposed, which letters were sent from hence 
 and received in Spain 9 or 10 days before the mission and arrival there 
 of the messengers with the project in form, and therefore as to the 
 success of the affair, we must suspend our judgment with patience, 
 since it cannot be long before this great and important point must be 
 brought to a decision." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, July 25 [-August 5]. Chelsea. Postscript. — " There is a person 
 that being well acquainted with the Pretender's family is willing to 
 undertake a correspondence. I shall cause a cipher to be made for him, 
 but the difficulty will be the conveyance of the letters. He will under- 
 take that they shall constantly be carried to a town some distance from 
 Rome, but as to the address and the place, I think they must come 
 through Holland, and be addressed from time to time to some persons 
 at Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Leyden, who may convey them to the 
 Hague. The stile as far as it is out of cipher should always relate to 
 commerce. You will be therefore hinting your thoughts to some 
 private persons in those towns, to whom the letters may be addressed 
 and in whom we may confide," 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, August 1 [-121. Chelsea. — "We have nothing yet decisive 
 from Spain ; in the meantime our preparations for war go on with the 
 
21 
 
 utmost vigour by pressing of seamen, <fcc, and now a good many of Trevor MSS. 
 those who were so clamourous for justice and honour, beginning to 
 reflect upon the consequences of a rupture on account of trade, &c, 
 grow uneasy at the apprehensions of it. The couriers arrived in Spain 
 the 3-14 of last month, the Court being then in motion to remove to 
 St. Ildefonso, I count the despatches were not under serious consideration 
 till the 9-20, 'tis now the 1-12, and we have nothing more than an 
 account by last post from Mr. Keen of his having had a general conver- 
 sation with Mr. La Quadra on the subject without being able to frame 
 any conclusion of the intentions of Spain. To-morrow another post is 
 due from Spain and although these delays in an affair about which they 
 been so long apprised, portend no good in so critical juncture, yet if 
 matters had been desperate Mr. Keen would, methinks, have despatched 
 a messenger that must have been here with an account of it by this 
 time; but the nature of this thing and the nature of the Spanish Court 
 is such and liable to so many reflections, that it is useless and endless to 
 reason about it ; a little patience and time must now be decisive." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, August 8 [-19]. Chelsea. — "The couriers from Spain are 
 arrived with the answer, which is at present kept secret, it is not so 
 satisfactory as was to be wished, but it is such as requires great con- 
 sideration whether it deserves the hazarding the consequences of a war, 
 as Europe and England are at present situated, rather than close with 
 it. In short they insist upon an equal abatement of our demands or 
 allowance on their demands in proportion to the gross sum demanded on 
 each side, which makes the difference of 45,000/. (sic) to be paid by 
 Spain to us ; it was not given in form by Geraldino till yesterday, and 
 has not yet been fully considered by the Lords, and therefore I must 
 desire you will keep it to yourself. As for future security plenipotentiaries 
 are to be named immediately to consider the treaties on that head ; but 
 the payment of the money is not to depend upon their negotiation, but 
 to follow immediately the acceptance of the plan, and I can't think Spain 
 would agree to pay 95,000/. (sic) in hard money if they had no in- 
 tention to come to a good understanding with us, although the nature of 
 that Court will make it a tedious and troublesome affair. I cannot 
 yet fix the time for my going over to Holland, nor consequently for 
 
 your coming into England 
 
 Postscript. — The persons to whom the letters of secret correspondence 
 are to be addressed alternately in several towns of Holland are to know 
 nothing more of the matter, but that they are to send such letters so 
 addressed as shall be agreed to me or you at the Hague directly. My 
 corresponder shall be immediately sent forward to you. He shall be 
 acquainted that you are in the secret, and you will settle matters 
 accordingly." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, August 11 [-22]. Cockpit.— " The 9th instant I delivered 
 the ciphers to my new secret correspondent with a letter to you desiring 
 that you would settle with him the manner and means of carrying on 
 the correspondence by changing from time to time the addresses of his 
 letters with respect to persons and places, upon which you must agree 
 with him ; and must likewise agree with certain persons in certain 
 towns of Holland that letters adressed to them in such or such a manner, 
 or with a certain mark should be sent ;to you at the Hague, for which 
 
22 
 
 Trevor MSS, you will pay the postage. I was thinking that the postmaster a* Leyden 
 might be one under whose cover letters may be addressed more frequently, 
 and the address of the enclosed letters may be as to the person and place 
 in Holland varied from time to time, which Le Connu may always 
 understand to be intended for you, and sent to you accordingly ; but 
 I have been told here, that a letter which was sent by his canal to our 
 minister in Switzerland was seen deciphered afterward by Lord 
 W[aldegra] ve upon the Cardinal's table ; however I think this suspicion 
 is so loose, and uncertain, that I should be inclined to trust him. I had 
 likewise in my mind our friend Vaux at the Blackamore's Head at 
 Maesland Sluice, letters may be sent under his cover directed to 
 some Dutchman supposed to be concerned in the fishery at Maesland 
 Sluice, and the beginning of the letters may be wrote in a mer- 
 cantile style relating to fish, &c. and out of cipher, and you may 
 settle it with Vaux that such letters received by him with such an 
 address should be sent to you, but this is only a specimen, and I don't 
 doubt but your own imagination will furnish you with other contrivances, 
 a letter may be sometimes addressed to a trusty bookseller at the Hague 
 or elsewhere, and then the beginning of it may relate to books, and 
 even sometimes to some of our friends in the States with such a mark 
 that it may be understood to be for you, I don't know but that even our 
 friend Croning may permit of such an address, hinting to him, that it is 
 some correspondence relating [to] the designs of our enemies ; but all is 
 submitted to your discretion, nobody must know besides ourselves the 
 correspondent." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, August 29 [-September 9]. Chelsea. — " I believe (between 
 you and me) our Convention with Geraldino for making present satisfac- 
 tion to our merchants and for negotiating future security will be signed 
 this evening, but as that is not certain (for multa cadunt) and you will 
 certainly, I believe, have no notice of it from the office, I must require 
 you will keep it to yourself." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, September 5 [-16]. Chelsea. — "My brother Walpole was 
 taken ill at Richmond Park on Saturday evening ; 'tis thought he 
 took cold after having hunted that morning which flung a flying 
 humour that he has often in his legs, which is reckoned goutish, into 
 his stomach and head, but he has at present no dangerous symptom." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, September8 [-19]. Chelsea. — " My brother has had a very 
 severe attack of a goutish fever which affected his head, but, thank God, 
 there was so much intermission as to make the bark take place, and I 
 may venture to say that he is in a manner perfectly recovered." g 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, September 12 [-23]. Chelsea. — " It is now about noon and I 
 am just come from " my brother, " and left him entirely without the least 
 fever, though the physicians after they had quitted him, as being 
 perfectly recovered, have renewed their visits on account of some restless 
 
23 
 
 nights he has had, which certainly proceed from lowness of spirits and Trevor MS* 
 his being still extremely weak for want of a good appetite which the 
 great loads of bark that he has taken has pall'd, but there is not the 
 least symptom of a likelihood that his distemper will return, although 
 perhaps you will see in the news that he is relapsed. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1.738, September 22 [-October 3]. Chelsea.—" Sir Robert Walpole 
 has been this day with the King, who was extremely glad to see him as 
 you will easily believe, when I tell you that nothing could exceed his 
 Majesty's concern, and uneasiness, when it was thought that my brother 
 was in some danger." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, September 26 [-October 7]. Chelsea.— " As to the King 
 of Spain's abdication the indications of the successor's confessor 
 having ventured to write so positively on so nice a point, accompanied 
 with other concurrent circumstances, must have some foundation, 
 especially when .... we have received here the like intelli- 
 gence from the Sicilian Abbot (for there is but one left, the eldest 
 being dead some months since), and although the confessor's and 
 abbot's desires and ambition may increase the object and bring it nearer 
 than it really is . . one particular makes it still more probable, 
 which is, that the French Court has been so alarmed with this abdica- 
 tion that Banieres had been sent express with a letter from the King or 
 the Cardinal to his Catholic Majesty, to desire he would suspend his 
 resolution till the anival of Count de la March, who is to carry some 
 proposals for the interest of Spain and the glory of the House of Bourbon, 
 and 'tis said the King of Spain has consented . . . . 
 
 "Your behaviour in answer to the compliments and overtures made to 
 you from his Prussian Majesty was very proper, for I am persuaded that 
 matters are not yet ripe enough for our desire of having a Prussian minister 
 sent hither ; they have been generally instructed to write falsehoods, and 
 enlist tall men. They have generally followed those instructions as the 
 only means to get credit at home, and please their master ; and although 
 there may be some alteration in the sentiments of that inconstant Court 
 for the present, yet the impressions from past behaviour, creates 
 such a suspicion of sudden turns ; and of no sincere or lasting confidence, 
 as cannot encourage us to proceed to too close embraces very fast ; 
 however, Mr. Guy Dickens is directed to make verbal compliments to 
 his Prussian Majesty, as well as to the Queen and Prince Royal, and I 
 suppose such a hint by order will make him venture for his own sake 
 as far as he can well do it ; and we shall for the present save 
 appearances. 
 
 " What you hint of your being persuaded that the Prince Royal of 
 Prussia would accept a pension from his Majesty is indeed a matter of 
 great nicety for the reasons you give, but at the same time of so much 
 importance, as to deserve a serious consideration, and as you well 
 observe I have already decided the question An in my mind, and that 
 some judgement may be framed of the Quomodo you must excuse my 
 curiosity in earnestly desiring to know upon what intelligence or 
 foundation you build your persuasion of the Prince Royal's disposition; 
 which you may safely venture in my hands : And I must desire you will 
 in sending me an account of this matter, do it in a particular letter 
 
24 
 
 Trevok MSS. by itself, without mixing it with anything else, grounding it upon your 
 readiness to satisfy my curiosity, and to oblige me. . . 
 
 Postscript.— -You will easily believe I have my reasons for desiring 
 your explanation of the P[rince] R[oyal] of Prussia's inclination in the 
 manner I have done ; if I have taken any step already upon it, it must 
 be a secret to you and everybody as yet, and therefore I cannot explain 
 myself farther now." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, October 17 [-28]. — " As to Spain, that Court, between }^ou and 
 me, is as unaccountable. There is all the reason in the world to believe 
 they would gladly prevent a rupture with us, and yet they can't con- 
 descend to act in a natural way towards us. Our couriers are returned, 
 some steps are made towards a conclusion, but another messenger must 
 gallop to Madrid, I believe, before we can conclude and consequently 
 our expense continues." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, October 24 [-November 4]. Cockpit. — " We are indeed now 
 very busy in reconciling our notions with those of Spain relating to 
 future security of commerce and navigation in America; ratifications 
 are indeed come to our Convention, but another messenger must go 
 to Madrid before they are exchanged, this is to yourself only. In the 
 main I hope things will be accommodated, and not left to that wild 
 notion, (dear Trevor you will pardon the expression), of leaving the people 
 of England and the Queen of Spain to worry one another. The people 
 of England don't desire that, the merchants would not, when it came 
 to, take letters of Reprisals, they required the Government to engage 
 and take revenge and procure satisfaction for injured honour and lost 
 property by fitting out great squadrons at great expense and conse- 
 quently by making those squadrons undertake something marvellous 
 against Spain, and this to be done without reflecting what a neighbour- 
 ing formidable power would do. Could the King and Ministry say, 
 Fight Dog, fight Bear, between the people of England and the Queen 
 of Spain, and if our King was once engaged would France quietly say 
 so with respect to him and Spain ? Dear Trevor, we know the contrary. 
 The Cardinal is in a manner dead, the measures of Chavelyn are 
 pursued in the Councils of France, altho' he is there no more, and his 
 Eminence himself owned to Lord W[aldegra]ve, upon the signing the 
 Convention, that he was glad of it, because, however pacific he might 
 be himself, the rest of the nation and the Council would force him to 
 take part with Spain when England had once undertaken any great 
 matter against the Crown ; and J will tell you one thing more, that 
 the people of England, after our preparations appealed serious for a 
 war, they began to be frightened at it, and when our Convention was 
 signed, it has, instead of clamour, occasioned a general calm." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738, October 27 [-November 7]. Cockpit.— " I hope we shall 
 despatch back the messenger for Spain next week. In the meantime 
 the negotiation is carried on between FitzGrerald and the S[outh] S[ea] 
 Company to see whether they can agree about the payment of the 
 money. Whether the thing will do or not I can't tell, but we talk 
 sanguinely and do not at present acknowledge any material difficulty, 
 but the ratifications are not yet exchanged." 
 
25 
 
 The Same to the Same. Trevq^jvtss. 
 
 1738, December 1 [ -12]. Cockpit. — "There is a disposition in 
 some here to lose no time, if we can have hopes of the Dutch concur- 
 rence in the expense, to venture upon subsidies to Denmark ; for the 
 sake of having the States engaged with us I think almost anything 
 worth attempting, otherwise 1 must own to you I don't see any use, 
 besides the appearance of some eclat, of a subsidiary treaty for a time 
 unless we have no other way of securing troops against any great 
 exigency, but as I believe they may be had at any time for English 
 guineas, I am afraid of tiring the Parliament with annual subsidies in 
 time of peace to make them less willing to strike a good stroke when 
 we really foresee the danger, but this is between you and me. 
 For my part could the King of Prussia be depended upon, and his 
 Majesty come to some good understanding with that Prince relating to 
 Ost Frise so as to prevent future disputes, I should erect the Union 
 Flag for the preservation of the liberties and balance of Europe upon a 
 treaty between that Prince and the Maritime Powers, but many 
 untoward things occur as I am writing to make this a vain imagination ; 
 however if the States could be once thoroughly awaken upon any foot 
 whatever that would be a great point gained." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, January 9 [-20]. Cockpit. — " Our sessions draw near, which 
 make as impatient ; 'tis said that the Prince, depending upon the 
 strength of the argument from an increasing family will cause his 
 business to be brought into the House again, but we don't find, that his 
 journey to the Bath, or any other affected popularity has increased the 
 number of his friends." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, January 19 [-30]. Cockpit,—" The South Sea Company 
 not having accepted the Cedulas offered by Spain with regard to the 
 Represalia in the W. Indies, and consequently not paid the 68,000/. 
 due to the Crown of Spain on account of the last annual ship and on 
 other heads, the payment of the whole money for the satisfaction of our 
 merchants as settled between the two Crowns is to be made by Spain 
 here in the space of four months; but there is a disagreable protest, 
 though entirely separate from the Convention, on account of the S. S. 
 Company refusing to pay the said 68,000/." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, February 2 [-13]. Cockpit.— " We had a most glorious 
 day yesterday in the House of Commons upon the motion for an Address 
 of thanks and congratulations to his Majesty upon the Convention 
 with Spain. Mr. Pulteney began the debate in a most flaming manner, 
 entered into the particulars of a thing that he did not know, called it 
 base, infamous and dishonourable, and intimated that the first question 
 should be to censure instead of approve ; he made some small impres- 
 sion at first upon the House, but indeed himself flagged at last, and 
 concluded in a manner that gave nobody satisfaction, not even himself. 
 However he insisted upon everything being left out of the Address that 
 related to thanks and congratulation upon what had been done. The 
 
26 
 
 Trevor MSS, sei*fants of the Prince were the most earnest on this occasion, and the 
 opposition concerted at his house. I am sorry for it ; but if he has no 
 other measure for his interest than what appeared in this affair 'tis 
 certainly very low. In short upon a division whether the Address 
 should stand as it was moved, it was carried for the Address Yeas 230, 
 Noes 141, a majority of 89." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, March 9 [-20]. — "We were yesterday in a long debate in a 
 Committee upon the late Convention which lasted from before 10 in 
 the morning till after 12 at night. I opened it and troubled the House 
 above two hours, coucluding with a motion of approbation by way of 
 Address to his Majesty. Upon the whole we divided Yeas 260 against 
 232, so that we had a majority of 28. Altho' it was no greater, yet I 
 believe all our friends conceived great satisfaction with the respect to 
 the strength of the arguments on our side. As this is wrote from one 
 of the Chambers belonging to the House of Commons, I can only tell 
 you that we are now in a debate upon the Report of the said Question, 
 which will certainly conclude with the same success at least, as that 
 yesterday in the Committee, and I hope it will not last so long, 
 because all our chief speakers have done, and it is got among the 
 lawyers. If it ends in any tolerable time I will add the numbers of the 
 division. 
 
 Postscript. — Just ten. The House is up. Upon a division we are 
 245 against 213, 32 majority." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, March 16 [-27]. " I have already acquainted you with the 
 divisions in the House of Commons upon the great question of the 
 Convention, but had not time then to mention what you will have heard 
 from others upon the conclusion of the last debate. Sir W[illiam] 
 W[yndha]m I suppose by the instigation of Lord B[olingbro]ke, and 
 in concert. with the most violent of the disaffected and discontented 
 quitted the argument, and was reduced to call the majority a faction, 
 which he repeated often in the strongest terms, with hopes I suppose 
 of being sent to the Tower, and becoming the idol of the merchants, for 
 his harangue was a set formal invective against the Parliament ; and 
 concluded with a declaration of his resolution to retire from the House, 
 until there should be another sort of a Parliament ; and to pray in the 
 mean time for the prosperity of this Royal family, Mr. Pulteney and 
 Mr. San[dy]s had before hinted although not in such strong terms 
 their intention of leaving the House. Sir R[obert] W[alpol]e in a 
 more masterly dexterous and able manner than I ever heard him f 
 answered Sir W[illiam] W[yndha]m's speech to the satisfaction and 
 great applause of the whole House, and even of his enemies, without 
 carrying things to extremities ; however in consequence of Sir Wfilliam] 
 W[yndha]m's declaration the main body with the chiefs of the T[or]ys, 
 P[atrio]tts, and those belonging to his R[oyal] H[ighness] have ever 
 since made a secession from the Parliament; excepting some few. 
 Some of the country gentlemen of the opposite party fall in gradually 
 more and more every day into the House ; but as yet the heads stand 
 to their resolution of leaving us to ourselves ; how long it will last, and 
 what will be the consequence of it, is not yet known ; as they have no 
 strength but their pens, I suppose, inflammatory papers will be wrote 
 and dispersed all over the kingdom. 
 
27 
 
 Lord Lovel's vote was only a little preliminary step, relating to Trevor MSS. 
 calling for papers, but he has since done well in the main. 
 
 You are very welcome to be very free in your thoughts, and advice 
 in this great juncture, and I am afraid, the words of our Address, with 
 regard to searching &c, are already so strong, for the sake of popularity, 
 as to make, between you and me, a war with Spain inevitable, but that 
 is not the question. Ambition, avarice, distress, disappointments, and 
 all the complicated vices, that tend to render the minds of men uneasy 
 are got out of Pandora's Box and fill all places and all corners in the 
 
 nation, and are encouraged and led on by what and whom is not 
 
 proper to be named ; but the great impatience for ante Diem will 
 
 I am afraid considering the allies prevent that very day; and make 
 
 room for . But 'tis too melancholy a subject to dwell upon — as to 
 
 the C[ardina]l I have long since given him over, and I have thought, 
 and said often to Lord W[aldegra]ve that his Eminence under a pre- 
 tence of pacific notions, is laying a foundation for a scene of blood and 
 confusion in Europe after his life, but his Lordship seems so satisfied 
 with being well with his Eminence personally that he carries his views 
 no farther. 
 
 I must not forget to tell you that the Chesterfieldians do Lord 
 Albemarle mush wrong, no man can be firmer than he is. . . ." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1738-9, March 23 [-April 3]. Cockpit.—" I suppose this will be 
 delivered to you by the messenger that carries the ratification of the 
 Danish treaty, and he goes thro' Berlin . You will be charged with a 
 commission [of procuring and sending by him to Mr. Guy Dickens the 
 value of 2,000/. in gold ducats] of which you will easily guess the 
 reason, altho' you will not, I believe, be acquainted with it. You will 
 draw upon my brother for the money, and altho' a considerable sum I 
 believe you will find no difficulty in procuring it immediately. . . . 
 Though he should stay with you a day longer than would be necessary 
 on another occasion I can't think that such a delay is of so much con- 
 sequence as it may be to have the money taken up secretly and without 
 observation, and therefore you will judge whether it may be proper to 
 receive the whole sum from one person or from several. 
 Secrecy and safety in conveyance are the principles to be considered in 
 this affair." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, April 17 [-28]. Cockpit.— " I have often groaned when I 
 reflect upon the weak situation of the Low Countries, and how much 
 they are exposed to the arbitrary and irresistible power of France ; and 
 particularly on account of the indolence, inaction, and distraction of the 
 Republic ; which I am persuaded is so great that they will not be roused, 
 until they are upon the brink of ruin. But do you really think, that 
 our gathering friends together, not to offend, but defend ourselves from 
 France, will be a means to enable France to purchase still a greater 
 inaction of the States, than their present inclination and situation 
 already leads them to ? it seems to me unnecessary for France to tempt 
 them with any offer, and I am inclined to think, that an offer from 
 France of that nature would sooner alarm, than gain them. What can 
 be done to make the Netherlands more safe has occasioned many an 
 
28 
 
 Trevor iMSS. unprofitable thought in my mind, but I don't see what can be done, 
 without some proposition from Holland for that purpose ; any thing 
 from us would raise jealousy ; and although they seem more unconcerned, 
 they will certainly be sooner affected than we can be by the loss of the 
 Netherlands ; a neutrality for them in case of any war, is plausible; but 
 as the Netherlands are what France has ever had, and will ever have 
 most at heart ; that neutrality will be observed by France no longer, 
 than until they have put it out of the power of others to save them, 
 which the Dutch are not able to do alone, this neutrality you will say 
 was tried in the late difference between the Emperor and France; and 
 indeed the state of the Low Countries made it then absolutely necessary, 
 but there could be no other good in it, but that of gaining time. We 
 followed the same measure ; but the next attempt of France to disturb 
 Europe, I believe, will be levelled at us ; and do you think that the 
 States will sell their inaction and consequently their engagements with 
 us, to France, if we are attacked by that Crown ? They will have diffi- 
 culties and delays in taking part, will employ good offices &c, but I 
 scarce think the Republican party joined with the commercial interest, 
 will be so blind to their own safety, as to abandon us absolutely, if we 
 should not come to an agreement with Spain. That will soon be tried, 
 negotiations, of the strongest nature from our undoubted intelligence, in 
 consequence of the marriages, are not absolutely indeed concluded but 
 in great forwardness between France and Spain, and if the treaty should 
 be signed, I reckon the first thing required by those two Crowns of us 
 will be the restitution of Gibraltar, and here I do apprehend the States 
 will be backward on our behalf with regard to that place, although that 
 place is equally guaranteed by them as well as the rest of our possessions, 
 Lord W[aldegra]ve, who has ever been a great favourite to the K[in]g 
 as having by his insinuating and supple carriage great credit with the 
 C[ardina]l, now is convinced and writes word that his Em[inen]ce is as 
 violent against us, as any other Frenchman ; it is I am afraid too late to 
 expostulate with his Em[inen]ce, we must go on to get securities and 
 friendships in other parts, but between you and me his Lordship's credit 
 has, I'm afraid, arisen from nothing else but because his Em[inen]ce 
 found him too easy, and tractable. What is past — is past, we must look 
 forward; I suppose Lord H[arringto]n will have acquainted you, that 
 besides the hints given by you, we have other intelligence of the French 
 designs to allure the Dutch, and make the renewal of their tariff the 
 price of some neutral, or pacific engagement on their part. . . 
 I am afraid La Roche has bilked us ; it can't be helped, we must run 
 that risk, especially when he formerly at Paris was my spy ; and did then 
 as well as could be expected in proportion to his lights and abilities, but he 
 absolutely refused to have anything to do with Lord W[aldegra] ve, and 
 so he left Paris, and has lived chiefly since at Lorraine .... 
 
 We have had a great dispute here about the dearness of coals, whether 
 it is owing to the proprietors of the pits in the North, or to the lighter- 
 men in the City ; among other complaints the manufacturers allege, 
 that because the coals upon exportation pay but a small duty compared 
 with what is paid here the Dutch buy them cheaper than the manu- 
 facturer has them here. . . . 
 
 His Majesty seemed once determined to go to Hanover this year, he 
 mentioned his design to one person only, and in a very peremptory and 
 determined stile, but that person having taken the resolution to represent 
 the consequences of such a step with an honest and becoming freedom 
 has at last prevailed with him to stay in England ; so, thank Grod, the 
 mischief was prevented without its being known to be intended." 
 
29 
 
 The Same to the Same. Teevor mss. 
 
 1739, May 1 [-12], — " It is believed all over the town that Spain has 
 given us an absolute refusal of paying the 95,000/. That is certainly 
 not true, but an express from Mr. Keen has let us know that the Spanish 
 Secretary of State has lately held a very different language from what 
 he talked soon after the news of the Convention being approved by both 
 Houses. The accounts their Catholic Majesties have since received of 
 the violent humours here against Spain from the various pamphlets and 
 libels which are constantly translated into French and sent to them, 
 and, as is chiefly pretended, of our fleet being ordered to stop at Gibraltar 
 have put that Court into great agitation, and we begin to suspend those 
 persuasions which we lately had of the 95,000/. being paid until we hear 
 again from that Court. For my part as my own opinion I think the 
 money will be paid, but that it will be attended with a disagreeable 
 declaration for suspending the South Sea Company on account of their 
 not paying the 68,000/., but, if Spain should at once stop short, there is 
 no manner of doubt but that they have signed a treaty with France, and 
 we must in that case begin to take satisfaction by reprisals in the best 
 manner we can, which will unavoidably end in a war with Spain, and 
 some disagreable questions or intimations to us will follow it from 
 France. . . . 
 
 As to the Court of Turin they are certainly alarmed with the new 
 union between the French and Spanish families, and with what may be 
 the consequences of it in favour of Don Philip, it being certain that her 
 Catholic Majesty will not lose sight of her native country in Italy. But 
 his Sardinian Majesty is a ticklish prince, must be gained not only by 
 subsidies, but by promise of new acquisitions, and will talk to both 
 sides and balance whether he is more likely to get something more of 
 the Milanese from being with the Emperor or against the Emperor, or 
 from stopping or increasing the power of Spain in Italy, but how 'tis 
 possible to frame any scheme like a Grand Alliance until the Emperor 
 has ended the Turkish War I must say I can't see. . . . 
 
 I send you enclosed at the request of our friend Tommy Townshend, 
 or rather of his lady, the enclosed proposal from Dr. Middleton to publish 
 the Life of Cicero, that you may get what subscriptions you can among 
 your friends. The ladies here have undertaken to make solicitations on 
 this occasion, as if the decision of their wit and beauty depended in 
 preference to one another upon the greater or less success in this contest, 
 and therefore you must exert yourself." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, May 8 [-19]. Cockpit. — "We have heard nothing particular 
 from Spain since the arrival of the courier with the letters of the 24th 
 past that left matters in a doubtful situation. We have letters by the 
 post of the 27th from Mr. Keen who says nothing more than that things 
 stood as before, but he takes notice, as Consul Cay ley does too from 
 Cadiz that the proclamation for fitting oat the flota had been made the 
 16th, that the register of the goods was to be opened the 1st instant, 
 and as they cannot be loaded and everything ready to sail until the term 
 for the 95,000/. being paid will be expired some time ; I am disposed 
 to hope that they intend to pay the money, because they would never 
 go on with this expensive and valuable operation while our fleet is in 
 those parts, and break the Convention at once by the non-payment of 
 it, but we must soon know the final determination in this affair, which 
 

 30 
 
 Tbbvor MSS. if done^ will be done I'm assured in some awkward, and disagreeable 
 manner. What does Vandermeer write upon it, he is not well informed, 
 and his own humour, and vanity generally governs his intelligence, but 
 with, allowances something may be inferred ? The general persuasion 
 against us is no favourable symptom, especially considering the union 
 between France and Spain and the activity in all parts of the former. 
 A Convention as I suppose, you will have heard from my Lord Har- 
 rington] is certainly not only signed but ratified with the King of 
 Prussia relating to Bergh and Juliers. Whether that Prince is under 
 engagements of neutrality or action in favour of France, we don't yet 
 know, I can't believe the latter, knowing the nature of the beast, nor 
 do I believe that France would much trust to it, the first is possible. 
 What is certain is, that France has recommended it to Sweden to con- 
 sider whether something can't be done with Prussia to make amends 
 for the loss of Denmark ; that looks as if France has not yet got such 
 strong hold of his Prussian Majesty, and I must own I do not much 
 fear a very strict union of him with Sweden, against Russia ; he has 
 ever been afraid of this power, and indeed the situation of his country 
 besides his own temper must ever make him respect the Czarina, and 
 therefore all things considered I must freely own to you that if the 
 Convention between France and Prussia is such, as to be executed and 
 settled without fear of a disturbance before the Elector Palatine's death, 
 I should not be sorry for it ; because nothing seems to me so dangerous, 
 as to give France a pretence, on account of the indecision of that dispute, 
 to march an army into those parts, when that accident shall happen, 
 and as I do not look upon his Prussian Majesty's life to be lasting, it is 
 better that a point which has been so contested, and which it is likely 
 the son has as much at heart as the father, should be finally adjusted 
 before the latter succeeds, and leave him by that means open and free to 
 negotiate and establish a friendship with us, for we shall never be able 
 to do him any essential service in that great affair if undecided ; and I 
 am afraid shall never be able to get him without it. As to Storch, we 
 have had a full account from Mr. Man, Mr. Fane's Secretary, of Storch 
 having been warned out of the Grand Duke's territories in three days, 
 which would have been executed had it not been for Mr. Man's repre- 
 sentation. They then reprieved him for 8 days longer, but Mr. Man 
 not contented with that, at last obtained in consideration of his Majesty 
 that his sentence should be suspended until the King should be 
 acquainted with it, but the Grand Duke positively insists to have him 
 removed. Storch pretends that he is innocent of having said, or done 
 anything to disoblige his Royal Highness or his government, and that 
 this disgrace is brought upon him by the adherents of the Pretender, 
 and at the instances of the Corsini family, but the Duke (Mr. Man's 
 negotiation in this affair having chiefly passed between him and his 
 Royal Highness personally) affirms that nothing of that nature is the 
 cause of his anger, which appears to be so violent, although the true 
 reason is not given, that I do not believe, it will be possible to save 
 Storch ; I don't know yet what answer the D[uke] of Newcastle] 
 returns to the dispatches on this head, but I was willing to give you 
 this detail well knowing the Greffier's regard for the poor fellow. . . . 
 What you mention . . . of a design concerted with this city 
 and other great cities to petition the King for a dissolution of the Par- 
 liament was talked of upon the first secession, but as all the members of 
 •this city constantly attend, and as the secession from Parliament in 
 general is by no means approved in the country by any party, I am apt 
 to believe that this design will not be attempted, or if it is will succeed 
 but in few places." 
 
31 
 
 The Marquess of Annandale to the Same. Trevor mss, 
 
 1739, May 23. Antwerp. — " As you heard my disagreeable affair I 
 shall not trouble you the particulars thereof, but the only indeed bad 
 excuse I have to make I "was in liquor. There is no danger of the 
 man's doing ill, but whether I possibly can return or no is what I shall 
 beg your advice in. As to desiring you to meddle in the affair, 'tis of 
 a sort I cannot do. I assure you of one thing, I mistook the kind of 
 people I had to do with and really imagined, whoever they were, to 
 have been insulted by them. I am sorry now I should have been 
 obliged to write to Mr. Trevor on such a subject." 
 
 Eobert Trevor to the Marquess of Annandale. 
 
 1739, May 28. The Hague. — Advising him not to return to Leyden, 
 the justice of this country being very rigid, suggesting Utrecht, the 
 incident not being, he believes, cognizable there, and giving him two 
 pieces of advice, the first to try by some farther act of generosity 
 towards the poor fellow to regain the good opinion of the public, and 
 the second, to take a manly and heroic resolution to abstain entirely 
 from the use of wine. 
 Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1739, May 18 [-29]. Cockpit.— " We have heard from Spain that 
 the conferences have been opened and the full powers exchanged, but 
 not one word of the 95,000/., and not one step to make us believe that 
 they will not pay it, but the time of payment expires next Thursday, 
 which makes us expect an express before that time, and as a post will 
 be likewise due, we must learn something in a few days. Keen thinks 
 Geraldino is already informed, Geraldino says ho is not, but what he 
 says looks hopeful, and the stockjobbers observe that the stocks rather 
 stiffen than decline by the transactions thought to be carried on by his 
 friends." 
 
 The Marquess of Annandale to the Same. 
 
 1739, May 30. Antwerp.— -Thanking him for his letter and the two 
 pieces of advice it contained. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739, May 22 [-June 2]. Cockpit,—" It wants but 48 hours of the 
 time of payment of the 95,000/., and we have not heard one w T ord of the, 
 Court of Spain's real intentions on that head. Geraldino's ordinary 
 courier will in all probability arrive here this evening and our letters 
 due by the post from Mr. Keen will come in all likelihood tomorrow ;. 
 in the mean time stocks stiffen rather than fall, and the Spanish minister. 
 went yesterday . . to take a house for all the summer in the 
 country. 
 
 The Great Duke's ministry gives out that Mr. Storch has talked in a, 
 very free maimer upon the late new regulations made by his Royal 
 Highness in the government of Florence as what occasioned the resent- 
 ment against him, tho' it is generally believed that it is the interest of 
 the Pretender conducted by the Corsinis that have the greatest influence 
 in this affair. . . . 
 
32 
 
 Trevor MSS. Having been last Saturday ... at his Majesty's levee he sent 
 for me into his closet, and talked as if a war was inevitable, bid me 
 prepare for going over to Holland and questioned me mightily about the 
 disposition of the States to assist him." . . . 
 
 Robert Trevor to Guy Dickens. 
 
 1739, June 9. The Hague. — " Others will have it that Mr. Luiscius' 
 present disgrace and despair is owing to some discoveries, which his 
 master's curiosity has led him to make by searching into the papers of 
 the late M. Gromkow, of this latter having carried on a collusive and 
 intriguing correspondence with Luiscius, who is known to have been his 
 creature." 
 Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1739, June 1 [-12]. Cockpit. — ii As yet Spain has not said one word 
 about the payment of the 95,000/., nor one word either to Mr. Keen or 
 by Geraldino why she does not pay it ; the first has sent a new declara- 
 tion of the Court of Spain's resolution to suspend the Assiento if the 
 South Sea Company does not pay the 68,000/. in a limited time, which 
 limitation is not mentioned in the Act ; the Spanish minister here has 
 not so much as received a copy of that new declaration, and as to the 
 95,000/. he has nothing more to say than [that] his Court acknowledges 
 the receipt of his letters and that he may expect orders and answers 
 upon them, without, as he pretends, mentioning one word of the pay- 
 ment of the money directly or indirectly, and Mr. Keen is as silent as he 
 on that subject, although he and his colleague have had two conferences 
 with the Spanish Plenipotentiaries and exchanged their full powers. In 
 the last some notice was taken by the Spaniards of our fleets continuing 
 abroad on the coast of Spain and in the West Indies, as what was not 
 agreeable, considering that they had given orders for disarming, but no 
 formal representation made upon it, nor excuse on that account for the 
 non-payment of the money ; and notwithstanding this contemptuous 
 silence in an article of so much moment, the Spaniards have laid up all 
 their ships, and continue to fit out and load their flota for the West 
 Indies, while our squadron lays so near them before Gibraltar. In the 
 mean time our stocks fall but little. But the murmurs in the city begin 
 to revive, and yesterday the House of Lords proposed and insisted upon 
 an address to the King to know whether the money was paid, and, if it 
 was not, what reasons were alleged for the non-payment of it. The 
 I)[uke] of N[ewcastle] let them know that it was not paid; however 
 there was a division, and it was carried by 14 without proxies, not to 
 address, but they are go upon the state of the nation on Monday, when 
 I suppose there will be warm debates for action, and revenge against 
 Spain, in order to prepare that court to take its measures, and be upon 
 their guard against any secret design which we may meditate without 
 making an eclat, or giving the Spaniards warning ; I can no way 
 account for this unaccountable conduct in Spain ; perhaps there may be 
 divisions between the King and Queen of Spain, but what is most likely 
 is that they have signed a treaty with France ; and the minute we shall 
 proceed to stop or take the flota, &c, France will interpose, and let us 
 know we must not touch their property, but matters are now come to a 
 real crisis ; and I suppose when our resolutions are taken I shall be 
 ordered over to sound our friends' inclinations without any hopes of 
 success." 
 
33 
 
 Captain Lynslager to the Same. 
 
 1739, June 14. Amsterdam. — Enclosing a list, of the Spanish Navy 
 as it was in 1736. and stating what the French Navy consisted of in the 
 same year. The former contained one ship of 112 guns, two of 80, 
 eight of 70, 15 of 61, and two of 60, sixteen frigates and seven smaller 
 ships, the latter of one first rate, 13 second rates, 19 third rates, 16 
 fourth rates, 9 frigates, and 12 smaller vessels. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739, June 5 [-16]. Cockpit. — " If anything would astonish me that 
 M. Fenelcn does it would be his endeavouring to impose so much upon 
 the senses and knowledge of mankind as to make it believed that Mr. 
 Luiscius' misfortune came from an apoplexy, but he is in possession to 
 make some of the States believe anything. . . . There is no doubt 
 but that the poor gentleman signed something with Fenelon ; and, 
 if our news be true, what was so signed was ratified, altho' in all 
 Hkelyhood out of fear, by the King of Prussia, which made his 
 resentment fall upon hie minister for having signed what he durst 
 not disavow. . . . 
 
 I am sorry the money is not paid by Spain, because I do apprehend 
 the ill consequences of a war with Spain, but I smile at the sneers of 
 ethers, because, had we refused the Convention, they would have been 
 the first to have cried out against us ; ' What ! go into a war rather than 
 accept a positive stipulation to pay a certain sum for satisfaction to your 
 merchants, and also a promise to settle by a negotiation in a certain 
 time a security for our future trade ! ' and I don't see how any strength, 
 any dexterity, any address, can be a guaranty against the breach of a 
 solemn plain promise, if a Prince is resolved to break it. We must and 
 do seriously consider what is to be done ; the opposing Lords last 
 Thursday would have addressed the King to know whether the payment 
 of the 95,000/. was made, and if not made, to know what reasons were 
 given by Spain for not paying it, but the Secretary of State having 
 acquainted them that it was not paid, the motion for an Address was 
 rejected by a majority only of 14, which occasioned another motion to 
 consider as yesterday the state of the nation, when great expectations 
 were raised of some distress being brought upon the Court, and accord- 
 ingly a motion being made to declare that the Convention was broken 
 by Spain, &c, the Court ventured upon the previous question, not on 
 account of there being any doubt of the truth of the fact, but of its being 
 both imprudent and unnecessary for the House of Lords to come to a 
 declaration of war which must be the consequence of the motion pro- 
 posed, since the King was already enabled by the Parliament in such 
 ways and by such measures as he should think proper to vindicate the 
 honour and justice of the nation, and it was carried by a majority of 19 
 without proxies, which if called for would have made the majority 
 above 30, that the said question should not be put." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, June 8 [—19]. " Jacta est alea. — An express last night from 
 Mr. Keen has brought an account that the pretence made use of by 
 Spain for not paying the 95,000/. is the continuation of the squadrons 
 O 77960. C 
 
 Trevor MSS. 
 
34 
 
 Trevor mss. iii the Mediterranean and the W. Indies, so that we are preparing to do 
 ourselves justice, and Spain is preparing all the ships they can get 
 together to offend and defend, and I don't doubt but we shall soon hear 
 something from France, for this sudden resolution taken by Spain must 
 be in concert with that Court." 
 
 Eobert Trevor to Guy Dickens. 
 
 1739, June 23. The Hague. — " I now see the reason of that 
 unfortunate gentleman's trying, as I know he has done very earnestly, 
 to prevail upon the physicians and chirurgions who have had him in 
 hand to give him testimonials of his having - only had an apoplectic fit 
 and hurt himself in the fall ; but hitherto I do not hear that any of them 
 have been prevailed upon to attest such a bare-faced falsehood, which 
 in this country is not only dangerous, but entirely useless, these very 
 chirurgions having, as they are obliged by oath to do in all cases of 
 wounds and hurts, made a formal report to the Government of this 
 place of the nature and circumstances of Mr. Luiscius' misfortune." 
 Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Eobert Trevor. 
 
 1739, August 10-21. The Hague. — " I have wrote by this post in the 
 strongest terms to my brother to remove the rest [of your uneasiness] ; 
 desiring him to lose no time to speak to his Majesty and to procure a de- 
 termination of your fate in the most favourable manner, letting him know 
 that you cannot begin to make any preparations for your residence here 
 until you know what you are to depend upon, and it is high time that 
 you should begin to think of these preparations, if it is intended you 
 should be my successor. ... In short I think I have said all that 
 can be said on that head, and in as earnest a manner as it is possible for 
 me [to] express myself ; you must therefore continue to see my brother 
 often, and desire Lord Harrington too to put him in mind of you, and 
 of speaking to the King." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, September 1, 4, 11. (The material parts of these three letters 
 are printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Lord Horatio Walpole, i. pp. 407-414, 
 with the following mistakes :— p. 408, last line after " friendship " add 
 "for what I am going to say " ; p. 409, the illegible word for which 
 Coxe suggests "convince" is "vex"; p. 410, line 11, for "apprehen- 
 sion " read " possibility " ; line 13, after "would" insert "not"; four 
 lines from bottom for " this " read " that"; p. 411, line 15, insert "which" 
 before " is " ; line 1 7, dele " will " ; line 20 for " there " read " here " ; 
 p. 412, lines 2 and 13 insert "all" before "these" and "the" before 
 " various " ; p. 413, lines 22 and 23 for " the " and " the " read " a " and 
 " that " ; last line insert " I " before " remember.") 
 
 Instructions to the Honourable Robert Trevor on his appointment 
 as Envoy Extraordinary and additional Instructions to the same. 
 
 1739, September 13 [-24]. Kensington. — Sign Manual and Seal 
 on each. 
 
35 
 
 The Committee of the Estates of Holland and West Friesland. Trevor mss. 
 
 1739, October 27. Grant of exemption to Robert Trevor as Envoy 
 Extraordinary from customs and other taxes on the wares and consum- 
 ables he may import. 
 In Dutch, Seal. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1739, October 19-30. Cockpit. — « The letter of the States upon my 
 revocation to the King gives great satisfaction here. When I delivered 
 it to His Majesty he told me without looking into it, that he looked 
 upon it as a letter of form only, and therefore did not read one word of 
 it ; some parts of it made it not proper for me to desire him to peruse 
 it." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, October 26 [-November 6]. Cockpit. — "No good news from 
 France occasioned the declaration of war, but it was found, as I always 
 thought, that it would not be regular for us according to treaties to stop 
 and examine any ships without declaring war. This joined with the 
 infidelity, which prevailed here as well as in Holland, of our not being 
 in earnest with the Spaniards, was the chief motives for our taking that 
 step ; which was attended in the publication of it with the greatest 
 crowds of people, who were extremely quiet and civil but expressed the 
 greatest satisfaction by their acclamations for a war with Spain." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, October 30 [-November 10]. Cockpit. — "An express arrived 
 yesterday . . . from Capt. Cooper and Capt. Cotterell, commanders 
 of the Chester and Canterbury men-of-war with advice that they had 
 brought then to Spithead a Spanish prize, which they had taken off 
 Cadiz detached from Admiral Haddock's squadron for that purpose. 
 She came from the Caraccas, and is a Register ship belonging to the 
 Biscay Company. The Admiral's letter . . . says that the Regis- 
 tered effects on board . . . amount to above 100,000/. sterling. 
 . . . There are some hopes too that the Admiral's squadron has 
 taken another ship of the same nature. . . . On the other side we 
 have lost a merchant ship off Faro. The Convoy that had 15 or 16 
 merchant ships under their care for different ports had seen an English 
 ship laden with bail goods to the value of between 20. and 30,000/. safe 
 as far as the Bar of Faro . . . and then sailed with the rest . . . 
 but the tide not serving to pass the Bar the merchant ship anchored 
 there with a design to get into the port the next morning, when a Barca 
 Longa off the Spanish coast passing that way surprised the said ship, 
 cut the cable and carried her off." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, November 2 [-13]. Cockpit.— " A little ship . . . from 
 Gibraltar . . . ventured to leave the convoy in order to be the first 
 to bring the agreeable news, that another ship from the Caraccas with 
 14 guns and between 2 and 300 tunn . . . was taken and carried 
 into Gibraltar the 2nd or 3rd of the month, and the Master says that by 
 
 c 2 
 
S6 
 
 Trevor MSS. the inspection that had been made ... the prize was said to be 
 worth above 100,000/. sterling, and as rich as the other, which is with 
 good reason much doubted, considering the difference of the bigness." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, November 13-24. Cockpit. — " I am glad to find that Bus de 
 
 has at last opened his correspondence, but unless he writes something 
 more significant than what is contained in his two first letters he will 
 not meet with much encouragement from hence. . . . Having com- 
 municated the two letters ... to Sir R[obert] W[alpole], he 
 thinks them so insignificant that no other notice should be taken or 
 return made, but your taking the trouble to write two or three lines in 
 French to him, to acknowledge his letters of the 10 and 30 of October, 
 to let him know that you are glad to hear that he and his family are 
 well ; that he may do right to bring his children into Italy, but that 
 as Mr. Alexander Andrew of Kotterdam has no effects of his in his 
 hands, he will not answer any bill, until he receives something from him 
 more valuable than what he has hitherto had. The address to him is to 
 be sent under cover to M. le Cotnte de Mare a Pont-a-Musson en 
 Lorraine." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, November 16 [-27]. Cockpit. — After all the noise and expect- 
 ations of a warm opening of our Sessions Mr. P[ultene]y made a long, 
 but, to say the most, a languid speech for carrying on the war with 
 vigour, and without any inflammatory expressions, reserved to himself 
 to be for such things as might be necessary to rectify our constitution, 
 but in no manner to clog the measures for supporting the King in the 
 war ; declared himself for the present government and establishment in 
 the strongest manner and indeed so strong, that together with his having 
 let fall some words about resigning mean suspicions of those that he 
 had acted with, gave great offence to the Tories, who held their tongues, 
 but seem extremely out of humour at having been desired to summon 
 their friends (for it was a pretty full House on both sides) to so little 
 purpose. In short, after Bernard had complained that sufficient care 
 had not been taken in protecting the commerce, in a very peevish and 
 indeed low way which made people think he had been hurt by losses in 
 insurance, and he was answered in some measure by Lord Baltimore 
 who spoke for the Admiralty, Sir T [nomas S[aunder]son spoke to the 
 same sense as Pulteney (who I should have told you thirded the motion 
 for the Address). The question being put for agreeing to it, there would 
 have been a nemine contradicente had it not been for one poor no out of 
 the Tory corner which nobody would own. 
 
 In the House of Lords there was a pretty long debate about animosi- 
 ties and divisions. The opponents would not allow there were any in the 
 nation; the Duke of Br[idgewater] (?) and Lord Sc[arbo] rough, were 
 with them, and 1 believe the latter is entirely gone off, for reasons too 
 long and not proper for a letter. The Court carried it by 29 without 
 proxies, it was not a very full House." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, November 30 [-December 11]. Cockpit. — "You seem to be 
 alarmed by a mischievous use made of some pamphlets printed in 
 
37 
 
 England, and particularly of The Examination of the popular Preju- Trevor MSS. 
 
 dices as taking it for granted that they were published by the direction " 
 
 of the Ministers; when that is not true and the Ministers are as little 
 
 answerable for any papers wrote in their favour, or at the time in behalf 
 
 of Spain, as they are for the false charges and insinuations of the un- 
 
 ministerial writers, and the truth is that almost all the papers wrote 
 
 against the violences and preventions of the people here, were wrote at 
 
 the instigation and encouragement of Geraldino. They are fathered 
 
 upon the Ministers and their friends, and in consequence La Matiniere 
 
 pretends to make good use of them, but it is not worth while to clear up 
 
 this fact but by conversation only. . . . 
 
 Notwithstanding the appearance of unanimity to carry on the war, 
 the patriots and opponents are resolved to give us as much trouble as 
 they can, but their efforts are very fruitless. They proposed last 
 Tuesday very irregularly to give his Majesty advice about the way of 
 raising the Marines, but we were 177 against 95. Yesterday we had 
 several motions to have an account of all orders, memorials, instructions, 
 &c, relating to the late negotiations and Convention with Spain. Upon 
 the first question the House was very thin, but we were in the negative 
 95 against 51. Upon the second question there was no division, but we 
 carried it in the negative ; upon the third, which chiefly related to 
 Mr. Keen's keeping La Quadra's Declaration, we divided against it 171 
 against 98. We shall have more squibs of this nature, which will have, 
 I suppose, no other effect but to have the questions printed in the votes, 
 and I suppose that is the principal end proposed by the motion of them." 
 
 Postscript. — " Poor Harry Pelham has lost two sons, all that he had of 
 the sort, within 24 hours of one another by a sort of ulcerous humour in 
 their throats that turned to a mortification." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1789, December 4 [-15]. Cockpit. — " It is thought we shall not have 
 much to do till after the Recess, having yesterday voted 4 shillings upon 
 Land without opposition. I hope all those that are not well inclined 
 to us in Holland as well as our friends will recollect that I constantly 
 told them as an undoubted truth that since we have been forced into a 
 war we shall be as serious and vigorous in carrying it on, as we had 
 been unwilling and backward to come into it, as long as Ave could keep 
 out with honour. The opponents have determined to move for a call of 
 the House to be made some days after the recess in order to propose a 
 Place Bill in a full House upon the return of the members out of the 
 country, but I believe, considering the secession of last year, that we 
 shall endeavour to put a negative upon the motion of a call." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739, December 18 [-29]. Cockpit. — "I moved this day and it 
 passed nemine contradicente to bring in a bill to prohibit commerce 
 with Spain, in consequence of their most notable Declaration of War. 
 When this was over, a motion was made for a call of the House, and 
 in return for the secession of the opponents last year, we put a 
 negative upon it by 130 against 60 or thereabouts. As the motion was 
 made to call the House on a certain day, which was to be the 14th 
 of January, and as we put a negative upon it without any debate 
 Mr. P[ultene]y, after the division, renewed the motion for a call to be 
 on the 18th of January, and endeavoured to warm the House for our 
 
38 
 
 Trevor MSS. silence, and for refusing without any reasons a motion so fundamentally 
 necessary to the constitution of Parliament. He was answered by Sir 
 Wm. Y[on]ge, and after some debate, partly serious, and partly pleasant, 
 a negative was put upon that motion without a division." 
 
 Harman Verelst, Secretary to the Committee of the Foundling 
 Hospital, to the Same. 
 
 1739, December 20 [-31]. — By order of the Committee requesting 
 him to procure from the magistrates of Amsterdam, a copy of the 
 establishment and method of proceeding of the Hospital for Foundling; 
 Children there. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, January 4 [-15]. — *? In case of some great success on our 
 side in the West Indies by making some extraordinary and beneficial 
 conquest and settlement in the Spanish colonies, in that case I don't 
 doubt but France will begin to speak out, and call upon Holland to 
 join with them in preventing us from making acquisitions contrary tc* 
 what they will call the fundamental rule to be observed by all other 
 nations in not being suffered to gain any part of the Spanish possessions 
 in America, or greater advantages of trade there, one more than the 
 other; and this principle was the reason why the Dutch in the last 
 great war would never agree to any expedition in the West Indies^ 
 lest our superiority at sea might give us an advantage there preferable 
 to them." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, January 11 [-22]. Cockpit.— " As the frost here began 
 in an unusual manner with a violent storm at East, it has caused as 
 well as with you an infinite deal of mischief, for, as all the vessels in 
 the river were drove from their anchors, they are now floating j and 
 beating against one another by the force of the ice and the tide, to the 
 vast damage of many unfortunate owners, of which some, endeavouring 
 to go on board with their men, and others that were on board to get 
 ashore in boats have been interrupted by the ice, and perished with 
 cold and hunger without a possibility of relief. . . . 
 
 I think La Roche's last letter much more to the purpose, than the 
 three former, altho' it is as yet confined to generals yet some good infer- 
 ences may be dra^n from it, but whether it will deserve a remittance 
 I can't tell till I have talked in another place ; I am not for grudging 
 a little money for the meanest intelligence at this juncture. Lord 
 W[aldegra]ve has wrote word that the D[uke] of 0[rmon]d has left 
 Avignon to go for Spain, but we do not yet publicly take notice of it. 
 As to the Gazettes, such as that of Cologne, treating us pretty freely, 
 I do not believe it proceeds from economy on our side or from the 
 generosity of our enemies, but if anything can be done to give a new 
 turn to the Gazetteers abroad, I should be glad to hear it." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, February 1 [-12]. Cockpit. — "We were mistaken in our 
 computation of members on occasion of the Place Bill, which was 
 strongly debated till 1 1 o'clock at night, with a great deal of obloquious 
 declamation, especially by the youngsters of the P[rince]'s family, in 
 behalf of it, and with as much strength of argument as ever I heard 
 
39 
 
 against it by the gentlemen for rejecting the motion, the negatives Trevor MS£ 
 
 carried it by 222 against 206, so that our majority calculated at about *■"* 
 
 40 was no more than 16 ; but I must observe to you, that this was 
 
 occasioned by there being 26 absent that are actually in town ; for we 
 
 computed that the opposite party might be 208 ; and although some 
 
 W[hig]s, who in other matters are constantly with us, voted for the 
 
 question, there were some that we did not expect would do so. During 
 
 the debate about 8 o'clock Sir Thomas Saunderson and Lord Chesterfield 
 
 who attended us were sent for out of the House, on account as it was 
 
 immediately rumoured of Lord Scarborough's being dead or at the 
 
 extremity by a fit of an apoplexy ; but the next morning the various 
 
 accounts that had been given late the night before to those who sent 
 
 or came to know how he did, the great caution taken not to let anybody 
 
 into the house, not even his nearest relatious, and other circumstances 
 
 gave an occasion to extraordinary surmises about the nature of his death, 
 
 and nobody cared to talk of it but by whispers. This silence and caution 
 
 continues still, but tete-a-tete among friends I believe nobody doubts of 
 
 his having been his own executioner and it is said he did it with a pistol 
 
 clapt so close to his mouth, that it did not make a great noise, at least it 
 
 did not alarm the house, nor did the bullet go through his head. He 
 
 had been out that morning, had dined at home alone, had ordered his 
 
 chair to carry him at six in the afternoon to Lady Harvey's to spend 
 
 the evening and bespoke his own supper ; and his not calling to go out, 
 
 his valet de chambre went unto his room and found him stone dead, 
 
 and cold. I believe this is a true account but I must beg you will not 
 
 mention it to anybody but rather wait to learn the truth which by 
 
 degrees will come from others, than make it in the least suspected that 
 
 you had it from me. His will has been opened having not been made 
 
 above a fortnight since and left in Sir Thomas Saunderson's custody, 
 
 who 'tis said is greatly disappointed, for all the Scarborough estate he 
 
 has left to Mr. James Lumley his youngest brother, charging it with 
 
 20,000/. to Sir Thomas Saunderson, and 500/. per annum a piece to two 
 
 natural children during their lives, and an annuity of 100/. per annum 
 
 to Lady Ann Frankland, and the said Mr, Lumley is made sole executor 
 
 and has the absolute disposal of the whole estate besides, both real and 
 
 personal." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, February 5 [-16]. Cockpit.— " The opponents flushed 
 with their not being beat by a greater majority than 16 have met, Lords 
 and Commons, to the number of 13 of the first, and about 60 of the last 
 at a tavern, and exhorted one another to steadiness and unanimity, and 
 continuance in town to lay hold of occasions for the service of the public 
 since which time several motions to be proposed in our House, have been 
 whispered, the repeal of the Septennial Bill to make the Parliament 
 triennial, the Prince of Wales' affair, the Riot Act, and La Quadra's 
 declaration relating to the 68,000/., and we shall certainly meet with 
 opposition in everything in some shape or other, but our friends are 
 zealous and steady, so that the end of this Session will be troublesome, 
 though we have nothing to fear." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, February 8 [-19]. Cockpit— " I have got no orders for 
 any money for La Roche, but if he should say anything more to deserve 
 it, I think he mentioned another way lately for a correspondence with 
 
40 
 
 LTeevor MSS, him besides lodging money in Mr. Andrew's hands, but if you did not 
 minute it down I will look it out against a proper time. I gave Ventidius 
 200/. just before I came away, and some time hence, when our great 
 affairs draw to a conclusion, I will move to get him 200/. more, and 
 thus from time to time half-yearly." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, February 12 [-23]. Cockpit.— " The manner of Lord 
 Scarborough's death is no longer a secret . . . The Coroner's 
 inquest . . . brought him a lunatic, and it seems the present Lord 
 is so little satisfied with the will, that he has entered a caveat and 
 intends to dispute it, and 'tis said upon the foot of lunacy. People are 
 highly scandalised at this proceeding. . . . The opponents continue 
 in town, so that we are obliged to lie upon our arms. Several motions 
 have been talked of, such as triennial Parliaments, the Princess' affair, 
 in consequence of the meeting at the Crown and Anchor to stand by 
 one another. However they are extremely divided among themselves, 
 and matters appear at present more calm/' 
 
 Theodore Baron de Neuhoff so-called King of Corsica, 
 to the Same. 
 
 1740, February 25. — Requesting him to forward the enclosed to 
 Lord Harrington, and to keep his sojourn in those quarters secret. 
 " Apres avoir heureusement echappe de mains assassins payes de 
 l'ennemie a Venise, mon intention estoit de me rendre en droitture a 
 Londres, mais mon indisposition survenu dans ce penible voyage m'en 
 empesche jusquicy ; pourtant ay ant remis et receu certaines lettres pour 
 sa Majeste je me procurerai le passage." Desiring letters to be sent to 
 this address "A Monsieur le Baron de Droste a serden (?) Seigneur 
 d'Elsen, Hurmulhein, et Monsbruck, Chevalier, et Grand Commandeur 
 de l'Ordre Teutonique a Cologne." 
 In French. Holograph. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, February 22 [- March 4]. Cockpit.— " Sir Robert has 
 very little to do in the military promotions ; he recommends friends and 
 relations of members of Parliament to be ensigns and cornets, but his 
 Majesty himself keeps an exact account of all the officers ; knows their 
 characters, and their long services, and generally nominates at his own 
 time the Colonels to vacant regiments, he frequently mentions those 
 promotions to my brother, who, when he lets fall a word in favour of 
 some officer is told, (that is between you and me) that he does not 
 understand any thing of military matters, and by this means he has 
 often the ill will of disappointments, which were not in his power to 
 prevent. 
 
 In consequence of the small majority we had on the Place Bill and 
 the call of the House fixed for yesterday the members being arrived in 
 town, we have had several skirmishes in the House ; particularly upon 
 the accounts of the Navy, which being called for on several heads, and 
 it appearing that Mr. Secretary Corbett of the Admiralty has a salary 
 from the Crown, for executing an office constituted by assistants, that 
 are to take care of the pensions of seamen's widows ; it was moved to 
 have a new writ issued for a member in his place as having either a 
 new erected office or a pension during pleasure ; but upon the debate 
 
:4i 
 
 it passed in the negative by 223 against 132 ; then a general question Trevor MSS. 
 was proposed to appoint a committee to enquire what new erected "~~ T ~ 
 
 offices had been made, here the generality and popularity of the question 
 carried a great many from us that voted against the personal attack of 
 Mr. Corbett, however it was carried in the negative by 196 against 
 155 — 4.1 majority. But yesterday being the day appointed for the call, 
 when the House must consequently be very full, great were the expecta- 
 tions of the motion to be made, many things were flung out abroad, but 
 the main was kept a secret among some of their leaders ; the Convention 
 so far as related to la Quadra's declaration, was sometimes mentioned ; , 
 but thought unlikely because all papers and instructions relating to that 
 matter, had been already refused. However when the order of the day 
 was called for Mr. Pulteney stood up, and in the most pathetic and 
 elaborate harangue declaimed against the non-attendance of members, 
 and at last seeing the House full, he made a sort of an encomium upon 
 his readiness to grant all the supplies for carrying on the war against 
 Spain, but now it was time to enquire how we came into the war and 
 having exclaimed against the Convention in a most furious manner, 
 which, he thanked God, was now no more, though it had been the 
 occasion of the war, he said he was for appointing a secret committee to 
 enquire into all the proceedings and transactions relating to the signing 
 of the Convention, and as a precedent he quoted and caused to be read 
 out of the Journals, what had been done with regard to an enquiry 
 about the treaty of Utrecht, and endeavoured to run a parallel between 
 those two cases as if those that advised the Convention were as criminal 
 -as those that made or negotiated the treaty of Utrecht. This comparison, 
 and his strong insinuations against an administration that had lasted too 
 long, occasioned as you'll easily imagine a long and warm debate, our 
 enemies being prepared, and our friends being justly animated. At last 
 my brother spoke in the most pathetic manner, and with the greatest 
 temper and force I ever heard him as looking upon it as a personal 
 attack and trial of himself ; and after a debate which lasted from two 
 o'clock till nine, the House divided upon the motion which was for an 
 address to lay all papers relative to the Convention before them, in con- 
 squence of that motion a Secret Committee (if that motion had been 
 carried) would have been appointed by ballot, but upon a division the 
 motion was rejected by 247 against 196, a majority of 51. I never 
 knew in my life people so hearty, nor ever heard people speak better, 
 than our friends did; the call is adjourned for a month, and conse- 
 quently the sessions as good as over, though we shall still have some 
 
 skirmishes, but of no consequence 
 
 Postscript. — The King of Prussia has certainly been very ill, but a 
 good deal of his disease is political, to observe the behaviour of persons, and 
 to avoid the signature of a project of a defensive alliance with France 
 which he had for some time extremely desired and encouraged. . . . 
 The son cannot certainly be worse than the father, and I believe his 
 attachment to us will entirely depend upon our behaviour to him, which, 
 I am afraid, will not long be so cordial as were to be wished, considering 
 the notions and pretensions of Hanover in opposition to Brandenburgh." 
 
 Theodore, Baron de Neuhoff, so-called King of Corsica, to the 
 
 Same. 
 
 [1740], March 10. — Hoping that his letter of the 25th of last month 
 with that enclosed to Lord Harrington had reached him safely and that 
 he had forwarded the latter. " I impatiently await the answer, and 
 
42 
 
 Tir.. vor mss. your passport to enable me to proceed to London, which I request you 
 to addftess to me under cover to the subjoined address. I venture to 
 flatter myself that his Majesty and the whole English nation will 
 honour me with their support in those conjunctures, to enable me to 
 return to my faithful followers in Corsica where my affairs are by no 
 means in so ruinous a state as the suborned gazetteers publish. If you 
 have any answer of the Court touching my affairs have the kindness to 
 communicate it to me as quickly as possible in order that I may make 
 my arrangements." 
 
 Postscript. — " Keep, I beg of you, my sojourn in these quarters a 
 secret." 
 
 The said address " Monsieur le Baron de Romberg, Seigneur de 
 
 Bruninghausen, Bladenhorst, Donhoff, Colvenburg et Ruddinghausen 
 
 Drossard de Lhumen et Hoerde pour sa Majeste le Roi de Prusse, par 
 
 Wesel et Horneburg a Bladenhorst." 
 
 In French. Holograph. 
 
 Enclosed : — A paper describing the coasts and harbours of Corsica. 
 
 Guy Dickens to the Same. 
 
 l7[39-]40, March [4-] 15. Berlin.— " His Prussian Majesty's dis- 
 orders are now come to a crisis. Since Saturday last he is in danger 
 of being suffocated every moment, to prevent which the doctors are 
 obliged to give him blisters, or to purge him almost every day, and as 
 his fever as well as the swelling in his legs increase we think that if 
 some alteration dees not happen very soon it is impossible for his 
 Prussian Majesty to hold much longer." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, March 9[-20]. Cockpit. — " What you wrote as coming from 
 Curacao was the only intelligence we had for a great while from or about 
 Vernon, but private letters from New York rather made his attempt 
 upon the coast of the Caracas a disappointment than anything like a 
 successful attempt. There are now letters from him dated the 5th of 
 November which takes no notice of that affair, but in a brave heroic 
 style, like that of the Oliverian days, he acquaints Sir Charles Wager, 
 that he is setting out on that auspicious day, which confounded the 
 attempts of Popery, and brought about the glorious Revolution, to 
 thunder out his Majesty's just revenge against the Spaniards by attempt- 
 ing to take Portobello. 
 
 I continue still of opinion that the Cardinal will not strike, he may 
 be persuaded to make the appearance of maritime preparations to alarm 
 us and divert us from our American expeditions, but the war of France 
 will in my opinion depend upon his death, or some great success in the 
 West Indies, and should the last happen I believe his Eminence will 
 first begin with negotiation and mediation. 
 
 Mr. Assebourgh at Paris has acted in a manner we could wish, and I 
 hope that by the report of his conferences the King of Sweden has 
 been persuaded by Diemar and Burnaby to send P[rince] William a full 
 power to conclude with us. 
 
 Our discovery of the negotiation between Denmark and France has in 
 a manner put a stop to it, and I hope by the death of Lewenorn, the 
 Secretary of War there, a bold enterprising fellow, and a creature of 
 France, it will be entirely disappointed ; the King of Prussia continues in 
 the same desperate state both of body and mind, and the French will 
 
43 
 
 not be able to do much there, and although Tessin seems to keep up his Trevor JffSSg 
 
 spirits, yet Count Gyllemburgh begins to be frightened and desirous of 
 
 a reconciliation with Russia, and Mr. Pu[lte]ney says (perhaps he has it 
 
 from Keith who is come hither for no good) that France will bring 
 
 those two powers to a good understanding by her mediation. I don't 
 
 doubt, but when the Cardinal finds his projects in the North abortive 
 
 and a more peaceful disposition in Sweden he will attempt it in good 
 
 earnest, and General Munich and others, that are inclined to France 
 
 and no friends to the Imperial Court, will forward anything that may 
 
 bring France and Russia to a better understanding any way ; what are 
 
 Golowkyn['s] politics on this head, and his sentiments of his own 
 
 Court? Prince Czerbatoff speaks and behaves well here. I wish Finch 
 
 was at Petersburgh, he sets out I think this next week, and takes 
 
 Dresden in his way. 
 
 We hear of no design that France has to bring home the galleons in 
 her own bottoms ; I should have told you that the Diamond man-of- 
 war has taken the Spanish Burnavento ship with money and provisions 
 on board for the Spanish garrisons, worth above 100,000 dollars. 
 
 We know nothing of the story of the French gentleman arrested and 
 examined at Dublin, but what you saw in some of the newspapers, so it 
 was a lie for the day. 
 
 If La Roche's galley-slave was not literal but figurative he must send 
 a key to it, for it is beyond my capacity to decipher. . . 
 
 Postscript ; — Tis whispered that the K[in]g has thoughts of going 
 abroad this year, but he has not yet said one word to Sir R[obert] 
 W[alpole] about it." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, March 14-25. Cockpit.— " His Prussian Majesty by our 
 best intelligence cannot possibly recover. That will be a great and, if 
 we please, a happy crisis, but I am afraid Electoral considerations will 
 get the better of Royal ones ; nay, would you believe it, and indeed you 
 must not seem so much as to suspect it, we think of going this year to 
 [Hanover]. 
 
 The Bill for Princess Mary's fortune is near upon passing, which puts 
 me in mind of what yow mention about the arrival of Mr. Donop, and 
 as you rightly judge I have little to say upon that subject, you know 
 the situation of our Court as well as I do. His immediate address will be 
 by the introduction of Mr. Alt to the Secretary of the Department, 
 Lord Harrington, and as to the preparations for the ceremony he has 
 already wrote to Mr. Alt, who will without doubt make it his business 
 to be informed of every particular before the arrival of the other. There 
 is still some difficulty about marrying according to our Canons and 
 Laws by Proxy ; 'tis thought the Canons may make it more practicable 
 than the law, because of our Act of Uniformity, which is enacted by 
 law, and Lord Chancellor's doubts arise from thence ; but there is to 
 be another meeting on that subject ; but at the worst the procuration 
 may be made here, and the Church of England ceremony performed 
 abroad. 
 
 You will have seen I suppose in the Gazettes last post, that Admiral 
 Vernon had taken Porto Bello and that a vast sum was offered him to 
 compound for the effects. The first part was believed and yesterday an 
 express arrived from him . . . with letters of January 13th. He 
 came before Porto Bello the 6th and having taken the first fort called the 
 Iron Cross, he sailed to attack the two others called the Glory and 
 Jeronymo, which guarded the entrance to the town on each side, where- 
 
44 
 
 Trevor MSS. upon the Governor agreed to capitulate, and on honourable terms to 
 surrender the town, to which the Admiral agreed, and he has taken 40 
 large brass cannon, besides other field pieces, all which, after having 
 demolished the forts, he carried to Jamaica, and the town ... is 
 quite open and accessible, which without doubt by the moderate 
 behaviour of the Admiral will open a free trade between Jamaica and 
 Panama. He took in the harbour two 20 gun ships one snow and five 
 sloops, and although he has got no great riches, yet he got enough to 
 afford a division of 10,000 dollars among his seamen." 
 
 Lord Harrington to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, March 14[-25]. Whitehall.— " The persons who will 
 deliver you this letter are two Greek priests of a convent in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Athens, who having behaved themselves during their stay 
 here in a manner to gain the esiime (sic) and commendation of all 
 those who have had occasion to converse with them particularly of 
 his Grace, the Archbishop of Canterbury, I could not refuse them 
 this line of introduction to you, upon their acquainting me with their 
 intention of paying their respects to you in their passage thro' Holland 
 towards their own country." 
 
 M. de Harle to the Same. 
 
 1740, March 25. Maestricht. — Stating that he was a French Pro- 
 testant who had left France ten years ago on account of religion, and 
 had entered a Dutch regiment, but had been obliged from ill-health to 
 return to his native air, that one of his relations, Pierre de Joncourt, 
 was under the protection of a Milord, at the head of a manufactory of 
 linen and thread in Ireland, that conversing secretly with his country- 
 men of the pleasure of living under the government of these happy 
 Provinces where the public exercise of their religion is permitted tliey 
 agreed, but said that it was necessary they should be able to gain their 
 livelihood, that the land in Holland was not fit for growing the materials 
 for their manufacture, which is one of the fairest branches of French 
 trade, that thereupon he told them he had read an account of Virginia, 
 which, if true, was a country that would suit them perfectly, that on 
 consulting they determined to send a person of confidence to examine 
 the quality of the land there, the meadows, and the waters, and selected 
 him for the purpose, and that he had accepted the mission, and desiring 
 permission to take wine for his consumption on the voyage without 
 paying duty, and also to be naturalised, and to have some commission 
 as a king's officer, not for the sake of the emolument, but solely for the 
 name, and the protection of the Governor to enable him to make his ob- 
 servations with safety. " I hope also to ascertain if the 7, or 800 French, 
 which the late King William of glorious memory caused to be transported 
 there at his expense in 1699 and 1700 are well established, on the James 
 river, at a place called Monacan." Knowing that passengers have been 
 harshly treated, I should wish the opportunity of a passage on a man of 
 war. As for the families who would go there, if things there turn out 
 to be as they hope, they only desire "une protection naturalize " and 
 for ten years exemption from all taxes. In French. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1739-40, March 21 [-April 1]..—" Nothing has been mentioned 
 relating to the army this great while. Sir W. Yonge has been extremely 
 
45 
 
 ill. Sir R[obert] W[alpole], if he begins, is told he does not under- Trevor MSSv 
 stand these matters and all vacancies of regiments at home are so at a 
 standstill that I believe the competitors aud promises are almost 
 forgot." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740. March 25[-April 5]. Cockpit.— " All things are preparing 
 for Princess Mary's espousals ; but when she will set out, what route 
 she will take, how far she will go, &c. I cannot yet tell. All I know is, 
 but that's not yet declared, that the D[uke] of D[orse]t will wait upon 
 her Royal Highness to the place of her being delivered into the hands 
 of the Hessians. As to the rest nothing will be, I believe, precisely 
 known, until another journey shall be absolutely determined and 
 declared. It is, between you and me, fixed in the mind of one person, 
 and God knows whether any change can be made, and what may be the 
 consequence if we remain positive, but this to yourself alone." 
 
 Thomas Robinson to the Same. 
 
 1740, April 9. Vienna. — " According to advices from Rome the 
 Pretender's eldest son had been invited to Spain, but he refused to 
 go unless provided with the passport and safeguard of France through 
 the French dominions, which passport had been demanded of France." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740, April 4[-15]. — "I can't think the Hie Lemnam is laid aside; 
 should it be serious I shall not be of the party, but it is not much talked 
 of at present on one side or other, but is certainly determined in the 
 breast of one, either for the negative or affirmative. When the last 
 word will be given no one can certainly tell." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, April 15[-26]. — "I have obtained leave for you to remit to 
 La Roche 200/., and since you have advanced the money to Ventidius 
 you may draw upon my brother for 200/. more. ... I am 
 extremely sorry at the uneasiness of our friend Bentinck on account of 
 his mother's affair with Lord Pembroke. But I am now to tell you in 
 great confidence that although his Lordship has been very boisterous 
 and not extremely civil in his conduct towards her, yet she has been 
 both untractable, and imprudent with regard to her own interest, for 
 upon hearing counsel on both sides at the Treasury, it appeared to my 
 brother, that the Act of Parliament relating to grants from the Crown, 
 had not been pursued in the grant made to her Ladyship, and in one 
 strong and particular point which Lord Pembroke's counsel had not 
 hit upon. Sir R[obert] W[alpole] said nothing but has often since 
 intimated to her by persons of quality, her near relations, his private 
 and concealed opinion, advising her to come to some reasonable accom- 
 modation, by allowing Lord Pembroke so much of the terrace as lies 
 immediately before his windows, and by getting a confirmation of her 
 former grant with some additional advantage, but she would give not 
 the least attention to anything of that nature, and this has been the 
 reason why this matter has laid still ; since which Lord Pembroke has 
 been extremely busy and earnest for some decision, and his counsel 
 Fazakerly and Murr[a]y, have upon a stricter examination laid their 
 
46 
 
 Trevor MSS. finger at last upon my brother's observation, and connecting it with 
 — other points in the grant compared with the Act of Parliament have 
 
 given it under their hands that Lady Portland's grant is void, and 
 1 am told that both the Attorney and Solicitor General are of the same 
 opinion, as well as Mr. Scrope of the Treasury, who has been the 
 greatest advocate for Lady Portland, and you know very well, that 
 female passion, and positiveness, or blood aro not respected by the law ; 
 and as to the thing itself which was the original dispute, it is but a 
 trifle to Lady Portland but of vast consequence toXord Pembroke, for it 
 relates to that part of the terrace which lies immediately before Lord 
 Pembroke's house towards the Thames, and her Ladyship by planting 
 trees upon it, had by their growing up, entirely blinded his Lordship's 
 house on that side. What will be the end of it now I can't tell, but 1 
 am afraid between you and me that her Ladyship has carried her 
 resentment so far as to wound herself instead of her adversary ; I believe 
 there is a disposition still to put matters upon a reasonable foot, but she 
 is so vain, that nobody can tell how to speak to her without being 
 suspected of being her enemy ; at present I don't know what you can 
 possibly say to our friend Bentinck. Upon the separation of the 
 Parliament this thing will and must be immediately considered, Lord 
 Pembroke will push it, knowing now his advantage, which he did not 
 sometime since, with the utmost warmth, and if I find room to say 
 anything that may accommodate matters, without burning my fingers to 
 no purpose, I will let you know it. . . . You may depend upon it 
 there is not the least foundation for a treaty of peace with Spain ; not 
 the least intimation or surmise for a negotiation has passed either on one 
 side or the other. . . . We have heard nothing of the journey 
 lately." 
 
 Extract from a letter from Kome. 
 
 1740, April 30. — From several interviews that Lord Dunbar, the 
 Pretender's confidant, has had with the French Cardinals at the 
 Conclave, and from a long conference of the Due de St. Aignan with 
 the Pretender it is inferred that the French are pressing the Pretender 
 to send his son into France immediately, and that the Pretender does not 
 wish to decide without some assurance from the French that something 
 will be given to his son in case the designs on England fall through. 
 In French. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Kobert Trevor. 
 
 1740, April 29[-May 10]. — "We have been in a great agitation 
 about the journey. It is known but by few, and altho' the Chief seems 
 determined for it, I do not think it absolutely certain, but it will not be 
 mentioned in the speech. . . . There has been and is still a good 
 deal of motion about the D[uke] of A[rgy]le's behaviour; considei'ing 
 his and his brother's power in Sco[tlan]d, it was resolved to let him 
 have the command of a camp this summer, for there will be three 
 encampments. The King acquainted him with it himself, he accepted 
 it, but has since insisted that by the title of Marshal he should be called 
 Commander-in-chief of all the forces. This has been refused by his 
 Majesty with indignation, and I suppose a reconciliation with his Grace 
 is absolutely become impracticable. . . . We are persuaded that no 
 squadron of ships have joined from Ferroll those of Cadiz, because 
 those from the first place which are about half of any in readiness on 
 that side were fitted out to cruise upon our trade and one of them of 70 
 
47 
 
 guns having sailed to intercept our convoy from Oporto fell in with teevor mss. 
 
 five of our men of war, and has been taken after a desperate fight with 
 
 three of them, and they are all just arrived at Spithead. The Spaniard 
 
 (whose men I suppose were Biscayers) made a gallant defence. . . . 
 
 The hartychoaks (artichokes) in this country are all destroyed. Are 
 
 there any left in Holland and can any plants be sent over from 
 
 thence hither ? " 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, May 2[-13]. — " The D[uke] of Argyleis removed from all his 
 employments to the great joy of all the W[hi]gs, but that joy is quite 
 smothered with the great concern that affects all sorts of people, and 
 most those that are best intentioned, by his Majesty's declaration that he 
 will certainly go to Hanover, altho' all our intelligence from various 
 parts agree that the Cadiz squadron is put into Ferrol ; and the 
 Spaniards are resolved to make an attempt upon some of his Majesty's 
 dominions." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, May 6[-l7]. — "The resolution of going to Hanover continues 
 in an odd way. However the yachts are ordered and things are to be 
 in readiness this day sevennight. . . . The celebration of the 
 marriage or the espousals (for by our laws it seems proxy will not do, 
 and all must be done over again when they meet in person by a Church 
 of England Divine) will be performed on Thursday in the evening." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, May 13[-24]. Cockpit. — " My brother has been so fatigued 
 with business and chagrin on account of the journey and having 
 encountered many disagreeable shocks and reproofs in opposing it that 
 he has been a good deal out of order, but is very well this morning. All 
 our news seem to confirm the intelligence of the Cadiz squadron being 
 at Ferrol, and that the Spaniards meditate some expedition against us. 
 We have it not only from France but also from Italy ; and particularly 
 that the Pretender's sons, under pretence of going to shoot quails near 
 the seaside, are, at least one of them, to embark for Spain ; our friend 
 La Roche, as you will have observed, though ignorant of the design, 
 takes notice of that motion, which in my opinion strengthens our other 
 advices on that head. 
 
 But his Majesty despises all these advices, and is gone early this 
 morning for Gravesend, but the wind is I think at present contrary • 
 the best colour we can set upon this journey is the expected death of 
 the King of Prussia, and indeed I believe by an intelligence which 
 seems very good he can't hold out long, although Hop by GinckePs 
 accounts fancies otherwise, but we are better informed and know that 
 even the French minister at Berlin has given him over. If we should 
 make a right use of this death I think we should upon our return home 
 stop the sound of all clamour, but we shall pass some compliments at 
 first, have for a little while a sort of a domestic friendship, and in a few 
 months old jealousies and rivalships will revive, when in my poor 
 opinion the future security of Europe will depend upon that crisis, and 
 our gaining or not gaining the new King of Prussia, but I have done 
 and hope I am a bad prophet. 
 
48- 
 
 Trevor mss. ■"■ did not intend, that you should buy me any artichoke plants when I 
 
 — wrote to you, before I knew whether there were any preserved in 
 
 Holland and what they would cost, because the season for raising them 
 
 is for this year past, and I hope that I have some left in my garden, 
 
 although my brother has lost all his." 
 
 Postscript. — " Our master has absolutely refused Saurin's petition, 
 abusing his father and the whole race. However, if Mr. Obdham will 
 write me a letter, we will make another attempt, when the King shall 
 be at Hanover and in better humour than when he went from hence." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1 740, May 24. Florence. — " The news from . . . Rome, keep 
 me in constant alarm, as I have had lately great reason to suspect the 
 elopement of the Pretender's eldest son. It is certain they are in hopes 
 of sending him somewhere very soon which, with many circumstances I 
 have been informed of, convince me that they believe it, so that unless 
 the family itself be imposed upon, one might be in expectation of seeing 
 the execution of it. The old Pope, before he died, told the Pretender 
 that both Spain and France meant nothing by their great promises 
 to him, that they made a tool of him to answer their own ends, and yet I 
 believe Cardinal Tencin still makes him believe the contrary. A medal 
 has lately been struck for the eldest boy which by the greatest accident I 
 discovered with Hunc saltern everso juvenem for the motto, the end of 
 the First Georgic. 
 
 The dissensions run to the greatest height in the Conclave, so that 
 Cardinal Albano wrote word last week that they were as far from an 
 election as when they first assembled. All agree that Corsini's party is 
 demolished. 
 
 I have this instant heard a great piece of news for this country which 
 will destroy all the reports of the Island of Corsica falling into the 
 hands of Spain in the person of Don Philip, which this Government so 
 much dreaded. General Wachtendonck has very lately received orders 
 in conjunction with M. de Traun, to prepare six battalions and some 
 hundred Hussars to pass into Corsica under the command of a person of 
 equal rank with M. de Maillebois, who is to remain there with a like 
 number of French." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740, May 26 [-June 6]. Woolterton. — "I find my artichokes are 
 not all dead, and therefore you need not give yourself any more trouble 
 on that score. ... I send you enclosed an extract of a letter I have 
 received from my most intelligent friend upon the proposal of your 
 Leyden projector, relating to the art of pulling wool from the sheep, so 
 that I imagine you must discharge his expectations of any encourage- 
 ment from hence." 
 Enclosed ; 
 
 John Gurney to Horatio Walpole. 
 
 1740, May 23 [-June 3]. Norwich. — " As to the proposal made by 
 the Dutchman . . . relating to a discovery of a manner of 
 pulling the wool from the sheep skins in a way more beneficial 
 to the manufacture than what we are already acquainted with, 
 I believe there is nothing in it, but a project of the man to get 
 some money ... for the reward of his discovery. I confess 
 
49 
 
 myself not much acquainted with the manner of working skin Trevor MSS. 
 wools, that is, wool pulled from the skin of fat sheep after 
 they are killed, . . . but we don't esteem that sort of wool 
 so good when made info yarns as what is made from fleece wool, 
 . . . nor do we use it in our sort of manufactures, unless 
 the yarn maker deceives us, and sometimes they do, by mixing 
 skin wool and fleece wool and working them together, but it is 
 always a prejudice to the goods to be made of such materials. 
 But in the Bay manufacture about Colchester and Bockington 
 and in several fabrics of goods made in the West of England they 
 use skin woof but I don't remember to have heard them complain 
 of any want of skill in the pulling it, though I know they prefer 
 some soits, but then it is because the nature of the wool is better, 
 and not because thev have any peculiar art in separating it from 
 the skin." 
 Extract. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, June 7[-18]. Woolterton. — "So much good and bad depends 
 upon the sort of understanding that shall happen between our master 
 and the present King of Prussia, with respect to private pretensions 
 and public good ; that I know what I wish, nay I can almost tell what 
 may be done, but am entirely at a loss to guess what is like to be done ; 
 being apprehensive that the narrow views and jealousies of one 
 particular country will get the better of the more solid and extensive 
 interests relating to the public 5 although I think I can prove that even 
 the peace and security of that particular country depends upon pursuing 
 on this occasion what the public interest requires. Had the K[in]g 
 some years since, as was most earnestly recommended to him, and even 
 by his Hanover ministers, concuired in and supported the scheme by 
 his credit and good offices for making the succession of Ostfrise a 
 feminine fief, and that had been settled before the death of the late 
 King of Prussia, the jarrring disputes on account of that pretension 
 might have been over, and had he had at the same time shoAvn a good 
 disposition towards procuring for Prussia some part of Bergue, without 
 any additional strength in conjunction with the States, things might 
 have been so settled before his late Prussian Majesty's death, or in such 
 a forwardness as to have facilitated a stricter friendship and alliance 
 with the new King than was indeed possible to complete with the last ; 
 but instead of that, France certainly made some treaty, and stipulated, 
 not an actual guaranty I believe, but the strongest good offices with the 
 Palatine family for procuring some part of, or some satisfaction for the 
 succession of Bergh and Juliers to that of Brandenburgh, and although 
 the Cardinal would not in the defensive alliance to be made, actually 
 guarantee the reversion of Ostfrise, he showed himself in that negotiation 
 much disposed towards favouring the Prussian pretensions, and I don't 
 doubt but if his Eminence had thought he could have depended upon the 
 constancy of the late King of Prussia, he would have gone much 
 farther, and therefore 'tis not to be doubted but he will immediately 
 go as far with his present Prussian Majesty as he did with his father, 
 and if his character for steadiness and courage joined with the temp- 
 tation of interest in points so essential (wherein I am afraid we shall 
 appear cool) should incline him to hearken to the Cardinal's flattery and 
 invitation, I am persuaded his Eminence, in order gain such a power from 
 us, and such an additional strength to France with respect to the North 
 and South, will not stick at satisfying one way or other that Prince, who 
 as Elector of Brandenburgh will never yield to, or be governed by the 
 O 77960. D 
 
50 
 
 Trevor mss. Elector of Hanover, although he will have the greatest deference for 
 
 — the King of Great Britain, and if sought for by us in that quality would 
 
 perhaps, on proper considerations, enter into the strictest alliance with 
 
 his Britannic Majesty upon the foot of preserving the liberties of 
 
 Europe. 
 
 What are these considerations you will ask ; although they will only 
 prove the imaginary effects of my brain I will hint them to you. 
 
 I don't doubt but the immediate relation and apparent friendship will 
 soon let the King into the knowledge of what had passed with France 
 relating to Bergh and Juliers, and I think the engagements of France 
 are of such a nature and so moderate that his Majesty should make no 
 difficulty of going as far as France had done, and in case of a war go 
 much farther. 
 
 The next great point is that of the succession of Ostfrise, to which 
 the King of Prussia has certainly a better title than the Elector of 
 Hanover. Although I am persuaded that the pretension of a feminine 
 fief is still better than either, France has certainly given as yet nothing 
 but fair words on this article, and this point should be forthwith put 
 into a course of negotiation, to see whether his Prussian Majesty may 
 be brought to come into an accommodation, and agree to the succession 
 in the female line, in a matter that will give great jealousy to all the 
 neighbouring powers and states, should it fall into the hands of a 
 considerable potentate. I am very apprehensive that this will not 
 satisfy his Prussian Majesty, his own ministers (some of which France 
 will certainly gain) and the intrigues of France, joined with the opinions 
 that the professors in Holland have given to his father in support of his 
 .pretensions to this reversion, will not suffer a young active Prince to 
 give them up by altering (as he wilUcall it) the course of succession 
 without any consideration at all. What is then to be done ; why, it is 
 to be considered that the maritime powers, who were formerly able by 
 their own strength and money in purchasing foreign troops to check 
 the power of France, are so greatly involved in debt, and so reduced 
 (especially the States) that they will never be able to make the same 
 efforts on their own bottom again; they must have some additional 
 strength, and a supplemental power in proportion to their weakness and 
 the increased strength of France. Nothing of that nature can offer but 
 _ftussia and Prussia, and I think one alone will not be sufficient, nay, 1 
 am of opinion that we shall never be able to get the Czarina (for reasons 
 that are obvious) without making sure of the King of Prussia, and we 
 shall never secure the King of Prussia without making him find his 
 particular interest, besides acting purely upon that of the public ; and 
 we must not be content to have him upon that foot only on which his 
 father and grandfather were engaged in the two last great wars, which 
 was only to furnish troops to be paid by the maritime powers, we are 
 not able to dc that now, but we must make him part of our defensive 
 alliance by mutual guaranties, that is, that he shall on occasion of any 
 war with France take a part with us, and furnish his proportion of 
 troops in tl<e beginning of, as well as during the war, and as he will 
 never think himself so immediately affected with the danger of France, 
 as the maritime powers must be, without some temptation or con- 
 sideration, I don't see what can be sufficient for that purpose, but 
 supporting his pretensions to Ostfrise, taking care to have it done in 
 such a manner, that the people of Embden, and the Dutch garrison may 
 be maintained, as well as the commerce there, upon the foot they were 
 established, and continued for many years. I see several possible in- 
 conveniences that may arise from any plan of this nature, but nothing 
 equal to the advantages we shall obtain from having the King of 
 
51 
 
 Prussia on the foot I propose, or to the disadvantages of his being: Trevor MSS. 
 
 gained by France, and lie is too considerable a power not to be engaged 
 
 more or less on one side or other. Our real friends in Holland, although 
 
 they dare not speak out, can't, when they consider their condition and 
 
 ours, and the neighbourhood and power of France, be in their hearts 
 
 against a plan." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, June 21[-Juiy 2]. Woolterton. — " I have nothing but acknow- 
 ledgements to send you from hence, except I would give you an account 
 of the disposition of people here in their politics, which, without entering 
 into particulars, is in our Metropolis as well as can be desired towards 
 the Government, and the administration, and in the whole county better 
 than I expected, in so much that had we resolved to have set up two 
 persons at the next county election I am persuaded we should have 
 carried it for both, but a compromise which has been settled is best of 
 all, because of peace and quiet, and because our enemies here are broken 
 into pieces by it; but all this is nothing to you, but it is natural to talk 
 of the business of the place where we reside. 
 
 I am glad to hear that Lord Harrington has undertaken to venture 
 to serve you; his lordship is certainly well with his Majesty, but he has 
 things I know to ask for himself, which have hitherto been refused ; but 
 the native air of Hanover, the attention of the subjects to please, and 
 the good humour in consequence of it, may afford favourable minutes for 
 requests, and you may depend upon it that nothing in your behalf will 
 meet with any difficulty here, but all possible forwardness and encourage- 
 ment from my brother. 
 
 I am glad to hear that things look so well between Hanover and 
 Berlin. But although I have a very great respect for the mediatress as to 
 her disposition, I have no opinion of her conduct, she has never yet 
 succeeded. Besides I apprehend that a reconciliation in this way will 
 only relate to family concerns, which is a poor narrow view ; we want, 
 I mean Europe, England, and Hanover want, a political union and inti- 
 macy, and as the safety of England depends upon the balance of Europe, 
 I think I can demonstrate that the security of Hanover, and the 
 possessions belonging to it depend upon both ; here I fix my point of 
 view, and shall date the duration of our apparent friendship with Berlin 
 upon the measures pursued for this end. 
 
 These measures will fix or unfix Sweden, Russia and Denmark, and 
 check or let France loose against us in the present great juncture of 
 affairs. 
 
 As to the notion prevailing with you of our being tired of the war, it 
 is made current here I suppose with the same views, and by the same 
 sort of politicians, and you may depend upon it there is at present no 
 manner of foundation for it, which you may assert not in confidence only 
 but with open assurance ; and if what the King's servants say, and all 
 our preparations, operations and expenses will not remove such a 
 groundless impression, I don't see any remedy ; we must go on to act our 
 best, and they must go on to be incredulous, until time and events 
 
 undeceive them We shall take the King of Denmark's declaration 
 
 to us in so sincere a manner as to go on and pay him the subsides, although 
 we know (between you and me) for certain, that he has given the most 
 explicit declaration to France, that as soon as our three years are expired 
 he will make a subsidiary treaty with that Crown, ?o that we shall, with 
 our eyes open, pay for keeping up the troops, which France will have the 
 use of, for I reckon by that time that it is likely that France (for the 
 
 D 2 
 
52 
 
 Trevor MSS. Cardinal is now 90 years old) will enter the list of the present disturb- 
 ances, unless prevented by a proper union between us and Berlin with 
 other Protestant powers." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1740, July 5. Florence. — " My correspondent who is very frequently at 
 Albano with the Pretender's family acquaints me by the last post, that on 
 the 25th of June a gentleman believed Irish departed for France in a great 
 hurry, but by being over cautious omitted his name. Captain Melwind, a 
 Scotchman, passed by Florence lately, having left his ship at Ancona, to 
 be brought to Leghorn under the Pope's colours. That person stayed 
 some time at Rome where he constantly frequented the Pretender's 
 people, and boasted that their schemes were now so well founded that 
 they could not fail of success. Such discourses are constantly among 
 the servants and adherents of that family, though, except this particular, 
 everything there appeared quiet. The Prince of Craon has assured a 
 person in confidence that whilst he was at Rome, the Pretender told 
 him, that as the present war with Spain was a national quarrel, he would 
 not seek to take advantage of it, and he had resisted strong solicitations 
 of the court of Madrid to send his son thither. . . . There is no 
 making any judgment when the Conclave may be at an end, though the 
 Cardinals seem tired of their confinement now the hot weather is come 
 on. It is generally believed if Cardinal Cenci had lived a very little longer 
 that he would have been chosen. Last week there was every appearance 
 of their making choice of Cardinal Firrau (?) ; many of the cardinals had 
 complimented him upon the resolution and some had begun to unfurnish 
 their apartments, but the next morning when they came to a scrutiny 
 he wanted three votes. 
 
 Postscript. — Since I have wrote the above I have a letter from Rome 
 which says that the Scotchman was to stop at * and then proceed 
 
 to Scotland. This resolution was taken upon their having received 
 letters from Spain. The Duke of Ormonde wrote them word that the 
 Spanish fleet had express command to seek his Majesty's and to engage 
 them." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, July 26. Florence. — " Everything appears quiet at Rome with 
 regard to the Pretender's family ; in the Conclave it is quite the contrary, 
 where the most scandalous disorders daily happen. The last letters 
 from thence say that Cardinal Acquaviva is now quite detached , from 
 the Albani party and is gone over to that of Corsini, vWiich will make 
 the latter's interest very strong. The enmity between Albani and 
 Corsini is so great that it is no wonder the struggle is as great, as the 
 latter foresees his entire ruin if a creature of the former should be made 
 Pope. 
 
 Postscript. — Mr. H. Walpole has been with me for near a month and 
 proposes to stay the whole summer." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740, July 21[-August 1]. Woolterton. — "Another thing which 
 lays upon my spirits . . is the uneasiness my dear friend 
 Bentinck is under on account of the squabble between his mother and 
 
 * Blank in original. This postscript and most of the letter are in cypher, and the 
 symbol for the place referred to is not deciphered. 
 
53 
 
 Lord Pembroke. The great regard for him in particular joined with a Teevoe MSS. 
 real respect for her and her relations and friends here, which, besides the 
 Royal daughters, are many of them extremely good to my brother, made 
 him use all possible management and tenderness for her Ladyship by all 
 ways. But she and indeed her relations of the feminine gender would 
 hear no reason, and she would be in such passions with those of our sex 
 that they were forced to shrug up their shoulders and desire not to be 
 employed, after one attempt, in the affair. The law she said was on her 
 side, and she would abide by it, but now it proves otherwise, the inten- 
 tion of the grant is with her, and that defect should be made up by a 
 new one notwithstanding the great injury it may be to another and no 
 good to her besides gratifying her revenge against Lord Pembroke. Can 
 a minister of State make her Ladyship's resentment to a particular 
 person that may have used her uncivilly the rule of his advice and 
 aetions? ... I will not conceal from you any longer that my 
 brother Walpole has recommended me to succeed Lord Onslow as Teller 
 of the Exchequer for life as all the other three Tellers are ; my name 
 has made, I suppose, the equivoke relating to my nephew." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, August 2[-13]. Houghton.— " Should the Princess of Ost- 
 Frise bring forth a Prince it would be a most fortunate event, for I 
 learn in confidence that the Prussian Minister at Hanover, who I look 
 upon to be that king's favourite, has begun to move towards an alliance 
 with us, the conclusion of which upon a right loot would I think at 
 this juncture be the most advantageous measure in all respects that 
 could fall out, and therefore I can't imagine that his Prussian Majesty 
 has any thoughts of making a tour in France, since it is more than 
 probable that he has already sounded that Court how far he may in 
 consequence of Mr. Luiscius' negotiation with Fenelon depend upon 
 their assistance in favour of his pretensions to Bergh and Juliers, and 
 that has not received a satisfactory answer." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Theodore, Baron de Neuhoff, so called 
 King of Corsica. 
 
 1740, August 18. The Hague. — Stating that he had forwarded his 
 last letters to their addresses, and that he had been ordered to inform 
 him that they were not inclined to meddle with the affair in question, 
 and that they adhered to the resolution which they had caused to be 
 communicated to him. In French. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1740, August [10-21]. Woolterton. — "As to those vacancies in the 
 Guards, . . . Lord H[arringto]n being at Hanover will give the 
 turn of the scale in favour of the person he likes, for the King often tells 
 Sir R[obert] he does not understand the army, nor who is proper to be 
 promoted there." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, August 23 [-September 3]. Woolterton. — "I am sorry for 
 the cruelty there, it must needs tarnish the Czarina's reputation, but their 
 friendship in politics is absolutely necessary to us, especially since I do 
 not find that we are like to do much with the Court of Prussia. The 
 old Ministry still subsists there, and they will consequently pursue their 
 
54 
 
 Tbsvor MSS. old measures, which are confined to little low selfish cunning, playing 
 fast and loose with all courts and concluding nothing great or solid, and 
 their present king although he has not the bad qualities of his father has 
 no very good ones, at least no great ones from what I can learn at this 
 distance ; I heard that before his father's death he wrote a copy of verses 
 to Lord B[nltimo]re in praise of Liberty ; that might be a natural and 
 innocent amusement when he had nothing else of greater moment that he 
 dared to say or do, but whether he has corresponded since his accession 
 to the throne with that Lord I can't tell ; a poet will make but a pitiful 
 prince. I never apprehended that Sir L[uke] S[chau]b would have any 
 foreign politics to transact especially from France, but I was and am. 
 still jealous, if he continues at Hanover, of h's domestic intrigues amongst 
 the women to hurt the Ministry here at home, in which I believe he will 
 not be discouraged by Lord H[arringto]n, (but that between ourselves)." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1740, September 13. Florence. — " Cardinal Lambertini being chose 
 Pope is like to be attended with great changes in that State, and parti- 
 cularly in regard to the economy of it. He has already reduced a great 
 number of expenses, particularly in his own family, 80,000 crowns per 
 annum and allows only one zecchin a day for his table. Tt was thought 
 by the first steps that Cardinal Corsini would have a great share in the 
 management of affairs but now the opinion is different, and that Cardinal 
 Acquaviva has great weight. There is one Melari, a Bolognese gentle- 
 man, who was a great favourite with the Pope when Archbishop of that 
 place, who is soon to go to Rome and naturally will, as he has hitherto 
 done, engross his whole favour. 1 have learnt nothing new in regard to 
 the Pretender's family, though every day may bring some alteration." 
 
 Horatio Walfole to the Same. 
 
 1740, September 16[-27]. Cockpit. — The Prussian monarch's 
 " Manifest against the Bishop of Liege. . . is so full of points and 
 sentiments that one would think Voltaire and Aberrot and suck wits 
 were his chief ministers. But one thing, and a good one too, if he will 
 unite to us, 'tis plain he has ; that he will strike, which his father would 
 never do, but to tell you the truth and to you alone, I don't see we have 
 taken one proper step to gain him, and all that has hitherto passed and 
 has been wrote from H[anove]r on that head shows more the cunning 
 and art of a minister to avoid reproach than any lights or informations to 
 found an opinion upon here, while every post demands our opinion and 
 advice. In short if Prussia cannot or will not be had, I think England 
 first and in consequence Europe will be lost, and if we could have 
 Prussia, I think we could make France tremble once more." 
 
 The Same to the Same, 
 
 1740, September 23[-October 4]. Cockpit. — "I think all is at 
 stake ; the whole power of France employed jointly with that of Spain 
 against England without a special Providence will prevail ; nothing but 
 a diversion upon the Continent can save us, and that diversion cannot 
 be had without the Emperor and the States, and the Emperor and the 
 States cannot stir without a supplemental aid of men and money which 
 cannot be had without Prussia and Russia, and we shall never have the 
 last without the first, and I am afraid we have taken not one step to have 
 Prussia that is likely to succeed by all that I have seen." 
 
55 
 
 The S\mk to the Same. TrevorMS^ 
 
 1740, September 30[-October 11]. Cockpit. — As Lord Harrington 
 must be sensible that the Dutch " will be brought to do nothing with- 
 out a greater security against France than thej can find from their 
 own strength, and that the K[in]g will do nothing with the King of 
 Prussia for reasons I don't understand, and which I am sorry to say, 
 I hear Lord H[arringto]n approves extremely in order to make his 
 C[our]t; T say this being the case, it will naturally lead his Lordship 
 to give into the scheme of a neutrality, though it will be difficult to 
 bring it about, or even to set it on foot, but should it be possible with 
 honour to get it upon the tapis, on some such condition as you men- 
 tion if the French should refuse them, the Dutch as well as all the 
 world must be convinced of the dangerous views of France. But T 
 desire you will never name me in any notion of politics whatsoever 
 to his Lordship because I have certain indication of his not being my 
 friend, I could say more, but I can't forbear adding that notwith- 
 standing his own self-conceit and vanity, he has more obligations ta 
 me than perhaps any man ever had to another, on account of his title, 
 of his being in the great station he is, and particularly for his not 
 being removed out of it for two years together, which was entirely 
 owing to me : but this between ourselves. I shall act with caution as 
 to my opinion in public affairs, and with so much prudence as to 
 conceal the reason for it. 
 
 The wind is fair for the fleet to sail for the "West Indies consisting 
 of 28 large men-of-war ; but I find there seems to be some doubt 
 whether the Toulon squadron is gone thither. It was seen off Malaga 
 the 2-13 instant, and we have no news since of its further progress. 
 Should that fleet have had orders not to go, and all ours be sent to 
 America, we shall be in a sad condition at home, for although we have 
 yet a certain number [of] ships, we have no way to get sailors, the 
 Parliament will not come into any forcible measures for listing sailors; 
 and the old way of pressing is resisted by the mariners to such a 
 stubborn and resolute degree that the press gangs have got no more 
 than 200 men out of GOO that are come home in the East India ships. 
 This puts me in mind to speak more seriously about being furnished 
 with seamen from Holland, this is the time of year for their sailors 
 to come home, and must be had at this season if at all, I therefore 
 hinted to you whether the States could let us have any ships ready 
 equipped and manned ; and I would have you now enquire farther into 
 this matter, as to the possibility of getting sailors only from Holland, 
 or if that is not possible whether they can let us have, for example, ten 
 or twenty large men of war, complete in all respects ; and at what price, 
 by computing the whole according to the rate or tonnage, &c. and in 
 what time ; for as they are obliged to furnish us with twenty men of war 
 according to the treaty of 1678-9, may not that be done, and we pay 
 for them, as we did for the 6,000 men sent into England by virtue of 
 the Barrier treaty ? But these are crude and indigested thoughts and 
 it is not worth the while to reduce them into a plan, because as well 
 with respect to what may be done or should be attempted in Holland, 
 as also in other courts my advice, if known to be mine, will never be 
 followed, though ever so just, and if not just, or not relished although 
 just, they will be made use of to my disadvantage ; however I fling 
 things out in confidence to you. His Prussian Majesty is certainly of 
 an odd composition, he seems resolved to have it thought that he does 
 every thing himself, and therefore will not be advised by those that 
 
56 
 
 Trevor MSS. appear to be his ministers, but lie will have a bel esprit or two by him 
 
 under the notion of passing with them his idle hours, he will draw up 
 
 everything himself and take their correction in private and even advice 
 in the weightiest affairs, which he will make his own, and order his 
 ministers to execute it without any reasoning or variation. The way 
 therefore to get him would be to have a person about him, that by his 
 turn and humour may get well with these petits maitres en sciences, and 
 by a powerful argument prevail with them to lead the King of Prussia 
 to the point and views we desire, but this can't be done without letting 
 him see some advantage relating to the affair of Berg and Juliers by our 
 assistance, which we are resolved not to do, for (by-the-bye and in great 
 confidence) he has been lately inquisitive about a certain will, v/hich Avill 
 scarce be forgiven. Had we once at Berlin a petit maitre too of 
 condition and parts, and of a certain taste, to which I imagine his 
 Prussian Majesty is addicted, we might gain some footing there, by 
 the means of those favourites which I believe, especially one of them, has 
 the same taste, and in the mean time, although the Czarina and Count 
 Biron seem well intentioned for finishing (?) a treaty with us, yet I am 
 persuaded that Count Osterman will never suffer it to be concluded with- 
 out our having hopes of getting the King of Prussia, for which he has 
 plainly offered his good offices, but Mr. Finch receives no answer on 
 that head ; but could he, I say, receive proper instructions on that 
 point, and orders to suggest the gaining of the Elector of Saxony by the 
 means of Russia, and to make, upon some thing to be allotted to him for 
 his pretensions to Berg and Juliers, that Prince a party to the treaty, 
 I own I could see some glimmering light for our forming an alliance, to 
 which the Emperor, and the Protestant Princes of the Empire and at 
 
 . last even the States may accede Between you and me I 
 
 am surprised at "your friends in Holland" desiring to send any money 
 hither, for if there is no diversion by a land war upon the Continent, 
 and we have no security against an invasion from France besides our 
 own strength, and the whole strength of France is to be employed 
 against us, as is likely . . . for our present allies can't help us, and 
 we are resolved to seek or get no new ones, I say, I am afraid that by 
 next spring or summer, the seat of the war will be in this island. 
 The best thing you can do is to burn this as soon as read." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, October 3 [-14]. — "The condition of France will enable you 
 to frame a judgment of our being able alone to measure our arms 
 by sea only against that power without saying anything of the Spanish 
 maritime power. 
 
 The revenues of France are or at least were so when I was Ambassa* 
 deur there near ten millions sterling per annum without reckoning the 
 extraordinary dime. She maintained near 400,000 men by land in armies 
 out of her kingdom. In King William's war, when the forces of the 
 maritime powers acted jointly, they were scarce superior by sea to those 
 of France, who after the battle of La Hogue, where we had destroyed 17 
 large men-of-war, appeared the next year with a squadron of 90 men-of- 
 war : In Queen Anne's war the French fleets were equal to those of the 
 maritime powers ; and the latter never gained in any battle any con- 
 siderable advantage over the first ; the ill-success of France by land, 
 and their want of money to defend their own country, made them lay 
 aside the use of their maritime force ; and the loss of their ships at 
 Toulon brought their maritime strength very low, but the activity of 
 Mons r . Maurepas, who piques himself in making it equal, if not superior, 
 
57 
 
 both to ours and the Dutch, having gained of late years upon the Cardinal Trevor MSS. 
 
 to suffer a larger share of the revenues to be applied to that service, 
 
 has brought their naval power to be respected, and it will daily increase 
 
 by an extension of their commerce, and particularly that to the East 
 
 Indies, where they now employ almost 40 ships, and of those, ten from 
 
 60 to 70 guns, instead of three only in my time. 
 
 France has, I count, in regular troops about 140 or 150 m men, and 
 can raise GO m militia immediately to be kept in a manner for nothing. 
 
 If France, therefore, should employ the rest of their revenues, besides 
 what is applicable to their Civil List and to their land forces at present 
 on foot, against England, I will at first say by sea and land, I desire to 
 know why they will not be superior to us, the naval stores they will 
 constantly have from Holland or Sweden; their men on board their 
 merchant ships are all registered and must be had if called, for, while 
 we find the greatest difficulty in getting men, the Parliament will not 
 enable the Government's hands to have them, and the seamen that come 
 home in merchant vessels are taught and encouraged to resist, with 
 resolution and arms : the Admiralty could not get above 200 men out of 
 600 that lately arrived in our East India ships. 
 
 France will continue to say they mean no disturbance by land, at the 
 same time they will, as they actually do, bring forces down and quarter 
 them on the coast opposite to us; they will give us constant alarms 
 with various bodies, and if they meditate a descent either in Ireland, 
 Scotland, or on the coast of Wales, or in some of the more Western 
 parts, they will take care to have 5,000 men quartered on the frontiers 
 of Flanders, and as many in those towards the Rhine to keep those in 
 echec that may be willing but will not be in a condition to help us, until 
 perhaps it is too late, and this France after the Cardinal's death may do, 
 I am afraid, and declare they mean nothing against our Government or 
 against our treaties, as they now have the assurance to do with respect 
 to the works which they are raising at Dunkirk ; in the meantime, if 
 there be no neutrality established for Europe, will it be possible for us 
 to fit out and man sufficient fleets to defend at the same time, our 
 several and extensive coasts at home, Port Mahon (not to say anything 
 of Gibraltar, which is certainly impregnable by land though not so 
 strong by sea) and to be superior and make great conquests in America ? 
 I must own to you that if the revenues of France exceed ours so much, 
 and if their industry and application will be as great to increase their 
 maritime force, as their facility to do it is to me evident, I say I must 
 freely own that without a special partiality of Providence on our side I 
 do not see how we can cope with that nation, even by a maritime war 
 only, for besides their resources being greater, their situation with 
 respect to their maritime ports is much more convenient for them to 
 distress us by sea, both in Europe and America, than we can hope 
 to annoy them, not to say anything of the miserable weak condition of 
 our Islands in the West Indies ; and therefore I do not see what seems 
 clear to you, any likelihood of crushing their naval power, which I think 
 will increase by a war that shall be purely naval, and in proportion to 
 their strength at sea, they will be as able, if not abler, to disconcert our 
 commerce and credit as we can theirs ; and therefore I do not see any 
 probability of our carving some good slice out of America that may 
 secure a door and inlet for our commodities and manufacture into the 
 New World, on account of our scarce having strength enough to main- 
 tain our own dominions and commerce there from and to our Colonies. 
 There is one thing which if we can be able to do, would disable both 
 France and Spain to maintain long their maritime force, which is, if we 
 could hinder them from being furnished with salt provisions from 
 
58 
 
 Trevor mss. Ireland, and with fresh provisions from our northern Colonies ; for 
 theirfieets are now victualled by this means. Some endeavours are using 
 to stop that commerce from Ireland, but it will be difficult to compass. 
 
 I have heard several cry out, it is time to check the commerce with 
 France before it gets root, and to wonder how it comes about, that their 
 trade is grown so extensive. 
 
 I ask these people why the sparks fly upwards or two and two make 
 four, natural causes will produce their natural effects, have patience to 
 hear this bold assertion and comparison proved with respect to France. 
 
 France then is so situate for trade with respect to the Oe^an, 
 Mediterranean, &c. their subjects in all their various and extensive 
 coasts so industrious and as naturally fall into trade as a fish loves 
 water, their produce and growth as well as manufactures of various 
 sorts are so copious, that nothing but the arbitrary Government oi 
 France interposing can hinder France from being as great a commercial 
 nation as any other whatsoever, and there is no other mystery in their 
 becoming so, but only that the Comptroller General of the finances 
 should let the merchants alone, and never think of making any 
 alteration in the denomination of their money, but keep it constantly to 
 one value, and although their denomination should be of a greater 
 value than the intiinsic value of their coin to a certain degree, that is 
 although a Louis should pass in France for more livres than it is 
 really worth abroad, far from hurting (if the difference be not very 
 great, and care is taken to keep it always to the same price) it will 
 promote their trade, for it invites foreigners to go and buy their growth, 
 without being any prejudice to France, for this plain reason because the 
 growth of France for all necessaries of life is so great that they can 
 never have such a demand upon foreign countries as foreign countries 
 have upon them (excepting sometimes in corn), and as the Cardinal has 
 never suffered any variation in the money since he has been first 
 minister, and peace has continued, this has increased and must naturally 
 increase the trade of France ; and will continue to do so ; this indeed 
 was not the case formerly, and why ? for this plain reason, because 
 Louis the 14th had set his heart upon extending his dominions by land ; 
 his want of money made him constantly alter the value of the denomi- 
 nation, according as he was to receive or pay it, this constant variation 
 of the money confounded all trade, nobody knew what his money was 
 worth for a day together, nor what lie was to buy or sell goods for, and 
 therefore while Louvois, flatterfed] his master with the prospect of 
 universal monarchy, Colbert signed and groaned to see what an enemy 
 ambition was to commerce ; and therefore . . . the flux and reflux 
 of the trade of France has been and will always be according to the 
 more or less pressure of the Government. If the Government will let 
 their merchants alone, they will and must have in times of peace a most 
 extensive trade ; and if France has a mind to be the formidable power 
 by sea, without pushing conquests by land, I do not see how we can 
 hinder it ; without doubt a war will interrupt their trade as well as ours, 
 but must we be therefore in a perpetual war with France ; or must we 
 resolve to break every five or ten years with that nation, or in short 
 come to that plain point of Delenda est Carthago because we are 
 incompatible friends. I pray tell me which nation is like to be the 
 Carthago Delenda ; I leave you to determine. And therefore to tell 
 you the truth, I have no comfort in the present rupture with France, 
 and I see but one of two things to be done ; the first is a diversion by 
 land with powerful armies and allies. I think I see how that may be 
 done, but I don't see any one step taken towards setting it on foot, I 
 don't mean by that, that I flatter myself with doing any thing where 
 
59 
 
 you are ; I am of your opinion with regard to the present unavoidable Trevor MSS, 
 inaction of the States, if anybody could move them nobody has talents 
 equal to yours to be able to do it ; but their back should be first secured, 
 by such allies as I have formerly hinted ; the Emperor's accession might 
 follow, and the States after him, but these are empty notions of my 
 own ; piques and punctilios in those that should undertake it, flattery 
 and courtship in those that should but dare not advise it, make all such 
 imaginations vain, and from thence I am naturally led to the second 
 thing which is your notion of a neutrality, not as the best, but as 
 the only resource. But unless it be for all Europe, as well in the 
 Mediterranean and Straits as on this side, it would signify little ; and 
 lam afraid France will not consent to it on the extensive conditions 
 that are necessary, and if she does for some time, it would not be long 
 observed. However gaining some time is gaining something in this 
 juncture ; and if, as you hinted, something is to ba explained about 
 America, France will certainly insist upon our not keeping anything 
 that we may conquer there, if it is to [be] expected that they should 
 not take new possessions either by grant or conquest : this leads me to 
 the point, which is that those plausible expressions, no search, take and 
 hold, which are the points in view for this ruinous war, are pompous 
 chimerical words, for should we distress the Spaniards ever so much, 
 what security can we have for the future for no search besides verbal 
 articles, and therefore we must take and hold, but how shall we be able 
 to take, if France joins with Spain ? as I always thought she would, 
 and how should we by chance take, [should we] be able to hold against 
 France and all the world ? and therefore this is the only war which I 
 never saw a possibility of ending, with honour and satisfaction, by 
 gaining the ends proposed by the war, though attended with some 
 success ; while the hazard of innumerable mischiefs not only to our- 
 selves but even to all Europe, is and appeared from the beginning 
 obvious to those that has the least notion of our own or of the situation 
 of the rest of Europe ; but we are in, and we must go on as well as we 
 can, and with spirit and vigour, and I hope I have reasoned wrong ; and 
 that things may go better than I can from my poor reflexions promise 
 myself." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, October 7[-18]. Cockpit.—" The thought of hiring ships 
 from Holland arose purely on account of our want of sailors here or 
 rather of our not being able to get them, and that it would be very 
 difficult to get any from your side but as they are or might be actually 
 engaged on board the Dutch ships. If you could find any way for us by 
 a proper encouragement to entice those sailors which generally arrive 
 about this season of the year from various parts in the Dutch commerce, 
 to come into our service on board our ships, we shall have no occasion 
 for hiring any vessels, we can build fast enough. But the French will 
 certainly be more expeditious in manning theirs ■ and I think the more 
 I reflect upon it grow more powerful by sea, without our being able to 
 give them a diversion by land ; for it was their inabilities to supply 
 otherwise the expense of the last [war], that made them lay aside their 
 naval force ; and therefore a neutrality by land, could it be had, would be 
 asetdpis aller, and, unless we should be sure of being masters by sea, end 
 perhaps in a more certain destruction to us ; for should the French on a 
 sudden shock giyen us by sea attempt to invade us, and march at the 
 same time a body of troops towards Flanders, I can't see how our 
 friends in Holland, although ever so desirous, will be able to prevent a 
 
60 
 
 Trevor MSS. war * n tne ^ owe ^ s °^ tn i s nation, but I have said too much on this 
 — melancholy subject; which does not arise from imaginary fears but 
 
 from obvious possibilities according to the usual course of things, and 
 the nature of circumstances considered on all sides. 
 
 In the mean time I do heartily pity your disagreeable situation, but 
 as to the epoque of your misfortunes being dated from the ill undertaken 
 and worse supported measure of the Princess Royal's match, give me 
 leave to say, that if I had known so much, as I have since, relating to 
 the situation of affairs in Holland, and especially could have foreseen 
 the conduct of the Prince of 0[ran]ge, I should have wished it had 
 never been made, but believe me had his Highness followed any other 
 measures but what he has done from that time, and made King William's 
 behaviour his pattern and example, the time would have come, and 
 indeed is now coining, when he must have been, what he most earnestly 
 appeared and desired too hastily to be, and what he will now never be, 
 for believe me, his being now reduced to have not so much as one real 
 friend, but the Princess Royal herself, of consideration in any of the 
 Provinces, not even in that of his birth and inheritance, is by no means 
 owing to his being so ill supported from hence." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, October 14[-25]. Cockpit.—" The Sicilian] A[bbo]t that 
 remains of the two in France has desired me to send him a name by 
 which he may . . . address a letter to some person in Holland in case 
 of a rupture of peace, and he continuing at Paris may write by that 
 means to me. He has sent me [a] name by which I may write or remit 
 to him his usual allowance. I desire you will think some confident at 
 Rotterdam &c. for that purpose." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Guy Dickens. 
 
 1740, October 29. The Hague.--" The French Ambassador and all 
 the Catholic priests have fallen so foul upon Voltaire for certain passages 
 and sallies in the Anti-Machiavel which make free not only with some 
 of the heroes of Holy Writ, but (which I take it to be with them the 
 greater crime) with the Courts of Versailles and Rome, that the poor 
 man, to try to make his peace with such formidable and long-handed 
 enemies has published a second edition of that treatise with suitable 
 castrations and alterations. I believe indeed he may have been the 
 better entitled to take this liberty with this performance as I suspect 
 the boldest and most exceptional passages in it, especially the few which 
 those people tax with irreligion, to have been foisted in by himself. I 
 have indeed so far a quarrel with Voltaire myself, as he has not obliged 
 the public w r ith this valuable manuscript in the very same dress and 
 condition that he received it in." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1740, October 21 [-November 1]. Cockpit. — (The material part is 
 printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, i. p. 435, where it is 
 misdated 1741, with the following mistakes: — p. 435, line 19, for 
 "dulness" read "darkness"; line 25, insert "of" after "thinking"; 
 line 26, for "does" read "dares"; p. 436, line 2, for "to incur 
 displeasure " read " that can displease " ; lines 8 and 12, insert " done" 
 and "hiring" before "last" and "foreign"; lines 17, 19, 20, and 22, 
 for "that," "him," "Empire," and "this" read "their," "here," 
 
61 
 
 "Emperor," and "that"; p. 437, lines 13 and 17, for "here" and TbevorMSS. 
 " the " read " there " and " that." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 Same date. Florence. — " The Court of France has lately consented 
 that the Pretender should send his eldest son thither in consequence of 
 which a courier was sent back to Paris, on whose return to Rome he is 
 to depart. Murray and Fitzmorris are to accompany him to Avignon. 
 There to be left by the former to the D. of Ormond, who is to conduct 
 him to Paris. He adds that Fitzmorris, with whom he is very intimate, 
 and who has had the charge of making what few preparations were 
 necessary, told him that the courier was expected back by the middle of 
 November ; and that it was settled as yet the young man should go by 
 sea to Marseilles ; that, however, four post-chaises were prepared, but 
 would not, he believed, be made use of." Cipher. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740, November 13 [-24]. Cockpit. — "A report . . . is come 
 from our Consul at Ostend . . . dated the 21st N.S. as if the King 
 of Prussia was dead, being unfortunately killed by a fowling-piece that 
 accidentally went off in his coach, which would at this time be extremely 
 unlucky by reason of the good disposition he has lately shown of acting 
 in concert with us . . . and this disposition has been so luckily 
 improved here as to have made an impression and to obtain in a great 
 measure a suitable return." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, November 18[-29]. Cockpit.— "It seems the King of 
 Prussia has given such orders for generals, troops and artillery to be in 
 a readiness to march as alarms some, and causes various speculations in 
 others. I was in hopes when I wrote last, that we should be disposed 
 to enter with cordiality and confidence with that prince in consequence 
 of the handsome overture he made, but I have since perceived some- 
 thing that makes me quite despair of our taking so useful and season- 
 able measure. Some few of us meet and seem entirely to degree (?), but 
 a different language or at least deference governs some in the Closet 
 afterwards, but that's between you and me. I hope you burn all my 
 letters of this free nature for fear of accidents. . . . 
 
 " The House will be full. It has been doubted whether Mr. 
 P[ultene]y would be well enough to come this day, he having been out 
 of order in an ugly way the middle of last week, but as he has been 
 since abroad, I don't doubt of his being in the House. Sh[ip]pen is 
 not well enough to come to it. Sir J. B[arn]ard has absolutely refused 
 to be chosen for the next Parliament, but I suppose he will undoubtedly 
 attend this session." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, November 25[-December 6]. Cockpit. — " I waited upon the 
 King myself with Mr. Obdham's letter, and introduced it in the best 
 manner I could. His Majesty began to read it, but as soon as he came 
 to the word Saurin he would go no farther, and put himself in such a 
 heat and used such a disagreeable expression that I could not possibly 
 calm him, nor persuade him to read the letter through, which is indeed 
 full of so much submission and respect, conceived in such handsome 
 
62 
 
 Trevor MSS. terms towards the King, as must have made some impression, had not 
 — there been any question about money, and I was obliged soon to retire 
 
 by his Majesty making the first bow to me." 
 
 The Duke of Montagu, Master-General of the Ordnance, to 
 
 the Same. 
 
 1740, December 2[-13"|. London. — " We do not make use of any 
 machine to prove it, but the method is to lay as many parcels of powder 
 upon a long table as there are barrels to be proved, about the quantity 
 of a large thimble-full out of each barrel, and then these parcels are 
 fired one after another with a hot iron, and that powder of which the 
 flash is the brightest without having little lights in it like small sparks 
 of fire, that the smoke is the whitest and rises quickest in the most com- 
 pact cloud, and of which the puff the powder makes when it is fired 
 yields the smartest sound is esteemed the best powder, so that our 
 powder is really proved only by the eye and ear. . . I am ordered to 
 provide 10,000 barrels of powder in Holland, and tho' our powder 
 mills here are working as hard as they can it is absolutely requisite to 
 furnish our magazines that we should have that quantity from 
 Holland." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740, December 12 [-23]. Cockpit. — "The question debated the 
 first day in the Committee was upon the augumentation of 5,705 men to 
 be raised by new corps of marching regiments being part of 10,000 
 demanded, the remainder being afterwards proposed by way of Marines. 
 Some opponents argued against the necessity of any augmentation, but 
 the greatest part of the debate turned upon the manner of raising, which 
 they insisted upon was by increasing the regiments already raised with 
 private men, instead of new corps. The Secretary at War in opening 
 the whole state of the Army, the present disposition of it, the necessity 
 of the augmentation, and the utility of doing it by new corps instead of 
 additional private men, did it in so clear and so intelligible and indeed 
 unanswerable a manner and was so well supported by General Wade as 
 to the method of raising, that indeed I never heard so languid and 
 insignificant a debate from the opponents since [ have served in 
 Parliament. Neither Mr. P[ultene]y nor Sir E. W[alpol]e spoke the 
 first day, because they waited to answer each other. Upon the Division 
 the question was carried by 252 against 197, which was a majority of 
 55. Upon the Report yesterday Mr. P[ultene]y began the debate, and 
 he was so well answered by the Secretary at War, that my brother and 
 several others used to speak sat silent. There was a good deal of 
 skirmishing among the ordinary troops on both sides, [so] that we sat 
 yesterday till 8 o'clock, and upon a Division we carried the Question by 
 232 against 166." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740, December 19[-30]. Cockpit. — "As my private opinion I see 
 nothing can be done besides endeavouring by degrees to reconcile the 
 two Courts of Vienna and Prussia; it must cost the first something 
 considerable, but any other more vigorous measure, although ever so 
 just, will I'm afraid be attended with more fatal consequences, and give 
 France still greater achantages over the rest of Europe than she had 
 before As I suppose Lord Harrington will send you for your private 
 information a copy of the King of Prussia's letter to his Majesty, you 
 
63 
 
 will see the plan the young hero proposes, I could wish to have Saxony Trevor M.SS. 
 substituted in the room of Denmark. Should we oppose by force his 
 Prussian Majesty's views, we know from undoubted intelligence that 
 he keeps a door open to make France his friend. Our m[aste]r is 
 divided between resentment and fears ; he can't bear to think of 
 augmenting the territories of his Electoral neighbour on one side, and 
 he justly apprehends that his own dominions should fall first a sacrifice 
 should he stir on the other. His servants I think are all here of 
 one opinion, blame and abhor the extravagant step, but see no remedy 
 but palliating and accommodating remedies ; how to apply them and N 
 
 make them take place is another great difficulty. There seems some 
 difference in the Prussian pretensions from those of other princes, who 
 claim in consequence of the Emperor's death to have the whole or part 
 of the succession which is an immediate and direct infraction of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, because the Prussian demands are founded upon 
 rights to fiefs in Silesia upon the House of Austria's encroachment from 
 time to time in prejudice to the pretended rights of that of Brandenburgh, 
 and consequently these claims were against the Emperor himself. Whether 
 just or no, or whether they had not all been satisfied by former agree- 
 ments, especially one made in 1686 by Leopold, I do not pretend to 
 decide ; but a claim upon fiefs detained by the power of the House of 
 Austria, is different with respect to the Pragmatic Sanction, from one 
 made upon any part of the succession that did justly belong to the last 
 Emperor, because nothing can well be supposed to be indivisible but the 
 possessions which belonged to him at the time of his death in sove- 
 reignty ; I don't say this reasoning runs upon all fours, but it may be 
 sufficient to show that the Court of Vienna by parting with something 
 on this foot does not actually break herself into the Pragmatic 
 Sanction." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[-1], December 29[-January 9]. — " I hope our old friends the 
 States General, will not think of bringing General Keith any nearer to 
 us than he is at present, for he is a most determined J[aco]bite, and 
 although he affected while he was here to go often to Court, and to 
 visit the ministers, yet he spent most of his time, as well by night as by 
 day, with the J[aco]bites, and took a frivolous pielext to go to Oxford, 
 in order to converse with the heads of that party there." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[-1], January 6[-17]. Cockpit. — "However desirous I have 
 always been and still am, to engage his Prussian Majesty in a common 
 alliance with Vienna, Russia, the States, and us, and if possible, Saxony, 
 yet I car not but applaud extremely the resolution and spirit of the 
 Queen of Hungary, as well as the courage of the Republic, which should 
 by no means be damped, and I hope it will not fla,g at Amsterdam, 
 because as it has arisen from thence, which is not usual with respect to 
 land operations, the other Provinces that are limitrophe to the Prussian 
 dominions will, I dare say, heartily concur in this vigorous effort of 
 Holland. I own I am no less pleased with Mr. Robinson's presence of 
 mind, not only in supporting the resolution of that Court, but more 
 particularly in pointing out an expedient to save his Prussian Majesty's 
 honour by means of the affairs of Bergue and Juliers. We generally 
 approve of what falls in with our own thoughts, and I had in our 
 particular meeting, upon the first news of this extravagent and extra- 
 ordinary step on the part of Prussia, suggested the making up matters 
 
64 
 
 Trevok mss. by concurring with that Court's former inclinations relatiug to Bergue 
 and Juliers, but it was not relished by one, who for some time has 
 either disliked or made an ill use of my thoughts, and sometimes has 
 done both, so that matter was then dropped, and I am assured it will 
 not be extremely relished by [the King] for the least appearance of 
 spirit and courage in others immediately hurry us into greater courage 
 and resolution to check, and even crush that growing power in our 
 neighbourhood, although the King of P[russia] in all events may be 
 able to destroy us entirely there in one morning. What resolution that 
 Prince may think of taking with other Courts, (for he applies to all the 
 Courts of Europe with offers and professions at the same time), upon 
 hearing from Holland and Vienna as well as hence a second time in 
 consequence of Mr. Bassecour's proposal, I can't tell, but the generality 
 of his applications may render him perhaps equally suspected to all, and 
 consequently France will not be so ready to enter into his views ; 
 although I dread an alliance between that Court, Bavaria, and Prussia, 
 joined by Sweden and Denmark, as what would cut into chips the 
 Imperial succession, and should Prussia betray the offer hinted to him 
 relating to Bergh and Juliers to France, as he makes no scruple to let 
 others know what France desires of him ; such an intimation may con- 
 tribute more than anything towards an union between the three powers 
 before mentioned, but I am apt to believe, that this blustering Prince is 
 somewhat sick of his heroism, and I have concluded so, ever since I 
 read in the papers his declaration upon his marching into Silesia, for 
 'tis very remarkable that he does not mention so much as once, his 
 having any right or jjretaisioii to any part of Silesia." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[-1], January 9[-20]. Cockpit. — "You will, I suppose, receive 
 by this post ample instructions for your concurring with the States in 
 what had been proposed to you by Mr. Bassecour, and for authorising 
 our ministers at Berlin to join in a proper expostulatory representation 
 to his Prussian Majesty to divert or recall him from his unjustifiable 
 enterprise with proper insinuations of friendship or resentment according 
 to his behaviour in consequence of this step. 
 
 In canvassing this affair, it was questioned whether you should, upon 
 a supposition that such serious representations should make an im- 
 pression, and bring his Prussian Majesty to reason, suggest to the 
 Dutch ministers to instruct our ministers, at Berlin, to let fall to that 
 Prince a disposition in the maritime powers in concert with the Court 
 of Vienna, to procure him satisfaction in his pretensions relating to 
 Bergh and Juliers, as a means to save his honour in laying aside his 
 present desperate undertaking; some were of opinion, that as it is 
 reasonable to suppose that this vigorous resolution on the part of 
 Amsterdam, must in some measure, besides the nature of the case, 
 proceed from their being persuaded that they could not give any offence 
 to France in such a step, that town and others of the States may s'fcirt 
 at any proposition that must, if known, be very disagreeable to France, 
 considering her obligations and interest in behalf of the Palatine family 
 in this nice affair, and consequently such a proposal may be a means to 
 cool and damp their present vigorous disposition, which ought by all 
 means to be encouraged, and brought if possible to a joint concert of 
 measures between the Maritime Powers in this extraordinary juncture of 
 affairs ; others observed that it could not be expected that the Prussian 
 hero could be persuaded to lay aside his thoughts and attempts upon 
 Silesia without some hopes of getting something else, after all the bluster 
 
05 
 
 and expense he has made, and that, as you seem to intimate in your tbevor mss. 
 dispatch, that you had communicated to some of the Dutch ministers 
 the steps taken by Mr. Robinson (who had flung out the affair of Bergh 
 and Julie rs to Grotter and Borck) and that they had approved his 
 conduct, those ministers must be in some measure prepared for some- 
 thing of that nature ; and I suppose you will be instructed to talk and 
 sound the Dutch ministers on this head ; of which I thought fit to give 
 you this hint in confidence, that you may be prepared to manage this 
 point according to your usual discretion for the benefit of the whole. It 
 can hardly be expected that his Prussian Majesty will be brought 
 immediately to desist from his military exploits, and agree to a negotia- 
 tion without knowing upon what point he is to negotiate, in order to 
 find his advantage, and if the Court of Vienna persists in not parting 
 with any part of Silesia, what object can be hung out to him besides 
 Bergh and Juliers ? and such an object may certainly give umbrage to 
 France, although it is well known that that crown had agreed to obtain 
 the greatest part of Bergh for the late King of Prussia, but if this notion 
 should take place it must be managed with secrecy. 
 
 If this affair should be brought to a negotiation, and in consequence of 
 that a treaty for an alliance should be set on foot, it is certainly very desir- 
 able to make the Elector of Saxony a contracting party to it. And indeed 
 an union of Russia, Saxony, Prussia, Holland, and Great Britain with the 
 Queen of Hungary would be a chain of such strength and extension as 
 might still secure the liberty and balance of Europe, but the behaviour 
 of Saxony seems extremely doubtful and equivoque. There is indeed a , 
 vast deference from that Court to his Majesty, a constant application for 
 union, councils, and concert of measures, and a fixed resolution here to 
 have a suitable regard for Saxony, chiefly founded I am afraid on an 
 equal aversion on both sides to Prussia. In the meantime there seems 
 also to be a sort of awkwardness or coolness between the Courts of 
 Vienna and Dresden ; this latter does not declare against the Prag- 
 matic Sanction, but seems willing, and prepared to get a slice of the 
 gateau, if others break in upon it; and in my poor opinion affects to lay 
 hold of all handles to blame that of Vienna ; they object against the 
 co-regence of the Duke of Lorraine as an infringement upon the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, which seems to me a most absurd refinement ; they 
 will not allow of his having in consequence of that dignity a vote for 
 the Electorate of Bohemia at the election of the Emperor, they are very 
 loud against the proceedings of the Elector of Mayence in having 
 summoned that Prince for that purpose to the Diet, all which steps must 
 have given uneasiness to the Queen of Hungary, who on the other side 
 has not shown, I am afraid, that regard to the Court of Saxony 
 immediately after the Emperor's death as might have been proper and 
 prudent for her to do, for although the steps taken by her Hungarian 
 Majesty in favour of her husband may be justifiable, yet methinks she 
 might have had some greater management and regard in taking them 
 for the Elector of Saxony. We shall here endeavour to keep by 
 proper and friendly exhortations those two Courts, if possible, well with 
 one another. But I am afraid we shall be very loth to take any step to 
 bring Saxony and Prussia to a better understanding, which seems 
 however absolutely necessary for that union, which I have mentioned, 
 and which the exigency of affairs seems to require in preference to all 
 private piques of neighbourhood, and family disputes, but the King's 
 servants that are consulted on these occasions are all unanimous as to our 
 present measures. . . . The opponents threaten a personal motion 
 in the House of L[or]ds upon Sir R. W[alpole], and it was confidently 
 said that the D[uke] of A[rgy]le would make it on last Wednesday for 
 O 77960. E 
 
66 
 
 Trevor mss. a removal of him from councils and presence for ever, but he has found so 
 little encouragement that he has deferred it, at least for the present, but 
 now an examination of the reasons why his Majesty did not grant 
 succours to the Emperor in consequence of the last treaty of Vienna 
 upon the war with France is much talked of, and I believe Lord 
 C[artere]t will naturally rather promote such an inquiry than anything 
 more personal." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[— 1 ], January 13[-24]. — "All the King's servants are of opinion 
 that we must support and promise the Queen of Hungary our contin- 
 gent of 12,000 men and name the Hessians and the Danes for that 
 service, which Count Ostein will in delivering her Hungarian Majesty's 
 letter to the King this day demand ; it is likewise generally agreed that 
 Ave should encourage that spirit and vigour which has lately appeared 
 in the States, and besides what you will have received from the office 
 in answer to Bsssecour's proposal of representations by a joint concert, 
 you will have the same assurances by this post, and by the next, or a 
 messenger, his Majesty's own explicit sentiments ; which can't go 
 sooner by reason of the shortness of the time, and Lord Harrington 
 being confined at home with a fit of the gout. Methink I saw in the 
 heads of the letter you sent as suggested by the Committee in answer 
 to that from the Queen of Hungary, that the first warmth and spirit 
 against his Prussian Majesty's Matchiavell enterprises, was somewhat 
 abated ; perhaps it proceeded from their being as yet uncertain about 
 his Majesty's sentiments, or upon your prudent enquiry of them about 
 the consequences of coming to a rupture with the House of Branden- 
 burgh, in order to sound and discover their real and firm intentions. 
 Those consequences are certainly great and dangerous ; but what can 
 be done ? It is impossible to be indifferent at such a lawless, faithless, 
 and diabolical behaviour, and as to what you hint of some of the States 
 being disposed to take France into the concert, because his M[ost] 
 C[hristian] M[ajesty] has told Wasner in general terms that he will 
 fulfil his engagements, nothing can be more fallacious, none of the 
 French ministers in all their professions have yet once articulated the 
 Pragmatic Sanction to those of Vienna, and we know for certain that 
 their language in other places is, and even at Berlin, that they under- 
 stand the accomplishment of their engagements in no other sense, than 
 as far as the Queen of Hungary has a right to her possessions and not 
 in prejudice to the right of others, which is a door to evade the whole 
 obligation. Whether this will be hinted to you from anybody else, I 
 can't tell, but 'tis from an undoubted intelligence, which 1 must desire 
 you will manage ; the nature of it makes us loth to let you know it. 
 We are all extremely displeased with the Elector of Saxony, for reasons 
 that are obvious, for notwithstanding his hatred to Prussia, he is cer- 
 * tainly in his heart inclined to share of the spoils. However he has not yet 
 come to such a resolution, and we have the satisfaction to learn that 
 the Court of Russia has declared in the strongest terms in favour of the 
 totality of the Pragmatic Sanction, and therefore we hope that his 
 Majesty by his personal credit, and more particularly by the influence 
 Of the Russian Court, will be able to divert his Polish Majesty from 
 such rash and unjustifiable thoughts as he has certainly entertained. 
 In short my notion is that all the powers concerned, or that we should 
 desire be concerned in the common cause, should have ministers of credit 
 and with full instructions at the Hague to negotiate a treaty and measures 
 to be jointly pursued at this great juncture. The powers I mean are 
 
67 
 
 the Queen of Hungary, Russia, Saxony, his Majesty and the States, Trevor MSS. 
 and as Denmark hay declared that they will make good their obligations 
 relating to the Pragmatic Sanction, that power may with others such as 
 Hesse Cassel be by degrees taken in. What I write on these occasions 
 you will look upon as coming from a friend and for your own informa- 
 tion only, and to be made no use of, if it is not entirely conformable 
 to the orders from the Office/' 
 
 The Same to the Same, 
 
 1740[-1], January 23[-February 3]. Cockpit.— " Che opponents 
 in the House of Lords have after having threatened terrible questions 
 against Sir P. W[alpole] to be personally named, have reduced their 
 enquiry into foreign affairs, have called for extracts of all treaties 
 relating to guaranty and subsidies (which was dene the day before 
 yesterday) that have already been laid before either Houses of Parlia- 
 ment and yesterday they talked of the guaranty of the Pragmatic Sanc- 
 tion and desired to know what requisition had been made by the Queen 
 of H[unga]ry for succours, and in what kind, money, troops, or ships. 
 This was refused by a majority, 72 against 37, and by the tendency of 
 the debates, they now seem resolved to go into an enquiry of our con- 
 duct in not going into the war against France in support of the Em- 
 peror in 1733, and they intimate as if I was sent over by my brother 
 Walpole to prevent the States going into that war, and for concerting 
 the neutrality for Flanders. I have mislaid and cannot possibly find 
 the deduction you made of all my negotiation for that time, and I 
 suppose you have not a copy of it, but I would have you enquire into 
 the steps taken by the States to learn the state of the Barrier with 
 respect to the troops, magazines, and fortifications under the Emperor's 
 immediate care, previous to their having concerted the neutrality, 
 while I in the mean time shall consult my own papers and the books 
 in the office, and as they flatter themselves that they shall find me 
 busy in diverting the States from that war, they will make me the 
 instrument of my brother, and fix a personal question upon him. This 
 is at present their great and formidable thunderbolt, in which Lord 
 Carteret and Mr. P[ultene]y have, it seems, concurred, altho' I do not 
 know that this matter will be stirred in the House of Commons, but we 
 shall certainly have business, for they have all their people to a man 
 in town, and must find some work for them, or else they will soon 
 disband." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[-1], January 29 [-February 9]. — "As to what you hint of a 
 notion prevailing as if something for a peace between us and Spain was 
 privately negotiating, there is," I can assure you, no foundation for it, 
 altho' the rumour is as great and positive here, and, as we are told, in 
 France too. There is no doubt that the Qu[ee]n of Sp[ai]n heartily 
 repents her having forced us into a war, which must mightily distress 
 her views and pretensions upon part of the Emperor's succession. We 
 have had some hint of this from Dre[sde]n, and other parts and by- 
 ways, but nothing directly, but there is no doubt but Spain will 
 industriously endeavour to make such a persuasion take place, and 
 particularly at the Court of France, in order to intimidate the C[ar- 
 dina]l, and make him believe that if we will not promote the Spanish 
 pretensions in Italy, and let their troops pass to make them good, Spain 
 must be obliged to make a peace separately and upon our own terms 
 
 E 2 
 
68 
 
 Trevor MSS. w ^ us • • • &i r R» W[alpole] will consider catalogue of pictures 
 — and if he likes any of them will trouble you on that head." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1740[-1], February 19[-March 2]. Cockpit. — " What has hap- 
 pened relating to the reciprocity demanded from Hanover and the 
 consequential reflexions upon it was foreseen and foretold at thejirue 
 that we would persist to begin with our concern for the Electorate as 
 a previous condition. Whereas those favourite dominions would have 
 been secure and succoured of consequence as they were after the con- 
 clusion of the treaty of Seville, had we proceeded in the plain and 
 natural way, but there is such a predilection on that side and Lord 
 H[arringtojn had learnt at H[anove]r such a complaisance in that 
 respect, which I believe he heartily repents of at present, that T will 
 say no more on that head. However, I hope, your last orders with a 
 reciprocity on both sides in respect to Prussia only, and directions to 
 concur in what has been projected relating to joint application to the 
 Courts of Vienna and Prussia will have removed this rub for the present, 
 and how we shall proceed afterwards, God knows, for we are violent 
 one day for attacking, and we sink the next into the necessity of 
 accommodation." (The rest of the letter describes the debate on the 
 motion for the removal of Sir E. Walpole, of which there is a full 
 account in Coxe, Life of Walpole i., pp. 644-069). 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740-1, March 3 [-14]. — "There is a pamphlet, and by the account 
 I have of it a pretty large one, sent over by the opponents to be printed 
 in Holland. It is certainly a most virulent one, for the printers here, 
 who print the worst of their scandal, would not venture upon this, but 
 they have sent the copy over with two journeymen printers from hence, 
 who are to have the care of it, and when it is finished are to bring it 
 over to be published here ; you know best what can be done on your 
 side to prevent the printing of it, and even to seize the copy and the 
 whole impression, if the Government will assist you in it. Mr. Wiggs, 
 the messenger, will explain the whole matter to you, and I really 
 believe this is a matter that deserves attention ; as such I recommend it 
 to your prudence and management." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1740-1, March 17 [-28]. Cockpit. — " Our scheme is to support the 
 Pragmatic Sanction contra quoscunque (are the States for that mea- 
 sure ?) but the delays in the States in every step preparatory and 
 essential, the differences between these courts and that at Vienna who 
 should act in concert with us for the same great end, and the irresolution 
 of other considerable powers on account of these differences, the in- 
 trigues of France to encourage both Prussia and Bavaria (which we 
 dare not tell the States for fear of frightening them), make us think it 
 advisable to bring if possible (but with the previous consent of the 
 Austrian Court) Vienna and Berlin to an accommodation, still in all 
 events determined to support the Pragmatic Sanction, and we have, as 
 our friends in Holland may see, actually demanded the Danes and 
 Hessians (making our quota of 12,000 men) to be in a readiness, as they 
 will certainly be immediately, and we do not get close our Committee of 
 Supplies, that we may before the Parliament meets, as exigency may 
 require, ask for more men or for a power to provide more." 
 
69 
 
 The Same to the Same. Trevor MSS. 
 
 1740-1, March 20[-31]. Cockpit. — " I do not know in what manner 
 Lord H[arringto]n may have stated to you the notion of bringing 
 matters to an accommodation between the Queen of Hungary and the 
 King of Prussia, which I do not understand by any means ought to 
 supersede the preparations to be made by the respective Guarantees for 
 the support of the Pragmatic Sanction, nor can I see there is the least 
 contradiction in it to any other measures, deliberations, or resolutions, 
 that have been made by us to any other Court, or should be in the least 
 understood to slacken our vigour or that of our friends to have our 
 quotas ready. The object of our operations will indeed be altered 
 according to the success of this negotiation, but we should however all 
 be equally in readiness to act accordingly and we have exhorted our 
 allies to lose no time for that end. I am only apprehensive that the 
 Elector of Saxony may enlarge his demands in case of an accommodation 
 with Prussia upon cessions made, altho' by way of mortgage only, to 
 that Prince. But surely all rational people must think it extremely 
 right to prevent Prussia falling into an alliance with France and 
 Bavaria, if that can be possibly effected, and if the King of Prussia 
 has any steady principle he must prefer our offers upon less favourable 
 conditions in appearance to more advantageous ones from France, who 
 will drop him at last, as not being willing to suffer such a Protestant 
 power to grow more considerable in the Empire, and for the same 
 reason I am somewhat apprehensive that the bigotry and pride of the 
 House of Austria, which seem not at all reduced with their fortune, 
 may be averse to hearken to the accommodation so desirable and so 
 necessary for their real interest." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, March 31[- April 11]. Cockpit. — "We are now in daily and 
 indeed hourly expectations of knowing the effect which our proposals 
 for an accommodation between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin will 
 have had upon them. I am inclined to believe that the latter will 
 apparently seem to give in to it, and perhaps all things considered, 
 especially with regard to Russia, may be in earnest, but whether the 
 iprogress and expenses made in Silesia will not make his Prussian 
 Majesty insist upon higher terms than at first I can't say. I do ap- 
 prehend that the Court of Vienna will be less pliant, from the nature 
 of their way of acting who can do nothing even for their own interest, 
 where they are to part with some thing, but in a most untoward 
 manner. Though I think the reasons you mention for their unwilling- 
 ness will have a great influence, yet in the present circumstances they 
 are soon answered; the birth of a son gives great joy, but no greater 
 power or force is born with him; Munich's disgrace will in reality 
 carry no additional strength. He was certainly gained by the King of 
 Prussia, which made Osterman, his rival, the more biassed in favour of 
 Vienna, to gain the greater influence and confidence with the Reger.t 
 and her husband ; but the removal of Munich will make the other act 
 like a prudent minister for the interest of his own Court ; he has already 
 declared that they will make good their engagements in support of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction but they do not think it necessary for that reason 
 to destroy the King of Prussia and divide his dominions, as Saxony aud 
 others seem to intend, and you will find that when Osterman comes to 
 consider the violent and determined motions of the Swedes supported 
 with the power and influence of France, he must naturally incline, in 
 
70 
 
 Tketor MSS. order to keep up an union so necessary for Muscovy as that of Prussia 
 is, to reconcile that Court with Vienna. The Porte's recognition is a 
 terrible and impendent danger removed ; but the situation of Viziers is 
 so precarious, that no solid measure can be framed upon their present 
 disposition. I can easily believe that the personal as well as Protestant 
 behaviour of the King of Prussia must create resentment, and aversion 
 in the Great Duke and his Court, but as to the first, the King of 
 Prussia begins already to disclaim that scandalous report of a design 
 upon his life, and if the House of Austria will persevere in treating 
 their necessary friends on all occasions very cavalierly and ungratefully 
 when they have not an immediate occasion for them, and indeed when 
 they have, they must be undone, there is no help for it ; I can't tell what 
 despair may do, but I have no notion of a practicable scheme by which 
 the Court of Vienna can make up with that of Munich and France ; 
 one of them desires to be in power and dignity in the place of the 
 House of Austria, and the other to have that House entirely destroyed, 
 and therefore any temporary accommodation by plast[e]ring matters 
 for the present with these two Courts, without the concurrence and 
 perhaps against the will of former allies who desire the preservation of 
 that House, must only serve by degrees to set the Bavarian family 
 above them, and to make the House of Bourbon mistress of the whole ; 
 we shall all feel the ill consequence of it, but nobody so much as the 
 Austrian family, and therefore to resolve to be quite undone, unless they 
 can be entirely preserved and as great as ever, is to me an unaccountable 
 notion although we shall be threatened and frightened with it. 
 
 I did not intend by what I said to you relating to the States and 
 their laying the want of concert and vigour at our door to have ruffled 
 you so much, but I was vexed to see them, and particularly Bassecour, 
 and even some of our friends, pretending to blame our conduct, while 
 they act in such a dilatory weak and distracted way, that nobody knows 
 when they will come to a conclusion upon any point, nor when they will 
 be able to execute any resolution they take, and whether the manner of 
 execution will not be worse than if they had taken no resolution at all. 
 But I don't doubt but you convince our friends that any pretended weak- 
 ness from hence entirely arises from their conduct, and I agree with you 
 in not representing home their behaviour for fear of exasperating matters. 
 The States are not in good odour here already, and I have often lamented 
 how little they are regarded sometimes, for our concert, if possible, 
 ought to be as inseparable as our interests : at the same time in the 
 present deliberations, although I have a good and great opinion of 
 Mr. Corver, yet Bassecour is entirely governed in his pretended vigour 
 by motives, that do not in the least regard the Pragmatic Sanction, and 
 consequently can the deliberations and resolutions be of any great use 
 to the common cause ? While I talk thus freely to you I do not hold 
 the same language here, it would do more harm than good ; and there- 
 fore if our friends in Holland will not take upon them to direct the 
 measures to proper views and ends, what will our complaisance and 
 indulgence for their general weakness and distraction signify " ? . . . 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1741, April 11. Florence. — " Everything of late has appeared quiet at 
 Rome with regard to a certain family, except the usual and frequent 
 conferences with the chief of it and Cardinals Aequaviva, Tencin and 
 Monsieur de St. Agnan, which have given room to suspect that their 
 designs were only postponed, and that they waited for instructions from 
 other parts. Whenever these should come the person may depart in a few 
 
71 
 
 hours as everything has long since been prepared. By the letters which Tebvob MSS. 
 I have received this morning- my correspondents are in fresh alarms and 
 think the departure near. Things are managed there with the utmost- 
 secrecy, and as the young people are continual making parties of 
 pleasure, the present circumstances give room to believe, that under 
 some pretence of that kind it may be executed." 
 
 Thomas Robinson to the Same. 
 
 1741, April 22. Vienna. — (A duplicate of that of the same date to 
 Lord Harrington, describing the adventures of M. de Maupertuis, which 
 is printed in Coxe, House of Austria ii., p. 238 note.) 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1741, April 24 [-May 5]. Cockpit. — " I must do Lord Harrington 
 and all the ministers justice to say that the king is constantly solicited 
 on your behalf. He is brought so far as not to refuse, but he will not 
 yet articulate yes, though I hope it will soon go through, and before his 
 Majesty goes for Holland, which he is determined to do, but where he 
 will take his residence with safety and honour in the present situation of 
 affairs I must own I cannot see. 
 
 The perseverance of the House of Austria in their stubborness and 
 pride not to hearken to reason in the lowest circumstances does not in 
 least abate the steady resolution here in continuing the strongest 
 representations to them to accommodate matters with the Court of Berlin, 
 and that Court, even since the last action in Silesia, is still ready to enter 
 into a reconciliation, and even upon more moderate terms than proposed 
 at first. I hope the treaty between Vienna and Saxony will not interfere 
 with this accommodation. I don't believe the Oonrt of Vienna will ever 
 be able to pay the 12 millions; however, that of Saxony is so afraid of 
 Prussia, that I really believe, although against their real inclinations, 
 they will rather forward than obstruct a reconciliation between the King 
 of Pr[ussia] and the Queen of Hungary." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, April 28 [-May 9]. Cockpit. — " You mentioned once to me 
 the making the infant in the cradle Emperor. Was there ever such a 
 precedent, and is there any regulation by tiie Golden Bull, or by any 
 known rales of (he Empire for the government of the Germanic Body 
 in such a case ? Who will have the chief authority, and will it be any 
 advantage to the Elector of Saxony ? for I must own to you that I like 
 such a scheme if it be practicable, and I despair of making accommoda- 
 tions upon the terms now on foot with Saxony and satisfying at the 
 same time the King of Prussia, and 1 see no salvation but by getting of 
 Prussia. 
 
 I believe La Roche's letters begin to be opened ; they are indeed of 
 little moment, and deserves little encouragement ; but as to his pilot on 
 board the galley , — I never understood what he meant, and 1 think he 
 should be told that he need not be at any trouble or expense about that 
 dark story, for, if it had been understood or thought worth while, he would 
 have had notice to pursue it." 
 
72 
 
 Trevor MSS. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, May 12 [-23]. Cockpit. — "Upon my return to town from my 
 election in Norfolk (where I met with no opposition, hut my partner 
 Mr. Vere was opposed, but carried it by a majority of two to one) I 
 found your letters of the 9th, 12th and 16th. . . . 
 
 I think we are at cross purposes in our measures and negotiations. I 
 do not see any contradiction in them, if those who should execute 
 them, or whom they may affect would understand plain facts and 
 one another right; the Queen of Hungary has indeed reason to 
 thank his Majesty for his proceedings in Parliament, but she must 
 not be so elated as to imagine that we can contribute one farthing 
 more towards her support, than the 12,000 Danes and Hessians, 
 and 300,000/., although 1,000 men will be ready here if wanted by the 
 States, and not wanted here, and, while she remains inflexible to all 
 negotiations unless the succours should precede them, she is most uuex- 
 cusable towards us ; have not our succours preceded our negotiations ? 
 has any delay or backwardness in assistance been occasioned by our 
 proposals of an accommodation with Prussia-? but- the question is 
 whether the succours we do give, and all that we are able to give, can with 
 the assistance of others balance in any degrees the opposite alliance 
 which maybe formed by France in conjunction with Prussia, the Swedes, 
 Bavaria &c. On the other side the King of Prussia cannot blame us for 
 supplying our succours in a case so flagrant as the present existence of the 
 casus ftederis, while at the same time we are seriously exerting ourselves 
 to procure a reconciliation if possible between him and the Queen of 
 Hungary ; as to his tampering with the Swedes, if the Queen of Hungary 
 continues to act the unaccountable part she does, there is no doubt but 
 that he will do it, and as to Prance we know by an undoubted intelligence 
 that advantageous terms have been offered to him by the Cardinal, and 
 the Court of Vienna has been informed of it. 
 
 I do not, I must own, comprehend Lord Hyndforu's proceeding in for- 
 bearing to execute his orders jointly with Mr. Ginckel. He has, since that 
 transaction has been settled, received orders from hence to let the King 
 of Prussia know that his Majesty continues to renew and press his 
 instances with the Court [of] Vienna to come to an accommodation, and 
 he is to endeavour to learn the ultimatum of Prussia for that purpose, 
 and I can't believe that he had received before, or at that time, any 
 directions to suspend the execution of the concert between his Majesty 
 and the States; for he might have, I think, reconciled those two 
 negotiations, by letting the King of Prussia know on one side, that his 
 Majesty must continue in consequence of his engagement, and of what 
 he had at first declared to the world, to fulfil them, while at the same 
 time it is evident by his friendly endeavours that he will do his utmost 
 to put an end to them by an accommodation, and I suppose Lord 
 Harrington will explain this matter in this manner, for indeed these two 
 transactions of succours and good offices seem to me entirely conformable 
 to the sense and even expressions almost of the States' resolution in 
 joining with us, how Lord Hyndford come to understand the matter 
 otherwise I can't imagine. 
 
 La Roche does by no means give satisfaction, and 1 believe he will if 
 he sends nothing more material, get no more money, perhaps you would 
 do well to let him know that his curiosities (speaking in the style of a 
 virtuoso) do not answer expectations, and as to his man to be delivered 
 from the galleys, and sent into England; if he means that literally he 
 
73 
 
 will find no encouragement from hence upon his arrival ; if he means Trevor MSS. 
 anything else I don't understand him. He should methinks, be let to 
 know these things in a covered way, because else, if his letters are 
 opsned (as I am apt to believe they are) he may be exposed to danger." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1741, May 2'6 [- June 3]. London, — Kecommending the bearer, 
 Mr. Comptor, whom he is sending over to Amsterdam as Deputy 
 [Pay-] Master to the Danish and Hessian troops and all such other 
 troops as shall be in the pay of Great Britain. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 17 41, May 27 [- June 7]. Cockpit. — " I set out early to-morrow morn- 
 ing for Norfolk, and stay there as long as I can, being quite weary of 
 the weak, absurd, distracted, and contradictory counsels and motions of 
 those whose steadiness and union is more necessary than ever for the 
 preservation of the whole." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, June 10 [-21]. Woolterton. — il I wish, as you hint, the case 
 was such that we could lie by, but it is impossible. We must be ready 
 with our quota as guaranties^ but we must let the Queen of Hungary 
 know whnt that quota is, if even extended to totis viribus, that is, it 
 cannot be by reason of obvious circumstances, what it was formerly, and 
 that without some supplemental help, which can arise nowhere to pur- 
 pose but from the King of Prussia, the Maritime Powers if both of 
 them would do all they can do, joined with Russia, &c, will signify 
 nothing supposing the King of Prussia should continue against us. I 
 think this assertion (according to probable and a common way of reason- 
 ing) carries self evidence and demonstration with it, let the King of 
 Prussia be what he will ; formidable or not formidable, useful or not 
 useful, considering him and his humours abstractedly. If he will con- 
 tinue to act against the House of Austria, and be sooner or later joined 
 with, or give sufficient encouragement to the other enemies of that House to 
 declare and act opeuly against it, is it not demonstration (that is accord- 
 ing to human understanding) that the Austrian Dominions must be 
 infallibly torn in pieces ; but if the King of Prussia could be gained to 
 join heartily with the other powers who declare for the Pragmatic 
 Sanction, L think there is a possibility of preserving that succession in 
 the main. 
 
 As to your apprehensions of the King of Prussia's joining with the 
 Swedes, if you have evidence of facts for it, I can't say anything to 
 that, nor indeed can I wonder at any turn he will take as long as the 
 Queen of Hungary is irreconcileable to him, and that he must apprehend 
 in consequence that her friends will be his enemies ; such extremities 
 must cause and may have already caused unnatural turns and measures ; 
 but naturally the King of Prussia should desire above all things to keep 
 his friendship and confidence with Russia, because their views cannot, 
 in my poor opinion, interfere either in the North or in the Empire, and 
 rationally speaking they must have the same rivals or enemies in both. 
 Should the King of Prussia encourage or enable Sweden to reconquer 
 upon Russia or any other power lost provinces, and Sweden should be 
 able to do it, who would save the rest of Pomerania from falling in time 
 into the hands of Sweden too ? Prussia must always apprehend, that 
 
74 
 
 Imvok mss. France, will favour, neither in the North nor in the Empire, the King 
 — of Prussia any longer than to serve as a tool for the present to her 
 
 interest, neither do I much apprehend that the Swedes will now turn 
 their arms on any other side but towards Russia, or that Russia 
 can sit still and surfer it, for the same reason, because she must be 
 apprehensive for her self as soon as Sweden has succeeded elsewhere." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, June 24 [- July 5]. Woolterton, — "I am glad to find that 
 you think there is some small prospect of a possible reconciliation 
 between Yienna and Berlin, the first having muttered to Ml. Robinson 
 an inclination to yield some thing for the sake of peace, but for my part, 
 until they speak out, I think it only like gaining truce, and I can't 
 believe that his Prussian Majesty will continue to sit still, considering 
 his superiority and the temptation he must have from France, unless the 
 Queen of Hungary will speak out and plain at least to his Majesty, and 
 for that purpose we should speak plain to her and the Duke of Lorraine, 
 and make them sensible of the impossibility of our doing what will be 
 necessary to save them in our present circumstances, with this heavy 
 war with Spain upon our hands, and destitute of such allies as formerly 
 were equally useful, and inseparable from us ; and these instances 
 cannot be inculcated too often at Vienna, and therefore, although what 1 
 sent under your cover to Mr. Robinson is not fresh, it may be possibly 
 of some service to our friend to repeat, what may indeed have beeu sug- 
 gested before (but what Mr. Bar[tenstei]n may have willingly forgot) 
 as not only the sense of the ministry in England but of the nation ; for 
 I am fully persuaded that the Austrians, whose imagination turns all 
 events on that side where they desire, even often contrary to facts and 
 truths, were persuaded that the resolutions of Parliament in their favour 
 were the sentiments of the nation independent, and perhaps contrary to 
 those of the administration ; and purely levelled at the King of Prussia, 
 and with a design to crush that Prince. The nation was not pleased with 
 the behaviour of that Prince, but everybody that meant well meant very 
 earnestly a reconciliation between him and the Queen of Hungary, and 
 therefore I believe the papers I sent will still come time enough to 
 Vienna, and may be perhaps, if they would have ever been, of some use 
 
 still. 
 
 Our disgrace before Cartagena is . . . indeed an unfortunate accident. 
 I never saw any daylight in getting well out of that war even though 
 successful, I mean so as to have a future security for our trade. What 
 is now to be done I can't tell ; it must not be abandoned, and yet how to 
 support it is difficult to see. It is said by the returns of the General he 
 has not 1,700 men fit for action left ; the climate and sickness have made 
 such a havoc with them. Dablt Deus his quoqueftnem." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, July 1 [-12]. Woolterton. — M I say nothing of our disap- 
 pointment before Cartagena . . . Misunderstanding between 
 land and sea commanders, as usually happens amongst Englishmen, did, 
 I dare say, a great deal of mischief . . . but as this war must 
 necessarily be still supported at such a distance and such an immense 
 expense ... I don't see, as indeed I never did, how we shall 
 make a good end of it ; especially if things should, as I am afraid they 
 will, from the proud and ever untractable temper of the House of 
 Austria continue to go ill upon the Continent. . . . Forward my 
 
75 
 
 letters to Robinson ; tho' of an old date the Court of Vienna will open and Tkbvor MSS, 
 read them, and time has but too well verified the arguments in them." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, July 15 [-26]. Woolterton. — (Printed in Coxe, Memoirs of 
 Horatio, Lord Walpole,\\. p. 21, with the following mistakes, p. 21, 6 
 lines from bottom, insert after "justice," " that is at last," and read 
 " post " for "parts " ; and in next line " merit " for " merits " ; p. 22, 
 lines 1 and 10, read "but my" and " or" for " than " and " and "; 
 line 1 1 insert " I suppose " before " by " ; line 16, insert " the " before 
 " public," and read " went " for " were " ; line 25, for " that " read 
 " he," and " managing " in the blank; last line insert "But" before 
 "as"; p. 23, lines 6 and 16, for "England" read "Europe," and for 
 " a " read " the " ; p. 24, line 20, insert " now " before " no " ; lines 21 
 and 24, for " England " read " Europe," and for " part " " turn.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, August 10 [-21]. Woolterton. — (Part printed in Coxe, 
 Memoirs of Horatio, Lord JValpole, ii. p. 24, where p. 25, line 15, insert 
 " at " before " all," p. 26, lines 11, 12, and 15, read for " thrown in" 
 " struck on," " Dutch " for " deputies," and;! " found " for " find.") It 
 continues thus : — " His Majesty will be forced into a neutrality on 
 shameful terms as Elector, the Dutch will be pressed by France to do 
 the same thing for the Netherlands, the Elector of Saxony will by 
 some advantageous conditions make up with France and Bavaria ; the 
 Princes of the Empire will be frightened into a Congress to choose such 
 an Emperor as France shall direct ; the King of Sardinia will come to 
 an agreement with France and Spain about the Austrian dominions in 
 Italy which they will be able to execute in autumn; the Cardinal will 
 then speak to us directly or through our old friends the Dutch to have 
 a Congress for peace or to frame preliminaries for that purpose, in which 
 Dunkirk will be to continue in such a situation as France shall think 
 fit ; it will be proposed that Port Mahon, Gibraltar, and the Assiento of 
 Negroes shall be taken from England ; the Dutch will not say one word 
 against it, as being under the ferule of France, and looking upon those 
 things as no concern of theirs ; and if France suffer us to escape without 
 an invasion or a civil war at home or giving us the Pretender, they will 
 think we are mightily obliged to them ; we shall perhaps in the mean- 
 time be obliged to abandon our attempts in the W. Indies, out of which 
 I never saw a good exit, not even with all imaginable success, and our 
 famous words No Search, Take and hold, for which we entered into 
 the war with Spain will end, as I always thought they would, in smoke, 
 but a few general words for all nations to carry on the lawful trade in 
 the W. Indies without molestation will be granted, and observed as 
 Spain shall think fit." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Sir Robert Walpole. 
 
 1741, August 22. The Hague. — On the 15th an Englishman, of 
 the appearance of a gentleman, a middle sized, plump, fair faced man, 
 about thirty-two years old, speaking French and several other languages, 
 arrived Post at Brussels. At the same inn, another gentleman of about 
 28, who by his accent appeared to be Scotch, arrived the day before from 
 England by Ostend, and seemed to wait for the other. They supped 
 together with other company at the Table d'hote. There was no 
 
76 
 
 Trevor MSS. English talked during the supper, but afterwards the two fell to drink- 
 ing very hard, and, probably imagining nobody understood English, 
 began to hold treasonable and mysterious discourse together, and 
 muttering something of a negotiation and articles signed at Frankfort, 
 so roused the curiosity of an honest English chapman, who carries 
 Birmingham wares up and down Flanders, and happened to overhear 
 them, that, when they retired to their chamber, he hid himself in an 
 adjacent one, where, through a crack in the wainscot, he could hear and 
 see what further passed between them. He learned that the English- 
 man came direct from Frankfort, and was going with all expedition to 
 London, whence the Scotchman came, who wa3 to set out Post next 
 day, but he could not hear whither, and that they were both concerned 
 in the same intrigue, and talked with great intimacy of Count Montijo. 
 The Scotchman recommended the other to one Wedgewood, a chandler 
 in London, and they agreed on the Spread Eagle, in Gracechurch Street, 
 for their interviews on the Scotchman's return. What chiefly alarmed 
 the honest pedlar's zeal was, hearing the gentleman from Frankfort say 
 in pUin words : " He hoped he had now done King George's business 
 for him, and that he would never set his foot in England again." He 
 then saw them exchange several papers, and observing they had left a 
 few of them on their table, when they went to bed, he stayed till he 
 heard them begin to snore, and then ventured in, and carried off the 
 same without being observed. Finding the contents of the two letters 
 he could read to be in the same mysterious strain as the discourse he 
 had heard, and not knowing the purport of the Spanish ones, which he 
 could not read, he resolved to set out hither immediately, and put them 
 into my hands, which he did yesterday, relating all the above particulars, 
 and offering any further service he could be of, in tracing out either the 
 Englishman, who is gone over to London, or the Scotchman, who, 
 though perhaps originally destined for Stockholm, is now probably gone 
 for Frankfort for new credentials. He ha? now left me his directions, 
 and is returned to Flanders, I having with difficulty prevailed on him to 
 let me reimburse him the charges of his journey. You will find these 
 few odd papers enclosed, and will be the best judge, by combining their 
 contents with your own extensive information, of what attention they 
 may deserve, and whether Montijo's transaction relates to anything 
 beyond some secret contract for provisions to be clandestinely furnished 
 by some honest merchants in England or Ireland for the Spanish 
 fleet. (The rest of the letter contains a request for permission to draw 
 for the amount of any disbursements he may expend for intelligence.) 
 Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Robert Trevor. 
 
 1741, August 22 [-September 2]. Woolterton. — (Pari printed in 
 Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, ii. p. 2G, where on p. 27, line 
 13, "strong" should be "dexterous" and "a" "the"; line 16, 
 " their " should be " this." ) A subsequent part is : — " For my part I 
 always looked upon a neutrality with the King of Prussia for the sake 
 of Hanover, while that King continues engaged with France either as 
 impracticable or as hedging in a cuckoo; his Prussian Majesty dares 
 not, indeed I think cannot, do it in a manner to be of any use to the 
 common cause; but I suppose that point of the neutrality will be deter- 
 ' mined before this time. 1 do not well see, should the Elector of Hanover 
 obtain a neutrality with Prussia, how that will give any other encourage- 
 ment to the States than that of following the same example in procuring 
 a neutrality for themselves, and I am afraid the Elector of Saxony 
 
77 
 
 would think of the same thing in one shape or other, and so by degrees Trevor MS». 
 (now Russia is wholly taken up with Sweden) the alliance for the 
 support of the Pragmatic Sanction will crumble to pieces. 
 
 My brother thinks of coming into the country next week. When 
 I see him I will desire that you may have liberty to draw for such sums 
 as are necessary for procuring intelligence, for I don't doubt but the 
 Jacobites will soon be in motion." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, September 12 [-23]. Woolterton.— (Printed in Coxe, 
 Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, ii., p. 28, with several mistakes ; 
 among them p. 28, line 25, " motives " should be " motions," p. 29, line 
 23, " consider " should be " considered.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, September 10 [-27]. (Printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, 
 Lord Walpole, ii. p. 34, with the following mistakes : p. 34, line 11, read 
 " this" for " the " ; line 16, insert " actual " before " increase " ; p. 35, 
 lines 7 and 10, read " that " for " the " and «■ this " for " their " ; p. 36, 
 line 7, read " as that king was, must be absurd and impracticable or 
 useless " ; p. 37, line 9, after " said " add " which is true " ; p. 38, line 3, 
 add " own " after M their " ; line 5 read " look " for " looked " ; lines 17 
 and 18 insert "even" and " the least" before "England," and " re- 
 gard" ; p. 39 in blank read " same " ; lines 16 and last read " that very " 
 for " every," and " Cologners " for " Colognes " ; p. 40, line 5, omit 
 " on " and line 11 read " Hanoverian " for " Hanover " ; p. 41, line 24, 
 omit " very," last line read " can reproach" for " reproaches "; p. 42, 
 lines 5 and 10, read " knew " for " heard," and " Europe too " for 
 " England " ; line 7, omit " the " before " F— h.") 
 
 John Gouraud to the Same. 
 
 1741, September 18 [-29]. Whitehall.—" Mr. Reide, contractor for 
 transporting the convicts to America, having represented to the Lords Jus- 
 tices, that he had shipped about three weeks ago twenty-nine convicts on 
 board the ship Sally ... for Potomack in Virginia, and that he 
 has lately received advice that in their passage North about they had 
 risen upon the ship's crew and carried her by force into the Texel, 
 where they all went ashore. ... I am commanded to signify to 
 you their Excellencies' directions that you should make the proper 
 instances to the States-General, that orders may be given for assisting 
 Mr. Reide's agent in retaking and reshipping the said convicts on board 
 the Sally, or otherwise securing them." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1741, September 19 [-30]. Woolterton. — (Printed in Coxe, Memoirs 
 of Horatio, Lord Walpole ii. 31, with the following mistakes: — p. 31, 
 line 10, "Hanover" for "Hanoverian"; p. 32, line 18, " Electorate" 
 for " Elector " ; line 20, " in " for " to " ; line 25, omit " of " ; p. 33, 
 line 14, " their " for " the " ; line 19, insert " and " before " There- 
 fore " ; line 23, omit " that " ; last line, insert " at last " after " pen- 
 sionary.") 
 
78 
 
 TftEvcm mss. The Same to the Same. 
 
 174[l], October 6 f— 17]. Cockpit. "I received your letter in- 
 closing the King of Prussia's answer to Lord Hyndford, which would 
 look like an extraordinary piece from any other prince but himself; 
 and notwithstanding the sovereignty of his style and actions, between 
 you and me I should not be surprised to see him take a very different 
 turn rather than come to another battle, for I take him to be at bottom a 
 most errant (sic) eoward ; but then on the other side his fear of the French 
 troops whom he has made his own master will frighten him out of his 
 wits ; but as uncertain as he certainly is, whom no law nor faith can 
 hold longer than his own humour and passions will allow, could we 
 have got him at first and held him but five or six months, the Cardinal 
 would not have ventured to have marched one man out of France either 
 towards the Maes or the Rhine ; but he has now both his friends and his 
 enemies in his power. 
 
 Since my arrival here I have received the Gazettes of the 3rd, 6th, 
 and tenth from the Hague, but no letter from you besides a short 
 memento in the cover of one of them, and indeed I do not wonder at it 
 considering your extraordinary situation and hurry, on account of that 
 mysterious proceeding of the Electoral ministers about a sort of a 
 neutrality. I have read the account of your behaviour and particularly 
 your letter to Bassecour with great pleasure ; nothing could be better 
 calculated either with respect to the time and the person, it is a most 
 impudent thing that such a jackanapes as he with his narrow views and 
 bias to France should take upon him to censure any proceedings on the 
 account of inactivity. I hope you take care to let both the Pensionary 
 and Grreffier and even Corver of Amsterdam see that piece, which 
 with respect to the behaviour of the States is certainly unanswerable, but 
 what goes to my heart is the mystery and darkness of that Electoral 
 proceeding, that the King's minister at the Hague should not have been 
 authorized in a plain and honest manner to inform his Majesty's friends 
 there what he should be obliged to do as Elector, since his friends 
 would take no step to prevent his ruin ; but the shovelling manner in 
 which you was instructed to talk I am afraid will hurt the King's 
 character on account of what he has done, whatsoever it be, as Elector, 
 for I don't yet understand it; and while you and Fenelon are directed 
 to contradict one another I should not be surprised, if France from that 
 contest should fly off from the execution of that which they had pro- 
 mised to perform about the inaction of the troops on both sides ; I 
 have indeed seen in the long packet from the Hague, that Hop 
 himself has wrote from Hanover, that Bussy was told that means 
 should be found out for setting a negotiation on foot for accommoda- 
 ting matters with Spain. I hope Lord H[arringto]n on his arrival at 
 the Hague will set all these matters in a clear light to the satisfaction o£ 
 our friends there. 
 
 I have never yet seen a clear account of the number of troops which 
 France has marched through Liege, &c. nor of those sent to the 
 assistance of the E [lector] of Ba[varia] nor whether any other body 
 has been in motion from France, I should be glad to have particulars 
 as to the exact numbers and of the time when they first moved. 
 
 If Roussett has published any volume of facts and transactions since 
 the late Emperor's death, relating to that succession, I beg you will 
 send [it] me by some body that comes over in the yachts. 
 
 I have received your favour enclosing directions for propagating 
 melons together with the box of seed from Mr. Neuville, and what you 
 sent in a letter, for which I am infinitely obliged to you. 
 
79 
 
 Postscript. — I opened this letter to acknowledge your favour* of the Treyor mss « 
 6th and 10th and to express my concern that anything that I should 
 have let fall in my free, friendly and familiar letters for your infor- 
 mation, and to give you as you seemed to desire oftener than they can 
 deserve it, my thoughts on extraordinary occasions, should have ryled 
 (sic) your temper and occasioned such expostulations with respect to your 
 behaviour between Lord H[arringto]n and me ; so far from desiring 
 you to show the least coolness towards his Lordship on my account, if 
 it would do you any service I don't care if you act the quite contrary 
 part. At least I beg you will continue to show him all the respect 
 deference and veneration imaginable, I know his pride under a false 
 modesty so well that assiduity and personal respect towards him (I 
 don't speak out of pique but from various instauces) will have a great 
 influence with him and gain his favour sooner than the greatest merit, 
 and attention for the public service, and that no merit will have any 
 effect upon him without a personal attachment and even devotion to 
 him ; and therefore in your station of life and situation, I beg without 
 rallery {sic) that you would most earnestly cultivate his friendship. He 
 can do you good, I can do you none : he is all powerful at Hanover, but 
 between you and me after he has been here six weeks he has perhaps 
 as little power as the meanest minister, and whatever he has hitherto 
 gained even for his own children here, he has constantly made use of 
 the credit of my brother to gain it, and he is never satisfied, and his 
 views and desires increase every day, but I will never trouble you 
 any more on that subject, and although I think it is your business 
 not to know it, or to dissemble your knowledge n£ it, do not deceive 
 yourself in thinking, that he was not fully apprised of every step taken 
 by the Electoral ministers in this transaction with France. He is 
 certainly in the utmost confidence of whatever the Elector of Hanover 
 does. I thank you for your good intentions in reconciling Lord 
 H[arringto]n to me, 'tis what he does not, nor can desire. His 
 behaviour to me, after the greatest marks of friendship from me to 
 him, in having, as inconsiderable as I am, been the channel by which 
 he has obtained all the dignity and employment which he now enjoys, 
 and not only that but in having been the instrument to keep him twice 
 in the high station of Secretary of State when the resolution was 
 taken and fixed for removing him, — he knew this — and I say his 
 behaviour to me with this knowledge and consciousness, is the strongest 
 indication of his resolving never to have any thing to do with me, 
 But I have done, I shall put you out of humour if I say more on this 
 subject, and be not afraid of the curiosity of the Germans, for I shall 
 not write any thing more to you, that may expose you to their malice. 
 As for myself I should not be at all concerned if they and Lord 
 H[arringto]n had seen every word I have wrote, it would not hurt 
 me, but it might indeed be a disservice to you, for whom I have, ever 
 since I knew you, had and shall ever have the greatest esteem and affec- 
 tion, and by degrees, without giving you the least reason to suspect 
 any diminution of that esteem and affection which is founded upon 
 your many amiable and valuable qualities, I shall drop our corre- 
 spondence, which cannot be of service to you, and may on the account 
 of my natural and invincible freedom when I have my pen in my 
 hand, give you (I say it sans rancune) some uneasiness in your 
 ticklish situation, for I have now by way of postscript wrote a whole 
 sheet full, when I intended to have said but few words/' 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741, November 27 [-December 8]. — (The material part is printed 
 in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole, ii. p> 43, where the word 
 
80 
 
 Trevor mss. omitted is " conceived " ; and in p. 44, line 1, " complaisance" should 
 be '* compliance.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741 [-2], December 25 [-January 5]. Cockpit. — Asking his interest 
 to obtain an ensign's commission for Mr. Alexander Baird, a cadet 
 in General Collier's regiment. " The recommendation comes from a 
 member of Parliament that is zealously attached to the present Govern- 
 ment and ministry, and it is a time of day to oblige our friends, for you. 
 will have heard of some unpleasant divisions we have had. The 
 questions relating to the public we have constantly carried ; but the 
 Chairman of the Committee for Elections and the Westminster Election 
 has been lost by personal engagements and other incidents of a private 
 nature, so that those divisions must not be looked upon as a measure of 
 the strength of the contending parties, and I natter myself that in 
 matters relating to the provisions to be made for the public good we 
 shall have a sufficient superiority for the despatch of business and 
 therefore I hope our friends in Holland will not be discouraged ; and in 
 particular that their augmentation may be finished by way of con- 
 currence against our meeting again, as one of the best motives for in- 
 ducing our friends to join in keeping up at least the present number of 
 forces for the security and defence as well of our neighbours as 
 ourselves." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741-2, January 19[-30].— " You will have had a surprising account 
 of what has passed to obtain a reconciliation between the K[in]g and 
 the P[rin]ce, and how the offers intimated by his Majesty have been 
 rejected without the removal of Sir R[obert] W[alpole]; as your 
 accounts may be very imperfect I send you, for your own use only and 
 on condition that you will not suffer a copy of it to be taken by any- 
 body whatsoever, the substance of what passed on that occasion as 
 stated by the B[isho]p of Ox[fo]rd himself in concert with Lord 
 Ch[olmonde]ley." 
 
 Unclosed : 
 
 " An account of what passed between H.R.H, and the Bishop of 
 Oxford." 
 
 (Printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, i. p. 693 note.) 
 
 E. Finch, Ambassador to Russia, to the Same. 
 
 1741-2, January 19 [-30]. St. Petersburg. — « Yesterday ended in 
 a melancholy manner the process against the State Prisoners, when the 
 Counts Osterman, Munich, Goloffkin and Lowendahl, with the President 
 Mengden and a Secretary called Swortzkoff, were brought from the 
 citadel to the place before the colleges, where a scaffold was erected, 
 upon which Count Osterman being carried in a chair, after a long 
 enumeration of his crimes, had his sentence pronounced to be broken on 
 the wheel, for which terrible execution there was no preparation. How- 
 ever his head was laid upon the block, as if it was to have been struck 
 off ; but immediately that capital punishment was reversed, and changed 
 into perpetual banishment with an entire confiscation of all his estates. 
 The Felt Marshal Munich's sentence was afterwards read, which was to 
 have been quartered, then that of the rest to be beheaded ; all changed 
 into perpetual banishment and confiscation." 
 
81 
 
 Horatio Walpolb to the Same. Trevor mss. 
 
 [1741-2], January 22 [-February 2], Cockpit. — "As our opponents 
 knew yesterday that we had several members absent on account of the 
 Yorkshire election, and other incidental occasions [they] did in a manner 
 surprise us with a motion that under pretence of secrecy with respect 
 to the papers of State to be laid before the House, and of being enabled 
 to give the King advice at this great juncture as demanded by his 
 speech, without betraying the secret, [and] did propose that those papers 
 should be referred to a secret committee of twenty-one persons, who upon 
 examination of those papers and such other papers as they should 
 demand should report their opinion as to what it is proper for his 
 Majesty to do on this occasion. This was the pretext, which in the nature 
 of it was argued to be destructive of our constitution, as erecting as in 
 the time of 1641 a Committee of Safety independent of the Crown, and 
 indeed independent of the House itself, who should blindly subscribe to 
 the opinion of that Committee, but indeed the real view was, though 
 denied by some, to find, if possible, matter of accusation against the ad- 
 ministration. In short the debate lasted till 12 at night when upon 
 the question, the proposition was rejected by a majority of 253 against 
 250, so we carried [it] by three in which the opponents were certainly 
 mightily disappointed, for they had brought down to the House persons, 
 that were almost ready to expire, and we wanted about twelve people 
 that we hope will be here to-morrow ; the state of the nation is put off 
 for a fortnight, but they have called for papers relating to the corre- 
 spondence with Prussia, which I believe the King must refuse to give, 
 some of them at least. We would not hazard a division because one or 
 two of our members, who voted with us on the other occasion, had 
 declared for having papers before the House to be considered in a 
 full assembly, although they never would submit their opinion blindly 
 to that of twenty-one members." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1741-2, February 9 [-20]. Cockpit.— " My brother, now Earl of 
 Orford, gives up the Seals as Chancellor of the Exchequer to-morrow 
 or on Thursday at furthest. Who is to succeed him is as yet uncertain. 
 Lord President has the King's inclinations, and has been talked of for 
 some days, and he proposed to take two new Commissioners from 
 among the Patriots to be with him of the Treasury, but they abso- 
 lutely refused it, declaring they will act with their own friends only. 
 Mr. Pulteney declines taking any place, but seems to insist that Lord 
 Carteret with Mr. Sandys, Sir John Rushout, Mr. Guybon, and Waller 
 should immediately take possession of the Treasury, and this day the 
 talk goes in favour of them altho' nothing was finally determined upon 
 it last night; in the meantime the D[uke] of A[rgy]le is very active, 
 does not yet declare what he will have, cries out for justice upon the 
 offenders, and is joined in this cry by Cob[ha]m, Ches[terfie]ld &c. that 
 do not love Lord Car[tere]t, altho' they keep tolerably withP[ulten]ey. 
 In short things are in great confusion, and the great point of all 
 relating to the reconciliation between father and son is quite unsettled 
 and little done in it." 
 
 Lord Carteret to the Same. 
 
 1741-2, March 2 [-13]. Whitehall.— " The Duke of Marlborough 
 shewed me a letter to-day from you of the 6th, which gave me great 
 O 77960. ff 
 
82 
 
 Trevor MSS. satisfaction in seeing your dispositions to me, which I will endeavour 
 to deserve. His Grace knows my sincerity and will answer for it, and 
 that you may take as Special Bail. I was raised by bis father and am 
 father to his brother, and have ever been a faithful friend to the whole 
 family ; and as you are in that alliance, you may be sure that I will 
 cultivate your friendship, and since your friend Lord Harrington is 
 removed to another station, I hope you will think that his Majesty's 
 choice could not have fallen upon any person more desirous to do you 
 service than myself." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1741 [_2], March 19 [-30].— " I am to tell you that Lord Stair will 
 set out the beginning of the week, and as to the great business he (Lord 
 Carteret) orders me to write to you iu these express words " That he 
 stakes his whole upon keeping the El\ector\ an Englishman" 
 
 Lord Carteret to the Same. 
 
 1742, April 27 [-May 8].— Authorising him to draw for the 100/. 
 " remitted to our friend at Rome and also for what is due to Count VV. 
 You may assure the Count that his secret is very safe with Lord 
 Wilmington and me." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1742, May 8. Florence. — " The letters of this morning from Rome 
 mention that four gallies of the Pope were ready at Civita Vecchia to con- 
 duct Cardinal Tencin to Marseilles There were some suspicions that the 
 Pretender's son might take this opportunity or to speak more properly 
 that it may have been made on purpose to carry him off. It is some 
 time the people about him speak very confidently of his being to go into 
 France but they are so extreme visionary that there is no depending on 
 what they say." 
 
 Thomas Robinson to the Same. 
 
 1742, May 31. Vienna. — " Do not think that what goes to Breslau 
 has been got with a wet finger. A quoy ban aigrer les choses ? Lord 
 Hyndford may talk at ease of amputations at a distance ; but though 
 an assistant at a great operation does not suffer as much as the patient, 
 yet he suffers with him, for him, and very often from him. The G[rand] 
 Duke has said downright hard things, and though C[ount] Uhlfield and 
 I have agreed never to have icords yet he has told me ; Voyez vous si 
 je ne vous dis pas ce que fai sur le cceur, 31. Robinson, le diable n'p 
 jura rien. 
 
 Would you know the true reason why he covets Pardubitz ? It is 
 the spot of Bohemia the fittest for horses, and why Konigsgratz ? The 
 Bohemians make the best cavalry of all the Queen's subjects. With 
 these two trifles, he would have in a few years 10 m horses, 10 m 
 horsemen, and wherewithal to maintain them. Why is not he content 
 with Silesia ? Non est aptus equis Ithacae locus, but for foot, there is as 
 good as any in Germany. Lord Hyndford has now more than ever I 
 promised. He is authorised to do what I would have taken upon myself 
 to have done, if at Olmutz in January, and all this for the neutrality. 
 Nor would there have been occasion for so much, if M. Finch was new 
 upon the point of returning from Russia, — he might, it is said here, 
 bo accompanied with 30,000 Muscovites— and if the Saxons were in a 
 
83 
 
 condition to do either good or hurt. A propos to these last, a trumpet Trevor MSS, 
 having been sent to Breslau the King of Prussia would speak to him. 
 Monsieur, clit-il, on pretend a votre armee que les Saxons ne sont pa* 
 avec moy ; on se trompe, faurai ordonne de garder mon baggage" 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1742, June 17. Vienna. — "I wish this Court could with a better 
 grace than it does sit patiently with your Quod perdidisti perditum 
 ducas. I mean in general, for as to particular points I see that there 
 will be no appeasing them, that is to say, Debts and Religion. I have 
 heard of the famous M. Lockhart, that he used to say, we had two 
 modern objects unknown to the old Romans capable of puzzling the 
 greatest politicians, Credit and Religion." 
 
 Edward Short to [the Same], 
 
 1742, June 29 [-July 10]. Office of Ordnance. — " T am commanded 
 by the Board to desire you will make no deduction from the contractor 
 on account of the 89 wanting to be new stock'd or the 94 repairable" 
 out of 1028 " they being willing to free him . . .in regard to his 
 having delivered some bayonets more than his contract, tho' very few 
 were good for anything except the 52 supplied over and above from 
 Solingen." 
 
 Horatio Walpolb to the Same. 
 
 1742, October 2 [-13]. Woolterton. — "I am persuaded the chief 
 design of Lord Ca[rtere]t's journey was calculated to enable him to 
 make such a report of the situation of things, as to prevent the King's 
 voyage, especially considering the dilemma the ministers must be under 
 with respect to the Regency ; they dare not venture to press the making 
 of the Pr[ince] of W[ales] Regent lest they should disoblige the King, 
 and they are afraid of disobliging theP[rince] of W[ales] by a Regency 
 without him at a time when things are in a critical situation with respect 
 to the Par[liamen]t, and his R[oyal] H[ighness] or at least his friends 
 do not yet act so clear a part in support of the ministry as is desirable, 
 and I am afraid necessary." 
 
 The Earl of Stair to the Same. 
 
 1742, October 21. Brussels. — " By your letter of the 16th, I see with 
 great admiration the Queen of Hungary's noble and I think wise 
 resolution to reject the advice of her husband, though supported by all 
 the Generals, to let the French troops return back into France ; I am 
 afraid that if the Queen's Resolution is not supported by something very 
 vigorous on the part of the King our master, her Majesty will find it 
 impossible to hold out both against the power of France, and the 
 opinion of her own subjects. It is very easy to see what the con- 
 Bequences will be of the Queen of Hungary's submitting. I heartily 
 wish that these consequences may be well weighed by our Court, and 
 that proper measures may be taken in time to prevent that submission. 
 In my opinion that can only be done by our army's taking such 
 quarters as may keep the French in respect during the winter, and may 
 make it difiicult for their armies to return into France, and by which 
 quarters our army may be in a situation next spring to act either upon 
 the Rhine, the Moselle, or in Flanders. The rainy season and the late 
 
 F 2 
 
84 
 
 TttEvo^jiss. arrival of the Hanover and Hessian troops have prevented the execu- 
 tion of projects we had on this side, which God knows the enemy was 
 in no condition to have obstructed. I hope our neglect of so fair 
 an opportunity will make us attentive not to lose occasions that may 
 offer to remedy what is past, by doing what is yet in our power. 
 If those opportunities should be again neglected, I am afraid the 
 consequences will be very bad; I heartily wish my fears may be 
 disappointed. 
 
 By your letter of the 18th I see that C[omte] de Saxe has surprised 
 a body of Hungarians at Elbogen, who, though they are not prisoners 
 but have capitulated to go back to the Great Duke's army, yet have 
 given up the town which, they say, might have been easily defended ; 
 what I look upon to be the worst of all that matter, is that I am afraid, 
 that the Generals who have given their opinion for a capitulation will 
 not act with that vigour ; it does not appear to me natural, that the 
 French army in presence of the Austrian army, should decamp so often, 
 without having their rear attacked. 
 
 The Duke of Arenberg is gone into England, with a project to have 
 our army employed in the winter towards distressing the French, and 
 supporting the Queen of Hungary, and in the mean time a courier is 
 despatched to the Court of Vienna, to keep up the spirits of the Queen 
 of Hungary. It is very probable that the Duke of Arenberg's project 
 may not take place in all its extent, but if something of that kind 
 is not done, I foresee that it will have very ill consequences. Great 
 ministers sometimes imagine that they can do great things without the 
 assistance of armies, but in my opinion, the proper operations of armies 
 are great helps to the skill of a minister. Our negotiations at the Hague, 
 have not been quite so successful as we could have wished during this 
 summer, I shall be very glad to hear that they go better in the winter, I 
 own to you I am a little apprehensive, that it will happen otherwise ; 
 in the mean time I do not conceive that the States can do a wiser 
 thing, than to strengthen their garrisons in their frontier towns." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1742, December 3 [-14]. — Cockpit. — "As I was going to acquaint 
 you that a motion made on Wednesday ... by Mr. Littleton and 
 seconded by Sir W. Williams Wyn to revive the Committee to inquire 
 into the conduct of the Earl of Orford during the last ten years of 
 his administration was rejected by a majority of 67, Ayes 186, Noes 253, 
 I was favoured by yours . . . letting me know you had turned 
 your thoughts to a matrimonial life and according to the description 
 that you give of the lady that is to share in your happiness I cannot 
 doubt of the hopeful prospect you have of enjoying it in the fullest 
 perfection." 
 
 W[illiam] Murray to the Same. 
 
 1742 [-3], December 28 [-January 8]. — Lincoln's Inn. — "As to 
 the question you ask I will tell you how the matter stands which will 
 easily determine you what to do. 
 
 In England every contract per verba de prcesenti is a marriage in 
 fact, they are not punishable in the Spiritual Court for cohabiting, they 
 are compellable to celebrate the marriage in the face of the Church, and 
 neither party can marry again, but then it is not a legal marriage, 
 because by a positive rule of the Ecclesiastical Law received in England, 
 all marriages must be celebrated by a Priest in Holy Orders. When 
 
85 
 
 the claim of rights consequent upon or derived from marriage, occasions Trevor MSS. 
 a question whether the parties were lawfully married, and the question — 
 
 is to be determined by the Ecclesiastical Court, either by the matter 
 being originally of Ecclesiastical conusance, as where debts are due to 
 the wife which the husband cannot recover without taking out Letters 
 of Administration to her, or where issue is joined in the Temporal 
 Courts upon the very point whether the parties were ever lawfully 
 married and they write to the Bishop to certify, the Ecclesiastical 
 Court always determines and certifies against marriages where the 
 ceremony is not performed by a Priest in Holy Orders, therefore mar- 
 riages by Popish Priests are good, but not by Dissenters, independent 
 of an Act of Parliament which makes them good. 
 
 It is true a marriage in fact is sufficient for almost all Temporal 
 rights, because there are few actions now in use where the parties are 
 allowed in pleading to join issue upon the legality of a marriage, and 
 when it comes to be tried before a jury or otherwise in the Temporal 
 Courts as a matter of fact, which is now almost always the case, coha- 
 bitation as man and wife and constant acknowledgement is sufficient. 
 
 The case of a marriage in a foreign country according to the laws of 
 that country is of a very different consideration ; and I should think in 
 my own opinion that even our Ecclesiastical Courts must allow them to 
 be good ; because the contract makes the marriage, and the positive 
 rule of our law which requires the intervention of a Priest is of no 
 force there ; and a contrary doctrine would make strange confusion, all 
 the regular marriages in Scotland are by those whom the Church of 
 England don't consider as Priests, so likewise in most of the plantations 
 and in some by positive Acts they are to be b}' Justices of the Peaco- 
 But I don't know that this point has ever come in judgment; for it is 
 very seldom that the question whether lawful marriage or not, when 
 there is in fact a marriage, comes before the Spiritual Court. I have 
 stated these things shortly to you, that you may see upon what grounds 
 I advise you not only to be married according to the Laws of Holland 
 but likewise by a Priest of the Church of England according to the 
 rites and ceremonies of the Church of England. Though the first kind of 
 marriage would in my opinion answer all intents and purposes to the 
 greatest degree of probability, yet I can't say with absolute certainty 
 that no question can arise upon such a marriage, for I take it for 
 granted that marriages in Holland are either performed by the civil 
 magistrate, or by Calvinist ministers whose ordination the Church of 
 England disputes. Besides your public capacity seems an additional 
 Teason for your being married according to the laws of your country. 
 There seems to me no possible objection to performing the ceremony 
 twice, and I do by all means ad visa your so doing." 
 
 The Earl of Stair to the Same. 
 
 1743, February 18. Brussels. — " 1 am now come as far as Brussels, 
 and all the British troops are in mouveinent {sic) in their way to pass 
 the Maes at or near Maastricht, to enter into the Pays de Juliers 
 and so on to the Rhine ; for my part I can foresee no manner of 
 obstacle to the march of our army or to that march having all the 
 effects we can desire, that is to say, to oblige all the Princes upon 
 the Lower Rhine to enter into such measures as may be concerted 
 by the Maritime Powers for obtaining a good peace for themselves 
 and for all Europe, that in time to come the Maritime Powers and 
 all Europe may have the prospect of continuing in peace and tranquillity 
 for many years, and not to be in the situation we have been in for many 
 
86 
 
 Trevor MSS. years, obliged to expend vast sums of money to hinder France to become 
 — absolute mistress, and living in the mean time in continual fears distrust 
 
 and uneasiness. I take it for granted that the views of the Republic 
 are to get out of this disagreeable and perilous situation without any parti- 
 cular views of making conquests for ourselves which, I believe, is 
 neither the aim nor the interest of the Maritime Powers. Luckily at 
 present drawing together, taking measures in concert, and following out 
 those measures steadily, in my humble opinion we have the thing in our 
 power, and I hope we shall not have ourselves to reproach with not 
 having profited of so fair an opportunity, where morally speaking the 
 enemy can do nothing on their part to hinder the execution of our 
 designs, and in the deplorable situation of the affairs of France with 
 regard to their troops I think it is highly improbable that France will 
 be able to pick up any new allies, but to arrive at the desirable end 
 above mentioned it appears to me absolutely necessary that there should 
 be a concert among the allies, and that that concert should be made 
 without loss of time." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743, February 28. Aix la Chapelle. — " The many advantages which 
 I foresaw from this march do •very day appear more certain and less 
 difficult; I am pretty sure that we shall find all the Princes concerned, 
 that is to say the Princes thro' whose territories we are to pass, very 
 complaisant, and they will be so more and more every day from 
 the modesty and moderation of our troops and our indulgence to 
 the people, which they did by no means expect, and from the plain- 
 ness which every man must conceive, that our business is to protect all 
 the Princes of the Empire from oppression, and to deliver the Empire 
 itself from the yoke, under which it has groaned for many years, and 
 under which in all probability it must labour for ever, if the preseut 
 favourable opportunity is not laid hold of." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743, March 26. Aix la Chapelle. — " Our troops are now all in motion 
 towards the Rhine. General Ligonier and Brigadier Huske set out 
 upon Friday next from hence for Deuren, and 1 believe on Sunday I 
 shall leave this place in order to take my quarters within four or five 
 leagues of Bonn to be near the head of the troops and give such orders 
 from day to day as may be necessary ; in the mean time there does not 
 the least opposition appear on the part of any of the German Princes 
 concerned, on the contrary they very cheerfully send their commissaries 
 to provide fourage {sic), and every thing that may be necessary for the 
 troops on their march ; I do not know what colours Monsr. Podewils 
 may give to this, but I can easily perceive that very false colours have 
 been used at the Hague and elsewhere to deter the States from their 
 accession and other Princes from pursuing steadily the only salutary 
 measures that could be taken for the honour and for the advantage of 
 the Maritime Powers and for the safety of all Europe." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743, April 5. Aix la Chapelle. — " We are going on with the diligent 
 execution of our project, the Austrians have been passing the Rhine 
 since the 2nd, to be followed by the British troops ; the Hanovers begin 
 to pass the Rhine to-morrow, and all the bodies are in motion to support 
 
87 
 
 their heads. This motion is, I believe, very much unexpected in many Tbevor mss. 
 places, but I am very confident, that in a little while it will appear to 
 have all the good effects that can be desired from it, many more than at 
 first sight will occur to most people/' 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1743, April 25 [-May 6]. Cockpit. — " Since his Majesty is deter- 
 mined to go, and stay I do not know where, and to do I don't know 
 what, I heartily pray that he may be glorious and successful abroad, in 
 order to be easy in his government when he returns again to us ; for in 
 the confusion things are at present here under a divided, distracted, and 
 I am afraid weak administration, without any one person having the 
 credit and confidence of his master or the goodwill of his fellow-subjects;, 
 any disgrace on the other side or even inaction will cause a most 
 
 troublesome and boisterous scene the next sessions 
 
 The pamphlet of the Case of the Hanover Forces made a great noise, 
 and had a bad influence upon the minds of all sorts of people. Friends 
 called loudly for an answer, the ministers were uneasy, addressed them- 
 selves to Mr. P[oyn]tz, to the Bishop of Salisbury, and even hinted 
 coolly to Lord 0[rfo]rd to take the pen, but the two first absolutely 
 refused it, and his Lordship was not au fait with respect to foreign 
 affairs. However (for I was never spoken to by them for reasons too long 
 to tell you, and which perhaps you may guess at yourself), I told his 
 Lordship, an answer might be made, and accordingly in about a fort- 
 night or three weeks time, the Interest of Great Britain steadily pursued 
 appeared, which had the good fortune to be extremely desired, and was 
 at first called Lord C[artere]t's, but some days after the publication our 
 friend Weston, in a visit he vouchsafe[d] to make me on purpose, pumped 
 me about the author, saying that he had received orders jointly with 
 Mr. Stone to collect facts, which he told the Duke of N[ewcastle] he 
 was not able to do it in six months. He spoke then of this answer as 
 what was in a narrow compass very complete as far as it went, and as 
 it was not done by any body in the office, he was pleased to call me the 
 author. I told him that I was not desirous to be thought the author, 
 either of a good or bad thing, where I was not concerned ; in the mean 
 time the pamphlet sold extremely well, and every body called for 
 Part Second, but the ministers would give it no countenance, read it with 
 uneasiness, and discouraged the vent of it, of which I will give you a 
 particular instance. The printer told me, that as the Case of the 
 Hanover Forces had been industriously dispersed at the expense of the 
 opponents all over the kingdom, the friends of the Government were 
 surprised, that the same care was not taken to spread abroad the antidote. 
 I bid him without naming me let our friend Weston know it, which he 
 accordingly did, and the stately Commis[sioner?] immediately grew warm ; 
 and wondered at the presumption of any body to pretend to write any- 
 thing that related to the affairs of the Secretary of State without con- 
 sulting him, and then to publish it without a previous communication, 
 and therefore the ministry was in the right to give it no encouragement, 
 so that nobody must serve the Government without their leave ; I 
 heartily wish they wanted no assistance; and now you know why Part 
 the Second never came out, but this is between ourselves." 
 
 The Earl of Stair to the Same. 
 
 1743, May 19. Hochst, — " We have assembled in this neighbourhood 
 a noble army just ready to pass the Main, our bridge is just ready to be 
 
88 
 
 .Trevor mss. laid. I am persuaded the war in Bavaria will go in the same maimer, 
 in which it has begun ; all these things will probably produce a very 
 great consternation at Paris, but in my humble opinion they should 
 produce a jubilee all over the kingdom, for when the French King shall 
 have been obliged to yield up such a barrier as may be necessary to 
 make all the rest of Europe quiet, the whole kingdom of France will be 
 infinitely more happy than they have been for a hundred years past, 
 they may then daily increase in wealth and happiness which none of 
 their neighbours will ever think of disturbing.'* 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1743, May 25 [-June 5]. Woolterton. — " I heartily congratulate you 
 upon your successful endeavours in having procured the march of the 
 Hessians and of the 20,000 men, two very essential points towards the 
 success of affairs abroad and to stop the mouths of clamour at home ; 
 which together with the daily success of the Austrians against the 
 Bavarians cannot fail of having a great effect upon the minds of the 
 people in this inconstant and licentious country." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1743, June 11. Florence. — " The person from whom I have frequently 
 sent letters under your care for Count Benti[n]ck is still in this neigh- 
 bourhood seemingly totally neglected. He has a violent disorder upon 
 his nerves which he supposes proceeds from a poisoned lettei\ but he is 
 extremely visionary and capable of believing anything." 
 
 C. Wetstein to the Same. 
 
 1743, June 16-27. Dettingen. — "By my Lord Carteret's order I have 
 only time to acquaint you of a very great and considerable action, that has 
 happened this very day near this place, being but just come hither from 
 the field of battle. His Imperial Majesty's allies having proposed to 
 hinder our junction with the Hessians and the last 6,000 Hanoverian 
 troops which we were a going to meet about Hanau, they crossed the 
 Meyn by this place, between 25,000 and 30,000 of their best troops, 
 which after a hot engagement from 10 in the morning till 5 in the 
 afternoon were absolutely repulsed, and forced over the river back again, 
 with the loss of a great number of men and many persons of distinction 
 (the troops of the Household having greatly suffered) killed or taken 
 prisoners, among which last there was the youngest son of Monsieur le 
 Marquis de Fenelon, who got an ugly cut in the head, after having 
 behaved very gallantly, and was brought in prisoner. My Lord Carteret, 
 as soon as he knew it, had him brought to him, and had him dressed by 
 Mr. Ramby, our best surgeon in the army, gave him his chaise and to a 
 comrade of his wounded at the same time, and at the same time gave 
 orders that the most particular care should he taken of them, for which 
 his Lordship further recommended them most particularly to my lord 
 Stair and other general officers. M. de Fenelon desired that my Lord 
 should acquaint his father with it, which his Lordship promised to do ; 
 I found him in very good spirits. I must add as a thing I have been a 
 witness of that his Lordship has behaved as nobly and with as great 
 humanity and generosity towards all the officers that were taken 
 prisoners, and offered them all possible assistance and care, which was 
 effected accordingly." 
 
89 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. teeyor mss. 
 
 1743, July 2. Florence. — " You should know the great alarm all 
 Italy is under on account of the plague at Messina which increases 
 daily. Every state of Italy takes all imaginable precautions to prevent 
 the infection being brought into it, of which there is great danger from 
 the number of vessels with people that are fled from Messina and who 
 seek to put on shore whereever they can. The Court of Rome and this 
 Government have placed guards all along their coasts, and all the states 
 of Italy in general have agreed not to receive any vessels or barks in 
 their lazarettos or permit them to perform a quarantine, in consequence 
 of which an express was sent to Leghorn two days ago to oblige all those 
 that were performing quarantine there immediately to depart, allowing 
 them only time to receive provisions on board. Amongst them there 
 was one, on board of which two people died in a very few hours with 
 many symptoms of the plague upon them. This method of sending 
 those barks away is not approved of by everybody, as it is greatly to be 
 feared they may find means to get on shore somewhere and propagate 
 the infection." 
 
 Thomas Villiers to the Same. 
 
 1743, July 4. Hanau. — " Upon an information that the French 
 intended to cross the Main below Frankfort and take possession of 
 Hochst, General Sommerfeldt was sent that way on the 2nd instant 
 with a large detachment, and yesterday he let his Majesty know that he 
 had taken up our old quarters at that place without meeting with any 
 opposition, so that I think we may stay here sometime, secure from our 
 late danger of being starved." 
 
 The Duke of Richmond to the Same. 
 
 1743, July 7. King's Quarters at Hanau. — " By the account printed 
 here by my Lord Carteret's direction, which I suppose you have had, 
 I believe you will think that the attack of la maison du Roy was only 
 upon our centre, and that they alone were engaged, whereas I do assure 
 [you] that the whole French line and all our first line was engaged, 
 tho' very little of the second. I know this to be true, because I was on 
 the spot during the whole battle and saw it myself, out certainly their 
 whole army, that is all that crossed the Main, was beaten by our first 
 line which was composed of most English and some Austrian foot, in 
 all not 15,000 men. It was a deep stake, and God knows what would 
 have become of all Europe, if they had failed, but, thank God, I think 
 (at least according to our present situation) that it cannot happen again. 
 We were then certainly in a cul de sac. Then as to the numbers of the 
 killed and wounded that paper is quite wrong, for instead of 1,500 we 
 have certainly lost that is hors de combat by killed and wounded above 
 2,200 and the French have certainly lost between 7 and 8,000. . . . 
 Another mistake there is, which is, that the village of Dettingen is 
 represented as in the rear of the left of the French line, whereas it was 
 in the rear of their right wing. These are particulars that I suppose 
 are set right by this time, for as to the printed account my Lord Carteret 
 told me it was all he could get collected at the time, and in the main it 
 is a tolerable good account." 
 
 Thomas Villiers to the Same. 
 
 1743, July 11. Hanau. — "Since our retaking the post of Hochst, 
 which makes us masters of countries and towns enough to be supplied 
 
90 
 
 Trevor mss.| with provisions and forage, I think no motion has been made by our 
 troops. The late victory still grows on us • two more French standards, 
 which make eight, were found yesterday, and it is now generally assured 
 that their loss amounts to about 8,000, the wounded included. They 
 are however endeavouring to strengthen themselves by fresh regiments 
 and Broglio's corps; but, the union of two beaten armies may augment 
 the general fear, as that of Prince Charles v/ith his Majesty must add, 
 if possible, to the spirit of each others." 
 
 Thomas Villieiis to the Same. 
 
 1743, July 13. Hanau. — " Yesterday morning about 3 o'clock Marshal 
 Noailles marched with his whole army towards Darmstadt, and, as it is 
 said, will go to Worms, but I cannot affirm that his design is known 
 here ; some even apprehend that he may turn agnin towards the mouth 
 of the Main." 
 
 The Earl of Stair to the Same. 
 
 1743, July 15. Hanau. — " I was entirely ignorant of all the opera- 
 tions of our army, excepting on the day of battle, when I thought it 
 was my duty to meddle. The consequence of our victory might have 
 been as great as our hearts could desire, but those whose advice the 
 King took have not thought fit to take any advantage of the French ; 
 however upon the approach of Prince Charles they are retiring with 
 great precipitation behind the Rhine. When Prince Charles and your 
 Dutch troops arrive, I do not know what operations we then propose to 
 make ; I have long solicited in vain the sending up our artillery from 
 Ostend, we have evidently for a good while together had everything in 
 our power ; I am still of opinion that we may yet do whatever our 
 hearts can desire." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1743, August 5 [-16]. Whitehall. — " Entre nous our friends here are 
 full of dissatisfaction at the dryness and reserve of their correspondent 
 abroad, and I much apprehend that the mala sarta gratia of 1742 will 
 not be long lived." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743, August 12 [-23]. Whitehall.— Explaining that no absolute 
 prohibition against ships from Sicily and Calabria can be enforced with- 
 out an Act of Parliament, and giving other reasons against it. Quaran- 
 tine is imposed by virtue of the King's prerogative ; and by the Pro- 
 clamation and subsequent Orders in Council, no ships can be discharged 
 from quarantine without obtaining at the end of the term a special order 
 for release, so that the Privy Council have reserved the power of detain- 
 ing ships and goods in suspicious cases, as they shall judge fitting. 
 
 The Earl of Hyndford to the Same. 
 
 1743, October 19. Berlin. — " I would long ago have acknowledged the 
 honour of your letter by Monsieur Voltaire if I had had anything to 
 write from hence worthy of your attention. That gentleman was 
 so occupied by the King of Prussia and the rest of this Royal Family 
 during his stay here that I had not an opportunity of showing him the 
 regard which I have to your recommendations." 
 
91 
 
 The Duke op Newcastle to the Same. Trevor mss. 
 
 1743, October 28 [-November 8]. Newcastle House. — u I am very 
 much concerned to find that you at present decline coining into Parlia- 
 ment, where I think you may be of great service to the King, your 
 country, your friends and yourself, of which last to be sure you are the 
 best judge. I must own I had flattered myself with the hopes of it, and 
 did not see any incompatibility between your attendance in Parliament 
 some few months in the winter, and your business in Holland." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1743, November 29 [-December 10]. Cockpit. — " Things are here in 
 great confusion, and as the opponents are very resolute and bold, and 
 have summoned all their friends to be in town the first day, we may 
 expect warm debates upon the meeting of the Parliament, altho' I am 
 told that all imaginable care is taken in the King's speech to give no 
 handle for it." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743, December 13 [-24]. Cockpit. — (Printed in Coxe, Memoirs of 
 Horatio, Lord Walpole, ii. p. 60, with the following mistakes ; p. 60, last 
 line, insert "the state of" before "our"; p. 61, lines, 6, 14, read 
 " willing " for •' acting," and " will " for " is to " ; p. 62, line 4 insert 
 " and " after " sanguine," and line 8 read " the " for " his.") 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743-4, January 3 [-14]. Cockpit. — " Next week we expect warm 
 work in Parliament upon the Treaty of Worms, which I suppose will 
 then be laid before the House, the Hanoverian forces etc. The clamour 
 on this last head is most industriously propagated, and it is even given 
 out that the Dutch have conceived as great animosity against the 
 Hanoverians as the English. 
 
 Postscript. — I think you would do well to write Lord Hobart 
 y ourself, and desire him to prevent those manuscripts you sent him from 
 being made {sic) for the reasons you can allege." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1744, January 28. Florence. — " I wrote again to his Grace . . 
 yesterday, to confirm the departure from Rome of the Pretender's eldest 
 son, for which dispositions had been making for some time, though with 
 so much secrecy that it was impossible to make any clear judgment about 
 it, though I constantly acquainted his Grace with my suspicions. The 
 young man has for some years past always gone to Cisterna to hunt, 
 under this pretence he now got off unobserved for some days, Cardinal 
 Acquaviva having provided everything necessary for his departure at 
 Caprarola his country house, from whence he departed in the habit and 
 with the arms of a Spanish courier, with one person only. I apprehend 
 he could not long support the fatigue of riding post, for according to the 
 accounts which I have from the posts on the cross reads in Tuscany two 
 people passed by (who answer exactly to their description) in a chaise 
 belonging to the Post with two saddles tied behind. The accounts do not 
 agree exactly about the day of his departure from Rome, though I believe 
 it was the 9th, nor are the post masters on roads of Pisa more exact in the 
 relations I have received from them about the day of his passing there, 
 
Trevor MSS. though many of them agree in the description of the two persons. I have 
 not received any accounts from Genoa, but by another express I have 
 received this day from Rome I am informed that on his arrival there a 
 courier was despatched to the Pretender with an account of it and to 
 acquaint him that his son was lodged at the Director's of the Spanish 
 Post, where he proposed to rest 24 hours and then to proceed by land to 
 Finale (still as a Spanish Courier), where an embarkation was ready to 
 convey him to Antibes. This is all we know of him as yet, which I believe 
 will occasion a very great alarm in England. As to their views in this 
 step, it is impossible to say anything with certainty. By the extract of M. 
 de Thun's letter you will see he thinks the young man is to go on board 
 the French squadron at Brest, others think he is to serve in Flanders. 
 Whatever light he appears in public in, it cannot fail of producing bad 
 consequences by reviving a party that was almost forgot, though T cannot 
 persuade myself that there is either in England or Scotland any con- 
 siderable number of people that would be so mad [as] to espouse his cause, 
 neither can I persuade myself that the French King would condescend 
 to marry him to one of his daughters as some pretend. The only view that 
 I can see in this step is to cause an alarm in hopes of engaging his 
 Majesty's attention to the security of his own dominions and draw it off 
 from the affairs in which the nation is engaged." 
 
 Andrew Thompson to the Same. 
 
 1744, February 14. Paris. — " The person who left Rome on the 9th 
 January arrived at Antibes the 27th in company with another unknown. 
 Those of the French ministers whom I have seen since the news was 
 first talked of, which are Cardinal Tencin and M. Amelot, disavow their 
 having been concerned in this undertaking. The latter assured me, that 
 he was so far from having had any hand in it that he knew nothing of the 
 matter, before the young man had actually left Rome, and to convince 
 me the more, he said he was under no necessity of owning so much, and 
 that therefore if it had not been true, he would [have] told me at once 
 that he had no account to give me. The Cardinal talked very lightly 
 of this enterprise, saying, it was a tour de jeune homme qui Vavoit 
 pris sons son bonnet sans consult er personne. He said, he supposed the 
 young man was grown weary of the idle life he led at Rome, and that 
 he was come away with an intent to make a campaign with Don Philip. 
 
 . . . Both the Cardinal and M. Amelot assured me, that, whatever 
 I might hear of this person's being on board the Brest squadron, I might 
 depend upon it, it was not true." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1743-4, February 27 [- March 9]. Cockpit.—" I hope . . . 
 that he [Sir John Norris] has left in the Downs a sufficient number of 
 ships to watch the Dunkirk embarkation, for notwithstanding the many 
 zealous addresses, and particularly of this city, I don't wish to see a 
 French army in England. Richard Cromwell was wont to point at an 
 old trunk he had in his chamber full of the lives and fortunes of the 
 good people of England. 
 
 You will receive, I suppose, the Address of the House of Commons 
 upon the communication made to us of the master of the pacquet-boat's 
 information from Calais, and of the French Court's answer to Mr. 
 Thompson. Perhaps you will receive that also from the Lords, but I 
 am not, between you and me, so certain of that, because it was occasioned 
 very unexpectedly. It seems, as the House of Lords have nothing to 
 
93 
 
 do in matters of money, and they consequently could not make an Trevor mss 
 Address for making good expenses in the same manner as the Commons 
 the Ministers had agreed to make only a bare communication of the 
 papers above mentioned to the Lords without any motion upon them. 
 Lord Orford hinted to them in private in the House not to let the 
 French Court's answer pass without animadversion at so great a 
 juncture, and thought their silence would have a very bad effect ; but as 
 he was not much regarded, and the question was putting to call in 
 counsel to hear a cause, his Lordship, though firmly resolved not to 
 have spoken this session, had so great an impulse upon him that he 
 could not forbear representing the necessity there was for their Lord- 
 ships to take notice and resent in a proper manner the behaviour of 
 France in meditating an invasion in favour of the Pretender ; and in 
 giving so evasive and presumptuous an answer to the application of his 
 Majesty's minister at Paris. The D[uke] of N[ewcastle] was a little 
 touched, as if it was a sort of a slap for his not moving anything, but the 
 whole House agreed to a proper Address by way of Resolution. You 
 will take no notice of this, which I should not have troubled you with, 
 had I not had so safe a conveyance. 
 
 1 take the liberty to hint to you likewise (but in the greatest confidence 
 and assurance of secrecy) that the D[uke] of N[ewcastle] is not per- 
 fectly well pleased with you ; and I am persuaded that the reason is 
 because I am told your despatches are full of flattery to Lord C[artere]t ; 
 for you must know that, notwithstanding the common danger, they are, 
 if possible, greater enemies than ever, and that appears in all the 
 deliberations in councils at this great and critical juncture. The truth 
 is that his G[ra]ce is generally not much esteemed ; and his Lordship is as 
 generally, I am afraid, hated, not to say worse. 
 
 You will burn this as soon as read, and not to take the least notice of 
 these particulars so as to be understood by the Post." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1743-4, March 9 [-20]. Cockpit. — " We are all easy and quiet here, 
 imagining that the expedition of Dunkirk is entirely over. Lord 
 0[rfor]d and myself are almost the only persons that seem not indifferent 
 about it, and think our precautions should be continued ; I am whispered 
 that the re-imbarkation at Dunkirk is renewing, I don't believe that; 
 but to be persuaded that it will not be renewed depends upon the 
 motives France had for undertaking it, and the more or less unanimity 
 in the French councils for that undertaking. If it was a unanimous 
 scheme there, as a serious and determined measure, connected with 
 their general plan of operations for this campaign, and grounded upon 
 a disposition in a great many to receive a new K[ing], and an in- 
 difference in many more with respect to this f[amil]y, and their being 
 able to have more regular troops to invade, than we shall have to oppose, 
 besides the hearts of the people ; I do still apprehend a new attempt, 
 unless Providence interpeses again." 
 
 Hokace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1744, March 31. Florence. — "It is certain that the Jacobites and the 
 adherents of the Pretender at Rome are so visionary that they expect 
 to hear of an insurrection in England in favour of the Pretender's son ; 
 it is probable that they will be undeceived when they see that both 
 Houses of Parliament have unanimously presented Addresses to his 
 Majesty to assure him that they will sacrifice their lives and fortunes 
 
94 
 
 Trevor mss. for the support of his person and government and that the city of London 
 
 has done the same 
 
 Soon after the Pretender's son's departure from Rome a pompous 
 account of it was printed and distributed to all the Cardinals by Murray, 
 called Lord Dunbar. The author, who is Cardinal Monti, compares his 
 escape to that of Demetrius in Folybius, and draws a magnificent parallel 
 between them. The piece is very bulky and not worth your notice, scnce 
 that others have exercised their parts in print j the enclosed is a copy of 
 some verses on that occasion." Enclosed : — 
 
 Two pieces, each consisting of twelve Latin Hexameters, headed 
 " Demetrius, Seleuci filius, Soter posted dicttts, clean ex urbe ad 
 patriam liber andam proficiscitur " and "Demetrius ante discessum 
 amicis mentem aperit" 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1744, April 7. Florence. — "The dispersion of the transports at 
 Dunkirk . . . has greatly dejected the spirits of the Pretender and 
 all his adherents. The news of it arrived at Rome by a French courier 
 from Paris a few days before the last letters departed from thence. 
 The Chevalier Tencin, the busy nephew of the Cardinal, announced this 
 fatal news to the Pretender and his second son, the latter fainted on the 
 recital of it, and it struck the former with a most profound melancholy, 
 which soon dispersed itself throughout the entire family ." 
 
 Field-Marshal George Wade to the Same. 
 
 1744, April 12. Brussels. — "Unless they send us our drafts from 
 England we shall make but a poor figure by the weakness of our 
 squadrons and battalions. As to the Hanoverians they are all on their 
 march, but by a letter I have had from their general the hindermost 
 cannot be here till the 29th of this month, I mean of the 16,000 in our pay, 
 for we are to have no more . . . this campaign, and as to the Hessians, 
 as I don't hear of their having begun their march I despair of seeing 
 them this year. ... I don't find that they have any plan of 
 operations on our side nor indeed do I think, in the situation we are 
 in, we can have any but what must be produced by the motions of the 
 French." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1744, April 21. Florence. — " It is impossible to describe the conster- 
 nation that appeared all over Rome and particularly in the Pretender's 
 family on the arrival there of the notice that the intended invasion in 
 favour of his son had failed. The Pretender complained greatly on this 
 occasion that the Court of France had totally changed the first scheme 
 that had been concerted and in consequence of which he said he had 
 consented to his son's departure. An accident happened afterwards 
 which explained his meaning : The Abbe Goddard, an Irishman, who 
 was formerly inter-nuncio at Brussels and strongly attached to their 
 interests, being with Murray (there called Lord Dunbar) and many 
 others, in the heat of discourse inveighed against France, saying that, if 
 the first project had only been followed of invading his Majesty's 
 dominions in Germany with the Pretender's son, it could not in all pro- 
 bability have failed of producing the effect they proposed, that it would 
 have fomented the divisions and animosities in England and have 
 (Hstres- d I-'s Majesty's measures more than any other after the spirit 
 
95 
 
 that has been raised and the many indecent invectives that have been Trevor mss. 
 published with regard to the Electorate of Hanover. This discourse pro- 
 nounced with the utmost warmth drew severe reprimands from Murray, 
 who immediately acquainted the Pretender with what had passed, in 
 consequence of which the Abbe received an order the next day from the 
 Pretender not to approach his house any more, nor have the entreaties' 
 of Cardinal Corsini, Acquaviva and others who have interested them- 
 selves for him been able to obtain his pardon, being accused of 
 indiscretion in discovering their secrets and as unfit to be entrusted with 
 them for the future. 
 
 The parallel of Demetrius, which was published and distributed 
 by Murray, is now with great industry called in, having displeased, it is 
 said, the Court of France, two pistoles are offered for each exemplaire." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1744, April 19 [-30]. Arlington Street. — Introducing the bearer, 
 Mr. Vaneck, and opening " a little to you my thoughts and those of many 
 of your friends in this country upon the present situation of our affairs 
 abroad. . . . Nobody knows of my writing to you on this subject 
 but Lord Harrington and the Duke of Newcastle." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1744, May 15. The Hague. — "It is this part of my letter, which 
 will put my courage in telling and your candour in hearing truths to the 
 test. ... A further discouragement to vigour in this government 
 . . . is its want of a due reliance upon our Royal Master thro' its 
 discovery of the prevalency of hi« Electoral bias ; to which I have daily 
 instances pointed out to me of his postponing not only the interests of 
 the Republic, but those of the common cause, and even of his Crown. 
 Under this head I am twitted with his Majesty's management of his 
 Imperial Commission in Oostfrise : With the demand, I was forced to 
 make in February 1741 of the Republic's guaranteeing the Electorate 
 previously to the establishing any avowed concert of measures, and 
 union of forces (which I was then just upon the point of obtaining) 
 between her and England in the support of our common guaranty of the 
 Pragmatic contra quoscunque : With the neutrality struck up the end 
 of the same year with France, at the expense of the reputation of the 
 British Secretary of State then attending the King's person ; With his 
 Majesty's conduct at the Diet of the Election ; With the languor, and 
 inactivity, with which our last campaign closed, and with the confu- 
 sion with which the present one opens : With the detention of the 
 Electoral succour ; With the tenderness, backwardness, and indepen- 
 dency of the Hanoverian Corps that is in the Netherlands; and lastly, 
 with the ill-blood, and disaffection, which this same unhappy bias has 
 bred in England, to the visible weakening of our administration, not to 
 say possible endangering of our very constitution. Under this head I 
 must also range another rep/oach of this Government's, which is the 
 perpetual dodging between the King's two qualities. Today, they say, 
 the King, and the Elector, are to be considered, and treated as one and 
 the same individual person : The next, there are no two Princes in 
 Europe, who are less intimate with, or less accountable to one another. 
 When any guaranty, or advantage is the question ; All the allies of the 
 British crown are to be deemed allies of the Electorate; but when any 
 danger, or onus is the question ; Hanover is a distinct, independent 
 State ; and nowise involved in the measures, nor even fate of England. 
 
96 
 
 Trevor mss. At this very hour, they observe, whilst Lord Hyndford is labouring at 
 Berlin to extend the virtue of the Great Seal of Great Britain to the 
 Hanoverians ; These last pretend not to understand the French King's 
 late Declaration of war, as regarding them ; and whilst his Britannic 
 Majesty's Privy Counsellors sign a Treaty of Subsidy with the Elector 
 of Cologne ; they seem nowise admitted into the knowledge of the bar- 
 gain existing between that Prince and the Elector of Hanover ; the 
 stipulations of which are now pleaded here by the Court of Bonn, as 
 one of the circumstances, which incapacitate it from complying with our 
 Declaration, and accommodating the Republic with any troops for the 
 present. 
 
 Now I have thus far put my heart, and my fortunes into your hands, 
 I shall not suppress another great discouragement to vigour here, of a 
 nature little less tender and delicate, than the foregoing one ; and this 
 is the knowledge this people has got of the want of harmony and 
 union amongst the King's servants in England, to which they attribute 
 the want they pretend to discover of forecast, system, and steadiness in 
 our measures. They reproach me with the incoherence of our several 
 heterogeneous corps of troops ; and with their unsubserviency to the 
 defence of the Netherlands ; Wade seeming to keep his eye chiefly 
 fixed upon our Islands ; and Wendt his upon Westphalia. The lavish- 
 ness of our last campaign makes some imagine, it must be impossible 
 for England to sing the tune through in the note she has begun it. Our 
 land operations have not yet given the Dutch a better opinion of our 
 Generals, than they have of their own; nor have our sea ones any wise 
 answered the expectation of the public ; nor raised the credit of our 
 naval arms. But what staggers all sorts of people here is, the seeing 
 England after having been the first to seek the danger, and after having 
 all along taken the lead, and in a manner invited, and defied France to 
 the present issue, now at a loss to know how to turn herself; without 
 any plan of operations ; and without any determinate concert, or 
 thorough understanding not only with this State, whose fault it may be 
 as much as ours, but even with the Queen herself ; and lastly without a 
 chief with authority to write, and instructions to employ indiscriminately, 
 and without favour or affection, all the few troops the allies have left, 
 to the greatest advantage of the common cause ; in the strengthening 
 whereof alone the several powers ought to seek their peculiar safety." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1744, May 26. The Hague. — "The foregoing hasty sheets have 
 been lying by me these ten days for a safe conveyance to my brother's 
 hands by a messenger. What I have now to add ... is that the 
 hopeless and succourless situation, in which Menin, Ypres and Tournay 
 and the Dutch garrisons therein . . . now find themselves had 
 raised a very bad humour in this country, where this misfortune is 
 universally laid at our and the Hanoverians' door, who would not, they 
 say, turn time enough out of our warm winter quarters ; nor advance in 
 time to form upon the frontier, nor lend a single regiment to reinforce 
 the garrison. The very Pensionary tells me the Netherlands were lost, 
 and lost by our fault ; whilst our old opposers revived, pluckt up new 
 courage and preacht up afresh with but too much success the doctrine 
 of neutrality. By good luck the high language the French hold to 
 Mr. Twickle on one hand, and the several popular and obliging in- 
 structions I have just received from England on the other, have a little 
 sweetened this sour humour in Holland, tho' I must still expect to feel 
 some effects of it in some of the other Provinces. ... In the mean- 
 
time it is impossible for me to get the second corps of 20,000 men into Trevor MSS. 
 .Flanders. This people's plea is, we do but follow the example of — 
 
 England and Hanover, and must take care of our own house as well as 
 they do of theirs. . ." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Kobert Trevor. 
 
 1744, May 18 [-29]. Cockpit. — " Ever since the unaccountable 
 hiatus from the 16th of June 1743 to the end of the campaign and what 
 appeared to me the ridiculous causes of it I have had the most 
 melancholy ideas, especially considering the perpetual and irreconcileable 
 ■discord among our M[iniste]rs here." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1744, May 29 [-June 9]. — " I have, by that accident, lost the oppor- 
 tunity of returning you my sincere thanks for the most useful and 
 confidential communication of public affairs that I ever received from 
 anybody. You may depend on my care that nothing shall transpire 
 that has, or shall, come from you to me. I am sorry to find the people 
 where you are, so well informed as to the interior of our Government, 
 Ihough I hope, by a firm and steady adherence to that which is truly 
 national and for the benefit of the whole, some people may be able to 
 stem many overt acts taking place from that quarter, from whence you 
 apprehend the greatest mischief. And in order to that you will have seen 
 h[is] M[ajesty] has been at last prevailed upon to open himself without 
 reserve in a paper delivered by his servants to Mr. Boetselaer, to be by 
 him transmitted to the Pensionary, which paper will, I hope make the 
 well intentioned in Holland more at ease with regard to the King's views 
 either as to peace or war. The melancholy picture you have drawn too 
 like the original in every feature, fills me with the greatest fears and 
 apprehensions. Nothing but a thorough concert with Holland, and 
 each power exerting itself in a proper manner, can bring us out of these 
 difficulties, you see therefore we are willing to do what we can, and if 
 an expedition is not approved on, we shall then, forthwith, not only 
 permit the six thousand Dutch to return home, provided they are to be 
 employed in strengthening the confederate army ; but also send over 
 six battalions of national troops, which upon the present compliment, 
 will amount to about five thousand effective men ; no inconsiderable 
 addition to what this country already furnishes. But that which must 
 put all these salutary ideas into proper motion, is, in my poor opinion, 
 the entering immediately into the Treaty proposed at the latter end of 
 the paper ; in that, the several Quotas may be settled, and in settling 
 them, regard will and ought to be had to the interest and ability of each 
 party. When this is once done, all those melancholy consequences, 
 which are properly apprehended from the temper and partiality of our 
 master on the one hand, and the humour of the Court of Vienna with 
 respect to indemnifications and aggrandizements on the other, must 
 naturally fall to the ground, each party will be kept to its proper 
 bounds, and the interest of the whole will be considered by all. And 
 what to me, is most material, this country will venture further and be 
 able to exert itself without reproach, notwithstanding the malevolent 
 spirit which reigns too much amongst us. But, on the other hand, if 
 Holland should draw herself out of the scrape, and appear backward in 
 contributing what is in her power, towards carrying on this unavoidable 
 war, I am apprehensive we should have Electoral difficulties to deal 
 O 77960. G 
 
98 
 
 Tkevor mss. with in the Cabinet, and an utter impossibility of supporting in Parlia- 
 ment, what in private an honest man might think just and necessary to 
 undertake. The expense this country is now at, is immense, and if no 
 fruit is found from it this year, nor expectation ot reaping any the next, 
 who can promise for success another session of Parliament ? " 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1744, June 1 [-12]. Cockpit. — "What application, now the Parlia- 
 ment is up, to business can be of use amongst M[iniste]rs that have diffe- 
 rent notions and never agree when they meet ? and as to the Council at 
 Kensington it is generally agreed the King will go abroad this year. 
 I depend upon the effect of the prayer in [the] Liturgy ' for it is thou 
 only that Jig litest f 07' us, Lord? " 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 [1744], June 12 [-23]. Arlington Street. — " We were very near falling 
 to pieces upon the demand made by the Pensionary for our paying the 
 6,000 Dutch as auxiliaries even after they came into Flanders. Mr. 
 Boetselaer with whom I had a long conference in the presence of Mr. 
 Hop, who served for our interpreter, tells me that he has wrote to the 
 Pensionary his observations upon what had passed first between him 
 and Lord Carteret alone, and then what he observed, when my brother 
 audi met with them. He thought he discovered a good deal of uneasiness 
 in my behaviour, and apprehended that I was somewhat irritated, more 
 than he wished, with the answer that was made to the paper transmitted 
 from hence some time ago, as also with the proposition for our paying 
 the staff, contingencies and extraordinary expenses of 6,000 Dutch 
 during the campaign. I assured him I had no such intention, but could 
 not deny but that I thought it a bad symptom of vigour in the Republic, 
 to desire England to pay any part of the expense of Dutch troops 
 employed in the defence of the Barrier to their own country. That 
 this was still my thoughts, but since the rest of the King's servants had 
 advised his Majesty to comply with that request, I acquiesced. But at 
 the same time I wished, that this might be done in a manner more 
 agreeable to former presidents (sic) and more consistent with the 
 rules and customs of this country. He seemed to agree with me, and 
 hoped he might receive some advices before they embarked, which 
 might put this affair in a more agreeable light. I thought therefore it 
 was not improper for me to give you these hints, though far from 
 desiring that you should do any thing from them, that was not consistent 
 with your orders and conformable to your own opinion. I told him 
 further, that what occasioned some emotion in me was, that as I was at 
 the head of the revenue, I was particularly answerable for the expenses 
 of this country, and that I saw with too much concern, that every ally 
 we had, and for whose interests we had exerted ourselves to so great a 
 degree, were every day calling upon us for more, that therefore, if 
 Holland, who I now take to be personally attacked by the French, 
 houid think it justifiable to call upon us in the same manner, I did not 
 see where this could end, and therefore it was my duty to put in some 
 check, to prevent our running away with an opinion that we could 
 comply with every thing that was demanded." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Pelham, 
 
 1744, July 4. The Hague. — "I am not a little pleased that my last 
 liberties haye met, not only with your forgiveness but even sanction. 
 
99 
 
 ... I was sorry to see by your favour of the 12th O.S. that the article of Trevo* MSS. 
 our paying the staff and extraordinaries of our Dutch auxiliaries, whilst 
 they serve in Flanders, was so little to your liking. ... I had under- 
 stood the bargain as being rather to our advantage than otherwise, seeing 
 we thereby continued to all interests and purposes as much masters of 
 that corps, which may be thrown over again into England on any 
 emergency by the King's own authority at the shortest warning as if it 
 had remained in Essex ; whilst on the other hand we in the meantime 
 have the service of it in Flanders and are eased of the supplemental pay 
 of six regiments, not to mention their load upon the counties wherein 
 they must otherwise have been quartered." 
 
 General Thomas Wentworth to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1744, July 8-19. The Camp at Berlinghem. — "If there be really 
 any want of a chief, it is occasioned by those whose independence 
 authorises their daily raising unreasonable difficulties. Were all the 
 steps made by the Marshal since his coming over to be impartially 
 weighed, it would, I am well assured, evidently appear, that it is owing 
 to his counsels and firmness that the French are not now in possession 
 of Ghent, Bruges, and perhaps Ostend, with all their depeudencies, 
 which in all probability must have happened had he followed the advice 
 of those very people, perhaps, who now arraign his conduct. . . . 
 
 A Council of war was held yesterday at the Marshal's quarters . . . 
 The time was principally taken up in disagreeable expostulations, which 
 Dever can do any good. Every party seemed to have their particular 
 interest in view, to which all other points were to be sacrificed, nor 
 after consuming some hours in fruitless debates, did they conclude upon 
 anything very material, and, as far as I can judge, did not break up in 
 very good temper." 
 
 Colonel William Graeme to the Same. 
 
 1744, July 25. — " There is nothing in the world I would not do to 
 see us do something that looked like men, though I despair of succeeding, 
 knowing too well how we are constitute here. Nothing can bring this 
 anarchy to a right conclusion but the orders of London and the Hague. 
 Everybody thinks more of starting difficulties than of obviating them, 
 and as the time has passed hitherto in disputes so it will for the rest of 
 the campaign." 
 
 General Thomas Wentworth to the Same. 
 
 1 744, August 12 [-23]. Camp at Pont a Tressin.— " This last fatigue 
 has affected him [Field-Marshal Wade] exceedingly ; I am very sure no 
 man living can have better intentions for the public service than himself, 
 but there is certainly a time of life when business is a real burden, of 
 which I am persuaded, he is but too sensible. ... A paragraph in a 
 letter you writ to England was . . . sent to the Marshal, at which he 
 was a good deal displeased. You accuse us in it of having wanted life, 
 in continuing so long at Berlinghem camp. I do assure you that was 
 not the Marshal's fault, who would have passed the Scheldt with cur 
 then force, had his colleagues been pleased to give their assent." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1744, September 23. Camp at Austain. — " The Marshal not only 
 proposed but pressed in the strongest terms our moving towards the 
 
 G 2 
 
E 100 
 
 Trevor MSS« Count de Saxe a fortnight ago, in which he was opposed for no other 
 ■"■ apparent reason than saving the Queen's territory, that is, saving it for 
 
 the French, who have subsisted 30 or 40 squadrons upon it very com- 
 fortably ever since. We shall, I presume, try to live sometime longer 
 on the enemies' country, when no more can be found there I take it for 
 granted that the D[uke] d'Aremberg will think it absolutely for the 
 public service that the army goes into winter quarters." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1744, October 8. The Camp at Peltinghem near Oudenarde. — " We 
 were lately very near striking a fine stroke, in which I should have had 
 personally a very considerable share, as my post was at the head of the 
 British Grenadiers. 
 
 The day before we passed the Marque, the Count de Saxe detached a 
 large body ... to Pont d'Espierre, where they posted themselves 
 behind a deep rivulet, in order, as was given out, either to have inter- 
 cepted our march or to have fallen upon our rear, in case we should 
 have changed our route, and passed the Scheldt near Tournay. Could 
 the Duke d'Aremberg have been prevailed upon by the Marshal to 
 have marched immediately upon the first certain intelligence of their 
 motion, we must inevitably have taken their cannon, if not cut off all 
 that corps, but a whole day was lost, and we did not march before 
 Thursday morning, when we found the birds flown and the nest scarcely 
 ■cool. . . . The Marshal . . . now begins to think of return- 
 ing home, and undoubtedly with great pleasure, for, if I be not much 
 mistaken, no mortal was ever more weary of a jail, than he is of his 
 command." 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle to the Same. 
 
 1744, September 28 [-October 9]. Newcastle House. — " I have, as 
 you desired, destroyed your letter, but as there are many material hints 
 relating to the principal causes of our difficulties in Holland, I have 
 ventured to take minutes for my own use of that part of your letter, 
 but it is so contrived that it cannot appear from whom or from what 
 quarter these suggestions come, but if you think any inconvenience 
 can ever arise from this, I shall be ready upon the first notice to 
 destroy those minutes also, as I shall also give you the greatest and 
 best security by opening myself to you in the same confidential manner, 
 and perhaps even more fully and more liable to inconvenience, if known, 
 than you have yourself done. . . . 
 
 I have ever been uniformly of opinion that the support of the Queen 
 of Hungary, pursuant to our engagements, was incumbent upon us, in 
 every seuse, from all the principles of honour and interest, but I soon 
 saw, that the necessary measures for that purpose would meet with such 
 clogs as might in the end entirely defeat them, and experience has con- 
 vinced me, that the misfortunes and disappointments that we have met 
 with, are rather owing to the manner in which vigorous measures, viz.. the 
 war, has been carried on, or rather not carried on than to the measure 
 itself. To speak plainly — -Too great an attention to Electoral considera- 
 tions, has been in my opinion the cause of most of our difficulties. That 
 has so hampered our measures, and prevented our making use of the 
 great advantages, which Providence put into our hands, has rendered it 
 so difficult, if not impracticable, to establish that solid national concert 
 with our allies, and particularly, the States-General, which could alone 
 carry us through this great affair with a prospect of success, that we are 
 
101 
 
 now in such a situation, that I can scarce see, how we can go either Tbevok MSS, 
 forward or backward. As these have been my fears, from the beginning, 
 I have constantly endeavoured, as much as was in my power, to remove 
 or prevent the ill consequences of such unfortunate prejudices, and 
 though in conjunction with my friends, we may have been able often 
 to delay, and finally to disappoint any particular measure that would 
 have had that tendency ; it has not however been in our power to direct 
 the great machine so as to free it, from the great inconveniencies, which 
 are the natural consequences of this conduct, and must produce those ill 
 effects abroad, which you mention, and have, and ever will be, a stab to 
 all vigorous mensures at home. Your predecessor my Lord Chesterfield 
 said once in the House of Lords, ' It would be a halter about the neck 
 of this war, or a millstone upon it.' You must now allow me, after 
 having found so much fault with ourselves, to blame your side of the 
 water a little in return. When the friends to Holland in our ministry 
 had been able, after all our fruitless attempts for six months, to establish 
 a perfect concert with you, and to form a proper plan for that purpose ; 
 after I say we had so far succeeded, as to induce the King to open him- 
 self in the full confidential and cordial manner that he did to the Pen- 
 sionary by the paper in May last given to Boetslaer both with regard to 
 peace and war, where the conditions of the former were as moderate 
 as the lowest Dutchman could ask, and the necessity of establishing 
 forthwith a plan and scheme for carrying on the war, whereby the 
 object of it, and the particular contingents were to be settled, were as 
 clearly iaid down, as the most cautious or most zealous friend for carry- 
 ing on the war could wish ; I say after all this, our good friend the 
 Pensionary has forgot that such a paper has ever been given in, though 
 he himself particularly cried out for it, by all his canals of secret 
 emissary, Boetslaer, Hop, &c. for more than a year, and instead of 
 forwarding and supporting the zeal, the successful zeal of his true friends 
 here, by proceeding upon that paper and always putting us in mind of 
 it, he has put it in the power of those, who were originally against the 
 measure, to drop it entirely, and secretly to triumph over the authors of 
 it, and I think I plainly perceive by my friend Boetslaer, that those are 
 looked upon at present as their best friends, who are the most com- 
 plaisant and willing to accept whatever the most economical minister in 
 the Republic shall be willing to give. But this great affair cannot be 
 carried on upon that foot. Those that tell disagreeable truths are the 
 best friends, both in Holland and in England. And I adore you, for 
 having, as B says, given our friends in Holland to understand, that if 
 they continue to insist, as they do, upon their proportions, which T call 
 scandalous proportions, it will be impossible for us to go on with the 
 war. This is the language I would have held by authority and that 
 we should tell our friends in Holland plainly. Our engagements, and 
 our interests are the same with theirs, our inabilities pretty near as 
 great, and that if they are not in a condition, or have not an inclination, 
 to declare war, as they ought, and to support that war, jointly every 
 where and by proper proportions of force, and other expenses, we can 
 no longer continue this war upon the foot it is, and therefore must either 
 get out of it, in the best way we can by ourselves, or, what I should like 
 better, if we can't make war together, that we should endeavour, to make 
 the best peace together we can. This, if any thiug, would bring them 
 seriously to consider and engage with us, as they ought to do. For as 
 long as they think, we will bear the whole burden ourselves, or the 
 greatest part, they will let us. This would, I hope, produce such a 
 concert and scheme for carrying on the war, as might give a reasonable 
 prospect of success." 
 
102 
 
 Treygb MSS. General Thomas Wentworth to the Same. 
 
 1744, October 26. Ghent.— The contents of yours of the 23rd " not 
 only surprised me, but raised my indignation ; to find falsehoods 
 evident, and known to be so b}' every person here, not only advanced 
 as facts, but very extraordinary steps made in consequence of them ; 
 surely there must be some snake in the grass, some point to carry, 
 which cannot be ventured upon without the people's being possessed 
 with an opinion of our having not only declined acting offensively, but 
 of having shamefully deserted their troops, by abruptly breaking up the 
 camp, and leaving them exposed to be insulted by the enemy; the real 
 matter of fact is as follows — 
 
 After the D[uko] d'Aremberg and General Croomstrom had refused 
 to pass the Lys for the reasons mentioned in my last letter, we 
 remained in suspense in the camp at Luseren to October 12th. About 
 seven that evening, the Marshal, without having been previously con- 
 sulted, received a message from the D[uke] d'Aremberg, signifying that 
 be should with the Austrians and Dutch march the next morning and 
 encamp near Ghent, with the Lys between them and the enemy ; which 
 he actually did, and tock leave of us in the very abrupt manner, in 
 which the Marshal is accused of having abandoned them, who notwith- 
 standing pursued the first design of passing the Lys, which he did the 
 14th with the British and Hanoverians, and encamped at Drenghen 
 with an intention, I presume, of continuing there eight or ten days 
 longer, but the very heavy rains (which have lasted ever since) making 
 it impracticable to remain encamped on that flat low ground, without 
 risking the ruin of the whole army, we were ordered into winter 
 quarters, but not without the D[uke] d'Aremberg's having been first 
 consulted and messages having passed between him and the Marshal ; 
 in consequence of which the Dutch and Austrians marched two or three 
 days afterwards, it being impossible for the whole body to file off at the 
 same time ; but, had they still continued in their camp, as to any 
 danger from the enemy, depend upon it they would have been full as 
 secure, as we are now in Brussels, Ghent and Bruges. 
 
 Such are the steps which have put the States into a fermentation, 
 equal to what they felt in the year 1712, which has suspended all public 
 business, all concert between our Court and the Republic, undone their 
 ministry, and occasioned a formal complaint against the Marshal to the 
 King ! 
 
 . If we have not lost all credit with you, surely you must on 
 your part begin to suspect that the B[riti]sh M[iniste]r may possibly 
 be a dupe to their H[i]gh M[ightinesse]s, or they to their G[enera]ls; 
 no creve qui ci*eve, no tombe qui tombe, was ever (I have it from very 
 good authority) heard of in any council, nor any expressions which 
 were pressing for going upon action, but rather the very contrary. 
 
 Whatever may be people's sentiments on what has passed, I am fully 
 convinced that the Marshal has, in every step he has made during the 
 whole campaign acted frankly and openly, and with no other view but 
 to promote the good of the common cause ; he has indeed been so far 
 criminal, as to refuse on any occasion to saddle England with the whole 
 expense, hinc Mae laclirymce! . . . 
 
 You will think it pretty extraordinary that seldom anything which 
 passed in their councils was committed to writing, the Duke d'Arem- 
 berg scarcely ever sitting down ; but had their resolutions being (sic) 
 taken down, as is usual, in form, the Marshal is of opinion that it would 
 not be consistent with his character to produce them to justify himself 
 to foreigners, but which he should be very ready to do, whenever called 
 upon by a proper authority." 
 
103 
 
 Kobert Trevor to Henry Pelha.m. Tkeyor mss. 
 
 1744, November 30. The Hague. — " The administration here, by 
 ■which 1 mean the Pensionary and his set of friends, have of late gained 
 ground considerably both in the Union and in Holland, but particularly 
 in the latter; und, in proportion, all collusion with, and even manage- 
 ment for France, as far as the same may extend beyond verbal com- 
 pliments, and outward appearances, and especially all underhand, and 
 separate measures, are less to be apprehended than ever. 
 
 The Retreat of the worthy old Grefficr will not operate, in my 
 opinion, the least change in the principles of this ministry ; but rather 
 tend to strengthen the influence of Holland, and of course of the Pen- 
 sionary, in general affairs, as Holland will now have a person of their 
 own kidney at the head of the Union. 
 
 I can even say, I am satisfied with the point of view, in which the 
 leading heads here at present see (thanks to Monsieur Twickle's 
 repulse, the loss of the Barrier towns, the Frankfort League, the inva- 
 sion of Bohemia, Schmettau's letters, and Maillebois' march) their own, 
 and the public danger, as well as with their desire and resolution to co- 
 operate with Great Britain, and the House of Austria in preventing it. 
 The manner, and the degree of their doing so (as I have heretofore had 
 the honour to acquaint you) are now the only two points (I wish you 
 may not think them equivalent to the whole) upon which I have any 
 dispute left with them. It is upon these two points, that the sequel of 
 this letter will turn. 
 
 The perusal of my relations to the office, in many of which you must 
 have perceived the courtier and the politician sacrificed to the English- 
 man ; together with the frankness, with which Monsieur Boetzelaer 
 has, or at least ought to have exposed not only to all his Majesty's 
 servants, but even to his Majesty himself, the way of thinking of this 
 Government upon many essential, and tender points, w T ill, I hope, have 
 prepared you a little for the bold truths, and unostensible reflections, 
 which I am now going to venture to lodge in your breast ; as thinking 
 them full as safely, aud more usefully placed there, than in my own. 
 
 I shall speak first to the manner in which this State is to concur 
 in the support, and prosecution of a cause, which it admits, without 
 hesitation, to be a common one. 
 
 I wish, that the difference there is, not only between the genius of 
 the two nations, but also between the manceuvre of the two administra- 
 tions left me more room, than it does, to hope to see this point soon 
 settled to mutual satisfaction. The Dutchman's present maxims are : 
 Inimicos habere tanquam amicos futuros, with respect to expressions 
 and manners ; and with respect to real measures, Plus esse quam 
 videri, whilst the Englishman's humour is, a Word and a Blow : to call 
 things by their downright names ; to set the best leg foremost : to 
 throw away the scabbard ; and to look upon everybody as against him, 
 who is not, tooth and nail, for him. The ministry here, to lead people 
 the length they would have them go, are obliged to do it step by step, 
 and by concealing from them the extent of the career they are engaging 
 them in ; whilst with us, a ministry, to obtain what is absolutely 
 necessary, is often forced to talk bigger than it thinks ; and, in order 
 to obtain guards and garrisons, to promise in a manner, an invasion of 
 France. Here, the surest way of carrying a question, is, to wrap up 
 the extent of its full meaning and consequences in innocent, unctuous, 
 and general, not to say equivocal, terms ; whilst, on our side the water, 
 the most determinate, enterprising, aud flaming propositions, are gene- 
 rally the most popular ones. Now if ministers with us, where the 
 
104 
 
 Thevoe MS3. greatest affairs are decided by any the least majority, are driven, at the 
 very time they think more judiciously themselves, to humour the genius 
 of their countrymen ; what can be expected from a Dutch minister, to 
 whom, strictly speaking, an absolute unanimity, both in Holland, in the 
 first instance, and in the Union in the next, and in fact a majority next 
 door to such an unanimity, is necessary for the dispatch of every 
 material act of State ? 
 
 The motley tenor of the States- General's resolution of the 24th of 
 last month, not to cite almost every production of the Republic since 
 the great crisis of the Emperor's death, is a proof of the foregoing 
 observation. The same persons, who procured Count Nassau, and 
 General Ginkel to march last year into Flanders, with Carte Blanche, 
 would have given them positive, and express directions to have fallen 
 upon the French, if the articulation of such positive, and express direc- 
 tions would not have endangered the very march itself. The same 
 friends to our cause, who got the debt of the treaty of 1678 allowed, 
 would at the same time have pushed the immediate and punctual pay- 
 ment of it too ; had not the premature mention of such a payment been 
 capable of getting the very Bill protested, and now lately, the Pen- 
 sionary would have articulated, at once, the Rhine, as the destination o£ 
 the corps put under General Smissaert's command ; had he not felt, 
 that such an early avowal of its final destination might have clogged, if 
 not defeated, the very formation of it at ail. 
 
 I would by no means, be understood to be pleading here the 
 apology of this Government, which is undeniably at present guilty of 
 a political bankruptcy towards England ; but barely to be exposing its 
 actual humour, and constitution ; and seeing we have neither time, nor 
 means to change them ; we seem to have nothing left to do but to try 
 to make the best we can of them as they are. How far the impetuosity 
 of my countrymen may be to be reconciled to this phlegmatic maxim, 
 I dread to think ! 
 
 The principal sources of this hitherto invincible backwardness in the 
 Dutch to speak out, and engage roundly, are the following ; some of an 
 interior nature, such as — Their dread of shaking too roughly their 
 crazy constitution : Their apprehensions of still narrowing the bottom 
 of their declining commerce : and their consciousness of their being, in 
 no sense, the men they pass for. There are others of an external 
 nature, viz. Their jealousy of being goaded on farther, and faster, than 
 they can bear, if once formally yoked with us ; Their desire to keep 
 their hands as clean of blood as may be, to be the readier to turn them 
 to the works of peace : The bad opinion they entertain of the public 
 game ; and their still worse, of most of the principal players of it ; 
 which the pitiful issue of the last campaign in Flanders, and of all our 
 naval expenses hitherto, has but too much confirmed : Their suspicions, 
 ever since the Convention of Worms (which, though disavowed to the 
 Pensionary, got round to his knowledge) of a propensity in our Court 
 to encourage that of Vienna in its extensive and visionary views ; 
 Their want of a due confidence in the stability, unanimity, and 
 methodicalness of our counsels: Their observation of the unmanly, and 
 mercenary spirit of the very Courts, which pass for the best inten- 
 tioned on the Continent ; and above all. of that unhappy equivoque of 
 King, and Elector ; with which our infatuated master is suffered, not to 
 say tempted, to juggle, to the evident risk of the public safety, and of 
 his own Crown's and family's too. 
 
 I come now to the degree of weight, which this State may throw into 
 the common scale. And here, I must open to you a prospect as much 
 more melancholy than the foregoing one, as obstacles, resulting from 
 
105 
 
 the nature of things, are more incurable than those resulting from Tkevor MSS. 
 humour, and personalities. 
 
 In the last general war, the two Powers never came to any explicit 
 estimation, and taxation of their respective strength, though expressly 
 directed and promised by the treaty of 1701, but carried it on upon the 
 indefinite general foot of Totis viribiis, which, notwithstanding Lord 
 Bolingbroke's charge to the contrary in 1711, was so literally, and more 
 than literally executed by this country, that it has not, nor ever will 
 recover the strain it then got. Upon the first breaking oat of the present 
 troubles the Pensionary loudly disclaimed the precedent of the last war ; 
 and I have often been allowed and authorised to assure him and others, 
 that an exact parallel with those times would not now be expected from 
 the Eepublic. But I must ingenuously confess, I never imagined the 
 abatement meditated here would have proved so enormous as that Mon- 
 sieur Van der Heim lately proposed, and still, as you must have seen by 
 my late public letters, so pertinaciously adheres to. The various 
 reasonings and expostulations I have had with that minister on this 
 dismal topic, though they have not quite convinced me of the moral 
 impossibility of the Republic's giving more to this particular service, 
 and still less of the possibility of our accepting so little, have but too 
 abundantly done so with respect to the worn-out and remediless 
 state of its finances in general. The very peevishness which perhaps 
 you may have remarked in some of the Pensionary's late conversations 
 with me, has arisen from the utter loss he is at, so much as to invent, 
 not to say carry through, money projects sufficient to defray the extra- 
 ordinary services already voted for the next year, and from an elaborate 
 and accurate deduction he has just drawn up of the Republic's incum- 
 brances, which are so immense and terrible that scarce anybody of late 
 years has had the courage to look them in the face. I am mistaken if 
 any man living knows how to pity a minister, a lover of his country, 
 and of fair dealing, under these circumstances better than yourself. 
 
 Holland, which seems to have reaped nothing from a thirty years' 
 peace, unless it be a plentiful crop of effeminacy, indolence and anarchy 
 has scarce anything left to mortgage. Every article both of income 
 and expense is so high loaded already that an augmentation of the taxes 
 upon the one produces a diminution in the product of those upon the 
 other, not to mention that this Province is even threatened with a con- 
 siderable desertion of its inhabitants upon the first (and which cannot 
 now r be far off) additional pressure. 
 
 This being the real state of things here, I see no reason to flatter our- 
 selves with seeing the efforts of the Republic ever exceed those she is 
 going to make against next year, nor do I expect that even they can be 
 of long duration. Her army will be augmented to the foot of ninety 
 odd thousand men. She will have about thirty sail of ships at sea; 
 will bear some part (I cannot yet say what) in the artillery and inci- 
 dental expenses of the campaign, not to mention the share she will 
 have in the Cologne and Saxon subsidy (if so be the latter ever comes 
 to exist) nor the loss she actually sustains by the French conquests in 
 the Barrier. As I own I take this to be the top of the tide, and that a 
 spring tide too for this country, I have already humbly suggested and 
 must do so again, that all hands may be set to work at once, since, if we 
 cannot get afloat then, I fear we shall sink deeper and deeper into the 
 mud. 
 
 How the disparity to be found between the efforts above enumerated 
 and what this same little spot furnished last war towards the common 
 cause ; and consequently the deficiency upon the general balance of the 
 
106 
 
 Trevor mss. whole, is to be made good, seems to me to be the grand question at 
 present. 
 
 For my own part, 1 can think of but two, or rather considering the 
 distractions, lukewarmness, and mercenary demands of the court of 
 Russia, but one quarter, from whence this supplemental strength can 
 come ; I am persuaded, your imagination has got the start of my pen, 
 and that you have already named to yourself, Hanover. This is what 
 is longed for here, as ardently as with you, and you cannot but have 
 observed several broad and intelligible hints given his Majesty of late 
 from hence, as well as from the Courts of Vienna and Saxony, to this 
 purpose. This is the point of the compass, from whence our friends here 
 expect the first dawn of public safety ; and this is the touchstone by 
 which they judge of our Royal Master's personal zeal for the common 
 cause, and of the heartiness of his counsels, and actions, even as King. 
 I am every day asked, and that by the gravest and best intentioned 
 people here such as the Pensionary, Opdam, Corver, Van Neck, &c, 
 whether it is credible that a Prince of the Empire, who maintained 
 twenty four thousand men in full peace, should not have ten thousand 
 in his pay now all the Empire was in confusion, and war declared 
 m against himself by France ? Or, that a King of England, duly sensible 
 of his own and the public danger, and of the difficulty of his making 
 sufficient head against the attack should, instead of mustering together 
 and ranging, to the utmost advantage, the pieces he is master of, eclipse 
 one of them by another ; or, in other words, that sixteen thousand men 
 in English gold, and sixteen thousand men in Hanoveriau troops, should 
 produce but one sixteen thousand men to the common cause ? This, 
 they tell me, is like one's right hand's paying one's left for feeding 
 oneself; and some, who are minutely au fait of this bargain, make 
 still shrewder reflections on it ; and do not stick to say the Elector, instead 
 of bearing any share of the public load, has hitherto converted the 
 calamities of the times to his peculiar easement and profit. Others 
 lament, that this identity of the two persons deprives the common cause 
 even of the recommendation and appui it could not fail to meet with 
 from a King of England with an Elector of Hanover, were they two 
 distinct Princes, svhilst others more peevishly cry out, they cannot com- 
 prehend with what face the King cau press the Republic to declare 
 war against France, whilst he (that is the Elector) dares not so much 
 as seem to know, that France has declared war against him, or solicit 
 the Republic, who has already augmented her troops by above forty 
 thousand men, to make still greater efforts, whilst his other self ha* 
 found means to put a saving of sixteen thousand men, or rather more, 
 into his coffers in the midst of these perilous and ruinous times. This 
 untoward way of reasoning and talking is grown here even so public, 
 as to be thrown in my teeth at every conference; and I have oftener 
 than once been summoned by some of the warmest Deputies to lay 
 the whole before the King in the name of the States, and though 
 I have by the help of the Pensionary eluded this unnatural commis- 
 sion, I cannot say how soon Monsieur Boetzelaer may be charged 
 with it j it being not to bo doubted that, in proportion as the King shall 
 pvess the Dutch to make greater efforts, and manifest more zeal for the 
 common cause, these latter will preach louder and homer the like 
 doctrine to the Elector. 
 
 The frequent absurdities, and contradictions resulting in the very 
 modality of business from the above-mentioned Equivoque obtrude 
 foregoing reflections even upon people, whom perhaps they might 
 otherwise have escaped. What effect do you think it must have had 
 
107 
 
 here to see sixteen thousand men in British pay upon the point of Trevor MSS. 
 being spirited away by an Electoral memorial; and that at the very 
 time the British minister had made the States the compliment of con- 
 certing with them every tiling relating to the exigency in question, 
 and at last to see the performance of this promise referred to an 
 Hanoverian Plenipotentiary, who, neither with respect to the force, nor 
 destination of those troops, dared vary an Iota from the instructions he 
 had received from Baron Steinberg, and who has not, that I hear of, yet 
 effectuated even what he promised at our conference ? 
 
 I further foresee, that the discussion, and regulation of Mr. Burrish's, 
 and Mr. Aylva's joint instructions in relation to their commission in 
 the Empire, will give a fresh handle to these invidious reflections : and 
 several of the Deputies at my last conference stickled hard, though 
 then overruled by the Pensionary's discretion, to have Hanover set 
 down as the first Court, where our two political missionaries into the 
 Empire should begin to preach up zeal and courage. 
 
 Upon the whole, what is the universal wish, and may, before I am 
 aware, become the public demand of this State, is, that our Royal 
 Master, as it is thought here natural to expect from his intimate relation 
 to the British Crown, and nation, and his near concern in the preserva- 
 tion of the Protestant interest, of the present system of the Empire, and 
 of the balance of Europe, should employ, and exert his whole Electoral 
 strength in the present conjuncture, and I have been given to under- 
 stand in so many words, by no less significant a person than Burger- 
 master Corver, that, if the Court of Hanover's zeal and patriotism 
 equals its known power and faculties, it ought upon its own bottom 
 and account, to throw, in this day of common danger and distress, into 
 the common scale, either in troops, or subsidies, the value of thirty 
 thousand men ; leaving England to purchase some new acquisition of 
 strength to the good cause, from quarters otherwise unattached to it, 
 with the saving arising from the Court of Hanover's acting this natural 
 part. This is thought here to be the only step that can add new life 
 to the good cause all over Europe, and especially in the Empire : can 
 facilitate the dispatch of public business here, and in England: can 
 supply the deficiencies resulting from the exhausted state of both the 
 Maritime Powers : and at the same time that this is thought the 
 likeliest means, not only of rendering our Royal Master's name great 
 and popular, but of assuring his present honours and possessions to his 
 latest posterity, it is feared, that if the advice and entreaties of his 
 truest and fastest friends do not soon lead him into this natural and 
 salutary way of thinking, the malice and insolence of his enemies, and 
 the distress of his own affairs, both in England and upon the Continent, 
 may drive him into it, when perhaps it may be no longer effectual. 
 
 These are ideas and facts which I have thought it my duty to lodge 
 with you in their naked and natural state. You must be left to judge 
 what use can be made of them. All I shall presume to add ... is that 
 I am convinced in my conscience that nothing would so much contribute 
 to save Europe, encourage the Empire, strengthen the ministry's hands 
 here, as well as those of his Majesty's servants at home, resettle our 
 shaken Constitution, and give, as it were, a new lease to our Protestant 
 Succession, as our Royal Master's drawing his Electoral sword, and 
 Electoral purse-strings, gallantly and unreservedly in support of the 
 Common Cause. . . . 
 
 .1 shall only take the liberty to recommend to you to discourage and 
 Xnevent, as far as possible, all retorsions and recriminations in the debates 
 of Parliament between the Generals, and especially between the Corps 
 of the two nations, and the truth is, there are faults enough on all sides 
 
108 
 
 Trevor MSS. to make them friends and shake hands together ; nor do I know any- 
 body, who has just reason to complain, but the public service, and 
 their respective sovereigns. . . . 
 
 Postscript. Pray give me the same satisfaction that your brother 
 did, of hearing that you shall have reduced all the foregoing honest and 
 loyal treason to ashes." 
 
 Draft or Copy. 
 
 Henry Pelham to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1744, November 27 [-December 8].—" What has happened in the 
 ministry here by the removal of Lord Granville, you will find by your 
 letter from Lord Harrington will make no alteration in the general 
 measures for carrying on the war with vigour, but I hope, rather bring 
 to a precision both the objects of the war, and the means of carrying it 
 on. I have not time to write so fully to you as I wish to do, but I must 
 recommend to you to make use of the unanimity with which the 
 Addresses of both Houses passed this day. towards convincing the 
 Pensionary and the rest of our friends in Holland to comply with what 
 we so reasonably expect in relation to the Saxon subsidy, for if at our 
 first setting out they should be too tenacious in the point of paying one 
 fourth only, I am afraid it will give such a disgust to the best intentioned 
 here, that it will not be in the power of us all to act for the future in 
 the manner we wish to do. You can easily judge how such a thing 
 must operate, and as you know the real sentiments of his Majesty's 
 present servants are to cultivate a thorough good correspondence with 
 the States, and that they have no desire to aggrandize any particular 
 power, but only to secure the whole, and as soon as possible to bring 
 about a settlement of the present troubles, I should hope your ministry 
 would not throw in our way so disagreeable an incident as a difference 
 of twelve or thirteen thousand pounds only. My notions have always 
 been that each power should consider the abilities of its neighbour, and 
 not exact from the one or the other what they are not able to pay, but 
 we must make it evident to the world that we are ail willing to do our 
 utmost, and that will never gain credit, till we are upon the same foot 
 with regard to the enemy. I can assure you I have read your letter 
 over with great attention, and am willing to make all the allowances I 
 can for the condition and constitution of your Government, but you 
 must own, we are not so different, but that some must be made for us 
 also. The most tender and most secret part of your letter affects us all, 
 and you may be assured no opportunity will be let to slip, without our 
 endeavours to bring about, in some degree at least, what is so much 
 desired and expected by the well intentioned with you. I am afraid 
 the gentlemen you talk to, reckon both England and its otherself of 
 greater ability than they really are, but whatever it is, it ought to be 
 exerted at this time, and I am satisfied will be so, if Holland could be 
 persuaded to throw aside the scabbard, and act with that frankness which 
 is natural to this country, and would be no inconvenience to the other. 
 I shall conclude this letter with telling you, that as the King's servants 
 are now united in opinion, and united in friendship, you may be satisfied 
 no obstacles will arise in the execution of business, we all wish the same 
 end, we don't differ about the means of attaining it, but we see that can 
 never be compassed without a thorough union and confidence with 
 Holland, a mutual exertion of the real strength of both powers, and an 
 attention to the inability of each to go the lengths they have done in 
 former wars. We now raise near seven millions of money every year, 
 and I can assure you, what with the postponing the payments of our 
 
109 
 
 old debt, which our funds were allotted to, and what we have created trev»b MSS. 
 new, since the year 1740, the difference is above twenty millions, and — 
 
 this year we must increase the debt above three millions more. I don't 
 say this to discourage our going on with the utmost vigour, for I know 
 we are undone if we do not, but only to furnish you with arguments, if 
 it could be thought you ever wanted any, to convince our friends on 
 vour side the water that we are not in a condition to do everything our- 
 selves, and to show them the necessity of their contributing the proportions 
 they are able to bear, by demonstrating how much we do at present, and 
 how little we are able to do more." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1744, November 27 [-December 8]. — " To facilitate your success in 
 carrying the point of the proportion in the Saxon subsidy so strongly 
 recommended to you in Lord Harrington's dispatch of this day I have 
 his Lordship's orders to enable yon to acquaint the Pensionary in great 
 confidence with one more reason for our insisting so earnestly upon it, 
 which is, that the King's offer of paying two thirds of that subsidy 
 having been agreed and settled before my Lord Granville's resignation 
 in a Cabinet Council summoned by his Lordship upon that affair, and 
 all his Majesty's present ministers having declared their opinion very 
 explicitly against our taking a greater share in that expense, it is not 
 now possible that their very first step should be giving an advice so 
 derogatory from that opinion." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1744, December 14 [-25], 1741 [-5], December 21 [-January 
 1], December 28 [-January 8]. Cockpit. — (Three letters, of which the 
 material parts are printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio. Lord JValpole, 
 ii. pp. 103-108, with the following mistakes : — p. 103, two lines from 
 bottom read " that" for " then " ; p. 104, line 4, read " when " for " of 
 the," and insert " will meet " before " with " ; line 5, omit " mutual" ; line 
 1 7, omit " very " ; page 105, line 5, insert " which the person withdrawn " 
 before " made " ; line 15, read " astonished " for " interested "; second 
 line from bottom, read "motives" and "(urns" for "motions" and 
 " terms " ; page 106, line 10, read "frame " for " form " ; lines 15 and 
 17 "a" for " the " ; line 26 " as " for " in " ; page 107, lines 3 and 8, 
 read " the " for " their " and " are " for " were " ; lines 9, 22 and last, 
 omit "to," "before this time" and "old"; page 108, line 1, insert 
 " his " and " the " before " coining ' and " administration," line 3, omit 
 " so long. ") 
 
 Stephen Poyntz to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1744-5, January 9 [-20]. St. James'. — "I came to town or rather 
 to this new world but the 7th. Intervalla vides humana commoda 
 for peeping behind the curtain at the Dramatis persona?. To the best 
 of my apprehension Lord Granville and his followers being supposed 
 determined to cultivate a superior (?) interest by giving in to foreign 
 schemes however random and expensive and at a proper time to make 
 use of that interest against their competitors, this jealousy, joined to the 
 difficulties of drawing together and of working these schemes up hill in 
 Parliament, has turned the tables upon them. I don't find the new 
 comers have stipulated any exemption, but that of not swallowing their 
 
110 
 
 Teevor MSS. own wor ds, by voting for retaining the Hanoverian troops in the imme- 
 — date pay of Great Britain. I have the pleasure to assure you that the 
 
 most open and hearty one amongst them, and he in whom Mr. Pfelham] 
 places the chief confidence, is my old friend Lord Chesterfield, whom I 
 dare say you will be happier in than in any of those who, ever since 
 M. Boetslaer's arrival, have been talked of ; he certainly means what 
 is our strongest interest, I mean the preserving a close and intimate 
 union with the States, if their unthrifty parsimony does not render 
 it impracticable. 
 
 I am now going to open an affair to you under that confidence and 
 secrecy which our long strict friendship renders me secure of; and I 
 lament my not having touched upon it last spring, as I once intended. 
 Mr. Wade being entirely disabled from making another campaign the 
 command of our own army is once more vacant. It is agreed on ali 
 hands, that even if a commander in chief of the whole allied army 
 could be found to the satisfaction of all the nations which form it, yet 
 the keys of the British Exchequer cannot be trusted in foreign hands, 
 so that we must of necessity have a British General. 
 
 It is already high time for naming one, the whole aim of the French 
 being to take the field (I believe in Flanders) many weeks, if not 
 months, before us. Our ministers and many of our General officers do, 
 I believe, wish that the King would trust the Duke with that command, 
 placing proper Khevenhullers about him, if the sterility and caducity ot 
 our long peace has left us any such ; but the rebuffs they met with last 
 spring in supporting the Duke's earnest request and letter to the K[iug] 
 for leave to make the campaign in any rank or shape, discourages them 
 too much from making any such motion at present, lest they should be 
 charged with obtruding a new General as well as a new ministry. In 
 the meantime Lord St[ai]r is, I believe, improving the opportunity to 
 offer his services again, and the King more than ready to accept them. 
 As I am a stranger to Lord S[tair] I can't pretend to judge how 
 acceptable he would be abroad ; our own army will like him, but perhaps 
 on no account so much as for his generosity and indulgent good nature. 
 The adventurous schemes which have been attributed to him might 
 expose them and the common cause to the greatest clanger. 
 
 I am so thoroughly and heartily convinced of the Duke's prudence, 
 application, activity, and docility, that as a faithful subject and well 
 wisher to the public I do believe in my conscience, if he had such a man 
 as Saxe Weissenfels or even Lord Dunmore joined with him, and a 
 proper staff of general officers, our affairs would go infinitely better 
 another campaign and that he might soon acquire credit enough to be 
 thought worthy of the general command. But how the K[ing's] 
 consent can be obtained, without hazarding his royal displeasure iu 
 seeking it, is digitus te vindice nodus. I remember the States, while he 
 was among them, expressed some partiality for his Royal Highness, and 
 the good old Greffier inserted some very kind personal compliments to 
 him in the letter which M. Boetselaar brought him from the States last 
 spring, which I have advised him to answer in terms at least of equal 
 civility. 
 
 In a word can you, can Sir Thomas Robinson safely and secretly 
 get a word dropped to Lord Chesterfield or Lord Harr[ington] or 
 Mr. Wasner or Mr. Hop, from abroad, which might strengthen the 
 hands of our ministers and lay them a foundation to fix their first step 
 on, which I am sure would soon enable them to mend their pace ? No 
 one living knows of my writing this letter to you, and I must desire no 
 one may." 
 
Ill 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. Trevor mss. 
 
 1744 [-5], January 11 [-22]. Cockpit. — You may add my assurances 
 "of my steady resolution of being never engaged again in the political 
 galley; my brother and I shall continue passengers with our most 
 cordial wishes, as well as endeavours, as far as our opinion and interest 
 in Parliament can prevail, that it may be steadily and safely conducted." 
 
 Onslow Burrish to the Same. 
 
 1745, January 25. Maestricht. — " I got hither an hour ago . . . 
 after the most fatiguing and the most dangerous journey, taken altogether, 
 that ever I made in my life. We were obliged to thrust and buffet with 
 flakes of ice upon the Leek and the Wael for many hours, and were carried 
 so far down the stream in crossing from Grorcum to Worcum, that it was 
 over 11 at night before I got on shore, half frozen to death as well as 
 my people. The next day our baggage waggon was overset and rolled 
 from the top of the dyke to the bottom of it, which occasioned so great 
 a loss of time, that it was dusk before I arrived on the shore opposite to 
 Boisleducat a place named Vlanen, from whence we crossed in traineaux 
 over a plain of ice of the extent of a league and a half to Boisleduc . . . 
 My journey from Boisleduc hither has been extremely agreeable as to 
 weather and roads, and so very fortunate, that though I was fairly over- 
 turned this morning I have received no hurt, any more than Meggot and 
 two others who were in the coach with me," 
 
 Sir Thomas Robinson to Edward Weston. 
 
 1745 ? February 21. Vienna. — " What shall we do with these 
 Austrians and Saxons ? The whole point is now turning upon conscience. 
 They have both confessors, but those confessors have, I suppose, different 
 rules for different Courts upon the same cases. If the Queen cannot in 
 conscience give the eventual promise, and her conscience is rightly 
 directed, I do not see how in conscience, the King, if his conscience is 
 directed as rightly, can demand it. What is fact, one principal reason 
 for the Saxons demanding these three principalities , . . was that they 
 paved the way to the Kingdom of Poland, and that it was not on account 
 of the revenues. Now one of these principalities, which is Jauer, does 
 not lead to Poland, Sagan very near as little, but as it leads to the city of 
 Glogau . . . Jauer is the life, the blood of the linen manufacture. 
 The town of Glogau is the key of Silesia. Why might not the Cock 
 walk from Christianstadt to Karga be enlarged. But I have no authority 
 to suppose it will be granted. Those people will have it that we have 
 spoiled the Saxons, and that there are proofs that without our encourage- 
 ment they were come off from all thoughts of acquisition in Silesia. I doubt 
 much if the Imperial Crown will outweigh these three Ducal ones, were 
 the thing to come to that alternative, but it will not come even to that 
 alternative, were we to judge by Mr. Villiers' last letter, which assures 
 that not only the three Duchies will be insisted on by Saxony, but that 
 the desire of the Imperial Dignity increases at Dresden. One thing 1 1 
 know that, if the Imperial Dignity gets once into Saxony, there will soon 
 be an end of the Protestant religion there. What numbers had we in 
 our last Aulic Council here, from the President to the last member, that 
 from their ' first state of butterflies were become caterpillars ? The 
 Catholics are of a different opinion, they think the Imperial Administra- 
 tion would be too Protestant at Dresden." 
 Copy. 
 
Trevor MSS. 
 
 112 
 
 Stephen Poyntz to the Same. 
 
 1744-5, March 19 [-30]. St. James'. — " I have only a moment's 
 time to assure you that the Duke thinks himself highly obliged to my 
 Lord Chesterfield and you for the pains and dexterity with which you 
 have got the supreme command modified by a new Refonte in his favour, 
 exactly in the manner he wished. The Titulaire et Honoraire (which 
 is hung out in such a manner as might seem to imply a suspicion of his 
 encroaching, and which between ourselves offends against the well bred 
 maxim of softening things by words) is so far from hurting in the least 
 his vanity or ambition, that I am able to assure you avec connoissance 
 de cause, that, if Lord Stair's refusing to serve under M. Konigseck had 
 not made it improper for the Duke to ask it, he would have chosen and 
 solicited it, and you may depend on at least as implicit a deference to 
 the old Mareschal from the Duke as from the Prince of Waldeck, if he 
 were but 24 years old. All the accounts of M. Konigseck make the 
 Duke and everybody here infinitely happy, and, though the events of 
 war are often out of the ken of human foresight, everybody here seems 
 to entertain the most sanguine hopes of a vigorous and successful cam- 
 paign. 1 have that opinion of M. Konigseck (who always thought 
 Flanders the most effectual way into France) that I think everything 
 good may be augurated from him if an unlucky bias or two be not 
 drove and pegged into him for leaning towards the Rhine, so that 
 the sole object of my remotest fear is this 
 
 — Dira necessitas, 
 Uncos trabales ct cuneos manu 
 Gestans ahena. 
 
 The Duke's own inclinations will certainly lead him to pass two 
 or three days at the Hague on the same easy foot as becomes the 
 Baron of Alderney, in order to return thanks to friends in Holland 
 and particularly to my Lord Chesterfield and yourself. This will be 
 less liable to difficulty as I hear that a certain emboscade in your 
 neighbourhood will be raised this week ; I hear it has been men- 
 tioned to the King but is not yet consented to ; I own I wish the first 
 acquaintance with M. Konigseck could have been contracted there under 
 the auspices of Lord Chesterfield and yourself. It is possible the Duke 
 may now be ordered directly to Flanders, though I hope the contrary. 
 He will take up his quarters among you (with Sir Everard Fawkener, 
 Mr. Windham, Fitzwilliam, two aides de camp, two valets de chambre 
 and four livery servants) wherever he can. His other servants and 
 baggage will all be ready to embark by the end of this week, and even 
 sooner if the transports and convoy arrive from Ostend. The Duke is 
 sorry his whole train is filled up and so crowded that he cannot possibly 
 stick in Mr. Wolters for the present. I have an interest in hastening 
 everything away, for I am almost worn quite down by the various in- 
 capacities in which I have acted for three weeks past, this day 1 have 
 set wholly on plate and Batterie de Cuisine and besides that it is now 
 supper time, may too justly say, animus est in patinis" 
 
 Sir John Ligonier to the Same. 
 
 1745, April 12. Brussels. — " 1 hear the Duke goes by the Hague. 
 But I have received orders to hire him a house and have taken l'hotel 
 d'Egmont for him." 
 
 Sir Everard Fawkener to the Same. 
 
 1745, April 15-26. Brussels. — " All things pass extremely well with 
 the Government, and H.R.H.'s very easy behaviour and great affability 
 
113 
 
 are highly agreeable to all sorts of people. But what is of greatest TrsvokMSS. 
 
 consequence is the reciprocal satisfaction in H.R.H. and the Marshal 
 
 upon their first acquaintance. Utrumque incredibili modo consentit 
 
 astrum. The Duke is quite charmed, and says, that, notwithstanding the 
 
 universal good character he had had of the Marshal and his behaviour 
 
 towards him on all occasions, that he goes beyond his expectations ; and 
 
 the good old man told me he was very happy in his old age to be placed 
 
 with a young Prince who had a right mind, loved his profession, and 
 
 had taken pains to be instructed in it." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1745, April 23 [-May 4]. Whitehall.— " Antimac [the King of 
 Prussia] seems to be in horrible fright, and I find they reckon at 
 Vienna to make but a breakfast of him. I doubt he has brought 
 himself into the state of Nulli gravis est percussus Achilles. What 
 say you in Holland to the Protestant insurrection in Languedoc ? " 
 
 Sir John Ligonier to the Same. 
 
 1745, May 28. Lessines Camp. — "You seem dubious of the 
 position of the enemy, and whether they were entrenched or not. 
 Their right was towards Anthoyn, Fontenoy a little in their front, 
 but fortified and 6,000 men in it; their left kept the hauteurs 
 [and] had before them a wood that covered their flank * and joining 
 almost to their line a fort with 18 pieces of large cannon and 18 Swiss 
 companies in it. As we pushed the enemy a great way beyond the 
 village and the fort and that we saw no entrenchment, but what we had 
 made of their dead bodies, you may depend upon it that they had none, 
 for we were twice in their camp. 
 
 The Duke's life is certainly of greater consequence than can be 
 imagined, ouje mis fort trompe, ou il se forme la un grand capitainer 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, May 27 [-June 7]. London. — " I foretold to Lord Harrington 
 the discourse he would hear both from the Pensionary and the Depu- 
 ties ; I am sorry they were so well founded in one part of it, for to be 
 sure the Hanoverian Creed, as you I justly call it, does not yield to the 
 Athanasian in the mystical confusion of numbers. As to the English 
 part of our force, the deficiency is really our misfortune, not our fault, 
 and the reinforcement we send which is really all we can spare, proves 
 our good intentions. . . . Antimac seems to have recovered 
 his credit at Petersburg, but as I never hoped much from that 
 quarter, so I fear little. All I fear is, that her Imperial Majesty and , 
 her two Chancellors will upon consideration have a mind to touch some 
 of our subsidies and jilt us afterwards. France makes a merit to Anti- 
 mac of the great detachment carried by the Prince of Conti to join 
 M. de Segur, and assures him it is all to make a diversion in his favour. 
 You and I well know their sincere regard for him. ... At home 
 things stand on the foot of six months' warning ; and at the return 
 from Hanover we are to know our fate, and to be really in, or really 
 out, we are now neither." 
 
 Horace Mann to the Same. 
 
 1745, June 8. Florence. — " Lady Orford left Florence last week in 
 order to go into England by the way of Holland. The resolution #as 
 O 77960. H 
 
114 
 
 Trevor MSS. very sudden, and the motive, she said, was to oblige my Lord Orford to 
 make her a larger allowance. She talked likewise of sueing for her 
 uncle's estate, which he left to her mother. These motives are so weak, 
 and argue so little knowledge of the laws and customs of England, that 
 one can hardly believe them the only ones that engaged her to take such 
 a journey. My lord will be vastly surprised to hear of her coming." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1745, May 31 [-June 11]. Arlington Street. — Recommending to 
 his countenance and favour a young gentleman, Mr. [Stuart] Mackenzie, 
 a nephew of the Duke of Argyle, and a member of Parliament. " You 
 know we are very poor in our Treasury. I have, however, ordered half 
 a year's appointments to be paid to you. It is as far as I could possibly 
 go at this time." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, June 7 [-18]. London. — " You cannot conceive the indignation 
 of our Admiralty at the state of the Dutch squadron here, which 
 notwithstanding our repeated representations is still in the same useless 
 condition, neither victualled nor repaired. Among the ten that they 
 withdrew were the only three or four useful ships of the whole twenty. 
 You will receive by this post instructions to be very pressing with the 
 States upon that point. I must tell you in confidence that the public 
 here in general is extremely dissatisfied with the Dutch, not only with 
 relation to their contingent at sea, which from twenty is reduced to ten 
 ships, and those useless ones ; but also with regard both to their conduct 
 and strength in Flanders. Those who want to find fault with, and 
 distress our measures, say that the Dutch had not above 12,000 men in 
 the army at the battle, and that even they ran away, and lost us the 
 victory which our own troops had near acquired. The first I know is 
 a lie, I wish there were as little truth in the second. After the battle I 
 can tell you in confidence that the Duke in a private letter writ word, 
 that the whole army consisted but of 30,000 men : which I confess I 
 cannot comprehend, since, including the 7,000 killed wounded and lost, 
 it would have consisted before the battle but of 37,000 men, of which 
 number the English and Hanoverians made near 30,000. I am asked 
 here every day, where my 39,000 Dutch troops are, stipulated by the 
 resultat ? I am bewildered in all this, and can make no answer. . . 
 
 For my own part, when La Ville shall come to open a little more, I 
 think he should be a little more attended to. Our share of expense is 
 not to be borne ; the Dutch neither can nor will continue theirs ; how 
 then can we from less efforts next year expect better success, than we 
 have had this ? In our present situation I have often told you, that I 
 thought war was not our fait, I am more and more confirmed in that 
 opinion every day from everything I see at home, and from everything 
 I hear of from abroad." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745, June 11 [-22]. London. — "Though I have troubled you so 
 lately, I cannot help doing it again now, upon account of some informa- 
 tions we have lately received here from the army in Flanders, which if they 
 are true (which I have too much reason to fear they are) must produce 
 the very worst effects. If you have heard anything of the matter, you 
 will easily guess that I mean the unfortunate disputes between the Duke 
 and the Prince of Waldeck. They seem to have gone much too far 
 
115 
 
 •already and if some care be not taken in time, they will probably go Trbvoe MSS. 
 much further, in which case it is very obvious how much the public service 
 must suffer. The Duke's instructions, and still more his intentions, seemed 
 to promise a perfect harmony among the Generals, and I can't help 
 saying that the entire agreement of his Royal Highness with Marechal 
 Konio-segge, is a strong presumption in his favour, and against Prince 
 Waldeck. The resolution of the States-General gave the Duke, if I 
 remember right, at least the honorary command of the confederate army, 
 which I fear Prince Waldeck now disputes in almost every particular. 
 I never supposed that the Duke was to have the sole and absolute 
 conduct of the combined army, which to be sure neither his age nor his 
 experience can yet entitle him to ; but if, as I always supposed, he was 
 to have the command ad honores, with Marechal Konigsegge ad latus, 
 it seems improper and unreasonable that Prince Waldeck should dispute 
 him the mere honorary marks of command, which in more than one 
 instance I doubt he has done of late. The ill consequence of this 
 variance is obvious, but the remedy is not so. The only method I can 
 think of is, to do in this case, what I am for doing in every case, to have 
 the recourse to the prudence, the temper, and the abilities of the Pension- 
 ary, whose seasonable interposition in this affair, in whatever manner he 
 may think properest, is the likeliest, if not the only way, to prevent 
 further inconveniencies. I beg you will assure that worthy minister 
 of my respects, and add your own weight to mine, (if I have any), 
 in recommending this affair to his most serious consideration and 
 care. This disunion would add great weakness to an army already 
 much too weak, and the present state of aifairs is bad enough of itself. 
 and won't bear the additional misfortune of discord among the consider- 
 able actors. You may safely venture to assure the Pensionary that we 
 shall do everything that is possible on our parts with the Duke to calm 
 and compose this matter, and I think I can answer for him, that from 
 his zeal for the public service, he will do everything that decency and 
 his rank will allow him to do." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1745, June 11 [-22]. Arlington Street. — " Lord Chesterfield tells me 
 he has wrote to you upon an affair which gives us here a good deal of 
 uneasiness. I mean the appearances of some disunion between P[rince] 
 W[aldeck] and the Duke of Cumberland. I have seen some letters that 
 mention it, and I must own I think the Dutch Commander much in the 
 wronsr. A punctilious dispute in not returning a horse claimed by Mar- 
 shal Saxe, because his request was addressed to the Duke and not to 
 Prince Waldeck, the neglecting to obey orders upon a party to be sent out, 
 which was not objected to when it was first proposed, the word being 
 taken by Major-Generals, those of a higher rank thinking themselves 
 above taking it from H.R.H., are symptoms of discontent and disunion, 
 inconveniencies in all armies, but absolute distraction in ours. I mention 
 'em to you to enable you to talk upon the subject when you have oppor- 
 tunity, but by no means intending that you should make any complaint, 
 and above all I must recommend it to you to avoid giving the least 
 suspicion that H.R.H.. has ever said one word upon the subject, for I ana 
 confident he will* for the sake of the whole, overlook many disagreeable 
 slights, I won't say, affronts. The Marshal and H.R.H. agree perfectly, 
 and it is a great pity that our only natural allies should be the persons 
 with whom an English army cannot or does not act in thorough 
 confidence and harmony." 
 
 K 2 
 
116 
 
 tkeVok mss. The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, June 28 [-July 9]. Loudon.— "Prince Waldeck has of 
 late behaved himself very well to the Duke, who seems well satisfied, 
 and I dare say will omit nothing on his part to keep things well. I 
 believe this is owing to some proper hint the Pensionary gave him. 
 Our Generals at least should agree, for I fear our troops don't, which 
 though not to be wondered at, is to be lamented, as it certainly weakens 
 an army already much too weak. I must tell you too in confidence 
 what I am very sorry I can tell you with so much truth, that the 
 representations of our English army to their friends and relations here r 
 of the conduct of the Dutch in the late battle, joined to the ill defence 
 of both town and citadel of Tournay, have excited various passions 
 here against the Republic. One hears of cowardice, treachery, not 
 fulfilling engagements ; nay many are absurd enough to accuse the 
 Government itself of underhand dealings with France, notwithstanding^ 
 the men they lose, and the money they spend. They ask where are 
 the 40,000 men they were to have in the field, where their 20 ships, 
 and the most favourable conclusion drawn from all these premises is 
 that at best then, they are a very useless ally. This is the present 
 general disposition of the public, and all we can say, (especially I) to 
 the contrary, has no weight. I am looked upon as a Dutchman, and 
 both suspected and blamed as such. Indeed, considering all the 
 circumstances of the present situation of affairs, I see no salvation, but 
 in getting out of it, tant bien que mal, by negotiation ; and am therefore 
 very glad of a certain late overture you know of, which T have 
 endeavoured to have thrown into yours and the Pensionary's hands at 
 the Hague, as much the properest, or rather the only proper ones to 
 conduct it well. And I hope and believe that proposal will be agreed 
 to at Hanover. As I am convinced that the jealousy the French 
 entertain of Antimac has given occasion to this overture, I am as much 
 convinced that we should talk to Antimac at the same time and conclude 
 with him first, if that can be done, as I have reason to think it mighty 
 upon the foot of the Treaty of Breslau. I am sensible how disagreeable 
 this will be at Vienna, Dresden, and elsewhere, but at the same time 
 I am as sensible how necessary it is for us. Will not the Maritime 
 Powers have much better terms from France after one hundred thousand 
 victorious troops are taken out of that scale than before, and 
 consequently when three or fourscore thousand Austriaus are at liberty 
 to act against France only ? The proposition is too clear to dwell upon 
 especially with you, who know so well the present state of affairs. It is 
 gone to Hanover strongly recommended and enforced from hence, how 
 it will be received there, I am curious to learn. I know how I would 
 receive it, were I myself a Hanoverian." 
 
 William Graeme Colonel in the Dutch Army to the Same. 
 
 1745, July 10. Above Gram[m]on[t]. — "There were regiments 
 betwixt me and the right wing when I attacked the village. I passed 
 behind them as I came from the right wing. They were within a good 
 musket shot of it, but I did not see a musket shot exchanged betwixt 
 the enemy and our foot from the time I came to the left, nor did I ever 
 see a more furious fire in my life than was for near two hours on the 
 right, and when I came to Prince Waldeck's quarters after the battle was 
 over, where most of our generals were, I heard nothing but complaint 
 of the behaviour of our [the Dutch] troops. Here is more than I have 
 
117 
 
 wrote since the beginning of the campaign. The regiments on my right, . Trevor mss, 
 when I attacked the village, were a G-uelders regiment, two battalions 
 Swiss, and a Holland regiment or two. They told me afterwards that 
 just after we attacked, the Prince gave orders to retire. I believe it, for 
 when I retired from the churchyard they were all gone." 
 
 Sir Everard Fawkener to the Same. 
 
 1745, July 13. Camp of Diligen near Brussels.-^-" There is a letter 
 from Abercrombie, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Royal, . . . which 
 gives an account of the action at Melle. . . .It contains in 
 substance that by that time they got within a league of Ghent, they 
 found themselves in a manner surrounded by different parties of a great 
 body of the French army, and that the houses, gardens, and fields on 
 each side the chaussee was filled with them. The first that molested 
 them was one of about 200 men in a house out of the road which General 
 Molke ordered the Royal to attack, but when they approached them 
 they found them covered by a moat fifty yards wide. They then 
 returned to the causeway again, where they found another considerable 
 body drawn up which they attacked and obliged to retire, though they 
 were covered by another large party and a battery of 12 cannon which 
 flanked our men. Afterwards they marched up to this battery, from 
 which they drove the enemy, and were sometime masters of it, but had 
 not proper hands either to make use of the cannon or to spike them, 
 and at last, finding themselves surrounded, they made over the fields 
 fenced with hedges and ditches, and the remains of them gained the 
 sides of the Scheldt without being broken, and from thence got into the 
 town. The five squadrons of horse who were with them suffered 
 extremely in this difficult march, as well from the fire of the enemy as 
 the difficulty of the ways they were to get through, in which a great 
 number of them were lost." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, July 6 [-17]. London. — "1 look upon Flanders now as gone, 
 and whatever else the French have a mind to, as going. Where then 
 are we ? What will our friend Mr. Nelson say to us ? I fear he will 
 think himself in a situation to dictate rather than propose. The only 
 way therefore in my opinion to converse with him upon equal terms, is 
 first to whisper and agree with Antimac. In which case, and in which 
 case alone, we might either make such a diversion in Germany as may 
 ease us in the Barrier, or receive such a reinforcement in the Barrier 
 as may at least preserve what is left. I am therefore surprised 
 to find that the Pensionary could hesitate which of the two negotia- 
 tions should take place, and not immediately determine to talk first 
 to Antimac. I think it very right as you do, to keep both going 
 on, but I think it very necessary to conclude with Antimac first. The 
 concessions to him, are only du plus au moins between him and the 
 House of Austria, in which the Maritime Powers are not so essentially 
 concerned, as in the fate of the Netherlands. Whereas the concessions 
 necessary to be made to France, while Prussia continues in its alliance, 
 must all be made at the expense of the solid interests of the Maritime 
 Powers. I confess I see no salvation but in this method ; though I see 
 at the same time all the difficulties that attend it, from various quarters 
 especially one. The universal despair here of any one favourable event 
 in war, the burthen of carrying it on most sorely felt, and the general 
 
118 
 
 Trevok MSS. suspicion of the objects of all that expense, make it impossible to go 01V 
 — any longer in this way. 
 
 The notions that prevail here with regard to the Dutch (notwith- 
 standing all I can say to the contrary) are so extraordinary that they 
 are not allowed to have almost any army, or to be at any expense at all. 
 I could wish therefore, if you could get it, that you would send me a 
 state of their whole military establishment. I mean an account of all 
 their regiments, the numbers of each regiment, and where each regiment 
 is employed. And pray add, if you can, the whole expense of the 
 Republic for this year : that Mr. Pelham may be armed against the 
 various attacks which I foresee will be made upon him in the next 
 session. 
 
 We expect every hour with a melancholy impatience more ill news 
 from Flanders, and, in the meantime, are doing all we can to put Ostend 
 in a situation of holding out." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745, July 9 [-20]. London. — " I received in due time your very 
 private letter of the 13th, N.S. and communicated it to Mr. Pelham, 
 who writes to you by this post. To which letter I refer myself with 
 regard to the Cologne affair, and will only say that after bribing that 
 Elector's ministers to influence him to take our money, it is a little hard, 
 that we must afterwards bribe him himself into it ; I take it to be a trick 
 of Mr. Champigny's in order to go snacks with his master, in a sum which, 
 he will say he procured him unexpectedly, and by his own dexterity. 
 
 I never in my life saw the public in a worse humour than at present^ 
 and I am sorry to tell you, that the Dutch, and your humble servant, 
 are the two principal objects of it. Many are absurd enough to think, 
 as well as say, that the Dutch have an underhand dealing with France, 
 to destroy our trade. In support of this incomparable opinion, they 
 urge the behaviour of their troops at the battle, the shameful defence of 
 their towns, and their subsequent lenity to the delinquents. In this 
 case I am supposed only to have been the gudgeon, and not to have had 
 penetration enough to discover the collusion. Others say that the Dutch 
 have made no great expense this year, have few troops, and complain of 
 poverty as misers, not as poor. That in order to have the reputation of 
 bringing them to some stipulations, I agreed to any : and even secretly 
 acquiesced, that even those should not be executed, as for example, the 
 39,000 men stipulated by the resultat, are, say they, reduced to 22,000. 
 They inquire where the remainder is, and what is become of their pre- 
 tended establishment of 90,000 men. You easily guess my answers to 
 these reasonings, but you as easily guess too that they must be unsatis*- 
 factory to people in such dispositions. As to the war itself, those who 
 from the beginning were against it, now call themselves prophets from 
 the ill success of it which they say they foretold, and those who were 
 the authors and the champions of the war, impute the ill success to the 
 ill conduct of it. But the bulk, I may say eight in ten of the whole 
 nation, feel both the burden, and the misfortunes of it, and call for 
 almost any end to be put to it. And some, though Grod knows what, 
 end must be put to it, for what from the ill success and expense of it 
 abroad, and what from the ill humour, the distractions, the burdens, and 
 the real poverty at home, I plainly see it will be impossible to carry 
 it on another year. And there is but one way left in my mind to end it, 
 either with common decency or with common safety. I need not tell 
 you that I mean a previous accommodation with Antimac, without 
 
119 
 
 which I cannot suppose that Nelson after the rapidity of his successes, Teevor MSSe 
 
 and in the present impossibility of our increasing our forces to any 
 
 degree of equality, will grant us such terms, as we can without the 
 
 utmost infamy and danger accept. The Dresden proposal concerning 
 
 the Great Duke I consider only as an artifice to catch the King of 
 
 Poland, and I think France may very possibly succeed in it, fait comme 
 
 il est ; but I can never conceive that merely for the sake of disappointing 
 
 the Great Duke, or if you will, to hinder the Imperial dignity from 
 
 returning this time to the House of Austria, France would give up its 
 
 allies, and the solid fruits of its successes. We are so convinced here 
 
 of the absolute necessity of this previous accommodation with Antimac, 
 
 that you see in what manner we press it at Hanover ; where, though may 
 
 be it is not quite so palatable, I am convinced in my conscience, that it 
 
 is full as necessary as here. If the Pensionary is of our opinion, as I 
 
 can't help thinking he is, the knowledge of that at Hanover would have 
 
 great weight, and help our efforts extremely ; as on the other hand any 
 
 doubts or hesitation on his part, if known there, would recoil upon us 
 
 with double force." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 17-15, July 9 [-20]. — " Lord Chesterfield showed me your letter, 
 and desired I would write to you my thoughts upon that part of it 
 which relates to the demand of Mr. C[hampign]y. I always understood 
 the latitude given to you by the Lords Justices was in case the terms of 
 the treaty should be such as were desirable in themselves, but not to be 
 got without launching a little further than our careful allies were 
 willing to do, that then and in that case you might venture to engage 
 as far as 20,000/. on the extraordinary account of England only ; that 
 also if a little sweetening some persons was necessary, that might be 
 ventured upon, but to engage to answer for the three and the five with- 
 out some particular orders from Hanover, that I am afraid we cannot 
 be justified in. I think therefore you should write to Lord Harrington 
 upon the subject, see what he says, who is upon the spot, and if after 
 that it should be his Majesty's pleasure to comply with this demand, we 
 must do our best to provide for it. But . . . where will this end ? 
 we are to pay Princes for the liberty of defending their own countries, 
 we are to complement (sic) others for taking our money for their troops, 
 to be employed for purposes which they profess themselves friends to , and 
 above all, we are to dismantle our own country and render its defence 
 precarious, because our allies cannot, or will not put their fortresses in a 
 condition to be defended in a regular way. You will easily [see] 
 Ostend is meant by this last paragraph, we have heard it is in great 
 danger, the French making a rapid progress in that part of Flanders. 
 No situation of defence in itself, neither garrison, ordnance, ammu- 
 nition or provisions, all this we are endeavouring to supply, I am afraid 
 to no purpose, but the place is of such consequence to this country, that 
 I find we must do it, or it is not to be done at all. I heartily pray for 
 better times ; when that will come or how, is beyond the wisest of us to 
 foresee, but I am afraid the weakest may know this cannot last long. I 
 ask pardon for troubling you with my melancholy reflections ; but when 
 I am upon the subject, I don't know when to stop. I conclude you 
 understand the first part of this letter, I don't mention names because it 
 goes by the post, but upon recollecting your last letter to Lord Chester- 
 field, you will find a key to this. I shall take care upon all future 
 payments of foreign ministers to keep you in the same advance you are 
 at present/' 
 
120 
 
 Tretok MSS. — — to — — 
 
 1745, July 26. Paris. — " 11 n'y a plus a douter que le Prince ne soit 
 parti pour une expedition ; j 'ay lieu de croire que Strickland est avec 
 luy, et je n'y suis pas, d'ont f enrage. L'on pouvoit m'y faire aller, sans me 
 mettre du secret, mais coinme O'Brien a este trompe aussi bien que moy, 
 j 'imagine qu'ils avoient desraisons bien fortes. J'ay fait ma charge, j 'ay 
 offert mes services, et suis encore prest au premier ordre ; mais ne sachant 
 ou aller, n'y comment, il faudrabien attendre, que Ton ait des nouvelles et 
 des arrangements pris pour faire partir ceux qui voudront suivre le 
 Prince. 11 h*8 que sa petite maison avec luy et Ton croit que c'est en 
 Ecosse qu'il doit debarquer. Comme nous ne voyons pas le dessous des 
 cartes, et que le secret a este si bien garde, il faut esperer que 1'affaire 
 sera bien combinee ; car je vous avone qu'au premier coup d'oeuil 
 eela paroist extremement scabreux. N'importe, cela est toujours beau, 
 et la Prince fait sa charge, et quant 1'affaire ne reussiroit pas, il se fera 
 toujours honneur, anssi bien que ceux qui ont le bonheur d'estre avec 
 luy. Je ne puis m'imaginer qu'il se fut ainsi avanture sans avoir un 
 gros parti prest a le recevoir, et dans la circonstance presente, l'Angle- 
 terre doit faire bien du mauvais sang. Les mauvais succes ont ordinaire- 
 ment l'effet de faire hair ceux qui gouvernent, outre que l'on ne les 
 aimoit pas beaucoup auparavant. Enfin la cause est juste et entre les 
 mains de Dieu, et Ton doit esperer qu'il la favorisera. Je ne scay a qui 
 m'adresser qu' a O'Brien, my lord Sample est parti, ainsi je ne puis faire 
 autre chose qu'attendre des ordres." 
 
 Extract, headed " Lettre de Townley. A Paris ce 26 Juillet 1745." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1745, July 19 [-30]. London. — " The ill humour here against our 
 friends the Dutch, was . . . strong enough of all conscience before, but 
 now it exceeds all bounds. The refusals of the Governors of L'ecluse 
 and Lilloe, bad enough, to be sure, of themselves, but aggravated by all 
 the letters from our army, down from the Duke to the lowest ensign ; the 
 behaviour of the Dutch regiments in the affair of Melle, and the accepting 
 of his Most Christian Majesty's favourable distinction of them by 
 erecting posts to mark out their boundaries ; all these things together, I 
 say, convince nine in ten of this nation that treachery is the single 
 motive of this conduct, and not impotence, parsimony, or ill government. 
 The obvious consequence of this persuasion, erroneous I confess, but 
 universally entertained, is, the withdrawing of all trust and confidence, 
 as to any engagements now subsisting, or that may subsist with the 
 Republic. I have even some considerable friends here, who suspect 
 that a party in Holland^ enemies equally to the Pensionary and to 
 England, have found means in secret concert with France to bring all 
 these things about, unknown to the Pensionary. 
 
 This I do not believe neither, for such transactions could never have 
 been carried on without the Pensionary's discovering some of them. But 
 be all these things as they will, it is evidently impossible for us to co- 
 operate in awar ; any longer and consequently, it is as evidently necessary 
 for us to co-operate in a peace. You have seen by letters that have jjassed 
 through your hands, the preference given somewhere to a previous treaty 
 with France in the chimerical hopes of afterwards getting the long desired 
 piece of the Prussian boar's skin. And you have seen all the arts used 
 from that quarter to defeat the Prussian negotiation, which it was not 
 thought proper or prudent openly and flatly to reject. Notwithstanding 
 
121 
 
 which, you will see by the Duke of Newcastle's letter of this post, that we Trevor mss. 
 remain firm in advising (not to say insisting upon) the previous conclu- 
 sion of a treaty with Prussia, not thinking it necessary to sacrifice the 
 real interests of the Maritime Powers to the views of a certain country, 
 which must necessarily be the case, if we were first to conclude with France, 
 before Prussia were detached. Can it be supposed that after these rapid 
 advantages in Flanders, and in the present unpromising situation of 
 affairs everywhere, that France while connected with Prussia, will give 
 us such good terms of peace, as if we were to negotiate with them after 
 they had lost the assistance of one hundred thousand men ? Or can it be 
 imagined by the most sanguine German, that when once the Maritime 
 Powers shall have concluded a peace with France, they will continue to 
 supply the Queen of Hungary with men or money against Prussia, with 
 whom they are not at war ? So that in truth the hopes of some people 
 are as chimerical with regard to themselves, as prejudicial to us. The 
 Pensionary's expressions have been strangely warped and tortured to 
 produce an opinion very contrary I am sure to his own, only to autho- 
 rise other people's. And as he seems to agree entirely in opinion with 
 us, the more clearly and explicitly that opinion of his is known in a 
 certain place, the more ours will, be strengthened, and the less handle 
 there will be left to combat it. Moreover, supposing the preference were 
 to be given to the French negotiation, I don't perceive that they seem so 
 willing to engage in it ; for Mr. Nelson is very silent ; nor does it 
 appear to us, that the French would abandon Prussia but rather take 
 him along with them in the negotiation, for fear he should negotiate 
 without them. So that were I to reason even as a Hanoverian, in the 
 present melancholy situation of affairs, I should not balance one moment 
 in giving the preference to the Prussian affair if I could get it, I mean 
 in order to have something a better peace with France afterwards, for I 
 own I am not sanguine enough to think that, could we bring the King 
 of Prussia to a neutrality, which is the most that can be hoped for, we 
 could, or ought to, continue the war against France, in the circumstances 
 we and the Dutch are in. It appears plainly, at least to me, that we 
 have nothing to hope for from Bavaria or Cologne, and I greatly suspect 
 Saxony. With what are we to cany on a war then against France ? " 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1715, July 30 and August 3. The Hague. — "Pursuant to your 
 direction I have transmitted Champigny's begging epistle to me en 
 original to Hanover, but without adding anything of my own to recom- 
 mend its subject matter, as indeed I think it not only unreasonable but 
 scandalous. As to the gratifications to the Elector's several ministers I 
 hope the encouragement I have already flung out to them, will be 
 abundantly justified by the much larger' sum I was left at liberty to 
 dispose of extraordinarily, for the sake of purchasing the conclusion of 
 this tedious transaction, and will be made good without hesitation, if 
 the case ever comes to exist ; I say ever comes to exist ; for, although 
 those gentlemen pretend, they have the King's promise, that the grati- 
 fications given them last year upon the conclusion of the Convention, 
 should be repeated to them, annually, during the term of the said Con- 
 vention, I have given them to understand that I had no cognisance of 
 any such promise, nor could offer them anything at present, but upon 
 the foot of: no cure, no pay ; and indeed I fear our money is but too 
 safe in our pockets, as I despair of the Elector of Cologne's having the 
 courage to appear so openly upon the stage, till France is nearer being 
 
122 
 
 Trevor mss. " beat off of it; and he be accompanied by the other Branches of the 
 House of Bavaria, and backed by an Emperor, and the Empire. 
 
 The discovery of France's second design upon our empty Island, as 
 soon as confirmed by any suitable overt acts, and preparations, of which 
 as yet we are entirely ignorant here, must, in my humble opinion, soon 
 bring matters to the short and desperate issue of the Maritime Powers 
 clapping back to back, and struggling for life as long, and as well as 
 they can ; concentrating their whole strength for this purpose, and 
 withdrawing, in great measure, their attention from all remoter con- 
 siderations, however otherwise important. Not to take up your time 
 with repetitions, let me refer you for the Pensionary's first thoughts 
 upon this new scene of distress, to my letters to the office by this mail. 
 I shall only add here, that the Pensionary is not altogether without his 
 suspicions, that this intelligence may possibly have been designedly 
 thrown in our way by our enemies, in the view of augmenting the panic 
 and distractions of the present times, and of hurrying us into wrong 
 measures ; and he would willingly persuade himself still farther, that 
 should France even make some steps tending that way, it may rather 
 be done in the design of compelling us the sooner to make her some 
 proposals, then of pushing such an enterprise into serious execution, 
 against which however he agrees there cannot be too good, nor too early 
 precautions taken ; especially as it is possible, France may hope to force 
 the King's vote at the Diet of Election by levelling this blow against 
 his Royal possessions, as she succeeded once before by that levelled 
 against his Electoral ones ; it not being to be doubted, but that she is 
 excessively averse to the Great Duke's (I should say the House of 
 Austria's) wearing the Imperial Crown. 
 
 What makes the subject of the sequel of this letter, was prepared 
 before the Pensionary and I received from Hanover the news of this 
 intended enterprise of France ; but this, the Pensionary thinks, should 
 rather accelerate, than supersede the trial of some such experiment ; 
 and that, if possible, whilst our supposed ignorance of such a design 
 might screen such an advance from being construed by France as the 
 effect of our additional distress, and alarm thereat. 
 
 I do not well know, what apology to make you for the impertinent, 
 and pragmatical picture, I am here going to give you of myself ; nor for 
 the good opinion, you may naturally infer from it, I must entertain of 
 my own thoughts and sentiments ; unless it be by protesting to you, 
 that this letter, as far as it may be true, is merely built upon the 
 similitude I have often had the happiness of observing between them 
 and your own. 
 
 The but too intimate knowledge, which the Pensionary's and my 
 situation procures me of the low, and still ebbing state of our affairs on 
 all sides : the sad experience we have had of the ineptness of the present 
 age for action : the degeneracy of the Republic's troops, and the 
 reduced state of our little army, with three months' of campaign still to 
 be rubbed through, and hardly any ground left it to chicane : the 
 growing flaccidness, both in Holland and England, of the very nervus 
 Belli, which has been our chief weapon hitherto : the mutual peevishness 
 arising between the two nations from mutual smart, and mutual over- 
 rating one another's faculties ; and lastly, the sudden (and what still 
 farther alarms us, coincident) intermission of all pacific overtures from 
 both Prussia and France ; and almost a human certitude of the markets 
 rising upon us daily — All Ihese considerations, I say, have driven the 
 Pensionary, and me, notwithstanding the flegm of his complexion, and 
 the sanguineness of mine, to be unanimously of opinion, that the point 
 of honour about who, betwixt us, and France, shall speak out the first, is 
 
123 
 
 no longer tenable by us ; and that the only string left to our bow, in the Trevor MSS„ 
 but too possible supposition of our separate transaction with Prussia 
 miscarrying, or loitering, is to try, before Europe is absolutely flung off 
 of its old hinges, whether there may be still a party left in the French 
 Cabinet for peace, and to strengthen that party's hands by some over- 
 tures of such a nature, as may save the honour of France, and enable 
 her to stop the mouths of her allies, without essentially prejudicing the 
 system of Europe, or the immediate interests of the Maritime Powers. 
 
 The Pensionary, in his present hurry, did me the honour to encourage 
 me to turn this idea a little in my thoughts, and to throw what should 
 occur to me thereon, upon paper for his further consideration. I have 
 yielded to his invitation, through my conviction of the necessity of 
 some one's breaking the ice, and perhaps nobody more properly, than 
 one whose personal insignificance can add no foreign, or accessory 
 weight to his conceits, but leaves them to be docked, or pruned, or 
 rejected without ceremony. 
 
 You have, accordingly here enclosed, the reveries of two or three 
 sleepless nights of your humble servant, which you may imagine, he 
 would not presume to trouble you with, had they not undergone the 
 Pensionary's amendments, and even, in their present dress, received his 
 entire approbation ; as a denouement or upshot, to which he indeed 
 rather wishes, than hopes, considering the inveterate aversion France 
 seems to have conceived against the Imperial Crown's returning in any 
 shape to the House of Austria, to see the present confusions of Europe 
 brought. 
 
 I need only observe to you, that with respect to the substance of this 
 plan, the main principles, upon which I have composed it, are ; 1°. 
 To try to make Prussia, Spain, and even France find their accounts, in 
 some degree or other in the Great Duke's elevation to the Imperial 
 throne. 2°. To divert the price of a general pacification from falling, 
 as I dread, ultimately upon the Austrian Netherlands. 3°. To prevent 
 its falling even upon the Austrian possessions, and costing some further 
 dismemberment of that mass. 4°. Though it be turned upon Italy, to 
 render it palatable to the Court of Turin, and as little prejudicial as 
 may be to the present system, and equilibrium of Italy. As to the other 
 lesser articles, they are built upon what France and Prussia once gave 
 us to understand of their intentions ; and are part dictated by a spirit of 
 conciliation, and part by a spirit of circumspection, with respect to our 
 own immediate interests. 
 
 As to the modality of this plan, my chief views have been : — 1°. To 
 saddle the Dutch, who are less stiff than we, upon points of honour, 
 with this humiliating commission ; as well as to leave tnem to stand 
 the brunt of the first reproaches of our allies, and to bear the chief 
 load of any national unpopularity, that this saving step may possibly be 
 hereafter attended with from the uninformed, illjudging multitude. 
 2°. To prevent the Dutch, by amusing them with some negotiation, 
 from being driven by the hopeless prospect of our arms, to seek their 
 own safety, or rather reprieve, without our participation, or even at the 
 expense of the common cause. 3°. To procure the Maritime Powers 
 as instantaneous ease as possible; and by first turning off the great 
 torrent of France, gain time to stop, at leisure, the lesser branches of 
 the inundation which at present threatens to overflow all Europe 
 irretrievably. 4°. To prevent, if possible, by the revival of the system 
 of the Duke of Orleans' ministry, the present one of Belleisle and 
 Schmettau, or eve n that of the definitive treaty of Vienna, from taking 
 place in Europe ; and lastly, to throw, at almost all events, public 
 affairs into the way of negotiation before the opening of our Parliament. 
 
124 
 
 Trevor MSS, ) No person living has any knowledge of this project, except the Pension- 
 ary ; and he had agreed with me, that I should send it to you ; and if 
 you and your friends would amend it to your liking, he would then 
 father it, as his own ; and authorise me to send it, as such, to Hanover 
 for the previous, though unavowed sentiments of the King, as well upon 
 the materials it is composed of, as with respect to the time of his (the 
 Pensionary's) broaching them. As to the latter, the Pensionary is of 
 opinion, it should not be delayed a minute, upon our finding it impossible 
 to detach the King of Prussia by a separate negotiation, and perhaps 
 even not so long; since for his own part, he should not be sorry to see, 
 supposing we should even succeed in gaining the King of Prussia, a 
 general pacification brought about upon no worse terms than these. He 
 is further of opinion,! that we should at all events be ready prepared 
 with a back-game ; and that the two powers should, at this momentous 
 hour, be so intimately acquainted with one another's sentiments, as to be 
 ready to seize, and improve, without hesitation, any handle that may 
 offer to either of them for extricating themselves out of their present 
 labyrinth and jeopardy. 
 
 Postscript.— ~1 meet with some difficulty here, Jrom the King's loitering 
 at Hanover, to convince people that his Majesty is himself convinced of 
 the seriousness of the enterprise attributed to France." 
 
 Enclosed : 
 
 Sketch of a proposed Plan for a General Accommodation by means 
 of a Preliminary Treaty between France and the Maritime 
 Powers. 
 
 The principal Articles were as follows : — 
 
 1. Re-establishment of peace between England and France on 
 
 the foot of the ancient treaties and specially of those of 
 Utrecht and 17 17. Dunkirk to be replaced in the state 
 stipulated by the last mentioned treaties. France to extend 
 her engagements with regard to the Pretender to all his 
 posterity. Commerce and navigation to be replaced on the 
 footing they were before the last rupture. A money com- 
 pensation to be given for the French vessels burnt at St. 
 Tropez in 1742, if demanded by France. 
 
 2. France to renew all her treaties with their High Mightinesses, 
 
 to restore the Austrian Netherlands to the Queen of Hungary, 
 to recognize that they are a Barrier to the United Provinces, 
 and not to attack them unless there is a direct war with the 
 latter. The United Provinces not to insist on France 
 repairing the damages done to the Barrier towns during the 
 war. The Abbey of St. Hubert to be declared exempt from 
 all dependance either on the Duchy of Luxemberg or the 
 Crown of France. 
 
 ^ . Peace to be made between France and the Queen of Hungary 
 and Bohemia on the foot of the treaty of 1738. France to 
 renew her guaranty of the Pragmatic Sanction, except as to 
 the cessions made to Prussia and Sardinia. France to restore 
 to the Queen all her conquests. 
 
 4. The three contracting powers not to interfere directly or 
 indirectly with the choice of Emperor. If the Grand Duke 
 should be elected, France to recognize him. The Grand 
 Duke, if elected, to renew, both as Emperor and head of the 
 House of Lorraine, the cession of the Duchies of Lorraine 
 and Bar, and in his former capacity to do his utmost to 
 
125 
 
 obtain the guaranty of the Empire to that cession. The Trevor fi&§. 
 Grand Duke, if elected Emperor, to cede the Grand Duchy 
 of Tuscany to the Infant Don Philip, on condition that, if 
 the King of Naples and Sicily or his representative shall 
 succeed to the Crown of Spain, Don Philip or his repre- 
 sentative shall succeed to those kingdoms, and the Grand 
 Duchy shall revert to the House of Lorraine in the person 
 of Prince Charles and his issue male, who shall now renounce 
 for himself and his descendants all pretensions to the Duchies 
 of Lorraine and Bar, and in case of a failure of issue the 
 said Grand Duchy shall pass to the King of Sardinia or his 
 representative. The said Grand Duchy to remain a male 
 fief of the Holy Roman Empire, and the town of Leghorn, 
 a free port. In consideration of the sacrifice made by the 
 Grand Duke, the Queen of Hungary and Bohemia to be 
 allowed to grant him a life interest in the latter kingdom. 
 
 5. Peace to be made between England and Spain on the foot 
 
 of the Treaty of Utrecht and the Convention of the Pardo. 
 Commerce and navigation in Europe between them to be on 
 the same foot as before the last rupture. Spain by a new 
 treaty to renounce all claim to interfere in the American seas 
 with the navigation of other nations going or returning to 
 or from their own colonies or those of their friends, and to 
 any right of search beyond cannon shot of her own coasts 
 and forts, which, except in case of extreme distress, 
 are to remain closed to all nations except the Spanish. The 
 frontier between the Carolinas and Florida to be marked by 
 Commissioners. Spain to renew all treaties of peace or 
 commerce with their High Mightinesses. 
 
 6. Peace to be made between the Queen of Hungary and the 
 
 Kings of Spain and of the Two Sicilies on the foot of the 
 definitive treaty of 1738 subject to the modification sug- 
 gested in the 4th Article. The said Kings to recognise the 
 Grand Duke, when he becomes Emperor, as such, and to 
 guarantee the Queen's possessions as described in the 3rd 
 Article, and she to guarantee the establishments procured 
 by the said treaty and these Articles for the King of the 
 Two Sicilies and Don Philip. The Grand Duke, when he 
 becomes Emperor, to do his utmost to procure a confirma- 
 tion and guaranty from the Empire of the cession of 
 Tuscany. 
 
 7. Peace to be made between Spain and Sardinia, the former 
 
 restoring all their conquests made from the latter. The 
 Duchy of Modena to be restored to its Duke. Peace to 
 be re-established between the Kings of Sardinia and the 
 Two Sicilies, and between the former and Genoa, the last 
 to be asked to exchange the Marquisate of Finale for that 
 of Oneglia. 
 
 8. Peace to be re-established between the Queen of Hungary 
 
 and the King of Prussia on the foot of the treaty of Breslau. 
 The powers who guaranteed that treaty, to guarantee the 
 new one, and the Grand Duke, when become Emperor, to 
 do his utmost to get the Empire to join in that guaranty. 
 The King of Prussia to indemnify the King of Poland for 
 the damage caused by the passage through Saxony of the 
 Prussian troops, and also the Queen of Hungary for what 
 
126 
 
 Tbevor MSS. sne owes in Holland on obligations guaranteed by the States 
 
 of Silesia. 
 9. From the day of the signature of these Preliminaries hostilities 
 to cease in the Netherlands. 
 
 10, Within 15 days of the exchange of ratifications thereof, 
 
 France to evacuate the Netherlands. At the same time the 
 contracting Powers shall fix on a congress at Breda or Aix, 
 to proceed therein to a conclusion of a definitive treaty on 
 the foot of these Preliminaries, and to a mediation with 
 their respective allies, to induce them to agree to a general 
 accommodation, for which purpose they are to be asked to 
 send Ministers to the Congress. 
 
 11. The three contracting Powers to agree that if any of their 
 
 allies refuse to make peace with its opponent on the 
 conditions above mentioned they will give no aid to such 
 ally. In French. 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 4. Hanover. — " You make no mention in either of those 
 letters, of the line I sent you by Diseran to tell you from whence we 
 had our intelligence about the invasion. Wolters's last do very much 
 confirm that intelligence, and tho' the G ns (? Grandees) here were very 
 eager to have it thought a mere feint, I own I am one of those, who are 
 both convinced of the truth of it, and think it the wisest thing that 
 Prance can undertake. At the same time I think we are too much 
 dejected both in England and Holland, and see nothing more desperate 
 in the present situation than in that at the beginning of the last war, 
 excepting the spirit of those upon whom it falls. ... If the 
 Q[ueen] will yield the Netherlands to France, why mayn't we offer 
 them to Don Philip ? Do your parsons and skuyts and butterwomen 
 say nothing on this occasion." 
 
 Sir Everard Fawkener to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 9. Vilvoorden. — " I really know nothing of the hasty 
 reddition of Oudenarde, but what is commonly said, that the Dutch 
 Colonel wonld wait no longer, and I doubt if ours was overpressing to 
 stay. I don't hear he has yet thought fit to say a word to his Koyal 
 Highness upon the subject. As to the behaviour of the Dutch 
 Dragoons at Melle, one person of credit told me they rode over some 
 of our foot, but the Duke told me seriously, it was not remarkable any 
 way. As to the managements of this country and the avoiding 
 making the inundations, this delicacy may be commendable in other 
 circumstances, but if it depended on me. if I could save a square mile 
 out of the hands of the French by drowning the rest, I would do it." 
 
 The Right Honourable Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1745, July 30 [-August 10].— "The Duke of Newcastle and Lord 
 Chesterfield were both out of town, when your letter came to my 
 hands, and we have been in such a hurry since they came back, that I 
 have not had an opportunity of talking thoroughly to them upon your 
 project. I have read it over carefully, and could I flatter myself that 
 our present situation would give us room to hope for so good terms as 
 that in general contains, I should be more easy in my mind than I am 
 
127 
 
 at present. How far it may be proper to begin on our part with France, Trevor MSS. 
 till we have a final answer upon the strong and judicious representation 
 made by Lord Harrington to Sir Thomas Robinson upon the affairs 
 of the King [of] Prussia I do not pretend to determine. But if that 
 succeeds or fails, it will, I fear, be absolutely necessary to set something 
 a going, that we may not the next year be in the same desperate situa- 
 tion we are in at present. I don't know what to make of the voyage 
 of the Pretender's son, but join it to the intelligence we have had from 
 Hanover, it ought to make us look about us, which I hope our friends 
 in Holland will not think we have shewed too much fear in, when they 
 see we have sent almost all our infantry to the Allied army and to the 
 relief of Ostend. We don't spare our money neither for that purpose, 
 and at the same time have the mortification to see that the Court of 
 Brussels itself will not contribute even the small risk of disobliging 
 their own subjects for a time by suffering the inundation to take 
 place." 
 
 The Earl op Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 13. London. — " My journey to Ireland now draws so 
 near that a thousand necessary through frivolous details plague me one 
 half of the day, and business of a more important nature, though God 
 knows, and so do you, of a very disagreeable one, employs the rest. 
 The situation of our affairs abroad, is in my opinion, the most melan- 
 choly and the most difficult one that I, or I believe any one now alive 
 remembers ; and the situation of your friends here, the most singular 
 one, that ever people in their employments found themselves in. They 
 know they are in place, but they don't know for how long, and they 
 know they are not in power, much less in favour, without knowing yet 
 whether they shall ever have either. In such circumstances you won't 
 wonder, that Mr. Pelham sent you no answer to your very important 
 private letter, till last Friday, nor that the answer was such a one as 
 it was : Your friends here after deliberation, were of opinion that it 
 was necessary to have the Prussian affair finally decided one way or 
 another before the other should be broached at Hanover, where they 
 thought it might add to the unwillingness already evident enough 
 there, to listen to any accommodation with Prussia, though surely such 
 a previous accommodation is absolutely necessary towards obtaining a 
 tolerable subsequent one with France. Could your plan take place, I 
 should not only call it a tolerable, but considering circumstances, a 
 most excellent accommodation ; but we have too much reason to think, 
 not only from the present nature of our situation, but likewise from 
 good intelligence, that the French have no thoughts of restoring all that 
 they have got in Flanders this campaign, the rapid success of which 
 they say entitles them to raise their demands, and not content them- 
 selves with what they would have accepted before the opening of it. 
 Whether the loss of their ally, the King of Prussia, will make them 
 more moderate, I don't know, but I own I see nothing else that 
 probably can. One, almost insurmountable, difficulty I foresee in any 
 negotiation with France, is our new acquisition of Cape Breton, which 
 is become the darling object of the whole nation, it is ten times more 
 so than ever Gibraltar was, and people are laying in their claims, and 
 protesting already against the restitution of it upon any account. But 
 on the other hand, I foresee the impossibility of keeping it. But 
 indeed which way can one now look without seeing the most dis- 
 couraging difficulties? To carry on the war another year is evidently 
 impossible, from our exhausted condition as to our finances, from the 
 
128 
 
 Trevor MSS. universal indisposition of the whole nation, and from the dangers to 
 which we are exposed, and but ill provided against at home, in case of 
 its continuance. Add to these reasons the general anger and distrust, 
 however unreasonable, against the Dutch, which will make our future 
 co-operation very lame at least, if not impracticable. To make a peace, 
 1 mean only a tolerable one, is not less difficult, and indeed must be 
 necessarily difficult in proportion to the incapacity in which your 
 enemies see and know you are, to carry on the war with the least 
 hopes of advantage. . . . 
 
 In five or six days I shall leave, and without regret, this busy 
 disagreeable scene, for one much better suited to my temper and 
 inclinations, where the Duke of Shrewsbury said that he had business 
 enough to hinder him from falling asleep, and not enough to hinder 
 him from sleeping, a pleasing description to a half lazy man as I 
 am." 
 
 Andrew Stone to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 2 [-13]. Whitehall.— " Mr. Pelham directs me to 
 return you his thanks for the favour of your letter . . . and 
 the important paper enclosed in it. He has communicated it to a very 
 few, who all agree with him in thinking, that we should be too happy, 
 if we could put an end to our present miseries upon the terms therein 
 laid down. For my own part, I cannot carry my hopes so high as to 
 think the French will restore all, or the most valuable of their late con- 
 quests in the Netherlands, unless such a change shall happen in their 
 circumstances as I see no human means of bringing about at present. 
 . . . You will forgive the liberty I am going to take, and attribute it 
 to the true cause. I could have wished that in a consideration of this 
 nature, which was to be laid in a confidential manner before his 
 Majesty's servants here, you had not entirely passed by my Lord Duke 
 of Newcastle. It was most certainly extremely proper to send it to 
 Mr. Pelham, and I easily conceive your reason for taking that method, 
 as what you did was in an extra-official way, and, if you had happened 
 to have explained it in that manner, I am persuaded it would have 
 been taken perfectly well. But nothing of that kind having been done, 
 I could not help perceiving that some notice was taken of it ; which 
 out of a sincere regard and friendship to you I would not omit 
 acquainting you with. If you think it proper to commission me 
 naturellement to make some little compliment upon the occasion, I am 
 satisfied there will not be the least remains of uneasiness at this inci- 
 dent. But I must beg and insist that you take no notice of it to any- 
 body whatever, for I am certain that I am the only person that knows 
 anything of it. I must also earnestly entreat you to burn this letter as 
 soon as you have read it." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 15. Hanover. — " I never was sanguine about the 
 election, and never thought it would have been too dear a purchase of 
 peace to have the King of Poland Emperor. We are going to have the 
 devil and all in Saxony with the King of Prussia." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745, August 17. Hanover. — " If you consider the young man's 
 equippes dvKaq, it does not indeed seem greatly alarming as to what his 
 interest or presence unsupported might produce, but take with it the 
 
129 
 
 preparations at the Isle d'Aix and at Ferrol, and it becomes very Trevor mss. 
 serious. 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1745. August 9 [-20]. Arlington Street.— « I had last night a 
 conversation with my Lord Chancellor, my brother, and my Lord 
 Chesterfield, who had before perused the paper you sent me, and we 
 were all jot opinion, that in the present circumstances, the conditions 
 laid down in that paper would in general be a very good basis for a 
 negotiation with France, if they could be brought to treat upon that 
 foot ; and that the points, in which the interests of his Majesty and 
 the States General are most immediately concerned, would be effectually 
 secured, if an accommodation could be concluded agreeably to that 
 plan ; though we observed at the same time, that there were some 
 things that might require more consideration than we have yet had an 
 opportunity to give them, particularly the disposition proposed to be 
 made of the Duchy of Tuscany in favour of Don Philip, the exchange 
 of the Marquisate of Finale against Oneglia, &c. And with regard to 
 the mutual restitution of conquests, it cannot but occur to you, that as 
 his Majesty's subjects in New England, assisted by a squadron of the 
 King's ships, have lately made themselves masters of Cape Breton, it 
 cannot well be expected that we should begin a negotiation by offering 
 to give up so valuable an acquisition j which it would be very agree- 
 ahle, and very advantageous to keep ; though perhaps it may be un- 
 certain how far that may be found practicable. I thought it necessary 
 to throw these things out to you, though without any design of enter- 
 ing minutely into the particulars of the project, which would require 
 more time than I have at present. And it is the less necessary, as the 
 Lords above mentioned are of opinion (in which we are persuaded the 
 Pensionary and you will agree with us), that considering the negotiation 
 now depending, for bringing about an accommodation between the Court 
 of Vienna, and the King of Prussia, it may be proper to defer the 
 taking any step of this kind, till the final success of that shall be 
 known. As my Lord Harrington's whole correspondence with my 
 brother upon that head, has passed through your hands, and has been 
 communicated by you to the Pensionary, you will both have seen the 
 several steps that have been taken in it; and particularly that by Lord 
 Harrington's letter of the T % instant, there seems more probability 
 of its succeeding, especially on the side of Prussia, than I confess, I 
 before thought there had been. In these circumstances might it not 
 have an ill effect, for us to propose the entering into a transaction with 
 France, that might divert our attention from that object ? It must now 
 probably soon be seen, whether the negotiation with Prussia will suc- 
 ceed or not. If it succeeds, it greatly facilitates any future negotiation 
 with France ; and will put us in a condition to obtain better terms 
 from that Crown, than at present we have reason to expect. If it fails, 
 there will not have been much time lost, and we must then endeavour 
 to get the best terms Ave can from France; for which reason it will 
 certainly be right, to keep that object always in view, and to be prepared 
 to open a negotiation with France, in the manner proposed by the 
 Pensionary and you, and upon the foot of your plan, subject to such 
 amendments and alterations with regard to particular points as shall be 
 thought advisable at the time. Though I have troubled you a good 
 deal already I can't conclude this letter without thanking you for the 
 confidential communication of your thoughts and the Pensionary's in 
 this melancholy and distracted situation of public affairs. You have 
 wrote to me with great openness and freedom, I thought therefore in 
 O 77960. I 
 
130 
 
 Trevor aiss. return it lay upon me, not to give you my own thoughts only, but what 
 •- — I collected also from those with whom I shall always act in public 
 
 business. This may make the first part of this letter appear to you 
 somewhat colder on the subject of peace than I really mean it, for, if I 
 am to speak my own thoughts, which I shall always do with openness 
 to you, I see so little possibility of extricating this country out of its 
 present difficulties by the arms of her allies, that I can scarce persuade 
 myself to have a doubt upon any proposition that tends to the making 
 up the present disputes in an amicable way." 
 
 to 
 
 1745, August 21. Home. — " Mon Cher Cousiu, Quoy que je sois bien 
 persuade que vous este bien informe du depart du Prince, j'ay cru devoir 
 vous ecrire pour vous en donner des particularites que peut etre vous 
 ignorez, et qui nous sont venu par la derniere poste de France. Le 
 Princes' est embarque le 15 du passe sur une fregatte d'environs 20 
 canons a Nante ou aux environs avec sa petite famille et quelques 
 Ecossois, entre autre le Due d'Athole, frere aine du Due de ce nom qui 
 est en possession en Ecosse. Ce vaisseau appartient et est commande 
 par un nomme Wealch, un armateur Irlandois qui quand il auras 
 debarque le Prince en Ecosse vat droit a Hambourg pour des raisons 
 que j'ignore. Jl etoit escorte d'un vaiseau du Roy de soicente et huit 
 canons nomme l'Elisabet que i'amiraute prete avec les canons aux 
 armateurs a condition que les vaiseaux avec les canons qu'ils prendrons 
 appartiendront aux Roy et toute la charge aux armateurs. II y en a 
 plusieurs en mer de cette espece. Celuy-ci avoit cincents homines 
 d'equipage, et etoit frette par des armateurs de Bretagne mais plus de la 
 moitie par un nomme Rotlidg, Irlandois. Vous scavez que le 20, vers le 
 47 degre au west de l'lrlande ils appercurent a la point du jour une flotte 
 Angloise de quatorze voiles. Le plus proche d'eux vint les reconnoitre 
 et il fut resolu que le vaiseau d'escorte Pattenderoit. Le Prince envoya 
 de sa fregate deux officiers Irlandois qu'il avoit rencontre par hazard en 
 Bretagne faisant des recrue. Leurs ordres etoient d'observer la maneou- 
 vre de ce vaiseaux Francois pour en rendre compte. Ils se joignirent 
 a 3 heures apres midi et commencerent un combat qui dura bien avant 
 dans la nuit. La relation dit que vers les onze heures l'Anglois demanda 
 a se rendre, mais ne scachant pas qu'un de ces derniers coup de canon 
 avoit brise la roue du gouvernail du vaiseau Francois, ce vaiseau ne put faire 
 aucune manoeuvre, en sorte que le matin au jour il fut fort surpris de 
 voir P Anglais a 7 lieux de luy et hors d'etat de le suivre par le mauvais 
 etat ou il se trouvoit. Le capitaine nomme du Haut a ete tue avec 
 sept autres officiers, en tout 57, et cent seise de blesse, parmi les 
 quelles est Mr. Sheridon un des deux officiers envoie par le Prince, 
 et Conway le second ecrit cette relation de Brest ou le vaiseau est 
 arrive sept jours apres le combat. Ils ont vu la fregatte du Prince 
 prete a doubler le cap d'Irlande avec un vent favorable, qui a dure 
 plus qu'il ne faut pour le porter a sa destination. Ainsi on ne 
 doute nullement qu'il ne soit debarque en Ecosse ou il est attendu, 
 quoy que nous n'en aions aucun nouvelle positive mais ce qui nous 
 fait trembler, il n'a plus de quinze cents armes avec luy, tres 
 peu de munition, et point d'argent, pas un homme de guere ny 
 d'experience. Enfin e'est Pentreprise la plus hazardee dont j'ay encor 
 ouy parler. II est vray que depuis son depart il est arrive a Paris un 
 Seigneur Ecossois qu'on ne nomme pas pour le presser de partir, que 
 tout etoit prest, et qu'on n'attendoit que luy pour lever Petendard. Je 
 ne scay pas encor le contenu de nostre declaration que vous aurez 
 
131 
 
 avant nous. II est decide que nous partons tous pour la France aussitot Trevor 31SS. 
 que nous serons informe du debarquement. II s'est tenu a ce sujet une — - 
 
 congregation Lundi passe en presence du Pape, ou le Maitve de la Poste 
 aux chevaux a, ete appelle pour scavoir le nombre des chevaux de 
 Postes qu'il pouroit fournir. Le soir le Secretaire d'Etat que j'ay 
 intrpduit est venu nous en rendre compte, et hier nous avons ete tous 
 chez le Pape ou tout a ete regie. Belloni le banquier a ordre de tenis 
 tout en ordre pour nous fournir de l'argent partout ou nous pouvonr 
 estre appelle, et ou il seras besoin. Voila de belles et bonnes nouvelles 
 comme vous voiez, si cela reussit, mais conime vostre silence continue 
 je croy que vous n'attendrez plus de mes nouvelles, et je ne le ferez 
 plus sans ordres. Milord Sample a ete donner aviz du depart du Roy en 
 Flandre. C'est de vos costes que nous attendons a present les nouvelles 
 importantes qui doivent nous compler de joy." 
 Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1745, September 7 [- 18]. Dublin Castle. — "My journey here and 
 the silly forms and ceremonies I have been obliged to go through since, 
 have engrossed my whole time for near a month and made me seem 
 negligent of all other duties. . . . An Act signed is a great step. 
 The Court of Vienna would, I dare say, have been very glad to have 
 hindered the signing, but now that it is done I am persuaded the 
 Austrian ministers will think twice before they refuse to come into it. 
 The King of Prussia once neuter, and the Great Duke elected Emperor, 
 we may talk to France upon pretty equal terms, and either carry on a 
 practicable war, or obtain a safe and tolerable peace, though I confess 
 {considering all circumstances') I prefer the latter, and hope you will 
 soon hear again from Mr. Nelson. I can't think our friend the 
 Pensionary will stand out, since the others you mention are clear, and 
 si cela vient au fait et au prendre, I am convinced the affair will go 
 glibly enough in the Republic. The same reasons subsist for renewing 
 the Treaty of Breslau, that subsisted for making it, strengthened by a 
 great many other circumstances that have happened since ; and it seems to 
 me a plain proposition, that we must have either a better war or a better 
 peace with cur great and natural enemy France, Avhen we have taken 
 the weight of 100,000 men out of her scale. . . . The renewal of 
 the treaty of Breslau will likewise remove many difficulties " in 
 London "and smooth the way through Parliament. What between the 
 pageantry and the variety of little business of my department here, my 
 time is so much employed that I must now abruptly conclude." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same, 
 
 1745, September 10 [- 21]. — "I heartily wish the troops were 
 arrived both Dutch and English, for though I look upon these High- 
 land rebels as a sort of rabble, yet if there is no force to oppose 'em, 
 they may come in time to be considerable. We have scarce any 
 regular troops in the country, and between you and I, I don't find that 
 zeal to venture purses and lives that I formerly remember. I don't 
 care to look out for the reasons. I suppose you have heard the rebels 
 have passed Sir John Cope, and are now in the countries belonging to 
 Lord Perth and the Duke of Athole. They pay for everything they 
 want, but are many of them but indifferently armed ; so that if a 
 regiment or two with good officers at their head could but come at 'em, 
 this affair would soon end in smoke. We don't hear of any embarka- 
 tions, but whether the progress of these people in Scotland may not 
 
 I 2 
 
132 
 
 Tkevor mss. incite our enemies to venture a small body of troops over, even in open 
 boats, I can't pretend to determine. The postscript to your last is a 
 very serious one. I always apprehended that the capture of C[ap]e 
 B[reto]n would occasion difficulties on one side, as well as facilities on 
 the other, towards making a peace. But our people are so mad upon 
 it that it requires more spirit and conduct to get the better of, than I 
 doubt our present Governors are masters of. I am quite of your opinion 
 that some resolution, and that a great one, should be soon come to, but 
 what that great one should be, is the difficulty, scarce three people think 
 alike in that." 
 
 [Edward Weston] to the Same. 
 
 1745, September 17 [- 28]. T[urnhamJ Green. — " I understand by 
 some friends from London that the Jew de Cabinet is again in vogue. 
 Who will win that game I can't tell, but there is almost always a 
 difference between that and all other games, viz., that the standers by are 
 the greatest sufferers." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745, October 1 [-12]. Whitehall].—" The Association of the 
 Merchants has saved the Bank for a time, but I doubt the first ill news 
 will raise the same spirit again, which fomented by all the arts of the 
 Popish party, may at once overset our bark in this present storm. I 
 often think that we might possibly have some relief by a vigorous 
 diversion from the Emperor's army. But since our late Prussian 
 differences, we have no more communication with that Court than with 
 the Great Mogul. I cannot but wish that our next letters may bring us 
 accounts of some accommodation or other, for the war seems to me to 
 be at an end of itself, as we are plainly non Prcelio sed Bello victim 
 unless it be still called a war, ubi tu pulsas ego vapulo tantnin." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1745, October 25 [- November 5]. Cockpit. — "What the Queen of 
 Hungary means by pursuing so distinctly her Silesia madness I can't 
 tell, and what she proposes to do in consequence of it. One thing I am 
 sure of, viz., that not one farthing of money will be granted by this 
 Parliament] to support the projects of bigotry, pride, and vengeance of 
 the House of Austria, as was done last year." 
 
 [Edward Weston] to the Same. 
 
 Same date. Whitehall]. — " Your surprise perhaps will have been 
 great at our answer to your grand packet by Mackenzie. I dread the 
 consequences of it, but I see too clearly that nobody can answer for 
 anything here yet. What a few days may produce I can't tell. But all is 
 at sea just now. By getting Larrey to go with as much as you have, you 
 may gain a time that may save all. The article of St. Tropez I wonder you 
 passed, it raised indignation. The want of a peace may ruin us, but the 
 acquisition of a scandalous one will not less do it, tho' perhaps later. 
 This is not my language, but I think the popular and fashionable one. 
 Here is a strong party for abandoning the Continent entirely, and 
 dying, if we must die, se defendendo. Where all this will end, God 
 knows. But I doubt it must be little less than a miracle to save us. I 
 write to you in confidence and can only return you sigh for sigh. . . 
 Wade is to be at Newcastle next Tuesday. Lord Albemarle is already 
 
133 
 
 landed there, so there will be an army of 12 or 13 m , the Kebels by our Trevor mss. 
 best accounts not exceeding 7 or 8 m . I own I am one of those whom the 
 Pensionary thinks mistaken in looking upon a French declaration against 
 Holland as no bad event. I should imagine the Governors may not be 
 sure of finding the People so deprecative and submissive as themselves 
 npon such an occasion. At the worst it can but come to a separate 
 accommodation and neutrality, and that I doubt would take place not- 
 withstanding." 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1745, November 8[-19]. Arlington Street. — "I have served your 
 friend Burrish as much as I could at this time ... I wish it was in 
 my power to keep touch with you all, but when 1 came into the Treasury 
 I found a vast arrear and the expenses have increased, and the revenue 
 diminished ever since, this I hope will plead my excuse. I can assure 
 you it is a great concern to me, that I have so good a one to make. 
 You know from Lord Harrington and the rest of your friends here the 
 situation of this country ; we are plagued every day with new and 
 different reports as to the progress of the Rebels, they seem to act with 
 some judgment, and great resolution, but as I am satisfied that the 
 disaffection in this part of the kingdom is greatly decreased, and as we 
 have now a great army in England, I can't doubt of our putting an 
 end to this insolent and wicked attempt in time. We don't hear of any 
 great embarkations, but our enemies are continually pouring in arms 
 officers engineers and money, this gives spirit to the Pretender's friends, 
 and enables them to keep together longer than they could otherways 
 have done. Our great misfortune is the effect this has upon our credit, 
 for though the stocks do not fall much, yet what ready money there is 
 in the kingdom is pretty much hoarded up, and of consequence the 
 raising our supplies difficult. A brush from Marshal Wade may 
 possibly give new life. You expect on your side the water that we 
 should answer categorically three several questions, is it possible in our 
 situation that we can ? it is enough at this time to be assured we will 
 do what we can, and I hope our friends will not expect us to promise 
 more. Engaging beyond our strength has been, in my mind, the great 
 error of the three last years, it is better to avoid that evil now, than 
 persist in it to our own ruin, and that of our allies also ; when I say 
 allies, I mean the Republic only, for all the rest I look upon as burdens, 
 not as friends engaged in the same interest, and upon equal terms." 
 
 E[dward] W[eston] to the Same. 
 
 1745, November 12 [-23]. Whitehall].— " You will see in the 
 Gazette all we know of the Rebels. The necessity of having two 
 armies now appears, and Ligonier is setting forward for Lancashire with 
 12 or 13,000 men new and old. He reckons to reach Warrington by 
 the 25th. . . . Affairs continue here as when I wrote last. Nothing 
 fixed either of Esotericks or Exotericks. I sometimes hope that Larrey 
 may settle some reasonable plan for the whole with D'Arg[enrson], and 
 send it us ready cut and dried for acceptance. I doubt whether it 
 would be protested." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1745, November 22 [-December 3]. Cockpit. — "A set of gentle- 
 men in P[arliamen]t, besides the To[r]ys, of some eloquence and weight, 
 but of great ignorance in foreign affairs, having shown by a debate 
 
134 
 
 Tbevob mSS. yesterday, that they would have us abandon the Continent, altho' they 
 lost their question that indirectly tended that way by a great majority, I 
 should be glad, in order to withstand such an absurd opinion, if it should 
 be renewed after the holidays, and when I hope the Eebellion may be 
 quelled (for the defence of this country must take place of all other 
 considerations), I should be glad, I say, to get as good an answer as 
 you can procure without trouble and inconvenience to the following 
 questions." (The questions relate to the number of troops maintained 
 by the States after the peace of Utrecht, their subsequent augmentations, 
 the number during the last campaign and especially at Fontenoy, the 
 increase of the debt of Holland during the war, the funds on which 
 the previous debt was secured, and the additional taxes imposed in 
 consequence of the war.) 
 
 General Hawley to the Same. 
 
 1745, December 6. Antwerp. — Requesting an order for the packet- 
 boat at Helvoet to sail with him immediately on his arrival there, as he 
 has been ordered to England to take the command of the troops under 
 Sir John Ligonier, who is disabled by illness. 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1745, November 26 [- December 7]. Whitehall. — " The plan here 
 is to assist the Republic faithfully but equitably. Some would reduce 
 it very low and opinions will differ in St. Stephen's] chapel. We are 
 full of reports to-day of Martin's sinking a fleet of transports, but nobody 
 knows when or where. What is, I believe, indisputable, is the prize at 
 Deal mentioned in the Gazette, which will probably prove much richer 
 than is there mentioned, for it is very natural to expect ipsum herilem 
 filium in that company. The other pushes on, some think to gain 
 Wales, others to fight our embryo army at Lichfield. This week will 
 show, if the breaking of Warrington Bridge does not stop him longer. 
 It will sound oddly abroad to have the whole force of this kingdom 
 employed in opposing the progress of 5 or 6,000 Highlanders, for our 
 last and best accounts reduce them to the former number. But we can't 
 afford another echec. I look upon the Prussian quarrel by this time to 
 be decided, for I have no manner of doubt of Prince Charles' being 
 beat as usual. The E[mpress] may then come to thank Him, if He will 
 leave her Bohemia. ... If there are so many Jacobites and such 
 plotting as Wolters expects at Rotterdam, it is hard to conceive but 
 discoveries might be made by the Postoffice there." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Horatio Walpole. 
 
 1745, December 14. — (Answers to the questions contained in his last 
 letter.) 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1745, December 3 [-12]. — " I never have had the least uneasi- 
 ness at your behaviour with regard to me, neither while I was in, nor 
 since I have been out of businesss, and neither my curiosity, nor my 
 inclination has ever made me wish to be concerned in it again, nay 
 nothing in the world should induce me to take hold of that plough again, 
 but for your own sake (if I may take the liberty to say so) had you 
 been more open to me when here I could have suggested, what if 
 pursued and supported would I think have saved Flanders last year : I 
 
135 
 
 mean to have pressed here before the campaign was opened a reconcili- Trevor mss', 
 ation between the courts of Vienna and Prussia which would have taken — 
 
 100,000 men out of the scale against us, and to have let the Queen of 
 Hungary have known that it should have been a condition sine qua Won 
 for our giving her any subsidies, and I own I was astonished to find 
 so obvious and salutary a notion had escaped Lord Ch[esterfiel]d's 
 the Pensionary's, and your own penetration. Had that been your 
 errand, there were those, that would not appear, but would have 
 taken care to have had it seconded so strongly as perhaps (although 
 I must own it would have been with great difficulty) might have 
 made it take place. Nay to show you the continuation of my con- 
 fidence towards you, depending upon your taking no notice of it, 
 my sentiments of foreign affairs being asked from abroad the begin- 
 ning of the spring, or about April I believe, I was prevailed upon to 
 send them, and the main tendency of them was to show, that it was 
 impossible for us to carry on the war upon the Continent unless Prussia 
 could be detached from France, nay, 1 foretold from a plain connexion 
 and deduction of things, that in case the Prussians, who are as to the 
 foot counted the bravest troops (although I had a very bad opinion of 
 their King) should gain any advantage over Prince Charles, what has 
 happened to the disadvantage of the allies, would certainly happen, and 
 I have been since told I had prophesied too true, when indeed it was no 
 more than the result of common sense and reason from the plain state of 
 affairs, and now the time is come though too late, that everybody as well 
 in Holland as here wishes that notion had prevailed, but I beg your 
 pardon for saying a great many more words on a matter that is irretrie- 
 vable than I first intended. 
 
 As to the Rebellion you will have heard, I suppose, that it is imagined 
 (and I am one of that opinion) that the Pretender's second son is taken 
 by the Sheerness, the person that Ratcliffe (Der[w]en[t]water) call[ed] 
 his son is supposed to be him. Several circumstances are alleged too long 
 to enumerate for that conjecture, but if that is not so, yet I think he may 
 possibly be among the officers, or some of the crew, and was going to 
 command in Scotland a new body of rebels, to be. supported by gradual 
 embarkations from Dunkirk of officers and soldiers ; I think now the 
 great crisis of victory or destruction is drawing near, the Rebels are all 
 assembled at Manchester and 'tis supposed that the Duke of Cumberland 
 will have got his army together, while Wade is making all the haste that 
 the season and circumstances will allow through Yorkshire, but as he is 
 still at a great distance, the Rebels will have taken their party, either to 
 return back, which they certainly can do, or to march forward directly, 
 and engage the Duke, which I hope they will do, or endeavour, as some 
 think, to turn off through Derbyshire and escape both General Wade 
 and the Duke which 1 think very difficult for them to do, and which, 
 although it will make a great noise at first, I think must end in their 
 destruction at last : in short in two or three days we must hear some- 
 thing very important or interesting one way or other in this great 
 juncture." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1745, December 17. The Hague. — "I have spoke with great free- 
 dom and equal truth in my public relations, but there are still a few 
 topics of a nature I dare lodge no where but with you, and such few as 
 you shall think fit to repeat them to. 
 
 The condition, in which the Barrier, and very frontier of these 
 Provinces are now left, cannot possibly be long endured by this state. 
 The winter, and the expectation of the issue of the several negotiations 
 
136 
 
 Trevor MSB. at present on foot, encourage the Pensionary to conceal the danger a 
 little longer : But upon the first motion of Marshal Saxe the States 
 must turn over a new leaf. 
 
 The Empress's destitution of the Low Countries is indeed looked 
 upon as little better than malicious ; but then ours does not stand quite 
 clear here of the imputation of being disproportionate to the danger, 
 that dictates it, and of being accompanied* with no promise, nor pro- 
 spect of being compensated. 
 
 I cannot cure even my best friends here of a jealousy they have 
 conceived, of our Parliament's having gained too great an ascendant over 
 our Cabinet : of the former's being alienated from the old system, 
 and being resolved to visit the obstinacy of the Court of Vienna, and 
 the selfishness of another Court I need not name, upon the whole 
 Continent. 
 
 The few partisans of France make a great merit of her not pushing 
 her advantages in the Netherlands by attributing this forbearance to 
 reluctancy to shock the present constitution here, whilst the inveterate 
 Republicans attribute our leaving the Dutch in the distress they now 
 are, to our desire of thereby throwing things into such a confusion as 
 must lay them under the necessity of calling in a dictator. 
 
 The very Austrians underhand envenom our present intimacy with 
 the King of Prussia by the common ties of relation we happen to 
 stand in to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Could I flatter myself with as certain a prospect of salvation, as some 
 do, in that Messiah, I should be less anxious than I now am, at the 
 precipice, upon which this State stands. 
 
 Though the Prussian accommodation has the formal sanction of the 
 State, I must not conceal from you, that it is rather as a measure com- 
 paratively than positively eligible ; nor will it ever be nationally popular 
 here, unless his Prussian Majesty takes part against France. 
 
 The Pensionary is as much as we can be, for our not trusting the 
 application of our subsidies any longer to the Court at Vienna ; but 
 seeing ourselves, that they be actually, and effectively applied to the 
 service of the Low Countries ; But then he is very averse, and the old 
 Greffier still more so, to our publicly repudiating the House of Austria, 
 as those ministers both imagine, such a schism in the present alliance, 
 must, if it do not even make France forego any thoughts she may 
 possibly have of peace, at least give her a greater ascendant in all 
 negotiations than the unhappy misunderstanding between England and 
 Holland did in the year 1712. 
 
 Another source of great scandal and complaint here is the apparent 
 unconcernedness of a certain Elector at a certain King's present danger 
 and distress, as well as at that of the Public. The impossibility of my 
 touching upon this string is one of the chief motives of Boetzelaer's 
 mission. He will tell you, that the Hanoverians under General 
 Somersfeldt would be more suitably posted upon the Demer, than upon 
 the Lohn, or the Weser, and will canvass the military balance between 
 England and the Republic with more freedom, than would become your 
 own minister. He will shew you, that the Republic is willing to 
 struggle hard, provided she has any rational prospect of her struggling 
 r to any purpose. 
 
 To this an early superiority in the Netherlands is necessary, and it is 
 hoped here, that what out of the 40,000 men engaged for by us last 
 year, the offers of Bavarians, Munsterians and Russians over and above, 
 and the subsidy of 500,000/. to the Court of Vienna, a handsome quota 
 may be found for the Netherlands ; and no inconsiderable saving remain 
 to the nation. 
 
137 
 
 Now I have mentioned Mr. Boetzelaer I mnst just add, that the Trevor MSS. 
 Pensionary has cautioned him very seriously against any habitude, that 
 may give umbrage to His Majesty's present servants. ... I 
 shall not presume to suggest any use of the foregoing naked exposition 
 of affairs here, unless it be recommending it to your utmost management 
 or rathep to the flames." 
 
 Henry Pelham to Rorert Trevor. 
 
 1745, December 11 [-22]. (This letter in reply to Trevor's of the 
 17th, is printed in Coxe, Pelham Administration i. p. 282, with the 
 following mistakes : — p. 282, lines 19 and 32, insert " in " after " not" 
 and " will " after " interest " ; p. 283, line 2, for " no " read " not ", line 
 6, insert " have " after "would", and after " up", "if they could have 
 reached 'em"; lines 16 and 17, read "realising" for "rating" and 
 " coffer " for coffers " ; line 21 read " though " for " first " and " over " 
 for « on " ; lines 29, 33, 36, read " affections " for " affection ", " bad " for 
 "sad", "our "for "an"; p. 284, lines 3, 4, read " negotiators " for 
 " negotiation " and " for " for " with " ; at the end of the first paragraph 
 add, " I could have wished another man could have been found out for 
 your Ambassador instead of Boteslaar, I have personally no objection to 
 him, but when he was here last, he did not hit the tempers of those he 
 was to negotiate with, and Tarn afraid, notwithstanding the Pensionary's 
 caution, he will have too great a propensity to my neighbour " ; line 20, 
 for " with " read " all " ; line 24, for " now the Queen of Hungary has 
 done her part" read "had the Queen of Hungary done. &c." ; line 26, 
 insert "now" before "over"; line 27, dele "and"; line 29, insert 
 " the " before " individuals " and " in " before " their. ") 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1745, December 13 [-24]. Cockpit. — "I have only time to acknow- 
 ledge and thank you for . . . the tablet of the Dutch establishment 
 of troops, and the answers to my queries . . . The duration of 
 the Rebellion, and the succours that the French continually send to 
 Scotland, will, I am afraid, make it necessary to send for the Hessians 
 in our pay to come over. It will cause uneasiness with you, I don't 
 doubt, but the sooner the Rebellion is extinguished here, the sooner and 
 the better able we shall be to help our friends abroad. 
 
 The Rebels after having got as far as Derby with a design and 
 expectation of coming near this great city, in concert, as I imagine, with 
 the French who were to have succoured them by ' an invasion from 
 Dunkirk, were at last, having been prevented by the Duke of Cumberland's 
 getting seasonably near Coventry, while Wade came forward on the 
 other side thro' Yorkshire, I say they were at last obliged to return back 
 and by forced marches get out of his Royal Highness' reach, who took 
 a resolution at the head of 2,500 horse and dragoons and 1,000 chosen 
 foot mounted on horses to follow them, but 1 am told this day that 
 his R.H. having got as far as Macclesfield, while the Rebels ran towards 
 Lancaster, will be obliged to quit the pursuit, not being able to continue 
 it without ruining his cavalry entirely, without being able to come up 
 with the Rebels." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745, December 17 [-28]. Cockpit. — " Surely that Junonian spirit 
 of vengeance in the Queen of Hungary will be at last worn out and 
 tired. 
 
TfiEVOR MSB. 
 
 138 
 
 I suppose you will hear from better hands the state of our affairs here ; 
 you may be sure that we are as impatient, as our friends abroad can be, 
 to put an end to this Rebellion, and I own I can't see any other delay 
 has been in that, respect but what has been occasioned by the nature of 
 things, and the terrible season of the year. It will indeed be an unheard 
 of thing before in history, that the Rebels consisting of Highlanders &c. 
 should have advanced so far into this kingdom, but as Wade could not 
 leave Newcastle exposed, by quitting that side of the North, he could 
 not pretend to follow them until they w T ere got to Carlisle ; their stay 
 there for some time made him march towards them, but I believe it was 
 very happy that they did not continue to expect General Wade, for, if 
 they had, he must have ruined his whole army in marching to the relief 
 of Carlisle. When they began to advance forwards all possible diligence 
 was made to send such an army to meet them, as could be got together, 
 without leaving this capital naked, and the Duke of Cumberland's] 
 putting himself at the head of them gave great willingness and life to 
 the soldiers ; as his Highness came near the Rebels, they by forced 
 marches slipped by the Duke, and got to Derby, with a resolution of 
 coming as fast as they could towards this great city, and people were 
 much alarmed lest they should have outstripped the Duke and by a 
 concert with the French have encouraged and favoured an invasion 
 from Dunkirk, from whence constant informations were brought 
 of an embarkation. But the Duke of Cumberland not having followed 
 the rebels directly but prudently cut short, and come near Coventry, 
 while Marshal Wade advanced to Doncaster, by which means the Rebels 
 were between two armies, they resolved, much against the w r ill of the 
 Pretender's son, to return back again with all possible precipitation ; 
 the Duke lost no time in putting himself at the head of a body of horse, 
 and having mounted 1,000 foot on horses for the greater expedition in 
 pursuing them, but the Rebels having got two or three days' march of 
 them, although his Highness has gained some ground upon them and 
 has been joined by 500 horse under the command of General Oglethorpe 
 who came to Preston last Friday, where the Duke was expected the next 
 day, it is much doubted, whether his Royal Highness will be able to 
 come up with the Rebels so as to do any considerable execution, of 
 which some news is expected every moment. In the mean time we are 
 not without our apprehensions of an invasion from France, the wind 
 indeed is at present extremely contrary, and perhaps, if the French 
 should learn that the young Pretender is fled for Scotland as fast as he 
 has been able, and nobody has risen in his favour during his whole 
 march forwards and backwards, but sixty men at Manchester, and the 
 whole countries are enraged against him, it is possible that France may 
 lay aside all. designs of an invasion in England, and content themselves 
 with hazarding transports of officers and men in parcels for Scotland, 
 where there may be arrived about 800 French and about 1,800 more 
 Highlanders may have got together. This new army in Scotland has made 
 it necessary to send for the Hessians, which I suppose will occasion 
 great uneasiness on your side, but as it is unavoidable and necessary to 
 extinguish the flame at home, the sensible part in Holland, I hope, will 
 be sorry for the occasion without murmuring ; in the meantime the 
 Dutch Admiral having suddenly left Mr. Vernon at a time when an 
 invasion was daily expected from Dunkirk occasions the greatest clamour 
 here imaginable, as being construed by the generality as an act of 
 treachery, and even by the most moderate, excepting some i'ew that 
 know the nature of that Government, to be from a French influence. 
 Having wrote thus far I have been abroad, and learnt from good hands, 
 who have, I suppose, had some of their intelligence from you, that the 
 
139 
 
 resolution in France holds to attempt an invasion with a considerable Trevor mss. 
 body of forces under the command of the Duke of Richelieu." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1 745, December 3 1 [-January 11] . — Cockpit. " I hope expostulations 
 between two old friends will not end as they did in the year '12, as not 
 being founded upon the same principles, for then we were resolved to 
 quarrel right or wrong with the Dutch, but that is not, I am persuaded 
 the disposition of the present Ministry, altho' I must not conceal from 
 you that the generality of people, who are not acquainted with the weak 
 and confused state of the Dutch Government and judge by appearances 
 only, are extremely out of humour with them ; the easy surrender of the 
 Barrier towns by neglect or treachery, without any person being called 
 to an account, the cowardice of the Dutch troops at the battle of 
 Fontenoy and nobody punished, the most disorderly behaviour of those 
 sent this year to our assistance, the calling away their ships at a time 
 that they were joined to our fleet in the Downs, and a French invasion 
 at that very juncture was hourly expected, all those things, altho' you 
 and [I] can account for them without any blame to be laid to the 
 intentions of our friends, yet they have such an odd appearance to the 
 eye of the world, as have a very bad effect, and are attributed to French 
 influence." 
 
 J[ames] Stuart Mackenzie to the Same. 
 
 1745-6, January 25. Edinburgh. — "You must have heard . . . 
 that we had not the success we firmly expected before the battle 
 began ; but perhaps you may not have heard several particulars that 
 I can acquaint you with ; for as I acted in the capacity of Aide de 
 Camp to the General I had occasion to be in every part of the line, 
 during the action. We encamped the night before the; action near a 
 town called Falkirk, about 24 miles west from this, and Avithin about 
 
 5 miles of the Rebel army. We lay there till midday of the day 
 following, when there was an alarm given that the Rebels were in full 
 march towards us- upon which the whole army was drawn up in the 
 front of our camp, which was a very strong one by the natural situation 
 of the place ; advice was brought us that the Rebels were not ad- 
 vancing directly towards our camp, but were marching up on some high 
 grounds which were to our left, and about 1-| miles from us, so the 
 General who was reconnoitring those high grounds sent me to order 
 the Cavalry to move that way immediately, and the Infantry and 
 Artillery to follow them as fast as possible, he being afraid the rebels 
 might get by us on the left, and perhaps cut off our communication 
 with Edinburgh, or, at least, get away from us, which was the thing 
 we were most afraid of. As soon as the troops could come up we 
 were formed into two lines, with all our Cavalry (which consisted of 
 
 6 squadrons) on our left, on the summit of the hill; as the General 
 imagined the enemy was more afraid of horse than foot, he ordered 
 the dragoons to begin the attack, which they did very briskly, but the 
 Highlanders making all their efforts against them, and giving them a 
 sharp fire, Hamilton's dragoons most scandalously gave way, which soon 
 put the other squadrons into confusion. They again coming in upon 
 the foot, broke them, this caused a general panic, many of them threw 
 down their arms and ran away, whole platoons on the left of the first 
 line went off, and by that means broke the second line ; what hindered 
 the Rebels from pursuing our left, God knows ! if they had, they must 
 
140 
 
 have cut almost the whole left wing to pieces. Two or three battalions 
 Trevor MSS. Qn Qur right kepfc thcir g roun( j 5 anc i eve n obliged the left of the 
 
 Rebels to retreat, so that we were a matter of half an hour on the field 
 of battle after all firing ceased, but night coming on, and there having 
 been during the whole time of the action a violent storm of hail rain 
 and wind, our ammunition was so wet, that not one in twenty of the 
 muskets would go off, upon which it was judged proper to retire to 
 our camp, where we drew up expecting the Highlanders would come 
 down upon us. By this time numbers of our foot rallied, and some of 
 the dragoons ; so when we had remained about half an hour under 
 arms and found the Rebels did not care to attack us a second time, 
 we were ordered to burn the tents, and march to Lithgow directly, but 
 the tents were too wet to burn, so most of them fell into the enemy's 
 hands, who came to Falkirk about an hour after we had left the camp j 
 I mentioned before, that our ammunition was entirely spoilt with the 
 rain, so that it would have been impossible for us to have remained 
 in our camp that night. We were obliged to leave 7 pieces of cannon 
 on the field of battle, for some of our runaways had carried off the 
 horses belonging to the train ; those two battalions on our right who 
 kept the field of battle, brought three pieces away with them, and had 
 there been men enough, or horses, we might have brought them all 
 off; I forgot to tell you, that our Artillery did not come up time 
 enough to do us any service, which was a great disadvantage to us, 
 especially as we had to do with the Highlanders, who don't at all love 
 cannon. I have now given you an account of this unfortunate affair 
 which does us very little honour, for they were inferior to us in numbers, 
 had no Artillery, and made but very little use of their broadswords, 
 which is the weapon they rely most upon, and yet notwithstanding all 
 this, if the victory was to be given to either side, it certainly was theirs, 
 rather than ours. Our loss and theirs, I believe, are pretty near equal, it 
 does not amount in all to 300, killed wounded and missing, a very 
 trifling loss for such an army as we had, 12 battalions 6 squadrons and 
 1,000 Argyllshire Highlanders. I wish you may be able to understand 
 this account of the affair, for this is the first time I ever gave a history 
 of a battle I was myself present at. 
 
 The Rebels are at present besieging Stirling Castle, but they make a 
 very bad hand on't ; for General Blakeney knocks down their batteries, 
 as fast as they erect them; we expect tomorrow the return of an ex- 
 press from London, and then, I faney, we shall have another battle with 
 them, without we receive orders to wait for more troops. We have 
 long expected the Hessians with great impatience, their hussars would 
 be of great service to us at present, as well as their regular troops 
 to animate our men, who seem to have lost all spirit, and sense of 
 honour." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1745-6, February 4 [-15]. Cockpit.—*' Tell the Pensionary he 
 should have sent Twickle to Berlin, and directed Mr. Boetslaar here to 
 have insisted of our sending some person of quality thither from hence, 
 able in concurrence with the Dutch minister to execute proper instruc- 
 tions at that Court founded upon a principle of desiring to have the 
 strictest friendship and confidence with that Prince, and begging his 
 assistance at this extraordinary juncture, representing the eminent 
 danger that he himself (the King of Prussia) would be exposed to, if the 
 French should become masters of the Netherlands ; that the power of 
 France will be so great that after she has got the better of England and 
 
141 
 
 Holland, her bigotry will prevail, and she will not suffer quietly so con- Trevor MSS. 
 siderable a Protestant power as Prussia is on the Continent and in the — 
 
 heart of the Empire, that France if she has an opportunity will not easily 
 forgive certain sudden turns of the Prussian Policy, by which the 
 Imperial dignity was again restored to the House of Austria, a point 
 that France had much at heart to prevent, that if the King of Prussia 
 will now join in an alliance offensive, and defensive, with the Maritime 
 Powers, and employ a certain number of troops which that Prince can 
 have immediately ready, and even if in the mean time he would let France 
 know in a proper manner that her conquests and increase of dominions 
 must give umbrage to the neighbouring powers, the Maritime Powers 
 would concur in the strongest guaranty for Silesia and the rest of the 
 Prussian possessions, and in anything jointly with the Court of Vienna,, 
 that may remove any future apprehensions which the Court of Berlin 
 might have of the Queen of Hungary : these in general are my thoughts, 
 flung out at random to you, for I have imparted them [to] nobody else; 
 but I have been concerned to find by Mr. Boetslaer's discourse, with 
 whom I have dined sometimes, not with ministers but in a family way 
 with your brother and others, that a greater apprehension prevails in 
 Holland, at least among some, against Prussia, than France. Good 
 God ! Quos Deus vult perdere dementat. Prussia, that is this King, 
 has acted perfidiously in these junctures; but have not the actions of 
 France been one continued scene of perfidy for ages ? Prussia lies close 
 to several provinces, and encompasses them with strong fortresses, and 
 numerous troops. But is not France still nearer to others, and with ten 
 times more formidable armies ? It is certainly the interest of Prussia in 
 all respects to be well with the Maritime Powers, but it is the interest 
 of France, and has been constantly her view and aim to destroy the 
 Maritime Powers. ... I can't help lamenting the preposterous 
 behaviour of our Austrian ally in sacrificing her own and the interest of 
 her friends to superciliousness, bigotry, and vengeance, and the weak- 
 ness of our Dutch ally, in being more apprehensive of the horns of a 
 bull, than of the jaws of [a] lion." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745-6, February 14 [- 25]. Coekpit. — " As the wind, has been, it 
 is very likely you will receive at the same time an account of a ministry 
 dissolved and the same ministry restored ; the particulars of this - 
 extraordinary phenomenon, which I believe cannot be paralleled in any 
 age or history, are not proper for a, letter. The facts are, that Lord 
 Harrington, and the Duke of Newcastle resigned t/ie Seals as Secretary 
 of State on Monday morning, both of which were given to Lord 
 Granville that evening ; the next day Mr. Pelham resigned the Seals as 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer and for himself and all the other Lords of 
 the Treasury except Lord Middlesex, there being Commissioners at that 
 Board, and the Duke of Bedford did the same with respect to all the 
 Lords of the Admiralty, except Lord Archibald Hamilton ; Lord Pem- 
 broke resigned the Gold key as Groom of the Stole, and Lord Munson, 
 First Lord of Trade, was authorized by all that Board to do the same ; 
 these resignations would have been followed by those of the Duke of 
 Kichmond, the Duke of Grafton, and even of the Duke of Dorset ; I 
 forgot to tell you Lord Gore [Gower] resigned on Tuesday the Privy 
 Seal, and Lord Chancellor was to have resigned as yesterday. This 
 extraordinary precedent of these great men, I believe, would have been 
 followed by the Attorney and Solicitor General, and even by persons of 
 lower rank ; but the two great ministers Granville and Bath, having- 
 
142 
 
 Tkevor MS?, solicited several noblemen and others to supply the vacancies made and 
 expected, and having been absolutely refused, and finding themselves 
 abandoned by persons of all denominations of rank, waited upon his 
 Majesty on Tuesday morning and after a private audience which 'tis 
 said lasted several hours, when the Closet door was opened, it was soon 
 rumoured at Court, that the old ministry was to be restored, which 
 accordingly proved true, and last night Mr. Pelham received the Seal as 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, and as those who designed to resign, were 
 stopped, so those that had made their resignation, have, I suppose, been 
 restored this day, and 'tis probable that you will receive letters by this 
 mail, to acquaint you that Lord G[ranvi]lle was made Secretary of 
 State and that Lord H[arringto]n is again in that station; but what 
 will become of us abroad ? neither this ministry, nor this nation, nor 
 Europe can be safe long without the King of Prussia's assistance ; here 
 I have for many years fixed my standard and here I remain firm." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1746, February 25. The Hague. — "The frankness and uprightness 
 which I profess, will not allow me to disguise to you at this great 
 juncture, the national outcry and fermentation, which the loss of 
 Brussels, and the approach of the French, by verifying all the fears 
 and predictions of the States upon the retreat of our troops, raises in 
 this residence. People are indeed sensible that this catastrophe is in 
 great part to be attributed to the perverseness, dilatoriness, and haggling 
 of the Court of Vienna ; but then the losses, extenuation and misery 
 of that Court makes it meet with better quarter here ; and the chief 
 load of the odium falls to the share of our administration which is taxed 
 here with the want of will rather than of power to have prevented, or 
 even to still withstand these evils. Besides the topics I have dared to 
 touch upon in my public dispatch, I have daily the mortification to be 
 obliged to hear others of a still greater malignity. Our measures for 
 crushing the Rebellion are taxed here with having been dispropor- 
 tionate and ill placed : our dread of a French invasion to have been 
 by some even affected, but by all to have been over hasty, and 
 unsupported by any rational, and certain intelligence : the promises Avhich 
 I made by order upon every notification of the recall of our national 
 troops, of their being to return as soon as possible, are now reclaimed ; 
 and the total silence now observed on that head in my last notification 
 is attributed in great measure to a want of zeal and a disgust in our 
 military gentry themselves to their own trade, in support of which 
 suspicion several extraordinary discourses of some of them are quoted 
 here. The King is supposed to be himself all for vigour, and for those 
 who are so ; and his very niggardness in his Electoral capacity is artfully 
 represented here to flow rather from his want of affection to his present 
 ministry in England than to the good cause; whilst the ministry itself 
 is again represented to be obliged through its want of credit in the 
 Closet, to humour even beyond its judgment the House of Commons in 
 all the selfish, narrow-minded, and Utopian dreams of its popular 
 members. It is publicly known here (not. indeed from M. Boetzelaer, 
 who has confined his news to the Pensionary), but I believe from 
 Wasner, that the King would have sent back the Hessian troops, as 
 was desired, without landing, but that his ministers have dissuaded and 
 prevented that step. However judicious this advice may have been in re- 
 lation to our own interests you'll easily conceive that a discovery of such a 
 contrast must be highly improper and invidious here, where smart and 
 losses have rendered everybody peevish and querulous to a degree you 
 
143 
 
 cannot well imagine. I have not had a visit from nor eat a meal with Tbetob MSS. 
 
 any member of this Government for some months, and am even glad 
 
 to avoid doing so to avoid indecent heats. In public conferences, which 
 
 I cannot avoid, I am baited unmercifully ; and in the very last I had 
 
 things went so far that I was told in so many words by the First Deputy 
 
 of it ' that, if every time France pleased to send over a single battalion 
 
 to Scotland she could operate a diversion of 30,000 men in England's 
 
 quota to the combined army, England was not an ally for the Republic ; 
 
 and that, if the British minister here could not, upon any emergency or 
 
 contingency, however pressing, dispose, in concert with the States, of 
 
 troops and money, without writing for positive and express orders from 
 
 beyond sea, it was idle to confer with me,' and rising from his place he 
 
 declared the conference broken up, and withdrew out of the chamber. 
 
 As the Pensionary and most of the other Deputies stayed, I affected not 
 
 to have attended to this sallie of the President's, and continued the 
 
 conference. 
 
 After this naked exposition of the present temper of this nation, I 
 must further lodge in your bosom my apprehensions that unless our 
 present administration give some immediate and public proof of its 
 ascendant at home, and of its zeal abroad, illustrated by some real and 
 speedy succour in the Low Countries (which can consist in no other 
 than in British or Hanoverian troops), and in some signal mark of 
 cordiality and attention given this State, I will not say in my person, 
 but in that of some instrument more adequate to the emergency ; the 
 Pensionary's back, as his heart is very near already, must be soon 
 broke ; and either the weight of this country, through the Austrian, 
 Orange, and warlike party, be thrown (and I suspect certain canals 
 being already opened and used for that purpose) into the scale of your 
 personal opposers at home ; or else the French and Republican party 
 will, on the other hand, oblige Mr. Twickle to go beyond his present 
 instructions, compromise for the Republic at any rate, and cook up a 
 bargain for us, and the Court of Vienna, without our privity, as we did 
 for the Court of Vienna at Hanover ; to which latter, things are the 
 rather disposed here, as I must not conceal from you, that the Dutch 
 suspect the King of Prussia's preventing them with playing this very 
 card." Draft. 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1745-6, February 18 [-March 1]. Cockpit. — "It is ridiculous to 
 imagine that anyone will venture to disoblige the greatest power in 
 Europe, when of those powers for whose sake he is to disoblige the 
 other, one of them, the most considerable, will continue to hate him ; 
 the next won't love him, and the third is very indifferent to him, and 
 seeni3 to fear him — Good God ! that my good old friend the P[ensiona]ry 
 should have such narrow notions, as to be more afraid of Prussia than 
 France ! — I can't answer for the personal conduct or views of the 
 Prussian monarch, what starts he may take, but in appearauce all his 
 conduct from the beginning of the last year seemed to tend towards a 
 desire of being well with the allies ; for, after the first victory he had 
 gained against Prince Charles and Saxe Weissenfels, was it not as easy 
 for him to have made, in concert with France, the Elector of Saxony 
 Emperor, as he had done the Elector of Bavaria? would not the 
 march of 30,000 men towards Saxony with the option made at the same 
 time to that Prince of the Imperial Dignity or the ruin of his Country 
 have done it ? would the magnificent Bruhl have hesitated one moment 
 at the choice ? " 
 
144 
 
 Trevor MSS. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1745-6, February 27 [-March 10]. Cockpit.— " The taking of 
 Brussels is confirmed. ... I am sorry to find that it affects 
 our credit in that country, while, at the same time, the weak defence of 
 such a numerous garrison, and having suffered themselves to be made 
 prisoners of war, serves to increase here the reflexions upon the Dutch 
 both among the military and uumilitary men; and altho' I have spent 
 much spirits and breath in variety of companies to convince those that 
 will have reason, that the best, ablest, and much the greatest part of the 
 States are well intentioned and that the weaknesses and defectiveness in 
 the behaviour of their officers and soldiers either in the field or for the 
 defence of their Barrier are not acts of State but proceed from the 
 nature of their Government, where there is really no Executive Power, 
 but what resides in the Generality, yet mankind in general will attribute 
 them, as well as their dilatory proceedings, to the predominancy of a 
 French party in Holland, and we think it very hard, that they should 
 blame us for recalling our troops for the defence of our own country, and 
 I must own myself one of those that thought it absolutely necessary, 
 and that the nearest way for the Duke of Cumberland to go to command 
 in Flanders was thro' Scotland, and, if his R.H. had not gone thither, 
 I don't know what might have been the consequence." 
 
 Sir Everard Fawkener to the Same. 
 
 1746, April 4. Aberdeen. — "We have been in a state of inaction 
 here for some time, it has not been either for want of sufficient or 
 disposition (sic) in our commander, but the climate, the season of the 
 year, and the necessity of having magazines of provisions. Part of the 
 army is gone forward, and is two marches ahead towards the Spey, at 
 Strabogey, under Lord Albemarle and General Bland. Mordaunt is with 
 three battalions between this place and there, and the rest is here with 
 his Royal Highness, General Hawley and General Huske. The 
 Government have determined to send us four battalions more, but his 
 Royal Highness did not ask for them, nor will he stay for them. 
 Whenever the army may get together after our departure from hence, 
 we must encamp, and the season and climate will yet but ill admit of 
 that ; however if the weather keeps but dry, we shall do well enough 
 with the cold, which even with the cover of a tent will be very 
 supportable. The Rebels have talked high, and boast of their numbers, 
 but I am persuaded they will never try their strength with the Duke's 
 army. All the Highlanders who have been raised for the King, have 
 behaved sadly, though they have been regularly paid. The others have 
 as little principle as these, and go out only to thieve, and if ever they 
 come to be pressed they will not do a jot better than the others. When 
 the rebels besieged Stirling, the Highlanders never went once into the 
 trenches, nor would not do any sort of duty. They talk of doing mighty 
 matters with their broad swords, but that is a mere bugbear, and two of 
 our weak battalions stopped them all at Falkirk, after the disorder was 
 begun. For my own part I am under no manner of pain for the event 
 of this affair, but regret that his Royal Highness should have so much 
 of his time taken up in so disagreeable a service, whilst he might be 
 so much more usefully employed elsewhere. As to him this melancholy 
 scene will be the means of his being covered with the truest glory, as it 
 so remarkably appeared that his name alone has driven to this barren 
 corner those who talked of nothing less than being at London before the- 
 
145 
 
 end of the year. I have quoted more than once the passage you cited Trevor MSS. 
 out of Horace, and think it never was so well applied even in the first 
 instance. Our troops are in exceedingly good condition, their fruitless 
 marches under Marshal Wade, in the dead of winter and always 
 encamped, had quite worn them down, but they have recovered strength 
 as well as spirit by the rest they have had here, and since the Duke's 
 departure from Edinburgh, at least a thousand recovered men are joined 
 the army from the hospitals." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1746, April.—" As the objects my brother happened to mention to 
 you were found impracticable, I refer the When and the How to your 
 choice and leisure, but, for God's sake, rescue me before it may be no 
 longer in your power so to do, from the necessity of playing the Vicar of 
 Bray. 
 
 However loth I am to augment your melancholy with mine, the 
 intuitive knowledge I have of the unfeigned impotency and jeopardy of 
 this country: the dread I have of the troubles in Scotland growing 
 habitual and national, whilst I see no tendency towards a coalition 
 between the Closet and Parliament in England : the insignificancy of 
 the Emperor, now we have got one to our mind : the universal 
 degeneracy of the Empire, and the despair I am in of our getting any 
 more troops there even for money : the impossibility of the Hanoverians 
 appearing in Brabant before June : the King of Prussia's incurable jealousy 
 and hatred of the House of Austria : the seeds of fresh troubles in the 
 North : the probability of the very successes in Italy rather putting the 
 Court of Vienna upon reviving its Neapolitan project, than obtaining a 
 tolerable peace : and lastly the growing alienation between the Dutch 
 and English nations, whom mutual distress renders mutually peevish : all 
 these mortifying considerations, I say, have so far got the better of my 
 naturally sanguine complexion and humour, that I am driven to conclude : 
 Nulla salus 6ello, tho' at the same time I dare not answer for any in 
 peace." 
 
 Edward Weston to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1746, April 25 [-May 6]. Whitehall].—" We know nothing of the 
 Adventurer, but some accounts say he rode thro' Inverness at the 
 beginning of the engagement with twelve dragoons. The dead were 
 almost all killed with bayonets, and are their best men. Barrel's 
 regiment had not one but what was bent and bloody. The cry of the 
 battalions immediately after the action was 'Now, Billy, for 
 Flanders.' " 
 
 Robert Trevor to the Earl of Chesterfield. 
 
 1746, May 17. The Hague.—" I can only lament with you the 
 melancholy impossibility of our washing that ^Ethiopian at Berlin white : 
 of our fixing that weathercock at Dresden • or of our restoring the 
 impotent Dutch to the vigour they had under the reign of good king 
 William: and lastly of our convincing our own people of those im- 
 possibilities. In short we seem to have got a wolf by the ears, that we 
 can neither hold, nor dare let go ; and I wish by our indecision we may 
 not either let Don Philip be beat out of Italy into the Netherlands, or 
 by our servitude to popularity at home be left quite alone, to indulge 
 our insulary (I should say, Utopian) dreams, and to pursue and preserve 
 our American acquisitions." 
 
 O 77960. K 
 
146 
 
 Trevor MSS. g IR THOMAS ROBINSON to ROBERT TREVOR. 
 
 1746, May 21. Vienna. — "I . . . can easily imagine the 
 uneasiness of your situation with such cold aquatic creatures as you 
 have to deal with. But, as we make fish of certain flesh upon maigre 
 days, we must endeavour to make as much flesh as we can of your people. 
 But if you complain of your junction with the mortuis, I may do as much 
 of mine, not with the vivis, but the vivacissimis, if you will allow of the 
 expression." 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1746, May 17 [-28]. London. — -"They are not words of compliment 
 when I assure you that I am infinitely obliged to you for your very 
 friendly remembrance of me, and for the part you do me the honour to 
 take in my situation. I heartily wish I had as much reason to be 
 contented with the state of the Public, as I have to be so with my own. 
 As to the first part of your wish to me, the money, it stands for this 
 year at least, very well ; I am sorry we are no farther yet than a 
 wish, that soldiers may be found to take it. I will not trouble you 
 with anything more than a wish in return for yours : may our good 
 friends where you are learn of you, to feel for us, for Europe, and 
 for themselves/* 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1746, May 20 [-31]. London. — '* What a miserable condition we are 
 in, and how much more miserable still is our prospect ! What is not 
 to be feared from a victorious army of 100,000 men within twelve or 
 thirteen leagues of the Hague ? And what is not further to be feared 
 from the fears which that must necessarily give the Dutch ? For my 
 own part, I shall neither be surprised at, nor blame any thing they may 
 do in consequence of those just fears. France will surely strike its 
 stroke in one shape or another before the reinforcements can come up 
 to our little army. I mean she wili either have a categorical answer 
 to the contreprojet or else, signa canant. I much doubt whether the 
 answer which you will be empowered to give to the Dutch upon that 
 contreprojet, will be thought by them satisfactory or clear enough, and 
 I fear that if they think us averse to what they may look upon to be 
 reasonable terms of peace for us, they will take care of themselves 
 separately ; especially as I do not find either an inclination or indeed 
 hardly the means here of sending a body of troops from hence to their 
 assistance, such is the incomplete state of our army, and such the 
 uncertain and fluctuating state of our counsels. I am. confirmed in these 
 apprehensions, by a letter from the Pensionary to Booteslaer. which 
 the latter communicated part of to Lord Harrington, in which the 
 Pensionary says that without a considerable and immediate reinforce- 
 ment from hence, separate measures will probably be taken. Now a 
 considerable reinforcement cannot, and an immediate one, in my opinion 
 will not be sent. The proposed perpetual neutrality of the Low 
 Countries strikes us here very differently, some think it the most 
 pernicious article of the whole contreprojet, others think it no bad 
 thing, considering the weak state in which the United Provinces are 
 but too likely to remain in for some time, the great strength of France 
 in that country, and the advantages with which it can make war- 
 there, compared with the difficulties and expense, with which it makes 
 war in Germany or Italy. I own I am one of the latter, and I think 
 
147 
 
 that the Republic will be less dependent upon Fiance, with, than Trevor MSS. 
 without that neutrality. 
 
 I should hope that in case of treaty Cape Breton, (which between 
 you and I, I plainly see must be given up sooner or later) might 
 purchase us Dunkirk upon the foot of the treaty of 1717, and our 
 commerce to the West Indies upon the foot of anterior treaties without 
 specifying the Act of the Pardo. But I know the beaten cannot 
 dictate, and the victorious, while victorious, must and will, and I see no 
 prospect of that case being altered. A thousand unfortunate con- 
 current circumstances at home, which you can better guess at, than 
 I venture to explain, confound and cripple us both abroad, and at home. 
 People here have no idea of the impotence of your Government, and 
 the Dutch have no conception of the inefficiency of ours. We are both 
 in that situation which Cardinal de Retz describes as the most lamen- 
 table of all, oil Von ne pent rienfaire de bon." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1746, June 2 [-13], 4 in the morning. Cockpit. — "I wish to God I 
 could, with my person from the noise and nonsense of this great 
 metropolis, withdraw my thoughts from all reflections relating to the 
 public ; I will certainly endeavour to do it, for wherever I turn new 
 darkness and distress surrounds me, and as to peJice or war, we cannot 
 or will not make either, and in endeavouring to pursue one or other I 
 see nothing but curses and confusion like to follow." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1746, June 3 [-14]. Whitehall]. — <C I have three or four points to 
 touch upon to you . . . The first is to send you the enclosed paper, 
 which L[ord] H[arrington] trusts you with in confidence as a confir- 
 mation of what he writes himself about Wasner. 2. To tell you that 
 your conduct in suppressing all mention of the French addition to the 
 9th article of the French Project in your Precis was much complained 
 of at the meeting, for it was expected you would have shown the same in- 
 dignation there as in your letter. 3. That L[ord] H[arrington] having 
 gone further in his letter of tonight than he proposed when it was 
 begun, I think you will hardly have any thing else to expect from 
 hence till you send us the French answer to your Precis. 
 
 4. That in my own private opinion you are not to expect that C[ape] 
 B[reton] will be given up, so that my advice to you would be, to direct 
 your labours towards preventing a separation, and not to flatter either 
 yourself or others with hopes that are not now likely to be accomplished. 
 But this I write purely as your friend and humble servant, and desire 
 it may not exist an hour after you receive it. 
 
 5. To put you in mind of not throwing such things into letters to 
 me which you would not have produced, as may oblige me to produce 
 them. 
 
 6. As to V[an] Ho[ey] Habes tota quod mente petisti" 
 
 Enclosed. 
 
 M. Wasner to M. Uhlefeld. 
 
 1746, June 10. London. — Stating that nothing had been 
 imparted to him except that some overtures and offers for peace had 
 been made. 
 Extract, 
 
 E 77960. L 
 
148 
 
 Trevor mss. Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1746, June 21 [-July 2] and July 2 [-13].— (The material parts are 
 printed in Coxe, Memoirs of Horatio, Lord Walpole. ii. pp. 143-149, with 
 the following mistakes : — p. 143, line 16, " to whieh " should be " That 
 with"; line 18, " avowal," "canal"; line 19, "and," "a"; p. 144, 
 line 8, "public" should be "in Parliament"; line 11, after "sur- 
 render " insert " of towns " ; line 14, " receding " should be " recal- 
 ling"; line 19, " in " "at"; line 27, "the" "their" and "where" 
 " whose " ; line 28, " in " " of" ; p. 145, lines 5, 6, and 7 " and " " or " 
 " or " « and " and " faults " " facts," line 9, omit " the " before State ; 
 line 11, "the" should be "thus"; line 21, "and" "or"; line 22, 
 after "reconcile," read "several opinions of his and his conduct in 
 consequence of them, as far as &c." ; line 24, " sincerely " should be 
 "seriously"; p. 146, line 10, omit "of" ; lines 10 and 14, put paren- 
 thesis before " which," and after " countries," and omit full-stop after 
 " countries "; lines 14, 15, and 17, omit " All these," and read "rouses" 
 for " rouse " and " increases " for " increase " ; line 20, " of " should be 
 "at"; lines 25 and 26, "it" and "that" should be "whieh " and 
 " and " ; p. 147, line 7, parenthesis should begin after " say " ; line 
 14, insert " what " before " to" ; line 23, for " be " read " prove " ; 
 p. 148 line 8, insert " not " before " being " ; line 13, insert " But " before 
 "The"; line 14, for "appearances" read "appearance" and for 
 " returned " " retired" ; lines 23 and 24, insert " and " after " glorious " 
 and " bravo " before " duke " ; p. 149 lines 2 and 8, read " this " for 
 " the " and " than " for " as ".) 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1746, July 26 [-August 6]. Woolterton. — " You asked me twice 
 who sent for Prince Charles to the army, as I am a free thinker in 
 politics, and sometimes, perhaps too often, a free-talker, am in no secret, 
 and have no bias but the truth ; Lord G[ranvi]lle by the influence of 
 the P[rince] of W[ales] to prevent the D[uke] of C[umberland] from 
 having the command in Flanders managed I don't doubt this affair with 
 the Count of V[ienn]a thro' the canal of Was[ne]r, and yet I doubt 
 whether the K[ing] will see it, or the Mi[niste]rs dare see it, et sic 
 omnia. 
 
 My heart pants for the event of a battle in Flanders ; if we lose it, 
 we are undone ; if we get it, I am afraid we shall be more warlike than 
 ever, tho' not much more able to recover what we have lost ; the two 
 late great deaths are providential strokes for our favour ; shall we 
 make a right use of them ? Gfod knows, if we are governed by our own 
 real interest and that of the Public, we can't make a bad use ; if by 
 the dictates of the Court of Vi[enn]a we shall not make a good one. 
 That Court is indeed necessary and inseparable from the public good, 
 but that Court will, if suffered, make their own particular views of 
 ambition, avarice, vengeance, and pride go before the public good." 
 
 Edward Weston to the Same. 
 
 1746, August 5 [-14]. Whitehall].—" I reckon you are not at all 
 sorry to be quit of the Breda job, as your honour is saved by the 
 consideration of the necessity of your residence at the Hague. I should 
 be glad to know what character the ministers go in, for I think you 
 used to call them ambassadors. . „ . Things seem now to me to 
 
149 
 
 be in such a situation that all will depend on the word C[ape] Breton. Teevor mss. 
 . . . Our Ministers are so deeply engaged in domestics, that the 
 despatch of Lord Sandwich and Keene will be almost miraculous." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 Same date. London. — " Lord Sandwich will, I believe, set out for 
 Holland this day sevennight, but whether authorised and instructed as it 
 is there expected he should be, is another point. . I was much pressed, 
 as you have probably heard, to make you a visit, but I believe, in a very 
 little time, neither you nor any of my friends in Holland will bo 
 surprised, that I declined it. I can submit to the opinions of others, 
 but I cannot act against my own. [ was and am still convinced, that 
 the Dutch are very unwilling to conclude with France without us. But 
 1 am as much convinced too, that when a new Minister shall appear (if 
 that should be the case) to have no new instructions, no ultimatum, no 
 specific points, by way of basis for a pacification, the Dutch will not 
 delay much longer the signing what, I believe, has for some time been 
 agreed upon between them and France. If things have lately changed 
 a little to our advantage, I think we ought to avail ourselves of those 
 favourable moments, to mend the conditions of the pacification, rather 
 than to delay the conclusion of it. But this opinion of mine is not the 
 prevailing opinion here. 
 
 I am ashamed to be so troublesome to you as I am often forced to be, 
 with my Irish recommendations, for I am now obliged to mention Lord 
 Charlemont, a young Irish nobleman of a very good estate, who is 
 already or will be soon at the Hague. I only beg that when he waits 
 upon you, you will let him know that I mentioned him to you. A boy, 
 in whom I interest myself much more, will in about a fortnight pass 
 through the Hague to Lausanne, and you will give him leave to receive 
 your commands, and wait upon Bobby, as they are both Partkenians" 
 
 Henry Pelham to the Same. 
 
 1746, August 12 [-23]. — <« I verily believe Lord Sandwich is well 
 intentioned. He has a good capacity, great application, and is naturally 
 cautious, a quality more necessary for himself, than for the business he 
 goes upon. I shall make no remark on his instructions. I hope they 
 will prove sufficient, but fear the contrary. What makes me particularly 
 trouble you at this time is chiefly on your own account ; you know I 
 am a well wisher to peace and am certainly a well wisher to you, the 
 first I can only prove by professions, the second, I hope to do by 
 actions. I see the difficulties' you are under, and am no stranger to the 
 variety of incidents that attend your station. We are none of us 
 in places for life, the best thing we can do is therefore to serve our 
 friends whilst we are able. The best thing I could do for you, was 
 most earnestly to recommend you to the king, in which I have 
 succeeded, for an employment that will probably become vacant soon, 
 I mean a Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland. It is a 1,000/. a 
 year clear and well paid ; no constant attendance expected. I believe 
 you must go over there to qualify, and then you take turns with the 
 other Commissioners for a few months' residence in the summer, but 
 that don't happen often. If this is agreeable to you, I shall think 
 myself very happy, for I can assure you, not only the respect I have 
 always had for you and your family, but the particular circumstances of 
 your present situation, have made me very desirous to procure you some 
 settlement for your ease, and I hope for your honour, in case of events." 
 
 h 2 
 
150 
 
 Tkevor Ms& Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1746, August 26. — Expressiug his gratitude for the offer of the place 
 mentioned in his letter of the 12th, and requesting him " to lay me at 
 our Royal Master's feet with the liveliest professions of my submission 
 and gratitude." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to Robert Trevor. 
 
 1746, August 26 [-September 6]. Woolterton.— " Your last hinted 
 to me that the French had got possession of Huy and Liege. I am told 
 that at Co[ur]t it is extremely slighted, otherwise I should think they 
 had got a great advantage by cutting off our communication with 
 Breda, &c, from whence we could most easily bring our provisions; 
 but I see things in so confused a light, and know so little the use we 
 are like to make of events, or what is the plan for peace or war (if there 
 be any plan) that I am at a loss to judge whether any extraordinary 
 event is for our advantage or disadvantage. I know a certain plausible 
 maxim, which is the foundation of all the measures of a certain Co[ur]t, 
 viz., that they are ready to make peace, as soon as they shall be 
 indemnified for what they have suffered, and can have sufficient security 
 that the like shall not happen again ; and if they are to be the sole 
 judges of this indemnification and of this security, the L[o]rd have 
 mercy upon us." 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Pelham. 
 
 1746, September 23. — "I hope you have never once admitted a 
 thought of my being capable of limiting my thanks for the late proof of 
 your friendship for me to the ostensible letter I wrote you on that 
 occasion; how long soever the want of a safe conveyance for a more 
 confidential one may have hindered me from indulging myself in that 
 pleasure. At present, accept the overflowings of a heart, which for 
 some time past has known no comfort, but that which has flowed from 
 the prospect you have opened to me ; and which, for God's sake, realize 
 as soon as possible, before the clouds, which I think I see arising and 
 thickening, overcast it, and make me lose sight of it for ever. As I am 
 persuaded, you have nothing so much in view in your intended provision 
 for me, as my personal advantage and ease, let me conjure you to enter 
 still a little farther into the ticklish circumstances of my present 
 residence, and to contrive some plausible handle of rescuing me out of it, 
 before I grow more insignificant to my friends, and more obnoxious to 
 my enemies. I have oftener than once taken the liberty to apprise you, 
 that neither my humour, nor indeed my conscience would ever allow 
 me to be made the instrument of menacing, scourging or subverting 
 this Republic ; and as I somewhat apprehend such services may ere long 
 come to be expected ; I had much rather escape receiving, than be 
 driven to decline executing instructions of that tendency ; and my most 
 ardent prayer is, to be gently laid up, and fairly paid off, before affairs 
 come to that extremity, as to render my arrears desperate, and my very 
 retreat insecure. 
 
 Perhaps just at present a timely evacuation of this invidious post 
 together with the inoffensiveness of my personal character, and the 
 compassionate circumstances of my private fortune, may still secure, and 
 cover my Quietus in Ireland. But on the other hand I foresee that the 
 Nova Consilia, et Spes with which the Italian successes will soon 
 inspire the Court of Vienna, and consequently ours, coinciding with 
 
151 
 
 the passion of the many with us for Cape Breton, and of the one for Trevor mss. 
 Oostfrise, will render not only unfashionable but criminal a politician, 
 with whom no acquisition, either in, or out of Europe, can compensate 
 the loss of the Netherlands ; nor all the caresses, and compliments of 
 our sucking eleemosynary allies, the confidence and co-operation of the 
 Dutch, low, and distressed as they are ; and who besides is neither 
 sanguine enough to flatter himself, that this state will sacrifice its own 
 provinces, after the Austrian ones, to our new American idol ; or that 
 we shall be able to reconquer the Netherlands with subsidiary, mottled, 
 and inferior armies. The very catastrophe of the Republic of Genoa, 
 for which doubtless bonfires are lit all over England, is considered here 
 as a melancholy memento to this country of what even an auxiliary is to 
 expect from an incensed, superior neighbour." 
 Draft. 
 
 Henry Peliiam to Robert Trevor. 
 
 174G, September 22 [-October 3]. Arlington Street.—" The little 
 delay there seems to be in the execution of what I hinted to you in my 
 last doth not proceed from any doubts of your success, but merely on 
 account of Lord Dupplin's election, who is to make way for you in 
 Ireland, by his removal to the Board of Trade. If the vacancy is made 
 so long before the Parliament meets, the town of Cambridge, for which 
 he serves, may probably expect entertainments and burgessing, which 
 would cost him some money, and as he is a loser in profit by the change, 
 it would be hard to put him to an unnecessary expense. However it- 
 will not be long before these matters must be settled, but to make you 
 easy, the King has promised it and all my fellow servants seem entirely 
 to approve of the disposition. When you hear the warrant is out, or 
 sooner if you think proper, would it not be civil in you to write to 
 Lord Chesterfield, in whose department in some measure your office 
 will be. I can assure you he has been a good friend to you, not only in 
 this atfair, but in all points where your interest or credit was concerned. 
 1 have for some time seen the difficulties you were under, and do not 
 think the prospect of them lessened, from the dazzling hopes that the 
 successes of our allies in Italy have furnished us with. When the 
 Conferences at Breda are opened, I suppose foreign politics will be 
 brought to their crisis, I wish for the best, you know my thoughts, it 
 is unnecessary if not imprudent to say more. You seem to call for a 
 Quietus with some earnestness, can't you suppose a circumstance in 
 which other people may long for it also ? But we are not made for 
 ourselves, we must bear and help as long as we can, and when it will no 
 more, we are not to blame/' 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1746, September 27 [-October 8]. — Congratulating him on the birth 
 of a son and heir, and on the prospect of his appointment as a Commis- 
 sioner of the Revenue. 
 
 " I say nothing of public affairs, because I see no good prospect 
 either by peace or war, many bad events which will naturally have their 
 bad consequences, few good events, and no good use made of them." 
 
 Ro[bert] Cox to the Same. 
 
 1746, October J 2. The Camp of Ambie. — "The General's extreme 
 fatigue prevents him . . . writing to you an account of what the 
 French will certainly call a battle, which happened yesterday. They 
 
152 
 
 Trevor mss. attacked the Dutch, which were on our left wing, with great vigour 
 and repulsed them at last, tho' it must be confessed they behaved 
 gallantly and with great resolution. They have lost a great many 
 officers and men, the particulars of which are not yet known. The 
 villages which were in our front were lined with English, Hanoverian, 
 and Hessian infantry which were soon after attacked by 40 battalions, 
 during which time the French continued marching other troops 
 behind to our right, and soon were in possession of Liege. The 
 firing from the villages was great for a considerable time, but at last 
 was obliged to give way to the numbers and cannonading of the 
 enemy. We lost some officers and men. . . . Colonel Montague 
 according to all accounts is killed, Major Sole wounded and taken 
 prisoner, Sir Henry Nisbet wounded and cannot recover, Captain 
 Debrise killed ; these four were of Graham's regiment, which suffered 
 the most. The Austrians were not at all engaged, nor indeed a single 
 man in the line except the Dutch. After the French had made them- 
 selves masters of a Dutch battery which commanded the whole line, it 
 was thought advisable to retreat, which was done in great order to the 
 mountain of St. Pierre, and this morning we have crossed the Meuse 
 and are encamped on the plains of Maestricht, the name of the Camp I 
 think is Ambie, but am not certain. . . . The French it is thought 
 have lost double the number we have, some compute our loss at 4,000 
 and theirs at 8> but this is guess work. . . . However it is certain 
 the loss is great considering that not a single man in our lines was 
 concerned." 
 
 Horatio Walpole to the Same. 
 
 1V46, October 1[--12]. Woolterton. — " What can be the meaning 
 . . . of this easy reddition of all these strong towns and citadels 
 that used to endure formerly long sieges and cost the besiegers so dear? 
 the surprise of a Barrier town or the cowardice of a Governor in the 
 beginning of a war is not wonderful, but to see all the fortresses tumble 
 one after another like a house of cards, and the formality only of 
 opening trenches sufficient to conquer immediately the strongest holds, 
 and make a number of brave men, in a manner without spilling of blood, 
 prisoners of war, was never heard of before ; does not even your curiosity 
 as well as your station prompt you to get some account of this sort of 
 conjunction, where a Baton of France being in a manner only waved 
 over a town makes the walls crumble to pieces and the soldiers that 
 defend them as timid as lambs ? Do you wonder that our allies in 
 Italy are like to fall out ? Experience, woeful experience has made 
 me expect it from the beginning, it is no more than the effects of the 
 usual conduct of the Austrians. We have always suffered it, and are 
 resolved to suffer it. They turn every successful action to answer their 
 own particular views. The Genoese will buy their protection of the 
 Court of Vienna against the King of Sardinia, nothing will be done to 
 make a diversion in Flanders, not Provence or Toulon will be the 
 objects and consequence of the successes in Italy, but Naples and 
 Sicily ; the King of Spain with all his pacific disposition, will be pro- 
 voked to adhere to France ; in short the prospect of peace or war are 
 both big of inglorious and fatal of events (sic) ; and the august House 
 of Austria will scarce suffer even Providence to prevent it." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to the Same. 
 
 1746, October 11 [-22]. Bath.— " Had you wanted either solicitor 
 or remembrancer with Mr. Pelham, I should certainly have been both, 
 
153 
 
 but I must do him the justice to say that you wanted neither; and his Trevor mss. 
 own zeal to serve you, made all intended good offices unnecessary. I 
 am most particularly glad that your lot has happened to fall in my 
 ground, which though possibly not the fairest, has, however, the 
 advantage of being in a more temperate climate, where the sudden 
 changes from heat to cold are not so frequent as here. 
 
 As I have long foreseen and foretold, necessity will soon do, what 
 prudence ought to have done long ago ; but with this material difference, 
 that it will do, ill and with disgrace, what might have been done some 
 months ago, well, and with honour. For I presume, that our late 
 defeat in Flanders, our disappointment upon the coast of France, the 
 abortion of the design of invading Provence, and the marriage of our 
 good ally the King of Sardinia's daughter with the Dauphin, will rather 
 add some advantageous articles to the contreprojet, than make it plus 
 recevable. One thing I confess I do not comprehend, and did not 
 expect ; and that is, how the Dutch come to hold out as they do, and 
 seem less frightened now, than they were at the beginning of the 
 campaign, though I am sure they have much more reason. I own I 
 always thought, by the regard which France showed for their territories, 
 as well as by the French ministers calling upon the Dutch Plenipoten- 
 tiaries to Signer, Signer, that a Provisional Treaty had been some 
 months ago agreed upon between them, but not signed, in hopes of 
 prevailing with us to concur with them, and unwilling (if they could 
 avoid it) to take such a step without us, but that if they found (as I 
 think they must have found by this time) that we were by no means 
 in a pacific disposition, they would sign without us, and plead (not 
 without reason) the imminency of their own danger, as well as their 
 own. inability, (to which they might have added other people's too) of 
 repelling it. That moment though not yet come, cannot be far off, 
 after which, instead of saying blessed are the peace-makers, I shall say, 
 Lord have mercy upon them." 
 
 Richard Trbvor, the Bishop of St. David's, to [his brother] 
 Robert Trevor. 
 
 [1746], October 31 [-November 11]. Downing Street. — u I came to 
 town from Sussex on Tuesday last, and stept at once in a scene, which 
 I have been some time apprehensive of, but did not think was so near, 
 and which 1 am very sensibly concerned to find, you must bear so large 
 a part in. Though I know you received last post an account of this 
 event from a very friendly and a much more knowing hand [Mr. Pelham] 
 than my own (a copy of whose letter has been shown to me by himself), 
 jet I cannot help adding mine to the kind and honest advice, he has 
 given on this emergency, to assure you, that I do entirely agree with his 
 sentiments upon it ; though I was some time ago, upon Lord Sandwich's 
 first going over, of opinion that you should try to weather the storm by 
 lying by and delay, yet I now think that affairs are come to a crisis, that 
 will not allow you to pursue that measure either with safety or credit. 
 You will find Lord Sandwich's credentials arrive by this mail, which 
 will give you a fair opportunity for desiring your revocation and take 
 away all umbrage from the successor to the Northern Seals, who is now 
 certainly Lord Chesterfield, and who is, I hear, very strong in his profes- 
 sions of regard to you. Whether Lord Harrington will be gratified 
 with Ireland, I much doubt, should he be so, it will make your intended 
 residence there more agreeable ; though, I imagine, the Duke of Dorset 
 will be the person to succeed Lord Chesterfield, upon the foot, as it said, 
 of an old promise but, I believe, as part of a very modem measure," 
 
154 
 
 TkevoeMSS. The g AME tQ the g AME ; 
 
 [ L746], November 4 [-15]. Downing Street.—" Since my last to you, 
 nothing very new lias happened upon this shifting stage. His Majesty 
 is said to be much better, though I do not hear of any day being set for 
 his removal to St. James's to keep his birthday. Ireland is still in 
 suspense; Lord H[arringto]n is most talked of, but I much doubt how 
 it will be, as he is too stout or too lazy to go directly to the Closet for it. 
 Lady Suffolk has lost her husband, Mr. Berkley, by whose death the 
 mastership of St. Catherine's is vacant ; I should be glad to see that 
 snug preferment for life joined to a commission in Ireland, but I fear 
 the times are too tender for such a proposal. I long to hear what effect 
 our late change has on your side of the water; what relates to yourself, 
 I grow better reconciled to, barring the circumstances of it ; as it 
 prevents, what I have sometimes lived in fear of for you, your being 
 catch 't at the Hague by a demise.' 5 
 
 Robert Trevor to Henry Peliiam. 
 
 1716, November 22. The Hague. — " As your advice will always 
 pass with me for a command, I have, without hesitation^ endeavoured to 
 carry it into execution in my letters of this post to your brother and 
 Lord Chesterfield ; and I now leave the sequel of this affair, and indeed of 
 my whole fortunes to your kind countenance, direction, and management. 
 I must only apprise you betimes that when I have obtained my 
 letters of revocation, I shall not be able to make use of them here, 
 before I am enabled by suitable remittances to provide for the dignity of 
 the King's Commission, and indeed the safety of my own person, the 
 lowness of my private purse putting it morally out of my power to 
 supply the vuide of my arrears ; and consequently to comply with the 
 immemorial custom established here. ... of all Public Ministers, 
 even from the most indigent Courts, challenging before they quit this 
 residence all their creditors by public beat of drum for three days running 
 to serve any pretension to their charge." 
 
 F. H. Blackburne Daniell. 
 
151 
 
 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LORD EMLY, TERVOE, emltmss. 
 Co. LIMERICK. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE OF EDMUND SEXTEN PERY, 
 SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN IRELAND. 
 
 (Continued from the Eighth Report of the Commission.) 
 
 1.— James Butler. 1 Roman Catholic Archbishop of Cashel, 
 
 to Edmund S. Pery. 
 
 " 1780, January 28. Thurles, near Cashel. — Nothing can apologise 
 for my breaking in upon your attention at so busy a time, but that 
 same benevolent disposition which I so often experienced when I took 
 the liberty of calling on you during my stay in Dublin last November. 
 It is it, Sir, alone that encourages me to write to you at this critical 
 period to request you will let me know, whether now, as all troubles 
 are subsided and the calm returned, any further indulgence is to be 
 expected for the Roman Catholicks of this kingdom, whether a bill in 
 our favour brought into Parliament would meet with the desired success. 
 As there is no one in whose goodness of heart I have a greater con- 
 fidence, or to whose judgment I pay a greater deference, your obliging 
 me in this particular will meet with a return of gratitude equal to the 
 warm part you take in all that interests the welfare of the Roman 
 Catholicks in this kingdom." 
 
 2. — Thomas Pownall 2 to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, Feb. 9. London.— In consequence of your remark on the 
 letter of the chairman of the deputies of the woollen manufacturers, 
 I had further communication with them. In answer, I received a letter 
 from their chairman, dated Leeds, Feb. 1, 1780, in which are the follow- 
 ing words, part of the report from a committee to the meeting : 
 
 'It is our opinion that it will be very injurious to the country to 
 have duties continued on English woollens and stuffs imported into 
 Ireland ; nor do this committee see at present in what instances this 
 country would be affected by repealing all laws imposing duties on 
 woollen or worsted stuffs imported from Ireland into Great Britain.' 
 
 I showed this letter to Lord North. He said that he understood that 
 your opinion was against opening a free and reciprocal trade between 
 England and Ireland, particularly in the article of woollens, by reciprocal 
 taking off of the duty. 
 
 On the subject Gf a scheme of a paper money issued by public loan on 
 landed or other solid security, for a limited time to each borrower, by 
 which the government is constantly re-absorbing it before re-issues are 
 made, which scheme I mentioned to you as drawn up by Dr. Franklin 
 and myself, I would first wish you to read the scheme, which you will 
 find in the 8th or 9th chapter of the ' Administration of the Colonies,' 
 edit. 9th. There were prudential reasons with respect to the opinions 
 of his constituents in America not then to mention his name publicly. 
 
 1 Appointed 1773, died 1791. 
 
 2 See Eighth Report, Hist. MSS. Commission, 1881, p. 207. 
 
156 
 
 Emlt mss. The first thing which occurs to me on the subject is, that some such 
 
 scheme was always necessary to a country whose outpayments drew off 
 annually so large a portion of its circulation ; but that now you have 
 begun to speculate on plans of trade and foreign commerce, I may 
 venture to say that if you did not before see the necessity of such a 
 measure, the necessity of and want of stock to actuate the new acquired 
 powers of trade will make you feel it. 
 
 Until, upon your reading over the scheme itself, I hear your opinion 
 on the matter and on the form as it might be accommodated to Ireland, 
 I do not know what particularly to say more of it than I have done. 
 If you and the well wishers of the public interest should so far approve 
 it as upon a general view to think it might be adopted, I will not only 
 in writing and opinion but in every line of execution give you my assis- 
 tance — it is a matter of experience in which my friend and I were very 
 well au fait. 
 
 P.S. — I went to Richmond this morning to carry this to my old 
 friend, H. Hobart, but I missed him by two hours. Otherwise, I should 
 have required your acceptance of a copy of the ' Administration of the 
 Colonies.' — I congratulate you on Rodney's success." 
 
 3. — Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry, to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, Feb. 11th. Calledon. — As I rarely look into the newspapers, 
 I have but just seen the intelligence of my friend Mr. Alexander 
 confirmed by the gazette that I have the good fortune to have your 
 brother x appointed to the deanery of Derry. Apart from the regard 
 I bear to himself, I am happy in the opportunity of shewing every 
 possible attention to your brother and to the father of so excellent a 
 young man as Mr. Pery. If I knew the time he appoints to come to 
 the deanery, I would endeavour to meet him, or if my house would be 
 more convenient to him, I shall be happy to receive him there, or at all 
 events to have it ready to receive him. Pray write me three lines to 
 Derry, to inform me if there will be any opposition to the repeal of the 
 Test Act in our house." 
 
 4. — Lord Buckingham 2 to Pery. 
 
 i( 1780, Feb. 29th. — As you are without comparison the person who, 
 of all others, best understand the situation of Ireland and whose senti- 
 ments would be attended to in England with the greatest deference, my 
 zeal for the interests of both kingdoms induces me to express a wish 
 that you would take the opportunity of the recess to pass a few days 
 in London. This proposition may very possibly be equally inconvenient 
 and disagreeable to you. Excuse it, however, as arising from my having 
 an equal confidence in your discretion, ability, and integrity. 
 
 Should you be induced to undertake so fatiguing an expedition, it 
 may bo better to have it understood, as well in England as in Ireland, 
 that you were determined by your own private business. — Believe me 
 with the greatest truth and regard, dear sir, your most faithful and 
 most obedient servant, Buckingham." 
 
 1 William Cecil Pery, chaplain to the House of Commons, Ireland, Dean of 
 Killaloe, 1772-80, Dean of Derry in 1780, Bishop of Killala in 1781, Bishop of 
 Limerick in 1784, created Baron Glent worth, in 1790, died in 1794. 
 
 2 John, Earl of Buckinghamshire, appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 7 December, 1776 ; succeeded by the Earl of Carlisle, in 1780. 
 
157 
 
 5. — Lord Buckingham to Pert. Emlt mss. 
 
 "1780, March the 16th. Dublin Castle.— Though some of your 
 anxious friends apprehend that the i Black Prince ' may have steered 
 northward to give you a meeting in your passage from Donoghadee, I 
 will flatter myself that this may find you safe in London without 
 having incurred any further inconvenience than a lengthened journey. 
 
 The accounts which in general have reached me from the assizes are 
 by no means of a disagreeable cast. The Dublin Patriots continue to 
 hold the same indiscreet pernicious language. 
 
 The troubling you with a few lines is as agreeable as a becoming 
 attention, but I have nothing bordering upon business to mention except 
 to entreat you to recommend (from yourself) the most profound secrecy 
 with respect to the determination of the English Government upon 
 Irish measures. 
 
 Intelligence has, I know full well, during this whole session, been 
 communicated to one gentleman, who has made the most use of it. 
 
 The lord mayor was with me a few days ago, and has promised to 
 exert his best endeavours to promote decency and good order amongst 
 his fellow-citizens. Your further advice has also been attended to with 
 that deference which it must ever command from, dear Sir, your most 
 faithful and most obedient servant, Buckingham. 
 
 Three mails are due, and the wind blows at N-west. Sir R. Heron's 1 
 arrival in London has not as yet been notified." 
 
 6. — Pery to Lord Buckingham. 
 
 " 1780, 28 March. London. — T deferred acknowledging the honor of 
 your Excellency's letter of the 16th instant till Iliad an opportunity of 
 seeing Lord North in private. I was two hours with him yesterday, 
 and as many this morning. He told me the cabinet had resolved not 
 to admit of any innovation in the constitution of Ireland, and this is the 
 public language of all persons connected with the administration. 
 
 I asked if the judges and Habeas Corpus bills were considered within 
 that line. He said they were. I stated to him my reasons for pre- 
 suming to doubt the wisdom of such resolution. Some of them seemed 
 to have weight with him ; but though he appeared to me not unwilling 
 to relax in some points, yet he said he could not take upon himself alone 
 to do it. 
 
 The business of sugars is not as yet adjusted. My Lord North seems 
 to be directed upon that subject rather by the opinion of Mr. Robinson, 
 who does not appear friendly, than his own. However, I am not with- 
 out hopes that it will still be settled to our satisfaction. 
 
 ( Mr. Attorney- General called upon me this morning, and spent some 
 time with me. Lie will report in favor of the Habeas Corpus bill, and 
 also of the judges bill, and thinks they will both be returned, notwith- 
 standing I told him what Lord North had said to me upon the subject. 
 He has likewise promised me to forward our wishes about the sugars, 
 and to represent the bad consequences of not complying with them, 
 which I stated to him very strongly. 
 
 I propose setting out for Ireland on Saturday, and hope to pay my 
 respects to your Excellency on the Wednesday following. — I am, etc., 
 [E. S. Pery.] 
 
 1 Sir Kichard Heron, Bart., member for borough of Lisburu, and a privy councillor 
 in Ireland. 
 
158 
 
 EmlyMss. ij t — Lord Buckingham to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, April the 23rd. [Dublin Castle.]-— You will easily conceive 
 the degree of anxiety which I must feel for the business of to-morrow, 
 and therefore cannot but forgive my earnestly soliciting such assistance 
 as, consistently with your sentiments and your situation, you can with 
 propriety give. 
 
 In consequence of the behaviour of the Dutch, all treaties with them 
 are provisionally suspended. — Believe me, with the greatest regard, 
 your most faithful and most obedient servant, Buckingham." 
 
 " This requires no answer." 
 
 8. — Lord Buckingham to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, May the 22nd. [Dublin Castle.]— Not having had the satis- 
 faction of seeing you at the meeting yesterday, I cannot refrain, from 
 troubling you with a short letter, at a crisis which a few days may 
 possibly materially influence, upon the relative situation of the two king- 
 doms. Should my ideas prove erroneous, over caution in times like the 
 present is a venial error. If they are founded, it will hereafter be a 
 kind of melancholy consolation to have entered my private protest in the 
 recollection of a gentleman of your distinguished weight. If an Irish 
 meeting bill is forced, and consequently transmitted, there cannot be a 
 doubt, from every insinuation which has reached me, (not indeed offici- 
 ally) that the English ministry will submit the measure to Parliament. 
 Permit me to appeal to your own candor and sound discretion whether 
 the language of your House of Commons has been such as to teach them 
 temperance, or the principles affectedly and unnecessarily paraded 
 calculated to induce them to receive novel propositions from Ireland 
 with particular predilection ? Orators also may be found there, as well 
 disposed to sacrifice the tranquillity of the empire to the display of their 
 talents and mob adulation, as of those whose philippics stamp a value 
 upon the ' Freeman's Journal.' What must be the consequential catas- 
 trophe ? I had much rather ask the question than answer it. You are 
 so zealous a friend to Ireland, and so meritoriously attached to propriety 
 and good order that, though you may not concur in my sentiments, you 
 will applaud that solicitude by which they are dictated, as you well 
 know it arises as much from my affection to your country as my duty to 
 my own. — Believe me, with the truest regard, dear sir, your most faith- 
 ful and most obedient servant, Buckingham." 
 
 9.— -Pery to Sir Richard Heron. 
 
 " 1780, 17 Sep. Edmundsberry. — I have received the honor of your 
 letter of the 15th instant, acquainting me that his Excellency the Lord 
 Lieutenant being of opinion that the appointing one of the commissioners 
 of the revenue to be first commissioner (as at the boards of treasury, 
 admiralty, and trade in England) and to be in a more especial manner 
 responsible to government for the transaction of business at that board, 
 would have a beneficial effect in the conduct of the business and establish 
 a degree of responsibility in one commissioner which can hardly be ex- 
 pected from many, among whom authority is equally divided," his 
 Excellency has judged it necessary previously to consult me amongst 
 others and to require my sentiments upon the idea. I find myself ill- 
 qualified to give any opinion upon the subject, especially as I am not 
 informed of the nature of the constitution of the boards of treasury, 
 admiralty and trade in England, to which it is intended the board of 
 
lot) 
 
 commissioners of the revenue here shall bear some resemblance, or of the EmlyMSS. 
 particular powers with which the respective members of those boards are 
 invested. 
 
 However, my respect for his Excellency, and earnest desire to obey his 
 commands, will not permit me to withhold from him my thoughts, though 
 I am sensible they are crude and imperfect. It has long been the opinion of 
 gentlemen, who were most conversant in revenue business, that some alter- 
 ation in the revenue board was necessary for the public service. Several 
 plans were proposed and at length that for the division of the board, by 
 separating the commissioners of excise from those of customs, was 
 adopted. But that not having been approved of by the Commons, and as it 
 was found impracticable to carry it effectually into execution without an 
 act of Parliament, the ancient constitution was restored. The commis- 
 sions both of excise and customs are granted in pursuance of acts of Par- 
 liament which regulate the manner in which they are to be granted, and 
 they cannot be granted in any other manner. This appears clearly by a 
 late act which empowers his majesty to grant commissions of excise 
 in a different manner from that in which commissions were to be granted 
 under the first act in Charles the Second's reign. As the commissions 
 are regulated by act of Parliament, so are the powers with which the 
 commissioners are invested ; and the same powers and authority are 
 given by those laws to the commissioners indifferently without distinc- 
 tion, and they are made equally responsible for their acts. 
 
 I confess therefore I cannot see how it is possible, so long as the 
 law continues as it is, to give greater powers, however expedient they 
 might be, to one commissioner than to the rest, or to make one more 
 responsible to government for the acts of the board than the others. 
 And if it were possible, I must submit it to his Excellency, with great 
 deference, whether it would be advisable to do it without a previous 
 communication of the plan to Parliament, which has already shewn much 
 jealousy upon this subject, a subject which has likewise given occasion 
 to much clamor without doors. — I am, etc. [E. S. Pery,]" 
 
 10. — Lord Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, 3 October. — I make no doubt but that you have heard the 
 particulars of Lord Buckingham's] arrangements, which have been 
 nilled here, that he desired that Flood might be dismissed and his em- 
 ployment given to Lord Shannon, that the Provost 1 and his son should 
 be both displaced, etc. etc. He was answered that it was now too late, 
 and that it would now only create opposition to Lord Carlisle, and that 
 he, Lord B[uckingham], should have proposed these changes when 
 measures required to be supported. His peerages have also, as it is said, 
 been postponed. I have also heard that he has mentioned you as being 
 adverse to English government, which surprises me. I have heard that 
 you have wrote to Lord Carlisle, and I imagine that it is to set right 
 any misrepresentation of your way of thinking and of acting 'n regard to 
 England. For the future, I hear that Lord Justices are to be revived, 
 as Lord Carlisle will not consent to remain an exile in Ireland for four 
 years, and it is found so difficult to persuade men of consequence to 
 accept of the government of Ireland on such hard conditions. 
 
 Thu church, the sword, and the law, are to govern in the absence 
 of the Lord Lieutenant, as Irishmen, can never be trusted with so 
 important a charge. 
 
 1 John Hely Hutchiuson, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, M.P. for city of 
 Cork, a privy councillor, and principal secretary of state, Ireland. 
 
160 
 
 r 
 
 Emlt MSS. I now write by desire of a friend who is very anxious on the 
 
 subject. Foster 1 is making great way with this new government. 
 He is pressing to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and may probably 
 succeed. The present Chancellor of Exchequer 3 wishes much that 
 Lord Shannon should have it, as the Muster Office made up is 
 the thing of all others he prefers, and he wishes that Lord Shannon 
 could be prevailed upon to ask it, and has no doubt but he may obtain 
 it, as there is a great disposition in this government to oblige Hamilton. 
 If Lord Shannon will apply for it, Hamilton will assist him, but if you 
 cannot prevail upon him to ask it, he wishes him to write to this effect, 
 that if the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer is to be brought back 
 to Ireland, that he hopes he shall not be forgot. 
 
 " I now return to my chit-chat. I find Lord Loughborough is a 
 friend of yours. I know it accidentally, and I think you should know 
 your friends. Lord North was very ill last night, and was blooded 
 three times, but is better this day. If he had tripped, it would have 
 made a fine bustle. Lord Pomfret, whom you knew, is mad, has chal- 
 . lenged the Duke of Grafton to fight him, because the Duke when in 
 .... preferred a man in Suffolk in the revenue, who has lately dis- 
 obliged Lord Pomfret. The letters on the occasion are mad and extra- 
 ordinary. He says he is determined to kill his grace, as this man 
 intends to kill him and has attempted to kill his son by driving nails 
 into his hand. The Duke of Grafton [goes] about armed, and Pomfret 
 cannot be found. The courts of justice have issued warrants against 
 him, and I believe the House of Lords have taken it up, but how I cannot 
 tell. Vesey 3 is recovered . . . Foster is at his place, Sir T. Burgh 
 also, and Vesey has agreed to his offer, if he can get it done, that he, 
 Vesey, should enjoy all the profits neat while he lives and that he should 
 either resign or let Burgh into the patent, whichever of the two Foster 
 shall choose or be able to get done." — Lucan. 
 
 11. — Eael op Carlisle to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, Nov. 6th. London. — <I am to inform you that I have his 
 Majesty's commands to repair to Ireland early in the next month as his 
 Lord Lieutenant of that kingdom, and I take tiiis occasion to assure 
 you that I am extremely eager to obtain and deserve your fair opinion 
 and support in the difficult situation in which his majesty has been 
 pleased to fix me. — I have the honour to be, your most obedient, most 
 humble servant, Carlisle." 
 
 12. — Charles Agar, Protestant Archbishop of Cashel, to Pery. 
 
 " 1780, 8th of Nov. Hanover Square. — I have had the pleasure of 
 receiving your letter, and you may be assured that you shall not want any 
 assistance which I can give you. I have only to lament that it lies in a 
 very narrow compass on the present occasion, and can, I fear, be of but 
 very little use, without you enable me to answer satisfactorily some ques- 
 tions which will most certainly be asked by those who alone can procure 
 the bishoprick for your brother. If you shall think fit to authorize me to 
 give explicit assurance that you and your brother may be depended on 
 as the sincere and steady friends of administration, I cannot but enter- 
 tain great hope of succeeding in my application, and, without it, I much 
 
 1 John Foster, M.P. for Louth, and a privy councillor, Ireland. 
 
 2 William Gerard Hamilton. 
 
 3 Agmondisham Vesey, M.P. for Kinsale, privy councillor, controller and 
 accountant-general, Ireland. 
 
161 
 
 doubt whether my interference will answer the purpose. Judge there- EmlyJISS. 
 
 fore and determine for yourself, but do not lose a moment in conveying 
 
 your thoughts to me on this subject, in such terms as you think fit. I 
 
 will obey your commands, and execute them to the best of my abilities, 
 
 of which I am sure you entertain no doubt. Be expeditious, for I 
 
 mean to leave this place in the course of this month. — I am, my dear 
 
 sir, most sincerely and affectionately yours, C. Cashel." 
 
 13. — Rigby 1 to Peky. 
 
 " 1780, Dec. 2nd. Pay Office [London]. — I should much sooner 
 have acknowledged the receipt' of your letter from Limerick, inclosing 
 one to Lord Carlisle, if I had not imagined he would have taken 
 some opportunity of saying something to me upon that part of its 
 contents which relates to your brother. I received your letter the 
 beginning of last month, as I was setting out for Mistley for three 
 or four days, which was my apology for sending instead of carrying 
 it to him. I saw him about a week afterwards at court, when he 
 acknowledged having received it, and said something to the purpose 
 of being desirous to oblige your brother, but that the present vacant 
 bishopricks were to be or were disposed of by Lord Buckingham, I am 
 not certain which ; but that he would call upon me aud have some dis- 
 course with me concerning the affairs of Ireland, if I would give him 
 leave — a great deal of honour and so forth was necessary to pass on my 
 part. Prom that time to this, except, I believe, one day across the draw- 
 ing-room, I have never set eyes on him, and I can no longer submit to 
 your thinking that I should neglect you or your commands as far as lay 
 in my power. The truth is, I have little or no acquaintance with this 
 young lord, and less with his secretary; and that is the best reason, 
 only for private people and particular favours to individuals I have no 
 pretence to solicit. They will find out themselves the Speaker, and your 
 brother will be a bishop. He and you may depend upon it. I heartily 
 wish that this and every other agreeable circumstance may happen to you, 
 and professing myself as much as ever a sincere well-wisher to Ireland, 
 I cannot help adding my earnest desire that such good sense as you 
 possess may be employed with moderation and temper in the present most 
 alarming and critical situation of the two kingdoms. — -I am, my dear sir, 
 etc. Richard Rigby." 
 
 14. — Duke of Leinster to Pery. 
 
 •' 1 780, Dec. 21st. Carton. — I hope you will excuse my troubling you, 
 but the only apology I have to make is your goodness to me on all occa- 
 sions, which emboldens me to ask a favour, which if it should in any way 
 interfere in accommodating any friend of yours, I should by no means 
 wish you to subject yourself to any inconvenience on my account. As 
 Dean Pery is to be on the bench, perhaps you have not engaged the 
 chaplaincy of the House of Commons. If not, you would greatly oblige 
 me if you would appoint Mr. John Foster, who is a very particular 
 friend of mine, and who wishes much to have the honor of attending the 
 House of Commons. I must again repeat that I do not wish to put you 
 to any inconvenience, though it would be conferring a lasting obligation on, 
 dear sir, your most affectionate friend and humble servant, Leinster." 
 
 1 Right Hon. Richard Rigby, Keeper of the Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, 1760- 
 1787. 
 
162 
 
 e.mly mss. 15. — Lord Macartney 1 to Pery. 
 
 " 1781, January 24. Tarbert. 2 — I cannot possibly leave this part of 
 the world, without thanking you, which I do most sincerely, for your 
 letter to the Dean, from whom and his most amiable daughter, I have 
 met the kindest hospitality and obliging attention. I do assure you 
 I never passed any time of my life more agreeably than that which 
 I spent with them at Newton Pery. 3 I beg you will be so good as to 
 present my best compliments to Mrs. Pery. ... I am now at Tarbert 
 at Mr. Leslie's, waiting for the packet to fall down. We expect her 
 every moment, and shall probably embark this evening. Wherever I 
 am, I shall always remember your friendship to me with particular 
 pleasure, being with every sentiment of esteem and regard, my dear 
 sir, ever most sincerely yours, Macartney." 
 
 16. — William Eden 1 to Pery. 
 
 " 1781, May 16th. Dublin Castle.— I wish that I could send you a 
 packet of good tidings, but the " Gazette " which I forwarded to you 
 last night contained little more than you already know, and I have not 
 since received anything worth repeating. 
 
 People seem to be alarmed to the southward of your neighbourhood, 
 but I hope and believe that there is more vivacity than reason in 
 their fears, and that, excepting the calamity which has probably reached 
 a part of Hotham's convoy, and which was a natural incident of war, 
 the French ships will not do us much mischief before Derby's [Darby] 
 fleet returns to the protection of these kingdoms. 
 
 I am very much obliged to you for the kind and salutary attention 
 which you have bestowed on my brother's interests in the Chevalier de 
 Lucerne. 
 
 I have written to the Admiralty of England recommending Captain 
 Bell to the indulgence which he desires. I am not, however, confident 
 of receiving an early answer. In the meantime, if Captain Bell will 
 give his honour, in writing, either to obtain the return of some other 
 ship-master, or to return within three months to Ireland, I have no 
 objection (if it is practicable) to his proceeding in whatever manner he 
 may find most convenient. 
 
 The agent at Kinsale denies having any concern with American 
 prisoners ; which defect must be remedied. 
 
 I fear that my exertions for Serjeant will not be so far successful as 
 to get him the expected lieutenancy in Captain Cole's company. The 
 War Office in England is restrained by their own recent precedents : if 
 he is disappointed, my Lord Lieutenant will give him an ensigncy in an 
 old regiment here. Excuse this scrawl, and believe me, etc., W. Eden." 
 
 17. — Lord Sackville to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, Feb. 19th. Pall Mall.— I am always ... in hearing from 
 you, and every mark of your attention and friendship is most flattering 
 to me. I am happily released from a most disagreeable situation, but I 
 should not have quitted it, without the most avowed approbation of the 
 King. He could not show it in a stronger light than by the honors he 
 conferred on me, without any solicitation on my part. 
 
 1 In the county of Limerick. 
 
 2 In Kerry. 
 
 3 For account of Lord Macartney, see Ninth Keport, 1884, Part ii. p. 330. 
 
 4 Chief Secretary to Earl of Carlisle, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Eden was 
 created Lord Auckland in 1790. 
 
163 
 
 I hope the fatigue of your session is almost over. The good humour Emlt MSS. 
 which now prevails in Ireland is a most happy circumstance for this 
 country. You who have contributed to it must feel the greatest satisfac- 
 tion in seeing your efforts crowned with success. 
 
 You will imagine our Ellis 1 a bold man to quit a most pleasing situation 
 and to enter upon so troublesome and so responsible an office as that of 
 secretary of state for the American department. He has acted upon his 
 Castle principle of obeying the king's commands and of preferring the 
 service of the public to every private consideration. — I am, dear sir, with 
 great truth and regard, your faithful humble servant, Sackville." 
 
 18. — Welboke Ellis to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, Feb. 21. — Be pleased to accept my cordial thanks for the honour 
 of your most obliging letter. Y"our good sense has instantly suggested to 
 you the only motive upon which I could have formed the determination. 
 If there are not conjunctions in which it becomes a man to lay aside all 
 thoughts of self, and if this be not such an one, I must be fitter for a 
 lodging in Moorfields than to take the seals of my department, for there 
 my fellow-collegiates are say'd to reason right upon false principles. If, 
 therefore, my principles are false, I am qualify' d for that society. But, 
 if they are admitted as true, I claim no merit, for I do no more than my 
 duty. The object of all my wishes is that I may in any degree contri- 
 bute to the salvation of my country, — ' et in magnis voluisse sat est.' 
 
 I sincerely congratulate you on all the favourable appearances of an 
 happy conclusion of this session on your side of the water, and I wish 
 you every success your own heart can suggest, having the honour to be, 
 etc., W, Ellis." 
 
 19. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 21 Mar. — It is a great while since we have corresponded. 
 Still, I have not forgot an old friend, and if anything had occurred 
 which I thought you would not have otherwise heard, I should have 
 wrote to you. Newhaven tells me that he lets you know everything, 
 and I dare say he has wrote to you, the night before last, as he assured 
 me was the real state of the case, that the ministry were as firm as a 
 rock. He has been a little out of his politics, and they are all out, and 
 no one yec in : everything at sea, and the helm deserted. But order 
 sometimes springs from confusion, and we are to have the ablest, the 
 most spirited, etc. etc. set of men, next week, that ever conducted the 
 affairs of this country. There is to be a general sweep, not one of the 
 old set to remain, although it is said that a certain person wished to 
 keep Stirmont [Stormont] and Jenkiuson. 
 
 You will have a new Lord Lieutenant, but who I cannot tell you. 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, the Duke of Rutland, and some others, have declined 
 it. The Duke of Portland is mentioned, but I think his affairs are too 
 bad, as his disposition is expense, and he could save nothing by going 
 over. 
 
 The resolutions and resolution of the Volunteers, and the late conduct 
 of some members in your house has struck a great alarm in this country, 
 but I hope the new people here will act prudently and manage the 
 present temper in Ireland, and not think of resisting the wishes of the 
 
 1 Welbore Ellis, vice-treasurer, Ireland, 1755, 1765, 1770, treasurer of the navy, 
 1777. 
 
 E 77960. ivr 
 
164 
 
 Emly mss. people. Indeed, I And every one here inclined to grant what is asked, 
 as the laws complained of are useless at present to England, and if our 
 people set their hearts upon having them altered, they should be grati- 
 fied. A few odd men in the House of Commons, some contractors, 
 nabobs, etc. cannot prevail upon themselves to give up their pretended 
 right, as they imagine that their greatness depends upon our dependence. 
 But men of real weight and consequence think otherwise. No one has 
 more liberal sentiments as to Ireland than Charles Fox, and he at 
 present is everything here, the momentum of the great party he 
 conducts. 
 
 I dare say Yelverton's 1 bill will go back unaltered, and if it had been 
 strange would have been sent. As it is good policy to yield at the 
 proper time, they should leave Ireland without a grievance before the 
 ideas of people get beyond their present objects. 
 
 It is said our Parliament will be dissolved in the summer. I hope to 
 see you at the meeting in April, as I will give my support, if necessary, 
 to the Popery bills in the House of Lords. — Ever yours faithfully, etc. 
 
 LUCAN." 
 
 20. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 3rd April. — I received your letter of the 26th. You seem to 
 be less afraid of the Volunteers than people are here, but I am of 
 your opinion, since I see that the whole country are become of one 
 opinion. The danger was that the Parliament and people at large 
 might have differed in their sentiments. Thank God, it is not the case, 
 and poor old Ireland is at the eve of being free and of accomplishing all 
 her wishes. 
 
 The Duke of Portland is to be Lord Lieutenant and Fitzpatrick 2 his 
 secretary. The Duke is poor, generous, and disinterested, and a very 
 sensible man, although he has dissipated his fortune. Fitzpatrick is a 
 man of parts and may become a man of business if he pleases, but 
 whether he will shine in the House of Commons is more than I can tell. 
 They expect that their time will not be difficult, as everything we ask 
 is to be granted. How it is to be done, I cannot tell you, and I suppose 
 that the present ministry are so employed that they have not had time 
 to consider Irish affairs yet with that consideration they deserve. 
 
 I have told some of them that difficulties must be settled by compact 
 and by mutual agreement and not by acts of power. Men may be 
 chosen and sent from each country to consider the business, and to 
 settle points, and draw lines, as it will be right to leave nothing unex- 
 plained for future clamour. 
 
 Lord George Young's appointment is reckoned inconsiderate, and a 
 bad step, as his conduct here must make him odious in Ireland. He 
 opposed our trade bills and talked of overhauling them on some future 
 day of power. He is always prompt and forward with his foolish 
 opinion of the supremacy of this country over Ireland in ail cases. 
 How he will qualify is a difficulty, as they will not now venture to 
 dispense with our Irish law by an English act for the purpose, and he 
 will be afraid to go over to qualify, lest they should tar and feather him. 
 
 They talk of peace with Holland. Lord Howe is to command the 
 fleet and to be a peer ; the Dukes of Devonshire and Richmond, and 
 Lord Shelburne, to have the blue ribband. Fox was chosen with 
 
 1 ~ ,rry Yelverton, attorney-general, Ireland, appointed chief baron, 1783. 
 
 achard Fitz Patrick, M.P. for Tavistock, son of John Fitz Patrick, earl of 
 *er Ossory. 
 
165 
 
 unanimity and general acclamation. He was called in his procession Emlt mss. 
 the man of the people. The concourse of people was astonishing. He 
 is become a man of application to business, and has given up his clubs. 
 God send it may all answer. I shall set out about the 10th, as I wish 
 to be at the meeting of Parliament. 
 
 The Duke of Portland will make no unnecessary delay here, as he 
 wishes to go over as soon as possible. — I am, etc., Lucan.'' 
 
 21. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 7th April. — I am obliged to postpone my journey to Ireland 
 for some little time, as I am to succeed Lord Althorp in Northampton 
 and become very unexpectedly a member of this legislature. He will 
 be chosen for Surrey next Wednesday by acclamation, as there will not 
 be a dissenting voice to make it necessary to count numbers. He is 
 very popular from his character, and will owe his election in the county 
 solely to it, as he scarcely knows any man or freeholder in Surrey except 
 those about Wimbleton Park. Mr. Eden is come over with Lord 
 Carlisle's] resignation, and when he found that letters of recall were 
 gone over, and signed some days before the resignation, he got into a 
 very violent passion, and threatens confusion and opposition in Ireland 
 upon his return, as he says the House of Commons will not act with 
 others as they have done with him, and that no one but himself can get 
 through the remaining difficulties of the session. He returns imme- 
 diately, and it is said that he and Fitzpatrick are to have a race for it, 
 in order to have the first story. I have a notion that there is a plan to 
 have Lords Justices again, as they think the salary of the Lord 
 Lieutenant too small to support constant residence. If it is too small, 
 why should not it be augmented to 20,000/. per annum, provided that all 
 our grievances and complaints are redressed ? You have it now in your 
 power to settle everything that Ireland has long waited for and required 
 should be settled, and I hope in God that everything will be fixed, and 
 the whole conducted with moderation and good sense. There will 
 certainly be a dissolution of Parliament after this session. Therefore 
 you should look about you lest an old interest should (depending on 
 their present connexions) try to recover^ the chair. Eden says that 
 Lord Cfarlisle] 1 is ten thousand pounds out of pocket; himself, three 
 thousand. — Yours ever, etc., Lucan." 
 
 22 — Sackville Hamilton 2 to Pery. 
 
 * 1782, Friday, 12th April. Dublin Castle. — Mr. Hamilton presents his 
 respects to the Speaker, and is directed by the Lord Lieutenant to request 
 he will attend a meeting at the Chancellor's this evening at seven 
 o'clock. 
 
 The doubt which will then come before him for consideration is such 
 as his Excellency would not wish to have stirred, unless there should 
 appear to be an absolute necessity for it, for which reason his Excellency 
 desires this meeting may be considered as a private one. — Sackville 
 Hamilton." 
 
 1 Frederick, Earl of Carlisle, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 1780-1782. 
 
 2 M.P. for borough of St. Johnstown, under-secretary, civil department, to the 
 Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 M 2 
 
166 
 
 Emly Mss. 23. — Letter from Pery 1 (to the Earl of Shelburne). 
 
 "6 May, 1782. 
 
 " My Lord. — I understand from Lord Dartrey, who arrived here 
 yesterday, that your lordship expressed to him a wish that I should 
 correspond with him concerning the affairs of this country. 
 
 It is certainly of the utmost importance to both kingdoms that you 
 should be well informed of the real state of this, for one false step, 
 injudiciously taken, in the present crisis, may raise such a ferment as to 
 put it out of the power of those who have the best intentions, to recal 
 this nation, if offended, to the temper and disposition in which it is at 
 present. 
 
 Under these apprehensions, I think it my duty, as it is my inclination, to 
 give your lordship every information which appears to me to be necessary, 
 and to tell you my thoughts upon the subject without reserve or disguise ; 
 but your lordship will please to observe that what I write is intended 
 only for your own private eye. 
 
 The great body of the people of property in this kingdom are strictly 
 attached to Great Britain by interest, by opinion, and by affection, and 
 reprobate every idea of separation. They at present lead and govern the 
 lower orders of the people, but it is to be feared their power will continue 
 no longer than whilst peace and tranquillity are preserved at home. 
 
 With respect to the claims made by our Parliament, there is but one 
 opinion either within or without doors. Many wish they had been 
 stated by Mr. Grattan in more conciliatory terms; but all agreed in every 
 substantial article. Mr. Grattan, I am certain, wishes conciliation as 
 mucli as any man, but he thought it necessary to use strong language, 
 as lie told me himself, least it should be thought on your side of the 
 water there was any hesitation on this, and to put an end to all expec- 
 tation that this kingdom could be prevailed upon to recede from any one 
 of the points insisted upon in that address. 
 
 If these points, insisted upon, be considered with due attention 
 separately, I think the dangers apprehended from a concession will 
 vanish. Though the power of Great Britain to make laws to bind 
 Ireland, universally denied in Ireland, is not expressly given up in 
 England, yet the exercise of it is, from a full persuasion that it would be 
 impossible, as the truth is, to execute any such law in Ireland. 2 
 
 I think it will be discovered -that Great Britain will part with no 
 substantial power, which it now possesses, by acceding to the whole of 
 what is desired. Whatever may be the opinion of gentlemen in Great 
 Britain, concerning the right to bind Ireland by their laws, the exercise 
 of that power has been wisely given up ; and if any attempt should here- 
 after be made to resume it, it would certainly be resisted by the whole 
 nation, and probably prove fatal to both kingdoms. 
 
 Nothing can remove the jealousy of Ireland upon that hand but the 
 repeal of that statute 3 in which that power is asserted. This will, in 
 fact, be giving up nothing but a mere nominal power; for a power, 
 which ought never to be exercised, and can never be exercised without 
 the most destructive consequences, is no power. The opinion that this 
 power creates and preserves the dependency of Ireland upon England is 
 
 1 Copy or draft, in Pery's autograph, without signature or direction, the letter 
 was, probably, addressed to Lord Shelburne or Lord North. 
 
 2 In the original draft of the letter, from which this copy is taken, this paragraph 
 is struck out. 
 
 3 6 George I., 1719. 
 
167 
 
 not well founded. So far is it from truth that nothing is so likely to Emly WsS. 
 dissolve that dependency as an attempt to revive this power. 
 
 The dependency of Ireland has a much more solid foundation. No 
 law can become of force in Ireland till the great seal of England is 
 affixed to it in the council of England. All the present laws of force in 
 Ireland have been framed with a view to the benefit of England, and no 
 alteration can be made in any of them without the consent of England. 
 This is a real dependency, which no man here wishes to disturb. 
 
 With respect to the judicature of the lords here, it is not unreasonable 
 in them to expect to be restored to those rights, which they were long in 
 possession of, and of which they have been dispossessed by force, and it is 
 Batural that the people should desire to have justice administered to 
 them at home and not to be obliged to seek it in another country, at a 
 great distance, and at a vast expense, which many of them are unable to 
 bear, before men totally unacquainted with many of the laws. 
 
 The men of business, who have attended in England hearings upon 
 appeals and writs of error, are much dissatisfyed, I fear justly, with the 
 manner in which Irish business has of late been conducted there, the 
 negligence, inattention and contempt with which it is treated, and 
 the impossibility of judging of the merits, either from not reading the 
 depositions or attending to them when read. 
 
 Others, who look forward, think that if the house of lords here 
 becomes the dernier resort here, [the] security [of] this kingdom [requires] 
 that the administration in England will appoint men of capacity, know- 
 ledge, and integrity, to be chancellors and judges, as it will be the 
 interest of all in power in England who have estates in Ireland to attend 
 to it. 
 
 In short, it is the universal opinion here that it is a point of such con- 
 sequence to this kingdom as that it cannot be relinquished, and no process 
 of your courts can be executed here. 
 
 If the only object of Great Britain in this point is that justice should 
 be fairly administered, as it ought to be and I presume is, there is no 
 reason to suppose that it will not be as impartially administered here as 
 with you, and that the house will not be governed as yours is, by the 
 opinions of legal men. 
 
 With respect .to the law of Poynings, the only essential part of that 
 law for England is that no law shall be of force in Ireland until it has 
 passed the great seal of England, and there is no wish to change that. 
 The power of altering bills in England is of no service to England, but 
 of infinite prejudice to Ireland. It has been abused in many instances, 
 and subjects this kingdom to the caprice, the ignorance, and sometimes 
 to the corruption of a few individuals, which is always resented with the 
 utmost indignation. 
 
 It is unnecessary for me to say anything upon the subject of the 
 mutiny law, as I understand it is agreed that it shall be made 
 temporary. 
 
 I find that it is apprehended on your side of the water that, if the 
 points mentioned in the address were conceded, further demands would 
 still be made. The principal gentlemen who framed aud supported 
 that address have assured me that they would desire nothing more, and 
 that they would oppose with all their strength every attempt which can 
 possibly give umbrage to Great Britain. I am persuaded they are 
 sincere, and that, from the instant these points are conceded, there will 
 subsist between the two nations the most cordial affection. But I confess 
 to you that I foresee the worst consequences, if there be any delay, 
 indecision, or management in this business.— [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
. 168 
 
 EmltMSS. 24.— Lucan to Pery. 
 
 "1782, 15th May. — I only wait for the Irish business, and shall set 
 out for Ireland the day after it comes on, which is next Friday. 1 under- 
 stand the 6th of George I. is to be repealed. I believe they have had 
 different opinions in the cabinet about our affairs, but at least they have 
 determined to yield to our requisitions. Lord Robert Spencer is to be a 
 vice-treasurer in the room of Lord Scarborough. Whether Lord 
 George Young will be continued, I know not for certain, but I should 
 imagine he will make some exchange, as his appointment is so odious to 
 us in Ireland. The Duke of Leinster wished to be a vice-treasurer 
 and I suppose will be one of the Lords Justices, which are to be revived. 
 Sheridan, your member, is to be secretary of war in the room of Lees ; 
 Burgh, prime serjeant ; Yelverton, attorney-general ; and Forbes, 
 solicitor. All these changes perhaps you know better than I can tell you, 
 but sometimes things transpire here before they are known in Ireland. — 
 Yours ever, etc., Lucan." 
 
 25. — Shelburne to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 18th May, Shelburne House. — Lord [ ] did very right 
 
 in assuring you that your correspondence would give me pleasure. It 
 will be satisfactory to you to know the weight your letter had, at least 
 iu forming my opinion. I rely on your assurances as to the conse- 
 quences, and that Ireland left to itself will do this country justice in 
 regard to that power which must remain here for the good of both. 
 If well ascertained now, it may prevent endless calamity to both 
 kingdoms. 
 
 I congratulate you on the glorious news received this day, of which 
 I send you the bulletin, and assure you that I am, your faithful humble 
 servant, Shelburne." 
 
 26. — Pery to Shelburne. 
 
 " 1782, 23 May. Dublin. — I am honored with your lordship's letter of 
 the 18th instant, and sincerely congratulate you on the success of the 
 British arms, and still more on the unanimity of the British Parliament 
 with respect to this kingdom. What has been done, has been done in the 
 handsomest manner, and I make no doubt will answer your most 
 sanguine expectations. It were to be wished, however, that some 
 intimation had been given either in public or private of what is meant 
 by establishing the connection between the two kingdoms, by mutual 
 consent, upon a solid and permanent basis, and whether that resolution 
 had any and what particular object in view. I confess I do not com- 
 prehend it, and I believe other gentlemen are in the same circumstances. 
 
 There is an act of Parliament in Ireland passed in the reign of 
 Henry VIII., which declares Ireland to be inseparably annexed to the 
 crown of England and that the king of England is ipso facto king of 
 Ireland. The power of peace and war is the king's prerogative in 
 Ireland as well as in England. The present laws of Ireland are all 
 favorable to England, and no new law can be made without the consent 
 of England ; so that I cannot see how a stronger connection can be 
 formed between the two kingdoms than that which subsists at present. 
 I am confident there is an earnest desire in our house to satisfy Great 
 Britain in every reasonable point, but it is necessary we should be 
 informed what is wished. The sooner that is done the better. 
 
169 
 
 It is in contemplation to grant to his majesty immediately a sum of Emlt mss. 
 money, perhaps £100,000, to be apply ed in procureing seamen to man 
 his majesty's fleet. 
 
 It is probable likewise that there will be an address to his majesty to 
 direct engineers to examine the coasts of this kingdom and to point out 
 the most proper places for building and stationing ships of war. I am 
 persuaded that this kingdom will contribute freely to augment the navy, 
 for which they will lay a foundation, and the more so if the expence of 
 the military be reduced, which I believe is very practicable. 
 
 Possibly something may be thought of with respect to king's letters 
 for paying money here. This matter requires regulation, but I forbear 
 saying anything upon that head, as it does not seem immediately 
 necessary. 
 
 If there is anything occurs to your lordship upon any of these 
 subjects, and you will please to communicate it to me, I will pay the 
 utmost attention to it. Next post, I will enclose to you a copy of the 
 bills which I believe will be proposed for the modification of Poynings' 
 law.— [E. S. Pery."] " 
 
 27. — Duke of Portland to Pery. 
 
 U 1782, Monday, June 24. Dublin Castle. — I am mortified to think 
 you should conceive so unfavourably of the opinion I entertain of your 
 character, abilities and high station, as to feel any reluctance in com- 
 municating to me any wish of yours, and particularly that with which 
 you acquaint me by the letter I had the honor of receiving from you 
 on Saturday evening. No person can be more inclined to admire the 
 motives of your request than I am, or to applaud your partiality for 
 the bishop of KilLala, and I hope not to find local attachment an 
 obstacle to the disposition which I shall be glad of an opportunity of 
 demonstrating to you, as well as of convincing you of the respect which 
 is due to your eminent qualities. — I have the honor to be, sir, your most 
 obedient, most humble servant, Portland." 
 
 28. — Shelburne to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 9th July. London. — Private. — Illness, first, and incessant 
 occupation since, have prevented my thanking you for your letter inclos- 
 ing the modification of Poynings' act. I trouble you now, in consequence 
 of the events which have lately happened, — Lord Rockingham's death, 
 and Mr. Fox's resignation solely upon the ground of the king's not 
 choosing a first commissioner from amongst the late Lord Rockingham's 
 friends, which in fact brings the point to issue, whether the executive 
 is to be taken altogether out of the king's hands and lodged, as Mr. Fox 
 says, in the hands of a party, or, to speak more truly, in his own. The 
 Duke of Portland was the name, however, brought forward on this occa- 
 sion ; and as it is understood amongst his grace's friends here, that he is 
 likely in consequence of it to wish to return, it may be agreeable to you 
 to know that our system towards Ireland as well as in every other 
 respect remains invariably the same. The cabinet remains except with 
 the difference of Mr. Fox and Lord Cavendish (whose aversion to offic3 
 and to business would have made him quit in any event) and they will 
 be replaced by Mr. Townsend and Mr. William Pitt. I have as much 
 confidence in the Duke of Portland and Mr. Fitzpatrick's honour and 
 zeal in the king's service under all the present circumstances as I had 
 the first day they went over. However, I shall be much obliged if you 
 will exert yourself to prevent unnecessary jealousies, or anything which 
 
170 
 
 Emly mss. can effect the quick conclusion of the session, and I can answer for it 
 that the success of your endeavours will be well taken by the king as 
 well as highly obliging to me. 
 
 Lord Abingdon, a very singular peer of our house, proposed a very 
 singular bill upon the subject of Ireland. It is not usupI to make any 
 account here of his speeches, which are too wild to admit of an answer. 
 But on this occasion his not being seconded by anybody, the bill not 
 being suffered to lye upon the table, the sense of the whole house going 
 against his desire of its doing so, and its not being suffered to appear 
 upon the journals, must be considered by every impartial person as a 
 strong proof of the disposition of this country towards Ireland. I need 
 not add how much both my political and private interest unite in 
 keeping the two countries mutually happy and flourishing. — I have 
 the honour to be, with the truest regard, your most faithful servant, 
 Shelburne." 
 
 29. — Pery to Shelburne. 
 
 " 1782, 20th July. Private —The bill for permitting 5,000 men to be 
 removed out of this kingdom will pass our house this daj r , but I 
 think it my duty to recommend it most earnestly to your lordship not 
 to suffer that measure to be carryed into execution. It is considered by 
 every thinking man here as a desperate one, and it will be much to the 
 honor of the present administration, if, having the power, they do not 
 make use of it. 
 
 Yesterday, Mr. Flood proposed the first of the inclosed resolutions, 
 and, after a debate, which lasted till one o'clock this morning, it was 
 rejected. Though the house divided, it was not told, as it was given 
 up, there appearing only five or six for it. Mr. Grattan then proposed 
 the second resolution, which was agreed to. — [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 30. — Pery to Shelburne. 
 
 " 1782, 27 July. ±>ublin. — Private. — I have received your Lordship's 
 private letter of the 9th instant, and hope I need not assure you that I 
 shall do everything in my power to remove jealousie and prevent 
 anything which can affect the quiet conclusion of the session. 
 
 Lord Abingdon's speech and bill gave occasion to some conversation 
 yesterday in our house. The account of that transaction in the news- 
 papers had made a strong impression on the minds of the people, but 
 Mr. Fitzpatrick's judicious relation of what passed seemed to give perfect 
 satisfaction to the members of our house, and I trust will have the same 
 effect without doors. 
 
 The late changes in the ministry, and the probability of immediate 
 changes here, in consequence thereof, I feared might have disturbed the 
 conclusion of our session, but those apprehensions are in a great measure 
 removed by the very proper conduct of the Duke of Portland and of 
 Mr. Fitzpatrick. I, however, understand it to be the opinion of those 
 who are in his grace's confidence that he cannot reconcile it to himself 
 to continue in office under the present circumstances of things. 
 
 The remainder of our bills did not arrive till yesterday, but not time 
 enough to be read. I hope we shall be able to get through all our bills 
 by the middle of next week, though I expect a good deal of obstruction, 
 but the disposition of the house is such as we wish, and the opposition, 
 though very persevering, weak. 
 
 Several letters from London by yesterday's mail mention that Lord 
 Temple was actually appointed to the government of Ireland, but I 
 
171 
 
 should think that impossible before the answer of the Duke of Portland emly MSS. 
 was returned. } 
 
 I hope I need not assure your Lordship that I most sincerely rejoice 
 in every addition to your interest and that I am with the most perfect 
 respect and attachment. — [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 31. — George Ogle to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, Oct. 10th. Merrion Square, Dublin. — I rely on your candour 
 to pardon the freedom of this letter. It has been reported since you 
 went to London, that the Speaker of our House of Commons was to be 
 called to the House of Lords, before the meeting of a new Parliament. 
 How far this report may be founded in truth, 1 do not presume to form 
 the most distant idea ; but certain it is, that persons there are, who would 
 have availed themselves of it ; and this has brought upon me several of 
 my friends earnestly requesting 1 should not lie idle, but seize an oppor- 
 tunity so favourable to pretensions, which in their partiality they are kind 
 enough to say I have both to the favour of the publick and the appro- 
 bation of government ; and this has been urged in such a manner, that 
 I do not think I could in justice to their friendship or to myself have 
 possibly resisted it. 
 
 You will not understand that it can be within the remotest design of 
 my contemplation, to draw anything from you, that shall tend to a 
 declaration of your sentiments on this occasion ; an indelicacy which 1 
 blush even to think on : my object, on the contrary, is to mark my 
 respect, and to apprise you of the full scope of my mind and wishes at 
 present in case such an event as haa been rumoured shall take place. — I 
 am, etc., George Ogle." 
 
 32.— Pery to Ogle. 
 
 " 1782, 17th Oct. — I have received your kind letter of the 5th [10th] 
 inst. The report that I am to be called to the House of Lords has not 
 the least foundation in truth ; no proposition of that nature has ever 
 been made to me, nor have I ever given the most distant intimation of 
 a wish of that sort on my part. I should however be much concerned 
 that your obliging delicacy with respect to me should prevent you 
 from taking any step which the advice of your friends or your own 
 inclination might lead you to. — I am, etc. [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 33. — Pery to Shelburne. 
 
 " 1782, 28 Oct. Somerset Street.— The inclosed letter, which I 
 received last night, though not to be commended for its style, well 
 deserves your lordship's attention. I make no apology for writing to your 
 lordship upon this subject, because I think my duty requires it. 
 
 Repeated applications have been made to me by the body of mer- 
 chants of the city [Limerick] which I have long had the honor to 
 represent, complaining of the injustice done to that city by obliging the 
 merchants there to send all the provisions made up there for the use of 
 government to Cork to be inspected. 
 
 Perfectly satisfied that their complaints were well founded, I did 
 everything in my power to procure redress ; but hitherto their endea- 
 vors and mine have proved fruitless. 
 
 "When your lordship was placed at the head of the administration, 
 they flattered themselves with the hopes of obtaining such relief as was 
 consistent with justice, and in this expectation they have sent .several 
 
172 
 
 EmitMSS. persons to this city to solicit the appointment of a board at Limerick 
 and that they may 1 ... In this I fear from some recent transactions 
 they will find themselves equally disappointed. The mode of contract- 
 ing, it is true, is changed, but the abuses, if not encreased, are certainly 
 continued, the late law relative to contracts evaded, and Great Britain and 
 Ireland essentially injured. 
 
 The objections to what is desired on the part of the city of Limerick, 
 I am persuaded, are founded either on false assertions or misrepresenta- 
 tion, w^hich some of the ablest seamen and most experienced merchants 
 have already proved and can still prove ; and if any doubt still remains 
 upon that head, it is desired that there may be a fair and open examination 
 upon oath with respect to those points, and upon that the citizens of 
 Limerick will rest their case. But they will never submit to the report 
 of a board when they know some of the members of it to be parties con- 
 cerned in interest. 
 
 Upon the whole, I take the liberty of recommending it to your 
 lordship, if it be not too late, to re-examine the subject and to re- 
 consider the measure, which can only benefit a few individuals and must 
 injure the public. Be assured, my lord, if it be pursued it will be 
 attended with disagreeable consequences. It will certainly become a 
 subject of much discontent on the other side of the water, and probably 
 on this. Despair will drive the sufferers to every extremity, and I have 
 reason to believe that they are in possession of some evidence, which 
 will ill bear the light. I again repeat it to your lordship, this subject 
 well deserves a re-consideration. — I am, etc. [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 34. — Shelburne to Pery. 
 
 " 1782, 29th Oct. Treasury Chambers. — I have the honour to receive 
 both your letters. It is impossible for me to determine at present 
 whether I can serve the archbishop of Cashel's friend, but I shall not 
 forget the name, and shall be very glad to have it in my power to shew 
 regard to your recommendation. 
 
 I have communicated your letter of yesterday to the board of Treasury. 
 Your judgment of the mode adopted by them for the supply of the cur- 
 rency is so opposite to the effect they intended that I flatter myself it 
 will not be inconvenient [to you] to attend the room on Thursday at two 
 o'clock,and assist us in bringing to light every circumstance which can tend 
 to the publick advantage. At any rate, the board of Treasury will insist 
 upon the evidence you allude to being made as publick as possible. — I 
 have the honour to be, with great regard, dear sir, your most obedient 
 humble servant, Shelburne." 
 
 35. — Pery to Shelburne. 
 
 • " 1782, 30th Oct. Somerset [Street]. — I am honored with your lord- 
 
 ship's letter of yesterday's date, and return your lordship many thanks 
 for your obliging attention to my recommendation. 
 
 With respect to attending the board of Treasury, I must beg leave to 
 decline it. I shall be very ready to give your lordship any assistance 
 in my power, when your lordship shall do me the honor to desire it, but 
 I do not think it would become me to attend any board. 
 
 The board of Treasury, if they wish for information relative to the 
 river and port of Limerick, may be very easily supplyed with it. This 
 
 1 Interlineation here illegible. 
 
173 
 
 is the only matter in which I perceive the city of Limerick, and conse- Emlt mss. 
 quently myself, to be in any sort concerned. It is an affair of perfect 
 indifference to me how or with whom the contracts are made, except 
 that I wish them to be made in the manner which may conduce most to 
 the public service and your lordship's honor. — I am, etc. [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 36. — Pery and Lord Shelburne, 1782. 
 
 " 30 Oct. 1782 : Conversation between Lord Shelburne and me at court 
 upon provision contracts: 
 
 Lord Sh. I received your letter of this morning. I thought your 
 first letter of so much consequence that I laid it before the board of 
 Treasury. 
 
 I said : my lord, I have no objection to your publishing it to all the 
 world. 
 
 Lord Sh. Altho' you will, not attend the board of Treasury, you may 
 communicate the evidence to one of our secretarys. 
 
 I said : I will communicate with none of your secretarys ; you can have 
 no difficulty in procuring the only evidence which is necessary, evidence 
 relative to the goodness or badness of the port of Limerick ; that, I have 
 told your lordship, is the only point in which I take any concern. 
 
 Lord Sh. But we are concerned in the other points taken notice of 
 in your letter. 
 
 I said : it is true, but it would be highly improper in me to communi- 
 cate what had been entrusted to me in confidence, and if your lordship 
 makes such contracts as ought to be made for the public service you cannot 
 possibly suffer ; this, however, is a matter in which I am no way con- 
 cerned and with which I will have nothing to do. I am only concerned 
 that justice be done to tbe city of Limerick. 
 
 Lord Sh, I am sure I am as partial to the city of Limerick as any 
 body. Tom Mark can tell you how much we have talked together upon 
 the subject. 
 
 I said : but the city of Limerick is, notwithstanding, to be treated with 
 great injustice." 
 
 Lord Sh. We must be governed by the report of the navy board. 
 
 I said : that report, I am persuaded, has either been made without any 
 evidence at all or without due examination, for I am persuaded it is not 
 founded in truth. 
 
 Lord Sh. We have done everything in our power to procure the most 
 beneficial agreement for the public. 
 
 I said : I believed it w r ould prove in the end more injurious to the 
 public than the former contracts, which had been so much condemned. 
 
 Lord Sh. I will tell the board what you have said. 
 
 I said his lordship might do in that as he thought best and so we 
 parted." 
 
 Endorsed by Pery: — "30 Oct. 1*782: Substance of a conversation 
 with Lord Shelburne." 
 
 37. — Ponsonby to Pery. 
 
 u 1782, Nov. 30. — As I have seen many letters from gentlemen soliciting 
 votes for the chair of the House of Commons, I hope you will not con- 
 sider it as the slightest intention of disrespect to you, if I make applica- 
 tion to my friends upon the like occasion. — I am, dear Sir, with great 
 respect, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. Ponsonby." 
 
174 
 
 EMLYMSS. 38.— Pery to Ponsonby. 
 
 " 1782, Dec. 7th. London. — Lord Lucan this day delivered to me your 
 letter of the 30th of Nov. I return you many thanks for your obliging 
 delicacy with respect to me, and certainly shall not consider it as the 
 slightest intention of disrespect to me, if you solicit, as you say other 
 gentlemen have done, votes for the chair of the House of Commons ; at 
 the same time, permit me to say, I have never made any declaration 
 relative to quitting the chair. Whatever resolution I may hereafter 
 take upon that subject, I shall think it decent in me to communicate it first 
 to the Lord Lieutenant as»a respect due to him. — I am, etc. [E. S. Pery."] 
 
 39. — Pery to Earl Temple, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 " London, 12 Dec. 1782. 
 
 " My Lord, — I may posssibly take more liberty than I ought to do in 
 writing to your Excellency upon the subject of this letter. If it appears 
 in that light to your Excellency, I beg you will pardon it, and not impute 
 it to any want of respect towards your Excellency. 
 
 I understand that the death of the bishop 1 of Limerick is considered 
 as an event not far distant. The bishopric of Killala, of which see my 
 brother is bishop, I believe is little, if at all inferior, in point of value, 
 to that of Limerick ; but Limerick being the principal residence of our 
 family, and from other local circumstances, is preferable to Killala, and 
 would be much more convenient to him and to me. As the difference 
 in value of the two bishoprics is very inconsiderable, it probably would 
 raise no material difficulty in any future arrangements your Excellency 
 may think proper to make, if my brother were to be removed to Limerick. 
 Upon this ground alone, I take the liberty of writing to your Excellency 
 upon this subject, and merely to inform you of my brother's situation, 
 not expecting or desiring any answer or even an acknowledgement of the 
 receipt of this letter. 1 have the honor to be, etc. [E S. Pery.] ' 
 
 40. — Earl Temple, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to Pery. 
 
 <{ 1782, Dec. 18. Dublin Castle. — By the delay of our mails,your letters 
 did not reach me till the day before yesterday, and, the packet which 
 brought them having sailed immediately, it is possible that this letter may 
 not reach you in the usual time. I mention this that you may not imagine 
 that I have hesitated even for a moment to answer your wishes, and I trust 
 in the most satisfactory manner. The bishop of Limerick is not yet dead ; 
 and from the comparative value of the sees I have conceived doubts 
 whether vour brother would accept that of Limerick. But I can truly 
 assure you that it always wa3 my intention to have offered it to his 
 consideration, and by this I meant to give a proof of the real disposition 
 which I felt to shew every attention in my power to your wishes. 
 Much has passed in Ireland since your absence upon a variety of 
 public points ; andi the situation and circumstances of the government 
 are materially altered. I will, however, trust that the conduct of govern- 
 ment both here and in England will conciliate the goodwill, and settle 
 discontents of which I am sorry to say that I have seen too much. 
 
 Mr. Grenville will probably have seen you before you can receive 
 this, to apprize you of the canvass now publick in the Irish House of 
 Commons for the chair, upon the idea of a vacancy/; and to assure you 
 that I can take no interest in what is going on except such as may be 
 
 1 William Gore, Bishop of Limerick, died in Feb. 1784, and was succeeded by 
 William Cecil Pery. 
 
175 
 
 perfectly consistent with your wishes. At the same time I must Emly mss. 
 sincerely express my hopes, for the sake of the kingdom, for the sake 
 of the House of Commons, and for the sake of the prosperity and ease 
 of my government, that you may retain your respectable situation. — 
 I have the honour to be, sir, your very obedient, humble servant, 
 Nugent Temple." 
 
 41. — Grattan to Pery. 
 
 " Winsfield, 21 Dec. 1782. 
 
 " Dear Sir, — Since I had the pleasure of receiving your last letter, 
 nothing has happened here of any great consequence — a canvass for your 
 chair was pressed by three, Mr. Ogle, Mr. Ponsonby, and Mr. Foster. 
 The former urged his hope on a supposition of other competitors than 
 you, and his canvass I understood was conditional, if neither you nor 
 Mr. Ponsonby stood. As to the others, I know not the nature of their 
 canvass, but received circulating letters from both. However, I imagine 
 that no one will venture to dispute the chair with you, and I wish on 
 this as I have done on other public and beneficial propositions, that 
 I could command a majority lor a most laudable purpose, viz. to give 
 you the chair or the refusal of it. 
 
 I find by the speech and the answer that the Irish subject is touched 
 not fully but somewhat favourably. I own I have no apprehensions 
 with respect to our liberty, and I cannot exactly point out any specific 
 measure which should allay my apprehensions with respect to our dis- 
 contents except peace. But I could wish that the proceedings by which 
 Lord Mansfield has infringed upon us was done away — the writ of error 
 to the king. The bench of England is taken away by the general 
 clause of our own act, and the english chief justice is obliged to take 
 notice of an Irish act of Parliament. I consider the determination of 
 Lord Mansfield is a political measure embarrassing to the ministry, of 
 which his lordship's friends made no part. I think they will soon be 
 tired of making Ireland the sport of party. 
 
 The present fluctuating state of English politics is somewhat anxious. 
 Lord North's situation is singularly powerful : if anything is to be 
 collected from the papers, he manages it with much address. Perhaps 
 he is njw the minister. If anything shall occur here worth mentioning, 
 I shall not fail to write it, and am, dear sir, with great respect and 
 affection, yours most sincerely, H. Gkattan. 
 
 Since I wrote this letter, I had the pleasure of receiving one from 
 you. I am very sensible of it, and assure you that there is no person 
 feels more than I do the value and dignity of your friendship. — 
 December 23." 
 
 42. — Pery to Earl Temple, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
 " 1782, 27th Dec. London.— Your Excellency's letter of the 18th 
 instant, which I had the honor of receiving yesterday, excited in me ideas 
 which my words can but ill express, and the most lively sentiment of 
 gratitude, which time cannot obliterate from my mind. Give me leave 
 to assure your Excellency that I am anxious to deserve the favourable 
 opinion you have been pleased to entertain of me and to express in terms 
 so honorable, to me. 
 
 The reports which were spread about me in Ireland could not take 
 rise from anything I had said, for I had studiously avoided speaking on 
 the subject, determined to communicate first to your Excellency any 
 resolution I might take upon that head, as a respect due to you, of 
 
176 
 
 Emlt mss. which I informed Mr. Ponsonby in my answer to a letter I received 
 from him. 
 
 It is true, my advanced state of life, spent in much labor, much 
 anxiety, and some danger, made me wish for retirement and ease, and 
 I thought I might retreat with honor when all clanger appeared to me 
 to be over, and my country to be satisfied ; but if any difficulty still 
 remains, which your Excellency seems to apprehend, I will not shrink 
 from it, but will cheerfully take such part as your Excellency shall 
 judge most advantageous for the public service and to the honor and 
 ease of your administration, which from the candour, generosity, and 
 public spirit with which it is conducted, must conciliate the minds of 
 all good men to it. Permit me to assure your Excellency that your 
 opinion shall direct my conduct and that I shall be happy in having an 
 opportunity of giving the most unequivocal proofs of the sense I enter- 
 tain of your favor and of the sincerity of my attachment to you. — 
 I have the honor to be, etc. [E. S. Pery.] " 
 
 43. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1783, 19th April. St. James's Place. — I have long wished to have 
 had something to write to you upon, but nothing has occurred but what 
 you must have heard from others, so I did not trouble you with a letter. 
 No Lord Lieutenant is yet named in form, but I have heard, and from good 
 authority, that Lord Northington will be declared this day. He is the 
 fourth person it has been offered to. The Duke of Devonshire hesitated, 
 and afterwards declined. Lord Fitzwilliam would have accepted, but 
 his wife did not like it. Lord Althorp was the third, and he turned it 
 in his mind for some days and chose to put it off for some years, when 
 he says he will have more experience to serve a country he likes. His 
 wife, you may be sure, was not of Lady Fitzwjlliam's mind. Nothing 
 would have made her more happy, as she knew I should have been 
 exceedingly so to have seen her in that situation. Lord Northington 
 is a sensible man and a man: of strict honor and good character, but how 
 he will succeed in Ireland is out of my power to judge. 
 
 Mr. Wyndham of Norfolk is mentioned as Secretary. He is an 
 ingenious man, but whether he has Parliamentary talents I cannot say, 
 nor can he till he trys and measures them with our Irish orators. 
 Yelverton is here, so is Scott, Forbes and many others. Forster 
 I believe goes away to-morrow, if this new appointment do not keep 
 him. . . I hope soon to see you in Ireland, as I propose setting out 
 as soon as the Parliamentary reform question is over. I can say nothing 
 about our politicks. It is a complete puzzle at present, and Lord North's 
 force has not strengthened the coalition as much as was expected. How 
 it will go on I do not know. 
 
 There is a very disagreeable rising amongst the sailors now in 
 London. About two thousand of them are this moment parading in 
 St. James's Street. Their grievances are ill-founded; consequently 
 difficult to settle. Something must be done, else they will encrease ten 
 fold in a very little time. — Yours ever, etc. etc. Lucan." 
 
 44. — Lord Shannon 1 to Pery. 
 
 " 1783, June 24. Castlemartyr. — I am extremely thankful to you 
 for your obliging and early communication of the resolution taken to 
 
 1 Richard Boyle, second Earl of Shannon, member of Privy Council, Ireland, and 
 one of the Vice-Treasurers there. 
 
177 
 
 dissolve the Parliament, It is in my opinion a wise measure, or rather EmlyMSS. 
 experiment, for quieting the country. I beg leave to assure you that I 
 think you highly worthy of the first seat in that house, whose privileges 
 you have so steadily defended, and hope to see you in perfect health, 
 unanimously placed in that chair, where you have with such distin- 
 guished abilities presided. — Believe me to be, my dear sir, your most 
 obliged and faithful servant, — Shannon." 
 
 45. — Earl of Clanricarde to Pery. 
 
 " 1783, July 25th. Belmont, near Warnford, Hampshire. — I had 
 just now the honor to receive your favor of the 17th inst., and in 
 answer thereto beg to assure you that it will give me great pleasure, if 
 it should happen to be in my power, to render you any services in the 
 business you mention. 
 
 Previous to the receipt of your letter, I had availed myself of an 
 opportunity which presented itself, and mentioned your name (as a 
 supposed candidate for the chair at the ensuing general election) to 
 those who might be useful to you, in no unfavorable manner. 
 
 In doing this, my feelings of honor were not less gratified, than my 
 own personal inclinations ; as I am persuaded that no candidate can 
 offer himself with stronger claims to the good opinion of our countrymen 
 than yourself; and have therefore only to add that I shall sincerely 
 hope to see you again re-instated in that chair, which you have already 
 filled with such reputation to yourself and satisfaction to the public. — 
 I have the honor to be, with truth and regard, dear sir, your faithful 
 and obedient humble servant, Clanricarde." 
 
 46. — Earl of Northington, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to 
 
 Pery. 
 
 " 1783, Aug. 1. Dublin Castle. — Our conversation being interrupted 
 the other day at a very interesting part of it, and wishing much to 
 renew it on that subject, but more particularly on matters relative to the 
 preparation of business previous to the meeting of Parliament, in which I 
 much hope your assistance, I was anxious to have had some conversation 
 with you this day after the council, and upon my return I sent to desire 
 to see you in my closet. Your activity, however, evaded my intention as 
 I found you had already gone for your villa. As I understand you go 
 for Limerick on Monday next, if it is absolutely necessary for you to 
 set off that day, I should desire an hour's conversation with you on 
 Monday at the Park, and would return before three o'clock for that 
 purpose. But if it will not be of inconvenience to you, I should prefer 
 to have our conversation on the Monday morning, when we should not 
 be straitened for time. I more particularly wish our conference to take 
 place before you go for Limerick, as you mentioned your return will 
 not be until the 12th of August, and as I am likely to have, from par- 
 ticular circumstances, (Mr. Wyndham, our secretary, leaving then,) an 
 unusual share of business fall to my lot ; I am anxious to pay an 
 immediate attention thereto, and to bring it to as great a degree of 
 forwardness as possible. 
 
 I beg you will send me an answer by the messenger, and remain, 
 dear sir, with great truth and regard, your most obedient and most 
 humble servant, Northington." 
 
178 
 
 Emlt mss. 47. — William Knox to Pery. 
 
 "1783, 12 Sept, Lord North's Office, Whitehall.— I hope I may 
 congratulate you upon the choice of a good tempered and a firm 
 House of Commons. I am not afraid of their wanting wisdom, as 
 I see you and so many of my other friends are in it. But I fear 
 they may want firmness to withstand out-door influence, which if 
 they yield to it will be infinitely more criminal and now infinitely 
 more prejudicial to the country than the utmost subserviency to the 
 Castle could ever have been. The plan here is to leave the govern- 
 ment of Ireland to its Parliament, exercising the king's negative only 
 in extraordinary cases, but then with decision. I trust it will not be 
 called for speedily, for I have seen such dreadful consequences follow 
 very trifling legislative disputes that I shudder at the apprehensions of 
 them. My situation here, about office, though not belonging to it, 
 gives me some opportunity of observing dispositions and coming at the 
 knowledge of what is likely to happen, and there are two measures 
 which 1 wish taken early as means of preserving good humour. The 
 one is the regulation of the Post Office, so as to prevent questions of 
 privilege on either side and this I think might be done by limiting 
 English members of franking to their own residences or places in the 
 counties they sit for, and making all the letters which come to either 
 kingdom pay as they do now the whole postage at the place of their 
 delivery, and that postage to belong to the kingdom where it is paid — 
 the expense of the packets to be borne equally. But, now that I have 
 mentioned packets, I must tell you what I have been doing about getting 
 Post Office packets established between Waterford and Milford Haven. 
 The proprietors of the passage boats have made an offer to carry three 
 mails a week for six hundred pounds a year in time of peace, and I 
 should have brought the matter to bear, but for the difficulty of taxing 
 the letters so carried, which would require a new act of Parliament, 
 and that must not be thought of at present; but if the regulation I 
 mention should take place, the matter might be easily settled. 
 
 The other point is of much greater importance, and embraces a great 
 variety of objects. I mean the intercourse between the two islands. 
 I foresaw many difficulties would arise from the want of a settlement 
 there, at the time we were opening the trade to the colonies. But I 
 remember you thought things were not ripe for it at your side. If you 
 have seen cause to think differently now, I will readily lend my assistance 
 to bring about an equitable adjustment. 
 
 I have lately had some conversation with the East India Directors, 
 and I think it might be managed to have sale of such India goods as 
 you chiefly want in Ireland, in like manner as they are sold here, by 
 which you would save the expense of commission, freight, etc., and 
 have the goods on the same terms with the people here. Tea, silk, and 
 China-ware I think are the great articles of your consumption, and they 
 might all be brought to you in the same ship from China, which must 
 be an advantage to you, for I think you have not capitals to spare and 
 go for them there yourselves. . . . — Your very faithful and affectionate 
 servant, William Knox." 
 
 48. — Thomas Pelham 1 to Pery. 
 
 "1783, Sept. 14. — I have the honour of transmitting to you the 
 draught of a bill regulating and legalizing the High Court of Admiralty 
 in Ireland, with some observations thereon. 
 
 1 Thomas Pelham, Chief Secretary to Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
179 
 
 Government will be much obliged to you for your opinion and Mm? MM, 
 remarks on this draught, and give me leave, sir, to take this opportunity 
 of assuring you how sensibly I feel myself obliged to you for the offer 
 of your assistance and advice, and how much the aid of your abilities 
 and experience will give me confidence in the execution of my office.-— 
 I have the honour to be, with much esteem and regard, sir, your most 
 obedient humble servant, T. Pelham." 
 
 49. — Pery to Pelham. 
 
 u 1783, 14th Sep. — I return you enclosed the two papers you sent to 
 me yesterday, as also two other papers endorsed No. 1 and No. 2. The 
 former contains some remarks upon the draft of the bill relative to the court 
 of Admiralty ; the other, outlines of a bill upon the same subject. As my 
 hand is known, I must request that these papers may remain with you, 
 and that my name may not be mentioned, if you think proper to make any 
 use of them ; for I am apprehensive lest the gentlemen, whose draft I have 
 ma,de free with, for whom 1 have a very high esteem, and whose opinion 
 I respect, should take umbrage at it. I am besides sensible I have gone 
 out of the line of my department. But this kingdom is at present so 
 particularly circumstanced that I think it my duty to overlook all 
 punctilios, and to do everything in my power to quiet the minds of the 
 people, and I am happy that what I consider as my duty coincides with 
 my earnest wishes to promote the honor and ease of Lord Northington's 
 administration. 
 
 • Whatever plan shall be adopted, I take the liberty of recommending it 
 to you to lay it before the king's principal servants in the law line, and 
 also a few other members who have been in that profession, before you 
 send it to . . . . — I am, etc. — [E. S. Pery.]" 
 
 50. — Earl Temple to Pery. 
 
 ' i. — " 1783. October 23. Stowe. — Private. — My public letter which 
 accompanies this can state but very imperfectly the handsome manner in 
 which you have communicated to me the resolution of the 15th instant. 
 I am, indeed, proud of the testimony which it was my wish to obtain 
 by every exertion of zeal and industry, and by every communication 
 with those to whose talents and integrity I was materially indebted. 
 
 Your friendship to me would naturally lead me to say something upon 
 the very delicate state of Ireland, but as every letter which I send or 
 receive through London is opened at the Post Office, I shall confine 
 myself to my eager wishes for the security aud tranquillity of govern- 
 ment founded upon the affection and happiness of the people. 
 
 I should not have mentioned this circumstance respecting my letters, 
 if that which you sent to me enclosing the vote of the house had not 
 undergone the same indecent ceremony. As I know the conduct and 
 character of the Post Office in Dublin, I know that the biame does not 
 lie there, and I am endeavouring to trace it to those in England who are 
 really responsible for it. 
 
 I have only to add to this letter my assurances of the high respect, 
 regard, and esteem with which 1 have the honour to be, etc., Nugent 
 Temple." 
 
 ii. — " I deferred acknowledging the receipt of your most obliging private 
 letter which accompanied your public one, till I should have something 
 
 E 77960. X 
 
180 
 
 Emly MSS. to say to you with respect to our proceedings here, to which I have every 
 reason to believe you are not indifferent ; and I must at the same time 
 lament the circumstances which have deprived me of your thoughts 
 upon the delicate state of this kingdom, from which I am persuaded I 
 should have received many lights and much useful instruction. The 
 meeting of the delegates in this city I am well informed will end in 
 nothing of importance, and, though it makes so formidable an appearance 
 in newspapers on your side of the water, seems to be considered here 
 rather as a subject of ridicule than terror. With respect to Parliament, 
 though there has been much asperity of language between some 
 individuals, no ill humour has as yet appeared, and government have 
 had great majorities upon all questions,/ The supplies have been all 
 voted, and a considerable progress has been made in ways and means. 
 The greatest difficulty I think we have to encounter is with respect to 
 some of your manufacturers, particularly the woollen, in which your 
 people are not able to enter into any competition with the English, by 
 whom they are excluded even from their own market. This they feel and 
 complain of most heavily. Two modes have been suggested to remedy 
 this evil — bounties upon export, and duty upon import. The former 
 was at first, I believe, intended to be adopted, but I understand it is now 
 laid aside, upon this principle, that the manufacturers in England would 
 expect the same share of bounty on export, which would be attended 
 with an enormous expense ; besides, it would not satisfy the people 
 here. The latter mode, I understand, will be resisted by the friends of 
 government under great difficulties, the consequences of which I cannot 
 pretend to predict. It is much to be wished that some reasonable 
 expedient should be found out to reconcile these jarring interests. 
 
 I am persuaded this subject has not escaped your attention, and that 
 you are the fittest person to be consulted upon the subject. But as the 
 present state of parties may prevent that, if you have no objection to 
 communicate your ideas to me, I will endeavour to have them carried 
 into execution." 
 
 51. — W. Ellis to Pery. 
 
 " 1783. Oct. 23rd. Paul ton's. — I most sincerely congratulate with my 
 country and myself on your being unanimously replaced in that chair, 
 which you filled during the last Parliament with so much honour to 
 yourself and so much benefit to the public. I have some doubt whether 
 I should congratulate with yourself on the same occasion. My personal 
 affection for you presents in strong colours to my mind the great fatigue 
 of both mind and body you must undergo, and possibly some degree of 
 hazard in your eminent situation at such a conjuncture. But at a period 
 when civil authority seems to be in very great peril from the overbearing 
 power of the sword, when the constitution of Parliament, in which I 
 consider is involved a free regal government, is threatened under a 
 pretence of securing liberty, and the religion and property of the kingdom 
 to be layed at the feet of the Roman Catholics, under the specious colour 
 of a reasonable toleration, I must beg leave to lay aside all personal con- 
 siderations, *and mast sincerely rejoice to see a man in so important a 
 situation, whose great experience, whose temper, authority, and wisdom 
 may afford all the hope which can be derived from human means, and I 
 must do vou the justice to believe that you must feel a satisfaction 
 in being set foremost in such a cause. That all manner of success should 
 attend you on this and all occasions is the sincere wish of him who has 
 the honor to be with great truth and respect, dear sir, your most 
 obedient and affectionate humble servant, etc., W. Ellis." 
 
181 
 
 52. — Lord Annaly to Pery. EmlyMSS. 
 
 " 1783, Oct. 29. High . . . — On examinations sworn before me by 
 Mr. Alderman Exshaw and Mr. Sheriff Kirkpatrick, I have granted my 
 warrant against Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood, requiring the sheriff and 
 other proper officers to bring those gentlemen before me to give security 
 to keep the peace, etc., towards each other. However, as those gentle- 
 men are members of the House of Commons, and the dispute originally 
 arose in that house, I thought it most agreeable to the respect I have for 
 the house and for you, to desire the sheriff to wait upon you and to 
 pursue your directions in executing the warrants and apprehending 
 those gentlemen. — I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your 
 most humble and obedient servant, Annaly." 
 
 53. — Thomas Pelham to Pery. 
 
 " 1784, Jan. 8. Stratton Street. — Private. — I take the opportunity 
 of a messenger's going to Ireland of sending you a small parcel which 
 I have received from Lord [blank], I have also received from him 
 the English journals, which shall be forwarded to you. 
 
 I am much flattered and sincerely obliged to you for your letter to 
 Mrs. Bull, but as I am at present not under any immediate apprehension 
 of a dissolution of Parliament, I have declined sending your letter, lest 
 it might encourage the idea of opposition by shewing too much anxiety. 
 
 It is impossible to say anything decisive upon English politics. Both 
 parties seem equally confident of success in the House of Commons on 
 Monday. It is with great satisfaction and pleasure that I can assure you of 
 the disposition of all parties to support the Irish Parliament, and to shew 
 every possible attention to your affairs, and I must say, in justice to the 
 present administration, that in their conversations with me they uniformly 
 expressed their earnest desire of preventing all party jealousies and dis- 
 tinctions in Ireland. They seem to wish that the House of Commons 
 might be adjourned for ten days, when they shall have met after the 
 recess. I told them that I did not apprehend any difficulty in such a 
 measure, but at the same time I cautioned them against an adjournment 
 which might postpone the business so long as to make it necessary to 
 meet after the assizes . . . — I have the honour to be, my dear sir, 
 your most obedient and faithful humble servant, T. Pelham." 
 
 54. — Lord Sydney to Pery. 
 
 li 1784, Jan. 9. Albemarle Street. — In your situation it is natural 
 for the king's servants to desire to know your opinion upon a very im- 
 portant point. I mean the time to which it may be possible to adjourn 
 the House of Commons of Ireland after the 26th without detriment to 
 the public business. The particular situation of affairs requires a further 
 respite from Parliamentary business, on account of the change of the 
 Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 Your known and constant attachment to both countries, as well as 
 your knowledge and experience in the management of the public business 
 of Ireland, gives your opinion naturally great weight. 
 
 The laudable zeal of the Parliament of Ireland for the mutual 
 interest of both countries, as well as their firmness and temper 
 strongly manifested in the course of the present session, leaves no 
 room to doubt of their acquiescence in such an adjournment as may be 
 necessary at the present crisis, and at the same time may not materially 
 interrupt the public business. 
 
 N 2 
 
162 
 
 mi* M Sis, There may probably be hardly timts for a second messenger to reach 
 
 you after your answer to me upon this subject. If, therefore, sir s 
 you are of opinion that such an adjournment may take place, which 
 I have been given to understand might be for ten days at least, the 
 king's servants on this side the water have the firmest reliance on your 
 assistance towards procuring it. 1 . . . — I have the honor to be, 
 Sydney." 
 
 55. — Earl of Northington, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to Pery. 
 
 " 1784, 14th Jan. Dublin Castle. — Private. — I have received this 
 day by express a letter from Lord Sydney, his majesty's principal 
 secretary of state, with whom I am in official correspondence, 
 intimating the expediency of such a further adjournment of the Par- 
 liament of this kingdom as may not be inconsistent with the necessary 
 expedition of the public business. When I shall have consulted 
 with such of the principal persons in Ireland as I may judge it neces- 
 sary to communicate with on the subject, I am desired to inform Lord 
 Sydney to what day it may be practicable and proper to adjourn the 
 Parliament. I cannot apply to any person upon this occasion from 
 whom I can receive so full information, or upon whose judgment I can 
 so thoroughly rely, and must therefore request you will let me know 
 what difficulties or objections lie in the way of a further adjournment of 
 the Parliament, in what manner they may best be obviated, and whether 
 the House of Commons will not readily agree to postpone the business 
 before them and adjourn for ten days or a fortnight longer at my desire. 
 — I am, dear sir, with great truth and regard, your most obedient, hum- 
 ble servant, Northington." 
 
 56. — Earl of Northington to Pery. 
 
 " 1784, 14 Jan. Dublin Castle. — Secret. — Since I had the pleasure 
 of seeing you, I have received his majesty's gracious acceptance of my 
 resignation of my present employment under him in this kingdom, a 
 notification of which was sent me by a dispatch from Lord Sydney, 
 dated on the 3rd instant and received the 10th. 
 
 I have had the honor to receive from his lordship a second dispatch, 
 dated on the 9th instant, which does not communicate to me the intelli- 
 gence I was in expectation of receiving, of the appointment of my successor, 
 but conveys the intimations and [blank] of his majesty's ministers that 
 I would consult the principal persons of Ireland upon the propriety and 
 practicability of a further adjournment of the Parliament. 
 
 Now it is my wish on on all occasions to consult the king's interest 
 and (making it a particular part of my duty even to an administration 
 that, I profess [with] regret, I am not disposed to act with. or have con- 
 fidence in, to apprise them of any matter essentially affecting the interests 
 of this country), I have in a former dispatch reminded them of the 
 absolute necessity there was (which I had desired Mr. Pelham strongly 
 to enforce) that my successor should make no delay in assuming the 
 government of this country. By a still later despatch, which I appre- 
 hend has not yet been received, I have again enforced this doctrine, and 
 have at the same time stated those inconveniencies which appeared to 
 me likely to result from another adjournment. The principal objections 
 to it have been, that in the House of Lords particularly, it is an object 
 
 1 MS. defective. 
 
183 
 
 of great moment, at least for tbe first session, that the appeals (o that Emlt MSS. 
 [house] should be heard in the interval between the meeting and the 
 proposed circuits, and that the house might have an opportunity, if 
 they were disposed, to receive the assistance, in their judicial determina- 
 tions, of the whole bench of judges. However, it appears to me that it 
 might be productive of much embarrassment, and consequently of no 
 good. However, if the House of Commons should be obliged to defer 
 to enter upon the faults of controverted elections 1 . . . after the recess. 
 I likewise stated that it was much the wish of the present government 
 of Ireland that, as annual sessions were to be held in this country, that 
 the members of Parliament might be discharged from their attendance 
 as early as the public business would allow of, giving a decent and 
 sufficient time for attention to bills of a private nature. 
 
 In the present vacation state of officers in England, and the delay in 
 the arrival of my successor, I see no possibility of his arriving so as to 
 meet the present Parliament upon the 26th January with sufficient 
 opportunities of acquiring the necessary information. I have therefore 
 no doubt that how great soever the inconveniences of an adjournment 
 may be, yet, put into the balance with those which may be enacted by any 
 hasty proceeding of the Parliament, or rather an uninformed government, 
 they will appear so trifling as to induce the House of Commons readily 
 to submit thereto. — I have the honor to be, with great regard, your most 
 obedient humble servant, Northington. 
 
 1 should apprize you that this dispatch from the minister is of the 
 most secret nature, according to his directions. 
 
 57. — Thomas Orde 2 to Pery. 
 
 « London, 27 June, 1784. 
 "We have difficulties about forming a commission for the judge of 
 the Admiralty Court in Ireland, with respect to the nature and extent of 
 the jurisdiction. I should receive very thankfully any hints you would 
 have the goodness to give me, and more especially as your advice was 
 chiefly followed in forming the provisions of the act. My stay here at 
 present will not probably exceed ten days. I shall return to London at 
 the latter end of the Autumn to settle everything for the meeting of 
 Parliament, and I again repeat my hopes that matters may be happily 
 adjusted, unless a provoking excess of hostility and defiance in Ireland 
 by a party recourse to a partial remedy should seem to alter the state of 
 the case, and subject the good disposition of Great Britain for concilia- 
 ation and agreement to the risk of any humiliating misrepresentation. 
 But I will not harbour so unpleasant an apprehension. Every reflection 
 upon the temper, the honor, the magnanimity of both parties should 
 banish it. — I have the honor to be, etc. Thos. Orde." 
 
 58. — Thomas Orde to Pery. 
 
 u 1784, 21st Dec. London. — I am very much obliged to you for the 
 communication which you have kindly made of your observations upon 
 the state of the Duke of Rutland's health. I hope, however, that his 
 grace's appearance on that day may be accounted for by considering the 
 nature of the disorder which had attacked him, and the abstinence from 
 food which he had thought it right to observe. I am taught to hope that 
 
 1 MS. illegible. 
 
 2 Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
 
184 
 
 EmltMSS. ever)- symptom of danger is removed, and that he only wants some 
 little exertion to rouze himself from a disposition to too much relaxation 
 in bed. I have the more confidence in this prospect of his recovery 
 from having been assured of former instances of a similar kind, both 
 in him and in his father. I am, however, very sensible of the attention 
 which ought to be paid to your hint, and shall not fail to do so with a 
 true sense of thankfulness to you for your considerate kindness. 
 
 You will see our friend Mr. Foster so soon (possibly before this can 
 reach you) and will from him receive so much information upon the 
 business which has engaged our attention here, that I shall not 
 trouble you with any remarks of mine. — I have the honor to be, etc. 
 Thomas Orde." 
 
 59.— W. Ellis to Pert. 
 
 " 1784, Dec. 31st. — ... I beg leave to congratulate with you 
 on the appearance of things being rather mended in our country, and I 
 applaud the vigour of government which seems to have contributed to 
 it ; and I trust that measures are taken to secure the success of all the 
 parts of the establishment. Yet I think I see ingredients enough to 
 make this a stormy session. Expectations have been artfully raised of 
 much more than can be granted, and therefore what will be granted 
 will not give satisfaction there, while it may ruin the ministers here. 
 
 I have been so much and so chearfully obliged by you in many in- 
 stances, that I am not unwilling to be farther in your debt. The plan 
 which was adopted in Mr. Eden's administration of building the publick 
 offices and the Four Courts on the Inns Quay, being in the neighbour- 
 hood of my property, would, if carried into execution be of great advan- 
 tage to me. One square of public offices, as I am informed, is already 
 erected. On the space between the two designed squares of offices it 
 was by the plan intended that the Four Courts should be erected. I 
 have been lately informed that some eminent persons in the profession 
 have taken up a design to defeat this plan of placing the Four Courts 
 there, and rather wish that ground should be purchased in College 
 Green, contiguous to the two Houses of Parliament, and the Four 
 Courts to be erected there. The only benefit which seems to attend 
 this plan is that the judges will in term time during the sitting of Par- 
 liament be some minutes sooner in the House of Lords than they would 
 be from the Inns Quay. But this small convenience will be purchased 
 by other not inconsiderable inconveniences. First, a very considerable 
 additional expense for the purchase of the ground ; next, the distance 
 from the publick offices, and lastly, that it will furnish a pretence for 
 drawing a much greater affluence of idle and possibly disorderly people 
 about the two Houses of Parliament; a matter not unworthy considera- 
 tion. If your friendship for me should give any additional weight to 
 these public considerations, and induce you to lend your weight to support 
 the plan which has hitherto been adopted by two or three governments 
 and favoured in two sessions of Parliament, you will greatly add to the 
 many obligations I am proud to acknowledge myself under to you. If 
 in the resolution for the grant of money to carry on the publick offices, 
 the words ' and Four Courts ' were added, it might tend to defeat the 
 other project, as it would express a more explicit adoption of the 
 whole of the former plan. 
 
 I ask your pardon for the length of this detail which will likewise add 
 to the charge of my letter to you.— ... I have the honor to be, etc. 
 W. Ellis." 
 
185 
 
 60.— W. Ellis to Pert. EmlyMSS. 
 
 " 1785, Feb. 22nd. — When I came home this morning from the house, 
 I found upon my table the honour of your most obliging letter, for which 
 and for what it contained I beg leave to trouble you with my most 
 sincere and cordial thanks. I beg you to be assured that I have a due 
 sense of your very friendly proceeding on this and on all occasions. The 
 minister is this day to communicate to the house the plan which is to 
 be submitted to their consideration for a commercial arrangement, and 
 which has been before your house and returned with your address to his 
 majesty. There appeal' some clouds, but whether they will gather into 
 a storm I cannot take upon me to prognosticate. — I have the honor to 
 be, etc. W. Ellis." 
 
 61. — Pert to Orde. 
 
 " 1785, 27th May. — I have considered with attention the resolutions 
 which Mr. Pitt stated to the house, but I despair of being able to furnish 
 you with any observations which can at this late period of the business 
 be of the least use, especially as Mr. Pitt seems to be too far engaged to 
 recede from any material part of his plan. 
 
 I have already from time to time told you what I thought upon most 
 of the articles. If anything I said has been communicated, it has made 
 no impression and therefore it is unnecessary to repeat it. 
 
 Thus much, however, it may be proper to say, that some of the 
 alterations in the Irish propositions are a departure from the system of 
 reciprocity which is the professed principle of the settlement. 
 
 The new proposition, relative to the East Indies and the products of 
 those countries, is of a most alarming nature. To cut this kingdom off, 
 at once and for ever, from all intercourse with half the world, and to 
 deprive her of all the products of it, however necessary for her manu- 
 factures, except what comes through Great Britain and subject to 
 whatever taxes Great Britain pleases to impose, is a very serious 
 subject. 
 
 It is true that Ireland has not at present any direct communication 
 with the East Indies, but no man can say that, in the revolution of time, 
 it may not, from a change of circumstances, become necessary. 
 
 The 17th resolution, relative to books, would put an end to the 
 printing business in this kingdom, without serving Great Britain. It 
 would transfer that business from Ireland to Holland or some other 
 foreign country. 
 
 The mode proposed of securing permanency to the settlement will, 
 in my opinion, give much offence, and render it'less secure. It implies 
 a distrust- of the faith, the honor, and sincerity of Parliament, upon 
 which, however, the stability of the system must ultimately depend, 
 enact what you will. 
 
 I must confess to you, I have for some time lost all hopes of bringing 
 this business to a happy conclusion during the present session, and I 
 much doubt whether it ever can. If it is attempted to be forced, you 
 may possibly succeed, though that appears to me uncertain ; but you 
 will lay the foundation of much discontent in both kingdoms, and instead 
 of conciliating, will alienate their affections. 
 
 Pardon me for declaring to you thus explicitly an opinion, which I 
 am sensible must give you pain. I trust, however, that it will be con- 
 sidered by you as a proof of my friendship to you as well as of my zeal 
 for the public service. — [E. S. Pery.]" 
 Mr. Orde," 
 
186 
 
 EmltMSS. 62.— Extract from paper endorsed : " Secret.— Extract of a letter 
 
 dated 27th June, 1785." 
 
 "This bill will best explain itself and the principles of the several 
 resolutions on which it is founded. I shall therefore omit here the 
 going into them, and content myself with mentioning that I stated 
 every objection I could collect to each resolution, and Mr. Pitt took my 
 objections in order to consider them in the bill. 
 
 He has, you see, agreed to your wish to bring in this bill, immediately 
 upon the resolutions being returned to the house, and I hope the draft 
 of it will reach you and get back in time. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's idea of what you are to do is this : to form a bill in Ireland 
 directly upon the outline laid down in the sketch, and to return a draft 
 of it with the draft of the bill he will send you, on the latter of which 
 you will make your remarks. 
 
 Your bill to begin with the recital in the 1st resolution ; then to 
 proceed and enact the substance of the 3rd resolution ; to recite the 
 principle of the 4th — ' That whereas it is highly important to the 
 general interest of the British empire, and essential to the objects of 
 the present settlement, that in all time coming, the laws for regulating 
 trade and navigation, so far as relates to securing exclusive privileges, 
 etc., should be the same in Great Britain and Ireland. And whereas it 
 is expedient for that purpose that laws similar to those which are or 
 may be of force in Great Britain, should be enacted in this kingdom, 
 so far as the said laws impose the same restraints and confer the same 
 benefits : be it therefore enacted that an act entitled an act/ etc. 
 (here specify the laws). Then enact, with a proper recital, the sub- 
 stance of the 5th, and as much as is necessary of the 6th, with regard 
 to regulations ; and then the regulations of the 7th. 
 
 Then recite the necessity of always following the purport of the 8th 
 in equalizing, etc., and enact the present duties on export, etc. 
 
 Then enact so much of the 9th as goes to prevent ships clearing out 
 for the East Indies, except as is therein excepted. 
 
 The 10th, 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th confer benefits, and Ireland has 
 only to enact that persons be appointed to form a book of rates. 
 
 As to the 15th, care is to be taken to limit bounties according to the 
 tenor of this resolution. 
 
 When England enumerates the articles in the 16th, Ireland to recite 
 the principle and enact the duties on the specific articles. 
 
 17th, 18th, and 19th resolutions to be followed. 
 
 As to the 20th, to enact the appropriation according to the draft 
 already settled, and as to the permanent provision, a clause relative to 
 that will be stated separately. 
 
 As to the bill, you will get yours on as fast as you can, and as far, 
 without getting the draft of the bill on this side which you may rely on 
 I will push as fast as I can. 
 
 I stated to Mr. Pitt the omission of the clauses to restrain the import 
 of East India goods except from Great Britain, which he admitted and 
 desired me to insert in the 9th resolution. 
 
 I have brought him to admit that the true state of the tax ou beer 
 imported ought to be to reduce the duty again on import to Is. 3<i., and 
 then to add the Inland Excise of 4s. Id. — total 55. \d. This is upon a 
 fair state of the principle of the 12th resolution ; and he moreover 
 admits that at present he thinks that there must be a duty to countervail 
 the Is. bounty. This would put our brewers upon a good footing indeed. 
 But although he admits the fairness of the principle, he must consult 
 before he can agree to adopt it. 
 
187 
 
 I hope he is disposed to agree that there is no use in the clause of emlt mss. 
 permanent provision, and I hope to get rid of* it, or to have it modelled 
 so as to be harmless, but this I cannot promise as it depends on more 
 than Mr. Pitt." 
 
 63. — Thomas Orde to Pery. 
 
 " 1785, Friday, 8th July. Phoenix Park. — Private. — I cannot resist 
 the desire I feel to communicate to you c mfidentially an extract of a 
 letter which I have just received from Mr. Jenkinson. It is so pertinent 
 to the subject upon which I had the honor to converse with you at our 
 last meeting that 1 think you may be glad to see it. I most sincerely 
 believe the full force of what is therein hinted, and venture to augur 
 from it a happy issue to our important business. — Ever, dear sir, etc., 
 Thomas Orde." 
 
 [Enclosure.] 
 "Extract from Mr. J[enkinson'|. 
 
 " 1785, 1 July. Addiscomb Place. — Private. — I have had one 
 conversation with Mr. Beresford since he came over, and he has 
 promised to come to me here, and to talk further on the Irish busi- 
 ness. I have had also a long conference with the chancellor and 
 Mr. Pitt. I am satisfied that you will find the ministers here in- 
 clined to do everything reasonable in order to accommodate matters 
 on your side the water. As I am resident at present chiefly here, 
 I know nothing more of the state of things than what Mr. Pitt and 
 his secretaries from time to time communicate to me, but Rose told 
 me on Wednesday that the last proposition sent from hence seemed 
 to be well received by your friends in Ireland, and that the difficulty 
 which had arisen on the 4th proposition was in a fair way to 
 be settled. If this is so, I rejoice at it most sincerely. I always 
 considered what is contained in that proposition as a most delicate 
 though necessary part of the business. But as I was always convinced 
 of the fair intentions of the king's servants here, I am surprised as well 
 as greatly concerned to hear of the flame that had arisen in Ireland on a 
 mistaken account, and that Mr. [ ] had taken the lead in it. 
 
 In carrying the business through the House of Lords, the chancellor 
 is the most firm and able person that government has, and I can assure 
 you he is very zealous and steady. The evidence of the manufacturers 
 have at times made impression on many even of the friends of govern- 
 ment, which Mr. Pitt has had difficulty to remove. You see I write to 
 you in great confidence. If any difficulty should arise, and you will 
 apprize me of it, 1 will most readily do all I can to assist you. — G. J." 
 
 64. — Pery to Orde. 
 
 " The British resolutions comprehend a great system of commerce of 
 the most extensive and complicated nature. It is not confined to the 
 commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, which was 
 the object of the Irish resolutions. 
 
 It may be doubted whether the best informed man in either kingdom 
 knows the extent of it, or whether the wisest can foresee what will be 
 the effect of it. 
 
 It is not hazarding much to say that if it shall be adopted, it will soon 
 require many alterations, additions, and regulations, which cannot now 
 be foreseen, but which time will discover. 
 
188 
 
 Emit MSS. The duration of the system must depend upon its proving advan- 
 
 — tageous to both kingdoms in its operation. If either kingdom shall find 
 
 itself materially injured by it, the legislature of such kingdom will not 
 hold itself bound to support it, and without such support it cannot long 
 subsist. It is impossible to bind the legislature by any act of Parlia- 
 ment. The British resolutions import such an intention. It may be 
 asserted, without imputation of rashness, that it will be found imprac- 
 ticable. It is, however, just that neither kingdom should derive any 
 benefit from the agreement longer than it complies with all the conditions 
 and terms of it. This is the best, if not the only security for the 
 permanency of the system, of which it is capable, especially if it proves 
 to be as beneficial to both countries as it is represented to be, and it may 
 deserve some consideration whether it may not be prudent to insert an 
 express clause in the bill for that purpose. 
 
 Many advantages would result from this. It would quiet the appre- 
 hensions of people on both sides of the water, who now think they are 
 entering into an agreement, which few understand, and which is to bind 
 them for ever, let it prove never so injurious to them. It may reconcile 
 many here to consent to what they may consider as only a temporary 
 suspension of some rights, which they make no use of at present, but 
 which they would not relinquish for ever. But, what is of most 
 consequence, it would remove all those difficulties respecting consti- 
 tutional rights, which are supposed to be affected by several of the 
 British resolutions." 
 
 Endorsed : " 10th July, 1785. A copy of a paper given to Mr. Orde." 
 
 65. — Orde to Pery. 
 
 " 1785, Friday Morning, 29th July. Phoenix Park.-— Although I 
 hope to have the honor of seeing you here at dinner, I cannot help 
 sending to you a copy of an address, which was moved by Mr. Pitt, 
 on Monday last, and carried without a division. 
 
 Beresford sends me the following account, when he came home at 
 10 o'clock on Tuesday morning : — " Just come home from the house. 
 Pitt moved the address. Lord Beauchamp opposed it. Eden, Fox, 
 and Sheridan spoke on that side. None well. Jenkiuson and Pitt on 
 the other. The last more able than anything I have heard. The 
 house cleared, but they were afraid to divide. Pitt then moved for the 
 bill. Fox and Sheridan opposed it. Dundas attacked them, abused 
 them, and stated their being afraid to divide. So leave was given. 
 Never was there a more powerful argument than on our side." 
 
 I really hope that this address and the bill, which will contain, 
 I trust, every essential point to be wished, and every declaration of 
 legislative right of Ireland, which may be also expressed in equal 
 strength in our bill as the assertion of Ireland for herself, will do away 
 every symptom of jealousy and uneasiness, and will carry us through 
 our part with ease and credit. Excuse this trouble and believe me to 
 be, with the truest respect and regard, my dear sir, etc. Thos. Orde." 
 
 66. — Orde to Pery. 
 
 " 1785, Friday, 12th August. — I beg leave to trouble you with a sketch 
 of two concluding clauses, which I have together in variation of those of 
 the British bill, and to operate, I trust, as I think they ought, to remove 
 every possible difficulty or objection from the minds of the most 
 scrupulous assertor of Irish independence. As no intention ever could 
 have been formed to do so wild a thing on the part of Great Britain as 
 
189 
 
 to attempt a resumption of the right of making laws to bind Ireland, Emly MSS. 
 I can have no hesitation to propose any reasonable mode of proving the 
 certainty of it. 
 
 I sincerely hope that you may approve this suggestion, and I 
 heartily wish for your opinion upon it. I have the honor to be ever, 
 etc. Thos. Orde." 
 
 67. — Orde to Pery. 
 
 "1785, Friday Morning, 19th Aug. Phoenix Park. — Private. — 
 The Duke [of Rutland, Lord Lieutenant] came to town so late 
 yesterday that I could not get an opportunity of seeing him, till after 
 you had left it. I called at the house thinking that it would be 
 better to speak than to write to you, but you was gone. I must 
 therefore take this method of informing you that his grace would be 
 very glad that you should delay for one day or two the communication 
 of your retiring, till he can fix in his own mind an absolute determina- 
 tion about the time, which you have kindly put in his option, whether 
 it should be now, or should be postponed to the commencement of the 
 next session. I will repeat my opinion in favour of the present moment, 
 which is indeed strengthened by the increased confidence of the report 
 circulated through the town, that you have already resolved upon the 
 measure. The effect of this must be nearly the same in respect to 
 intrigues and engagements about the succession, as if the thing was 
 really put in train, and I shall therefore see the Duke again this 
 morning, and will endeavour to fix his mind to that determination. 
 I will not afterwards delay for an hour the information to you, that you 
 may take what steps you please, in regard to your wish of communi- 
 cation to particular friends. We must naturally be anxious to follow you 
 as early as possible, because we should otherwise offend those who Avill 
 of course conclude that your first notice would be to my Lord Lieutenant, 
 and we might also give advantage to any persons who might take this 
 opportunity, although I do not much apprehend it, of creating difficulty 
 and opposition to our plan. 
 
 I beg pardon for giving you this trouble, and for the freedom I am 
 eucouraged by your kindness to use with you. I have the honor to be, 
 ever, dear sir, with true respect and regard etc., Thos. Orde." 
 
 68. — Duke of Leinster to Pery. 
 
 " 1785, Aug. 19th. Baymount. — I was favoured with yours of the 
 18th instant, and was extremely sorry I was not at home when you did 
 me the honor of calling on me. I now take the earliest opportunity of 
 returning you my sincere thanks for your mark of attention to me in 
 thus early communicating to me your intentions of resigning the chair, 
 which, I own, on the part of the public, I most sincerely lament. At 
 the same time, any arrangement that adds to your welfare and comfort 
 will always give me real satisfaction. — I am, dear sir, etc., Leinster." 
 
 69. — John Foster to Pery. 
 
 " Dublin. — The Commons of Ireland have ordered me, as their 
 Speaker, to communicate to you their thanks in their resolution which 
 I have the honor of enclosing. I am happy in the pleasing task of con- 
 veying them, having long admired that conduct which is there so justly 
 thanked, and often felt myself the indulgent effects of it. Allow me to 
 add that it will be my ambition to make it the model of my conduct. I 
 shall esteem myself truly fortunate if I shall succeed in the endeavour. 
 —I am, etc., John Foster," 
 
190 
 
 Emlt_mss. . 70.— Grattan to Pert. 
 
 " [1785], Sept. 15. Tinehinch. — There was nothing which gave me 
 more concern than the want of an opportunity of bearing the testimony 
 of one man in common with everyone else to the merit of the person 
 who lately filled the chair of the House of Commons. 
 
 The question for thanking him was so rapidly put and so greedily 
 assented to that I had not a moment's time to gratify my private feelings, 
 and to fulfil a public duty. Had 1 been fortunate to have done so, I 
 should have said that the first man who in the Parliament of this age 
 denied the supremacy of Great Britain, the first man who conceived a 
 demand of [free] trade, and the person who in his closet formed and 
 drew the most productive acts for the strength aud prosperity of this 
 country, was the late Speaker, who did good without looking to fame, 
 and who tempered public zeal with a discretion that gave it decorum 
 and efficacy. Could I form a wish to perpetuate the independency, 
 character, and pride of our House of Commons, it would be that the 
 members should retain in full the deliberative powers of the legislature, 
 and that the person who fills its chair should resemble his predecessor. — 
 I am, dear sir, etc., Henry Grattan." 
 
 71.— W. Ellis to Pert. 
 
 " 1785, Septr. 13th. Paulton's. — By the mail which arrived this 
 day at this place, I am authentically informed of your resignation of the 
 chair of the House of Commons, and of the just sense that the house 
 has expressed to his Majesty of your long and very able services in 
 that capacity, and make no doubt that his Majesty will with pleasure 
 gratify the wishes of his grateful Commons by not only granting 
 dignity, which proceeds from himself, but also such honorable re- 
 muneration as is suitable to their munificence who promise to make 
 provision for it. 
 
 Every circumstance in this event is a matter of sincere congratulation 
 on my part. I have long been in pain that the laborious attendance upon 
 this long session might possibly be injurious to your health, and that 
 your spirit might carry you beyond your strength. I rejoice to see that 
 you descend those steps of your chair in order to ascend others that lead 
 to dignified and splendid repose. . . . 
 
 With the utmost truth and respect, etc., W. Ellis." 
 
 72. — Orde to Pery. 
 
 " 1785, 24th Nov. London. — I am confident that you will readily 
 admit my excuses for delay of writing to you even upon a subject in 
 which you are personally interested, and that you will give me credit 
 for the earnestness with which I should have sought to give you earlier 
 intelligence of my proceedings here, if I had not been prevented by 
 accidental circumstances. 
 
 I make use now of the first moment which is allowed me by his 
 majesty's permission, to acquaint you of his very gracious and ready 
 approbation of my Lord Lieutenant's request that his Majesty would 
 be pleased to confer upon you and your heirs the dignity of a viscount 
 of the kingdom of Ireland, and also to grant to you for your life a 
 pension of 3,000/. per annum. You will conclude that his grace did 
 not fail to transmit the address of the House of Commons to be laid 
 before his majesty on this occasion, and that his majesty was induced by 
 
im 
 
 fhe consideration ot 'se vevy houorable m. testimonial to cenflrm the sense Bjot* MS*i 
 
 which that body unanimously expressed of your faithful services, by a 
 striking mark of his royal acknowledgment. I have no doubt, at the 
 same time, of your being fully persuaded that my Lord Lieutenant felt 
 a real satisfaction, as well in conveying the sentiments and wishes of the 
 House of Commons, as in adding the warmest instance of his own 
 opinion and desire to strengthen the impression of your services, and to 
 obtain a just retribution for them. I will only add my very sincere 
 hope that the steps which his grace has directed me to take, and which 
 his majesty has been pleased to approve, have been satisfactory to you. 
 His majesty is entirely convinced of the honorable zeal with which, my 
 Lord Lieuteuant has fully vouched, you will ever confirm the high idea 
 entertained by him of your faithful attachment to his majesty, and to 
 his government. 1 rejoice in every opportunity by which I cun seek to 
 mark the force of my respect and regard to you, but I experience the 
 rao£t sensible gratification in being thus authorised to give you intelli- 
 gence of the completion of those proceedings, which, in every part, 
 reflect so much honor upon you. 
 
 I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you so soon after your receipt of 
 this letter, that I will not longer detain you at present than to desire 
 that you will have the goodness to signify, by letter or otherwise, to Mr. 
 Hamilton the title which you wish to take, that no further time may be 
 lost in transmitting it to England and in completing the grant. — I have 
 the honor to be, etc., Thos. Orde." 
 
 73. — Earl of Athlone to Pery. 
 
 " 1786, 10th January. Utrecht. — Your great kindness towards me, 
 by the intercession of jour nephew, incourages me to make use of it 
 once more in favour of my eldest son, who will have, I hope, the 
 honour to give you this letter himself, in company with a friend of mine, 
 Mustp. Guoinces, who is so kind to accompaynie him in his journey. 
 My son intends to stai a couple of years in Ireland, and perhaps longer, 
 if my matters do agree in my plan for him, for I should wisch to settel 
 him if possible entirely in Ireland. I am very sorry that it has been 
 out of my power to come over to Ireland and schow you peculiarly 
 my thankfulness for all the great services you have been so kind to 
 render me, but publicq business is in such a bustel in this miserable 
 country, that it is impossible for me to stir even for a moment, but I 
 hope to satisfy my wishes as soon as matters are settled. — I have the 
 honor to be, etc., Athlone." • 
 
 74. — Orde to Pery. 
 
 " 1786, 22nd April. Dublin Castle. — Mr. Orde presents his compli- 
 ments to Lord Pery, and takes the liberty of sending him a draught 
 of the Lord Lieutenant's speech proposed to be delivered at the close 
 of the session ; which he submits to his lordship's consideration for such 
 changes and amendments as shall suggest themselves to his lordship." 
 
 75. — Pery to Lord Riversdaie. 
 
 " 1786, 2 Octr. Edmundsberry. — I am informed that you have men- 
 tioned in a letter to Lord Buckingham that you was promised through 
 Lord Sackville's recommendation and mine a priority to any other. 
 
 Your lordship certainly could not mean that any such promise was 
 made to me, for no such or any other whatsoever was ever made to me 
 upon the subject. 
 
192 
 
 Emlt MSS. I d° we ^ remember, indeed, that you gave me a letter from Lord 
 
 — Sackville to you, and requested that I would shew it to Lord Buckingham, 
 
 and enforce your pretensions to a peerage ; which I accordingly did, and 
 informed you of the result, which was that his Excellency said he paid 
 much regard to Lord Sackville's recommendation and mine, but declined 
 entering into any engagement upon the subject, especially as many ap- 
 plications of a similar nature had been made to him. 
 
 I am fully persuaded your lordship never meant to make any improper 
 use of my name, but I am much concerned that you have made any use 
 of it at all upon a subject of such delicacy, especially without apprizing 
 me of your intentions ; and, indeed, I cannot conceive what end such 
 proceedings can answer to you, and am not without fears that it may make 
 an impression to your prejudice, which, if my advice has any weight 
 with you, you will endeavour to remove." 
 
 76. — Athlone to Pery. 
 
 " 1786, 16 October. Amerongen. — I hope that my son has done him- 
 self the honor of waiting upon you in giving the letter I charged him 
 with for you, recommending him to your kindness and protection. I am 
 very sorry that the circumstances of this unfortunate country have put 
 me in the impossibility of coming over myself to Ireland, but my pre- 
 sence is absolutely necessary in this moment. The party to which I am 
 attached, to wit, that of the Prince of Orange, is in a very bad condition, 
 and the faction that works to turn his serene Highness out is now the 
 strongest, being supported by the great influence of the province of 
 Holland and the court of France. What will [be] the end of all this 
 is as yet uncertain, but it must occasion the ruin of this once flourishing 
 country, and you [can] conceive easily, Sir, that an honest man cannot 
 leave the party in such a scrape. 
 
 I had for myself a great wish to go and settle with my family in 
 Ireland ; but, having a large family of nine children and no great 
 fortune, wich even by various circumstances is much deranged, it is im- 
 possible to think on it without a prospect of even a certainty of getting 
 them an employment that gives me the possibility of living there. 
 I should be very happy if you would be so kind to give me your opinion 
 on this subject, and if you think such a thing impossible, then in wat 
 manner I could settle my eldest son there. By his letters I see that it 
 is very dear living in Ireland and of consequence impossible to me to 
 keep him there a long time at my private expense. But if he could get 
 some employment, or perhaps make a good marriage, it would be a 
 greater advantage to me. I take the liberty to put this matter in your 
 hands, in hopes that the great kindnes you was pleased to use for me in 
 the beginning of my Irish business will be continued in a moment so 
 interesting and so necessary for my welfare and that of my family. 
 I am, with great regard, etc., Athlone. 
 
 77. — Pery to Athlone. 
 
 " 1786, 6 Nov. Dublin. — I am very sensible how disagreeable, if not 
 dangerous, your present situation must be, and sincerely wish that this 
 country may afford to you and your family such an asylum as may be 
 at the same time both honorable and advantageous for you to accept ; 
 but matters of this nature must commence with his majesty : I therefore 
 recommend it to your lordship, as the most prudent course, to procure 
 a recommendation to his majesty from the Prince of Orange, to whose 
 
193 
 
 interest you have made a most honorable sacrifice of your own ; to emlt MSS. 
 such a recommendation, I cannot doubt that his majesty will show — 
 
 due attention and will naturally intimate his pleasure to my Lord 
 Lieutenant upon the subject. This effected, I think I can assure you of 
 a perfect good disposition here towards your lordship, and if I can in 
 any sort contribute to promote your lordship's interest it will make me 
 very happy." 
 
 78. — Athlone to Pery. 
 
 " I am infinitely obliged to you for your very kind letter and infor- 
 mation, which I have communicated to the Solicitor-General, and in 
 consequence of which I have presented a memorial last Wednesday to 
 his majesty, and it has been sent over to* the Lord Lieutenant on Friday 
 last. I take the liberty of sending to you a proof of my filiation which 
 Mr. Wedderburn has judged entirely satisfactory. 
 
 I intended to send at the same time a legal proof of the naturalization 
 of my grandfather, eldest son to the first earl of Athlone, who was 
 naturalized here in the year 1696, and took the oath accordingly, thinking 
 it would be of use to the act passed here the 26th day of November, 
 1772, in favour of the grandchildren of natural born subjects, though 
 Mr. Wedderburn's opinion is not to make any use of it, if it can be 
 avoided, and he promised me to write to you, sir, upon the subject, but 
 as it should require much time and expense to get it in the due form, I 
 will wait with it, till I know whether it is absolutely required in 
 Ireland. 
 
 May I desire you, sir, to put this in the hands of an attorney, in 
 in order to deliver it to the Advocate General, and write to me, as soon 
 as possible, if any other proofs should be required. It should be abusing 
 your kindness to me to trouble you with this matter, any more. May I 
 hope that you will be so good to supply me with your good advice. 
 I have the honor to be, etc., Athlone." 
 
 79. — Sir E. Newenham to Pery. 
 
 " 1786, 7th December. Dublin. — I think it my duty, at this period 
 to return your lordship my most sincere thanks for the many acts 
 of friendship I experienced from you, who was not under the smallest 
 compliment to me • for my supporting you in that chair, which you so 
 honorably and impartially filled, was no more than what every honest 
 man ought to do. 
 
 You interfered out of the purest motives in two particular cases on 
 my account. 1 determined that you should be satisfied I was not 
 unworthy of the confidence you reposed in me. I immediately paid 
 Mr. Latouch his demand. Afterwards I constantly demanded a fair 
 account from the crown. It has been reduced here, by their own 
 officers, from 2700/. 15*. lid. to 1195/. 10*. life/., and I have this day 
 paid the last sum. But I aver to your lordship, on the faith and honor 
 of a man, that if I had been permitted to settle the office before books 
 and papers were taken from me, I should not have been charged 
 with 160/. Dismissed in the manner I was — papers, books and accounts 
 taken without my being present, was an actual robbery — and to this day 
 I never got up my bank receipts, private or public letters, nor was I 
 ever offered or permitted to view the accounts, documents, or books, 
 from whence this variegated demand arose, until Mr. Beresford latterly 
 ordered it. 
 
19* 
 
 S$m*¥ MSB, Permit mo now, my lord, to assure you that i feel a gratsfui yens© for 
 —*" yoat* friendship, and flatter myself that my whole conduct in these affairs 
 
 will shew that your confidence was not misplaced. I have the honor to 
 be, etc., Edward Newenham." 
 
 80. — Sackville Hamilton to Pery. 
 
 " [1787] Wednesday Night, [24 October.] Phoenix Park. — I am 
 heartily sorry to inform your lordship that what we have feared has 
 come to pass. The Duke of Rutland died this night. The chancellor 
 will be in town to-morrow (I do not yet know at what hour), and I 
 hope it will not be inconvenient to your lordship to meet him at my 
 office. If he should not be there at twelve o'clock, I shall let you 
 know at what hour he proposes being there. I have the honor to be, 
 etc., S. Hamilton." 
 
 81. — Foster to Pery. 
 
 " I have found the case of Lord Capel which we were rummaging 
 the books for yesterday. On 18 May 1696, he was ill, and appointed 
 Lord Blessington and Brigadier Wolsey Lords Justices during his illness, 
 pursuant to a power in his patent. 
 
 Three days after, he was seized with convulsions. A meeting of the 
 king's servants . . . was called to consider whether in case of his 
 death that appointment would cease : ten were of opinion it would ; 
 four, that it would not, among whom was the Attorney and Solicitor 
 General. Among the ten were many of the judges. He died on the 
 30 May, at Chapelizod, and Sir Chas. Porter, Lord Chancellor, was by 
 the council chosen governor till his majesty's pleasure should be known 
 according to the act 33 Hen. 8. 
 
 On 29 July following, Lord Chancellor, Earl of Mountrath, and Earl 
 of Drogheda, were sworn Lords Justices. Very truly your lordship's, 
 J. Forster." 
 
 Oct. 25 [1787]. 
 
 "Lord Cutts died in the government [1707]. T will shew you hie 
 case : it is too long to write." 
 
 82. — Lord Macartney to Pery. 
 
 " 1788, March 24. Lissanoure, near Ballymoney. — I venture to 
 trouble you with this letter, although I confess myself under great 
 difficulties in doing so, but my experience of your good nature 
 encourages me, and my regard for a very old acquaintance is a 
 motive which I am sure you will approve in me, however you may 
 disapprove of the gentleman for whom I am interested, but the more 
 censurable he may be, the more kindness will you show in bearing 
 gently upon him under his present affliction. Poor Baron Hamilton 
 has, I find, got into a scrape by some precipitate conduct of his at 
 the late assizes of Limerick. If the fact be as it is related, he has 
 been very blameable indeed ; but unless he is very much changed from 
 what I knew him many years ago, his error must have proceeded from ill 
 judgment and not from ill intention.. Your influence must be of great 
 weight everywhere, but at Limerick (which owes so much to your 
 family and public spirit) I know it to be almost unbounded. Will you 
 then, my dear lord, allow me to entreat that you will employ it there, 
 for this ouce, in favour of my poor friend Hamilton. I promise you I 
 
195 
 
 shall Dot readily intrude for a judge again (for I am no stranger to the Emly MSS. 
 
 censure some of those gentlemen are apt to incur), but allowance ought 
 
 to be made for them, in favor of the benefit our constitution has 
 
 received from their independence, which is perhaps as yet too novel for 
 
 them not to be a little dazzled with. Perhaps, too, you may not like to 
 
 see any provincial bar interest become too hard for the authority of the 
 
 bench. I rely on your goodness to pardon me for all this freedom, and 
 
 beg you will believe me to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem and 
 
 regard, etc., Macartney." 
 
 83. — Henry Quin, M.D., to Pery. 
 
 " 1788, April 14. — I was highly gratified and obliged by your condes- 
 cension in permitting a medal of your lordship to be struck by an 
 ingenious artist, who has lain long in obscurity, but whose reputation I 
 foresaw would be greatly advanced by exhibiting your likeness, which, 
 in my opinion, he has executed in a very masterly manner. 
 
 I must also confess that I most ardently wished to be possessed of a 
 lasting memorial of that friendship with which I have been honored by 
 your lordship on all occasions; and, to speak truly, I feel a degree of 
 vanity in transmitting to my posterity a medal of Lord Pery. The 
 splendid medal presented to me this day, by your lordship's order to 
 Mr. Mossop, I prize for the image it bears, that image to whose value 
 gold itself, in my eyes, could make no addition. With the most un- 
 feigned gratitude I receive it, and consider it as a new obligation, added 
 to the many others yon have conferred on, etc. 
 
 H. Quin." 
 
 84. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 "1789, 31 Jan. — I thank you for your letter and am glad you got 
 over safe. If Lord Buckingham proceeds on the 5th to chuse the Regent, 
 it will throw things into some confusion, as the intention here is, I believe, 
 to recall him as soon as the Prince is made Regent here, which, I 
 understand he has a right to do, although he has no right to send over 
 a new Lord Lieutenant till he is appointed Regent in Ireland, and Lords 
 Justices are to be named to act during the interregnum. Lord S[pencer] 
 will certainly go over Lord Lieutenant, although some circumstances 
 have happened which have made it a doubtful matter, but they have been 
 got over. Mr. Pelham is secretary, but 1 believe does not go to Ireland 
 before the Lord Lieutenant, as it was thought it might have given offence if 
 any such influence was made use of. I know the P[rince] sets his heart 
 on being better treated in Ireland than he has been here, and my opinion is 
 that the restrictions are not of consequence enough to us to make us adopt 
 them, when it will disincline him to us in future, and when otherwise our 
 chusing him unrestricted Regent will and ought to endear us to him for 
 ever. I wonder how any one can be influenced by B. when he acts only 
 from private views. I make no doubt but that the Regent will be very 
 prudent in regard to making peers ; as to patent officers also. Could not 
 the two Houses of Parliament address him upon that subject after they 
 have chosen him Regent? In regard to pensions, restricting him would 
 be admitting the right of granting them, which I think we ought never 
 to do. Things go on xery slow. The Chancellor is ill, which will cause 
 still more delay. The king as bad as [if he] were inclining to idiotcy, 
 which they say is a bad sign. Yours ever, Lucan." 
 
 E 77960. n 
 
196 
 
 Emly mss. 85. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1789, 12 Feb. — Lord Buckingham's defeat has given as much satis- 
 faction here as it did in Ireland, for he is so happy to be detested in both 
 kingdoms. Sir John Blaquiere deserves public thanks for cutting up 
 the odious wretch as he did — but it seems inconsistent to have been 
 abused by every one, supported by no one, and still addressed unani- 
 mously. 
 
 Lord Spencer will go over as soon as he can be appointed in form. He 
 will not enter on his new government with illuminations, but lam certain 
 he will leave it with regret from the people, as I think he will conduct 
 himself with the approbation of the public. 
 
 You will hear much of the king's recovery, and he certainly has got a 
 degree of recollection he has not hitherto had, but it is now more imbe- 
 cility than madness. He is not sensible of his situation — never asks any 
 questions, but of the weakest sort. The fear of Willis is greater than 
 ever, and he is not allowed to see any one he ever saw before. There is 
 an idea that he may be brought forward, or rather made to act by some 
 secret manoeuvre, so as to undo the Regency, soon after it is fixed ; but 
 I think it will not be attempted, and that they will not let him act for at 
 least twelve months, even if his recovery should be ever so certain. 
 
 Next week will finish everything here, and I suppose the new adminis- 
 tration will immediately take place. Mr. Pelham will go before Lord 
 Spencer. I propose going with them. I was rejoiced to see your 
 nephew's name in opposition to Buckingham, as it was reported here that 
 your friends, particularly Lord Wells, were violently against the Prince 
 of Wales. I always denied it. Lord Spencer intends to set out with a 
 magnificent establishment, and to live in the best style, and to buy every- 
 thing he can in Ireland. As to his politics, I hope his friends will give 
 him their advice and opinion, and I am convinced he will follow whatever 
 he thinks will contribute to the advantage of Ireland. 
 
 Pitt's people are much cast down at what has been done by your 
 Parliament, and say it is all owing to Lord Buckingham's horrid 
 character. Ever yours, my dear lord, etc., Lucan." 
 
 86. — Lucan to [Pery.] 
 
 " 1789, Tuesday, 17 Feb. — The word in this day's bulletin is conval- 
 escence .but I know Warren says that it was not meant to say by it that 
 the king was better, for that in fact he is this day worse, but that some 
 one of the faculty wished to change the word, and he consented to it. 
 Warren told the Prince of Wales, not an hour ago that the king was 
 worse, that his pulse was much agitated, and that a relapse may be 
 expected, — and the Chancellor, who saw the king this morning, sent 
 the Prince word by Warren that he found him far from being a sane 
 man, and that if he continued to mend no faster than he had done since 
 he saw him last, that he would not be fit to do business for these two 
 years. This you may depend on to be true and the latest accounts. 
 
 What was done in Ireland gives the Prince the greatest pleasure, [and] 
 creates a very contrary sensation amongst his opponents. I am told that 
 he intends to make use of his powers in Ireland with the utmost reserve 
 and caution, and not abuse the trust they have put in [him] ; and I dare 
 say lie will act cautiously in order to show that the diffidence of him here 
 is unjust and ill-founded, 
 
 I am glad your calculation of the House of Lords was wrong. As I 
 see a great majority there upon the first question, I suppose that the 
 unanimity of the Commons must have great influence. Adieu. — Yours 
 ever, etc., etc. 
 
 Lucan." 
 
197 
 
 87. — Lucan to Pery. 
 
 " 1789, 7 Mar. — I have just received yours of the 2nd. I am sorry 
 that those who I think wish well to their country, do not all draw 
 together, and shall be truly sorry if Lord Buckingham do not meet 
 with the punishment his insolence deserves. They do not intend to let 
 him stay in Ireland, only just long enough to prevent the disgrace of his 
 being obliged to leave the country too suddenly. You see they have 
 adjourned till Tuesday, and have put it off to the very last moment, as 
 they really do not know what to do, for certainly the king is not sane 
 upon all topics, and not fit yet for publick business, but such as he is, 
 they must I believe let him act, as they have not time now to contrive 
 any other way of going on with the necessary affairs of the kingdom. 
 
 Yesterday, when one of his family paid him a visit (the queen present), 
 he rambled exceedingly, and said he intended immediately to visit the camp 
 at Potzdam, and to take the queen there and to drive her in a green chair 
 with four ponies. He is fond of bawbles like a child, has 12 pairs of 
 spectacles in his pocket, which he takes out and kisses. She eudeavours 
 to stop all this and cries, sir, sir, etc. This you may rely on. At times, 
 I believe, he talks rationally, but his spirits are indolent, and he walked 
 for four hours on Thursday through Richmond, with Willis at his heels 
 and Lord Onslow with him, till he knocked them both up. I think if he 
 was quite recovered he would be more pensive and sedate as reflecting on 
 what is past, and his situation would naturally make him grave and 
 serious. The Opposition do not intend to take any part, to rest silent 
 and to let the ministers do what they think proper, and I believe ministers 
 were never more embarrassed. I hear they do not agree in the cabinet, 
 and that I believe, as the Chancellor and Pitt hate each other most cor- 
 dially. The delegates cannot get their final answer before Wednesday 
 next. They intend to sleep that night on the road, not to stay one hour 
 longer here than needs must. — Lucan." 
 
 88. — Charlemont to Pery. 
 
 "1789,21st Aug. Marino. — I called upon you in your house in 
 town -to return thanks for your letter ; but finding that you are for a 
 time settled in the country, I take this method of assuring you that, 
 though your kindness in communicating your intention most certainly 
 merits my acknowledgement, my love for Ireland will not permit me to 
 receive that communication without the most sincere concern. The 
 loss of such a Speaker will be a real loss to the nation. Neither is the 
 prospect of our getting you among the lords, where your presence will 
 be not only useful but necessary, sufficient to console me. I am, you 
 well know, more of a commoner than of a peer. 
 
 The consideration that the quitting your present laborious station 
 will necessarily contribute to your ease and consequent health is the 
 consolation of, dear sir, etc., Charlemont." 
 
 89. — Pery to Lord Hawkesbury. 1 
 
 " 1790, 14th Deer. Dublin. — On reading the representation of the lords 
 of the committee of council upon the state of the laws for regulating the 
 importation and exportation of corn, I observe that though some doubt 
 is expressed relative to the expediency of allowing wheat to be imported 
 
 1 Robert Bankes Jenkinson, subsequently Earl of Liverpool. 
 
 Emit MSS, 
 
198 
 
 Emlt MSS. into Great Britain upon low duties from Ireland only, when the price 
 thereof is at or above 46 sh., and other sorts of corn, when the prices 
 shall be in like proportion, the said regulation to take place whenever 
 the Parliament of Ireland shall make a similar regulation in favour of 
 British corn, yet the opinion of the committee seems to preponderate 
 in favor of the measure, especially ii coupled with another regulation, to 
 allow wheat to be exported without bounty, when the price thereof is 
 between 44. and 46.; and as no particular objection to the measure is 
 stated by the committee, it may be hoped it will take place in the 
 whole as to all sorts of corn, the Parliament of Ireland having already 
 made a similar regulation in favor of British corn. But if any unfore- 
 seen obstacle shall prevent its being carried into execution with respect 
 to wheat and other sorts of corn, of which Great Britain generally 
 produces sufficient quantities for its own consumption, yet oats and 
 oatmeal seem to deserve a different consideration as Great Britain does 
 not produce a sufficient quantity thereof in any one year for its own 
 consumption, and it cannot be of any prejudice to Great Britain to allow 
 Ireland a preference to foreigners in that article, and I have reason to 
 believe would be of considerable advantage to the latter. 
 
 I make no apology for troubling you upon this subject, knowing your 
 disposition to promote the interest of this country in everything which 
 does not appear to interfere with that of Great Britain. 
 
 Upon the same principle, I must request your thoughts upon another 
 subject of still more importance to this kingdom, indeed I may say to 
 the empire. The consumption of home-made spirits by the lower 
 ranks of the people here is encreased to such an alarming degree as to 
 threaten the most fatal consequences. It not only destroys the health, 
 morals, and industry of the people, but it endangers the safety of the 
 state and is the cause of those tumults and outrages, which you see 
 detailed in the public prints. To find out a remedy for this evil, which 
 has been too long neglected by government, perhaps from too much 
 attention to revenue, seems to be very difficult, but I hope it is not 
 impracticable. 
 
 If any man can, I am persuaded you can point out the probable 
 means of applying a remedy to this disorder. I therefore most earnestly 
 request your thoughts upon this subject and I shall consider [it] as a 
 strong instance of your friendship, which I have already experienced. 
 
 " Copy to Lord Hawkesbury." 
 
 90. — Hawkesbury to Pery. 
 
 " 1790, Dec. 25th. London. — I was happy to receive a letter from you, 
 as it always gives me pleasure to hear of you, or to be honored with your 
 commands. I laboured earnestly last year to induce the members of 
 our House of Commons to give a preference to Ireland in the impor- 
 tation of corn. I proposed it in the representation of the committee at 
 council in the manner that appeared to me to be the most likely to 
 ensure success. I offered the farmers a boon in return for it by 
 allowing them to export corn at a higher price than was before 
 permitted. The country gentlemen accepted the boon and made it 
 part of the new system, but they would not allow Irish corn to be 
 imported as I had proposed. I am clear that this was a wise measure, 
 and that it might have been of some service to Ireland, without being 
 of any detriment to Great Britain, particularly as far as relates to oats, 
 of which sort of grain this country in no year grows so much as it 
 consumed; but the Scotch country gentlemen and those of the North 
 West of England would not consent to it. There is now another 
 
199 
 
 proposition made, but of a more doubtful nature, viz. to allow the Emlt mss. 
 importation of Irish corn at the present prices, but to stop the impor- 
 tation of the like sorts of grain from other countries, till the price per 
 quarter is 3 or 4 shillings higher. This measure would have the effect 
 of raising the price of corn in this country and even at the present 
 prices the poor are often starving, and there is frequent danger of 
 popular insurrections. In a business of so much risk, I cannot venture 
 to have a decided opinion. The House of Commons must take upon 
 themselves this measure. There will be some country gentlemen for 
 it. The members of cities or manufacturing towns will be in general 
 against it. 
 
 With respect to the other business you mention, I remember when 
 there was some complaint in England of the drunkenness or profligacy 
 of the common people from the habit of drinking drams. This was 
 many years ago. Various measures were taken to correct this evil, but 
 all were ineffectual, till very high duties were laid on spirits, and, since 
 that was done, the complaint has ceased, and the English have been in 
 general a sober people. At the same time that the duties on spirits 
 were raised, it would be wise to lower those on beer, particularly the 
 smaller sorts, so as to lower the price and encourage the use of it. 
 I know that there are objections to this plan, arising principally from 
 considerations of finance, but it is the best that occurs to me. 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to find that I am in your lordship's 
 remembrance. I have the honour to be, etc. Hawkesbury." 
 
 91. — Lord Aldborough to Pery. 
 
 " 1798, Jany. 10th. Great Denmark Street, Rutland Square [Dublin]. 
 — My Lord, I was to wait upon your lordship this morning with my 
 acknowledgments for the good offices you did me yesterday, and on 
 Lord Clare informing me the only way of getting rid of this business 
 was by an address of the lords to his Excellency for a nolle prosequi 
 to stop further proceedings, I hoped he would make the motion. His 
 lordship declined that, but, if I understand words, he said he would 
 make no opposition to such a motion, and that he had no obloquy to me. 
 To-day, however, he followed me into a shop to tell me that, from a 
 conversation with Lord Carleton, he found I expected from him what 
 he took that opportunity to undeceive me in, for that he intended to 
 carry matters to every extremity, and had sent me a letter to that effect. 
 I yet hope he will think better of it and return to his milder sentiments 
 of yesterday. If not, I trust the lords will not see their dignity 
 wounded through the sides of at least an unintentional offending a 
 member of their body, and if your lordship would be so good as to 
 make the above motion for me, what would come from a nobleman of 
 such weight, humanity, integrity, and honour would have great influence 
 and effect. If I can obtain this boon of respectability, I must intreat 
 your lordship's early attendance at the house on Monday, but was it 
 to be attended with the smallest injury of a health I hope God will long 
 preserve, I do assure your lordship I would suffer the utmost rigor of 
 persecution sooner than put you to such inconvenience. I have the 
 honor to be, etc. — Aldborough. 
 
 P.S. My eyes are weak. I am near my sixtieth year, which will 
 apologise for this bad writing, etc." 
 
 Endorsed : " Under all the circumstances which have passed, the 
 Chancellor feels it impossible on his part to say anything upon the 
 subject of Lord Aldborough's message." 
 
200 
 
 hakemss. the MANUSCRIPTS OF THEODORE J. HARE 
 
 ESQ., OF BORDEN WOOD, HANTS. 
 
 Francis Hare to his Cousin [George Naylor]. 
 
 1704, August 14. Hochstadt. — For want of paper I can give you 
 but a short account of the greatest victory that has been won in the 
 memory of man ; after five days continued march we came on Monday 
 to Munster, the Elector having passed the Danube before and being 
 encamped strongly on this ground, their right at Dillingen and the left 
 at this place. On Tuesday morning early my Lord Duke reconnoitred 
 their camp, and some French forces appearing there was some appear- 
 ance of action, but they retiring upon our army drawing out, nothing 
 was done that day ; it is probable they did not know we had joined 
 Prince Eugene and hoped to have engaged him apart. Early yesterday 
 morning the whole army marched in nine columns, first to the left a 
 detachment of 20 battalions commanded by Lord Cutts and Brigadier 
 Row, and 15 squadrons of dragoons commanded by Major General 
 Wood (who has escaped perfectly in this hot service and is much your 
 humble servant), these were to attack a village which was the enemy's 
 head quarters on the left of this place ; then there were two columns of 
 English horse, then two of English foot, next two columns of German 
 horse, and last two columns of German foot. The right having much 
 further to march, and the way being bad, the left came up with the 
 enemy long before the right. They came within reach of their batteries 
 before nine, and stood a very fierce and quick fire till past one, till the 
 right could be ready, which lost us a great many men : for they had 
 many batteries with which they flanked us on the left, and fired very 
 furiously. About a quarter after one the small shot began from the 
 detachment under Cutts and Wood, between two and three it began in 
 other parts of the left. The French, notwithstanding they were 
 surprised, and thought so little of our attacking them that they foraged 
 in the morning, yet had disposed all things in very good order, and 
 having a very strong camp with a rivulet before it, pressed our men so 
 hard that before three I thought we had lost the day. They drew all 
 their force down to the village to repulse the detachment before 
 mentioned, the action in other parts of the left was soon over, the heat 
 of it, and all was drawn to the village, wherein they put 28 battalions 
 and 12 squadrons, and they had besides hedges about it and those 
 palisaded. This made the action in that part very obstinate, and a great 
 while doubtful. Between five and six we that were spectators had the 
 news of Count Tallard's being taken prisoner, and by this time all 
 action in the left was quite over except in this village where the French 
 behaved themselves extremely well. At last (about eight I believe) 
 they were forced to capitulate and were made prisoners of war. These 
 26 battalions were the whole body of foot that came with Tallard, and 
 every man with the 12 squadrons of dragoons is killed or taken prisoner; 
 this you may depend on as true : what were killed in other places we 
 can yet make no judgment of their number nor of our own loss. 
 Brigadier Row is mortally wounded, Lord N[orth] and Grey 
 dangerously wounded. Philip Dormer was shot in the thigh and is 
 since dead, his brother is wounded but not mortally. Major General 
 Wood was for several hours said to be killed, but is not hurt, he was all 
 
201 
 
 day within half-musket shot, which makes his escape very extra- HabeMSS. 
 ordinary. I do not pretend to give you a list of officers wounded or 
 killed and therefore name no more. We have lost no general officer, as 
 I hear, besides Brigadier Row, but a great many men. My Lord 
 Marlborough was everywhere in the action to encourage our men and 
 exposed to infinite dangers One of the first cannon shot came 
 between his horse's legs and beat up all the dirt into his face, but God 
 be thanked has received no wound. What Prince Eugene did in the 
 right wing I cannot give any particular account, but he was everywhere 
 in it and was twice or thrice repulsed, and then carried it, but my Lord 
 Duke was forced to assist him with some forces from the left. This 
 at present is all the account I can give of this glorious action, which for 
 the length of it, the number of men killed and taken, and its con- 
 sequences, cannot easily be matched. It is a very entire victory in all 
 parts of it. Some of them retired to the castle of this town — about 60 
 —but this morning they have surrendered. There was one battalion of 
 Bavariaus and five French cut in pieces in the right, and they say Count 
 Arco is killed ; but I know nothing certain of what was done there. 
 The French are blamed for nothing in their conduct but in not bringing 
 their troops down to the rivulet to hinder our passing it, which our 
 generals all blame them for, and their own officers that we have 
 prisoners agree in it. What will be the immediate consequences of this 
 success you shall hear by the next if I can tell you. In the meantime I 
 remain most affectionately yours 
 
 F. H. 
 
 This is sent with the express my Lord sends the Queen. 
 
 Mr. Wyndham is wounded in the- thigh and leg, but it is thought not 
 dangerously. 
 
 Almost all the generals were against my Lord's attacking the enemy, 
 they thought it so difficult. , 
 
 There were seven battalions cut off and thirty squadrons driven into 
 the river, besides what were killed and taken at the village which they 
 call Schuningen. 
 
 The right wing of the Germans has suffered more than we have. The 
 Imperial horse behaved themselves very ill, and if my Lord had not 
 succoured them, had lost the day. The left wing of the enemy stood 
 but little after they knew the right was routed. 
 
 Prisoners. 
 
 Marshal Tallard. 
 
 Marquis Montperu, Major General. 
 
 D'avalliere, Brigadier. 
 
 Marquis de Meirevon, Lieutenant General. 
 
 Marquis de Blansack, Major General. 
 
 Monsieur de Hautefeuille, General of Dragoons. 
 
 Count de Rousy, Lieutenant General. 
 
 Monsieur Duson, Marechal de Camp. 
 
 Monsieur de Monfort, a general officer. 
 
 We are now at Steinheim and I believe shall follow the army. 
 
 1705, Saturday July 18. Tirlemont. — We are just come to this place 
 having this morning passed the French lines with very little opposition. 
 The army marched from Lens about ten last night, before eleven the 
 Duke was on horseback himself. There was a strong detachment of 
 horse and foot sent before to possess themselves of the proper posts and 
 
Hare MSS. 
 
 202 
 
 between four and five the army, taking to the right, which was not 
 expected, to the great surprise of the French appeared before the lines 
 near Leydeshem (?) near Landen and near Hespen and the villages adja- 
 cent. We had been there two hours sooner but that the general who led 
 the march in the night lost his way. As it was, we were too soon for 
 the French, and with the loss of half a dozen men passed those lines 
 which was thought would have cost at least as many thousand. Our 
 men were over them before one thought they were at them. There was 
 in the plain on the other side about 25 squadrons of the enemy appeared, 
 many of them Bavarians and all in armour, and yet behaved themselves 
 so ill that they charged but twice and immediately after, each ran with 
 the utmost precipitation. They were drawn up in one line, our horse 
 that opposed them in two, the first entirely English, who behaved them- 
 selves with the greatest bravery and with hardly any loss destroyed six or 
 seven hundred, which was a great number considering the little time 
 they stood. They began between six and seven and over in a manner 
 in less than an hour there were many taken, among them three general 
 officers, one of them the Marquis of Allegre, a lieutenant general, my 
 Lord J. Hay took with his own hands. His regiment (of dragoons) 
 charged the French twice without the loss of one man. The number of 
 standards, colours, and cannon you will have from the account that will 
 be published. There never was so great success so cheaply bought. 
 The French had suffered in their foot more than their horse but that 
 their foot which was behind the horse retired before, our foot could get 
 up, but for want of that they escaped. 
 
 Only one regiment w r as taken in this place. This success was so 
 entirely owing to the Duke, and the design kept so private that he dared 
 not offer to persuade the Deputies of the States with it, but perfectly 
 bubbled them into it. The Dutch and we marched separate, and 
 Monsieur Auverkerque was to make a false attack while the Duke with 
 his army was to try if there were room for a true one. They readily 
 give the Duke the glory of it, and own they knew nothing of it. It is 
 to be hoped the mortification this will give Prince Lewis will rid us of 
 him, and then if the Imperial forces were in better hands, he might 
 venture again to the Moselle, though I believe this success will fill his 
 hands with business here. But the present fill us w T ith too much joy to 
 give us time to look forward : he will not fail to do it whose business it 
 is. I have more letters to write and therefore will break off. I wrote 
 to you last post under cover to Mann. This comes by Colonel Duret 
 whom the Duke sends express to the Queen. Service to friends. 
 Adieu. 
 
 This design was kept so private, that the Duke was surprised to find 
 the Dutch had any intimation of it and last night just before he 
 marched, heard him enquire how it came about. 
 
 1705, Thursday, July 30. Meldert, near Tirlemont. — You will 
 expect to hear from me, and therefore though the news be not what 
 you might expect I cannot omit giving you some little account of it. 
 The Duke on Tuesday had so concerted matters and managed the 
 Deputies of the States as to bring matters to bear, and accordingly the 
 army decamped last night between ten and eleven with intention to pass 
 the Dyle at Neer-Eysehe and Corbeck, a detachment of about 18 
 battalions and 20 squadrons being sent away in the afternoon before who 
 came to their appointed posts about three in the morning, found the 
 posts slightly guarded as the Duke had been informed, and made their 
 bridges with little opposition, the men they found there soon retiring 
 and the army though they lost their way in the night came up time 
 
enough to sustain them. In the detachment four regiments were English, Hare mss. 
 
 the rest foreigners. The English forces lying on the right and the 
 
 attack being on the left they made the rear. This was the disposition 
 
 and everything promised a glorious day for it appeared the French were 
 
 again surprised, their army did not decamp till after midnight and in 
 
 the morning when we had many battalions over and had obliged the 
 
 forces that were near to retire they appeared on the 
 
 and not at all formed. In short things were in that 
 
 posture, that it might fairly be said we had the point if we could have 
 kept it, but some who owed the Dake an ill turn for not having a share 
 in the secret of the lines were resolved to disappoint this, and when 
 things were thus promising the Dutch forces were ordered to retire, 
 which all did having suffered very little loss, which is imputed principally 
 to Slangenberg, who according to his peculiar custom gave orders and 
 was very impertinent without regard to his superiors. It is the manner 
 of the man, and as he is who is said particularly to have resented the 
 affair of the lines, a line time a general has to serve with such people. 
 This has caused in the Duke's army a very great and general resentment, 
 and such is his good nature, that others felt more of it than himself, 
 though it has cost him so much diligence and thought and management 
 to bring it bear. 
 
 It is really so provoking, such usage, that nothing but the affection he 
 has for the service of the Queen could prevail with him to continue in 
 so troublesome a command. Men that consider will see his part this 
 campaign has been very glorious, but the multitude don't use to think. 
 I do not know when we may hope for such another opportunity the 
 first fruits of our late success being so unhappily disappointed. 
 
 I have had no answer to my two last. 
 
 1705, Monday, August 3. Meldert. — As to the news you mention in 
 the Postman the P.S. of Mr. Auverkerque's letter pretty plainly implies 
 they knew little of the matter. Slangenberg was so little apprehensive of 
 it that he wrote to Holland a letter of complaint upon the Dutch army's 
 being sent over the Mehaigne as if it were exposing them to the French, 
 and endangered their being cut off; and as to the Deputies of the States, 
 I believe I told you, I am sure I did some I wrote to, that the Duke 
 was surprised to find they knew anything of it. T heard him while he 
 was at supper just before he inarched enquire of Mr. Cardonel how they 
 got any information of it, which they had it seems from a Dutch officer 
 who was to be employed in that service. As to the councils of war, no 
 doubt but there were consultations, but that was only to feel their pulses 
 and manage them as well he could, but he kept his true resolution from 
 them, and at last made them believe he would only inarch with his army 
 towards the lines, and see if any advantage could be taken, the Dutch 
 army were only to be lookers on and make the appearance of an attack 
 in another place, both our own and the French army thought we were 
 marching to St. Frond. I have heard it said since that the Dutch were 
 drawn into it as you would manage children, and so they were in the 
 last attempt which would certainly have succeeded had it been to have 
 been made by our army instead of theirs, but as the armies lay that 
 could not be. The Dutch were perfectly frightened upon seeing the 
 French army appear upon the hills, and when the Duke sent to Monsieur 
 Auverkerque's to know whether they should push for it, they were to a 
 man against it and for retreating ; Slangenberg was forwarder in 
 declaring for it, the rest perhaps would have boggled at it, and nobody 
 would have cared to have spoken first for it. The blame is principally 
 laid on him and another who I believe is Topp. While this resolution 
 
Hare MSS. 
 
 204 
 
 of the Dutch generals was bringing to the Duke the body of forces they 
 had over (at Neer-Ysche) push the French that opposed them with 
 great bravery and made them give way in so much confusion, that had 
 the resolution of retreating been delayed half a quarter of an hour 
 longer, it is probable it had not been taken, but then it was too late. 
 Lieutenant General Henkelom who commanded the Dutch forces that 
 were over had not his opinion asked, though he was the properest judge 
 at that time, and, had he been consulted, would, as it since appears, have 
 been for maintaining his ground, which must have ended in all human 
 probability in gaining the point. God knows when we shall have such 
 another opportunity. The Duke thinks hard for one and labours inde- 
 fatigably, but to what purpose, if when we come to execution, we have 
 an ally that will hazard nothing. 1 How long we are likely to continue 
 in this camp or whither we shall go next, one can as yet give no guess 
 at. The Duke we are sure is for losing as little time as may be. 
 
 Monsieur Hompesch returned from the States but the night before 
 our last march and yesterday was sent back to the Duke again. 
 
 The Italian news we had last week by way of Switzerland proves 
 false, but I have seen since a letter from Prince Eugene of the 17th 
 giving an account of his taking of Soncino and having sent troops 
 towards the Mantuan and that he was preparing to pass the Po or the 
 Adda as should be most for his advantage. Letters to-day dated the 
 22nd from Milan say that they were in expectation of a battle, and that 
 they then heard great noise of cannon from Savoy, that the communica- 
 tion between Castagnetto and Chivas continued the 19th, which was 
 longer than was expected and like to do so. There is no news from the 
 Ehine worth mentioning. Villars continues at Weissemburg and may 
 do so, for any disturbance Prince Lewis will give him we should be glad 
 you could send us any good news from Scotland though I daresay we 
 shall sooner send good news to you than receive any from that quarter 
 from you. The pamphlet was we hear very warm, and the angry party 
 threatened terribly, though we have not seen any of those papers here. 
 
 Lord Sunderland who came upon us just as we were marching to the 
 last action, and jump into all the hurry of an army the first moment, 
 leaves us to-morrow to pursue his journey to Vienna. Having been 
 shown all that is to be seen here, the Duke showed him on Saturday the 
 French lines, and to-day the army is reviewed. He has brought a 
 parcel of notable Whigs along with him, Hopkins, Furnesse, Bucking- 
 ham, and about half a dozen more, which I suppose you know better 
 than I can tell you, therefore I shall say nothing of them, but wish he 
 had come without them, as thinking their company will not much 
 advance the Hungarian mediation. 
 
 1705, Thursday, August 20. Basse Wavre. — Though you will have 
 heard the event of our late enterprise before this comes to you, yet your 
 curiosity I know will not be satisfied without having, imperfect as it is, 
 what account I can give you. 
 
 We marched on Monday from Genap, towards the Bois de Soignies, 
 the right to Hulpen and the left to Braine-la-leud, and before them 
 General Churchill encamped with a detachment of 20 battalions and as 
 many squadrons. Next morning by three they began their march 
 towards the enemy and passed the Hulpe near Hulpen and then wheel- 
 ing to the left ascended the wood through a very narrow defile. I call 
 
 1 There is nothing to be hoped for, till the two armies, the French and conf. . .lye 
 so that something may he attempted on the right and then I do not at all question 
 the success. 
 
205 
 
 it ascending for it rises pretty steep from the plain under it. The Habe mss. 
 detachment marched to the left of Hulpen through a great causeway 
 that leads to Groenendale near which place they were to turn out of the 
 wood and come upon the flank and rear of the enemy, while the army 
 attacked them in front. They came near Groenendale about ten, where 
 they found the French had cut down several great trees and thrown 
 them cross the way to hinder their march, and at the opening out of the 
 wood there were posted 1 8 battalions ready to oppose them. Word 
 being sent to the Duke of the difficulties by repeated messages, they 
 were ordered to retire and join the army, though during these messages 
 another project was proposed, instead of going from Groenendale along 
 the side of the wood to come upon the rear of the enemy that they 
 should march to Holser, where they might be ready to flank the enemy 
 when the attack should be made between that and Over-Ysche by part 
 of the army. This was approved by the Duke, and the former order to 
 retire countermanded, but the new order came too late, and those it 
 came to, chose to adhere to the first and so retired. In the meantime 
 the army having passed the defile and wood, which was between a 
 quarter and a half a league over and very passable, they came into a 
 large plain and found the enemy very strongly posted as they expected, 
 having the wood on their left and rear, and the Ysche before them on 
 which were several villages and the ground full of inclosures and hollow 
 ways, and all filled with men, with batteries of cannon near them, from 
 Neer-Ysche to the wood. The army was formed in line of battle about 
 two o'clock, and the Duke and Monsieur D'auverkerque visited the 
 several posts they intended to attack, which they proposed to do at the 
 same time in four places, Neer-Ysche, Lembecq, Heelyberge and 
 Over-Ysche, and orders were given to the Army to go on, and nothing 
 was wanting but to get the consent of the Deputies of the States, which 
 one would have thought might have been depended on, since they did 
 not oppose the expedition in the beginning of it. Monsieur D'auver- 
 kerque did what he could to prevail with them, but to no purpose ; they 
 had consulted with their other Generals of whom that beast Slangenberg 
 was very noisy and cried out that it was sacrificing their army and an 
 impracticable enterprise ; so the Duke after all his pains was forced to 
 desist from it, though from the dryness of the ground and the goodness 
 and superiority of our troops, there was a very hopeful prospect of 
 success. It is true the camp was very strong, and it would have cost a 
 great many men, but it was very well worth it, and could not easily have 
 miscarried, for the enemy seemed to be in the greatest confusion, 
 perpetually changing their motions this way and that, and not knowing 
 what to stick to, and in many places they appeared very thin, so that 
 had they been attacked in several posts at once, it is impossible to think 
 they could have maintained them all. The Duke was some hours in 
 endeavouring to gain the consent of the Deputies, and used all methods, 
 sometimes fair words and sometimes hard ones, and at last told them 
 that if they would consent he would carry on the troops himself, that if 
 they neglected this opportunity they could never answer to it to God or 
 their masters, and that this should be the last time he would lead them 
 to an enemy, and he has since expressed his mind to this purpose in a 
 letter to the States. The army encamped that night upon the groun d 
 they were then upon, and next day came hither, the enemy not offering 
 to disturb our march or fall on our rear. Thus fell this noble enterprise, 
 the success of which would have been of so much consequence to the 
 common cause, the last that will be made this year. The French will 
 in a day or two have received a great detachment from the Rhine which 
 
206 
 
 Hare mss. was to be at Philippeville on the 18th. We have nothing now left but 
 to level the rest of the lines and take Leeuwe, all our eomfort is the 
 campaign will it is likely be something the shorter and what is left of 
 it will pass away very easily. This is what account I can give you of 
 this matter in the haste T am in, I would have written more largely but 
 have been pretty much interrupted, and the post will be going soon. 
 We shall stay here a day or two longer then move towards Tirlemont. 
 The French were so apprehensive that we should attack them the next 
 morning that in the night they altered the disposition of their army, 
 made new batteries and were entrenching all the next day as hard as 
 they could. 
 
 1705, Monday, August 24. Corbais. — Preparations are making for 
 the siege of Leeuwe which will be more difficult than was expected if 
 the weather proves as it threatens, very wet. We shall leave this camp 
 on Wednesday and go to Ramey near Judoign for convenience of forage. 
 Letters to-day from the Rhine tell us Prince Lewis is marched at last 
 towards the French and they are retired. 
 
 And this I suppose is all we shall hear from that side, though the 
 Palatine and Prussian forces stay with him, we having men enough for 
 the business we have to do here. Letters from Prince Eugene of the 
 7th say he intended to march the 8th or 9th to try to pass the Adda, so 
 that the next letters from thence may bring some considerable news. I 
 have not yet seen what account the French give of our late march 
 towards them, but can assure you the account of our former attempt in 
 the Paris Gazette in the article from Brussels is all over ridiculously 
 false, and perhaps that was the reason they gave it from Brussels and 
 not from their camp. 
 
 They have great reason to bless themselves for our not attacking 
 them, for if we had, it is morally certain we had carried our point, which 
 had ruined perhaps their army, or at least have left us masters of the 
 country, but nothing noble and enterprising can be expected when a 
 general's hands are so tied ; though our good people of England it is 
 likely will lay the fault on him who has done his utmost to prevent it : 
 this may produce more pamphlets against winter. I have read the 
 memorial which falls short of my expectations in everything but the ill 
 manners it is writ with. I do not know how the answer is liked among 
 you, but in my poor judgment upon a hasty reading it seems to be well 
 written. 
 
 1705, Thursday, August 27. Nunnery of Ramey. — We came hither 
 yesterday, and if we cannot find forage I believe shall continue in this 
 camp some days. In the afternoon arrived the English letters of Friday 
 last, by which I received yours with the enclosed, pray when you write 
 to Sir Thomas give him my service and thanks for it. I wrote to you 
 last post in answer to yours of the 7th since which we have no news 
 from our own army, but received two mails last night from Vienna and 
 Italy. The first brings nothing material, but that the defeat of the 
 malcontents mentioned in the former letters is come to but a small 
 matter, killing 4 or 500, and taking some cannon, and dispersing the 
 rest. Indeed this is all victories over them can come to ordinarily, for 
 they are little better than a rabble, and if a number happen to be knocked 
 on the head on the first attack, the rest run for it. Letters from Italy 
 are of more consequence, which I chose to send you some account of, 
 because the common relations will it is likely have a great mixture of 
 falsehood in them, as is usual on the first notices of such news. The 
 Duke received last night a letter from Prince Eugene with a hasty 
 relation enclosed, dated at Treviglio the 17th (four days sooner than we 
 
207 
 
 usually have our Italian letters) the substance of which is to this purpose, Hare mss. 
 that on the 10th he marched from Romanengo and by two great marches 
 came near Concesa and Trezzo on the Adda, with intention to pass 
 between those two places, having gained by these marches more than 
 twice 24 hours of the enemy ; but when he came there met with obstacles 
 not to be overcome ; upon which he ordered the river to be reconnoitred 
 higher, and some miles above, was told there was a very convenient 
 place, the more so because the enemy's line along the Adda in those 
 parts was ill guarded, and at Caradigo a palace within half cannon that 
 off the river there was but one French battalion with a few horse, hither 
 he ordered his boats to make a bridge, which was to be begun early the 
 14th in the morning, but the carriages breaking by the way, the detach- 
 ment arrived by break of day, the boats did not come up till noon, and it 
 was five o'clock before three boats could be laid ; by this unfortunate 
 delay the enemy had time to advance towards the place, and possess 
 themselves of a rising ground whence they cannonaded the Imperialists 
 with some small pieces ; besides, they found the river so rapid that 
 considering the smallness of their boats it was thought impossible to pass 
 either the horse or artillery over them, however to amuse the enemy and 
 oblige them to draw their troops that way, he went on with his bridge 
 and the next day finished it, and in the mean time marched with his 
 army to the camp they came last from, at Brembato, with orders to the 
 detachment to ruin the bridge in the night and rejoin the army next 
 morning by break of day he decamped to gain the plain between 
 Treviglio and Cassano before the enemy, and on the march had notice 
 that the Grand Prior was on this side the Adda near Cassano, with above 
 20 battalions and 30 squadrons, having Cassano and the Adda behind 
 him and a great canal before him, about one the advanced guard of the 
 Imperialists fell in with some of their foragers, of whom they killed and 
 took a good number, and about half an hour after one began to attack 
 the Grand Prior. The Imperialists fell on with that bravery that the)' 
 pushed them on the right in a little time, and make themselves masters 
 of their bridge, by which and through the water they got over the canal,' 
 but the enemy rallying obliged to quit the bridge and retire ; but the 
 Imperialists charging them a second time put them into great confusion, 
 and forced them over the Adda, and had the left had as much success, 
 they had gained an entire victory : they at the beginning made as furious 
 an impression as the. right, so that several battalions of the enemy began 
 to beat a chamade, but not being able to second their first assault, their 
 arms and ammunition being wetted in passing the canal, the enemy 
 returned to their fire, which continued with cannon and small arms 
 above an hour with incredible fury. The right of the French had two 
 canals before them, the first the Imperialists passed but the second was 
 too deep ; and a great many were drowned in attempting it. In this 
 posture the army halted for three hours, and then retired to their camp 
 at Treviglio. They were in possession of three of the enemy's cannon 
 during the whole action but could not bring them off for want of horses ; 
 the account ends with telling you that they have taken many prisoners, 
 standards, colours, &c. but names no numbers. Count Loriangen (?) the 
 General of the horse was killed in this action and Prince Eugene 
 slightly wounded behind the right ear. He promises a more particular 
 relation by the next. His letter is written after this relation in which 
 he says he understands since that they had their whole army there, the 
 Duke of Vendosme having joined his brother with the forces he had on 
 the other side the Adda, and says he shall order Te Deum to be sung for 
 this success, gives a great commendation of the bravery of his men } who 
 
208 
 
 Hare mss. threw themselves in whole battalions into the water, up to the neck, and 
 representing how extraordinary a thing it was an enemy should be so 
 beat in such an advantageous post. The letter is only signed by him, 
 he excuses it's not being in his own hand by reason of his wound, &c. 
 
 This is all the account we have yet of this affair, which we think to be 
 the more considerable on Prince Eugene's side, that the French have 
 not made afeu-de-joie for it, they having news from Italy sooner than 
 we can. They used to do it when they have the worst of an action, at 
 least if it be a drawn business, which therefore we conclude this is not ; 
 indeed we did think they had made &feu-de-joie for it last night, but by 
 a Trompette come to day from their army we understand it was not in 
 their army, but from the town upon account of St. Louis day, we hope 
 we shall have at least this advantage from this action, that will oblige 
 them to draw more forces from Savoy, and by that means put off the 
 siege of Turin. There will be a great reinforcement sent to Prince 
 Eugene from the Rhine, which it is to be hoped will come time enough 
 to enable him to make his ground, who is at present in great danger of 
 being overpowered. 
 
 I suppose the Duke's letter to the States you have printed in England, 
 as well as it has been at the Hague, which the States are not a little 
 nettled at, and, I believe, will be puzzled how to answer, which they 
 seem to take time for, none being yet come. This action of Prince 
 Eugene is a great reproach to them, his attempt being ten times more 
 hazardous than ours would have been here where a superior army sits 
 with its hands tied and has nothing to do, to the great mortification of 
 him who is at the head of it. 
 
 To-morrow we are to have a,feu-de-joie for Prince Eugene himself. 
 
 P.S. Another French trompette that came hither this evening who 
 is a very sensible fellow and may be depended on, assures the French 
 did make a feu-de-joie last night, pretending the advantage was on their 
 side. 
 
 1705, October 12. Herenthals. — I told you in a former letter of 
 there being some thoughts of the Duke's going to Vienna, the Emperor 
 having written to desire it both to him and to his ministers at London 
 and the Hague, but then he thought it would come to nothing, it being 
 so great a distance and it being so desirable he should be in England at 
 the opening of the new parliament, but as the Emperor has since written 
 again very pressingly, I presume the Queen has consented and the 
 States are willing to it. He went hence yesterday for the Hague, xo 
 confer with them, how far they will empower him to settle with the 
 Emperor's generals a scheme for the next campaign, which if they do 
 to his mind, so that he may make his journey to some good purpose, 
 you may expect in ten days to hear he has begun it. He returns hither 
 on Friday. There will be no convenience for my going with him, nor 
 if there were have I the least inclination to go, having seen the Emperor 
 and most of the great men of that Court already, so that by means of 
 this journey I may be with you a few days sooner than I expected. 
 
 We have it to-day for certain news that the Germans have taken 
 Haguenau, though for want of investing the place of all sides, the 
 garrison who could have no other terms but to be prisoners of war, 
 have all made their escape out of the town, except about 400 out of 
 2,000. We have the same good news of Barcelona, but that I do not 
 look upon so certain, though it were much more to the purpose if it 
 was. Some regiments of the German army are actually defiling towards 
 Italy. 
 
209 
 
 1706, April 30. Hague. — You have heard I conclude from N. Mann* Hare mss. 
 of my safe arrival on this side and I have little to add now. As to our 
 motions, nothing yet appears, but I suspect from some little indications, 
 that a long march is contriving. 
 
 P.S. — The French letter tell us from Barcelona, that the French 
 King received an express from thence the 24th while at dinner and 
 went with Monsieur Chamilard into his closet, and when he came out 
 he said nothing but, that the express came from Catalonia, and that all 
 things went well there, which from his saying no more we conclude 
 they do not, but the news they bring from Italy is bad enough, that 
 M. Vendosme has beat up the German quarters, killed 3,000, and taken 
 800 prisoners, all the comfort we have is, to hope, that when our own 
 letters come we shall find it is not quite so bad. Brigadier Cadogan 
 went on Wednesday express to Hanover. 
 
 J. Walpole to . 
 
 1706, May 9. Siege of Barcelona. — Affairs of such consequence 
 never had so different a prospect within the compass of so small a time, 
 as has now been seen in these of this part of the world not above two 
 days ago there scarce appeared one speck of blue to give hopes not only 
 of the preservation of the town but even of the King's person, and 
 consequently of the whole Spanish Monarchy. And yesterday the 
 Heavens brought with our fleet and forces life and spirit to the whole 
 affair and give us leave to expect from the utmost despair the securitv 
 of all. 
 
 By the opposition of winds and sometimes of calms the whole fleet 
 consisting of 50 sail of line of battle was obliged to anchor in the Bay 
 of Algacos near Tortosa the 6th instant, the next day Mr. Stanhope 
 received letters from the King of Spain dated the 4th with pressing 
 instances for assistance, that Fort Mount joy had been taken 14 days, 
 that the breach was made, and daily expected to be mounted, and that 
 it was impossible for the town to hold out or his person to be safe 
 without an immediate relief ; nothing could be done without a fair wind, 
 which in a very few hours blowed to our wishes and brought us yester- 
 day in the afternoon to an anchor before this place with the whole fleet 
 and all the forces and recruits from England and Ireland. Never did 
 succours come in so seasonable a juncture for the enemies had besieged 
 the King here, who was resolved to stand by his capital to the very last, 
 35 days, and had made two breaches ; their approaches were brought to 
 the covered way from which to the breaches, they had not 150 yards to 
 march to the assault, when they first sat down before the place, the 
 strength of the garrison was not 800 men ; there having been no appre- 
 hensions they would have ventured upon this siege, without having 
 first taken Lerida or Gerone. The breach that way made when our 
 forces took it was not yet repaired, and Mountjoy in the same condition 
 they had left it. The King showed more concern for the security of 
 the town than of his person and used the utmost diligence to get 
 reinforcements thrown in, to set the inhabitants to work and to encou- 
 rage them by his own example to make a vigorous resistance. My Lord 
 Peterborough put about 7 or 800 men by boats into the town, and the 
 Garrison of Gerone with a great number of Miguelets had the good 
 fortune to get in. But, at last, the Crarrison did not exceed two 
 thousand five hundred men of regular troops, and of them not above 
 7 or 800 English, six hundred were put into the fort which the 
 enemy attacked first, and expected to take it sword in hand, as our 
 
210 
 
 Hare mss. forces had done before, but after a severe repulse they thought fit to 
 proceed by regular approaches and having raised upon several batteries 
 above 20 pieces of cannon took it at last with the expense of 22 days 
 and a great many men, and had not my Lord Donegal been unfortunately 
 killed and some troops given way sooner than they ought it might have 
 held out longer. They next began to play their batteries with upwards 
 of fourscore cannon against the town and though their approaches were 
 made with much caution and regularity, they must with their continued 
 fire in two or three days more have made great holes in the rampart and 
 have endangered the place inevitably, the garrison being reduced to less 
 than 2,000 men, and they constantly upon duty behind or near the 
 breaches, the rest of the town was guarded by the inhabitants, whose 
 spirit and resolution against the threatenings of no quarter, or kind offers 
 of pardon, were entirely supported by the presence and example of the 
 King, who frequently showed himself in places of great danger, and 'tis 
 certain had his majesty left the town as some advised him to do they 
 would have surrendered the very next day. I need not tell you the 
 satisfaction and joy that the arrival of our fleet and the landing five 
 thousand good men was received with ; at which time they hourly 
 expected an assault and the enemy still give out they will attempt to 
 storm, which is scarce believed and as little feared if they should. The 
 country is so enraged with the barbarities they have committed, that 
 they have constant skirmishes with them and deserters tell us they have 
 killed upwards of 400 of the French who are a preparing to march off, 
 having lost above two of 15,000 men, however they still keep firing but 
 mostly to do mischief in the town, and not as if they would improve 
 their breach, some troops and the Miguelets have so effectually possessed 
 themselves of the hills and avenues about the enemies' camp, that no 
 letters can be sent from the Duke of Anjou's camp to Madrid without 
 passing first by sea as far as Alicante and no provisions come to them 
 so that they are in want of all sorts but bread, their fleet having landed 
 a great deal of flour, but they get nothing but blows from the country 
 people, and whenever they are pleased to leave us they will hardly be 
 able to get off our cannon. Orders are sent to all parts of the country 
 they must pass through to gather the Posse which joining with some 
 troops that are at Lerida, Tortosa and the horse my Lord Peter- 
 boro has sent that way will have frequent occasions to harass them at 
 the narrow passes and rivers which are in their way, which will prevent 
 them from sending any considerable forces to oppose our friends in 
 Portugal. 
 
 [P.S.]— Dr. George. 
 
 I must be so unmannerly as to thrust a copy of what I wrote to 
 Win. Addison upon you, and desire you to recommend me to Mr. 
 Townshend, Mr, Maynard, Mr. Bids, and Mr. Shute if they have seen 
 nothing better 
 
 J. Walpole to . 
 
 1706, May 12. Barcelona. — Last night the whole French army, after 
 having made a breach very practicable, brought their works and 
 approaches to our palisadoes and received no sally and very little damage 
 from the fire of the town, marched off with an unaccountable consterna- 
 tion, for they left an immense quantity of corn, 5,000 barrels of powder 
 and 'tis said above 200 pieces of cannon and very few of them nailed 
 down, ammunition of all sorts in great store, with their sick and wounded 
 in a miserable condition, their march was overcast this morning with 
 the darkest eclipse of the sun as almost ever was seen, by which the 
 
211 
 
 superstitious here portend the eternal setting of the Bourbon son, but I 
 believe the attendance of the enraged Miguelets from the mountains will 
 prove most fatal in their way to Girone, whither we hear they are 
 marched in very great confusion. Marshal de Thesse in a letter of a 
 very humble and desponding style to my Lord Peterborough (desiring him 
 to protect the sick and wounded from the fury of the enraged Miguelets) 
 mightily laments the deplorable misfortune he has had, and the trumpeter 
 he has sent says the Duchess of Anjou has left Madrid and gone to the 
 Pompolona on the borders of France, which make us hope that some 
 intelligence received of my Lord Gal way's further success on that side 
 has contributed to this precipitate raising of the siege. 
 
 Harb MSS. 
 
 Francis Hare to his cousin [George Naylor]. 
 
 1706, Thursday, June 3. Merlebeck. — The express and the mail went 
 from hence together which was the reason you could have no fresh news 
 by it. The Major General is your humble servant and very well. He has 
 got a great deal of glory in our late victory, for his regiment and two of 
 Dutch dragoons pursued the rear of the French so close that they dis- 
 persed and cut oft* the best part of seven Bavarian squadrons that drew up 
 the rear where the Elector and Villeroy were both themselves, as he 
 understood afterwards by those he took. The English during the fight 
 had little share of the action, the French left wing, upon their right 
 being routed, retiring without making one charge, for they put their 
 whole confidence in the Maison du Boy and never thought of standing 
 when that was gone, which gave the English who were on the right by 
 that means no opportunity to shew themselves, for there was a rivulet 
 between them and the ground very bad, whereas the left from Ramillies 
 to the Mehaign was a fine plain. But if the English did not engage, 
 yet the body of them that the Duke brought from the right to succour 
 the left by their presence restored things which might without them 
 have been lost. The honour the Dutch have got and the success this 
 action has been attended with has put all into very good humour and 
 there is nothing now they will not let the Duke do. His letter to them 
 and their answer you will have seen in priut, I reckon before this, so 
 will say nothing of them. 
 
 This success I presume will sink the hopes of the malcontents one 
 winter longer and that their threats will not take place so soon as they 
 thought for and promised themselves from the first appearances of things. 
 I fancy they began to make a great jest of a paragraph in one of the 
 Queen's speeches about the vigorous opening the campaign. I think we 
 have spoiled the jest and in the main made her words good. We are 
 now at the end of our rambles and our next business is to take some 
 little towns to cover our great ones. Oudenarde we hope to have soon 
 for this purpose. We shall likewise push our conquests towards Nieu port 
 and Ostend, from the river to the sea, Next post will tell you I hope 
 that we have Hocheyn and Oudenarde both. P.S. — We march tomorrow 
 over the Scheld and Lys to Deynse. 
 
 1706, Thursday, July 1. Rousselaer. — The trenches before Ostend 
 were not opened till Monday night and then the Colonel of the Dutch 
 artillery had the misfortune to receive a wound in the knee, which I am 
 afraid will not only delay this siege, but render a very able man un- 
 serviceable for the whole campaign. The batteries they hoped would 
 be ready to play by to-night, but since they only hope so, I conclude it 
 will be tomorrow night at least. They have deferred firing till all is 
 ready and then they pretend five or six days will do the business, which 
 I wish it may, though they seem to be provided to make a good defence, 
 E 77960. P 
 
212 
 
 Hare mss. and it is impossible to block up the port so that small vessels shall not 
 get in to succour it ; three we hear got in yesterday. I long to have 
 this siege and Nieuport over, for I am persuaded Dunkirk is the 
 next design, which will be a terrible siege, if late in the year, the latter 
 season being almost insupportable to an army in this country through 
 the great rains and deep ways which are then hardly passable. If this 
 be the project be sure it is on condition to destroy the harbour and make 
 it utterly unserviceable, which is best for all parties, for we should not 
 like the maintaining the expense of such a place ourselves, which would 
 require seven or eight thousand men to keep it, no more than the Dutch 
 would that we should have it. Dendermond is likely to prove a tedious 
 business, the garrison being resolved to defend it to the last, and indeed 
 they never seemed to have thoughts of doing otherwise, for the cessation 
 they had of twenty-four hours was occasioned by a letter Brigadier 
 Cadogan wrote to the Governor to induce him to surrender. The busi- 
 ness was this ; we had thrown into the place the few bombs we had, 
 and then to conceal our having no more pretended to leave off in kind- 
 ness to the town and to prevent the ruin of it sent to the Governor that 
 if he held out any longer he must expect no terms and that he should 
 have what reasonable time he would ask for an answer. Upon which 
 he desired twenty -four hours and at the end of the time sent Terracena 
 word, that he found it the unanimous sense of the council of war he had 
 called, to agree with him in defending to the last a place so strong and 
 provided with so good a garrison. Our trick not taking we must content 
 ourselves with blocking the place up closely, which we do with 1,800 
 men, till we can bombard it in earnest. The Prussian and Hanoverian 
 troops making with some other regiments from the garrisons, about 
 20 thousand men, are encamped since the 29th at Alosttill further orders. 
 You will see by the newspapers that the French king intends to play a 
 new general against us, and has sent for Vendosme in the room of 
 Villeroy, whom he has recalled. The Duke of Savoy has been obliged 
 to leave Turin not being able to hinder the French from investing it on 
 the side of the Po but we trust it will make a very vigorous defence. 
 It is said the Portuguese took Salamanca the 5th and are gone on, and 
 that the Duke of Anjou is gone from Madrid either to oppose them or I 
 suppose to go off more conveniently. 
 
 1706, Thursday, September 2. Helchin. — I am very glad to find by 
 yours of the 16th which I received yesterday that things in Bedford 
 Row are already so well as to allow of your taking so soon the diversions 
 of Haland which I am sure must be very agreeable. I wish I could 
 make one with you at this time, when the pleasure of the campaign is 
 going off, for after a great deal of dry and warm weather it begins to be 
 cold and I doubt it will not be long before it is wet. The reducing of 
 Dendermond is the affair now in hand. The garrison is inconsiderable, 
 sickly, and half starved, and the fortifications in very ill condition, and 
 a breach, we doubt not, may be made without much difficulty, but its 
 strength is water, which though lessened by the extraordinary dry season 
 we have had, we are afraid is still too much to be mastered, and that by 
 the help of sluices they can render the approaches impracticable. All 
 who have ever besieged this place yet have always found them so, and 
 though the waters are lower than has been known these many years, 
 they have been able to raise them several foot since we have begun the 
 siege. The Duke who begins to be uneasy about the success of it is 
 gone thither early this morning that he may see with his own eyes and 
 judge of the feasibleness himself. Dumey the engineer who undertakes 
 the siege is a brisk enterprising man, and much a favourite of the Duke ? 
 
213 
 
 but as he is young he thinks him capable of undertaking more sometimes h*re MSS. 
 
 than he can compass. It will be mighty inconvenient to keep such a 
 
 place, blocked up all winter, and very hard to block it so closely that no 
 
 provisions shall get in. If this work were over I believe nothing else 
 
 is thought of for this campaign but taking Ath, which is necessary to 
 
 cover Brussels. We might have had it in our power to have done 
 
 more, if they had made any diversion on the Rhine, but as it is our 
 
 friends think they have done enough ; four sieges in one summer will 
 
 be such an expense of ammunition, as they think will not be easily 
 
 repaid by what they shall get by the towns they take, when the war is 
 
 drawing to an end, and this I believe is the true reason they have not 
 
 gone on faster. 
 
 The French are making lines to cover Ypres and Lille, which I fancy 
 they will continue in the winter to Tournay and Mons, to shut us out 
 next year, for which reason the taking one of those places now, would 
 be very desirable, if it could be. We have no news from Spain but by 
 way of France, and they have been so silent of late on that subject, that 
 we may be sure, let things go how they will, it is not as they would 
 have them. They own the junction of King Charles and the Earl of 
 Peterborough the 10th, and we hope that gives them such a superiority, 
 that when we do hear of them it will be to our content. We are in 
 more pain for Turin, but still hope for relief from Prince Eugene. The 
 French push the siege all they can, and our great fear is, the garrison 
 want ammunition, but as the Prince was not above five or six marches 
 from them the 19th his nearness will encourage them to expect relief to 
 the last moment. How things go with them we cannot tell with any 
 certainty, for there is no believing a word the Paris Gazette says that 
 we do-not know from other hands. We have in their very last Gazette 
 a most notorious instance, or rather two or three, of the impudence with 
 which they lie in that paper. They tell us we were repulsed from the 
 attack of the counterscarp at Menin with the loss of about 3,000 men, 
 that before that they nailed up a great many of our cannon and ruined 
 our works ; and that in the whole we have not lost less than 10,000 
 men, whereas it is certain they never nailed one cannon. There was 
 not the least giving way of our men in the attack of the counterscarp, 
 and in the whole siege we did not lose killed and wounded above 1,400 
 men, and the noise they make about the forage when Cadogan was taken 
 has just as much truth in it. Now if there is so little truth in those 
 parts of their news we do know, there can be no credit given to those 
 parts we do not. This makes us hope things both in Spain and Pied- 
 mont are much better than they represent them, and it is a good sign to 
 see our enemies reduced to think such gross lies necessary, though we 
 do not want to be otherwise assured of the ill state of their affairs, which 
 have so sunk the Elector that he is, we are told from good hands 
 strangely altered, and I believe the next news we shall hear of him will 
 be that he has left the army under pretence of going to St. Amand to 
 drink the waters. It is certain the French army after all the reinforce- 
 ments they have had from the Rhine and elsewhere are not 45,000 
 strong, whence we may judge to what a degree they drained their 
 garrisons to make up their army before the battle and of the prodigious 
 desertion there has been since. They are moving to try to cover Ath, 
 but are so afraid of us that they take a huge compass round by Douay. 
 We shall know more of their motions by next post. We are impatient 
 to hear of the Fleet, how they have escaped the violent westerly wind 
 we had this day sennight. We hear nothing of them but very uncertain 
 reports by way of France. If the contrary winds and the lateness of 
 
 P 2 
 
214 
 
 Hare MSS. the year should disappoint that design, the French will pour in upon us 
 here what forces they have upon the coast, and Vendosme threatens a 
 winter campaign to retrieve an ill summer. But I am apt to think 
 peace and not war will be the chief business of the winter. It is said 
 the French emissaries in Holland make already very advantageous pro- 
 posals, and there is no want of inclination there to hearken to them, 
 and since our allies on all sides grow but the worse for our success I 
 believe we shall be of the same mind, and think if a good peace can be 
 had, it is high time. I say not this from anything I have heard, but 
 from what I see, which is fitter to be talked than written ; though 
 obvious enough to everybody. But it is time to have done. Sunday is 
 a public thanksgiving throughout the army for Menin. The Duke 
 returns from Dendermond on Saturday. 
 
 1706, Thursday, September 9. Velaine. — I did not write to you last 
 post to give you the good news of the surrender of Dendermond, 
 because the Duke not being then returned to us, I could not send you 
 any particulars. It was very unexpected that a business we appre- 
 hended so much trouble from should be over so soon, and more that 
 we should get the place upon such terms. But next to Providence, 
 who has given us so dry a season, that the like has not been known 
 here in the memory of man, the success is entirely owing to his Grace, 
 who had secretly taken care to have ammunition ready at Ghent for 
 this purpose under the notion of supplies for the siege of Menin, by 
 which means the siege of this place was begun in three days after the 
 other was over. The Thursday following the Duke went thither him- 
 self, with intention to return on Saturday, but being in pain for the 
 event he was willing to stay a day or two longer, to try if his presence 
 could put an end to it; which succeeded accordingly, for on Sunday 
 morning he ordered a redoubt to be attacked, contrary to the expecta- 
 tion of the enemy, which our men did with that bravery, that the enemy 
 quitted it immediately without firing above twenty shot, and which I 
 think did not kill us one man. Our men pursued them from the 
 redoubt to the town with that fury that one or two of our men got into 
 the town with them, which put them into such a consternation, that 
 immediately they beat a chamade and desired to capitulate upon honour- 
 able terms ; but the Duke who had resolved beforehand to have them 
 prisoners of war, immediately sent them that answer, and gave them 
 but two hours to consider. At the expiration of that time, they sent 
 word that the garrison was in no want of anything andjjthat the governor 
 would sooner be cut into a thousand pieces than surrender upon such 
 terms. This answer would have got them good terms if the Duke had 
 not been there, but he understood their answer better, ordered the 
 hostages to be returned immediately, and the attack to be renewed. The 
 governor as soon as he saw his hostages come back began to change his 
 note, and desired one hour more to call a council, which was granted, 
 but was told that if he stayed till one cannon more was fired he must 
 expect worse terms, upon which in about half an hour he thought fit 
 to accept what had been offered, which was to be prisoners of war, but 
 the officers to be allowed their baggage and their swords, The Duke 
 having ended this business so much to his satisfaction, returned to the 
 army on Monday and the garrison marched out on Tuesday. What 
 the Duke has done here was more feasible at Ostend, but they who 
 hindered that would, if he by his presence had not overruled, have 
 hindered this, fear and an ill-placed parsimony to save a little powder 
 when the throwing it away is of most consequence ; being never failing 
 qualities of those genius's that haunt a general in these countries, I 
 
215 
 
 mean Dutch Deputies. Thus this siege is ended without causing an Hare mss. 
 hour's delay to any other enterprise ; for whether that enterprise had 
 been undertaken or not, we must have stayed at Helchin, just as long as 
 we have done, that Menin might be put in a condition to be left. The 
 Duke seems to be extremely pleased with his success, which has in a 
 manner made him well, though he was so much out of order when he 
 went to Dendermond, and while he was there, that he wanted nothing 
 but leisure to be sick. And the French king I believe will be as 
 much chagrined as he is pleased, for we are told that upon the Dews 
 of our undertaking this siege he should say, with a good deal of con- 
 tempt, that we must have an army of ducks to take it, he does not 
 forget that he himself was six weeks before it, and was forced to raise 
 the siege at last. I have been the longer in this piece of news because 
 at present we have no other, and thinking it probable from the winds 
 we have had that this may come as soon to you as the letters of the last 
 post. We left Helchin this morning and came to Velaine, about half 
 way between that and Tournay. We shall stay here two or three days, 
 to manage all we can the forage about Ath, for the siege of which 
 place preparations are making with all diligence. We expect news 
 from Italy every hour, it being looked on as true that Prince Eugene 
 has joined the Duke of Savoy and the Duke of Orleans at Feuillade. 
 What will be the effect of such a situation we are very impatient to 
 hear. In the meantime we doubt very little of the safety of Turin, the 
 confirmation of which will cause here an inexpressible joy, for the sake 
 of the persons concerned as well as the good of the common cause, 
 which after such a disappointment it will be impossible for France to 
 stand against. The mighty Vendosme makes so little noise that I can 
 tell you nothing at all of him. I trust this finds you well with friends 
 at Haland. Pray desire your mother and other friends to let me know 
 what commissions she has for me. It has rained every day since 
 Dendermond capitulated and the wet season seems to be set in, a week 
 of which would have made that enterprise impracticable, and it was the 
 apprehension of this made the Duke glad to have Menin as soon as he 
 could. 
 
 1706, September 27. Gramis. — I intended to have written to you on 
 Thursday last, but coming that day from Ghent hither I had not time ; 
 nor indeed had I anything worth writing then, nor have I now. The 
 siege of Ath trains as usual. We expected the counterscarp would have 
 been attacked last night, but they have done hardly anything these two 
 days, and now they begin to find they have chosen the strongest part of 
 the town instead of the weakest, in their great caution have begun to 
 sap, so that it will still be some days before we are masters of it, which 
 does not please very well the Duke who is not content this should be 
 the last stroke, but has something else in view, but I cannot imagine 
 what it is, which makes time precious. The Deputies in the meantime 
 who are the overseers of the siege, though our army is so near them, 
 and the French be in great measure separated, yet they want the Duke 
 to take a new camp for their greater safety, but this will end in making 
 some alterations only, for the better securing the posts that are most 
 exposed, without moving the whole. The Turin news you will have 
 doubly received unless the winds are very cross, both from Holland and 
 by the arrival of the express by way of Ostend before this can come to 
 you, and therefore I will repeat nothing of that glorious day. After 
 four days rest the army was to march the 12th for Chivas, thence to 
 Ivrea, thence straight for Milan by Novara, thence to Pavia and the 
 Po, so to Valentia and Alexandria, &c. I hope we shall soon hear these 
 
216 
 
 HareJVISS. intended motions have happily succeeded. As our joy upon this news 
 is inexpressible, so is the consternation of the French and Bavarians, 
 especially the last, all whose hopes lay in the success of the siege as 
 their last stake. We were in great danger of losing this morning 
 between 300 and 400 foot, who were covering some foragers. They 
 were got into a chateau, where they were invested by eight or ten 
 squadrons of the French, but the alarm was taken in so good time, and 
 the left of our army made that expedition, that they came time enough 
 to raise the siege, with the loss of only two men, the French retiring 
 upon our approach with their usual precipitation. If the siege of Ath 
 had ended the campaign we might have had the honour of seeing our 
 friends in a little time, but as October is generally a good month we are 
 not likely to end till then. 
 
 1708, May 21. Brussels.— We do not yet hear what progress you 
 make in England towards a good parliament, but we are preparing 
 what we can for it on this side, and hope for such success as will make 
 you good whether you will or no. We have put our weak frontier into 
 as good a condition of defence as we can, and Brussels the weakest part 
 of it, we in some sort abandon, and remove all the councils, &c, to 
 Antwerp, that we may be at liberty to act with all our troops against 
 the enemy, who at present are very numerous, and with the Dukes of 
 Burgundy and Berry at the head of them are forming a great design 
 which they think cannot possibly miscarry, but French treachery is 
 not always successful. They have for some time held a correspondence 
 for betraying the Castle of Antwerp to them, which they do not know 
 we have discovered, but will very soon find it, and then I believe all 
 their projects are at an end on this side, and it will be time for them to 
 think on the Moselle, where Prince Eugene with a good army may 
 deserve their attention, though at present they seem to think nothing 
 of it. Our troops begin to encamp to-day at Anderlecht near this 
 place, and on Thursday next will be at Enghien, by which time I 
 believe all will be near joined and then have at them. If they please 
 we may soon come to blows, and if either they or we make a siege it 
 may end in some. It is certain we do not intend to be idle, and it is 
 said the States have given the E>uke more power than before. The 
 French continue to be in great want of money. Our last letters from 
 Paris tell us a lieutenant general is put into the Bastile for desiring 
 some to enable him to take the field, and the projects against Portugal 
 and Catalonia are in a fair way to miscarry for want of it. 
 
 This is the present state of the politics on this side. When anything 
 happens material you will be sure to hear from me. 
 
 1708, June 11. Terbank. — " I thank you for the favour of yours of 
 21st, but cannot in return send you such news as you would be glad of 
 and seem to expect. The backwardness of our friends on the Rhine 
 and Moselle keeps us here in perfect inaction. Prince Eugene has 
 scarce yet left Vienna, where that court play the fool eternally. The 
 march of the Palatine troops depends upon the Emperor's granting the 
 Elector the investiture of the upper Palatinate, that has been so long 
 promised him, and it was once fixed to the 4th instant, but some new 
 difficulty, we are told, has been started since, and the whole cause must 
 suffer for their delays. But I hope it is at last done, and that we shall 
 come to work in earnest in a little time. At present we do nothing but 
 review troops, which are very fine and in good order. We have to-day the 
 good news that Sir John Leake the 22nd of the last month fell on with 
 the Toulon ships, that were carrying provisions for their army in Spain, 
 
217 
 
 and that out of 100 he took 80. If this news proves true, we trust with Hai; ■: MSS. 
 some other favourable incidents will quite defeat the French campaign 
 on that side." 
 
 1708, July 2. Terbank. — Hitherto there has passed nothing worth 
 troubling anybody with, much less one of so much business as you 
 have of many kinds, but at last the scene begins to open, and it is now 
 no longer a secret that Prince Eugene's army comes hither. My Lord 
 Marlborough had yesterday an express from him with the news of his 
 having passed the Moselle with his army on Friday last. He intended 
 to be himself at Maestricht on Wednesday, and would be followed by his 
 horse, who he expected would be there the 6th or 7th, and then his 
 Grace and he, without waiting for the foot, who are left to follow by 
 easy marches, will immediately try to attack the French, if they can be 
 come at, but I am persuaded they will before that time take good care 
 of themselves, and retire where they may be safe. It was expected 
 they would have marched to-day. I am apt to think they will to-night 
 or to-morrow. In the meantime his Grace has a watchful eye upon 
 their motions, and in expectation of their decamping very soon from the 
 intelligence he received last night, or rather this morning, he has 
 ordered the army to be in a readiness to march at an hour's warning, 
 so that in a little time you may expect some good news from us. 
 
 1708, July 8. Camp at Assche, halfway between Brussels and 
 Alost. — You will have heard before this comes to you of the disgrace 
 that has befallen us by the French surprising Ghent, which they 
 possessed themselves of on Thursday morning, before my Lord Duke's 
 notice he" sent, could come to them. Their taking this town was of 
 course followed by that of Bruges, but we had on Thursday night a 
 fair chance for retrieving all at once. Our army marched that day, the 
 left to Anderlecht, and the right to St. Quintin Lenniche, where they 
 discovered the French army very near. But it being a long march 
 and in ill ways made it six o'clock before the right came to their 
 ground, and the left was not in till two in the morning, nor had we 
 any artillery come up. However, when his Grace who lay at Ander- 
 lecht had notice of it, he made the necessary dispositions for an engage- 
 ment, word having been sent him that the French were coming towards 
 us, and with that expectation his Grace, though mightily indisposed for 
 want of rest, was out before two in the morning to go to the right. But 
 the notice that had been sent him proved all a mistake, for the French 
 instead of coming towards us were really marching as fast as they could 
 from us, and this blunder lost us such an. opportunity of engaging them 
 as is not to be again hoped for. When the mistake was discovered 
 some attempt was made to fall upon their rear, but too late. They, the 
 French, have made one of the boldest marches in the world, and passed 
 the Dender without any other loss but of baggage, of which we have 
 taken a good deal. Had our army come to their ground two or three 
 hours sooner it had been impossible for the French to have avoided an 
 engagement. On Friday morning we came to this camp, where we 
 were joined at noon by Prince Eugene and Cadogan, which last had he 
 been with us a day sooner he would have given his Grace better 
 intelligence of the enemy, and have known the difference between their 
 coming to us and marching by us. But what is past cannot be recalled. 
 We came hither in hopes of being able to go on, but finding it 
 impracticable, the French having passed the Dender at Ninove, and 
 being come to Alost by the time we came hither, we have been forced 
 to lie still a day or two to make the necessary dispositions for passing 
 
218 
 
 HareJMSS. another way. The baggage is sent away to-day with a greater strict- 
 ness than has been used on our side this war, that we may have nothing 
 to hinder our march, which we begin to-morrow. His Grace has been 
 confined all day to his bed by a hot fever fit, but something he took in 
 the afternoon carried it off with a gentle sweat, and lie rose much 
 mended, and which had the effect of a good cordial ; heard at his rising 
 that the troops he had ordered to reinforce the garrison at Oudenarde 
 were got in, so that we are in no pain for that place ; the losing Ghent 
 is certainly very much owing to the treachery of the burghers. Major 
 General Murray who was encamped with two regiments of foot and one 
 of dragoons almost under the walls of it, having sent his Grace word 
 that when he appeared before the Bruges post at eight in the morning, 
 they refused him entrance, though there were then not above six 
 Frenchmen at the gate with the ordinary guard, whereas at the gate the 
 French surprised they made not the least opposition, did not fire one 
 piece, nor offer to turn the barriers upon them, for which treachery, now 
 Oudenarde is safe, we hope soon to be revenged. 
 
 [P.S.] Herfelingen, July 9. — We marched at two this morning from 
 Assche, and the march having been kept very clear of baggage, and 
 the day very fine, the army came in in very good 'time, and after a halt 
 of a few hours, will march on, to pass the Dender at Ath or Lessines, in 
 order to engage the enemy if possible. Prince Eugene's horse will be 
 to-morrow between Linai and Brussels, at hand to act as occasion. His 
 Grace to-day is in all appearance very well, and I hope next letters will 
 bring you some better news. The citadel of Ghent surrendered yes- 
 terday upon honourable terms. 
 
 1708, July 12. Oudenarde. — This brings you new r s I did not dare to 
 hope for when I wrote last, of a complete victory over the French. 
 Upon our passing the Dender at Lessines they drew "off their troops that 
 had invested this place, and passed the Scheldt yesterday morning at 
 Gavere, which they continued to do until four in the afternoon, with 
 intention to retire out of our way. But his Grace has been too hard 
 for them. We marched yesterday morning from Le sines to pass the 
 Scheldt at this place, and before the army Cadogan was sent with a 
 strong detachment to make bridge and take post. Our army could not 
 all pass before night, but with those that were over his Grace resolved 
 to attack the enemy as soon as he could, which he began to do about 
 three in the afternoon, and though the ground was impracticable for 
 anything but foot and we had scarce a third part over, we attacked with 
 that success that we continually gained upon them till night. They 
 were posted in such difficult ground that they made a better defence than 
 they used to do, to which it is to be presumed the presence of their 
 princes likewise contributed something, and the advantage they had in 
 numbers and situation cost us a good many men. But still we beat them 
 from place to place until we could see no longer. My Lord Marlborough 
 and Prince Eugene continued all night on horseback, and as soon as it 
 was day attacked again such of them as were not gone off in the night, 
 and in a little time their .whole army or rather the remains of it were 
 entirely dispersed. Besides a great slaughter of them, we have made a 
 prodigious number of prisoners. They have been coming by droves into 
 this town for many hours, and among them are several officers of note. 
 I do not hear we have lost any. T believe this day has entirely ruined 
 the French foot. They are retiring towards Deynse and Ghent, and 
 are pursued by a great body of horse, so that we expect a good account 
 of them. It was nine this morning before my Lord Duke and Prince 
 
219 
 
 Eugene earn? into this town which they both did very well, though hare mss. 
 much fatigued. I hope you will soon hear of great fruits from this 
 glorious victory, which you shall have as soon as they can be sent. 
 
 1708, July 26. Werwick. — I hope you received my last, which I sent • 
 by my Lord Stairs. Since the battle we have been busy in ruining 
 their lines, harassing their country, and providing artillery to keep up 
 the consternation the country is in. His Grace sent yesterday a 
 detachment of fifty squadrons, 12 battalions, 1,000 grenadiers and all 
 the hussars to ravage into the heart of Picardy. The foot stop at Bassee 
 about seven leagues off, under the command of my Lord Orkney. 
 The horse go on towards Arras by Lens, and thence are to send 
 1,000 horse with the Hussars into Picardy to play the devil for 
 twice twenty-four hours. Whether they will be able to go so far is 
 a little doubted, we having advice that the French detached from 
 their army of Monday last about forty squadrons which were fol- 
 io wed on Wednesday by 6,000 foot, by way of Nieuport and Dunkirk 
 towards their frontiers, which may possibly disturb our people and 
 make them stop short. It is thought the rest of the French army 
 will defile the same way, leaving only a small body under Count la 
 Motte to keep the canal and their stolen goods until we were at leisure 
 to retake them. We have the good news that our artillery from Ghent 
 had arrived yesterday safe at Brussels, where that from Maestricht is 
 expected on Saturday, all diligence is using to get horses and wagons 
 for bringing it to the army, and the country round are summoned, both 
 friend and foe, to furnish a certain quota on pain of military execution. 
 The Duke of Berwick has where he is concerned given counter-orders, 
 but I trust our arguments will have most force with them, and besides 
 what the country is to furnish, a certain number is supplied by the army 
 out of the equipage of the officers, so many per regiment, the general 
 officers left to their honour, and to do as their zeal prompts them. 
 
 The Duke of Berwick, we had advice on Tuesday, was gone from 
 Douay with 23 squadrons, and all the horse of the garrison of Lille 
 towards Tournay. Which we suppose was with design to attack our 
 heavy baggage, and accordingly a strong reinforcement was sent to 
 escort it from Ath to the camp, where it arrived safely yesterday 
 without any disturbance from the enemy. We hear since the Duke of 
 Berwick has passed by Mons. I fancy his eye is on our artillery, 
 which it is mightily worth their while to endeavour to intercept, but all 
 possible care is taken to prevent any such attempts. Prince Eugene is 
 still with us, and there is much laying of heads together between him 
 and his Grace, so that there is no reason to doubt but everything will be 
 done that can be. His army is most of it on this side Ath until further 
 orders. The Prince of Hesse with the rest is near Brussels. 
 
 1708, August 9. Werwick. — We have had but very indifferent 
 summer weather hitherto, and I do not hear it has been better in 
 England, which I hope we shall have some amends for in the latter 
 season, which I believe no place will feel the benefit of more than 
 Hurstmonceux. I think I have written to you once from this camp, 
 but am not sure, but there is no danger of letters miscarrying, and 
 therefore if you have received none, you may conclude I did not write. 
 We are at last in prospect of leaving this camp in few days, having 
 surmounted the difficulties of getting up our heavy cannon, which the 
 enemy flattered themselves were insuperable. It left Brussels on 
 Monday in the afternoon, and marching all night along the causey came 
 by noon next day to Soignies and yesterday came to Ath, and it was 
 
220 
 
 Hare MSS. hoped they should then pass the Pender. To-day they halt and in two 
 more I reckon will be with us. The great danger was in their first 
 setting out, but now we think they are safe and are in no pain for them. 
 The French continue as they were, and when we are entered on a siege, 
 pretend they will do the like to Oudenarde, or some other of our towns, 
 but we fear them not. They may perhaps do something by surprise or 
 treachery, but we do not mind their threats in anything, that cannot be 
 done at a spurt. I do not know what place we shall sit down before 
 first, but take for granted it will be Lille, and when we are once 
 masters either of it or Tournay, their country is open to us, and we 
 shall be able to go where we please. 
 
 1708, August 23. Amougies. — Upon advice that the Duke of 
 Vendosme was in readiness to march from Grhent, and that the Duke 
 of Berwick on the other side had drawn from their garrisons all the 
 troops that possibly he could to Mortagne, and was preparing to march 
 to Mons, our army passed the Scheldt this morning, the right is at 
 Pottes, just on this side of the river, and the left at this place. By this 
 march we hope to prevent their junction between the Scheldt and the 
 Dender, and to be able to oppose any design upon Brussels, which they 
 seem to have an eye upon. But we have another point to guard, 
 which is to keep so near the Scheldt, that they may not turn short and 
 pass it before us, which would ruin all. In this nice juncture things 
 are at present, which will make us think it very long until the siege is 
 at an end, though this motion of ours will show the enemy we do not 
 intend to lie still, and «that therefore if they will attempt to make a 
 diversion, they must risk another battle for it, and perhaps that may 
 damp their projects, especially considering the ill condition of their 
 affairs in Savoy, where our news says, though we have no letters here 
 directly from thence, that the Duke has beaten Monsieur Villars, though 
 the Paris letters pretend, according to custom, that Villars has beat him, 
 but at the same time they own that the Duke has taken Exilles and the 
 garrison prisoners of war, which probably was the consequence of the 
 Marechals being beaten, but perhaps letters from Holland may bring 
 you a more particular account of that affair. 
 
 The trenches were opened last night before Lille, on each side the 
 Lower Dyle, with the loss only of three men, and they hope to be 
 masters of the place in a fortnight, the attack being against a part of 
 the town where they can see the works quite to the bottom, which will 
 make a breach easy when our batteries are ready. 
 
 The French threaten to relieve a town of so much consequence to 
 their commerce, cost what it will, and say that the Elector of Bavaria 
 is coming with 12,000 or 15,000 men from the Rhine, where it is in the 
 paper that our people should never do anything, but I do not believe 
 there is anything in it. We every day expect to hear of the landing of 
 our troops somewhere on the coast of France, which at this juncture 
 may prove a very seasonable diversion. 
 
 It is confirmed that the poor malcontents have been beaten in 
 Hungary, and by it received a greater blow than any they have had 
 before this war which is, I am afraid, a presage of their ruin. 
 
 1708, August 28. Amougies. — We have been long expecting the 
 enemy's motions, which it is said were intended to begin on Thursday 
 last, had not we passed the Scheldt and come to this place, which the 
 Duke of Vendosme has endeavoured to draw us from, by making a show 
 as if he intended to march by Bruges and Nieuport ; but to no purpose. 
 At last they are in motion. The Duke of Berwick marched on Saturday 
 
221 
 
 from Mortagne to Bossu and the Duke of Vendosme yesterday marched Hare MSS.3 
 
 from Ghent towards the Dender, but the Duke of Berwick lay still, 
 
 which looked as if they had a design to make a countermarch and steal 
 
 Over the Scheldt before us, which obliged us to stay where we are. 
 
 To-day the Duke of Vendosme came to Ninove, and we have to-night 
 
 advice that he has there passed the Dender, in order to join to-morrow 
 
 the Duke of Berwick who passed the Haine this morning and marched 
 
 we suppose to Soignies. If it be confirmed that they have passed the 
 
 Dender, we shall make a small movement to-morrow nearer that river, 
 
 but leave a detachment at Pottes to secure our bridges over the Scheldt. 
 
 It is thought impracticable for the enemy to attack us between these 
 
 two rivers, it is so close a country, so that if they have a mind for 
 
 another action, they must go to Lille, which will be a business of at 
 
 least eight days, considering that by our being posted as we are, they 
 
 must go about by Mons and Tournay. All things go very well at the 
 
 siege. The batteries began to fire yesterday, and if there be no action, 
 
 the town will be ours soon, and I hope sooner if there be. The 
 
 Duke of Savoy has taken Exilles, though a detachment of his was 
 
 defeated at Lesare two days before the taking that place, and Terestrelles 
 
 is all we expect from that side this campaign. 
 
 We hear nothing of our descent and want three mails from England. 
 
 The French have no artillery to attempt anything against Brussels. 
 
 1708, Sept. 10. Fretin. — We have been this week at this place, and 
 shall, with the leave of the French, wait here the event of the siege, 
 which proves a more difficult piece of work than was expected. 
 
 It is commonly said now that our engineers have attacked the town 
 in the strongest part, which mistake they were drawn into by the 
 advantage they thought they had in the beginning, from the height of 
 the ground. On Friday night the counterscarp after a delay of several 
 days was attacked, but by no means with the success that we expected. 
 Though Prince Eugene had made the disposition right and had ordered 
 everything to be ready several hours before the time intended for the 
 attack, which was six o'clock, yet by one accident or other it was past 
 seven before they begun, by which means our men wanted light, which 
 proved as it always does very unfortunate. For besides that all do not do 
 their duty when they are not seen, and that those who do scarce know 
 what they do, what they were to do, took up by that means twice the time 
 and consequently exposed our men to so much a longer fire from the 
 enemy, and besides, which is most cruel, they fell foul of one another, 
 and many of our men were shot by their friends. But not to dwell on 
 such an uncomfortable story, we lost on this occasion above 1,500 men 
 killed and wounded, and most of the engineers being of that number, 
 the workmen wanted directions, so that after so great a loss, we have 
 not made our lodgments so near as was designed, and it is feared the 
 town will still take eight or ten days, and that may endanger the whole 
 enterprise ; for besides the danger of the rains and the being straitened 
 for provision and forage, I am afraid we may want ammunition. There 
 is a convoy coming from Brussels, which I cannot but be in pain for. The 
 French will do their utmost to intercept it, and the loss of it would be 
 I doubt the loss of all. It set out from Brussels on Friday night and 
 on Saturday in the afternoon the French sent thirty squadrons from 
 their army to intercept it, upon notice of which we sent the like number, 
 and we hear they have brought the convoy safe to Oudenarde. But it 
 is still in danger, for besides that body of horse we hear La Motte is 
 trying to fall upon it with 2,000 foot from Ghent. 
 
Hare MSS. 
 
 222 
 
 The French have made to-day a small movement with their right 
 nearer to the Marque, to what end I do not know, I believe only to 
 straiten us more for forage, or perhaps to cover better some posts they 
 have on this side the river, which might be occasioned by an action of 
 some of our young brigadier-generals, who on Saturday in the afternoon 
 attacked one of their posts, a chateau in the rear of their army, with 
 two battalions of foot, which 10 men might have kept against 1,000, 
 and if we had taken it signified nothing, nor could we have kept it. It 
 was perfectly running their heads against a wall, and after they had lost 
 150 men, killed and wounded, they had nothing to do but to come back 
 again. I believe his Grace will not in haste trust men with officers 
 who do not know how to make a better use, of them. 
 
 If the enemy have any other design in coming so near us, we may 
 probably know in the morning, and our letters being kept here till then 
 I will add what there is more in a postscript. 
 
 1708, Sept. 17. Sanghin (?). — You will have heard by the last letters 
 how very near we have been to action without coming to it. After 
 Monsieur Vendosme had cannonaded us so long and to no purpose, 
 he was content to draw off his batteries, and on Thursday and Friday 
 the mighty train was sent back to Douay. Thus they give up all 
 thoughts of raising the siege, which if our engineers had been good 
 for anything, had been over before this, and they will try now to make 
 a diversion, or at least endeavour to starve us. They marched Saturday 
 and yesterday back the way they came, and to-day have passed the 
 Scheldt, and in a day or two more we shall see what they design. In 
 order to observe their motions, we made a small march yesterday, 
 and to-morrow march again towards Helchin. It is a pity we had 
 not another battle, that Ave might not be at all this trouble to dance after 
 them. 
 
 The weather has been hitherto very favourable, had it been otherwise 
 it might have done under such engineers what the enemy could not. 
 Pei haps in a week's time we may have the town, but it is more than 
 we are sure of. 
 
 Monsieur Chamillard who came Saturday was sennight to the army, 
 is gone back to-day to give the King an account what mighty feats 
 Monsieur Vendosme has done. He has hitherto done -as one would 
 desire him. I wish our delays do not force him to hurt us, whether he 
 will or no. 
 
 1709, May ~. Hague. — Though I landed on Saturday I did not come 
 
 hither until last night, so that I can tell you very little of the politics, 
 and for that reason should not write now, but that I am going to-morrow 
 to Amsterdam, and by that means I should be obliged to defer a week 
 longer. There have been several conferences between his Grace and 
 the Marquis de Torcy, and by the joy that seemed to be in his Grace's 
 countenance yesterday all seemed to go well, at least as to these two 
 points, that the French were resolved to have peace on any terms, and 
 the Dutch determined to do nothing without us. But to-day we have 
 received a very unwelcome piece of news, which may first shake the 
 Dutch, and if the French perceive it, that may make them less coming 
 than they w r ould be. It is my good Lord Galloway's acting the second 
 part of Almanza, for he has been well beaten by the Marquis de Bay, 
 though I hope not so much as the French letters make it. One would 
 think # his Lordship were bewitched, that he cannot let things alone, when 
 they are on a good footing, but take pains to destroy the most promising 
 appearances of a good peace. We shall soon know how this affair will affect 
 
223 
 
 the treaty. Monsieur Rouille and the rest return to Paris to-morrow, Hare MSs. 
 
 but the Marquis continues here ; the misery France is in will make 
 
 them notwithstanding an advantage at that distance, still very pressing 
 
 for peace, so that I do not despair yet of a good one. The weather 
 
 continues so cold and wet that it will still be some time before the 
 
 troops can take the field, though his Grace talks of going very soon. 
 
 Our army will be full 25,000 men stronger than last year, and I hope 
 
 the field will do the business if the Hague cannot. When I know more 
 
 you shall hear again. 
 
 1709, May 28. Hague. — After many conferences, the last of which 
 did not end until two this morning, Monsieur Torcy has agreed to a 
 project of preliminaries, but, pretending not to have sufficient powers 
 for all the parts of it, has not signed if, but is set out this afternoon for 
 Versailles to lay it before the king, and he is allowed to the 4th of June 
 for his answer, and if it be accepted, several towns will be without delay 
 put into our hands as caution for performance, and a cessation of arms 
 agreed to for two months. It will surprise people to see so good 
 and glorious a peace as this treaty gives us, which not only gives up 
 all the Spanish monarchy and obliges the king (not only to quit, but) 
 to recall his son, but gives satisfaction to all the allies in general. 
 I do not know the particulars, and if I did, it is not proper they should 
 be public until they are signed, besides that if you see Horace [ Walpole] 
 you will learn enough of him, who brings over the treaty. 
 
 1709, June 7. Hague. — I presume the preliminary articles are now 
 no secret to you and therefore shall give you no account of them. 
 Horace Walpole arrived here with the ratification on Wednesday even- 
 ing, but found us not in so much haste for it, as he had reason to 
 expect, for the same day in the forenoon a courier arrived from Paris to 
 Monsieur Rouille, the contents of which were that the King could not 
 agree to the preliminaries. The King makes several exceptions to other 
 parts of them, but the great difficulty is in relation to the 37th, and the 
 evacuation of Spain within two months, which is the condition of the 
 cessation of arms continuing to the end of the treaty for a general peace ; 
 for in that case, if the Duke of Anjou cannot be dispossessed in two 
 months, and yet the King in the meantime gives up his frontier towns 
 to us, then he is entirely at the mercy of the allies. But this and the 
 rest of the objections is no more than what was said over and over by 
 Torcy, and yet he acted in such a matter as to make us think it would 
 be upon the whole complied with, and was very desirous our ratifica- 
 tions might be ready. There does indeed, upon supposition the French 
 King cannot command his son, seem to be some reason in what they 
 urge, but then there is another expedient would satisfy the allies, and 
 that is, the giving up such towns in Spain as are garrisoned by the 
 troops of France, and are therefore perfectly in his own power, and 
 their refusing to comply with this is a demonstration this difficulty is 
 started only to gain time and chicane. There was a conference with 
 Monsieur Rouille last night, in which the allies seemed all peremptory 
 to adhere to what they had done, especially since England and several 
 of the Provinces had actually ratified them. Monsieur Rouille 
 seeing he makes no impression threatens to be gone, but I am 
 of opinion will still stay as long as he can and expect new orders. In 
 the meantime all is making ready for war. Prince Eugene, as soon as 
 he had notice on Tuesday that the King had refused to sign, imme- 
 diately issued orders for the troops to draw together, and next Wed- 
 nesday they will be all joined between the Lys and the Scheldt, and his 
 
Hare MSS. 
 
 224 
 
 Grace will be with them at the same time, and, in order to it, leaves this 
 place on Sunday. This is all the account I can give you of the posture 
 of affairs at present, which may possibly alter very soon. I dare say 
 if Rouille carries the jest so far as to leave this place, he will return 
 before he goes to Paris, and that one way or other we shall have peace 
 without fighting for it. 
 
 P.S. — Upon the report of the conference with Rouille, &c. by the 
 secret committee to the States General, they have unanimously taken a 
 noble resolution to adhere to the preliminaries, and to push the war 
 with all possible vigour, and sent it to their several Provinces, which, I 
 believe, is what France did not expect. 
 
 1709, June 27. Villemeaux. — I deferred to thank you for the 
 favour of yours of the 31st until I could send you some account, what 
 we were likely to do here. Our troops have been in motion as soon as 
 it was possible to stir, after we knew the French King's refusal to agree 
 to the preliminaries, but the continued rains have made their assembling 
 together 3 or 4 days later than it would have been otherwise, which 
 time Monsieur Villars has improved to draw together all the troops he 
 could and to fortify his camp, which is by nature very strong, and has 
 very little opening into it. On Sunday the troops were all together in 
 the plains of Lille, and next day the ways between us and the French 
 army and the situation of their camp were viewed ; and on Tuesday 
 dispositions were made for a march, which everybody took for granted 
 was towards the enemy, though nobody could tell how it was possible 
 to come at them. Yesterday morning the heavy baggage was sent away, 
 and at nine in the evening the army marched ; and even then hardly 
 anybody suspected whether we were going, and this morning to the 
 surprise of ourselves as well as the enemy we find ourselves before 
 Tournay, which on this side is invested from Antoing to the chaussee 
 that goes to Lille by the troops under his Grace, and from thence to the 
 Scheldt by those under Prince Eugene, on the other side is Mr. Lumley 
 with 30 squadrons and 12 battalions, where he is' joined with 10 
 squadrons and 5 battalions, from Oudenarde under Lieutenant-General 
 Dompre. 
 
 On the march the Prince of Orange was detached, with 30 squadrons 
 and 10 battalions under Monsieur Hompesch and -Lord Orkney, to endea- 
 vour to surprise Mortagne and St. Amand, we do not yet hear with 
 what success. 
 
 We hope to have a successful siege of it, since we are assured there 
 are in the town but 14 battalions, and of them all but two new raised, 
 aud three squadrons of dragoons. Monsieur Surville commands in the 
 town, and in the citadel Monsieur Megrigni, its Governor. 
 
 This is all the news the army affords at present, I suppose we shall 
 soon hear Monsieur Villars has quitted his camp which he has taken so 
 much pains about, and perhaps by the end of the siege we may find a 
 better opportunity of coming at him, I dare say he will not give us a 
 chance for it, by attempting to disturb us. 
 
 1709, July 8. Villemeaux. — Our last letters will have prepared you 
 to expect by these the loss of the garrison of Warneton. The detach- 
 ment sent from hence could not come time enough to their relief, and 
 the officer who commanded neither made the defence he might, nor the 
 terms he might have reasonably hoped for. He offered to capitulate 
 when the enemy were upon him, which they took no notice of, and 
 after forty or fifty shot the garrison surrendered. The post was in no 
 condition of defence, but the men might have been saved, if they had 
 
225 
 
 taken care to make a bridge over the Lys, as it was ordered they should, 
 for then they might have retired in safety, upon the approach of a 
 superior force. Fort Rouge though but fifty men in it, made a good 
 defence and a squadron of the detachment we sent appearing they took 
 the alarm and retired with great precipitation, by which we saved 
 that place and Comines. The detachment is since returned but other 
 troops were sent in their place, that have taken post at Deulemonte, 
 Last night we broke ground against Tournay in three places, Lottura 
 commands the attack against the citadel, Schulemburg against the town 
 on this side the Scheldt, and Fagel on the other. They made last night 
 a great progress, with the loss of two or three men only at the two first 
 attacks, but at Fagel's attack there were about 40 killed and wounded. 
 I hope in a few days we shall be able to send you news of the siege's 
 being well advanced. The artillery is expected every day. Our chief 
 engineer had the misfortune on Saturday night, as he was walking in 
 the dusk, to step into a hole, and broke one of his legs, which has 
 rendered him unserviceable in great measure, and we have no other here 
 that can supply his place, which I am afraid may be a great prejudice to 
 the success of our siege. We have extreme ill weather, it rains this 
 evening violently hard, which must make it very bad for the poor 
 creatures in the trenches. 
 
 All our accounts confirm the weakness of the garrison, and that gives 
 us hopes we shall not meet with any great resistance. We hear from 
 Lille that they desert in great numbers from the French army — for 
 want of pay. If we can have but a little good weather, I hope we shall 
 still be able before the end of the campaign to come at them. 
 
 1709, July 18. Villemeaux. — I have nothing to send you from this 
 side, but that our siege goes on very well ; we already find the difference 
 between this and Lille. We made on Monday night at Schulemburg's 
 attack, without the loss of one man, a better lodgment than that 
 which cost us 3,000 men at Lille. The same night Monsieur Fagel 
 made a lodgment also, with much the same success, though upon the 
 whole that attack suffers most. The enemy make very little lire and. 
 plainly spare their men to reserve them for the defence of the citadel. 
 These two generals seem to vie with one another, which shall get into 
 the town first, but most are of opinion that Count Lottum will carry it 
 from both, and that the town will be taken on his side for between the 
 citadel and river it is covered by nothing but a simple wall, which we 
 are preparing to batter. The enemy upon our investing the town had 
 made two entrenchments for the further defence of that side, but we 
 have beaten them, or rather they upon our approach to attack them on 
 Monday and Tuesday nights retired out of both. They have sluices 
 there, which are so low we cannot see them, and that is our greatest 
 difficulty on that side, for until they are ruined we do not know how to 
 deal with such a quantity of running water as is kept up by them. 
 Monsieur Villars has given us no disturbance since the affair of 
 Warneton, but the troops they expected from Germany begin to arrive 
 and when they are all come, it is likely they will attempt some diversion, 
 but I hope we shall have the town first, then we shall be more at 
 leisure to attend their motions, and that the engineers tell us we may 
 expect in six or seven days. The citadel will require more time, we are 
 so much afraid of their mines which we are looking for by four different 
 saps with all diligence, but I do not yet hear we have found any of them. 
 We have not a day without rain and in the main very cold. 
 
 1709, July 25. Villemeaux. — Our last letters I believe have made 
 you all expect to receive by these the news of the surrender of the town, 
 but a fresh delay is created by a difficulty we did not apprehend. The 
 
 Habe mss. 
 
226 
 
 Hare MSS. enemy have by their sluices been enabled to throw ten or twelve feet of 
 water into the fosse of Schulemburg's attack, where we expected to find 
 none and this does not only require time itself before it can be drained 
 off or filled up, but will oblige us to take the horn work on the left of 
 that attack first, which Monsieur de Rocque told them from the 
 beginning would be necessary to avoid our being exposed to so many 
 fires at the same time, the fault which was committed in the siege of 
 Lille, but those that command that attack did not think so much 
 ceremony Avas necessary, since the garrison was too weak to man all 
 their outworks well, besides that it was expected the other attacks 
 would be ready at the same time. Whenever we do take the toAvn, it 
 will be at this attack, for Fagel's is absolutely impracticable, it being 
 impossible to batter the sluices, and to fill the ditch with so great a 
 quantity of running water in it — 18 or 20 feet — and if we could make 
 a bridge, which is very difficult and would cost a great many men, 
 perhaps if they open their sluices, the force of the water would carry it 
 away. And as for Lottum's attack the mines oblige us to be very slow 
 in our advances on that side. This is the condition of the siege when 
 we want extremely to have it over, to attend Monsieur Viliars who has 
 left his old camp to the guard of the troops under Monsieur Artagnan 
 who is to be joined by the militia of Picardy and the Bolonois, and is 
 come himself with the rest of his army between Douay and Valen- 
 ciennes. Upon advice of their being in motion Mr. Cadogan was sent 
 out early this morning with a body of 2,000 foot and .300 horse to 
 reconnoitre the enemy and the ground between St. Amand and Valen- 
 ciennes, and to see whether the wood of St. Amand is open enough for 
 the troops to pass through. Upon his way he heard the enemy had the 
 day before surprised an advanced post we had at Hasnon, who had 
 orders to retire on their approach, but not being sufficiently upon 
 their guard, of 150 men not much above half got off. Hasnon is an 
 abbey on the other side of the Scarpe about half a league west of St. 
 Amand. Upon this approach of the enemy the garrison of that place 
 is reinforced with 400 men more, and a brigade of foot is to encamp 
 between the village of St. Maure and St. Amand to be ready to sustain 
 it if Monsieur Viliars should attack it, which it is probable he will, and 
 that may occasion a greater action. He is reinforced with 14 battalions 
 and 24 squadrons from Germany, so that if he will venture anything 
 this campaign it will be now. They have summoned in a great number 
 of pioneers to make a line to cover them behind the Scarpe, which, were 
 our siege of the town over, we might be able to hinder. But what 
 makes me wish that most is the besieging troops that lie on the other 
 side of the Scheldt, where I cannot but think they are in danger, and 
 that troops may be thrown into the town on that side, but it is to be 
 hoped that things will not be many days in this situation. 
 
 1709, July 29. Villemeaux. — You will have heard by an express 
 that Avent hence this morning, the good success of the vigour with 
 which Ave pushed our siege since our last letters, both at Lottum's and 
 Schulemburg's attack, which made the enernv think fit to capitulate on 
 Sunday evening. The articles will be finished to-night and to-morroAV 
 morning the Lille Gate is to be delivered to us. AVe shall attack the 
 citadel with all the vigour possible, and spare no fire to make it too hot 
 for them, so that I hope it will not be long before we shall send you a 
 good account of it. It is uoav out of the power of Monsieur Viliars to 
 disturb us, Avho is very busy in making lines, and that is all Ave hear of 
 him. I do not doubt but Ave shall make a very good campaign of it, 
 and the misery of France is by all accounts so great, that I think Ave 
 cannot fail of a good peace. 
 
227 
 
 1709, August 12. Hopital d'Orchies.— Not being last Thursday Hare MSS. 
 with his Grace at Tournay, I coul«l not send you Monsieur Ravignan'3 
 answer, which we did not think would have been so like that to the 
 preliminaries. However, they show their inclination for renewing the 
 negotiations, which though we could not enter into here, yet are in 
 agitation, and it is very likely we may in little time see them again 
 opened at the Hague. In truth, the misery in France is come to that 
 extremity that they have no other part left. But we have shown 
 Monsieur Villars that notwithstanding the reinforcements he has 
 received, and that we are so much weakened by the siege and the 
 absence of the troops employed in it, yet we would be glad of a fair 
 opportunity of deciding matters a shorter way. On Thursday in the 
 evening and Friday we endeavoured to attack a strong post they have 
 on this side the Scarpe at Marchiennes. What success we might have 
 had, had we without ceremony advanced to it, I cannot judge, but 
 Mr. Cadogan's reconnoitring in the afternoon gave such an alarm, that 
 by next morning their whole army was ready to sustain it, so that we 
 had no part left but to retire our troops without attempting anything. His 
 Grace and Prince Eugene were out this morning to view the ground be- 
 tween Fluies (?) and Pont-a-Rache near Douay, where they have another 
 post. It is exceeding difficult to come at them any way, as they now lie, 
 but our generals show their good-will, and that it will not be want of 
 invitation if they do not come at them. I can say nothing particular of 
 our siege but that it goes on, as well as mines will give them leave. 
 For news from other parts you have them as soon from Holland 
 ordinarily as we have them here. 
 
 1709, August 22. Orchies. — The army at present affords no news, 
 and the troops of the siege being reinforced with 9 or 10 battalions more, 
 it is not likely we shall attempt anything till that is at an end, which 
 when it will be, God knows, for the attach which was begun first is 
 likely to come to nothing. The Deputies threatened at first not to be 
 sparing of their fire, but partly I believe out of the old frugal humour, 
 partly to spare the town, which is exposed to our fire from that attack, 
 and partly perhaps that we may not have time to do anything more, 
 we make very little fire from that attack, and that enables the enemy to 
 make a pretty great one upon us, so that little is to be expected from 
 that side. At the other attack they go on with more vigour, though 
 there too our fire is not extraordinary. "We finished yesterday a bomb 
 battery at that attack, under which the enemy had a mine ready, which 
 we had the good fortune to discover the day before and found in it 
 18 barrels of powder. But the same day the enemy sprung another 
 mine, under an old wall which was blown up, and there were un- 
 fortunately buried in the ruins of it a captain, a lieutenant, and 35 men. 
 This is the greatest harm any one mine has done us yet, and what makes 
 the loss of these poor men the more to be pitied, it is said the engineers 
 did over and over foretell what would happen it any man were posted 
 there. But where the direction of things goes through many hand? 
 there will be blunders. This is all I can tell you of our siege. As for 
 peace I take it to be certain there will be one soon, though I cannot but 
 think the continuance of the war more for the interest of England than 
 any peace can be, every day's prolonging of the war is so exceeding 
 ruinous to France, their condition being in all respects and by all accounts 
 more miserable than can be expressed. But peace will assuredly 
 conclude the year, I cannot doubt. All the point will be the expedient 
 for the 37th article, which [ cannot think so easy to be well compounded 
 for, as it seems to be commonly imagined. I cannot but fear a Spanish 
 
 E 77960. Q 
 
Hare MSS. 
 
 228 
 
 war may prove very troublesome, as well as expensive, and that the 
 load will lie entirely upon England, when the other allies have got all 
 they want. But I am not in the secret, nor do I at all know what 
 expedient is upon the anvil, though I am confident some is. 
 
 1709, Sept. 3. Orchies. — I can at last congratulate you upon the 
 happy conclusion of our siege, sooner than I expected, and with more 
 honour than I could have hoped for. The enemy offered to capitulate 
 on Saturday morning before a breach was made, but in revenge for their 
 Hying off from their capitulation before, and knowing the want they 
 were in, they were told they must expect no other terms but prisoners 
 of war. Since that the matter has again been in agitation, and was last 
 night as it were concluded, that they shall not be treated as prisoners, 
 but accounted for as such, and not serve again until exchanged. They 
 are very unwilling to the last article of leaving behind them their arms 
 and colours &c. but will T believe be forced to yield to it. His Grace is 
 just going to Tom-nay to conclude this affair, and this letter goes with 
 him so that I have not time to add more. 
 
 We have from the French camp the ill news that Count Mercy's 
 party is defeated, and we hear from other hands that the Elector has 
 repassed the Rhine net daring to attack the French lines. 
 
 [P.S.] Tommy, 3 afternoon. 
 
 The articles are signed by which the garrison are to leave their arms, 
 but in compliment to Monsieur Surville they will, I believe, be given 
 them. The army marches to-morrow, but whither I know not, it is 
 likely in order to the siege of Mons, a detachment having been sent two 
 days ago to surprise St. Gruilain, though as we hear just now, without 
 success. 
 
 J 709, September 7. Chateau de Havre near Mons. — I received on 
 Thursday yours of the 17th which found us on the march to invest this 
 place. The articles for the surrender of the citadel were signed on 
 Tuesday in the afternoon, and at the s*,me time the Prince of Hesse 
 was ordered to pass the Scheldt at Mortagne, with a great detachment, 
 and at midnight the army followed, and we have been in almost one 
 continued march ever since, till last night. We had until Thursday 
 night a continued rain, which made ihe march t irough a close country 
 so difficult, that the detachment which should have passed the Haine 
 and the lines between that and the Sambre on Thursday morning, did 
 not do it until yesterday morning, but then they did it with good success, 
 the troops the enemy had in them retiring in the night. Monsieur 
 Villars marched with part of his army on Wednesday evening, and is 
 come through Valenciennes as far as Quevrain, but to what end I 
 cannot yet see. We shall to-morrow or Monday march again to take 
 such ground as is proper to cover the siege. It is said at present that 
 the garrison is not strong, but I find we generally under-reckon the 
 strength of our enemies, of which we have had an instance in Tournay, 
 from whence the garrison marched out yesterday above 4000 strong, 
 including officers, besides sick and wounded. You tell me in the close 
 of your letter that you wish we may do something very successful, 
 because people are a little uneasy at the second sham of the French. I 
 can see very well that the shams of the French are a good reason for 
 people being angry with them, but I cannot understand how they can 
 from thence be angry with us. But whether they are or not, I trust 
 this will not be thought an ill campaign. The Elector of Bavaria left 
 Mons on Wednesday in the evening and is retired to Maubeuge, and 
 from thence it is likely goes to Compeign. 
 
229 
 
 It is said the French were come within a league of their lines, when Hare mss. 
 they met their troops retiring, upon which they returned to Quevrain. 
 
 1709, September 11. Blaregnies. — I write this in haste to con- 
 gratulate with you upon a great victory afier a very obstinate battle, 
 in which abundance have suffered on both sides. We have been two 
 nights lying on our arms near the enemy who had retrenched them- 
 selves in a great wood, between St. Guilain and Bavay, called the Bois 
 de Sart. We have cannonaded each other for two days past, n?A this 
 morning began the attack before eight, which lasted till three. The 
 beginning of it was very rude especially on our left, and the enemy's 
 batteries did us a good deal of mischief as well as their entrenchment. 
 But, God be thanked, we carried our point, drove them out of the wood, 
 and have dispersed their army, so that I hope nothing now can hinder a 
 good peace which is impatiently longed for. 
 
 I believe this will be called the battle of Mons. We took St. Guilain 
 last night sword in hand. 
 
 1710, April if. Camp near Douay on the side of Artois. — You will 
 have heard by the last letters that we have invested Douay, and that 
 the enemy have abandoned all their posts on the Scarpe, and are retired 
 to Cambray. On Friday, the day I came hither, we began the lines of 
 circumvallation, which being pretty far advanced, all the horse, except 
 1,500, will to-morrow march back to the other side of the Scarpe, to be 
 nearer Lille and Tournay from whence we receive our dry forage that 
 is brought in vast quantities up the Lys and Scheldt from Holland, and 
 the foot will be in a manner all posted on this side. A thousand horse 
 are marched to-day to Arteux to stop the sluices upon the river that 
 carries water to Douay on that side, and at the same time we are cutting 
 the Scarpe at Bioche between Arras and Donay, to let out the water 
 into the adjacent marshes, which will otherwise increase the inundation 
 of Douay that way. The strength of that place consists chiefly in the 
 water, it will therefore be of great service to us, if we can by these 
 means considerably lessen the inundations. We are making the neces- 
 sary preparations for the siege with all possible diligence, and as the 
 French cannot take the field for want of magazines, until the green 
 forage is come up, we are not without hopes we may have ended our 
 siege before they are ready to disturb us ; if it continue as cold as it 
 is at present, which will keep the spring very much back, and that is 
 what we of all things wish for. I hear nothing how peace goes on, 
 but not the slower I dare say for this success, for they seem to have 
 no other choice left now, but either to make peace or risk a battle to 
 raise our siege, which they will hardly venture in a plain country, where 
 a general action could not well fail of being decisive ; but you will 
 know more of this from Holland than I can teli you. 
 
 We are told there are in Douay 17 battalions and 4 squadrons, but do 
 not hear what provisions. 
 
 1710, May 29. — 'To-day we have nothing new, the French are 
 assembled about Arras, and have laid bridges over the Scarpe, but as 
 yet are quiet in their camp, though we find by all their deserters that 
 they give out perpetually that they will come to us. 
 
 We made last night a little unexpected progress at the siege on the 
 right attack, by one of the enemy deserting to us, and telling our men, 
 there was nobody in that part of the covered way, upon which we 
 immediately entered and lodged ourselves. 
 
 1710, June 5. Esquerchin. — This comes only to tell you that if you 
 should have heard by other ways of J. Pelham's having been in danger 
 
 Q 2 
 
230 
 
 Hare mss. vou need not be in any pain. I saw him on Sunday last very well, but 
 being obliged to be in the trenches on Tuesday night, when we made 
 an attack upon a part of the counterscarp on the left, he had the mis- 
 fortune to be twice blown up, botli by a mine of our own, and by one 
 of the enemy's. But he is come off so well as to be in no danger, his 
 clothes were burnt in pieces, and his face, eyebrows, nose and beard 
 pretty much singed and one nail of a finger beat off, but he will do very 
 well and will not be at all disfigured. It is happy for him he has 
 escaped so well. He suffered just enough to keep him safe for the rest 
 of the siege, for I believe he will not be in condition to do more duty 
 at it, but that I am not altogether sure of yet. Our siege goes on at 
 the old rate, to everybody's dissatisfaction. Had it been carried on as 
 it ought to have been we had been now besieging Arras before the 
 French army had been assembled, which our generals certainly reckoned 
 upon, when they took the field, and that I think could not have failed 
 procuring us a good peace immediately, which nobody can endeavour 
 more than my Lord Marlborough notwithstanding the ill use some of 
 your friends are preparing to make of it, who are mighty impatient to 
 overturn the ministry, as soon as ever peace will give them the power 
 they then hope for. You will easily believe by my expressions that I 
 do not suppose you in their secret, how much soever they may be in 
 yours. There is no appearance that Monsieur Villars will now attempt 
 to raise our siege, but that he might receive some honour from the 
 advance he made to us, he attacked on Monday a post we had at Bioche 
 about a league above Vitry upon the Scarpe, and took 130 men who 
 surrendered without firing a shot, for which the officer, a Prussian, who 
 commanded, will it is likely be made an example, for my Lord Marl- 
 borough had himself visited the post not above an hour before, sent a 
 reinforcement of men into it, and had given orders to have them sus- 
 tained, in case they were attacked, which made their surrender the more 
 scandalous. The French contented themselves with carrying off the 
 men, without taking possession of the post themselves. Next day 
 Monsieur Villars was reconnoitring thereabouts, and the Prince of 
 Hesse was doing so at the same time. They were so near (but a water 
 between) that the Mareschal talked with the Prince and many famili- 
 arities passed, with compliments in abundance to my Lord Marlborough 
 and Prince Eugene. This is like Villars and may have some effect in 
 his army to persuade them peace is near, which will help to keep them 
 together and in heart. We have the whole power of France on this 
 side. I scarce believe he has 40,00C men in all his other armies put 
 together. Yet such are our allies that we hope for nothing from the 
 Rhine or Savoy, though the Empire make the greatest difficulties about 
 peace, and Savoy be the greatest gainer in the war. We hear nothing 
 yet from Spain, but have hopes that court are sufficiently embarrassed, 
 and that they have few they can entirely confide in. For my part, I 
 believe they would have none, were the Castilians convinced that France 
 in earnest would abandon them. I am apt to think France will see the 
 siege ended, and what further progress we are likely to make before 
 they will speak out, and that they have taken their party and wait only 
 for that. So that a month more will probably let us see what we are to 
 expect for one while I live in hopes. 
 
 1710, June 26. Le Brayle. — You seem to think we know here a 
 great deal more than we do of what is doing in England. For my 
 own part, I hear nothing of it, but a little from Dr. C. and Mr. Mann, 
 nor am I much concerned to know. Let us put just a good end to the 
 war, and I shall be very little concerned at anything else. I hope the 
 
231 
 
 taking Douay, which I can now give you joy of, will be a good step Hare MSS. 
 towards it. The town beat the chamade yesterday in the afternoon, but 
 we refused to enter into any treaty unless Fort Scarp be surrendered 
 with it. To which Monsieur Albergotti at first answered, that he had 
 not power to deliver up a place that was not attacked, and therefore 
 desired time to send to the king or Monsieur Villars. But that being 
 refused, and being allowed for his answer no longer time than until ten 
 this morning, he has considered better of it, and offers to surrender the 
 fort also ; the terms are now debating and I doubt not will be agreed. 
 This saves us a piece of work that might have employed us two or three 
 weeks longer, and is some compensation for the town's holding out so 
 long. Nothing can make a good peace but a good war. I never expect 
 else to have it from anything that can be done at Gertruydenberg, where 
 the French act in such a manner, that we cannot be at all sure they are 
 sincere, and it is a great pity they are not sent away, which I believe 
 will be endeavoured with great earnestness, if they do not soon speak 
 more to the purpose. It is great good fortune that King Philip can do 
 so little in Spain. It is to be hoped that it will give a great help to 
 matters to induce him to quit, without which all treating can end in 
 nothing, but what is worse than nothing, a separate peace with France, 
 which the Dutch are as averse to as anybody can wish them to be, and 
 more than many would have them, who would fain lay the want of peace 
 elsewhere. They have great reason to complain of a general for being 
 against peace, when they show they wish for it, it is nothing else but 
 that they may act with more success against him. Few men would 
 have heart to push the war to an end in such circumstances, besides my 
 Lord Duke, who notwithstanding so much provocation, takes the most 
 effectual measures for a good peace in defiance, and I may say, in con- 
 tempt of the ill use such ungrateful wretches are in haste to make of it. 
 You will forgive this warmth in one who has been some years so sensible 
 of the service his Grace has done his country. 
 
 1711, July 6. Lens. — I can send you no news but of a little action 
 that passed last night or rather this morning. The French having made 
 up the dikes at Arleux, which we cut when we lay at Warde, and Douay 
 beino- in some distress for water 700 men marched from thence in the 
 evenin 0- and were sustained by the whole picket of our army, and as this 
 might occasion a general engagement, the army were all ordered to be in 
 readiness to march. About break of day our men came up to the 
 enemy's post*, a redoubt in which they had 25 men, and a chateau 
 guarded by 90, which both surrendered prisoners of war, before the 
 enemy, who were all in motion, could come to their relief. This little 
 succees was the more extraordinary by the enemy's nearness to Arleux 
 compared with the distance we are at, which is four or five to one. 
 
 We have no news from any other parts of the world. The French 
 seem resolved to make an effort on the Rhine, having I think sent a 
 third detachment, upon which the Germans desire a second from us, but 
 we are their humble servants, and think it reasonable they should exert 
 themselves a little better than they have done, before they call for help 
 from us. 
 
 1711, July 30, n.e. Cote. — Nothing having passed hitherto on this 
 side, or but of little consequence, I need not, 1 believe, make any excuse 
 for not troubling you oftener with my letters. Things are now in the 
 same motion and a few days may produce something considerable. The 
 enemy have for some time amused us with detachments towards 
 Maubeuge, which we could make no certain judgment what they were 
 
232 
 
 Hare mss. designed for. But at last it appears their intention was on Brussels, 
 where the Elector has a good interest, and it is supposed a correspon- 
 dence has been carried on to surprise the place, while we are at this 
 great distance from it. On Tuesday these troops to the number of 17 
 battalions and 20 squadrons were near Binoh, and were to march again 
 yesterday, leaving their baggage behind them. The Duke of Marl- 
 oorough having for these ten (lays had some intimation of this design, 
 has put into it troops enough to prevent a surprise, if there be no 
 treachery. But as that cannot be much depended on, we have been for 
 two or three days in some uneasiness. But this evening his Grace has 
 news from Mons by express, that those troops did not march yesterday, 
 and that it was discoursed among them that their design was discovered. 
 This gives some ease, but whatever the design of the French be, we 
 were endeavouring to make what advantage we can of such a number of 
 troops being detached from them, and shall march on Saturday towards 
 their lines in order to attack them, if it be found practicable. We have 
 a report this evening that the Duke of Berwick has been defeated in 
 Savoy, but what there is in it I cannot say, perhaps nothing but the old 
 story, or such another, of 3 or 4 battalions being forced from some pass. 
 Good news from thence or any other part would be very welcome, for 
 things have at present a very untoward aspect, the Kings of Poland, 
 Prussia, and Denmark, and the Elector Palatine threatening to recall 
 their troops, unless we will consent to their unreasonable demands, and 
 France is intriguing in the Empire to disturb the Election. God knows 
 how these things will end. I see nothing but some great success can set 
 them right, and that is not much to be expected. A few days will deter- 
 mine what may be hoped for from this side, and 1 see very little hopes 
 from any other. 
 
 1711, August 4. Villers Brulin. — Our last letters will have prepared 
 you to expect some news from this side, though not just what you will 
 receive by these. We came hither yesterday and orders were given for 
 making a great number of fascines to-day, and early this morning my 
 Lord Marlborough went out to view the enemy's lines with all the 
 grenadiers of the army and 2000 horse, in order to attack them to- 
 morrow. Our motions have alarmed Monsieur Villars so much that he 
 has drawn all the troops within reach on this side between Arras and 
 Hedin, and his troops are perpetually under arms. We are to march 
 this evening, in appearance to attack him, but by the morning he will 
 find he is duped, for we have a body of troops that assembled about four 
 this afternoon at Douay, who will before morning I hope have passed 
 the Sensett, and our army, instead of marching towards the enemy, will 
 make the best of their way with all possible diligence, to pass the Scarpe 
 at Vitry, and join them. What success Ave meet with, I will add before 
 I close. We have had since yesterday noon a great deal of rainfall. 
 It has held up a great part of this day, but is now, about six, begun 
 again, with much wind and extreme cold. All the comfort we have 
 under it is that it will be as bad for the enemy as us, if not worse, besides 
 that they are more fatigued by the alarm they have been in for these 
 four or five days past. 
 
 Thursday afternoon, From Vergier near Oisy. 
 On Tuesday about nine in the evening we marched from Villers Brulin, 
 my Lord Marlborough at the same time advanced before the rest of the 
 army with 50 squadrons to join the troops that marched from Douay. 
 Those troops passed the Sensett at Arleux by break of day. My Lord 
 Marlborough was with them about nine o'clock. Monsieur Villars 
 
233 
 
 appeared not long after at the head of a body of horse, but found so Hare MSS. 
 
 many of our troops over, that he did not think fit to attack them but 
 
 retired to Marquion, having a morass and rivulet before him. Our 
 
 whole army could not be up till it was night, it being a march of at least 
 
 ten leagues. We had the finest night in the world to march in, and the 
 
 troops marched continually without halting. Thus the difficulties that 
 
 were thought insuperable are overcome without losing one man. What 
 
 use we shall be able to make of this unexpected success I cannot tell. I 
 
 hope we shall at least be able to take Bouchain. The French are 
 
 marched to-day over the Scheldt above Cam bray, with design I suppose 
 
 to hinder us from that enterprise. But we shall march again this 
 
 afternoon, and be before them. 
 
 1711, September 7. Avesnes le Sec. — I was disappointed in my 
 intentions of writing to you last post, when the motions of Monsieur 
 Villars had furnished me with a little news. But it is too late to say 
 anything of that attempt now, which you will see by the prints mis- 
 carried in the essential points, though the Mareschal had the good 
 fortune to surprise us in one part, but the rest not succeeding, that was 
 of no consequence. I suppose you have no particular maps with you, 
 and therefore it will be no entertainment to you to enter into the detail 
 of our situation, which is very extraordinary. The Mareschal has made 
 no fresh attempt to disturb us, but as he has sent a good many troops 
 to the side of Quesnoy and Valenciennes, that makes us redouble our 
 precautions on that side, and as we have drawn a line from Ivry to 
 Houdain upon their getting a pass upon the Scheldt at Etwin, so we have 
 made a line on the Lower Scheldt from Louveh to our line of cireum- 
 vallation, to cover our bridges for fear of any attempt from Valenciennes. 
 If Monsieur Villars does anything he must make haste, for we hope by 
 the end of the week to have the town, and in order to it, made our- 
 selves masters of the covered way at the right attack last night without 
 any loss. Monsieur Villars continuing still in the same camp may 
 encourage the garrison to hope for succour a little longer than they 
 would otherwise, and the consequence of that probably will be that we 
 shall have them prisoners of war. vVhat will succeed this siege I know 
 not, The French are doing their utmost to prevent the siege of 
 Quesnoy, which they suspect we design, by making it impossible for us 
 to subsist, to which end they are carrying all the forage round about 
 into their towns, and what they cannot carry away they burn. We 
 are now, when this siege is at an end, in as sure a way, as humanly 
 speaking can be, of carrying on the war with success, if it be not 
 prevented by a peace, of which we have whispers from your side. 
 
 1711, September 19. Avesnes le Sec. — Though I can tell you 
 nothing but what you may perhaps have heard before this reaches you, 
 I cannot omit the opportunity of the express my Lord Marlborough 
 sends to the Queen, to give you joy of the happy conclusion of our 
 siege. The garrison beat the chamade on Saturday noon, but to the 
 great mortification of Monsieur Villars could obtain no better terms 
 than to be prisoners at war, which after some difficulty they submitted 
 to, and to-morrow they march out to be conducted to Holland. We 
 shall be obliged to make some longer stay here, to put the town into a 
 condition of defence, which is at present a heap of rubbish. This has 
 been the best conducted siege we have made this war, and considering 
 the great difficulties under which it has been made, nothing this war 
 has been more glorious, particularly for my Lord Marlborough, who 
 undertook it against the unanimous opinion of the Dutch, and I may 
 say of most others, who had not the heart to think so difficult an 
 
234 
 
 Habe mss. enterprise could succeed. What we shall do. or be able to do next, it 
 is past my skill to say, the French having made it very difficult if not 
 impossible to advance further this campaign, by leaving no forage in 
 these parts for us to subsist with, and what they have not time to carry 
 off they burn ; a very extraordinary way for a superior army to defend 
 their country by destroying it. If we undertake no other siege I shall 
 hope for a short campaign, which upon any terms I shall think very 
 long, but am apt to believe it will be the last, since France will see by this 
 conquest and its consequences that they will have no reason to make 
 difficulties in the way to peace, and there will be no want of disposition 
 in the allies to overcome real ones. 
 
 Henby Pelham to [Francis Hake, Dean of Worcester.] 
 
 1722. Sept. 22. — I conclude you will have a letter from Mr. Walpole 
 by this post, but as I always shall have the greatest satisfaction in 
 anything that I think will be agreeable to you, so I could not help 
 giving you the trouble of this, that I may at least share with others in 
 very heartily congratulating of you. Mr. Edwin, the Usher of the 
 Exchequer being de<Kl, Mr. Walpole in the kindest manner imaginable 
 recommended you for his successor, and yesterday your warrant was 
 signed accordingly, and when I took upon me to thank him for it, he 
 answered me. that I need say nothing, for that you deserved of him 
 twice as much as that, and he wished it wa< in his power to do it for 
 yon. As to the nature of the office you know it much better than I, 
 but if you remember, it was always my opinion that in case it became 
 vacant it was what I thought you might with great honour to yourself 
 accept of, both from the rigure of the persons who have had it before, 
 and it being a distinct office entirely independent of anybody but the 
 Treasury. I have enquired a little into the value of it, and I find that 
 in case you should have a mind to execute it by a deputy, you may have 
 eight hundred or a thousand pound a year to yourself. I should not 
 pretend to be so free with you upon this subject, but that I thought we 
 having formerly talked pretty freely upon these affairs you would 
 excuse, if not expect, my saying something to you of my thoughts upon 
 it. I hope you will pardon my not writing to you any public news 
 before now, for you must see by the nature of them, that if I did not 
 tell you, what I a:n sure you must think improper to send by letter, 
 there was little one could say at all. The public prints will acquaint 
 you of Lord Xorth's endeavouring to go over to France, and his being 
 seized and brought up to London. Lord Orrery was yesterday examined 
 by a very full cabinet council, and committed to the Tower for high 
 treason. I do not find that he behaved himself with any extraordinary 
 resolution. Nobody has appeared with more zeal upon these occasions 
 than our new counsellor Karcourt, and I believe it will not be dis- 
 agreeable to you to hear that the Attorney has acted with great 
 prudence, skill, and courage to the universal satisfaction of all friends. 
 Lord Xorth I conclude will have the same fate with the other, but his 
 examination is not yet over. There was an unlucky accident happened 
 the other night. One of the State prisoners in endeavouring to make 
 his escape out of a messenger's window three story high in Channel 
 Row, tumbled into the Thames, and was drowned. His name was 
 Xano, an Irishman, that was ordained by the Bishop of Chester two 
 years ago. He had been very strictly examined by the Council, and I 
 conclude in contest between honour and fear was resolved to make this 
 hist effort to escape. He was the very fellow who wrote the Journal of 
 Mist upon the Restoration, which the House of Commons fell upon 
 
235 
 
 last year, and several of the best and most abusive things upon the Hare MSS. 
 Government and Walpole. I fancy much might have been got out of 
 him if he had stayed. The parliament will certainly meet on the 9th, 
 but I conclude now we shall see you sooner, therefore will tire you no 
 longer now but hope you will ever believe me, &e. 
 
 R. M[arsham] to Francis Nailor. 
 1733, Sept. 23. York. — I am ashamed your kind letter should have 
 been so long by me unanswered, but really of late I have been very 
 busy, I hope you are convinced 'twas not from any Avant of respect 
 towards you, that caused my silence, for I should be very uneasy if I 
 suspected you should harbour any such thought of me. Your old friend 
 Buxton, of Clare Hall, and I have left Norfolk some weeks upon a little 
 tour into the North. AVe went from Lynn to JBcston, Lincoln, Hull, 
 Beverley, Scarborough ; here we stayed a week, from thence we went to 
 Malton and so to this town, where we have been some days. In our way 
 hither from Scarborough we saw Lord Carlisle's magnificent house at 
 Castle Howard, the gardens are 127 acres, 70 of which are of an old 
 grown wood of oaks, beeches, &c, this lays east of the house, and part 
 of it is upon ground higher than part of the house, 'tis cut into glades, 
 opens, and winding walks, surprisingly beautiful, and adorned with a 
 small cascade from a rock, temples, slatues, obelisks, and fountains, all 
 of them done in an elegant taste, the house, park, and gardens together 
 make the place the grandest I ever saw. From York we took a ride of 20 
 miles to see Mr. Aslabie's Park at Studley by Ripon, this is called the 
 finest Park in England, but I cannot say the Park answered my ex- 
 pectations it being in my opinion too much planted ; the gardens are at 
 a distance from the house and about 100 acres, they are kept vastly 
 neat, and are in themselves very beautiful, being chiefly nature in its 
 greatest perfection, a little dressed by art, they lay upon the sides of 
 two large hills, with a serpentine river running between them ; this 
 falls from one step into a canal of upwards of 400 yards long and 22 
 broad, which at the end of the garden falls its whole breadth down 5 
 steps into a basin of upwards of 7 acres, to take a view of the garden 
 from this basin it appears more charming than can be imagined without 
 seeing it ; the canal appears a large river running between two woods 
 which rises vastly above it, and at little breaks you see temples, and on 
 one side a rock with large yew-trees growing out o J the broken side of 
 it, but I ought not to pretend to describe a place that everyone should see, 
 or can have no idea of. We shall stay here a day or two longer and 
 then propose going home by Nottingham and perhaps Derby, making a 
 week or two more before we arrive at the place of our fore-fathers. I 
 (hope to) find Plumptres at Nottingham, Terricks were both gone from 
 hence before we came — we had the good fortune to be at Lincoln at the 
 time of the Races, which had drawn a great deal of company together. 
 Reynolds of the Clare Hall Club, and two or three more of my acquain- 
 tance told me all the people, which made the Assembly highly agreeable 
 to us. The Assembly House, the Cathedral, and the Gaol are very fair 
 buildings and well calculated to receive great numbers of the indifferent, 
 the good, and the bad. If I can but keep clear of the number of the 
 latter I shall be easy. 
 
 Francis Hare, Bishop of Chichester, to his son Francis Naylor, 
 when travelling abroad. 
 
 1736, August 23. Hurstmonceux. — I have received from you two 
 letters dated from Brussels of the 22nd and 29th. by ihe last of which 
 1 am glad to see you was upon the point of leaving it. Flanders is a 
 
236 
 
 Hare mss. country that will afford abundance of entertainment, especially Brussels 
 and its environs. There is nowhere, I believe, so many noble towns in 
 so small a compass. The places you have gone through were very well 
 worth seeing. If the last war had held one year longer under the Duke 
 of Marlborough's command I should have seen Cambray. Prince 
 Eugene and he had concerted measures for the siege of it, and they 
 hoped to reduce it easily by turning off the water from it. Menin, Lille, 
 and Tournay we took. The two last are very grand fortifications, such 
 as one would think it were impossible to take. The Rue Royale and 
 the square at Lille are noble, and there are very many pretty manufac- 
 tures there, it is called " Petit Paris." You saw I suppose the Quay at 
 Tournay. Menin is a mere garrison, but very pretty. Douay is a 
 filthy town, and the English and Scots there extremely bigoted and 
 bitter against us. I remember at one of their colleges they showed us 
 the heads and limbs of fellows that had been hanged for conspiracies and 
 plots, as relics of martyrs. The reason Ave were so long in taking the 
 town was that there lay an army of 100,000 men to defend it, and ihe 
 reason they took it so soon was that the Duke of Marlborough was 
 removed from the command of the army, and there was no army to 
 defend Douay against the French. Had the Duke of Marlborough been 
 at the head of the army, instead of the French retaking Douay, the 
 allies had certainly taken Cambray, the last fortified place between the 
 allied amy and Paris. They are very superstitious at Douay, and so 
 they are in all Flanders which thev owe to th^ir having been on long 
 under Ihe Spanish government, so that you will meet with abundance 
 of legendary trumpery, and ridiculous miracles. What you say of the 
 seminaries for English, &c, is certainly very true. They are the worst 
 and most implacable enemies we have, and therefore perhaps it would 
 not be ill politics to allow them some conveniences for educating their 
 children in their own way at home. I am glad you had an opportunity 
 of seeing the mines at Tournay, which will give you a better idea of such 
 things than you could have had otherwise. "What you have seen there 
 and at Lille will give some notion of the expense in fortifying great towns 
 which is immense, and at the same time will furnish you with some con- 
 ception of the expense, as well as the difficulty of a siege. Louvain is, 
 I think, the dirtiest and worst town in Flanders, I mean of the great 
 ones, but has been famous for school divinity. It is a pity, but you 
 should see Ghent, Mechlin, and Antwerp ; and then I think you would 
 not want to see much more in that country, unless you were on the side 
 of the Maes, to see Namur, Liege, and Maestricht. The last time I 
 wrote I directed to you at the post house at the Hague, as I do this. I 
 shall be glad to hear they are come safe to your hands. This country 
 affords no news. I believe I told you in a former that two or three 
 people were dead at Chichester, Mrs. Farrington. Mrs. Webb, and Mr. 
 Cole. " Last week died Archdeacon Barker. He is succeeded in the 
 archdeaconry by Mr. Ball, but his livings I cannot yet tell you who 
 have. We hare had a mighty fine summer, which made the meeting at 
 Lewes horse races very numerous. The division is still kept up. The 
 Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond were there, and were very civil to 
 Mrs. Hare, who was there for the first time, and in the scarcity of 
 ladies there were of that side, she was very welcome. 
 
 1737, December 18. London. — I hope you received my letter 
 which L wrote to you the day after the poor Queen's death. I came 
 from the Vache on Thursday (whither I shall return to-morrow) to 
 attend her funeral, which was performed last night with great order, and 
 was over two or three hours sooner than I thought it would. The Lords 
 were all summoned to attend, and the procession went through the 
 Prince's chamber through a scaffold across the old Palace Yard, to 
 
237 
 
 the north door of the Abbey, then down the north aisle to the west Hire mss. 
 end, and from thence up the south aisle into Henry the 7's chapel. 
 There was no blundering or disorder. Princess Amelia was chief 
 mourner. The procession began to be marshalled between five and six, 
 and before seven the service in the Abbey was actually begun ; and the 
 whole was finished before nine, and I was at home before ten. The 
 funeral service was performed by the Bishop of Rochester as Dean of 
 Westminster. After the service there was a long anthem, the words by 
 the Sub-dean, the music set by Mr. Handel, and is reckoned to be as 
 good a piece as he ever made : it was above fifty minutes in singing. 
 There will no doubt soon be printed a particular and exact account of 
 the funeral, and that will probably come into the foreign gazettes, and 
 by that means you will have a thorough knowledge of the whole cere- 
 monial. The king continues still to be in extreme affliction for so 
 great a loss which nobody can be more sensible of than he is himself. 
 He has yet seen nobody but such persons as there was a necessity for 
 him to see and has spent his whole time with his children and three or 
 four persons with them. But now the funeral is over I am told he will 
 begin to see more of his ministers this week, but when he will appear in 
 a Drawing room, is not yet known. The malcontents raise infinite lies 
 upon the Queen, without the least regard to decency or truth, and 
 though she had an utter contempt of money, and dies some thousand 
 pounds in debt, they tell us with great assurance, she died worth 
 £300,000. She was a most valuable and excellent woman, and possessed 
 of all the amiable qualities one could wish to see in a great princess. 
 The enemies of the ministry flatter themselves that Sir Robert in her 
 death has lost his support, and that now they shall soon be able to 
 supplant him. But I think I may say with confidence, that they will 
 find themselves greatly mistaken, and that the King is more firmly than 
 ever attached to him. But a session of parliament must be over before 
 a certain judgment can be made, which does not begin until the 24th 
 of January. The Lottery ends to-morrow, but, with respect to my 
 tickets, is ended some time since, which are all come up blank (if the 
 printed lists are right) except yours, which is a prize of £30. 
 
 1737-8, January 26. London. — It is an age since I heard from 
 you, I have had no letter since that from Lyons, 4th December, which I 
 received the 7th or 8th. I wrote to you the day after the Queen died, 
 and again after the funeral, which I hope came safe to your hands. 
 
 We continued at the Vache until last Monday, when it was necessary 
 to come to attend parliament. We have had a very disagreeable winter, 
 much wind and rain, and very sudden changes of weather, but I thank 
 God, we continued all well at the Vache, where we have left the two 
 little ones. If any news reaches you, you will have seen by the prints, 
 that the sessions opened very quietly. The King made an exceeding short 
 speech, without a word of the Queen, and in such words as left not the 
 least possible room for debate. Lord Cholmondeley (seconded by Lord 
 Cadogan) moved the address of thanks and made a very handsome 
 encomium on the Queen, as did Mr. Fox in the Commons and in our 
 house all passed with great decency and without any attempt to oppose, 
 alter or add ; and the same in the Commons. Only Mr. Shippen, as in 
 all sessions, desired that what the House now did, might not be under- 
 stood to preclude any debate in the course of the sessions. It was 
 rumoured a clause would be offered to congratulate on the birth of the 
 Princess Augusta, but it was dropped. It has been usual to congratulate 
 on those occasions, but it will be by a separate Address. Great have 
 been the threatenings of the gentlemen in the opposition, but upon 
 
Hare MSS, 
 
 238 
 
 trying their strength, they find they cannot in the prince's affair make 
 so good a figure by a great deal as they did last session. The Tories 
 will not come into the Prince's party, unless they will join with them in 
 opposing the army, which is, I think, an impossible condition, and what 
 cannot be complied with by any who mean the preservation of the 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Pelham of Stanmer being dead, who has killed himself with 
 drinking, young Mr. Trevor will be chosen at Lewes without opposi- 
 tion. 
 
 The King still continues extremely disconsolate and Princess Caroline 
 in a very dangerous way, quite emaciated with a consumptive illness, 
 and sunk with grief for the loss of the Queen. 
 
 The town is full of reports of a reconciliation being near and many 
 are very positive, and no doubt it were much to be wished, but accord- 
 ing to my intelligence there are no grounds at all for it. 
 
 1737-8, March 9. — I came home late this evening from a long 
 debate upon the Army Bill, which the Court carried upon a division of 
 75 to 29 present, proxies 24 to 6, in all 99 to 35. It was waiting for 
 the result of this that made me not acknowledge by the last post your 
 letter of the 4th, which I received the 1st, as I did this evening your 
 last of the 9th. I am very glad to find that at last our letters are got 
 into a regular way again. I find by both your letters that your 
 English news was very bad, and therefore you should give no credit to 
 anything of moment, but what you have by another channel than a 
 newspaper. What you have heard of a reconciliation was indeed very 
 common town talk, but without any manner of foundation, as you 
 might easily judge it was, if you saw the papers that had passed in the 
 summer between the King and Prince, and which were printed. There 
 you will see such difficulties in the way of a reconciliation, which joined 
 to the money affair are not easily to be got over, and there is as little 
 foundation for the general talk there has been of the King's going this 
 summer to Hanover, which talk has, I think, no other ground but 
 people's ill-will and disaffection : they would have it so, because they 
 think it would hurt the Government. 
 
 The reason I did not mention Sir Robert's [Walpole] marriage, was 
 because indeed I knew nothing of it. I never asked a question about 
 it from anybody that could tell, and I should not have been sorry if it 
 had not been true, which now it appears to be. It was declared last 
 Sunday. The lady came thither to dinner, where were met the nearest 
 relations ; the next day she was introduced at Court by Horace's lady, 
 and that day relations more remote dined with them. I went to the 
 Vache on Saturday and did not return until Tuesday night, so that I 
 can tell you no particulars, but it is said there has been a prudigious 
 concourse of ladies and gentlemen to pay their compliments. What the 
 papers tell you of her great fortune is a gross lie, as indeed any man of 
 sense may judge from the thing itself. She was worth 14,000/. from 
 her father, who had the fortune to marry two rich wives and was a sad 
 sordid fellow, and she is at present worth more than double that sum 
 by about 2,000/., and that, you may depend on it, is the truth. All 
 talk of greater sums is only to throw odium on Sir Robert. Every- 
 body says she is a woman of an extreme good understanding, and is 
 very agreeable. Mrs. Williams of Chichester gives her that character, 
 who yet loves scandal as she does her eyes, and therefore I take her to 
 be a very good authority. 
 
 The Commons have at present before them the petition of the Spanish 
 merchants. They are to go upon it next week, and the Patriots flatter 
 
239 
 
 themselves they shall make mischief, but I think it will end as their other 
 menaces have done, and the effect of their application will be the 
 granting Letters of Reprisal, a thiug that has not been practised for this 
 last hundred years past. The Court are much offended at the answer 
 they have received from Spain, in which though they give good words 
 and promise an enquiry, and that justice shall be done, yet do in general 
 assert, that if our ships are found in their seas out of their course to 
 our own settlements, they are lawful prizes. If this general claim be 
 submitted to, all enquiries into particulars will be rendered insignificant. 
 The Commons have lost ten days by the Speaker's ill-will, but still we 
 hope for a short session. 
 
 Mr. Vanloe performs exceeding well, and has more business than 
 can well be imagined. He has made an extreme pretty picture of Miss 
 Hare. I wish you was here to have yours. 
 
 On Tuesday there was an election at Windsor for a member, on Lord 
 Vere's being made one of the Lords of the Admiralty. Lord Vere was 
 opposed by the Duke of Marlborough and the old Duchess, and on 
 Monday night they were very sanguine in favour of one Mr. Oldfield of 
 Windsor, but yesterday the votes were even, 133 for each: the con- 
 sequence of which I do not know. The Mayor, I believe, who is on 
 Lord Vere's side, waits for directions from hence before he makes a 
 return. I should have told you above when I was upon family news, 
 that the reports of a design to restrain the press are as groundless as 
 any of the other articles. 
 
 1737, (sic; should be 1738), Thursday, March 30. — I received on 
 Monday yours of the 25th, and am very glad to lind you were got to 
 Aix. I hope what remains to be seen in those parts will be as enter- 
 taining as what you have seen already. In return for the relations you 
 have sent me, I can now tell you some news from home. 
 
 The Commons have for about a fortnight past had a pretty many long 
 days, the first upon an affair of no great consequence, the Windsor 
 election. Lord Vere being made one of the Lords of the Admiralty in 
 the room of Lord Archibald Hamilton, whose lady is the great governess 
 at Norfolk House, that voided his election : upon his standing again ho 
 was most warmly opposed by the Duke of Marlborough and the old 
 Duchess, in favour of one Mr. Oldfield of the town, a person of no great 
 merit, and by very ill management on the part of the St. Alban's family, 
 Lord Vere was in great, clanger of losing it. But in the event the votes 
 were equal, 133 each. The Commons who have often made a minority 
 a majority, you will easily believe could do it on an equality. However, 
 they had three long days for it, the last of which was Monday, when 
 they declared Lord Vere duly elected by 240 to 160. So great a 
 majority was a good omen, for next day when the House finished the 
 enquiry upon the Merchants' petition into the Spanish depredations, 
 when there was the fullest House, that, I believe, has been since the 
 Union, 468 present. This I think was the fourth day the Commons 
 had been in a committee upon this affair. Perry in the chair in compli- 
 ment to the Merchants, but it was too great a compliment, as it appeared 
 by the event, for when they began to move after they had gone through 
 the enquiry, Perry would not see the person that would have spoken on 
 the Court side, but called on Mr. Pulteney, who had taken a great deal 
 of pains to be well prepared, and I have heard from a good hand that he 
 never spoke so well. He then moved six questions or resolutions which 
 were declarations of what be conceived our right, and what were the 
 specific things to be complained of. I have not seen them and speak 
 therefore only in the gross. This disconcerted the Court side, and 
 
 Hare MSS. 
 
240 
 
 AR ^ ss ' instead of the intended speakers obliged Sir Robert to speak to retrieve 
 
 the point, and get it into their own hands. He took the first of their 
 questions and made it a preamble to his own motion, which is one long 
 one that tills half a sheet on both sides, that I have seen. The substance 
 of it is, that in violation of the natural rights of the people, that use the 
 seas, and in violation to treaties, the commerce of the king's subjects 
 had been greatly interrupted, and the men they had taken treated in a 
 most barbarous and cruel manner, then they desire His Majesty to use 
 his royal endeavours to procure satisfaction, and to prevent the like for 
 the future, that if his friendly endeavours should not succeed, they will 
 effectually support him in taking such measures as shall be necessary, 
 &c. There is in effect very little difference between the motions on both 
 sides. But Sir Robert showed the great inconvenience that would 
 attend the being so specific ; that it would put ministers who should 
 treat with Spain under the greatest difficulties, since they would not 
 dare to recede from the resolves of that House in any point, and would 
 make the King of Spain more obstinate to see himself so prescribed to, 
 or to that effect, and hoped they would not insist on the other motions, 
 in order to give the more weight to his general motion by their unani- 
 mity. But divide they would, and the Court carried their question by 
 47 — 256 to 209. It was tu be reported to the House to-day, but I do 
 not hear whether there has been any new debate, but if there has, it 
 must, no doubt, end as before. This is the last struggle we shall have, 
 I think, this session. The speakers were Sir Robert, Mr. Pelham, Fox, 
 and Sir W. Young ; on the other side Mr. Pulteney, Sir W. Wyndham, 
 Pitt, and Lyttelton, and I suppose some others, whose names I have not 
 heard. 
 
 I have told you in the former part of this letter how the Duke of 
 Marlborough zealously opposed Lord Vere's election, which makes what 
 I am going to tell you prodigiously surprising. The Duke has this day 
 kissed the King's hand for a regiment of foot : it is said Murray's, who 
 died three or four days ago. This is a mystery I am not at all able to 
 explain. 
 
 1738, Monday, May 22. — The parliament rose on Saturday, and the 
 sessions has passed pretty easy with regard to the Ministry. There is 
 among the bills that have been passed one for restraining privilege of 
 parliament, which was carried in the Lords House only by one vote. 
 Lord Scarborough greatly for his credit was most zealous for the bill, 
 and spoke incomparably well for it. The Duke of Newcastle was, I 
 hear, of the same side, and Lord Hervey. I cannot tell who were the 
 opposers, but I suppose we shall have a list of their names. I was not 
 there myself and for that reason cannot give a more particular account 
 of it. 
 
 I have for several years past promised your mamma to make a ramble 
 with her of a few days to see some fine seats, but something or other 
 has always fallen out to hinder it till now. 
 
 We set out from home on Friday the 12th, and did not return hither 
 till the 20th. The first day we saw the Duke of Chandos' seat at Canons, 
 but not the gardens, which to retrench expense are neglected and 
 therefore not shown. We dined at Baron Edlin's, and in the evening 
 saw Cashiobury. Next day we went to Lord Raymond's which is 
 scarce worth seeing, and then to Moor park, which is indeed a noble 
 fabric, but not entirely finished, much less furnished, and probably never 
 will be, since the owner is building as grand a seat in Wiltshire. That 
 evening we lay at the Vache, where we stayed until Tuesday, when we 
 went to Berkshire to see the little estate I purchased atBurghfield. That 
 
241 
 
 day we went to Caversham to the seat of Lord Cadogan, and the next 
 day after viewing the estate, we dined with Mr. Poyntz at Midgham, 
 five miles of this side Newbury, which is a fine situation, and where 
 Mr. Poyntz is laying out in further improvements a good deal of money. 
 On Thursday we went to Windsor and saw the (new ?) Lodges and Mr. 
 Bateman's house at old Windsor, and in the evening went to Richmond. 
 The next day after seeing the gardens and Merlin's Cave, which I had 
 not seen before, we went across Hounslow Heath to Cranford, to the 
 seat of the Earl of Berkeley, and from thence to Dawley, which house 
 pleased me above any of the rest, and so by Uxbridge home to the 
 Vache, from whence we came hither on Saturday. Thus I have given 
 you an account of a nine days absence from the town. We had the 
 good fortune to have all the time good weather, and to find all the fine 
 houses without their masters, so that we had no obstruction to the seeing 
 them as much as we would. 
 
 I have not seen anybody since my return from whom I can send you 
 any authentic news, but the last time I did, I have reason from what I 
 heard to think the storm with respect to the Spaniards would blow over, 
 and that we shall avoid a war. 
 
 The Bishop of Ely who has long been in a very dangerous way, is at 
 last dead. He died on Thursday, and will be succeeded by the Bishop 
 of Norwich. Who will go to Norwich, is not yet said. It will I believe 
 be none of those the papers intimate, nor anybody that is already upon 
 the Bench. The poor Bishop had a fair chance of outliving Dr. 
 Bentley, who has had two paralytic strokes in six days, and it was 
 thought could not survive them above two or three days, and then 
 the Bishop would have had the Archdeaconry of Ely to dispose of, but 
 the Doctor is said to be at present out of immediate danger. 
 
 1738, Saturday, September 9. Chichester. — I am extremely con- 
 cerned tn hear by yours of 24th August that you have been so much 
 indisposed. I hope the method you have taken will effectually remove 
 your complaint and bring your body into good order. Whenever you 
 feel a heaviness, listlessness, or languor, you may be sure something is 
 amiss, and should immediately bleed and go to bed. You was very 
 much in the right to drink the waters upon the place, for all sulphurous 
 waters must need lose the greatest part of their virtue, if not drunk 
 immediately, but I am surprised at the quantity you mention. They 
 used formerly indeed drink two quarts at Tunbridge and Bath, which 
 would make eighteen pretty good glasses, but not large ones. But our 
 physicians now universally condemn that practice and do not prescribe 
 above a pint. 
 
 The appearances we had of a war with Spain are now vanished for 
 the present, Monsieur Geraldino and the Duke of Newcastle having 
 signed a convention, which is to be the basis of a new treaty with 
 Spain, but in the midst of the satisfaction this gives the friends of the 
 Government, we are greatly alarmed with the danger of losing Sir 
 Robert Walpole. He was hunting at Richmond as usual this day 
 sennight, but was much out of order, very ill on Sunday, and had he 
 not been blooded and blistered immediately, it is apprehended he would 
 soon have gone into an apoplexy. He was thought to be in great 
 danger on Monday. On Tuesday they gave him the bark. He rested 
 well on Tuesday and Wednesday nights, and it is generally said he is 
 out of danger, but Dr. Hulse, I hear, is not so sanguine. This is a very 
 important life to us, at this juncture especially, and should he die, the 
 King would have a very great loss in him. 
 
 Hare MSS. 
 
242 
 
 Hare mss. y ou mus t have heard, long before this reaches you, of Sir J. Jekyll's 
 
 death, who out of his great zeal for the Dissenters has left some say 
 2,000/., others 10>000/., to the widows and children of such teachers as 
 were most active in endeavouring the repeal of the Test Act. I do 
 not yet know who succeeds him ; most likely Mr. Verney, Chief Justice 
 of Chester. Doctor Gooch is at last translated to the bishopric of 
 Norwich, and the Bishop of Llandaff being dead, Doctor Butler, who 
 was Clerk of the Closet to the Queen, will succeed him in the bishop- 
 ric of Llandaff, and the Deanery of Wells and Bristol probably will 
 be given to Doctor Alured Clarke. We have had a very wet and dis- 
 agreeable August, and the weather is now and has been for some days 
 exceeding bad, so that we shall, according to custom, have but bad roads 
 to London, whither we propose to be going the 20th. 
 
 1738, December 9. — Things here are much as they were when I 
 wrote last. No Bishop of Llandaff yet, but I suppose now it will be 
 declared soon, Sir Bobert Walpole being returned from Houghton, 
 where his old intimate Sir Ch. Turner died suddenly, as his gentleman 
 was dressing him, yesterday was a fortnight. The parliament are to 
 meet the 18th of January, and until then 1 propose to stay here, unless 
 good weather, which of laic we have had very little of, should en- 
 courage me to go to town against New year's day, to make my court at 
 St, James's. 
 
 1738-9, February 15. — The parliament not meeting until the 1st of 
 February, I stayed until that day at the Vache. The parliament 
 was to have set the 20th, but the courier that had been some time 
 expected from Spain not arriving till the 18th, the session was put off 
 for a fortnight. It opened with great warmth in both Houses, that the 
 Patriots might lose no time to condemn the measures that had been 
 pursued with respect to Spain, in that the Ministers had not insisted on 
 no search (of our ships by the Spaniards in the West Indies) absolutely, 
 and upon refusal gone into a war, which in my humble opinion (and I 
 believe in the Patriots' too) they would have been mad if they had. But 
 that they might be sure to have any convention that could be made disliked, 
 they insisted on a condition they knew could not be obtained. The conven- 
 tion was laid before the Houses on Thursday last. The substance is that 
 the King of Spain shall pay in four months from the exchange of ratifica- 
 tions 95,000/. to the King, which together with his demands upon us (esti- 
 mated at 60,000/.) is to be the satisfaction to be given to the merchants. 
 In the Convention it is stipulated that in six weeks from the exchange 
 of ratifications, two plenipotentiaries from each Crown who are named 
 in the Convention, shall meet at Madrid to treat about the other points 
 in dispute, viz. : the grievances complained of with respect to visiting, 
 searching, taking of things, and seizing effects, and settling the limits of 
 Florida and Carolina ; this is the substance of the Convention, which 
 was published by authority last Monday. The Lords have appointed to 
 take it into consideration the 27th, the Commons have not yet named 
 a day, but Tuesday next is appointed for the call of the House, and 
 then, I suppose, they will fix their day : I am told it will be the 1 si; of 
 March. The Lords did not divide upon the Address to the King's 
 Speech, but the Commons did, and carried it by 89. They have had 
 several divisions since, in which the majority was by 80 and 70. Yes- 
 terday they voted the Army. It was not a long debate, and none of 
 the Cooks (?) spoke on either side, but they divided 238 to 153, and they 
 divided again to-day upon the report of it from the Committee to the 
 House 129 to 72. 
 
243 
 
 There has been lately published a satire, entitled Manners, by one Hare mss. 
 Whitehead, in which many Lords are very grossly abused , and the 
 Bishop of Saruni's name at length. This was last Friday complained 
 of to the House, and the printer and author were ordered to attend on 
 Monday, and the author pretended to brave it much that he would 
 certainly appear, but when it came to, his courage failed him, and he 
 has absconded, for which contempt he was ordered into custody of the 
 Serjeant at Arms, as was the printer, who did appear. There was great 
 pains taken to save him because he had named the author, though he had 
 not produced him. His name is Doddesley (sic), printer to Mr. Pope, 
 and himself a poet, and in order to it moved to put the previous question, 
 that the main question should not be now put, upon which we divided 
 62 to 30. I did not think they would have divided in a cause that all 
 agreed to be most infamous. My Lord Chancellor on this occasion 
 made an excellent speech to explain the true meaning of the liberty of 
 the press, which he said he found was not at all generally understood, 
 that it was not a liberty to defame and libel, but that it was opposed to 
 previous restraints put upon the press, as had been formerly done by 
 licencers and other methods. 
 
 We shall have a warm session and great pains is taken to inflame the 
 City. First the Convention and the affair of no search which is as 
 much the cry now as formerly no excise. Then we shall have in the 
 Commons, if not in our House, the affair of the 100,000/. for the Prince, 
 then an application from the Dissenters for a repeal of the Testament. 
 The Quakers are prevailed with to desist for the present. When these 
 matters have been upon the tapis, you shall hear again from me. 
 
 The Deanery of Wells is not yet filled. You will have heard before 
 this reaches you that Dr. Mawson was the Bishop of Llandaff. Poor 
 Mr. Venne has the small-pox. They came out this day sennight. I 
 fear he is in great danger, but the doctor says we must stay till Sunday. 
 Mrs. Trevigar and her husband are both well ; she was here yesterday. 
 They have been very busy in cake making for the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough upon the birth of a son. When the Duke sent news of it to 
 the Dowager, it is said she sent for answer, that to complete his joy she 
 was very ill, though in reality was very well. Lord Townshend 
 has resigned the Jewel Office (1 suppose angry that he has not a better 
 place), which is given to Lord Abergavenny. 
 
 1738-9, March 14. — The news you have abroad I believe can rarely 
 be depended upon. The marriages between France and Spain are, I 
 think, a sufficient proof they do not intend to quarrel, on the contrary, 
 there is to my apprehension great reason to believe there will be the 
 closest union, to make Spain some amends for the ill-usage of Spain on 
 the part of France in Italy. 
 
 We have had here on occasion of the late Convention, the greatest 
 party struggle there has been since the Revolution. The Patriots were 
 resolved to damn it, before they knew a word of it, and to inflame the 
 people against it, which they have done with great success. They have 
 taught them to expect what they well know could not be obtained, nor 
 ever can, though we should go into a twenty years' war with Spain 
 (which yet we cannot do, even for one year, without going into a war 
 with France and Spain both, without one ally to assist us). The point 
 clamoured for is, that Spain shall on no pretence whatever visit or 
 search any ship in any part of the American seas, unless they are found 
 actually within their ports, which would give the West India Merchants 
 ample scope to carry on a trade with the Spanish settlements, though 
 most strongly prohibited in the treaty of 1670, the first American treaty 
 E 77960. R 
 
244 
 
 Hare mss. that we ever made with Spain. Nothing can be more unreasonable 
 than to say that Spain has a right to prohibit all trade with her subjects 
 in the American seas, but has not a right to the necessary means to 
 make this prohibition effectual. This is the claim set up, which Spain 
 we are sure never will nor can grant consistently with her own greatest 
 interests, and for this they tell us the King should have gone into a war, 
 and agreed to no convention without it. By the Convention satisfaction 
 is stipulated for past depredations, viz., 95,000/., fo be paid in four 
 months by the King of Spain in London, together with what is due on 
 the part of England to him for the ships taken in 1718 in the sea-fight 
 near Syracuse, which was stipulated by the treaty of Madrid in 1721, 
 and in that of Seville in 1729, together with satisfaction for the depre- 
 dations the subjects of Spain have suffered from us. Which sum from 
 180,000/., our country has reduced to 60,000/. The whole satisfaction 
 therefore to our merchants is 155,000/. The future security for our 
 commerce in the West Indies, with all other points in dispute, is 
 referred to a treaty to commence in six weeks from the exchange of the 
 ratifications and to be concluded in eight months. 
 
 The clamours raised against this Convention have been carried to the 
 greatest height both within doors and without. Not only the West 
 India Merchants, but the Ciiy petitioned the 26th of last month. The 
 Lords heard the Merchants upon their petition, and Mr. Stert the 
 Commissary was examined upon the sum settled for the satisfaction. 
 They say he is an able man, but he has not the gift of utterance, he did 
 not answer the questions put to him with readiness or clearness, but yet, 
 I think, did give answers which might satisfy those who were not 
 resolved not to be satisfied. On the 28th they went into the considera- 
 tion of the Convention. The debate was so long that it was a quarter 
 past eleven before I got home, and either that fatigue or attending the 
 address the next gave me so great a cold, that I have not yet got rid of 
 it. The Duke of Argyle spoke a full hour and a half against the 
 Convention, but in so rambling a way that I think he never made less 
 impression. He could not gain one Scottish Lord to be of his side. 
 The Bishop of Sarum spoke for it extremely well, but has been horribly 
 abused for it since, in the discourses of a mad people. Lord Cholmon- 
 deley opened the debate and went through every part of the Convention 
 prodigiously well, and concluded with a motion for an address to thank 
 His Majesty for having laid it before them, &c. There has not been 
 known so full a House of many years. There were upon the division 
 present for the address 71, against it 51 among which four bishops, 
 Lincoln, Lichfield, and the two brothers (sic) Oxford and Gloucester. 
 Proxies, for 24, against 16, so the whole for it were 95, against it 74, of 
 which the Prince one. The Protectors were 41, but the Prince not of 
 that number. The Commons did not enter upon this affair till the 6th. 
 They spent that day and the next in hearing and examining. The 8th 
 they went into a committee upon the Convention, and sat until past 
 twelve. The numbers were 260 to 232, and they reckon there went 
 away about ten of [them] who could not hold out to. the end. The 
 next day they debated it again upon the report, numbers 244 to 214. 
 The Patriots were so enraged to find they could not demolish the 
 Ministry, which they reckoned upon with the greatest certainty, that 
 their speeches were filled with the rudest and most opprobrious language, 
 such as no man had ever heard in that House before, and Sir William 
 Wyndham, who spoke towards the close of the debate the second day, 
 called the majority a faction, and solemnly took his leave of the House, 
 declaring he would come there no more. Mr. Puby and Sand had 
 
245 
 
 said to the same effect before him. They had a mind to provoke so far Hare mss. 
 
 as to deserve to be sent to the Tower, which they hoped would increase 
 
 their flame to their hearts' desire, but their adversaries understand their 
 
 play too well to gratify them. It is amazing Sir Robert Walpole has 
 
 been able to bear so great a fatigue and such barbarous usage so well. 
 
 He answered Sir William Wyndham with such a spirit and so much 
 
 dignity as surprised everybody. Horace opened the debate the first day, 
 
 which everybody said he did incomparably well. This is all the news 
 
 I can send you of what we are doing. 
 
 The Princess of Wales is brought to bed this afternoon of another 
 son. The King goes to»morrow to the House to pass the Mutiny bill. 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole's youngest son Horace is setting out upon his 
 travels. Lord Selkirk died yesterday of the stone, I think aged about 
 77. 
 
 1739, April 23rd. — I can send you nothing new from home. Your 
 mamma wrote to you the 29th of last month, which was the day on 
 which the motion was made to repeal the Test Act, &c., and therefore I 
 take for granted she told you that the motion was thrown out upon a 
 division of 188 to 89, though so many of the good Churchmen had 
 absented themselves, which they continue still to do. Nothing has 
 passed remarkable in parliament since. All our attention now is turned 
 to Spain, whether they will pay the 95,000/. or not, within the time 
 limited for it, which for aught yet appears is doubtful, since the South 
 Sea refuse to pay the 68,000/. due from them to the King of Spain, 
 otherwise than by setting it off against part of a much greater sum the 
 King of Spain owes to them. It has been moved in parliament and 
 carried, to give Mrs. Stevens 8,000/. for her receipt for the stone, 
 provided it be approved by the persons to be named in the Act. It 
 happens a little unfortunately that Mr. Cartwright the postmaster, who 
 was one of the great cures, is since dead, and upon opening two very 
 hard stones were found in his bladder upon which her adversaries 
 triumph much, though in reality it is no great objection to her medicines, 
 since it was never pretended they would dissolve all stones and those 
 smooth hardstones bear no proportion to those of a friable nature. The 
 Parliament have little to do, but will not rise until they see what the 
 King of Spain does. Sir Robert Walpole was taken ill a week ago, 
 pretty much as he was in the autumn, but the fever soon intermitted, 
 aud he is pretty well again though weak. I have been a good deal out 
 of order myself with a cold and cough, ever since the beginning of 
 March, which being taken care of but by halves, has hung long upon 
 me, but I have for a week past been free from my complaints. The 
 weather has all this time been extremely bad, so cold and disagreeable a 
 March and April I think I never remember. 
 
 Mr. Cartwright is succeeded in the Post office by Sir J. Eyles. 
 
 1739, May 31. — Things continue in a very disagreeable way. The 
 Seceders continue to absent themselves, but that makes less disturbance 
 than I believe they thought it would. They have really made them- 
 selves ridiculous by it; it is a conduct nothing can justify. But I 
 suppose as soon as the parliament is up we shall have some bitter 
 pamphlets under cover of vindicating themselves, but in truth to abuse 
 the ministry and parliament. Things have gone on smoothly enough 
 in the two Houses since the Secession except that there has been some 
 debate upon two occasions. One was upon a message from the King ' 
 to desire a vote of confidence, that he may be enabled, if the defence of 
 the nation should require it, to increase his forces by sea and land, for 
 besides the clouds from Spain, France is encouraging the Swedes to 
 
 R 2 
 
246 
 
 Hare MSS. attack the Czarine, aiul is sending a squadron into the Baltic, which 
 may oblige us to do so too. The Duke of Argyle and the opponents 
 ' contended for a delay until the 24th and that it' Spain did not pay the 
 money, then estimates should be brought in the parliamentary way, and 
 the forces augmented. But this was in effect declaring war with Spain, 
 which it is hoped there may be no occasion for. The division was 
 72 to 32. The other affair was a message to enable the King to make 
 a settlement upon the younger children out of the civil list, after his 
 demise. One would think nobody could ha.ve opposed this, the sum 
 asked being so very small, 6,000/. for each of the daughters, and 
 15,000/. for the Duke, and it did pass the Commons almost nemine 
 contradicente, but they debated and divided in the Lords, the minority 
 27, the majority I do not remember. To-day there is a debate in the 
 Lords upon the non-payment of the 27,000/. As my cough is still too 
 troublesome to attend long debates, I can as yet tell you nothing of 
 it, but may perhaps hear something before I seal. I have all along 
 apprehended Spain would not pay the money, unless the South Sea 
 paid their 68,000/., but what Spain will do is as yet uncertain, no 
 courier being arrived, though daily, I may say hourly, expected. They 
 are angry that our fleet is not recalled. I wish it had been three 
 months ago, since when it lies in our own ports, it can upon occasion 
 very soon be upon the coasts of Spain. If Spain pays the money the 
 pretence for delay will be tfiat they depended on the South Sea Com- 
 pany paying a debt which themselves acknowledge due, but refuse to 
 pay, because Spain owes above four times as much to them. If they 
 refuse payment, what we shall do I know not, but believe the first 
 thing instead of going immediately into a war will be to make reprisals 
 in the West Indies, a method I wish we had taken twenty years ago. 
 
 You will have heard of the death of Lord Halifax. I was with Sir 
 Robert Walpole when word was brought him of that benefit ticket. 
 He is in some respects a very lucky man, the Clerk of the Pells fell 
 void the first day he came into the Treasury. Lord Sunderland quitted 
 in the morning, and Mr. Pelham died of the small-pox in the afternoon, 
 and himself had been very ill but a few days before Lord Halifax died, 
 so his two eldest sons are nobly provided for, for life. The two youngest 
 princesses and the Duke are just recovered from the measles. The Duke 
 had them last and worst and was apprehended to be in a good deal of 
 danger, for he had been for some time before much out of order with a 
 cold, and in that state greatly overheated himself, having ridden about 
 thirty miles one day a hunting, was caught in a great storm, up to the 
 knees in mud water, and in the evening went to Foxhall. This put the 
 Court into a great alarm, and especially the King, who was under great 
 anxiety for him, but the danger is now over. 
 
 I am just now told by one of my brethren, that it was moved to-day 
 by Lord Bat-hurst, to address the King to know if the 95,000/. was 
 paid, and if not, for what reasons it was not. The Duke of Newcastle 
 told them he had the King's leave to tell them it was not paid, and that 
 no reasons had been given why it was refused or delayed. The pro- 
 priety of addressing or not, to know a fact, made up the debate, and 
 they divided 54 to 40. Then they appointed Monday to go into the 
 state of the nation, and the warm speeches are reserved for that. The 
 Lords read the third time to-day the bill to hinder the exportation of 
 wool, by suffering among other things the importation of Irish yarn. 
 This bill had been greatly debated in the Committee, and they debated 
 and divided again to-day, a very motley division, people voting as their 
 counties happened to be abounding in sheep or not, whose particular 
 
247 
 
 interests few have courage to give up for the good of the whole. Hare MSS. 
 
 Mr. Hayes' Vagrants bill, that has been so long cooking, passed the 
 
 Commons, but thrown out in the Lords. The Lords have several long 
 
 bills before them, so that I do not know when the sessions will end ; a 
 
 bill for the Bridge for a general Report [from the] River Company 
 
 about the river Lea, which the City petition against ; a sugar bill, to 
 
 permit the exportation of sugar from our West Indian colonies to 
 
 foreign markets, without obliging them to unlade first in England, 
 
 which will meet with much opposition ; a bill for recovery oi small 
 
 debts, by justices of the peace, which it is thought will miscarry, since 
 
 it so much increases the power of the justices ; and 1 think one or two 
 
 more. 
 
 The Duke of Argyle has so much opposed the Court this session, 
 that there is great talk of his being removed, and of Lord Carteret 
 being Secretary of State ; but I give no credit to them, especially not 
 to the last. 
 
 1739, June 14. — Nothing material has happened here in parliament 
 since my last, except that on the 31st it was moved in the Lords to 
 address the King to know if the 95,000/. was paid, and if not, for what 
 reasons it was refused or delayed. As this was a mere inquiry of a 
 fact, it was thought sufficient by the other side to have an answer from 
 a Secretary of State. The Duke of Newcastle told them, he had the 
 King's leave to tell them, it was not paid, and that no reason had been 
 given. But the movers "were not so satisfied, so there was a pretty 
 long debate, but in the end it was carried against them, not to address : 
 but this, I believe, I gave you some account of in my last. The division 
 was 56 to 42, difference 14. On Monday following 4th June, Lord 
 Carteret would have moved for the day, opened the debate on the state 
 of the nation, and concluded with a motion, that the non-payment of the 
 money by Spain was a breach of the Convention, a high indignity to the 
 Crown, and great injustice to the nation. These were not the words 
 but the substance only, for it was a pretty long question. As this was 
 but a leading question, and must have been followed with another, in 
 what manner to resent it or to advise an immediate declaration of war. 
 This first question was opposed by a motion to put the previous question, 
 whether that question should be now put. This was the subject of the 
 debate. The speakers were Lord Carteret, and on his side Lord 
 Halifax (whose father had not been dead a month), Chesterfield, 
 Bathurst, Lonsdale, Argyle, and Strafford ; contra, Newcastle, Cholmon- 
 deley, Hervey, Chancellor and Scarborough. The Chancellor spoke 
 extremely well. Scarborough spoke very strong, that he never con- 
 sidered any question with greater attention, that the question implied a 
 suspicion of the ministry that they would not do on this occasion what 
 was right, that he was most firmly persuaded they would, and therefore 
 was against the question, and was for leaving to the King the whole 
 power of doing what should be proper, and not hindering it by inter- 
 posing their advice. After about three hours debate (when we expected 
 six or seven) we divided for putting the previous question, 63 to 44. 
 In this division no bishop was against the Court, but of the four that 
 had divided against them the 31st, three were with them, and one, 
 Gloucester, did not vote. The Prince came from Clifton to the debate, 
 but did not vote, Spain having, which was not then known, refused to 
 pay the money, unless the King would recall his squadrons from the 
 Mediterranean and the West Indies. I believe vigorous measures are 
 resolved on. There was two days after this debate a violent press for 
 seamen on the river, and it is the same all over the kingdom, and ten 
 
248 
 
 Hare mss. regiments are ordered from Ireland, to put the nation in a posture of 
 defence. It seemed to be the sense of both sides in the House, that 
 since the Spaniards had broke the Convention, and consequently the 
 injuries that had been so long complained of remained unsatisfied, that 
 we ought to do ourselves justice by taking all the Spanish ships that 
 came in our way, until we had reimbursed ourselves for their depreda- 
 tions. This, I believe, is the measure resolved on, and as the Spaniards 
 will not submit quietly to this, the consequence cannot fail to be a war. 
 As Spain would not use us thus, but at the instigation, probably, of 
 France, or at least are sure of their assistance, one has but a melancholy 
 prospect, but we must trust Providence, and if common danger can 
 unite us at home, our enemies may wish they had used us better, but 
 under this appearance of things I wish you was at home. 
 
 This is all the news I can send you at present, and you may depend on 
 its being true. Possibly now the session is at an end there may be some 
 changes at Court, but that I can speak of with no certainty at present. 
 Horace Walpole sets out to-morrow for the Hague, where he will be to 
 treat with people, who, if one may judge by their late conduct, are not to 
 be moved, unless affairs should come to an extremity. It is amazing 
 this situation of affairs should not produce union, where the interest of 
 the whole family is at stake, for it is impossible in case of a war to sup- 
 pose they will not endeavour to put the Pretender upon us. I hear the 
 Jacobites are very sanguine, but so indeed they always are. [There 
 are this] session two very material Bills, one to permit the importation 
 
 of Irish yarn ment the exportation of their wool to France, 
 
 and another to permit the exportation of sugar from our plantations to 
 foreign markets without unlading first in England. 
 
 A third bill for a general Register has been dropped in the Lords, 
 Lord Chancellor having raised many objections to it, and it is thought 
 it will not be revived another sessions, though the judges are ordered to 
 prepare a bill for it. We expect furious pamphlets from the Seceders, 
 who have acted a very unaccountable part with respect even to them- 
 selves, for had they continued to attend the House and to tease from 
 day to day, it is more than probable they would have killed Sir Robert, 
 and that under his indisposition, he could not have borne the fatigue ; 
 whereas, by their absence, the three last months have passed easily, and 
 he is very well recovered. 
 
 1739, June 30. Chichester. — Yours of the 6th came to the Deanery 
 the 22nd. I am extremely glad to see by it that you found at Naples 
 a water so well suited to your constitution, and hope you will find lasting 
 good effects from it. I wish your staying at Rome till St. Peter's day 
 did not keep j'ou there until the heats were too far advanced, and shall 
 long to hear you are got well to Florence. I think you have determined 
 very rightly to spend the hot months there. The Gallery and Library 
 will find you good employment. I add the Library because it is the 
 most famous in Italy for good MSS., and though you do not consult 
 any of them upon any particular passages, yet you should look into 
 them to see the size, the matter (I mean the vellum, parchment or paper) 
 and the ancient hands and the known or conjectured ages of them, 
 because they have been often perused and much quoted by all our good 
 modern critics. 
 
 Your letters shew you are not incurious, but are for acquainting your- 
 self with everything that is valuable, especially with such places as are 
 taken notice of as considerable by the classic writers, in which I suppose 
 Mr. Addison has led you the way, and I have the pleasure to hear the 
 same from other hands. I wish nothing may hurt your health, and that 
 
249 
 
 you may live long to enjoy the fruits of your travels, but hope the Ha:xe mss. 
 pleasure your virtuosism (sic) gives you will not draw you into expensive 
 pursuits of any of them when you return home. There is no being a 
 virtuoso, or gratifying that itch in building, medals, statuary, or painting, 
 upon the foot of a moderate estate, and yet one finds some travellers 
 bring nothing else home with them. As to the ancient private build- 
 ings I dare say they were no way comparable to our modern ones in 
 point of convenience, or the making the most of a little ground. 
 
 I told you in my last how affairs stood with respect to Spain. Since 
 that Spain has declared they will not pay the money, unless the fleet be 
 recalled, and upon this point solely it is refused, by which they have put 
 themselves in the wrong the most that is possible, the recalling the fleet 
 being so far from being a condition of the Convention that it never was 
 so much as mentioned in the conferences for the Convention, nor by the 
 Spanish minister here. It is true our Court did intend to recall the 
 fleet upon signing the Convention, but not in compliment to Spain, or 
 to remove any umbrage taken at it, much less in virtue of any promise, 
 but partly upon the point of good husbandry and to save the expense. 
 But when the ministry found, how much the people and a great part of 
 both Houses were dissatisfied with the Convention, and how confident 
 they were the money would not be paid, the orders were recalled and 
 Haddock was ordered to continue in the Mediterranean. This vile 
 conduct on the part of Spain gives France a handle for not taking at 
 present a part in the quarrel. The Cardinal has declared to Lord 
 Waldegrave, that he is as yet under no engagements with Spain, and 
 indeed without that declaration one might, from the present situation of 
 affairs, be pretty sure, France is not disposed to break Avith us at 
 present, having so many other irons in the fire. How this will operate 
 on Spain I do not know, but am persuaded a war is unavoidable. I can 
 never believe the Queen of Spain with her high spirit will patiently bear 
 our taking their ships, but upon the first capture will look upon it 
 as an act of hostility and immediately declare war. So much for 
 politics. 
 
 We left London on Thursday and came hither in good time last 
 night, having had a better journey than usual. We came this time by 
 Epsom, Leatherhead, Horsley, and the two Clandons, which is a much 
 better and pleasanter way than the other, and it took up very little more 
 time if any. 
 
 1739, August 5. Chichester. — I wrote to you the beginning of July, 
 soon after rny arrival here, and then gave you what account I could of 
 the situation of atfairs between us and Spain, the consequence of which, 
 I think, must unavoidably be a war. Admiral Haddock's orders for 
 seizing Spanish ships, &c, came to him the 3rd old style, and by the 
 last letters from him he was before Cadiz. The Spaniards are arming 
 in all their ports as well as by land. What this will produce time must 
 show, but it is strange they should choose to put themselves to so vast 
 an expense, besides losing the benefit of their flotas going out, and of 
 their galleons coming home, rather than pay so small a sum com- 
 paratively as 95,000/. But as probable as the prospect of a war is, or 
 rather as certain as it is, I am sorry to find you did not pursue your 
 first intentions of going to Florence, since I do not see how a Avar will 
 affect Italy. By staying at Rome you lose what you proposed at 
 Florence ; and the heats will not let you do at Rome, what the length 
 of the time would, if you could stir abroad. But you are now fixed for 
 the remainder of the summer. I shall much wish for the heats being 
 over, and to hear you have not suffered by them. Next year possibly 
 
250 
 
 Hare MSS. ^] ie Pretender's interest at Rome may make it impossible or at least 
 uneasy for Englishmen who are not in his party to be there, but how 
 that may prove, must be collected from what has formerly been done, 
 when there have been attempts in his favour, particularly in the years 
 1718 and 19, and that perhaps you can easily inform yourself of upon 
 the place. If France should take part with Spain, and it is probable 
 it may next year, I do not see how that will affect Italy. All the 
 inconvenience I apprehend from thence is, that you cannot return 
 through France, but must take your route through Germany, in which 
 there is no great inconvenience considering how much you have seen of 
 France already. 
 
 We have had hitherto as bad a spring and summer as I believe 
 anybody remembers. The fruit of all kinds is in a maimer universally 
 spoilt. We have not had above a week of warm dry weather together, 
 and this last week we have had for five days together nothing but rain, 
 which must have done great damage to the corn, a good deal having 
 been cut before the rain came. 
 
 I can send you no news from hence, but what is in the public prints, 
 which by the way little credit is to be given to, with respect to letters 
 inserted from the Hague, and to the Paris a la main. Dean Naylor, of 
 Winchester, is succeeded by Dr. Pearce. The deanery of Norwich, I 
 believe, is not yet disposed of, nor Bath and Wells, which has been so 
 long void. We had ten days ago the disagreeable news that the Turks 
 had defeated a body of the Imperial troops, which I am afraid will 
 prove of fatal consequence to the Emperor's affairs. It is strange they 
 cannot see how they are amused by France who has made them expect 
 in vain a suspension of arms for several months past, when their design 
 plainly is to force the Emperor into a separate peace, by which he will 
 be deprived of the only good ally tbey have ; and if they can compass 
 that, then the Russians are to have all the weight of the Turks and 
 Swedes upon them at the same time, and if France can compass that 
 they will be amply revenged upon them for Poland, as they have already 
 revenged themselves upon the Emperor. Nothing can sure be more 
 unaccountable than the conduct of the Imperial Court ; to draw upon 
 themselves one war and suffer themselves to be drawn into another, 
 without being in a condition to defend themselves, much less to attack 
 in either. This conduct gives France such an advantage as cannot fail 
 to have the most fatal consequences upon the affairs of Europe, and par- 
 ticularly our own, especially as we are so unhappily divided [against 
 our] selves. For want of matter, I have been drawn into politics, though 
 I hate to think of them, when the prospect is so bad. 
 
 1739, September 1. — I received the 24th yours of the 8th by 
 which I am very glad to find you have borne the heats at Rome so well. 
 I long much for another letter with the news of your being well at 
 Florence. The very day I wrote last to you, I had a letter from Mr. 
 Spateman in which he says he bad not a great while heard from you, 
 and expresses his wishes that you were returned to England, for though 
 if a war should break out, passports may protect you from public 
 seizures of either your person or goods, yet private violence is always 
 more busy in such times of commotions, and one travels with less 
 safety, which no doubt is true, but I should hope with proper precau- 
 tions there would be no great danger from thence. I have told him I 
 believed you would govern your motions by what you saw other English 
 gentlemen do, of whom there are not a few now in Italy. I can say 
 little as to public affairs more than I have said already, having here no 
 opportunity of knowing anything from the first hands. But I believe 
 
251 
 
 it is certain France will do nothing this year, but I take for granted Hare mss. 
 
 they will declare for Spain the next, if no accommodation be made in 
 
 the meantime. It is a great mortification to us that the Assognes ships 
 
 are got safe into the Spanish ports, which we should have had a pretty 
 
 chance to have fallen in with, if Admiral Vernon had not been so long 
 
 windbound at Spithead. The Emperor's affairs seem to be on the brink 
 
 of ruin, and he will be forced to accept of such a peace as the Turks 
 
 will give him. He lost I believe 1(^000 or 12,000 men at least in the 
 
 last battle. His general deserves to lose his head for not having better 
 
 intelligence. He has but a handful of an army left. The Turks will 
 
 most certainly take Belgrade, if it be not first yielded up to them by a 
 
 treaty of peace, which we expect every day to hear. Lord Crawford 
 
 was not killed, but so dangerously wounded that it is much feared he 
 
 will not recover. 
 
 The day your letter came came hither we returned from a five days' 
 ramble we had been making to Southampton, Sarum, and Winchester, a 
 thing often intended, but by one incident or other put off until now. 
 We had the pleasure of good roads and pretty good weather, and 
 besides these towns saw Lord Peterborough's gardens near Southamp- 
 ton, Lord Palmerston's house at Romsey about seven miles from South- 
 ampton in the road to Sarum, which he has greatly improved, and 
 Wilton, which take it altogether is the finest thing I believe one can see 
 in England. Mr. Trevigar and his wife saw Portsmouth likewise in 
 their return. We did not go thither because the small-pox is much in 
 the town. We propose to leave this place the 12th, and after a few 
 days at London, to go to the Vache. 
 
 Dean Hayley died here the 12th of last month, and is succeeded by 
 Dr. Hargraves whom I expect here next week. The deanery of Bath 
 and Wells still remains undisposed of. 
 
 I am told that at Rome the chief thing to be avoided, not to be made 
 uneasy, is the coffee-houses, which are filled with the Pretender's 
 people, who are very apt to go into talk, which an Englishman cannot 
 with patience hear, and that may produce quarrels, and therefore such 
 places should be much avoided. This I had from a good hand. The 
 Goodwood family dined here last week, who enquired with great civiiitv 
 after you. At Lord Palmerston's I saw some very pretty marble 
 tables, which his son sent him over. He told me he had sixteen. 
 There were some very pretty of a sort of dove colour, a whitish brown 
 mixed with a dark one, in small sort of flowers, not much unlike 
 Brussels lace. I thought them extremely pretty. They were bought 
 at Naples exceeding cheap ; I think he told me four of that sort cost 
 but 5/. ; if any such come in your way, you would do well to buy some. 
 The carriage by sea to London, he told me, was but a trifle. 
 
 1739, October 13. Vache. — No letter was ever more welcome from 
 you than that received } 7 esterday of 4th September from Florence. How 
 came it to be seven weeks in coming hither, when your letters from 
 Rome used to come in a month at farthest ; I cannot imagine unless 
 they are detained in France ? What made me expect your letter with 
 the more impatience was that you left Rome in the height of the hot 
 weather, and in your former of the 8th August, said you would write as 
 soon as you came to Florence. This made me greatly fear all was not 
 well, since I did not dream of your making it a three weeks journey, 
 which in the direct way is not, I think, above three days. I am very 
 glad you found the journey so agreeable, and the gentlemen of the 
 several towns you passed through so obliging, I hope you will fill up 
 your time as much to your mind at Florence until you return to Rome. 
 
252 
 
 Hare mss. i can i e \\ y 0U no thing of public affairs that can be at all new to you. The 
 parliament meets the 15th of next month, when the Seceders will, I 
 believe, attend, and do all they can to make it an uneasy Sessions. By 
 all their papers, their play will be to push a Place Bill, and if they 
 cannot obtain one will secede perhaps again ; and in the meantime to 
 inflame the people, to be zealous in it and to petition their members to 
 be for it. The City of London has shown the example, and the patriots 
 will endeavour to persuade the other great towns to follow the example. 
 They have put by Sir G. Champion from the mayoralty for voting for 
 the Convention, which is a most scandalous part in the city, when it has 
 been approved of by both Houses of Parliament. There might be other 
 reasons with respect to his character in private life for setting him aside, 
 but the reason given is his voting for the Convention, and private 
 character could not very decently be insisted on after their choice of 
 J. Barber who is far from being a saint : but enough of this disagreeable 
 subject. After the Parliament is met, a little time will show what we 
 are to expect at home as to affairs abroad. There is no convincing the 
 people the Government is earnest, or if we shall have a war, which is so 
 monstrous, that if one did not see it, it would be incredible. I do not 
 yet hear what part France will take, but since there has been in the 
 public papers some appearance of their choosing for the present at least 
 to act the part of a neutrality, the good patriots now tell us, nothing is 
 so dangerous as a neutrality, and that we had better have a war with 
 them, which one would think none but madmen (except downright 
 enemies to their country) could wish for. If France continues neutral 
 until spring, and we have any success in the West Indies, Spain perhaps 
 
 ' may be more tractable and disposed to agree to reasonable terms. I 
 say nothing to you of the peace between the Emperor and the Turks, 
 and the consequence of it, that Russia has been forced to make peace 
 likewise upon the best terms they could, your own reflections and the 
 papers in the part of the world you are yourself in, will furnish you 
 with the proper reflections. But it is a melancholy thing to see the 
 Emperor's affairs in so sad a condition, and three such unsuccessful and 
 ill-conducted campaigns against an enemy, who has for a series of above 
 fifty years been always beaten by them. There never was a war that 
 showed more the importance one man is of. Had Prince Eugene been 
 alive and been at the head of the Imperial army, if the Emperor had 
 gained nothing, I dare say he would have lost nothing. The first 
 campaign they acted as if they had no enemy to oppose ; the second they 
 thought they were engaged with the whole Turkish army, when it was 
 only a part; and the last, they thought they were attacking a part when 
 it was in reality the whole. Such intelligence and such conduct are 
 inexcusable, and yet every campaign has been under a different general, 
 which shows in a most sensible manner, what a condition the Imperial 
 
 « Court are in. To add to our ill situation at home, the ill weather we 
 have had almost ever since Bartemy tide to the beginning of this month 
 has made the harvest for barley, &c, exceeding bad, so that in many 
 places it is not worth mowing. This will ruin abundance of farmers, 
 and in general fall very heavy upon the country, and it is the more 
 mortifying as there never was a finer crop. Barley is now almost twice 
 the price it was, and, what is another hard article for the poorer sort, 
 coals are grown extremely dear, occasioned by the great and continued 
 press for seamen, joined to the knavery that is always practised on such 
 occasions. 
 
 1739, November 4. Vache. — I have yours of the 1st October, and 
 am very glad you find yourself so agreeably entertained at Florence. I 
 
253 
 
 suppose before this you are returned to Rome, where by our accounts it Hake MSS. 
 
 is more than probable there is a vacancy in the Holy See, and then you 
 
 will have an opportunity of seeing the finest sight perhaps in Europe. 
 
 I am able to make you very little return of anything that will be 
 
 agreeable from hence. You will have heard long before this reaches 
 
 you that war is at last declared against Spain. We had, I believe, a 
 
 mind Spain should have been the declarers, and then those who were 
 
 engaged only in a defensive alliance with Spain might without difficulty 
 
 have avoided taking part in the war, and indeed from the spirit of that 
 
 Court and of the Queen, it was natural to think they would have 
 
 declared war upon the first ship we took from them. But they thought 
 
 better of it, and followed the example we had set, and granted on their 
 
 part letters of reprisal, in return to our having done so : as it was easy 
 
 to foresee there would soon be war declared either by them or us. We 
 
 made the necessary preparations both for being safe at home, and for 
 
 enterprising something in the West Indies, from whence I hope we may 
 
 have some good news befoie Christmas. What part France will take is 
 
 not yet declared, but it is impossible to think interest and alliances both 
 
 will not oblige them to take the part of Spain. The only question is, 
 
 with what vigour they will do it and how soon, for if they immediately 
 
 declare and make great efforts, it is very possible they may be involved 
 
 in a general war, which they will not be very fond of ; they remember 
 
 too well the last. It is happy for us that the success of the Russians 
 
 has induced the Porte to make a peace with them as well as the 
 
 Emperor. This has mightily, I think, altered the face of affairs, and 
 
 disappointed the project of France, which was to force the Emperor 
 
 into a separate peace, that Russia might be crushed between the Turks 
 
 and the Swedes ; which project is now vanished into smoke, and the 
 
 peace of the north will be preserved, and Russia be at liberty to be a good 
 
 ally to us. We have had the good luck to take two Caraccas ships, . 
 
 worth about 150,000/. each, which has put the people in very good 
 
 humour for the present ; but how long it will last I cannot say, they 
 
 will be expecting such good news once a month at least, though there 
 
 are no more such ships to come from the West Indies, and consequently 
 
 no such can be taken. There was, lam told, at the proclamation of war 
 
 the greatest concourse of the populace that ever was seen, and the most 
 
 general satisfaction show r n ; but such is the spirit of the people, that a 
 
 great many will scarce yet believe we are in earnest. The Parliament 
 
 meets the 15th, so that now we shall soon see what part the patriots and 
 
 seceders will take. 
 
 I am very glad to hear you are likely to have such a number of sober 
 young gentlemen at Rome this winter, which will enable you to pass 
 your time there more agreeably. 
 
 ] 739, December 22. Vache. — As to the war, I am able to say nothing 
 new about it. The opposition pretend to be sure that a peace is far 
 advanced, but upon what grounds is to me inconceivable, except it be 
 from the price of stocks, which instead of sinking upon declaring war 
 have considerably risen, which is indeed a mystery. We have no news 
 yet from the West Indies, but please ourselves with the expectation of 
 hearing soon some good. The first part of the Sessions is now ended, 
 and the Commons have adjourned to the 8th January. I do not know 
 what means you have in Italy of hearing English news, but suppose 
 some printed accounts come to all the great places, and therefore I will 
 say the less. In the main things have gone on very smoothly and no 
 delays have been attempted with respect to the current service ; on the 
 contrary so much despatch has been given that the Land and Malt Bills 
 
254 
 
 Hare mss. are finished and passed yesterday. The opposition began with taking 
 the merit of pushing the war with vigour much upon themselves, and 
 moved that no peace should be made without the favourite point of no 
 search, this was carried unanimously. Then they desired a conference 
 with the Lords to join with them, so it became the unanimous address of 
 both Houses. This encouraged them to make some other motions in 
 which they did not succeed so well. Among other things they moved 
 that 5,000 marines should by way of frugality and good husbandry be 
 drafted out of the standing forces, which question as it was a very 
 absurd one, they lost by a great majority ; for that is in effect to keep 
 up 18,000 men from the apprehensions of a war, and when there is 
 actually a war, to reduce them to 12,000 or 13,000 : and they have 
 succeeded no better in their other attempts since. The last they made 
 was on Tuesday last, for a call of the House soon after the holidays, in 
 order to have a very full House when they are to move a Place bill, 
 which is the great engine they are now to work with. But as those 
 who had been of the Secession could very ill appear zealous for a good 
 attendance, it was but a short debate, and they lost their point by a 
 great majority, 126 to 60. Sir Robert Walpole has this session kept 
 well and in high spirits beyond expectation until last week, when he 
 caught a bad cold, but by proper applications was so well recovered as 
 to be in the House at this debate. 
 
 The weather has been very variable, and in the main very bad, which 
 has made the town sickly with colds and sore throats, which seem to 
 have something malignant in them. Of this poor Mr. Pelham, the 
 Duke's brother, has felt the most fatal effects, having lost his two sons 
 in the space of a few hours, one after the other (upon about a week's 
 illness I am told, but of that am not sure). It shews itself by a speck 
 in the throat, which soon mortifies ; but I hear the physicians, or 
 rather surgeons, have got the better of it, by cutting it out as soon as it 
 appears. 
 
 1739-40, January 19.— Yours of 30tb November, I received the 28th 
 of last month, and that being in the recess of parliament and having 
 written but a little before in answer to your former, I have deferred 
 writing longer than usual, in hopes I might be able to find something to 
 say that would be agreeable or at least new, but find myself quite 
 disappointed. The parliament met the 8th, but it being excessive cold 
 weather adjourned to the 15th, and I do not hear they have done any- 
 thing since but election work. The Place Bill is not yet moved for ; 
 when it is it will be opposed in the first step, that it may not be brought 
 in, and if that point be carried it is not unlikely but the opposition may 
 make a secession again as they did last year, but that is uncertain, they 
 not being well united among themselves or agreed in their measures to 
 distress the ministry. We have since Christmas day had as bitter a cold 
 season as has been known in the memory of man, especially the last three 
 days of December when things froze by the fireside. The cold still 
 continues and is likely to do so, and good part of the time the weather 
 has been very stormy, by which much mischief has been done at sea 
 and upon the Thames. The poor suffer exceedingly by the severity of 
 the season, having little or no work, and everything growing very dear, 
 particularly coals, which are near 41. per chaldron. It is very 
 unfortunate to have so hard a winter at the beginning of a war, our only 
 comfort is that it does not fare much better with our neighbours. 
 Things continue in a very uncertain state with respect to the spreading 
 of the war ; but you know by my former letters my opinion of that 
 matter, which I see no reason to alter, though stocks still continue high, 
 
255 
 
 which shows the people are strongly persuaded that the war will not be 
 of any continuance, and that great advances are made towards a peace, 
 but upon what grounds they think so, I know not. We have no news of 
 consequence from, the West Indies. Vernon lies before the Havannah, 
 aud Brown before Carthagena, but as neither have land forces on board, 
 they can do nothing by way of descent. 8,000 men are getting ready 
 for those parts, but upon what particular designs is not known, nor is it 
 fit it should. The affair of Marino is a strange story. It suits well 
 enough the character of the manager of it, but how his holiness can 
 sanctify so unrighteous an attempt, or be willing the holy see should 
 enjoy the fruits of it, I cannot comprehend. It is surprising the Pope 
 holds out so long in a state so extremely weak. If this weather is felt 
 at Rome, it must be very difficult to preserve him against the effects of 
 it 
 
 I think your travellers need be in no great pain, about getting safe to 
 England, if they once get safe into Holland. There are frequent 
 opportunities of convoys, and even in the common packet boats there is 
 very little danger, of which there cannot be a better proof than that in 
 all the last war there was not one taken, or not more than one, and that 
 occasioned by a tempestuous wind which broke their masts. 
 
 We have the Myrobalanus here, but it is little used. Quincy says 
 it is a kind of dry foreign plum that they use much in the Arabian 
 pharmacy. 
 
 Postscript. — An election for Plymouth having been heard for two 
 days at the Bar of the House, the Court party carried it by a great 
 majority, 180 to 118, but this does not discourage the opposition from 
 trying their strength for a Place Bill, which it is expected will be 
 attempted on Tuesday or at least in the compass of the week. 
 
 1800 more marines will be asked for some secret expedition. 
 
 1739-40, February 23. — Your letter of 20th December came to me 
 30th January and I answered it the 3rd. In that I gave you an 
 account of the debate in the Commons for bringing a Place Bill, which 
 the minority upon the division lost but by 16, 208 to 222. This made 
 them very sanguine and they threatened great matters, but nobody 
 could be sure what, the Prince's affair, Triennial parliaments, calling 
 Mr. Keen to account for accepting the King of Spain's declaration, and 
 other things were thrown out. Two or three days before the call of 
 the House, which was appointed for the 21st, they moved for a pension 
 bill and a qualification bill. The first, I suppose, is to be much the 
 same with what has been so often attempted before, and will probably 
 in our House meet with the same success ; the other is, I believe, to 
 make the former bill more effectual, which regulates what estate in 
 land a man must have to be a knight of the shire and to represent a 
 borough. But their great effort was reserved for the 21st, which was 
 indeed the boldest and most home push against Sir Robert Walpole 
 they have ever attempted yet. The motion was made by Mr. Pulteney 
 in a violent, laboured speech, and seconded by Sir William Wyndham, 
 for an address to the King to lay before the House, all papers, letters, 
 memorials, &c. relating to the Convention, to be committed to a Secret 
 Committee of 21 persons, as was practised in 1715, when the House 
 intended to impeach the Oxford ministry. This they owned was their 
 pattern, and called it Lex talionis. You will easily believe people who 
 declared this, treated Sir Robert in the most virulent manner in their 
 speeches. They thought themselves, one would think, very sure of 
 their strength, and that they should now be able to demolish Sir 
 Robert. But they found themselves greatly mistaken. Sir Robert 
 
 Hake MSS. 
 
256 
 
 Hare MSS. spoke admirably well, said little of the Convention, but made his friends 
 — see this was a trial of him, and that his fate was to be decided this 
 
 day. The House sat until about nine, and upon a division the debate 
 ended in a great victory for Sir Robert. They carried it against the 
 motion by a majority of 51, though the opposition had used their utmost 
 efforts to bring together all their posse. The numbers were 247 to 
 196, which with the Speaker and four tellers made 448, a very full 
 House. This defeat will, I believe, make the rest of the session quiet 
 and short. The Call of the House before the debate was put off for a 
 month, but after the debate Mr. Pulteney rose up and said, three 
 months. Considering what had happened, which shows all their views 
 of putting down Sir .Robert are for the present at an end. This was so 
 extraordinary an affair that I thought it would not be disagreeable to 
 you that I have dwelt so long upon it. 
 
 I told you in my last what I had j ust heard of the sudden death of 
 Lord Scarborough. It is now certain, as I presume you have long 
 since heard, that he shot himself, and the ball was found in his head, 
 for his brother had him opened, intending at first to dispute his will, 
 but I hear since the caveat is withdrawn. It is said he was to be 
 married in a week to the Duchess of Manchester, with whom he had 
 for a year or two past been in great intimacy, so that he was gone too 
 far I suppose to retract, and jet could not resolve to go on, and 
 therefore took this short way to put an end to all difficulties. He was 
 a strange mixture of a man, fond of popularity and yet of nice honour, 
 of good parts, and yet without solidity of judgment to adhere steadily 
 to anything. But it is in the blood to fall into this sort of disorders, 
 father and mother and uncle (the general) all fell into the deep 
 melancholy way before they died. 
 
 1740, March 25th. — I sent you in my last an account of our affairs 
 here at home. Nothing very material has passed since the Patriots 
 miscarried in their attempt upon Sir Robert Walpole, by a difference of 
 51. The Pension Bill, as formerly, passed the Commons, but was 
 thrown out by the Lords by a majority of 12. There was a bill brought 
 in by Lord Cadogan (I do not know upon what particular inducement) 
 to prevent clandestine marriages, by nulling those between minors 
 without consent of parents or guardians, but there was in the Lords 
 such a diversity of sentiments, that the bill dropped, as all attempts of 
 this kind have always done. There is now before the Lords a Register 
 bill, and has been for some time. There was a division upon the choice 
 of the officer, the Duke of Bedford moved he should be chosen by the 
 freeholders of 100/. per annum, but it was carried for the Clerk of the 
 Peace. On Thursday the Lords are to go upon the state of the nation, 
 at the motion of Lord Bathurst. This, I think, is all I can tell you of 
 our home affairs. You will have heard of Admiral Vernon's success 
 in the West Indies, who attacked Portobello the 22nd November, stayed 
 there three weeks, and utterly demolished all the fortifications of the 
 place, by which it is now become an open town, to the great joy of the 
 Jamaica people, and all engaged in carrying on a clandestine trade with 
 the Spanish settlements. I want much to see the Spanish account of 
 this affair, which we have not yet received. The Spaniards by all their 
 accounts are making great preparations for attacking Minorca, by troops 
 sent from Barcelona to Majorca. They likewise threaten us with an 
 invasion from the coasts of Galicia, but that little is said of in the 
 articles from Madrid, and we apprehend it so little here, that stocks 
 instead of falling have risen especially since our good news from the 
 West Indies. France still professes a neutrality, but how long she 
 
257 
 
 will keep it, who can say ? But we have taken the best way to have 
 her keep it by having a strong squadron in the Channel, that we may 
 be ready in all events, and, it the neutrality be kept, to that, I believe, 
 most people will impute it. This is the state of affairs, so far as I 
 know of them, with respect to Spain. 
 
 1740, April 2. — I have no public news to send you since my last, 
 having w r ritten about a week ago. 
 
 I received last post a letter from Mr. Lancaster to tell me that Lord 
 Craven's estate at Wartling is to be sold, it is about 450/. per annum 
 that it has been offered to Lord Wilmington and Mr. Pagg, and that 
 Lord Wilmington is willing to buy the marsh land but not the upland. 
 This looks as if Mr. Lancaster had not had very early intelligence of 
 this estate being to be sold, though it lies so near him, and has been so 
 long expected. It perhaps may be sold before I can have an answer 
 to this, but it is too great a purchase to make without your approbation, 
 besides, I apprehend it will come dear, as indeed all Sussex estates do. 
 Whether you should buy it or not depends I think chiefly upon this, 
 whether you propose to keep Hurstmonceux or not. If you do, it 
 would be most advisable to purchase in that neighbourhood ; but if not 
 it is in my opinion, the last country one would purchase in. If Hurst- 
 monceux were my estate, I should not have a minute's doubt about it. 
 The annual expense of the house, gardens, and park is near a third of the 
 clear produce of the estate, whether one live there or not, which is an 
 insupportable grievance. The high price of labour, the dearness of 
 provisions and difficulty of getting them for want of markets, the 
 expectations such a house creates, and the number of hangers on, with 
 which the kitchen is always full, are further grievances. People seem 
 to expect that a man's expense should be measured by the size of his 
 house, and not of his estate, which is so absurd that one would think 
 no reasonable man could think in that manner, and yet Mr. Lancaster, 
 who is otherwise a very honest man, is always on that side the question, 
 and instead of supporting attempts to lessen expenses and particularly 
 to prevent hangers on, he always appears to be out of humour at them, 
 and yet there is not a more frugal creature in his own house than 
 himself ; the meaning of which no doubf is, to make himself the idol of 
 his poor neighbours at your expense. One cannot forbid weeder (?) 
 women coming into the house (where they have no business), but it is 
 plain he is against us. If you keep Hurstmonceux you must pull up a 
 spirit to break all this trade at once, and let him, and others see you 
 resolve to live like a private gentleman and within compass, and not to 
 support a ridiculous popularity and the figure of a great house, ruin 
 yourself, and be forced to sell an estate which you would be glad to 
 keep. You will consider yourself maturely upon the matter, and let me 
 know your thoughts. I have no concern in this matter but your 
 interest, and for that reason only have given you my thoughts ; but you 
 know the place and can judge for yourself. If you have a mind to 
 purchase the Craven estate, I will endeavour to find money to supply 
 what your own money falls short. 
 
 Hare MSS. 
 
 Letters from Mary (formerly Miss Alston) widow of Bishop Hare 
 to her step-son Francis Naylor. 
 
 [1740], April 27. Vache. — It is with the most inexpressible sorrow 
 I set pen to paper to acquaint you that my dear husband departed this 
 life at three quarters past four oelock in the afternoon yesterday, after 
 
258 
 
 Ha re m ss. having suffered much with a fever, cough and swelling in his hand and 
 side, which were lanced by Mr. Bigg, who came three times from 
 London to him. Sir E. Hulse twice, and Mr. Lisle almost lived with us 
 from the time my dear lord was taken ill till yesterday morning. In 
 Passion Week (I believe) he catched cold by being too free in walking 
 in the garden. The Thursday in that week he had issues made in his 
 back, Avhich being uneasy I thought might occasion his being low- 
 spirited; and on Easter Monday he was attacked with first a shivering 
 and afterwards a fever fit, and from that time I almost despaired of his 
 precious life, though about a week after that Lisle flattered me with 
 hopes, and J a little flattered myself, for he seemed to grow stronger for 
 several days. But our hopes were soon dashed, for his fever returned as 
 bad as ever, and a pain and swelling in his hand and side, the cutting of 
 which he bore with great patience and resolution, and was most 
 complying in taking readily every disagreeable medicine that was 
 offered him. He was from the first sensible of his danger, but not 
 without some hope, and several times in this illness talked to me in the 
 most tender moving manner imaginable, and was perfectly sensible to 
 the last, and spoke to me in less than half an hour before he died. He 
 did not care to see the children in all this illness, and when I once took 
 notice of it to him, he said he loved them too well to like to see 
 them in his sad condition . I have been very particular to you, Dear 
 Sir, who I know will be desirous of learning every circumstance relating 
 to this sad event of the best of fathers, husbands, masters and friends, 
 and in a word the best of men. It is no small addition to my grief that 
 you are at so great a distance, at a time when I most want the advice 
 and assistance of all my friends, and more especially yourself in this 
 melancholy juncture. Mr. Comyns, who has been twice here, was 
 desired by my dear lord to give me all the assistance in his power, and 
 he has assured me he will do so to the last day of his life. But though 
 I shall have good offices from him, and I hope from many of the friends 
 my dear lord had opportunities of obliging, yet there will be a continual 
 want at home that nobody in the world can supply, the tenderest fondest 
 husband and most agreeable companion, whom I was always happy with 
 [and never] easy without him, being truly sensible of his uncom[mon] 
 great and good qualities, and loving him most passionately, almost to 
 adoration, is taken from me. I am lelt a poor disconsolate woman in a 
 large house a great deal too big and good for me, with two little children 
 and as few servants as I can possibly make shift with, for I propose 
 soon to part with all that are unnecessary, and to send Miss to school, 
 for at least this first dreadful melancholy year. Thus you see I have a 
 most sad prospect before me, but whatever 1 suffer myself I am 
 determined to do everything that I think will bo most for the advantage 
 of my children, who I love much more as being his than my own, and 
 the greatest honour I can do his memory is (I think) to take the utmost 
 care of what he was so fond of, and has, he several times told me, put 
 entirely into my power, a trust I will never be guilty of a breach of, 
 and I doubt not of your kind assistance and advice, having had so long 
 experience of your goodwill, both to myself and them. I do not urge 
 you to return home, before you have finished what you went abroad to 
 see, but 1 hope you will make as much expedition as you conveniently 
 can, and that the end of the summer at farthest will bring you to your 
 friends again, who all think it very long since you left us. I love you 
 extremely with great reason, Dear Sir, upon your own account, and if 
 I had not, your being so very dear to him, who was infinitely so to me, 
 would entitle you to all the regard it is possible for me to show you, 
 
259 
 
 and you may assure yourself, I will make it my study to make every- Hare mss. 
 
 thing as agreeable to you as my way of living will admit of. My dear 
 
 lord was desiious if it had pleased God to have lived till next winter, 
 
 that he might have had the satisfaction of seeing you, and leaving you 
 
 with me, being fully assured as he has often told me of your friendship 
 
 for me and fondness for the children. His ill health for thirteen months 
 
 past gave us little hopes of his being continued long a blessing to his 
 
 own family and lo the world, but we had some hopes that as he had got 
 
 through this very bad winter he might have held on to the next. But 
 
 it has pleased God to determine otherwise, and I must submit to his 
 
 divine will. Mrs. Trevigar was so kind to come to me ten days ago, 
 
 and will stay with me till I can get somebody else to me (I hope Mrs. 
 
 Gurdon). I have ordered the three poor children that are buried at 
 
 St. Paul's to be taken up and buried with their dear father in his church. 
 
 When that is over I will write again. I am sorry to give you the 
 
 uneasiness of reading this long melancholy letter, but I do not know 
 
 how to leave off so long as there is any room left. 
 
 1740, May 17. London. — I hope the shocking news I wrote you 
 the 27th April has not affected your health. 1 have great reason to 
 thank God I am tolerably well under this most heavy affliction, the 
 dread of which has been a load upon my spirits above a year, and T 
 have the comfort of kind offers of assistance and condolence from one 
 or other of my dear lord's friends every day, and much more civility 
 from my own relations than I expected. Mr. Soame wrote me one of 
 the handsomest friendliest letters that could be, and both my sisters 
 very proper ones upon the occasion, with invitations from Mr. and 
 Mrs. Soame to Thurloe at their return from a journey they intend into 
 Yorkshire very soon, and in their absence the use of their house, if it 
 would be more ajrreeable to me than mv own. 
 
 I buried my dear lord on Saturday the 3rd of May, and I hope you 
 will think in a proper manner. T desired Mr. Comyns to consult some 
 of our friends in town, and to give me their opinion about it. My lord 
 had desired in his will that his funeral might be private, and the 
 expenses very moderate according to my discretion, but I did not like 
 the fashionable way of burying people without bearers, and, except the 
 funeral service read over them, with no more ceremony than they would 
 bury their dogs. So we agreed to invite Dr. Baker, Dr. Lavington, 
 Dr. Tyrwite, Dr. Thomas, Mr. Sp^keman, and Mr. Nash for bearers 
 (for they told me bishops would not go so far out of town) and Mr. 
 Godolphin, Mr. Longueviile, Mr. Edlin, Mr. Proctor, Mr. Mann, and 
 Mr. Comyns to walk as mourners. They came from town in three 
 mourning coaches and six with relays. I ordered some dinner for them 
 at one o'clock, at three my dear lord was carried to church, and from 
 thence the company returned to London in very good time, and every- 
 thing was conducted (as Mr. Comyns told me) with great order and 
 decency. I ordered a vault to be made and the children that were 
 buried at St. Paul's were taken up and placed in it with their dear 
 father. The pulpit, desk, chancel, and my pew are hung in mourning. 
 One room was hung in mourning as Mrs. Trevigar says it was at 
 Mr. Naylor's funeral, with many scutcheons round it, a velvet coffin with 
 plumes of feathers and other ornaments. It was not thought proper 
 to invite any company in the country since these particular friends were 
 so kind to come from London. 
 
 [Particulars of the Bishop's will conclude the above letter.] 
 
 E 77960. S 
 
260 
 
 Habe mss. 1756, Sunday, 15 (sic August ?;, Harrogate. — I ain more particularly 
 
 glad to receive yours to-day, as if I had not it would have been a long 
 time before it would have come to my hand, for having fixed to-morrow 
 for my departure I desired Nairn (?) not to send any letters after 
 Thursday here ; if she had any to send on Saturday, to me at the Post 
 House at Newcastle and after that to Mr. Edlin's. Yesterday John sent 
 me word he was so very ill that he could not possibly drive me on 
 Monday, he has had a purging ever since last Monday, but is so averse 
 to taking anything that he concealed it, I sent immediately for the 
 Apothecary and hope I may be able to set out on Wednesday as to 
 what I shall see by the way will depend upon the weather, if T go 
 directly I believe I shall do it in 7 days, but hope to be able to write 
 to you from Durham, Newcastle, or somewhere. Nancy soon got well 
 and has been excessively happy with frequent dancing, last Thursday 
 we had 1 1 couple though part of our company went to dance at the 
 Queen's Head; Friday, with the help of some of their company, 18 
 couple. Lord Northumberland's sons are there, Lord Warkworth with 
 the eldest Miss Walmsley and Lord Willoughby with the eldest Miss 
 Hare at the same time (our room being long) opened the Ball with 
 minuets, they both drank tea, played cards, and supped ; commended 
 our ordinary and say they have nothing good at theirs. Lord Wark- 
 worth is a puny chicken, but behaves very manly and with great 
 politeness, he has a famous piper that played to us that evening. Lord 
 Willoughby is one of the prettiest men I know, he has drank tea with me 
 once, and I expect him again this evening. Mr. Arden left us yester- 
 day to my sorrow for I was much taken with his conversation, he is 
 greatly senior to your schoolfellow for he was at college when I married 
 and used to go frequently to Thurloe, knows them well and everybody 
 else that I ever knew or heard of. The clergyman and his family leave 
 us to-morrow, they have been very civil and prove agreeable people. Here 
 is a Mr. Drake who is related to yours, has a living at or near Don- 
 caster, several gentlemen of fortune not far from hence come two or 
 three times in a season for a few days, so that one has an opportunity 
 of seeing many people and living gaily at a small expense. I call it 
 small compared with other public places for there we pay largely for 
 lodgings and all diversions, here only lor board ; if I was at a reasonable 
 distance I would come every year. Mr. Leigh whom you saw at Scar- 
 borough with his daughters is at the Salutation because here w r as no 
 room, as is Mr. Bewick, a friend of your Mr. Taylor's, he was at the 
 White Hart at Buxton last year. One day last week we went to Knares- 
 borough to see the Dropping Well, and ruins of the Castle, both 
 extremely well worth seeing ; the beginning of the week some of our com- 
 pany and from the Queen's Head, eighteen at least, hired a waggon with 
 a tilt, put in benches, six horses in pairs, broad wheels and turnpike road, 
 trotted away very expeditiously to see Studley, lay at a good Inn at 
 llipon, danced 9 or 10 couple till two in the morning, and came home 
 as gaily as they went, highly pleased with the frolic and thankful to 
 me for giving encouragement to it. The very wise ladies were against 
 the waggon as thinking it had a romping appearance but the Miss 
 Walmsleys and one more said if I would give them leave they would go, 
 there was no getting chaises enough to carry them, they went sixteen 
 very much at ease and could have put in two more. Lord Willoughby 
 and some more gentlemen attended them on horseback. I thought the 
 company they went with was the thing and not the vehicle that carried 
 them and glad I was that everything answered so well as I heard so 
 much said against it. I am rejoiced to find you have sold your horses so 
 
261 
 
 well, thank Mr. Fr. for his account of the little fellow, I will write to HaekMSS. 
 
 him soon, but now have spent every moment to you ; letters come ,in 
 
 but a little before dinner and go out before five. We had dancing 
 
 last night; three nights together is a sign our company is gay. I suppose 
 
 Mr. T. Drake is gone home as we hear nothing of him, there has been 
 
 but little company at Scarborough, and very few lodgings are taken at 
 
 York for the Races, the camps take away the great men ; tho' I don't 
 
 write politics to you, we hear much and find they all despond. We 
 
 had a vast deal of rain Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, but as our 
 
 road is turnpike and chiefly good I hope to give a good account of 
 
 ourselves in due time. 
 
 1756, August 27, Alnwick. — I wrote to you yesterday from Newcastle 
 but had not time to tell you that I found there a letter from Mrs. 
 Trevigar which had lain a week at the post house for me. I will send 
 it you that Mr. Fr. may see what she says with regard to him ; when 
 you think proper he should write to Mr. Trevigar about his going 
 thither. I suppose my daughter will soon remove to Old Ford, and 
 then he may go to Sussex. As I came out at Durham from the ladies 
 where I drank tea I saw Mr. Weston's flame : she seems a very handsome 
 woman, they tell me she is rather awkward ; he came out of breath 
 yesterday as we were setting out, to see what we were to do, and said 
 they were that moment going out of town with the Bishop, desired 
 compliments to all at the Vache ; he is certainly a very goodnatured 
 man. I took it very kindly his spending so much time with us, and 
 leaving the fleshpots of Egypt to eat at a dirty inn. Some of the 
 road yesterday was most execrable, but most of it much better than I 
 expected, we went upon the whole four miles an hour and got to 
 Morpeth early, expected a very elegant inn, but found it quite the 
 reverse ; an old fowl and french beans with bad butter, hard bed, and 
 vile tea this morning which I threw away and made my own, cherry 
 brandy (I believe), which my landlady would have sworn thro' thick 
 and thin was the best port in the world. This morning the bill was 4s. 
 for eating and 2s. Qd. tea, and [she] said she made people of quality pay 
 Is. ahead for tea; however she did vouchsafe to take eightpence a head 
 for breakfast for tea we could not drink, and a shilling a head for supper 
 we could not eat. We drank our own wine and brought away hers to 
 mix with some of John's physic. To-day we stopped at Felton Bridge 
 10 miles, the road being very rough and up and downhills. John chose 
 to take off the horses and we were tempted with a great variety of good 
 cold things, for which the house is famous, the man is very nimble and 
 talks as fast as Blaney, w T e eat some ham and baked herrings and paid 
 a shilling a head the most I ever paid for cold things in my life. Nine 
 miles from thence hither paved road and pretty jumbling ; we could go no 
 further for there is no place fit to lie at, till we come to Berwick thirty 
 miles ; this afternoon we have seen the Castle, a place vastly better to 
 me than most new fine houses. Lord Northumberland is making fine 
 things there, in about three years they suppose it will be done all the 
 rooms over the gates, which are three, and all the turrets in the walls 
 which are many are to be fitted into rooms for some purpose or other. 
 I like their taste and would do the same were I in their place ; they have 
 30,000/. a year here. 
 
 Warkworth Castle (the picture of which you may remember we saw 
 upon one of the staircases at Petworth) is nine miles off, close to the sea, 
 and is such another place as this, but they do nothing there till this is 
 finished. As we came today [we] counted above thirty ships upon the sea, 
 which is four miles from hence. Your sister talks the Scotch brogue so 
 
 S 2 
 
262 
 
 Hare mss. intolerably well, and is so fond of it, as to give me offence ; she set me a 
 laughing at Morpeth with talking it to my landlady and the woman 
 looked as if she thought she mocked her, so 1 have begged her to do it 
 no more unless she can't make herself understood without it. 
 
 Sunday, 29th. Berwick. — Yesterday we came 15 miles, paved causeway 
 some of it pretty rough to Belford, met Mr. Edlin's coachman who had 
 been come two hours ; he told us his master &c. had been very uneasy 
 on account of the rain and floods, and almost despaired of seeing us. 
 Presently came after us a gentleman, his lady and a little boy about ten 
 years old in a postchaise called out to Mr. Edlin's man and asked how 
 they did soon : after they sent compliments and desired to know how 
 our bad journey had agreed with us, they live very near Mr. Edlin, set 
 out this morning and will let them know to-morrow night where they 
 left us the first seven miles yesterday afternoon. I wondered the man came 
 so far to meet us for 'tis all turnpike but soon we came to Hind Heads' 
 Br. mountain, the road very level and broad enough for two coaches, 
 but I could not reason myself out of fear and unluckily was in the 
 wrong side of the chariot, and what in reality was bad yesterday was 
 narrow single arch bridges very steep down, and up again, the road for 
 two miles before we came here very bad so that we left the turnpike. 
 We hear the road to-morrow and next day is very deep occasioned by 
 the rains ; today is the third fine day or fourth, so I hope summer is 
 come to stay with us some time and then I shall endeavour to see going 
 back what we lost now. The beginning of the fourth volume of the Tour 
 through England describes this place just as we find it, I think better 
 of Northumberland than he does, 'tis none of it so bad as Buxton, and in 
 many places there is corn as well as grass. We have been twice at church ; 
 no people of fashion there ; 'tis very pleasant walkmg upon the walls, 
 and the sea very beautiful ; the post goes out at 7 : we are now neither in 
 England nor Scotland. Tc-morrow soon after eight I hope to be in the 
 latter, and when we are got to our journey's end to give a good account 
 of ourselves, shall expect to find a letter from you. Beck got into a 
 wagon the day we set out that was going by as we went to church, 
 which I thought was lucky, she called at Catterick on Tuesday as we 
 was at breakfast, and I gave the waggoner 8d. to let her stay half an 
 hour. She called again at the same time on Friday at Morpeth, has been 
 sufficiently punished now for her obstinacy last year and if we can be at 
 any certainty as to time in coming back shall have a place in the stage 
 coach. I hope the coachman will be well. Will says he takes his 
 physic very good and eats roast beef or anything ; if he and Beck would 
 have let me rattle him off before he would have been sooner well. The 
 beginning of last week a privateer cast anchor here but was soon made 
 to sheer off again with the loss of one man. I see Lord Blundell and 
 Sir Thomas Dyke are dead, the city have addressed the King in very 
 plain English (I think) and the county of Suffolk in their advice to their 
 members copied what one reads in Lord Clarendon's history. I do as 
 I would be done by, write as full as the paper will hold when I have 
 time, and strange stuff it is I see, wrote bits at a time, but you won't 
 have such a task again in haste (?) for I shall have many letters to write. 
 Poor Mrs. Gurdon has not heard from me this age and I am afraid has 
 been uneasy for us. Nancy has an ugly cold and cough. 1 hope it will 
 leave her when we are settled. 
 
 All join in much love to you and yours and to Mr. Fr. ; and 
 compliments to all friends, &c. 
 
268 
 
 R. M[arsham] to [Fras. Nay lor.] HabeMSs. 
 
 1701, Sept. 4. Whitehaven. — I don't know whether you or I are to 
 blame for this long silence ? or whether either are blamable ? but this I 
 am certain of, that if I had found anything the knowledge of which 
 I thought would have given you pleasure you would have had it. I am 
 now conscious of that want but when one is leaving the kingdom, one 
 naturally thinks of those we love and leave behind us. As you are a 
 gay old man I conclude the wedding carries you to town ; as I am a 
 very grave very old man, I run out of the kingdom, 
 
 I was in hopes of living a week with you this autumn ; but a sudden 
 whim took me that I would see Keswick Lake, that estimate (sic) Dr. Brown 
 had given so fine a description of. I have now seen it, and like every 
 other thing that is highly commended I am disappointed. Windermere 
 exceeds it in every particular, except the lofty and pointed mountains 
 that surround Keswick. Indeed the Sldudaw is a glorious mountain. 
 It cost me five hours weary walk to the top before I got down again. 
 From hence you see all the lesser hills, the Lukes, and all the circum- 
 jacent country as in a map laying at your feet, and at a distance the 
 Isle of Man, and the long ridge of Scottish mountains that stretch 
 towards Ireland. The natives call Skiddaw a mile high, but the hills 
 bordering upon Windermere are a vast height, and the lake is so much 
 larger and the wooded islands so much finer than those in Derwent- 
 water, that I must admire Windermere above all the things I have seen 
 in England for grandeur. 
 
 I had heard so much of Lord Scarsdale's grand house and oaks, that 
 I was impatient to see them. The oaks I found vastly inferior to 
 Lord Powis's, by Ludlow, and the house I think will not be equal to 
 Holkham. The wings join by circular corridors, one is his and 
 children's apartment, like Holkham but a little larger .... By 
 the other wing it appears the Hall must join the drawing-room, 
 and I think cannot exceed 40 feet in line. So you see it can't be 
 larger than Holkham ; I can't tell how the rest is to be disposed. If 
 no gallery, then of course no state; if a gallery, then a want of rooms. 
 The present park seems insipid. Now I am on the subject of great 
 things, is it true (what I have heard) that you have sold Hurstmonceux ? 
 I came from Keswick by Cockermouth, and paid my respects to Lord 
 Egremont's Castle. This town is one of the neatest and pleasantest 
 situated I know. The hill rises immediately and overlooks it, and the 
 Isle of Man, and all the range of Scottish hills ; and the Skiddaw 
 appears in slately majesty 26 miles off. Here I intend embarking for 
 Dumfries and from Port Patrick for Coloraine, and when I have seen 
 the Giant's Causeway, moving south to Dublin and Cork, and at the 
 Post Office at the latter, shall rejoice to find a letter from you. I count 
 to stay a few days at Dublin, and to see Lord fine cascade near it. 
 
 R. Marsiiam to Francis Naylor, in Great Burlington Street, 
 London. 
 
 1761, November 13. Carmarthenshire, a village without a name. — 
 I had the favour of yours of the Coronation day at Cork, and am much 
 obliged to you for it. I think 'tis agreed on by all moralists that a friend 
 is to help one in any distress — Now I (after having travelled from 
 Holyhead hither, viz. about 150 miles in very bad weather, thro' very 
 had roads, on very bad horses & generally had very bad lodging and 
 eating) have been shut up all this day, by violent rain, in a little inn. 
 
264 
 
 }I\re mss. So the use I will make of you, my good friend, is to discharge all the ill- 
 humour I have contracted upon you. Why in the D name were not 
 
 you (that have as little to do as 1) here and I at home ? As you would 
 not see the Coronation you ought to have left the Kingdom. Now my 
 wrath is ended and I heartily congratulate you upon being Master of 
 Hurstmonceux. If it was mine I would not part with it for 100,000/., 
 yet I have seen a seat, since I saw you, that I think a grander situation 
 viz. Castle Kennedy, Earl Stair's. Tis on an island but large enough to 
 have a grove by the house ; the lake is environed by wood, and the 
 whole guarded from the N. & E. by high mountains. It commands 
 a view of the S. & N. Seas, and has for grand objects to the S. 
 the Isle of Man and the Mull of Galloway, and to the N.W. the 
 Isle of Ailsa. This is the finest rock I ever saw it looks like the Dome 
 of St. Peter's at Rome; only vastly larger and higher. I was 40 miles 
 from it and yet it appeared a vast heighth. I crossed from Port Patrick 
 to Donoghadee and then went to the Giant's Causeway and from Cole- 
 rain to Dublin, and thence to the lake of Killarney, and so returned to 
 Dublin by Cork viz. about 700 English miles in Ireland. I don't offer at 
 descriptions of the Causeway or Killarney because you have [seen?] them, 
 only I must say the lake is a finer thing than I have ever seen of that 
 sort. Lord Powerscourt's Park by Dublin does also in the soft and 
 romantic. You enter it, by a narrow glen winding between mountains. 
 This opens at once into a grand amphitheatre of mountains covered 
 thick with grove, and facing you, a small river seems to steal from the 
 wood, and falls full 50 yards, in the finest sheet of clear water I have 
 ever seen. I was so much charmed with it, that I almost doubted 
 whether I was awake or in a scene of enchantment. Indeed, I think 
 it worth going 500 miles to see, but not at this season. 
 
 My patience has been long since wearied out with waiting for winds 
 and tides, at different places and I was so near being lost, in only crossing 
 the little Bay from Whitehaven to Kircudbright that I had fully given 
 myself over, but thank God our boat arrived safe at last, and the pas- 
 sengers only wet as if swimming. So I hope I shall live to have the 
 pleasure of seeing you at Stratton, although I lost it this year. Dublin is 
 so much improved since I was there 20 years ago, as I could not have 
 believed. It has vastly the air of London. Sackville Street is double 
 the breadth of any of the new streets in London, and the two theatres 
 are very handsome, and Mrs. Abingdon I think the finest comic actress 
 I ever saw. I wish I had a frank for all this stuff, but if it cost you ten 
 pounds I must write in a rainy day, so pray for fair weather, &c. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1768, July 9. Inverness. — If I had wanted anything to remind me 
 of your kindness I received a hint at my leaving England, for at Tweed- 
 mouth, Buck's view of Hurstmonceux Castle stared me in the face. 
 But indeed it only pleased me for I can't be out of the kingdom without 
 thinking of those I love that I have left. I am now at my furthest 
 North and expect to move southward to-morrow. I hope you, Mrs. 
 Nay lor, and Miss Soame had as much pleasure in your little ramble as 
 you expected. You, I think, were never north of Stirling but some 
 things are so changed since you were iu the North that you would not 
 know them. The Duke of Northumberland has for several miles 
 improved and enclosed the vast fields and wastes about Alnwick and 
 planted slips of groves by the road side near the castle. You travel 
 
265 
 
 through a lane of flowers and flowering shrubs on both sides, and the Hare MSS. 
 old naked castle is now the noblest seat I think in the kingdom yet the 
 drawing-room is but 18 feet wide and the eating parlour but 21. They 
 are iu the taste of Strawberry HilL They are building at Edinburgh as in 
 London, and one of the squares will be very handsome ; and at Perth the 
 bridge cross the Tay (which they are now building) is 700 feet in 7 arches 
 of 75 feet each. But the glory of the North that I have yet seen is the 
 Duke of Athol's place at Dunkeld. The gardens are stretched on the 
 North side of the Tay which is there a noble stream equal to the Thames 
 at Staines. The bank rises boldly and the walks are disposed (I think) 
 in a very pleasing manner, and the trees all flourish as well as in the 
 South ; a little walk (cross Tay) of sweet briar and roses, leads you to a 
 hermitage covered with ivy, and from the window a large river falls 
 over vast broken rocks with the noise of thunder within a leap of the 
 room. You and I have seen larger, of the Rhine, and the Velino, but I 
 never saw one so beautiful ; here in a'place that seems shut out by nature 
 from the luxuries of the South he may have them all. The flowers 
 and fruits, the strawberries in the garden, the figs, grapes, and pine- 
 apples in the hothouse seemed all good. His other seat at Blair though 
 larger I did not like so well. The rest of the scene northward was 
 ehiefly mountains heaped on mountains, with frequent cascades pouring 
 down their sides and patches of snow shining in the high clefts and rapid 
 rivers roaring at their feet. Then with every little strath of land that 
 would bear it filled with corn and the sides of mountains covered with 
 wood, have afforded pleasing thoughts to beguile time and the thin- 
 inhabited way, and pays the traveller for very moderate eating and 
 lodgings ; when he is (like me) not very nice. Mrs. Naylor, whose 
 good taste I am confident enjoyed the various beauties of Hagley, and 
 would enjoy those wild ones of nature here, would suffer a little to see a 
 flayed calf (that seemed to die of starving) hung up by the bedside and 
 the dirty blankets and sheets well stocked with active fleas, and the 
 graver gentlemen in half-mourning called lice. But I disregard both 
 the lively Frenchmen and the sober Dutch, &c. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1770, July 1. Stratt[on Strawless, Norfolk]. — As you was so polite 
 to say you should be glad to hear from me you must take the task that 
 you have brought upon your own back ; so I make no further apology. 
 I thought the great town of London could at all times supply those in 
 want of a post chaise, but to my surprise when I wanted one on Saturday, 
 after sending to at least a dozen houses, I found T could not have one 
 till they returned from the Keview on Blackheath. 
 
 Between three and four i set off and took a view of Lord Petre's 
 great new house at Thorndon. I will not say it pleased me much. The 
 outside is of miserable coloured white bricks some being as brown as 
 mahogany, and a range cf mezzonines under the attics appear strangely. 
 iTou enter a lofty rustic floor, and your only way to the principal floor 
 is by a pitiful staircase. There the rooms are large and lofty ; the hall a 
 cube of 40 feet and the salon about 60 by 30, the hall is floored with oak ; 
 two large wings are joined to the house by circular corridors two storys 
 high. In one is his lordship's library which has a whimsical effect, the 
 other end opens to an elegant chapel, and the portico (like Holkham) has 
 no step from it. I think the house is above 170 feet long, and the depth 
 in the middle must be 70 besides the walls as 'tis the hall and salon, and 
 'tis the highest house in appearance that T remember out of Edinburgh. 
 
266 
 
 k as there is an attic floor above the hall. A drawing room oF 40 by 24 I 
 
 thought a very pleasing room. Upon the whole when it is furnished 
 'tis worth going 19 miles to see. The Kentish land rises prettily over 
 the Thames which shines as if it had never been sullied with the 
 filth of London. I manfully got into my chaise the next morning at 
 Withain by 10 o'clock as I had only 82 miles home, which I reached by 
 midnight, and the next day dined with a houseful at Sir H. Harbord's, 
 who is now gone to London and so to Bath. As I generally look out 
 of my window before I go to bed, last Wednesday night I found a 
 comet, and called some out of their beds to see it too. I find by the 
 news that others have found it too, &c. 
 
 J. J. Cartwright. 
 
267 
 
 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF JAMES ROUND, ESQ., M.P., OF Roundmss. 
 BIRCH HALL, ESSEX. 
 
 This collection is miscellaneous in character and has been much 
 neglected. I discovered several of the documents in a loft over the 
 stables, among them being one bearing the autograph signature of " the 
 King-maker," with an impression of his seal, believed to be unique, and 
 another containing the curious formula of the ward-staff of Ongar, 
 the existence of which had remained unknown. In a lumber room I 
 found, among old newspapers, the voluminous Petkum correspondence, 
 relating to the secret negotiations for peace in 1707-1711. 
 
 The manuscripts are calendared in five divisions. In the miscellaneous 
 deeds and papers will be found several relating to the neighbouring 
 borough of Colchester and other Essex localities, including a curious 
 receipt from Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester " filz et frere des Rois." 
 Among the other items of interest in this division are three deeds con- 
 cerning the surrender of Revesby Abbey, and a fine plan of Limerick in 
 the 17th century. The second division comprises the papers relating 
 to the great Essex family of De Vere, and to the Baynings, whose 
 heiress married the last Earl of Oxford. This is followed by a •' Diary 
 of the Siege of Colchester," which, though it needs to be used with 
 caution, contains many details not found elsewhere, especially on the 
 opening fight. This narrative, which was used by Morant when writing 
 his "History of Colchester" (1747), and has also. been used by Mr. 
 Gardiner for his " History of the Civil War," was evidently written by 
 a local man on the Loyalist side. 1 It is of the same character as that 
 which the Commission has printed in the Report on the Duke of 
 Beaufort's MSS. A fourth division is formed by the correspondence 
 of Mr. Charles Gray, member for Colchester in five Parliaments 
 from 1747. Antiquary, scholar, politician, philanthropist, his correspon- 
 dence includes letters from the credulous Dr. Stukeley (bearing on the 
 famous Bertram imposture), and an interesting description of New 
 Jersey and Princeton, in its early days, from Governor Belcher. The 
 bulk of them are from the pen of the scholarly Thomas Falconer, " the 
 Maecenas of Chester," who was related to Gray by marriage. To this 
 correspondence have been added some extracts from Mr. Gray's 
 Parliamentary note-book. 
 
 The Petkum correspondence has been classed by itself. Comprising 
 not merely the letters received by Petkum, but the drafts of his own, it 
 is of special interest from the close relations in which he stood to 
 Heinsius the Grand Pensionary of the Netherlands. It is largely in 
 cipher, but the deciphering is interlined. Most of the letters to Petkum 
 are from Torcy, the French foreign minister, but there is an interesting- 
 series of news-letters from Paris at the close of 1711, illustrating the 
 feverish desire of the French, at the time, for peace. 
 
 J. H. Round. 
 
 1 Mr. Hound's MS. is an early 18th century transcript of the .original, which is 
 not known now to exist. 
 
268 
 
 Round mss. I. Miscellaneous Deeds and Papers. 
 
 Ante 1228. Notification by Geoffrey le Moyne that he has granted 
 certain lands in G-ynges Joybert [Butsbury] to Eustace, Bishop of 
 London [d. 1228] for the yearly render of a pair of gilt spurs or 
 sixpence, in consideration of the sum of six marcs. 
 
 [Annexed to this is an indenture of fine, 25 May 1231, by which 
 Payn f'oliot passed to Half Le Moyne a knight's fee and one hide in 
 Ginges Joybert.] 
 
 Armorial seal of Geoffrey. 
 
 1228. Acknowledgment by Geoffrey Le Moyne that he has received 
 yearly from the consecration of Geoffrey de Burgh, Bishop of Ely 
 [29 June 1225] to Easter 13 Hen. III., from Eustace, Bishop of London 
 the sum of five marcs, being the full ferm for his land of Gynges 
 Joybert [Blunts in Butsbury, Essex]. 
 
 Armorial seal of Geoffrey. 
 
 1238, Jan. 27. Agreement between Andrew Blund and Simon fitz 
 Half of Huehendene. Andrew has quitclaimed to Simon all the land 
 in Huehendene that Ralf, Simon's father had leased to Robert, Andrew's 
 father, in consideration of 60 marcs to be paid by Simon. 
 
 [Hen. III.] Quitclaim from Hanion Norman of London, goldsmith, 
 to Hugh le Blund knight and Felicia his wife of all his rights in " la 
 Neulande " in Butsbury, which he held at ferm. Witnesses : Ernulf de 
 Monteuy, William de Cloville, knights, and others. 
 
 Intaglio seal of Hamon. 
 
 [Hen. III.] Official transcripts of the cartm [1166] of Ralf Haun- 
 selin and William de Wirmegay (following the Black Book rather than 
 the Red Book text). Both these fiefs had come Vy marriage to the 
 family of Bardulf, which accounts for the combination of these ear tee. 
 
 Memorandum in dorso. 
 
 " In Comitatu Lincolnie v xx xiiij. carucatas terras. 
 
 In Comitatu Derbie.xxiiij. carucatas et iij. bovatas et dim. terras, et 
 preter hoc viiij. carucatas et dim. bovata et sexta parsunius bovatae terras. 
 
 In Comitatu Leycestrie xlvij. carucatae et dim. terras. 
 
 In Comitatu Norhamtonias xj. hydees (sic) terras. 
 
 In Comitatu Eboraci xxxiij. carucatas i. bovata et dim. terras. 
 
 In Comitatu Notinghamie xlij. carucatas vij. bovata et dim. et v. 
 perticatas terras. 
 
 Summa totalis xiii xx ix. carucatas et dim. et v. bovatas et sexta pars 
 unius bovatas terras. Et xj. hydees (sic) terras." 
 
 [This abstract clearly refers to the Haunselin fief, which extended 
 over these six counties. The figures, however, are in some cases larger 
 than those recorded in Domesday, which suggests a later and independent 
 calculation. The total, it will be found, involves the estimate that 8 
 bovates were always equal to a carucate.] 
 
 [Hen. III]. Grant by William fitz Richard of Frating, to Stephen 
 fitz Geoffrey of five acres. Witnesses, Richard fitz William de Elm- 
 stead, William his son [d. 1260,] Richard Bataile, Geoffrey de Cokaine, 
 Richard de Asketot, Richard fitz Sawal', and Martin. 
 
 1270. Letters patent addressed to all holding of the " manor " of 
 Colchester, directing them to pay the fee-farm to Queen Eleanor, to 
 whom the King has granted it. Windsor, 4 June, 54 Hen. III. Seal. 
 
 1283. Grant by Agnes, dan. of Thomas de Derneford, of land in 
 Holton [Suffolk], Halesworth, 1 Jan., 11 Ed. I. Seal of Agnes. 
 
209 
 
 1301. Grant from Roger de Dikele to Christine de Bromley or' a Round mss. 
 curtilage. Dikele, Friday after St. Andrew's day (30 Nov.), 1301. 
 
 1311. Court Rolls of Great Bromley, 4-20 Ed. II., beginning 
 15 April 1311. 
 
 1335. Deed of agreement between Queen Isabel, the King's mother, 
 and John, Earl of Cornwall, and Robert de Morlee, reciting that the 
 late Robert de Mohaut had settled all his estate, saving life interest to 
 Emma his wife, on Queen Isabel for life, with reversion to the Earl of 
 Cornwall. Robert de Morlee, as his nephew and heir, had challenged 
 their succession, but his claim was compromised. York, 4 June, 
 9 Edw. III. 
 
 1345. Letters of attorney from Thomas de Drokenesford to Robert 
 Bullock the younger and William de Cofford for all his manors in Essex, 
 Herts, Hants, Wilts, and Somerset. Sunday after St. Ambrose, 
 19 Edward III. Seal. 
 
 Receipt from Henry, Earl of Lancaster, Derby, and Leicester (great- 
 grandson of Henry III.) to [Gilbert de Umfraville] Earl of Angus for 
 14/. 10*., due to him on the marriage of his [eldest] daughter [Maud] 
 in respect of 14^ knights' fees held of him by the said Earl [Gilbert] 
 in co. Lincoln. Given at the Savoy, 8 February 1347-8. 
 
 Seal of the Earl [afterwards Duke of Lancaster]. 
 
 Grant by Robert Pencrich of Elmstead to Thomas Clerk, chaplain, 
 and John Ketel the elder, of Elmstead, of all his lands and tenements 
 in Elmstead. Elmstead, 1361. 
 
 Seal gone. 
 
 1361. Tuesday after St. Nicholas. Grant from Thomas Savage 
 knight, William Clere, and Hugh Fastolf to Laurence de Brenle knight 
 of their shares in the manors of Martham and Gilyngham. 
 
 Armorial Seals. 
 
 1355, 20 Oct. Quitclaim by Edward III. to the warden and chap- 
 lains of St. Elizabeth's chapel, Winchester, of all military service due 
 from the manor of Norton St. Walery held by them in capite. 
 
 Great Seal. 
 
 Notification by the Official of the Archdeaconry of Suffolk concerning 
 the vicarage of Frestoe, 4 Jan. 1361-2. 
 
 Fragment of Seal. 
 
 1369. Grant by Sir Ralf de Hemenhale, Kt., Ralf, parson of Great 
 Pakenham, and Richard de Pakenham to Ixworth Priory [Suffolk] of 
 certain lands, thirty " opera yemalia," ten " opera estiualia," ten " opera 
 autumpnalia," and a rent of sixty shillings, three capons, and six hens 
 in Wykes, Ashworth, and Thorp for the souls of Mary, formerly wife 
 of Edmund de Pakenham, and Sir Thomas de Pakenham, Kt., her 
 son, to found a chantry. Monday after St. Luke, 43 Edward III. 
 Seals of Ixworth Priory, Ralf de Hemenhale and Richard de Pakenham. 
 
 1373. Grant by Conan de Ask to Henry Fitz-Hugh and all his 
 tenants at Fremyngton [Yorks] of common of pasture at Marrik, 
 Fremyngton. Saturday before Ascension, 47 Edward III. Seal of 
 Conan de Ask. 
 
 1374. Appointment by Edmund de Mortimer, Earl of March and 
 Ulster, Lord of Wigmore, Clare, and Connaught, of John de Vautort as 
 receiver of his rents in London. London, 1 May 48 Edward III. 
 
 1378. Court Rolls of Farnhamhall, co. Suff. 1 Ric, II.-3 Hen. IV., 
 9-13 Hen. IV., and some later ones. 
 
270 
 
 RouhdMSS. 13^0. Court Rolls of Wakes Colne. 4-23 Ric. II. 
 
 138 1. Indenture of War between King Richard II. and Thonras 
 Holand, Earl of Kent, assigning the said Earl £4,000 a year as Governor 
 of the town and castle of Cherbourg. 20 Nov., 8 Ric. II. Seal of the 
 Earl. 
 
 1392. Gaol delivery roll, Colchester. 26 March, 15 Ric. II. 
 
 1419, 12 Oct. Acknowledgment from Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, 
 " filz et f rere des Rois," for seventeen pounds ten shillings received from 
 the good men of Colchester, being the fee-farm for the last half year. 
 London, 7 Hen. V. Seal. 
 
 1422. Will of Thomas Stevens of St. Osyth's, dated 21 Feb. 
 1419-20, proved 6 March 1421-2. 
 
 1426, June 11. Letters of Attorney from John Heveniugham jun. 
 knight, John Lonsday sen. and others. Chediston. 
 Armorial seal of Heveningham. 
 Seal of Lonsday with Gnostic emblem. 
 
 1462, 30 Oct. Official copy of pardon of outlawry for Sir William 
 Trussel of Elemesthorp, co. Leic. 
 
 Seal. 
 
 1429. Acknowledgment by John Wykham, Prior of Colne, 10 April, 
 7 Hen. VI. 
 
 [Circ. 1450.] An elaborate pedigree of the Kings of England and 
 their descendants from the Conquest to Henry IV., the rest of Ihe roll 
 being destroyed. The descent of the Crown is shown by a thick green 
 line and the relationship of younger branches by thin red ones : the 
 initial letters are illuminated in gold. [English.] 1 
 
 1457. Gaol delivery roll, Colchester. 26 March, 35 Hen. VI. 
 
 [15th cent.] Fragment of a cartulary of St. Mary's York, containing 
 transcripts of eight charters, ranging from 1242 to 1326 (6 fos.). 
 
 Enclosed is another fragment (paper) containing transcripts of six 
 other charters (2 fos.). 
 
 1465. Quit claim from Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick and 
 Salisbury, and Lord Bergcvenuy, Great Chamberlain of England, 
 Captain of Calais and Lieutenant of its marches, to John Ottyr of all 
 actions against him. Autograph of '* R. Warrewyk," 1 Feb., 4 Ed IV. 
 
 [The fine seal is in perfect preservation and is believed to be unique. 
 The legend runs " Sigillum ricardi nevill comitis warrewici doinini de 
 bergevenny." The four grand quarters are (1) Beauchamp quartering 
 Clare (2) Montacute quartering Monthermer (3) Neville, with a label 
 (4) Newburgh quartering Despencer.] 
 
 1466. Quit claim by John, Lord Wenlock, to Alice, Duchess of 
 Suffolk, of all his rights in the manor of Westwittenham and a moiety 
 <)f the manor of Burghfieid, Berks, with a moiety of the advowson of 
 Burghfield. 12 March, 6 Edward IV. Seal and autograph of "J. 
 Wenlok." 
 
 1466. Grant by Alice, Duchess of Suffolk, to George Nevyle, Arch- 
 bishop of York, Richard Nevyle, Earl of Warwick, John Nevyle, Earl 
 of Northumberland, Sir John Henyngham, knight, Sir Edmund Rede, 
 
 1 A precisely similar pedigree of this period was found by Mr. W. H. Stevenson 
 at the hack of the Gloucester rent-roll of 1455. {See 9th Appendix to 12th Keport, 
 p. 425. See also 4th Report, p. 841.) 
 
271 
 
 knight, William Harlestone. esq., William Stanley, esq., William Round MSS. 
 Castell, esq., and William West, clerk, of the manor of Westwittenham, 
 and the moiety of the manor and advowson of Burghfield, which she 
 had recently acquired from John, Lord Wenlock. Westwittenham, 16 
 March, 1465-6. 
 
 1470, Aug. 10. Grant by Alice Duchess of Suffolk to John Earl of 
 Northumberland and others of half the manor and advowson of Burgh- 
 field recently granted to her by John Barantyne Esq. son and heir of 
 Dru Barantyne, Burghfield. 
 
 Armorial Seal. 
 
 1475. General deed of feoffment by John, Duke of Suffolk, to 
 William Dudlev , Thomas Chaundler, clerk, Richard Harecourl, and 
 Edmund Rede, knights, and others named, of all his lands and 
 possessions. Test., Edward Wodehouse, Henry Wyngfeld, Richard 
 Ludlowe, knights, and others. 9 June, 15 Edward IV. Seal. 
 
 1482. Quit claim from John Freynssh of Sandwich, Capper, and 
 John King of Booking, Essex, husbandman, sons and heirs of Jane, 
 wife of William Freynssh and daughter of John Rigsby of Booking, to 
 Richard Spryng of Booking. 20 September 1482. Seals of John 
 French and John King with I he Mayor's seal of Sandwich. 
 
 1481-2. Roll of the free suitors who made default at the Sheriff's 
 Tourn at Tendring. 21 Ed. IV. [English heading.] 
 
 1501. Will and probate of Hamond Claxton, merchant and alder- 
 man of Norwich, dated 15 May 1501. Proved 9 March 1502-3. 
 Bequests to the high altar of St. John Maddermarket, to the four 
 orders of friars in Norwich, to "the Uppers at the yates of Norwich," 
 the " house of Maudelyn," etc. 
 
 1504, Feb. 12. Demise from Robert Barlow of Colchester Mercer, 
 and Thomas Cristeinasse sen. clothman to William Buxstone and Alice 
 his wife, John Raynforth, knight, John Makyne, grosser, William 
 Benet, alderman, John Lawford and Henry Beer, of a tenement in the 
 market-place of Colchester. Witnesses : Thomas Cristemasse and John 
 Makyne Bailiffs (and others whose names are separately given in dorso). 
 Colchester. 
 
 15 15. Indentures between Thomas, Marquess of Dorset, and Charles, 
 Duke of Suffolk, concerning the manor of Wyneston, Suffolk, which the 
 King had granted to the Marquess, 26 September 1514, and which the 
 said Marquess now sells to the Duke. 2 February 1514-5. 
 Autograph and seal of the Marquess. 
 
 1527. Feoffment from Thomas Audeley of Colchester, gent., 
 [afterwards Lord Audeley of Walden, K.G., Lord Chancellor], to 
 Thomas Powell of Colchester, clerk, of " le Whight harte " at the New 
 Hythe [Colchester]. 1 March 18 Hen. VIII. Autograph of Thomas 
 Audeley. 
 
 1536. Grant by Henry VIII. to Sir Thomas Audeley, Lord 
 Chancellor, of the manors of Terling and (Great) Lees, Essex. 10 Oct. 
 28 Henry VIII. 
 
 1537. Will of Thomas Nuthale the elder, of St. Peter's, Colchester, 
 yeoman, dated 15 April 1537. Proved 28 April 1537. 
 
 1538. Indenture between the Duke of Suffolk and the Abbot and 
 monks of Revesby Abbey, whereby they covenant to surrender the said 
 Abbey to the said Duke in consideration of his payment of its debts and 
 
272 
 
 Round MSS. of annuities to themselves for their several lives. 22 January 1537-8. 
 [English.] Autograph signatures of the Abbot, officers, and monks. 
 Seal of the Abbey. 1 
 
 1538. Surrender of Revesby Abbey to the King by the Abbot 
 (Robert Stykford) and his brethren. 29 Henry VIII. Fragment of Seal. 
 Autograph signatures of the Abbot, late Abbot, Prior, and seventeen 
 monks. 
 
 1538. Report from Sir Andrew Byllesby, knight, Sir William 
 Sandon knight, John Wingfield, esq., Anthony Missenden, esq., and 
 George Clayton, clerk, to Henry VIII,, informing him that on receipt 
 of his letters patent to that effect, they had immediately proceeded to 
 Revesby Abbey (23 March) where the Abbot and monks, assembled in 
 the chapter-house, had freely and voluntarily executed the deed, signed 
 and sealed, whtch they now transmit, with their report, for enrolment in 
 Chancery. 25 March 1538. 
 
 Autographs of the five Commissioners above-named. 
 
 1550. Grant by King Edward VI. to Sir Edward Montagu, knight, 
 of the wardship of Harry Longe, son and heir of Sir Richard Longe, 
 knight, deceased. 
 
 Seal of Courts of Wards. 
 
 1553. Grant by King Edward VI. to John, Duke of Northum- 
 berland, under the great seal, of Stratford and other manors, co. 
 Warwick, Wolverhampton, Staff., Yardley, Wore, Hook-norton, co. 
 Oxon., Blakesley, co. Northants, Messenden, co. Berks., Chelsea, co. 
 Midd., together with other lands, in exchange for Tunbridge, Hadlow, 
 Sevenoaks, etc., co. Kent, surrendered by him 18 February preceding. 
 
 [lfith cent.] Armorial of Suffolk families (13 fos.). 
 
 [1542-1546.] Rental of the Hundreds of Ongar and Harlow, Essex 
 (53 fos.). 
 
 This important manuscript is the original authority from which 
 Morant took his acconnt of the famous " wardstaff" of Ongar. Palgrave 
 quotes from Morant, but the existence of this MS. has remained un- 
 known. It is finely executed, but injured at the top by rats. The 
 " order " of the Wardstaff is found on the last seven pages. The curious 
 doggrel is printed accurately enough by Morant {History of Essex 
 [1768] I., 126), though he reads, in the fifth line, " yotiie " in error for 
 " yo the." 
 
 This manuscript is of considerable importance, not only to the local 
 genealogist and topographer, but also to the student of institutional 
 antiquities. The formula for each township runs as follows : — " Bob- 
 " bingworth Village come to the Turne aforesaid by iiii men, Tennants 
 " by coppie, and the Reeve of the village there." The " free suitors to 
 the Turne " are entered under every township immediately after the 
 tenants by copy. The common fines for each township are also 
 recorded. The date is determined as subsequent to the appointment 
 (here recited) of John Stoner as bailiff of the Hundred in 34 Hen. VIII., 
 and previous to the death of Robert Barefoote, of Lambourne Hall, in 
 August 1546. 
 
 [N.D.] Restraint, under the Signet, by James I., reciting that Fifcz 
 Rafe Chamberlain Esq. "hath, in a dutifull regard to us, for our disport, 
 encreased the breede of phesants and partridges within his mannor of 
 Kingstonwood nere to our howse at Ryston (a thing very acceptable 
 
 1 According to the Monasticon, no seal of this Abbey is known. 
 
273 
 
 unto us)," and commanding all persons "that they forbeare to hawke or 
 use any nett or engine to the killing or destroying of the said Game 
 within the said mannor of Kingstonwood or any other place nere by 
 adioyning " at their peril. 
 
 Autograph of James I. 
 
 [N.D.] Autograph letter from [Henry, 10th] Earl of Northumberland 
 to his " tres cher amy monseur Wotton." 
 
 [1625-1627.] "The Pedigree of Sir John Barker, Baronet, and 
 " Sir Thomas Barker, Knight, his brother by the halfe-blood, sonnes to 
 " Sir Robert Barker, Knight of the Bath, deceased." [Contains large 
 additions to the printed pedigrees of the family.] 
 
 1633. Six folio common-place books, apparently forming part of the 
 collections cf Sir Symonds D'Ewes, who has annotated them in places. 
 Their contents are of the usual character and offer nothing of special 
 interest. 
 
 [17th cent.] A parcel of private correspondence of the Luckyn and 
 Grimston families (Lord Verulam's ancestors). 
 
 [17 th cent.] " Plott of Lymerike." An elaborate plan of the city 
 of Limerick and its defences, 23 ins. by 46 ins., drawn on the scale of 
 " 40 pas to an inche at three foot to the pase." The buildings in the 
 city are all shown together, with the " bulwarkes," the " ravelyns," the 
 tete-de-pont, and two detached forts, the several defences having notes 
 written against them. 
 
 [17th cent.] " Waterford towards the land, by St. John's Gate, w th 
 " the marche to Mrs Sherlocks Abbey," 8 ins. by 12 ins. Shews the 
 walls on the land side, with the tete-de-pont and the defences round the 
 abbey. Indorsed in the same hand as the preceding. 
 
 1652. Bill of sale from Roger Punnet, of St. Philip's, Barbados, 
 planter, to Edward Nightingale, merchant, of " one negroe woeman by 
 " name Phebe, together with her younge childe named Cherry, and one 
 " breeding sow," for 3,885 lbs. of " good muscovadoe sugar," 8 th 
 October 1652, "in the foureteenth yeare of the Reigne of our most 
 " gracious Soveraigne Lord Charles the Second," etc., etc. 
 
 1663. Sale by Thomas Goddard, of St. Philip's, Barbados, planter, 
 to Edward Nightingale, merchant, of " one negro boy by name Mingo," 
 for 2,000 lbs. of good muscovadoe sugar. 
 
 1661. Commission from George [Monk], Duke of Albermarle, to 
 John Flaveli, chief commander of the Dartmouth trained bands. 
 Autograph of the Duke. 13 March 1660-1 . 
 
 1663, 14 July. "The Cockpitt nere Whitehall." Agreement 
 between the Duke of Albemarle, as Lord Lieutenant of Devon, and the 
 Earl of Bath, as Lord Warden of the Stannaries, to avoid evasion of 
 liability to the militia by landowners in Devon claiming to be Tinners, 
 and yet not contributing to the Stannaries militia. The respective 
 liabilities in 1640 are to be ascertained and enforced. 
 
 Appended is an order " agreed upon the 27 th day of July 1666 att the 
 " Fort of Plymouth," by Lord Bath, acting Lord Lieutenant in the 
 Duke's absence, " with the advice and consent of the Deputy Lewe- 
 " tenants of the same county." 
 
 The troops of Lord Bath (commanded by Sir Edward Wyse), Sir 
 John Northcote, " Coll[onel] of the Horse," Sir John Rolle, and Capt. 
 Richard Prideaux, are to be forthwith raised and completed out of their 
 respective divisions. Signed, " J. Bathe." 
 
 Round MSS. 
 
274 
 
 Round mss. 1666. View of frankpledge, held at Lawford for the Hundred of 
 Tendring, 3 January 1665-6. 
 
 1672. Commission to John Bramston, Esq., as captain in Lord 
 Le Power and Curraghmore's Regiment, 1 Oct. 1672. 
 
 [1673]. Statement by John Webster of his services to Charles II, 
 in exile, and complaint of his having had no remuneration. 
 
 " Memoriall of severall services performed for his Ma ties the late King 
 and Queen of Great Brittaine by John Webster of Amsterdam." 
 
 [These two documents have been edited by me in " The Antiquary," 
 Vol. IV., pp. 259-262.] 
 
 1676, 20 December. Appointment by the Duke of Albemarle, Lord 
 Lieutenant of Devon, as his Deputy Lieutenants, of Robert, Earl of 
 Londonderry; Sir William Morice, knight; Edward Seymour, esq., 
 Speaker ; Sir Peter Prideaux, Sir Courtney Poole, Sir Copleston 
 Bampfield, Sir Arthur Northcot, Sir Wm. Courtney, Sir Hugh 
 Ackland, Sir John Fowell, Sir Thomas Putt, Barts. ; Sir John Rolls, 
 Sir Richard Edgcombe, K.Bs. ; Sir Thomas Carew, Sir Amias Pollard 
 (sic), Sir John Berry, Sir Wm. Waldron, Sir Drury Ford, knights ; 
 Peter Prideaux, John Basset, John Giffard, Edward Yard, Samuel 
 Rolls, Henry Nortleigh, and John Poole, esqs. 
 
 1676-7. Five affidavits in the case of Sir John Shaw v. the Mayor 
 and Corporation of Colchester. Complaints having been made against 
 Sir John as Recorder, a poll was taken 4th September 1676, as to 
 whether he should be removed from that office. [He recovered 500/. 
 damages from the town for his dismissal in 1677.] He revenged him- 
 self by bringing an action against the town in 1677 for his "Parliament 
 wages " as member, claiming 238/. 6s. Od. " pro feodo sive stipendio 
 BurgensV [He was member for the borough 1660-1678.] 
 
 1679, 19 July. Maldon. Petition from free-burgesses of Maldon 
 to the Duke of Albemarle against their Bailiff and " 18 men " for 
 making freemen without right; thirty have been admitted and " hundreds " 
 more are about to be. 
 
 1680. Probate of will of Aquila Thurston [of Colchester] 17 June 
 1680, John Eldred, sole executor. 
 
 1685, 2nd June. Warrant to stop process against recusants. . 
 " These are to pray and Require you to cause all Process whatsoever 
 against the Persons mentioned in the Schedules annexed, and against 
 their Lands, Goods, and Chattels, and also against all Leases [Lessees] 
 of the two-third partes of the Estates of them or any of them to be 
 wholly superseded and stayed untill his Ma ties Pleasure therein shall be 
 further knowne and that all Moneys Levied or to be Levied not answered 
 to the King be restored. And for so doing this shall be yo r warrant. 
 Whitehall, Treasury Chamber, the Second of June 1685. 
 
 Rochester." 
 
 " To the Treasurers Remembrancer Gierke of the 
 Pipe and to their Respective Deputys, And to all 
 other persons concerned." 
 
 Copy appended of Royal Warrant, 1 1 May 1685, addressed to the 
 Earl of Rochester and countersigned by him [this differs from that of 
 18 April 1685, which is printed in Sewel's History of the Quakers, 
 and which alone was known to Macaulay. The latter was addressed to 
 ecclesiastical authorities only. The present one contains such additions 
 as " or had been prosecuted upon the Prerogative Writt called the 
 
275 
 
 Long Writt of the Exchequer for the penalty of twenty pound per Round MSS. 
 Mensem or upon Outlawry s or other process"^ 
 
 [Schedule.] 
 
 Rutland. 
 'Eliz. Digby, John Digby, esq., Joseph Herenden of Morcott, gent. 
 
 Sussex. 
 
 Sir John Gage of Firle, Ban* and Dame Mary his wife, Joseph Gage 
 Esq. and Eliz. his wife, Henry Gage of Bently gent., M r Bently and hia 
 wife, Mrs. Anne Fitzherbert, Mr. Thomas Lockyer, M r W m Copage, 
 M rs Mary Holler, Mrs. Katherine Lusher, M rs Agnes Eaton and 
 Eliz. Eaton, Henry Turner and his wife, Anthony Morris and his wife, 
 John Prince and his wife, Goodman Busby, John Vine, John Venn, 
 Mary Weller, Eliz. Beaumont, Anne Peirce, John Wakeman and his 
 wife, Honor Mash, W m Maskall, Anne Callaway, Agnes Smith, John 
 Taylor, George Taylor, W m Eaton and his wife, Anne Jourdane and 
 her daughter, Isabell Zenoe, Barbara Vincent widd., W m Darrell esq. ? 
 John Caryl! of Harting esq., 1 Richard Caryll of West Grimsted esq. 
 and Frances his wife, Peter Caryll of the same, gent., Phillip Caryll of 
 Shipley, gent., and Mary his wife, Richard Freeman of the same and 
 Anne his wife, George Charlett of the same, Thomas Luckin of the same 
 and Frances his wife, Richard Balke of the same, John Davies of the 
 same and Katherine his wife, Thomas Bish of the same and Joane his 
 wife, Richard Crips of the same and Mary his wife, Richard Pearlc of 
 the same and Mary his wife, Mary Norris of the same, widd., Richard 
 Pelham of West Grimsted and Anne his wife, John Whitington of the 
 same and Frances his wife, Will Norton of the same and Lyddy his 
 wife, Thomas Stephens of the same and Katherine his wife, W m 
 Peirce and Frances his wife of the same, Thomas Spur of the same, 
 Frances (sic) Bruning of Up Marden, gent., Gilbert Bruning of the 
 same, gent., Arthur Phillips of Harting, Thomas Ashton of the same, 
 John Langridge of the same, Thorn. Abnet of the same, W m Osburne of 
 the same, John Cary of the same, John Farndell of the same, Peter 
 Meer and Mary his wife of the same, Eliz. Forster of the same, Anne 
 Hart of the same, Francis Elridge of Rogat [Roegate] and Frances his 
 wife, Richard Smithson of Horsham and Ann his wife, Edward Hart 
 and Jane his wife of the same, Eliz. Luckin of the same, Jane Goodyer 
 
 Widdow of the same, Pratt of Roffy in the parish aforesaid, 
 
 Thomas Middlemore of Worth and his wife, Thomas Gibbons and Mary 
 his wife, Francis Pavy of Shiply, Robert Randall of West Grimsted 
 and Frances his wife, Margaret Weston widd., Mr. Henry Garway 
 James Terry, John Spurr and his wife, Nich. Golding and his wife." 
 
 1686. Conviction of John Furly, jun r , merchant, Henry Havens, 
 baymaker, Jacob Pole, haymaker, William Havens, baymaker, George 
 Witherby, maltster, Solomon Fromanteel, baymaker, Peter Langly, 
 merchant, Thomas Bayles, gent., Richard Allen, ship carpenter, and 
 William Jolly, labourer, all of Colchester, before William Flanner 
 and Nathaniel Lawrence, borough magistrates, for assembling in the 
 quakers' meeting-house, in St. Martin's parish, 12 July 1686. Fined 
 five shillings each. 
 
 Conviction of John Furly for preaching on that occasion. Fined 201. 
 
 Autographs of William Flanner and Nathaniel Lawrence. 
 
 1 Envoy to the Pope this year, and created, in exile, " Lord Durford," in 170], 
 E 77960. T 
 
276 
 
 roundMSS. 1702 . 6 May# Warrant from the Earl of Pembroke, Lord High 
 Admiral, to Sir Isaac Rebow, Vice- Admiral of Essex, to take off the 
 embargo from the Pacquet boats for Ireland and Holland and all ships 
 conveying troops or stores on Her Majesty's service. 
 
 1705-6, 11 March. Warrant from the Admiralty Commissioners to 
 Earl Rivers, Vice-Admiral of Essex, to take off all embargo. Signed by 
 Paget, Mitchell, and Shovell. 
 
 1705-6, 15 Feb. Warrant from Earl Rivers to Thomas Faskes to 
 impress seamen in Essex between the ages of 18 and 50. 
 
 1706. Paper relating to petition against return of Sir Thomas 
 Websler, Bart., as member for Colchester in the place of Edward 
 Bullock, deed. 
 
 The Mayor, Raynham, is accused of making freemen " in alehouses, 
 taverns, and private places," on the eve of the election, in order to 
 secure a majority for Webster, admitting over a hundred, who had no 
 right to the franchise, and refusing it to some who were duly qualified. 
 A hundred and eighteen persons are alleged to have been made freemen 
 on the morning of the day of election. 
 
 [This relates to a contest of great bitterness, extending to 1728, when 
 a counter-creation of freemen took place. The. above document corrects 
 a strange error in Morant, who, though writing in 1747, ignored this 
 bye-election, and assigned the creation so bitterly complained of to the 
 general election of 1705.] 
 
 1708, 22 July. Prince George, Lord High Admiral to Earl Rivers, 
 Vice-Admiral of Essex. 
 
 Impressment of seamen to be stopped. 
 
 1734. Will of John Davis, of Wivenhoe, shipwright. Will dated 
 Feb. 1733-4. Probate 8 March 1745-6. 
 
 II. Papers and deeds relating to the Veres, Earls of Oxford. 
 
 1236. Lease from Hugh, Earl of Oxford to William de Stanford of 
 his meadow of Sturmad in Stanford for five years from All Saints. 
 21 Hen. III. 
 
 Armorial Seal of William, Damaged. 
 
 1490, 17 Feb. Official Copy of pardon under the great seal, to John 
 Earl of Oxford for all alienations from the manor of Chesham, Bucks. 
 Seal. 
 
 1527. Grant by William, Abbot of Coggeshall to John [Vere], Earl 
 of Oxford, of the stewardship of Coggeshall Abbey as held by Henry 
 [Bourchier], Earl of Essex, by grant from John Sampford, late abbot. 
 23 Oct. 19 Hen, III. 
 
 1572. Assignment from Thomas Wyseman of Shipley, co. Sussex, 
 Esq. to George Golding of London, gent, of the office of auditor to the 
 Earls of Oxford, as granted to his father John Wyseman Esq. by John, 
 Earl of Oxford, for two lives, 10th Dec. 1540. Dated 10 Jan. 
 14 Eliz. 
 
 1575, Jan. 30. Settlement by Edward Earl of Oxford, "Viscount 
 Bulbecke, and Lorde of Badlesmere and Scales," on Thomas Earl of 
 Sussex, Robert Earl of Leicester, Thomas Cecill, esq., Sir William 
 Cordell Knight, and Thomas Bromley, esq., Solicitor General, as 
 trustees, of divers manors and estates. Recites that the Earl intends, by 
 the Queen's license, to travel beyond the seas, that he has, as yet, no 
 
277 
 
 issue, and that should he die, his whole possession would pass to his Round MSS. 
 
 sister, Lady Mary "Veer," saving the life interest of his Countess, and 
 
 those estates specially entailed on his grandfather's heirs-male. To avert 
 
 this impoverishment of " That auncient Erldome house and famylie of 
 
 Oxenforde," the Earl " remembrynge and considerynge the longe 
 
 contynaunce of his saide house and famylie in the name of the Veers, 
 
 whereof he is lyneallye discended, in the grace and favour of the kings 
 
 and princes in whose tymes they have lived, and in alliance and kindred 
 
 with moste of the ancient nobilitie of this realme, and in the good will 
 
 and good lykinge of the Cominaltie of the same realme; and having 
 
 therefore a speciall desire and rare to preserve contynue and leave all or 
 
 the most parte of his possessions " to such person as in his opinion is 
 
 most likely to conlinue the line " most like to his noble auacestors" he 
 
 entails, subject to the payment of his debts, of a marriage portion of 
 
 3,000/. to each daughter he may have (failing male issue), and of his 
 
 sister's portion under his father's will, the whole of his estates specified 
 
 on his cousins in tail male, viz. Hugh son and heir apparent of Aubrey 
 
 Vere, John of Robert Vere, John, Francis, Robert, and Horatius, sons 
 
 of Geoffrey Vere. 
 
 Annexed is a long schedule of the Earl's debts, headed by 3,457/. 
 " to the Quene's maiestie." Among the creditors of this spendthrift 
 courtier are goldsmiths, jewellers, mercers, upholsters, embroiderers, 
 haberdashers, armourers, drapers, tailors, and shoemakers. " — Hastnett, 
 Baker " was possibly the father of the well-known Archbishop of 
 York. Burghley, the Earl's father-in-law is authorised to pay any 
 debts omitted from the list. 
 
 1580, Sept. 17. Appointment of agents for his estates by Edward 
 Earl of Oxford. 
 
 Autograph and armorial seal. 
 
 1594. Note on tenth of (Earls) Colne Priory due to the Crown from 
 the Earl of Oxford. 
 
 ^ 1609. Copy of private Act for selling certain manors of the Earl in 
 aid of the re-purchase of Hedingham Castle, sold by Earl Edward 
 (d. 1604). 
 
 1612. Copy of Commission from Christian IV. to Robert, Lord 
 Willoughby (afterwards Earl of Lindsey), 1 to raise 1,500 men for his 
 service. " men of spirit, honestie, and of the Englishe nation," in five 
 companies, of which one, 500 strong, was "for his peculiar commaunde." 
 Full details of composition and pay for the force are given. The copy 
 is certified by the autograph signature of Lord Willoughby 2 (6 pp.). 
 
 Commission from the States General and Prince Maurice to S r John 
 Vere for a company of foot. 
 
 1626. Papers relating to the claim of Robert, Earl of Oxford, to that 
 dignity against Lord Willoughby. 
 
 Commission from the States General to Robert, Earl of Oxford [1626- 
 1632], for a company of foot. 
 
 [1627?] 30 September. " From ye Bosch" [Bois-le-duc]. Robert, 
 Earl of Oxford, to his wife. 
 " Sweet Hart, 
 
 " If Leiftenant Smyth come to you for five or ten pounds I pray 
 
 •lett him have it I desire to see you soe soone as may be : and am sory 
 
 tis soe late in the yeare : When you come over and well understand the 
 
 1 This is, apparently, unknown. See Dictionary of National Biography. 
 - He claimed the Earldom of Oxford 1626. 
 
 T 2 
 
278 
 
 roundMSS. reasons of my stayinge here, you will like them well. It is not wise- 
 dome to doe things that are only pleasant for the present and to neglect 
 the future : I pray you defer noe longer the christeninge of the childe : 
 If the great ones make any difficulty of it gitt Sir John Borough 1 my 
 uncle York and M rs Vere : Desire my sollicitor to rite to me at Large 
 concerninge my busines : tell [him] if he will take paypes in my 
 absence I shall not forgitt him : and lett him adresse himselfe to Sir 
 John Borough : accordinge to the former letter I wrote unto you : for 
 the silver plates, I thincke you shall doe well to buy them : though 
 unles I were better furnished with moneys and my revenew greater, 
 methinck it is somewhat of the hyest : for we ought not to doe ac- 
 cordinge to our wylls but to our abillities : I would have you to take 
 leave of y e Countesse[s] of Arundel and Kent: Soeprayeto God to send 
 you a happie passage over I rest your loving husband. 
 
 "Robert Oxenford. 
 
 " I have sent two gent, of my company beinge maryed men to 
 wayt upon you over, because I know they will make what haste they 
 can back to theyr wives ; I pray you kysse my sonne Aubrey from mee 
 and my other little sonne ; and Lappe them soe warme as you can ; 
 bringe over with you a good cooke mayd if you can and as few other 
 servants as may be ; for of 2,000/. within this 3 years the remaynder is 
 in your hand : save one huudreth pounds my Lo : of Lindsey still is 
 indetted to rne." 
 
 " A Breife of the Accomptes of Mr. Kirby touchinge the state of the 
 Lord Bayninge at the tyme of his decease in July 1629 : with the in- 
 crease thereof from that tyme to the tyme of the death of Mr. Kirby in 
 December 1632 and the paiements made forth of the same within that 
 tyme." 
 
 The total sum accounted for is 18 1,98 i/. 6s. 6\d. and the disburse- 
 ments are 87,375/. 6s. llfd., including 18,000/. to the King " for the 
 fyne of the wardshipp." 
 
 " A BreifF Declaracion touching the state of the Accompts of the 
 flight Honourable Paule Lo : Bayning, Viscount Sudbury, kept by 
 George Pike touching such parcells of his Lordship's Estate as were 
 committed to the care and Government of the Right Hono ble the Ladie 
 Viscountess Dorchester his Lordship's Mother by order of the Court of 
 Wardes." 
 
 The total sum accounted for is 146,174/. 14s. 5|c?., and the disburse- 
 ments are 38,397/. 35. 1 jc/., the accounts extending from February 1632-3 
 to 25 March 1637. 6,148/. 7s. Ad. were spent " in my Lorde's Travills," 
 and 1,029/. on "Pearls and a Chayne of diamonds " for his bride. 
 
 Among the entries illustrative of prices and household expenses are 
 the following : — 
 
 Bedding and Furnitures. 
 
 li. s. d. 
 Three bedds with Ruggs and Blanketts and pillowes 
 
 for servants, at Mark lane April 1633 
 A bedd for Mr. Pike, 1633 with furniture 
 For six peeces of White Chinay to be died and made 
 
 up for a Bedd at Bentley - - - - 
 
 For a paire of Vallence to send to Bentley in April 
 
 1634 ---_-- 
 
 For the furniture of Bedds then to send to Bentley - 
 For Greene cloth bought then for Bedds for Bentley - 
 Gould and Silver lace for a Purple bedd then - 
 
 1 Serjeant Major General of the Palatinate Regiment, 1620, slain at Isle of Rhe, 
 11th September, 1687. 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 85 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
279 
 
 To the Uphoulster the 14 th of June for bedding and 
 
 Uphoulsters worke sent to Bentlej - 
 For a Rich Orring [Orange] Tawney damask bed with 
 
 Vallence Counterpoint Carpet StooJes and Chayres in 
 
 Oct. 1634 - 
 
 For a Flock bed for Mark lane 
 For yellowe Taffetie and Satten for Curtins and Vallence 
 
 for Bentley - 
 
 For 4 yards and ^ of damask and 4 yards £ of Taffetie 
 
 for Vallence - 
 
 For Feathers for Bedds - 
 
 Fring for Vallence Ap. 1634 - - 
 
 For 26 yards and l of greene and yellow damask for 
 
 lowe Seats Cushions and stooles in May 1634 
 The Uphoulster for household stuff - 
 For Feathers to fill 5 bedds at Bentley in April 1635 - 
 
 d. 
 
 292 10 
 
 Rouxd M8S. 
 
 Pewter bought for the house at Marke Lane - 
 Tappistry hangings for the kitchen chamber at Bentley 
 
 in April 1634 - 
 
 For 10 peeces of hangings sent to Bentley 
 For 2 Globes ------ 
 
 For Andirons ------ 
 
 For divers pictures in Oct. J 634 - 
 
 For Armor in March 1633 212/. and for cleaneing 
 
 thereof 51. Ids. Od. and 6/. 12s. Qd. - 
 For Marble Porch ----- 
 
 Money paid for the extraordinary expenditure of his LoP 9 
 Phisick for M rs Ann in April 1634 - 
 A Guift for her at a Christening then 
 M rs Anne's horse July 1634 - 
 And meate for M ri Elizabeth's horse then 
 Extraordinary Expences by bill in Dec. 1634, for the 
 
 Gantlewomen - 
 
 For Examining and keeping booke of Accompts 
 Meate for their horses Jan. 1634 - 
 Wages of one Gentleman tending 5 yeares 210 1 * and 
 
 another one yeare 30 u and for Maid servante 62 11 7 s 6 d 
 
 besides 15 H and 17 11 after mencioned 
 For 7 weeks diett in March and in April 1635, being 
 
 removed for feare of the smale pox - 
 A Frencheman teaching M rs Anne french Sept. 1635 - 
 To M rs Anne then for Guifts and necessaries - 
 For Saddles for M rs Elizabeth and M rs Mary in Oct. 
 Lace 16 H s 4 d Washing at the Lord Newark 36 s 4 d 
 
 Guifts there 12 11 16 s 6 d Apparrell 12 H 14 s Lace 9 11 
 
 12* 8 d and 7 s setting on, in Jan. and Feb. 1635 
 Boord for 2 daughters at the La : Glemhams Apr. 1 636 
 Servants attending upon the daughters, viz. Russell 
 
 Dec. 1636 15 H and Moll the Maide 17 H 5 s 
 
 97 1 
 
 
 
 1 14 
 
 
 
 15 4 
 
 3 
 
 3 3 
 
 
 
 6 13 
 
 
 
 1 2 
 
 1] 
 
 14 11 
 
 4 
 
 37 1 
 
 6 
 
 22 17 
 
 
 
 704 8 
 
 6 
 
 li. s. 
 
 d. 
 
 2 4 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 99 10 
 
 
 
 33 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 6 
 
 
 
 420 
 
 
 
 225 11 
 
 
 
 250 
 
 
 
 LoP 9 sisters* 
 
 37 5 
 
 
 
 19 10 
 
 ft 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 2 16 
 
 
 
 16 14 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 7 10 
 
 
 
 302 7 6 
 
 36 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 22 
 
 4 10} 
 6 6 
 
 
 
 1 7 
 
 53 
 30 
 
 6 10 
 
 
 32 
 
 5 
 
 632 
 
 7 9± 
 
280 
 
 Round MSS. 1658. Copy of the Countess of Oxford's post-nuptial deed of settle- 
 
 ment 12th May 1658 (she was Anne, elder dau. and coh. of the above 
 Paul, 2 nd Viscount Bayning) . 
 
 1656, 8 April. [Dr.] Scarborough to [E. of Oxford]. 
 
 « My Lord, 
 
 I most humbly thank your Honor for my noble entertainment at 
 Bentley. A more reall testimony of my thankfulnesse shall be a second 
 visite this somrner with Mr. Cowley r 1 whose book I make bold to 
 present your Honor with, as a specimen of that gentlemans incomparable 
 worth, and some recreation for your Lordship, and your most noble 
 Lady, to whom I beseech, my most humble service may be recom- 
 mended by your Honor. The poweder my Lord is as yet not perefectly 
 prepared and must be tried before I dare send it. About some ten 
 dayes hence I shall send it with further directions. In the meaue I 
 beseech your Honor to conceive me labouring in your service, who 
 am, My Lord, your Honors most humble & faithful servant, 
 
 Ch. Scarburgh." 
 
 1656-7, 6th March. J. Rutherford to E. of Oxford. 
 
 Describes efforts to trace a valuable Neapolitan mare. 
 
 " Most Noble Lord, I must renew my humble request in order to my 
 daughters obedientiall relations to the Excellent Heroine my Lady 
 Oxford. The report of whose most Honorable Vertues hath already 
 Captivated my daughter to Her Service. Now what is thus patheticallye 
 and not ungroundedly Implored, Vouchsafe Ry* Excellent Lord to 
 consummate by yo r speedye favo r " 
 
 1661. Dep. Lieuts. of Essex to E. of Oxford. 
 
 "In accordance with letters from the Council to your Lordship, 19 th 
 August last we instructed Sir Martin Lumley to take some of his Troop 
 and go to the house of Mr. Thomas Cooke, ' sometime called Collonell 
 Cooke,' 2 to see what strangers were there and to search for arms. He 
 took security of Mr. Cooke to appear, which he did before us at 
 Coggeshall Wednesday last. Considering the great quantity of powder 
 and bullett found in his house (though he had denied its existence, and 
 then said he knew not how it came there) we have taken recognizances 
 of him to appear at the Assizes and to keep the peace. 
 
 We have summond some that made default at the Musters to appear 
 before us, but have sent the names of others to your Lordship, to 
 consult with the Council about them as they live out of the county. If 
 we cannot compel them, we shall lose half our numbers in some parts. Of 
 the rest your Lordship may make 2 or 3 examples. 
 
 Benj. Ayloffe, Wm. Wyseman, T. Abdy, Jo. Bramston." 
 
 1662. Form of deputation for Deputy Lieutenants, superscribed by 
 Charles II. [to Earl of Oxford as Lord-Lieutenant]. 
 
 1 The poet. Dr. Scarborough went bail for him this year, and one of Cowley's 
 odes is addressed to him. 
 
 2 He commanded a regiment of Essex Trainbands at the siege of Colchester. 
 
281 
 
 1662-3. Returns by Peers holding lands in Essex to the Earl of round MSS. 
 Oxford, as Lord Lieutenant, of the rental of their estates in the 
 county :- 
 
 
 
 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 D. of Buckingham 
 
 - 
 
 . 
 
 - 
 
 500 [" and od. : 
 
 E. of Essex 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1,123 
 
 E. of Salisbury 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 539 
 
 E. of Anglesey 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 200 
 
 E. of Warwick 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 5,323 13 4 
 
 E. Rivers - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1,200 l 
 
 L d Crewe - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 800 
 
 L d Lucas 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1,300 
 
 L d Campden 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 250 
 
 L d Petre - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 2,000 
 
 [All these returns, except 
 
 the Earl of 
 
 W 
 
 arwick's, are sign< 
 
 Peers themselves]. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1662-3, 10th Jan. E. of Suffolk to E. of Oxford. 
 
 Requesting return of rental of his estates in Suffolk. 
 
 1665-6, 6th Feb. Secretary Morice to the E. of Oxford, Whitehall. 
 . . . As to the Beacons, I know no better way than that which was 
 anciently used, that they be repaired by certain Tithings or Towns which 
 are found to do it still, and the commands for it sent to the Chief 
 Constable. . . . 
 
 1675, 12th May. Mustars of Lord Oxford's Regiment of Militia at 
 Harlow and Epping, and of Sir Will. Wiseman's at divers places 
 (Sept.~Oct. 1675). 
 
 1680, 26th August. Acknowledgement from the Earl of Oxford that 
 he has received 750/., from Henry Coape, Mercer, to be repaid on Feb. 26th, 
 for which he pledges " one Jewell sett with Dyamonds with the King of 
 " France his picture in it being sett round with eight great diamonds and 
 " twentie fower lesser diamonds with eight sparks of diamonds round 
 " about the picture ; there being a Crowne adjoining thereunto sett with 
 " five greate diamonds and three and twentie lesser." 
 
 Receipt endorsed for repayment of the 750/., with 27/., interest, 1 
 April 1681. 
 
 III. Siege of Colchester. 
 
 " Diary or Account of the Siege and Blockade of Colchester, 
 Anno 1648. 
 
 " On the 4 of June we were alarm'd in the Town of Colchester that 
 the L d Goring, the L d Capel, and a Body of 2,000 of the Loyal Party 
 who had been in arms in Kent, having left a great body of an 
 Army in Possession of Rochester Bridge, where they resolv'd to fight the 
 L d Fairfax, and the Parliament Army ; had given the said General 
 Fairfax the slip, and having passed the Thames at Greenwich, were 
 come to Stratford, and were advancing this way. Upon which news, 
 S r Ch s Lucas, S r G. Lisle, Col. Cook, and several Gentlemen of the Loyal 
 Army, and all that had commissions from the King, with a gallant 
 appearance of Gentlemen Voluntiers drew together from all parts of the 
 Country to joyn with them. 
 
 " The 8 th we were further inform'd that they were advanced to 
 Chelmsford, New Hall house, and to Witham; and on the 9 th some of 
 the Horse arrived in the Town taking possession of the Gates, and having 
 
 1 Aud 1,153/. in reversion. 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 282 
 
 Ingeneers with them, told us that General Goring had resolved to make 
 this town his head Quarters and would cause it to be well fortified ; they 
 also caused the Drums to beat for Voluntiers, and a good number of the 
 poor Bay Weavers, and such like People wanting employment, listed ; so 
 that they compleated S r Charles Lucas Reg*, which was but thin, to 
 near 800 men. 
 
 " On the 10 th we had news that the L d Fairfax having beaten the 
 Royalists at Maidstone, and retaken Rochester had pass'd the Thames 
 at Gravesend tho' with great difficulty, and with some loss, and was come 
 to Horndon on the Hill, in order to gain Colchester before the Royalists; 
 but that hearing S r Charles had prevented him had order'd his- 
 Rendezvous at Billeracay and intended to possess the Pass at Maldon on 
 the 1 1 th wher Sir Thos : Honnywood with the country Trained Band 
 was to be the same day. 
 
 "The same evening the L d Goring with all his forces, making about 
 5,600 men Horse and foot,, came to Colchester and encamping without 
 the suburbs under the command of the Cannon of St. Mary's Fort, made 
 disposition to fight the Parliament forces if they came up. 
 
 "The 12 th the L d Goring came into Colchester, view'd the Fort in 
 St. Marys Church Yard, ordered more Cannon to be planted upon it ; 
 posted two Regiments in the Suburbs without Head-gate; let the Town 
 know he would take them into his Majesties Protection ; and that he 
 would fight the Enemy in that situation. The same evening the Ld. 
 Fairfax with a strong party of 1,000 Horse came to Lexden, two small 
 miles distant, expecting the rest of his Army there the same Night. 
 
 " The Ld. Goring brought in Prisoners the same day, S r W m Masham 
 and several other Gentlemen of the County, who were secured under a 
 Strong Guard ; which the Parliament hearing, order'd twenty Prisoners of 
 the Royal party to be singl'd out declaring that they shou'd be used in 
 the same manner as the L d Goring used S r W m Masham and the 
 Gentlemen Prisoners with him. 
 
 " On the 13 th , early in the morning, our Spies brought intelligence 
 that the Ld. Fairfax, all his Forces being come up to him, was making 
 dispositions for a March, resolving to attack the Royalists in their camp : 
 upon which the L d Goring drew all his Forces together resolving lo fight. 
 The Ingeneers had offer'd the night before to Entrench his Camp, and to 
 draw a Line round it in one nights time ; but his Lordship declined it, 
 and now there was no time for it : Whereupon the General L d Goring, 
 drew up his army in order of Battle on both sides the Road, the Horse 
 in the Open Fields on the Wings ; the Foot were drawn up one Reg* in the 
 Road ; one Reg* on each side, and two Reg ts for reserve in the suburb, just 
 at the entrance of the Town, with a Reg* of Voluntiers advanced as a 
 Forlorn Hope and a Reg* of Horse at the Head-Gate ready to support th« 
 Reserve as occasion should require. 
 
 " About Nine in the Morning wee heard the Enemy s Drums beat a 
 March, and in half an hour more their first Troops appear'd on the 
 higher grounds towards Lexden ; immediately the Cannon from St. Marys 
 fired upon them, and put some Troops of Horse into confusion, doing 
 great Execution : which, they not being able to shun it, made them quicken 
 their Pace and fall on, when our Cannon were obliged to cease firing, 
 least we should hurt our own Troops, as well as the Enemys ; soon after 
 their Foot appear'd, and our Cannon saluted them in like manner and 
 killed them a great many men. 
 
 u Their first line of foot was led up by Coll. Barkstead and consisted 
 of three Regiments of foot, making about 1,700 men, and these charged 
 our Regiment of foot in the Lane [Maldon Road] commanded by S r Geo. 
 
283 
 
 Lisle and S r William Campion. They fell on with great fury, and were RouhtdMSS. 
 
 received with as much Gallantry, and three times repulsed ; nor could 
 
 they break in here, tho' the L d Fairfax sent fresh men to support them, 
 
 till the Royalists Horse oppress'd with numbers, on the left, were obliged 
 
 to retire and at last to come full Gallop into the street and so on into 
 
 the town : Nay still the foot stood firm, and the voluniiers being all 
 
 gentlemen, kept their Ground with the greatest Resolution ; But the left 
 
 wing being routed as above, S r William Campion vvns obliged to make 
 
 a Front to the left, and lining the Hedge with his Musqueteors, made a 
 
 stand with a Body of Pikes against the Enemys Horse and prevented 
 
 them from entering the Lane. Here that gallant Gentleman was killed 
 
 with a Carabine shot ; and after a v^ry gallant Resistance, the Horse on the 
 
 right being also overpowered, the word was given to retreat ; which, 
 
 however, was done in such order, the Regiments of Reserve standing 
 
 drawn up at the end of the Street ready to receive the Enemys Horse 
 
 upon the points of their Pikes, that the Royal troops came on in the 
 
 Openings between the Regiments, and entered the Town with very little 
 
 loss and in very good order. 
 
 " By this, however, those Regiments of reserve w r ere brought at last to 
 sustain the Efforts of the Enemys whole Army, till, being overpowered 
 by Numbers, they were put into Disorder and forced to get into the Town 
 in the best manner they could; by which means near 2,000 men were 
 killed or made Prisoners. 
 
 " Encouraged by this success the Enemy pushed on, supposing they 
 should enter the Town Pel-mel with the rest ; nor did the Royal- 
 ists hinder them, but let good part of Barkstead's own Regiment [the 
 Tower Guards] to enter the Head Gate ; but then sallying from St. 
 Mary's with a choice Body of foot on their left, and the Horse rallying 
 in the High Street and Charging them again in the Front, they were 
 driven back quite into the street of the suburb and most of them that 
 had so rashly entered were cut in Peices. 
 
 " Thus they were repulsed at the South entrance of the Town, and 
 tho' they attempted to storm three times after that with great Resolution, 
 yet were they as often beaten back and that with great havock of their 
 Men; and the Cannon from the Fort all the while did Execution upon 
 those who stood drawn up to support them ; so that at last seeino- no 
 good to be done, they retreated, having small Joy of their pretended 
 Victory. 
 
 " They lost in this Action Colonel Needham, who commanded a Regi- 
 ment called the Tower Guards and who fought very desperately ; Captain 
 Cox an old experienced Horse officer, and several other officers of Note 
 with a great number of Private men, tho' as they had the field, they 
 concealed their number; giving out that they lost but 100, when we 
 were assured that they lost near 1,000 men besides the Wounded. 
 
 " They took some of our men Prisoners, occasioned by the Re", of 
 Colonel Farr, and two more, sustaining the shock of their whole Army 
 to secure the retreat of the main Body as above. 
 
 The 14, the L d Fairfax finding he was not able to carry the town 
 by Storm, without the formality of a Siege, took his Head Quarters at 
 Lexden, and sent to London and Suffolk for more Forces ; also he 
 ordered the Train'd Bands to be raised, and posted on the Roads 
 to prevent Succours; notwithstanding which divers Gentlemen, with 
 some assistance of men and arms, found means to get into the Town. 
 
 " The very same night they began to break Ground ; and particu- 
 larly, to raise a Fort between Colchester and Lexden to cover the 
 Generals Quarters from the Salleys from the Town ; for the Royalists 
 
284 
 
 Roi'stdjviss. having a good body of Horse, gave them no rest but seour'd the Fields 
 every Day, and fell on all they found stragling from their posts, and by 
 this means kilPd a great many. 
 
 " The 17, S r Ch s Lucas having been out with 1,200 Horse, and 
 detaching parties toward the Sea side and toward Harwich, they brought 
 in a very great Quantity of Provisions, and abundance of sheep and 
 Black-cattle, sufficient for the supply of the Town, for a considerable 
 time ; and had not the Suffolk Forces advanced over Cataway bridge 
 to prevent it, a larger supply bad been brought in that way ; for now it 
 appear'd plainly that the L d Fairfax finding the Garrison strong and 
 resolute, and that he was not in a Condition to reduce them by Force, at 
 least not without the loss of much Blood, had resolv'd to turn his Siege 
 into a Blockade, aud reduce them by Hunger, their Troops being also 
 wanted to oppose several other Parties, who had in several parts of the 
 Kingdom taken arms for the King's cause. 
 
 " This same day General Fairfax sent in a Trumpet to propose 
 exchanging Prisoners, which the L d Goring refused expecting a 
 reinforcement of Troops, which were actually coming to him, and were 
 to be at Linton in Cambridgeshire as the next Day. 
 
 " The same Day two ships brought in a quantity of Corn and Provi- 
 sions and 56 men from the shore of Kent with several Gentlemen, who 
 all landed and came up to the Town, and the greatest part of the Corn 
 was with the utmost Application unloaded the same night into some 
 Hoys, which brought it up to the Hithe, being apprehensive of the Par- 
 liaments ships which lay at Harwich, who having intelligence of the 
 same ships, came the next Day into the Mouth of the River, and took 
 the said two ships, and what Corn was left in them. The Besieged sent 
 out a party to help the ships, but having no boats they could not assist 
 them. 
 
 " 18. S r Ch s Lucas sent an Answer about exchange of Prisoners, 
 accepting the conditions offered, but the Parliaments General return'd 
 that he wou'd not treat with S r Charles, for that he, S r Charles, 
 being his prisoner upon his Parole of Honour, and having appear'd in 
 Arms Contrary to the Rules of War, had forfeited his Honour and faith, 
 and was not capable of command or trust in Martial affairs : To this 
 S r Ch s sent back an answer and his excuse for his breech [sic] of 
 his Parole, but it was not accepted nor would the L d Fairfax enter 
 upon any treaty with him. 
 
 " Upon this second Message, S r W m Masham and the Parliament 
 Committee and other Gentlemen, who were Prisoners in the Town, sent 
 a Message in writing under their hand to the Ld. Fairfax intreating him 
 to enter into a Treaty for Peace ; but the Lord Fairfax return'd he could 
 take no Notice of their Request, as supposed it forced from them under 
 restraint ; but that if the Ld Goring desired Peace, he miglit write to 
 the Parliament, and he wou'd cause his Messenger to have a safe Conduct 
 to carry his Letter : There was a Paper sent enclosed in this, sign'd 
 Capel, Norwich, Charles Lucas, but to that the General would return no 
 answer, because it was sign'd by S r Charles, for the reasons above. 
 
 " All this while the Ld. Goring finding the Enemy strengthening 
 themselves, gave order for fortifying the Town, and drawing Lines in 
 several Places to secure the Entrance, as perticularly [sic] without the 
 East Bridge and without the North Gate and Bridge, and to plant more 
 Cannon upon the works : to which end, some great Guns were brought in 
 from some ships at Wivenhoe. 
 
 " The same Day our men sallied out in three Places and attack'd the 
 Besiegers, first at their Fort call'd Essex ; then at their new Works on 
 
285 
 
 the south side of the Town ; a third Party sallying out at the East Bridge Rou ^ MSS - 
 brought in some Booty from the Suffolk Troops, having kill'd several of 
 their stragglers on the Harwick Road : They also took a Lieu* of Horse 
 Prisoner and Brought him into the Town. 
 
 " 19. This day we had the unwelcome news that our friends at Linton 
 were defeated by the Enemy and Major Muschamp, a Loyal Gentleman, 
 killed. The same night our men gave the Enemy an alarum at their 
 new Essex Fort and thetby drew them out as if they would fight, till 
 they brought them within reach of the Cannon of St. Maries, and our 
 men retiring, the great Guns let fly amongst them and made them run ; 
 our men shouted after them ; several of them were killed on this occasion, 
 one shot having killed three Horsemen in our sight. 
 
 (i 20. We now found the Enemy in order to a perfect Blockade, resolv'd 
 to draw a Line of Circumvallation round the Town, having received a 
 train of forty pieces of heavy Cannon from the Tower. This day the 
 Parliament sent a Messenger to their Prisoners to know how they fared, 
 and how they were used ; who return'd word that they fared indifferent 
 well and were civilly used, but Provisions were scarce and therefore 
 dear. 
 
 11 This Day a party of Horse with 3C0 Foot sallyed out and march'd as 
 far as the Fort on the Isle of Mearsy which they made a shew of attacking, 
 to keep in the Garrison ; meanwhile the rest took a good number of 
 Cattle from the Country which they brought safe into the town with five 
 Waggon laden with Corn. This was the last they could bring in that 
 way, the lines being soon finished on that side. 
 
 "This Day the Ld. Fairfax sent in a Trumpet to the [erasure] L d 
 Goring offering Hon ble Conditions to them all ; allowing all the Gentlemen 
 their lives and arms, exemption from Plunder, and passes if they desired 
 to go beyond sea; and all private men Pardon and leave to go peaceably 
 to their own dwellings ; but the L d Goring and the rest of the gentlemen 
 rejected it and laugh'd at them, upon which the L d Fairfax made Procla- 
 mation that his men shou'd give the private soldiers in Colchester free 
 leave to pass through their Camp and go where they pleas'd without 
 Molestation, only leaving their arms, but that the Gentlemen should have 
 no quarter. This was a great loss to the Royalists, for now the men, 
 foreseeing the great Hardships they were like to suffer, began to slip 
 away, and the L d Goring was obliged to forbid any to desert on pain of 
 present Death, and to keep Parties of Horse continually Patrolling to 
 prevent them ; notwithstanding w ch many of them got away. 
 
 "21. The Town desired the L d Goring to give them leave to send a 
 message to L d Fairfax, to desire they might have liberty to carry on 
 their Trade and sell iheir Bays and says, which the L d Goring granted ; 
 but the Enemys General return'd that they shou'd [have] considered 
 that before they let the Royalists into the town ; that to desire a free 
 trade from a town besieged was never heard of, or at least never yet 
 granted ; that however he would give the Baymakers leave to bring their 
 Bays and says and other gcods once a week, or oftner if they desire it, 
 to Lexden Heath where they shou'd have a free market and might sell 
 them or carry them back again if not sold, as they found occasion. 
 
 " 22. The besieged sallied out in the night with a strong party, and 
 disturbed the enemy in their works, and partly ruined one of their forts 
 called Ewers fort where the Besiegers were laying a Bridge across the 
 River Coin : also they sallied again at East Bridge and faced the 
 Suffolk Troops who were now declared Enemies, these brought in six 
 and fifty good Bullocks and some Cows, and they took and killed several 
 of the Enemy. 
 
286 
 
 Round MSS. "23. The Besiegers began a fire with their Cannon from Essex fort 
 and from Barksteads fort, which was built upon the Maldon Road, and 
 finding the Besieged had a party in Grimston's house eall'd the Friery 
 [at angle of Maldon and Lexden Roads], they fired at it with their 
 Cannon and batter'd it almost down, and then the souldiers set it on fire. 
 This Day, upon the Townsmen's treaty for freedom of the Bay trade, the 
 L d Fairfax sent a second offer of Conditions to the besieged being the 
 same as before, excepting only the L d Goring, Ld. Capel, S r Geo. Lisle, 
 and S r Charles Lucas. 
 
 " This Day we had news in the Town that the Suffolk forces were 
 advanc'd to assist the Besiegers and that they began a Fort eall'd Fort 
 Suffolk on the N. side of the Town to shut up the Suffolk Road towards 
 Stratford. [On] this the besieged sallied out at North bridge, attack'd 
 the out guards of the Suffolk men on Mile end Heath and drove them 
 in to their fort in the Woods. 
 
 " This Day the L d Fairfax sent a Trumpet complaining of Chewed and 
 poisoned Bullets being shot from the Town, and threatning to give no 
 Quarter if that practice was allow'd, but the L d Goring return'd answer 
 with a protestation that no such thing was done by his order or Consent. 
 
 " 24. They fired hard from their Cannon against St. Mary's steeple 
 on which was planted a large Culverine which annoyed them even in the 
 Generals Head Quarters at Lexden. One of the Best Gunners the Garri- 
 son had was kill'd with a Cannon Bullet. This night the Besieged sallied 
 towards audley (Ardleigh] on the Suffolk Road and brought in some 
 Cattle. 
 
 " 25. L d Capel sent a Trumpet to the parliament General, but the Rogue 
 ran away, and came not back nor sent any answer; whether they 
 receiv'd his Message or not was not known. 
 
 " 26. This day having finished their new bridge a party of their Troops 
 pass'd that bridge and took post on the Hill over against Mile End 
 where they built a fort eall'd Fothergilis fort and another on the East 
 side of the Road called Rainsbro's fort, so that the Town was entirely shut 
 in on that side and the Royalists had no place but East bridge, which was 
 afterwards cut off by the Enemy drawing a line from the Hithe within 
 the River to the stone Causeway leading to East bridge. 
 
 "July 1. From the 26 th to the 1 st the Besiegers continued finishing 
 their works, and by the 2 nd the whele Town was shut in, at which the 
 Besiegers gave a general salvo from their Cannon at all their forts ; but 
 the Besieged gave them a return, for they sallyed out in the night, 
 attack'd Barksted's fort, scarce finish'd, with such fury that they twice 
 entered the work sword in hand, killed most part of the Defendants, and 
 spoil'd pait of the Forts cast up ; but fresh forces coming up they retired, 
 with little loss, bringing eight Prisoners, and having slain as they 
 reported above 100. On the 2 nd L d Fairfax offer'd exchange for S r 
 W m Mash am in particular, and afterwards for other prisoners, but L d 
 Goring refused. 
 
 " 5. The Besieged sallied with two Reg ts supported by some Horse 
 at Midnight : they were commanded by Sr. G. Lisle. They fell on with 
 such fury that the Enemy were put into Confusion, and their works at 
 East bridge ruin'd and 2 pieces of Cannon taken. Lieut.-Col. 
 Sambrook and several other officers were kill'd and our men retired into 
 the Town, bringing the Capt., 2 Lieu ts and about 50 men with them 
 prisoners into the Town, but having no horse we cou'd not bring 
 of[f] the Cannon, but spiked them and made them unfit for service. 
 From this day to the 11 th the Besieged sallied almost every night, being 
 encourag'd by their successes ; and they constantly cut off some of the 
 
287 
 
 Enemy, but not without loss also on their own side. About this time we Round MSS, 
 
 receiv'd by a spy the bad news of the defeating of the King's 
 
 friends almost in all parts of England and particularly several Parties 
 
 which wish'd well to our gentlemen and intended to relieve them. Our 
 
 batteries from St. Maries fort and steeple and from the N. bridge greatly 
 
 annoyed them and kill'd most of their Gunners and fire-men. One of 
 
 the Messengers who brought News to L d Fairfax of the defeat of the 
 
 parties in Kent and the taking of YVeymers [Walmer] Castle, slipped 
 
 into the town and brought a letter to L d Goring and listed in the Reg* 
 
 of the L d Capels Horse. 
 
 "July 14. The Besiegers attacked and took the Hith Church, with 
 the small work the Besieg'd had there, but the Defenders retired in time; 
 some were taken Prisoners in the Church but not in the Fort. S r Ch 3 
 Lucas' s House [St. John's] was attack'd by a great body of the Besiegers : 
 the Besieged defended themselves with good Resolution for some time 
 but a hand grenade thrown in by the assailants having fired the Maga- 
 zine, the House was blown up and most of the gallant Defenders buried 
 in the Ruins. This was a great blow to the Royalists, forit was a very 
 strong pass and always well guard'd. 
 
 " lo. The L d Fairfax sent otfers of Hon ble Conditions to the Souldiers 
 of the Garrison, if they vvou'd surrender or quit the service, upon which 
 the L ds Goring and Capel and tt r Ch s Lucas return'd an answer sign'd 
 by their Hands that it was not Hon 1)le or agreeable to the usage of war 
 to offer Conditions separately to the soldiers, exclusive of their Officers, 
 and therefore civilly dasired ins IA>hip to send no more such messages 
 or proposals ; or if he did, that he wou'd not take it ill if they Hang'd the 
 Messenger. 
 
 "This Evening all the Gent. Voluntiers with all the Horse of the 
 Garrison with S r Ch s Lucas, S r G. Lisle and S r Bernard Gascoign, 
 resolv d to break through the Enemy, and forcing a Pass, to advance into 
 Suffolk by Nay land Bridge, for this purpose they pass'd the River by 
 Middle Mill ; but their Guides having misled them, the Enemy took the 
 Alarm ; upon which their Guides and some Pioneers which they had with 
 them to open the Hedges and level the Banks for their passing to Boxted, 
 ran away : so the Horse were obliged to retreat. The Enemy pretended 
 to pursue, but thinking they had retreated by the North bridge they 
 missed them ; upon which, being enrag'd, they fired the suburbs -without 
 the Bridge and burn'd them quite down. 
 
 " 18. Some of the Horse attempted to escape the same way and had 
 the whole Body been there as before they had effected it; but there being 
 but two troops they were obliged to retire. Now the Town began to be 
 greatly distressed, provisions failing and the Towns People which were 
 numerous being very uneasy ; and no way of breaking through being 
 found practicable, the Gentlemen would have joyned in any attempt 
 wherein they might die gallantly with their swords in their Hands, but 
 nothing presented ; they often sallied and cut off many of the Enemy, but 
 their numbers were continually supplied, and the Besieged diminish'd : 
 their Horses also sunk and became unfit for service, having very little 
 Hay and no Corn, and at length they were forced to kill them for Food, so 
 that they began to be in a miserable condition and the Souldiers 
 deserted every Day in great numbers not being able to bear the want of 
 Food, as being almost starved with Hunger. 
 
 " 22. The L d Fairfax offer'd again an exchange of Prisoners but the 
 L d Goring rejected it because they refused Conditions to the chief 
 Gentlemen of the Garrison. 
 
288 
 
 BottndMSS. « During this time two Troops of the Royal Horse sallied out in the 
 night, resolving to break through or die : they first rode up full Gallop 
 to the Enemies Horse-guards on the side of Maldon Road, and exchanged 
 their Pistols with the advanced Troops wheeling as if they would retire 
 to the town ; but finding they were not pursued, they wheel'd about to 
 the right, and passing another Guard at a distance, without being 
 perfectly discover'd, they went clean off and passing towards Tiptree 
 Heath and having good Guides they made their escape towards 
 Cambridgeshire. In which length of way they found means to disperse, 
 without being attacked, and went every man his own way as fate 
 directed, nor did we hear that many of them were taken : They were 
 led, as we are inform'd, by S r Bernard Gascoin. 
 
 " Upon these attempts of the Horse to break out, the Enemy built a 
 small fort in the meadow, right against the Ford in the River at Middle 
 Mill and once set that Mill on Fire, but it was extinguished without 
 much damage; however the fort prevented any more attempts that 
 way. 
 
 " 22. The Parliament General sent in a Trumpet to propose again the 
 exchange of Prisoners offering the L d Capels son for one and Mr. 
 Ashburnham for S r W m Masham ; But the L d Capel, L d Goring, and the 
 rest of the Loyal Gentlemen refused it; and L d Capel in particular sent 
 the L d Fairfax word it was inhumane to surprise his son, who was not 
 in Arms and offer him to insult a Fathers Affection, but that he might 
 Murder his son if he pleased, he would leave his blood to be revenged 
 as Heaven should give opportunity ; and the L d Goring sent word that 
 as they had reduced the Kings serv ts to eat Horse flesh the Prisoners 
 should feed as they fed. 
 
 " The Enemy sent again to complain of the Royalists shooting poisoned 
 Bullets and sent two affidavits made by two Deserters, swearing it was 
 done by the L d Norw chs direction : 
 
 " The Generals in the town return'd under all their Hands that they 
 never gave any such Command or Direction, that they disown'd the 
 Practice, and that the Fellows who swore it were perjured before in 
 running from their Colours and the service of their King, and not to be 
 credited again. But they added that for shooting rough cast slugs they 
 must excuse them, and [i.e., as] things stood with them at that time. 
 
 "About this time a Porter in a souldiers Habit got through the 
 Enemies Leaguer, and passing their out Guards in the Dark got into the 
 Town, and brought letters from London assuring the Royalists that 
 there were so many strong Parties up in Arms for the King and in so 
 many Places that they would be very suddenly relieved : This they 
 caused to be read to the souldiers to encourage them ; and particularly 
 it related to the Rising of the Earl of Holland and the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham who with 500 horse were got together in Arms about Kingston, 
 in Surry ; but we had notice in a few Days after that they were Defeated 
 and the Earl of Holland taken, who was afterwards beheaded. 
 
 il 26. The Enemy now began to batter the walls and especially on the 
 west side from St. Mary's toward the N. Gate ; and we were assured 
 they intended a storm ; on which the Ingeniers were directed to make 
 Trenches behind the Walls w[h]ere the Breaches shou'd be made ; that 
 in case of a storm they might meet with a warm reception. Upon this 
 they gave over the design of storming. The L d Goring finding that 
 the" Enemy had set the suburbs on Fire right against the Hith, order'd 
 the Inhabitants' Houses which were empty of Inhabitants, from whence 
 their Musketeers fired against the town, to be burnt also. 
 
289 
 
 "31. A Body of foot sallied out at Midnight to discover what the Round MSS. 
 Enemy were doing at a place w[h]ere they thought a new fort raising ; 
 they fell in amongst the Workmen, and put them to flight, cut in pieces 
 several of the Guard, and brought in the officer who commanded them. 
 
 "A112;. 2. The town was now in a miserable Condition; the 
 souldiers search'd and rifled the Houses of the Inhabitants for victuals ; 
 they had lived on Horse Flesh several weeks, and most of that also as lean 
 as carrion, which not being well salted bred Avens [sic] ; and this want 
 of Diet made the soldiers sickley, and many Died of Fluxes [;] yet they 
 boldly rejected all offers of surrender unless with safety of their Officers : 
 How r ever several Hundreds got out, and either passed the Enemies 
 Guards or surrendered to them and took passes. 
 
 " Aug. 7. The townspeopb became very uneasy to the Soldiers, and 
 the Mayor of the Towr, with the Aldermen, waited upon the General 
 desiring leave to send to the L d Fairfax for leave to all the Inhabitants 
 to come out of the Town, that they might not perish ; to which the 
 L d Goring consented ; but L d Fairfax refused them. 
 
 " 12. The Rabble got together in a vast Crowd about the L d Gorings 
 Quarters clamouring for a surrender; and they did this every evening ; 
 bringing women and Children, who lay howling and Crying on the 
 ground for Bread ; 1 be Souldiers beat off the men, but the Women and 
 Children would not stir, bidding the Soldiers kill them, saying they had 
 rather be shot than be starved. 
 
 " 16. The General, moved by the Cries and distress of the poor 
 inhabitants, sent out a Trumpet to the Parliament General demanding 
 leave to send to the Prince who was with a fleet o? 1 9 men of War in the 
 Mouth of the Thames, offering to surrender if they were not relieved in 
 20 Days. The L d Fairfax refused it, and sent them word he wou'd be 
 in the Town in person and visit them in less than 20 Days, intimating 
 that they were preparing for a storm. Some tart Messages and Answers 
 were exchanged en this Occasion. The L d Goring sent word they were 
 willir.g in Compassion to the poor Townspeople, and to save that effusion 
 of Blood, to surrender upon Hon ble Terms but as for the storming them 
 as they threatened they might come on when they fought fit, for they 
 (the Royalists) were ready for them. This held to the 19[th]. 
 
 "20. The L d Fairfax retunAl [that] what he said was his last answer, 
 and should be the last offer of Mercy : the Conditions offered were, that 
 upon a peaceable surrender all soldiers and officers under the Degree of 
 a Captain in Commission should have their lives, be exempted from 
 plunder, and have passes to go to their respective Dwellings : all the 
 Captains and superior officers, with all the L ds and Gentlemen as well in 
 Commission as Voluntiers to surrender Prisoners at Discretion, only that 
 they should not be plundered by the Soldiers. 
 
 "21. The Generals rejected these offers, and when the People came 
 about them again for Bread, set open one of the Gates, and bid them go 
 out to the Enemy, which a great many did willingly ; upon which the L d 
 Goring order'd all the rest that came about his Door to be turn'd out 
 after them. But when the People came to the L d Fairfaxs Camp, the 
 outguards were order'd to fire at them, and drive them all Back again to 
 the Gate ; which the Lord Goring seeing, he order'd them to be receiv'd 
 in again. And now, altho' the Generals and Soldiers also were resolved 
 to die with their swords in their hands rather than yield, and had 
 maturely resolv'd to abide a storm ; yet the Mayor and Aldermen 
 having petitioned them, as well as the Inhabitants, being wearied with 
 the importunities of the distressed People, and pitying the deplorable 
 Condition they were reduced to, they agreed to enter upon a Treaty, and 
 
290 
 
 RoukdMSS. accordingly sent out some officers to the L d Fairfax, the Parliament 
 General to treat, and with them were sent two Gentlemen of the 
 Prisoners upon their Parole to return. 
 
 " Upon the return of the said messengers with the L d Fairfax s Terms, 
 the L d Goring etc. sent out a letter, declaring they would die with 
 their swords in their hands rather than yeld \_sic~\ without Quarter for 
 Life ; and sent a paper of Articles on which they were willing to 
 surrender : but in the very interim of this Treaty, news came that the 
 Scotch Army, under Duke Hamilton, which was enterd Lancashire, 
 and was joined by the Royalists in that County, making 21,000 men, 
 were entirely defeated. After this the L d Fairfax would not grant any 
 abatement of Articles, viz. To have all above Lieutenants surrender at 
 mercy. 
 
 "Upon this the L d Goring and the General refused to submit again, 
 and proposed a general sally, and to break through or die, but found 
 upon preparing for it, that the Soldiers, who had their lives offer' d them, 
 declined it, fearing the Gentlemen should escape and they should be left 
 to the Mercy of the Parliament soldiers ; and that upon this they began 
 to mutiny and talk of surrendering the Town and their officers too. 
 Things being brought to this pass, the L ds and Gen 1 laid aside that 
 design and found themselves obliged to submit : and so the Town was 
 surrendered the 28 of Aug st 1648 upon Conditions as follows : — 
 
 The L ds and Gent, all Prisoners at Mercy. 
 
 The common soldier had passes to go home to their several Dwell- 
 ings, but without Arms, and an Oath not to serve against the Parliament. 
 
 The Town to be preserv'd from Pillage paying [£] 14,000 ready 
 Money. 
 
 The same day a Councel of War being call'd about the Prisoners of 
 War, it was resolv'd that the L d9 shou'd be left to the disposal of the 
 Parliament. That S r Ch s Lucas, S r G. Lisle, and S r Marmaduke [sic] 
 Gascoin should be shot to death, and the other officers Prisoners to 
 remain in Custody till further orders. 
 
 The 2 first of the 3 Gent, were shot to Death, and the 3 rd respited. 
 
 Thus eiided the Siege of Colchester. 
 
 N.B. — Notwithstanding the Number killed in the Siege and dead of 
 the Flux and other Distempers occasioned by bad diet, which were very 
 many, and notwithstanding the number which deserted and escaped in 
 the time of their Hardships, yet these remained at the time of the 
 surrender .— 
 
 Earl of Norwich (Goring). 
 L d Capel. 
 L d Loug[h]bro. 
 1 1 Knights. 
 9 Colonels. 
 
 8 Lieut.-Colonels. 
 
 9 Majors. 
 30 Captains. 
 72 Lieutenants. 
 69 Ensigns. 
 
 183 Serjeants and Corporals. 
 3,067 Private Soldiers. 
 
 65 Serv ts to the L ds and General Officers and Gentlemen. 
 
 3,526 in all. 
 
291 
 
 Correspondence of Charles Gray. 
 
 1728. '^Equinox.' [21 March]. Grove Str. Hackney. — Robert 
 Ainsworth to C.G. 
 
 On numismatics. Speaks of Gray's collection of coins as "being 
 for the number not inferiour either to the D. of Devonshires or my 
 Lord Pembrokes." Suggests purchases and exchanges. 
 
 28 May. — Same to Same. 
 
 On numismatics. 
 
 1729, 21 May. Mile-end. — Same to Same. 
 
 Congratulates C. G. on his proof of the identity of Colchester 
 with Camulodunum. " Leland's opinion; had never been questioned 
 
 had not the great name of Mr. Camden found reasons 
 
 to a precarious and odd etymology." 
 
 1747, 19th Nov. [Colchester]. — George Wegg to C. G 
 
 . . The conversation of this place runs at present, I am told much upcn 
 witchcraft and fortune-telling occasioned by the discovery of an impudent 
 hag upon St. John's Green, who under pretence of helping folks to 
 lost goods has defrauded numbers of people of their money ; and for the 
 helping young damsels to sweethearts has drawn in many to give her 
 
 more than was their own to part with Tis said she has 
 
 been honour'd with the correspondence of most of the ladies of fashion in 
 Colchester ; who not careing to be seen at her house, used to consult 
 her at a neighbours hard by." 
 
 1747, 20th Nov. Colchester.— [Rev] P. Morant to C.G. 
 
 Encloses Jekyll genealogy. W. Mayhew bought JekylPs collection of 
 genealogies from W. Holman's son. 
 
 1747, 2nd Dec. Colchester.— [Rev.] P. Morant to C.G. 
 
 Gives terms on which Bowyer offers to print his History of 
 Colchester. 
 
 " I. That the history of Colchester shall be printed in folio on a 
 paper and letter the same size with Dr. Salmon's Essex at the expense 
 of W. Bowyer the Printer. 
 
 II. That it shall not exceed 45' sheets at the letter-press. 
 
 III. That the expence of the cuts shall not amount to above 
 
 IV. That copies shall be delivered to the author for his 
 subscribers, on his paying 2s. 6c?. for each. The rest of the copies to be 
 the property of the printer. 
 
 V. That 30 u shall be paid by the author to W. Bowyer, half when 
 the History is half printed, the rest when the whole is finished. 
 
 VI. That if the sale of the book does not defray the expence, the 
 Printers shall be reimbursed by the Author, in three years pfter the 
 publication." 
 
 Complains of the hardness of Article IV., as he has but 43 subscribers 
 as yet. Will have to omit some illustrations. " However, I should 
 be glad to get it Out at any tolerable rate." 
 
 1748, 5th Feb. Colchester. — Same to Same. 
 
 Thanks C. G. for pushing his book and seeing Mr. York[e] about 
 "the Leidger book of St. John's " [now Lord Cowper's]. Mr. Tindal 
 has procured him subscribers from Chelmsford. 
 
 E 77960. XJ 
 
 RouffD MSS, 
 
292 
 
 Round MSS. a Yesterday a carpenter digging a hold in Mr. Peter Creffeild's^ 
 garden 1 ...... hit upon a mosaic pavement. It is near 
 
 three foot under the surface of the ground " 
 
 1748, Nov. 14th. Governor Belcher to . Dated at Perth 
 
 Amboy (N.J.). 
 
 "I am now glad to tell you that from my arrival in 
 
 this Province to this time there has subsisted between the Governor 
 and the People an agreeable Harmony, and which looks likely to hold. 
 In a Session of the General Assembly (this last winter) there were 
 more Laws and Orders past than had been past for many years before ; 
 and such as, I believe, will much promote the welfare and happiness of 
 this People ; and this I shall at all times endeavour to do to the utmost 
 of my Power. 
 
 " We are creeping along with our young College, 2 and the 9th 
 instant was held the first commencement, when some students received 
 their degrees as Batchelors of Arts ; and the next year there is likely 
 to be a greater number. The Province is small and the People not able 
 to do much for the support of this Society. I am therefore indeavouring: 
 to get them help from my friends abroad and have some incouragement 
 of Books for their Library and of materials for the Building. And I 
 shall be studious night and day to bring this infant forward into youth 
 and manhood ; being intirely with you, that not Learning or Knowledge 
 ever hurt a Kingdom, State, or People, but Riches and their concomi- 
 tant Luxury, (the destruction of Greece and Rome). And as to Religion, 
 and Morality, how could they be advanced without knowledge and 
 learning ? Let the Pytyable Ignorant that are stupid enough to entertain 
 such wild opinions but look into the dreadful deserts of America and 
 Africa, among the miserable Indians and Negroes who almost from the 
 General Deluge to this time have been worshiping the host of Hell, 
 and passing their lives in all manner of barbarism; and let them 
 consider what was, some ages ago, the sad state of the Picts and of 
 all Great Britain; methinks these considerations should make wise 
 thinking men esteem good literature a pearl of great price. 
 
 " I see the Managers (where Mr. Gray has the honour of a seat) 
 have no reason to complain, with the children in the market place, ' We 
 have piped unto you, but ye have not danced.' No, the musick produced 
 Ten Millions, and it was a prudent foresight to prevent the necessity of 
 touching the strings again. 
 
 " Well, we are, in our obscure part of the Ball, earnestly expecting 
 the blessings of Peace. For we have here an implicit faith that all is 
 well done that gains the plaudit of your August House, a British House 
 of Commons ; so that in all your councils and debates you ought to have 
 the English America near your hearts. 
 
 " This respite will give our dear friends a fine opportunity of filling 
 up and inlargeing their naval force, the neglect of which has been their 
 great foible, but if they wisely correct that mistake, and overpower you 
 at sea, as well as by land, what then ? Deus avertat hostem. But I 
 keep you too long from the service of your King and Country, which 
 you'll forgive while I breathe out the spirit of a true Briton. 
 
 " I am now here, 50 miles from my stated residence [Burlington] in 
 obedience to the King's commands, which are to hold the sittings of 
 the General Assembly alternately at Burlington and Perth Amboy ; and 
 this is the time, in course, for the latter : but letters directed to me at 
 Burlington will best find me 
 
 1 To the east of Trinity Church.— J. H. K, 
 
 2 Princeton. 
 
293 
 
 "P.S. New Jersey lies nearest in 40° N° latitude, is a fine climate RoundMSSF* 
 and a good soil, when cultivated makes good orcharding, fill'd with 
 many sorts of choice apples, cherries, plums, and peaches, in great 
 plenty. I believe equal to those of their mother country from whence, 
 you know, the Latins called the Peach JPersicus. 
 
 " The arable lands give wheat, rye, barley, oats, and a grain called 
 Indian corn, all in great abundance. 
 
 " The gardens, roots of all kinds, cabbages, colliflowers, sweet herbs, 
 pease, and beans, of all sorts, and these thinks, I think, far better than I 
 ever eat in England. 
 
 " The face of the uncultivated or wild lands is covered with oaks of 
 many sorts, black walnut trees, elms, maples, birch, white cedars, pines, • 
 
 hickorys, sassifras, &c. ; with shrubs, grape vines and wild flowers of 
 numberless kinds. 
 
 " We have poultry in plenty, better than with you, as turkeys, 
 dunghill fowls, pidgeons, geese, and ducks. 
 
 " Beef, veal, and mutton enough, and very good, venison, rabbits, 
 and wild fowl, partridge, grouse, and quails. 
 
 " Fish hardly any ; but take this Province in the lump, it is the best 
 country I have seen for men of middling fortunes, and for poor people 
 who have to live by the sweat of their brows." 
 
 1749, 4th April. London.— Dr. W. Stukeley to C. G. 1 
 
 *' Honoured and good S r . — I shall be happy if I can entertain you a 
 quarter of an hour with Richard of Westminster. He gives me a good 
 deal of entertainment, and T enjoy compleat tranquillity amid the feuds 
 between the Id, mayor and alderman : between the courtiers : which are 
 of more importance : and I hear not a little impetuous. A great D. 
 
 declares he will not be bullyed as his f was. Where wickedness 
 
 reigns triumphant, there, I hold, can no wisdom dwell." . « . . 
 
 [N.D.] Same to Same. 
 
 . . . . " I have got our friend Richard of Westminster hand- 
 somely bound, that we may at least preserve the copy of so considerable 
 an author. I find he lived 400 years agoe, was a traveller to all the 
 librarys of note : which we must attribute to his eager love of learning 
 and curiosity. And happy it is for us that he turn'd his mind toward 
 this part of learning, when, 'tis plain, there were maps and manuscripts 
 relating to Roman Brittain left, which are since lost. For, tis very certain, 
 his book contains a much better account of that knowledg than all 
 others put together : and this in very little compass. I see likewise that 
 he was a person of genius, by the manner he treats the subject in : and 
 the plan and heads he goes upon. Tis a book of entertainment as well 
 as instruction. 
 
 " Our author flourished in 1340, so that tis just 400 years that he 
 has lain in obscurity, and in utmost danger of absolute oblivion. His 
 name was Richard of Chichester [sic], monk of Westminster. He wrote 
 5 books of anglo-saxonic chronicles, called speculum historiale, begin- 
 ning at the entrance of Hengist into our isle A.D. 448 continuing the 
 work to his own time 1348, 22 E. III. 
 
 " This book was in the public library Cambridg : but now not to be 
 found. Tis fear'd some foreigners take 'em away : as probably was the 
 case of our part, and the most valuable of his works. 
 
 " An epitome of the work is in Bennet (my college) library of 
 manuscripts. 
 
 1 For Gray's letters to Stukeley, see Stukeleifs Diaries and Letters (Surtees 
 Soc), II., 158-162; III., 46. 
 
 u 2 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 294 
 
 " Bishop Nicholson in his historical library, says that, it seems, 
 Richard wrote of much higher than Saxon times." 
 
 [This letter refers to Bertram's now celebrated forgery, the Itinerary of 
 " Richard of Cirencester" (as it was eventually termed), which obtained, 
 through Stukeley, credence with the learned world, and was so long 
 accepted as genuine.] 
 
 1750, 20th September. London. — Same to Same. On numismatics 
 
 " Yesterday we ended our Crownian lecture on the nerves at our 
 amphitheater in Warwick lane ; and after that a good dinner. The 
 company was some of them diverted, while some were chagrin'd, at a 
 satyr publishd the same day, called the Battiad; about the college 
 refusing to admit Dr. Schomberg a fellow. It is said to be wrote by 
 Mendez the merchant." 
 
 1752, 28th May. George Wegg to C. G. 
 
 ■" We were highly entertained at Southwold with the net manufactory, 
 in a building ab* 60 feet long, the ground floor whereof is used for the 
 laying of stores, we saw between 20 and 30 women weaving and mending 
 of nets under the direction of an elderly dame whom they call Mistress ; 
 over these on another floor which runs the whole length several men are 
 employed in putting the nets together and fastening them to the cord. 
 Every net is wove to the length of 40 or 45 feet but when they get out to 
 sea they are joined together to a length of a mile or a mile and a half. 
 A monstrous copper is fixing up for the drawing a strong infusion of bark 
 in which the netts are to be tann'd. Eight new busses are now lying in a 
 creek ab* a mile below the towne and we saw another under full sail 
 coming in to Join them. I c d not content myself without going on board one 
 of them. Very clever things they are of ab* 50 tons burthen, they carry ab* 
 15 hands, two men and a boy of the Danish nation compose part of the 
 crew, the whole towne seems quite alive and all hands at work. The 
 Admiral was to be there last night or this morns Friday being what they 
 call Commission Day " 
 
 1752, 6th Dec. Ball : Coll. [Rev.] C. Godwyn [B.D.] to C. G. 
 The Bishop of Cloyne, who has come to settle here, 
 
 has written a very good-natured letter to Ld. Hartington, in which he 
 talks much of the regularity and decent behaviour of the young people of 
 this place. Perhaps the compliment may in some measure be ascribed to the 
 behaviour of the Irish youth at Dublin. But really I think we never 
 more deserved such a compliment than we do at present. 
 
 " An attempt has been made to remove the Bishop of Norwich from his 
 attendance upon the Prince of Wales. It was intended in favour of the 
 Bishop of Glouster, but it has not suceeded 
 
 1753, 5th July. London. Stukeley to C.G. 
 
 " Mr. Morant has composed a very just and well 
 
 digested history of your antient city of Camulodunum as it ought to be 
 called. I agree with Mr. Morant in that, and likewise in Constantine 
 Mag. being a Briton born, and had I seen what he has wrote thereon, I 
 sh d have sav'd myself the trouble of considering that affair. But as it 
 is, I have somewhat strengthen^ the argumentation. Mr. Gale and I 
 had very freq* disputes, both of Constantine and Camulodunum. I was 
 angry he should take any pains to rob us of a fine lady and great 
 emp r . If Lipsius or any foreigner does it, they are not to blame. The 
 excuse of finding out truth when it does not belong to us I disregard. 
 
295 
 
 But in one thing I must differ from Mr. Morant, i.e. Ro^ndMSS. 
 
 in the foundation of the castle. I am fully persuaded tis a Roman 
 building, as much as your walls, or London walls, or the tower of London. 
 They are all Roman works, of the same time and manner and probably 
 
 the same hand I am convinced yours was ar 
 
 Armentarium, or granary, to lay up corn in many such in Brittain and 
 throughout the Roman empire. Camulolunum had a full navigation up 
 to the castle. Innumerable corn-boats lay in the large morass under the 
 castle ; as formerly at York, and other like places. You, have them oft 
 on coins ; and, if I mistake not, in Banduri is such a one in the reverse 
 of your townswoman : which may perhaps regard your very building . . . 
 Carausius goes on well." 
 
 [1757], 5th April. London. — Thomas "Falconer to C. G. 
 
 " The News here is chiefly concerning the Treaty 
 
 which the K& of P[russia] is thought to have concluded with England 
 by the means of Mr. Mitchell ; so that Col: York will have little to say 
 and less to act when he arrives at Berlin. The League if we credit 
 report is offensive and defensive. A Fleet is to be sent into the Baltick, 
 and a Regiment is to garrison Embden. The commotions are said to 
 run high in Prussia, so far as to lead even to a Revolution. If so the 
 P. of Holstein has bad bad fortune indeed ; to resign his pretensions to 
 Sweden, and to be imprisoned in the Muscovite Court, only to give up 
 his court to an exile. However I wish it true for the sake of justice 
 and our grand Ally. The City of London is a^ain terrified with that 
 bugbear of a French invasion ; but where or when they can't tell and 
 L d Anson knows nothing of the matter. This however is certain, that 
 the ships at Spithead have received counter-orders to what they had at 
 first in consequence of some intelligence from Brest. But I believe it 
 is not an invasion. Our ships have had great success against the 
 French marine, and our hopes in America are great, fr^m Commodore 
 Moore and Boscawen. L d Loudon is gone upon an expedition of some 
 consequence, either against Ticonderago or some other fort w ch opens 
 the way to Crown Point. Some have great hopes that he will succeed. 
 Others fear he will be rash. How little apprehensions of his sort had 
 we lately. My young brave friend Cocks, who chose a maritime life, 
 from steady resolution, and not from hasty choice or compulsion, is now 
 on board the Dorsetshire, a 70 gun ship " 
 
 1757, 22nd Oct. Same to Same. 
 
 "While I was at Stockport I took a jaunt to Man- 
 chester ...... You would have been pleased with the sight 
 
 of a Linnen Manufactory, for stamping and painting, which I was 
 carried to near Stockport. The composition for fixing the colours is 
 pretended to be a great secret, but I am satisfied that small knowledge in 
 Chymistry would discover the whole. The stamps are cut in some close- 
 grained wood with great neatness. The process is very simple. When 
 the linnens are stamped they are thrown into large boilers, wherein this 
 secret is dissolved (which is thought to be cow dung mixed with some 
 coarse earth). This changes the shades of the cloth into purple or red, 
 which appeared before as only various shades of browns. They are after- 
 wards beat by large hammers moved by water, and then laid on the 
 grass for the sun to exhale the moisture. The boilers give the whole 
 of the cloth a reddish cast which the heat draws off in a short time. 
 The blue, yellow, and green are drawn with a pencil, with great labour 
 aud many hands. Nothing can shew the advantage of our manufac- 
 tures over those abroad better than this article ; for the demand from 
 
296 
 
 fipuHB MSS. Germany is prodigious, notwithstanding the duty is 3 d per yard at the 
 place of making, besides another duty on the exportation. If our trade 
 can flourish with all these incumbrances, what would it, if more at 
 liberty. Our publick affairs are much worse than when you last wrote. 
 This secret expedition has greatly dispirited the nation " 
 
 3758, 2nd May. Lincoln's Inn. — Same to Same. 
 
 . . . . . . " I was on last Friday at the House of Commons 
 
 Mr. Legge pleased me very well, not only with his 
 
 perspicuity, but his style and sentiment. You possibly have heard of 
 the mock dispute between the Speaker and Ld. Strange, whether he 
 
 should be exempted from the tax on places My 
 
 Prussian friends are in high spirits, the Baron Brandt was half in rap- 
 tures to hear the news of the commotions in Poland ...... 
 
 I could scarcely avoid smiling indeed when he endeavoured to prove our 
 safety nay had we let him proceed, he would have added, our Liberties 
 depended on a Fleet being sent into the Baltick " 
 
 [N.D.] [1758. London.] —Same to Same. 
 
 " Your charge the British Museum makes a glorious 
 
 appearance ; Knipshausen the Prussian Envoy assures me it excells any 
 collection in Europe, and will probably be much encreased. It will be 
 opened, I suppose, by the time you will come to London. The Town, 
 as usual, is very thin of people ; we are eager enough after news . . 
 
 . . . Our good Ally has treated Saxony as a conquered Province ; 
 the woods are now cutting down for arrears of contributions .... 
 . . We have repulsed the French in America, and shall attack them 
 as soon as possible. They were eating horses in Quebec some time past. 
 I wish the bloody Governor Vaudreuil may now repent of his cruelties 
 to the English. S r Ch. Hardy told P. Andrews that he had destroy' d 
 at Glashy fish to the value of £60,000 if sold in America ; besides the 
 town and settlement which were so beautifully built and planted, that he 
 lamented his orders, which he was tied down precisely to obey .... 
 . . I had a letter yesterday from Oxford. I find they are yet 
 unsettled as to the choice of a chancellor. My uncles opinion has 
 been asked with regard to L d Litchfield's qualification ; he has expressed 
 it rather in the negative, but doubtfully, for the sense of the Statute 
 depends upon usage. This has displeased the roaring partizans of 
 Oxford, who would have a Tory right or wrong. If they were not 
 divided they might undoubtedly keep out the Bp of Durham ; but if 
 they are, he will as certainly come in." 
 
 1760, 28th Nov. Ball: Coll: [Rev.] Charles Godwyn [B.D.] to 
 C. G. 
 
 " The most remarkable occurrence which has lately 
 
 happened here is the compromise, which is very much approved of. After 
 a long debate it was agreed to join L d Charles Spencer with S 1 ' James 
 
 Dashwood L d Litchfield, S r James Dashwood, and 
 
 almost all the gentlemen on that side of the country were very strenuous 
 for the compromise. This was the worst event that could befall the New 
 Interest. It has destroyed their expectations entirely. Mr. Kennicott 
 has received a very complaisent letter from the Cardinal and another 
 from Mr. Wilcocks, who is indefatigable in searching after all the 
 
 Hebrew MSS. that are in Italy Some pieces of * 
 
 intelligence which we have from the Court have a very good appearance. 
 Among others we have this, that the King will lessen £200,000 a year 
 in the Civil list. 
 
297 
 
 1760, 27th Sept. Chester.— T. Falconer to C. G. Rousdmss. 
 Comments on current politics and literature. 
 
 1761, 31st Aug. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 "I cannot but applaud our King's choice of a Queen 
 
 in a political light. Strelitz can no more draw us into expensive con- 
 nections than Saxe Gotha did before. If she is amiable in her temper 
 and manners we may expect an age of less dissoluteness at Court : for 
 the example of the Prince will at last direct his followers, and a sober- 
 minded young man agreeably married is the least likely of any person 
 
 to be extremely vicious The other day I had a pamphlet 
 
 sent me down which was really curious : it was an exact copy of the 
 private instruct" 8 of Hen. 7 to his embassadors in relation to the Queen 
 of Naples. I know them to be genuine having seen the original : but 
 I am forbid to mention more" 
 
 1765, 10th Oct. Ball : Coll : [Rev.] C. Godwyn [B. D] to C.G. 
 
 We are printing here a very smart pamphlet written 
 
 lay Dr. Lowth in defence of himself against the Bishop of Gloucester. 
 The public, I believe will be highly entertained with it, and with some 
 letters added by way of appendix, which have passed between the Bp 
 and the Dr. The President of Corpus, who acted V. Ch v has given his 
 imprimatur to all this. A most daring affront to that uncommon 
 genius [Warburton], who, I make no doubt, will make us all smart for 
 it. I am told by very good authority that if Mr. Greenville had continued 
 in the ministry, Dr. Lowth was to have been the next Bp. 1 I very much 
 approve of the design, and am sorry that Mr. Greenville has it not in 
 his power to carry it into execution. I was lately complimenting a 
 gentleman of Cambridge upon the disposal which the D. of Nfewcastle] 
 has of the ecclesiastical preferments, and was told a piece of news, which 
 I am greatly pleased with, that the master of St. John's is in great 
 favour with the D. and likely to be promoted soon" 
 
 1765, 30th Nov. Chester. — T. Falconer to C.G. 
 
 You state our American connections very truly 
 
 and I am in no present fears of their immediate revolt, but I am in 
 dread of other changes equally destructive to our commerce. It is well 
 known that that our Colonies were chiefly planted by exiles, and not by 
 the encouragement of the State ; that our Ministry for many years 
 rather discouraged the Colonies, without weakening them however, and 
 irritated without humbling ; that since the reduction of Louisburg 
 by the New Englanders, when their real strength was apparent, we ran 
 into the contrary extreme, magnified their danger above truth, and were 
 not satisfied till we had placed them above controul ; that during all this* 
 time we took no care to obviate the ill impressions to our prejudice 
 caused by former neglects and avaricious Governors, and lastly that the 
 Americans, being long forgotton by their mother country might not 
 unreasonably imagine they had but little connection with it. If these 
 several positions are true we must not wonder if our Colonists, provoked 
 and neglected, supported and then taxed, should grow restive. Mild 
 but vigorous measures will, I hope, be pursued, but I despair of proper 
 steps being taken under the present admin". As to the propagation of 
 'Christianity by our conquests, it affords a most pleasing prospect 
 
 but our N th Americans are not enough conversant 
 
 1 Nominated Bishop of St. David's 14 May 1766. Translated to Oxford 
 Sept. 1766, London, April 1777. 
 
298 
 
 Jw>undMSS. w - t j 1 t j ie j nc ii ans> nor have they sufficient humanity to undertake so 
 desirable a work. The East Indies are still a less likely field, as to all 
 appearance the natives, tho' varying in opinions above measure,yet conform 
 to the practice of morality much better than our own people. They are 
 humane, refined, timorous, effeminate and superstitious, and while they 
 are attached to their own opinions, they see our people disregard the 
 practice of their faith, negligent in acts of devotion, cruel through 
 avarice, and trampling on the sacred persons of the Indian Sovereigns. 
 Besides we have not driven the French from the E fc Indies : Pondicherry 
 is theirs again and tho' dismantled, it may afford refuge to priests, who 
 will be uncommonly active in their adversity. We have nothing to oppose 
 to their craft. The wise and humane letter of the great Dr. Prideaux 
 
 to the Bp of London had no effect that I ever heard of 
 
 our clergy in those parts are yet too few ; and as most of them are 
 married, they have domestick connections, and are little disposed, and 
 
 indeed little able, to plant Christianity in remote parts 
 
 The N th Americans are so prejudiced against our Church that I question 
 if they would on any terms admit an ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which they 
 
 hate still more than our civil 
 
 From the several positions I mentd. before (added 
 
 to what you justly observed th r love of independence) may we not justly 
 dread their setting up manufactures, and the consequences of such a 
 
 step would be as ruinous as a revolt Suppose however 
 
 that by mild measures we induce them to be our friends for the present, 
 that mildness will encrease their power, and only put off the evil 
 day" 
 
 1766, 18th March. Chester. — Same to same. 
 
 " I am heartily sorry to find so much ill blood in 
 
 America about the stamp act, and the flame is too permanent to be 
 accounted for from the fury of a mob, which is transient tho' violent. The 
 last accounts from New York are more outrageous than ever, had they 
 proceeded a little further the consequence must have been bloody on both 
 sides." Discusses the problem of delegated power. " The conduct of 
 the Ministry bears evident marks of unsettled pusillanimity ; that of 
 Mr. Pitt of violence tinctured with his foible, a passion for popular 
 applause. Great talents and a warm fancy blended with human weak- 
 ness, a genius ill-adapted for peace, a spirit uncontrollable, and daring 
 entrepidity, a heart always aspiring which scorns to owe its elevation 
 to any other person ; over fond of executing splendid projects without 
 reflecting on the minutiae of his own schemes : all these form a singular 
 character more striking than amiable." 
 
 1766, 19th April. Same to Same. 
 
 ",...-. How will the Americans repay those Patriots who have 
 for their temporary interests betrayed their own country in so base a 
 manner ? As for Pitt (whose speech I have seen very well abstracted) 
 I can readily believe he was actuated by an enthusiasm for liberty and 
 a passion for applause till he thought he acted on upright and free 
 principles. Never was a character more mixed than his, but 'tis our 
 peculiar misfortune at present that his virtues are prejudicial while he 
 acquires influence only through his foibles. His love of freedom encreases 
 American insolence ; his vanity induces him to make use of means to 
 gain applause which are far from justifiable and hardly excusable. Gen 1 
 Conway and the rest would have compromised matters had not that un- 
 fortunate speech (like Montrose's fatal letter at the treaty of Uxbridge) 
 elated the Americans and put a stop to the convention. The prospect 
 
299 
 
 is but gloomy. The Liverpool merchants agree in deeming the repeal RoundMSS. 
 impolitic, unconstitutional and merely a temporary expedient which will 
 embroil us more and more in process of time. These were however the 
 very men who clamoured as loud for that measure as the North Americans 
 themselves ...... My uncles fr d Gov r Bernard has behaved 
 
 with great prudence of spirit. He has been so ill-used by the negligence 
 of our Ministry that I fear future Officers of the Crown will be more 
 complaisant to the Colonies from a motive of self-preservation." . . 
 
 1706, 11th May. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 Describes Watson, an artizan genius, of Ashbourn in Derbyshire, the 
 son of a stone-cutter, who collects and works in the local marbles. 
 " His taste is exquisite, but his knowledge in Mechanicks still raises him 
 higher in the opinion of every judicious observer." 
 
 " What will be the consequence of our East Ind n 
 
 settlement ? L d Clive has done' more wonders with his pen than 
 with his sword. I prophecy not much good from the overgrown 
 fortunes of a monopolizing Company. A Kingdom more extensive than 
 our own is a tempting bait, and may encourage oppression in under- 
 writers, who have generally little religion and no education. I am 
 heartily glad my uncle Wilbraham has attended these late important 
 questions in the House without prejudice to his health 
 
 [N.D.] Same to Same. 
 
 " The gross treason of the Whisperer seemed to 
 
 indicate some hopes of arising in the nation, or at least in the mob of 
 London." I am glad that Lord Granby has joined the administration. 
 At this critical time it will be a matter of great importance to gain him 
 over, for his popularity in the army is very extensive. We have been 
 now for 8 years gradually enflaming one another about nothing ; and the 
 next generation will probably read the annals of G. 3 rd with wonder. 
 
 If the times were a little calmer, some reformation 
 
 might be offered of our Parliaments but any concessions at this time would 
 only give new vigour to the party. I much fear the concessions to the 
 Americans will have little effect. They did not complain of the weight 
 of the taxes, but of the power of taxing claimed by us ; and the retain- 
 ing the duty on tea will be considered in as bad a light as the stamp act, 
 especially as the chief part of the revenue was to arise from that one 
 article." ...... 
 
 1766, 17th May. Chester— Same to Same, 
 
 " Pitt behaved nobly in the Militia business, but his 
 
 speech on the American affairs was paradoxical, declamatory, and imper- 
 tinent ; I own it abounded in fine sounding periods and was not unlike 
 the celebrated letter of Brutus to Cicero, which however is thought by 
 the best judges a forgery." Proceeds to a comparison of Pitt with 
 Pericles. " The times call for a strict economy, for great and com- 
 prehensive schemes of commerce, for enlarged ideas of the Constitution, 
 on the basis of well-regulated freedom, and the most resolute firmness in 
 the execution of such measures:. " Blames Pitt for all. He will be sternly 
 judged in future times, " when our own country sinks for want of trade, 
 and a new Empire in America controuls all Europe." 
 
 1766, 30 <h Aug. Chester.— Same to Same. 
 
 Has made excursion into Herefordshire and Bucks. 
 
 " The foundling hospital [at Shrewsbury] only yields to that at London 
 and the decorations of the Council room are absurdly expensive. How- 
 ever, the neatness of the wards and the healthy looks of 500 children 
 
300 
 
 Bound MSfc. just sitting down to dinner in the open air, on the finest natural terrace 
 
 in England formed a most picturesque scenery The 
 
 schoolmaster shewed me in the library an original picture of S r Ph. 
 Sidney by Otho Venius. I wonder it escaped Vertue's searching eye, 
 who was so passionately desirous of finding any original portrait of 
 
 so refined a genius In the Archives I saw a most 
 
 exquisite MS. of the Alcoram (sic) bought at Grand Cairo, the clearest 
 and smallest hand I ever saw ; not above 2 inches and J sq. 
 
 Describes pictures at Longnor, and visits to Ludlow, Hereford and 
 Ledbury. 
 
 " The great improvements made in the Worcester manufactory of 
 china would have afforded you great pleasure as it did me. It is hardly 
 surpassed by the Vincennes, and much cheaper, they have not yet debased 
 it by making vile attempts at human figures, but stick to the usefull." 
 Visits Oxford, and describes Wren's designs and the drawings at Ch : Ch : 
 " The only additional ornament to Oxford since my time [1754-9] was the 
 fitting up of Ch : Ch : Library which is very well executed in a magnificent 
 taste. A botanical society is just instituted, and some of its members do 
 honour to the institution. As for other particulars, the young men are 
 more refined, elegant, philosophical, expensive and deistical than they were 
 seven years ago. However upon the whole Oxford does not improve, 
 and the growing expenses of eating have at last obliged the seniors to 
 enforce some new ordinances with vigour against Cook-shops 
 
 I cannot abuse Ld. Chatham, but hope that he will act with as much 
 spirit as when Mr. Pitt. My principal fear is that he will hurry us 
 into troubles by some violent measures to regain the esteem of London 
 stockjobbers and secure his popularity with the country gentlemen. 
 
 Ld. Camden's promotion will give but little satis- 
 faction to the publick. His sentiments are republican in politicks, 
 deistical in religion, and if he inherits one half of his father's pride such 
 principles, with his abilities, may do mischief in so high a station. Who 
 would change so desirable a place as he left for so precarious a 
 Dignity ? " 
 
 1766, 21 st Dec. Chester.— Same to Same. 
 
 " We live in perpetual jars when national distresses call 
 
 aloud for a union. Our debt enormous, our colonies insolent, manu- 
 factures oppressed with taxes, the populace riotous, and provisions 
 uncommonly dear. This last is indeed very hard to correct." Proceeds 
 to set forth the case against bounties on the exportation of corn, arguing 
 that the landed interest is dependent en the manufacturing, which is 
 dependent on foreign markets in which it must " sell cheap." This it 
 cannot do if provisions are dear. Rents have been raised of late years 
 "to nearly double," as corn goes up. This must be stopped by lowering 
 the bounty. 
 
 1767, 25th, May. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 . . . " As for the negroes, I think Dr. Campbell argues more 
 forcibly when he proves that a little more humanity would enable the 
 Island of Barbadoes to save 2 3rds of the purchase-money for slaves. 
 All arguments drawn from motives of humanity are lost upon men 
 whose souls are deadened to every feeling, but commercial deduc- 
 tions could not properly be inserted in a sermon We 
 
 shall hardly persuade any of our back settlers about Niagara to 
 coalesce with the Indians and teach them the arts of agriculture. There 
 was indeed a small remnant of an Indian tribe who once took refuge 
 
301 
 
 amongst us, and learnt civility much faster than could have been RoundMSS. 
 expected. But just when their example might have begun to operate 
 our christian planters surprized and murdered them all. Gov r Franklyn 
 (an American born), described their massacre in terms of horror that 
 did him great credit with every humane breast. For this reason, I 
 would advise a mission first to the Europeans, who seem to have 
 indianized. themselves, and become as dextrous at slaughter and unfeel- 
 ing as the barbarians themselves. These only differences remain ; that 
 the former wear coats and breeches, and cheat and murder all mankind 
 alike; the latter go naked, never cheat, and only murder their enemies ; 
 the former call themselves christians, the latter are idolaters. This 
 is no argument for relaxing our care of the mission, but it is a strong 
 one for chusing the ablest missionaries. The Jesuits have one piece of 
 policy which the Bishop does not mention, viz. that of lay brothers of 
 the order, who are appointed to teach the Indians those arts which are 
 usually out of the sphere of the clergy. This Society of ours might 
 possibly adopt this measure in some respect, and by proper presents of 
 tools of husbandry or other helps assist in the previous step of civilising. 
 
 It is very clear to me that it is for the publick advantage 
 
 to have small farms, for the sake of population and industry ; but 
 whether the legislature can interfere I do not know. What are you 
 doing in the house about America ? Are you taxing or collecting duties - 
 or both ? You will raise a revolt, and then we may send the L d Privy 
 Seal with L d Camden to teach them the dispensing power vested in our 
 royal prerogative." 
 
 1767, 3rd July. Victualling Office. — Jonas Hanway to C. G. Receipt 
 for biscuit. 
 
 '* Our infant Bill promises to restore the reign of humanity towards 
 the infant poor." 
 
 1767, 14th October. Blithfield.— Thomas Falconer to C. G. 
 
 " Since I have been here I have taken a cursory view 
 
 of the finest antiques in this part of England. It is at Mr. Anson's, who 
 has just brought the L'Effroy collection, as I think it is called, the gold 
 medals are above 400, in the finest preservation. The whole is near 
 7,000. The masterpiece, however, is a statue of Adonis, or rather of 
 Apollo. Never did I see equal grace with such an air of grandeur. . . 
 
 . . . . Its companion is a Thalia of exquisite beauty 
 
 . . Besides these in the greenhouse there is a Bacchus and Faun of 
 finished elegance, and the trunk of a Muse, in the best Grecian style, 
 with many others. It grieved me to see an incomparable bas-relief in 
 alabaster of Paris carrying off Helen (wherein the half consenting 
 reluctance of the latter and the gentle compulsion of the former were 
 admirably expressed) exposed in the open air, which had already injured 
 the delicater parts of the sculpture. The master had no feeling, so my 
 remonstrances were ineffectual. He shewed us the finest cameo of a 
 single head I ever saw ; it seemed to be an Alexander weeping for new 
 
 worlds to conquer I fear the encreasing factions of 
 
 the nobility more than the family compact, the nation now begins to be 
 embroiled about elections. I hope your seat is in no danger." , . . 
 • • « 
 
 1767, 29th December. Chester.— Same to Same. 
 
 •' • (i I hope the peace of your City is not disturbed by 
 
 .any opposition, as by all accounts S r W m Mayne will give you no 
 
302 
 
 Round MSS. further trouble. This place is at present in tranquillity ; how long it 
 
 — will continue I know not : there are busy spirits in the place who 
 
 love to fish in troubled waters, who only want a man to head them ; 
 
 but it will be difficult to find one that will stem the torrent against so 
 
 united a body as the Corporation and Gentlemen. 
 
 I thank you for your paper about Downing College which I now return 
 you. It is a judicious design, but it would never do either in Oxford 
 or Cambridge. These bodies are now grown luxurious and expensive 
 and bear very little resemblance to convents in the restraint of the 
 students. Even the poorer colleges are despised, & consequently such 
 an assembly as this would meet with contempt immediately." Such a 
 scheme should be tried in the north or west away from wealthy society. 
 
 1768, 24 Feb. Chester.— Same to Same. 
 
 " I am concerned to • think our worthy fr d Mr, 
 
 Wilbraham lias so bad a heart of his bribery bill. Indeed I thought it 
 would not be the right time for such an attempt. Some few Patriots (if 
 they would consider of a good plan) should push it strongly at the 
 beginning of the next Parl nt , when the hopes and fears of the present 
 
 competitors would be determined or subsided The 
 
 freedom of electers and the independance of the elected are the bulwarks 
 of our liberties." They should be respectively preserved by raising the 
 franchise to £10 freehold in counties, and £10 income in boroughs, 
 and by allowing no member to be elected till 30 years of age, when 
 they are less likely to be in difficulties, from extravagance, and there- 
 fore amenable to corruption. "And this alone would discourage 
 young adventurers." 
 
 " The Speaker's reprimand is a noble piece of eloquence. I would 
 call it Roman, in compliance with common prejudice, tho' I think it 
 better than any Roman speech I ever yet saw. The firmness and 
 humanity of the whole are really worthy of the highest praises." 
 
 1768, 2 nd April. Haberdashers Hall. — J. Knapp to C. G. 
 
 " have made enquiry touching the transportation of 
 
 the young woman (though not a convict) but with her consent, and do 
 find that such persons are often transported by merchants on their 
 entering into indentures with them for a service of four years, and then 
 to have their liberty, and that they most commonly do well and succeed 
 in life (if not their own faults) and that Mess rs Hay & Son, merchants, 
 near the Royal Exchange have a ship now ready for that purpose and 
 will sail in about a fortnight or three weeks, so that if the young 
 woman hath any thoughts of going, she, or somebody for her, must 
 treat with Mess™ Day, and understand proper care will be taken of her, 
 and not mixed with any criminals, but only bonded servants as they 
 stile them, the ship not taking any other." 
 
 1768, 26 th April. Colchester.— C. G. to Day and Son. 
 
 " The bearer, Susannah Bartle, a poor young girl 
 
 is determined to go into service in America, and cannot be persuaded 
 from it 
 
 " I beg your compassion to this young creature " 
 
 1768, 19th Sept. Stockport.— T. Falconer to C. G. 
 
 '' You see the American affairs are coming to a crisis, 
 
 or rather may be said to have come, for the circular letters of the Bcs- 
 tonians, their absolute refusal to rescind their resolutions are a signal 
 
303 
 
 for war. Our commercial interests when they see their debts lie on Round MSS. 
 their books will at last be convinced that their clamours for America 
 were only sharpening the sword that was to destroy them. However, 
 I still hope we shall be able to subdue that refractory colony." But if 
 so, we ruin their prosperity and demand for our manufactures. Blockade 
 will have the same effect. " As the other assemblies have shown a 
 disposition to revolt, it may induce them to accede and form a con- 
 federacy. What will L d Botetourt do at Virginia? I fear he wants 
 the necessary knowledge; and takes the government to restore his dis- 
 ordered finances. What[ever] comes of this nomination, I am glad Sir Jeff 
 A[mherst] is removed. His excuse was beneath a soldier, and what- 
 ever were the conditions of acceptance, no man of honour would have 
 
 insisted on non-residence when his country was at stake 
 
 I hope your busy opponent will not be able to trouble you much more, 
 for the parliament will soon be considering the petitions, and whichever 
 way it turns, you will at least be relieved The Cum- 
 berland and Abingdon returns seem so scandalous to me that I am half 
 alarmed for the constitution." 
 
 1768, 12th Dec. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 A long argument on the leather trade and the exportation of corn. 
 " It is my firm opinion at present that all trade should be left free." 
 
 1769, 5th March. [Colchester] .—George Wegg to C. G. 
 
 Discusses local politics. " They who know his Majesty's immense 
 good nature and humanity can never wonder at the vast deficiency of the 
 Civil List. In the very first year of his reign everybody about him began 
 the plunder and would have stript him naked before this time had it 
 not been for Lord Talbot and some few other good economists. I am 
 glad to hear he is set clear at last, and shall be well contented to pay my 
 share towards it, let it be raised in what shape it may." 
 
 1770, 14th Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 "I cant help applauding honest Jemmy Round for his spirit and 
 goodwill to his Country in not suffering our Quarter Session to be 
 adjourned for want of a lawyer to preside, but took the chair himself 
 and got thro' the business very well." 
 
 1770, 20th Jan. Chester.— T. Falconer to C. G. 
 
 Renewed argument against the corn bounties. " I allow we might 
 export great quantities without prejudice in the war of 41 ; but from 41 
 to 51 there was the finest succession of harvests ever known in the 
 memory of man. Those extraordinary years are no precedent. . . . 
 As for inclosures may we not carry them too far ? I know that the 
 Staffordshire sheep (which are within inclosures) produce more wool, 
 but if we lose our forest fleeces we must lay aside our manufacture of 
 fine cloths, for the coarse Staffordshire wool is only fit for coarse cloths. 
 I know they are now going to inclose 2,000 acres on the forest of 
 Delamere, which will not hurt the produce of wool, but I cannot wish 
 the whole to be enclosed. That grand material is now very greatly 
 inhanced in value, whilst the workmens wages are still rising. We are 
 undersold in almost every market, and we cannot purchase Irish wool, 
 for the French can work it up so much cheaper, they can always outbid 
 us for the gross commodity 
 
 " No partizan of either side can be a judge of the state of the nation. 
 Your cool judgment will determine rationally. Between America, 
 Ireland, and our own dissensions 1 see no end to our troubles. 
 
304 
 
 Round MSS. " If you ever attend the Museum I should be glad if the reader's place- 
 
 is vacant or to be vacated." Recommends Mr. Forster, "of great merit 
 as a scholar, and a religious good man," who is translating books of 
 travels. 
 
 1770, 10th Feb. Chester— Same to Same. 
 
 Complains of disregard for religious considerations in public affairs 
 and public men. " If our prelates were more attentive to their duty 
 and less at Court, it would influence the clergy, and they would regard 
 the flock at least as much as the fleece. The Scotch clergy, I am in- 
 formed, are models to ours for residence and watchfulness. Not because 
 they are better men naturally, but because their stipends are nearly 
 equal ; they are all above want, but cannot have pluralities, and cannot 
 expect to be translated. If our Bishopricks were nearly of equal value, 
 it would answer the purpose here. But this reformation, which Hen. 
 8th might have effected when he changed our religion, is impracticable 
 in these times." 
 
 Discusses arguments of the Bostonians and their friends. "Are we 
 to admit all N tb America, with all its sects to an equal participation of 
 our government ? The thing itself is impracticable, and would be 
 ruinous to both, if it could be effected." 
 
 " Our party divisions are more violent than Whigs and Torie3, as- 
 being more personal and on less principle." ..... 
 
 1770, 4th April. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 Is grieved to hear that health of C. G. is suffering from strain of the 
 session. " As you regard all parties with an equal eye, you are not 
 liable to be fluttered at those changes which shake the frame of a w r armer 
 
 temper, that philanthropy which you so largely possess 
 
 must be deemed as wholesome to our bodies as our souls." 
 
 " What think you of the Russians and Turks ? Christian as I am, I 
 wish for the latter, on Montesquieu's maxim that they are the only 
 people who could possess such extensive and fertile territories and be 
 insignificant to the rest of Europe. The Russians have too much 
 already, and are advancing apace to have more. Their land forces are 
 
 to be 60,000 men, about 300 vessels France and 
 
 Spain will not see without pain a new power in the mediterranean." 
 
 • o . • . 
 
 1771. 1st June. Same to Same. 
 
 Describes country seats near Bath. 
 
 "Since my return, on looking into Dr. Stukeley's account of Rich d of 
 Cicester's MS., I find it so usefull I should be glad to know if the w T hole 
 of that Avork was ever published as it should be purchased by every 
 Antiquarian, and indeed those who deserve but half the name as myself 
 for instance." 1 . ... 
 
 " By the publick accounts I hope that Wilkes and Home will abuse 
 each other till they are both rendered contemptible even to the Mob." 
 
 1773, 1st July. Berlin.— [Sir] Robert Smith [Bart.] to C. G. 
 
 Denounces the feebleness of the Grafton ministry. May be going on 
 to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. Has come from Vienna amidst 
 signs of an abundant harvest, particularly in Bohemia and Saxony. The 
 late two years' scarcity there was partly artificial, the King of Prussia 
 
 1 Vide supra, p. 293, 
 
305 
 
 having bought up all the corn for his magazines, and re-sold it, as a K-ouhdMSS. 
 great favour, to the Saxons, a year later, when it began to grow musty 
 at six times the price he gave for it. He shines no less as a corn- 
 factor than as a hero. He is at present a little out of order and is 
 retired to Potsdam to drink the waters. 
 
 Places everything at Berechurch at C. G.'s disposal. 
 
 1774, 20th May. St. James's Sq.— Lord Hardwicke to C. G. 
 
 . , . , . . We shall (I doubt) be troublesome to Parliament 
 again next session ab[ou]t the Museum, as they have refused to let us 
 raise money by a tax on the tickets for seeing it." 
 
 1774, 3rd Sept. Chester.-— T. Falconer to C. G. 
 
 " In the spring I visited Oxford for about 3 weeks. 
 
 I was glad to find Dr. Kennicott proceding so fast with his great work." 
 Describes his own labours [on Strabo]. " My observations swell to a 
 bulk I little expected or desired." ...... "Warton's account of 
 
 English poetry is entertaining in many parts ; but his extracts before 
 the time of Chaucer were so uncouth that I would as soon attempt the 
 Chinese 
 
 " I have lately been a fortnight at L d Clives to see my friend 
 Mr. Strachey ...... His Lp has a very sound and clear 
 
 head with an intrepid resolution, which he proved in many remarkable 
 instances in his last expedition to India. He gave me a map of our 
 possessions on 4 sheets of paper. They are but imperfect charts, though 
 probably very exact. Gov r Verelst took a much better, which has not 
 yet been published. It surprized me to find the coast close to the 
 mouth of Hughly river totally unknown." 
 
 "You have been very unjustly abused (you, I mean, who voted with 
 the Minister) about the Quebec bill. To force a French government 
 upon the Canadians would have been tyranny ; but to suspend the 
 introduction of English laws till they are prepared to wish for them is 
 certainly the greatest lenity. The Marq. of M ontcalm predicted that if 
 ever we got Canada (which he did not live to see) we should lose it again 
 by forcing our own laws and government on the French inhabitants. 
 This appears by an intercepted letter. He judged rightly of the bulk 
 
 of the nation, as we find by the popular clamour These 
 
 [American] disputes exasperate our ill humours at home, and as there 
 is peace in Europe at present, the Kg. of Spain may be worked upon to 
 resent our bickerings in the West Indies, which Rodney does all in his 
 power to promote. Had we a quiet and moderate Commander on that 
 station, all would be well " 
 
 [ST. D.] George Wegg to C. G. 
 
 " We took a peep en passant at Admiral Rowley's Chinese Temple. A 
 very pretty elegant room it is, and if the two statues which are placed in 
 nitches on one side and the bustes which adorn the other side of the room 
 had been in the same stile with the building in figure and drapery, they 
 would have pleased me more." The late Lord Bristol's house at Bury 
 has now " the dining room fitted up in the modern tast with carving 
 running up the sides of a bow window, from the foliage a great number of 
 small brackets are projected to receive many curious pieces of china 
 ware, the room is ab 1 40 by 20 and has a fret work arched ceiling which 
 Strikes the eye very agreably." .... 
 
Roitnd MSS, 
 
 306 
 
 1775, 6 th May. Bath.— T. Falconer to C. G. 
 
 "The late accounts of America have been so 
 
 partially given that one cannot depend much on either side. The true 
 state of the case is seldome to be found in a newspaper, tho' of late they 
 have condescended to admit papers against the rebellious Bostonians. 
 
 You have kept in Ld. North longer than I expected. 
 
 His abilities must be very great to manage so large a body as the 
 corrupt part of the House of Commons, and yet merit the regard and 
 assistance of you independent Members. Your Bill for issuing writs and 
 Mr. Grenville's have done great service in these times, but I should 
 be glad to know what was the purport of young Mr. Grenville's 
 motion. It seemed to be an extension of your Act to all cases. You 
 forbore extending it for fear of the ministers taking advantage of it 
 during the recess of Pari* by inducing Members to vacate their seats. 
 Mr. Gr[enville's] motion in this case would seem to favour the Ministry, 
 
 yet L d North opposed it ; at least it was not carried 
 
 The town of Colchester had the best reasons to persist in its former 
 choice, and your declining the first offer was a happy circumstance to 
 make their selection of you more honourable than any preceding one. 
 
 " The D. and D ss of Cumberland are here. The D ss of Grafton sate 
 near her at a ball, but took no notice of her. This I suppose is the 
 etiquette of the Court, but it seems hard that a Peers daughter 
 married to a Kings brother should be unnoticed by a Baronets daughter 
 married to a Duke. They behave very well here, and I hope in time 
 that his Majesty will be reconciled. 
 
 " I lately came from Oxford where I stayed 5 weeks, fully engaged 
 most of the time in examining authors and collecting materials for a 
 future publication [Strabo]. TheBP of Chester and D r Bagot have now 
 so completely hampered me with writing notes on Strabo, that I cannot 
 for a long time to come release myself However, my confinement is 
 made more easy (contrary to other imprisonments) by not being limited 
 in time. The Escurial and the Royal Library at Paris have been 
 consulted, and I fancy those at Milan and Venice must be ransacked." 
 Further details as to his scheme. 
 
 1775, 3rd June. Bath. — Same to Same. 
 
 Comments on affair at [Lexington]. It is bad enough to suppose 
 there has been an action, before the additional troops could arrive. I 
 hope the commanding officer did not exceed his orders. Their intention 
 seems to have been to attack Genl. Gage before the rest could come 
 
 up The patriotick party must, I think, divide on this 
 
 point, the Rockingham faction cannot be so depraved as the Wilkeites, 
 who seem to rejoice in the idea of our losing half the British Empire. 
 They will probably join with the Ministry in part, tho' they cannot repair 
 the mischief they have done. The promotion of my old friend Beaumont 
 
 Hotham has surprized many, but none more than himself 
 
 Administration has thus lost one member of the opposition, and gained a 
 
 friend in Morton . L d North has much on his hands and 
 
 his praise or blame will depend on the success of our arms 
 
 and if the land tax must be raised, you will have all the country gentle- 
 men warm advocates for peace on any terms I read 
 
 Burgoyne's speech with great pleasure, but should be afraid to send a 
 desperate gamester to play so difficult a game. It is well he is not 
 Commander-in-chief. Men of broken fortunes generally lose every 
 
307 
 
 good principle, and notwithstanding his abilities, he was never much Round mss. 
 
 respected as a man, tho' esteemed as an officer 
 
 Mr. Mason of Cambridge has invited me to his house to look over Mr. 
 Gray's papers [on Strabo] but my health is too precarious." .... 
 
 1775, 9' h August. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 Is at work on Strabo so far as his health permits 
 
 The last action [Bunker Hill] was a compleat but a bloody Victory, 
 on our side. The best account I have seen of it was written by a lady 
 at Boston to another lady at this place. How far the Bostonians can 
 justify taking aim at Officers with rifled muskets, I am not a military 
 jurisprudent enough to determine. It seems to be contrary to justice, 
 and will not intimidate us I hope. The Bostonians have all the 
 barbarity which false zeal can inspire, mixed with the low cunning of a 
 poor commercial people. Their love of Liberty, their aversion to our 
 Government, their population and internal strength, are all described 
 and almost prophetically in Ulloas voyages. Whoever doubts their 
 views may consult that chapter. I had few acquaintance in the engage- 
 ment : one of them is wounded but not dangerously. This was Major 
 Butler, the most intimate acquaintance of that heterogeneous substance 
 called G 1 Lee who has been fomenting disturbances on the other side. 
 This man would be dangerous could he agree with any one party, but 
 he cannot submit long to any superiour, and consequently is at present 
 rejected. They might act as they pleased in America if we were united 
 at home, but the American party with Arthur Lee as a writer, have got 
 possession of the newspapers. This Lee was bred up to Physick, then 
 turned Lawyer, and now finishes as a rebel. He is probably the chief 
 Incendiary of Virginia, and he on this side the Atlantick. Busy spirits 
 
 will ever have play in troublesome times the times 
 
 assist the Americans. Had we patience but a little, the Congress would 
 quarrel, and every separate Province come to moderate terms. They are 
 united by our divisions, for I cannot see any marks of determined 
 courage in any of their exertions. L d Fred Cavendish is going to this 
 service. Tf he acts consistently he should turn to their side ; for that 
 family has been the best friends to Faction of every kind, and the most 
 
 furious enemies to civil order." Discusses Dr. 
 
 Chandler's travels in Asia Minor "I have heard 
 
 nothing this long time of Dr. Gower. I fear his health is an obstacle to 
 his progress in the Antiquities of Cheshire. The reception he met here 
 was not the most flattering, as few value County Antiquities very highly, 
 and many feared he would not live to compleat it. The rage of a few 
 Antiquarians in London deceived him, who being rich enough to indulge 
 an innocent folly, and finding a guide in Horace Walpole, to mislead 
 them from true knowledge, have run wild after anecdotes which 
 illustrate no one branch of usef ull History." 
 
 1775, 15th Nov. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 " The D. of Richmond has been doing all the mischief 
 
 he can, but his powers are small. The examination of Pen was of little 
 consequence, but it proves that the Pensylvanians reject their charter 
 
 whenever they like and admit it where it is advantagious 
 
 Our difficulties are not to be surmounted by an appeal to Charters. 
 The sword must decide." Discusses aims and difficulties of the rebels. 
 " The Irish may possibly assist the Americans clandestinely, having 
 many vain fears about taxation, which their readiness to give renders 
 unnecessary. The Quebec act too has raised an alarm in a people who 
 E 77960. X 
 
308 
 
 Rocxd MSS. d re ad Popery. The Papists in England are not so considerable a body 
 as to raise apprehensions, but in the County of Meath next to Dublin, 
 they were found on a late enquiry to be nearly 30 to one. Their fears 
 I believe are groundless, but one cannot much wonder at their reraem- 
 bring the Irish massacre. The Scotch are all for us, tho' the Glasgow 
 trade must suffer very considerably during the suspension of Virginian 
 commerce ; which in its consequences affects greatly the town of Kendal. 
 The D[uke] of Gr[rafton] I see has influenced the Univ : of Cambridge. 
 Thus even the learned bodies turn with their Chancellor, just as 
 versatile as a borough town 
 
 1775, 27th Dec, Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 " The capture of St. Johns is an ugly stroke, as it 
 
 shews a defection in the Canadians. I was in great hopes the difference 
 of Religion, together with our late indulgence would have retained them 
 in their duty. Have not the higher ranks insulted tyranically over 
 their inferiors, as they do in old France ? If they have, I am not 
 surprised at the revolt, for I am satisfied the lower people in France 
 would revolt against their Masters if they durst. This success too may 
 lead to the conquest of Montreal, and so supply them with cloaths and 
 ammunition, and by these means keep a Congress united which is ready to 
 fall to pieces. We are now fighting not for glory, but security, yet as 
 we are tolerably united at home, and the majority is so great in the 
 House, I doubt very little of our success. Gen 1 Howe will surely take 
 more care of the Artillery, for we owe our misfortunes in the two 
 engagements of Lexington and Bunker's Hill, to remissness, if not to 
 
 treachery, in that department " Describes his work 
 
 on Strabo. " Forster who sailed round the world with Capt n Cooke 
 will assist me in respect to .ZEgypt • for as he is well versed in the antient 
 Coptic, he has formed many ingenious conjectures on the Geography of 
 these parts." Is in treaty with Mr. Mason for a Mr. Gray's MSS. [on 
 Strabo]. They are of little or no value, The Bishop of Chester is to 
 advise him. " The Bishop of Lichfield and Mr. Mason may be 
 formidable enemies should I neglect them " 
 
 " I hope the influenza has not been bad at Colchester.'' 
 
 1776, 13th April. Chester. — Same to Same. 
 
 " I have just been reading a collection of papers 
 
 printed at Boston. The first part contains remonstrances to the people 
 by Massaehusettensis. These are a manly series of addresses to their 
 
 reason They begin in Dec r 1774 and end in April 
 
 1775. The latter part consists of Sagittarius letters, which are very severe 
 invectives against the Boston faction with a history of their Government 
 persecutions and falsehood which makes one shudder at their tyranny and 
 hypocrisy." Fears for Virginia, but has hopes of New York .... 
 <; We are very unfortunate, but the mischief was prepared by ourselves 
 when Wolfe climbed the heights of Quebeck. The Dutch politicians 
 were very sensible of our mistake and expressed their wonder to a friend 
 of mine that our leaders could seriously rejoice at such an event. Had 
 Canada been still a French Colony, our Patriots in old England could 
 not have stirred up the flame in the new " 
 
 " What are you to do with your D ss of Kingston at Westm 1 ' Hall. 
 I wish the young ladies at Bloomsbury may get seats, for the raree 
 show will entertain them, and it is no more. She will be viewed without 
 pity by a numerous assembly, which is not the case in general with such 
 trials • 
 
309 
 
 1776, 22nd May. Ch : Ch : — Same to Same. Round MSS. 
 
 " My most intimate friend Mr. Strachey is by L d 
 
 Howe's own choice made Secretary to the Commission. The employ- 
 ment was nnsollicited and the choice does honour to both parties . . . 
 Our friend Dr. Kennicott is now in London about to present his first 
 Vol. to the King. It is a noble work, and I heartily wish he may live 
 
 to finish it Gibbons decline of the Roman Empire is 
 
 a very ingenious work His two last chapters against 
 
 Christianity are I dare say little more than compilations from various 
 authors, for he can hardly have consulted so many as he mentions. If 
 it was enquired into I strongly suspect he has filched a large portion 
 from old Dodwell's whimsical dissertation cle paucitate martyrum . . 
 . . . . Our Bp of Chester (an excellent military historian) is very 
 angry with him about his account of a legion, but being less versed in 
 the minutias of Roman history, I do not know where the error lies," Is 
 pursuing his work on Strabo. 
 
 1780, 10th March. Oxford.— D[aniel] Adey to 
 
 " Upon looking back on our public affairs I see 
 
 visible marks of Providence ; Destaings Navy dissipated by storms, An 
 Epidemical Distemper in the French Ships, which had our Admiral attacked 
 & taken at Plymouth, might have brought a plague among us. So many 
 sailors there were flung into the sea., as made the Inhabitants eat no 
 Fish for a month. Add to these events, the safe arrival of our East and 
 West India merchant ships, the captures of some rich vessels, & the late 
 successes of Parker, Rowley, Rodney & Digby, we ought to look on 
 them as the works of more than man. An end might soon be expected 
 of our present distresses, could we but be united among ourselves " 
 
 Mr. Gray's Parliamentary Note-book. 
 
 1747. On the petition of the Deputy Bailiff of Milburn Port 17 
 Nov. 1747 complaining that the capital Bayliff had returned Harvey 
 and French, whereas he had duly returned Churchill and Medlicot ; 
 and on Harvey's petition that the Deputy " was a labourer and no 
 proper person," and on the merits besides ; " it was ordered that the 
 petition relating to the return only should be first heard, and the Speaker 
 said that when this was determined, the merits may be heard on a petition 
 against the sitting members who shall be adjudged duly returned, this case 
 differing from a double return upon the merits of 4 persons by the same 
 officer. Wherefore when the petition on the merits comes to be heard, 
 it shall not have precedence to be heard before others as a double return. 
 He also cited the Journals in 1695 where 'tis ordered that when a double 
 return is heard and Judgement given on it the parties not then sitting- 
 may petition in 14 days upon the merits." 
 
 " The affidavit macle by Mr. Medlicot in an Information in the King's 
 Bench some years ago relating to the Constitution of this Corporation was 
 read (as a Declaration from him under his own hand) and therefore 
 received as Evidence against him ; but an Affidavit made by a 3 rd 
 person at the same time was not admitted, as it would not have been in 
 any Court of Justice. 
 
 The resolution of the house was that the Subbayliffs are the returning 
 officers." 
 
 1747. (i In the double return of Sir Ed. Turner and others for Great 
 Bedwin, a copy of the Original Poll signed by the Portreeve was authen- 
 ticated tho' he had never cast it up, never declared the numbers, nor kept 
 
 x 2 
 
310 
 
 RoundMSS. t j ie p ^ j n ] 1 j s p OS ^ession. He made tliis return by agreement of the 
 Candidate-:, contrary to the Resolution in the case of Dorsetshire in 1679. 
 
 a A motion was made pending the above petition that the Council should 
 be called in and ordered to proceed. It was moved to add to this 
 motion the words On the matter of the petition in the 1 st place, but 
 carried in the negative 189 to 100. Then it was moved to add these words 
 * upon the poll signed by the portreeve ' and the Speaker said this last 
 motion was regular. . . . 
 
 " If an Election comes on in the Comittee on the 1 st of Dec. and Iff 
 not determined that day, but adjourned to the next, — tho' others are 
 appointed on the 2 nd , 3 rd , etc. — they must all be postponed till the 1 st is 
 gone through. If before the house at the bar, 'tis the same, tho' some- 
 times the 1 st has begun on the 1 st Dec 1 " and adjourned to the 5 th . Another 
 which was appointed on the 2 nd or 3 rd has intervened tho' very rarely. As 
 Weobly was appointed on the 8 th Dec. 1747, it was moved on behalf of 
 Lord Percival that Weobly might come on that day asManselthe sitting 
 member had agreed to decline and give it up and it would not take up 
 ^ an hour to determine, therefore Great Bedwin which was not finished 
 on the 7 th might be adjourned to the 8 th , and Weobly being finished, then 
 to go on. But the Speaker would not let two intervene on one day upon 
 any account, and it was agreed to go on with Bedwin on the 8 th , 
 adjourning it to the 10 th , and let Weobly come on on the 9 th . . . . 
 
 1747, 9th Dec. " In the petition of Droitwich it appeared by the last 
 resolution in 1690 that the proprietors of the salt springs (being burgesses) \ 
 were the electors, 4 Gentlemen were so, but could not produce the Deeds, 
 tho' they proved where they were and that they had demanded them. . . 
 Upon this Mr. Foley jun r . lost his place to Mr. Sandys." 
 
 1748. At Westbury Election the Mayor had admitted 18 men to poll, 
 but an hour after the poll was closed, he ordered the Clerk to write 
 " dissallowed " against their votes. His objection was that they had not 
 been resident 40 days (Mr. Methuen's case 18 Jan. 1747-8). 
 
 The question of bribery was raised, and confession of receiving bribes 
 held sufficient " to set aside those votes (but not others that they also 
 spoke of) and yet a Voter can't be admitted to give evidence that he 
 himself was bribed." 
 
 "The Council for the sitting members 18 Feb. 1747 (1748) offered 
 to produce Mrs. Hilyard the Mayor's wife, to prove that Mr. Townsend 
 one of the petitioners had a little before the election offered her 500/. 
 if she would influence her husband to be for him. The Comittee, 
 on the division 30 agt 24, would not suffer her to be examined, 
 though it was urged and insisted on that she was a good witness, her 
 husbands interest not being affected by the question." 
 
 1748, 19 Jan. [1747-8]. Wareham. "A Resolution was made to 
 establish a Custom that no freeholders should vote in the Borough but 
 such as had been bona fine in possession for a year before the E lection 
 the resolution was framed (and the usage set up) in the very words of the 
 act ag 1 splitting freeholds in the 8 Ed. 3 rd , and tho' it was objected that 
 the exception of Devises and benefices (as in the Act) showed that this 
 could not be a prescription case (Devises having bfgun by vertue of the 
 Stat, of H. 8, and benefices by the agreement between L d Clarendon 
 and AichbP Sheldon) and altho' it was urged that an usage must 
 be proved by facts and not bare tradition (which was the case here) 
 yet the resolution went 204 ag 1 95. 
 
 H. Campbel took notice that in a Borough by prescription every 
 Inhabitant paying scot & lot has a right to vote (as was agreed in 
 
311 
 
 partem* when S r Robert Cotton and Mr. Selden were sitting) but if RoundMSS. 
 Freeholders have a rote there, it must be by particular usage and not of 
 common right." 
 
 1748 [1747-8], 26 Jan. "Many rumors having been propagated 
 in the public papers that an Embargo would be laid on corn, or a prohibi- 
 tion by parliam 4 , Mr. Walpole said he hoped if any Gentleman in- 
 tended to bring in such a bill, he would do it, that the sense of the house 
 might be taken and the farmers freed from their state of uncertainty. L d 
 Strange upon this said something ought to be done now, and that he 
 would move to bring in such a bill in order to his own giving a negative 
 to it. When this was done and seconded by Mr. W[alpole], the 
 Speaker said it would be a dangerous precedent and an innovation. 
 Upon which S r W. Yonge moved for the resolution that exportation of 
 corn was beneficial and ought not at this time to be prohibited. 
 ff [An Embargo from the crown is held to be illegal, for by Magna 
 Charta, the Mercli* is not to be prohibited but publico and publice 
 in the construction of Lord Coke is meant to be by Act of parliam* and 
 not otherwise.] 
 
 • 1748. On the Insurance bill 3rd Feb. 1747 [17 48]. It was moved 
 that the French Merch ts residing here might be excepted because S r D. 
 Ryder the Att. Gen 1 said they were Alien Enemies and could not bring 
 Actions, but the Sol r Mr. Murray s d otherwise and Mr. Fazakerly cited 
 a great Case in the law where the French Refugees in K. W ms time 
 were adjudged capable, the King's proclamation at the breaking out of 
 the War putting them under the public protection and entituling them 
 to be treated as Alien friends. 
 
 1748 [1747-8], 2nd Feb. Chester Election. (History of constituency 
 recited.) " The Council for the petitioners stated the right of election 
 to be in the freeman by birth and service resident in the city. Those for 
 Mr. Warburton in the freemen at large. 
 
 " A Witness who was a Freeman by service, but living in London, 
 was objected to as being interested in rejecting honorary freemen, and 
 the objection was strongly supported by Mr. Fazakerly ani Mr. 
 Wilbraham. S r R. Lloyd and Mr. Smith argued ag* it and were for 
 extending the law of evidence which Mr. F. said was not a dispensible 
 thing but a part of the common law of the land; but upon a Division 
 it was carried to have the witness examined. 
 
 " A Resolution afterwards passed that none had a right to vote but 
 freemen comorant within the city and liberties, tho' there was the fullest 
 evidence that the freemen at large had voted in every Election that could 
 be remembered 
 
 1748. On the Worcester petition 11th Feb. 1747 [1748] .... 
 In the Year 1634 it appeared on the books that two persons were admitted 
 to their freedom per redemptionem or purchase. In the year 1639 Lord 
 Windsor was admitted an honorary freeman, and ever since that time 
 honorary freeman and those by purchase had been constantly admitted, 
 and in 1746 they made 100 free. Lord Windsor promised upon his 
 honor not to claim the exemption of toll but to pay like a foreigner. Not 
 the least evidence that any honorary freeman's vote had ever been 
 objected to. Mr. Fazakerly and Mr. Wilbraham urged that a bor. by 
 prescription of common right may make as many free as they think fit ; 
 that these honorary freemen are in possession of their franchise, and 
 cannot legally be ousted, unless some resolution of the house, or some 
 law, usage, or custom can be proved to restrain or take away that 
 common ri°rht. Sir D. Bootle maintained the same to be law and that 
 
312 
 
 Bound mss. the house, in their judicial capacity, could not alter it, but that if the 
 power has been abused the legislature may by a bill restrain such abuses 
 for the future. The house, notwithstanding, set aside the right of the 
 honorary freemen 138 to 77 
 
 [1748]. In the Westbury petition (repeats the story of a bribe 
 offered to the Mayor's wife) the Committee's refusal to examine her was 
 
 certainly illegal, and so the Speaker said (in private) He 
 
 also said that the Courts below have of late discouraged such objections ; 
 but nothing would avail, and Mr. Methuen lost his seat to Mr. 
 Townsend. 
 
 [Notes on the practice and customs of the House.] 
 
 1749 [1748-9], 26 Jan. Of the 12 judges ordered to give their 
 opinions (with their reasons) on a proposed Commission of appeal from 
 the Admiral in prize matters, six (Legge, Clive, Clarke, Burnet, Parker, 
 and Lee) argued that it was legal, and six (Birch, Fester, Denison, 
 Abury, Wright, and Willes) that it was not (a summary of the 
 arguments is given). 
 
 1749 [1748-9], 1 Feb. Aberdeen election petition. Summary of the 
 case. The speaker was saying next morning that a Sheriff in England 
 can't be chose for his own county nor any borough in it, because he 
 can't return himself. Nor can a member be appointed a Sheriff of any 
 County without his consent, but he may accept the office if he pleases. 
 In K. W ms time one Jennings was appointed Sheriff of Yorkshire at 
 that time the place being worth 500/. a year. The other side, who did 
 not care he should have it, complained of this as a breach of privelege. 
 
 [" Upon a motion for a writ to chuse a new member the No's must go 
 out because it is a writ of right, and therefore where a Majority is 
 disinclined to it, as once happened with regard to a very corrupt 
 borough, it was an artful thing to move it in a morning when a great 
 debate was expected, because the No's would not go out for fear of 
 losing their places in the house."] 
 
 Division of a complicated question must be insisted on beforehand. 
 " This was insisted upon as Order by the Speaker upon Lord Egmont's 
 offering a clause in the mutiny bill for prevention of 2 nd trials, and 
 revision of sentences in Court martials. 
 
 22 Feb. 1748-9. The Speaker next morning confirmed his opinion 
 (opposed by the Courtiers overnight) by the instance in Ashby and 
 White's case. 
 
 " In the report of the same bill the Oath of Secrecy to be taken in a 
 Court Martial was strongly opposed as it had been in the Committee 
 and upon the question whether the words ' unless required by a Court of 
 Justice having Jurisdiction or by either house of Parliam* ' should be 
 added to the Oath, I mentioned that a murder might happen upon a 
 sudden quarrel in such a Court, which must be tried by a Judge, and the 
 Oath must be to tell the whole truth, and consequently an absurdity 
 would follow. S r Francis Dashwood, Mr. Fazakerly and Mr. Nugent 
 called for an answer to this; but received none except a very slight one 
 from Col. Conway which was instantly refuted by Mr. Nugent. The 
 question was carried ag* us 151 to 124." 
 
 1750 [1749-50], 15 Jan. " S r James Lowther moved that the house 
 might be called over pursuant to the order of the day. It was called and 
 above 180 absent. He then moved that the names of the Absentees might 
 be called over that day fortnight, and then reasonable excuses might 
 be received. Others were for having their names - read now. He 
 
313 
 
 replied that if so, it would take many hours to hear and debate upon the Round MSS. 
 excuses and that the names of the absentees must in this case appear upon 
 the votes. The speaker, said it might be done either way, and S r J' s 
 motion was agreed to. 
 
 " 29 Jan. The house divided upon a North'tonshire turnpike bill. 
 When the tellers had told the house within, some members said they saw 
 two in the gallery who went into the Speaker's private chamber. Upon 
 sending thither, 6 were there. The speaker said that if anyone was 
 in the gallery he must be told, but as to those in the private room they 
 must come out, and might then ehuse whether they would go forth or 
 stay in the house." 
 
 1750. [1749-50] 2 Feb. A bill for a flesh market in Westminster 
 decided by the Speaker not to be private "because people from all parts 
 were concerned in it." 
 
 1751. [1750-1] Feb. The house, last session, had sent for the 
 High Bailiff of Westminster, and commanded him not to protract 
 elections, as he was accused of doing, and " to give an account of it, if 
 he was obstructed. After the petition presented, he was called upon to 
 name who had obstructed him. He named Mr. Crowle, Mr. Murray, 
 and one Gibson. The Speaker, being applied to, said this was irregular, 
 as we had retained the original cause : but it was carried to go on with 
 the enquiry. Mr. Crowle was reprimanded on his knees. Gibson was sent 
 to Newgate, and Mr. Murray ordered to be committed close prisoner there, 
 without the use of pen ink and paper, and no body to come to him but by 
 leave of the Speaker. He was also ordered to receive his sentence on 
 his knees, which he refused. This was an unprecedented severity, and he 
 being sent to Newgate a Committee was appointed to search what was 
 to be done. 
 
 The offensive words were spoken last May, not reduced to writing, 
 proved with some variations, and as far as negative evidence could go 
 disproved by Lord Carpenter, Mr. Gascoigne and S r John Tyrrel. S r 
 John Cotton urged ag* the credit to be given to them the rule of the house 
 that, in case any offensive words be spoken there, they must be taken 
 down instantly before any one other member speaks or not at all. The 
 1 st division on " voting the crime was 210 ag* 74." 
 
 1751, April. " In the case of Gen 1 Austruther it was urged by Mr. W. 
 Pitt that the house should not exercise the executive power, and that if the 
 Act of Grace had not been a bar, he should have been against calling in the 
 Witnesses. Mr. Fazakerly replied that the house has an undoubted right 
 of enquiry in all cases and consequently should and ought to examine. If 
 we cannot enquire, how can we impeach, or how, upon the result, direct a 
 prosecution into the proper channel. In this case indeed there is no other 
 channel nor any other remedy for K. W ms Act goes only to Governors 
 of Plantations, so that this was the only course if the Act of Grace had 
 not been in the way." 
 
 1751, 5th Dec. " On the report of the Committee for the land-tax 
 at 3 s . in the pound. Mr. Sydenham said that a part of S r John Vanbrugh's 
 epitaph might serve for the gravestones of the Minister, viz : 
 ' Lie heavy on him earth, for he 
 Laid many a heavy load on thee.' 
 
 1752, Jany. " In the debate upon granting a subsidy of 32,000/. a year 
 for 4 years to the Elector of Saxony .... Mr. Horace Walpole 
 who opposed the treaty, but voted for it (that he might not leave the old 
 corps and begin a new opposition) said among other things that Holland 
 
314 
 
 round MSS. was no more, the province of Holland only being at this time 60 
 millions sterling in debt and forced to borrow new principal to pay 
 interest with. 
 
 " Mr. Legg took notice of the vast resources the Queen of Hungary 
 has ; but that Prussia is not so formidable as represented, because one 
 great blow there w T ould be irrecoverable 
 
 " Mr. Pelham, in opening the affair, declared his assured trust that 
 the Election of the K. of the Romans would be before our next meeting. 
 
 " Mr. Tracy said in the debate for the Address ag fc Subsidies that the 
 old Corps was disbanded, and that now we consisted of national troops, 
 mercenaries and auxiliaries. 
 
 "The division on the 1st day was 236 ag* 54. Hor. Walpole told 
 W. Harvey that the division was 54 ag 1 the treaty and 36 for it, and 200 
 Connivcrs of which he was one." 
 
 1752, 25 Feb. " On a motion for reading Mrs. Pusey's bill a 2 nd 
 time, which came from the Lords, and had a clause in it that an Annuity 
 settled in lieu of tithes should be paid clear of all taxes to be charged 
 by this or any future parliament, the Speaker was in a very laudable 
 wroth (sic) and got a negative nem : con : to the question ; and then 
 proposed a question thai the bill be rejected, which also passing nem. 
 con., he ordered the bill to be thrown over the table. 
 
 " [Many like bills had passed before without this observation which 
 does not seem entirely well founded.]" 
 
 1752, March. Note on the reduction of the number of the S. Sea 
 Co. directors. 
 
 1753. " On the Turkey Company affair Council were heard on the part 
 of the company, but the Merch ts of the Outports were heard by Mr. 
 Hardman and another of their own body, it being a distinction paid to 
 Merchants (but to no others) for it to be so. 
 
 " Before a Committee to state facts to the house and not their opinion, 
 Council cannot be admitted. 
 
 "When the Crown would grant a reversionary interest in lands, the 
 bill must begin in the house of Commons, because what falls short in the 
 estate of y e Crown must be supplied by the Commons. 
 
 "Lord Ashburnham passed such a bill in Ap. 1753, in the house of 
 Lords, and it being sent down the Speaker stop't it; but the privilege 
 being acknowledged, and it being represented that the family would suffer 
 if the bill did not pass .... this method was taken. The bill was 
 ordered to be laid aside and a new bill to be brought in to the same 
 purport, the former bill supplying the place of a petition. This was 
 supported by a precedent in the year 1661. 
 
 " Where Advowsons or right of Common only are concerned, the bill 
 may begin in the other house. 
 
 "... against some bills where duties are granted petitions are 
 taken, upon a supposition that those bills are to be considered as regula- 
 tions of trade. A petition was thus read in May 1753 ag* the bill for 
 inforcing the laws against the fraudulent importation of Cambrics." 
 
 1753. " In the debate 14 May 1753 whether the marriage bill should 
 be committed or not, Mr. Nugent . . . said : * Will you confine 
 the great people to marry merely among one another and prevent them 
 from getting a little wholesome blood which they so much want ? Will 
 you marry disease to distemper.' * . ." 
 
 1753, 12 Dec. Note of the Speaker's decision that "when anything 
 is ordered to be laid on the table, it is absolutely disposed of for that day ; 
 and nothing else can then be done upon it." 
 
315 
 
 "By the King's express command any of his officers may lay an round MSS. 
 estimate before the house, but otherwise no estimate must be presented 
 without a previous motion for leave to do it." 
 
 [Note of Dr. Ward's " motto " for the seal of the British Museum, of 
 which Mr. Gray was a trustee.] 
 
 Note that double returns must be not first heard but " first disposed 
 of" by the Committee. 
 
 1762, 2nd March. Bridport election petition. Resolution of 1628 
 had decided right of election to be in the Bailiffs and Commonalty. 
 Haldane, the petitioner, alleged that the Commonalty " meant all house- 
 holders who boiled a pot;" and on the other side that it meant "all 
 householders who paid scott & lott," the former contention was proved 
 by invariable usage to this day. The latter was supported by showing 
 that in 1727, the Bayliffs admitted all the former to poll, but afterwards 
 finding that Mr. Pelham had the majority of scott and lott, they sent for 
 the poor rate, and seeing it was so returned him and not Mr. Pittfield 
 who had most voices on the poll : that the Inhabitants petitioned upon 
 this point, and afterwards withdrew the petition, which was now 
 construed as a giving up their right, tho' they have exercised it ever 
 since. 
 
 " The right was now voted for Scoit and Lott. In Seaforth [Seaford] 
 election a little before, the word populace was construed in like 
 manner." 
 
 1762. Note on the D. of Bedford's Tavistock bill being " laid aside" 
 in the Commons " as the gentlest way of rejecting it." 
 
 Note on the game laws. " A bill having been brought in to restrain any 
 person whomsoever from killing certain species of Game at improper 
 seasons, Mr. Gascoyne upon the report of the bill, 29 March 1762, brought 
 in a clause that if any person should sport upon any manor after notice 
 from the Lord not to come upon it, such person should be liable to 
 an action of trespass with Costs to the Lord of the Manor. I opposed 
 this clause as brought in on the report and consequently not passing 
 through usual consideration, as inconveniences would follow fre- 
 quently by great men oppressing little ones, and sometimes littie ones 
 incommoding the great, as the same offence might be punished by two 
 several actions, one at the suit of the Lord, and the other at the suit of 
 a land-holder within the Manor. . . . The house came into these 
 objections and the clause was thrown out on a Division 46 ag* 32." 
 
 [Note on presentation of election petitions.] 
 
 1763. " In the resolution that Mr. Wilkes's libel tended to stir up 
 traitorous insurrections, Mr. Pitt objected to the word * traitorous ;' but 
 was answered by the Lawyer that stirring up the people to oppose the 
 Execution of a Law (the Cyder Act for example) was Treason : and so 
 it was lately adjudged ag* the people in Northumberland who rose and 
 opposed the Execution of the Militia Act." .... 
 
 1766, 3 March. "On Mr. Wedderburn's proposing to bring up a 
 clause on the 3 rd reading of the bill for declaring the right of the British 
 legislature over the colonies, which clause was for making it a praemunire 
 ag* any one who should write or publish to the contrary, this clause was 
 rejected. The 1 st of Queen Mary was cited, which took away the 
 praemunires established in the Reign of H. 8. The Act of Succession in 
 5 & 6 Q. Anne was cited in support of it, but to this last Mr. Calvert 
 objected, calling it an iniquitous act, because by the original Act of 
 Succession no place-men were to sit in the House of Commons, and the 
 privy Council were to sign their names, and the books produceable before 
 
316 
 
 Koixd MSS. parliament, which last provisions were left out. Lord Coke was also 
 cited, who says an Act of parliam* ag* common justice or common right 
 is void.'' 
 
 1767, 22 May. " The Acts of the American Assemblies are sent to the 
 K& and Council who vacate them if they think fit ; but till such avoidance 
 they hold in force in ths Colonies. Their blending a clause of general 
 pardon in one of their late Acts was looked upon here as void ab initio 
 being contrary to the Laws of this Land : for here an Act of Grace can't 
 so much as be moved for in either house, but comes by message from 
 
 the King and the Act does not go through the usual forms 
 
 It was moved that the opinion of the Judges might be taken and a 
 negative by the Ministry 66 ag* 52, whereof the I), of Newcastle] was 
 not one but spoke on this side." 
 
 1767, 27 Nov. " Mr. Grenvile brought a Complaint of a libel 
 printed in N. America as a matter of privilege, it containing reflections 
 on the parliament^ and insisted that the house must receive the printed 
 paper at the table without a Question. There had been but one pre- 
 cedent to the contrary, and that was in 1692, so not to break the Rule, 
 the debate was adjourned for six months, and the paper was by that 
 means not received 
 
 1768, Jan. Complaint of breach of privilege by Mr. Luttrell 
 against Mr. Adderly for fishing in a river which Mr. L. claimed as his 
 sole property. The Committee were unanimous in opinion that the com- 
 plaint was groundless, but refused costs. But the matter was agreed. 
 
 1768. [Preston Election petition], 29 Nov. Sir H. Hoghton and 
 Col. Burgoyne ag* Sir P. Leicester and Sir Frank Standish. Last 
 resolution, in 1661, had declared right of voting to be in all the 
 inhabitants, but in practice it was limited to freeburgesses entered on 
 the court roll. The House would not accept evidence as to practice, 
 
 the last Resolution alone being, by statute, valid 183 against 
 
 113. 
 
 1769. Wilkes' case. 
 
 1770. 6 Dec. Serjeant Glyn's motion for a committee to enquire 
 into the administration of criminal justice was seconded by Mr. Oliver 
 a London Alderman "and by him openly declared to be pointed at Lord 
 Mansfield in the matter of Libels." [Long dissertation on the law of 
 libel.] . . . . "In the present time [writes Gray] the people are 
 irritated to the highest degree in the County of Middlesex and persuaded 
 that all their liberties are agoing in a moment; and while they are in 
 this persuasion, they will give verdicts in support of any who will abuse 
 the King, the parliament, the Judges, and every one any way concerned 
 in the Government of the State. 
 
 " It was mentioned in the Debate that as no personal misbehaviour 
 could be charged on Lord Mansfield, therefore this motion for an 
 enquiry was totally improper, as all the facts were already known and 
 apparent. If the law itself by which he had acted, as well as his prede- 
 cessors, was deemed by the house or any in it, to be wrong, then the 
 proper method would be to move for a Bill to alter and amend that 
 Law. . . . There was a question whether the Attorney-General 
 and Solicitor-General could sit in the house; and they could not sit now 
 were they to take out their writ from the peers as they formerly did ; 
 but [they] avoid doing it now in order to keep their seats in the House 
 of Commons." . . . 
 
317 
 
 1775, 10 April. On a motion about a Lighthouse on the Smalls rock, Round mss. 
 off the Irish coast, it was questioned how far the Crown could grant 
 leases of Lighthouses, without consent of Parliament, as they in effect 
 levy a tax on the national shipping. Reference was made to an opinion 
 of the Law Officers that it might be done because " those Leases were 
 granted at the request of the parties, and not levied as a tax imposed by 
 the King; but these opinions of the Crown lawyers did not seem 
 satisfactory to many members of the house." 
 
 " L'Induction aux Negociations Secretes. 
 
 " La bataille ties renommee de Hoogsted [Hochstadt] ou de Blenheim 
 [13 August 1704] fit esperer a tous ceux qui se gouvernent par un 
 esprit pacifique que La France, qu'on croyoit y avoir recu un coup 
 Mortel et dont Elle ne se relevereit point pendant toute la guerre, 
 desireroit lapaix avec empressement. J'avoue que j'etois dans la meme 
 opinion, et que je me flattais d'y pouvoir contribuer. Ay ant observe, 
 depuis quelque terns, que les Hauts Allies ne voulussent point de 
 Mediateur, comme sachant par les Paix de Munster, de Nimegue, et de 
 Resurge que ces sortes de negociations non seulement se trainent en 
 longeur, mais les Princes Mediaturs y trouvent ordinairement leur 
 comptent au depend des partis belligarantes, — que cependant aucune 
 paix ne se pouvoit faire sans l'entremise de quelque personne accredite, 
 qui pourroit faire les ouvertures, insinuer des Moyens pour s'expliquer 
 de part et d'autre, adoucir les esprits aigris par cette longue et sanglante 
 guerre, et applanir le chemin aux conferences. Le desir ardent que 
 j'eu a voir la paix retablie en Europe, et d'y contribuer me fit mepriser 
 le danger ou je m'exposois, comme Ministre d'un Prince de l'Empire, 
 a qui il n'estoit pas permis d'entrer en correspondance avec le Ministre 
 d'un Prince Ennemy. Je pris dont ce parti de m'addresser a Mons. 
 le Marquis de Torcy qui je n'avois point l'honneur de connoitre, 
 mais dont feu Mons r de Palmquist, Envoy e Extraordinaire de Suede a 
 la Haye m'avoit depeint le carectere et m'avoit fait connoitre pour 
 un homme d'honneur et d'integrite. Mais comme il y avoit trop de 
 danger d'aller moy meme a Paris, pour me faire connoitre au dit 
 Marquis et de Luy communiquer en personne mon dessein pour travailler 
 a procurer la paix et la tranquillite de l'Euiope; je me determinois 
 d'ecrire a Son Excell ce et de Luy envoyer une personne qui m'etoit 
 affide pour Luy porter cette lettre et de Luy informer plus amplement 
 de bouche de mes intentions. Cette personne, qui s'appelloit de Chimiere, 
 a qui je procurois un passeport, partit a mes depends au commencement 
 de Sep* l'an 1706 de la Haye, et il arriva fort heureusement a Paris 
 II eut l'honneur de rendre, a Versailles, ma lettre a Mons r Le Marquis 
 de Torcy, qui peu de jours apres luy charga d'une reponse. Mais 
 comme il tomba malade a Paris, ou il mourut, il m'envoya la lettre par 
 la poste a l'addresse que je luy avois donne. Dans cette reponse Mons. 
 Le Marquis me reudit grace de mon zele pour l'interet de la France a. 
 Luy procurer la paix. Mais comme il ne luy paroissoit pas que l'heure 
 de ce bien etoit venu, Elle me prioit de conserver ces bons sentiments 
 jusqu'a un Meilleur terns Je me suis toujours persuade que son 
 Excellence ne me fit cette reponse que pour avoir le tems de s'informer 
 sur mon sujet, parceque je luy etoit entierement incomnue, et de voir le 
 fin de la Campagne. Car sur une seconde lettre que je luy ecrivois apres 
 par laquelle je pris la liber te de Luy insinuer la necessite pour la France 
 a faire la paix, et a luy demander un pasport sur le nom de Kiviere 
 
318 
 
 Round MSS. pour aller moy metne en France Luy exposer mes raisons, son Excell c3 
 m'envoya au milieu de novembrede laditeannee un pasport. Mais ayant 
 a regler les coraptes avec les trouppes da due mon sereniss. Maitre, dont 
 j'avois le payement, je ne puis partir de la haye que le 20 de decembre. 
 Je m'arretois trois jours a Bruxelles et j'arrivois le 26 a Paris; n J y 
 trouvant pas Mons. le Marquis de Torcy — son Excell ce etant a 
 Versailles — j'y allois le jour apres, et y etant arrive je Luy en advertis 
 par peu de Lignes, et son Excell ce m'envoya sur le champ un de ses 
 commis, pour me faire le bienvenu, et de me prier de Taller trouver a 
 9 heures du soir, ce que je fis. Quand j'entrois dans sa chambre 
 d'audience je i'y trouvois devant le feu avec Mons. le Comte d'Avaux, 
 qui se retira pourtant sur le champ et nous laissa seuls. Apres les 
 premiers compliments de civilitee, nous nous mimes a discourir. Je lis 
 connoitre a son Excell ce ce qui m'avoit portea faire ce voyage ce qui nous 
 enga [sic'] dans une conversation qui dura pres de deux heures. Je ne 
 laissois pas d'y insinuer a son Excell ce la necessite de la paix, de Luy faire 
 connoitre la fermete des Hauts Allies, et des mesure[s] qu'ils prenoint 
 pour soutenir vigourousement la guerre jusques a ce qu'ils avoient obtenu 
 leur but, de ne point souftrir un Prince de Bourbon sur le trone 
 d'Espagne, Monsieur le Marquis de son cote se plaignoit de cette fermete 
 des Hauls Allies, et me vouloit faire comprendre qu'ils avoient tort, que 
 La Maison d'Autriche qui trouvoit dans cette guerre le plus son compte 
 avoit interet de souhaiter ce but, et d'y encourager les autres Allies, 
 mais il s'etonnoit que les deux Puissances Maritimes qui faisoient presque 
 toufce la depence de cette guerre voulussent s'y opiniatrer, qu'il croyoit 
 que leur grand interet etoit la seurete de leur Commerce, qu'elles 
 pouri'oient se conserver entierement nonobstant que le Roy Philippe 
 se trouvoit place sur le trone d'Espagne, car ni Luy ni le Roy de 
 France n'avoient aucun dessein de les y en oter la moindre chose, ni 
 de les y troubler, mais ils etoient pret de leur accorder toutes les 
 seuretes du monde et plus d'avantages qu'Elles avoient jamais eu. Je 
 pris la liberte de tepliquer que je n'en doutois aucunement que la 
 France et l'Espague consentiroient a tout ce que l'on desireroit a cet 
 egard — aussy n'en etoit il point la question, mais de la conservation de ce 
 <jui seroit accorde par les traittes, qui n'etoit point assure tant que 
 l'Espague et la France resteront unis si etroitement de sang et d'interet. 
 Son Excell ce voyant que je demeurois ferme a defendre les raisons que 
 les Allies ont [a] demander la detronization du Roy Philippe, me 
 demanda si je pourrois Luy faire avoir le lendemain a dix heures du 
 matin mes pensees sur un projet de paix, et ayant repondu que ouy, Elle 
 me pria de les Luy envoyer a l'heure mentiouee, et que le jour apres a 
 la meme heure du soir il m'en parlera dans Sa maison a Versailles. 
 
 " M'etant retire chez moy, je me mis y penscr. J'y travallois presque 
 toute la nuit a former un plan de paix, que je luy envoyay le matin a 
 l'heure desire. 
 
 " Le soir je me trouvois au rendezvous. Mais Mon. le Marquis de 
 Torcy [etait] fort mal satisfait du plan en question. II s'ecria qu'il 
 etoit inouy, et que la France aimera mieux faire la guerre vint ans que 
 de consentir a des conditions si dures. Je Luy dis que j'etois fache 
 que mon projet ne Luy plaisoit pas, mais j'etois bien eeur que Les 
 Hautes Allies les demanderont un jour, et qu'ils n'en demorderont pas. 
 Nous raisonnames encore pendant deux heures sur ce projet, mais Son 
 Excell ce etant tousiours du sentiment qu'il etoit inpracti cable, et moy 
 croyant qu'il etoit tel que les Hauts Allies le voudront, nous nous 
 ■separames sans rien concerter. Son Excell ce me dit en me retirant que 
 coinme la fete de "Nouvel an nous empechat a continuer nos conferences, 
 
319 
 
 je pourrois pendant quelques jours aller a Paris, et retourner a Round MSS, 
 Versailles le 3 me de Jan r prochain. Qu'il me recommandeit de songer 
 pendant ee terms la s'il n'y avoit point d'adoucissement a, esperer au 
 plan que j'avois dresse, que de son cote il sondera les esprits sur inon 
 plan, nonobstant qu'il le croyoit inacceptable. Je me rendis a Versailles 
 au jour marque, ou j'eu l'honneur d'avoir encore une longue conversa- 
 tion nocturne avec Mons. le Marquis, dans iaquelle il me fit entendre 
 que le plan en question avoit fait horreur a ceux a qui il l'avoit 
 communique, ainsy s'il n'y en avoit point d'autre plus raisonnable a 
 esperer, il falloit s'en remettre au sort des armes ou attendre un terns 
 plus favorable pour traitter. Ayant assure son Excell ce que pour le 
 present il n'y avoit point de meilleures conditions a attendre, et que je 
 doutois que par la continuation de la guerre il y en auroit a esperer, 
 Elle me dit qu'il falloit s'en remettre a la providences que cependant il 
 me prioit de Luy ecrire quelquefois et qu il repondrait, qu'il se pouvoit 
 que quelqu' evenement ameneroit l'heureux moment de se rapprocher 
 d'avantage. Je promis a Mons. le Marquis que dans la vue de paix 
 j'acceptois l'honneur de sa correspondance quoy que je m'y exposasse 
 beaucoup, [il] ne m'etant pas permis comme sujet de l'Empire, qui 
 outre cela ait l'honneur de servir Le Due regnant de Sleswig Holstein, 
 d'etre en correspondance avec les Ennemis de sa Maj te Imperiale. 
 Nous primes ensemble nos mesures pour cacher cette correspondance, et 
 son Excell ce m'ayant promis de m'envoyer a Paris le passeport necessaire 
 pour mon retour, je pris mon conge et je retournois daus ladite ville, 
 ou ayant recu le 6 me au soir le passeport que j'attendis avec impatience 
 je partit, et je fus de retour a la haye le 12 de Jan. 1707. 
 
 " A mon retour J'ay observe ma promesse d'ecrire a Son Excell ce 
 lors qu'il y eut quelque chose qui eu meritoit la peine ; Mais, etant 
 oblige peu apres a faire un voyage a Hambourg, ma correspondance ne 
 fut point reguliere jusques au 5 de Sept. de l'annee susdite et suivie 
 jusques a la fin de l'armee 1711." 
 
 "Articles preliminaires proposes a Monsieur de Marquis de Torcy de 
 mon propre chef le 28 de Decembre A 1706. 
 
 " La demande des Hauts vUlies. — (1.) Le traitte des Pirenees pour 
 fondement. En conformite de ce traitte il faut restituer toute la 
 Monarch ie d'Espagne telle que le Roy Charles Second la possedee. De 
 plus, le pais conquis et la Bourgoyne. 
 
 "La Grande Bretagne. — (2.) La France reconnoitra la Reyne Anne 
 et promettra de ne troubler ni directe ni indirecte le Regne de la dite 
 Reyne et l'ordre de la Succession telle qu'elle est etablie par Facte du 
 Parlement. 
 
 " (3.) La Commerce des Anglois en France sera regie sur le me me 
 pied qu'ils en ont jouis avant la derniere revolution. 
 
 " Provinces Unies. — (4.) La Barriere des Pais bas, et le traitte de 
 Commerce comme il a ete regie l'annee 1664. 
 
 "L'Empereur et l'Empire. — ^5.) Le Traitte de Westphalie et par 
 consequent la restitution de Strasbourgh et les dix villes Imperials. 
 
 "Le Due de Savoye. — (6.) La restitution entiere dans ses etats. 
 
 " Le Roy de Portugal. — (7.) Aura ce qui Luy a ete promis par le 
 traitte des Allies." 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 320 
 
 The Correspondence. 
 
 1706, Sept. The Hague.— P. to Torcy. 
 
 Offers his services for restoration of peace, and bases the offer on a 
 residence of twenty years in Holland. Eecommends the bearer, le 
 S r de Chimiere. 
 
 1707, 6th Jan. Versailles.— Torcy to P. 
 
 I send you a passport [for your return] but cannot exempt your 
 luggage from examination at the frontier. It would only rouse 
 suspicion. 
 
 I also send you a cipher and an address for corresponding with me. 
 Those who contribute with you to attain the end will not be without 
 reward when peace is made; but I must know whom you think fit to 
 employ, and what one should promise them. 
 
 1707, 17th March. Same to same. 
 
 Your letters of 25th Feb., 1st, 3rd, and 10th March, with their 
 enclosures. Pray continue to write. 
 
 I hope the Allies will agree to less hard conditions than they have 
 done. Their interests are so conflicting that their views on continuing 
 the war and on the terms of peace will be difficult, I think, to reconcile. 
 
 There are complaints in the North of the pretensions of the Court of 
 Gottorp, relying on the King of Sweden. But now is its time for 
 obtaining its rights. The King of Sweden is said to be pressing the 
 Emperor about the Bishoprick of Lubeck. We do not expect that any 
 arrangements will be made for the campaign till Marlborough arrives in 
 Holland. 
 
 1707, 7th April. Same to same. 
 
 Beware of the general rumours of a peace. Allies grow weary of 
 the war, they will quarrel in their anxiety to secure good terms for 
 themselves. 
 
 [1707], 1 5th Sept. P. to Torcy.— The Hague. 
 
 Absence on the business of my Master has prevented me from writing 
 to you as I promised. The failure of the attempt on Toulon, which is 
 assigned to the Duke of Savoy, seems to me favourable to peace. It 
 has made a deep impression here, and given rise to suspicions of the 
 Duke, which his Envoy's endeavours will not, I think, dispel. Speaking 
 to Heinsius about this failure, the day before yesterday, I took the 
 opportunitjr of impressing on him that the two maritime powers are the 
 dupes of their Allies, who, at their expense, keep on foot armies which 
 are to serve their own ends. He replied that, as to peace, there was no 
 hope of it so long as Prance clung to Spain and the Indies, which is 
 fatal to the safety of trade. I find that everyone says the same, even 
 those who are in favour of peace. 
 
 1707, 15th Sept. Torcy to P. 
 
 The Duke of Savoy is suspected not only in Holland but even by his 
 own general officers, who loudly accuse him of treason for his retreat 
 [from Toulon] yet they ought to praise him for his care of the allied 
 forces even in opposition to Prince Eugene, who was for immediate 
 action. 
 
 1 Misdated on draft. 
 
321 
 
 M. Heinsius is too wise and enlightened not to wish for peace, but round mss. 
 he makes it impossible when he urge3 that English and Dutch com- — 
 
 merce will never be safe while Spain is ruled by a French prince. You 
 must see that the birth of an heir to the Spanish crown increases the 
 difficulty. We must find solid but reasonable guarantees for the security 
 of English and Dutch commerce, I cannot see why a French prince 
 should not keep his word in this matter as well as an Austrian one, nor 
 do I think the allies can be quite satisfied with the policy of the 
 Emperor. 
 
 1707, 22nd Sept. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of the 15th. The Allies' suspicions of the Duke increase 
 daily. There is a longing here [the Hague] for peace, and it could 
 be brought about if freedom of commerce were secured. I agree with 
 all you say, but fear the only guarantees acceptable to England and 
 Holland would be Cadiz and Gibraltar, for a mere treaty would be 
 insufficient. But I fear France and Spain would not give this. 
 
 The Emperor's representative has been for two days discussing with 
 the Deputies the reinforcements for King Charles, and it is agreed 
 that 5,000 Palatinate troops, now in Italy, aud three of the Emperor's 
 Regiments, about 4,000 men, shall be sent to Spain forthwith. The 
 Emperor's minister leaves to-morrow for the allied army to concert with 
 Marlborough other means of improving matters in Spain, and relieving 
 the King of Portugal. I find that the allies are absorbed in this, and will 
 strain every nerve to succeed. 
 
 H[einsius] told me yesterday that he hears the French are to increase 
 their forces by 25,000 men, and that the Allies must therefore increase 
 theirs even more. I impressed upon him that the Provinces would 
 hardly all agree to this, and he admitted it. 1 find that the Landgrave 
 of Hesse objects to leaving his troops any longer in Italy, which makes 
 me think that the offensive will be abandoned there, and that the troops 
 left there will only be a corps of observation, and a check on the Duke 
 of Savoy. You see from all I tell you how determined the Allies are 
 to attain their end and enforce a stable peace. 
 
 1707, 29th Sept. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 22nd. I doubt if the Duke of Savoy would or could 
 deceive the Allies. I can see no way of safeguarding English and 
 Dutch commerce but by treaty. Your suggestion as to Cadiz and 
 Gibraltar would provide an apple of discord fatal to the continuance of 
 peace. Cadiz is the key of Spain ; the Spaniards will never allow it to 
 pass into the hands of strangers, I defy you to make your suggestion 
 even practicable. 
 
 Would to God that conferences, with authorised representatives 
 could be arranged. Without them there is no chance of peace. 
 
 1707, 29th Sept. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of 22nd. I am glad to hear that France continues to wish 
 for peace in spite of her success this year. I agree with you that, at 
 this juncture, the overtures should not come from her; but neither 
 should they come from England or Holland. A third party should 
 approach the Dutch, with safeguards for their trade, and thus avoid 
 exposing France to any rebuff. All is uncertainty here. The affairs 
 of the Allies remind me of a house on fire. No one knows, or is 
 agreed, where to play on the flames ; each of the neighbours is thinking 
 of his own safety; and meanwhile the house will be burnt. 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 322 
 
 Marlborough is expected here; he is to leave the army on the 5th 
 to concert with the States-Greneral the next campaign. The conduct 
 of the Due of Savoy is much discussed here, and Prince Eugene 
 blamed for the Toulon failure. The Genoese envoy has taken his leave 
 and goes to England in a few days. 
 
 1707, 6th Oct. Torcy to P. 
 
 The parallel in yours of 29th is happy, but pray add that among the 
 neighbours are some who would only carry off some of the furniture for 
 themselves, 
 
 Who knows but what the next Parliament, in England, and the 
 parties opposed to Marlborough, will bring about a great change this 
 winter? A third party is useful as a go-between, but he must know 
 how much is asked and how much will be given. Everyone must be 
 longing for a stable peace. 
 
 1707, 20th Oct. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Yours of 29th and 6th awaited me on my return from Brussels 
 yesterday. Frankly the treaties you suggest would be deemed no 
 safeguard, so long as France is so formidable ; while the rupture of 
 the Partition Treaty [1700] makes the Allies distrustful. I believe 
 that England and Holland will risk all sooner than agree to a peace 
 with no real security for that commerce on which their greatness 
 rests. France need not trouble herself as to the views of the Spaniards, 
 for it is she that bears the strain of the war. My suggestion is 
 practicable, if you agree to it in principle. There can be no conference 
 till Holland feels safe as to her trade. Now is your time to treat with 
 the Dutch, who are angry with the English for wishing to secure all 
 the trade of the Low Countries (which they are anxious on that 
 account to restore to King Charles). 
 
 Do not take it amiss if I differ from you as to the next Parliament. 
 The English are well enough satisfied with their Queen and government 
 to grant blindly whatever is asked, especially where the liberty of the 
 nation or of its trade is concerned : and Queen Anne is clever enough 
 to persuade Parliament that such is the case. Y~ou will see that her 
 wishes will be more than gratified, especially if Holland wishes to 
 prolong the war. 
 
 I agree with you about the need of an intermediary ; but he must 
 know what he can offer. You must give me a definite reply as to 
 safeguards for trade, and then I will draw up preliminaries, and— -if you 
 approve of them — submit them here as from myself. 
 
 1707, 30th Oct. Torcy to P., 6 pp. 
 
 Your letter of the 20th. It seems that I must question nothing from 
 a person so well informed as yourself, but I hope you will allow me 
 even to contradict you from the slight knowledge I derive from friends. 
 
 J As to there being no need to consider the views of Spain, I differ. 
 So long as the war was carried on in Italy, France had a determining 
 voice in the matter. But now the King of Spain is defending his 
 kingdom by his own troops paid by himself, and I was speaking two 
 days ago to a well-informed man, who comes from Madrid, and who 
 answered me that the King would rather die than give up Spain and 
 the Indies. He can now defend Spain himself, and he need not fear 
 for the Indies, on account of the jealousy between the English and the 
 Dutch. So even if we accepted your suggestion, he could refuse to 
 do so. 
 
 1 Cipher begins. 
 
323 
 
 Cadiz is the key to the Indies, without which Spain would lose her 
 wealth ; Gibraltar in the hands of the English would destroy our trade 
 with the Levant ; but, confining myself to Spain, I cannot see how I 
 could submit your suggestion to its King. 
 
 Suppose these places were given, for a term, to the English and the 
 Dutch, how would the King relish these two powerful nations, at 
 present his enemies, established in the heart of his kingdom, how 
 could he be sure that the trade of his subjects with the New World 
 would be safe, that the Indies would not be seized, their trade monopo- 
 lised, indeed, that Cadiz and Gibraltar would ever be restored ? 
 
 What compensation would be offered him ? Would his Italian 
 possessions be restored ? Or the Low Countries ? It would be better, 
 I think, in the interest of everyone, to leave to Spain her former 
 monopoly of trade with the West Indies. 
 
 However anxious we may be for peace, the King of Spain is in a 
 position to refuse bad terms. How then can I give you a definite 
 answer, or promise sacrifices by Spain ? 
 
 In my opinion, as I have said, Spain ought to have the West Indian 
 trade ; but you may send me, in privacy, your own scheme, merely to 
 satisfy my curiosity and to enlighten me on politics, to the astonishment 
 of my friends. 1 
 
 They esteem you already, and I should be glad if they would give 
 you the employment you deserve. 
 
 1707, 8th Nov. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I am flattered by yours of the 30th, and am glad your friends approve 
 of my zeal. Forgive my not replying to it by this post, but during 
 Marlborough's stay here I am much occupied by difficulties between 
 (Holstein) Gottorp and Denmark 
 
 Marlborough has had several meetings with the States, but as yet 
 nothing is settled. There will be another this evening to arrange every- 
 thing for the next campaign in Germany, Italy, and Flanders. I find 
 that Holland will not consent to two armies in the Empire unless the 
 Emperor will make peace with the Hungarians, which seems impossible. 
 The D. of Savoy urges that, with a sufficient army, he can extort from 
 France the peace required ; but the Toulon affair is too recent. 
 
 1707, 11 Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 I now reply to yours of 30th. I cannot admit that King Philip is as 
 strong as you maintain, or that the King of France, if acting with the 
 Allies, could not constrain him. Nor do I see why King Philip should be 
 unable to accede as to Cadiz and Gibraltar. 
 
 1707, 24 Nov. Torcy to P. 
 
 I have studied vours of 15th, and out of curiosity, will ask you this : 
 If the Kings of France and Spain are prepared to leave Anglo-Dutch 
 garrisons, for two or three years, in Cadiz and Gibraltar, how shall we 
 avoid such a proposition being construed as a sign of weakness, and 
 encouraging the Allies to persevere ? And, given this concession, and 
 the recognition of the Austrian claims in Italy, what will the Dutch do 
 about the Catholic Low Countries ? 
 
 A French Prince would be safer for them there than an Austrian one 
 who would always be exposed to attack from France. 
 
 If you should be in a position to speak on this subject, I shall be very 
 pleased to see you here. 
 
 1 Cipher closes. 
 E 77960. Y 
 
 Round MSS. 
 
324 
 
 310FNDMSS. 1707, 22nd Nov. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of the 9th. I deplore with you the blood and treasure 
 that must be wasted in the next campaign, but while the commerce of 
 the Dutch is in danger, they will spare no efforts. If assured on this 
 point, they would speedily agree to a general peace. 
 
 1707, 24th Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 You are right in your letter of the 17th about the Holstein business, 
 and the Gottorp claims are good, but will not, I think, succeed, 
 especially as Marlborough, before his departure, assured the Danish 
 Minister that his Queen will not support them, and that Holland will 
 follow her example. If the King of Sweden attacks Denmark, I 
 believe the latter will be victorious. But should Gottorp succeed with 
 the King of Sweden's help, the latter will be master of the northern 
 trade : and sooner than suffer this, England and Holland would come to 
 terms with France. France also, I imagine, would object to see 
 Sweden too strong and the balance of power in the north disturbed. 
 
 The trouble in Guelders, also, may make for peace. 
 
 1707, 1st Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of 24th. I am glad you are not offended at my pre- 
 sumption. Certainly, we should meet, and meanwhile I will suggest 
 how the offer should be made. I am convinced that the conduct of 
 those who were employed last year hindered, instead of helping to, 
 peace by giving the Allies a lower idea of France's strength. The pro- 
 posal should come to the Pensionary [Heinsius] as the suggestion of a 
 third party. If he replied that he wished France would make such an 
 offer, one could undertake to secure the adhesion of France, and thus 
 avoid a rebuff to that country and a consequent gain to the Allies. I 
 could, if we met, tell you things one cannot entrust to paper, which 
 tend to favour the plan. 
 
 As to leaving the Catholic Low Countries to King Philip, I can tell 
 you, from my own knowledge, that Holland's jealousy of France would 
 certainly make her refuse, and insist on their belonging to the House of 
 Austria, who could give them securities against aggressions by King 
 Philip. 
 
 I cannot possibly undertake to come with a commission from the 
 Dutch, but I will gladly discuss with you the terms of peace, and will 
 endeavour to sound their views on the subject. 
 
 1707, 8th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 There is much dissatisfaction here as the treaty on "West Indian 
 commerce between the Kings of France and Spain. It is alienating the 
 States ; and the Pensionary has said to a friend of mine that it makes 
 peace more distant than ever and increases distrust of France. He also 
 said that the Elector of Bavaria was lately trying to make terms, which 
 he thought suspicious. If true, it is most unwise for France to proceed 
 thus. It was urged to Heinsius that the Franco-Spanish treaty was 
 only intended to secure convoys for Spanish trade while the war lasted : 
 he replied that one could not rely on this. Don Bernard de Quiros, who 
 is always here, and the Ministers of the Emperor, of Portugal, and of 
 Savoy, make use of the treaty to urge upon the Dutch that their trade 
 will never bo safe so long as King Philip is on the throne of Spain ; 
 and their arguments are telling. France has acted blindly in ignoring 
 the susceptibilities of the maritime powers. You should at least have 
 waited till they had finished their arrangements for the uext campaign. 
 
325 
 
 For I am sure Queen Anne and her Parliament will resent your treaty RoujtdMSS, 
 and increase their preparations for war. It will also ensure the 
 addition of 30,000 men here, which had been doubtful. Quiros told me 
 yesterday it was a godsend (" Un coup de ciel ") for him, as all his 
 exhortations had been in vain till now, when no efforts will 'be spared 
 to dethrone King Philip. 
 
 1707, 9th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 I had no time to add yesterday that the mischief here can only be 
 repaired by revealing to us the actual terms of the Franco-Spanish 
 treaty, as I feel sure it is misrepresented. 
 
 I think I told you that the King of Prussia wants his troops back 
 from Italy, as the Landgrave of Hesse has his. I believe this only a 
 pretext for obtaining his arrears and extorting Neuchatel from the 
 Allies as a guarantee. But the Minister of Savoy is protesting 
 loudly. 
 
 The Guelders troubles are not settled. 
 
 I hear that France has lately offered to be satisfied with Spain and 
 the Indies, and to secure the maritime powers in their trade, with the 
 King of Sweden as guarantee. I can hardly believe she has been so 
 unwise. 
 
 1707, 18th Dec. Torcy to P. 
 
 I have not replied to yours of the 8th and 9th, till I could speak 
 positively about the alleged treaty, there is no foundation (or the state- 
 ment; indeed 3 King Philip has lately forbidden us to trade in the 
 South Sea. 
 
 Perhaps England will want peace if the disputes in the last sittings 
 of Parliament are renewed. I wonder how the Dutch will take 
 Lord Faversham's complaint against the English Ministry that the 
 Dutch are admitted too freely to the herring fishery off the coast. 
 
 The news about the Elector of Bavaria is as false as that about the 
 treaty. 
 
 The Elector of Brandenburg is at his old tricks in asking to have his 
 troops back before winter. He does it merely to bring pressure to bear 
 upon the Allies. 
 
 As to the Duke of Hanover not being allowed to recall his for service 
 in the Imperial army, a man I know saw them lately on their way home 
 through Brunswick. 
 
 1707, 13th Dec. P. to Torcy. 
 
 The States will meet to-morrow, and the Pensionary is 
 
 urging on the deputies of the towns that the forces must be increased. 
 We hear from Berlin that the King of Prussia's troops are likely to 
 remain in Italy. 
 
 1707, loth Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 I am surprised at your objecting to my scheme for opening up 
 discussion, especially as others, whom the Pensionary dislikes are daily 
 bringing him proposals for peace. I can only suppose that you wish me 
 to mix no further in the matter. I have now served France for a year 
 with a devotion that deserves more confidence ; yet I have run the risk 
 of ruin with no result. 
 
 1707, 29th Dec. 
 
 Your letter of the 8th. I am delighted to hear there is no such treaty 
 and have disabused Heinsius, at least, of the idea. 
 
 Y 2 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 326 
 
 But the Elector of Bavaria lias certainly made overture?, for it is the 
 Pensionary who says so. And overtures, authorised or not, have also 
 been made to him from France. The return of Helvetius has increased 
 the rumours of peace, and even the Gazette announces that he comes to 
 negotiate it. 1 see my services are no longer in request ; but I shall be 
 charmed to meet you, when I can convince you of their value. 
 
 Lord Faversham's speech is looked on here as merely an expression of 
 persoual opinion. 
 
 Your information about the Hanover troops is incorrect. 
 
 1708, 4th May. Same to Same. 
 Unimportant. 
 
 1708, 5th May. Same to Same. 
 
 The sudden illness of the Pensionary to-day has alarmed everyone* 
 
 1708, 17th May. Torcy to P. 
 
 The Princes have left for the army. Perhaps this campaign may 
 bring about that peace which seems so distant. 
 
 1708, 24th May. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of 17th. The States-General are quarrelling in the absence 
 ( f the Pensionary, who alone can control them. Thank God, he is out 
 of danger. If we meet, I can tell you how I discovered the Anglo- 
 Dutch ultimatum for peace. 
 
 Marlborough has sent an express here urging the States to hasten 
 Prince Eugene's departure. They have pressed the Emperor's Minister 
 to do so. The Duke is anxious to carry out the agreement made at 
 Hanover, that the three armies should act simultaneously. The 
 Imperial troops are on the march. The frontier towns are to spare all 
 the troops they can for Marlborough's army. The Deputies who 
 reviewed the troops have reported that they found them in perfect 
 condition and 70,000 strong. 
 
 1703, 31st May. Torcy to P. 
 
 As to a peace ruining Holland, I consider war will ruin her more 
 surely, as she cannot long bear this expense. France is not so exhausted 
 as you think. 1 did not encourage you to come till our armies took the 
 field, but can do so now without implying anxiety for peace. Still, you 
 had better keep it a secret. "We might hit upon Terms of peace, if 
 the Allies would no longer insist on Spain and the Indies being ceded to 
 the Archduke. 
 
 1708, 7th June. P. to Torcy. 
 
 The war is exhausting for Holland, but peace may cause the United 
 Provinces to fall asunder, unless they entrust the government to one 
 Captain-General. France, no doubt, is still powerful, but so are the 
 Maritime Powers, and, since your Scottish failure, both England and 
 Holland are confident, and resolved on nothing less than the deposition 
 of King Philip. I have to go to Hamburg, so cannot visit you for a 
 month or six weeks. 
 
 1708, 17th June. Torcy to P. 
 
 It is most kind of you not to leave me in entire ignorance of the news 
 of the day. I am sorry your visit is postponed. 
 
327 
 
 1708, 26th June. P. to Torcy. RoundMSS. 
 
 My friend M. Riviere is going to France. Pray send me a passport 
 for him. He will tell you all about the business. 
 
 [Note by Petkum that this passport, of course, was for himself.] 
 
 1708, 28th June. P. to Torcy. 
 Of no consequence. 
 
 1708, 1st July. Torcy to P. 
 
 I send you the passport for your friend, and, on his arrival, will 
 discuss our matters with him. 
 
 1708, 1st July. Fontainebleau. 
 
 Passport for "Riviere" and valet, for six weeks. Signed Louis. 
 Countersigned Colbert. 
 
 Le Raport de mon Second Voyage en France au Mois de 
 Juillet, 1708. 
 
 Detained at Brussels till the 21st July, on business of the Duke my 
 master, I reached Paris on the 23rd; the M. of Torcy was at 
 Fontainebleau with the King ; but he received me there on the 28th. 
 I had several conversations with him about a peace, in which he 
 impressed on me the sincerity of France, and complained of the obduracy 
 of the Allies. I told him it was due to the shifting propositions of 
 France, through different channels, and insisted that France and 
 Holland would only accept as preliminary conditions — 
 
 (I.) Spain and the Indies, all conquests in Brabant and Flanders, 
 
 and Alsace. 
 (2.) Recognition of Queen Anne and an undertaking not to interfere 
 
 with her or with the order of succession established by 
 
 Parliament. English trade in France to be restored to its 
 
 former footing. 
 (3.) For the United Provinces, the tariff of 1664 and a satisfactory 
 
 Barrier. 
 M. de Torcy found these demands excessive, and said France would 
 hazard everything sooner than submit to them. I reminded him that 
 the whole course of the war involved these preliminaries, and that the 
 maritime powers would never agree to a conference without them, 
 adding that France had better agree to them before the Allies broke 
 into France and raised their terms. He replied, that even in case of 
 invasion, France was strong enough to drive them out again. I pointed 
 to the last battle [Oudenarde] won by the Allies under great disadvan- 
 tages, as proof that France had no time to lose if she really wished for 
 peace, the Marquis urged that the Dutch could treat more confidently 
 with King Philip, established and beloved on the throne, than with 
 King Charles disliked by the nation. I replied that, whether they 
 liked him or not, the Spaniards could not object to the Dutch claiming 
 the old footing for their trade ; and I insisted that the Allied Generals 
 if victorious, would dictate the terms of peace. The Marquis retorted 
 that no terms could be worse than those now offered. 
 
 Coming to details, he asked me how the King of France could be 
 asked to dethrone his grandson, who was now strong and popular ; and 
 he showed me a recent letter from King Philip saying he would rather 
 die than desert his faithful Spaniards. To my rejoinder that if the King of 
 France withdrew his troops, King Philip's strength would soon be 
 exhausted he hotly retorted that his master would risk all sooner than 
 
328 
 
 KoundMSS. ac {. so i3 ase Xy ? and that the Dutch could not even expect it. The maritime- 
 powers should receive every security for their trade, and the Low 
 Countries their Barrier, but it was impossible to restore all the conquered 
 country. On my pointing out that the Allies, if victorious, could claim 
 what they liked, he asked why Holland should side against France with 
 the once tyrannous Empire. France, I replied, within her old borders, 
 would still be strong enough to cheek tyranny by the Empire. But the 
 Butch, he urged, have also to fear England, ever jealous of their trade.. 
 They fear nothing, I replied, but the restrictions of their commerce by 
 King Philip. 
 
 To the second article he raised practically no objection. As to the 
 third. He agreed to the tariff of 1664, or even a better one, and to a 
 satisfactory Barrier. 
 
 He protested his sincerity and begged me to urge the Pensionary to 
 give no credence to self-styled emissaries of France. Having remained 
 at Fontainebleau five or six days during which I discussed nightly with 
 the Marquis the scheme of peace, I took leave of his Excellency, who 
 begged me to exert myself in the matter on the evening of the 3rd,. 
 and leaving Paris on the 3rd reached the Hague on the 14th [Aug.]. 
 But, business calling me to Amsterdam, I only saw the Pensionary on 
 my return, when I gave him an exact account of my journey. He 
 deemed well satisfied, and agreed to my corresponding regularly with 
 the Marquis about a peace. 
 
 1708, 26th July. Fontainebleau.— -Torcy to P. 
 
 I am eager to see you. Come to me here on the evening of the 28th„. 
 << De Torcy." 
 
 1708, 4th Aug. Passport for "Riviere." 
 Signed " Louis." Countersigned " Colbert." 
 
 1708, 16th Aug. P. to Torcy. — Amsterdam. 
 
 I regret to hear that the secret of my journey is known, and fear 
 France is responsible. A certain Du Puis [Puy] is here, employed by 
 M. de Chamillart and making overtures. I suspect him in the matter. 
 But I shall deny the fact of my journey to everyone but Heinsius, 
 as you desire. On my return to the Hague I will tell you what he 
 says. 
 
 1708, 23rd Aug. Torcy to P. 
 
 I cannot think your secret has leaked out through that channel. I 
 knew of Dupuy's journey, and saw him on his way to Holland. He is 
 a clever man, but has no commission. He left before you arrived, so 
 can scarcely have known of your journey. 
 
 1708, 25th Aug. P. to Torcy. The Hague. 
 
 1 have seen the Pensionary and urged on him the sincerity of your 
 intentions. He said that you might mean well, but that he always 
 doubted the King's Council, so long as conferences were asked for before 
 preliminaries were settled. I cannot conceal from you that he will not 
 agree to a conference till France returns to her original offer. 
 
 Now that the Allies are victorious, they will make it a point of honour 
 not to accept less than was offered them. France should hasten to offer 
 Spain and the Indies, or the capture of Lille may enable the Allies 
 to dictate their own terms. 
 
 As everyone asks me if I have been to France, I now say that I was 
 captured, while going to the army, by a party from Mobs, but released 
 
329 
 
 by its governor on parole. This is swallowed [" avale "] by all the round MSS; 
 foreign envoys, so there is an end of rumours. — 
 
 1708, 30th Aug. Same to Same. 
 
 Yours of 23rd. It is Du Puis who is responsible. He told the 
 Secretary of the English [Embassy] that he had met me on the road. 
 However, my explanation is accepted, but I am assured he brings 
 overtures. 
 
 Prince Eugene received here lately a letter by the post, but, -not 
 liking the look of it, threw it into the fire. Gen. Top took it out to 
 look at it, but the Prince had it thrown back into the fire. The General 
 was taken ill shortly after, and poison is suspected, France being 
 accused. 
 
 1708, 2nd Sept. Torcy to P. 
 
 I hope from what you say of Heinsius, that your journey may "bear 
 good fruit. Some great event may lead suddenly to peace. Dupuy has- 
 no commission, and I cannot understand his pretending one. 
 
 1708, 6th Sept. Same to Same. 
 
 Yours of 30th. Dupuy is not employed by us, but is sensible and 
 realises that exiles for religion will gain nothing from a peace. He will 
 not be joined with you in any way, except with your approval. We 
 are on the eve of events which may hasten peace. The difficulties of 
 Holland in raising money prove the strain on the Allies. 
 
 The attempt on Prince Eugene must be due to an enemy of France. 
 
 1708, 6th Sept. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Heinsius is really desirous of peace, but fears that France will hold 
 out too long to ceding Spain and the Indies, without which there can 
 be no peace. He gave me, in secrecy, his reasons for this. Now 
 France will act wisely in sacrificing Spain and the Indies, for a time, to 
 break up a league which is bent on her ruin ; since, once broken, it will 
 never be restored, and France, after some years of rest, could find a 
 pretext for renewing the strife. Besides, if France intends to prevent 
 the English Crown passing to the house of Hanover, she should seek 
 peace at any cost, to prepare for that event, which will give her the 
 opportunity of a bargain. Besides, if made in the King's lifetime, it 
 will leave his successor free. I can arrange the matter, if you will 
 leave it to me. 
 
 1708, 11th Sept. Same to Same. 
 
 I have promised Heinsius to treat with him alone, and let him com- 
 municate to Marlborough no more than lie thinks fit. Everyone here 
 is resolved on the preliminaries I told you. England and the Empire, 
 they say, would, independently, insist on them. 
 
 1708, 13th Sept. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of the 4th and 6th. 1 My own idea is to settle the terms 
 of peace secretly, and only to meet lor signing. We are agreed that a 
 peace dictated by the Allied Generals would prejudice Holland, and 
 should be avoided by her. 
 
 I am glad to hear of Heinsius' good intentions, and feel sure we 
 could persuade him that peace would be more lasting if Spain and the 
 Indies were left to King Philip. However, everything will be in 
 suspense till the siege of Lille is decided 2 
 
 1 Cipher begins. 2 Cipher ends. 
 
330 
 
 BoumMSS. !708, 13th Sept. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I shall have no objection to act with Dupuy if he is loyal to me. But 
 make sure of your man, for he is dealing to my knowledge with friends 
 of Marlborough and of England. Weariness here at the slow progress 
 of the siege of Lille has enabled me to point out that Holland will ruin 
 herself while England grows strong. But the Province of Holland 
 declares it will spend its last penny sooner than give way about Spain 
 and the Indies. 
 
 France would do well to make peace before arrangements are made 
 for next year's war, that is, November 1. The States meet in eight 
 days. 
 
 1708, 20th Sept. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of 11th and 13th. Your condition, I repeat, is fatal to 
 peace. As to Du Puy, I can wish for no better channel of communication 
 than yourself. 
 
 I do net think it is in the interest of Holland to let the Emperor 
 crush the Elector of Bavaria, and thus raise fresh obstacles to peace. 
 .Nor is it that of the King of Sweden. 
 
 1708, 20th Sept. P. to Torcy.— The Hague. 
 
 I am astonished that you still reject the indispensable preliminary, 
 with the taking of Lille in prospect. A crowning effort is to be made 
 in the next campaign, and the States are now discussing how to provide 
 the means. My frankness must displease you, but should convince you 
 of my sincerity. 
 
 1708, 25th Sept. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 20th. Nothing but raisins the siege of Lille can 
 lower the demands here, while those of the Allied Generals will exceed 
 them. Marlborough suspects some secret negociations, and will do 
 what he can to thwart it. I fancy he has sent Quiros here for that 
 
 purpose I have not touched hitherto on the Elector 
 
 of Bavaria's interests, but as his jewels are to be sold here next month, I 
 will then sound the Pensionary as to his destiny. The King of Sweden's 
 help is no longer thought needful here. 
 
 As France is bringing troops from Germany, the States wrote 
 yesterday to the Elector of Hanover, begging him to dispatch at once 
 Yd batallions and 30 squadrons. Quiros and the Emperor's minister 
 declare they are already on the road. The States promised these ministers 
 yesterday not to close the campaign till Bruges and Ghent were retaken. 
 'They have been notified to-day that King Charles is master of 
 Sardinia, and 1 ha\e seen a letter from General S., saying that he only 
 awaited the arrival of the English admiral to sail for Minorca, with 
 1,500 men. and seize Port Mahon. The Dutch fleet leaves at the 
 beginning of next month to relieve the English one in the Mediterranean. 
 The news from Lille is not satisfactory. 
 
 1708, 4ih Oct. Torcy to P. 
 
 Yours letters of the 20th and 25th. I wish I heard less of new taxes 
 being raised. It seems to me that the warlike spirit is spreading. 
 The Emperor's troops are fighting the subjects of the Pope, and if 
 England intervenes, the navies will be busy. I cannot understand the 
 policy of England. 1 should like to see the secret conferences take 
 place. Difficulties can sometimes be smoothed over by verbal inter- 
 course. If you could arrange for them with Heinsius, you would render 
 
331 
 
 valuable service. I agree with you as to the pressing need for these Round mss. 
 conferences. I shall be very glad to learn from you how it is proposed 
 to raise the money for next year's campaign, 
 
 We hope to detain your Generals a long while before Lille, and their 
 talk of a winter campaign is impracticable in such a country. 
 
 1708, 4th Oct. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I find that the Elector of Bavaria is still esteemed here, although it is 
 considered that his conduct has greatly prolonged the war, and that he 
 is a dangerous enemy. So, providing that France is honestly willing to 
 treat, Holland and England will endeavour to secure his restoration, 
 except to the Upper Palatinate. 
 
 It is feared that the capture of Sardinia may hinder peace. Yet 
 Quiros complains of the English Admiral refusing to attack Sicily. He 
 has obtained here a subsidy for the Emperor on condition of re-inforce- 
 ments being promptly sent to Catalonia. 
 
 The Lorraine envoy returned from England three days ago. He 
 has been promised that a peace shall secure the complete restitution of 
 Lorraine, but not the Duke's claims on Montferrat. 
 
 You will hear many things discussed in the next Parliament, for I 
 learn that many complaints are preparing, the nation being much dis- 
 contented at the loss of Bruges 'and Ghent, and still more at the 
 wretched descent on the French coast, which has cost millions without 
 doing any damage. The last action at Weinendahl is considered here 
 more important in its consequences than the battle of Oudeuarde, and 
 as the Allies were a third weaker than the French, it increased the 
 courage of the former, and the States now blame their deputies for 
 preventing the Generals from attacking the French army before Lille. 
 Their confidence is now so grsat that they have ordered their deputies 
 to forbid no battles when the Generals are agreed on them. Prince 
 Eugene has been removed to Menin till the wound has quite healed. 
 Another convoy has already reached Brussels from Antwerp. But it is 
 considered that the former one is sufficient to finish the siege. 
 
 1708, 16th Oct. Same to Same. — The Hague. 
 
 To forward the secret meetings which you speak of in your letter of 
 the 4th, I have been to see the Pensionary, but he is so ambiguous in 
 his replies that I think he awaits the surrender of Lille before speaking 
 definitely, believing that France will not, till then, treat seriously for 
 the cession of Spain and the Indies, or for the Barrier. Perhaps he 
 wishes to consult some deputies, or is contriving to keep this negocia- 
 tion secret from the other allies. For I see some difficulty about it. 
 It would be very natural for you to send someone from the Court 
 familiar with the King's wishes ; but this would be hard to conceal from 
 the watchful jealousy of the Allies. I would gladly undertake another 
 journey to France, if I were more likely now to be listened to about 
 the preliminaries. I have another and a better idea, namely, if 
 Marlborough honestly wishes tor peace, to arrange a meeting on the 
 frontier between you, him, and a deputy from the States. Such a 
 meeting could not be fruitless, and anything that remained to settle 
 could be arranged through me. 
 
 Some jealousy is caused here by the rumour that France is trying 
 to arrange a new alliance with Sweden. 
 
 1708, 21st Oct. Torcy to P. 
 
 We are wailing, like you, for the fate of Lille, and, even should it 
 fall, I imagine the allied troops will require rest. Better think of 
 
Rovxd MSS. 
 
 332 ^ 
 
 arranging peace than of advancing on Ghent and Bruges so late in the- 
 year. 
 
 It is true that a treaty with Sweden is on foot, as that country has 
 now an opportunity of securing the advantages which the Dutch might 
 have secured for themselves. 
 
 1708, 25th Oct. P. to Torcy. 
 
 There is general joy at the news to-night of the taking of Lille. If 
 you wait to offer terms till the citadel surrenders, the success of the 
 Allies will spur them on to a campaign fatal to the prospects of peace. 
 Eefuse no longer the indispensable concession. I hear, on good 
 authority, that Marlborough's annoyance at their success being attri- 
 buted, here and in England, to Prince Eugene makes him incline to 
 a peace. You may regain Lille by offering terms now. 
 
 As the Queen of England has consented to leave a squadron in the 
 Mediterranean, and has ordered Admiral Bing [Byng] to command it 
 in person, the government here agreed with the Emperor's minister 
 yesterday to leave some ships there, but urged a compromise with the 
 Pope. 
 
 1708, 25th Oct, Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 8th. That of the 16th requires a separate reply, 
 that you may make what use of it you see fit. In spite of the fall of 
 Lille, the indispensable preliminary, as you term it, can only be dis- 
 cussed at a conference, private or public. I should prefer the former, 
 in which difficulties should be smoothed over. The suggestion in your 
 letter of the 16th, whether your own or dictated to vou, is well worth 
 
 considering 
 
 1708, 25th Oct. Same to Same. 
 
 I have postponed replying to yours of the 16th that I might have 
 time for reflection. I am alarmed at the prospect of undertaking such a 
 task, especially in view of your tenacity about the preliminary con- 
 cession. But as one must sacrifice one's own feelings to the public 
 good, I shall be ready to carry out whatever my superiors may deem 
 helpful to a peace. The difficulty is to arrange a meeting. Once met, 
 we might find that difficulties could be overcome by discussing them. 
 At the most, it could but leave us as we are. It is only in this way that 
 we can come to terms about Spain and the Indies. France should make 
 her concessions voluntarily and not have them extorted beforehand. I 
 leave you to think this over. You know the high opinion I have of 
 your talents, and my belief in your power to arrange this. 1 
 
 1708, 1st Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letters of 22nd and 25th Marlborough has 
 
 reason to be annoyed at another reaping the glory of his deeds. He is 
 not at an end of his troubles ; the speeches in Parliament this session 
 will probably be livelier yet. 
 
 At least half Holland dreads that the friends of the House of Nassau 
 will seize the present opportunity of placing the Prince on the throne. 
 The death of M. d'Overkerque opens a road to him to reach the posi- 
 tion of the late King of England. Probably he will do so should the 
 war continue. Those then who love the Republic may see it die, in 
 spite of conquests, should the war continue. A conference is impossible 
 if on your side, you persist that France, as a preliminary step, must 
 offer dishonouring terms. 
 
 1 Both these letters are wholly in cipher. 
 
333 
 
 Pray consider, in the general interest, if the other Allies need be RorxD Mss< 
 consulted. As the maritime powers are the most interested, and bear the 
 chief cost of this sanguinary war, Ave consider here that it is they who 
 should decide the terms of peace. You see how much confidence we place 
 in you. I have long wished that you may succeed in your career as a 
 diplomatist. 
 
 1708, 4th Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 You know my interest in the Chevalier de Croissy, who has been taken 
 prisoner at Effingham. He has to surrender himself at Ulrecht on the 
 13th, and is now at Paris on parole. Pray ask the Pensionary, from 
 me, to extend his leave till he is exchanged, or at least for the winter. I 
 shall be most grateful to him if he can arrange this 
 
 17C8, 6th Nov. P. to Torcy.— The Hague. 
 
 Your two letters cf the 25th. OwiDg to the meeting of the States- 
 General I was not able to use your second letter till yesterday, when I 
 showed it to him who is the soul of this Republic. He could not, of 
 course, give me an answer till he had consulted others, but he promised 
 it for next post. As I may have to see Marlborough about this con- 
 ference, you had better instruct your generals to let me pass freely. I 
 shall pretend to be going to my master's troops. 
 
 I implore you to facilitate matters as much as you can, to frustrate 
 the great designs that Prince Eugene is pressing on the Allies. . . 
 
 P.S. The suggested conference was my own idea, and, on suggesting 
 
 it here I was allowed to sound you on the subject 
 
 Marlborough has sent Temple, one of his confidential agents, to England, 
 to encourage his friends and assure them he will do his best to go 
 the end of this month and to give account of Bruges and Ghent. 
 
 1708, 8th Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 Some in Marlborough's confidence assure me that 
 
 he wishes for peace. But I have my doubts. 
 
 The death of Gen. d'Overkerk is a loss to the Dutch, but those in 
 charge of the Government need have no fear of the Prince of Nassau, so 
 long as their cause is victorious. It is not there, but by conceding your 
 point, that you must look for peace. Heinsius told me so again yesterday, 
 and said he could not understand why France shuffled *so now about 
 terms which she offered two years ago, when comparatively the 
 stronger. A conference was useless, he said, till you gave way, for to 
 confer in vain would only increase irritation. In my urging that you 
 would never undertake it unless you meant to give way, he said he 
 would write to Marlborough to-day and ask his opinion so as to give me 
 a more definite reply. 
 
 As I may have to visit Paris, you had better send me a passport. 
 
 3 708, 13th Nov. Same to Same. 
 
 I hope to arrange about the Chevalier de Croissy, but complaints of 
 French harshness in this matter make it difficult. Heinsius, however, 
 is interesting himself in the case. 
 
 1708, 15ihNov. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of the 1st and 6th. If Marlborough and Heinsius really 
 desire peace, they are clever and influential enough to bring it about. 
 But a personal interview is essential. I hope you may be a better 
 prophet than one [Du Puy] who assures me that this will not be 
 arranged, so that I may soon select a skilful person for so difficult a 
 task. 
 
334 
 
 Round mss ^ e ^ eave ^ *° the Pensionary to say, if he so desires, that the King 
 
 — wishes for conferences as a preliminary step to psace. This should 
 
 facilitate matters. 
 
 I am now writing to the Duke of Burgundy about a pass for you. 
 
 1708, loth Nov. 1 Same to Same. 
 
 I have received, since writing to-day, yours of the 8th. 
 
 I will try to make clearer my meaning about the preliminaries. If 
 France is to concede the point in question beforehand, she will bind 
 herself before knowing what the other conditions are. If they are 
 inadmissible, she will merely have shown the Spaniards that she is 
 willing to desert them ; and peace will be no nearer. If the States - 
 General honestly wish for peace, would it not be better to let our 
 "preliminary" concession be dependent on the other conditions proving 
 acceptable ? What you deem the first step should, in my opinion, be 
 the last. In that case we should endeavour to come to terms about the 
 other articles and should not commit ourselves to no purpose. We 
 could also then better discuss the means of enforcing a treaty that 
 would change the fate of Spain. 
 
 I hope that you may hold, and enforce, this view, so that your 
 proposed journey may not be in vain. In any case, I send you a 
 passport. God bless your intentions. I can assure you that Helvetius 
 is not going to Holland. 
 
 1708, 15th Nov. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I am sorry that we have not yet succeeded about the Chevalier de 
 Croissy. Palmquist, the Swedish envoy, said yesterday, at a diplomatic 
 gathering, that there was a mystery about the coming of the Chevalier, 
 who had been closeted two hours with the King. The other ministers 
 agreed, but I knew better. I also disbelieve the rumours from Paris as 
 to the attempt to recall the Duke of Burgundy from the army. 
 
 We hear of a great victory that the King of Prussia has won over the 
 Czar in person. 
 
 1708, 22nd Nov. Torcy to P. 
 
 Yours of the 15th. Pray give me the details of the war budget. I 
 ought to be informed on this point. 
 
 We hear from Copenhagen that the K. of Denmark will be led, by 
 his taste for foreign countries, further than Hamburg. The allies being 
 masters of his troops, do not concern themselves about it. I should be 
 glad to know on what condition King Augustus has given his. The 
 clauses of his treaty that has been made public are so singular that I 
 can hardly believe England and Holland have consented to this new 
 impediment to peace. 
 
 If the example of Zealand is followed by other provinces, it can hardly 
 tend to peace. It strengthens the party of the late King of England, 
 which has always been thought to be for war. 
 
 Palmquist does honour to the Chevalier, but wish the story might 
 help to keep him out of the country. As I have nothing to do with 
 prisoners of war, I cannot reply to complaints on the subject. I only 
 know that I have done what I can to oblige the Dutch du? ing the war. 
 
 1708, 27th Nov. P. to Torcy. 
 
 As soon as I returned from Amsterdam, I deciphered your two letters 
 of the 15th. I was able to show them to Heinsius yesterday, and he 
 seemed more pleased with them than the last. But he deferred replying 
 
 1 These two letters are almost wholly iu cipher. 
 
335 
 
 till to-morrow, doubtless to consult some deputies who form a peace Rouyi) MSS> 
 committee. Marlborough has written to him that he has no objection to 
 the conference, if France consents to the preliminaries on which the 
 treaty must be based. 
 
 I ur^ed that France only sought to extricate herself honourably, and 
 that a shameful peace could not be a lasting one ; and that, without 
 blaming England and Holland for consulting their own interests, the 
 latter would do well to secure the gratitude of France by smoothing the 
 path for her, and helping her to save appearances in the matter of Spain 
 and the Indies. Heinsius agreed, but said he must think it over. 
 
 I hope to prove a better prophet than Du Puy, when he tells you that 
 a conference is improbable. I believe he is trying to secure the office 
 of mediator for the King of Denmark. 
 
 The siege of Brussels has caused much alarm here. Three deputies 
 ivere sent yesterday to Antwerp to persuade it to receive more troops. 
 I am assured that the Dutch consented, in case Bruges and Ghent are 
 not abandoned when the citadel of Lille falls, to send troops to Prince 
 Eugene for a dash into France, and to cover the frontier. 4,000 
 Wurtemburg troops will be employed for the purpose, unless their 
 removal makes a gap in the present line. The Province of Holland has 
 agreed to the usual war budget for next year. 
 
 1708, 29th Nov. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of 20th and 22nd I am obliged to you 
 
 about the Chevalier. 
 
 We hear that the armies are on the march. . t . . . 
 
 1709, 29th Nov. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Heinsius gave me his reply yesterday. He still asks why France 
 should make so much difficulty, even about her original concessions, at 
 such a time, and insists that the Spaniards need not know about the 
 secret preliminary. France, he says, must concede it, if she really is in 
 earnest, and does not merely hope to divide the allies. 
 
 Marlborough could not agree to a conference without it, and Heinsius 
 says nothing can be done without the Duke's consent, and Holland is 
 resolved to avoid any cause of offence to the Queen of England, who is 
 contributing so largely to the common cause. You should empower me 
 to offer it only on condition of the conferences proving successful, your 
 concession never to be mentioned or treated as made in the other 
 alternative. The raising of the siege of Brussels and re-opening of the 
 road to Braubant by Marlborough, will make the English and Dutch 
 haughtier than ever. So there is no time to be lost. 
 
 1708, 4th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 I saw the Pensionary yesterday, and he told me Marlborough had 
 again written to him to the effect that France must declare without 
 reservation that she will concede the point required. Then there will 
 be no obstacle to a conference, and secrecy may be relied on. Without 
 it the Duke would never be forgiven by Queen or Parliament, as 
 France had previously conceded as much. Heinsius added that the 
 French should have done this before their last retreat, which has 
 encouraged the English and strengthened Marlborough's party, and 
 that the conferences should take place before Marlborough leaves for 
 England. 
 
 Holland, I gather from him is dissatisfied with the Emperor, which 
 is in favour of our conferences. The States are to meet again on the 
 10th. Marlborough assures Heinsius he means to march on Ghent. 
 
336 
 
 IBorhjMISS. 1708, 10th Dec. Torcy to P« 
 
 Yours of 27th and 29th have only just reached me. As to our former 
 concessions, we then held Italy. Now we have lost it, which has 
 made us more tenacious of Spain for King Philip. You can assure 
 Heinsius that we honestly wish for peace, and that if he can undertake 
 to keep secret the conditions he requires as preliminaries in case peace 
 is not arranged, France will agree to take as a basis the chief items 
 in Hannequin's draft of some two years ago. You must add that we 
 can only treat it as a general idea, requiring modification, especially as 
 to the time and the guarantees for performance, and that we propose it 
 chiefly in order to re-assure the States-Greneral, and that if the secret is 
 kept the conference ought to succeed. 
 
 I would add that if France, as you justly urge, has reason to end the 
 war, so has Holland, while she is still in a position to over-rule the 
 Allies. Still we have no wish to set our opponents at enmity. 
 
 I shall await your reply. 
 
 1708, 10th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 You say that orders have been sent to the army not to allow the 
 garrison of Lille citadel to capitulate except as prisoners of war. This 
 order will involve much bloodshed, and produce needless irritation just 
 when peace is so necessary for everyone. 
 
 1708, ] lth Dec. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Yours of 22nd and 29th ult. only reached me on the 7th. I 
 rejoice that the rumours of your King's death which have reached us 
 are false. 
 
 I admit that the conditions asked of you are hard, but your army is 
 losing heart and the Allies flushed with success can accept nothing less. 
 
 You see that I was right about Queen Anne's intentions. Her 
 urgent demands to her Parliament are looked on coldly here. If you 
 concede your point, you will be in time to arrest increase of their forces 
 by the Dutch. 
 
 So far as I can hear the treaty of King Augustus with Marlborough 
 is not an impediment to peace. He came himself to offer his troops. 
 Heinsius told me yesterday Marlborough's reply to your two letters of 
 the 15th ult., namely that he could never agree to a conference till 
 France made the preliminary concession of Spain and the Indies and of 
 the Barrier. 
 
 1708, 13th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Heinsius, meeting me at cotjrt this morning, asked me if I had no 
 reply yet from France as to the preliminaries and expressed astonish- 
 ment at your dangerous delay. I pointed out the gravity of the step 
 you are asked to take, but he regrets the loss of valuable time. 
 
 1708, 13th Dec. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of the -ith and 6th. Secrecy, remember, is indispensable. 
 Failure to observe it would imperil the matter. 
 
 We heard yesterday that the citadel of Lille has surrendered. I am 
 glad that honourable terms have been granted. 
 
 I know not if the King of Denmark, full of his pleasures, and 
 hastening to Venice in search of them, will wish to act as mediator. 
 
 1708, 18th Dec. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I communicated to Heinsius yesterday your letters of the 10th. He 
 says they leave him in doubt as to your meaning, for there were two 
 
337 
 
 proposals brought by Hannequiu. I told hiin it must clearly be the RoundJMSS. 
 one most favourable to the Dutch. He said he must examine them 
 before replying, and expressed his regret that France should not speak 
 out more clearly. 
 
 1708, 20th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Heinsius gave me his reply to your letter of the 10th this morning. 
 He complained that your offer is too general, as there should be no 
 uncertainty in matters of this importance. He asks which of Hanne- 
 quin's proposals you mean, and how secrecy is to be ensured. I hope 
 you will give me a definite reply. 
 
 1708, 20th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 10th. You will see that there is every wish to 
 secure the secrecy you desire. 
 
 I can assure you that the King of Denmark does wish to be mediator, 
 and that pleasure is only a pretence for his journey. 
 
 1708, 23rd Dec. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of the 11th, 13th, and 18th. I know of only one pro- 
 posal entrusted to Hannequin, when he returned to Holland at the end 
 of March 1707. In that proposal the essential point as to Spain and 
 the Indies was settled according to the wishes of Holland. The Arch- 
 duke was to have them, and the King of Spain was to receive as 
 equivalent the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, Sardinia, and the coast- 
 towns of Tuscany. France wished to add the Duchy of Milan, and this 
 was, I believe, the cause of the negotiation being broken off. 
 
 At the present time, the Milanese is out of the question, and, given 
 secrecy, we shall treat on the basis of giving up Spain and the Indies 
 and go into the Barrier question in good faith. But Heinsius, on his 
 part, must try to arrange for a conference as soon as possible, for time 
 is passing and another campaign might destroy the present desire for 
 peace. 
 
 I will bear carefully in mind what you tell me about the Kin^ of 
 Denmark and his journey. 
 
 1708, 23rd Dec. Same to Same, 
 
 Let me add that some friends of mine heard a few days ago, from 
 Holland, that an emissary from Sweden was trying to arrange peace, 
 and promising to secure for the Allies Spain and the Indies, and 
 asserting that one of our Ministers would come to confirm the offer, if 
 desired, and to treat on the other points : I paid little attention to the 
 rumour at the time, but I must ask you to enlighten me now that the 
 same report reaches me from England. It now takes the shape that a 
 French Minister has written direct to Heinsius about peace, and has 
 suggested a conference with Marlborough and himself. As no such 
 letter has been written, I will ask you to trace the rumour to its source. 
 How can secrecy be secured if such a report is abroad already ? I 
 commend this to your consideration. 
 
 1708, 27th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letters of the 20th. My last letter told you that I knew of but 
 one proposal sent by Hennequin, and gave you its details. When I 
 said in mine of the 10th that they would have to be modified, I was not 
 alluding to Spain and the Indies, but to several other details, which 
 have never been accepted in Holland, such as the Milanese, which I only 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 338 
 
 cite to show the changes events have involved. It is impossible to 
 discuss these by letter. The Barrier, for instance, will require much 
 discussion. 
 
 So does trade, though France is ready to secure guarantees and 
 advantages to the Dutch, and wishes to bind the two nations by a common 
 interest that nothing will be able to destroy. 
 
 The allies of France, also, will have to be carefully considered. 
 Perhaps the States- General may find it not to their advantage to abandon 
 to the Emperor those whom the House of Austria now deems its worst 
 foes. 
 
 This is why 1 have always held that the so-called preliminaries 
 required discussion. 
 
 You tell me Heinsius asks how secrecy should be ensured, and where 
 the conferences should be held. He himself is the best judge. I should 
 probably make a wrong suggestion, but, as you wish it, I will say — 
 subject to your opinion and that of Heinsius — that I have always thought 
 it impossible to meet secretly at the Hague, because of the foreign 
 envoys there. Aix-le-Chapelle seems more suitable, especially now that 
 it is empty. The presence ot our envoy there could be accounted there 
 on the plea of illness, and Heinsius could doubtless despatch a deputy 
 from the States-General, and arrange with Marlborough for the presence 
 of a representative of England. If this device is insufficient, the 
 exchange of prisoners or some border question might be alleged to 
 account for the meeting. That is my own idea, but try to sound 
 Heinsius. Urge him to suggest the best way of beginning as soon as 
 possible conferences so necessary for all Europe. 
 
 1709, 1st Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of 23rd ult I communicated its con- 
 tents to Heinsius yesterday. He professed himself now satisfied that 
 France was in earnest, and added that Marlborough had promised to 
 join him three days after Ghent fell, and would therefore be here by 
 the end of the week, when he could give me a definite ;reply. Please 
 send me a fresh passport in blank. 
 
 1709, 1st Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 P.S. Your second letter of the 23rd has greatly surprised me. I 
 think it must refer to conjectures. Heinsius told me that, as a matter of 
 fact, he had mentioned the matter to a few Deputies, but could trust 
 them, as he could Marlborough, though he thought the latter' s secretary 
 (who is a great friend of the English envoy here) might have tried to 
 discover who was the agent, but in vain, as he had warned the Duke 
 that this was how my journey to Paris became known. Du Puy and the 
 English envoy must have formed conjectures. As to the conditions, it 
 is generally known what will be insisted on. In yesterday's Gazette 
 the Paris correspondent said that M. de Chamillart was coming to 
 
 Flanders to offer Spain and the Indies Heinsius 
 
 begged me to assure you that our secret is, and will be, kept here, and 
 that these rumours must not alarm you. But he said he would write to 
 the Duke urging secrecy. For myself, I speak on a matter so important 
 to no one but Heinsius himself. 
 
 1709, 3rd Jan. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letters of 25th and 27th ultimo. I am obliged to Heinsius about 
 Croissy. But there are difficulties. 
 
 I will be careful to carry out your suggestions. 
 
339 
 
 1709, 3rd Jan. P. to Torcy. Round mss. 
 
 Heinsius, whom I saw to-day. is anxious for your further explanations 
 as, he said, he had convoked the States of Holland for next week to 
 discuss the terms of peace with some deputies of that province, so as to 
 be ready, on Marlborough's arrival, to draw up the articles. I hope to 
 bring you the preliminaries as soon as my passport reaches me, and to 
 arrange with you the place of meeting. 
 
 1709, 8th Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 Youis of 27th ult. only reached me on the 5th, but it, happily, 
 gives all the explanations required. Heinsius said that as Marlborough 
 arrives to-morrow, he must communicate it to him and some Deputies of 
 Holland who are in the secret, but I shall try to send you an answer by 
 the next post. We do not think your suggestions as to the meeting 
 practicable. Heinsius inclines to a meeting of Marlborough and yourself. 
 
 1709, 15th Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 3rd. Heinsius cannot admit the difficulty about 
 Croissy. The Prince Generals arrived here Sunday, at two o'clock, 
 and after dinner, went together to see Heinsius. He told me yesterday 
 that he had not yet had an opportunity of speaking privately to 
 Marlborough, as Prince Eugene was always with him, but that they 
 had arranged to meet about the business to-day, and he would let me 
 know the result, if possible, in time for to-day's post, but he has not been 
 able to do so. Prince Eugene is dissatisfied ; he cannot get the increase 
 of troops he asks for. 
 
 Marlborough said yesterday to the Duke of Wurtemburg's general 
 that the Allies would require his troops, and that as only a small force 
 would be required in Grermany, this year, for defensive purposes, the 
 Duke should despatch them to Brabant. There was a discussion this 
 morning about the 8,000 Saxons. The King of Prussia is lo supply 
 7,000 more men. The Elect or Palatine has sent to offer his troops, 
 but also to claim his arrears, which are very heavy. 
 
 Torcy to Petkum [holograph]. 
 
 " J'ay receu Monsieur par le retour du Courrier despesche a M. 
 Rouille la lettre que vous avez pris la peine de m'ecrire le 8 e de ce 
 mois. Je croy que vous n'avez pas ete Surpris de la rupture de la 
 negociation voyant qu 'on insistoit a La haye aussy fortement Sur un 
 article que je n'ay jamais laisse esperer que Le Hoy put passer. Je l'ay 
 declare Si formellement avant mon depart, qu'il me Semble que personne 
 ne peut reprocher a M. Le C er Pe:is re de S'etre laisse amuser, efc je 
 vous assure qui Si les intentions de S. M te n'eussent pas ete aussy 
 droittes et aussy Sinceres qu'elles l'etoient pour le retiiblissement de la 
 paix, j'aurais pu esperer de Sa bonte qu'EUe eut charge un autre que 
 moy de touttes les grandes offres que j'ay faittes, comrne vous le Savez, 
 avec beaucoup de regret. 
 
 " Jusqu'a ce que la Campagne Soit finie on ne peut decider qui 
 doit etre le plus afflige de L'inutilite de nos conferences. Mais vous 
 pouvez conter que l'etat de l'armee du Roy, est beaucoup meilleur qu'on 
 ne le dit a La haye, et que les propositions qu'on nous a faittes 
 ont inspire une nouvelle ardeur aux troupes et aux Sujets du Roy. 
 
 'Me vous prie Monsieur de Vouloir bien me conservcr le Souvenir 
 qu'on me fait la grace d'avoir de moy dans votre maison. Permetter 
 E 77960. z 
 
340 
 
 Ro-ukp MSS. m0 y ausS y ^ e vous prier de faire mes compliments a M rs Les Envoyes 
 de Suede de Dann k et de Wirtemberg et Soyez S'il vous plaist persuade 
 du veritable desir que j'ay de vous marquer en touttes occasions que je 
 Suis Monsieur entierement a vous. 
 
 "De Torcy. 
 "A Marly Le 13 e Juin 1709." 
 
 1709, 20th June. Rouille to P.— Paris. 
 
 1 have received yours of the 13th and seen yours of that date to 
 Torcy, who is replying to you fully to-day. One cannot sufficiently 
 
 praise your zeal for peace Why is such a boon as peace 
 
 delayed by asking a concession which is impossible, because it is not in 
 the King's power, whatever the Dutch may allege 
 
 1709, 18th July. Torcy to P. (6 pp.)— Versailles. 
 
 Your two letters, one without date, on your return from Amsterdam, 
 the other of 11th inst. 
 
 I fully believe the assurance of Heinsius that he wishes to renew the 
 negotiations, and you must assure him that we wish it also. But I 
 must confess that the more I seek a solution as to Article 37, the less 
 able I am to find it. We need not have been troubled by it, had we 
 arranged the partition that M. Rouille and I demanded for the King of 
 Spain. By insisting on leaving him without States you drive him to 
 fight for his Crown, and deprive the King [of France] of any means of 
 influencing him for peace. 
 
 The only way out of the difficulty was a secret stipulation, as 
 suggested by M. Rouille, that even if Spain were not wholly handed 
 over to the Archduke within the time specified, the armistice should last 
 till peace was made, provided the King [of France] had fulfilled his own 
 undertaking during that time. But as this expedient was refused, I 
 wish Heinsius would suggest some other. Six weeks ago our object was 
 to forestall a campaign : now that is well advanced, we should strive to 
 arrange peace definitely, rather than a preliminary armistice. We only 
 proposed the latter to avoid disturbing the peaceful tendencies existing; 
 our failure should teach us to treat direct for peace. 
 
 Urge Heinsius, therefore, to suggest guarantees. His Majesty will 
 promise all he can ; but it will be useless to ask him for those he cannot. 
 I can think of none, but the recall of all the French troops in Spain 
 and the strongest undertaking not to intervene directly in her affairs. 
 
 You may not believe me, but I assure you that the absurd and im- 
 pertinent publication you speak of was issued without authority by the 
 writer of the Mercure Galand. As soon as it appeared, the whole 
 edition was suppressed by the King's orders, and the author had a 
 
 narrow escape of being punished as he deserved 
 
 " De Torcy." 
 
 1709, 18th July. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 12th. Peace would have been more to the interest 
 of the States-General than war as it now is being waged. It is not so 
 easy to march into the heart of France as was said in Holland last May, 
 and Heinsius as well as Buys and Wanderdussen may remember my 
 telling them not to trust to all they heard from France about her 
 miseries. The people compensate themselves for their sufferings in 
 exaggerating their distress. I onlv wish you may hit on the solution you 
 speak of. 
 
341 
 
 You will see quarrels among the Allies if the war last. Their mutual 9V ^J: 
 suspicions and grievances cannot be kept secret. 
 
 The enclosed seals will show you how your letters are treated at 
 Brussels. 
 
 1709, 23rd July. P. to Torcy — The Hague. 
 
 I see by your letter of the 18th that the same scoundrel who opened 
 my letters before is repeating his rascality. 
 
 It is a disgrace to the Brussels authorities 
 
 [Note by Petkum ; I wrote this letter to revenge myself on the rogues 
 who opened my letters, but who gained nothing by it, as they were all 
 in cipher.] 
 
 1709, 1st August. Torcy to P. 
 
 The insecurity of the post-office makes it advisable that you should 
 
 .send your letter under cover to a correspondent at Liege 
 
 When you have something important to tell me, you must send your 
 letters to Amsterdam to be posted for Liege and let me have the im- 
 pressions of several seals that you will use in succession. You should 
 ■also have your letter addressed by different hands and folded different 
 ways, and must use stout paper. The letters should be posted from 
 
 Liege to these [fictitious] addresses Letters to you 
 
 should go to a correspondent at Amsterdam, and you must send me his 
 name. They will have the following [fictitious] addresses .... 
 I shall only use them on hearing that you have arranged this l . . . . 
 
 1709, 8th Aug. Same to Same. — Marly. 
 
 Your letter of the 30th as to exchanging my brother [Croissy]. I 
 only await the names of the two Dutch captains whom the King is to 
 release "De Torcy." 
 
 1709, 9th Aug. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Heinsias assured me this morning he is examining the latest 
 proposition with some Deputies. I think he has told Marlborough, and 
 is waiting for his opinion. News arrived at noon of a French defeat 
 near Conflans, with the loss of 2,000 men. This will, I expect, puff up 
 the Imperialists, who want greater concessions. The taking of Tournay 
 will encourage the English and the Dutch. I hope soon to pay you 
 my respects in person. 
 
 1709, 13th August. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 8th Heinsius told me to-day 
 
 he would discuss the great business with Count Sinzendorf and 
 Lord Towns[h]end. The former is very reasonable and agrees to my 
 going to France ; the latter raises some difficulties, but only, I think, 
 because he has not yet heard from Marlborough, who could not be here 
 till to-day or to-morrow. 
 
 The behaviour of the French about the surrender of the castle [of 
 Tournay] has given great offence here. 
 
 1709, 2 Oct. Torcy to P. [holograph fragment]. 
 
 [1709. Narrative, by Petkum of his third visit to France. Im- 
 perfect, 8J pp.] 
 
 . . . . . . Torcy replied that he wished I could suggest some 
 
 compromise on the great difficulty, as he could think of none, tho' he 
 hoped this winter would not pass without peace being made. I 
 
 1 All in cipher. 
 
 z 2 
 
342 
 
 Houxd MSS'. SU gge&ted their signing the preliminaries, but allowing three months 
 instead of two for evacuating Spain. Torcy and Rouille exclaimed that 
 it was out of the question, that the King would never sign an under- 
 taking he could not carry out, and that it would wound his honour by 
 compelling him to make war on his own [flesh and] blood, and on a 
 Prince who has always obeyed him. The whole nation would sooner 
 sacrifice their lives and all they had. He desired peace, but not a truce 
 for two or three months, bought at the price of kingdoms and of his own 
 frontier fortresses. 
 
 Seeing by this that my suggestion was useless, I proposed to omit 
 the word 'ceded ' (cede) in Article 37, and to extend the term to 
 
 three months 
 
 the Ministers and that he [Torcy] hoped I 
 
 might persuade them that my compromise was practicable. I reminded 
 him that he and Rouille had agreed to all these Articles, save the 
 restitution of part of Alsace to the Empire, and of Exiles and 
 Fenestrelles to the Duke of Savoy, together with our present difficul'y, 
 Article 37 ; [further] that as the object is to ensure the surrender of 
 Spain, the cause of the war, and as France had made that concession, 
 she must grant Article 37, which was required for the purpose. The 
 greater her objections to doing so, the more the Allies would mistrust 
 her : without this guarantee they would never make peace ; the 
 maritime powers would sooner ruin themselves (" s'abimer ") and 
 prolong the war for ten years than lose the fruit of all the blood and 
 treasure they had spent, namely, the safety of their trade. 
 
 Torcy replied that France honestly wished to bring about the 
 evacuation of Spain so far as was in her power, that the King had, to 
 this end, withdrawn all his troops, and would never send another man 
 there, and that this should convince the Allies of his earnest wish for 
 peace 
 
 As we reached Versailles at this moment, I had no time to reply. The 
 Marquis made arrangements for my staying with him, and then went to 
 the Kings Council, to report our conversation. We could not renew it 
 till after dinner, when he took me, with the Abbe de Polignac into the 
 King's gardens, and said that the Ministers had not favoured my 
 compromise, and preferred, for certain reasons, not to see me personally, 
 [and] that M. Demarets would come to see me at seven that evening, 
 and discuss the matter aaew. Then, turning to the Abbe, he said 
 that the King was being treated by the Allies in an unheard-of 
 manner, that, in addition to the exorbitant preliminaries, he was 
 to be forced to sign an undertaking that was not in his power to 
 execute, and, thereupon, gave the Abbe a summary of our conversation. 
 The Abbe tried to convince me how unreasonable these requests were, 
 and said that, hard as the preliminaries were, his Majesty would sign 
 them, if he could thus secure peace for France, but that, by parting 
 with fortresses, abandoning kingdom, and dismantling Dunkirk, he was 
 only to gain a truce for two to three months. No faithful Minister 
 could urge him to sign till he was sure of peace. No extorted treaty 
 could be lasting, as the King of Sweden was now experiencing. The 
 Allies could not, in reason, ask for what was impossible to undertake. 
 The King of Saxony had made a most shameful peace — though these 
 Preliminaries would be worse — but had at least secured peace, which 
 the King would not. 
 
 To this I replied that the Allies could not be blamed for taking such 
 precautions when France had hitherto shown such small respect for 
 treaties, and that they regretted the necessity. Ah, exclaimed the 
 
343 
 
 Abbe, this is what France owes to the unbridled ambition and dangerous KouxDMSSg 
 
 principles of a haughty Minister (meaning Louvois). And yet the King 
 
 and his Council are truly in earnest now. I replied that, without 
 
 defending Louvois, he was no longer alive when the Partition Treaty 
 
 was repudiated. Disconcerted, the Abbe retorted, that one who 
 
 inherited the traditions of Louvois had been in fault. Here Torcy 
 
 inten < ned and said he should lament, all his life, that unhappy decision, 
 
 which he had opposed so far as he could, but he had been overruled ; 
 
 it was the cause of all his country's present misfortunes. 
 
 The Abbe then returned to the difficulties caused by Article 37, and 
 thinking, perhaps, that I was commissioned, as had been rumoured, to 
 modify it, exclaimed : " M. Petkum, you must extricate us. You 
 4i cannot but have thought, on the road, of some modification. Tell us 
 " frankly what it is." I replied that I had already imparted my own 
 suggestion to Torcy and Rouille, but as they did not approve of it, it 
 was for them to suggest another. Seeing that I had nothing more to 
 say, Torcy took us home; but, as we separated, they entreated me 
 to think of some compromise, which confirmed my belief that they 
 thought the Allies had commissioned me to offer one. 
 
 1709, 26th Dec. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 17th. I have often spoken to you of the follies of 
 the Dutch gazeteers, and marvel that you should complain of them. I 
 wish there were some foundation for their untrue statement. Had 
 your zeal been crowned with success, there would have been no 
 dishonour in accepting a testimony of the King's satisfaction. 
 
 I am sorry to see by the news from Tournay, that peace seems 
 further off than ever. It must be to embitter relations that France is 
 accused o-f repudiating preliminaries she never accepted. It is not 
 repudiating' to be willing to treat afresh. 
 
 I shall not yet tell you what a fresh rebuff from the Allies may bring 
 about. One must still wait for the answer promised you. 
 
 1709, 27th Dec. [Rouille] to P. 
 
 Your letters of the 17th and 20th 1 have sent 
 
 them on, with some comments to Torcy, not having been able to go 
 to Versailles for a fortnight. The Dutch are wrong to mistrust us. 
 
 There will be much more ground for doubting the 
 
 sincerity of the Allies, if they do not admit us to a conference to be 
 conducted on the footing of the preliminaries, as this solves all 
 difficulties. That is our view here. But wait for Torcy's own reply. 
 
 13 January 1710. In your letter of the 7th you complain of my 
 silence; yet I wrote to you on 27tb, and send you a copy of my letter 
 above. What has become of it? I await impatiently the results of 
 Torcy's last memorandum. 1 
 
 1710. 
 
 1710, 2 Jan. Torcy to P. 
 
 I could not decipher yours of the 20th in time for last post. I have 
 since seen what is said at the Hague about the reply you took back to 
 Heinsius. 
 
 You and I foresaw that the enemies of peace would deny, as usual, 
 the sincerity of France and accuse her of ruining the negotiation. 
 
 1 The above letter of 27th Dec. is only found in the duplicate enclosed in that of 
 13th Jan. 
 
344 
 
 Round MSS. Time presses, and I shall not waste it on arguing against that view. I send 
 you, in a separate memorandum, the conditions on which the King is 
 willing to treat and those which he cannot accept, as they stand, because 
 
 their execution does not depend on him Please com - 
 
 municate this memorandum to Heinsius, and request an answer. A 
 matter of this consequence requires personal discussion : suggest that 
 
 an envoy of the King should visit Holland to treat 
 
 It is rumoured there that you were authorised, on returning, to propose 
 some partition scheme on behalf of the King. You received no such 
 instruction. Perhaps, however, this would best smooth over the 
 difficulty of these Articles which the King declines. But we must first 
 arrange for conferences, secret or public. May God give men a more 
 peaceful disposition in the year now opening. . ... 
 
 1710, 2nd Jan. [Memorandum to above], 10 pp. 
 
 Although the King is no longer bound by undertakings which his 
 enemies have refused to accept, he is willing to renew them, in the 
 interest of Europe, if his enemies also will treat on this basis, agree on 
 a place for the conference, and appoint Ministers authorised to make 
 peace. 
 
 Those conditions are : — 
 
 Firstly. 
 
 As to Spain, an undertaking of the King to recognise, as soon as 
 peace is signed, the Archduke Charles as King of Spain and its depen- 
 dencies, saving only those which the Allies have promised to the King of 
 Portugal or the Duke of Savoy, and the strongholds which the Arch- 
 duke has promised the Dutch in the Low Countries. 
 
 A similar undertaking not only to withdraw all assistance from the 
 King of Spain, but never to send him any more directly or indirectly. 
 And as surety for its performance, his Majesty will entrust to the States- 
 General four of his fortresses in Flanders, which he will select, to be 
 retained by them till the Spanish business is settled. 
 
 He will also undertake to forbid his subjects, under severe penalties^ 
 to take service with the King of Spain, and will enforce this prohibition. 
 
 He also consents to the Spanish monarchy being never united to that 
 of France, and to no French Prince reigning or acquiring rights there. 
 
 The Spanish Indies are comprised in these stipulations, and no French 
 vessel shall visit them for trade or any other purpose. 
 
 Secondly. 
 
 As to the Empire, the King will surrender the town and citade of 
 Strasbourg in their present slate. The fort of Kel, with its artillery, shall 
 also be surrendered. The town shall regain its former privileges as an 
 Imperial town. 
 
 He will also surrender to the Emperor the town of Brisach with its 
 artillery ; will coutent himself with the possession of Alsace according 
 to the literal meaning of the Treaty of Westphalia ; will leave Landau 
 to the Emperor, with permission to dismantle it ; will raze to the 
 ground whatever he has built on the Bhine from Bale to Philipbourg ; 
 consents to llhinfels going to the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and to 
 the 4th Article of the Treaty of Ryswick being discussed in the 
 conferences. 
 
 He will recognise the Elector of Brandenburg as King of Prussia, 
 and will not disturb him in the possession of JNeuchatel, and will also 
 recognise the Electorate created for the Duke of Hanover. 
 
345 
 
 Thirdly. 
 
 As to England, the King will recognise Princess Anne as Queen of 
 Great Britain and the order of succession to th Crown in the Protestant 
 line as established by Acts of Parliament. 
 
 He will cede the Island of Newfoundland and will arrange for a 
 reciprocal restitution of everything occupied in the Indies during the 
 present war. 
 
 He will demolish all the fortifications of Dunkirk and choke the port, 
 promising never to restore it. 
 
 He will also agree to the King of England's intention to leave 
 France, on the conclusion of peace, so long as he is left free to go 
 where he will aud to enjoy perfect safety. 
 
 Fourthly. 
 
 As to the Dutch, the King will cede to them, for their Barrier, all the 
 fortresses named in Article 22, namely, Furnes, the fort of Knock, 
 Menin, Ypres, Lille, Tournay, Conde, aud Maubeuge, with their 
 dependencies, on the conditions there specified. 
 
 As to the fortresses in the Low Countries still held by the King of 
 Spain, he will withdraw his troops from them, and will hand them over 
 to the Archduke as soon as peace is signed. 
 
 He will confirm his offers to the Dutch, as to their trade, and 
 Article 35 shall be rigidly adhered to. 
 
 Fifthly. 
 
 As to the Duke of Savoy the King will concede the demands made in 
 Articles 27 and 23. 
 
 But he demands that the Electors of Cologne and Bavaria shall be 
 restored to their states and dignities, and their envoys admitted to the 
 conferences for peace. 
 
 Lastly, as a peace, not a truce, is in question, the time allowed for 
 fulfilling these conditions shall be such as is usual in treaties after 
 ratifications have been changed. 
 
 This is the basis on which the King is still prepared to send pleni- 
 potentiaries to treat for peace, and to take advantage of the winter 
 for the purpose, before the next campaign begins. If these offers are 
 not accepted, the King will hold himself free from any engagement, and 
 will disclaim all responsibility for the prolongation of this sanguinary 
 war. 1 
 
 1710, 5th Jan. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letters of the 20th and 27th. You should have had a very full 
 one from Torcy, by la,"t post, assuring you of our sincere desire for 
 peace, but for a stable one, for, as I have told you, our only fear, is 
 that we may not obtain it, after having offered all. Mistrust begets 
 mistrust, especially in the weaker. Let our propositions be impartially 
 considered. Our wishes are only bounded by our powers; we long 
 for a real settlement t . . 
 
 1710, 6th Jan. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of 26th tilt As you realise how 
 
 determined they are here on the propositions I brought, I will only say 
 that I no longer press for a reply, which, I feel sure would only break 
 
 1 These propositions should he compared with those to which they refer, and 
 which were made to Torcy at the Hague in May 1709. These are printed, with 
 Torcy's objections to them, in his Memoirs. 
 
 Tiovxj) MSS, 
 
346 
 
 KottndMSS. off negotiations It is not to cause bitterness that 
 
 France is accused of repudiation. Heinsius maintains it because, before 
 I left [for France], only the 37th Article was in question, and you your- 
 self proposed an alternative [3 fortified towns] to Heinsius and me, 
 which led to my journey. Yet you sent me back with other proposi- 
 tions, which you knew would be distasteful. I must not speak freely ; 
 but to judge from appearances, France no longer wishes for peace, 
 and trusts to the difficulties in the North, which, however, the Allies will 
 soon put a stop to. Peace is also being arranged between Sweden 
 and Denmirk. You see that France has nothing to hope for. 
 
 1710, 7 Jan. P. to Marlborough. 
 
 Your letter of the 20th ult. has consoled me for the attacks on me. 
 I take advantage of your permission to inform you, from time to time, 
 of what I hear from France, and have the honour to enclose copies of 
 my letter to Torcy, and his reply. I wrote to him again on the 20th 
 ult., and on receiving his reply, which should be decisive, will send you 
 copies of both letters 
 
 1710, 6th Jan. [O.S.]. Marlborough to P.— St. James's. 
 
 Thanks for your letter of the 7th and enclosures. I shall be glad J 
 see those you promise me, which will enlighten us. I am sorry for the 
 attacks on you, but those who know your zeal will always do you justice, 
 as I do. 
 
 " Le Pr. et Due de Marlborough." 
 
 1710, 7th Jan. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I fear your reply to mine of the 20th must have been ntercepted. 
 I am the more anxious as I think it would enable us to renew 
 negotiations, while France might profit from the mistrust which is 
 spreading among the Allies and which a Congress would accentuate. 
 
 1710, 7th Jan. P. to Rouille. 
 
 I cannot think why I have not heard from you since the 20th ult. 
 I fear they must be right here in saying that France does not w r ant 
 peace, and trust to arms, whereas, as my letter of the 20th showed you, 
 you could now secure peace on reasonable terms. You must not allow 
 this opportunity to slip 
 
 1710, 9th Jan. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of the 2nd only reached me at five yesterday afternoon. 
 I took it at once, with the enclosures, to Heinsius, who read them in 
 my presence, but only said he must communicate them to those whom 
 they concerned. As the States of Holland do not meet till the 15th, I 
 hardly expect an answer till the 16th or 17th. 
 
 Your memorandum is a welcome reply to the charges against France 
 here, but 1 wish it had followed the Preliminaries more closely, and that 
 the compromise as to Spain had been the same as you suggested to 
 Heinsius last August, when you accepted, for the King, everything but 
 the 37th Article and made a more acceptable offer as to Spain. This 
 would have advanced matters and helped to silence objectors. I heartily 
 wish I could send you a more favourable reply than I expect, considering 
 the last determination to accept no modification save of the 37th Article. 
 I am going to Amsterdam to-morrow, where I shall see Buys about this 
 business. 
 
347 
 
 1710, 9th Jan. Torcy to P. Round_MSS. 
 
 Your letter of the 2nd. If peace were as ardently desired with you 
 as here, means would soon he found for bringing it about. But this 
 cannot be done when we are left to learn from Gazettes the resolves of 
 the Allies on your report of your mission 
 
 You are right not to press for a reply which might break off the 
 negotiation, but my hopes are small so long as it is confined to writing 
 and no conferences arranged. 
 
 The state of affairs in the North has not lessened the King's desire 
 for peace, but those who wish to niaxe it impossible must not be 
 surprised if, in return, he employs every means against them. 
 
 1710, 11th Jan. P. to Heinsius [Amsterdam]. 
 
 I saw Buys and Van Der Dussen on arriving here yesterday, and 
 showed them the last propositions. I send you Rouille's letter received 
 yesterday. 
 
 1710, 13th Jan. P. to Rouille. — Amsterdam. 
 
 Yours of the 5th relieves my anxiety. Your wishes for peace are 
 doubted here, because the Barrier fortresses are not to be handed over 
 ,' :i1 ratifications have been exchanged, and, as to Spain, the offer is not 
 &u good as was Torcy 's own to Heinsius last August. Thus the 
 
 difficulty is no longer confined to Article 37 Pray show 
 
 this letter to Torcy. 
 
 1710, 17th Jan. P. to Torcy. — Amsterdam. 
 
 I have been here a week trying to obtain leave for an envoy to come 
 from France to treat on the Preliminaries. I am now returning to the 
 Hague, where your propositions are being discussed. I Lope they may 
 lead to a conference, for if France be then content with the Kingdom 
 of Sicily or an equivalent, peace will be made. Pray keep this hint 
 secret. 
 
 1710, 21 Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 My master's busiuess delayed me at Amsterdam. On 
 
 arriving here I ascertained that all the Preliminaries must be accepted, 
 saving the 37th Article. If then you think a meeting desirable certain 
 parties are ready to arrange it, if you will empower me to declare, on 
 behalf of the King, that he accepts these conditions, which will limit the 
 
 subject of the meeting (" pour-parler ") to Article 37 
 
 The interview should be as secret and as short as possible 
 
 The person or persons you send should be acquainted with the King's 
 full intentions. Moerdyke is suggested as the place ; and the necessary 
 passports will be sent as soon as the King consents to the above 
 conditions. 
 
 1710, 21 Jan. P. to Rouille. 
 
 The moderate party has had much difficulty in 
 
 gaining over Sinzendorff and Towns[h]end You should 
 
 eagerly embrace this opportunity, and will never have a better one. I 
 impress this on Torcy before the two Princes [Eugene and Marlborough] 
 arrive and exert their influence 
 
 1710, 23 Jan. Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letter of 17th. Your journey [to Amsterdam] has given 
 
 anxiety to the envoys of the Allies [f conferences can 
 
 be arranged, I am sure they will remove many difficulties. 
 
348 
 
 RotrtfDMSS. The English are more eager for war in Holland than at home. The 
 suffering on every side makes peace indispensable. God grant that the 
 governments may arrange it. .... . 
 
 1710, 4 March. [Rouille] to P. 
 
 Yours of 25th ult. I hope the conferences you have arranged may 
 prove successful, but I fear we are asked, in the matter of Spain, for 
 
 what is beyond our power The present attitude of Spain 
 
 towards us should convince you that she will pay no attention to the 
 advice, still less to the orders of France. Our Ministers left the day 
 before yesterday, and should reach the place of meeting on Sunday. 
 Monday and Tuesday would be spent in discussion, and we ought to 
 know the result by the end of next week. May you reap in a peace the 
 fruit of your labours. So far as I can judge the character of the Marechal 
 d'Huxelles should n't him for the work. . « . , , 
 
 1710, 11 March. P. to Torcy. 
 
 The plenipotentiaries reached Moerdyke last Sunday. Buys and 
 Vanderdussen are expected to return here this evening to announce the 
 propositions made to them. For they are only appointed ad audiendum 
 et referendum. I hope their report may induce this State to resist the 
 opposition of the Imperial and English envoys, who leave no stone 
 unturned to render the conferences futile. Marlborough himself who 
 arrived at two last Saturday afternoon does not conceal his annoyance at 
 the conference, and says openly — he said so to me to-day — that it is only 
 a trick of France, which has no wish for peace, but only seeks to divide 
 the Allies. Heinsius, who is as anxious as myself for the success of the 
 conference, told me yesterday it was strange that not a single member of 
 the State or foreign envoy believed France to wish for peace, and that no 
 one but myself gave her credit for it. So he hoped I might be right. 
 The envoys of the Empire having shown jealousy of my going to 
 Antwerp, I have, on the advice of Heinsius, delayed paying my respects 
 to the Plenipotentiaries, but I have written to advise them as to how 
 they should open the conference. 
 
 You will hear from London what has caused the sudden departure of 
 Marlborough, but I doubt whether the Address from Parliament is 
 agreeable to the Dutch ; it is too openly mistrustful. 
 
 Since the Duke came here, Sinzendorff, who was quite disheartened, 
 has been more hopeful, thinking that, with his help he can again stop 
 negotiation. 
 
 Prince Eugene was to leave Vienna on the 7th. He will visit Berlin 
 to induce the King of Prussia to leave his troops in Italy, and is expected 
 here on the 20th. 
 
 It is said that the Campaign is to be opened early, and yesterday the 
 Deputies of the States conferred with those of the Council to settle on 
 the first camp. I am told the French lines are to be attacked at the 
 beginning of next month. 
 
 I have just come from Heinsius, who tells me he heard this morning 
 from the Deputies that your Plenipotentiaries reached Moerdyke at 
 five on Sunday afternoon, that they had held meetings the same evening 
 and yesterday, and were returning to report. 
 
 We hear from Copenhagen that the Danes are doing badly, and that 
 on the approach of the Swedes nearly 22,000 strong, under Steenbock, 
 they abandoned Christianstadt and fell back on Elsingboorgh, and that 
 their general is ill. The Dutch envoy has at last had a meeting with 
 the King's ministers on the subject of neutrality. 
 
349 
 
 1710, 5th June. Torcy to P. — Marly. Rouxu ms. 
 
 Your letters of 20th, 23rd, 27th, and 29th ult I 
 
 am sorry to find that the conferences are not advancing matters, but I 
 
 do not despair, so long as discussion is possible Heinsius 
 
 will act rightly and wisely in opposing the war party as you tell me he 
 is doing 
 
 The envoys of the Empire are misinformed as to affairs in Spain, 
 The imprisonment of the Duke of Medinaceli has created no stir, nor has 
 anyone tried to remove him from the castle of Segovia. We may be as 
 much in error here as to the Archduke's health, but it is said to be very 
 bad, and it is not believed that he can live long or leave issue. It is 
 strange that the Dutch should wage war so obstinately for his benefit. 
 
 I send you the passport for the Prince of Hesse. 
 
 1710 ; 6th June. [Rouille] to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 29th ult. I am sorry the last conference was so 
 
 unsuccessful Mistrust is spoiling all. The despatches 
 
 sent yesterday to our envoys will enable them to speak more clearly. 
 There is nothing in the rumours from Spain. It is the very strength of 
 the King there that is the chief obstacle to a peace. I do what I can 
 to forward it here, and your advices help me, though I never mention 
 your name. Pray continue them. 
 
 1710, 8th June. Gertruydenberg. — Huxelles and Polignac to P. 
 
 "We are sending you a letter we have received for you, and one for 
 Heinsius. 
 
 " Huxelles," " L'Abbe de Polignac." 
 
 1710, 9th June. P. to Rouille. 
 
 I am surprised at not hearing from you or Torcy. The States of 
 Holland rose last Saturday for a fortnight. Sinzendorff failed in his 
 efforts to make them break off the negotiation. But for Heinsius he 
 would have succeeded. Everyone believes that France is only playing 
 with us. It is a dangerous game. If only she would treat in earnest 
 and content herself with Sicily and Sardinia , and give security for 
 evacuating Spain and the Indies, I am sure the Dutch would at once 
 arrange a peace. Let me know what you think of the proceedings of 
 your envoys. 
 
 1710, 10th June. P. to Huxelles and Polignac. 
 
 I gave the letter you sent me to Heinsius, who said he would summon 
 Buys and Vanderdussen this evening. I am obliged to you for the 
 letter from Torcy. 
 
 1710, 10th June. P. to Torcy. 
 
 Your letter of the 5th, with the passport. . The 
 
 Plenipotentiaries have written to Heinsius, begging that the Deputies 
 may return, and he will summon them here at once, and despatch them 
 to Gertruydenberg. His firmness will prevail over Imperial opposition. 
 
 If the Plenipotentiaries now give satisfactory assurances as to Spain 
 and the Indies, I am sure the Dutch, now more sickened than ever by 
 the siege of Douay, will be eager to make peace. The two Princes, 
 seeing they cannot prolong the war, are resolved, after taking Douay, to 
 fight a battle at all cost, in the hope of destroying all peaceful tendencies. 
 You must see the importance of preventing this by timely concession. 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 350 
 
 1711, 10th June. P. to Kouille. 
 
 . . . . . - The Imperial envoys are trying to oppose another 
 conference, but, 1 think, in vain. . . . . . . The Dutch want 
 
 peace, and nothing but that article [37] stops the way 
 
 If your Court realised this, I know it would take the step required . . 
 
 1710, 12th June. P. to Torcy. 
 
 On Heinsius informing the envoys of the Empire and of England that 
 your plenipotentiaries had asked for another conference, and that his 
 government would grant it, Sinzendorff insisted on attending it, but, at 
 the instance of Heinsius and Towns[h]end, consented to send to Prince 
 Eugene and await his instructions. He will hear to-night. Buys and 
 Vanderdussen will be here then, and will leave, I hope, for Gertruy- 
 
 denberg to-morrow As to the Archduke, it is not, 
 
 as you alleged, for love of him that the Dutch are righting ; but for their 
 owrr safety, which depends, they maintain, on no French Prince 
 reigning in Spain. How strongly they feel this is shown by their 
 allying themselves with England, their greatest rival, not to say enemy. 
 If only France would come to terms, means might be found of securing 
 the succession for the Prince of Asturias by marrying him to a daughter 
 of the Emperor, but this should be done before she is secured for the 
 Prince of Piedmont, France has many other reasons for peace, namely 
 the changes it will bring about in England, in the Empire, and even 
 liere. Pray excuse my freedom. 
 
 1710, 13th June. P. to Polignac. 
 
 I have received for you the enclosed letter from Hamburg. 
 
 The Deputies left for Gertruydenberg at two this afternoon. I hope 
 you may be able to satisfy them as to the evacuation of Spain and the 
 Indies. I shall then hope to see you both here or in the neighbourhood. 
 
 1710, 16th June. P. to Kouille. 
 
 Your letter of the 6th. The impression here of your insincerity is 
 fatal to peace. I hope the last instructions you speak of may remove 
 it. Having obtained permission to go to Gertruydenberg, I hope to 
 do so and to discover what is now stopping the way 
 
 1710, 16th June. Kouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 9th. I admit some delay here. The fact is the 
 King was at Marly, and the Ministers on leave. If the Dutch are 
 disposed for peace, they should be reasonable, and make allowance for 
 courtesy, for the ties of blood, and for humanity. I discussed your last 
 letter with Torcy at Versailles yesterday. 
 
 1710, 1 9th J une. P. to Torcy . 
 
 The Deputies returned on the 17th, and made their report yesterday 
 morning to Heinsius, in the presence of Sinzendorff and Lord Towns- 
 [h]end. I saw Buys this afternoon and he told me your Plenipotentiaries 
 have given way about the coast [-towns] of Tuscany and that the King, 
 though refusing to make war on his grandson, had offered to give the 
 Allies a subsidy till King Philip abdicated. I believe this would satisfy 
 them, if the sum were named and some town given as security. 
 Heinsius told me this morning that your propositions are so equivocal as 
 only to increase the mistrust here, and that your Plenipotentiaries had, 
 this time, shown haughtiness. I told him I was aware of the mistrust, 
 
351 
 
 but was convinced of your sincerity, adding that his own wisdom should Round MSS, 
 have its influence on others. The haughtiness, I urged, could only be 
 regret at the exacting demands of the Deputies. 1 told him of the 
 baneful action of the Imperial envoys, which he admitted, insisting that 
 this should influence you to secure a peace at all cost. 
 
 Sinzendorff and Lord Towns[h]end are proclaiming their dissatis- 
 faction with your last propositions. 
 
 1710, 19th June. P. to Rouille. 
 
 I was prevented from going -to Gertruydenberg, as I intended. 
 
 The Deputies insisted on the amount of the subsidy 
 
 [vide supra] being named, but this was not done 
 
 Buys gave me to understand the Dutch would be satisfied, if a 
 sufficient sum were named, and some towns given as security. I hope 
 you may be able to help in this. 
 
 1710, 21 June. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of the 16th Had you only to do with the 
 
 Dutch, you would not have much difficulty. But there are two other 
 Powers who would give you no quarter, save for the Dutch. There 
 have been meetings and discussions, which have fended in the resolve 
 to let me go to Gertruydenberg, and to lay before the Plenipotentiaries 
 these four points — 
 
 (1.) That the new proposition is not acceptable, as it would entail a 
 
 new war. 
 (2.) The Allies must have Spain and the Indies in accordance with 
 
 the Preliminaries. 
 (3.) This being admitted, the conferences can be resumed as to all 
 
 other points. 
 (4 ) If this basis is refused, the conferences cannot usefully be 
 
 prolonged. 
 I am now starting to execute this commission, I implore you to labour 
 for peace. 1 
 
 [1710, 10th August. Torcy to P. 2 ] 
 
 1710, 1 1th August. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of 31st ult. Torcy told me yesterday at Versailles your 
 suggestion was no longer practicable after the way negotiations were 
 broken off. Peace is now farther off than ever 
 
 1710, 14th August. Versailles. — Torcy to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 7th. No wonder that war alone is spoken of in 
 
 Holland, for the Allies were bent on its continuance 
 
 But I thought you too well-informed on all that has passed to accuse 
 France of having raised an impassable obstacle to the conclusion of 
 peace. 
 
 1710, 15 th August. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 8th The conduct of the Allies- 
 
 in the last conferences has produced the conviction here that they never 
 wished for peace. It must now be no longer thought of. .... . 
 
 1 Petkum delivered the above ultimatum to the Plenipotentiaries on the 22nd 
 and defended its terms. This virtually ended the whole negotiation. 
 
 2 Original missing. Copy printed verbatim in Appendix IV. (Townsheud MSS.) 
 to .UthKepovt, p. 71. 
 
352 
 
 RorxDMSS. l7l0> 15 August, P. to Sinzendorff . 
 
 I think you may be glad to see the enclosed copy of the letter Torcy 
 wrote me on the 3rd. Pray keep its contents to yourself that I may 
 
 retain the confidence of France I hope you will 
 
 obtain for me the Emperor's protection against my foes • 
 
 1710, 16th Aug. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letter of 30th ult. Certainly the success of the Allies in Spain 
 makes its evacuation easy for France if she means to forward it. But 
 if King Charles has reached Madrid, as I hope, we are no longer 
 
 dependent on France I have but little to live on, and 
 
 if you could recommend me to some Prince of the Empire, such as the 
 Bishop of Osnabruck, who would give me 100 crowns a month, it would 
 
 be a great help I hope you will not be long absent, 
 
 for I think the French will soon renew their attempts. Hennequin is 
 at Paris, and Du Puys has left us, probably for Paris. 
 
 1710, 16 August. P. to Marlborough. 
 
 I sent you by last post copies of the letters you wanted, and I now 
 send you my latest from Torcy, with my congratulations on our success 
 in Spain. It will doubtless lead to fresh overtures from France. . 
 I hope it is true that Hennequin has no commission from here to 
 treat. 
 
 1710, 17 August. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of 11th We are so convinced that peace is 
 
 not really desired that there is no idea of negotiation 
 
 Nothing but the public weal can make me emerge from my retirement. 
 
 1710, 18th August. Marlborough to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 13th, with copies of those of Torcy and Rouille. I 
 shall be greatly obliged for copies of any more you receive from them. 
 You may rely on secrecy. 
 
 1710, 18th August. P. to Rouille. 
 
 Great advantage is expected here from the victory over King Philip. 
 I hope your Council will now realise that it is resistance to God to try 
 
 any longer to keep him in possession of Spain It 
 
 will be difficult to resume negotiations, unless France hastens to make 
 such overtures as will satisfy the moderate party 
 
 1710, 21 August. Camp of Viler Brulin. — Marlborough to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 16th with copy of Torcy's of (he 10th. 1 I should 
 like to have seen the letter to which it was a reply. 
 
 1710, 22 August. P. to Torcy. 
 
 The last letters from England inform us that Parliament, which has 
 l>een prorogued to October 7 will be dissolved, that the Great Treasurer 
 will lose his post, and that the Tories are preparing complaints, among 
 them one against the Admiralty for spending 500,000/. more than was 
 voted for the fleet. 
 
 A despatch from the Emperor for Prince Eugene informs him that 
 the King of Sweden is ready to advance from Bernder with 40,000 men. 
 Turks and Tartars, and was going to march through Hungary, which 
 
 1 See note supra. 
 
353 
 
 makes" him fear that the Turks are about to break with the Emperor. RoctdMSS. 
 The Swedish envoy at Vienna persists that his master will not hear of 
 neutrality. Yet Palmquist [here] is now in treaty for 9,000 men, and 
 if it is arranged, 5,000 or 6,000 men will also be taken from the troops 
 that Denmark has in Holstein and Jutland. It is believed here that King 
 Philip has ceded to France by treaty part of the \\ r est Indies. The 
 Dutch are considering the plan of the two Princes for carrying on the 
 war through the winter 
 
 1710, 23 August. Rouille to Petkum. 
 
 If it is true that King Philip has been so badly beaten, the Allies 
 should finish the struggle in Spain [itself]. Here only honour and good 
 feeling restrains us, as our offer of subsidies showed you. The Allies 
 should in honour give the King of Spain a partition and not insist on 
 the grandfather dethroning the grandson ; he has gone very far already. 
 There can be no treating for peace till the Allies have convinced us that 
 they are in earnest 
 
 1710, 23 August. P. to Marlborough. 
 
 You letters of 18th and 21st. I send you copies of more letters from 
 France. 
 
 1710, 2 Sept. Rouille to P. 
 
 My own answer to your suggestion would carry no weight. We 
 must have patience. 
 
 1710, 19 Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 Your letters of 4th and 11th. I have not written because I can only 
 repeat that we would gladly see an end of the war, but that we must not 
 be held responsible for making King Philip abandon Spain ; we can 
 
 only withdraw from him our assistance If we are 
 
 more successful your friends will be sorry ; if We are brought lower, 
 they should be sorry also, for it will disturb the balance of power 
 
 The English are said to have conquered Acadia and to 
 
 be threatening Canada. It will be an opening for their trade of which 
 they will take much advantage. 
 
 1710, 21st Dec. Torcy to P.— Versailles. 
 
 In exchange for the news in your letter of the 18th, I send you that 
 from Spain, which reached ua yesterday and the day before. Prince 
 Eugene and Sinzendorff had reason to say that the Archduke needed 
 prompt reinforcements : it will perhaps be found a useless expense to 
 send them to him now. 
 
 Here is a change in Spain ! It may serve to illustrate the importance 
 of seizing a favourable opportunity. You can apply this as you like, 
 remembering the past. 
 
 1710, 25 Dec. Versailles. — Same to Same. 
 
 D. Pedro de Zuniga, Lt.-Gen. of the King of Spain's armies arrived 
 yesterday to announce the late victories [Brihuega] over the Allies in 
 Spain. 1 send you a detailed account. 
 
 1710, 22 Dec. Paris [enclosure]. 
 
 I have great news from Spain to send you to-day. 
 
 The King of Spain, after spending two days in 
 
 Madrid, on the retreat of the Archduke, joined the army, and learnt that 
 
354 
 
 IRound MSS. the Allies, who had abandoned Toledo and were retreating to Catalonia, 
 had not gone far for want of supplies. They were in two bodies, one 
 commanded by Staremberg and the other by Stanhope, advancing in 
 parallel lines. Some fifteen leagues from Madrid they caught sight of 
 Stanhope's force. Informed of the King of Spain's approach, he threw 
 his troops into a small town called Baiaguera, with a fair wall round 
 it and an old castle. The King of Spain summoned him to surrender, 
 and on Stanhope's refusal, the walls were breached, and the entrench- 
 ments made by the enemy carried. They took refuge in the castle, and 
 were made prisoners of war to the number of 8 batallions and 9 squadrons. 
 Among them were Stanhope, Carpenter, and several other general 
 officers. 
 
 After this affair, which had occupied the King 24 hours, he marched 
 in pursuit of Staremberg. He came up with him next day, and found 
 his troops in battle array. At the first attack the Spanish infantry were 
 repulsed ; [but] the Walloon troops and the Spanish cavalry saved the 
 day, and the infantry rallying behind the cavalry returned to the charge. 
 After ten hours' fighting Staremberg was completely defeated, his 
 artillery and all his luggage captured. As the result of these two 
 actions, the Allies have no longer an army : those who fled were pursued 
 by the royal troops and the armed peasantry. The fight was a severe 
 one, and the slaughter great. The King of Spain and Vendome per- 
 formed prodigies of valour. The D. of Noailles has entered the plain of 
 Barcelona, where the Archduke has arrived with scarcely any infantry. 
 
 We are expecting every moment M. de Zuniga, who brings fuller 
 details 
 
 The Allies should attribute the disaster to Stanhope's eagerness to 
 reach Madrid : he been guided more by vanity than by the prudence of 
 a good general. Staremberg must be furious : we do not yet know 
 what has become of him. These actions were fought on the 12th and 
 13th. 
 
 1710, 29th Dec. P. to Kouille. 
 
 Your letter of the 19th. I can only inform you with regret that the 
 Dutch will not make peace unless France undertakes to dethrone King 
 Philip. His late successes may lead your Ministers to think differently, 
 but I can tell you that here there is more determination than ever, and 
 that they are working night and day at raising means for continuing the 
 war, and restoring the affairs of King Charles. I am astonished to see 
 the resolve to stake all on the war. One can only regret the bloodshed, 
 and ruin due to mutual mistrust 
 
 1710, 30th Dec. P. to Torcy. 
 
 The news from Spain has caused as much grief here as joy in France. 
 In truth, however, you ought to grieve, for it postpones peace for years. 
 Had you seen, as I did, the calmness with which Heinsius received the 
 news, you would have shared my admiration. " It is the chance of war,'* 
 he calmly observed, after reading my letters. The same day that the 
 news arrived, it was discussed with the Council of State, with 
 Marlborough, Lord Towns[h]end, and Sinzendorff. This last alone 
 betrayed anxiety, because he is urged to make the Emperor come to 
 terms with the Hungarians, which is distasteful to the Court of Vienna. 
 
 He has no anxiety as to the Allies, being convinced that France will 
 never give up Spain. From England we hear that all is well and that 
 Parliament is eager to show its zeal for the Queen, the country, and the 
 common good. Lt. -Generals Meredith and Mahartnay [sic], with 
 Col. Honywood, have been thanked by the Queen for rashly drinking to 
 
355 
 
 the confusion of the Ministry. The first will have [£]3,000 and the RoryD Mss - 
 
 other two [£]2,500 for their Regiments from their successors. Cadogan 
 
 who is not among these madcaps [" insenses "] is yet to lose his post as 
 
 Envoy Extraordinary at Brussels. Hill succeeds him, and is as great 
 
 a favourite in Brabant as the other was the reverse — except with the 
 
 Duchess of Aremburg. They say he [Cadogan] is to keep his military 
 
 appointments out of consideration for Marlborough, who cannot 
 
 dispense with him. The Duke himself is detained here by a contrary 
 
 wind, to his annoyance, for he is much wanted in England. I hear 
 
 that Ld. Towns[h]end will be recalled which I am very sorry for. 
 
 I grieve to think that the news from Spain will renew instead of 
 ending the war. 
 
 1711, 1 Jan. Same to Same. 
 
 I took your letter of 25th to Heinsius, 
 
 Marlborough, and Sinzendorff. Heinsius read it calmly, but it made 
 him taciturn. I found the Duke in Lord Tovvns[h]end's company. 
 They could neither of them conceal their distress, in spite of their 
 efforts. SinzendorfFconcealed it better, or feels perhaps that it forces the 
 maritime Powers to continue the war, and march into France, which he 
 believes the best course. No decision on the news will be formed 
 till to-morrow, when they may hear what has become of Staremburg. 
 We heard this morning from Barcelona that King Charles was within a 
 few leagues of it 
 
 The wind still detains Marlborough. Our last news is that St. John 
 is named to succeed Ld. To\vns[h]end here. The Dutch wish to keep 
 him and he is secretly taking steps to make the Queen change her 
 intention. 
 
 1711, 5th Jan. P. to Rouille. 
 
 The firmness and calm of Heinsius and the Dutch 
 
 are marvellous. An English Maj.-Genl. has brought news from Barcelona 
 of the safety of King Charles and of his having 5,000 men in Catalonia 
 besides the garrisons of Barcelona and Grerona, so it is hoped that he 
 can hold out till the reinforcements arrive. The rupture between the 
 Czar and the Porte causes anxiety lest war should break out in the 
 Swedish provinces of Germany. The Duke of Marlborough left yesterday 
 for England, though the wind was unfavourable, to inform the Queen 
 and Parliament on the situation and its requirements 
 
 1711, 17 Jan. Amsterdam. — P. to Marlborough. 
 
 I send you copies of my last letters to Torcy and Rouille with their 
 replies. I would add the former's scheme for peace were I not sure 
 that Ld, Townshend would send it you. You will doubtless have 
 heard of the two letters to the Emperor and yourself intercepted by the 
 Erench. They have caused much jealousy and mistrust here, and the 
 government is sore on the subject. But I hope that Heinsius, by his 
 caution, will keep things quiet, and prevent any misunderstanding 
 between the two maritime powers, to the irreparable injury of the 
 common cause. I rely on your secrecy. 
 
 1711, 1 June. P. to Rouille. 
 
 I feared that you had forgotten me, and Du Puy also. I am afraid he is 
 
 acting crookedly I admit that the evacuation of 
 
 Spain and the Indies seems now impracticable, but the maritime powers 
 must have security for their trade. I can bring them here to treat on 
 
 E 77960. 
 
 A A 
 
356 
 
 KorxD MSs. a new footing, definitely and with no reserve. I cannot think why I 
 — am supposed to speak with no authority. The two conferences I procured 
 
 for France prove that I have served her well, and that I perform 
 what I undertake. Had you been given a free hand [in 1709] matters 
 would have been very different. Had not Torcy come [himself] to the 
 Hague, the Allies would never have asked for such preliminaries. It was 
 not my fault, therefore, that the negotiations failed. If I were trusted 
 in the matter, I could secure Spain and the Indies for King Philip, in 
 return for some equivalent and the security of trade. r> ^ ms£m 
 
 1711, 16 Aug. Rouille to P. 
 
 . . . I do not wonder at your hesitating to send Torcy a scheme, 
 though he has asked you for one. It is difficult to express a matter so 
 important in a brief memorandum. But do not refuse in the hope that 
 you may be asked to come here, as it is not considered advisable that 
 you should. . . . Carry out Torcy 's wishes as far as you can. 
 
 1711, 5 Sept. [sic] P. to Rouille. 
 
 Torcy has replied curtly to my letters of the 10th and 20th August 
 with my scheme for peace. As you must know how successful are the 
 
 secret negotiations with England, this will not surprise you 
 
 But I dene the Tories to make peace without exacting Spain and the 
 Indies, unless the Dutch propose it, which they will never do, however 
 desirous of peace, so long as they are despised, and a Power whose 
 interests are hostile to those of France preferred to them. The negotia- 
 tion will only discredit the Tories in the eyes of the nation and hasten 
 the fall of the Ministry. 
 
 Can it be true that D'Huxelles and others are in London ? I am 
 most anxious to know. 
 
 1711, 16 Oct. [sic] Rouille to P. 
 
 Your private letter of the 5th and one of the 8th for general use. The 
 latter is deemed a vindication of you. . . . There is no truth in 
 D'Huxelles' visit to London. 
 
 1711, 23 Oct. Du Puy to P. 
 
 "We are not in favour, as you [know, at present, but when these 
 negotiations fall through, you will-be sought after more than ever, as 
 having warned France they would.' 
 
 King Charles, on his way, visited the Dukes of Savoy and of Modena. 
 He reached Milan on the 15th. Next day he received news of his 
 election as Emperor. He proposed to leave after receiving the solemn 
 embassy from Venice. It is said he will go straight to Frankfort and 
 be crowned there. 
 
 1711, 26 Oct. P. to Rouille. 
 
 Your letter of the 16th We are now informed by the 
 
 English envoy that it is Menager who has been to London and signed 
 the seven articles there 
 
 1711, 6 Nov. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of 26th ult. I knew no more than you did. The negotiations 
 were kept secret here 
 
 1711, 6 Nov. P. to Rouille. 
 
 Your letter of the 6th. .... I still cannot believe that peace can be 
 made through England. The party in power is too violent. Its treatment 
 
357 
 
 of Gallasch [the Emperor's envoy] betrays its want of experience and of Round MSS. 
 
 tact. The opposition, on the contrary, is strong and clever : it neglects 
 
 nothing and watches the Tories closely, knowing that their only object is to 
 
 crush the Whigs by securing the succession of the Prince of Wales : 
 
 It would risk everything sooner than help to forge its own fetters. 
 
 Therefore, the success of your English scheme is still very doubtful, 
 
 depending, as it does, on the resolve of a divided Parliament. You 
 
 must be aware that everyone in England, including some of the Whig 
 
 leaders, is scandalised at the terms of peace. I say nothing of the 
 
 Dutch and the other allies. The former, of course, see themselves 
 
 ignored ; and the others will be too dissatisfied to consent 
 
 Events, I think, will prove that peace is not so easy to arrange as you 
 imagine. 
 
 1711, 17th Nov. P. to Du Puy. 
 
 Your letter of the 23rd comforted me. You are suspected here of 
 plotting with Hervart to remove the sphere of negotiation to England. I 
 am denying the rumour, and only mention it for your information. 
 
 The last three weeks here have been a time of crisis. On Ld. 
 Strafford communicating to the Government here and to the envoys 
 of the Allies the terms agreed upon with Menager, there was a 
 general outcry ; they were described as impertinent and unworthy and 
 those who had accepted them in England as traitors and cheats. As 
 England told us nothing till she summoned us to the congress of peace 
 on this footing, rather as a master than ally, I think the Dutch and the 
 other Allies have reason to be indignant, and the States- General are 
 right and wise in declaring they will never assent to so unsubstantial a 
 peace. They are justified also in having recalled Buys from Helvoets- 
 luys, where he was detained by the wind, and instructing him to make a 
 strong protest to the Queen. But for the glory of this country they should 
 have stood firm, and risked everything sooner than be dictated to by a 
 faithless friend. It would have been more glorious to submit to an 
 enemy than to a Queen, no longer an ally, who is fettering her own 
 subjects by the advice of those whose sole wish is to ruin their opponents 
 at the price of betraying their country and of staining their Sovereign's 
 honour by making her abandon her allies. .... I grieve to say the 
 staunch old Batavian spirit is dead : Amsterdam has led the way, and 
 the province of Holland agreeing to the conferences, the others 
 followed suit. So I suppose I shall soon be able to tell you the place 
 and time of meeting, and even the hour at which peace will be signed. 
 For those who have it in hand are not men to stop half-way, and in 
 spite of the English Ministry's assurances to Buys, and those of Ld. 
 Strafford here, I am confident that the English have signed peace for 
 themselves, and have cut out the suit for the other Allies, who will be 
 obliged to take it whether it fits them or not 
 
 1711, 24 Nov. P. to Sinzendorff. 
 
 . It is clear that, unless some happy change takes place in 
 England, all Europe will soon pass into that slavery, which such efforts 
 have been made to avoid. I have done what I could to postpone the 
 decision here, in spite of Ld. Strafford's pressure, tiJl the Emperor's 
 wish should be known, and while the two English ministers, who have 
 sold their country, had not yet won over Parliament. 
 
 As Amsterdam is foolish enough to be influenced by the Burgomaster, 
 who had bought up all the stock he could, with the result that Holland 
 and the other provinces have followed its example, the conferences are 
 
 A a 2 
 
358 
 
 Round MSS. arranged. I shall have no part in them unless you intervene in my 
 favour. In such a congress all parties will strive for their own interests 
 rather than the common good. 
 
 T shall always be faithful to the Emperor and my country, hut I hope 
 you will pay me as soon as possible, the salary of 1,000 crowns you 
 promised me a year ago, otherwise I shall have to leave the Hague. 
 
 1711, 26th Nov. Rouille to P. 
 
 Your letter of the 16th. In spite of your predictions we believe that 
 the action of the Queen and her ministry will be confirmed ; but we shall 
 soon know, for Parliament has met. Our plenipotentiaries are ready to 
 start. But I am only a looker-on, and am glad it is so. 
 
 1711, 3 Dec. P. toTorcy. 
 
 . . . . The congress will now meet, unless the English Parlia- 
 ment yields to the protests of the Emperor. If you wish to secure the 
 Emperor's concurrence, I am in a "position to influence him through 
 Sinzendorff and Wratislaw, especially as I have to go to Frankfort on 
 my master's affairs I will faithfully carry out your instructions. . 
 
 1711, 10th Dec. P. to Rouille. 
 
 Your letter of 26th ult. I can now tell you that you may hope for 
 peace, as Queen Anne and the Dutch are agreed as to the congress and 
 
 the date of its meeting at Utrecht Time will show the 
 
 difficulties of its task I do not believe in the sincerity of 
 
 England, for those who betray their friends and allies will hardly keep 
 faith with their enemies. France would not lose by waiting for the 
 coming troubles in England. Let us look on at the play and hope for 
 the best. 
 
 1711, 13th Dec. Tor cy to P. 
 
 I have no doubt you would do your best, but you are not wanted at 
 present. Merely tell me what you hear. The King I may add, is quite 
 indifferent whether the Archduke consents to peace or prefers to continue 
 the war. 
 
 1711, 15 Dec. Geneva,— Du Puy to P. (7 pp.) 
 
 . . . . I did not care whether England or Holland was to be the 
 channel of peace. I am a friend to both countries and was in the late 
 Queen of England's service. I honestly long for peace, and am indifferent 
 as to how it is obtained. 
 
 1711, 22 Dec. P. to Torcy. 
 
 I gladly send you what news I can. You doubtless know of Prince 
 Eugene's arrival and instructions. He has had sundry private inter- 
 views with Heinsius. He explained that the Emperor had not sent 
 him to complain of the conduct of the English or the Dutch, but to say 
 that he is as anxious as them for peace if it is a lasting one. He is 
 empowered to discuss it here and in England, and also to state what the 
 Emperor can and will do if he has to continue the war to attain his end. 
 This has already postponed the decision here as to the new alliance pro- 
 jected by the English Ministry, and by Buys who has sent the scheme 
 here, and they are waiting to see what parliament will do, in the hope 
 that it will oppose peace on the footing proposed. I have seen letters from 
 a neutral and well-informed envoy in England, who expects it will. The 
 nation there is as dissatisfied as it is here. 
 
359 
 
 Prince Eugene had two interviews with the Deputies on Saturday BoundMSS. 
 The other envoys of the Emperor and Ld. Strafford were present. He 
 explained his plans for the next campaign, which are said to be very 
 sound : the Emperor offers to increase his army by 25,000 men, and the 
 Prince personally undertakes that everything shall be carried out as 
 arranged. The same day Buys and Vanderdussen were named com- 
 missaries for the Province of Holland at the conference. Some persist 
 that the congress will not take place, because France must see that the 
 English terms will not be accepted here, and would rather break off on 
 the ground of the Allies refusing passports to King Philip's envoys. 
 Sinzendorff is to come here on the 15th prox. to replace Goes, who is 
 summoned to Frankfort. Prince Eugene will remain here till he hears 
 from England whether a yacht ("jagt") is coming for him. The 
 memorandum from the Elector of Hanover's envoy in London is making 
 much stir and is expected to influence parliament. I know that he has 
 instructions, if his protest is unheeded, to announce publicly that the 
 Protestant succession is in danger. 
 
 1711, 24th Dec. Same to Same. 
 
 The arrival of news from England has made the Dutch more hopeful. 
 They trust to the Elector of Hanover's firmness and believe that 
 Bothmar's memorandum will make a great impression, for the nation is 
 already dissatisfied with the present Ministry, which is said to have 
 corrupted a majority of the House of Commons. I hear the Emperor 
 is ready to grant the maritime powers all they can ask in the Indies, in 
 order to stop the negotiations for peace. 
 
 I also know as a fact that efforts are being made to induce the Queen 
 to declare that Menager's preliminaries are not to be the basis for the 
 Utrecht conferences, and that the Gertruydenberg scheme is being 
 revived. Ld. Strafford announced yesterday that he had been instructed 
 not yet to secure a house at Utrecht, which makes us suspect some 
 
 change Ld. Strafford does all he can to keep Prince 
 
 Eugene here, but the Prince is resolved to leave as soon as he hears 
 from England. The plan of the next campaign is the subject of daily 
 discussion. 1 leave for Frankfort to-morrow morning and will write 
 on my return. 
 
 [Letters from Petkum's Private Correspondent at Paris.] 
 
 1711, 12th Oct. 
 
 Huxelles is ready to leave at any moment Some think 
 
 there will be no peace so long as Staremberg can keep the field, 
 and that it would be facilitated if Vendome could shut up the Allies in 
 Barcelona. 
 
 Belief in peace increases daily ; the King is more cheerful, and less 
 reserved than usual, which makes us think negotiations are well 
 advanced. The Ministers also speak openly of England favouring peace 
 rather than see both Spain and the Empire in the hands of King Charles, 
 
360 
 
 RougpMSS. xhe treaty, it is said, will not be published till be is elected Emperor. 
 
 He left Catalonia on the 27th ult., and has been sighted 
 
 from Marseilles. 
 
 Yendome is reported to have defeated Staremberg's rear-guard. 
 The man who has been imprisoned in the Bastille some months for 
 boasting that he could make gold, and then trying to leave the Kingdom, 
 has at length received permission to make trial of his discovery before 
 the director of the Mint on the 25th. 
 
 1711, 19th Oct. It is doubted here whether the Dutch can impede 
 the negotiation with England. The jealousy they inspired in England 
 by the previous negotiations, together with their demands in Flanders, 
 have induced the English Ministry to act in concert with France for 
 obliging them to give up to the Duke of Bavaria the conquests in 
 Flanders. 
 
 The King is annoyed at the Cardinal de Bouillon's request to be 
 included in the negotiation and has refused. But his nephew the 
 Count of Evreux has secured his annuity of 10,000 livres, which had 
 been confiscated by Parliament. This is the doing of Toulouse, a great 
 friend of his. 
 
 Yendome has attacked Staremberg's advanced post which was 
 entrenched, and Staremberg abandoned it after losing 2,000 men. On 
 the next day they had an interview, but its subject is unknown. King 
 Charles has left his wife at Barcelona as Regent of Catalonia. 
 
 In returning from a fair outside Lyons great numbers were suffocated 
 or maimed. Over 40,000 people had gone there from Lyons. The 
 officers at the gates wished to search them all on their return, but the 
 crowd could not be checked. On the morrow, the Governor had the 
 dead laid out along the ramparts, that their relatives might identify and 
 bury them. 
 
 Marechal insists that the Count of Toulouse is suffering from stone. 
 
 The King has issued an edict ordering individuals in the Provinces to 
 take up the quotas of the loans assessed on them. 
 
 1711, 23 Oct. 
 
 Nothing is talked of but peace now that the King has announced the 
 terms agreed upon with England. Returning to supper from M me de 
 Maintenon's, on Monday, he said that Marshal Taipjard 1 would be here 
 in a week, but on the Duke of Noailles observing that this meant much, 
 the King only replied that all he did was for the good of his people. 
 Next day the King announced at his levee that the Queen of England 
 had sent here two individuals, while he was at Fontainebleau, and that 
 his propositions to them had been accepted by her. In the evening he 
 told the Dauphine that it was Menager who had arranged the business. 
 . . . . Our plenipotentiaries will not leave till they have seen 
 Tal[l]ard. It is known that peace has been signed between England, 
 France, and Spain. The King has signed for the King of Spain. All 
 the allies of England are included in this treaty, but will only be 
 informed of its existence when the congress has met. The Queen gives 
 the Dutch the choice of four towns, Utrecht, Nimeguen, Liege, and 
 Aix la Chapelle. If they are obdurate, she will name London, and those 
 may come who will. Her plenipotentiaries are the Bishop of Bristol, Lord 
 Strafford, and Prior. The King has chosen the Marechal d'Huxelles, 
 and the' Abbe de Polignac. The third, who is not yet chosen, will be 
 a man of law. The conditions of peace, as known, are these : — 
 
 1 A prisoner in Eagland since Blenheim. 
 
361 
 
 The King of Spain to remain King of Spain and the Indies. The Rou^> MSS« 
 English to have Gibraltar and Port Mahon, with power to the King of 
 Spain to redeem them by money or an equivalent. 
 
 The King to dismantle Dunkirk and hand it over with Ypres to the 
 English. But he is to receive in exchange some of the fortresses 
 latterly taken from him in Flanders. 
 
 The Duke of Bavaria to have the Low Countries ; and his son to be 
 Elector after the Elector Palatine. Strasburg to be dismantled, and to 
 become an Imperial town. 
 
 The following conditions are also talked of : — 
 
 The English to be given Ostend and Nieuport, in Flanders ; Port 
 Mahon in the Mediterranean ; six factories (comptoirs) in Spain ; and 
 in the South Seas one port with freedom of trade for twelve vessels. 
 
 King James to be recognised as King of Scotland, and as King of all 
 England after the Queen's death. 
 
 The treaty to be ratified in six months. 
 
 Tal[l]ard returns, on unlimited leave and with an English Lord. 
 
 Marshal Berwick leaves Dauphine on the 23rd to come here. 
 
 The Dauphine, who goes frequently to see the King since the death 
 of Monseignear, went as usual, on Saturday, to see him at Marly before 
 dinner. The King made her dine with him at his own table, where she 
 was waited on by the first gentleman of the chamber. Behind her 
 was the Duchess du Lude, seated, and some ladies of the palace, 
 standing. Joy was depicted on her countenance : the honour is without 
 precedent. The Dauphin came to look on, but did not remain long 
 and stood all the time. 
 
 The Emperor has reached Vado and is expected at Milan on the 
 11th 
 
 The interview between Staremberg and Vendome is said to have been 
 only for facilitating the retreat of the Allies and discussing the terms on 
 which the Catalans should submit to King Philip. 
 
 1711, 26th Oct. 
 
 The prospects of peace have given an impetus to trade. Desmarets 
 is considering a plan for getting rid of all the bad paper in circula- 
 tion 
 
 The King went to see the Count of Toulouse lately, and could not 
 refrain from tears. He also wept on hearing of the death of a carp, at 
 Marly, more than a hundred years old, which knew him well, he 
 believed, by sight. 
 
 We are waiting to hear what town the Dutch have selected. The 
 Preliminaries were signed, in London, on the 11th. Menager, in giving 
 his report to the King, told him of the Queen's excellent intentions in 
 the matter, and of her wish that he should be employed as a Pleni- 
 potentiary, which, it is expected, he will be. 
 
 The King has told our envoys that their coaches must be draped for 
 the Dauphin's death. This will save them more than 100,000 francs. 
 The envoys of the Allies will do the same, on account of the Emperor's 
 death, so that the whole Congress will be in mourning. 
 
 The new Emperor reached Milan on the 12th, and will remain there 
 
 some days Several Lords who have gone there to 
 
 congratulate him, had equipped themselves in mourning, and are now 
 put to a double expense, as the Emperor is only in slight mourning, and 
 as a fete of the greatest splendour is to be held on receiving the news of 
 his election. He will leave for Germany after that. 
 
362 
 
 Round mss. ^ n tne 6th tne -Due d'Uceda, who was at Genoa as envoy from King 
 — Philip, discarded the blue ribbon he had received from the King of 
 
 France, and, declaring for King Charles, set out to meet him at Vado. 
 
 The Princess des Ursins left Corella on the 15th for Madrid; and 
 the King and Queen of Spain were to follow her in a few days. 
 
 The King of Spain has bestowed the Archbishopric of Saragossa on 
 M. Molines who has upheld his cause so well at Rome for the last ten 
 years. 
 
 1711, 2nd Nov. 
 
 It is from Menager himself that we have learnt the full details of the 
 preliminaries of peace with England. Our plenipotentiaries must be 
 about to start, for they have been given money for their outfit. It is 
 suggested to Menager who is only a Chevalier of St. Michael, that he 
 should buy an estate to which the King could attach the title of Count 
 or Marquis. 
 
 The general eagerness for peace makes us sanguine ot success. But 
 those who know fear great difficulties if the Powers interested refuse to 
 be suddenly deprived of the fruits of their victories and their exertions. 
 Our chief hope is in the jealousy of the ruling party in England, which 
 fears the schemes of the opposition, and we trust that the failure of the 
 Quebec expedition will help to hasten matters. But we await im- 
 patiently the decision of the Dutch and of the envoys of the Allies. 
 
 It is noticed that Torcy seems less contented and does not speak of 
 the negotiation. . 
 
 Villars is back from Flanders. He has had a flattering reception 
 from the King. 
 
 1711, 9th Nov. 
 
 We hear from Milan that the Emperor was to receive there the Papal 
 Legate, the Venetian, ambassadors, and the other Italian envoys, so that 
 
 he could not leave till the 5th or 6th Genoa had appointed 
 
 envoys to go and congratulate the Emperor as King of Spain, and pay 
 him 60,000 pistoles, in addition to the 10,000 muskets that the 
 Senate has sent to Catalonia for the Imperial troops. But this is denied 
 by its representative here. 
 
 Emo has had long interviews with Torcy. They have specially dis- 
 cussed the Duchy of Mantua, which the Venetians want given to Prince 
 Eugene as a Barrier between them and the Milanese. Torcy has 
 promised them the support of France, but complained that the Italian 
 princes had never sought in time the help of France against the 
 Germans. 
 
 Tal[l]ard has arrived in France and his return increases the expecta- 
 tion of peace. It is considered a sign of the Queen's disposition towards 
 it. But it is still feared that the English may be persuaded by the 
 Dutch and their other Allies to continue the war. 
 
 When Menager was asked whether the articles announced by L d 
 Strafford at the Hague were the same as those he had signed in London, 
 he said nothing, and, on being pressed, replied : " Don't you know that 
 I am a Norman, and that Normans never say yes or no ? " 
 
 The officers have been given money to enable them to recruit in good 
 time. To encourage them, the King has declared that, in reforming the 
 regiments after the war, he will not consider their precedence, as in the 
 past, but their good condition 
 
 I have not heard from you by this post. 
 
363 
 
 1711, 13th Nov. Round MSS. 
 
 We are in suspense as to England's determination : even the court 
 seems puzzled. 
 
 Tallard is here. He had a bad crossing, which obliged him to remain 
 some days at Calais. 
 
 In the meantime somebody was sent to see the Marshal at Calais, and 
 then go on at once to England to thwart the schemes of her Allies. He 
 has orders to leave no stone unturned and to sign anything that will 
 gratify the English Ministry, especially as to the safety of their trade. 
 No effort will be spared to keep England from repudiating the terms. 
 Meanwhile there are many rumours, mostly to be traced to Menager. 
 
 The King has given him a brevet as Councillor of State, and will 
 give him a title, but no office. 
 
 The court returns to-morrow from Marly to Versailles 
 
 The King of Spain has conferred the Golden Fleece on D'Arpajon 
 who has taken the fort of Venasque and the the castle of Fortleon. 
 
 1711, 16th Nov. 
 
 The answer of England to the protests of her Allies is awaited here 
 with feveiish impatience. It is feared that the delay may mean a change, 
 especially as the Court had hoped that the Queen and her ministers 
 would not hesitate to reply at once and positively that they meant to 
 keep to their engagements with France. Their irresolution is the more 
 unsatisfactory as it is, in any case, giving the Allies time to scheme 
 against us. 
 
 Tal[l]ard has been well received by the King, and has had a long 
 interview with Torcy and the plenipotentiaries. He has presented the 
 King with a handsome English horse, and has given two to Torcy and 
 another to Pelletier. He has leave for four months. 
 
 The Genoese have sent four envoys to recognise the Emperor as King 
 of Spain. They are furced to do it, and will doubtless repent of not 
 have done it with a good grace, in their anxiety to conciliate France 
 and King Philip, who deem their trickery intolerable. 
 
 The Emperor will not leave Milan till the 9th. He will go by 
 Mantua, though it will take two days longer. 
 
 From Spain we hear of an open rupture between the Princess Des 
 Ursins and the Grandees on the title of Highness which she claims as 
 a Sovereign and which their Majesties seem inclined to allow her. The 
 Duke of Osuna has been informed to that effect, and carelessly replied 
 that his reverence for ladies, irrespective of their birth, was so great, 
 that he would gladly call her not only Highness, but Majesty, or any- 
 thing that she would prefer. Knowing that she would be hated, perhaps 
 ruined, by the Grandees, she is trying to conciliate the people of 
 Madrid and overcome their adversion to her. She has joined the 
 Cjuncil in pressing their Majesties to give up going to Aranjuez for 
 
 the winter This, she thinks, will be popular at Madrid. 
 
 The Count of Pastrana and the Count of Bergneick will probably be 
 King Philip's plenipotentiaries. They are known to be capable and 
 experienced. 
 
 The King of France has sent Queen Anne a present of 2,500 bottles 
 of wine, 1,000 champagne, 1,000 burgundy, and 500 hermitage. 
 
 1711, 27th Nov. 
 
 The uncertainty as to the decision of the States-General on the 
 congress for peace, makes us wait with the keenest impatience for letters 
 from Holland. But we incline to believe that the Dutch and their 
 allies must follow the example of England if she stands firm. 
 
364 
 
 Round MSS. The King with the Princes and Princesses of the blood will pay their 
 — first visits to-morrow to the Count of Touiousa, who is going on well. 
 
 Last Tuesday the Papal Nuncio took his leave of the King. There 
 were several changes made in the ceremonial, which may cause dissension 
 
 among the Ministers if they are sustained and approved 
 
 The question is whether this is done to establish a precedent for the 
 other Ministers, the Nuncio being the first in rank, or only to annoy 
 this Nuncio, who has never been much in favour here, though none has 
 given the King so magnificent a present as he did. 
 
 The Cardinal de Noailles is ill. He is in a great difficulty, being 
 deserted on all sides, especially since the Court has refused to support 
 him against the Jesuits. He has privately confessed to a Bishop who 
 is his friend, that what would be most distasteful to him would be, not 
 10 condemn the New Testament of Father Quesnel — because he had 
 found undoubted errors in it, but to be forced to take a step which he 
 had resolved to take of his own accord, 
 
 M. Jullien, Lt.-Genl. of the King's armies, who became so con- 
 spicuous in the war of the Cevennes, has died at Orange, where the 
 refugees are still persecuted for their religion. 
 
 King Philip has named as his plenipotentiaries the Duke of Osuna, 
 the Count ofBergeick, and the Marquis of Monteleon. 
 
 Vendome has sent troops to besiege Castel Cuidad and Berga, and 
 
 the siege of Cardona is proceeding I have instructions to 
 
 send you the enclosed. 
 
 1711, 30th Nov. 
 
 Friday morning (27th) a messenger arrived from L d Strafford with 
 despatches for Torcy, announcing that the States-General had sent 
 the passports for us to Queen Anne, leaving blank the name of the 
 place of meeting, to be filled in by her if she would not agree, as they 
 wished, to the Hague. Our plenipotentiaries are ready to start on 
 receiving them. 
 
 On Torcy bringing this news to the King he begged the office of 
 Ecclesiastical Councillor of State for his brother-in-law the Abbe of 
 Pompone, and obtained it, though the King had refused it to many 
 since the death of the Archbishop of Rheims vacated it. 
 
 It is believed here that the King of Portugal was informed of the 
 secret negotiations in England and privately gave his consent. 
 
 The introducers of Ambassadors maintain that they have changed 
 
 nothing in the ceremonial for the Nuncio But the Nuncio 
 
 will persist in his complaint, that he may know how the matter stands. 
 It is strange that in this Court a ceremonial cannot be adhered to, so 
 that, on every occasion, there is some complaint. 
 
 1711, 4th Dec. 
 
 It is believed that an English lord came to Versailles last Friday, and 
 left next 'day, after seeing Torcy, without anyone discovering his name 
 or what he came for. 
 
 We are in daily expectation of the passports, and are so confident of 
 peace that we are already discussing how the Allies should be treated, 
 except the English whom everyone is praising and treating as superior 
 to all the others. 
 
 Polignac will be empowered by the Princesse de Conde to urge her 
 claims, at the Congress, on Montferrat as the daughter of a Princess of 
 the house of Gronzaga. 
 
365 
 
 . . . . The Abbe du Bosc has no commission on this occasion, as 
 he had at Gertruydenberg, but he seems resolved to go for his own 
 satisfaction. 
 
 . . . . It seems that Menager's horoscope predicted he would some 
 day be Ambassador and then marry a Princess, the first has come to 
 pass; we are now speculating on the second 
 
 It was said at Versailles, last Tuesday, that Queen Anne, dreading 
 Marlborough's return to England just now, when he might cause trouble 
 in Parliament, had appointed him Ambassador extraordinary to Frank- 
 fort, to congratulate the Emperor and attend his coronation. But the 
 news of ids embarcation has falsified this rumour. 
 
 1711, 7th Dec. 
 
 The King, being unwell, was bled last Friday. 
 
 There is a strong cabal ("cabale") at court to make the King 
 appoint Tallard plenipotentiary in the place o£ D'Huxelles, but it is not 
 expected to succeed. The latter will carry the day, for he is supported 
 by the ladies. 
 
 Our envoys, while waiting for their passports have sent on their 
 coaches to Philippeville. The artillery will supply them with teams 
 gratis. 
 
 . . . . The Princesse d'Auvergne has been refused a passport for 
 coming to France with her daughter. The Cardinal de Bouillon, ever 
 attentive to the interests of his house, has persuaded her to marry her 
 daughter, sole heiress of the Prince d'Auvergne, to the young Duke of 
 Chateau-Tierry, so as to keep this rich inheritance and the Principality 
 in the family 
 
 1711, H.th Dec. 
 
 The delay in receiving the passports, so impatiently awaited, makes 
 us anxious and gives rise to fears that great difficulties are likely to be 
 made in order to stop or at least put off the Congress. 
 
 1711, 14th Dec. 
 
 I have not heard from you for two posts, just when lam most eager for 
 your letters, now that you are in the centre of the most important affairs 
 in all Europe. 
 
 News reached the court yesterday that England had chosen Utrecht, 
 and that the Congress is to meet on Jan. 12. The passports are sure, 
 now, to arrive soon. 
 
 The scheming in favour of Tallard continues, in spite of its apparent 
 hopelessness. It is urged that the English Court favours him, and 
 sent him to France with this intention. D'Huxelles is viewed with 
 suspicion by both courts, on account of the correspondence he has kept 
 up with Holland, and of his preferring the Dutch to the English. If 
 he is sent, Polignac alone, it is thought, will be entrusted with the 
 secret instructions. 
 
 Our troops in Flanders are on the move. All the cavalry, on the 
 Arras side, are on the march, and a reinforcement of 200 men has been 
 sent to every batallion on that side. They say it is only to protect a large 
 convoy we are despatching to Maubeuge by the Sambre against attacks 
 from the garrison of Mons and the neighbouring fortresses. 
 
 [Correspondence resumed.] 
 1713, 12th Dec. P. to Marlborough. 
 
 My great respect for you impelled me, on hearing how near you 
 would be to us, to wait upon you. Indeed I had resolved to do so, when 
 
 Round MSS. 
 
Round MSS. 
 
 360 
 
 it occurred to me that rny journey to Antwerp, however innocent, 
 might be misconstrued by the present Ministry, which dislikes me and 
 so unjustly suspect? you. So I will confine myself to writing. 
 
 You are too good an Englishman to leave your country and your 
 party, when both have so much need of your brain and of your arm, 
 without some pressing reason. I do not ask what it is, but as I am always 
 the same Petkum, ready to sacrifice myself for the common cause and 
 the liberty of England, which is now in as great danger as that of the 
 rest of Europe, you may rely on my discretion and proved fidelity, if 
 you have any orders for me. Should you wish to see me I would come 
 at once in disguise. 
 
 1714, 3rd Aug. London. — J. Mo Her to Bouwensih (Dutch). 
 
 1716, 6th Jan. N.S. [London].— P. to Torcy. 
 
 Events here having confirmed the predictions in my letter of 29th 
 Nov. 1714, I hope you will give more credit to the proposition I now 
 send you, namely a treaty between the Kings of France and Spain and 
 the maritime powers to strengthen the treaties of Utrecht and Baden. 
 
 I am writing also to D'Huxelles to ascertain the views 
 
 of the Prince Regent I hope it may lead to my visiting 
 
 France and paying my respects to the young King, the Prince Regent, 
 and yourself. 
 
 1716, 6th Jan. [N.S.J. [London].—?, to D'Huxelles. 
 
 It has occurred to me that a defensive alliance 
 
 between France, Spain, and the maritime powers, might renew the 
 happiness of the Augustan age. My master having sent me to this 
 court about a year ago, I have kept this object steadily in view, but 
 the Ministry have been so busy with home affairs, and the negotiations 
 of L d Stairs in France and M. Metwin [Methuen] in Spain so much 
 
 less succeobful than was expected, I dared not suggest it 
 
 Now that the treaty of commerce between Spain and England is 
 arranged, to the joy I perceive of the King and of the whole nation, I 
 think the time has come. 
 
 But as I would not moot the subject till I hear the views of your 
 King and the Regent, I venture, with so great an aim in view, to 
 approach you. You are well aware of the advantage it would be to 
 France. I trust you will reply to my suggestion. 
 
 1716, 31st Jan. Paris.— -D'Huxelles to P. 
 
 You refer, in your letter of the 6th, to a matter of the utmost im- 
 portance, the public peace. I commend your zeal, but it is certain that 
 nothing can now trouble it : the last treaties have settled the interests of 
 the European powers. The King will fulfil all their engagements, and 
 so will the Duke of Orleans, who has made his private ends subservient 
 to the public good. This is well known where you are, and no one can 
 doubt the sincerity of the King or the Regent, or their respect for the 
 Treaties. So you can keep your good intentions for some other 
 occasion 
 
 Le M al d'Huxelles. 
 
367 
 
 THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EARL OP li^seymss. 
 
 LINDSEY, AT UFFINGTON, CO. LINCOLN. — 
 
 Charles Bertie to his brother [-in-law], Sir Thomas Osborne, 
 
 at Kiveton. 
 
 1667, June 27. London — " The Dutch fleet is once more returned to 
 the buoy in the Nore and seems to threaten us with a second attempt ; 
 they have sent up a squadron as high as the Hope which so terrifies the 
 inhabitants of Gravesend that they left their houses and are removing 
 their goods to the inland country for better security. The General 
 goes not down, all things being committed to the prudential manage- 
 ment of my Lord Middleton, who hath remained ever since in Kent. 
 When these alarums will be over — God knows — it being in their 
 power to visit us every springtide; however I hope we are better pro- 
 vided for a repulse then before. Whither they intend for Chatham or 
 Gravesend is yet a mystery but I conceive by their return that they 
 design some further attempt. Our correspondence with France is very 
 bad, my Lord St. Albans being banished the French army and the 
 Court. We have twenty-five sail of fire-ships, but I fear none in the 
 Medway. The regiments are ordered to be once more complete." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, June 29. London — " The Dutch do still continue at the 
 Buoy in the Nore without having attempted any thing as yet upon us. 
 The squadron that came up to the Hope and alarum'd the inhabitants of 
 Gravesend is fallen down again, and incorporated in the whole fleet. 
 His Royal Highness went yesterday to Chatham to view the batteries 
 there in hand, which are totally completed, and every thing in an 
 excellent posture of defence. The last letters from Holland mention the 
 great exultations of the people for their late success against us. 
 However the Sieur Beueriug — one of the States' Plenipotentiaries — is 
 reported to have said in a casual discourse with a person of honour at 
 Breda, that the loss which the East India Company had sustained to 
 the Norw. was far more considerable then ours, though I am not 
 inclinable to that belief, since the one is the loss of honour the other of 
 profit ; and yet tis no easy matter to decide which weighs most at this 
 time in the world. The Emperor hath presented the King with ten 
 Hungarian horses which were intercepted by the Dutch, but after De 
 Ruyter had opened the King's letter, and found nothing but compli- 
 ments therein, he freed them immediately. The Duke of Buckingham- 
 rendered himself yesterday to my Lord Arlington and was immediately 
 committed to the Tower, but is this day at liberty and fully reconciled 
 to the King. 'Tis discoursed that my Lord Mordaunt will make a 
 resignation of the Government of Windsor Castle to Prince Rupert and 
 that before the convention of Parliament. Sir George Carteret is 
 reported likewise to have changed the Treasury of the Navy with 
 Anglesey for his Vice Treasurer's Office in Ireland, which makes the 
 world believe him far more peccant then before. Sir Jeremy Smith is 
 sailed from Leith with his squadron intending for Plymouth by the way 
 of Ireland as thinking himself little secure in those parts. The rumour 
 upon the exchange was very hot that our frigates had taken another 
 
368 
 
 Iixdsey MSS. East India ship outward bound ; the last was a prize of so great a value, 
 — especially in cables and anchors besides thirty chests of silver and other 
 
 merchandise, that it may compare with any that we have taken before. 
 All our ships are now buoying up at Chatham and every one afloat 
 except the Vanguard. We fear the Dutch have intercepted our 
 volunteers for Flanders which makes their captains little desirous of that 
 expedition. The French are reported to have taken Cortrick. The 
 conclave hath agreed upon the election of Rospigliosi, who is chosen 
 Pope and assumed the name of Clement the 9th, a person every way 
 qualified for infallibility." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, Jury 6. London — " Our letters this day from Holland mention 
 the successful conclusion of a peace with the Dutch, that the Articles 
 are signed both by our Commissioners and their plenipotentiaries, and 
 that Mr. Henry Coventry is coming over for his Majesty's ratification. 
 However by what I am able to collect from the discourse of the most 
 intelligent persons, I apprehend the conditions to be of such a nature 
 as will scarcely consist with the dignity of our nation, and if so 'tis 
 certain his Majesty will never condescend unto them, wherefore i shall 
 suspend my faith till a farther confirmation. The generality of the 
 people are highly satisfied with the conceptions of it and believe it 
 far more advantageous then it is likely to prove. 
 
 The General was yesterday in the city to borrow 20000/. for his 
 Majesty's occasions which were cheerfully supplied. We continue still 
 in some fear for Sir Jeremy Smith and his squadron which we hope are 
 by this time secure in the Humber. My Lady Arlington was this week 
 delivered of a daughter to the great satisfaction of her husband. 
 Several merchant ships are fitting out in the river to fall down with 
 some frigates to the Buoy in the Nore, where we hope by the means of 
 our fireships to prevent their return. 
 
 The Spanish letters give us intelligence of the conclusion of a peace 
 with Spain with concessions of such privileges in all the Spanish 
 dominions that were never yet granted to any nation. One of our 
 English frigates had likely to have taken a French galley laden with 
 cardinals for the conclave. Among the rest were cardinal Duke de 
 Mercoeur and two more, but our frigate was becalmed, and they escaped 
 by rowing. Gaylands affairs in Africa are utterly broke, he only keeps 
 the town of Arzila, which he is willing to put into the King of 
 England's hands for protection. One squadron of the Dutch is gone to 
 the southward, with some designs upon Rye and those parts. I must 
 needs retract something I wrote you of the Duke of Buckingham's 
 release which was confidently reported, but proves very false, however 
 there is such quantity of false intelligence here, that one cannot well tell 
 what to believe especially the whole story of the storm of Languard 
 fort which though printed in the gazette is notoriously false." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, July 9. London — " Mr. Coventry is preparing for his return 
 to Breda, but what message he carries back we know not ; but the 
 generality of people here seem rather to desire the continuation of the 
 war, though they struggle with never so great difficulties than to make 
 a disadvantageous peace. The Duke of Buckingham was yesterday 
 interrogated before the Council but what the allegations were I know 
 not only I am told this day that the chief witness against him is since 
 dead. The Dutch still hover about the Korth Foreland unwilling to 
 
369 
 
 leave our coasts without doing us some other mischief. Prince Rupert Ehepbby MSS. 
 
 is gone this day with his engineer to fortify Sheerness which we hope 
 
 will be a better defence then any chain ; we say the Dutch are very 
 
 insolent in their demands, and believe in Holland that they have 
 
 destroyed our whole navy. I wish we may not lose the sovereignty of 
 
 the seas to a nation that knows too well how to use a victory. I am 
 
 afraid we may suffer as much by an inglorious peace, as by continuing 
 
 the war and be undone through the decay of our trade, though more 
 
 insensibly, yet as certainly, as by an invasion, and it matters little 
 
 me thinks, whether we perish by an acute disease, or a chronic. 
 
 I suppose the French may not be willing to trouble us this year, not 
 
 because they tell us so, but because 'tis not their interest to lay too 
 
 much weight in one scale." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, July 16. London — The Duke of Buckingham was released 
 last Sunday, and is now frequently abroad. Lord Manchester is said to 
 be already privately married to Lady Carlisle, and the marriage not yet 
 to be revealed for some special reason. We are told some of our colliers 
 have escaped the Dutch and are now coming up the river to supply our 
 want of coals. Sir Jeremy hath sent several prizes into Ireland, and 
 from thence we judge him to be near that coast. What the event of 
 Mr. Coventry's message will be we are ignorant of, only it is believed 
 we shall contribute all on our side towards a peace, though that is 
 despaired of by many. 
 
 Charles Bertie to his sister, Lady Bridget Osborne. 
 
 1667, July 30. London — As " Sir Thomas Osborne is eminent both 
 for his parts and his integrity to the whole nation and as he pretends a 
 service to the Duke of Buckingham you can not believe him very 
 acceptable to the Court. However they give him a very fair commen- 
 dation, and I hope I shall see him one day as great as he is now good." 
 My sister Campden is come this night to Kensington, where she is very 
 melancholy reflecting upon the great loss of our family in that place. 
 
 We are now enjoying the benefit of a universal peace, which I hope 
 will prove moie fortunate than our martial enterprises. 
 
 Charles Bertie to his brother[-in-law], Sir Thomas Osborne, 
 
 at Kiveton. 
 
 [16]67, August 20. London. — My brother Peregrine continues 
 desperately ill. * He is visited every day by Dr. Kugeley Bates, and 
 the other eminent harpies of the town, who feed as much upon his purse 
 as his disease does upon his body ; and indeed Lindsey House is a mere 
 lazaretto, for my brother Norreys with his whole family is very sickly 
 especially Crab and Mr. More. The griping of the gutts is very 
 epidemical among us, having swept away near 2000 in the space of 
 a month." 
 
 The French King " hath lately made another belle retraite — as they 
 usually term it — from before Lille, and not much unlike to his former 
 of Gigery. Some say that the Chancellor — finding himself unable by 
 reason of his ill habit of body and his late grief for the loss of his wife 
 — desires the association of a Keeper of the Seal ; others report that 
 the King will invest him with the dignity of Lord High Treasurer." 
 London insensibly increases, and will be quickly up again with the 
 conclusion of a peace. 
 
370 
 
 Lutpsey MSS. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, September 19. London — 6i The humiliation of the Chancellor 
 does so well relish among the generality that they desire nothing more 
 for their satisfaction then the convention of the Parliament to unriddle 
 the mystery of his degradation. For my own particular I am so 
 disinterested from the concerns of the world, that I can condole with 
 my Lord Chancellor and rejoice with his adversaries. It seems they 
 have begun first, and in matters of that nature the first motion maybe 
 of as great importance as at chess. "lis well if a single sacrifice make 
 a perfect atonement, and that the punishment of the one can purge the 
 guilt of all the rest. I confess I have so much of malicious curiosity 
 that I could gladly see him once more at the bar, who hath so long 
 frequented the Bench. The French King hath extended his Christianity 
 into the best parts of Flanders, where that name is become as acceptable 
 to the Flemish as the Turk to the Venetian. He would have certainly 
 made a greater progress, had not the rains come seasonably to their 
 deliverance, insomuch that 'tis believed Alost will prove his Thule this 
 year. The lazy Spaniard hath abandoned all hopes of his defence by 
 natural means, and recurs now only to miracles. I am told that on the 
 high altar of Antwerp is exposed the image of the young King of Spain 
 with his petition in his hand to the Virgin Mary — De Gallorum servitate 
 libera nos Domine. 
 
 My Brother Peregrine " hath put a paper over the door to let 
 Lindsey house, and some persons this day have seen it ; he desires me 
 to let you know, that as long as it remains undisposed of it is freely at 
 your service, and if you can dispense with the uncertainty of such a 
 lodging you will very much oblige him with your company. I had this 
 day my share in your venison, which came very sweet and was eaten not 
 without a kind commemoration of the donor. The Duke of York's 
 son was christened Edgar, the Duke of Albemarle and Marquess of 
 Worcester were godfathers." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667, September 21. London — "The Duke of Buckingham is 
 restored to all his honours and dignities, and the King this night bid 
 him ask what he pleased and he would grant it, so that I suppose 
 you will be invested again in your Lieutenancy. The Dutch have 
 denied a passage to the French forces designed for Munster, and we 
 expect daily when those two nations will clash, the French King has 
 laid aside Mademoiselle la Valliere, which is no ill precedent to others. 
 The General hath given Sir Fretchevill Holies a company. 'Tis dis- 
 coursed as if the Chancellor would be confined before the sessions. 
 We are all expecting the blessed fruits of a reformation." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1667 [-8], January 30. London — There is nothing I more pas- 
 sionately deplore than the loss of my dear niece Betty. It is said Lord 
 Clarendon lies very ill at Calais, and that his death will put an end to 
 all his misfortunes. St. Albans is expected here in a day or two, and 
 brings dirfcia verba from that Court. The Greneral Union renders us 
 very formidable to France, which is hoped may impede his design of 
 universal monarch. The Bishop and Dean of Lichfield have proceeded 
 to mutual excommunication of one another, which begets strange 
 discourses in town. 
 
371 
 
 Peregrine Bertie to his sister, Lady Bridget Osborne, at Carlton. Lindsey mss. 
 
 1667[-8"), February 18. London — Blaming her for indulging in her 
 sorrow and writing such sad letters to her husband. Also urging her 
 to come up to town and occupy half of Lindsey House. 
 
 The Duke of Albemarle to Sir Thomas Osborne. 
 
 1668-9, January 20. Newhall — Concerning Captain Nicholas Bartue. 
 who wanted a " colours " in his regiment. Signed. 
 
 Charles [Bertie] to Sir ThOxVIas Osborne, at Lindsey House, near 
 the Old Palace Yard at Westminster. 
 
 1670, June 15. Stockholm--" In my last I acquainted you with my 
 design of leaving Denmark ; this brings you the news of my arrival 
 in Suedeland where I arrived in five days from the Sound, upon a 
 collier bound for Stockholm. The places of most importance we past 
 were the Islands of Oeland and Gothland — the jointure of Queen 
 Christina — the last is famous for the best tar in these northern parts. 
 I landed about thirty miles from Stockholm at a place called the 
 Dallers, and as inhospitable to strangers as the deserts of Arabia. Here 
 I encountered the officers of the King's custom-house, such barbarous 
 villains, such Goths and Vandals that, as God shall help me, the best 
 of them is not righteous enough to go to the gallows. From the 
 Dallers I came overland but thirty miles — and alas that too much; for 
 our horses were without shoes, our snaffles made of wood, and the 
 reins of a tarred rope, that I am confident the riding of the wooden 
 horse must needs be a pleasanter exercise than mine. The country I 
 passed was so horribly deformed with misshapen barren rocks, that 
 nature seems to have turned the wrong side outward here : Denmark is 
 a land of promise in comparison of it. Nevertheless Stockholm hath 
 reconciled me to the rest of Suedeland, and since I cannot retract what 
 I have already said in its dispraise I think myself obliged at least to 
 magnify the excellencies I have found here. 'Tis a town of a ' bigearre ' 
 situation environed with water and mountains on every side : the 
 people are very obliging and have another air of civility than the 
 Danes, the streets are very weli built, and I think here are as many and 
 as noble palaces as in Rome it self. 'Tis almost incredible to believe 
 how delightful they have rendered this place by art which is inhabitable 
 by nature. Their harbour is exceeding commodious and crowded with 
 ships from all parts, the government applying its whole industry to the 
 promotion of trade. The King hath here about sixty sail of lovely 
 men of war and he hath one ship ready to launch, called the Crown, of 
 as great force, and as comely as ever I saw, built by one Sheldon an 
 English shipwright whom the Suedes are great admirers of; they have 
 also got among them several English dyers, to whom they allow a 
 competent salary for the teaching their own subjects the mystery of that 
 art. By the discourse I have here had with some gentlemen of the 
 Court, I collect that they are very jealous of our proceedings in Eng- 
 land in reference to" the Triple Alliance ; they fear the Kings of 
 England and France are better friends than they wish or desire. That 
 which confirms this belief is Madame's late expedition into England 
 where they fear she was sent to offer something to the prejudice of 
 that alliance, especially since they discern a tendency in our King to 
 the amity of France, which they utterly detest. The five Regents that 
 govern all things here are Count Peter Brahe, President of the Civil 
 Courts of Justice, the Rix Felt Herr Wrangle, the Rix Admiral 
 U 77960. B B 
 
372 
 
 LiNPSEi MSS. Count Gusiavus Steinbock, the Chancellor Count Magnus do la 
 Garde. The Treasurer — -who is now lately dead — Monsieur Boot. 
 Wrangle is going into Finland, Liefland, and the other dominions 
 of this crown, to visit all the fortifications this summer, and put 
 every place a posture of defence in case the French should stir up 
 the Muscovite, or any other enemy against them. They here assure 
 me that they have an army — with those in garrison — of 60,000 men. 1 
 intend Monday next for to see the silver and copper mines which are an 
 hundred and forty miles distant from this city, and lies near the borders 
 of Lapland — if I mistake not. Hitherto I am come without my Lord 
 Arlington's pass or letters of recommendation, and I hope to perform 
 the rest of my travels as fortunately. At my return back to this city. 
 I shall embark myself for Dantzic, to see some part of Poland, and I 
 choose it the rather, because I have a curiosity to see a nation and a 
 people as unsteady as ourselves. What course I shall steer from thence 
 I know not, whither through Cassubia, Pomerania, and Mecklenburg, 
 or follow some other new crochet of my brain in Suedeland. 'Tis 
 excessive hot and the sun is as formidable as the element of fire. I 
 travel here all by night — -or rather by day — for 'tis never dark at this 
 time of the solstice, and the high ways are as secure as I could wish. I 
 hope you forget not to speak to his Majesty about my company some- 
 times. Wrangle hath caused several gun to be cast for sea—all copper — 
 which they load at the breech. Yesterday I was aboard his own 
 yacht who hath all her guns in that manner. I have left word that if 
 you send your letters to Copenhagen they be directed for me, tor I 
 have heard but once out of England— and that from my brother Vere — 
 since I left you. By this time you have made a costly experiment how 
 little I have to do, and though it bee not very reasonable you should 
 suffer for my idleness, I know not how better to make you amends or 
 deserve your pardon, than by acknowledging my fault and promising you 
 — as children use — to do so no more." 
 
 Postscript. — " Friday next the young King — who is a lovely youth 
 — receives the first time the sacrament, where all the senators of the 
 kingdom are to be in great solemnity." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 [1671,] May 9, stylo loci, Sunday. Dunkirk — "After a tedious passage of 
 two days and three nights I arrived att Dunkirk the 8th instant S.N. 
 coming into the road wee saluted the town with seven guns, but had 
 no return. I conjecture they were somewhat displeased, because I stood 
 in with our topsail, but I matter not much their anger since I have 
 furnished my self with a fresh precedent to justify our pretensions in the 
 sound. However I am resolved we will spare our powder when we 
 go forth which I hope will be to morrow if the wind come fair, for 
 this town is so pestered with such a multiplicity of people that I assure 
 you this letter bespeaks no small kindness to write standing and among 
 twenty persons in the same room. I have already seen his Majesty, the 
 Queen, and all the Court, find little worth so high an admiration as-I 
 brought with me. The army this day makes the reveiie and I am seek- 
 ing a horse to see this show. The soldiers are employed in the fortifica- 
 tions, 10,000 working every hour, which are relieved by the same number 
 of men every five hours, to wit, at four, nine, two, seven. They are so 
 harassed that the poor creatures are scarce able to draw their legs after them, 
 and every man only 2\d. a day pay, but that which most affects me is 
 his endeavouring to form here a more commodious port for the recep- 
 tion of greater vessels, which he is assured may be effected at length, 
 
373 
 
 though with great charges ; and the King said at dinner yesterday that 
 he valued not how much money he buried here, provided he could 
 make what he designed. Most certainly he intends this for a town of 
 great trade, and a staple of all his manufactures and fabriques made in 
 the new conquests. The citadel here is a noble thing but most of our 
 old bastions altered and made greater in all respects. He hath here five 
 ships which were never at sea two are, already launched and carry up- 
 ward of fifty six guns a piece. He hath also ordered the cutting of a new 
 dock, which is now near finished, and every day commands a new 
 miracle, removes heaps of sand, and carries them to other places. This 
 day — being Sunday — he hath ordered the review of his army consisting 
 of 30,000 effective foot, short pikes and their muskets of a very small 
 calibre in comparison of ours. The Dutch are said to be in the field 
 with their army neer Bergen op Zoom, and fear not the French myr- 
 midons with all their formidable reveues. My Lord Bellasis goes this 
 afternoon into the field and I intend to wait on him. They discourse here 
 that the King after four weeks stay in these parts intends for Rochelle 
 and those other western parts of France with this very army at his 
 heels." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1671, June 27. Copenhagen — " As for the King's business committed 
 to my charge, after many a sharp conference with my obstinate com- 
 missioners I have at length wrought them so far to a compliance as to 
 offer a project of a Declaration containing the King of Denmark's ex- 
 press commands to his Governor of Cronenburg to suffer the King's 
 ships for the future to pass with their top sails up before that castle 
 without violence or molestation ; and in case this project please — which 
 I dispatch this post to Mr. Secretary for the King's approbation — the 
 Danes will here sign it without delay, and this they say is a great con- 
 cession on their part. But if the King still urges — after all this — the 
 punishment of the Governor for his last affront, and will make him 
 cry Peccavi for the rashness of that action, they swear it is that they 
 will never retract. However I press warmly for it, to make his 
 Majesty's satisfaction the more complete, though without any great 
 hopes of obtaining it ; and since the matter mounts to a renounce for 
 the future I am induced to believe his Majesty will not much insist 
 upon the manner, but make it as easy to them as we can. I know- 
 there are some things in this project, which will not be received by us 
 though I doubt not but with our own emendations we shall pass it 
 Jiere. 
 
 " Having given you an account of the State affairs, I will now enter- 
 tain you with some of my observations upon the eastern trade in these 
 parts There passes — according to the most accurate calculations 
 —every year unto the Sound about a hundred and forty English and 
 Scotch ships, twelve hundred Dutch, thirty French. However it is 
 very observable that the Dutch highly complain of their decay of trade 
 in these parts, which receives indeed a visible diminution occasioned 
 chiefly by two causes. 1. By the French, who with their own ships 
 now furnish the greatest quantities of salt and wine to these northern 
 countries at an easier rate, which was heretofore the great employment 
 of the Hollander. 2dly. By the Scotch, who begin now to serve these 
 parts with herring much cheaper and altogether as good as the Dutch, 
 having imported the last year into the Sound five hundred lasts and up- 
 wards, which we expect will be double this year, to the great prejudice 
 or the Hollander, who sees these two mischiefs growing upon him, and 
 
 BB 2 
 
 LlNDSET MSS. 
 
374 
 
 LindsetMSS. can no way prevent them. I am informed by several of our English 
 masters who come lately from Dantzic that the Dutch can get no 
 freight for their ships there though they offer them at a rixdollar per 
 last. 
 
 " However I cannot choose but inform you that whereas heretofore 
 fifteen or twenty sail of English ships were every year constantly em- 
 ployed from Hull and Newcastle into Suedeland, we complain here 
 that four or six sail of English come only, and that a hundred sail of 
 Suedish ships freighted by English merchants and manned a third part 
 with Dutch mariners perform that navigation to the detriment of our 
 English trade and the small encouragement afforded to sailers. It is 
 believed here that the Parliament by laying a duty of ten per cent 
 more upon all goods imported by Suedish ships, would equallize the 
 privilege the Suedes enjoy of paying less custom in the Sound and 
 also in their own country, which differs fifteen shillings in every ton 
 of iron ; by which means it is conceived the English might sail as 
 cheap as the Suede, and consequently recover the loss of their trade in 
 these parts. This concerning in a great measure the benefit of York- 
 shire I would by no means omit to acquaint you with it. 
 
 The Suedes are now working at a mine of alum seven miles from 
 Malmay in Schonen, which produces every month a quantity of 500/. 
 sterling and is likely to prove a great prejudice to our alum works in 
 Yorkshire and other parts of England. 
 
 The Suedes have also erected lately three gunpowder mills in Schonen, 
 where they dig a good quantity of saltpetre and furnish themselves 
 and neighbours at thirteen rixdolars the hundred pound with which 
 we and the Dutch did formerly supply them. Indeed the very boors of 
 the country are grown now so skilful, that every one now makes his own 
 powder. 
 
 Baron Spar, Governor of Gottemberg, will shortly be in readiness 
 for his Embassy into England in order to the arbitration of the French 
 pretensions in Flanders. 
 
 The Cham of Tartary's ambassadors have taken their leave at 
 Stockholm and instead of their pretensions to have Suedeland join 
 with them in a war against the Muscovites have obtained abundance of 
 mum and brandy and at parting a thousand rixdollars to pay for their 
 scimitar they presented to the young King, and their dog-whip to the 
 Master of the Ceremonies, the only charges they have been at in that 
 country." 
 
 Denmark. 
 
 1671, October 31. Copenhagen — Endorsed: "A copy of the 
 declaration given to Mr. Bertie in Denmark about the King's ships 
 striking in their ports." French. 
 
 Charles Bertie to Sir Thomas Osborne, Treasurer of the Navy. 
 
 1671, November 7. Elsinore— " I here send you the fruits of a five 
 months negotiation, and hope the inclosed paper contains the substance 
 of his Majesty's demands, though it carry not the same form, which 
 the Danes will never suffer to be imposed upon them. However, the 
 displacing of the Governor of Cronenburg, and the declaration they 
 now give in favour of his Majesty's ships through all their dominions 
 are looked upon here as acts of great deference, and I think his Majesty 
 hath now laid such a foundation of his right in this point as none shall 
 dare to dispute for the future. And now I can not omit to make some 
 reflection upon those in this Court who by being the occasion of the 
 
375 
 
 late precipitate action of the Governor of Cronenburg have now — LindseyMSS. 
 
 somewhat unnecessarily me thinks — enforced the Danes to a more 
 
 solemn declaration in this point than would otherwise have been 
 
 expected from them, or will consist with their future pretences of the 
 
 like honour, not only from us, but from all other men of war sailing 
 
 through the Sound, — since a privilege — as they will call it at least — is 
 
 no sooner granted to one but all others who are in amity, will pretend 
 
 to the like/' 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1672, July 10. On board the St. Michaels — " Our expectations is 
 very eager after the East India fleet we having dispatched a frigate to 
 Bergen to give us what intelligence that coast affords of them. The 
 Fairfax, Edgar, and other of our third rates are spreading the sea, that 
 nothing may escape us. This day came into our fleet Sir John 
 Chickeley from Holland, he tells us that de Ruyter lies in the Wielings 
 with about fifty sail of great ships well manned, and that the Dutch 
 fleet was not in that disorder and distraction we here imagined. *Tis 
 said that de Ruyter having received a compliment from the Duke with 
 an invitation to come into us with his fleet, did publickly profess that 
 he would rather eat his own flesh, and drink his own blood, then betray 
 the trust which the States had reposed in him, and which hitherto he 
 had always discharged with the greatest fidelity imaginable, and that he 
 was above the temptation of all our offers. We hear the Prince of 
 Orange hath refused to assume the Government of the seven provinces, 
 which was offered him both by the French and our plenipotentiaries, and 
 that he resolves to be just to that oath he hath taken, which makes 
 most of us think him a modest gentleman here, and none of the wisest 
 to refuse that which perhaps will never more be offered him. They say 
 the treaty is broke off, and that our plenipotentiaries are returning 
 home. The French King will acquiesce in the delivery up of the whole 
 province of Brabant into his possession, and that being performed will 
 restore all his new conquests, provided his brother of England receive a 
 just satisfaction. We believe a squadron • of us may sail towards the 
 northward — if not the whole fleet — which I wish, rather knowing how 
 dangerous all divisions are to us, and for my part I believe de Ruyter 
 will give us another battle notwithstanding the mean opinion most of us 
 have here of him." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1672, November 29. The Temple — Asking him to enquire for the 
 lists of Captain Bertie's soldiers on board the St. Michael, Monk? and 
 Yarmouth, also for! his own list of soldiers on board the Rupert. 
 
 Lord Clifford to Sir John Norton, High Woodward of the 
 New Forest. 
 
 1672[-3], January 15. Wallingford House — Grant of a yearly sum 
 of 560/. to be paid to the Keepers of the New Forest out of moneys to 
 arise from the sale of any "dotard or decayed trees, lops, tops, 
 boughs, or offal wood." Signed, 
 
 Sir Robert Faston to his kinsman, Sir Thomas Osborne. ^ 
 
 1673, May 2. Vulture Tavern, Lombard Street. — " I am now with 
 Mr. Lewis and Mr. Browne and have gained this point, from the un- 
 certainty of the rest, that they will this next week give me in proposals 
 
376 
 
 Lindsey 3iss. in writing how we may effect our business and to a greater advantage 
 than I have proposed to you, and I have engaged to them, they making 
 out that plain and visible to us and that it may be in the King's pre- 
 rogative, to grant that they shall both be employed as managers and 
 have a salary, such as they shall reasonably propose out of it, confirmed 
 by the same grant which shall secure our own emolument. This has 
 so taken them that there is no secret in the matter we shall not be 
 masters of, and if we like the model they propose, shall have it ready 
 to go in hand with in ten days : They further propose to give in 
 security to take of my Lady P.'s patent at the rate of a thousand or 
 twelve hundred pounds a year ; for the well gratifying her will be a 
 means to make the matter go on smooth, so sir, I hope we shall 
 proceed a better way and not depend further on the uncertainties of 
 the people, which I plainly perceive will not be unanimous even in 
 what concerns their own profit, as they all confess to me. This I 
 thought good to give you an account of, intending to be recluse while 
 Sunday is past." 
 
 Viscountess Yarmouth to [Viscountess Osborne.] 
 
 1673, August 14.—" I still live in hopes that through your intercession 
 with my Lord [Treasurer] we may be so happy as to get off our advanced 
 rent, and have the farm at the rents it was first let at, which was 
 2700 pounds a year." 
 
 Viscount Yarmouth to [Viscountess Osborne.] 
 No date. On the same subject as the preceding letter. 
 
 House of Commons. 
 
 1675, April 13. — A list of bills to be presented to the House of 
 Commons. Amongst others is " A bill to prevent the illegal exaction 
 of moneys from the subjects," against which is a note, in the Earl of 
 Danby's handwriting, "which will be, I hope, rejected." 
 
 The Same. 
 
 1675, April 26 to May 4. — A full report of the debates which took 
 place upon the proposed impeachment of the Earl of Danbv, for wasting 
 and misapplying the public moneys. 
 
 L. Hyde to [Charles] Bertie. 
 
 1675, July 14. — " I am so confident that my Lord Treasurer intends 
 to be as good as his word to me before he goes out of town, that I 
 write this to you to desire you again to put his Lordship in mind of 
 me. There is now eight weeks allowance due, and sure to desire one 
 fortnight's more in consideration of his Lordship's being to go away, 
 and of promising not to trouble him any more all the summer, will not 
 appear unreasonable to him." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to his brother [inlaw, the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1675, August 25, Chelsea — " I am ashamed my paternal affection to 
 my son, who lies desperately ill at present of the smallpox should 
 withdraw me from an attendance which your Lordship was pleased to 
 think requisite to your service. Though indeed I must be so just as 
 
377 
 
 to undeceive you, for I could not be any ways useful to you there Lindset MSS. 
 but as a mere intelligencer. As X have written to my sister, I always 
 thought the Court of no good complexion towards your Lordship, and 
 that if such small things as Bab, May, Giffins, Godolphin, and others 
 had had influence enough with their master to have removed you, it 
 had been Jong since effected by the allusion your Lordship makes 
 of a schoolboys returning to school after Christmas. I cannot but 
 observe what a strange creature man is, who is seldom or never pleased 
 with his present condition. And at the same time J admire God's 
 providence who makes all conditions supportable. Those who want 
 power and the gilded troublesome pageantry that attends it, have the 
 greater leisure to follow their own private affairs, are not to provide 
 to secure themselves from the malicious design of their enemies at 
 Court, are not in pain what the people think of them, not affecting 
 popularity out of any intention to promote themselves to places of pre- 
 ferment, or to enrich themselves as Sir Thomas of my country does by 
 the sale of a penned speech pronounced in Parliament. Possibly your 
 Lordship might think this good advice to my Lord Shaftesbury, who 
 at St. Giles enjoys the pleasures of a great and ample fortune and who 
 hath been so successful in his knavery as to save both his head and 
 estate ; and yet your Lordshipe observes the restlessness of that man's 
 condition and how easily he would be induced to abandon all these 
 rural satisfactions for a Court trifle. But for yourself I would not 
 have you weary of your load, though I confess it almost insupportable, 
 and what I protest I think I should have ten thousand times quitted if 
 I had been in your Lordship's case ; and that which makes it the more 
 so to you is the intentions you have of acting like a man of honour. The 
 aim you have to settle the Church and State ; to defend the one against 
 schismatics, and papists, and the other against Commonwealths men 
 and rebels. These are indeed things that would make a man's head 
 ache and his heart too especially when one in the world that your 
 Lordship knows will be so wanting to himself as not to be con- 
 curring in this design to his own advantage. The greater the diffi- 
 culty the more glorious the conquest, and I do really believe God 
 hath raised you to this eminency of condition to save a tottering 
 monarchy, which, if your counsel is not followed, I am confident will 
 be quickly changed into an anarchy of confusion. The gentleman I 
 mention is certainly apoplectic, you must bleed him, purge him, fright 
 him, and the great God of Heaven bless your endeavours." 
 
 House of Commons. 
 
 1675, October 13 to November 20 — Reports in extenso of the 
 proceedings in the House of Commons on most of the days between 
 these dates. 
 
 James Clarke to the King. 
 
 167o-6, January — Petition that the term for which he held the 
 manor of East Moulsey might be made up to ninety-nine years. 
 Referred by the King to the Lord Treasurer, and by him to the 
 Surveyor General, Sir Charles Harbord. 
 
 The Navy Board to Captain Bertie. 
 
 1676, April 5. Navy Office — Giving particulars of the accounts of 
 the fund for the sick and wounded. Four signatures. 
 
378 
 
 Lim-dseyMss. J". Brisbane to [the Earl of Danbv]. 
 
 1 076, November 4-14. Paris — "I do really believe our injuries 
 and complaints have grown to this bulk and heinousness in great 
 part by the corruptness of Sir Ellis Leighton, whom my Lord Berkley 
 did recommend as the person intrusted by him to take all the care of 
 his Majesty's subjects brought in by the privateers. Not to insist upon 
 all the instances that are and may be given to render this probable 
 almost beyond doubting, one thing which my Lord Ambassadour hath 
 sufficient assurance of seems very remarkable. Monsieur de Louvois — 
 who is generally thought to bear much emulation to M. Colbert — did 
 once in the King's presence represent to Monsieur Colbert the danger 
 of disturbing our commerce, and confiscating our ships and goods and 
 affirm that unavoidably they must lose the friendship of England if 
 these courses were continued. Monsieur Colbert undertook to satisfy 
 Monsieur de Louvois that he was quite mistaken and had taken vulgar 
 reports for more than they were worth, and very suddenly after that Sir 
 Ellis went to Monsieur de Louvois and assured him the King of Great 
 Britain and his ministers were throughly satisfied with the justice 
 his subjects met ivith in France. Other persons have told me almost the 
 same thing with other circumstances as that upon that occasion M. de 
 Louvois treated M. Colbert harshly in words, even to call him a pedant, 
 saying it was a little unpolitic chicane to venture the loss of England 
 for a nice interpretation of a bill of lading, to put the English mar- 
 chants to distinguish which pack was theirs and which belonging to 
 Hollanders &e. 
 
 " M. le Vayer one of the Marine Council and a gentleman of excellent 
 parts commending Monsieur Colbert's abilities and great application to 
 the improvement of this kingdom, tells me that many of the best 
 qualified persons have been three years employed about the making 
 one ordonnayice de marine-, that Generals have been sent through all 
 the ports to look over all the registers that are kept there and into 
 foreign parts to learn good regulations. That the whole is divided 
 into two heads of peace and war, that of peace into merchandise, 
 customes, bottomries, assurances, fisheries, &c. ; that of war into 
 arsenals, constructions, stores, amunitions, victuals, equipages«=- which is 
 manning — and some others. I hope to have from him the method at least 
 and contents of the whole work, which he says will not be finished yet 
 this twelvemonth. It seems a work of great use and ornament to a 
 kingdom." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1676, November 22. Paris — " With my last I sent you both the 
 enclosed ordonnances of which the first I could only send by a written 
 copy. It is certain that it was observed in the practice for some time, 
 but how or when it came to be laid aside I cannot trace. I think that 
 as the ordonnance was made in Sir William Lockhart's time, in all 
 likelihood at his instance, it continued in observation during his 
 embassy, and I am afraid the discontinuance of it will be in great 
 part found chargeable upon our own ministry in France, for if we can 
 reduce all our contentions to the single question of the ' propriety ' of 
 the ship, there will be little new work cut out for me, only God knows 
 how I shall be able to clear this Augean stable of the old heaps. I 
 need not observe to your Lordship the necessity of a more fixed security 
 for our commerce, but I must put you in mind of some danger I 
 apprehend myself to be in by exceeding the sphere of my mercantile 
 
379 
 
 solicitations, and for that I could not think that when your Lordship 
 commanded me to write to you sometimes, I should give you particular 
 account of small barks and butts of brandy." 
 
 J. Brisbane to the Earl of Danby. 
 Same date — Sending a copy of his letter to Mr. Secretary [Coventry]. 
 
 The Same to [the Same], at Wallingford House. 
 
 1676-7, January 13. Paris — " My Lord it is a vexation to me to 
 hear persons here who for religion's sake and the interests that usually 
 follow the factious asserting of it, entertain great hopes that the 
 parliament will do no good; that Fagg's business will be revived 
 next sessions and take up one half of the time ; that quarrelling 
 with the ministers will take up all the rest ; that there will 
 not be one step made towards a right understanding, towards the 
 support of the kingdom's honour and safety, and that after a weeks 
 wrangling there must be a prorogation. I think of these things so much 
 and so often and am so persuaded that our misunderstandings are 
 fomented by such as fear the prosperity of England, that I fancy some- 
 times I could convert the sharpest and most discontented man in 
 England if he have but ever so little love left for his country. I 
 imagine I have the materials of an excellent speech for my Lord 
 Chancellor — but sure he hath infinitely better — that if it were represented 
 — as you can and may with the greatest truth — that our discord make 
 musick to those that wish us evil, that our friends think us fools and not 
 to be relied upon, that our enemies for the same reason fear us not, and 
 that nobody will pay their devotions to saints that can do no good nor 
 harm ; I think every honest man would be persuaded to lay aside 
 their little immaterial quarrels, and keep up a very good house 
 supposing it had a smoky chimney in it. 
 
 " The treaty I believe will be signed in a short time and I believe it 
 will likewise be observed, for as long as this war lasts it will be care- 
 fully looked after, and when the peace is made there will be no occasion 
 for privateers." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1676-7, January 17. Paris — " The treaty which my Lord Ambas- 
 sadour hath been so earnestly pursuing hath met with one week's 
 retardment from an indisposition of Monsieur de Pomponne, and perhaps 
 some other incident may retard it a week longer, so that — if it proves a 
 treaty — we are like to have it no sooner than just to meet with the 
 parliament. And from that conjuncture some will infer, and probably 
 enough, that the councils here are influenced by the regards they have 
 to the parliament, and that they acquiesce to a thing upon that sort of 
 consideration which they have refused to all the instances which have 
 been made for it by the King and his ministers. If this inference be 
 true the compliment of the treaty — if it comes — will not be very obliging 
 to the King nor very sincere to the parliament. It may raise the spirits 
 of such as murmur against the government, and amongst the unwise 
 remove one main motive to union and respect for his Majesty, which is 
 necessity and common fears of evils to come. I thiuk if any one con- 
 siders rightly the meaning of such a present — supposing it is made to the 
 parliament — they would suspect it as from the Greeks — Timeo Danaos et 
 dona ferentes ; and infer that they are to unite themselves so much 
 
 LlNDSEY MSS. 
 
380 
 
 Lindset mss. the more straightly to their head, as others who have no reason to wish 
 their prosperity tempt them to divide from it by insinuating to them 
 how considerable they may be in disjunction." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, April 11. Paris — It may be by the time your Lordship 
 receives this Monsieur de Crequi will be ready to return into France. 
 If his errand was, as we are informed credibly enough, to assure his 
 Majesty that the late successes on this side do not render them averse 
 from a peace, and that he offer any thing towards making his Majesty 
 arbitrator instead of mediator, it will be a difficult but a glorious 
 personage, and therefore it would not be rejected for the difficulty of it. 
 That which makes me imagine there may be some such thing designed 
 by Monsieur de Crequi's journey is that some intelligent persons here 
 who find fault with the addresses of our parliament and tax them of too 
 much partiality do say they might have been conceived in terms as 
 advantageous to ourselves and of more apparent justice, and which 
 might import some inclination to procure the peace of Christendom. 
 For example they say they could not have complained if the parliament 
 had prayed the King to propose to the parties now in war such condi- 
 tions of peace as he should think just and safe; and upon the 
 refusal of either side to acquiesce, then to cast the balance by his 
 adhering to the other side; and for aught I see it is agreed on all 
 hands, that his Majesty can turn the scales which way he pleases. 
 For our little domestic broils, as God be thanked, we have less 
 reason to fear them, so those that reckoned much upon them not long 
 ago are now of another opinion and think his Majesty in a situation 
 of great authority and above the reach of factions at home. My Lord 
 if 1 may adventure to use the freedom you have commanded me to take, 
 my humble opinion is that we can not long enjoy the advantages of 
 our peace alone if some effectual endeavours be not used on our parts to 
 procure a pacification ; for if this war should end either by conquest, 
 or weariness, or by the disuniting the confederates, or any way without 
 the King's apparent procurement of it, besides that it looks neither 
 humane nor christian like to decline quenching our neighbours fires, 
 we shall infallibly make many armed enemies, a thing by all means 
 possible to be avoided, because we have so much to lose that the least of 
 the parties concerned if they were at leisure to deal with us must get 
 by a war against us." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1677, May 1, new style. Paris— ''All people here are full of great 
 expectations from England. Those who think themselves best informed 
 do reckon upon the friendship between the Kings as a sure card, and 
 that we will not engage any way to their prejudice, the rather because 
 they likewise believe that the Christian King hath offered a blank to 
 his Majesty for conditions of peace. The commanders, I mean general 
 officers, for the rest of the campaign are not yet named, except the 
 Duke of Luxembourg for Flanders and the Marechal de Crequi for 
 Germany. The Marechal de Schomberg doth not know himself whether 
 he shall serve this summer or not nor where. Its thought he will 
 command a small army about the Moselle and that he hath no great 
 stomach to that command for fear of being put to hard shifts in a 
 country wanting strong places to cover his few troops. He hath been 
 some days in town, and Tuesday last he went to his country house not 
 
381 
 
 far from hence, and, people say, discontented. However he keeps still Lindset MSS. 
 a chargeable equipage on foot and will be ready on short warning to 
 take the field when commanded. 
 
 " Some of the prudent people here blame the indiscretion of the 
 French that go over into England in so great numbers. They say 
 that neither the time nor the place is well chosen for a theatre to their 
 triumphs after the winning of a battle and taking of three towns ; and 
 that the Duke de Villeroy for that reason forbade his son to go thither 
 though he desired it. It is thought likewise that the Bishop of Rheims 
 and Monsieur de Barillon go for more than a compliment." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, May 1. Paris — " I saw yesterday the Marechal de Schomberg 
 at his own house, who had this morning a courier sent him to go 
 into the field ; and he says he is to command an army apart about the 
 Moselle which truly he seems not to like very well of. It was the third 
 time that ever I had the honour to speak to him and yet though he had 
 many farewell compliments, he took me aside and spoke very obligingly 
 to me and confidently of himself. That his mother was an English 
 woman and that he accounted himself an Englishman, that he had once 
 a formed resolution and retains yet the desire of settling himself in 
 England. That it was enough for him that he commanded this King's 
 army, and that he could rather have wished he had never had the baton 
 of Marechal, because they made him stay too long for it, gave it to 
 others of less service before him, and at last bestowed it upon him with 
 intention to tie him, which yet he insinuated it might fail to do. That 
 if he had been left without employment this summer he had taken 
 measures with Monsieur le Chevalier de Vensdosme to make a step 
 into England ; and he takes occasion often to express a great respect 
 for the King and his Royal Highness, and a great sense of their favours 
 to him. I presume his frank opening himself to me proceeded from a 
 good character given of me to him by my Lord Arlington, to whom I 
 know he hath formerly communicated his thoughts to the same purpose, 
 and by him to his Majesty. He tells me that my Lord Arlington hath 
 done me that favour, and I do believe it was in a letter which I carried 
 myself, though truly I was not told so. If ever hereafter his coming 
 into England be negotiated I think your Lordship may have what share 
 you please in the business either in furthering or hindering the effect 
 of it. However I found myself both obliged and inclined to impart this 
 to you, because I would not know anything of anybody that might be of 
 concernment without acquainting your Lordship with it; the rather 
 because this confidence was both unexpected by me and without con- 
 dition of further secrecy than common discretion requires, and upon 
 condition of reserving any thing from you I will know nothing. He 
 further spoke to me of the differences that happened between Prince 
 Rupert and himself when he served in England, which he derives from 
 old quarrels of their families, though he affirms his father and grandfather 
 had deserved very much from the others, and that his grandfather had 
 chiefly procured their election to Bohemia, which by the by though it 
 might be then designed as a service, hath not proved in the consequence 
 of it advantageous to the Princes Palatine." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, May 8, new style. Paris — " It is certainly believed here that 
 Monsieur Courtin is to leave his post in England, and Monsieur de 
 
382 
 
 Lindset mss. Barillon to go in his room. The reasons given out for it are by some 
 that Monsieur Courtin wants health in England, by others that he can 
 not support the expense of it ; and all agree that it is his own desire or 
 advice to be recalled. The reasons I imagine for that change are quite 
 different ; for he knew both his own constitution, and the expense of 
 the embassy, having made trial of both before. But my Lord, there 
 is much discourse here of your Lordships power and influence upon our 
 affairs and of the great success you had this session, which even those 
 that did not wish it, attribute to your prudence and courage. All hands 
 agree that with these qualities you serve the King so usefully that you 
 must be strongly fixed in his Majesty's favour, and that there remains 
 no hopes of removing you. Now, my Lord, my conjecture is that 
 Monsieur Courtin from the beginning of his embassy having proposed 
 to himself — perhaps being instructed so to do — other measures and 
 means of succeeding in his negotiations than by applications to your 
 Lordship, it is not so easy for him to change his own measures as it will 
 be for another Ambassador to begin upon new ones. Whether this 
 conjecture be right or wrong will appear to your Lordship by Monsieur 
 de Barillon's carriage when he comes to be employed, and it may be you 
 will perceive something of it by his present journey. As I offer this 
 only as a conjecture your Lordship will not I hope blame me much if I 
 be mistaken in it. 
 
 " Yesterday morning Monsieur de Luxembourg went from hence early 
 to Conde where is appointed a rendezvous for the army though it was 
 spoke of before to be at another place ; and M. de Schomberg tells me 
 he must set out Monday next to meet the King, I believe at the same 
 place. Monsieur le Comte de St. Geran told me yesterday likewise they 
 expect a great impression of the confederates from the country of Luxem- 
 bourg, what — it is reported — the Spaniards have given to the Emperor, 
 though it doth seem probable the Emperor cannot be much the better 
 for a small country so far from home. 
 
 " It is reported here likewise that the adjournment of our parliament to- 
 the 21 of May is to be prolonged till October next; and truly it will not 
 be much amiss to see the success of this campaign. One before the King 
 be any more pressed to public resolutions about the share lie is to take 
 in the affairs of our neighbours. It is a hundred to one neither side 
 can be so successful but we may then as well as now cast the balance. 
 However in the meantime it hath all the appearance of a glorious, safe 
 and christian design for the King to procure and give peace to Christen- 
 dom, which may be done so as to engage all the parties to be guarantees 
 for the treaty that shall be made. I pray God preserve and direct you 
 and that the success of all your Lordships undertakings may be answer- 
 able to the worthiness of your intentions." Printed in " Danbys 
 Letters" p. 311. 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 [1677, May ?] — " Having found that upon all occasions the Prince of 
 Conde expressed a great respect and service for the King of England I 
 thought it might be of good use to live with him in good intelligence, 
 which I have done ever since my being here ; I have of late had two 
 long conversations with him, in both of which he hath been very 
 earnest with me to persuade the King of England not to engage in the 
 war, in the condition Flanders is now in. 
 
 " For he says he thinks, he knows it, and is sure that it will be 
 impossible for him to support it, and though the conditions now offered 
 from the French King are very hard and unfriendly considering the 
 
383 
 
 obligations lie hath to the King of England, yet his opinion is that if Lindsey MSS. 
 they are not accepted, that the King of France will carry Brussels or 
 some other great thing before a month be over, and that will make 
 them higher then ever. 
 
 " That he knows the greatest disappointment that can be to 
 Monsieur Louvois will be any peace. I know the Prince of Conde hates 
 Louvois mortally and is sorry at any good success that happens, which 
 is an argument to make his advice now believed sincere, and his way of 
 speaking to me was like a man as much discontented and dissatisfied as 
 you can imagine; he says no servant the King of England has can 
 advise him in this matter so well as he, for that he knows Flanders 
 very well, and the condition it is in, and this country, and what it is 
 able to do, and can never have any so great hurt as by a peace. 
 
 " He knows that the peace sticks upon Ypres but he is afraid that if 
 it is not now made there will not be so good a one in a little more time. 
 He told me further, that after the battle of Dunkirk if the Cardinal 
 had not out of complaisance to the Queen Mother made the Pyrenean 
 peace — though he was then in the Spanish service — Flanders could not 
 have been saved, and that if I would not think him vain, he would 
 say that they had now nobody to defend it, that understood the trade 
 so well." — Copy. 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1677, May 18. Paris— " Nobody doubts Monsieur de Crequis 
 returning again into England, and it is constantly imputed to the 
 apprehensions they have here of what may happen upon his Majesty's 
 resolution and proclamation about the parliament and that he hath 
 instruction to give and receive, if he can, better securities than in his first 
 journey. Some people say his Majesty will not be able to resist this 
 second attack, but will yield to the insinuations from this Court ; but 
 truly 1 think much otherwise, and that nothing will divert him from his 
 true interest ; and by what I can understand he can take but few resolu- 
 tions which are not like to prove advantageous to him if they be well 
 followed, so much I am persuaded that his present condition is safe and 
 strong. I am still of opinion that you expect the issue of this campaign — 
 and that you enter upon no new engagements with this Court, that beinc 
 the only dangerous course you can fall upon : for I reckon it past all 
 doubt, that if this session of parliament had been spent in such conten- 
 tions as might have produced a prorogation — which I'm sure was wished 
 for and endeavoured — and no supply or more use of strength to his 
 Majesty, there had been much less care taken to make or keep a 
 friendship with us. 
 
 " There is here lodged in the same house the Bishop of Lodere in 
 Languedoc, un Eveque de Cour, a great servant to Monsieur Colbert, 
 who puts many civilities upon me, and such as I am sure he doth not 
 without design. He often quarrels with our parliament, magnifies the 
 cordial affection and resemblance of our Princes, wonder why the King 
 lets the parliament sit, and takes it for granted the King designs and 
 all his faithful and affectionate servants, to form our government upon 
 the model of France, that that thing can not be effected but by a strict 
 and indissoluble union with France. To all which 1 have made no other 
 answer at different times but that we found the parliament dutiful and 
 obedient, that our people love their Prince's person and government, 
 and these matters are out of my road, far from my thoughts, and that I 
 may know news as any body else, but otherwise know no other design 
 
384 
 
 LindsetMSS. of the King ray master but to procure justice for his subjects that have 
 been wronged by the French. Wednesday last this Bishop assured me 
 that the day before M. Colbert had at his house at Sceaux a great 
 meeting of interesses that is farmers of the revenue and lenders of 
 money, that he borrowed several millions, and then settled the reimburs- 
 ment of two millions, and appointed another time of meeting. They 
 pay ten per cent, interest which is three per cent, more than was paid 
 last winter when they gave rents upon the Maison de Ville for the 
 security to the lenders. There will be unavoidable necessities of 
 anticipating the revenue to a vast proportion of it. For let the revenue 
 be ever so great the expense must outrun it ; there is a vast frontier 
 and many garrisons to maintain. 
 
 " Yesterday Te Deum was sung for the victory of Tobago in Notre 
 Dame ; neither the Queen nor Monsieur did assist at it, nor doth any 
 body think there was much cause for it." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to his brother- [in-law, the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [16] 77, June 18. Grimsthorpe — " I was extremely surprised when I 
 received this inclosed from Mr. Wingfield which confirms me how much 
 a great man above thinks it necessary to obstruct all advancement to 
 your Lordship's creatures and dependents. Else certainly Mr. Wingtield 
 might have passed the pikes as well as Serjeant Scroggs, or Sir Thomas 
 Jones one of the judges of the King's Bench, all called without the 
 formality of reading or expending such sums of money as rather renders 
 the preferment a burden than an advantage. And 1 confess I doubt 
 not but Sir Robert Carr hath had his finger in the pie, for he knows 
 very well what a great card Mr. Wingfield is in these parts to play in all 
 affairs of importance. And since the preferment came not by him he 
 obstructs it as much as is in his power. Indeed the whole county 
 hath taken notice of it, that those who stick to me are preferred, 
 which is a very powerful and engaging argument for persons to adhere 
 to our party, for the world will be governed by interest. Truly my 
 Lord I apprehend that if we should not carry this point through 
 there would be a strange retrogradation in our affairs and nothing 
 could more encourage the fanatic or presbyterian party in the world 
 than to see Mr. Wingfield either put to that unnecessary and extra- 
 ordinary charge or else not to obtain the Serjeantship, which Grod 
 knows is no such great matter, but that those vacancies are only 
 reserved for my Lord Chancellor's friends who are in time to be your 
 Lordship's enemies. This is the highest ingratitude his Lordship can 
 be guilty of to one to whom he owes his very being in the station in 
 which he now is. I beseech your Lordship represent it to his 
 Majesty as a thing of that consequence which will discourage his 
 whole party in this county and be the most acceptable news in the 
 world to the commonwealthsmen." 
 
 J. Brisbane to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1677, June 25. Paris — " People of consequence here think the King 
 almost at Avar with the parliament, and I'm sure would not have them 
 concurring in anything. They think or say at least that the personal 
 friendship between our Princes is such that our master hath no where 
 else so good a security for the support of his prerogative ; and I think 
 and dare say they would be loth upon occasion the defence of it should 
 cost them anything, and God be thanked we are not like to need their 
 help. One day or two at most before we had the news of the last 
 
385 
 
 address and adjournment of the parliament I was with Monsieur de LindseyMSS. 
 Ruvigny who is confidently believed here and with reason to be the man 
 in France who understands England best. He then told me he believed 
 the parliament would give the King the 600,000/., but upon harsh condi- 
 tions, and appointed administrators of their own. I replied they had 
 been of late so sparing in shaking the ministers that probably they 
 would not desire that. He said it is true I believe they may not desire 
 it now, parce que Monsieur le Grand. Tresorier est de concert avec 
 eux, qu'il leur promet que V argent sera employe comme Us veulent et 
 qu'ils se Jieront peutetre a luy pour une fois ; mais apres cela Us en 
 useront comme je vous dis. The address and adjournment have been 
 very gladly received here, and I am asked many questions about it what 
 I can not answer, but I'm sure they wish all breaches of that kind wider 
 than ever they will see them if there be a grain of common sense left 
 amongst us. I find many difficulties in the revisions of sentences given 
 against his Majesty's subjects, and am afraid they will furnish us 
 matter of complaint and for a manifesto too if ever his majesty have 
 occasion for it. Those of the council who are reporters of marine 
 affairs and whom 1 have occasion to entertain about them do often 
 insinuate to me their thoughts as if the King my master would be better 
 pleased it I were slack and complying, and cry up mightily the intimate 
 friendship between the Kings. But truly I have no secret instructions, 
 and if I go to guess at the King's secret thoughts, I shall always think 
 he hath a greater interest to protect his merchants than the most 
 christian King can have to protect unjustly his privateers, a race of 
 thieves and ever useless and unprofitable to their own country and 
 destructive to the trade of it. I have written much to Mr. Secretary 
 Coventry about these affairs and if I thought it worth your Lordship's 
 while I would send you copies of my letters and other papers of these 
 matters, but they are many, troublesome and full of chicane, so that 1 
 think better to forbear giving you that trouble. 
 
 " On Thursday last I was with one Monsieur de Bezons a Counsellor 
 of State, who is intimate with Monsieur de Barillon, and our marine 
 affairs being over he asked me news from England. I told him there was 
 discourse of a progress of the Kings to Portsmouth and Plymouth and 
 of the Queen to the Bath. He told me that Monsieur de Barillon was 
 preparing for England, but that he thought he would not go till the end 
 of August. He confirmed me in a conjecture I had formerly about the 
 change of Ambassador in England by saying Vetat present des affaires 
 demandoit d'autres liaisons que celles qu* avoit M. Courtin" — 
 Printed in " Dauby* s Letters" p. 313. 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1677, September 4. Paris — " The expresses that have lately gone to 
 and again, and which I have heard of give some signs as if the treaty 
 were followed warmly, and many people adventure to say that Nimeguen 
 is indeed the theatre where that piece is publicly represented, but that 
 all is concerted behind the curtain in the King of Britain's closet, and 
 indeed I hope it is so. However, I am persuaded — without any penetra- 
 tion beyond what the eyes of all Europe see — that he hath the mean^ 
 in his hands of providing strongly for his own safety and that of his 
 kingdoms, and doubtless he will do it with strength proportionable to 
 the importance of the conjuncture. The no success the confederates 
 have had, and the campaign being in the opinion of most people even 
 ended on their parts, is like to produce disunion amongst them. And 
 therefore the Emperor and whoever else amongst them is most concerned 
 
386 
 
 Lindset MSS. to keep the confederacy from falling to pieces, ought immediately to 
 employ vigorous negotiations with all the interested to keep up their 
 hearts with new offers and measures — which will not be spared on this 
 side to take them off from one another — and to let them see the Duke 
 of Lorraine's long marches and subsisting all in the enemy's country, his 
 posts near Font a Mousson and at Mouzon, which last he might have 
 kept ail this year if he had had magazines at Luxembourg and Treves 
 and thereby been in a condition to have kept up at work all next 
 winter and prevented the early campaign next spring. Whatever is 
 done in the treaty of Nimeguenor elsewhere it were very advisable to 
 preserve carefully memorials of all that passes, that a history of the 
 treaty be compiled, and with this caution that his Majesty's share and 
 interposal in it be represented with all the advantages of honour, and 
 marks of the consideration the Princes and States have for him, the 
 effects of his power and resolution, his personal virtues, the superiority of 
 his understanding and generosity, all which may be so done as it needs not 
 appear to be the work of a partial hand, and therefore it would require 
 an able one. It may perhaps be worth your Lordship's consideration, 
 whether on the present conjuncture his Majesty ought not to send an 
 envoy e to circulate amongst the Princes of Germany and the Hanse 
 towns and all those of the confederates with whom he hath not ordinary 
 ministers, to take fresh informations of their strength, interests, and 
 inclinations, whose errand may easily be covered with the pretext of 
 inviting them to and promoting the general peace, a diligence well 
 suiting the principal mediators part ; and it ought to furnish him with 
 useful remarks, whether the peace be made or the war continue." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 [1677, September]. — The people here are backward to print our 
 treaty, and but lately M. de Pomponne's first commis told me there 
 was order to do it. I gave an account to Secretary Coventry lately of 
 several dry negatives to most just demands of ours from M. de Pomponne 
 with whom I spoke about several affairs. They will not admit of 
 English consuls in their trading ports, a thing that hath been stipulated 
 with Holland in former treaties. The only reason I can imagine why 
 they use us so differently is their arbitrary way of using our merchants 
 and seamen, which being done upon several small occasions, produces a 
 prejudice to our people of what they are not in the gross so sensible, 
 and this would be prevented by a watchful consul, who might from 
 many particular grievances, raise complaints and procure redress. I am 
 sure you will never believe they have any good will for you, and that 
 being laid down for a principle, you may take such measures as you 
 think best to prevent your own harms. — On the same sheet as the 
 preceding letter. 
 
 The Same to [the Same], 
 
 1677, September 18. Paris — Giving his reasons why it was desirable 
 that there should be consuls at the French trading ports, and narrating 
 the difficulties which Sir David Inglis had met with from the Parliament 
 of Bordeaux when he was sent there as consul in the year 1661 or 
 1662. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to [the Countess of Danby], 
 
 1677, September 28. Newmarket — il You must excuse me to my 
 brother because I have scarce time to write this to you, the King being 
 
387 
 
 just going abroad, and I making myself as good a waiter as Posling LindseyMSS. 
 
 himself. Vou may let him know that the King has consented to his 
 
 being a commissioner when Sir William Lovvther shall die or be 
 
 removed, but will gratify some other with his place. Your brother 
 
 Lindsey and my Lord Rosse are here and have complained of Sir Robert 
 
 Car to the King from whom they have received very good satisfaction ; 
 
 and my Lord Arlington looks so dejected here, that even all we do pity 
 
 him. Sir Robert Howard is also come and the King does not speak 
 
 to him, so that I am here looked upon as a much greater conqueror then 
 
 lam. The Duke of Albemarle arrived last night and says the Prince 
 
 of Orange will be here very speedily." 
 
 Postscript. — " Remember to send to see my Lord Burford without 
 any message to Nelly, and when Mrs. Turner is with you, bid her tell 
 Nelly you wonder she should be your Lord's enemy that has always 
 been so kind to her, but you wonder much more to find her supporting 
 only those who are known to be the King's enemies, for in that you 
 are sure she does very ill." 
 
 J. Brisbane to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1677, October 30 [new style]. Paris — " The Prince of Orange his 
 voyage into England with so splendid a retinue, and at such a time 
 whilst the armies in Alsatia are yet in the field and facing one 
 another, renders it so probable that he goes upon his own errand and 
 to make love, that it is become the common belief amongst us. And 
 thereupon arises another conceit in some ; that to spoil his wooing, an 
 offer is made or to be made from hence of a much greater match for my 
 Lady Mary ; and it is presumed that if such an offer be but made — 
 though with no intention to accomplish — the glory, as they call it, of 
 such a hope will dazzle our prudence and make us reject an alliance of 
 less splendour, although we do apprehend it to be more convenient. 
 If such a negotiation be intended, it will begin by feeling our pulse and 
 some steps preparatory to a gallant embassy ; and if it be designed for 
 consummation it will run upon wheels, all difficulties and obstacles will 
 be overruled, and rather broke through than orderly removed ; but if it 
 be only begun to break off the other, then we shall see it spun out to a 
 great length, and it will stick upon many points. 
 
 " The very dispensation from Rome, which costs but one courier and 
 one pithy despatch, when Princes are resolute, if they be otherwise 
 disposed will hold at least to the next election ; the rather for that his 
 present Holiness being extraordinary holy, the lady's heresy and the 
 consanguinity of the parties — who are in the degree forbidden to marry 
 by the canons — nre two pills which he will never swallow without long 
 straining, except they be thrust downe by force or well gilded with 
 hopes of advantage to the Catholic cause." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1677, November 27 [new style]. Paris — On Tuesday I received a 
 letter from the Secretary Williamson, " and with it I had two others 
 inclosed one for the King and the other for Monsieur, both which I 
 delivered with the utmost care and expedition and both with my own 
 hand. The King's answer was in these words, Je vous remercie de voire 
 peine et je la verrai. Monsieur's answer was like the King's but that 
 he further promised an answer, and told me the King had such another ; 
 by which and by what was told me next day by the Marechal de 
 G-rammont that the letter I delivered to the King overnight was from 
 U 77960. C c 
 
388 
 
 •Lindset MSB. the Prince of Orange, I perceive they made no secret of thern though I 
 — did make a secret of from whom they came ; and therefore it is like 
 
 there was nothing in them but a compliment upon occasion of his High- 
 nesses marriage. It was expected by some here that his Majesty marrying 
 the Princess of Orange — in the situation she was in when married — - 
 would have sent some body to acquaint this King with the design of 
 it, and the speculative people infer from that omission — as they will 
 reckon it to favour their inference — that this King was sufficiently 
 preacquainted with the matter to dispense with the formality of an 
 envoy. Though on the other hand it is certain the ministers and those 
 of the council I converse with seem to consider that match as a thing 
 done without any communication, counsel, or consent asked or given 
 from this side. 
 
 " It is my Lord a wonderful care and dexterity that is used here to 
 retrieve revenue out of every thing and at every turn. They watch 
 attentively the channels into which the public expense conveys the 
 money, and from these very channels it is intercepted and brought back 
 to the pond, the King's treasury, which is the heart of this kingdom and 
 through which all that blood circulates perpetually, remaining in no 
 greater quantity and for no longer time in the other veins than just 
 enough to give life and motion to the members : for there is no control 
 to raising money by which way soever they please to go barefaced to it : 
 and it is a pleasant thing to see how many exactions are disguised like 
 acts of grace to those who are to pay well for them ; and how some 
 abatements of taxes are so contrived as to produce an increase of 
 revenue ; of all which dexterities I have particular instances. Upon 
 the whole matter though all sorts of people in this kingdom must of 
 necessity be impoverished in their turns, yet the unlimited power to 
 create revenue and the ingenious application that is practised here about 
 that matter, will undoubtedly furnish so many great resources that it is 
 a vain hope in the confederates to imagine the most christian King 
 will fail that way. 
 
 " If to this consideration of a great and certain revenue one adds the 
 esteem this King is in with his subjects for his personal virtues and love 
 to glory which they all admire because he is successful ; the no success 
 of so many powerful confederates, who have done nothing this summer 
 contrary to all appearance ; the abilities and vigilance of his ministers ; 
 the punctual obedience that is paid to all his orders; his vast armies; 
 his great numbers of excellent officers exceeding the world besides ; his 
 admirable economy for provisions, forage, artillery and ammunitions 
 which he hath in vast quantities ; the near and absolute dependence of 
 all the considerable subjects, nobility, clergy, and officers of justice, upon 
 the crown even for this subsistance ; his dreadful navy all his own 
 without borrowing ; the unitedness of all this strength in one kingdom 
 all of a piece, from the furthest extremities of which a courier in four 
 days comes to the Court with advices, and in as many more returns 
 with orders ; his great influence upon other courts ; the facilities his 
 ministers have to intrigue every where by their money which too often 
 meets with venal souls, and by their language commonly understood 
 which is no contemptible advantage, and in effect few or none of them 
 need or will deign to learn another, their own being sufficient to 
 serve all turns. It seems that all these laid together renders this 
 power much more formidable, than was that of Charles the Fifth or 
 Philip the Second of Spain ; which yet raised the jealousy of all 
 Europe against the house of Austria till it hath been brought low enough 
 now not to be feared. It is true we are bound to believe the Spaniards 
 
889 
 
 - 
 
 did design an universal monarchy, because all the world said so, though Lixdsey Ml 
 
 they themselves denied it and gave very plausible reasons for their denial ; 
 
 and en the contrary we must piously believe the French have no such 
 
 intention, because they themselves out of modesty deny it though all the 
 
 world besides affirm they have that intention. Whatever the intentions 
 
 of either were or are, they may be perhaps impenetrable, or they may 
 
 change in time, Vappetit vient en mangeanl, one bit brings on another. 
 
 But truly it seems if any one will sit down and compute right, and 
 
 compare the circumstances of power and means mentioned before, as 
 
 the house of Austria had them and used them, and as the French have 
 
 them and use them : he will conclude that the French have the better 
 
 tools to work with, and that they have hitherto gone the righter way to 
 
 work to conquest and glory. They will tell us their friends and 
 
 neighbours are sufficiently secured, by their affection, sincerity, moderation 
 
 and disinteressemeni as they call it, and that it is contre la civilite 
 
 Francoise de demander d'autres suretes contre les perils que la parole 
 
 de gens dlionneur. In effect some people might find some security in 
 
 that if the most solemn treaty of the Pyrenees which terminated a 
 
 war of twenty-five years very advantageously to France which was 
 
 confirmed by the interview of both Kings and many protestations, and 
 
 cemented by a marriage: if the youth, innocence, and beauty — for we 
 
 talk much here of personal tendresses — of the present King of Spain, 
 
 and his implicated relations of blood and alliance, had saved him one 
 
 foot of ground that the French armes have been able to take and keep. 
 
 My Lord I do not take the liberty to write such things to your Lordship 
 
 because I think you need to be put in mind of your dangers ; I know 
 
 very well and admire your superior understanding and vigilance, and 
 
 that you have many better and more reasonable considerations than 
 
 hundred such as I can furnish you with, and — which is a happinesse to 
 
 your country— -that all your extraordinary talents are directed to do good. 
 
 But as many things evidently just and reasonable need to be helped by 
 
 number of votes, and that every one makes one, I think it my duty to do 
 
 the part of an out sentinel, who is bound to tell what he sees or what 
 
 he thinks he sees, though he knows very well that the vigilance of his 
 
 superior officers reaches far beyond his sight." — Printed in u Danby^s 
 
 Letters" p. 317. 
 
 The Same to the Same, at Whitehall. 
 
 1677, December 1 [new style]. Versailles — "By some hints we 
 had from England and from the reports of the town, it is believed my 
 Lord Feversham brought hither a project of a peace ; and that belief is 
 confirmed by the short stay he is to make here, and by the sending an 
 extraordinary courier to Monsieur de Barillou which was done 
 yesterday. 
 
 u If such a project be sent, it is hard to wish of what nature it should 
 be of. If it be such as this Court would gladly embrace, either the 
 confederates will absolutely reject it and then it will miss of its effect, 
 or if they do allow of it, France will be in a mighty and formidable 
 posture. If it be such as the French may admit of but with discontent 
 and grumbling forced by the necessities of the conjuncture, then woe be 
 to whoso ever puts hardships upon them, whenever an opportunity 
 offers, and that they have leisure to vindicate their glory. And if the 
 project be so very disadvantageous to France that they will rather 
 choose the continuance of the war than submit to inglorious con- 
 ditions, then it seems we may all be safe enough, and that the rest of 
 
 C 2 
 
390 
 
 Liwdbet MSS. the war will not produce such unequal success, as the years past have 
 done. 
 
 " My Lord George Douglas his regiment is appointed to meet all 
 together at Chalons in Champagne, and his Lordship tells me he is 
 informed — though he have not yet orders for it — that their quarters are 
 to be assigned them in Provence, others say at Chalons sur Saone, which 
 is in Burgundy near Lyons. Either of these quarters are certainly 
 designed for that regiment with intention to send it into Italy where 
 the war is to break out against the Dukedom of Milan, to which 
 purpose this Court hath engaged the Duke of Savoy, and some others 
 with promise of keeping for its self none of the conquests to be made, 
 but only to employ 12,000 men to conquer for their Italian friends. 
 
 " Now my Lord I humbly offer my opinion that by all means possible 
 the march of this regiment into Italy or even to Provence should be 
 hindered. For it is the King's own regiment I mean our King's ; by 
 my Lord Douglas his own confession 2,500 strong — 3,000 is the 
 constant report — consisting of thirty-eight companies, and full of very 
 good officers, which the King may recall to his own service by the 
 capitulation between the crowns. And it is too probable the sending of 
 it into Italy is designed on purpose to render the recalling of it difficult, 
 almost impossible ; for it is observable that they have of late employed 
 all his Majesty's subjects in their service in those places most remote 
 from England, for whieh I know they pretend it was done to prevent 
 the deserting of the soldiers, in which there is in effect some appearance 
 of reason. But besides that the difference is not great — as to the facility 
 of deserting — between Flanders and Germany ; I know the Douglas 
 regiment hath been formerly for a long continuance quartered in 
 Picardy and Artois and in Champagne some time, without much loss 
 by deserting and it is not to be doubted, but if the regiment goes into 
 Italy it will be lost to us irrecoverably and perish." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, December 18 [new style]. Paris — "It is now constantly 
 reported here that my Lord Feversham brought over a project of peace, 
 and I am assured from a good hand that my Lady Berkley wrote it to 
 my Lady Hamilton, and my author saw the letter which speaks of it as 
 a thing certain. They say likewise this court is not satisfied with the 
 project, and I am confirmed in that belief by a conversation I had this 
 week with Monsieur le Marechal de l'Orge. I went to him and 
 asked him whether he had any news from his brother Feversham 
 since he went from hence and since he landed at Dover, and that 
 discourse being over I expressed to him my admiration of the success 
 of the King's arms and of the valour of his commanders and troops, 
 that they should take two such places as Fribourg and St. Guislain 
 in so few days and at such a season. He answered the King was 
 forced to strain hard to take as much as ever he could, to oblige 
 the enemies to come to a reasonable peace. I replied that was 
 indeed a probable means to produce that effect, and that doubtless, 
 by this time, there must needs be some advances towards it, and that 
 the confederates must needs be weary of losing. He told ine that 
 for aught he could see the peace is as far off as ever ; and, said he, 
 Jest votre faute, car si V Angleterre eut voulu tenir ferme, et seulement 
 se declare!' resolue de se tenir dans la neutralite, les Hollandais ne se 
 seraient jamais opiniastres a continuer une guerre qui leur coute tant> 
 et ne leur produit rien. Mais V Angleterre a toujours chancelee, a 
 demande tantot une chose et tantot une autre, et enfin on ?wus fait 
 
391 
 
 des propositions de paix que Von sait bien nous ne pouvons pas Lindsey MSS. 
 accepter. Ensuite il me dit qu'il n'y avoit que les Hollandais a 
 craindre pour nous, et allegue quelque raisons pour cela, and as tie was 
 full of that matter I did not interrupt him, till he was called for 
 to go to the King and so broke off. 
 
 " I think it very observable that nothing is spared to cany on their 
 work here, of which the taking of St. Guislain is a special instance. 
 For the soldiers in this siege were allowed their full pay as in winter ; 
 and besides every man had his ration of bread as in the field, and 
 over and above all that they had proportions of flesh and brandy 
 distributed to them; they had huts in the camp of an extraordinary 
 fashion and cost, and every man upon duty had a great warm coat — 
 which they call a Brandenbourg — and a pair of sabots to keep his feet 
 dry in the trenches. Whoever can be at this expense for a place not 
 of the greatest consideration, must either be very imprudent, which is 
 not to be thought ; or must be far from the fear of wanting money. 
 
 " On Tuesday last Monsieur de Pomponne — after a long conference 
 about our maritime affairs of which 1 have given an accompt to 
 Mr. Secretary — asked me about our insurrection in Scotland of which 
 they have relations here. I answered that I had a report of it here in 
 town, but that I did not believe it true or eonsideiable because my 
 letters from Scotland — and that is really true — make not the least men- 
 tion of it. He assured me seriously with a countenance of concern- . 
 ment and seeming sorry for it, that it was true and that the rebels set 
 up the covenant again which created all the troubles to the late King, 
 I hope and believe there is nothing in that rapport or very little of 
 truth, or but enough to serve a good turn. But if there should be 
 any considerable commotions of that kind I should mightily suspect the 
 hand of joal (?) there as I do suspect it shrewdly in the war we have 
 now with Algiers. There is yet living in France one Monsieur de 
 Montreuil who was resident with the rebels in Scotland many years 
 together during the troubles of the late King; and there be some old 
 enough to remember the negotiations he had there with which they 
 were perfectly acquainted." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, December 22 [new style]. Paris — Introducing Lord Dum- 
 barton. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1677, December 31 [new style]. Paris — " The present conjuncture 
 is certainly very busy, and your Lordship's situation with the honour- 
 able share you have in his Majesty's resolutions must needs expose you 
 to many importunities no less frivolous than those which my blind zeal 
 now and then thrusts me upon. And therefore without any further 
 preface or better apology than what your Lordship's favourable con- 
 struction will make for me, I adventure to offer at a proposal, which will 
 need all your indulgence for me ; and in order to it I suppose a few 
 things to be true because it seems they should be so. 
 
 "The first supposition is that we are to enter into the war with 
 France : for it is so much talked of here by great and small, that one 
 cannot refuse to believe it at least historically. 
 
 " The second that thi;s war being undertaken at the earnest solicita- 
 tions of the confederates even almost desponding, he King will have his 
 choice of cautionary towns and landing places. 
 
392 
 
 Lijjdsey MSS " The third is that the Parliament will heartily concur and observe 
 
 all respectful duty to his Majesty ; which I suppose and pray Almighty 
 
 Grod for, not onely because it is in its self one of the most desirable 
 blessings ; but because I know perfectly it will be a great mortification 
 and disappointment ^o our ennemies. 
 
 " The fourth thing to be supposed is that with these advantages, the 
 King will form some great and noble design suitable to the glory of 
 his person and reign, for the safety of his crown and dominions, and 
 to bring back to a competency this overgrown power and dangerous 
 ambition. 
 
 " These things being granted it may be worth considering whether 
 St. Sebastian and Fontarabia be not the most convenient places we can 
 ask or the confederates can give, because they afford a near and quick 
 entrance into France, and into such a part of it as is not thronged with 
 strong towns, where we may meet with little other opposition but that 
 of fighting men in the field without walls, in which sort of war it is the 
 belief of mankind we are inferior to no nation under heaven. 
 
 tl The Spaniards need not be jealous of us with these places in our 
 hands, because they have the impassable mountains of Biscay behind us ; 
 and it seems they ought to further our acquisitions in France on that 
 side for the same reasons by which they judge it to be our interest to 
 maintain them in Flanders. 
 
 " If the port of St. Sebastian be not found excellent, yet between 
 that and Fontarabia there is another called Los Passages which hath 
 been much commended ; and it is a probable opinion, that foreign ports 
 at a reasonable distance, not without reach of supplies from home, are 
 more useful to England than if they were very near. 
 
 " An invasion on that side would cause a distraction of the enemy's 
 forces, and — if we made any progress — a great loss of revenue to them 
 and the people thereabout are of suspected obedience, having been often 
 chastised for their mutinies. 
 
 " There are as is reported many good serviceable horses in these 
 parts of Spain, so that we should need for cavalry to transport only 
 men, arms, and furniture for them. But now that I am sure I have 
 committed a great fault in pursuing so far my idle thoughts to your 
 Lordship's great trouble, it remains that I implore your pardon for the 
 sake of an extreme good intention, which tempts me to try all the way 
 I can think of to be useful. 
 
 " Monsieur de Gruilleragues a Secretaire du Cabinet and an able 
 man, told me on Tuesday last that he is going Ambassador to Con- 
 stantinople, and it is true. If he should have any instruction to create 
 disturbances to our Levant trade, as it may be suspected, Sir John Finch's 
 vigilance will easily prevent it, especially if he have any hint given him 
 to that purpose. . . 
 
 l ' The Marechal de Schomberg continues still to speak very confidently 
 to me, of his regret that he missed settling in England, the reasons why 
 he desired it, and why it was advisable for the King to keep him there ; 
 that my Lord Arlington was for it but not enough. That his religion 
 hath been and ever will be a hindrance to him here ; and that his 
 baton de Marechal is rather a clog to him than an advantage ; and that 
 it was bestowed upon him for no other end, just in a time when he was 
 in treaty with the Emperor, having failed of an establishment in Eng- 
 land, which if he might choose he would prefer to all the rest of the 
 world to live and die in ; and he expresses much affection for the King's 
 person." 
 
393 
 
 Sirt William Temple to the Eakl [of Danby]. LindsetMSS. 
 
 [1678 ?] January 3 — " I obeyed your Lordship's commands in speaking 
 yesterday with Monsieur Van Beninghen. The points he intended to 
 entertain your Lordship with as necessary in case of a war, I find 
 were these. 
 
 " To enter into a concert with all the confederates for prohibiting all 
 French commodities, of what sort soever. 
 
 "To endeavor to engage the cantons of Switzerland in the confederacy, 
 so as to bring in an army of theirs upon France either jointly with the 
 Imperialists or separately. 
 
 "To send a fleet of English and Dutch immediately for reducing 
 Messina, and another to block up Ihe French ports, but strong only in 
 proportion to the fleet the French were like to set out, so as without 
 too great expense a certain number of ours might be always out, aud at 
 no time leave the seas open to the French. 
 
 "His Majesty not only to make treaties [with] Holland but likewise 
 with all the confederates and make himself head [of] the [who]le alliance, 
 and govern the [ ] by his counsels and directions [ 
 
 hereunto to enter into conferences \v[ith] their ministers here so soon 
 as [ ] is resolved. ]ly are for the defence [ 
 
 which he believed the Spaniards would put into his Majesty's hands, 
 and said they trusted so far to him for the defence of those two places 
 that they had very weak garrisons at this time in them. 
 
 "To oblige the Spaniards by particular treaty to the maintaining at 
 least twenty-five thousand men in Flanders, and to advise the States to 
 keep up their army at least forty thousand effective and pay no more, 
 where as they were now near fourscore thousand upon the state of war 
 and yet little above thirty thousand effective — which I took to be spoken 
 with some reflexion upon the Prince. 
 
 " To have a land army aboard the fleet fit for any exploit there 
 should be occasion for, and besides, at least fifteen thousand men to 
 throw into Flanders for defence of the places near the maritime ports. 
 
 " All these he said he spoke of, not comme un ambassadeur mats 
 comme un discoureur seulement sur Uaffaire, and he made it good by 
 the length and circumstance of his discourses. 
 
 " He reckon'd from his Majesty's to him two days since, that within 
 two days more we should know certainly whether it would be a peace 
 or a war, but knew nothing that I could observe of any suspension in 
 proposal. 
 
 " I should have waited on your Lordship with this account, but that 
 my illness yesterday and last night hindered me." 
 
 A Treaty. 
 
 [1678?] — Notes of alterations in a proposed treaty between the 
 Emperor, Spain, and Holland. — In Sir William Temple's handwriting. 
 
 J. Brisbane to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 1678, July 9 [new style]. Paris — " I did yesterday visit A. K. 
 [Monsieur Courtin] and as it happened found him at home at leisure, and 
 it seems in an humour to speak freely enough. I adventure to trouble 
 vour Lordship with an accompt of that conversation as near as I can 
 recollect it, being sorry I cannot better entertain your Lordship nor 
 make any more profitable use of the freedom you are pleased to allow 
 me. 
 
394 
 
 Likdsey MSS. " Concerning the stop to the signing of the peace he says they do not 
 doubt but 38 [Dr. Emanuel de Lyra] will comply with 55 [the King of 
 Fiance] in every thing ; because no man will dare now to speak of war,, 
 the people being ebrarde and made fond of the peace — which was 
 certainly the only design of publishing the project and of the letter of 
 the 18th of May — so sure they reckon those measures they take from 
 the humours of people what they think will never agree amongst 
 themselves. 
 
 " He told me likewise he hoped now all would go well between 55 
 [the King France] and 88 [the King of England] though there have 
 oeen several causes of discontent given, which I perceive are not for- 
 gotten, because he could tell them upon his fingers. 
 
 " As first the voyage of 19 [Prince of Orange] which was assented 
 to contrary to preengagements, upon a letter brought by my Lady 
 Temple and which was not communicated to R.C. [Duke of York] till 
 88 [King of England] did give it him and that without the participa- 
 tion or knowledge of 55 [the French King] or his ministers. To 
 which I replied that voyage was so public and mentioned in all gazettes 
 so long before its execution and otherwise so impossible to be concealed 
 that it was not probable any body would think to make a secret of it. 
 
 11 Secondly the declaring the marriage next day after a promise made 
 to M. Barillon that it should not be till after the peace. To this I said 
 that if he A. E. [Monsieur Courtin] had been upon the place he would 
 never have needed to excuse his own credulity by alleadying a promise 
 that never was made. 
 
 u Thirdly the alliance with Holland and my Lord Duras his message 
 was mentioned and exaggerated. And to this I said that most men did 
 find the conditions of peace stipulated in that treaty so advantageous to 
 France that they were persuaded it was done by concert with 55 [the 
 King of France] and nobody can easily believe he is in earnest when 
 he seems to dislike it. 
 
 " Then he spoke of the calling 2 [the Parliament] and lastly our 
 troops sent into Flanders ; and to these points I told him he certainly 
 knew these actions were not only in themselves reasonable and prudent 
 but otherwise very consistent with the greatest friendship and designed 
 in their favour to produce the peace they had so much reason to desire 
 and which they did so earnestly pursue. 
 
 " He told me likewise — but I do not remember in which period of our 
 conversation — that the things 88 [the King of England] desired of 
 2 [the Parliament] in his last proposition were very reasonable and 
 fit to be done, but he did believe 2. [the Parliament] was not dis- 
 posed to let 00 [my Lord Treasurer] have the credit of being instru- 
 mental of such an advantage. This is the old string I have found 
 them harping upon ; and to try what he would say I applauded his 
 penetration and knowledge of our affairs, and asked who else he thought 
 would be fit to promote 88 [the King of Englands] interests. He 
 answered wjth hums and ha's, and named nobody and truly I could 
 name nobody to him. But a while after and upon another occasion he 
 said one of 8. A [Scotland] seemed to him the most qualified for the 
 ministry of all he had practised, were it not for his passions and those of 
 his consort. 
 
 As such conversations never end without compliments on both sides, 
 he was very profuse of them to me, and assured me that Mr. Colbert and 
 all those of the Council that I have had to do with, do highly commend 
 me for many good qualities — of all which I only own a little labour 
 and perfect integrity— and that he could bear me witness that I had 
 
395 
 
 with extraordinary success appeased the quarrels and prevented many Lindset MSS. 
 disorders which would have arisen about prizes and might have created 
 great trouble ; upon this I took occasion to tell him freely that I wondered 
 much that Mr. Colbert had never given way to the restitution of any 
 thing confiscated before I came hither, especially seeing I had assured 
 him that we would use so strict and accurate a discerning between the 
 just complaints of our people and those l hat were fraud ulous, that he 
 needed not fear to open a door to numerous and excessive reparations. 
 He acquiesced to that and blamed O. B. [Marquis of Seignelay] 
 modestly enough imputing the errors to his youth. And to be even 
 with him for his commendations I found means to extol his great 
 abilities and his perfect knowledge of foreign affairs and his dexterity 
 in managing them, which rendered him in the opinion of all men the 
 best qualified for the service of L. 8 [Monsieur de Pomponne]. There- 
 upon he told me a pretty singularity. That he was in passe and in 
 every body's eye for that employment but that he lost his opportunity 
 when the last vacancy happened by being at home. For said he S. P. 
 [Monsieur le Tellier] persuaded 55 [the King of France] to give it to 
 L. 8 [Pomponne] who was then with U. C. [King of Suedeland] and 
 that in the interim 33 [Monsieur Louvois] might exercise the place 
 which gave him his first entrance into the Council ; where he hath 
 ever since stuck as master as you see. And L. [8 Pomponne] will often 
 say merrily that if he had been at home he had never been advanced to 
 the post he hath." Partly printed in " Danby's Letters," p. 319. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1678, July 30. Paris — " Monsieur Courtin told me yesterday that 
 he had shewed the Duke of York that my Lord Treasurer was not 
 respectful to him when a resolution being taken to prorogue the Parlia- 
 ment my Lord Treasurer advised the King to continue it without the 
 knowledge of the Duke ; they spare nothing to mischief him. 
 
 " Thursday last Monsieur Gioe was three hours shut up with 
 Monsieur de Pomponne ; Friday Monsieur de Bonceuil visited me, on 
 purpose — I think — to tell me of it, both designing to give jealousy of 
 him. Yesterday Monsieur Gioe told me it was true, and that it was on 
 no business, but former kind acquaintance. I said, if he had no 
 business it would be thought otherwise and I think he should have 
 made his visit public and in company of many ; he mistook and was 
 proud of the honour." 
 
 Sir Leoline Jenkins to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [16]78-9, January 2. Nimeguen — " Since my last of the 5th of 
 the last month I have let pass no opportunity to wait on M. Olivecrantz 
 in order to have from him that further light he had given me some 
 hopes of, as I acquainted your Lordship ; and for a motive to induce 
 him to it, I thought I could not do better than represent to him the great 
 expectation his Majesty is pleased to be in of a good deal of light from 
 him in the present conjuncture. 
 
 " His answers were very respectful towards his Majesty but it was 
 easy to perceive that there was no coming into any closer confidence 
 with him in this matter, before he be first satisfied how Monsieur du 
 Cros came to partake of the informations I had given your Lordship 
 concerning Mr. Montague. 
 
 " He does not now say — I come from speaking with him this very 
 morning — that he hath not yet heard from his friend with whom he 
 
396 
 
 LindsetMSS. hath a correspondence by cypher ; but he says that in his informations 
 
 — he hath nothing that can give any light as to any thing of a conspiracy 
 
 against his Majesty's person ; whom God in his mercy preserve and 
 
 bless ! nor does he know any thing of the plottings of any of the 
 
 King's subjects against the Government. 
 
 " He says particularly, that he can say no more then he hath said — 
 and of that I have already given your Lordship an account — touching 
 Mr. Montague, the person from whom he had his informations being 
 now in Sweden. 
 
 " All the informations, he says, that may have come to his knowledge 
 — dont je pourrois avoir connoissance were his words — are concerning 
 the intrigues that the Papists in several parts do carry on against the 
 Protestant religion, and that their design was to be put in execution 
 in England in the first place. 
 
 " That the design was not against England only, but against all 
 Protestant States ; and against Sweden in particular but that the 
 design against England is, for the present, prevented and disappointed. 
 
 " That these designs are laid and managed by the Pope and his 
 Jesuits; but since they cannot be brought about but by force, it is 
 certain there are some secular powers that are to act as the Pope and 
 his Jesuits shall have prepared things ; that those powers will act 
 seemingly in favour of the Popish religion ; but their main end will be 
 to serve their own turns, and to promote their own interests. 
 
 " These powers he did not name ; though I made it my request he 
 would be pleased to be particular in this point ; and to let me have 
 some knowledge whom he meant. 
 
 " He said further, that while the powers thus engaged are persuaded 
 that this is yet a secret, they will think of gaining time to ripen 
 things, still for their own ends ; but if they perceive that the thing hath 
 once taken wind, and that the Protestants are in alarm at it, they will 
 balance no longer but put things to a push ; which he the Ambassador 
 looks upon as of infinite consequence to all Protestant States, so to 
 Sweden in particular at this time. 
 
 " For this reason principally, that is, for the danger that Sweden 
 would be in, if the secret he hath should take w T ind at this time, he 
 desires to be excused from entering into any communication of parti- 
 culars, most especially from committing any thing to writing. 
 
 " He thinks he may be at liberty after that the conferences we are 
 now in are over, to take a turn for a few days into England in order 
 to acquaint his Majesty with all particulars ; and to negociate some 
 affairs of the King his master. 
 
 " This is all he would communicate to me; though I offered him all 
 assurances to keep the thing as secret as himself could wish, but 
 finding him resolved not to do it but to his Majesty himself, I desired 
 him to consider there might be infinite danger in delaying the notice of 
 it to his Majesty. His answer was there is none, and that he is sure of it 
 there can be none ; the measures against England being now broken." 
 
 J. Brisbane to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1678-9, January S. — A letter in cipher. Endorsed: "In cipher 
 about Mr, Montagu's designs against me, &c. And great joy in 
 France for my troubles in the Parliament." 
 
397 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to Sir William Temple. Liitdsey MSS. 
 
 1678-9, January 8. — " You will easily believe by what I doubt 
 not but you have had from others that I have been too much 
 employed to give you the trouble of a letter before this time, and yet 
 there is nothing 1 can be more concerned for than to have the Prince of 
 Orange rightly informed both as to what regards the King and myself 
 in those transactions which Mr. Montagu hath so treacherously and 
 falsely represented to the wounding of the King through my sides. 
 For that end I have sent you the copy of that letter which Mr. Montagu 
 has produced in the House of Commons both for your own information 
 and to be made such use of as you shall think fit and though it be 
 enough for me that I had his Majesty's command under his hand to 
 write that letter as well as many others to Mr. Montagu, yet on the 
 King's part it will appear that his Majesty bargained for no peace 
 nor no town, for if he would have done that I have it to shew under 
 Mr. Montagu's hand that h r s Majesty might have sold towns for as 
 much as they were worth and the money have been sent with secrecy, 
 and offers to have made my future what I pleased if I would have been 
 the instrument for them to the King ; instead of which as I scorned that 
 office so his Majesty would never hear of any propositions but such as 
 Holland and Spain should approve and you will see it was only in 
 case those propositions which were sent by Lord Coventry should 
 be accepted by France that his Majesty would have endeavoured — by 
 the persuasion of Mr. Montagu — to get money from them and at a 
 time when he had all the discouragements imaginable both at home 
 and abroad to make him believe that the war would neither be con- 
 tinued by those who were already engaged in it nor have been supported 
 here to any degree that was necessary. 
 
 " Another thing that troubles me more then Mr. Montagu's accu- 
 sation of me is that the distempers here have so blasted all credits of 
 money that I have not been able to procure for the Prince upon the 
 Act that money which has been so long due to him and for which I 
 had given my own promise as I had received other men's to me who 
 never failed me before, and I do protest that were I any way able to 
 . encompass, it upon my own estate I would have pawned it before 
 this time to have performed with the Prince ; and although I am still in 
 hopes it will not be long before I shall get the money, yet I am 
 ashamed to write to his highness until I can give him an account of 
 the money being in Mr, Grodolphin's hands. I most earnestly beg your 
 kind management of all these matters with the Prince and that a right 
 information of his Majesty's transactions with France may be given 
 both to the States and to all the foreign ministers to whom you shall 
 think it necessary. I am by his Majesty's command directed to let 
 you know by this post that he intends very speedily to give leave to 
 Mr. Secretary Coventry to retire from his employment and is desirous 
 to have you there rather then any other, that although his condition be 
 so ill that he has not money for his necessary occasions yet he is 
 willing to secure to Secretary Coventry 5,000/. of the 10,000/. he is to 
 have for his place and will be hereafter willing to reimburse to yourself 
 the latter 5,000/. if you will lay it down, but that not being able to do 
 the whole for you at present as he intended he supposes you will 
 look upon this offer of his Majesty's as a great mark of his kindness 
 and such an one as he shall not shew to any other and therefore 
 expects your answer to it by the first opportunity. Having delivered 
 his Majesty's message pray give me leave to offer my own advice that 
 you would cheerefully embrace his Majesty's kindness in the manner 
 
398 
 
 Lindset MSS. be offers it, and that you would do it by a letter to himself. I know 
 how readily you may furnish yourself with objections against it, but I 
 think it would be but finding out objections against yourself which I 
 can by no means agree to." 
 
 Sir Leoline Jenkins to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [16] 78-9, January 13. Nimeguen— " I took the first occasion to 
 move Monsieur Olivecrantz anew in his Majesty's name, acquainting 
 him with the special command I had to do so, and with the expecta- 
 tion his Majesty is in to have from him of a further light touching 
 Mr. Montagu. 
 
 " He answered me that he had nothing more to say than what he 
 had already said in that business. That the gentleman who gave 
 him the intelligence is now in Sweden. That it were no such hard 
 matter — now that the house where Mr. Montagu had his conferences 
 with the Nuncio, as also that the time when he had them, is distinctly 
 pointed out, and that the Abbe Siry is a man so well known — to 
 discover more of that intrigue than his — the Ambassador's — corres- 
 pondent, if he were within reach, would be able to say. In fine, my 
 Lord, after many affirmations of his desire to serve his Majesty and to 
 satisfy your Lordship, his conclusion was, that he had nothing more to 
 say touching Mr. Montagu. And for other matters, which he had 
 hinted to me in general, as 'tis in my last of the second current, that 
 he reserved himself till he should have the honour to wait on his 
 Majesty. 
 
 " I am extremely sorry not to be able to draw more informations 
 from this Ambassador in a matter so important to his Majesty but I 
 cannot hope that Monsieur Olivecrantz will open himself further to me 
 in this affair. 
 
 J. Brisbane to Charles Bertie, at the Treasury Chamber. 
 
 1679, January 14 [new style]. Paris — " I have been three several 
 times in one week at St. Grermains which hath taken up much of my 
 time, and on Wednesday last I had an audience of the King of which 
 I have given an account to Mr. Secretary who I presume will com- 
 municate it to my Lord Treasurer, so that I need not trouble his Lord- 
 ship with it, the rather that I fear he hath too litle leisure too read such 
 letters as 1 might write to him. We are now wanting two posts from 
 England and full of impatience to know what you are doing. One 
 thing is certain that the news of my Lord Treasurer's impeachment and 
 the circumstance of Mr. Montagu's box and papers was here in town 
 two days before I had any letter about it or any body that I know, 
 so that it was either sent hither quickly or foreseen. I hope by this 
 time you have the letter I wrote to his Lordship by Mr. Bridge, and 
 I must now entreat you to remember me and the danger I am in if you 
 forget me. I could tell you of many perplexities I am in if I thought 
 you had any leisure to consider other people's troubles when you have for 
 aught I know too many of your own. I have told you several things 
 which have proved true, and if you would recollect them, it would perhaps 
 get me the credit of no ill guesser in your opinion. A certain zealous 
 and very busy Papist on Tuesday last triumphed mightily that the 
 Parliament was fallen upon my Lord Treasurer, and hoped they would 
 not find leisure to mind the poor priests, and said it was the right work 
 of a Parliament to hang great officers of State." 
 
399 
 
 The Same to the Same. LindsetMSS. 
 
 Same date and place — " Barillon's letter to Monsieur Pomponne says 
 Holmes the first man of England for the sea and two more are put 
 out for voting against my Lord Treasurer, and that many of the King's 
 best friends constant to him in all other occasions voted so also. 
 
 "My Lady Cleveland says that Mr. Montagu hath long designed my 
 Lord Treasurer's ruin and would have put her upon it, One Puymoran, 
 a great friend of Mr. Montagu, hath a letter from him excusing his pro- 
 ceeding; he speaks at Court his reasons, which are no other but that 
 my Lord Treasurer persecuted him, to which I give the lie by what I 
 know. 
 
 " I am sure there is great joy here for my Lord Treasurer's troubles 
 and nothing will be spared to break him, I have told you so long ago." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1679, January 18 [new style]. Paris — " Old Ruvigny visited me 
 yesterday. Told me my Lord Treasurer was able and bold ; that the 
 prorogation is a coup de parti ; that he saved much money in the House 
 of Commons, but all for himself and not for the King, and that accusa- 
 tions against my Lord Treasurer had been hissed out of the House of 
 Commons, when the next day the same men voted against the King's 
 interest. This obstinacy to hunt my Lord Treasurer here ought to tie 
 fast honest men to him." Printed in " Danby's Letters," p. 325. 
 
 Sir William Temple to [the Earl of Danby], 
 
 1679, January 23 [new style]. The Hague — " Though I know very well 
 Lordship is too busy to be troubled with empty letters, and there passes 
 nothing of importance to fill one from hence, yet upon the part your 
 Lordship's name had in the last newspapers and journals from England 
 I cannot forbear giving you this trouble, though it be only to assure 
 your Lordship how great a sense I have of whatever tenches you in any 
 kind and with how much impatience 1 expect the good news of some 
 happy issue out of these present distractions in England, wherein I see 
 your Lordship has so sensible a part, and the consequences whereof are 
 already felt abroad as well as at home, and will I fear be more so every 
 day. I can assure your Lordship all men I meet with here lament our 
 misfortunes at this time as a concern of their own and so they esteem 
 it considering the condition of this country, and of Flanders without a 
 support from England, and they think the peace of Germany to be 
 fallen into much worse terms already upon the late ill posture of our 
 affairs. 
 
 " Your Lordship will find the Prince's sense of it in the enclosed. I am 
 sure what both his Highness and the States express of it upon all 
 occasions is very great, and particularly of what concerns your Lordship. 
 But I keep you from being so much better entertained, that I shall do 
 it no longer, nor increase this present trouble." Printed in " Danby's 
 Letters," p. 271. 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1679, January [27 new style]. The Hague — " I had the honor of one 
 from your Lordship of the 9th and defered not upon the receipt thereof, to 
 make that use of it here which you intended, and was indeed in a manner 
 necessary for his Majesty's service and justification as well as your 
 
400 
 
 Linpsey mss Lordship's here. I communicated the first part of it to some of the States 
 who are in chief credit here, and to the Imperial and Spanish ministers, 
 who all took notice of those clauses in it which showed how great 
 advantages might have been made by bargaining for any towns ; how no 
 condiiions were proposed but such as were approved by Spain and 
 Holland ; and how the thoughts of making any advantages of that itself 
 were entertained only at the persuasions of Mr. Montagu. And in the 
 several conversations I have had upon this subject here. I may assure 
 your Lordship all was done with the success you desired. 
 
 " For the Prince who was gone from Utrecht to Arnheim about the 
 time I received your Lordship's dispatch, I thought there could be no 
 way so good of performing your commands towards his Highness as by 
 sending him, the letter itself, by which he could best see how much you 
 were concerned, both in his good opinion and in his particular affair of 
 the money due to him, which I am sure could not have been by me so 
 well expressed as in your Lordship's own words. You will before this 
 time have been fully satisfied by the letter I lately sent you enclosed, 
 how much the Prince was concerned in your part of what lately 
 happened in England, and how little reason you had to apprehend any 
 change of His Highness's opinion in what concerned your Lordship 
 upon that occasion, and I know very well that he wrote that letter with 
 kinder intentions than only of making you a compliment at that time. 
 For the money he never said one word of it to me in several conver- 
 sations about those affairs, further than complaining of his own ill luck, 
 since he was sure to have received it within four or five days, at the 
 time when that trouble was given your Lordship there, which he reckoned 
 upon as what must certainly delay it till some better settlement in his 
 Majesty's affairs, and especially that of the revenue. 
 
 " Having acquitted myself of the duty I owed your Lordship upon the 
 first part of your letter, I find another I owe to his Majesty upon the 
 latter, of which I despair of being able to acquit myself as I ought to 
 do, or as the sense of so great a grace and favor justly obliges me to. 
 The distinction his Majesty is pleased to make between me and other 
 men, both in esteeming me fit for the discharge of so great a trust, and 
 in offering to be himself at the charge of Mr. Secretary Coventry's 
 retiring from it. is that I am sure that I shall never live to forget, 
 though I can never hope to deserve, and therefore must beg of your 
 Lordship to assist me in making the heartiest and humblest acknow- 
 ledgments to his Majesty, that any servant can make to the best master 
 in the world. After this is done I am very sorry that I must make so 
 true and plain a confession of myself, as I am forced to do upon this 
 occasion. If I found myself capable of doing his Majesty the service 
 that would become me in such a post, I should esteem it the greatest 
 and indeed the only happiness that could befall me at this time, and in 
 the poor remainders of my life. But the sensible decays I feel of late 
 in myself and which must increase every day with my age and ill health, 
 make me absolutely dispair of acquitting myself as I ought, and would 
 be necessary for his Majesty's service in a post that requires not only 
 great abilities, but good health and all the application that can be, 
 neither of which I can any ways promise either his Majesty or myself. 
 And I may pretend to be so honest a man as never to make so ill a 
 bargain for so good a master, which would be like selling him very 
 dear, a horse that I knew to be old and resty, and not at all lit for the 
 service he designed him. 
 
 " I beg your Lordship to represent this to his Majesty not as any 
 affected modesty, nor as a speaker's form of disabling himself when he 
 
401 
 
 is chosen, for your Lordship may please to remember I wrote the same Lindset mss. 
 
 thing to you six months ago, and Mr. Hyde knows very well the 
 
 thoughts of this kind he both found and left me in at his last being 
 
 here.~ The season I have since passed in a place so unkind to my 
 
 health has given me a great deal of reason to continue them and to 
 
 think myself not at all fit to enter upon so great and laborious an 
 
 employment or even to continue this longer than the spring, beyond 
 
 which time I can foresee little use his Majesty can have of me here ; 
 
 and whenever he shall please to end it, I doubt not but he will give 
 
 me leave to seek for a little better health in some better climate." 
 
 Printed in " Danby's Letters," p. 273. 
 
 The King to the Duke of Ormond. 
 
 1678-9, January — " It would be convenient to the present condition of 
 my affairs that I might for some time put your employment of steward 
 of my household into the hands of one I would gratify at the present 
 with that place. I do not intend by it to take the place from j'ou if 
 you should at any time leave the command you have in Ireland but since 
 your necessary services in that country will require your constant atten- 
 dance there, this will in the mean time be suitable to my service and 
 shall be no prejudice to you. I. will make no excuses to take off any 
 marks of unkindness in this matter because I have given you so many 
 proofs of the contrary." Copy in the Earl of Danby's handwriting. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to his son, Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1678-9, Februarys. London — "I have just now received yours and 
 did believe you would find disadvantage [in ] delay. In the 
 
 call of a new Parliament the writs do not issue to the several boroughs, 
 but only one to the Sheriff in each county." The writ for Buckingham- 
 shire was given to Mr. Hampden and by him to the undersheriffs, at 
 whose hands the precept ought to be looked for, and you will do best to 
 employ other chapmen to get it for you. The High Sheriff dined with 
 me, but I find him such a sot that he knows not what his undersheriffs 
 do. If you find you will not prevail for your brother, I would have him 
 come away immediately and I will send him to Corfe, where I find you 
 might be chosen. 
 
 The King to the Duke of York. 
 
 1678-9, February — " I have already given you my reasons at large 
 why I think it fit that you should absent yourself from me for some 
 time ; as I am truly sorry for the occasion so you may be sure I shall 
 never desire it longer then will be absolutely necessary both for your 
 good and my service. In the meantime I think it proper to give you 
 under my hand that I expect this compliance from you, and desire it 
 may be as soon as conveniently you can." Draft. Endorsed in the Earl 
 of Danby's hand: " I gave this to the King 26th of February [16]78-9." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 1678-9, February 11. London — "I should very unwillingly trouble 
 your highness with a letter until I could write a full satisfaction in the 
 matter of your highness's money, but I was earnestly entreated by my 
 Lord Sunderland to recommend him to your highness as one devoted to 
 your service, and since he has been desirous of his own accord to offer 
 it to your highness I hope you may rely upon it. When I had begun 
 
402 
 
 LindseyMSS. this letter I received a lucky message from my Lady Temple which 
 gave a fresh occasion of putting the King id mind of his former inten- 
 tions to employ my Lord Ambassador Temple as one of his Secretaries 
 of State, and it has met with so good success, that his Majesty has 
 been pleased to call him over immediately, and although it be not a 
 present revocation from his embassy, yet I hope that will shortly follow 
 and his Lordship become a more useful servant to your highness here 
 than he can be in Holland. I am so tired this day with writing that I 
 would have forborne my Lord Sunderland's compliment till next post 
 but that I knew your highness would be well enough satisfied with 
 the news concerning Sir William Temple by whose assistance your 
 servants will be very strong in this court : You will please to let this 
 be private because there is nothing yet known of it here." Printed in 
 " Danby's Letters," p. 240. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Sir William Temple. 
 
 1678-9, February 11. London — "You will by this post receive 
 orders from his Majesty by my Lord Sunderland to come over instead 
 of Sir Leoline Jenkins ; and that you may know the true cause of it — 
 which you will not receive from my Lord Sunderland — I had this day 
 an assurance by my cousin your son from my Lady Temple, and after- 
 wards from her Ladyship that Sir Joseph Williamson being removed, 
 thereby the chief obstacle was taken away which made you unwilling 
 to undertake the Secretary's place with such a partner as might not 
 concur as you desired to the King's service. Upon this encouragement 
 I resolved to lose no time of trial how far his Majesty had fixed his 
 resolutions about Sir Leoline and finding him still willing to prefer you 
 before him, I desired that Sir Leoline's order for coming over might be 
 stopped by this post, and the same direction sent to yourself which was 
 given him before, viz., to come over as soon as may be to his Majesty, 
 and that not as a revocation — which may be better done after you are 
 here — but as a journey in obedience to his Majesty's command. The 
 inclosed to the Prince was designed — at my Lord Sunderland's request 
 — to have recommended him to his Highness, w r ho gives me very great 
 assurance of his readiness to serve him, but since this change has 
 happened so suddenly, which I am confident will please the Prince as 
 well as it does me — and I am sure it cannot do more — I could not 
 but communicate it to his Highness, although it will be necessary to 
 keep it secret, because otherwise it may receive a prejudice you shall 
 know hereafter, and at this instant I dare answer that none in England 
 either know or think of it but your Lady, my Lord Sunderland, your 
 son, and myself." Copy. Printed in " Danby's Letters," p. 281. 
 
 Sir William Temple to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1079, February 28 [new style]. The Hague — " I received last 
 Saturday the honor of one from your Lordship of the 11th which I 
 confess surprised me more then any I ever received from you, coming 
 not only after my orders and preparations for Nimeguen, but after my 
 wife had told me from your Lordship how all that affair had played, 
 and after I had written to her how infinitely sensible I was of the 
 obligations I had to your Lordship in the whole course of it, and how 
 perfectly I was satisfied as to myself with the plie it bad taken. 
 Time alone must tell if either his Majesty or I have reason to be 
 satisfied with the change you have made in that measure, which will 
 
403 
 
 depend upon the success of it towards those public ends I am con- Lindsey MSS. 
 
 fident your Lordship aims at in it, and which none can answer for. I 
 
 wish to God I could deserve half the honor your Lordship does me 
 
 by your good opinion, for I never can the kindness of your intention — 
 
 whatever may come of it — though no man can be more sensible then I 
 
 am of it. For the rest I shall not trouble your Lordship further with 
 
 any discourses upon that subject being like to have the honor of 
 
 waiting on you so soon for I hope God willing to go aboard the 
 
 yacht to morrow or next day if wind and weather suffer me, and 
 
 with your Lordship's good leave shall make my first step into the 
 
 Cockpit." Copy. Printed in " Danby's Letters," p. 283. 
 
 [J.] B[risbane] to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 1679, March 8 [new style]. Paris — "My Lady Scroop has a letter 
 that my Lord Treasurer has removed Secretary Williamson because he 
 refused to give up a bond of 20,000/. with which he was intrusted for 
 my Lord O'Brien, the same to be forfeited by you if the match broke 
 off on your side. So many enemies you have here and there both." 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 1678-9, March 17 — The pardon desired by the Duke of Buckingham. 
 Latin. Draft. 
 
 The Same. 
 
 1678-9, March- <; The Right Honorable George, Duke of Bucking- 
 ham doth hereby declare that he believes himself bound in conscience 
 and duty to God and his Majesty to reveal to his Majesty all that 
 any way comes to his knowledge of any plot or conspiracy against 
 his sacred person, and the present government or any of his Majesty's 
 Ministers of State. And he doth hereby engage upon his honor to do 
 the same." 
 
 Endorsed: "Note of what the Duke of Buckingham would have 
 signed to get a new pardon from the King, in March 1678-9." 
 
 The King to Charles Bertie. 
 
 1678-9, March 18. Whitehall — Discharging him in respect of a 
 sum of 247,962/. 19s. Id. expended on secret service, without account, 
 between the 25th of March 1676 and the 15th of March 1878-9. 
 Copy. 
 
 J. Brisbane to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1679, March 19 [new style]. Paris — At this Court they are driving 
 on great designs against England, and very industrious in getting all 
 the advantage over us they can by alliances and other ways. 
 
 " There is great correspondance held in Scotland, and assurances from 
 hence of assistance on all occasions, advising to entertain correspondance 
 with their friends in the north of Ireland : Your acquaintance is invited 
 hither with promise to continue his peusion and to be well received at 
 Court, and other kindness showed him, desiring only of him to keep his 
 friends together and get what others he can to be favorable to the design 
 of liberty of conscience : And 'tis said here that Scotland and Ireland, 
 are to be joined together, and have a king of their own. They have 
 already several agents there to forward their design, and many are sent 
 U 77960. D D 
 
404 
 
 LindseyMSS. purposely into England to gain our best seamen, with assurance of free 
 liberty of conscience, naturalization, and constant pensions and foundations 
 for themselves and children ; in short they make use of all inventions, 
 and subtilties imaginable to be as strong as us at sea, and always in 
 readiness to assist any body that pretends to disturb us, by joining 
 together under a pretence of liberty of conscience. 
 
 " They are fitting out at Marseilles twenty-eight galleys which the 
 Marshall de Vivonne is to command, and twelve men of war at Toulon 
 which the Chevallier de Tourville is to command, said to be employed 
 against Tripoli, but others say for the assistance of Portugal if there be 
 occasion ; they are likewise fitting out at Brest, Rochefort, and other 
 places in the Manche, thirty-six or forty good men of war all carrying 
 upwards of fifty guns, which Comte d'Estres is to command. 
 
 * " The Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl of Shaftesbury, have their 
 agents here. Colonel Scott, is the Dukes, and one that goes by the name 
 of Mr. Benson is the Lord Shaftesbury's." 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] > 
 
 1678-9 [March 22].— The King's speech to both Houses of Parliament 
 concerning the Earl of Danby. 
 
 "I met you here to put an end of that which may hinder our business, 
 for I perceive the prosecution of my Lord Treasurer has put a stop to 
 all business. I declare I have given him his pardon under the Great Seal 
 of England before this Parliament met and if there be any thing wanting 
 in form of circumstance I will give it him ten times over, for I will 
 secure him in his person and his fortune, which is no more than I 
 commonly do to my servants when they quit my service, as the Duke of 
 Buckingham and my Lord Shaftesbury well know. And as for his 
 concealing the plot he could not be guilty of that, for he knew nothing 
 of it but what he had from me, and as for the letters he is accused of he 
 wrote them by my particular command, and as I have removed him from 
 his place, so I will from my Court and Councils not to return. Now 
 'tis high time to go upon the public concern of the nation, which I 
 think every body will do that loves the good and safety of the nation." 
 
 The Earl of Dak by to King Charles II. 
 
 [1679, c March 25.]— " The humble petition of Thomas Earl of 
 Danby, sheweth — 
 
 " That it hath pleased your Majesty by your repeated promises both to 
 myself and others to give me your royal word and assurances that 
 you would never suffer any thing to pass either against my life, or my 
 estate, upon any consideration whatsoever. But so it is that an Act is 
 lately passed both houses, not only for the taking away my whole estate, 
 and subsistence in this world, but by the same Act your Majesty is 
 disabled from restoring it again to me or mine — although some would 
 maliciously persuade your Majesty to the contrary. 
 
 " Now forasmuch as by the said Act I and mine must be left to the 
 utmost miseries of this world— if your Majesty should pass the same— and 
 that I do much rather desire that a bill may pass against my life, pro- 
 vided my estate may remain to my wife and children, I do upon my 
 knees most humbly implore your Majesty that you would not pass the 
 bill ; but rather that my life may appease the malice of my enemies, 
 which I shall as cheerfully deliver up for your Majesty's convenience 
 as I have faithfully lived in your service." 
 
405 
 
 [Viscount Latimer] to his father [the Earl of Danby]. LindseyMSS. 
 
 [1679, c. March 25.] — " How great an affliction it is to me to see 
 your Lordship brought into this condition by your good services and 
 eternal studies for your Prince's happiness you may easily guess when 
 you think how good and kind a father you have been to us all and how 
 unnatural we should be if it did not touch us to the quick. I am 
 extremely troubled to see that all your endeavours and all the hazards 
 you have run to serve his Majesty could not oblige him to stick closer to 
 you when you suffer for his sake. He has now given his consent for a 
 proclamation to come out against you to take you where ever they can, 
 and indeed he has been either so timorous or cool in your behalf 
 that he has never let the Lords that were your friends come to a 
 division for you, but the Duke of Monmouth who they have made the 
 cats foot to bring you to this is so eternally with him that nothing he 
 does is to be wondered att. My Lord since your going away Mr. 
 Bladen and Mr. Knox have been to acquaint both my Lord Ailesbury, 
 Bath, and myself with some things that are able to invalidate the 
 testimony ofBedloe and Oates against your Lordship some part whereof 
 they had acquainted you with before, as they tell us ; but if the men will 
 swear what they say which Mr. Knox says they are desirous to swear, 
 both the Lords are of opinion that if your Lordship stands your trial 
 their evidence may prove of great service to you if their depositions 
 were sworn to before a justice of peace. But I was unwilling to do anything 
 without your Lordships advice which I beg I may have speedily ; and 
 besides Mr. Bladen and Knox asked me where they must have money 
 to treat them when they meet them. I wish your Lcrdship saw their 
 depositions, which if you have a mind I will send you, a^d then you may 
 be abler to command me how to serve you/' 
 
 The I>uke of Newcastle to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, April 1. Welbeck — Expressing his concern at the violence of 
 the House of Commons against the Earl, and regretting that his indis- 
 position preventing him from coming up to town to assist him. 
 
 Viscount Conway to the Countess of Danby. 
 
 1679, April 2. Ragley — Last night on my arrival from Ireland, I 
 received a letter from my late Lord Treasurer requiring my immediate 
 repair to London about his affairs, and nothing in the world could be of 
 greater influence on me than this, but on the other side, my wife died 
 on the 23rd of February and " took order " not to be buried till my arrival, 
 which, as soon as I heard of, brought me away with so much speed that 
 I am not yet in a condition to perform the duty I owe her, or appear 
 before any man whatsoever. 
 
 The Earl of Sunderland to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [1679], April 2— "Mr. Bertie brought me yesterday a paper signed 
 by the King to be countersigned by me, to give leave to one of his 
 Majesty's Council to be of yours which I did and was going to deliver 
 it to him again when my Lord Chief Justice North told the King it 
 was a thing not to be justified in case of treason, which word was 
 expressed in the paper, and that it could be of no use to you, for that 
 private counsel might be had without it, and none could be made use of 
 other ways, till the Lords house should give leave for it, which could 
 
 D D 2 
 
406 
 
 Liwdsey MSS. not be refused, if there were occasion for it. This my lord I told Mr. 
 Barber yesterday, but would not but acquaint you with it also, lest it 
 should not rightly be understood, for I find by my Lord Plymouth that 
 I have had ill offices done me which I have never, nor will not deserve, 
 for in every thing that lies in my power I will as long as I live serve you 
 without considering myself." 
 
 [The Same to the Same]. 
 
 [1679], April 7 — I was told yesterday that your Lordship lay concealed 
 at Mr, George Montagu's in a low apartment which opens upon the 
 river. If this is true I thought it might be of importance to you to 
 know that it is no secret. I wish I could serve you more considerably. 
 
 Viscount Conway to the Countess of Danby, in London. 
 
 1679, April 17. Ragley — It is a great and generous action becoming 
 only his spirit to surrender himself under the circumstances he was in. 
 I shall not fail to be in London to-morrow week 
 
 [Viscount Latimer.] 
 
 1679, April 1 — " Lane came to Knox in the painted chamber ; the first 
 time of their acquaintance acquainted K with several things of 
 Mr. Gates contained in the affidavit relating to the King, Queen, <fcc, 
 which K refused. 
 
 Wednesday 2nd. The said Lane and one Gsborne came to K and 
 desired him to go with them into the Abbey cloisters and there shew 
 him the said K severall affidavits prepared in writing. K took the 
 papers and the same day acquainted my Lord Bath therewith in 
 evening. 
 
 Saturday oth. Went to my Lord Ailesbury to take the affidavits as a 
 Privy Counsellor. Who refused. 
 
 Tuesday 8th. My Lord Bath imparted it to me. 
 
 Wednesday 9th. Went to Serjeant W. who doubted a cheat saying they 
 would not swear it when it came to, and Mr. C. G. went with us who 
 had heard the same things from one Captain Thewer before these men 
 knew Knox. 
 
 Thursday 10th. Went to Mr. Cheyne by (Lord B.) approbation; he 
 refused. Here my Lord Plymouth was acquainted, who acquainted the 
 King, who commanded to go to a Justice of Peace. 
 
 Saturday 12th. Went to Justice Dewey he was in bed at five a clock. 
 
 Sunday 13th. K. caryed Lane and O. in a coach to Chelsea to Mr r 
 Cheyne who refused again. 
 
 Monday 14. K. and B. went in my name to Justice Dewey who 
 refused. Whereupon. 
 
 Tuesday 15th. Commanded to go to a Secretary of State went to 
 Secretary Coventry : who refused. 
 
 Friday 18th. Commanded to attend the Council but not called in. 
 Meddled no more." 
 
 The Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, April 12 — Petition to the House of Lords to s^rant an extension 
 of time for putting in his answer. Draft. 
 
407 
 
 Charles Bertie to the Earl of Danby. Lindsetmss. 
 
 1679. April 26 — " I presume to give your Lordship an account of my 
 attendance on the Secret Committee last night, where Sir Francis 
 Winnington— as chairman — demanded of me an account of upwards of 
 190,000/. which the Committee found I had received for secret service 
 within six or seven months time. He also asked me if I had not paid 
 a great part of it to Parliament men, and whether I paid by the King's 
 direction or your Lordship's only. I answered in general that my Privy 
 Seal was without account and that his Majesty having intrusted me 
 with that service, I could not disclose his secrets without his commands. 
 Sir Francis replied that they knew very well to what persons I had 
 distributed the money, and that they expected from me a more ingenuous 
 and fair answer. I told him again that what I had done was by the 
 King's command, and that I was not at liberty to give them any satis- 
 faction in the least particular, which he said he would report to the 
 house, who — he believed — would expect another sort of answer from me 
 and that the burden would fall very heavy upon me. This is the 
 substance of what passed last night at Serjeant Ellis's house, which [ 
 took for a kind of coffee house, every room being divided into Sub- 
 Committees, the persons present who examined me were Sir Francis 
 Winnington, Sir Robert Carre, Sir Thomas Clarges, and Colonel Titus. 
 Ellis was writing in his withdrawing room, but heard all that passed 
 betwixt us. Sir Francis Winnington pressed me to write my own 
 answer to his question, but I told him that I thought he had no power 
 to compel me so to do, and that I ought to be very wary, lest I should 
 entrap my self, and so we parted." 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to [Viscount Latimer.] 
 
 [1679, April.] — "If my Lord Plymouth and you be upon good 
 terms, you may do well to let him read the letter and desire his assist- 
 ance both to my Lord Sunderland and the King as soon as may be, and 
 if my Lord Plymouth do not offer it of himself it may not be amiss 
 to move him to get the King read your letter, both to inform the 
 King the more fully of the business of Oates and Bedloe, and that 
 perhaps it may work upon the King to see what condition we shall be 
 in if the bill pass. But all this must be as from yourself to Lord 
 Plymouth and Lord Plymouth must pretend he desired to have the 
 letter to shew the King, both for his better information, and because 
 the matter of it did so sensibly touch him, having married a daughter 
 of the family. I believe it would be best to have your sister Plymouth's 
 advice how to do this with her Lord, and if she think it not proper, 
 then only to let him read the letter, and get him to go with you to the 
 King and Secretary. Remember me kindly to your sister Plymouth 
 and tell her I thank her for her letter and will answer it. Be sure you 
 keep my letter safely by you." 
 
 [Viscount Latimer] to [his father, the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [1679, April.] — "The persecution you labour under forces me to 
 he so sensible of it that I believe I shall never be able to forget it. 
 My mother has been so good a wife she has deserved always that kind- 
 ness your Lordship has shew her and so I hope have all your children 
 endeavoured to do according to their powers. As for the concern your 
 Lordship is pleased to express for not being able to leave me better, it 
 is enough that you are pleased to own that you think I might deserve 
 it if you had it, and whilst you think so nothing can be cruel to me 
 
408 
 
 LindsetMSS. but making me contribute any way towards your afflictions by your 
 Lordship's fall. I have seen the frailty of Princes, and for other men I have 
 seen your friendshipp made so ill use of I shall never trust many ; the 
 chief thing we are to wish for is your life, to which your estate is not 
 valuable. According to your Lordship's commands I discoursed with 
 my sister Plymouth about your letter and she thought it best to tell it 
 him when he was in bed over night and to have me come up in the 
 morning and shew it him, and so go along with him to the King for 
 fear he should shew it my Lord Sunderland first. Accordingly I 
 waited on him by seven of the clock the next morning, but both he and his 
 servants were in bed so that T could, not get to him, so I went and got 
 some Lords that were your friends to come to the house and came to 
 him again about eleven and yet found him unready, and then the King 
 was gone to the house whither he promised to come but came not till 
 the King was gone back, so I was forced to go with him to Whitehall ; 
 and when the King went into the bedchamber I gave him the letter and 
 went away but however I believe he shewed it my Lord Sunderland and 
 I believe would any thing else he should have. The King bid us to get 
 them sworn before a Justice of Peace and then brought to one of the 
 Secretaries which he would rather have Coventry then the other, but 
 by this time the men were gone out of the way so that he could not be 
 sworn before Monday, and I think it is never the worse, since that will 
 be the day your business will be ended and I believe they would be 
 glad any thing should take them off it for the present, neither of these 
 men are he that swore against Knox, but they are very ready to swear to 
 the truth of their depositions and I believe are no cheats." 
 
 The Earl of Dan by to his son [Viscount Latimer]. 
 
 [16] 79, April 28. The Tower — I would have you give this letter to 
 the King and tell him that I commanded you to know of his Majesty 
 whether he would give my brother Charles Bertie leave to wait upon 
 him and when, and pray give my brother notice of the King's answer. 
 When the King has read the letter, tell him that I desired you to put 
 his Majesty in mind of burning my letter, and I would have you observe 
 him in the reading it and after. Tell my Lord Bath also if you see 
 him that my brother Bertie may perhaps come to his Lordship. 
 Compare Hist. MSS. Commission Rep. IX., Part II, p. 456. The 
 Earl of Danby to the King. 
 
 Charles Bertie to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, May 11 — Since my commitment I have yet done nothing, but 
 intend to write to my Lord of Bath and desire him to acquaint his 
 Majesty that I stand committed for not daring to disclose his secrets 
 without his command, which by them is called a contempt of their 
 House. I shall in a few days advise about drawing a petition to his 
 Majesty. 
 
 On the back are the following notes in the Earl of Danbfs hand. 
 " None (sic) my friends of the Papists or others who are found 
 fault with by the Parliament. Who was there but myself to hinder 
 that all things did not go into the French interest? Note the Duke of 
 Monmouth in it as much as the rest." 
 
 The Earl of Bath to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1679, May 18 — " I have spoken to Mr. P. Bertie who is gone to 
 Chelsea and will bring you an account this evening according to your 
 commands. My Lord Chief Justice was not at his lodgings but at 
 
409 
 
 Guildhall where he dines and returns not till six or seven a clock when I hxdsey MSS. 
 
 shall not fail to wait on him again and send you a further account — 
 
 of him. I have also been with my Lord Conway whom I find full of 
 
 expressions of his frendship and sincere affection to your service and 
 
 in particular in this first affair he told me that the Lord Chancellor 
 
 was very zealous and real and had spoken his mind very freely in the 
 
 matter yesterday with some others who were of a contrary opinion and 
 
 who intends as he believes to oppose your petition. However his 
 
 Lordship seemed well pleased with your resolution of petitioning his 
 
 Majesty tomorrow in council, promising that you, might rest confident 
 
 of his utmost service in that business and he doubted not but you would 
 
 find my Lord Chancellor very firm and real to you, which is all I can 
 
 say thereof at present, only I think it fit that you write to my Lord 
 
 Conway this night acquainting him with your positive resolution and 
 
 how much you rely on his friendship, and to desire him to thank my 
 
 Lord Chancellor in your behalf for the kind message I brought you 
 
 from him, If you think for more certainty because my Lord Latimer 
 
 is now at Windsor rather then send your petition tomorow to Hampton 
 
 Court by a servant to trust me with it to carry thither I shall be 
 
 careful either to deliver the same to my Lord Latimer, if there, or 
 
 otherwise to present it to the King myself at the Board, and especially 
 
 if it should fall out that petitioners are not called in as I have seen 
 
 sometimes ; but if you resolve on this course you must be pleased to 
 
 send me hither the petition this night because I resolve to go 
 
 tomorrow morning very early betwixt five and six." 
 
 Charles Bertie to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1679, May 21 — " Yesterday Sir Phillip Lloyd came to acquaint me 
 that he was informed by one of the members of the Secret Committee, 
 that they intended to charge me with a new article, viz. the receiving 
 of fourscore thousand pounds of money from France, and that they 
 would likewise require forthwith an account from me how I had dis- 
 posed thereof ? Your Lordship may easily guess out of what quiver 
 this arrow is shot and I doubt not but the person whom his Majesty 
 trusted with the management of that, and his other affairs in France has 
 made no scruple to reveal it. Your Lordship may remember that I 
 never transacted this matter immediately with the French Ambassador 
 but that I only took bills from Mr. Chiffinch, and so left Mr. Stephens 
 to receive the money, which was afterwards issued as your Lordship 
 directed. I should be glad to be instructed how I am to govern my- 
 self — if interrogated — upon this point, and what his Majesty's directions 
 will be therein. 
 
 Colonel Birch made me a visit the other day and was advising that 
 your Lordship should give the House of Commons a deduction of the 
 affairs of state from the time the Triple Alliance was broke until this 
 day, as also the history of the plot, with what other circumstances your 
 Lordship might think proper to be communicated, saying that this was 
 the only game now left you to play. . I cannot but observe to your Lord- 
 ship that I found by his discourse that he seemed much gravelled upon 
 the point of your pardon, but said he was confident the Parliament 
 would set it aside, and I believe he is one of those — who out of a 
 pretended friendship to your person — would persuade your Lordship to 
 waive it, and rely upon their generosity, which I humbly hope your 
 Lordship never will." 
 
 Postscript. — All the town is full of the expedient which his Majesty 
 is said to offer in your Lordship's case viz. a Bill of banishment. 
 
410 
 
 L1ND8ET mss. The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1679, May 23 — "I received the honour of your Lordships by Mr, 
 Thompson, and shall govern myself accordingly in the matter I wrote to 
 your Lordship in, but I could wish I might receive from his Majesty a 
 direction for giving answer viz. [that I have delivered up this account 
 into his own hands] and the rather because I am every day told, that his 
 Majesty denies in private that ever he received the book of my account 
 of secret seivice which my Lord of Bath is my witness he commanded 
 me to say ; but I hope his Majesty will be steady therein, and then I 
 am sure I shall not be discouraged, I take the liberty to pray your 
 Lordship to move the King by my Lord of Bath for the general dis- 
 charge, I some days since sent your Lordship, for my secret service, 
 which I conceive will be very proper for me to have apart from the 
 account itself. T have desired Alderman Backwell to call on me as he 
 passes to the House, and will then send your Lordship an account cf 
 that affair. I am advised to lie still a little without petitioning his 
 Majesty for my release, but I humbly pray your Lordship to recommend 
 my case to my Lord of Bath. I have been lately complained of in the 
 house for being at the Divell Tavern with Mr. Brent, but I assure your 
 Lordship I have neither been there, nor at any other tavern since my 
 commitment. T shall send to Mr. Brent, and state the account betwixt 
 him and your Lordship according to your commands. The story of 
 Mr. Chiffinch's money makes a great noise, and therefore I intreat your 
 Lordship to receive his Majesty's direction as soon as may be for giving 
 that answer you advise, because I may be sure to be warranted by his 
 Majesty's command, which I wish I could receive even to-morrow, I am 
 glad to hear your Lordship is so well, and I hear the utmost malice now 
 aesigned against you is banishment, which hardship I hope your Lordship 
 will also overcome." 
 
 Postscript. — Your Lordship may please to remember that Mr. Stephens 
 had directions by letters for issuing any part of Mr. Chiffinch's money, 
 and I think he ought to be spoke with and prepared in case he be 
 sent for. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1679, May 24 — " It is a great satisfaction to me, to have read what 
 your Lordship was pleased to send me in the enclosed, and your Lord- 
 ships commands are always of that authority with me as to exact my 
 obedience to them, so that in case I am this day sent for to the House- 
 as I hear I shall be — I determine to confine myseJf to this short answer, 
 that T should never have lain under the displeasure of the House had 
 I dared to have given any account of his Majesty's secret service 
 without his command, and though his Majesty is so gracious as to 
 indulge me the liberty of repeating those persons Sir Stephen Fox 
 has named, yet considering the general rule he has given me of 
 saying as little as I can, as also that the saying so much will but tempt 
 them to ask other questions which may be prejudicial to his service, 
 I resolve to forbear the owning of it. I hope to present your Lord- 
 ship with the account of tin in a day or two, Mr. Banckes having 
 received some advices from his correspondent concerning the price, 
 which I must compare with Alderman Backwell's computation. I desire 
 your Lordship to assure his Majesty that I will stand firm to him in 
 the matter he was pleased to intrust to me, and that nothing shall 
 
411 
 
 ever deter me from my constancy of my duty both to him and your Lindsey mss. 
 Lordship upon whose account I shall glory in my suffering." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1679, May 26 — " I have discoursed Mr. Stephens in the matter your 
 Lordship recommended to me, and find him willing to deliver up all 
 my letters directing any payments out of that money ; but your Lordship 
 may remember that before you commanded my service in that affair, 
 there was a transaction immediately betwixt him and Mr. Chiffineb. 
 who has his receipts for several great sums of money paid him, and 
 Mr. Stephens fears he will not be easily prevailed with to part with 
 those, which are the only vouchers of his payments, and if this can not 
 be effected, all that which your Lordship proposes is rendered ineffectual, 
 besides there is a great sum of this money received of Mr. Chiffinch 
 charged in your Lordship's ledger, as Treasurer of the Navy, and also in 
 the account of the present Treasurer — as I remember — which is 
 impossible to be concealed. I am not at liberty to sound Mr. Chiffinch 
 in this matter and find Mr. Stephens very timorous and diffident of 
 himself in case he should be called, wherefore I have advised him, as 
 the best expedient, to withdraw himself four or five days into the 
 country privately, by which time possibly we may see an end of the 
 sessions and may afterwards gain more leisure to adjust matters betwixt 
 them. 
 
 " The Alderman has already shipped off for Amsterdam and Rotterdam 
 about forty tons of tin which may fetch above 3,000/. He is daily 
 consigning the remainder thither, I have now an account from Mr. 
 Bancke's correspondent of the price it gives there which I must first 
 compare with Alderman BackwelPs, who is this day gone to the inter- 
 ment of my Lady Terringham. Your Lordships letters are burnt as 
 soon as answered. 
 
 " Sir R. W. sends you the inclosed and I am told the house will send 
 for me tomorrow." 
 
 The Earl of Bath to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 [16] 79, June 4 — " I have yours by my wife, your other by Mr. 
 Christian and your third this day by the Captain, all which were com- 
 municated to the person concerned and I did not fail to say all that 
 was fit for me to say on that subject according to your commands, 
 whereto the answer was as favourable as could be expected, with the 
 usual expressions of the same kindnes as formerly, whereof I cannot in 
 the least doubt the reality notwithstanding the too just cause that you 
 and your friends have had of late to suspect the contrary, which indeed 
 would be a matter more mysterious to others than it can be to yourself 
 who are so well acquainted with the nature of that gentleman. The 
 news of the town I question not but you have from other good hands, 
 and the Court affords at present very little, alJ things there remaining 
 yet in the same posture and conduct. The office of the Ordnance, as I 
 suppose you have heard, is as the rest are, put also into the hands of 
 committees, and the Lord Ranelagh made a gentleman of the bed- 
 chamber in the place of the Lord Sunderland of whom he bought the 
 same with the King's leave. His Majesty and the Court are for 
 Windsor the next week so that if you have any commands for me 
 before that time you may consider thereof and let me receive them, 
 which you may be sure shall be most faithfully observed." 
 
412 
 
 LindseyMSS. Lord Frecheville to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 J 679, June 9 — " The same evening I left your Lordship I went to 
 your Lordship's friend who shewed me your letter and the next day it 
 was perused and considered as your Lordship desired, and though very 
 well received yet there was some further time taken to consider of it. 
 By his leave and consent on Saturday I had a fit opportunity and I 
 seconded the contents of the letter as well as I could, and received in 
 effect the same answer, with a promise that when there was advice taken 
 it should not be understood to proceed from your Lordship but only 
 mentioned as an expedient from himself. Your good friend will this 
 day ask leave to visit your Lordship and make use of it when he may 
 assure your Lordship of a resolution in your affair ; but in the mean 
 time I think your Lordship need not doubt of success as you desire.* 5 
 
 The Earl of Sunderland to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 [16] 79, June 10 — A complimentary letter. 
 
 The Earl of Bath to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 [16] 79, June lo — " Since I last saw you I have had a long con- 
 ference with our master concerning you, having acquainted him fully 
 with all things you gave me in commission to say in answer to the 
 message I brought you. I find him still confirmed in his opinion that 
 he cannot legally discharge you out prison or take bai! before the Par- 
 liament meet, and therefore unwilling to do anything of that kind and 
 especially in your case which needs, as he says, no illegal action to 
 justify the same, the law being so clearly on your side wherein he is 
 resolved to stand by you and protect you according to those assurances 
 which he hath so often given ) ou. Llowever he is contented to speak 
 with your counsel privately either in the presence of the Lord Chief 
 Justice or without him as shall be desired, and if a way can be found out 
 for his doing it lawfully he will most readily comply with your desires. 
 Therefore pray advise well with your best counsel before you say any 
 more to him on this subject, and if it be possible, send some prudent and 
 learned person to convince the Lord Chief Justice North where lies 
 your greatest stress in this affair he being supposed to be much your 
 friend, and truly I have reason to believe he is not your enemy, and his 
 judgment will weigh more in your present case then any other, which I 
 thought fit for you to know, and therefore necessary to make your first 
 applications to him and to gain him of your side if possible. The 
 Duke of Monmouth went yesterday morning away early for Scotland 
 post, and this day an express is expected and the council sits this 
 afternoon. I met last night with your brother Secretary who told me 
 he had spoken with an honest judge who was of our opinion, and there- 
 fore whether he might not be a proper person to speak with the Lord 
 Chief Justice I leave to your better judgment. The bearer will also 
 acquaint you with some drafts of importance by word of mouth which I 
 forbear to write for reasons she will give you." 
 
 [The Same] to [the Same.] 
 
 1679, June 28 — Informing him that he had obtained leave from the 
 Council to pay him one visit. 
 
413 
 
 to [the Earl of Danby]. LixdseyMSS. 
 
 1679, July 4 — " What I have often said heretofore to your Lordship, 
 when you talked of retiring from Court is now amply verified ; viz. 
 that I should after that enjoy no satisfaction in being here; yet I wish 
 it had been by your own act and that you bad done what was so much 
 your inclination, to have prevented if possible the hazard and incon- 
 venience that has, and is like to ensue upon your Lordship; and 
 though I think I need not apprehend any danger of an impeachment 
 or imprisonment yet since there is so little appearance of any thing but 
 ruin to those who faithfully serve the King ; and that he himself is so 
 regardless of his servants as — for ought we yet can hear — to put a 
 present sudden stop to all allowance of wages or board wages to us his 
 household servants; I am in great dispute with my self whether to 
 continue my attendance ; which except his Majesty do consider me 
 for, must be my ruin ; or desiring his leave — which I am sure he will grant 
 — retire and save that little I have left. The Commissioners of the 
 Treasury and Lords of the Council I hear do all disown the giving 
 this counsel; and certainly it is as dishonorable as anything he could 
 do ; and will in a short time leave him not attended like a King. I 
 have little reason to expect any particular favor from his Majesty since 
 what I had at the last suspension was I doubt purely the kindness of a 
 friend, not his Majesty's grace ; so that having lost that friend, and all 
 others now in power, for being a friend to him — which I must ever be— 
 1 have no hopes of having any thing of that kind ; or by my stay here 
 to be able to do that friend any service ; for had I that I should 
 never think of stining. Therefore supposing that you easily guess who 
 I mean, I do before I take any resolution or make any step in it, desire 
 the favor if you think fit to have your advice. I am extremely 
 troubled that I must not wait upon you which had I liberty to do 
 should be as often as usually 1 did." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to his brother [in-law, the Earl of 
 Danby]. 
 
 1679. July 11 — A letter of compliments and condolence. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, August 7. Welbeck — Informing him that he and the Duchess 
 had waited upon the Countess of Danby at Kiveton, and paying him 
 many compliments. 
 
 P. Maddocks to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, August 8. Treasury Office — Eegretting that he had been 
 prevented from waiting on him. Signed. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Countess of Danby. 
 
 1679, August 12 — " Here is now a man named Jenison who I am 
 told has sworn that Eenich the priest — who is executed — did tell him 
 that I was engaged in the plot at last, but that it was long before they 
 could get me into it ; and if they could there are some of my good 
 friends who would fain improve this hear-say from a dead witness, 
 just as they would have done my escape by my son's pistols, which was 
 found so ridiculous a story at Council, that my son was ordered to 
 have his pistols again, and so that matter ended. I know not this 
 
414 
 
 Lindset MSS. Jenison, nor they say he pretends not to know me, but I hear he is a 
 loose rascal, and the man who married the Marquess Dowager of Wor- 
 cester is accused to be one of the four ruffians who should have killed the 
 King at Windsor. My son Latimer is come from Buckingham elected 
 with Sir Richard Temple, but Sir Peter Tirrell intends to dispute the 
 election with my son at the House. My son Herbert goes to-morrow 
 with the writ to Queenborough, and 'tis said will meet another com- 
 petitor, but he is yet nameless to us." 
 
 Sir H. Goodrich: [?] to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1679, August 19. Paris — " I had the honour to wait on his Royal 
 Highness in my way hither and performed your Lordship' s com- 
 mands. I find the letter you were pleased to shew me was exactly 
 his master's sense ; I had much discourse about it, and find my Lord St 
 Albans and one other Presbyterian not named to me by his Royal 
 Highness have persuaded his Royal Highness that your Lordship 
 made tenders by them to his prejudice for your own advantage to that 
 party, and that the Bishop of London's violence against him, he beino- 
 your Lordship's friend, confirms the matter; and truly nothing can be 
 expected save a cold indifference till his Royal Highness better informs 
 himself from my Lord St. Albans and that Presbyterian in that point, 
 which he says he will speedily do, and was pleased to own that the* 
 observation made, that the advice came from a Presbyterian was of 
 weight with him, especially it being against one who was his friend 
 once. There is little or no hopes of compliance in his Royal High- 
 ness. God Almighty grant him a due consideration of the misery all 
 lie under, and your Lordshipp a fair trial to your honour and 
 safety." 
 
 Charles Bertie to his brother, Peregrine Bertie, at York 
 Buildings, London. 
 
 1679, August 19. Uffington — I entreat you when you see Lord Bath 
 to know from him if he has received his Majesty's pleasure in relation 
 to my troublesome affair, that I may know better how to dispose of 
 myself and my affairs. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer, at Windsor. 
 
 1679,' August 22—1 " have sent this to desire you that at some con- 
 veniency you will ask the King as from yourself what his Majesty 
 thinks to do with your father, and what ever his answer shall be to vou 
 be sure to say, ' Sir I find very many wonder that your Majesty lets 
 him remain a prisoner with your pardon'. Your mother and wife 
 came to town on Wednesday, and your brother Herbert is chosen but 
 by oue voice difference. I have sent you some papers which if his 
 Majesty would read over, fit for his hearing, and the book an extra- 
 ordinary good one, which will serve for your diversion if they do not 
 for his. If you have any news write it by the bearer, but especially 
 send me word if it be true as we are told that the States say they 
 can give Mr. Sidney no answer till the Parliament meets." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 Same date — " Though I have newly written to you, I have since 
 received a letter from my Lord Berkeley of his being made an Earl, 
 and I have, upon it, presumed to press the King to bestow the same 
 
415 
 
 ho[nour] upon my Lord Norreys. Pray give the King [the] letter at Lindsey was* 
 
 a convenient time, and if the King do not answer you when he has 
 
 read it, do [you] tell his Majesty that your father hath hop[ed to 
 
 re]ceive a gracious answer to that letter ; and then let me know what 
 
 it is. If his Majesty grants it, tell him the name he will desire will 
 
 be Abingdon." 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the King. 
 
 1679, August 22 — " I beseech your Majesty to forgive me, that I 
 presume to beg of your Majesty that amongst others upon whom your 
 Majesty has been pleased to bestow an increase of honour, you would 
 be as gracious to confer the title of an Earl upon my Lord Norreys. 
 His estate is very great, and his family on all sides eminent, both for 
 birth and their services to the crown, and I dare be answerable that 
 none of them will exceed this man if the crown need him. Although 
 I have great obligations to his Lordship I would not be guilty of this 
 presumption, but that he is a man so qualified as he is for your favour ; 
 and I am sure I should ask nothing for myself with half that desire 
 which I beg this of your Majesty." 
 
 The Earl of Bath to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16] 79, August 25. Windsor — Informing him that Lord Latimer 
 had not been able to speak to the King about his business as it was 
 " his Majesty's ill day of his intermitting fever," and the doctors had 
 absolutely forbidden anyone to say anything of business to him. 
 
 George Montagu to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16]79, August 28. Horton — The place of brother of St. 
 Katherine's I have already promised to a person recommended to me by 
 Dr. Outram. The salary is not constantly worth above 10/. a year. 
 
 My service to your Lady and all your relations with you in the 
 Tower. 
 
 K. Lady Roos to the Earl of Danby. 
 1679, August 30— A complimentary letter. 
 
 The Earl of Sunderland to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, September 8. Windsor — I have two or three times talked 
 with my Lord Bath of your concerns. He will have told you that I 
 desire nothing more than to shew my desire of serving you. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the King. 
 1679, September 8 — Petition for his release from the Tower. Copy. 
 
 Viscount Latimer to Viscountess Latimer. 
 
 1679, September 13 — I believe the King will be in town on Monday 
 as well as I, but I would have none but you and my father know of 
 either of our comings. Signet. 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father, the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16]79, September 13. Windsor — " I found the ways so bad that 
 I made it ten a clock before I came here where I found the King 
 
416 
 
 LtndseyMSS. going to bed, and the Duke with him. As soon as the Duke went from 
 him I delivered him your letter which he put in his pockett and asked 
 how you did and told me would speak with me some other time 
 farther and asked when my Lord Bath would be there. I told him to 
 night or on Sunday. The ignorant part of us here are alarumed at 
 an express that was sent yesternight to the Duke of Monmouth ; some are 
 of opinion it is to give him leave to stay ; others to make him go away 
 the sooner ; but I believe it is in relation to his stay, both because I 
 heard the King say he feared he should not be able to stay till 
 Wednesday and also because my Lord Sunderland came to town to day, 
 and I heard Mr. Bartley ask my Lady Portsmouth if she had any 
 commands and she said she had sent by my Lord Sunderland. My 
 Lord Chief Justice Scroggs is here and has been persuading the King 
 to put this plot off his hands for that he will find it of ill consequence 
 if it be on foot when the Parliament meets. I forgot to tell you 
 yesterday the King would have a brace of your young deer and would 
 have both male deer." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to his sister, the Countess of Danby. 
 
 1679, September 15 — " I am very glad to hear affairs go so well 
 with my Lord. I hope his Lordship will not be now long a prisoner. 
 My Lord Sherard was with me and seems to be of opinion that the 
 House of Commons will be in a very cool temper; and truly I do 
 scarce believe they will attack him. All this country seems much 
 alarm'd and dissatisfied at the Duke of Monmouth's disgrace." 
 
 Thomas Baker to Donatus, Lord Brien, at the Earl of Danby's 
 lodging in the Tower. 
 
 1679, September 22 — Upon the undertaking of Lord Danby to 
 prosecute your interest " in the affair of the Aulnage." I have sent 
 for my friends in the country who are interested in the matter. 
 
 The King to Thomas Cheeke, Lieutenant of the Tower. 
 
 1679, September 25, Whitehall. — Warrant for the release of the 
 Earl of Danby. Copy. 
 
 The King to All Admirals, and others. 
 
 1679, September 25. Whitehall — Warrant permitting the Earl of 
 Danby to travel beyond the seas and to remain abroad for seven years. 
 
 Copy. 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father, the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1 679, September 24 — Informing him that the meeting of Parliament 
 had been postponed till the 30th of October, and that the Duke of 
 Monmouth had been at the Council that day. 
 
 Sir W[illiam] Jones, Attorney General, to Secretary Coventry. 
 
 1679, September 25 — u I have received your letter and be the 
 consequence what it will I will give you my opinion in plain terms, 
 which is that a person being committed by a Court of Justice — as the 
 House of Lords is and that the highest— cannot be sent for out of prison 
 unless by a writ of Habeas Corpus under seal. And this is the 
 reason, where there hath been occasion to examine prisoners so committed 
 
417 
 
 by the King's Council, they have always sent some of their body to do Liudsey mss. 
 it. I thinke that if my Lord of Danby should by a warrant counter- 
 signed by you, be brought out of prison, it would be an escape and not 
 only be thereby discharged of the commitment by the House of Lords but 
 the Lieutenant of the Tower would be liable to answer for the same." 
 
 Charles Bertie to Edward Christian, at York Buildings, London. 
 
 1679, September 28. Creeton — "I have not omitted as much as lies 
 in me to improve my time here for his Lordship's service by visiting 
 in his name all the Peers our f riends about us ; in the first place, I waited 
 on my Lord Hatton, who is cordially his Lordship's servant, and has 
 promised to be up to attend his Lordship's business in Parliament. 
 My Lord Denbigh was gone out of these parts, my Lord Westmorland 
 I hope to prevail with to be our friend, and my Lord Roos has com- 
 manded me to assure my Lord of Danby that his person shall not fail 
 to attend my Lord's business in Parliament and that his proxy shall 
 serve in all other matters ; his Lordship has gone for Haddon having 
 received news that his father lies speechless, and 'tis believed my Lord 
 Rutland is dead before this. I intend to be with you the end of the 
 next week for my brother Peregrine advices me to take Newmarket 
 in my way up, and to know his Majesty's pleasure concerning myself. 
 My Lord of Exeter drunk my Lord of Danby's health publicly at his 
 table to Doctor Denham which has surprised all the family here." 
 
 [The King] to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 1679, October. Whitehall — " I think it for my service that you 
 should at this time go beyond sea, and I assure you that I will do nothing 
 in your absence which shall in any kind revoke the pardon I have 
 given you." Copy. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1679, October 6. Welbeck — I would do all in my power to serve 
 you, but " I most earnestly desire to stay in the country, for I am so 
 crazy, I am fit for no place but what is very private and retired." 
 
 Lord Alington to the Earl of Danby. 
 [16]79, October 15. Horseheath — On business. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the King. 
 
 1679, October 28 — " I will not trouble your Majesty with the hard 
 usage I have received from the Commissioners " about my wages, but 
 they will not pay me what was due to myself at Lady day last, and 
 I find that without recourse to your Majesty, I nor any who have Care) 
 related to me are to hope for justice there." Copy. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1(379. — November 26. Welbeck — Informing him that he had spoken 
 to the Duke of York on his behalf, during his recent visit to Welbeck. 
 
418 
 
 LindsevMSS. The EiRL of Danby. 
 
 1679, Nov. 27 — The answers of the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of 
 Lauderdale and Lord Sunderland to Charles Bertie when he was sent 
 to them by the Earl of Danb}\ 
 
 Lord Chancellor " said that he was very sorry that his last attendance 
 on the King had had no better success in relation to your Lordships 
 discharge. That he conceived it was not yet a proper time for your 
 Lordship to present a petition even for your liberty — though with a 
 keeper — because of the late accident in Westminster Hall, to which your 
 Lordship ought to allow some few days to let that report cool : That 
 he feared the Lords of the Council would hardly be brought to appear 
 at this time in favour of your Lordship's petition. That the precedent 
 of my Lord Bellasyse — if truly examined — would rather make against 
 than for your Lordship for several reasons he was not then at liberty to 
 discourse. But in conclusion bid me assure your Lordship that he 
 was your servant to the utmost of his power. 
 
 Duke of Lauderdale promised to serve your Lordship with all his 
 power but advised that the petition should by no means be presented 
 till my Lord President had been first attended in it, whom he knew 
 to be cordially your Lordship's friend, and that his Grace himself would 
 take a fitting opportunity to sound him therein. He complained of my 
 Lord Sunderland's usage, who refused him his Majesty's warrant to 
 wait on your Lordship and advised him to address to the Council, on 
 purpose to have a refusal, which his Grace had thought fit to decline. 
 
 Earl of Sunderland expressed his dissatisfaction at the late meeting 
 of the Lords and said that some, in whom your Lordship — he conceived 
 ■ — had reposed greatest confidence had not appeared with that zeal for you 
 as was expected, and that he believed they would be as backward at 
 the Council table. However he said your Lordship in justice to yourself, 
 and regard of your own health would do very well to prefer such a 
 petition — whatever the event be — which his Majesty had granted in 
 a case of a higher nature to my Lord Bellasyse, but that he must confess 
 he much doubted at this time the success of it, but that he would 
 pay your Lordship his best services therein. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 [1679?], November 29 — "I desire that so soon as you receive this, 
 you would carry the inclosed to my Lord Chancellor, and deliver it 
 with my humble service. I have told him you know nothing of the 
 contents, nor had anything in command from me but to deliver it 
 to his own hands yourself. When you come from the Chancellor 
 1 would have you find my Lord Bath, and let him know that you 
 have delivered my letter to the Chancellor, and if the Chancellor shall 
 say anything to you concerning me of any. kind, I would have you 
 acquaint my Lord Bath with it. 
 
 " My Lord Bath will inform you whether any Council sits tomorrow 
 or no, because if it does sit, his Lordship will take care of the business 
 of my nolle prosequi with the Attorney- General, but if it does not 
 sit, 1 desire you will attend the King, and pray his Majesty to let you 
 bring the Attorney to receive his Majesty's orders, and to acquaint him 
 what the Godfreys have said to Mr. Attorney, whereupon I doubt not 
 but his Majesty will give his order for the nolle prosequi, and you must 
 take care to put the Attorney in mind, that in his warrant there may 
 be a recital of his sending for the Godfreys, and of their answer to 
 him. I would have you make your own apologies to the Chancellor for 
 
419 
 
 giving him the trouble of waiting upon him in visits, but that besides LikdseyMSS. 
 the respect you have for him on your father's account, you have a great 
 honour and esteem for him yourself upon#his own merits, and shall 
 be glad of any occasion of showing it in your station, if he has any 
 commands for you." 
 
 Sir Stephen Fox to Charles Bertie. 
 
 1679, December 1 — Informing him that the non-payment of the Earl 
 of Danbv's " quarter " due at Lady Day was due to his not having sent 
 a proper person to put the Commissioners of the Treasury in mind of it. 
 Signed. 
 
 Sir William Waller to All Constables and other Officers. 
 
 1679 [-80], January 28 — Warrant for the apprehension of Edward 
 Christian who had been privy to the traitorous design of the impeached 
 Lords in the Tower, for raising an army, thereby to establish Popery 
 and destroy the peace of the realm. Copy. 
 
 Sir William Waller to the Keeper of the Gatehouse in 
 Westminster. 
 
 1679[-80], January 29 — Directing him to take Edward Christian 
 into his custody upon the charges mentioned in the preceding warrant, 
 and also on the charge of suborning witnesses to swear certain offences 
 -against the Duke of Buckingham. Copy. 
 
 The King to the Attorney and Solicitor General. 
 
 1680, January — Warrant for the release of the Earl of Danby on 
 bail. Copy. 
 
 Edwa&d Christian to the King. 
 
 1679[-80], February — Petition for his release from the Gatehouse. 
 Copy. 
 
 Sir Cresswell Levinz, Attorney General, to Charles Bertie. 
 
 1679 [-80], March 17 — Acknowledgment of the receipt of a letter 
 signed James Nettervile. 
 
 James Nettervile to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1679[-80], March 22. Marshalsea — Bringing accusations against 
 Mr. Lemar and Mr. Hall. Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to his brother [-in- law], the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1680, September 4. Grimsthorpe — "There is to me no other 
 motive of appearance once more upon the stage but your Lordship's 
 concern and endeavouring to bring your ship to harbour, which I 
 believe the court would expose to tempest and foul weather, and if 
 I be a competent judge at this distance, there is nothing more aimed 
 at, than that you should be the occasion of a breach between both 
 Houses. And I offer it to your consideration, whether it is lit for 
 you to bring your self upon the stage by petitioning, since all your 
 enemies design you the first to be baited, and when they have once 
 entered upon your affair and that there be a breach betwixt both 
 U 77960. E E 
 
420 
 
 LlND !fI MSS ' Houses and that the King's prerogative is so highly concerned, how 
 seasonably will a bill of banishment be offered as an expedient, which 
 his Majesty will most willingly close with for a sum of money. This 
 was the very case of my Lord Clarendon before your Lordship, and let 
 no man how great soever in England since my Lord Strafford's death 
 and his Majesty's restoration, who is not the most constant Prince in 
 the world, depend upon law for his protection, for it is but a broken 
 reed that will not support him, and the humour of the times like an 
 impetuous torrent shall level all opposition. I will endeavour if my 
 crazy body will give me leave to be at the opening of the session, and 
 I hope your Lordship, though you have been already too long in 
 captivity will not precipitate your affaires to your own ruin." 
 
 The Countess of Carnarvon to her brother[in-law], the Earl of 
 
 Danby. 
 
 1680, September 19 — A complimentary letter. 
 
 Charles Bertie to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1680, November 29 [new style]. Cologne — " What your Lordship 
 discoursed of my affairs before I left England fully comprehends all the 
 events and turns they have had here. For this Elector — who is a 
 Prince mewed up in a convent, and equally divided betwixt his beads 
 and his chemistry — will not touch with us in the condition we are in 
 in England, nor will he trust any neighbour he has in Germany for 
 a farthing, but will see all actually engaged before he stirs. This he 
 has dearly bought — he says — by late experience, having lost his Duchy 
 of Bouillon to the French ; next he fears — and with reason — that if he 
 were the first to anger France, he might be totally ruined in his 
 country of Liege, and that so far from engaging the Empire in his 
 quarrel, that he believes they would all be glad to see him humbled 
 and reduced, who first permitted a passage to the French troops into the 
 Empire. 
 
 " But suppose they would stand by him — he says — their motions and 
 resolutions are so slow and languid that while the troops of the several 
 circles are drawing together for the common defence, here is Hannibal 
 ad porta s, and France has- already actually put in execution, what the 
 others design to prevent and indeed the Elector of Cologne is so overawed 
 by the French neighbourhood, and the omnipotency of their arms, that 
 he dare not provoke him, who has already ravished the whole Duchy 
 of Bouillon, blown up his citadel of Liege, and may as arbitrarily take 
 the rest of his countries from him — whenever he pleases. And adding 
 hereunto the doubtful estate of our own affairs at home — made ten 
 times worse then they are by the arts of France — it has been impossible 
 for me to make him so much as listen to any alliance. When France 
 is represented formidable then the Elector shrinks, and shews the danger 
 of provoking him ; when he is put into any milder shape, then be it 
 far from him to molest the present quiet, or by any kind of noise awake 
 the sleeping lion. Thus his Electoral Highness is contented to jog 
 on, aud rather attend any mischief that may ensue than accelerate the 
 evil day by attempts that may, or may not, prevent it. 
 
 " The French ministers are in every Court, and here we have Prince 
 William of Furstenburg. Their chief business is to paint us in a thousand 
 ill shapes ; they offer alliance where they see any danger of having ours 
 accepted, and money to boot, so that her 3 is Diana of the Ephesians 
 against us. Yet in reality I question whether they desire any alliance 
 
421 
 
 with these small Princes but to preserve a jealousy that they may not . Lindsey M,SS. 
 confederate, either with strangers or with one another; for it seems to 
 me more the interest of France to have them all exposed to the stroke, 
 as the revolution of affairs shall require, than to have any exempted, 
 and under the protection of their alliance. " 
 
 The Earl of Plymouth. 
 
 [1680, November?] — Arrangements for the funeral of the Earl of 
 Plymouth in [Westminster] Abbey. In the Earl of Danhifs hand- 
 writing. 
 
 The Same. 
 
 [Same date] — Proposed arrangements for the payment of the Earl of 
 Plymouth's debts, and for a provision for his widow. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the King. 
 
 1680-1, January 12 — " Your Majesty has been graciously pleased, upon 
 my purchase of my Lord Oulpeper's consent, to grant me the reversion 
 of the Master of the Rolls his office in the name of Mr. George 
 Johnson after the death of Sir Harbottle Grimston, and 1 have some 
 reason to doubt that the said Mr. Johnson doth design to take some 
 advantage against me by reason of my present circumstances unless [ 
 may have his name changed for some other person whom I may more safely 
 trust. I humbly crave therefore of your Majesty that I may have 
 leave to pass a new grant upon Mr. Johnson's surrender of the old one 
 to your Majesty and that I may have your Majesty's warrant signed for 
 that purpose in the name of my son Latimer, which will be but the same 
 thing to your Majesty as it is already. I must likewise intreat the 
 favour of your Majesty — lest you should be surprised — that you would 
 not grant the reversion after Sir Harbottle Grimston or Mr. Johnson to 
 any other person if they should solicit your Majesty for it lest I 
 should be thereby defeated contrary to your Majesty's intentions and 
 my right of having purchased by your Majesty's consent. I humbly 
 pray that my Lord Conway may receive your Majesty's pleasure in this 
 matter which will be a very seasonable and charitable favour to your 
 Majesty's most dutiful subject.'' Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 [1681, February] — Directing him to use his influence with the King 
 and Lord Bath to assist Sir Richard Stote to obtain a Judge's place in 
 the room of Judge Ellis. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Earl of Lindsey, at Oxford. 
 
 1680-1, March 18 — Asking him to present his petition [to the House 
 of Lords], and also asking him to be one of his securities, with the 
 Duke of Newcastle, Lord Rutland, Lord Norreys, Lord Chesterfield, 
 Lord Ailesbury and Lord Noel, if bail were admitted. 
 
 Endorsed: " Found August 16, 1742 without the seal being broke 
 or the letter any ways opened. R.H.D." Seal of Arms. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to his son [Vtscount Latimer]. 
 
 1680-1, March 18 — "I have only thought necessary to write three of 
 the seven letters I intended, and I desire Bladen may carry those to my 
 
 E E 2 
 
422 
 
 LindsetMSS. Lord Salisbury and Lord Bridgewater. In case I should be sent for 
 to Oxford you must provide me some lodging where I could have 
 conveniency for the Lieutenant of the Tower and three or four of his 
 retinue which will be appointed for my guard, and it will not be amiss 
 to speak to my Lord Norrays as from yourself, to think of some body 
 near hand in that country to be my bail, if the Lords should be 
 excepted against when I come to the bar to name my bail. I will have 
 my son Herbert there, and for that reason if he be not come away 
 I would have you tell him to stay till my petition be delivered. I 
 suppose they will accept you for one, and there is Sir Thomas Spencer 
 nearer the town, who I know will be willing to do me that favour, 
 and you may inquire of my Lord Norreys for (me or two more who are 
 men of estates if such an occasion should fall out. You may tell 
 Mr. More that I shall take it as a favour if he will go for me a little 
 amongst the Bishops, and I would have you encourage him, because he 
 may be an useful man, and especially in that place. 1 suppose 
 my brother Dormer would scarcely refuse to be bail for me. I 
 forgot to bid you present my service to my Lord Conway, and you may 
 let him know what your directions are in my business, and that I do 
 not think fit to say anything of it to the King till my petition be 
 delivered, but that then I shall desire his Lordship to move the King to 
 speak to all his friends in the house, and particularly to the Bishops, 
 and to endeavour to make his Majesty hearty in it. Tell his Lordship 
 also that you have direction to speak to my friends in the Lords house 
 in Mr. Seymour's behalf, if his business should come on, but that you 
 are to take his Lordships directions in it first, how to govern yourself 
 in that affair if there should be occasion. I had written thus far on the 
 18th when speaking to my Lord Bath I found he did not go till the 
 20th and therefore, this day being the 19th I have considered to have 
 my petition altered with the words — from time to time left out — and 1 
 desire my friends will endeavour to get it to a Jay certain, viz. : to be 
 bailed for six weeks, or for a month, if longer time cannot be got : 
 because I find the bail from time to time will be greatly pre- 
 judicial to me, if it can be avoided. I find also that there will be 
 so many Lords at Oxford on Wednesday night, who will not be there 
 before that time, that unless you see a certain strength for me sooner, 
 I would rather have my petition deferred till Thursday or Saturday; 
 Lady day following the first, and Sunday the latter ; neither of which 
 will be sitting days — at least not of the Lords house. I have likewise 
 thought it necessary that you let nobody but my Lord Lindsey, Lord 
 Norreys, and Lord Bath know the certain day when my petition shall 
 be delivered, until either late the night before, or early that morning 
 it shall be delivered ; but I would rather have it given out, that my 
 petition will not be delivered till the Parliament have sat a fortnight 
 or three weeks, and let it be said to my friends that I have desired 
 it may be left to my Lord Lindsey and Lord Norreys to take the 
 time for delivering it when they think it a proper time. If an 
 objection should be made which I did not before think on, viz. : that 
 mine will be a precedent for bailing the popish Lords ; it may be 
 answered that cannot be, any more than the bailing Chief Justice 
 Scroggs is a precedent for them. For that although his crimes are said 
 to be greater then mine, yet the grounds of bailing him was, because 
 the Lords did not conceive his articles did amount to treason, and — a 
 fortiori — mine do not, if his be thought greater, as they were declared 
 to be, by divers in both houses. Any friend of mine may likewise say, 
 they are convinced — both by what they have heard lawyers say without 
 
423 
 
 doors, and by what has fallen from some Lords in the House who have Lindset MSS. 
 
 not been my friends — that there is no treason in my articles, neither b\ 
 
 statute nor common law; and that even by those who think it doubtful 
 
 whether there be treason in them or no, it must be a hard case to deny 
 
 bail, to a Peer who hath suffered two years imprisonment, if at last it 
 
 should appear not to be treason. I have a good deal more to say, 
 
 but have not time for it, but shall write by some body on Monday. 
 
 " I would not have my letters delivered to my Lord Salisbury and 
 Lord Bridgewater till the morning my petition is to be delivered." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father, the Earl of Danby, in the 
 
 Tower. 
 
 1680-1, March 20. Oxford. — " We got safe hither on Saturday 
 without meeting any highwaymen though they were so much talked of in 
 town ; but if there had been any it was not a fit time for them to be 
 stirring for the road was so full of coaches and passengers that there 
 was going down Stoken Church Hill fourteen coaches and I believe thirty 
 horse at once. We were followed out of town by my Lord Salisbury, 
 Shaftesbury, and Stamford, who went out of town with a considerable 
 number of men but lost them all before they reached Uxbridge. When 
 Shaftesbury came hither he made his entry on horseback to shew his 
 readiness to serve the public and he lay on Friday night at a 
 quakers at Wycombe. We took our horses whilst our coach baited 
 at Tetsworth and rid over to Rycot where we found my Lady Car- 
 narvon and Lady Norreys and presented your Lordships and my Lady's 
 service to them who commanded me to return you theirs. My Lord 
 Norreys they told us was at Chesterton but would be at home that 
 night and here on Monday morning. However I did not leave your letter 
 for him but design to give it him myself when he came to Oxford. 
 I delivered your letter to my Lord Newcastle who presents his service 
 to you and will write to you himself he said he owned he came not 
 up this time on your Lordship's account because you was so kind as not 
 to command him, but that he had proffered your Lordship to be bail 
 for you by a letter before and that he was glad you did him the honour 
 to accept it, and that if you had a petition he would be very proud to 
 deliver it, and that he would be as ready to serve you as if he had come 
 on your Lordship's account alone. I told him nothing who I was to 
 deliver the petition to nor that I had one, he did so surprise me with 
 the offer at first meeting before he read your letter. My brother and 
 I have waited of all the Lords your friends that are yet come to town 
 which are Albemarle, Worcester, Chesterfield, Ailesbury, Conway, Fever- 
 sham, Windsor, whose coolness to your Lordship I know the reason of, 
 but however he has promised to serve you now, Lord Byron, Wottoo, 
 Freechevill, Noel, Maynard, and Northampton. I hear Lord Carbury is 
 in town but I cannot find him yet, Mr. Hyde and his brother make 
 great court more then ever to Lord Conway." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1681, March 21. Oxford. — "I ask your pardon that I write upon 
 the back of this list of Lords which I employed Mr. Bladen being here 
 to write out of the Lords books, but I assure you he knows nothing 
 more either what is in my letter or of any other part your business. I 
 have to day delivered your letter to my Lord Norreys who bid me 
 assure you he would be ready to serve you. The Lord Lindsey and 
 Rutland are not yet come to town and as for the letters you promised 
 
424 
 
 Lixdsey MSS. to send after me for the other Lords they are not yet come to my hands. 
 I hear my Lord St. Albans is come to town since the rising of the 
 house. The King made a very touching speech, notwithstanding which 
 the Commons hummed him and some of them cried i God bless him ' 
 after he had done. Mr. Bladen tells me he has sent your Lordship 
 as much as was taken. I have pressed all your friends to have the petition 
 delivered either to-morrow or on Wednesday at the furthest because 
 you have certainly the advantage of seven besides the Bishops, and we 
 meet to night about ir. I told Lord Norreys that since my Lord 
 High Chamberlain was not here I was commanded by your Lordship to 
 deliver the petition to him, but withal told him how desirous both my 
 Lord Newcastle and Lord Winchelsea had been to do it, and he at 
 first thought it properest for the first to do it, but all of your friends 
 asked if the King should not first be acquainted. I told them I had 
 order to acquaint him, but if my Lord Newcastle had done it I believed 
 he would ask the King's leave first, because he said something to 
 that purpose, but he spoke as if he thought himself fittest to deliver 
 your petition as being of the best quality, and also he hoped you would 
 give him leave to offer himself for bail first on the same account. Lord 
 Norreys thought Lord Winchelsea a good man that it might keep him 
 from going from you. My Lord Marquis of Worcester desired me to 
 present his service to you and assure you he would do you all the service 
 was in his power, my Lord Norreys says Lord Lovelace will not be 
 against you and if my uncle Dick had been here he would have been 
 sure he would not." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 168!, March 22. Oxford — "I have obeyed your commands in 
 delivering your letter to Lord Ailesbury and will take care the two your 
 Lordship has ordered Mr. Bladen to deliver shall be done as you have 
 appointed. Lord Lindsey nor Rutland are not yet come to town but 
 the) shall have their letters as soon as they come. Mr. More and my 
 self will take care that there shall be lodgings prepared for you, though 
 I fear we shall not be able to get them very near the Parliament 
 house ; and if we take them you will be obliged to pay for them whether 
 you come or no and I fear dear for every thing is so here. I did speak 
 with Lord Norreys about getting some commoners to be bail for you 
 if you were brought down and Lords should be refused and he said 
 he believed Sir Thomas Spencer would be one and I asked him if he 
 did not think Mr. Dormer would be another, and he said he believed 
 he would scarce be one, and besides there were not any he could speak 
 with to do that, but must know your design which must be prejudiced 
 to you, and that there was greater likelihood of their not bailing you 
 at all than that they should refuse you to take Lords, so that I thought 
 he was unwilling to try ; but however he said he would think further 
 of it. I likewise delivered your commands to Lord Conway ; he presents 
 his service to you and bid me be sure to tell you he would readily do 
 his part wdien it came to him. My Lord Norreys asked me if I had 
 any instruction what sort of instrument must be sent to the Lieutenant 
 for the releasing you in case they carried it for having you bailed 
 without coming hither, and I found you had given me no instruction as to 
 that and that is the thing they are most inclined to do. They think as yet 
 to have your petition delivered to-morrow or on Thursday at furthest 
 but I believe it will be Thursday because Lord Culpeper and Trerice 
 are not yet come w T ho they have a mind to have here. They wish extremely 
 for Judge Weston to help them with precedents." 
 
425 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to his son, Viscount Latimer, in Oxford. Livij3byMSS - 
 
 1680-1, March 22 — " I have this day received yours by my son 
 Herbert, and I conclude you have received mine by my Lord Baiii. I 
 fear it may have diverted your getting my petition presented so soon as 
 you would have done, and I have therefore sent this purposely to desire 
 you to defer it no longer than Thursday, if you have not done it 
 already ; only I would by no means have it presented by my Lord 
 Winchelsea, who cannot take it ill that it is presented by one of my 
 brothers. Though I told you in my last that I would write some 
 additional instructions to my former, yet I have considered that more 
 resolutions may rather obstruct the good progress of old ones, and am 
 therefore resolved to venture upon the battle as it is already drawn up, 
 without any alterations; and desire my friends will not be diverted 
 unless upon some clear demonstrations to the contrary. Pray send 
 back this messenger or Robin as speedily as you can, that I may know 
 what is resolved, and in order to my journey I have at all adventures 
 sent coaches to lie at Wycombe to-morrow night, but I would not have 
 you say anything of that matter, only if there be no occasion for my 
 coming to Oxford, let the messenger as he comes by Wycombe give 
 order to my daughter Plymouth's coachman to return to London with 
 his horses, and to bid the hackney coach — which is there also — to return 
 likewise to London, or pursue what is best for himself. 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father, the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1681, March 23. Oxford — "All your friends are now agreed on to- 
 morrow for the delivery of your petition which I pray God send them 
 good success in. Here are come since the last list I sent you eight Lords 
 which were all sworn to-day namely these Lord Peterborough, Lord 
 North and Grey, Lord Hatton, Lord Conyers, Lord Colepepper, Lord 
 Denbigh, Lord Trerice, Lord St. Alban, but there is yet no news 
 of neither Lord Lindsey, nor Lord Rutland, Lord De La War, Lord 
 Yarmouth President, Privy Seal, Craven is gone again, Devonshire is 
 not here, nor Bristol, Berkshire, Rivers, Thanet, Sunderland, Carlisle, 
 Gilford, Camden, Morley, Lucas, Mowbray, Lincoln, Vaughan, all 
 these are wanting of your friends. Lord North bid me assure you that 
 he would be ready to serve you if any thing in relation to your 
 business came on. and I desired I might remind him of his promise. 
 The Lords have ordered the house to be called on Saturday, and this 
 morning they examined Mr. Brown about the not presenting the bill for 
 repealing of the 35th of the Queen and he told their Lordships that 
 he waited on the King with four bills and a little list of them to know 
 which should pass and which not and the King told him he would 
 only pass three of them and so went from him upon which he went 
 into the house, but presently bethinking himself and came back again 
 to know what should be done with the other, upon which the King 
 being talking with one in a corner of the Prince's Chamber he came and 
 told him he must let that bill alone in the box and not present it but it 
 is referred to a committe and Lord Bridgwater is to bring in his report 
 on Tuesday." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer, at Oxford. 
 
 1680-1, March 23 — " 1 hope you will have known the result of my 
 business before this comes to you, and I am heartily sorry it has not 
 sooner been put to an issue. This is to let you know the very un- 
 fortunate news of the death of Baron Weston this morning, and that 
 
426 
 
 LindseyMSS. Mr. Chapman is in town, with whom Mr. Longville hopes to prevail 
 to do your business for the money proposed, but is not yet assured 
 of it, and says he will write to you himself. I desire you would 
 speak to my Lord Conway to get Sir Richard Stote to be Baron of 
 the Exchequer, unless they have some better man for the King's 
 interest ; and besides, you may tell his Lordship that I would be glad 
 to have one friend amongst the judges, if that would be any argument 
 with his Majesty. You may say the same also to my Lord Bath." 
 
 [The Same] 1o [the Same.] 
 
 Same date — " I have written the enclosed in a style as finding fault with 
 you, because I must not do so with others, and I would have you shew 
 it amongst them, complaining how unfortunate you are in my thinking 
 it your fault that my business has been so ill managed ; but I assure 
 you I do not impute to you, but very much to others and especially 
 some relations. Pray give my thanks to Lord Clarendon, my Lord 
 Hatton, and Lord Nortb, and let me know if Salisbury and Bridge- 
 water said anything upon delivery of my letters. Let me know how 
 the King behaved himself, and what he says since and pray let it 
 be observed to him by Lord Conway and Lord Bath how my Lord 
 Halifax runs the business upon that rock of the house of Commons, 
 which I would have avoided by petitioning only for bail. I have sent 
 for the coaches away from Wycombe, and I hope you have taken no 
 lodgings at Oxford, or if you have pray let them be discharged. When 
 you have heard what others say about bringing en my business again 
 on Monday or not, pray ask my Lord Conway alone, and my Lord 
 Arundell of Trerice by himself what their opinion is, and if my Lord 
 Conway's opinion be absolute any way, I would have his advice followed^ 
 and delivered to the rest of my friends as my desire to them. Pray send 
 me word who delivered my petition, and who supported it. The 
 enclosed to my Lord Conway is only to ask his advice on this subject, 
 and I would have you speak to my Lord Bath as from yourself, that 
 you desire he would write to me for your sake, to give me satisfaction 
 in your conduct of my business, and tell him you can send his letter 
 at any time by one of your father's own servants." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1681, March 24. Oxford — " I can assure your Lordship I have 
 obeyed your commands to every point as both my Lord Bath, Lord 
 Norreys and Culpeper and others of your friends can testify, and it 
 is necessary I should say this to justify myself, for though I have 
 never so firm promises from them both in the House and out of it, yet 
 when they come to it they will neither do what they are desired nor 
 what they promised, for I got both Lord Newcastle, Lord Ailesburj', 
 Berkeley, Chesterfield, Bath, Trerice, Culpeper, Frecheville, and all 
 your friends never to go off the business without a question ; and not- 
 withstanding all this, after Howard of Escrick and Shaftesbury and 
 Halifax, Salisbury, Grey of Warke, Essex, Bridgwater — who was not 
 so fierce as the rest — who all spoke mightily how improper it was to 
 deliver such a petition but however at this time. Shaftesbury said that 
 of a man of such parts you had been very unfortunate or the worst 
 advised in the world in two things, the first was in the taking the plea 
 you did, and what is worse if possible your petitioning at this time, 
 and Halifax said it was to ruin all the King's business and make 
 difference between the Houses and that your petition should rather 
 
427 
 
 Lave been for trial, and that this was improper ; after which your friends IND ^_- 
 
 having answered them three or four times and Halifax and others 
 
 insisting to have the Commons sent to in the first place to know whether 
 
 they were ready for trial I could not hinder your friends from agreeing 
 
 to put it of till Monday, and they then laid the fault on one another, 
 
 but I could make none of them bring it to the question though I 
 
 pressed it to the laf>t degree. Your Lordship is obliged to Lord 
 
 Clarendon for he spoke very handsomely for you two or three times, 
 
 and for not laying it aside to another day. Your Lordship is likewise 
 
 obliged to my Lord Hatton, for I got him. to get what was entered in 
 
 their books in relation to the bail of Scroggs ; and going to wait on him 
 
 for it, he frankly told me he was to deliver a petition on Thursday 
 
 morning for either trying of Scroggs or freeing him ; so then I (old 
 
 him I belived your petition would be delivered that day and begged that 
 
 he would not deliver it before yours was read and he was so kind he 
 
 did not. My Lord, here is no judges here nor any lawyer, but the 
 
 attorney and your friends want one extremely, I hope your Lordship 
 
 will pardon me writing for I am so distracted at this day's work I can 
 
 scarce write since for fear you should think it has miscarried through 
 
 me, but I vow to Grod I have done everything according to your 
 
 direction and upon that account Lord Bath and I brought it on ; for 
 
 Halifax said he would be for it if we stayed till Monday but I had 
 
 the King's leave." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1681, March 25. Oxford — "This day has passed without anything 
 being done in the House of Lords but reading petitions. But the 
 House of Commons have taken up your business from news without 
 doors, and thereupon ordered a committee to search the Lords books 
 what proceedings did appear against you and to make a report 
 to the house, which accordingly they did, and they have since ordered 
 my Lord Cavendish to carry up a message to the Lords to put their 
 Lordships in mind that he had formerly demanded judgment of their 
 Lordships against the Earl of Danby and now desire their Lordships 
 to appoint a day when they will give it, and this is to be carried up 
 to-morrow morning. Sir Richard Grayhams told me he thought 
 they were but ill prepared for it. Most of your friends think your 
 petition was but ill timed ; they say since, but few or none said so the 
 night before. In the morning most were against the delivering it then 
 because my Lord Halifax said he would be against it being delivered 
 then, and for it we stayed till Monday. But I told tbem that your 
 Lordship was desirous to have it delivered as soon as possible after 
 your friends did appear to be the greater number, which we were 
 considerably if they durst have owned themselves to be so, but the other 
 party has got an art to fright them when they please out of any thing, 
 for nothing I could say or do could ever get them to stick to a 
 question, and indeed I never saw mens hearts so sunk as theirs is yet 
 with that day's opposition, and most of bishops are ready to creep into 
 mouse holes, as I believe your Lordship will find by a letter from my 
 Lord Loudon which I have sent with one from the Duke of Newcastle 
 and another from Lord Ailesbury, with all which I was advised to send 
 an express. My Lord Conway has promised to speak to the King 
 about Sir Hichard Stote, but Lord Bath was unwilling, and said I had 
 better speak to the Duke of Newcastle who was his friend and knew 
 him. I forgot to let your Lordship know that my Lord Norreys and 
 Bath had agreed to put off your business till Monday next if the King 
 
428 
 
 Lindset mss. would have promised he would neither have prorogued nor dissolved 
 the Parliament before your petition was read, but the King said that 
 they were likely to be so high that he could not promise any such 
 thing, and that he would not be guilty of making you lose time, but 
 would assist you to all his friends. The passion I was in to see our 
 friends behave themselves so poorly made me forget one thing for 
 which I ask your Lordship ten thousand pardons and that was the 
 bidding Charles send the coaches word to return back, which I would pay 
 for with all my heart if you would but forgive me for it is the only 
 neglect. 
 
 "Mr. Secretary Jenkins has been very much under the displeasure of 
 the House of Commons for the refusing to carry up an impeachment 
 against Fitz-Harris for he said it reflected upon the King. This 
 impeachment is to defend him from the proceedings of other courts and 
 capacitate him for the King's pardon, being a material witness. My 
 Lord Norreys wishes that there were some one Lord appointed to direct 
 and govern the rest and every one to obey him through all your 
 business, here are now come down Judge Raymond and Charleton, and 
 Sundet and Ward were sworn to-day." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 Same date — " Since my writing the first I am not sorry that I have 
 stopped the coaches, for since your friends are of opinion upon this 
 resolution of the House of Commons to have you in readiness to come 
 down on Sunday, for they are resolved when they come to respite 
 appointing a day till Monday, and you shall have another messenger 
 to-morrow night with an order to the Lieutenant to bring you down 
 and also to let you know what is done, and if you would send word 
 before what day you would have appointed they would be sure to fix 
 on it, only they would have you set a short one for fear the Parlia- 
 ment should be broken." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to his son [Viscount Latimer], 
 
 1681, March 25 — " I have this morning received yours of yesterday by 
 the page, with the worst news it could have broughl me, which is the 
 putting off the debate of my business without a question ; for I should 
 have remained satisfied with any thing but that. I do not believe you 
 have been intentionally in any fault, but I cannot believe it possible that 
 — the number of my friends then present being much the stronger, and it 
 being in the power of any one of them to have a question — it should not 
 have been brought to a question without a failure in your solicitation. 
 Besides you write me that some — who I did not expect to be friends, 
 and much less to have spoken on my behalf — did both speak and 
 insist not to have had it laid aside without a question. I am now in 
 great dispute with myself whether it were not better to let the debate 
 quite fall, than reserve it on Monday, for what my Lord Halifax did 
 falsely urge as an argument yesterday, viz. — that my petition was im- 
 proper, and ought to have been for being tried — and that it would 
 obstruct the King's business may perhaps be true by sending to the 
 Commons, which I hoped would not have been needful in a peer's case, 
 when it was not thought so in the case of Judge Scroggs. Besides the 
 intent of my petitioning only for bail was to keep it within the com- 
 pass of the Lords themselves, for that although the Commons would 
 proceed to my trial, yet the Lords I hoped would have bailed me till 
 that time, and I can scarce doubt but if a question could have been 
 
429 
 
 obtained, they would have done so ; but by my Lord Halifax his lindsey MSS. 
 argument — which has prevailed — they have in a manner gained the point 
 of making my business the bone betwixt the Houses, which perhaps he 
 meant, and could in truth be the only mischief my enemies could hope 
 to do me. 
 
 " As the case stands, I desire you will consult my friends, whether it 
 may not now be worse to stir a baffled business so soon again, for 
 when the weaker party can give a stand to a certain stronger one, it 
 seldom happens but thac the weaker one prevails at the next onset ; 
 and then the King may perhaps be displeased, as well as I prejudiced 
 yet more than I am already. If you find a great diffidence upon this 
 discourse amongst my friends, pray let them know I desire it may be 
 respited for some time longer, and not renewed on Monday. You must 
 present my most humble service and acknowledgments to them, and you 
 shall spc" lily hear again." 
 
 The Same to [the Same]. 
 
 1681, March 26 — " Robin was here with your letters by seven a clock 
 this morning, but I could not answer them till I had spoken to some 
 counsel, which I could not get to me till this time ; but I considered 
 that the prejudice could not be great, tomorrow being Sunday, and thac 
 you will have this in the forenoon. 
 
 " My counsel have considered — by the words of your letter — that as 
 the Commons had formerly demanded judgment against me, so they now 
 desire the Lords to appoint a day to give it; and thereupon they con- 
 ceive the intention of the Commons to be, only to have judgment pro- 
 nounced by the Lords against my pardon — being my plea — without being 
 either heard themselves against the pardon, or my counsel for it ; and 
 if so, I am advised and shall willingly leave the matter on my part with 
 the Lords without saying any thing, if the Commons intend to do so on 
 theirs ; and then their Lordships may appoint as short a day as they 
 please. But if it be intended there shall be a hearing on both sides, 
 I am content — but it must not be known there is any privity of mine 
 in the matter, more than to two or three of my nearest friends — that 
 Wednesday come sevennight may be appointed for the day of giving 
 judgment upon the pardon. You must observe, that the reason why 
 the naming of a day in my absence ought to be supposed to be the 
 act of the house, and not by my approbation, is because I am to be at 
 liberty, when I am brought to the bar, to demand a further day or not as 
 I shall see occasion. 
 
 " In case the Lords shall appoint a day before my coming to the bar — 
 which the lawyers do not think they will do — great care must be taken 
 in wording the order, viz. : — In case the Lords intend to give judgment 
 without hearing either my accusers or me — then the order to be. 
 
 " That the Lords do appoint such a day — which may be as short as Note the 
 they please — to give judgment upon the pardon of the Earl of Danby difference of 
 and not as they did on the 7th of May 1679, viz : That Saturday next * he words in 
 is appointed for hearing of the Earl of Danby to make good the plea 
 of his pardon. 
 
 " But in case it be intended, that both my accusers and I are to be 
 heard — and that Wednesday sevennight be appointed for the day — then 
 counsel is to be assigned — which it is supposed will not be but when 
 I am present to desire them — but if any order should be made of that 
 kind before my coming to Oxford, that order should be, 
 
430 
 
 Lindset MSS. " That the Lords do appoint sudi a day, and do order counsel to the 
 
 Earl of Danby to answer all objections which shall be made 
 
 at that time against the pardon of the said Earl. 
 
 " And not as before to appoint counsel for the making good of the 
 
 validity of the pardon. " Because I nor my counsel have nothing to 
 
 do but to demand that my pardon should be allowed, until some 
 
 objection be made against the validity of it ; and then the business 
 
 of my counsel is to answer those objections, and not to say any thing 
 
 till then. 
 
 " I have not time to write to my Lord Newcastle, nor those other 
 Lords from whom I had the honour to receive letters, but you must 
 present my humble service and thanks to them, and I suppose I shall 
 be sent for so speedily as to do it at Oxford myself. 
 " I am glad you stopped the coaches." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1681, March 26. Oxford — "I received both yours by Mr. Charles 
 and likewise that for my Lord Conway, but I could not yet deliver his 
 for he was not to be found, though I intend to go again about ten at 
 night. I. am glad since your Lordship has been so kind as to assure me 
 you do not think my fault that your Lordship has sent that letter 
 wherein it appears as if you had thought it was, for I have shewed 
 it to most of your speaking friends and I hope it will make them 
 carefuller for the future and stick better to you, though since I am of 
 opinion that all the Bishops would have been for laying aside the 
 debate till Monday and that you would have lost some of your court 
 friends if it had come to the question, and among the rest my Lord 
 Norreys says, Lord Conway and Lord Chesterfield and Lord Culpeper 
 was wavering and I believe is much changed in his opinion since his 
 coming from London, though I must do him the right to own he 
 made one very good speech in your behalf that day ; but I fear Lord 
 Halifax power at this time works a little on his Lordship. As to 
 the account your Lordship would have about who held up the debate 
 and who declined it, the best way I think is to let you understand 
 who spoke in it. First Lord Norreys delivered the petition, opened 
 it, and spoke to it, then Lord Ailesbury he spoke how great a 
 hardship it was that you had lain so long there without relief, and 
 quoted precedents which were to shew you might be bailed and pressed 
 for a question Lord Newcastle thirded it and desired to agree, North- 
 ampton fourthed, Berkeley fifthed, Trerice sixthed, Lord Howard of 
 Escrick was first spoke against it on their side then Shaftesbury 
 then Halifax, Gray, Essex, Salisbury, Bridgwater, but moderate. Then 
 Culpeper answer them and spoke very well. Shaftesbury answered and 
 said how unparliamentary it was, and Halifax speaking after and 
 saying it looked as if it was designed to make a dispute between the 
 houses and to ruin the Kings business, upon which the court Lords 
 and Bishops run so in to the motion of adjourning it till Monday that 
 Lord Arundel, of Trerice thought we should lose it if it come to a 
 question and so agreed to put it off. Mr. Bladen delivered both the 
 letters but first my Lord Bridge water's, he said what my Lord puts in 
 a petition, and B answered him yes. He said he had no enmity to \our 
 Lordship and that he did not know what to say to it till he heard it, 
 but he would then serve you as far as the thing would bear. My 
 Lord Salisbury would have put up the letter when he had read it without 
 saying anything to him but he asked him if he had any commands. He 
 asked him if he knew what the business was, and he answered yes, 
 
431 
 
 and my Lord told him he feared it was not practicable public ; in Linpsey mss. 
 
 concerns they must go according to justice, and that he would serve — 
 
 you as far as that would give him leave. My Lord Cavendish came up 
 
 from the Commons to day to desire their Lordships to appoint a day to 
 
 give judgment against you, and Lord Clarendon — who I waited on to give 
 
 him thanks for his kindness on Thursday — desired the consideration of 
 
 that might be adjourned till Monday which he did at the desire of your 
 
 friends, and it is appointed to be the first thing on Monday. There 
 
 came a message also from the Commons to desire a conference upon 
 
 matters of great importance relating to the constitution of Parliaments in 
 
 passing of bills. An impeachment brought up by Secretary Jenkins 
 
 much against his will for he refused it yesterday so long that he had 
 
 like to had him to the bar, but the Lords have rejected the impeachment 
 
 and have left him to the common law, at which the Commons are so 
 
 angry that they have voted they have an undoubted right of impeachiug 
 
 either Lords or Commons, and that the Lords rejecting the impeachment 
 
 is arbitrary and illegal and tends to the encouraging popery. The 
 
 Duke of Monmouth reports from the conference for passing bills in 
 
 which a committee was desired to be appointed of both Houses for to 
 
 consider of the punishment the Lords clerk Mr. Brown. After this Mr. 
 
 Attorney read the examination of Fitz Harris which is the damnablest 
 
 thing I ever heard. I have spoke to my Lord Bath to take notice to the 
 
 King of my Lord Halifax behaviour and will do the same to Lord 
 
 Conway. I am told that Sir William Jones says that the Commons 
 
 have caught themselves in demanding judgment against you ; for that 
 
 unless you demand to be heard they must be forced to acquiesce in 
 
 that judgment. I forgot also to tell you that the Commons have voted 
 
 that any judge that shall dare to condemn Fitz Harris shall be guilty 
 
 of murder. The Bishops gave their votes to have him prosecuted at law 
 
 notwithstanding he was impeached." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1681, March 28 — "What I have all alcng feared is now come to 
 pass for the King has dissolved this Parliament ; notwithstanding which 
 the Lord Norreys moved your business, and the Duke of Monmouth to 
 put it off desired an answer might be given to a petition of one Mr. 
 Saintlegers which was appointed for the same day but after yours, so 
 that it was only designed to put it off ; but my Lord Norryes still 
 pressing for your business the two had some words and my Lord 
 Norreys would have brought it to the question. In the mean time the 
 King went out and came in again in his robes and presently sent for the 
 House of Commons and dissolved the House with these words. ' My 
 Lords and gentlemen of the House of Commons I think the world may be 
 sufficiently satisfied whose fault it has been that we have not had a 
 better agreement when you fall into such heats, or to this purpose, and 
 therefore my Lord Chancellor I command you to do as I bid you, and 
 Lord Chancellor dissolved them. After this was done Lord Rutland — 
 who is now come to town and intends to write to you from Belvoir and 
 presents his service to you, now bid me assure you he should have 
 been glad to have obeyed your letter but that there was no occasion — and 
 Lord Bath and Lord Ailesbury, Lord Norryes and myself desired the 
 King that since your Lordship had for fear of disturbing his business 
 only petitioned for bail and likewise that they had deferred the first 
 day they bring it to a question whether you should be bailed or no for 
 his service, that bis Majesty would please to find some way to do it 
 himself, which he promised he would and told us we need not 
 
432 
 
 LindseyMSS. doubt it. I dined with twenty Lords all your friends who nil drunk your 
 health and to your enlargement." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1681, April 3 — " I would have your brother Dumblane to go on 
 Tuesday to see my Lord and Lady Carnarvon from me, if they be at 
 Eythrop, and to return my humble thanks to both of them for my 
 Lord's being so early at Oxford, and pray remember me kindly to Mr. 
 More, and tell him that 1 hope I may live to make some return of his 
 kindness to me. The King gives me some fresh hopes of his favour 
 for my liberty, and because I would not let that good humor fall, is 
 the reason of my sending the sooner for you." 
 
 Lord .Nqrreys to his brother- [in-law, the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1681, April 5. Eycote — I am glad to hear of the King's kindness to 
 you, though it is no more than he promised me and others of your 
 friends before he left Oxford. I hope it may hold out to restore you 
 your liberty. 
 
 [The Earl of Bath] to [the Countess of Danby.] 
 
 [1681], April 7 — "I hope mine of yesterday with the enclosed book 
 came safe by the page. Since that the King called me to him and 
 asked me when your papers would be ready, which he desired to see as 
 soon as possible, and had stayed some days only for it but could no 
 longer than the end of this week or the beginning of the next at 
 farthest, and bid me to signify so much to you and bring your answer, 
 which pray send to me as soon as you please and what else I shall say 
 on that subject. Afterwards when his Majesty had ended the Earl of 
 Conway spoke to me to the same effect, I then asked him whether he 
 had written any answer to your last. He told me he had not because he 
 was in daily expectation of coming about that business you know of; 
 and a personal conference would be best, however he said he would 
 omit writing to you no longer, so that I believe you will have a letter 
 from him this day if you had not last night. The Chancellor of Ex- 
 chequer promised to be with you yesterday afternoon and give you an 
 account of your commands which he performed very well." 
 
 [The Same] to the Same. 
 
 1681, April 12 — "I would have no time lost especially since you 
 hear of the new Chief Justice Pemberton in the place of Scroggs to 
 our admiration, as yet not comprehending the mystery, but when I know 
 you shall. Sergeant Street is designed the other new Judge. I had 
 forgot to speak to you about the return of the papers and the journal 
 book which are desired to be sealed up in a cover as they were sent, 
 and if you please to send them to me I shall see them carefully delivered 
 back again ; about which I have been spoken to already two or three 
 times pretending the said papers and book were borrowed of another. 
 If that Lord doth not intend to give you a speedy meeting, which I wish 
 might be, you ought I think to defer no longer writing to the King, 
 which letter I conceive necessary to go before your petition." 
 
433 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to Lord Latimer, at Whitehall. 
 
 1681, April 13 — Requesting him to ask Lord Bath to come and see 
 him the next day. 
 
 [The Earl of Bath] to the E^rl [of Danby]. 
 1681, April 20 — Excusing himself for not having been to see him. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to [Viscount Latimer]. 
 
 [1681,] April 27 — " I had sent to you sooner but that I have been 
 all this morning in expectation to hear from Mr. Northey who I 
 employed to get me the opinion of another counsel concerning the 
 matter of my discharge, being desirous to have fortified the former 
 opinions in that case as much as I was able; but I have not yet heard 
 from him, so that I am not able to say any thing more to you, than I 
 have done already, saving that I have given order by advice of my 
 counsel to have a petition drawn to the King to pray his Majesty to 
 give directions to his Attorney General — in case his Majesty shall not 
 think fit to release me — to acquaint the Court of King's Bench, that 
 his Majesty does consent — by reason of his pardon — to have me bailed 
 till the next Parliament. 
 
 I think it necessary, because of the King's going out of town to 
 morrow, that my said petition should be presented to his Majesty this 
 afternoon in Council, but that the King should be acquainted with it 
 before hand, for his leave to do it. 
 
 Postscript. I would not have you say any thing at all to the King 
 concerning the petition, if you shall find any probable appearance ot" 
 his putting any other way in execution for my release. 
 
 If there shall be any thing said against the validity of the pardon — as 
 you hinted to me last night — I desire the King may be informed that in 
 what other point soever counsel may have differed in their opinions, 
 yet they have all been unanimous that the pardon was not at all the 
 less valid for not having passed all the offices, and I hope his Majesty 
 will not endeavour to make his own power — abstracted from his officers 
 — less then ail other men agree it to be ; insomuch that if any body have 
 made use of that argument to his Majesty it hath been but an artificial 
 pretence to make him the more backwards in adhering to this present 
 pardon." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1681, May 14 — "It is unfit for me to make any reflections upon 
 the politics. But, I am the greatest admirer in the world and it 
 pleases me sometimes to guess at the present transactions. I have a 
 cock and a hen pheasant that often lie under the weeds or nettles in my 
 bowling green, and though every person sees them they believe them- 
 selves invisible ; I will leave the application to your Lordship. And I 
 cannot believe, knowing so much as you do, but if you were at liberty 
 you would really think your self happier at Kiveton than in the 
 highest sphere of Court preferment. The news books informed me 
 this morning of Fitz Harris his trial ; and I am sorry to observe that 
 law by which property and life is tried is es blind a science as physic, 
 for I perceive Judge Holden is so prudential a man as to differ from 
 the rest of his brethren. It were happy the laws were less intricate 
 or the judges so learned as to be unanimous, for when they are of 
 different opinions it makes law a nose of wax, no longer a protection 
 
 Lindsey MSS. 
 
434 
 
 LindsetMSS. for mens lives and fortunes, and the humour of the people and the 
 violence of the times shall run down and ruin persons of the 
 greatest integrity and honour-law is our only rule and when it is one 
 thing to day and another thing tomorrow, how shall we know how to 
 act." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his father, the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1681, May 17 — " I waited on Mr. Attorney, where I was forced to 
 wait till my Lady Yarmouth and Peterborow came out, which was three 
 hours, so at last I spoke with him both about the patent, which I 
 delivered him, and afterwards about getting you a copy of the indictment 
 against you, which he has promised to send for as for him self, and 
 will send you a copy which he says shall be ready to morrow with 
 the bill if* you write for it, and the patent to be returned of Mr. 
 Johnsons and therefore if your Lordship send John Laugwith with your 
 letter he may have them and then they may be delivered to Lord 
 Conway so as to be signed by Thursday night at Hampton Court. I 
 met with Courtney my Lord Bath's solicitor who told me that Sir 
 Edward Godfrey's brother says that you sent Sergeant Eamsey tor him 
 after the death of his brother and you told him you would do what you 
 could to get him his brother's estate and that you believed the King 
 would make search after him, but you would not have him press the 
 King too much upon that, he having very great affairs on his hands 
 at that time. Mr. Longueville desired me to send his remarks on 
 Fitz-Harris'es accusation. When his first narrative was given not one 
 w r ord of the E. D. and though he knew positively to speak against the 
 E. D. and only by hearsay against ihe Queen or Duke. What sort of 
 evidence will Fitz[ Harris] be in respect of what he pretends Lord D. said 
 to him self and what Depuie told him of you. Much that Kelley at 
 Callis Depuie here you at Windsor should vapour or be so free in talk 
 of so horrid a thiDg however intimate with Fitz. Whether an impeatch- 
 ment in Parliament for treason and other crimes may be indicted in 
 interval of Parliament and how may it be proved the days Fitz 
 named to have heard your Lordship in his evidence and how material 
 will time be, and whether waving the pardon pleaded may be of 
 prejudice if there be in it such words as pardon murder." 
 
 The Earl of D[anby] to Viscount Latimer, at Windsor. 
 
 1681, May 18 — "I have written the inclosed to the Kins: to pray for 
 a speedy trial, and intend to send a petition to the same purpose to the 
 Council tomorrow. Deliver tne letter as soon as you can, and get 
 his Majesty's promise if you can that I shall have a speedy trial granted 
 me. You must not fail to be at Hampton Court tomorrow before 
 the King, that you may speak with my Lord Bath before the Council 
 sits, who will be there for that purpose. I v. ould have you to deliver 
 my petition in Council yourself at the sitting down of the Council, 
 and I will send the petition to you to Hampton Court to meet you there. 
 1 know of no other instructions that are necessary for you, but if there 
 be, you will receive them by my Lord Bath. I received your letter, 
 but shall let those matters ivst, till I speak with you, which I would do 
 tomorrow when you come from Hampton Court. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1681, May 31 — I have enclosed "the petition which I will have you 
 deliver to the King in Council on Thursday ; but you may do well to 
 
435 
 
 shew it and the papers to his Majesty before. I would have you also to LikdmyMSS. 
 
 show the petition and papers annexed to it to my Lord Conway and to 
 
 my Lord Chancellor when you see him, with my humble service to them 
 
 both. I have sent you also a copy of my narrative which I sent to the 
 
 Council ; but I send you that only to shew those who desire satisfaction 
 
 in that matter ; and the rest of that story and the intercepted letter of 
 
 Magrath's I hope will be made public by the Council. Mr. Chancellor 
 
 of the Exchequer has promised to send you this as soon as he arrives 
 
 at Windsor which is to be tomorrow." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16]81,June 29. Windsor — "Your Lordship had before this had 
 an account what answer 1 had to your letter, but that yesterday came 
 down Mrs. FitzHarris to petition the King about either saving or 
 reprieving her husband, and her maid with her, that have both of them 
 delivered two petitions, but I do not yet know what their taste were, and 
 therefore I waited till now to have informed myself whether any mercy 
 would be shew'd FitzHarris, but I find by my Lord Conway there will 
 be none. Your Lordship knows as well as I — by this — that Haines is 
 taken, and the King told me he was sure to have him when I delivered 
 your letter. When he told me this morning, which he did in bed at 
 the tennis court, that Haines was taken, I told him in his ear that if 
 he was well examined I believed my Lord Howard would not have much 
 occasion to be pleased with what I had heard reported he should say, 
 which was that he would not now go out of the Tower if could, except 
 the King commanded him ; for if the Parliament sat he was sure it 
 would send for him and he durst not refuse letting him come out. The 
 King bid me assure you that you should see this matter prosecuted. 
 Lord Halifax and Conway are very great and Seymour. They have 
 been very diligent in their attendance and are in his closet twice or 
 thrice a day. We go for Hampton Court tomorrow." 
 
 B. Countess of Danby to her son, Viscount Latimer, at the House. 
 
 No date. Cockpit — " Remember our friend. Tomorrow is the day, 
 and his wife begs to know what is done. I stay here to speak to you 
 from my Lord as soon as you can." 
 
 [Viscount Latimer] to [the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [16]81, July 1 — ''According to my information in my last, Fitz 
 Harris has found no mercy for all his wife's importunity here ; and the 
 King says that the rest of those that he can find to be in the same 
 villany shall find no more than he has done, and that it shall be looked 
 into as far as is possible. Mr. Seymour and Lord Hyde came along by his 
 command hither from Hampton Court, and went for London today." 
 
 [The Earl of Danby.] 
 
 1631, July 5 — " Mr. King told me that there was great endeavours 
 used to make some of the witnesses against Lord Shaftesbury deny what 
 they had said against him and particularly that there was a young man 
 who had been with Secretary Jenkins this day or yesterday who intended 
 to confess himself to have been suborned to swear against Lord 
 Shaftesbury. He told me that the said young man did wear his own 
 hair. 
 
 U 77960. 
 
 F F 
 
p 
 
 436 
 
 Lindsey MSS. He said also that if Justice Warcop was not employed by the 
 Secretaries or that he gave them information he must needs be a 
 rogue, for that on Sunday last in the afternoon he saw him with 
 Whittaker and with one of the Irish witnesses at the Garter tavern 
 near Charing Cross from whence he went with one of them. 
 
 Dr. Hawkins said also this night before the Lieutenant of the Tower 
 and me that Mrs. litzHarris had said that Mrs. Whittaker had been with 
 her from the Earl of Shaftesbury the day before Mr. FitzHarris suffered,, 
 to assure her that she should have the three hundred pounds intended 
 to her husband if she would prevail with her husband to say nothin 
 at his execution against any body. 
 
 To send notice of Colonel Scott's pretence of speaking with some of 
 my servants." 
 
 The Earl op Danbf to Viscount Latimer, at Windsor. 
 
 1681, July 6 — I would have you put Sir E. Floyd or Sir John 
 Nicholas in mind of reminding the Council " of the paper endeavouring 
 to suborn one Bung to swear against me." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1681, July 14. Windsor Castle — •" Having this from this King's 
 mouth and not hearing it from any before, I ventured to send it you 
 — and I believe it will surprise you as well as me — and that is that 
 the Prince of Orange will be here as soon as the wind will serve him." 
 
 The Earl op Danby to the Countess op Danby, at Wimbledon. 
 
 1681, July 14—" The custom of finding a dinner ready at the Tower 
 is grown so habitual, and to so many, that I find it impracticable to 
 continue it but with the same expence as when the rest of my family 
 was here, so that I begin on Saturday next to put my whole family to 
 board wages, and bespeak only what you and I have a mind to 
 ourselves. 
 
 I desire that whatever is yet to finish at Wimbledon may be done, 
 that all sorts of workmen may be got out of the house." 
 
 Sir J[ohn] Reresby to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [1681,] July 18. Thriberg — Giving an account of a great feast at 
 which he had been present, given by the Earl of Lindsey at Grantham. 
 Signet. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the King. 
 
 1681, July 22 — "I did formerly presume to give your Majesty a 
 trouble on the behalf of my Lord Norreys, begging that amongst 
 others who have not so well deserved that favour from your Majesty 
 you would be pleased to confer the title of an Earl upon his Lordship. 
 I know your Majesty will be solicited by others to do him that honour, 
 to whom perhaps your Majesty will not refuse it, and it would be a 
 greater hardship then I hope I have deserved, if your Majesty should 
 let so near a relation see, that you are willing to shew him such a mark 
 of your favour, but only that 1 should not be the instrument of pro- 
 curing it. I confess I wish that every man might own such obliga- 
 tions to nobody but yourself, and that all who receive them might make 
 more dutiful returns to your Majesty than many have done. I dare 
 
437 
 
 answer for my Lord Norreys his gratitude and faithful services, and if Linpsey MSS. 
 your Majesty would give me leave only to send him your commands 
 to wait upon your Majesty, and that you would acquaint him your self 
 with your gracious intentions to him, I am sure he would be over- 
 joyed with the manner of your Majesty's doing it, more than with the 
 thing it self." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 1681, August 14. Windsor Castle — Giving news from the Court. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] \o Sir Henry Goodricke, Envoy at 
 
 Madrid. 
 
 1681, September 11. The Tower — Your Lady " will give you the 
 best account in what posture things stand here at present, but they 
 change so often, and upon such small appearances of good or bad 
 fortune, as it is construed by the Court or the factions against it, that 
 it is beyond the wisest man's understanding to ground more than a 
 conjecture upon any thing. 
 
 " I conceive one of the greatest dangers of discontent would be if so 
 great a misfortune should happen to us — though all this part of the world 
 must be concerned in it — as the exchange of the Spanish Netherlands 
 to the French, which is not only reported generally, but is industriously 
 given out by Don Pedro Ronquillos and all his domestics. But as it is 
 not ill policy in him to hold such discourse — whether true or no — so 
 I hope it may possibly work some good effects amongst us if any thing 
 can make us sensible of those dangers which are really greatest. I beg 
 to hear what you discern into that matter of the exchange because it 
 can hardly be so carried but that something of it must appear in the 
 Spanish Court if it be really intended by them. I should be glad 
 also to know whether Sir William Grodolphin intend speedily for 
 England or no because a relation of mine hath some money concerns 
 with him." 
 
 Lord Norreys to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 1681, November 8. Chesterton — Dissuading him from a marriage 
 suggested between Lord Latimer and one of the daughters of Sir 
 Thomas Chamberlaine, on the ground that " their aunt — who governs 
 all — was Prideaux's daughter and is my Lord Shaftesbury's kins- 
 woman." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1681, November 19 — " I have been very busily employ'd this summer 
 in promoting that which I thought would be for his Majesty's service 
 in these parts. But Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy was of a different 
 opinion from me, and I fear he hath too much credit with his 
 Majesty, who according to his usual method seems to cut a feather 
 between us. I wish he may find the effects of his great moderation, 
 and then I shall rejoice who have no other ends but conscientiously to 
 perform my duty to God and my Prince." 
 
 The Countess of Danby to her daughter [in-law], Viscountess 
 
 Dumblaine. 
 
 1682, July 14— " Pray let no melancholy thoughts take any place in 
 your mind, as to occasion the least disturbance to you. I hope in Goxl a 
 
 F F 2 
 
438 
 
 LindsetMSS. little time, and your patience will through his mercy, let us see all 
 these clouds blown over, both to you and my dear son's joy, and 
 my comfort, that so God Almighty may bless us in rendering this 
 happiness to us all." 
 
 The Earl of Chesterfield to [the Earl of Danby]. 
 
 168-.*, April 13 — Promising to lend him 5,000/. on the security of his 
 bond and that of Mr. Charles Bertie and Mr. Peregrine Bertie, and also 
 promising not to mention the matter to anybody living. 
 
 Anthony Ettrick to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16]83-4, January 9 — I this morning asked one of the two dissenters, 
 desiring him very seriously to tell me what he thought in the business of 
 bailing the Lords in the Tower. He told me he thought they would 
 not be bailed. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the King. 
 
 1683-4, January 17 — "The term being very near and very short 
 I beseech your Majesty give me leave to address again to you for 
 your gracious assistance in relation to my liberty. I have made it my 
 business to inform myself what both I and the other Lords here are 
 like to meet with from the Judges of the King's Bench if they be 
 left to themselves, as also by what influences they may be disposed 
 to do us justice, and I beg leave to let your Majesty know it. As to 
 my Lord Chief Justice he has done me the favour to let me know 
 that he is not only of opinion that I ought to be bailed but he thinks 
 the refusal of it thus long to have been against all law. He has sent 
 me word also that although a greater man then himself of the long 
 robe be of another opinion, it is apparent that opinion proceeds from 
 other reasons than the law, but that he has desired of your Majesty and 
 you have been pleased to grant his request in it that he may not at any 
 time be brought to open disputes with that great man, but that he may 
 privately give your Majesty his reasons when he differs from him in 
 opinion, and since your Majesty has allowed him this liberty in your 
 own concerns he says he hopes I will not expect his appearing 
 upon the open stage against that man's opinion in my affair otherwise 
 than in delivering his single judgment upon the bench when it comes 
 judicially before him. For this reason also he says I am not to expect 
 from him that he shall say any thing to the judges beforehand, but that 
 if your Majesty would yourself please to let them understand your 
 mind the work would be very easy ; and he gave me further to 
 understand that if he should but seem to concern himself for me so 
 far as to speak to the Judges about me he should presently be looked 
 upon as a solicitor for me which might do him hurt and me no good, for 
 that I know his circumstances very well and how his obligations at 
 Court stood. I hope I shall not do the Chief Justice any prejudice by 
 letting your Majesty know this, but I am sure the conditions of your 
 innocent subjects are so sad under those circumstances that I cannot 
 but let your Majesty have the knowledge of it whose nature and 
 justice is to have your subjects to enjoy their liberties according to the 
 truth of the laws, and not by the tricks and artifices of those who should 
 disgrace them. The other three judges of that Bench are all in their 
 private discourses of opinion that all the prisoners here ought to be 
 bailed, but my Lord Keeper's influence is so particularly great upon 
 
439 
 
 Judge Hollo way as makes him insist more strongly than the rest to LindseyMSS. 
 
 have the opinions of all the twelve Judges in our cases, by which my 
 
 Lord Keeper hopes to get a judgment from the majority of the twelve 
 
 that nothing but a Parliament can relieve us, and then if there shall be 
 
 no Parliament within the time limited by the Act — as my son told me 
 
 your Majesty was pleased to say to him there would not — there might 
 
 be a foundation laid to keep us here all our lives ; and though that 
 
 foundation were never so false yet we should be without remedy 
 
 whilst that doctrine should continue to be imposed upon your Majesty 
 
 for law. Judge Wy thins and Walcott I believe are much at the 
 
 devotion of his Royal Highness who I doubt not but considers the 
 
 conditions of those Lords here who look upon themselves as his 
 
 martyrs. And now as I have presumed to lay before your Majesty this 
 
 true state both of mine and the other Lords conditions and the only 
 
 remedy which my Lord Chief Justice himself seems to believe there is 
 
 for up, I most humbly beg to receive your Majesty's directions which 
 
 way will be most suitable to your pleasure in the conduct of my self 
 
 in order to my liberty ; and if your Majesty will please to extend your 
 
 grace so far as to speafc yourself to the Judges— as my Lord Chief 
 
 Justice Foster's warrant shows you did in the case of Lenthall — the best 
 
 opportunity of doing it would be before the term begins, which will be 
 
 on Wednesday next and continues but little more than a fortnight and 
 
 will be a long time before there be another so that I hope your 
 
 Majesty will give some speedy relief to your most dutiful subject." 
 
 Copy, 
 
 Charles Bertie to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1683-4, January 24 — Lord Weymouth told me two days ago that 
 the Marquis of Hfalifax] intended to move the King in favour of all the 
 Lords in the Tower, this morning. He acquaints me that was done 
 accordingly and that it would appear ere long that he had endeavoured 
 to serve you in particular. He assures me that the King discoursed 
 with my Lord Keeper last night after Council in the matter, and that 
 all your Lordships will be out in very few days. There are great 
 wishes made for your reconciliation with Lord H[alifax]. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1683-4, February 1 — " I know you will attend the King as I 
 directed, and I am certainly informed that my Lord Lumley having 
 happened to tell the King in what a fumbling manner Mr. Attorney 
 delivered his Majesty's consent in Court, the King seemed to be 
 angry at him, and said he knew very well that he had his full 
 consent to my bail. I am further informed that it has startled some 
 of the Judges to hear so unwilling a consent given, and particularly 
 Judge Wythins, so that it will be fit to let his Majesty know this, 
 and how necessary it is that the Attorney should shew the King's 
 willing consent on Monday next, if his Majesty be so pleased. I 
 understand also that his Highness has an expectation of some applica- 
 tion to him, and therefore it will be convenient that you attend the 
 Duke purposely to present my humble duty to him, and to let him 
 know that as I have received that gracious message from the King 
 which he sent me by you, so that I begged his Higl mess's favour also 
 in the procuring of my liberty, and hoped I should live to deserve it 
 from him." 
 
440 
 
 LrypsKY mss. [The Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [1684, c. February.] — A rough draft for a speech or letter to be 
 addressed to the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Sir George 
 Jeffreys, upon the question of his being admitted to bail. Twenty 
 pages. 
 
 The Earl of Danby. 
 
 1683-4, February 4. — The Heads of Mr. Pollexfen's arguments in the 
 Court of King's Bench upon the case of the Earl of Danby. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the King. 
 
 1683-4, February 4.— " The proceeding of the Court of King's 
 Bench this day did show artifice so manifestly in my affair that it was 
 taken notice of by the spectators. The particulars my son will acquaint 
 your Majesty and I presume to let you know the prologue I have had 
 to this day's work, which, as I could not believe when I was told it, so 
 I do from my soul think your Majesty to be a total stranger to what 
 has been acted. 
 
 "The last week my Lady Scroop — whom I had not seen a great 
 while before — gave me a visit and told me how necessary it was for 
 me to make application to some of your ministers for my liberty ; and 
 upon my saying I would owe it to nobody but. your Majesty and to 
 justice she answered she believed your Majesty had good intentions 
 towards me, but I would find that was not sufficient, and she offered 
 me her service to speak to some of them, but not being willing to give 
 her Ladyship that trouble she told me I would then find my endeavours 
 to be in vain. 
 
 " Having also intelligence near some of the Judges, I had notice 
 last night and again this morning that I should certainly not be 
 bailed this day for that the two last Judges viz. Holloway and Walcott 
 would desire longer time to consider, and that besides my Lord Keeper's 
 influence upon them, Mr. Guy — who is their pay master — had been twice 
 with some of them to wish them to be cautious how they too suddenly 
 delivered an opinion in a case wherein so many Judges had already 
 declared their opinions against my bail, and that surely they could not 
 take less time than till another term to consider of it. 
 
 " My information is also that neither my Lord Privy Seal nor Lord 
 Rochester have been concerned in this negotiation of Mr. Guy's but one 
 who your Majesty knows to have had no small obligations to me hereto- 
 fore and if so Machiavelli's maxim has been made true by him, that there 
 is less hopes of forgiveness from that man who has been obliged and is 
 fallen from his freindship without cause than from one who has been 
 injured. 
 
 " Upon the whole all I could obtain this day «was not to be positively 
 concluded to be put off to the next term, but that if I pleased I might 
 move again for their judgment this term, so that if your Majesty will 
 please yourself to let these two Judges know your mind and not let 
 them be left to be informed by others I shall have relief this term, 
 otherwise I must remain here at least till the next term, and in the 
 mean time if any Judge shall die or be removed the next Judge who 
 shall supply that vacancy will have the same cause to say he must have 
 a term also to consider, which — now that there appears no law to confine 
 me — will serve as well for an expedient to keep me here all my life as the 
 pretence of law has done hitherto, for I can do no more than — as I did 
 
441 
 
 this term — which was to move in the beginning of it, and though they Likdsby MSS. 
 
 took the whole last week of this short term to consider of my case and 
 
 for that reason did appoint me this day to come to the Court again, 
 
 yet to tell me now that they have not still considered but must take 
 
 further time to the next term does surely too manifestly show the ill 
 
 practices which are against me. 
 
 " As I never have nor never will depend upon any thing but your 
 Majesty so whatever you please to do with me shall be cheerfully 
 submitted to and if your Majesty think it for your service that I 
 should stir no more this term I shall acquiesce without the least reluc- 
 tancy, but if otherwise, the way to my liberty is very obvious and I hope 
 I shall receive your Majesty's assistance to him who will unalterably 
 live and die your Majesty's most faithful and most dutiful subject." 
 Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Dan by to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1683-4, February 5 — " I thank you for the care you have taken, and 
 am very glad of the intelligence you have sent me. I will lose no 
 time in moving for a day, but I am informed that the trial of Mr. Hamp- 
 den will so take up the day, that I shall scarce be able to get any 
 motion heard tomorrow. Mr. Neale was with me this morning about 
 nothing to any purpose, and my brother Charles Bertie told me that 
 you spoke to him to let me know that you thought it might be 
 convenient for me to send some compliment to my Lady Portsmouth ; 
 but unless you have some good reason for it, I should rather desire not 
 to be over hasty in that ceremony. If you know any thing which may 
 make it necessary pray send me word, for I would not lose any thing 
 which may be substantial for such a shadow." 
 
 [The Same] to the Same. 
 
 1683-4, February 7 — " I have just now received your letter, and have 
 commanded Bloome to let you know what is done at Westminster, and 
 what was done there yesterday. I would have you go and present my 
 humble service to my Lady Portsmouth, and let her know you sent me 
 word how favourably she had been pleased to speak concerning me 
 to the King, and that I had commanded you to return her my humble 
 thanks for it, and to let her know that I was glad to find I was not 
 under her disfavour. Just when I had writt thus much, x information 
 was brought me from Westminster, that my counsel had moved again 
 this day at the side bar, for fear of not getting a better opportunity — 
 there being a great trial this day — and my Lord Chief Justice had again 
 put him off with bidding him move in Court, which he knew could 
 scarce be done, so that although my counsel will try again when the 
 trial is over, yet he despairs of success this day, and he is informed 
 that some other business will keep the Chief Justice from being at 
 the hall to morrow; so that my counsel suspects foul play, having 
 never been used to be thus puc off from having a motion answered in 
 any case whatever. I must get you to acquaint the King with this 
 proceeding, in case the motion do not succeed at the rising of the 
 Court, which you shall then know, and the King must likewise be 
 informed that as the motion was put off yesterday because Judge 
 Walcott was not in Court, so the same Judge took care not to be in 
 Court again this day till the trial was begun, as it was yesterday ; so 
 that there cannot be greater appearances possible of some trick designed 
 if nothing be done this day." 
 
442 
 
 LindseyMSS. Postscript. "If you have occasion to speak to the King of the 
 inclosed matter, I would have you say, * Sir it* you please that I may be 
 the more certain in my relation I will read my fathers letter,' and then 
 begin at this mark in the letter x at the word information ; but if the 
 King say * let me read it,' you may give him the letter, for I suppose 
 he will not be offended at my civility to my Lady Portsmouth." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 [1684], February 7 — " I have sent a bottle of the water, but am afraid 
 of tricks in the usage of it ; for she may either pretend it has done 
 her harm, or some ill thing may be put into it by her people, and it 
 may be then shewed to the King what a medicine I sent for her to have 
 taken, so that it will be either necessary for you to take some of it 
 before her, or you must find some other expedient with the King to 
 prevent any ill design, which the French women are very dextrous to 
 invent. Bloome shall attend you again in the morning to bring you 
 word what is done at Westminster about me." 
 
 The Earl of Danby. 
 
 [16] 83-4, February 8 — An account of the proceedings on this date in 
 the Court of King's Bench, in the case of the Earl of Danby. 
 
 The Same. 
 
 1683-4, February 12 — Recognizance of the Earl of Danby at the 
 King's Bench. The sureties being the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of 
 Albemarle, the Earl of Oxford, and the Earl of Chesterfield. Copy. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the King. 
 
 1684, March 27. — " That which made me submit without regret 
 to my unjust imprisonment was not only my innocence but because it 
 was so plainly visible to all the world that my crime was only for my 
 obedience to your Majesty's commands. And that which enabled me 
 to undergo that imprisonment with patience so many years was the 
 frequent testimonies of your Majesty's favour and constant good inten- 
 tions towards me though hindered by those pretences which your 
 Majesty has since found to be as illegal as they were false. 
 
 " I cannot doubt but common justice does suggest to your Majesty 
 that if I had deserved anything before my sufferings, those sufferings 
 cannot have lessened but must have made my claim to your favour 
 much the stronger unless some act during or since my imprisonment 
 had forfeited my pretensions ; and as your Majesty hath been so gracious 
 as scarce ever to dismiss any of your servants — unless such as were 
 under your displeasure — without a recompense or leave to sell their 
 places, so it was your goodness to give me an addition of title together 
 with a pension for my life in recompense of that great employment with 
 which I was honoured by your Majesty, and I am confident your 
 Majesty did not intend me to be the only example who should reap 
 no benefit for quitting such a station at your Majesty's command and 
 with your favour. 
 
 " Your Majesty also knows that the bounties given me were con- 
 firmed to me by your Majesty not only by promise but at least by warrant 
 under your Sign Manual and some of them by Great Seal, and if your 
 Majesty please to reflect upon your goodness to all others I believe 
 
443 
 
 your Majesty will not find an example since your restoration where LindseyMSS, 
 
 any man hath had your Majesty's warrant for any title of honour of — 
 
 which he hath not had the effects, although they have not served your 
 
 Majesty in such places of trust as I have had the happiness to do and 
 
 which to the best of my skill I discharged with that zeal which your 
 
 Majesty knows was the principal ground of creating the number of 
 
 those enemies I met with in Parliament. 
 
 a By some words which fell from your Majesty to me I observed an 
 objection to have been raised that although I was very innocent yet I 
 was but under bail ; but I suppose that argument will need little answer, 
 because it will appear to be both against reason and against your 
 Majesty's constant practice, as in the cases of Mr. Seymour and Sir 
 "William Scroggs, the first not only having leave to sell his place for 
 15,000/. but being then made one of your Cabinet Council during his 
 impeachment, which ho never was before ; and the other had his 
 pension continued to him till his death. 
 
 " Nor has your Majesty been diverted by the extravagant votes of 
 Parliament from placing those men in the greatest employments who 
 were rendered as black to the people by those votes as they could be by 
 impeachment. 
 
 " And with great reason has your Majesty done so because it was 
 suitable to your justice to give the world public testimony how 
 scandalous and false you thought the accusations against them, and it 
 was no less suitable to your prudence to let the world see that those 
 who serve you should be both protected and rewarded, notwithstanding 
 the malice or greatness of their enemies. 
 
 ** I hope therefore that your Majesty will not suffer me to be 
 distinguished from all others for such a man as must either have deserved 
 very ill from your Majesty or should certainly have found equal favour 
 under the same circumstance". As to the warrant of the Rolls, although 
 the alterations mentioned will lessen the value of the place from being 
 worth 10,000/. not to be worth 2,000/. and although I have received 
 none of the compensations granted me by your Majesty instead of my 
 place, yet whatever your Majesty's pleasure is shall be obeyed with 
 willingness, only I beg leave to remind your Majesty that having had 
 a grant thereof for life already in one man's name and a warrant since 
 for life in another man's name it is but the continuance of an old grant 
 to a new name and consequently not under your late rule of not granting 
 for life, being at first intended for my life before that rule was made, and 
 for what is said by my Lord Keeper against a deputy is as much without 
 law as what has been said by him against bail. 
 
 "But I submit all to your Majesty's good pleasure, being able to 
 undergo anything but the thoughts of your Majesty's unkindness 
 which can be recompensed with nothing in this world, and without which 
 I would desire nothing which can be given to me. I must acknow- 
 lege that after my long sufferings I should have been to the greatest 
 degree ambitious to have carried some public mark of your Majesty's 
 favour with me into my country but if the time be not suitable to 
 your Majesty's pleasure I shall not now move your Majesty either 
 about the title or pension which your Majesty has been pleased to grant 
 me under your Sign Manual and Privy Seal, but hope your Majesty 
 will give me leave to put you in mind of them hereafter when your 
 Majesty shall think the time more seasonable ; and in the mean time I 
 only pray to know what your pleasure shall be concerning the draught 
 of the warrant which is now with the Secretary concerning the Rolls. 
 
444 
 
 LiiTDSEY MSS. "And above all I pray I may never be rendered uneasy to your 
 T~ Majesty, there being nothing further from my intentions nor nothing I 
 
 covet so much in this world as to retain your Majesty's favourable 
 opinion towards me." Draft. 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to Viscount Latimer, at the Sign of the 
 
 Garter at Windsor. 
 
 [16]84, April 19 — Lord Chesterfield told me yesterday that business 
 of Dean Forest and that he had acquainted Lord Rochester with it, 
 which may much alter the state of the affair, but I find the value will 
 extend to twenty or twenty-five thousand pounds, so that there may be 
 the more room for obliging the lady. 
 
 John Taylor to Viscount Latimer, in Soho Square. 
 
 [16]84, April 23. Suffolk Street — On the same business as the 
 preceding letter. 
 
 [Viscount Latimer to the Earl of Danby.] 
 
 [16] 84, May 15 — An urgent request for money to prevent his being 
 arrested. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Countess of Danby, at Wimbledon. 
 
 [16]84, July 31 — " The King is, just as formerly, very kind in words 
 but nothing more, and the Duke very civil in appearance, who is gone 
 this morning to the Duchess to Tunbridge. The Queen extreme 
 kind, and I excused you not waiting on her upon pretence of indis- 
 position in the health. I have taken care to place the Musquetoons so 
 as cannot possibly do any prejudice, but I thank you for your dear 
 care, which has never been wanting, and you have a return of love 
 suitable to it." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to [the Countess of Danby] 
 
 [16]8t, September 6. Kiveton — "All you write of taking away 
 pipes on Putney Common and laying them down since I came away, 
 is news to me, nor till I come to see it can I imagine what it means 
 if it be any thing betwixt Wimbledon and the great road which 
 crosses betwixt Wandsworth and Kingston ; but whatever it be, I 
 am sure nothing shall be done to the prejudice of Wimbledon which 
 the law can prevent. I have been visited by all the country to a very 
 great distance, except my Lord Castleton, from whom I have not 
 heard though he be at Sandbeck, and amongst others I h ave had 
 Mr. Montague with me — my Lord Sandwich his son — who lives at 
 Worthey, and calls himself by that name, and is really a very fine 
 gentleman, and told me he was sorry that any of his relations — much 
 more of his name — should have carried themselves so unjustly towards 
 me, and he hoped I would not have the worse opinion of him for their 
 ill behaviour." 
 
 The Earl of Lindsey to the Earl of Danby. 
 
 1684, October 26. Grimsthorpe — Concerning a difference between 
 himself and the Earl of Rutland. 
 
445 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer, iu Soho Square. LindsetMSS. 
 
 [16] 84, November 10 — I am desired by Mr. Headley to get you to 
 put the Lord Chief Justice in mind of the business of Leeds when it 
 comes before him ; and that it may do so, you may conveniently say 
 to the King, when Mr. Headley presents his petition, that you conceive 
 it would be most proper to Jet the petition be referred to the Lord Chief 
 JFustice. 
 
 Martin Headley to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1684, November 11, Furnival's Inn — The business about the Leeds 
 Corporation is now at hand to be done, for the charter comes in 
 tomorrow to be surrendered. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer, at Whitehall. 
 
 1684, December 21, Wimb[ledon] — " I have just now received 
 notice that the Master of the Rolls did awake speechless this morning, 
 and that it was thought he could not live to this time. To the end 
 therefore that the King may be minded of his gracious promises and 
 my pretensions to that place, I would have you acquaint his Majesty 
 with what I hear — which I suppose by this time is known every where 
 — and let him know that I presume to put him in mind of his favour to 
 me in this particular, and hope that his Majesty will not suffer 
 any body to deprive me of this, his so long intended goodness to 
 me." 
 
 [The Same to the Same.] 
 
 [Same date] — " The best way of delivering this message to the King 
 will be by shewing this letter itself, and whether the Master of the 
 Rolls be dead or not, I would have the letter shew'd him, to see what 
 answer will be made to it." Enclosed in the preceding letter. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1684, December 28. Wimbledon — " I thonk you for your care in 
 delivering my letter, and I am of your opinion — and have been so for 
 some time past — that I shall lose it; nor do I think that my attendance 
 would alter the matter, for I am certainly informed, that my Lord 
 Sunderland owns himself i engaged, and to have spoken to the King for 
 another; but however my health will not )et permit me to stir, so 
 that it must go as pleases God, only I desire you will watch the old 
 man, and if he dies, beseech the King that he will please to do 
 nothing in it before he gives me leave to speak with him ; which is 
 all you can do in this matter for your most affectionate father." 
 
 Postscript. — " I have received the bill which is signed by this Attorney 
 for the office to yourself." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1634, December 30. — It is so probable that my Lord Chief Justice h 
 the man for whom Lord Sunderland is engaged, that I will not trouble 
 him with a letter, but I will venture, though I am very unfit, to come to 
 town myself. If the old man's death happens before my coming, pray 
 remember to desire the King, as from me, that he would please to let 
 me speak with him before he disposed of the plaee. 
 
446 
 
 LirosEf MSS. The Same to the Same. 
 
 1685, April 5. Kingsey — The enclosed to my Lord Chief Justice 
 will let you see my advice in the matter, which is to be governed by his 
 direction entirely, as being the best of a bad game. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1685, April 9 — I wonder that my Lord Chief Justice should think me 
 any way concerned if my son Herbert himself or his tenants should 
 appear fcr Mr. Wharton, Mr. Herbert being under his own government 
 and not mine. But in this particular my son Herbert is misunderstood 
 by my Lord Chief Justice, for he has been so far from being for Mr. 
 Wharton that he positively refused him, and would have appeared against 
 him openly but he was desired by some, to whom he has great 
 obligations, not to do that. I do not know what answer he will give 
 about keeping his tenants at home from the poll, but I am confident it 
 will be against his will if any poll for Mr. Wharton ; and for any 
 reflection on myself, I hope my Lord Chief Justice knows me too well 
 to believe I shall promote any Whig's luterest. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Countess of Danby, at Wimbledon. 
 
 [16]85, May 13 — My Lord Chief Justice, who is now " Lord 
 Wems," yesterday invited himself to dine with me. " I find the King 
 and Ministers outwardly very civil, and there will be no danger of my 
 going to an old quarter." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 [16]8o, June 22 — " For the satisfaction of your folly I have done so- 
 foolishly myself as to command Dunbar away from my son Dumblaine, 
 although he be the only man with him that knows what to do in an 
 army. 
 
 " I have had the opportunity of doing it by an express from my 
 Lord Sunderland's office, which goes away this night at ten a clock, 
 and goes through Salisbury where your son stays. 
 
 u I am assured that they give no passes, and that there needs none,, 
 the way being clear from all enemies betwixt Salisbury and Chard,, 
 where the King's forces lie, who disturb nobody, unless upon examina- 
 tion they find them going to Monmouth. 
 
 " I have sent you this to satisfy you — if any thing can — that what you 
 have desired — though very unreasonable — is done, but for my own quiet- 
 ness I intend not to lodge at Soho this night ; and since I can never 
 be a moment in peace where you are, I must be content to get it as 
 well as I can elsewhere, that being all that is aimed at in this world by 
 your unfortunate husband." 
 
 Viscount Latimer to his mother [the Countess of Danby]. 
 
 1687, August 29. Lincoln — On the 25th I supped at Uffington 
 where my uncle Charles has built himself a noble home, and I wished 
 that my Lord who was the largest contributor to it had built as good a 
 one at Kiveton, and one would think the master might if the man 
 could. 
 
 On the 26th I waited on the Lord Chamberlain. My Lady was very 
 obliging both to my uncle and myself, but for all her carriage " she 
 
447 
 
 " seemed to be very much out of countenance at the table to have my Lindsey MSS. 
 a Lord talk as he did against the Papists." 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Countess of Danby, at Kiveton. 
 
 1688, October 2. Ribston — " The King's proclamation — which I 
 send you here inclosed — has given us an happy opportunity of arming 
 for defence of our country, and upon it the gentlemen of this county 
 have resolved a meeting at York to consider how to do it in the best 
 maimer. When they have appointed their day — which will be known 
 this afternoon — I intend to be there amongst my countrymen, who have 
 many of them desired my assistance amongst them, and this prevents 
 my present return to Kiveton, which otherwise I had designed with my 
 brother Charles to morrow morning and had all things prepared for it. 
 I have sent Woodnott to bring my horses and chace mares to me to 
 be here on Friday night, and I have appointed him to bring my 
 chariot hither — my coach beeing too heavy for the ill ways — but I cannot 
 send back the coach because I shall have use for all the horses. I have 
 directed Woodnott what servants to bring with him, and I am sorry to 
 leave you so slenderly attended, but I know you will dispense with the 
 greatness of the occasion. 
 
 " I have also sent you my will, in which you are my sole executrix, 
 but I hope to come and open it myself at Kiveton, where I have 
 thoughts to winter if there be no Parliament, which it looks as if 
 there would not. I doubt not but you will take care to make every thing 
 as safe as you can, and I desire you will use some means — and if you 
 have no other — that you will send a man purposely upon pretence of 
 seeing your brother Lindsey or Lady Rutland to bring you notice when 
 any horse or dragoons pass by Newark, and what number they are, 
 and by whom commanded, and to inquire what more are following them, 
 and at what distance ; and I think Mr. Gutterige would be best for this 
 purpose, whose charges I desire you will defray, and call for money to 
 Robinett. Pray bid Robinett call for what money he can get from my 
 Lord Darcy, and although the sum be not so considerable as I could 
 wish, let him take for the present what they will pay for your own 
 use. My Lord Devonshire came to Wetherby on Saturday, and goes to 
 Ripon to morrow ; he was here yesterday, and I hear Mr. Wharton — my 
 cousin Wharton's husband — came to him last night. Divers of the 
 Yorkshire gentlemen have been so civil as to give me visits, and my 
 Lord Fairfax has sent me word that he intends me a visit this night. 
 You shall constantly hear from me by all opportunities, and your 
 brother Charles intends to see you to morrow." 
 
 Charles Bertie to the Earl of Danby, at Kiveton. 
 
 1688, October 27, London — *' On Thursday last I came to town 
 with a quartan ague on my shoulders which I am endeavouring to get 
 rid of by the powerful operation of the Jesuits powder. I wish your 
 Lordship could find out as good a specific for your distemper, and 
 indeed I long to hear how your Lordship has found your health since 
 your return from Knaresborough to Kiveton, and whether your Lordship 
 has found any relief by those waters. Last night about two a clock 
 arrived an express from Holland, upon which his Majesty summoned 
 the Council. He brought news that the Dutch fleet sailed out of the 
 Maes on Friday sennight with the Prince of Orange on board ; that on 
 Saturday following they met with a great storm of hail and bad weather 
 which so disordered their fleet that they were fain to put back with 
 
448 
 
 i ",i\dsky mss. the loss of four hundred horse flung over board, and that the Sunday 
 following they were all at anchor off Scheveling ; that three of the 
 Deputies from the States had been on board his Highness, who resolved 
 to prosecute his voyage without coming on shore or losing the benefit of 
 the light nights, so that his Majesty expects them on our coast with the 
 first fair wind, and some think they will steer towards Burlington, 
 others for Norfolk — the duty and service to him of which he said he 
 never doubted and should be glad to hear your health was belter. 
 Your Lordship will have heard how all the Lords and Bishops about 
 the town were summoned to attend the Kin^ in Council to hear the 
 proofs concerning the Prince of Wales's birth, and this day the same 
 evidence was given in Chancery and entered upon record. My Lord 
 Halifax kissed his Majesty's hand that day he was summoned, but 
 little conversation passed betwixt them. Treby and Summers are said 
 to have refused the accepting of being Recorder of the City, and they 
 have now made a new choice of a young man of the Temple. Sir 
 William Turner declines also acting as Alderman and some are of 
 opinion that the franchises and privileges which the City held by 
 prescription can not be restored but by Act of Parliament. Judge 
 Wright and Jenner have passed their pardons and those of the Bishops 
 
 of Chester and Durham are also passing with the word inserted. 
 
 Sir John Jennings came to me inquiring after your Lordships health 
 and told me he would be glad to have your Lordship's advice whether 
 hee ought to accept of being Sheriff of your county, if it were offered 
 him ; I replied, that he himself was best judge thereof. This night 
 came out a Proclamation against writing, speaking or spreading false 
 news. My Lord Dartmouth continues with the fleet in the gunfleet. 
 William Harbord is said to be on board the Dutch in the office of 
 Commissary, my Lord Shrewsbury is said to have been seen in Holland, 
 and one Rigeley Hands committed for having received great bales of 
 goods supposed to be his Lordship's. Cherry Russell is also reported to 
 be in Holland. T shall on Monday settle your Lordship's account with 
 Child, who is so called upon that he has hardly time to spare for such 
 an affair, but as yet about Temple Bar they stand firm." 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1688, October 30, London — Mr. Vernon has delivered me yo'.ir 
 commands to receive your balance of Mr. Child's account, which he 
 ^aysis 967/. Ss. 3c?., and lodge it with my own money. I must acquaint 
 you that I keep my own in the Tower as the safest place. On Sunday 
 last my Lord Chancellor's new daughter-in-law, upon some disgust, ran 
 away from his home and put herself under the protection of the French 
 Ambassador, who immediately acquainted the King with what had 
 happened, and my Lord Chancellor came in his coach and fetched her 
 home. Yesterday being Lord Mayor Show, some boys attempted the 
 new Mass house in Bucklersbury and rifled the altar,- they were 
 preparing to do as much to the other house in Fenchurch Street but 
 were prevented. Since Lord Sunderland's removal he has withdrawn 
 to Windsor and thence to Althorp. They say he designs speedily for 
 France. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1688, November 3, London — Reporting the supposed movements of 
 the Dutch fleet. 
 
449 
 
 The Same to the Same. LindseyMSS. 
 
 1688, November 6 — Reporting the events of the day and the arrival 
 of the Dutch fleet in Torbay. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1688, November 8 — Reporting the movements of the King's and the 
 Dutch troops. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 1688, November 10 — Giving further news of the armies. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1688, November 19 — Giving a list of persons supposed to have 
 joined the Prince of Orange, and mentioning that it was reported 
 that Lord Dunblaine had also done so, but that he had denied it 
 emphatically. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 1688, December 1. York — " I congratulate your Highness's happy 
 arrival in England and should have been very sorry it was not in the 
 north but that I hear you are very successful in the march you have made. 
 I was ready to have attended your Highness's landing in these parts 
 with many very considerable persons who are with me and I have had 
 the good fortune to seize this city for your service where I have taken 
 prisoners three companies of foot, and have since seized upon the castle 
 of Scarborough where I have taken a very good magazine both of 
 cannon and ammunition and have put a garrison in the place to secure it. 
 I am in some hopes of making myself master of Hull but dare not 
 assure myself of it. These successes and hopes of more makes me 
 delay marching to your Highness with my Lord Devonshire and those 
 Lords who are at Nottingham, but my Lord Houghton, Mr. Vane ancj 
 several others who were with me here will attend your Highness with 
 those Lords from Nottingham. My son Dumblaine, my Lord Lumley, 
 my Lord Willoughby, and Lord Fairfax stay with me here at my 
 request till I have made trial of my design against Hull and if your 
 Highness shall think fit rather to have me with my friends to march 
 to you rather then to prosecute any thing further in these parts I will 
 upon receipt of your orders immediately obey them. I have been so un- 
 fortunate as not to receive any commands from your Highness since 
 your landing, but hope I may now, by the means of my nephew Phillip 
 Bertie, to whom I beg your Highness's favour. I sent an express to 
 your Highness ten days ago to receive your orders but have not heard 
 whether he has arrived with you." Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to [the Countess of Danby], 
 
 1688, December 5. York — " I send this by my daughter Dumblaine's 
 footman to let you know the good news that on Monday night Colonel 
 Copley, Deputy Governor of Hull, and Sir John Hanmer, Lieutenant 
 Colonel to the Earl of Montgomery, with some other Protestant 
 officers belonging to the garrison, did seize upon the Governor, the 
 Lord Langdale, the Earl of Montgomery, and all the Popish officers,, 
 and declared for the Prince of Orange, and I have this night received 
 
450 
 
 Lindsey MSS. a letter from Sir John Hanmer of his coming hither to give me an 
 — account of the particulars. I received letters yesterday from the Earl 
 
 of Devonshire and Bishop of London, which brought me an account c f 
 the Princess being at Nottingham, and to desire we would send them 
 some horse to help to guard her towards the Prince of Orange, but I 
 sent an express immediately to excuse it by reason of our designs upon 
 Hull — which we did not know then to be taken, and to show our reasons 
 why we thought it both more safe for her Highness and more for the 
 Prince's service that her Highness would please to come to this place ; 
 but the express is not yet returned therefore we know not what her 
 Highness's commands will be, but whatever they are they will be obeyed 
 upon the return of the express." Draft. 
 
 William Jones to Peregrine Bertie, in York Buildings, London. 
 
 [16]88, December G. Doncaster — " I suppose you have sometime 
 since heard that the Earl of Danby with some other Lords and gentle- 
 men had seized York and taken a company of foot which was there 
 in garrison ; since which his Lordship who commands there in chief 
 has taken two companies more, one of foot and the other Grenadiers 
 who were marching towards the south from Tynemouth. He hath 
 since taken the castle of Scarborough wherein he found two and 
 twenty pieces of cannon and great store of other arms and ammuni- 
 tion and hath put a garrison into it under the command of one 
 Captain Tocketts. These successes of his Lordship did so encourage 
 the Protestant officers in the garrison of Hull that on Monday night 
 last they secured the Lord Langdale their Governor, and the Earl 
 of Montgomery with the rest of the Popish officers, of which they 
 have given an account to the Earl of Danby, and are sending an 
 officer to adjust all measures and to settle a correspondence with 
 his Lordship at York. As this is the news on the north side of us so 
 on the south side we understand that her Highness the Princess of 
 Denmark is come to Nottingham attended by the Bishop of London 
 from whence an express passed through this town to the Earl of Danby on 
 Tuesday last, and it is reported that it is either to command away the Earl 
 and his forces to attend her Highness at Nottingham and to join the 
 Earl of Devonshire, the Earl of Northampton, and those other Lords 
 there or otherwise that it is an order to her Highness's remove to York. 
 The Lord Dunblaine, the Lord Houghton, the Lord Willoughby, the Lord 
 Fairfax, and a great number of the most considerable gentry are with 
 the Earl of Danby at York. The Lord Lumley went from thence 
 yesterday to bring some forces out of the Bishopric of Durham. 
 The city of York have chosen the Earl of Danby to be their Higli 
 Steward and have desired that his son, the Lord Dumblaine, may be 
 one of their burgesses in the approaching Parliament." 
 
 [The Earl of Danby] to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 [16]88, December 7. York — I have sent so many expresses to your 
 Highness without an answer that I know not to what to impute the 
 miscarriage of them. I have now sent one of my lieutenants [Pullen] 
 of horse, who I hope will get to your Highness, and I desire you will be 
 kind to him for he deserves it. He will give you an account of the 
 seizing of Hull by the Protestant officers in that garrison, but they have 
 let go both the Lord Langdale — who was governor — and the Lord 
 Montgomery, who commanded one of the regiments, and all the rest 
 
451 
 
 of the Popish officers and are not so free in their declaration as I LindseyMSS. 
 could wish. I think it for your Highness's service if you would please 
 to send me a commission with all speed to be governor of Hull, and 
 if you would honour me with another commission to be Lieutenant- 
 General over the five northern counties, viz., Yorkshire, Northumber- 
 land, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the Bishopric of Durham — which 
 is what my father had many years ago — I am sure I shall be able to 
 add considerably to the service I have already had the good fortune 
 to do in these parts, of which this bearer will give you a true account. 
 I desire I may also have blank commissions sent me both for horse and 
 foot regiments to be disposed as I shall find necessary, and commissions 
 also for commissioners 1o manage the revenues in the said five counties 
 and Berwick-upon-Tweed — which is a single place distinct from the five 
 counties — with a power to them to depute receivers and collectors and 
 other officers under them for that service. When Lieutenant Pullen 
 shall have given you an account of this place I shall expect your orders 
 by him what you think fittest for us to do who are in this place, that is 
 whether you think it more for your service that we secure the whole 
 north — which I shall do by staying here — or that we shall attend you 
 and join the army. Draft. 
 
 Charles Bertie to the Earl of Danbi, at York. 
 
 1688, December 10. London — "I presume to give your Lordship an 
 account of the dismal and tragical catastrophe of this Court. Yesterday 
 very early in the morning the Queen conveyed herself with the Prince 
 of Wales privately on board a yacht ordered to receive her in the Hope, 
 and this morning as early his Majesty withdrew himself, and is 
 supposed to be gone by land to Margate accompanied with Sir Edward 
 Hales and de Puy, where Captain Macdonnell in the Assurance will 
 take him on board and waft them all over either for Dunkirk or 
 Newport, as the wind best serves, so that at this time we have no 
 King in Israel nor any face of Government left us. This morning as 
 soon as it was known his Majesty was gone, all the Lords spiritual and 
 temporal about the town went to Guildhall to settle matters with my 
 Lord Mayor, and appointed all the trainbands to be in arms, and to 
 disarm all Papists, and made my Lord Lucas Lieutenant of the Tower 
 in Skelton's place. The general officers of the army also drew a 
 petition to the Prince of Orange — which they have sent by my Lord 
 Ranelagh — acquainting him that they would keep in arms till they 
 received his Highness's further order. The Queen Dowager resolves 
 also to be gone for Portugal thinking it dishonourable to stay after his 
 Majesty's departure, to whom — she says — she was so particularly 
 obliged, and intends to demand a passport of the Prince of Orange. 
 This evening the Sheriffs of London with their guard went to search 
 Salisbury house ; the Nuncio, my Lord Salisbury and Peterborough 
 went away altogether. Last night I waited on his Majesty when he 
 went to bed, and he called to me and asked me whether I thought 
 the Lords and gentlemen in the north would afford him their protection, 
 I answered that I verily believed they would do no manner of hurt to 
 his person. But the Papists and priests prevailed with him to quit his 
 kingdoms to make their fall appear more glorious. Judge Jenner, 
 Graham, and Burton are all run away and so is my Lord Chancellor and 
 the two Chief Justices ; the former is said to be gone with the King, 
 and my Lord Chief Justice Herbert writt a book before he went in 
 vindication of his opinion given in Sir Edward Hales's case. The 
 U 77960. G G 
 
452 
 
 Lutdsey^mss. rabble this evening have burnt the mass house in Lincoln's Inn Fields, 
 and alsx) demolished the chapel at Wildhouse, and threaten all the 
 other Popish chapels in town. The French Ambassador is not gone 
 as it was thought he would with the King. His Majesty had once 
 commanded me with a message to your Lordship and the rest of the 
 Lords and gentlemen at York, and my instructions are all signed and 
 ready in the secretary's office but 1 think providence has luckily 
 prevented it. My Lord when your Lordship was reported to be in 
 arms at York, and Mr. Skelton — who is none of your friend — was made 
 Lieutenant of the Tower, I thought it prudence to take your money out 
 of the Tower which I put into my Lord Latimer's custody who still 
 keeps it and have also obeyed your Lordship's commands in receiving 
 220/. 4*. Sd. from Child which I have also paid to his Lordship. 
 
 " The Prince of Orange lay yesterday at Sir Thomas Dolman's house 
 near Newbury. My Lord Godolphin is expected with the rest of the 
 Commissioners up this evening. We hear some of the writs were recalled 
 for the summoning the Parliament. Dover is taken, and Bishop Ellis 
 secured here. All the Papists are scampering, with a resolution never to 
 see us more. What my Lord Dartmouth will do himself is not known, 
 but the fleet has declared for the Protestant religion and refused to 
 carry over the Prince of Wales. I hope we shall now shortly see your 
 Lordship this way whom we all look upon as a great instrument 
 towards our settlement. 
 
 [The Earl op Lindsey] to the Countess of Danby. 
 
 1688, December 10 — "I had your letter by the messenger, and 
 certainly you are much in the right of it. My L. H. sent my friend 
 down into the north to fight whilst he and Nottingham intended to 
 be the great men in the south. There will be in my opinion three 
 factions at Court, Halifax and Nottingham : Rochester and Clarendon ; 
 and my Lord Danby with others. I look upon it as an impossibility to 
 save the King by any other hand but my Lord Danby's, but his condition 
 is too desperate for the city will certainly desert at last. What my 
 friend advises I shall if possible put in execution. I need not write 
 you the news for you will have it before this arrives, but you may 
 observe the Prince of Wales his journey is stopped for France, for 
 Dartmouth will not carry him with the fleet. The Queen is not with 
 child as was reported. The Prince hath refused to treat with the 
 commissioners in person, which I like very well, but treats with them 
 by other commissioners. Thursday we meet the gentry who I believe 
 will act conformly with the gentry of Yorkshire. Castleton stays all 
 this time out of the county, and I guess will not act against the 
 court, for we shall be divided into two factions again, Presbytery and 
 Church of England. My Lord has the better side for the Church of 
 England is the most considerable, but look to Parliament men ; for as 
 great as the Prince is he can do little here without that tool called 
 Parliament, my opinion is the King will be deposed and the Prince's 
 favourites will push him on to a crown. My wife hath been a fortnight 
 at London to which place I shall shortly repair myself or if not there 
 somewhere else. I have intelligence certain to day that Halifax and 
 Nottingham act for the King. Thus you see how affairs go. I also 
 understand that the confederacy have brought the Prince in without any / 
 conditions. When I write to you, you know both my hands, the print 
 hand, and this hand I now write in and whensoever you see this knot 
 you may be certain it is my letter." 
 
453 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Prince of Orange. lindsey mss. 
 
 [16]88, December 10. York— « This is the fifth letter which I have 
 presumed to write to your Highness since I appeared in arms which 
 was the 20th of November and I possessed myself of this city on the 
 22nd and of Scarborough Castle the 28th, where I got some store of 
 arms and ammunition by which we have been enabled to arm most of 
 those which are now with me. My first letter was by my nephew 
 Peregrine Bertie, my second by a messenger I sent habited like a 
 country fellow, my third by my nephew Philip Bertie — who has the 
 honour to be one of your domestic servants — my fourth by a lieutenant 
 of horse who cannot yet be got to your Highness, and this fifth by my 
 Lord Lumley but I have never heard one word in answer to these. I 
 have written so at large by my lieutenant — who I hope is with your 
 Highness long before this will come to your hands — that I shall now 
 only trouble you with knowing that I had a letter this day from the 
 Bishop of London who writes me word that he is sure your Highness 
 would have me come to you with what horse T can spare so as to leave 
 these parts in some security, whereupon I have ordered six hundred 
 horse to be in readiness to march in two days, and will not fail to 
 attend your Highness with them as soon as we can. I shall have three 
 days march from hence to Nottingham and five days march from 
 thence to Oxford designing to quarter at the same places the Princess 
 of Denmark has done if there be occasion. I hope your Highness will 
 order some party to meet us in the last days march, or if you shall not 
 approve of our coming to you your Highness will please to send 
 some body to meet us with your orders." Draft. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to the Countess of Danby, at Kiveton. 
 
 [16]88, December 12. York — "Your brother Charles is coming to 
 York sent by the King with a message to me and the gentlemen here. 
 I know not yet what his commission imports but expect him here 
 tomorrow or next day at farthest. The writs for electing Parliament 
 men came to my hands last night and my son Dumblaine's election 
 for this city will be on Monday next but those for the county not till 
 Monday sevennight. The Knights of the shire will be Lord Fairfax 
 and Colonel Darcy, and I know not whether these elections may not 
 retard my march three or four days, in which time I expect to hear 
 again from the Prince. The general pardon is expected to follow the 
 writs in a post or two, but without a cessation of arms we cannot see 
 what either writs or pardon will signify, and there is yet no appearance 
 of a cessation, the Prince advancing daily nearer the King's army, and 
 having refused all treaty until the King shall have dismissed all his 
 Catholic officers and soldiers, which is not likely he will do." 
 
 Charles Bkrtie to the Earl of Danby, at York. 
 
 1688, December 15. London — " Since my last to your Lordship 
 with the account of his Majesty being stopp'd at Feversham and the 
 repairing of several Lords &c. to him there, we are all transported this 
 evening with the news we have received that his Majesty designs to- 
 morrow night to be back at Whitehall where his presence was already 
 wanted to supply the failures the Lords already met with in the 
 Government. The Prince of Orange sent Monsieur Zulystein with a 
 letter to his Majesty on this subject and 'tis hoped all will yet end well. 
 My Lord Chancellor was this day interrogated by my Lord Chandos, 
 
 a n ° 
 
 (jr Cr *J 
 
454 
 
 LiypsEY mss. Lord North and Osulstone, and confesses the King took the seal from* 
 him Saturday last and that he two days carried the purse without the 
 seal, that several of the writs were issued out and others delivered 
 back to his Majesty, that all the Sheriffs patents were sealed and that he 
 was transporting himself with the King's leave and the Secretary's pass,, 
 saving also the French and Spanish Ambassadors passes along with him. 
 The Queen is supposed to be got safe over, but my Lord Salisbury, 
 Peterborough, and Sir Edward Hales are all under custody and some 
 believe the Pope's Nuncio with Bishop Leybourn and Chester are also 
 secured with a brave gang of Jesuits though we can not hear Father 
 Peters is among them. The Prince of Orange lies at Windsor this 
 night and intends on Wednesday next to be here. I hope your Lordship 
 is hastening up also, which everybody much desires." 
 
 The Earl op Danby to the Mayor op Pontefract. 
 
 1688, December 16. York — I have just now received yours of this 
 morning and having received the same alarm from divers other places I 
 am doing all I can for the security of this county. I have already sent 
 a troop of horse to Ferrybridge, and two troops more to Wakefield. There 
 are three troops more upon their march to Leeds, and I intend to march 
 with five troops more to morrow towards the west of Yorkshire as I 
 shall find by my intelligence to be most necessary. 
 
 If all the gentlemen of this county had been as forward to serve the 
 interest of their country and nation as they ought to have been and as 
 some have done — who will deserve to be distinguished — Ave had not now 
 wanted forces both to have preserved our own country and to have 
 revenged ourselves upon those bloody villains, and I hope you will 
 make such distinction in the elections of Parliament men to serve for 
 your borough that you will not choose any who have only looked on 
 whilst others have ventured their all to preserve you, or if you do I 
 am sure you will not have deserved your preservation. I cannot but 
 say this to you for the honour of your corporation as well as for the 
 encouragement of the deserving country men on like occasions, and I 
 can speak it with the greater freedom having no design to prefer 
 any but such in general as have showed you that they deserve it. Your 
 honourable resolutions in that affair — if I can understand them— will 
 much encourage me to pay you my more particular services. However, as 
 I have had the honour to begin in this country so I will persevere to 
 the end for the safety and preservation of it." Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Danby to Viscount Latimer. 
 
 1688, December 17. York — " I have very little time [to] write 
 being just upon a march. The occasion of it, and for all the news here, I 
 must refer you to my brother Charles Bertie's letter ; but since that was 
 written I understand by an express from Sir John Lowther of Lowther, 
 that he has intercepted an express from the Lord Tirconnell to the 
 King, wherein he presses most earnestly to have arms sent immediately 
 to him from Carlisle, by which it appears they are doing all they can to 
 defend themselves against the Prince in that kingdom ; and it seems my 
 Lord Feversham took what care he could to send them formed troops, 
 by disbanding all the Irish with their arms, which is the occasion 
 that gives us also our present trouble. If the Prince of Orange be 
 come to London, be sure you attend him to give him an account of this 
 matter, and let him know that I writ by the last post to acquaint his 
 
455 
 
 Highness with the consternations which these Irish have put these Mindset MSS. 
 countries into, which is the cause I am not able to obey his commands 
 in attending him at London so soon as I would have done." 
 
 [Charles Bertie] to the Earl of Danby, at York. 
 
 1688, December 18. London — " Understanding from John Robert 
 that your Lordship was still at York the 15th instant I presume to 
 acquaint your Lordship with the revolutions that have happened here 
 since his Majesty's return on Sunday last, when it was hoped all matters 
 would have been adjusted betwixt the King and the Prince, for on 
 Sunday evening Monsieur Zuly stein was dispatched with a message to 
 the Kiug, which his Majesty returned by my Lord Feversham, who 
 upon the delivery thereof was immediately secured by his Highness's 
 command to the great surprise of his Majesty and the Court, and his 
 Lorship yet remains a prisoner. Yesterday order was given to all the 
 King's guards to march out of town, and all the night the Prince's army 
 marched in, and took their several posts, which being done, immediately 
 my Lord Halifax, my Lord Shrewsbury, and my Lord Delamere about 
 two a clock at night brought his Majesty order to withdraw forthwith 
 out of Whitehall and remove to Ham, but his Majesty desiring he 
 might rather go to Rochester it was condescended unto, and accord- 
 ingly about eleven this morning he was guarded by the Count de 
 Solmes, Lieutenant General and Colonel of his Highness's guards 
 with several musketeers down the river to Gravesend where his coaches 
 were ordered to receive him and carry him to Rochester, and about three 
 this afternoon his IJ ighness came himself to St. James, which had been 
 ordered to be prepared for him, I observe your Lordship has been 
 alarmed with the Irish as we were also in town, which made us all 
 rise out of our beds on Wednesday last. My Lord Chancellor — they say — 
 will make a frank confession, and others say Sir Nicholas Butler will 
 inform before him. We expect my Lord Abingdon in town to morrow, 
 Sir Roger L'Estrange was taken yesterday, our friend Pen is likewise 
 in custody, the persons who have accompanied the King are my Lord 
 Ailesbury, Lord Dumbarton, and the Privy Purse, the Duke of Beaufort 
 was this evening at St. James's. 
 
 The Same to the Same [at Stamford]. 
 
 1688, December 20. London — The Prince of Orange earnestly 
 desires " to see you in these parts, several of the Lords being come to 
 town — among the rest my brother Abingdon — who all wish you would 
 hasten up with all possible diligence ; and I am sorry to find your Lord- 
 ship marching with thirteen troops of horse, and four regiments of foot 
 to Rochdale against the Irish. His Majesty continues yet at Rochester, 
 and has sent for a blank pass for four persons to go over to the Queen, 
 which the Prince has granted, and many believe he will take that 
 opportunity to go himself. Many are the thoughts how this tough 
 matter will be hammered into some accommodation, and I find at the 
 Prince's Court most of our nobility are inclined to waive his Majesty and 
 to set up a new face of Government. ' Our two Secretaries of State are 
 dismissed their attendance ; tomorrow a great number of Peers meet his 
 Highness in order to some grand deliberation. I wish your Lordship a 
 happy journey up, and all manner of prosperity. God Almighty settle 
 us upon a lasting foundation that peace and truth may flourish among us 
 to the worlds end, though some foreseeing men are afraid that the 
 
456 
 
 Liki>sey MSS. methods designed to be put in execution will not long secure us. Wfcr 
 hear the French begin to seize our ships and mariners." 
 
 The Same to the Same, at York. 
 
 Same date — u l reply to the honour of your Lordship's of the 17th 
 instant from York, and am sorry to find that the same groundless fears 
 that distracted us here last week have conjured up again such a body of 
 Irish in your parts to prevent your Lordship's journey southward, which 
 Monsieur Bentinck — with whom I dined this day — assured me the Prince of 
 Orange expected with all impatience. My brother Abingdon came this 
 evening to town in hopes of finding your Lordship here and tomorrow 
 the Prince has desired a meeting of the several Peers in town. Some are 
 of opinion that the Parliament ought not to proceed on the writs last 
 issued because several counties want theirs, and only three Lords, viz., 
 Bath, Huntingdon and Griffin have their writs of summons to meet the 
 15th of January in Parliament. What council will prevail is not yet 
 known ; for my own part I am obliged to my Lord Sunderland for 
 recommending me to Stamford, which has entirely lost my interest in 
 that corporation, and I can not blame ihem for their jealousy of me. 
 His Majesty sent for a blank pass for four persons to go with some 
 letters to the Queen, and most are of opinion that the King will take that 
 opportunity to transport himself. The two Secretaries of. State are said 
 to be dismissed their attendance. My Lord Halifax I saw this day in a 
 deep conference with Burnett, who is the Prince's clerk of his closet 
 and chaplain, and a great man of State. I am glad among the rest of 
 your Lordship's intelligence to find no complaints of your ill health? 
 but that you are able to undergo all the fatigues of a march in this cold 
 season. I congratulate my Lord Dunblaine's success at York. My cousin 
 Bates presents his humble service to your Lordship, and thinks it a bold 
 act to hold correspondence with a person who has raised seven thousand 
 foot and fifteen hundred horse without the King's commission. I wish 
 your Lordship a good journey up, and hope this letter will not find your 
 Lordship in York." 
 
 The Marquis of Carmarthen to his wife [the Marchioness of 
 
 Carmarthen]. 
 
 1689, December 3 — " For news here is none, but I fear a little time 
 more may produce too much, from the ill humors which seem daily to 
 increase in the body politic. Your brother Abingdon has this day 
 asked leave of the House to go into the country. He neither takes 
 leave of the King nor comes at Court, but is in great favour with the 
 Princess of Denmark, where I and my family find as little." 
 
 Bridget, Duchess of Leeds to her daughter [in-law], the 
 Marchioness of Carmarthen. 
 
 [1694] June 12 — We have much to acknowledge to Almighty God 
 that he has been pleased to give your husband his life, for he never was 
 in more danger. t( We have been beat off of our design with the loss 
 of four or five hundred men, and General Talmash is wounded in the 
 thigh with a musket bullet. Your husband led them with great courage 
 and his one ship had one of the bombs broke upon her. The shell killed 
 one man, wounded others ; shot through three decks. I hope Mr. Frisk 
 and you will go to prayers to give God thanks. I have sent you the 
 news hey are coming for Spithead." 
 
457 
 
 Bridget, Duchess of Leeds to the Marchioness of Carmarthen. Lindsey mss. 
 
 1695, October 19, St. James's — Forgive your husband and myself 
 that neither of us have seen you these five weeks ; we have been so 
 busily employed in the Duke's and my son Herbert's affairs. 
 
 The Same to the Same, at Mimms. 
 
 1696, September 22 — My son is so busy at the Admiralty fitting his 
 vessel that I fear he will hardly get time to see you. I may have to go 
 to Yorkshire as my Lord Duke is very ill. I wish my son had time 
 to see his father. It would be taken very well, " better than I am 
 afraid he thinks of." 
 
 Ciphers. 
 
 No dates — A collection of ciphers used by the Earl of Danby in his 
 correspondence with Lord Orrery, Sir Leoline Jenkyns, Mr. Brisbane, 
 Lord Sunderland, Charles Bertie and others. Many of them are 
 endorsed by Lord Danby, but there is no hey given to any of them 
 except one to Charles Bertie. 
 
458 
 
 osslowmss. A MANUSCRIPT BELONGING TO THE EARL 
 
 OF ONSLOW. 
 
 The following extracts have been made by the kind permission of 
 Lord Onslow from a manuscript volume in his possession which bears 
 the inscription : — 
 
 " Anecdotes and other Miscellaneous Pieces left by the Right Honor- 
 able Arthur Onslow, late Speaker of the House of Commons, &c. and 
 now copy'd into this Book, for the sake of their being the better pre- 
 served in his family, whose greatest Honor will be in future ages, as it 
 is in this, the being descended from him. Copy'd, for their instruction 
 and entertainment, as well as my own, by me his only son, who admired 
 his character when living, and shall to the last Hour of my Life feel and 
 lament his Loss. 
 
 " George Onslow, 1769." 
 
 On Opposition. Cap. 1. 
 
 We have often heard of men who have left one party to join another, 
 without any change of principle or inclination, avowedly, and only to 
 force the Crown, by distressing the Administration in Parliament, to 
 bring themselves back to, or to obtain, those seats of power they had 
 lost or quilted, or sought after, and without designing to continue any 
 longer with their new friends than should be sufficient for that purpose. 
 A practice that has tended more to corrupt and debase the minds of 
 men that use it and to distress and confound the affairs of the public 
 than any other public evil this age has produced. And however strange 
 and offensive such tergiversations must appear to men of strict minds, 
 and of little acquaintance with the world (for to such only they can 
 appear strange) yet there is nothing more certain than that by some 
 fatal darkness of understanding or imbecility of heart many persons 
 otherwise of great probity and honour have suffered themselves to be 
 made instruments and supports of these factions, and have been brought 
 to believe, what is in truth the common band of all party unions, and 
 only justifiable where the Constitution is really in danger, from the 
 settled plan of an Administration for that purpose that they might very 
 honestly act against their conscience in particulars, in order in general 
 to pull down one man they did not like, and to set up another they did, 
 nay to make it a point of honour and fidelity to their friends so to do. 
 
 Upon this foundation, I mean of distressing the Administration, I have 
 reason to think it was that Mr. Walpole (afterwards Sir Robert) exerted 
 himself so eminently and effectually against the Bill to restrain the 
 making of Peers. I have told you, before, the nature of this Bill, and 
 that it was much approved of by very many of the Whigs. What occa- 
 sioned them to like it so well was the recent memory of the extraordinary 
 creation of twelve Peers at once and of a sudden under the Administra- 
 tion of Mr. Harley, Eurl of Oxford and Lord Treasurer, done as it was 
 supposed to save him from some disagreeable attack he expected in the 
 House of Lords. It was I remember universally disapproved of, and 
 by the Whigs so much detested, that it was one of the principal subjects 
 
459 
 
 of their clamour against him and afterwards one of the articles of his Onslowmss. 
 impeachment. 
 
 When this Bill therefore which had the plausibleness of prevent- 
 ing such an abuse for the future was first brought in, the opposing 
 of it so looked so like a contradiction in the Whigs to what they 
 had said and done on the former occasion, that it was thought by the 
 malcontents to be too strong a point and would be of too much reproach 
 for them to set themselves against (the Lords among them perhaps 
 somewhat biased by the advantage the Bill brought to their body), and 
 at a meeting of the most considerable of them, it was the opinion of all 
 except Mr. Walpole to give in to it ; but he dissented so vehemently 
 and passionately to the so doing, that, after much altercation and heat, 
 they yielded to his opposing it in the House of Commons, or rather 
 because they found that he resolved to do it, whatever they had said 
 or should do upon it. He told them it was the most maintainable point 
 they could make a stand upon in the House of Commons against the 
 Ministry. He was sure he could put it in such a light as to fire with 
 indignation at it every independent commoner in England ; and that he 
 saw a spirit rising against it among some of the warmest of the Whigs 
 that were country gentlemen, and not in other things averse to the 
 Administration. That the first discovery of this to him was from what 
 
 he overheard one Mr. member for say upon it, a plain 
 
 country gentleman of about eight hundred pounds a year of a rank 
 equal only to that and with no expectations or views to himself beyond 
 what his condition at that time gave him. But this person talking with 
 another member about this Bill, he said with heat and some oaths 
 (which was what Mr. Walpole overheard and catched at) — " What, 
 shall I consent to the shutting the door upon my family ever coming 
 into the House of Lords ! " This Mr. Walpole told the company struck 
 him with conviction, that the same sentiment might easily be made to 
 run through the whole bo<]y of country gentlemen, be their estates then 
 what they would. And so it proved, to a very thorough defeat of the 
 Ministers in this instance. His performance in this debate, I have 
 heard, for I was not then come into Parliament, was very great, and 
 had as much of natural eloquence and of genius in it as had been heard 
 by any of the audience within those walls. His topics were popular 
 and made for those he hoped to bring over, from the story I have just 
 now told you. He talked of the honours of peerage as the constitu- 
 tional reward of great qualities and actions only in the service of the 
 Commonwealth, and to be kept open for that purpose. That the usual 
 path to the Temple of Honour had been through the Temple of Virtue ; 
 but by this Bill it was now to be only through the sepulchre of a dead 
 ancestor, without merit or fame. In this strain he bore down every- 
 thing before them, even against very able performances by many very 
 considerable persons who spoke on the other side of the question. 
 
 The debate for the Bill was managed and principally supported by 
 Mr. Craggs the younger, then one of the Secretaries of State, with parts 
 and every other ability proper for the subject and his own station ; and 
 this I have been told to the wonder of everybody, who heard him that 
 day and who did not imagine his talents to have been at all equal to 
 such an undertaking, and to me it is still more amazing, who have very 
 undoubted authority for saying, that no man in England was more 
 against, in his own judgment, this measure than he was, or opposed it 
 more any where than he did in the private consultations of the Ministers 
 upon it. I have spoken of him before and therefore shall say no more 
 of him in this place, but that I have often wondered at and been sorry 
 
460 
 
 OnsiowMSS. for the contempt Sir Robert Walpole used always to express of him. 
 It was plainly affected and therefore unworthy of him, and did arise as 
 I have been told from some private personal insults he had received 
 from him, to which indeed the other was too much given, and which I 
 know was among the few things Sir Robert Walpole never forgave in 
 anybody ; as scarcely any man does, it perpetually bringing to his own 
 breast a disgusting proof of his want of natural courage, which every 
 man hates to think of himself, and therefore very naturally hates those 
 who occasion that reflection in him. And I must also here say a few 
 things to you on another particular I have mentioned of Mr. Craggs — 
 the defending and supporting in public what he was really against and 
 opposed in private — I know it is the common practice among Ministers. 
 I know it is said that Ministers cannot otherwise be kept together or 
 the business of a Grovernment be otherwise carried on, and that one man's 
 scruples ought to yield to the judgment of the many, and he to suppose 
 himself in the wrong. I know also that this practice has been sanctified 
 by very good men conforming to it, and particularly by the example of 
 that great and excellent Minister my Lord Chancellor Clarendon 
 (except in one remarkable instance, which however contributed to his 
 ruin. See the history of his life, pages 246, 247, 248, 249), than whom 
 a wiser or a more virtuous man never was in power. I know likewise 
 that the not doing this, brings upon a man the disagreeable imputation 
 of intractableness and obstinacy and of being impracticable in business, 
 and draws often not only odium but contempt on those who do it not. 
 Yet what shall a man say where conscience is concerned, or what will 
 he be able to say when he is to answer for every action of his, not by 
 the conscience of others but by his own, and how miserable is all worldly 
 business, take it for a course of time, that is not carried on by men who 
 make a conscience of what they do in it ? And is there anything so 
 likely to make men lose all conscience at last as to be deluded out of it 
 in some perhaps very few particulars at first by the speciousness of 
 worldly wisdom, convenience and complaisance ? I don't say nor would 
 I be thought to contend for this strictness in trifles, they are not sub- 
 jects of conscience, nor where the matter is doubtful, though where I 
 doubt I would rather not do. But I mean it in points of great impor- 
 tance, where conviction is clear and where the error may be dangerous. 
 In such cases, advised as I am, I think he cannot be an honest man that 
 does not use all the talents and means he is master of everywhere to 
 oppose and prevent the thing he even singly disapproves of, be his sta- 
 tion and bindings with others what they will. How much evil to the 
 public may not on 9 just man properly situated be able to stop by his 
 resolution and perseverance ? If he cannot do it in private consultations, 
 he may in public councils and thither he ought to follow it. 
 
 The Cabinet, the Privy Council, and the Parliament are all of them the 
 King's Councils, and I can see no reason why a man's conscience is to 
 govern him in one or two and not in all ; why he may be allowed to 
 differ with his fellow ministers in the Cabinet and not in Parliament ; 
 why difference of opinion there should break Ministerial union more 
 than in the other, provided decency and proper deference be observed in 
 the one place as well as the other. But Ministers seldom love Parlia- 
 ments ; never bring business there for counsel, but to carry points that 
 must have the authority of the Legislature ; and in order to carry such 
 points must previously strengthen themselves there by collecting all the 
 force they can for it. This polity I own requires the firmest connexion 
 among the Ministers ; but then it is a polity that I have ever found to 
 produce far more evil to the State than good, and to the Crown too. 
 
461 
 
 The Crown and Ministers also have been always most safe and strong Onslow MS& 
 when they have had the free and fair determinations of Parliament for 
 their direction, and I know nothing is so likely to procure this and all 
 that a Court almost can wish to have done there, as to let the Parliament 
 see the Ministers are not in a combination to force things upon them, 
 and nothing can demonstrate that more than Ministers allowing one 
 another the leave to differ in their actings there according to the real 
 difference of their opinions. If the difference of opinion be not real, it 
 is faction, and the Crown ought, in a proper way, to check that among 
 the Ministers ; but that is not what I am speaking of. I mean the 
 conscientious difference of sentiment that may happen among honest 
 men, and when it is among such only, it will not be so frequent as to 
 confound or disturb business. The general difference among Ministers 
 is not from this, but from envy, emulation, jealousy and lust of superiority, 
 and from thence arises disorder and confusion in counsels often fatal to 
 the Government. Good men bear with one another, it is the bad only 
 who ruin because they differ. But it may be said, what shall an honest 
 man do in company with those who are not so ? Few Ministries are 
 constituted only of honest men, and the good yield sometimes to the 
 others to prevent greater mischief ; but nothing is more false, specious 
 as it is, or more dangerous. The best men have been corrupted by this, 
 and seldom have answered the good design they had in it, and by it have 
 often ruined their characters and their ability to do any future good. 
 Daguesseau, the Chancellor of France, one of the most upright men of 
 his time and by that a very troublesome check on the Councils to the 
 Regent, was as it is said undone in his reputation by one false compliance 
 the Regent drew him into. As soon as the Regent found that, he 
 ventured to lay him aside, which before that he was afraid to do. How 
 miserable was the case of this great man ? He was disgraced because 
 of his virtue, but lost the benefit of that in his own mind and in the 
 opinion of the world too, by this one false step he had made, and the 
 advantage the Regent took of it. By which the one got the character 
 of a weak man and the other the credit of over-reaching him. 
 
 And now the answer will be very easy to the question — what shall an 
 honest Minister do who is in office with those who are not so ? pursue 
 his conscience. If it removes him from power, his disgrace will be his 
 honour and if he be wise man his comfort too. If he still remains in 
 his public employment, it will be generally a mark of virtue in the 
 Government, will do honour to his Prince and may reform a bad age by 
 bringing disinterestedness and integrity into fashion. As to the case of 
 my Lord Clarendon, I have only to say, where he did it, he did wrong, 
 and that the best men are often ensnared into errors by the false 
 appearances of right, which I am satisfied governed him whenever he 
 was wrong ; but I have the best authority for saying that in a very 
 trying and difficult instance he did not do it, but strenuously and 
 effectually withstood in Parliament a very favourite Court measure 
 much pressed by the King himself but which the Chancellor thought 
 destructive of his and the nation's interest. And the Lord Treasurer 
 Southampton at that lime did it often, and when he even differed in 
 judgment from his great friend the Chancellor, it was indeed much 
 disliked by the King who bore it only in him because he feared the 
 scandal of removing such a man, and to whom he had been so much 
 obliged, and was besides in constant expectation of his resigning of 
 himself, or of his dying through the violence of a distemper he had some 
 years laboured with. To the Chancellor there was not so much com- 
 plaisance, for the design of his ruin seemed to be fixed by that opposition. 
 
462 
 
 Onslow MSS. And who does not now revere the memory of both the one and the other 
 of these truly great men, in the particulars 1 have last mentioned ? And 
 who does not now wish my Lord Clarendon had ever done in this what 
 he once did at least, and what his colleague in power my Lord South- 
 ampton always did. Men should not act for the sake of fame alone ; 
 but it is a very justifiable and useful ambition to desire it, not only 
 whilst men are alive but after their deaths and fame after a man's death 
 is never but for real virtue. Be therefore of the first Duke of Ormonde's 
 opinion, who us«d to say " However ill I may stand at Court, I am 
 resolved to lye well in the Chronicle." 
 
 On Opposition. Cap. 2. 
 
 A remarkable event happened at this time (1722) which contributed 
 very much to the fixing Mr. Walpole's interest and power then with the 
 King, and manifesting fresh proofs of his abilities and usefulness as a 
 Minister. It was the management of a discovery made by the Regent 
 of France to the Government here of a plot in favour of the Pretender, 
 formed and carried on principally by Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, a 
 man of great parts and of a most restless and turbulent spirit, daring 
 and enterprising though then very infirm, and capable of any artifice ; 
 but proud and passionate and not of judgment enough for the under- 
 takings he engaged in. His views were not only to be the first church- 
 man, but the first man also in the State, not less than Wolsey, whom he 
 admired and thought to imitate ; and found he could only succeed in 
 this by the merit of his overturning the present Government and 
 advancing that of the Pretender in its stead. He had been long pro- 
 jecting this Revolution ; but went now upon the foundation of the dis- 
 contents in the kingdom arising from the South Sea Transactions in the 
 year '20, which were still fresh in the minds and hearts of the people, 
 especially the sufferers, many of whom imputed their losses to the 
 Government, as designing by a fraud to deprive them of their property, 
 and propagated this notion with too much success among the people in 
 general. 
 
 When this intimation was given from the Regent (who it was 
 said did it on condition that no one should die for it) the difficulty 
 of getting to the bottom, and fixing the evidence, of it still remained, 
 but when that w r as effected, in a great measure by Mr. Walpole's 
 dexterity, who had the chief part in unravelling this dark mystery, the 
 prosecution was as difficult to manage as the other, from the want in 
 most of the cases of legal proofs to convict the criminals at law, and 
 from the necessity not to let them go without some degree of punish- 
 ment that might be a security to the Government against the like 
 attempts for the future, and worthy of the notice the Government had 
 taken of this. This he also undertook and carried through in Par- 
 liament with great skill and clearness and made it serve another purpose 
 too, he always aimed at the uniting of the Whigs against the Tories as 
 Jacobites, which all of them gave too much handle for on this and many 
 other occasions, and making therefore combinations between them and 
 any body of Whigs to be impracticable ; and it had that effect for some 
 time. 
 
 In the proceeding in the House of Lords against the Bishop he 
 appeared as a witness for the Government ; to some things which had 
 been solemnly denied by the other, the Bishop used all the art his guilt 
 would admit of to perplex and make Mr. Walpole contradict himself, 
 
463 
 
 but he was too hard for the Bishop upon every turn, although a greater Oxslow MSSv 
 trial of skill this way scarce ever happened between two such com- 
 batants, the one fighting for his reputation the other for his acquittal. 
 The expectation of people in it as they were differently inclined to the 
 parties and the cause, and the solemnity of it from the place and the 
 audience it was in, made it look like a listed field for a combat of another 
 sort, and the joy of victory as great as there. To say the truth the 
 Bishop sunk under the weight of his guilt, and indeed the whole of his 
 defence as made by himself was not adequate to his real abilities. He 
 grounded also upon this what was more politic, as I thought, than just, 
 the subjecting the estates of the papists in England to a tax of 100,000/. 
 under the name of a composition for their recusancy, although it did not 
 appear that any or at least but very few of them were engaged in this 
 design, but he did it to terrify them from giving any countenance to 
 such undertakings and to make them to stop, which they were most 
 likely to be able to do, all such from proceeding by shewing them that 
 let what would happen they as a body of men should pay for it, and 
 although the levy fell very short of the sum imposed, yet it has, with 
 the since mildness of the Government towards them, very probably been 
 the means of keeping these people quiet from this time. He answered 
 the objection of injustice in it, not by contending that they were in this 
 particular conspiracy, but this 100,000/. was but a part of what they 
 had already forfeited which was a third part of their estates, from the 
 time of their recusancy and therefore due to the Government, though 
 not taken, and as the Government now took but this small proportion 
 it would rather be a favour to them to let this compound for the whole ; 
 and a provision was inserted in the Act for that purpose. But all this 
 appeared farce and false to me and some others (who wished as well to 
 the King and his family as he did) and which I shall shew you in what 
 I shall say elsewhere upon this subject. 
 
 Another thing which arose from this last did not do the Govern- 
 ment so much service as this. It happened by accident ; but he 
 took it up and pursued it with his usual party spirit, and it was 
 this. Somebody in the debate of the other matter said it ought 
 to go to protestant non jurors as well as to Papists, and the 
 rather because they were both already liable to a double of the common 
 land tax. This appeared so plausible that it was generally given 
 in to ; but then to do it with any justice, everybody was to have an 
 opportunity of swearing to the Government, and to do it with effect 
 everybody was to be obliged to swear. That thus the real nonjurors 
 might be known and register their estates for this or any future 
 imposition of the like sort or to keep them in dread of it. 
 
 I have mentioned this last to you, not so much for the sake of the thing 
 itself as for the extraordinary effect and operation it produced. People in 
 general were so terrified with the apprehensions of not only forfeiting 
 their estates in possession if they did not take the oaths, but also what 
 they had in reversions, limitations ever so remote or the least relation to 
 or expectation of any, nay with regard to their money or effects of any 
 sort, that the whole nation almost, men, women, and children capable of 
 taking an oath flocked to the places where the Quarter Sessions were 
 holden, that they might by swearing to the Government free themselves 
 and their families from the danger as they thought of losing their 
 fortunes to it. I saw a great deal of it and it was a strange as well as 
 ridiculous sight to see people crowding to give a testimony of their 
 allegiance to a Government, and cursing it at the same time for giving 
 them the trouble of so doing, and for the fright they were put into by 
 
4G4 
 
 Onslow MSS. it, and I am satisfied more real disaffection to the King and his family 
 arose from it than from anything which happened in that time. It 
 made the Government to appear tyrannical and suspicious, than which 
 nothing can be more hurtful to a prince or lessen his safety upon this 
 occasion, which indeed was one of my reasons for relating this fact to 
 you. 
 
 I cannot help observing of what little use to a Government the 
 imposition of oaths to it has ever been. It is very true that nothing in 
 the constitution is more ancient. It was the practice among our Saxon 
 ancestors, continued after the accession of the Norman race, and enforced 
 often by particular oaths under several of the following kings, but 
 never prevented any revolution that either reasons of Government or 
 ambition could bring about. To come nearer our own times, oaths 
 were made to Charles the First, but did not save him. Oaths were 
 taken to the Parliament and Commonwealth, but the same people forgot 
 them or broke them under Cromwell, and all of the Eestoration swore 
 allegiance to Charles the Second. They swore the same to King James, 
 and the success of the Revolution made the same persons almost take 
 the same oaths to King William and Queen Mary, and to Queen Anne ; 
 many in the rebellion of 1715 had sworn to King George the First and 
 more who wished it success. After all this, who can think these 
 bindings of any security ? It may torture the minds of people but 
 never influence their actings. A Government is never secure of the 
 the hearts of the people but from the justice of it, and the justice of it 
 is generally a real security. A good Government therefore does not 
 want these oaths to defend it, and a bad one, the casuists say, frees 
 subjects from the obligation of them, and is a doctrine the people in all 
 times have given into ; some particular men may possibly be influenced 
 by them, but I speak of the generality of the people, and with regard to 
 them it has ever been found at least useless. But this practice is in 
 many respects generally very dangerous. Princes are apt to trust too 
 much to it in evil Government and are too much encouraged to that by 
 it. Charles the First was deceived by it, and it deluded his son James 
 into the extravagant attempt he made upon the religion and liberties of 
 his subjects. Besides the minds of men are often corrupted by this to 
 a slight of the obligation of an oath in general, either by taking these 
 oaths unwillingly, many times against their consciences and only by 
 compulsion. Others swear what they do not comprehend, as was the 
 case of nine in ten of those who took the oaths on the occasion I have 
 been speaking of, and then the evil is, as was observed by a great man 
 at that time, that when men habituate themselves to swear what they 
 do not understand, they will easily be brought to forswear themselves 
 in what they do understand. The like danger is from the fre- 
 quency of oaths that is here required, which always take off from 
 the awe of them and consequently their foree. Indeed no 
 oath should be imposed where it is possible that the interest of the 
 person taking it should induce him either to break it or swear falsely ; 
 and in my opinion no oaths at all should be appointed but in judicial 
 matters, which as they are necessary in those cases, should be kept for 
 them only, that they may thereby be the more solemn and consequently 
 the more forcible there, where only they are really wanted, or can be of 
 any true use in society. 
 
 To conclude this digression, I have often wondered that men do 
 not see the unreasonableness and danger of making people swear 
 where there may be an interest to tempt them to forswear or afterwards 
 break their oaths, from that uniform practice of Courts of Justice not 
 
465 
 
 to suffer anyone to be put upon his oath in judgment, where he is either Onslow MSS, 
 to get or lose anything by the event of that cause in which he is 
 brought to be a witness. But to return notwithstanding the impru- 
 dence and folly of thus swearing the whole nation in the manner I 
 have described, yet was the same thing continued by a subsequent 
 Act of Parliament deliberately made against the advice and admonition 
 and to the great scandal of many very wise men who wished the best 
 to the Government and saw the prejudice it would do to the King 
 and his family ; but as parties are generally factions and the chief 
 business of factions is to annoy one another, those men have always 
 most merit with their party who contribute most to this humour, 
 and to that, as this was designed to affect the Tories, must this silly 
 zeal of the Whigs then in Parliament be imputed; and it is most certain 
 that on too many occasions it has been thought he was the honest Whig 
 friend to the Government who did most to make the Tories enemies to 
 it which many of them, from resentment to the Whigs and being 
 deprived of power, did but too much incline, and give in to. But how- 
 ever distasteful this was to several serious men among the Whigs Mr. 
 Walpole enjoyed and encouraged it all, as pursuing of his plan of 
 having everybody to be deemed a Jacobite who was not a professed and 
 known Whig. When he had thus by the unravelling of this plot and 
 punishing the principal offenders established his own credit with the 
 party in general and as he hoped with his master too, he believed him- 
 self to have a fair prospect of establishing his own power, which as he 
 built upon a Whig party bottom only, he laboured all he could to unite 
 those to him who had been peculiarly dependent on my Lord Sunder- 
 land, some he succeeded with, but not with all, and of them several 
 remained in their employments whom he could not remove, or did not 
 dare to attempt because of the interest they had with the King through 
 the means of the Germans ; and this body of people small but of con- 
 siderable rank remained his enemies to the time of the King's death 
 waiting and watching for every opportunity to ruin him, which however 
 it is most undoubted, they could not have done without ruining at the 
 same time the Whig cause and party ; but they thought otherwise ; and 
 now began something of the Whig opposition to his power which grew 
 afterwards to be so troublesome and formidable to him. It was at first 
 made up chiefly of such of my Lord Sunderland's creatures as he could 
 not attach to him, but it had very soon the addition of some others from 
 various motives and views ; and since that opposition to him makes so 
 great part of his history and from whence so much of his character 
 arises, it will not be improper for the better illustration of that, to give 
 you some description of the persons who undertook or had the principal 
 management of it. He who first endeavoured to form this opposition ^ 
 into a system or regular method of proceeding with a view only to ruin 
 Mr. Walpole, and for that purpose to unite people of every character 
 and principle, and in which he took the most indefatigable pains, was 
 Mr. Daniel Poulteney, in all other respects almost a very worthy man, 
 very knowing and laborious in business especially in foreign affairs, of 
 strong but not lively parts, a clear and weighty speaker, grace in his 
 deportment, and of great virtue and decorum in his private life, generous 
 and friendly ; but with all this, of most implacable hatred where he did 
 hate, violent, keen and most bitter in his resentments, gave up all 
 pleasures and comforts and every other consideration to his anger, and 
 fell at last a martyr to it in his quarrel with Mr. Walpole ; for his not 
 succeeding in it preyed upon his spirits, which and with his living much 
 with the Lord Bolingbroke (as an enemy to Mr. Walpole) threw him 
 
466 
 
 Onslow MSS. ' m t an irregularity of drinking that occasioned his death, to tbe great 
 loss and regret of those who were now joined with him, to whom he was 
 as a sort of magazine for all the materials necessary to the work he 
 principally had engaged them in. His animosity to Mr. Walpole arose 
 from his intimacy with my Lord Sunderland, to whom he was brother- 
 in-law by having married the sister of my Lord Sunderland's last wife. 
 He was in the depth of all that Lord's political secrets as far at least as 
 he trusted anybody, and was designed by him to be Secretary of State 
 in the scheme he formed of a new Administration if he had lived long 
 enough to have once more overset Mr. Walpole and my Lord Towns - 
 hend. But my Lord Sunderland's death putting an end to the other's 
 hopes, so soured his mind that from the moment of his disappointment, 
 I verily believe he scarcely thought of anything else but to revenge it in 
 an opposition to him who had been the chief opponent of his friend and 
 patron. This was at first carried on in whispers and insinuations and 
 raising private prejudices against Mr. Walpole ; for he still continued 
 one of the Commissioners of the Admiralty and so still voted with the 
 Administration ; but resigning that office which he had great joy in 
 being disentangled from, that he might as he soon did act openly and 
 without reserve against the Ministry in everything ; and was the person 
 chiefly who settled his kinsman Mr. Poulteney (aftewards Earl of Bath) 
 in this opposition, though they little agreed or indeed conversed with 
 one another before, nay rather personally disliked one another even to 
 the last ; and they were in truth of very different characters. What- 
 ever suspicions Mr. Daniel Poulteney might lie under of entering into 
 some dark and dangerous designs against the Government itself, it is 
 most certain the other had never any thoughts that led to Jacobitism ; 
 and if there was anything relating to the public that he was constant to, 
 it was his fears of the Pretender, his abhorrence of that cause, and his- 
 attachment to the King and his family. And it was from this, and not 
 a little too, because of his great fortune which might be at stake, that 
 he had often some checks of conscience and very melancholy appre- 
 hensions, lest his violence against the Administration of Sir Robert 
 Walpole, and joining for that purpose with those supposed to be enemies 
 to the Government, might not weaken the foundations of it, and give too 
 much advantage to them who were thought to mean its destruction. 
 He was without dispute a person of very eminent endowments, rather 
 natural than acquired, although not without the last, but with a mixture 
 of such natural defects and weaknesses too that no time I believe can 
 produce an instance of a man of so variable and uncertain a mind, who 
 knew not that he was so, and never designed to be so. I am persuaded 
 he thought his life was one continued scene of uniformity in principles 
 and actings, and as those who knew him best wondered at the popularity 
 he once had, so he who knew himself least wondered as much that he 
 ever lost it. He had indeed the most popular parts for public speaking 
 that I ever knew, animating every subject of popularity with the spirit 
 and fire that the orators of the ancient Commonwealths governed the 
 people by, was as classical and as elegant in the speeches he did not 
 prepare as they were in their most studied compositions, mingling wit 
 and pleasantry and the application even of little stories so properly to 
 affect his hearers, that he would overset the best argumentation in the 
 world and win people to his side, often against their own convictions, 
 by making ridiculous that truth they were influenced by before, and 
 making some men to be afraid and ashamed of being thought within the 
 virulence of some bitter expression of his, or within the laugh that gene 
 rally went through the town at any memorable stroke of his wit. And 
 
467 
 
 although this never got him a majority in the House of Commons yet OxslowJMSS. 
 
 he usually had the occasional hearers that were there; and to that 
 
 audience he generally spoke and by them established his general fame, 
 
 as long I mean as his talents were employed against Ministers, Courtiers, 
 
 Power and Corruption, he cert linly hurt Sir Robert more than any of 
 
 those who opposed him. What his motives were to this opposition, and 
 
 what happened to him afterwards, T leave to other accounts of him, 
 
 which are various. He was undoubtedly a very extraordinary person ; 
 
 and in his private life free from common vices, with a sense of religion 
 
 even to devotion. 
 
 Another person who acted a very considerable part in this oppo- 
 sition was Sir William Wyndham as a leader of the Tories or such of 
 them at least who were not averse to come with their party into power 
 and offices under the present Royal Family. In the latter part of 
 Queen Anne's reign he had been Secretary at War and Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer though a very young man, raised so high in the 
 world, against the opinion of it, by the favour of my Lord Bolingbroke 
 with whom he lived in an intimacy of pleasures and gallantries as well 
 as business : and from his attachment and gratitude to him (which he 
 ever preserved) and from party violence and the heat of his youth had 
 engaged in the Rebellion of 1715, but escaped any punishment, except 
 that of a short confinement, by the consideration then had of the noble 
 family he had married into, and who had great merit with the King 
 and his family. He continued however in all the measures of his 
 party against the Government, and by frequent speaking in public, and 
 great application to business, and the constant instruction he still 
 received from his friend and as it were his master, especially in foreign 
 affairs, he became from a very disagreeable speaker and little knowing 
 in business to be one of the most pleasing and able speakers of his 
 time, wore out all the prejudices of party, grew moderate towards 
 the dissenters, against whom he once bore a most implacable hatred, 
 studied and understood the nature of government and the constitution 
 of his own country, and formed such a new set of principles with 
 regard to the public, acd from them grew to think that the religion 
 and liberties of the nation so much depended on the support of the 
 present family on the throne, that he lost all confidence with the 
 Jacobites and the most rigid of the Tories, and it is thought would 
 have left them entirely if he could have stood the reproach of that in 
 his own county, or could have maintained a prevailing interest there 
 without them ; and upon that footing would willingly have come into a 
 new Whig Administration upon the exclusion of Sir Robert Walpole, 
 with whom he would never have acted, and with the admission of some 
 few of his Tory friends who in company with him would willingly 
 also have left their party for such a change, swayed not a little per- 
 haps in this by observing that no other road would lead them to those 
 honours and preferments in the State which it was just for men of 
 abilities to expect and a folly to exclude themselves and their families 
 from, when they could take them as they thought without hurt to their 
 principles and their character. But he did not live long enough to 
 have this happen to him. He was in my opinion the most made for a 
 great man of any one that I have known in this age. Everything 
 about him seemed great. There was no inconsistency in his composi- 
 tion. All the parts of his character suited and were a help to one 
 another. There was much of grace and dignity in his person and the 
 same in his speaking. He had no acquirements of learning, but his 
 eloquence improved by use was strong, full, and without affectation, 
 O 77960. II H 
 
468 
 
 Onslow MSS. arising chiefly from his clearness, propriety and argumentation, in the 
 method of which last by a sort of induction almost peculiar to himself, 
 he had a force beyond any man I ever heard in public debates. He 
 had not the vivacity of wit and pleasantry in his speeches so enter- 
 taining in the former person, but there was a spirit and power in his 
 speaking that always animated himself and his hearers, and with the 
 decoration of his manner which was indeed very ornamental produced 
 not only the most attentive, respectful, but even a reverend, regard to 
 whatever he spoke. He was besides generally serious and always 
 decent, never positive and often condescending, though sometimes 
 severe and pointed. There was indeed great decorum through his 
 whole carriage, and no man ever contributed more than he did to the 
 dignity of Parliament. Had he been a minister in his latter days I am 
 satisfied he would have had the same decorum in office as he had in 
 Parliament and he had that civility and good breeding in his demeanour 
 that made him as tit for a court as any other situation, and his abilities 
 would have made him equal to any. He had certainly great notions 
 and appeared to have a high regard to the principles of honour and 
 justice. It has been said that he was haughty and passionate and would 
 have carried his power too high, and I am afraid it was the weakness 
 he was most liable to fall into ; those who spoke most of this took 
 their thoughts of him chiefly from what they remembered of him in 
 his younger days, when it is very true he had too much of this temper, 
 but as far as 1 could observe he was much changed in this as he was 
 in his principles and other things; and surely no man in general was 
 ever less in his advanced age of what he had been in his youth, than 
 he seemed to be ; but as he was not without his fears too and some 
 desire of fame, they from his knowledge also of the world would have 
 been some restraint upon the other, and if so, his state might only have 
 procured that respect which is always due and necessary to Government. 
 What his firmness in great trials would have been I cannot say. He 
 was certainly of a very high spirit and that with power well managed 
 might have supported him under any difficulties. If I have spoken 
 too highly of him it must be imputed to the great opinion I conceived 
 of him in the House of Commons, where I never saw him fail of being 
 a great man. 
 
 These three were the principal opponents Sir Robert Walpole had 
 in the House of Commons. There were others too in that place 
 who bore their parts in the same work, but were far inferior to those 
 I have mentioned. Some in point of abilities and others from their 
 youth and want of experience : although among the latter some 
 were young men of great natural and acquired endowments, and from 
 the training they had by their opposition to the Court, came afterwards 
 to be of considerable figure and rank in public office and business. It 
 w T as indeed from the applause for speaking which these had acquired, 
 that it became a fashion for most of the then young men of birth and 
 fortune to set themselves against the Court and to endeavour to obtain 
 <eats in parliament for the sake of the fame they hoped to get, as the 
 others had done by popular declamations there, against the evil power 
 and corruption of the Administration, which they chiefly or rather only 
 applied to Sir Robert Walpole, and too often in a language that by no 
 means became their youth to give or his years to have it given to him. 
 But for this also they had their applauders ; and it is scarcely to be 
 imagined to what a height it arose and how much general mischief he 
 received from this spirit and licentiousness of speech in these young 
 patriots. It went the farther, because in them it was deemed native 
 
4G9 
 
 virtue, and disinterestedness, the result of untainted minds and hearts i Onslow MSS. 
 too young to be corrupted by envy of power and profit (the usual 
 motives of older men in faction), and in many or most of them indeed 
 I am persuaded in the beginning at least they were made to believe a 
 they were saving their country from destruction and that they only 
 could do it. But they were the fools and instruments of those who 
 meant no such thing, and who were in opposition only because they 
 had not power, and made use of the virtue of these younger and better 
 men to the quicker obtaining of it for themselves. Which when they had 
 done, and manifested by their after actings what their former motives had 
 been, many of their young followers soon discerned the cheat and 
 showed their resentment accordingly. Some however who were older 
 and grown wiser, saw the prospects the change had opened, and made as 
 able an use of it as the best experienced of their principals had done : 
 but, alas ! with a change too of style and behaviour, that has made me 
 often mourn over them and reflect how very wary young men should be 
 of what they say and do in their political outset, lest the language and 
 actings they then hold should not be able to last them through their 
 whole journey ; and I have found also that nothing can be more unfor- 
 tunate for any man than to begin his public life in the schools of faction 
 and defamation. It is unhappy enough to begin it in a servile and 
 implicit compliance with power ; but the other is far more daugerous. 
 The middle track between those two extremes is the path that honest 
 and wise men will take, and is the true character of a parliament man. 
 The next person in the House of Commons whom I shall mention and 
 who gave much disturbance there to Sir Robert Walpole and his adminis- 
 tration was one of the members for the City of London and the most 
 eminent man among them, not for fortune which he seemed to have no 
 appetite for, beyond a competency for his rank and fashion which was 
 that of a merchant by profession (though of no extensive dealings) and 
 of the great offices in the city all of which he had passed through ; but 
 his consideration arose from his own intrinsic worth and abilities, 
 unassisted by any collateral advantages whatsoever, for he had neither 
 birth, alliances, riches or stations in the Government to forward him, 
 but was himself if ever any man was, the worker out of his own true 
 fame. Nor had he the advantages of learning, language, or manner to 
 ornament or set off his natural or acquired endowments, the latter of 
 which lay chiefly in the knowledge of trade, its foundation and extent, 
 and of the whole circle of taxes, funds, money and credit. In all which 
 he had more sagacity, acuteness, force and closeness of argumentation, 
 better and more practicable notions, than almost any man I ever knew, 
 with a disinterestedness as to himself that no temptation of the greatest 
 profit or very high stations (for such he might have had) could have 
 drawn him from, or from the very retired and humble life he generally 
 chose to lead, not only for the liake of his health but the eontent of his 
 mind, in a moderate habitation in a neighbouring village to London 
 from whence he only came, as he was occasionally called, to any business 
 of importance in the city or in Parliament, in the first of which he was 
 a great magistrate and in the other of true weight and influence. He 
 was besides of a very regular and religious life without show or affecta- 
 tion, as in his public deportment he seemed to have made the best 
 principles of both parties to be the guide of his political actings ; so 
 that he was in truth one of the greatest examples of private and in 
 general of public virtue that this age has produced ; and had a popularity 
 arising from that which though he did not court or cherish in the way 
 it is usually got and kept up, was more universal and lasting than that 
 
 H H 2 
 
470 
 
 Onslow MSS. of any man of his time, manifesting itself in calm and real instances of 
 esteem, and not in noise and riot, which he himself would have been 
 the firs I to suppress. (1764) He is lately dead in full possession of this 
 fcrne fame. 
 
 After so much of the character of Sir John Baniard it cannot 
 be supposed that in his oppositions to Sir Robert Walpole he was 
 at all actuated by the spirit of faction ; nor do I believe he was, or that 
 he ever entered with the others into any formed design to ruin or remove 
 him, however he might wish the latter from the then dislike he seemed 
 to have of the principles of his Administration, especially after the 
 famous attempt of Sir Robert Walpole to turn the collection of some of 
 the Inland duties into an Excise, which Sir John Barnard had much 
 contributed to defeat ; and Sir Robert Walpole's manner of debating a 
 scheme the other had proposed to reduce the interest of the Public 
 Debt to 3 per cent., of both which I shall speak more particularly very 
 soon. And here it must be confessed that his opposing the measures of 
 the Government was more constant and settled and had more of intem- 
 perance in it towards Sir Robert Walpole than can seem well to consist 
 with the description I have before given of this gentleman. But among 
 all his great qualities he had. some blemishes, rather from his constitu- 
 tion, however, than his will or design. He was of a very warm temper, 
 too scon wrought up to passion, and when under that operation was 
 often deprived of his judgment and even of his usual discernment. He 
 was likewise too persevering and tenacious of his opinions, and when in 
 the wrong would shift and refine and subtilize so much to save himself 
 in his disputing, that, in some instances, with those who did not know 
 him well, it created some unkind suspicions of his sincerity , but all 
 that I am satisfied was more owing to the narrowness of the company he 
 kept, and the lead he always had in their conversations, which usually 
 begets an impatience of contradiction and a love of disputing for the 
 sake of victory, than to any fixed intention of imposing upon or 
 deceiving his audience. He had also that regard for the City of 
 London and the profession of merchants, and that warmth for their 
 interests and indeed for every person he undertook to serve that on some 
 occasions it has thrown him into partialities for them that he himself 
 might not perceive though everybody ehe did. He was not perhaps 
 without his vanity too, and that might carry him into a desire of trying 
 his skill with Sir Robert Walpole in those matters in which he was 
 thought to have no equal, and to be sure he had none, unless Sir John 
 Barnard was the man, I mean in the business of money and credit. 
 And in this it was that he chiefly affected and hurt Sir Robert though 
 seldom with any real superiority. 
 
 There was one person more in the House of Commons (Sir J. Jekyll) 
 I will mention here, though he was not in a set opposition to 
 the Ministry, and w r as sometimes with them, and never against them 
 from the motives the others were thought to have, I should rather 
 say the three first, yet as he most usually differed in the House 
 of Commons from those who were in power, and had much dislike 
 to Sir Robert W 7 alpole in many things and bore no great reverence 
 to his character in general, and being also much known and talked of in 
 the times of Sir Robert's Ministry, and being likewise of a very particular 
 turn in his public and private actings, it may not be improper — but this 
 hereafter. 
 
 There were two other persons who in different ways contributed 
 very much to the keeping up the fire of opposition to Sir Robert 
 Walpole's Administration. The la f e Lord Bolingbroke and the Lord 
 
471 
 
 Carteret afterwards Earl Granviile. But as I know not enough 0lVSLOW MSS - 
 of them to be very particular in their characters I shall only describe 
 them as they were generally spoken of. They were universally esteemed 
 of the -greatest genius for parts and knowledge of any men of the age. 
 The latter thought to be the better scholar and to have formed his 
 eloquence more upon the Ancients and to have more of their spirit in it 
 than the former, but the first was far the better writer, and had been a 
 very lively and able speaker in both Houses of Parliament. He was 
 thought too to have more knowledge and skill in the affairs of Europe 
 from his long experience abroad and intimacy there with men of the first 
 rank for business and capacity. But neither of them were thought to know 
 enough of the real temper and constitution of their own country although 
 Lord Bolingbroke wrote much on that subject. They were both of them 
 of unbounded spirit and ambition, impatient of restraint, contemning the 
 notion of equality with others in business and even disdaining to be 
 anything if not the first and highest in power. They were not famed 
 for what is called personal courage ; but in the conduct of affairs were 
 deemed bold if not rash, and the Lord Bolingbroke was of a temper to 
 overturn kingdoms to make v>ay for himself and his talents to govern 
 the world ; whilst the other in projecting the plans of his Administra- 
 tion, thought much more of raising a great name to himself all over 
 Europe, an1 having that continued by historians to all posterity, than 
 of any present domestic popularity or renown whatsoever. He thought 
 consulting the interior interests and disposition of the people, the con- 
 duct of business in Parliaments, and the methods of raising money for 
 the execution even of his own designs was a work below his appli- 
 cations, and to be left as underparts of Government to the care of 
 inferior and subordinate understandings, in subserviency however to his 
 will and measures. But much of this perhaps was owing more to his 
 never having been of the House of Commons than even to the natural 
 height of his spirit, although the last had but too well formed him for 
 those disregards. They were both I believe very incorrupt as to money. 
 It was not their aim to aggrandize themselves that way. Lord Cart- 
 eret's was all glory, even to the enthusiasm of it, and that made him 
 rather more scrupulous than the other in the means he used for his 
 greatness. But Lord Bolingbroke's was merely power, and to be the 
 leader of it, without any other gratification but what the present enjoy- 
 ment of it might give him. In a word they were both made rather for 
 the splendour of great monarchies, than the sober councils of a free 
 state, whose liberty is its chief concern. Although upon the whole 
 Lord Carteret seemed much the better man and a safer minister than 
 the other. 
 
 With these talents and temper it will not be wondered at that 
 they should be enemies to Sir Robert Walpole, and he to them. 
 But his apprehensions of what they might do against him were not the 
 same with regard to both, nor of the same sort with those he had of the 
 other persons before mentioned, because they were of the House of 
 Commons where he was, and where the chief scene of business lay, and 
 if he got his affairs through that place he was not very solicitous as to 
 what might happen in the House of Lords where the party against him 
 was very small, and a speech or two from Lord Carteret and from 
 two or three more, was all he had to fear. But his apprehensions of 
 hurt from Lord Carteret lay another way. It was at Court he feared 
 him most, as the most likely person to supplant him with the King and 
 Queen, who disliked Lord Carteret less than any of the others who 
 carried on this opposition. For he had very early in his life applied 
 
472 
 
 Oxslow MSS. himself to the affairs of Germany and the northern Courts, had been a 
 Minister atone of them, and had made many connections of acquaintance 
 and intimacy with the persons that came from that part of the world 
 hither, and especially with the Hanoverian Ministers (none of whom 
 ever loved Sir Robert Walpole), by whose means he had some communi- 
 cations with the Queen if not with the King, and she at least had 
 certainly no unfavourable opinion of him ; and when he did come into 
 power, upon the removal of Sir Robert Walpole, had more of the King's 
 favour and opinion than any of the other Ministers, partly for the 
 reasons before mentioned, but chiefly, that hi3 politics made very much 
 for the interests of Hanover, which he always laboured to unite with 
 those of his country. But Lord Bolingbroke did not molest Sir Robert 
 Walpole in this way. He had no hopes of coming into business and 
 power under the present King at least, but by forcing his passage to 
 it, and making as he thought, even the King's safety to depend upon it. 
 He had by his almost weekly writings, in which he was very able, so 
 irritated and inflamed the nation (who eagerly read his invectives) 
 against Sir Robert Walpole and the measures of the Government in 
 which he often personally involved the King and Queen, that at some 
 times there was too much reason to fear the rage he had wrought the 
 body of the people up to might have produced the most desperate 
 attempts. But he meant not that I believe (whatever has been the 
 suspicion) but only to terrify the King into a change of his Ministry 
 and for himself to be thereby restored to his honours, which would, as 
 he always flattered himself, soon put him at the head of affairs. And 
 seasons there were in the course of this opposition that if it had 
 succeeded might possibly have procured him a restitution of his peerage 
 (his estate was given him by Parliament before) though by what has 
 fallen out since one may doubt even of that. 
 
 There was besides these two, another person of great rank who 
 came to have a considerable share in the design of ruining Sir 
 Robert Walpole, I mean the Earl of Chesterfield. He was esteemed 
 the wittiest man of his time, and of a sort that has scarcely been 
 known since the reign of King Charles the Second, and revived 
 the memory of the great wits of that age, to the liveliest of whom 
 he was thought not to be unequal. He was besides this a very 
 graceful speaker in public, had some knowledge of affairs, having 
 been ambassador in Holland, and when he was eno;ao;ed in debates 
 always took pains to be well informed of the subject, so that no 
 man's speaking was ever more admired or drew more audience to it 
 than his did, but chiefly from those who either relished his wit or were 
 pleased with seeing the Ministry exposed by his talent of ridicule and 
 the bitterness of jest he was so much master of and never spared, and 
 this made him so very terrible to the Ministers who were of the House of 
 Lords that they dreaded his wit upon them there, and his writings too, 
 for he sometimes as it was thought furnished the weekly paper of the 
 Opposition with the most poignant pieces it had. 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole continued in his fulness of power till 1741, fortified 
 as he believed by his triumphant defeat of his principal opposers in their 
 motion for an Address to the King to remove him from his presence and 
 council ; that success rendered him too secure in his own mind, and it is 
 said, made him remiss in his means to obtain the next Parliament. But 
 be that as it will, he could not support himself in the new House of 
 Commons, at least his best friends thought so, although he himself 
 thought otherwise, and reproached them for it, and therefore after many 
 attempts to save himself but in vain, he yielded at last although with 
 
473 
 
 much reluctance ; resigned his employments, and was made an Earl, Oxslow MSS. 
 
 with every private favour he desired of the King. His retreat was 
 
 entire from any concern in the business of Government, but not from 
 
 the following and estimation of almost every man of those that had 
 
 surrounded him when in the height of his power. He lived but a very 
 
 few years afterwards, and died, as I have been told, with a great seeming 
 
 composure of mind, even under excruciating pains from the stone. I 
 
 will end this account of him with saying, that he was in general a wise 
 
 and able Minister, and the best man from the goodness of his heart, 
 
 which was characteristic in him, to live with, and to live under, of any 
 
 great man I ever knew. 
 
 [An Account of the Onslow Family.] 
 
 *Disce puer — ex me — laborem : 
 Fortunam ex aliis. 
 To my Son, e 
 
 It is necessary to tell you that you may know it, to make a decent 
 use of it (which a very wise man said was only when a person is 
 reproached with the want of it), that you are descended of a gentleman's 
 family, equal in its antiquity to most of the best families in England, 
 seated in the county of Salop at a place called Onslow near Shrewsbury ; 
 and we have undoubted evidence of an immediate ancestor of ours who 
 in the reign of Henry the Third was styled Roger de Onneslowe. It is 
 mentioned also in Doomsday and there written Andesloe. It continued 
 in the name to the time of James the First as we conjecture. The 
 family had very large possessions in the same county and spread itself 
 into several considerable branches and intermarried with most of the 
 best Houses there. The estate now belonging to Onslow is at present 
 
 very small, little more than the ancient park, and owned by one 
 
 Townes Esq. who has it as I have been informed by descent from the 
 Onslows.* The house is now pretty large, but there are about it the 
 remains, as I have been also informed, of a very great structure. From 
 a second son of this House named Roger settled in Shrewsbury and very 
 
 likely the ownerf of the castle there, came and Richard, of whom 
 
 we are descended. The first was from the 13th of Queen Elizabeth, 
 through the rest of the Parliaments of her reign, Clerk of the House of 
 Commons, had the great parsonage of Hatfield in Hertfordshire as a 
 lay estate for his own and his wife's life by free gift from his brother 
 our ancestor, who had purchased a long lease of it, resided and died in 
 the parsonage house there (a very large building) and lies buried in the 
 parish church of that place. Relating to him a very particular circum- 
 stance is mentioned in D'Ewes' Journals of the House of Commons, 407. 
 Being then Clerk of the House and so indisposed that he could not 
 attend his duty there, he, by the Speaker, desired leave of the House for 
 his kinsman, one Mr. William Onslow, then a member, to officiate in his 
 stead, which the House granted, and Mr. William Onslow did accordingly 
 supply the place of Clerk during the indisposition of his kinsman, 
 
 * Now owned by — Murrel, Esq., Sheriff in 1771. 
 
 f Whether Eoger was lessee of the castle under the Crown or not we have no 
 evidence to determine, but in the 7th year of Queen Elizabeth she committed it to 
 his son Richard our ancestor for the term of 31 years at a rent of thirteen shillings 
 and fourpence, as appears in the Office of the Treasurer's Remembrancer in the 
 Exchequer. 
 
474 
 
 Osslcw MSS. Richard, who was the younger brother, and from whom we are lineally 
 derived, was bred to the profession of the law, and became of great 
 rank and character in it. He w 7 as first, Attorney of the Duchy of 
 Lancaster, then Recorder of the City of London, afterwards made Her 
 Majesty's Solicitor General, and whilst he was so, viz. in the 8th year of 
 Queen Elizabeth, chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, and lastly 
 advanced to the honorable and profitable office of Attorney of the Court 
 of Wards. He did not live many years after that, and died leaving very 
 considerable possessions, as appears by his will, in the 44th year of his 
 age at Shrewsbury, and lies buried there with his wife, under a very 
 large and fair monument in St. Chad's Church : upon which there is an 
 inscription in good Latin, that concludes thus : Qui f uit statura procera, 
 fronte gratissima, voce gravi, lingua facunda, veritatis studiosissimus, 
 omnium virtutum thesaurus, sincerus, liberalis, incorruptus. In the 
 
 year 1559 he married Katherine daughter of Hardingeof Knowle 
 
 or Knoll in the parish of Cranley in the County of Surrey, Esq., and by 
 her had that estate which was no small one for that age and settled his 
 family there : and it remained the principal seat of the family till the 
 year 1653 or 4 when my great grandfather removed to West Clandon, 
 though purchased some years before. Knoll is still part of the estate of 
 my Lord Onslow : and here I cannot omit the doing justice to the 
 memory of our ancestor, against an injurious reflection upon him by 
 Sir Simonds D'Ewes who says in his Journals of the two Houses of 
 Parliament, page 121 — That he, Mr. Onslow, when he was presented by 
 the House to the Queen for their Speaker, did against all former and 
 latter precedents petition Her Majesty on behalf of the House for 
 freedom of access only, and did very ignorantly omit or carelessly forget 
 the two other petitions far freedom of speech and freedom from arrests, 
 &c. To this I have to say that he w r as chosen Speaker not at a new 
 Parliament but upon the death of the Speaker who died during 
 a prorogation of this Parliament. That whatever the former or latter 
 precedents might have been, he was certainly right and shewed he 
 judged better in the case than others had done, for as he was elected 
 upon a vacancy and the former Speaker had made all the petitions as 
 usual it was needless to renew those which belonged to the House and 
 which had been granted before to this Parliament. What he requested 
 was peculiar to himself, first that he (see page 98 in D'Ewes) might 
 have free access to Her Majesty, and this he did for two reasons, first 
 because the former Speaker in the petitions he made had desired free 
 access to Her Majesty for himself 'in the business of the House, and did 
 not say free access for the House, see D'Ewes, 66. Secondly, that in 
 these times the applications to the Crown from the House were generally 
 made by the mouth of the Speaker and therefore it was not improper to 
 ask this privilege again as having some particular reference to himself 
 -though in general belonging to the House too. The other request he 
 made was certainly relative to himself, viz. for excuse of, and leave to 
 correct, his mistakes, &c. And upon this precedent I suppose it was 
 that Mr. Edward Seymour- (afterwards Sir Edward) at his being 
 confirmed Speaker the second time, May 6th 1678, did not make the 
 usual requests, but only that for excusing his own mistakes, &c. When 
 he was first chosen Speaker it being upon a vacancy he should have 
 done no more, but he then made all the petitions, in which he was 
 wrong. But this point is now settled and proves how right Mr. 
 Onslow was, for on Mr. Paul Foley being chosen Speaker in the 
 room of ' ir John Trevor, he desired the sense of the House as to 
 the petitions he should make if he was confirmed by the King, and 
 
475 
 
 the opinion of the House was that the usual petitions for the ° NSL 2^_ MSS - 
 
 privileges of the House should not then be renewed, and that they 
 
 were but once to be made and at the beginning of the Parliament, 
 
 March 14th 1694, and he accordingly did only petition the King to 
 
 excuse his failings, &c. There is another circumstance relating to 
 
 this ancestor of ours which perhaps you will not dislike to know. 
 
 During a prorogation of the Parliament being then a member of it 
 he was made Solicitor General in June 1566, and had his writ of 
 attendance in the House of Lords as usual. When the Parliament 
 which was on the 30th of September following and had Her Majesty's 
 direction to elect a new Speaker, Sir Edward Rogers, Comptroller of the 
 Household, took notice that Her Majesty's Solicitor General was a 
 member of their House and that it would be proper to use some means 
 to restore him to them, who was then, attending the House of Lords, 
 to join with them in the election of a Speaker, and notice thereof 
 being given to the Lords, upon consultation had among the Lords 
 the Solicitor was sent down to shew for himself why he should 
 not be a member of the House of Commons, who, as it is 
 said, alleging many weighty reasons as well for his office of 
 Solicitor as for his writ of attendance in the upper House was never- 
 theless adjudged to be a member of the House of Commons, and 
 thereupon he was chosen speaker. D'Ewes 121, Original Journal 
 Book of the House of Commons, 1st October 1566. I mention this as 
 being the first instance of the kind. It pursued afterwards in the case 
 of Popham, Solicitor General in the 23rd year of Elizabeth, who was 
 chosen speaker upon a vacancy also and it was upon this distinction 
 chiefly that the Lords consented to the sending these two gentlemen to 
 the House of Commons, as appears in the case of Popham, viz., that 
 they were members of the House of Commons, and the House possessed 
 of them as such, before they were made solicitors, and had their writs 
 of attendance in the House*of Lords, D'Ewes 280, Original Journal 
 Book of rhe House of Commons, 16th and 18th January 1580. And 
 this distinction seems to be confirmed by what passed upon the Commons 
 demanding of the Lords to have Egerton, then Solicitor General and 
 attending the Lords, to be sent to them, and the Lords refusing to consent 
 to it, returned for answer that he was called by Her Majesty's writ to 
 serve and attend in the House of Lords before he was elected, and 
 returned a member to serve in the House of Commons, D'Ewes 441, 
 442. But this distinction has ceased for some ages, and indeed I know 
 of no instance where it ever was made but in those above mentioned*, 
 for as to the other attendants upon the House of Lords, such as the 
 i Master of the Rolls and the other Masters of the Chancery"!, King's 
 Serjeants and Counsel, they have been for many ages back, as since 
 the time of Queen Elizabeth the Solicitors General have been, chosen 
 members ot the House of Commons although they were in those offices 
 before their elections, without any objection from the Lords as far as I 
 can find. The Attorney General has been hut of late§ time thought 
 capable of sitting in the House of Commons, but the objection to his 
 sitting came from the House of Commons itself and not from the Lords. 
 
 * Except in the case of Sir Henry Hobart, Attorney General. See the Journal of 
 the House oi Commons, 8th and 11th April, 12th James 1st. 
 
 t See Journal of the House of Commons, 8th and 11th April, 12th James 1st. 
 
 X See D'Ewes Journal 249, for the case of Serjeant Jefferies. 
 
 § Since the Restoration, that is, since Sir Heneage Finch became Attorney 
 General, for Sir Jeffery Palmer, his predecessor, never sat in the House of Commons 
 after he was Attorney. 
 
476 
 
 Onslow MSS. Sir Henry Hobart, whilst Attorney General, was suffered to continue a 
 member, though it was said by a member, as entered in the Journal of 
 the House of Commons, 8th April, 12 James 1st, that it was because he 
 was a member when made Attorney, and on the 11th of the same April 
 resolved upon a solemn debate of two days that the Attorney General 
 (who was then Sir Francis Bacon) should remain of the House for that 
 Parliament, but it was also resolved that no Attorney General should 
 serve for the future, and upon this determination it was that a new writ 
 issued for electing a member in the room of the Attorney General (Sir 
 Thomas Coventry) who was returned to serve in the House of Commons, 
 see the Journal of the House of Commons, 8th February 1620 ; and Sir 
 Robert Heath, Attorney General, was not suffered to sit, and a new writ 
 ordered for the choice of another member in his stead, Journal of the 
 House of Commons 9th and 10th February 1625. A new writ was also 
 issued for a member in the room of Herbert, Solicitor General, upon his 
 being made Attorney, Journal of the House of Commons 29th January 
 1640. But since the Restoration the Attorney General has as before 
 mentioned sat in the House of Commons, though in the year 1692, 14th 
 January, there was an address (but it came to nothing) and see the first 
 volume, page 382, of my written calendar of the Journal of the House of 
 Commons, to the King from the House of Lords that the Attorney 
 General might for the future be an assistant there, and his being an 
 assistant in the House of Lords as the judges are ssems to have been 
 the reason, as is before mentioned, for distinguishing from the Solicitor 
 and others who are but attendants. 
 
 To return, this Richard Onslow left a numerous issue, two sons, and 
 five daughters, one of which we conjecture was the maid of honour to 
 Queen Elizabeth, mentioned in the second volume of the Sydney Papers, 
 page 156-159-201, but his eldest son Robert dying without children, 
 the second son Edward who afterwards became Sir Edward, knighted 
 by Queen Elizabeth, enjoyed the estate and lived at Knoll. He was a 
 person of eminent virtue and piety, and of that truly religious set of 
 men called Church Puritans as appears by the extract number 1. I 
 don't find he was ever in any public station, he married one of the 
 daughters of Sir Thomas Shirley of Westenston in the county of Sussex 
 (by which we are founders kinsmen of All Souls College in Oxford) 
 and had by her two sons and several daughters. 
 
 His eldest son dying without issue the estate came to his other son 
 afterwards Sir Richard Onslow Knt., the first of the family who was 
 chosen a Knight of the Shire for the county of Surrey and was 
 so from the year 1627 to all the Parliaments of King Charles the 
 1st, and laid the foundation of that interest both in the County 
 and in the town of Guildford that our family have ever since kept 
 up to a height that has been scarcely equalled in any county by one 
 family, having been chosen for the county to all Parliaments, except 
 five, from 1627 ; and for Guildford to every Parliament from 1660 
 except once for two years upon a vacancy for a friend by our family 
 interest, and sometimes for Haslemere, Gatton, and Bletchingley, in 
 the same county, once two of our family together for the county, 
 and several times two of them for Guildford. He was a man of 
 high spirit, of a large fortune and of great parts, knowledge and courage, 
 with the gravity and sobriety of the times, was much esteemed in his 
 own country, where he bore the principal sway in all business and 
 interests. He lived in a very close friendship with most of the consider- 
 able men, who at the breaking out of the troubles took part with the 
 Parliament. He raised a reo-iment for the service of the Parliament 
 
477 
 
 and was at the siege at Basing House. His officers were most of them Onslow MSS. 
 gentlemen of his own county and the private men were of it too and 
 freeholders ; but upun the passing of the self-denying ordinance, as it 
 was called, in the year 1645, by which no member of Parliament was to 
 hold any office civil or military, he left his command in the army. He 
 was among those in the House who were not for carrying things to 
 extremities against the King but only to restrain his power, and to 
 preserve the constitution upon its true basis ; and was besides a great 
 enemy to the wild and enthusiastic principles of religion that prevailed 
 during these times. He suffered much upon this account, and was 
 always ill treated by the sectarian part of the army and by those who 
 were for a republican scheme of, or for otherwise overturning the, 
 Government, as appears by the justice the House of Commons did him 
 against a libel of George Withers written on purpose to traduce him ; 
 and by his moderation he also exposed himself to the resentments and 
 calumnies of violent men of the contrary principles, who endeavoured 
 to defame him in a particular that he laboured to serve them, as may be 
 seen in the annexed printed paper number 2. And as to Withers' libel 
 you will see the proceedings thereupon in the transcript of the Journals 
 of the House of Commons * number 3. I cannot better describe to 
 you than these proceedings do the design of the charge, the importance 
 of the person charged, and of what complexion he was, especially by 
 the characters of the tellers, who were the principal men at that time in 
 the House, and the leaders of the two chief contending parties, and 
 w r ho would not have been appointed to this office if the matter had not 
 been of a more than ordinary nature ; and it is very observable to the 
 honour of Sir Richard Onslow that it was a victory for him against 
 Cromwell in person. This Withers was in himself a low fellow, well 
 known however in those times for his fanatic poetry and ribald writings 
 almost innumerable. He is celebrated by Butler in his Hudibras. He 
 was an officer, and then quartered or otherwise residing in or about 
 Farnham, as I have heard, and, after this matter was before the House 
 of Commons, seems to be trying to get evidence to support his charge, 
 by enquiring of a man, one John Chaloner, if he knew anything 
 against Sir Richard Onslow. A certificate of which is among the 
 Clandon Papers, and signed by this Chaloner. My great-grandfather 
 having thus opposed and defeated these contradictory animosities to- 
 wards him, steadily pursued his own principles and was one of the 
 secluded members in the year 1648, and among them who were treated 
 with most severity, because of their strenuous opposition to the designs 
 against the King's life, not that he was for restoring him by arms or 
 force upon the Parliament (and therefore came into Surrey, upon the 
 insurrection by the Earl of Holland, to oppose that weak and wild 
 undertaking there) ; but by treaty and compact, that there might be a 
 fair settlement if possible between the Crown and the people. By his 
 being thus secluded, I do not find that he sat any more in that 
 Parliament till those members were brought back to it by Monk a little 
 before the Restoration, and from the time of this seclusion till Crom- 
 well's third Parliament constituted a House of Lords, he acted in the 
 country upon frequent occasions with great zeal and resolution against 
 the then powers, but with so much prudence too (which his enemies 
 called by another name and reproached him for) that he never subjected 
 himself to any prosecution or public censure, though he was more than 
 once very near it. It is true however that he was again colonel of the 
 
 * See post. 
 
478 
 
 Onslow MSS. Surrey Regiment in the year 1651 and was ordered to join Cromwell at 
 Worcester, but he had no good will towards the service and did not 
 corne up to the army till after the fight, which Cromwell impute J to his 
 not being hearty in the cause and said in a passion that he should one 
 time or other be even with that fox of Surrey, though White! ock in his 
 memorials, page 508, says he marched hard to come up to the engage- 
 ment, yet by a paper in his own handwriting (among the Clandon 
 Papers) it appears that he was put upon this service to try him and ruin 
 him, and that he hovered about with his regiment till the battle was 
 over, and that Cromwell said afterwards in the House of Commons that 
 if he had come up before the fight, it would have been uncertain which 
 side he would have taken, Cromwell said of him upon another occasion 
 sometime afterwards, that he had Charles Stuart in his belly, and it is 
 not improbable that Cromwell knew that he had engaged to assist in 
 Penruddock's insurrection at Salisbury, which he owns in the before 
 mentioned paper of his, containing also many other instances of 'his 
 regard to the royal family, and of Cromwell's jealousy of and animosity 
 towards him. 
 
 When Cromwell opened his design of making himself King, Sir 
 Richard Onslow was one of the Knights for Surrey in that Parlia- 
 ment which offered him the Crown, although Colonel Pride then 
 Sheriff had instructions to put him by from being returned. He was 
 very earnest for making Cromwell King, whether from his regard to 
 monarchy in general which he imagined was the only way of recovering 
 the peace and settlement of the nation, and was indifferent as to the 
 person who wore the Crown, or whether he intended by it to facilitate 
 the restoration of the Royal Family, and ruin Cromwell, the last of 
 which especially as to Cromwell has been said of him, though the other 
 may be collected from the turn of a speech of his which I shall mention 
 presently ; or whether Cromwell had won him over by the promise of 
 his being a lord under this new establishment. He I say was very 
 earnest and active in it, and was one of that committee composed of the 
 most eminent persons of the Parliament who were appointed to attend 
 the Protector to prevail upon him to accept of the title of King, and 
 was one among those of the committee who debated the matter with 
 Cromwell. This conference is printed, and his speech is there * and it 
 shows him to have been a very able and artful man. He was also (as 
 he seems to hint in the aforementioned paper) for this measure as the 
 means of setting up the civil and abating the military power ; but 
 Cromwell, how much soever he had laboured to bring this design about, 
 was yet afraid at the last to put it in execution at that time, deterred 
 from it by some of his own relations and those Avho were in his closest 
 confidence, and who upon this occasion threatened to desert him ; and it 
 is said that one of them the very morning that he was to give his answer 
 to the committee, with great fierceness said to his face that if he took 
 this title that he himself would shoot him through the head, and it is 
 most certain that after having failed in this attempt, in which his genius 
 seemed to have left him, he never appeared the great man he was before. 
 Whether he would have been able to have sustained this new character, 
 and to have supported his authority under it, has been a question much 
 disputed. I am f inclined to think he would not, chiefly through envy 
 in those who had helped his rise from being their equal; but others 
 
 * See post. 
 
 t See my papers relating to the Act for establishing a Regency, which passed in 
 the year 1751. 
 
479 
 
 have thought [he would have] established his power by it, that he Onslow MSS. 
 would have united the nation to him, who wanted a settlement, and 
 would have liked that best which they had been most used to. The 
 wisest men among the Royalists were of this last opinion, and looked 
 upon his refusal of the Crown as the most fortunate thing which could 
 on that occasion happen to the King, as the unsettledness of the Govern- 
 ment was the most likely means to bring the King back ; and it must be 
 acknowledged that whoever considers well the temper and disposition of 
 the nation, but a few months before the Restoration, will impute that 
 event to the uneasiness of the people at the various and uncertain 
 powers they were forced to submit to and not to any real affection they 
 bore to the Royal Family. 
 
 Had there been a King, there would have been a regular and legal 
 Government, and the body of the people it has been said would rather 
 have been content with the quiet they enjoyed under Cromwell and 
 his family than have brought home the King and his under the dread 
 they very probably might have of severe revenges being exercised 
 upon them, for what had passed, and under the fear too of having the 
 same things in time perhaps to be practised upon them again which had 
 happened in the former King's reign. Nor did the private character of 
 the King or the life he led much favour his return ; though all that was 
 afterwards sunk for a season in the joy of his Restoration, a joy indeed 
 that I own was general, but what as I have said before, was, though then 
 unperceived, more owing to the nation being delivered from the con- 
 fusions that had been in the Government, than from any true zeal for 
 him and his family. 
 
 And here let me make one observation to you of what has often 
 occurred to me, as a most extraordinary thing, that notwithstanding 
 the frequent and sometimes very wild changes of Government that 
 happened especially from the dissolution of the Long Parliament by 
 Cromwell to the time of the King's being restored, yet the Laws had 
 their free course as to all private matters, and in which justice was 
 as strictly administered under them, as in any age either before or 
 since ; and this, to give Cromwell his due, he always encouraged, 
 and ever laboured to get, the ablest and the most upright men of 
 the law to fill the great stations of it, and many such he had, as 
 Whitelock, Rolle, Hale ; of the last of whom I have heard this story 
 from undoubted authority. That Cromwell having a desire to make 
 him one of his judges, went himself to Mr. Hale's chambers to make 
 him an offer of it, which he being much inclined to the King's cause* at 
 first refused and was free enough, upon the encouragement Cromwell 
 gave him so to do, to own that his reason for refusing it, was his 
 scruples as to the authority he was to take a commission from and to 
 act under. Cromwell told him that he did not come to dispute with him 
 about his authority, he had got the power, and he was resolved to keep 
 it, but he was resolved also to exercise it well if he could, and to distri- 
 bute justice to the people, and if you, Sir, says he, and such men as you 
 will not suffer me to govern by Red Gowns, I must and will govern by 
 Red Cloaks. Upon which Hale accepted the office and continued one 
 of the judges to the time of Cromwell's death, with some restrictions 
 however as to his sitting upon criminal cases which Cromwell gave 
 into. 
 
 * Though he had taken the engagement, and I doubt not but upon reasons that 
 then satisfied his conscience. See State Trials, Vol. I., page 712. 
 
480 
 
 Okslow MSS. This was the famous Sir Mathew Hale, who was after the Restora- 
 tion, first, Chief Baron of the Exchequer and then Chief Justice of 
 the King's Bench ; the greatest man, for the stations he was in, 
 that any age in any country has produced. He was so superior in 
 the learning of his profession tu all others of it (though a very 
 learned age for lawyers too) that it was said* there was but one man, 
 Serjeant Maynard, that could even hold a debate with him upon a 
 subject of law. He was a clear and very good writer, and what has 
 scarcely ever happened, was so upon records and matters of the most 
 abstruse antiquity of the law, in which he was most eminently knowingj 
 and made a greater, a more accurate and a more judicious use of them 
 in his w T ritings than any man that ever was of the profession. For his 
 character as to learning in general, his great and unaffected piety, 
 prudence, moderation, integrity, resolution, and contempt of riches, read 
 and consult his own works; and for a view of his great qualities 
 together, you may read his life, as it is written by Bishop Burnet, which 
 though not a perfect history of him will yet be entertaining to you and 
 may be much better relied on for a true drawing of him, than w r hat has 
 been lately given by a malevolent writer as to him at least, in the life of 
 the Lord Keeper North. Hale as far as it was consistent with justice 
 countenanced the poor and the oppressed against riches and power, and 
 this under all the Governments of his time, the Cavaliers before the 
 Restoration, and the contrary men afterwards ; and is a strong proof of 
 his courage and greatness of mind, and not of the weakness imputed to 
 him by this author. Thus much I could not forbear saying of this 
 excellent man as he came in my way. His name is one of the honours 
 
 , of this country, and if you are of the profession of the law, which I 
 
 hope you will be, let his great example and deserved fame be ever 
 before your eyes. However to show that human nature cannot arrive at 
 perfection, this wise and good man had some weaknesses, and there are 
 three things of him which one would be amazed should take place in his 
 true mind. He was against a general naturalization of foreigners, 
 against a public register of titles to estates, and gave in to the sottish 
 belief of witches, a superstition that age had been much addicted to. 
 He condemned some persons at the Assizes for the County of Suffolk 
 and suffered them to be put to death, who had been convicted before 
 him, for witchcraft; but it appears by the account of the trial that 
 though he declared his belief of witches he had some uneasiness about him 
 and did not sum up the evidence to the jury (a very unusual thing) ; 
 and I have been told that he was afterwards much altered in his notions 
 as to this matter and had great concern upon him for what had befallen 
 these persons. There is one thing more which may be imputed to him 
 as a weakness, and from his authority might have done infinite mischief 
 to the Commonwealth in our times at least, I mean a strange doctrine of 
 his relating to Kings de Facto et de Jure contained in a noble work of 
 his compiling (lately printed but without those offensive passages) called 
 the History of the Crown Law ; but as I shall have occasion to mention 
 this more at large hereafter I shall say nothing farther of it in this 
 
 * This I had from Sir Joseph Jekyl (Master of the Rolls) who told me he had it 
 from Sir Edward Xorthey as the common saying in Westminster Hall, when he Sir 
 Edward first came to the Bar, which was in Lord Chancellor Hale's time. Lord 
 Chancellor Hardwick told me, that he had heard the story of two men that only 
 could hold an argument of law with Hale, and they were Finch (Lord Chancellor 
 Nottingham) and Maynard. 
 
 f And without some knowledge of which no man can he a lawyer and was very 
 much the study of the lawyers in that age. 
 
481 
 
 place, and should now return to my principal subject, but after having Onslow MSS. 
 
 spoken of some imperfections in this extraordinary man which savour 
 
 of too narrow a spirit, I cannot, in justice to his memory, omit the 
 
 notice of two eminent instances of the largeness of his mind in 
 
 other things. The one is what lie did with respect to the marriages 
 
 of Quakers to prevent the bastardizing of their children, and the 
 
 other in admitting Jews to be received as witnesses, who had been 
 
 refused as such because they could not be sworn tactis Evange- 
 
 listis. He said to that, although they (the Jews) did not believe tiie 
 
 contents of the New Testament, they believed the contents of the Old, 
 
 and that was as much an Evangelium as the other, and they might 
 
 be sworn upon that, and from this determination of his it has been so 
 
 practised.* 
 
 Cromwell having failed in his design of obtaining the Crown, 
 got almost the same power under the title of Protector confirmed 
 to him by this Parliament, and being enabled to constitute another 
 House of Parliament which was to resemble in some sort what 
 the House of Peers had been, he sent writs of summons to persons, 
 some of whom were of the old nobility, others of gentlemen of the best 
 families of that rank in the nation, and the rest were officers of note in 
 the army and some lawyers of great stations,! as may be seen in the 
 list printed in Whitelock's Memorials. My great grandfather I have 
 been speaking of, was one of them ; J his interest however still remained 
 very great in his own country : and was of that consideration otherwise, 
 that I have some reason to believe Monk named him in a paper to 
 Richard Cromwell as one of four or five persons whom he recommended 
 to Richard to be a sort of Cabinet Council to him. I have seen this 
 paper of Monk's to Richard, and he there speaks of the Lord Onsloe, 
 which I take to be my§ great grandfather. The paper is very sensibly 
 written and contains very salutary advice to Richard upon the whole of 
 his affairs, with the appearance of great attachment and sincerity to 
 
 * Now persons of all religions are sworn as witnesses by their own Gods and in 
 their own manner of solemn swearing. There is a particular provision by Act of 
 Parliament for the Quakers, as to their giving their testimony in all civil cases. 
 
 f With some Scotsmen of considerable name and my Lord Broghil of Ireland, 
 afterwards Earl of Orrery. 
 
 X And Ludlow, in his Memoirs, vol. 2, page 595, reckons him among those of 
 them who, he says, had considerable estates derived to them from their ancestors ; 
 and in a libel printed in 1658, upon those who had been made Lords by Oliver, he 
 is thus charactered : — Sir Richard Onslow, a knight of the old stamp, a gentleman 
 of Surrey of good parts, and a considerable revenue ; he was of the Long Parliament, 
 and with much ado, through his policy, steered his course between the two rocks of 
 King and Parliament, and weathered some sore storms ; was not his man taken in 
 his company by the Guard of Southwark, ^ith commissions of array in his pocket 
 from the King, and scurrilous songs against the Round Heads ? Yet by his interest 
 he rode it out, till Colonel Pride came with his purge ; then suffered loss, and came 
 no more in play till about Worcester fight, when by the help of some friends in 
 Parliament, he was empowered to raise and lead as Colonel, a regiment of Surrey 
 men against the Scots and their King, but came too late to fight, it being over : 
 being popular in Surrey he was of the latter parliaments, is fully for Kingship, and 
 was never otherwise, and stickled much among the seventy Kinglings to that end, 
 and seeing he cannot have young Charles, old Oliver will serve his turn, so he has 
 one ; so that he is very fit to be Lord Onsloe, and to be taken out of the House, to 
 have a negative voice in the other House, over Surrey if they please, and all the 
 people of these lands besides whether they please or not. 
 
 § As to Mr. Arthur Annesley who only could be the person if my grandfather 
 was not, he had then no pretence to be, and was nowhere at this time styled Lord, 
 his father the Lord Viscouut Valentia of Ireland being then alive. See Collin's 
 Peerage. 
 
482 
 
 Onslow MSS. him. It is in Clarges' handwriting, very likely of his composing, and 
 is now printed among Thurloe's State Papers, vol. 7, page 387. 
 
 After the Protectorship of Richard was dissolved, I find no traces of 
 anything he had to do in public affairs, till Monk restored the secluded 
 members to their seats in the old Parliament which had now reassumed its 
 former power, and here he acted again on the same principles he had 
 always held of bringing the Government back to its ancient and legal 
 foundation, and for this reason, as the only means of doing that, he was 
 very earnest for the return of the King. He was now esteemed among 
 those of the first rank in the Parliament, was appointed Custos Rotulorum 
 of his own county and was chosen one of that Council of State, which was 
 appointed with a design to prepare the way for the Restoration of the 
 Royal Family and therefore composed chiefly of such who were supposed 
 to favour it. Among them were Sir Gilbert Gerrard, Mr. Crew afterwards 
 Lord Crew, Mr. Swinfen, Monk himself, Colonel Norton of Hampshire, 
 Colonel Morley of Sussex, Sir Harbottle Grimston Speaker of the next 
 Parliament, Mr. Annesley afterwards Earl of Anglesea, Sir Anthony 
 Ashley Cooper, afterwards the famous Earl of Shaftesbury, and Mr. 
 Denzill Holies afterwards Lord Holies, with the two last of whom he 
 had always a very particular intimacy though they were men of very 
 different characters from each other, and from these friendships it was 
 joined with his own consideration as to fortune and otherwise, and 
 because the rank he had been of in that Council of State, as appears by 
 two letters to him now among the Clandon papers, the one from my 
 Lord Broghill afterwards Earl of Orrery, and the other from Admiral 
 Montagu afterwards Earl of Sandwich, and of his earnestness there to 
 have the King invited home, that he was not without hopes of some 
 mark of distinction at the Restoration, but he failed in it. He had 
 failed also in another matter, which went very near him, in being chosen 
 to the Convention a Representative for the County of Surrey, which he 
 lost by building too much upon his interest there, and very imprudently 
 insisting upon the choice of his eldest son with him. They both stood 
 and by that neither succeeded, and which perhaps might be one reason 
 among others that he did not succeed in other expectations, the party 
 violence of the Royalists in his own county with a mixture of envy 
 being then very strong against him ; as appears by some family papers 
 I have by me which I have before called Clandon Papers ; and indeed 
 he seems to have taken a part sometimes, especially in his unhappily 
 accepting to be one of Cromwell's Lords that might give a pretence of 
 severity towards him in those of the King's old party : with whom 
 others joined to ruin him at this time, of whom he deserved better 
 treatment, and Avho had before made much court to him. 
 
 Having mentioned the party violence at this time againsl him it will be 
 proper to take notice here that it might be owing to it that he was not 
 content with being included in the general Act of Indemnity, but took out 
 a special pardon after that under the Great Seal, bearing date the 25th of 
 November 1660, three months after the general Act had passed, and 
 almost in the same words, . not knowing perhaps whether the next 
 Parliament would confirm that Act, and so leave it doubtful at least 
 whether it was valid or not by being passed in a convention irregularly 
 called ; but his apprehensions were soon at an end for that Act was 
 confirmed by the next Parliament ; however he took the safest way, and 
 some others I imagine did the like. Both he and his son too were after 
 the disappointment of the county chosen for the town of Guildford (the 
 town keeping back their election for that purpose) as they were also to 
 the next Parliament after the Convention. Thev had both been elected 
 
483 
 
 for the county in one or both of the last Parliaments under Cromwell, Onslow mss. 
 
 and it is very likely that he piqued himself upon showing that his 
 
 interest now in his own country was as great as it had been at any time 
 
 before. He lived about five or six years after this in considerable 
 
 reputation in Parliament and in his own country, particularly at 
 
 Guildford which place had been remarkably firm to him, and for the 
 
 sake of his friends there it was, that he got himself to be one of the 
 
 Commissioners for regulating that corporation under the Act of the 
 
 13th of the then King, for new modelling Corporations and did thereby 
 
 hinder bis enemies from ruining his interest in that town. See the 
 
 Town Book of Guildford for 1662-3. He died by some hurt, as it is 
 
 said, that he received from lightning. He was without doubt a person 
 
 of great spirit and abilities, very ambitious and much set upon raising 
 
 his family ; but seems to have had a sort of art and cunning about him, 
 
 which by no means deserves imitation, and can only be justified by the 
 
 uncertainty and confusion of the times he lived in, which made it very 
 
 difficult for a man to act in them, whose principles did not lead him co 
 
 the extremes of any party ; and this must be his excuse. 
 
 He married the only daughter of Arthur Strangways Esq., who brought 
 him a very considerable fortune and by her had many children of both 
 sexes. His daughters were all married to gentlemen of considerable 
 families and fortunes, and of the six sons he left, my grandfather whose 
 name I bear was the eldest, the second was Sir Henry Onslow, Knight, 
 the grandfather of our kinsman, Denzil Onslow of Drungwick in 
 Sussex, Esq. The third named Richard was bred a Turkey merchant ; 
 and he and the fourth and fifth died without issue, as did also the sixth 
 and youngest named Denzil, of whom I shall have occasion to speak some- 
 thing hereafter. The eldest Arthur Onslow Esq. afterwards a Baronet by 
 a limitation in the Patent to Sir Thomas Foot whose eldest daughter he 
 had married, was a man of great plainness and sincerity and of most 
 remarkable sobriety of life, not anyways formed for the business of the 
 State, nor do I find him at all engaging in Parliamentary transactions, 
 although he was a member of the House of Commons in all Parliaments 
 from the year 1640 till that of King James the Second, which was in 
 the year 1685, and was one of the secluded members in 1648 although 
 not imprisoned as his father was. He was first chosen when he was but 
 nineteen years of age (which then might be) for Bramber in Sussex, 
 by the recommendation of the famous Earl of Arundel who was lord of 
 that borough, and with whom by his residing very much at Albury (now 
 the seat of the Countess Dowager of Ailesford), my great grandfather 
 being his neighbour, had the honour of a very particular friendship and 
 intimacy, and upon that account as I have heard my grandfather was 
 chosen for this borough, and here I must not omit to mention to you 
 that my great grandfather from his great interest in the House of 
 Commons did many signal services to that noble family during the time 
 of the troubles, especially with regard to the easy composition of six 
 thousand pounds which he procured for the then Earl of Arundel's 
 estate, and in all their affairs both he and my grandfather were always 
 consulted as their principal friends, and made use of as trustees for them 
 in all their family settlements ; there was also a very close friendship 
 between Mr. Henry Howard of Norfolk (as he styled himself;, after- 
 wards the second Duke of [Norfolk since the Restoration, and my great 
 grandfather and grandfather, and whose protection was of singular 
 service to them after the return of the King. In one or both of the 
 last Parliaments under Cromwell my grandfather was chosen as I have 
 told you before with his father for the County of Surrey, and that they 
 O 77960. I I 
 
484 
 
 Onslow MSS. both lost it at the election of the Convention which preceeded the 
 Restoration, but that they were both chosen at that time for the town of 
 Guildford, and for the same place to the next Parliament, which was 
 called the Long Parliament and sat seventeen years. Upon the choice 
 of the following Parliament my grandfather and Mr. George Evelyn of 
 Wotton in Surrey (the great uncle of the present Sir John Evelyn) 
 were after a mighty and very expensive struggle elected for the county 
 of Surrey by what was then called the country interest in opposition to 
 the Court, and likewise to the two succeeding Parliaments but not with 
 the like difficulty or expense. They both stood again at the election of 
 King James's Parliament, but, through the arbitrary and partial pro- 
 ceedings of the sheriff, and the violence used towards them and their 
 friends, they gave up the poll, though the majority of the electors was 
 visibly with them ; and about three years afterwards my grandfather 
 died, a few months before the Revolution. His death was as much 
 lamented and regretted as perhaps any man's ever was, of his rank ; 
 and his funeral was attended by such a concourse of people of all con- 
 ditions, as even to give some umbrage to the King, then at Hampton 
 Court, as though something else was meant than a bare funeral 
 ceremony. I have been told by some who saw it, that the train of 
 people who followed his hearse, in coaches, on horseback, and afoot, 
 held from Clandon almost to Guildford near three miles. He was 
 buried at Cranley where the ancient seat of the family had been, and 
 Mew, then Bishop of Winchester, sent to desire he might bury him, 
 which he did ; foreseeing as it was thought a change of the times, and 
 being for that reason desirous to compliment the family and their friends 
 on this occasion. No man was ever more truly and more deservedly 
 popular in his country than my grandfather was ; for besides the 
 plainness and sanctity of his life, which drew much reverence towards 
 him, he had all the qualities which make men useful to and beloved by 
 their neighbours and countrymen. He was hospitable, generous and 
 very charitable to the poor ; knew more of the law and the constitution 
 especially w T hat related to the administration of justice in the country, 
 than perhaps any country gentleman of that age, and he employed all his 
 knowledge in the duty of a Justice of the Peace (in which he was very 
 active) in reconciling law differences, and advising his neighbours in the 
 management of their affairs which might require the direction of a 
 lawyer, and he was so much resorted to on this account, that whenever 
 he went a hunting (a diversion he took great delight in) it was cus- 
 tomary for the people, where he happened to be, to come out and detain 
 him often from his sport by consulting him upon matters of law or 
 otherwise as they wanted advice. He was constant at the meetings of 
 public justice in the country, and presided in many of them, was 
 in all the public trusts there, and always attended the execution of 
 them ; and in every of these matters was the person principally relied 
 upon by those who acted with him and those who had any business 
 before them. In these things was his great pleasure and almost his 
 daily exercise, and by this he acquired the vast influence he had 
 in his own country, to a degree that few have come up to it in any 
 country at any time even in Parliament. He had his credit too, 
 though not engaging, as I have said before, in the business of it, I mean 
 in debates or as a leader of or a manager in a party : but by his steadi- 
 ness there to his own principles and in the support of the liberties of 
 the people and the Protestant interest, a cause which not one, and we 
 ought to thank God for it, of our name or family have ever deviated 
 from. He had seen many changes in public affairs and in every turn 
 
485 
 
 followed the true interest of his country without any profit or the view Onslow MSS. 
 of it, having never had any state employment nor I believe ever thought 
 of one. He voted generally against the court as you may easily imagine 
 from his principles and character, and was particularly earnest in the 
 exclusion of the Duke of York from the Crown, and in all measures 
 which tended to the suppression of popery. This and his upright 
 behaviour in general endeared him so much, especially in his own 
 country to men who were of the same principles with himself and begat 
 such confidence in him, as that a very remarkable instance of it hap- 
 pened at the election for the County of Surrey after the dissolution of 
 the Long Parliament of King Charles the Second. I have told you 
 before, how great the contest at that election was ; among the expectations 
 of the other side a gentleman of a very ancient family and estate, Sir 
 Nicholas Stoughton of Stoughton near Guildford was much solicited 
 and depended upon to be against my grandfather because of a law suit 
 which had long subsisted between them and had been carried on with 
 great acrimony and personal animosity* by Sir Nicholas towards my 
 grandfather. Sir Nicholas kept himself in reserve till the first day of 
 the election, and then coming upon the Downs near Guildford where 
 the poll used to be taken, by adjournment from Guildford, at the head 
 of his party ; and that being very numerous the candidates of the other 
 side (my Lord Longford and Sir Adam Browne) immediately rode up 
 to him with full expectation of having his interest; but not answering 
 them as they thought he would, they began to expostulate with him 
 upon the treatment he used to complain of in my grandfather, and 
 seemed to wonder he could vote for one who had been so obnoxious to 
 him. My Lord, says he, it is true, Mr. Onslow has treated me extremely 
 ill in detaining an estate which I think belongs to me, but I can safely 
 trust him with the rest of my property, and look upon that and my 
 religion and liberty too, much more secure in his hands than in yours. 
 
 The part my grandfather thus acted with respect to the public rendered 
 him as you may well believe very disagreeable to the court, and as a 
 mark of resentment he was towards the latter end of King Charles the 
 Second's reign turned out of the Commission of the Peace, had his 
 house searched for arms as a disaffected and dangerous person to the 
 Government and both he and his eldest son presented at a Quarter 
 Sessions in Surrey for words they had spoken at a bailiffs' feast at 
 Guildford, and for my grandfather's giving to that town a gold chain 
 and medal to be worn by the Mayors thereof. The presentments 
 and the proceedings of the Quarter Sessions see paper number 4, and 
 which afford some matter of curiosity in that way. The gold chain and 
 medal were given by my grandfather to the town of Guildford upon his 
 being made their high steward, and, after this prosecution, were laid 
 aside, and not worn again till the Revolution ; but since that have been 
 constantly worn as at first. The rioters mentioned in the presentment 
 were some persons of that part of the county lying near Windsor 
 Forest who had risen upon some of the king's deer, which had lain 
 upon their corn, and killed them. A special commission issued to try 
 them for this offence, and Jeffreys came down to execute it. The 
 poor people terrified with this and having done no more than what they 
 
 * See a MS. I have compiled by this person, of the family of Stoughton, in 
 •which yon will perceive his bitterness ami slanders towards my grandfather and mj- 
 great grandfather. He was a zealous Nonconformist, which prevailed at this time 
 over his private resentment. You will see his true character even in his own history 
 of himself. He was almost universally detested in the country and my grandfather 
 as much revered. 
 
 I I 2 
 
48G 
 
 OifsLow MSS. thought they had a right to do, as they certainly had, no part of the 
 county of Surrey being within the forest, Guildford Park being then 
 also disafforested, applied to my grandfather for bis protection ; and he 
 accordingly attended Commission as on their* behalf, and saved them 
 by an accident, which however subjected him to some inconveniences 
 afterwards in revenge of it by Jeffreys. When the panel for the grand 
 Jury was returned and they sworn, some intimation was given to 
 Jeffreys that they were of a complexion not likely to do the business ; 
 upon which he discharged them, and directed the Sheriff to return 
 another Grand Jury immediately ; but my grandfather as an amicus 
 curiae objected to this, and submitted it to the Court whether any further 
 proceedings could be had under that special commission, since the 
 power by it to cause a jury to be impanelled to enquire, &c. had been 
 executed and no authority given to cause a fresh jury to be returned. 
 Jeffreys was struck with this and, perhaps because of the clamour it 
 might make if he had gone on with a new jury, broke up the court in a 
 rage, not without some words of threat to my grandfather for having 
 overreached him as he called it, or something to that effect, and no 
 further proceedings were had against these men ; but sometime after- 
 wards my grandfather and his son, having been bound over to appear in 
 the King's Bench for the matters contained in the presentments I have 
 just now mentioned. Jeffreys, then Chief Justice, treated him in a 
 manner that showed he had not forgot what had passed between 
 them on the former occasion, though he was afterwards much softened 
 towards them, and this prosecution of my grandfather and my uncle 
 went no further, by the interest as I have heard that Sir Henry Tulse, 
 my uncle's father-in-law and an Alderman of the city of London, had 
 with Jeffreys, who had been Recorder there, and Sir Henry was besides 
 very firmly attached to the interests of the Government. And now I 
 have mentioned Jeffreys let me tell you an anecdote relating to him 
 which I had from Sir Joseph Jeky], the present Master of the Rolls. 
 
 Whilst Jeffreys was in the Tower, he sent for the famous Doctor Scott 
 to come to him in order to assist him in his devotions being then near 
 his death. The doctor in his exhortations to him to recollect the past 
 actions of his life that required repentance, took notice particularly of 
 the cruelty he had been charged with against those people in the West 
 who had been prosecuted before him for their being concerned in the 
 Duke of Monmouth's rebellion. Upon this Jeffreys raised himself with 
 more than ordinary emotion, and said ' Doctor, 1 have been very unjustly 
 charged with this as if it had proceeded from my own disposition, but 
 what I did I had express orders for, and was so far from exceeding my 
 orders, that I was not half bloody enough for the man who sent me 
 thither' ; and soon after died. The doctor told this to my Lord Somers 
 from whom Sir Joseph told me he had it. Having observed to you that my 
 grandfather took part with these persons who had killed the King's deer 
 which strayed into the County of Surrey, because they had a right so to do 
 in their own grounds, no part of the county except Guildford Park being 
 within the forest of Windsor, it will not perhaps be unuseful to you, as you 
 bear some relation to that county, to inform you how that matter stands. 
 The Crown anciently by its prerogative might declare any compass of 
 land to be forest, and the manner of doing it was by sound of trumpet, 
 and the lands then became subject to the laws of the forest ; but this 
 could not legally be done, but where the ground was uncultivated and 
 waste. However that restriction was not always observed, and it was 
 indeed generally otherwise by the Princes of the Norman race. Under 
 the pretence of this prerogative Henry the Second afforested the whole 
 
487 
 
 county of Surrey, but after grievous of this- his son Richard the First Onslow MSS. 
 disafforested all of it except that part which lays west of the river Wye 
 and north of Guildown (hill near Guildford) and which takes in that 
 quarter of the country which adjoins to the forest, and so it continued 
 till the passing the Charta de Foresta, by which all forests made so from 
 the commencement of Henry the Second's reign were to be disafforested. 
 In consequence of which several perambulations were made of the forest 
 of Windsor in the reigns of Henry the Third and Edward the First, 
 and at last completed with much difficulty and importunity on the part 
 of the inhabitants of the county of Surrey in the reign of Edward the 
 Third, who followed the King from place to place whilst the matter was 
 pending, till he confirmed the perambulations, and by all which the 
 whole of the county of Surrey was declared to be extra Forestam, as 
 you may see in Manwood's Treatise of the Laws of the Forest. But 
 notwithstanding this, the neighbourhood of the forest to the county 
 subjected those parts of it which lie upon the borders of the forest to 
 frequent encroachments by the King's officers there and this increasing 
 continually, as it did also in some parts of the counties of Berks and 
 Wilts and chiefly I believe there, another perambulation of the forest of 
 Windsor was had in the reign of King Charles the First in pursuance 
 of an Act passed in the sixteenth year of his reign for ascertaining the 
 bounds of forests, in which perambulation no part of the county of 
 Surrey (except one part there, for which see hereafter) is taken to be 
 within the limits of the forest, and does agree with the former peram- 
 bulations thereof. A copy of this last perambulation taken from the 
 original record I have by me and it runs thus (look for it among my 
 papers), and much about the same time by virtue of the said Act my 
 grandfather as a Knight of the Shire for the County of Surrey took out 
 a Commission of perambulation of this forest and by that also the whole 
 County of Surrey (except Guildford Park formerly belonging to the 
 Crown and then supposed to be afforested as I suppose) was determined 
 to be out of the bounds of the forest, but although Guildford Park is 
 here left to be within the forest, it was at that time in private hands by 
 purchase from the Crown, and had been particularly disafforested, which 
 last, I suppose, was not made known at that perambulation. See my 
 papers relating to the forest or those which concern the family estate. 
 As he appeared upon this occasion no friend to the encroachments of 
 the Crown upon forests, he was chosen by the freeholders of Windsor 
 Forest one of their verderers. 
 
 My "grandfather had two wives, the first was the only daughter 
 and heir of Mr. Stoughton of Stoughton a family I lately mentioned ; 
 by her he had one child which died about two years after the 
 mother. His second lady was one of the daughters and coheirs of 
 Sir Thomas Foot as I have already said, who was Lord Mayor 
 of, and a very eminent person in, the City of London ; and of some 
 note in Parliament and a member of one of their Councils of 
 State, my grandfather had a great fortune with her and by her 
 had several children. He left four sons and two daughters. His 
 eldest son, who upon his death was Sir Richard Onslow, I shall 
 speak of by and by. His second named Foot, was my father, who after 
 having been bred at Oxford and by that as I imagine intended for some 
 other profession, was unfortunately for himself and his family put to a 
 merchant, lived some time in Turkey, and continued that business for 
 some years, but not with success. He was chosen a burgess for the 
 town of Guildford upon the Revolution and was so in several Parlia- 
 ments afterwards. He was in the year 1692 or 1693 as I think, made 
 
488 
 
 Onslow mss. one of the Commissioners of the Excise and enjoyed that office to the 
 time of his death, which was in 1710. He was a sensible and worthy 
 man, handsome, well bred, modest and very brave, knowing in the 
 business of his office and while in Parliament of good use there by his 
 skill in matters which related to the revenue. He deserved perhaps an 
 higher station than the Commission he was so long in, notwithstanding 
 the little unnecessary flirts wantonly thrown out upon him by a certain 
 sour letter-writer to the Duke of Shrewsbury, who seems to have had 
 some spleen against him and my uncle too. This writer was then a 
 Commis (sic) in the Secretary's Office, and very little more after he 
 came himself to be Secretary of State. I have seen proofs of my Lord 
 Treasurer Godolphin's regard to and opinion of my father, and his re- 
 liance upon him in the business of the Excise. He had besides many 
 instances of regard from Mr. Boyle when Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 and from my Lord Wharton and many other persons of great rank and 
 consideration, all which will outweigh the mean flippances of this man 
 to the contrary. As to what he has said of this sort against my uncle it is 
 sufficiently contradicted by what he himself has been forced to say, in 
 the course of his narratives (which are generally very good) of the great 
 interest and influence my uncle had in the House of Commons; which 
 was very true and did indeed arise from his disinterestedness there, and 
 his constant and unvaried attention to the rights of the people, and the 
 preservation of the ivhole Government in its proper distributions. 
 
 This principle all men especially country gentlemen should have with 
 them in the House of Commons, and it is this only that has been the means 
 of saving the Constitution against the various attempts of power in all 
 ages even under good Princes. This my uncle practised ; and although 
 it sometimes made him differ from the Court, yet he never did that from 
 faction, resentment, or any private motives, and was actuated only by 
 what he deemed the public good. But these principles and actings 
 come not always within the comprehension of little courtiers and office 
 men, who if they happen to be of the House of Commons (honest as 
 they may be everywhere else), think it even a duty to be as obsequious 
 to their masters in Parliament, as the} r are at their desks, and carry their 
 thoughts no farther ; and often use the language of thoir masters to 
 traduce those who do otherwise and who are usually better men than 
 they and sometimes than their masters themselves. 
 
 But to go on with my ow r n narrative, my mother was the daughter 
 of — — - Anlaby, Esq., of an ancient family, formerly owners of 
 Anlaby, afterwards of Elton, both near Hull in the county of 
 York, and of good alliance there. Her grandfather John Anlaby, 
 Esq., a person of some note and of one of the best and most 
 ancient families in Yorkshire, and although he appears to have 
 been deep in the measures of those times against the King, and so 
 far as to be appointed one of the Commissioners for the trial of him, 
 yet he never sat but once amongst them. It was indeed the day on 
 which they ordered the execution and signed the warrant for it, but 
 his name is not to the warrant, which induces me to hope and believe he 
 approved not of it. He was afterwards a member for the county of 
 York, and a very active man in Cromwell's first Parliament, and of one 
 of the Councils of State then constituted. Whether he was in any other 
 of his Parliaments or that of his son I have not yet found. I find, 
 however that in 1652 he was one of the burgesses for Scarborough 
 with one Lucas Bobinson Esq., both chosen upon vacancies, Sir Hugh 
 Cholmly and the young Hotham (afterwards beheaded) being returned 
 for that borough at the beginning of the Parliament. When my father 
 
489 
 
 married my mother she was the widow of Arnold Colwall Esq. of the Onslow MSS. 
 Friary near Guildford. She had three children by Mr. Colwall, two — 
 
 sons and a daughter, the sons died unmarried and the eldest surviving 
 the other left (being dissatisfied with his own sister who married Doctor 
 afterwards Sir John Shad well, a physician, and who became so, in 
 ordinary, to Queen Anne and the late King George the First) the 
 remains of a very good estate which he had impaired, to me and my 
 brother with fortunes to our sisters, and it was the only provision we 
 any of us had ; and by it, my mother, on whose account we had this be- 
 quest, became a considerable fortune to our family. 
 
 I come now to speak of Sir Richard Onslow my grandfather's eldest son 
 and who afterwards became a Baron by the style and title of Baron Onslow 
 of Onslow in Shropshire, and of Clandon in Surrey, and the limitation of 
 this honour is to him and the heirs male of his body, for want of which 
 to his uncle Denzil Onslow of Pyrford and the heirs male of his body 
 (who is since dead without issue), and in default of them to the heirs 
 male of the body of my grandfather before mentioned, so that if the 
 present Lord Onslow the son of the first, and his son now living die with- 
 out issue male or the male issue should fail, the Baronies will come to 
 the issue male of the body of my father. This Sir Richard Onslow our 
 uncle was a person of great probity, courage and honour, which, and 
 because too of the many obligations I had to him, created in me such a 
 veneration for his memory that some years ago I drew up a slight 
 memoir or character of him which I will here insert as the best account 
 of him I can give you. I will only add to what I have there said that 
 he was in the three last Parliaments of King Charles the Second and in 
 thai of King James one of the burgesses for Guildford and after that 
 eleven times chosen one of the Knights of the Shire for Surrey. He 
 was High Steward of Guildford, and some time Lord Lieutenant of the 
 county of Surrey. 
 
 My late Lord Onslow's long and eminent services to his relations 
 and friends have raised him a monument with them that will not soon 
 be broken down, but because the remembrance of him ought to live 
 as an example of many virtues to his posterity, for whom I chiefly 
 design this paper, I have put together a few things relating to the 
 character of that excellent man. I had the happiness to be bred almost 
 under his eye, and as I had very frequent opportunities to see him 
 almost in every circumstance of his life that he was latterly in, and 
 being besides from a particular reverence I always had for him, a very 
 exact observer of everything he said or did, it may be very well 
 supposed, that I knew enough of him to venture at a slight sketch of 
 his virtues. I am sensible it deserves a much better hand, but however 
 it is something to have this to say for my attempting it, that I honored 
 him, I studied him, and therefore I describe him. He was, as to his 
 outward person, tall and very thin, not well shaped and with a face ex- 
 ceeding plain, yet there was a certain sweetness with a dignity in his 
 countenance and so much of life and spirit in it that no one who saw 
 him ever thought him of a disagreeable aspect. His carriage was 
 universally obliging, and he was of the most winning behaviour that 
 ever I saw. There was an ease and openness in his address, that even 
 at first sight gave him the heart of every man he spoke to. He had 
 always something to say that was agreeable to everybody, and used to 
 take as much pleasure in telling a story to a man's advantage, as others 
 generally do to the contrary. It was this temper that made him 
 so fit for reconciling differences between angry people, an office 
 he frequently and readily undertook and seldom failed of succeeding in. 
 
490 
 
 Onslow MSS. He was exceedingly compassionate and even his bitterest enemies 
 frequently experienced how soon he could forgive the greatest injuries 
 and return services for them. There is scarcely a family in the country 
 he lived in, that has not some marks in it of his kind offices, and when 
 he was in power, he procured as many benefits to his friends as any 
 man that ever was in those stations ; and whatever he did of that kind 
 he always did in the most disinterested manner possible. I have 
 mentioned my Lord Onslow's easiness in forgiving of injuries. In some 
 men that proceeds from a meanness of spirit and an insensibility of 
 wrongs, and is therefore a defect, but in him it was indeed a virtue, for 
 no man was ever quicker in apprehending when he was ill used, or 
 readier in his resentments upon those occasions ; and he was by nature 
 rather passionate than otherwise, though he came to have a great 
 command of his temper and brought his courage (which he was famous 
 for) to be if I may so say a very sedate passion in his soul. The few 
 quarrels he had were generally upon public disputes, and one that ended 
 in a duel was for something he had said in the course of a debate in the 
 House of Commons. The person who challenged him as it is imagined 
 was put upon it by some of the party my Lord was thought to be 
 opposite to, unhappily enough for his reputation, he being at that time 
 not two and twenty, and my Lord Onslow somewhat then advanced in 
 years, who yet had the good fortune to disarm the young gentleman, 
 and to bring away as much honour as a victory of that kind could give 
 him. I mention not ihis to do any prejudice to the memory of Colonel 
 Oglerhorp, he was a youth of great expectation, and not long after this, 
 was killed at the battle of Hochstet gallantly fighting for the glory of 
 his country ; but I have taken notice of it because it was a passage at 
 'hat time much talked of and has something in it not a little to my 
 Lord Onslow's credit in that way. After what I have said and shall say 
 of my Lord, it will not seem wonderful that he should be perhaps one 
 of the most* popular men in England. All the qualifications that I 
 have hitherto mentioned to be in him necessarily tend that way, and I 
 do believe there never was a man more exactly framed for that character 
 than he was. His reputation was not confined only to his own country. 
 Wherever the fame of Parliamentary proceedings went, his name was 
 known, and I may say reverenced ; but in his own country his influence 
 was indeed very great. His ancestors for almost a century before him 
 had with very little intermission represented the County of Surrey in 
 Parliament, as he did, and the credit they left him. joined with what he 
 brought to it made him so considerable that he was justly reported to 
 his present Majesty, when he came over, to be the most considerable 
 country gentleman in the kingdom. He had been forty years a member 
 of the House of Commons when the King called him up to the House 
 of Peers. Xo man envied him an honour which he so highly merited, 
 and few have risen to that dignity so regularly as he did. 
 
 He went into the House of Commons very young, and after the Revolu- 
 tion when Parliaments were frequent he acquired a good deal of reputa- 
 tion, was esteemed a good debater and extremely well versed in the rules 
 and orders of Parliament, and for the last twenty years of his sitting there, 
 no business of any importance was transacted but he had a large share in 
 it ; and perhaps was the occasion of the introducing more good laws 
 
 * An old member of the House of Commons Mr. Edward Wortley, who sat some 
 years with him there, said once to me ' Sir "Richard Onslow was the most popular 
 man id the House of Commons of any one he ever knew there.' He added ' there 
 were formerly wen of that sort in the House, but the race is gone and people now 
 have scarcely any idea of it, and the influence it had.' 
 
491 
 
 than any one man beside of his time. He was no scholar, and had not Onslow MSS. 
 thought thoroughly upon a great variety of subjects, but what he had 
 thought thoroughly on h9 spoke to with great judgment and perspicuity, 
 and having besides a great reputation for probity, he was as well heard 
 as much relied upon and as much followed in Parliamentary affairs as 
 most men of that age. He was always remarkable for a steady attach- 
 ment to the interests of the people, and never ran into the schemes and 
 projects of the Court, but when he saw they were for the public good. 
 This stiffness against the Court led him into things in King William's 
 time which he afterwards frequently repented of, and I have more than 
 once heard him say nothing ever troubled him more than his having 
 opposed some of that great Prince's measures which were certainly 
 designed as he said for the interest and glory of England, though he 
 did not at first perceive it, particularly that of disbanding the army 
 after the Peace of Ryswick. He was for reducing the forces at this 
 time, upon his general principle against standing armies, and from a 
 belief that the militia might be made useful, a scheme for which last he 
 had formed, and did propose to Parliament ; but it was not thought 
 practicable, or for some other reasons laid aside. This perhaps made 
 him wish afterwards that the proposal of the King for a larger number 
 of troops had. taken place at that time, as the continuance of the Peace 
 was very precarious. In Christian Cole's Memoirs, page 9, there is a 
 letter, dated 11th January 1697/8, of Secretary Vernon to the Earl of 
 Manchester, in which is this paragraph, " We are in the struggle of our 
 Parliamentary affairs ; there is a good provision made for the Civil 
 List, but we are more strait-laced, as to the keeping up of troops, than 
 I am afraid our circumstances will admit of. We are more jealous of 
 our Constitution and Liberty than apprehensive of our ill neighbours, 
 and therefore have allowed but 350,000/. for maintaining guards and 
 garrisons this year, which we compute will keep 4,000 Horse and 
 Dragoons, and 6,000 Foot. We hope to patch up the rest of our defence 
 with our Militia, which Sir Richard Onslow tells us he will make useful. 
 He hath advised upon a project for that purpose"; and in a letter 
 (which I have seen) written about this time by Secretary Vernou to the 
 Duke of Shrewsbury, he says to the Duke speaking of this transaction, 
 "what could we do (meaning the Ministers in the House of Commons) 
 further in this matter, when three such men as the Marquis of Hart- 
 ington, Mr. Pelham, and Sir Richard, pressed so earnestly, as they did, 
 for the smaller number ? " or in words to that effect. This Mr. Pelham, 
 afterwards Lord Pelham, was father of the present Duke of Newcastle. 
 See Journal of the House of Commons llth-17th December, 26th 
 February 1697, 14th April 1698. The King, however, did not forget 
 the part my Lord Onslow acted at the Revolution, and was so persuaded 
 of his integrity, even when he opposed his designs, that he always pre- 
 served a very great esteem of him, and a little before he died sent for 
 him into his closet and bid him continue the honest man he had always 
 found him. My Lord had been under that Prince one of the Lords 
 Commissioners of the Admiralty, but at the end of two years resigned 
 it. 
 
 It was the first public employment of any consequence he ever had 
 and he was without any other till the 7th of the following Queen, when 
 he was unanimously chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, a post 
 that of all others the most suited his genius and which he sustained with 
 great reputation. The profits of the chair he spent in supporting the 
 grandeur and dignity of his office, as he did in those other employments 
 he afterwards had. Some little time before dissolution of this Parlia- 
 
492 
 
 Ojtslow iiss. ment, he was sworn of the Privy Council which was the last thing my 
 — - Lord Treasurer Godolphin ever procured of the Queen. 
 
 At the fatal turn of affairs that happened soon after my Lord Onslow 
 felt among others the effects of the general run that there then was upon 
 the Whig interest and lost an election for the county of Surrey, to the inex- 
 pressible joy and exultation of the other party, who thought there could 
 not be a greater mark of an universal disaffection to the Whig cause ; but 
 at the next Parliament they were shewn that Sir Richard Onslow's interest 
 in Surrey was not lost, though the time before it had been oppressed. 
 The losing an election at such a time sensibly affected him, though he 
 bore it, as he used to do all misfortunes, with a singular composure of 
 mind and resolved to live retired in the country for the remainder of his 
 life ; but my Lord Godolphin procured him to be chosen without his 
 knowledge at a little borough in Cornwall, for which place he served 
 all that Parliament, and joined himself to that small minority who ought 
 always fco be remembered by their country with honour for having so 
 greatly opposed the storm that was then rising upon the Protestant 
 Succession ; and here my Lord Onslow acted a part that was truly 
 becoming his character, not only labouring with the most vigorous in 
 defence of the common cause, but generously refusing great offers which 
 were made to him from the persons then in power, temptations strong 
 enough to have shocked the honesty of a man less resolute than he was. 
 For which and his many former services to the family of his present 
 Majesty particularly the great hand he had in all the Succession Acts, 
 particularly in that of the* 4th of Queen Anne, which he conducted 
 through the House of Commons, upon a letter of my Lord Somers to 
 him, which I have seen at Clandon, and which shows the estimation he 
 was in with that great]* man, he was upon the King's fortunate 
 accession to the throne, made second Commissioner of the Treasury, 
 Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer and in this place 
 I must not omit my Lord Chancellor Cowper's speech to him when he 
 was sworn before him in the Court of Exchequer into the offices of 
 Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer October 13th 17 14. 
 
 " Sir Richard Onslow, His Majesty has by these Patents constituted 
 you Chancellor and Under Treasurer of his Exchequer, two offices of 
 very great trust and honour, and which did I pursue the steps of anti- 
 quity, I should endeavour to give you a sketch of your duty in, with my 
 serious exhortations to you for your exact observance of it ; but your 
 long application to and great industry in public business, will soon let 
 you into the nature of your offices, and your known probity sufficiently 
 guard jour behaviour in them, I shall therefore only say this one truth 
 and which from the bottom of my heart I speak, that upon my observa- 
 tion of past passages in your time, the Government of England has 
 never stood upon its truer basis and foundation than when Sir Richard 
 Onslow has been called up to posts of trust." 
 
 My Lord continued in the Treasury but a twelve month, though in 
 that time much business was transacted in which he had always at least 
 his share, and for that part which was done in the House of Commons, 
 the whole lay upon him. There as well as in the other employments 
 which he had, his chief care was to keep up the credit and dignity of 
 the office, and sure no man ever did that more than he did. Had my 
 
 * See Journal of the House of Commons, 10th December, 25th January, &c, 
 1705. 
 
 f See my note in my printed copy of Bishop Burnet's History of his Own Times 
 (p. 431). 
 
493 
 
 lord Halifax lived who was at the head of the Commission and con- Onslow MSS. 
 tinued in it, my lord Onslow had undoubtedly continued also longer in 
 it, but Mr. Walpole being designed for the first Commissioner my Lord 
 was otherwise to be provided for and his royal master would not suffer 
 the new Commission to pass till he was entirely satisfied. He had a 
 warrant to be a Peer and was made one of the Tellers of the Exchequer 
 for life, which was the first instance of one of those places being granted 
 for life, since they came to be so considerable, and was looked upon by 
 everyone as a very singular mark of the King's favour. After that for 
 several months he lived retired and out of all business he being in 
 neither House of Parliament ; for his post of Teller vacated his seat in 
 the House of Commons, and he did not sue out his Patent for a Peer 
 till several months after he had his Warrant for it, and that upon a 
 reason which was very much to his honour. Upon the enquiries the 
 House of Commons were resolved to make into the misbehaviour of the 
 Ministry who had governed affairs at the latter end of the Queen's 
 reign, a secret committee was appointed by ballot for that purpose, of 
 which my Lord was the first chosen. The report of that committee was 
 the ground of the several impeachments that followed, and the Earl of 
 Oxford, the late Treasurer, was one impeachment, and upon that com- 
 mitted to the Tower. His trial everybody expected daily, and therefore 
 the Commoners who had Warrants to be Peers put off their coming 
 into the House of Lords till that was over, that they who had been 
 accusers might not sit as judges in the same cause. 
 
 But my Lord Oxford's trial being delayed and likely to be longer so, 
 my Lord Onslow and the others took out their Patents, though my 
 Lord Onslow for the same reason that he had delayed coming in 
 so long, when he was in the House of Lords never voted in any question 
 that had the least relation to the impeachments, and upon my Lord 
 Oxford's trial sat only as a hearer. A piece of justice which did my 
 Lord Onslow great credit and the rather because some others in the 
 same circumstances observed not the like strictness. 
 
 There was one office more that he had which I must not forget because he 
 valued it himself ; it was that of Governor of the Turkey Company, a 
 place of considerable honour, and in which he acted as much to the advan- 
 tage of the people concerned in that trade as any man that ever sat there. 
 In their applications to the Government, which are very frequent, they 
 often stand in need of the interest of some powerful man to solicit their 
 affairs, for which reason they generally make choice of such a one for 
 their governor. My Lord Onslow in this respect more than answered 
 their expectations, and they never failed of succeeding in almost every- 
 thing they asked of the Court whilst he presided over them. By these 
 means he acquired a very great esteem among them, and at his death 
 was universally lamented by that company. He was succeeded in this 
 employment by the present Duke of Chandos, and I think his prede- 
 cessor was Sir William Trumbull, who had been Secretary of State in 
 the reign of King William, and was a very considerable man. 
 
 But my Lord Onslow's reputation was not only confined to the Turkey 
 traders, nor was his care only for their concerns, he had been always 
 very assisting to the other branches of the English trade ; and no man, 
 I believe, of his time knew more of the interest of England that way, or 
 had contributed more to it than he had clone. 
 
 To conclude his public character ; my Lord Onslow was an instru- 
 ment of great good to his country, and having lived in times of 
 considerable action as well as difficulty, it is no wonder that a man 
 of spirit, of good natural sense, and unshaken honesty should have 
 
494 
 
 Onslow MSS. a large share in the affairs of the public, and be in the esteem of 
 all virtuous men ; and I may say that his death produced as great 
 a concern among all sorts of people as ever any private one did, 
 that has happened in the time of my memory. This is the picture 
 that I have ventured to draw of him in the public stations of his 
 life; if I was to show him as particularly in his private ones I might 
 give a detail of virtues that are rarely to be met with ; but because 
 that may run me beyond the compass I proposed, I shall only 
 take notice that he was very regular in his life, and that in all the 
 relations he stood in, either to his Lady, his children, his more distant 
 kindred, his tenants, dependants and servants, he shewed great 
 tenderness of affection, a true zeal for their interests and a wise manage- 
 ment of himself in the different carriage that was due to each. By that 
 his family and his other affairs were ever in the most exact order, and 
 indeed his whole economy was a pattern of prudence in all domestic 
 concerns. He died — December 1717 in the sixty fourth year of his 
 age, of a raging fever that had continued upon him for above a fort- 
 night. His head by a particular circumstance in his distemper was very 
 little affected through the whole course of his illness, and by that we 
 may very well suppose the remarkable fearlessness he expressed at the 
 approach of death proceeded from a consciousness of his own innocence, 
 and that settled resolution of mind which he had shewn in all the parts 
 of his life. He told his physicians that he was neither ashamed to live 
 nor afraid to die, and required them, upon that, to inform him of the 
 true state of his condition; which they having done, by telling him, 
 they thought it impossible that he should live, he proceeded to the 
 settlement of his worldly affairs, and then resigned his soul with great 
 cheerfulness to the fate that was coming to him. 
 
 Soon after the Revolution, Herbert, Earl of Torrington, with whom 
 my uncle lived in great friendship, talking with him about the useful- 
 ness of Marines, which my uncle had also a high opinion of, said of 
 sudden and from their discourse, shall we raise a regiment of Marines ? 
 with all my heart said my uncle ; upon which my Lord Torrington went 
 straight to the King and got a commission for it, and my uncle was his 
 Lieutenant Colonel ; but was in a very little time afterwards made one 
 of the Lords of the Admiralty, and so ended his military station, which 
 he often used to smile at, and say, his regimental clothes and equipage 
 cost him more than his pay came to. I have lately (1754) met also 
 with some intimation, that he had in King William's reign, some 
 thoughts of applying to go Ambassador to Constantinople. 
 
 The late Queen (Caroline) who saw him often and talking of him 
 one day to me, said, that notwithstanding the plainness of his 
 countenance and person, there was something great in his manner and 
 carriage that drew a particular respect to him as soon as he was 
 seen. 
 
 Thomas, the present Lord Onslow, is the only surviving son of the 
 former, there was another but he died a youth before his father. He 
 left also two daughters. This Lord succeeded his father in the office 
 of one of the Tellers of the Exchequer but not for life and in the High 
 Stewardship of Guildford and as Lord Lieutenant of Surrey, and was 
 afterwards Custos Rotulorum there. He served sometime in Parliament 
 for that county and was at different times elected a Burgess for Gatton, 
 Bletchingley, and once or twice at the same time with the last mentioned 
 place, for Haslemere, and once he was chosen for the City of Chichester. 
 He was not without parts and spirit and some knowledge of the world, 
 and had a notion of magnificence suited to his rank and fortune, but 
 
495 
 
 had such a mixture of what was wrong iu everything he thought said and Onslow MSS. 
 
 did, and had so much of pride and coveteousness too, that his behaviour 
 
 conversation, and dealings with people were generally distasteful and 
 
 sometimes shocking, and had many bitter enemies but with not very few 
 
 friends (to whom he was not unkind). His family are beholden very much 
 
 to him for the great augmentation he made of the estate and the noble 
 
 house he built at Clandon with the care he took to preserve as far as he 
 
 was able the whole to them and in his name, and for the kind and 
 
 handsome legacies he left to each branch of it. He married the niece 
 
 and heiress of Colonel Knight, of Jamaica, an eminent person there, and 
 
 by her had a very great fortune. She was a woman of the truest 
 
 goodness of mind and heart I ever knew, and died much too soon for 
 
 everybody that stood in any relation to her. She left one son, my 
 
 cousin Richard Onslow, chosen this year (1734) and my brother with 
 
 him, burgess to Parliament for the borough of Guildford. My brother 
 
 was for the same place in the last Parliament. He is a Colonel of the 
 
 Guards, an honest and a brave man, of a plain but good understanding. 
 
 He married my wife's sister and had a good fortune with her, she died 
 
 in little more than a year after their marriage without issue. He is 
 
 married again to a niece of Sir George Walton, one of the Admirals of 
 
 His Majesty's fleet, and with her he has also had a large fortune. He 
 
 has a son* and a daughter by her. 
 
 Among the sons of my great grandfather I mentioned his youngest 
 named Denzil called so after the famous Mr. Denzil Holies who was his 
 godfather. He had a very fortunate and extraordinary rise in the world. 
 A younger brother with a scanty provision, bred to no business, having 
 soon left that he was designed for, with very moderate abilities of any 
 kind ; and } r et came to make as reputable a figure and to be in as 
 much consideration in his country as any one gentleman in it. 
 His first step was by marrying the widow of Sir John Lewis 
 of Ledstone in Yorkshire, my grandmother Onslow's own sister and 
 mother, by Sir John Lewis, of the Countesses of Huntingdon' 1 and 
 Scarsdale, the finest women of that time. The first was the mother of 
 the young Earl of Huntingdon known and admired for his learning, 
 politeness, and bravery ; but with an allay of vices which derogated very 
 much from his character, and as I have been informed were by maladies 
 therefrom the occasion of his early death. His own sister, who now 
 resides at Ledstone, the Lady Elizabeth Hastings, is one of the most 
 extraordinary instances that any age, even the most religious, can pro- 
 duce, of true virtue, piety, and devotion. She has a great estate, lives 
 altogether in the country and spends the whole of her revenue with the 
 highest prudence and decency in hospitality and charities. It is said 
 she has kept herself unmarried for the sake of being the better enabled 
 to do these things. But to return, by this marriage my uncle Denzil 
 got a considerable income which was his Lady's jointure and she had 
 monies beside that enabled him with some help to purchase the estate 
 where he always resided after that, called Pirford, and now one of the 
 seats of my Lord Onslow, to whom he devised it. His income was 
 increased upon Sir Thomas Foot's death by my aunt having a propor- 
 tion of what he left, which with her jointure made the whole of their 
 income £2,000 a year; and upon this he lived in a fashion equal almost 
 to any man in the country. He had a generosity in him, with a per- 
 petual cheerfulness and pleasantry of temper that made him universally 
 beloved, nay esteemed, for these qualities were of that kind in him that 
 
 * He has now two more. 
 
496 
 
 Onslow MSS. they procured the same respect to him from all sorts of people, which is 
 usually given only to talents of a higher nature and which he had not. 
 He was agreeable to and always loved the company of the youngest and 
 the gayest men, and at the same time had an intimacy with others of a very 
 different character, particulaidy with my Lord Chief Justice Holt who 
 much delighted in having him with him, and had a high value for him ; 
 and so, many others of the gravest men of that profession, and with 
 whom he spent a great deal of his time. He was trustee or guardian 
 to most of the families of his acquaintance, and always acquitted himself 
 with great care and honour in those confidences. The people of that 
 part of the country he lived in, did not care, I assure you 'tis a truth, to 
 receive justice from any hand but his, and distrusted everything of that 
 kind which he did not do, and this affected him so that he was very 
 constant at Chertsey in his attendance on such occasions and it was his 
 chief pleasure where he generally gave the law, though T am per- 
 suaded he scarcely ever looked into a law book in his whole life, or was 
 he indeed fitted for it; but he had good experience in the common 
 things, and everybody submitted to him. He had been above forty 
 years with very little interruption a member of the House of Commons 
 either for Haslemere, Guildford or the county ; but knew no more of 
 the business there than one who had been but of the standing of a 
 Session, and yet the people, especially those of his neighbourhood which 
 he made a large one, would at any time have preferred him to the ablest 
 man that could have stood against him, and he always by his own interest 
 at every County election brought in the greatest body of freeholders that 
 appeared there. He was twice chosen for the county and died one 
 of the representatives of it. But notwithstanding the great qualities 
 that thus recommended him, and which certainly were very good, he 
 had no true goodness of nature at the bottom. Pleasantry or good 
 humour has the semblance indeed of it, and is often mistaken for 
 it, but is not what is meant by good nature. 
 
 You will often meet with ill-natured men who have good pleasantry 
 and good humour in company and to strangers, who are yet hard and 
 cruel at other times, and to their nearest friends ; and you will some- 
 times perhaps meel; with others who are splenetick and morose and 
 even ill-natured in common appearance, who have great humanity and 
 are very compassionate on proper occasions. Both sorts are defective, 
 but the last is much the best ; and he had certainly many things in him 
 which manifested both. He did a kind thing once for me for which I ever 
 thought myself beholden to him. He was always very firm in his prin- 
 ciples and actings to the interest of his country and the liberties of the 
 people, and having never varied his behaviour in that long course of 
 time which he sat in Parliament gave him great credit with most men, 
 and contributed very much to the general esteem he had acquired. He 
 was also of great courage and his temper led him to perseverance and 
 resolution in all things. Upon the death of my Lady Lewis he lost the 
 best part of his income which went to my Lady Betty Hastings. He 
 lived handsomely however, and some years afterwards was made one of 
 the Commissioners of the Victualling Office, the profits of which though 
 not above 500/. per annum enabled him to keep up his post in the 
 country. He had this employment to the time of his death except the 
 three last years of the late Queen's reign, when he was removed for 
 refusing to comply with the then measures of the Court in Parliament. 
 
 He had another employment for sometime under the late King which he 
 had formerly enjoyed, then as I understand without any salary, but now 
 it had and still has 600/. a year to it, out of which there is paid near 
 
497 
 
 200/. to under rangers. The office is Outranger of Windsor Forest. The Onslow MSS. 
 
 present Lord Onslow hud it before him and the first who had this salary. 
 
 It was given to him to vacate his seat in Parliament that he might be 
 
 capable of being chosen for the county of Surrey (which he was) in the 
 
 room of his father who was made a Teller of the Exchequer, and was 
 
 soon to be a Peer as I have told you before, and my uncle Denzil had it 
 
 for the same purpose, upon this Lord Onslow's becoming a Peer by the 
 
 death of his father. The office now, my young Lord King has, and for 
 
 life. My uncle's second wife was the widow of — Yard Esq. and sister 
 
 of John Weston of Oakham Esq. often one of the representatives of the 
 
 county in Parliament. He spent his estate, and it was sold to the late 
 
 Lord King, who settled his family there. My uncle Denzil died in the 
 
 year 1721 and in the 80th year of his age without issue. He had then 
 
 been many years a Verderer of Windsor Forest, in which he was active 
 
 and useful as I have been informed. 
 
 J come now to speak of myself, which I shall do with the utmost 
 impartiality, for an example to you in what you shall think proper for 
 your imitation and for a warning to you in the many things in which I 
 have either wilfully or unfortunately too much erred, but of which I 
 have often and sorely repented, and which you may have seen or heard 
 of, although with some calumnies I may not have deserved ; and I never 
 was immoral without the feelings of conscience and sorrow sooner or 
 later, I hope to a recovery where and as it could be, even in the minutest 
 things. The nearness of my relation to you will very likely make both 
 the example and the warning the more prevalent with you ; and if that 
 shall contribute in any respect to your becoming a prudent and an 
 upright man, my end is answered, and it will be the best legacy I as a 
 father can leave to you. 
 
 I was born the 3rd of September 1691 at Kensington in the County 
 of Middlesex where my father then resided in the first house of the 
 left hand as you come into the town from London, I was his eldest 
 son, and from the affection he bore to the memory of my grandfather 
 he had me named after him. Before I was quite seven years of age, 
 I was gent to be educated in the free school of Guildford under Mr. 
 Samuel Piggot, and my -father boarded me with Mr. Edward Vernon 
 one of the ministers of that town and who had belonged to my grand- 
 father as a private chaplain. A moot serious and devout man, of the 
 principles (somewhat moderated however) and the manners of those 
 who in a former age had been called Church Puritans, and I believe 
 one of the last of that race, and whose holiness of life and earnest- 
 ness in his duty, unaffected, and for the sake of religion only, I 
 have often reflected upon as a most lively proof of what a great man* 
 of our Church once said, that these men, meaning the Puritans, had 
 more of the true Christian Spirit and came nearest to the sanctity of 
 the Apostles of any set of men that had ever lived in the Christian 
 Church since the Apostolic Age, and such was this good man ; whose 
 care and example made that impression of religion upon my mind, 
 that I thank God it has in some measure remained with me ever since, 
 and been the great comfort of my life, not only in the adverse but the 
 prosperous parts of it too, and without which (and believe me you will 
 find the same) I could never have supported myself under the one or 
 have rightly enjoyed the other. My affection and reverence for this 
 holy man and the gratitude I bore to him were such that I profess to 
 you I felt almost as great concern of mind at his death although it 
 
 * Archbishop Tillotson. 
 
498 
 
 Onslow mss. happened near twenty years after I had left his house, as I did at that of 
 either my father or my mother, and yet my sorrow on those occasions 
 was not perhaps less than that of the most affectionate children gene- 
 rally is. He was rector of the little parish of Merrow near Guildford, 
 and during all his time the communion table stood in the middle of 
 the Chancel, and he administered the Sacrament always in that particular 
 place, and not at the east end, a circumstance your reading the history 
 of your country will make you understand, and the reason of my taking 
 notice of it ; a matter of some curiosity and the only instance of it I 
 believe then remaining in England. He lies buried there, and on his 
 tomb-stone is this inscription which I drew 
 
 Underneath this stone 
 
 lyes interr'd 
 
 The Body of &c 
 
 A studious and learned man 
 
 of great integrity of Life 
 
 Humble and Inoffensive 
 
 Constant and Laborious 
 
 in his holy Office 
 
 A Lover of Truth 
 
 and 
 
 A Friend to all Good Men 
 
 Reader imitate his Virtues. 
 
 How happy shall I be if I find such a man to put you under the care 
 of, but I fear, as I told you before, he ended the race. 
 
 When I was about fourteen years old I was removed to Winchester 
 School under Doctor Cheyney, and continued there till I was near 
 seventeen and then went to Wadham College in Oxford a Gentleman 
 Commoner. I had not profited at either of the schools I had been at so 
 much as I ought to have done, though to say truth very particular care 
 was taken of me at both ; it was therefore very fortunate for me that at 
 the University I fell into the hands of a tutor (Mr. Samuel Lisle) who 
 took more than ordinary pains with me and whose age and temper were 
 suitable to my own. I lived in the Chambers with him and spent most 
 of my time in his company. It was of infinite service to me then, and his 
 sincere and cordial friendship to me ever since has not been of less use to 
 me. He is at present Archdeacon of Canterbury, Prolocutor of the lower 
 House of Convocation and has several other very considerable preferments 
 in the Church. A learned discreet and virtuous man and well deserves a 
 higher promotion* ; which I hcpe he will meet with. Whilst I was at 
 the University, at school indeed, I contracted several friendships which 
 have been of great benefit to me since, and this is one of the principal 
 advantages which arise from a public education. I ever sought to keep 
 the best company I could there, and was very exact, even to the 
 minutest particulars, in complying with the discipline both of the College 
 and the University, and I can truly say that, with a sense of religion, 
 my life was in general virtuous and regular — God be merciful to my sins, 
 then and since — and got into a love of books and reading, but yet with- 
 out that profit I sought for, and which I felt the want of. My studies 
 were too wandering, which is a great fault, and I went over less things, 
 as I thought them, to get at greater, which I also failed much in, because 
 I neglected the other. It had however been worse with me in this way, 
 
 * He has since been (partly through my means) made Bishop of Saint Asaph 
 and was afterwards Bishop of Norwich. 
 
499 
 
 and ruined my studies for ever, if it had not been for the very great Onslow MSS. 
 care of my tutor, who omitted nothing to cure this in me, and for some 
 intimacies I afterwards had with two or three studious and learned 
 friends of my own rank and standing, though too much of it has always 
 remained with me, and I often bewail it as having been one of the 
 greatest unhappiuesses of my life. 
 
 After I had been at Oxford near two years, my father died viz. 
 10th of May 1710. His death brought me to a mournful house for 
 many sad reasons. He had almost all his life affected a part in his 
 living more suited to his rank and family than his fortune, had also 
 very sore losses in his business and a very numerous house to maintain, 
 and not being the best manager of his affairs neither, had by all this 
 so much straitened himself in his circumstances and was rendered 
 so uneasy by it at last that it very much hastened his end; for 
 he was but fifty-six years of age when he died. This affected me 
 extremely, for excepting the particulars I have mentioned, he was a 
 man of true worth, and very solicitous for the good of his family, tender 
 to the greatest degree of me, and ever anxious about my education, and 
 did everything towards that, which a good man and a good father could 
 do. His dying under the circumstances I have mentioned put us all 
 to great difficulties, and although there was an estate among us which 
 my brother Col wall had left, yet that was much embarrassed. My mother, 
 an excellent woman in most respects, was however of too high a spirit, 
 to submit so much as it would have been right to have done to a lower 
 way of living than she had been accustomed to, and it was the misery 
 of her after life to find out methods of maintaining this, and also to dis- 
 charge my father's debts, which among us was however done, at least 
 the greatest part of them. I was forced upon this to leave the Univer- 
 sity, and to become, as it were, though not twenty years old, the father 
 of a large family, and notwithstanding I went that wiDter to the study 
 of the Law, yet I had so many distractions from it by the condition of 
 our private affairs, and by exceeding our incomes, that for some time I 
 made but little progress, and suffered much too by the want of proper 
 direction in my reading. However I went on, and having friendships 
 with the best people of my own standing, particularly a very ingenious 
 and learned young man and who bore me much affection Mr. Montagu 
 Bacon,* and with others of longer standing and good reputation in all 
 respects, I benefited a good deal by their conversation, and in a year or 
 two entered into a pretty regular and strict course of study both of 
 Philosophy and Law, and by the assistance of my friendship with Mr. 
 Bacon acquired some little knowledge also in parts of learning in which 
 he was very conversant and which made him perhaps neglect the study 
 of the Law that was intended for his profession, and this was the chief 
 of my amusements, though my natural turn was rather to the graver 
 studies, as you will perceive he thought, by this little thing he drew up, 
 with too much partiality and fondness towards me, and which I should 
 not have cared to have shewn to anybody but you. Besides the advan- 
 tages I had from the company I kept and which I have told you of, I 
 had the countenance and favour of my uncle Onslow, and this indeed 
 was my principal credit and support. He always treated me with the 
 affection and care of a father. He considered me, as he often used to tell 
 me, as his second son, received me in his house as if I had been so, and 
 
 * He was the younger son of Sir Nicholas Bacon of Shrub! and in Suffolk and 
 the Lady Catherine Montagu youngest daughter of the first and famous Earl of 
 Sandwich. 
 
 O 77960. K K 
 
500 
 
 Onslow Mss. endeavoured to make the world look upon me as such. The vacation 
 part of the summer for many years I spent with him at Clandon, and by 
 that I became well known in that country, and in truth he took delight 
 in making me known to everybody he knew. I might have made more 
 use of this than I did, but I had ever about me a backwardness in 
 coming into public places or great company. Whether from a natural 
 melancholy in my temper, or from an acquired one by embarrassments in 
 our family affairs or by my constant living with Mr. Bacon afore-mentioned 
 and some others who were too much of this make I cannot say, but a 
 great deal of this has ever since hung upon me.* 
 
 About this time I grew into an intimacy with Mr. William Lee, 
 brother of Sir Thomas Lee, knight of the shire for the county of Bucks 
 and of an ancient and considerable family there. My acquaintance with 
 him was of singular service to me in my law studies, for he was a 
 hard student in that himself, and our conversation was much on those 
 subjects. He has gone through some eminent stations in the practice 
 of the law, and is now one j of the Justices of the King's Bench, with 
 the character of a very upright, learned and able judge. He is besides 
 a very worthy man in all respects. 
 
 But notwithstanding the pains I took, the helps I had, and the 
 studious life I led, I soon perceived that I was not made for the business 
 of the profession I was in. I indeed constantly attended the Courts in 
 Westminster Hall with as much attention to what was done there as 
 anybody else had. I also attended at the Assizes as a counsel in my 
 own country for several years, but never could bring myself to speak 
 or do anything in any of these places with tolerable ease or satisfaction 
 to myself. I wanted, as I told you before, a proper direction at first, and 
 though I read much, yet, as I told you also before, my studies were not 
 fixed enough, and this was my great misfortune, and which will ever 
 hinder a man from succeeding in any settled profession ; and beware 
 therefore of it as a fundamental and permanent error. But notwith- 
 standing this, my knoAvledge of the law (as far as it went) particularly 
 in the antiquities of it, which I always took great delight in, has been of 
 eminent use to me in my Parliament business, joined with the foundation 
 I laid of the knowledge of the Law of Nature, in which indeed I took 
 most pains and without which no man can understand the law of any 
 particular country as a science, an observation and a very true one of my 
 Lord Chief Justice Hale. 
 
 But to return, despairing thus of any success in my profession, which 
 however I discovered not to any of my relations or friends, I was often 
 in great despondency as to the future course of my life, and it increased 
 the melanchory I was otherwise too much inclined to, and The rather 
 because the little fortune I had was every day lessening by my being 
 obliged to expend some part of the principal even for my necessary 
 living, from a want of income out of the family estate by unavoidable 
 entanglements in it. I won't trouble you with a detail of this for it is 
 not worth your knowing, I will only just tell you, that this difficulty in 
 my fortune must have proved fatal to me if it had not been for the 
 kind and seasonable assistances which I with the rest of my family 
 received from our trustees Mr. Gibson and Mr. Jacob, who have ever 
 been our faithful friends in all respects; and I mention this that you 
 
 * This melancholy turn in the unfortunate Mr. Bacon ended in a la3?ion of mind, 
 ■which deprived the world of one, whose great parts, learning and general knowledge, 
 with his much frankness and generosity of heart, might have made him a very con- 
 siderable person in many public stations, even the highest. 
 
 f And since made Chief Justice of that Court. 
 
501 
 
 may remember it whenever you have an opportunity to serve or oblige Onslow MSS. 
 any of their descendants or relations. Under these mortifying circum- 
 stances, an incident happened very providential, to keep me in the man- 
 ner of living I had hitherto, though with difficulty, maintained ; and from 
 this by one lucky accident after another I have been enabled to live in 
 good credit ever since, and to arrive at what I am, which considering 
 the various straits I have been in, and the struggles I have had to get 
 through them, I often stand amazed at, and as often acknowledge the 
 great goodness of Providence to me in it. The incident I mean was an 
 office my uncle Onslow gave me under himself upon his being made 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. A genteel and a profitable one; it was 
 that of secretary to him, and which had generally been given by those 
 in his station to some very near relation. I made not the most of it, 
 and yet it brought me, in three quarters of a year, the time I had it, above 
 600/. I then left it upon his procuring me the treasurership of the Post 
 Office which I kept till I came into Parliament. That was worth near 
 400/. per annum, and by the help of these incomes I preserved myself 
 and my family too, till our own fortunes became of more use to us than 
 they had been before. 
 
 In June 1715 we lost my mother. It went very near me; I felt a 
 greater concern than ever I did in my life ; for although I was not her 
 favourite child and had suffered by that and there had been some small 
 differences between her and me about our private affairs, and I was not 
 entirely satisfied with her management of them, yet I honoured her to 
 a high degree, and she well deserved it, for although she had rather too 
 quick a spirit, she was a very good and in most things a very wise 
 woman : and she had in her younger years been extremely handsome. 
 
 Upon her death the estate at Woodford in Essex where my father, 
 and she afterwards, for several years had resided, with some other 
 lands in the same county and an annuity issuing out of the estate in 
 Surrey fell in to me and my brother, for my brother Colwall had left 
 the residue of his estate to us equally, and it being between three and 
 four hundred pounds a year which my mother had, it came very season- 
 ably to us to discharge incumbrances my brother Colwall had laid upon 
 his estate, and to furnish us with some ready monies, and for these pur- 
 poses we sold the estates in Essex. My care and trouble however were 
 increased another way by the loss of my mother, for upon her death 
 four of my sisters who were unmarried, two of them young, and my 
 brother, young also, came to be immediately under my care and direc- 
 tion ; but my great difficulty was how to dispose of him. He had not 
 been qualified for a learned profession, and I was averse to his being bred 
 a merchant, because of my father's misfortunes that way ; but chiefly for 
 that I knew our estate could not well be turned into money which would 
 be necessary in that business when he came out of his apprenticeship, 
 and this last reason was as strong against putting him to a lower 
 trade. I own too that I thought any such trade below him ; and 
 as to a civii employment under the Government which was thought 
 of, and which my uncle would have obtained for him, I utterly disliked 
 it as being too precarious to be relied upon for his future provision. 
 I was determined upon a profession for him in which he might rise to 
 some consideration, and the only one which could answer that purpose 
 was that of the army. It was against the opinion of all our friends; 
 but as I thought I saw a courage and firmness in him suited to that 
 profession, and being withal of a large and fine make in his person and 
 of a very handsome and manly countenance I persisted in it, and 
 his success and character have more than answered my expectations 
 
 K K 2 
 
502 
 
 Onslow MSS. I thought it also right to place him as high at first as I could, and 
 therefore found means to raise money enough to buy him a company in 
 a marching regiment at once, and it proved of singular use to him in his 
 after promotions, and gave him a rank that enabled him, as soon as 
 he came into the world, to keep the best company, and to live with the 
 best of his family : and ever remember it in the disposal of your children, 
 especially your sons, that nothing will sink a person so low as to be in a 
 station that will make his relations ashamed to keep him company. 
 
 Thus I laboured for his advancement and well being, in the same 
 manner as I would have done for a son of my own, and with the like 
 affection and solicitude. What part I have had in all except the last 
 (Plymouth) of particular military commands in his after promotions, 
 and in other benefits to him, he best knows. He has risen to be very 
 high in the army,* after much service in it, and with unblemished 
 character in it ; and to me in many instances kind and affectionate. 
 
 In December 1717 my uncle Onslow died. The loss I sustained thereby 
 was the greatest I ever felt, and my best hopes of raising myself in the 
 world died, as I thought, with him. He had indeed provided by his 
 will, and the settlement of his honour as before mentioned, that his 
 family should be kept up by my father's sons in case his own son and 
 my uncle Denzil died without issue male, but that was so distant a 
 prospect that I scarce ever made any other use of it even in my own 
 thoughts than to reflect with gratitude upon it as an instance of his 
 affection and regard. I was afraid too that by his death I might lose 
 my office, but the next Lord Onslow was so far considered as effectually 
 to secure me in it; and he finding me of some use to him in the 
 management of the family interests in the country and otherwise too, 
 and bearing also some kindness to me as I believed, I continued as much 
 with him as I had been with his father (although not with the same 
 comfort), and it contributed something to this, that I had taken not 
 long before his father's death a little place of him near Clandon called 
 Levels Grove for my habitation when I came into the country. 
 
 Being thus settled in Surrey and near Guildford and acting also as a 
 Justice of the Peace, and being active in keeping up the family interest 
 in that borough as well as in the county, I became generally known there 
 and spent a good part of my time in that sort of business ; but however 
 I found time beside to carry on my studies, though I made but little 
 progress in my profession. The gentlemen of the country were generally 
 very obliging to me and I had a good deal of respect shewn to me from 
 people of all conditions, and was much resorted to on all public matters 
 which related to the country. What maintained and increased my con- 
 sideration there and which I have ever since found of great use to 
 me and have continued to practice even for some time after I was 
 Speaker, was being in the chair at the Quarter Sessions of the Peace 
 for the county. In which I had the good fortune to please and be 
 grateful to the country in general. My education in the law made me 
 soon a pretty good master of the business transacted in this Court, and 
 having ever had a high notion of justice, and the regularity and dignity 
 which ought to be preserved in judicial proceedings, I observed all this 
 with great exactness, and laboured, from a principle of conscience I can 
 safely say, to avoid even the least appearance of partiality, not only in 
 matters of justice but in my general demeanour there, which won much 
 upon many who had been enemies to our family and which I after- 
 
 * A Lieutenant General, Commander of one of the Troops of Horse Grenadier 
 Guards and Governor of Plymouth. 
 
503 
 
 wards found the benefit of, when I came to stand for one of the repre- Onslow MSS. 
 sentatives of the county in Parliament. 
 
 I have told you already that upon the death of my late Lord Onslow, 
 the present Lord becoming a Peer, there was a vacancy of a knight 
 of the shire for Surrey, and to fill that, for the sake of keeping up 
 the interest of the family, my uncle Denzil Onslow then one of the 
 burgesses in Parliament for Guildford, vacated his seat there by the 
 acceptance of an employment and was accordingly chosen for the 
 County. Upon this my Lord Onslow gave his interest at Guildford 
 to Major General Wroth who was chosen there without opposition 
 in the stead of my uncle Denzil. He had an estate, and lived in the 
 neighbourhood of that town ; had been always a firm friend to our 
 family in that place and in the county, and soon after the accession 
 of the late King was by the procurement or assistance at least of 
 my uncle the late Lord Onslow made one of the Clerks of the 
 Green Cloth. Some of our friends wished to have had me chosen at this 
 time for Guildford, but it would have been hard and so 1 thought 
 myself, not to have taken this gentleman, for beside the unalterable 
 attachment he had shewn to our family in all times, he had a claim to 
 this election from having served before for this place in Parliament and 
 been turned out upon a petition in the latter end of the Queen's reign for 
 not being acceptable to those who were then in power. He had also been 
 ready upon all occasions to give up his own interest at Guildford (which 
 was something) to serve the interests and purposes of our family there : 
 nor was I very desirous of coming into Parliament at all, but thought 
 rather, if I did not succeed in my profession and which 1 more and more 
 found I had not a turn for the practice of, to lead a quiet and retired 
 life in the country, except as to the business there which I mentioned 
 to you before. But this scheme for my future life was soon altered, for 
 the gentleman I have just now mentioned falling into an incurable 
 distemper, my Lord Onslow and our friends at Guildford were deter- 
 mined that I should succeed him in Parliament if he died ; which 
 happened in February 1719/20. I was .accordingly elected ^without 
 opposition for that place in his room on the 16th of that month being 
 then about twenty eight years of age. My employment in the Post 
 Office I was forced to quit, as being inconsistent with a seat in the 
 House of Commons, but at my desire it was bestowed upon my brother, 
 who held it till he came into Parliament in the year 1727 and then I 
 procured it for my cousin Denzil Onslow who now (1735) enjoys it. 
 
 Thus being thrown into a new course of life, with a small fortune, and 
 uncertain whether I should better it here, from some rigid notions that 
 I brought with me as to my behaviour in Parliament, I was often under 
 many anxieties with respect to my after condition in the world. I was 
 resolved to make this my last cast, and if I did not succeed in this, to 
 give up all expectations from everything also, and so from this time I 
 threw off all thoughts of practising the law, though I continued my 
 studies as strictly as ever, especially in that which might be of 
 most u B e to me in Parliament. I will not disown that I was very 
 intent to succeed in this new situation, and found an ambition 
 about me which I had never perceived before, not for profitable em- 
 ployments or riches which I have ever perhaps too much contemned 
 but for fame and respect, which perhaps I have too much courted. 
 But be that as it will, it was my chief and great aim, led it may be to 
 this by my being of a family which had been for so long a course of 
 time in Parliament as I have before shewn you, and some of whom had 
 been of no inconsiderable rank there, add to this that I had always been 
 
504 
 
 Oxslou- ISfiS. used when under the care of my uncle Onslow to the hearing and the 
 talking of: Parliamentary subjects, which ever made great impression 
 upon me and were now strongly revived in my mind ; so that from the 
 first day I set my foot in the House of Commons I was an early and 
 a most constant attendant to and a most studious observer of every- 
 thing which passed there. 
 
 I came into Parliament at a very memorable time, whilst the 
 famous Bill for enabling the South Sea Company to redeem the 
 public debts, &c. was pending. The course of which and the sad 
 consequences of it I forbear mentioning to you here, because a 
 larger and a better account of it than T can give you may be 
 met with elsewhere. Let it suffice for me to tell you, that nothing 
 ever showed more the general corruption of mankind than this did. 
 All ranks and orders of men were almost confounded. The whole 
 nation brought as it were to a level, and without distinction of birth, 
 titles, office, or age, gaping after and grasping at unreasonable gain. 
 The sudden increase of imaginary riches by the artificial rise of the 
 public stocks and everything else that could bear but the name of a 
 stock, so intoxicated the minds of the gainers which for a time was 
 everybody that dealt in them, that all other considerations were laid 
 aside. The people thought of nothing but their immense estates, all 
 acquired in a few months, some in a few weeks, nay some in a few 
 days, and this in many from not being worth a shilling before. They 
 thought of nothing I say but their new wealth and how they should 
 spend it, which as it generally happens from quick gotten riches, pro- 
 duced an universal luxury in all instances of extravagance, and which 
 the nation has scarcely yet recovered from. It was impossible this 
 could hold long, nor did it so for more than four or five months, though 
 it changed before the wisest foresaw it ; nay the loss of all regular 
 computation was so gone and the self-delusion for gain was so much, 
 that the most wary and cautious were chiefly drawn in almost at the 
 very last of the cheat ; scarcely anyone perceiving it as such. And 
 when the fall did come, the consternation that happened upon it is 
 inexpressible. The excess of joy before produced a proportionable 
 extreme on the other side, and most of those who thought themselves 
 rich beyond the power of managing their wealth saw themselves all of 
 a sudden sunk into an abyss of poverty. The few who were real 
 gainers were forced to join in the general lamentation as if they had 
 been sufferers too, lest their gains should expose them to popular fury ; 
 and thus as all thought they had been gainers a few weeks before, now 
 all said they were become losers. I have often wondered that this did 
 not produce some convulsion in the State. That it did not was cer- 
 tainly owing to people of all denominations thinking of nothing but 
 their own losses and flattering themselves with the hopes of some quick 
 turn in the public credit as they called it, to recover their late fortunes. 
 If otherwise, or some bold men had taken advantage of the general 
 disorder men's minds were in, to provoke ihem to insurrection, the rage 
 against the Government was such for having as they thought drawn 
 them into this ruin, that I am almost persuaded, the King being at 
 that time abroad, that could the Pretender then have landed at the 
 Tower, he might have rode to St. James's with very few hands held 
 up against him. I was at London in the midst of this confusion 
 and well remember that I then made this reflection, I tried my 
 fortune as others did at this time though scarcely ever appeared in the 
 place of resort for those that did and where everybody almost without 
 distinction appeared almost everyday to the shame and dishonour of 
 
505 
 
 their rank and characters. Neither did my trafficking go a great way, gnblow mss, 
 
 but what I got my Lord Onslow and another person bought of me upon 
 
 their own earnest importunity and gave me a bond for the money which 
 
 amounted to about nine thousand pounds, and of which I might have 
 
 recovered every shilling, it not being in the nature of a contract, which 
 
 would have been within a law that passed afterwards for the ease of 
 
 those who were engaged in such contracts, but an actual sale; however 
 
 the whole being likely to fall upon my Lord, the other person becoming 
 
 insolvent, and there being as I thought some equity in not exacting my 
 
 whole demand and considering all family circumstances, I* compounded 
 
 with him for a very small proportion of it and which did not come out 
 
 to be more than five and twenty hundred pounds, including the prime 
 
 cost to me of what I sold to him, and which being a considerable part 
 
 of it made my gain but very inconsiderable. 
 
 I told you before that as soon as ever I came into Parliament 
 I resolved to apply myself entirely and earnestly to the business 
 of it, which I strictly observed; and thus setting up my stand as 
 it were, here, I was very anxious as to my success particularly in 
 speaking, having always had a diffidence of myself in any per- 
 formances I ever undertook whether arising from a real modesty in 
 my nature, or from that fear which pride often creates in ambitious 
 minds lest they should not come up to the pitch of their own desires 
 I cannot say, perhaps mine in this case arose from both; more 
 however I am willing to believe from the last than the first ; because 
 -the subject of it was to be the crisis of my life, and is in ours 
 as it has been in all other free states the great source of power and 
 fame. And upon this occasion let me say to you, as what an English 
 gentleman should pride himself in and have ever before his eyes and 
 deem the most valuable property he has, that by a seat in Parliament 
 he has an opportunity to raise himself by his abilities and disinterested 
 character there (the one as necessary as the other), to any height of 
 true power and name with satisfaction to his own free heart (the only real 
 comfort of greatness) and without going through that horrible course of 
 servile dependence upon and yet more servile flattery to the will, caprice, 
 insolence, and often the vices, of a Prince or his ministers, and which is 
 the general foundation of all eminence in arbitrary Governments. 
 
 I had not been many weeks in the house of Commons before I had an 
 opportunity very proper for me, of speaking there, and I felt the success 
 it had. I won't conceal from you the joy I had upon this occasion. 
 The exaltation of heart which a man, circumstanced as I was there, 
 has from such an event is not to be described, The notice which was 
 taken of me upon this first step in my new course made me to conceive 
 hopes that in this situation I might advance my reputation in and become 
 of some use to the world, a gratification of mind I can truly say the 
 strongest I ever felt. When the Parliament was up I went into the 
 country to my little retirement near Guildford, and there a very fortu- 
 nate overture was made to me by Mr. Corbett the clerk of the 
 peace of our county (who had received some favours from my family) 
 of a match with your mother. I immediately listened to it, and he and 
 I came by leave of your mother's uncle to make a visit at Ember 
 Court, and was then and afterwards so weil received in the family, 
 though of a principle in public matters very different from that which 
 I was of, that in a few months viz. on the 8th of October 1720 we were 
 
 * See among my writings for those which relate to this. matter, ami consider the 
 difficulty I was under. 
 
506 
 
 Onslow MSS. married at the church of St. Paul's Covent Garden. Her uncle Henrj 
 Bridges Esq. settled the Estate of Ember, &c. upon us to come after 
 his death subject to a jointure to his wife who are both dead, and 
 by the after death of your mother's sister Rose who was married 
 to my brother but died without issue, the reversion after my brother's 
 life of a considerable part of her share of the family estate came also to 
 your mother. I afterwards bought of rny brother his interest for life in 
 it, and so am now in possession of all the estate which came by your 
 mother, much beyond my expectation or deservings and as it will be the 
 best part of your fortune ever remember the obligations you will be 
 under to her for it, as you are for her care, her tenderness and fondness 
 of you, and I doubt not but if you inherit her understanding and true 
 worth you w T ill want no exhortations of mine to induce you to that 
 esteem and reverence of her which her character and your relation to 
 her will claim from you. She had her failings; but she was generous 
 (except as to herself) charitable and pious. Her father and mother are 
 yet alive, very just and reputable persons ; he blind through age, 
 being now (1735) near 82. He of the family who raised the estate, and 
 first settled at Ember Court about the year 1671, was Shem Bridges, Esq., 
 a rough but very sensible man, active and knowing in the business of 
 the country and of great use and sway there. He was sent early to the 
 East Indies in the service of the company trading thither, and there he 
 got his estate, and with unspotted reputation. Upon his death his 
 estate (which he intended for your mother and her sister I have just 
 now mentioned and who w r ere bred up by him and by his dying before 
 he completed his will) came as his heir-at law, to your mother's uncle 
 before spoken of, Henry Bridges, Esq., a plain honest good-natured 
 man, with whom, after our marriage, I lived at Ember Court till the 
 time of his death which was in June 1726. 
 
 Being thus settled in a very creditable place and as it were the 
 heir of it, in my own country, it much increased my consideration 
 there, and the certain expectancy of a tolerable estate strengthened 
 my own wishes and resolution to keep myself independent in Par- 
 liament, the next meeting of which was that session in which the 
 fraudulent execution of the South Sea scheme for taking in the 
 Public Debts 'came under the consideration of Parliament. I then 
 first began to see the arts of power and of faction, of party resent- 
 ment, and of the personal pique of great men against one another : 
 for some or all of these were the foundations of those remarkable pro- 
 ceedings which were the chief almost the whole business of this session. 
 Some good men engaged in the prosecution of it with very worthy and 
 public views and the spirit and indignation of the whole kingdom 
 supported them in it, but even they were transported with too much 
 heat, and the punishment of the offenders too indiscriminately made, and 
 the method of proceeding against some of them at least, not with that 
 temper and regularity which the rules of justice require. The great 
 danger and dishonour too of Parliamentary prosecutions and which has 
 generally been the case in most of them. Tbe frequent consideration of 
 and concern at, which has often made me think that among other 
 reasons (very obvious) for it, there is one not so much taken notice of 
 but what really contributes as much or more to the intemperance and 
 violence too often used in these prosecutions, as any of the other causes. 
 I mean that wantonness of power that arises from having no check upon 
 their actings, and being accountable for them to no superior authority. 
 
 This and many other reasons make it very improper therefore to have 
 these prosecutions too common, though in some instances and at some 
 
507 
 
 times they are absolutely necessary, and the fear of them is that which Onslow MSS. 
 keeps all the subordinate power in awe and order and is the great 
 security of the Commonwealth; and so far does this go that I 
 am verily persuaded from my own observation, that the very appre- 
 hension of being named in the House of Commons by way of com- 
 plaint, is sufficient almost of itself to prevent any extraordinary abuse 
 of power or public trust. Nor can any such abuse subsist long while 
 Parliaments continue to meet annually and is therefore the strongest 
 reason in the world, if there were no other, why the intervals of Parlia- 
 ment should be no longer than what now prevail, and is indeed the law 
 of the land. Not but that some very upright and disinterested persons 
 have thought that longer intervals of Parliement would be the best and 
 only means of curing corruption in it, but they are I fear mistaken in 
 that, and other evils would only follow from it. But to return, the 
 Parliament, whilst they were punishing the delinquents in this iniquitous 
 work, provided also for the relief of the sufferers; and in my opinion 
 they did that with much more prudence than the other, and with as 
 much equality as the times and the circumstances of the various cases 
 would bear. To which there was a submission by all sorts of people 
 that was scarcely to be hoped for, and showed the Avisdom of the 
 provision. 
 
 In the course of this examination an incident happened that afforded 
 various sorts of insinuation and reflection upon some in the Admi- 
 nistration, and even upon persons beyond the Administration. It 
 was the cashier of the South Sea Company, Mr. Eobei t Knight, with- 
 drawing himself of a sudden, and going beyond the seas. He was 
 certainly a man of good parts, of an address far above his birth or 
 former manner of life (which 1 think had been that of a tradesman in 
 the city of London) very insinuating, open in appearance, yet close 
 and dextrous in the management of the trusts he undertook. He had 
 been in the depth of the project from the beginning, and in all the 
 secrets of it afterwards ; so that whatever corrupt dealings had been 
 with people in power, he was thought to know the most of that work ; 
 and had he stayed, must either have run the risk of losing his own 
 great share of the gains that had been made by this undertaking, or 
 have purchased his indemnity (which would scarcely have happened 
 too) by discoveries that might perhaps have been thought to have 
 merited it. The House of Commons addressed the King to stop the 
 ports and to issue a proclamation to secure him. Being got into 
 Netherlands he was seized there at the instance of the English Secretary 
 at Brussels and a Minister was sent from hence to the Emperor to 
 deliver him up. He was detained for some time, but not being delivered 
 under the pretence of its being against the privileges of the States of 
 
 . He afterwards made his escape which was connived at by 
 
 the Marquis de Prie, the Austrian Governor there, who for that and 
 not delivering him up, had out of the King's Civil List, by my Lord 
 Sunderland's procurement 50,000/., as I have heard from undoubted 
 authority. At last sifter going through many difficulties he settled 
 himself in France where he now lives in great opulency in Paris, 
 treating and caressing and doing all kind cffices to the English who 
 come thither in hopes that one time or other, though now in years, he 
 shall by their means obtain a return into his own country, his going 
 away being felony by an Act that had been made just before. Whatever 
 he did know, his flight certainly suppressed, as to the public at least. 
 
 However some evidence remained, that involved two men, in the same 
 Act that punished the Directors, Mr. Aislabie the Chancellor of the 
 
508 
 
 Onslow MSS. Exchequer and Mr. Craggs the father, and brought a question in the 
 House of Commons upon my Lord Sunderland, then First Commissioner 
 of the Treasury, but who by a majority of 61 was acquitted though 
 with great difficulty, and to save whom the less regard perhaps was had 
 to the other two. How far he was guilty I wont take upon me to say, 
 because the evidence against him was undoubtedly not so strong as 
 against the others, but the money he left which soon afterwards, upon 
 his death, appeared to have been acquired about this time, did pretty 
 near tally to the profit he was charged to have received from the favour 
 of the managers of the South Sea Company. The Earl of Sunderland 
 was the son of that Earl of Sunderland who was a Minister to King 
 Charles the 2nd, King James, and to King William, of whom you will read 
 much in the History of those reigns, and who was without dispute the most 
 capable man and of the greatest genius for public affairs of any in those 
 times* or indeed in any age or country. Although he never spoke in 
 Parliament, and very awkward in it everywhere else. His son came 
 early into business, and before his father's death, was then in the House 
 of Commons but made no advantageous impression of himself there, from 
 a disagreeable impetuosity and ungraceful manner of speaking which 
 left him not till very few years before his death, and this alteration in 
 his manner of speaking was to the wonder of all who knew him before ; 
 nor was till that time in any high estimation for his abilities ; so that I 
 have heard it observed as an instance of little sagacity, at least, in a 
 certain Bishop f who had been a chaplain in the family, when he said 
 that the old Lord Sunderland was an honest, and the son a wise man. 
 
 How far the Bishop (who was himself a person of eminent worth) was 
 right in the character of the father you will judge by the story of his 
 times, but as to the then Lord Sunderland he was by no means mistaken, 
 if by wisdom was meant parts of understanding-. He was besides very 
 learned and studious, delighting much in books, of which he made a 
 very large and noble collection now remaining in his family. He was 
 well skilled in Parliamentary affairs and in the forms of them, and 
 thereby of great authority wherever that skill was of use, and he had at 
 last much gravity and state in his outward deportment and great dignity 
 in his speaking in public. He had been Secretary of State in the 
 Queen's time while the Whigs were in power, promoted to that perhaps 
 by the interest of the Duke of Marlborough whose second daughter he 
 had married, or by his rank in and steadiness to the party he was of, or 
 by both, and to both it may be it was owing that he was the first of the 
 Ministers who was removed, upon that remarkable change of the 
 Administration at the latter end of the Queen's reign. He continued 
 very firm to his friends during the rest of that reign in all parts of public 
 business, and stood therefore in his own as well as the general opinion, 
 as one of the most likely persons upon the accession of the late King to 
 be employed in some office of most confidence in his councils, and in 
 particular to be restored to the station of Secretary of State, but the 
 scheme for the Administration running another way, and he being too 
 considerable to be entirely left out was appointed to the Lieutenancy of 
 Ireland. He accepted the office, but did not hold it long, taking it as it 
 was intended, great in itself undoubtedly, but often a step of disgrace to 
 some men who have been or expect to be in the closer parts of the 
 Administration. He accepted also of one or two other offices, but was 
 always looked upon as disappointed and discontented, till by the means, 
 
 * See Iloger North's examen or his life of the Lord Keeper his brother, 
 t Tremick ("Terrick?"!. 
 
509 
 
 as it has been thought, of the Hanoverian favourites about the King Onslow MSS. 
 
 he wrought himself into His Majesty's confidence and following the 
 
 King to Hanover in the year 1716, he there brought about a revolution 
 
 in the Administration here, that put him at the head of affairs. The 
 
 first thing he did was to return the compliment to my Lord Townshend, 
 
 who was removed from being Secretary of State and made Lord 
 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, which he accepted in the manner the other had 
 
 done before, and resigned it sooner. Mr. Walpole (afterwards Sir 
 
 Robert) then first Commissioner of the Treasury, soon afterwards gave up 
 
 his offices, and my Lord Sunderland then became the chief Minister, with 
 
 such only about him who were parties in or had fallen into this alteration. 
 
 They were all Whigs indeed, and so had the body of that party 
 witli them, but the numbers who followed my Lord Townshend 
 and Mr. Walpole, and the still greater number who also adhered to 
 the Prince upon the unhappy division in the family (the detail of 
 which is too long for me to give you in this place) occasioned such 
 a defection from the Court especially in the House of Commons 
 that it was with the utmost difficulty the Ministers carried on their 
 affairs in Parliament, although my Lord Sunderland in no part of 
 an able and dextrous Minister for his purpose (sic). The difficulties 
 he was thus in, reduced him to all methods to secure his power, and 
 indeed he had no scruples in making use of any. He bought all 
 men as he could get them, some by places, others by promises, and 
 many by more secret ways, as it was generally said and believed, and 
 with unbounded profusion. Men set their own price and had it, as he 
 and they knew their value, because the numbers in Parliament ran so 
 near as to make any one person considerable enough to be had at any 
 rate. I never knew so corrupt a time; and which laid such a foundation 
 for the continuance of it, that God only knows when it will have an end. 
 
 Among other methods used by the Court to secure a majority, chiefly 
 in the House of Commons, a magnificent public table, at vast expense to 
 the King, was kept at St. James's House in Parliament time, for the 
 entertainment of the members ; but, upon the change of the Ministry, this 
 at least was laid aside. It had indeed produced very little effect for the 
 purpose designed by it, and was very disreputable to Parliament ; yet 
 many came often, others seldom, and some out of curiosity to see it ; of 
 which last were a few who were in opposition to the party then in 
 power. The resentment the Prince bore to my Lord Sunderland on 
 account of the part it was imagined he took in that almost fatal quarrel 
 before mentioned, raised in him the most desperate designs to secure 
 himself in case of a demise of the Crown. He first tried to obtain an 
 Act to restrain the Crown in making of Peers and to change the election 
 of the Scotch Peers into hereditary seats in Parliament, and the number 
 to be 25 and to be named by the King ; and as their families became 
 extinct to have their places supplied by such of the other Peers of that 
 nation whose creations had been next to those so extinguished, that the 
 Prince upon his accession might not have it in his power to make such 
 number as with the then new elected Scotch Peers might overbalance 
 these whom he hoped to have his friends there. He attempted this twice 
 and failed both times in it, though strongly recommended from the throne, 
 and although the proposition itself had many plausible things in it and 
 much suited to the principles and taste of the Whigs, and what 
 some very good and wise men gave into. It was amazing to all the 
 world that the King should be drawn into this measure so de- 
 structive of so essential a part of the prerogative. It can only be 
 accounted for by his suffering himself from bis want of knowledge of 
 
510 
 
 Onslow. MSS. the Constitution ever to be governed in all the domestic affairs of this 
 country by those whom he employed and to whom as to all people 
 indeed his natural temper ever made him most indulgent, and the 
 generosity of preserving them against the rage, as his Ministers called 
 it, of his son might very likely be his principal motive to this extra- 
 ordinary step. 
 
 Whilst this matter was depending in the House of Lords, my Lord 
 Sunderland had the chief management of it, and did it with that 
 skill and knowledge, that did much raise the opinion of his abilities, 
 and they who were most opposite to him in the thing itself have often 
 talked of his opening the debate on this occasion as one of the greatest 
 performances they ever knew in Parliament. This attempt having 
 failed and the indignation of the Prince rising higher against him, it 
 was said he entered into designs of passing him by in the succession 
 to the Crown, and even after the reconciliation was made between 
 the King and Prince ; nay so far did tins go, that as the Whigs 
 began to fail him, his desperation drove him into negotiations with 
 the Pretender, and a letter from the Pretender to him was found 
 upon his desk among his secret papers when they were examined hj 
 some of the ministers (particularly my Lord Townshend) in the presence 
 of some of the family. It has been said that the King was privy to this 
 correspondence, but I have heard it from one who could and did know 
 the truth of this matter that that was not so ; but it was from an 
 enemy of Lord Sunderland, The letter however was immediately burnt 
 
 at the desire of a noble person (my Lord Gr n) who was 
 
 there and was his brother-in-law and I think one of the executors of his 
 will. 
 
 My Lord Sunderland had great knowledge of foreign affairs and 
 more perhaps than any man of this time. He had a quickness and 
 dispatch and clearness in all business that he understood, and if his 
 reputation was not very high in matters of the revenue, it was only 
 because he had not made it his business, and it was but a little while 
 oidy and that from necessity that he took the charge of it. He had 
 always been thought and I believe had really been so, a great contemner 
 of gain (as his father was) and this I remember was urged in the House 
 of Commons as a principal point of defence for him upon the accusation 
 I have mentioned before. But there are temptations and times that 
 catch men the most unlikely from their tempers to be drawn into it if 
 they are not supported by the principles of justice and true honour, and 
 how great soever some qualities in him were, he was certainly a very 
 rash and dangerous man in power. 
 
 Mr. Aislaby was a gentleman of Yorkshire of a good estate there by 
 descent from the ancient family of Maltons. He began the world 
 among the Tories, but left them at the latter end of the Queen's reign 
 whilst they were in full power and he in employment. This ingratiated 
 him very much with the Whigs, and at the late King's accession, upon 
 the merit of that behaviour he was made Treasurer of the Navy. He 
 was a man of good understanding, no ill speaker in Parliament, and 
 very capable of business ; but dark, and of a cunning that rendered him 
 suspected and low in all men's opinion. His great employments did 
 not even raise any regard to his person. He was much set upon in- 
 creasing his fortune, and did that, and to obtain a peerage, which it is 
 said he was promised, but missed, by the troubles he fell into for his 
 South Sea transactions. Upon my Lord Sunderland's coming into the 
 Treasury he was made Chancellor of the Exchequer, but although he 
 understood the business of the revenue better than any other person 
 
511 
 
 then employed, he was of a very little weight even in those matters, in Onslow MSS. 
 
 the House of Commons at least, notwithstanding his station gave him 
 
 the management of them there, and any business of that kind in that 
 
 place was always better done by other hands. He was so little respected 
 
 that he fell almost unpitied by anybody. It was thought he was given 
 
 up at Court, by way of composition, to save my Lord Sunderland, and 
 
 he, chiefly against Sir Robert Walpole, resented it accordingly, as long 
 
 as he lived. 
 
 Mr. Craggs (the father), from very low beginnings, came through 
 various fortunes to have a greater hand and to be more considerable for 
 some time in public affairs than any private man that we have known ; 
 for the highest office he ever held was that of joint Postmaster-General. 
 He was much employed and trusted by the Duke of Marlborough, and 
 by that it was, that he grew into acquaintances and strict intimacies 
 with many persons of the first rank, and particularly with my Lord 
 Sunderland, with whom during his administration he had the nearest 
 confidence, and was in the secret and depth of all their designs. He 
 was a great instance of the force of natural talents, for he had no 
 acquired ones, except what his experience gave him. He had an 
 understanding superior to most men, of a most undaunted spirit, dili 
 gent, close, and unwearied in business. There was a strength and 
 manliness in everything he understood and did, and he even wanted a 
 theatre to act upon to show what he was capable of doing. He seemed 
 
 to be made for the instrument of such a man as , or any who have 
 
 made the most daring attempts. He was restrained by no scruples of 
 conscience, by no danger or toil, and whenever the Ministers complained 
 of difficulties in Parliament, he laughed at their fears, and used to say — 
 give him but the power of the prerogative and he would desire nothing 
 else to govern this nation as he pleased. His office of Postmaster 
 General obliged him to live in the city, but he resided there rather as 
 Minister of the Court to govern that body of people with whom he had 
 formerly been much conversant than for the particular duty of his 
 employment, which he regarded much less than the other. He was, 
 therefore, the principal agent for the Administration in the whole 
 transaction of the South Sea Project,* and bore the chief blame for all 
 the iniquity of it, as an accomplice with the leading director, and having 
 made an immense gain by the Stock, and being a man generally de- 
 tested, he was soon marked out for a sacrifice to the indignation of the 
 people. His great spirit not brooking this and knowing the severity 
 as he called it of a House of Commons examination, and having just lost 
 his son by the small-pox, he died soon afterwards, not without very 
 strong suspicions of having used violence to himself. 
 
 His son was much a better man, open, generous, and well natured ; 
 of no knowledge, but of parts that grew with his power, and he filled 
 his office of Secretary of State, and did his business in Parliament with 
 a sufficiency that amazed those who knew him before, and with candour 
 and frankness that pleased all. He died a very young man for his 
 station, and was lamented by many. 
 
 A few days after the death of Mr. Craggs the son, died the other 
 Secretary of State, Earl Stanhope. He was, without dispute, a man of 
 great public spirit, but too hot and projecting in matters of state. It 
 
 * I have since heard that he advised against the project at first and expressed 
 some fears at the great rise of the Stock, but see the Resolutions of the House of 
 Commons, 1 May 1721. I should have added to his character, that although he was 
 fierce in his look and sometimes in his manner and speech, he was neither haughty 
 nor ill-natured, and liked to do acts of kindness. I knew him well. 
 
512 
 
 Onslow MSS. was thought that the regulation of the peerage, that I mentioned before, 
 was a scheme of his forming. He had commanded the English forces 
 in Spain with various fortune, but always with the reputation of great 
 bravery and resolution. He was the best scholar perhaps of any gentle- 
 man of his time, and of considerable parts, but with a vehemency and 
 fervidness of speech, that always hurt his hearers. He had studied long 
 and knew well the affairs of Europe ; and so upon the King's accession 
 was thought proper to be made one of the Secretaries of State, with my 
 Lord Townshend. He continued in a strict union with him and Mr. 
 Walpole, and went to Hanover with the King to take care of their 
 joint interests till the attempt upon them was made there by my Lord 
 Sunderland, and he then fell in with him, not without much reproach 
 from the others, and was his principal support in the alterations of the 
 Ministry, and contributed more than any one to the engaging the party 
 in general to be contented with the change. He was for some time 
 after this First Commissioner of the Treasury and Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, but knowing little of the business of those offices returned 
 back to his former station with an intention as it was said of leaving 
 that too for the command of the army which he must attend, and died 
 without having acquired any great fortune, and without the least sus- 
 picion of being tainted with the corruption of the preceding year. The 
 deaths of these two Ministers, with that of my Lord Sunderland the 
 next year, did very much facilitate the restitution of my Lord Towns- 
 hend and Mr. Walpole to their full power. For some account of Sir 
 Robert Walpole see my papers. 
 
 During this session I spoke in two or three matters relating to 
 the South Sea affairs with some advantage to myself and acted 
 in upon the whole, agreeable to the disinterested rule I had laid 
 down for my behaviour. The next winter, in which the last session 
 of this Parliament was holden, nothing passed worth my taking 
 notice of to you as far as relates to myself. All people were preparing 
 for the next General Election which happened in the Spring of the 
 vear 1722. I was again chosen for Guildford and almost unanimously, 
 the struggle lying between Mr. Morgan Randy 1, who had been many 
 years elected to Parliament for that town, and Mr. Thomas Broderick, 
 the chairman of the secret committee upon the management of the 
 South Sea Scheme, and by that become a very popular man. He was 
 . set up for Guildford by my Lord Onslow and was chosen. I would 
 not join with him, nor was it pressed upon me; for we have ever found 
 that the family have succeeded best in all elections when their interest 
 has been kept independent of any other persons. 
 
 The new Parliament met in October after the election of it, and thus 
 early because of the discovery! which had been made in the of a con- 
 spiracy to set the Pretender upon the Throne, at the head of which was 
 Doctor Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, who upon that was committed to 
 the Tower of London. A full and a true character of this turbulent and 
 very bad though extraordinary man you av ill see in Bishop Burnet's His- 
 tory of his own times. Two other persons were also secured. The one 
 of them named Kelly a nonjnriog clergyman of Ireland was the under- 
 actor to the Bishop, but a man of far more temper, discretion, and real 
 art, and indeed in all respects a very proper instrument for such a work. 
 The other was one Plunket, an Irish Papist, a very mean fellow who 
 seemed to be taken in for no other reason than that he was capable of 
 and was to have undertaken the most desperate part of their designs. 
 He would have been guilty of an assassination, upon the principles of 
 religion, and it was this only he seemed fit for. He did not appear to 
 
513 
 
 belong to the bishop, but to others who were engaged in other parts of Onslow MSS. 
 
 the plot. I shall mention the case of these three only because they were 
 
 the only persons whom the Parliament undertook. There were several 
 
 others who were secured by the Government, and among them one 
 
 Layer, an attorney, who was convicted and executed. I had, for my 
 
 station, a considerable share in these Parliamentary prosecutions, which 
 
 happened to me from having spoken with some success in the debate at 
 
 the beginning of the Session upon the Bill for suspending the Habeas 
 
 Corpus Act. I was for the suspension as a necessary security to the 
 
 Government, and what had been frequently done on the like occasions. 
 
 The body of the Tories opposed it with great vehemence and had some 
 
 of the Whigs with them, but the Whigs almost universally fell in with 
 
 the prosecutions, and made the greatest disproportion in the numbers 
 
 upon the divisions in the House of Commons I ever knew there. 
 
 The particulars of this conspiracy you will meet with elsewhere, I shall 
 only tell you, that it was formed upon the supposed disaffection to the 
 Government from the sufferings a great part of the nation had 
 undergone by the South Sea Scheme, which had been very industriously 
 imputed, and that too much believed as is natural when people feel any 
 misfortune, to very dangerous and corrupt designs in those who then 
 administered the public affairs, and even a connivance if not a partici- 
 pation in it by greater personages. This was heightened by the check 
 the new Ministers, particularly Mr. Walpole, were said to give to all 
 enquiries into and punishments for this national fraud, and by en- 
 deavouring to cover the old Ministers especially, as the condition at 
 Court of their restitution to their former power ; and all this being 
 grafted on old party discontents made the leaders' of the design to imagine 
 it a very favourable conjuncture for their purpose, which they at first in- 
 tended to execute (and was particularly the Bishop's scheme) during the 
 heat and ferment of the general election, but their foreign aid failing 
 them at that time, it was put off to that part of the summer it was 
 imagined the King would go to Hanover, and in that interval the discovery 
 was made. It has been said it came first from the Regent of France (whose 
 particular interests with regard to the Succession of that Crown upon the 
 renunciations by virtue of the Treaty of Utrecht, had almost from the 
 beginning of his regency thrown him into a close correspondence and 
 confidence with the Court of England) but upon condition of sparing 
 the lives of those he named. Let. the first discovery be how it would, the 
 pursuing of it and the conduct of the whole were principally the work 
 of Mr. Walpole whose dexterity and skill in it showed him to be equal 
 to the ablest minister that ever unravelled the deepest and darkest con- 
 trivance against a State, and such this was in most parts of it. It had 
 the usual effect of matters of this kind, by a new and firmer establish- 
 ment that it gave to the Government, effacing in a good measure the 
 prejudices that many things besides the South Sea project had raised 
 against the King and his family. It so thoroughly broke all the 
 measures of the party for the Pretender that they have never since been 
 able to recover them, into any formed design of Jacobites here at least, 
 and ought, therefore to be reckoned one of, if not the, most fortunate and 
 the greatest circumstance of Mr. Walpole's life. It fixed him with the 
 King, and united for a time the whole body of Whigs to him, and gave 
 him the universal credit of an able and vigilant Minister. 
 
 After the Parliament had taken it up and gone through their enquiry 
 upon it by a Committee made up of the Privy Counsellors who were of 
 the House of Commons the Chairman of which was Mr. William Pulte- 
 ney whom I shall have occasion very frequently to mention hereafter. 
 
514 
 
 Onslow mss. It was determined that Bills should be moved in the House of Commons 
 to inflict pains and penalties on the Bishop, Kelly and Plunket : and at a 
 meeting for that purpose Mr. Walpole proposed and it was agreed to 
 that the Attorney General (Sir Robert Raymond, afterwards Lord 
 Raymond and Chief Justice of the King's Bench) and myself should 
 move for the Bill against Plunket. They chose to begin with that as 
 being the strongest and the clearest case upon the evidence as it then 
 appeared; and indeed it was so strong that many Lawyers were of 
 opinion he might have been convicted by it of High Treason by the 
 ordinary proceedings of Law, of which I shall have occasion to tell you 
 more presently. At the same meeting it was agreed that the Solicitor 
 General (Sir Philip Yorke, afterwards Earl of Hardwicke and Lord 
 Chancellor) and Mr. Sandys (member for Worcester, afterwards Lord 
 Sandys) should move for the Bill against Kelly, and Mr., now Sir 
 William, Yonge and Sir John Cope for that against the Bishop. The 
 Attorney General upon the motion against Plunket opened the par- 
 ticulars of the evidence as it appeared from the Report of the Com- 
 mittee I spoke of before, and the part I took in seconding the motion 
 was to speak to the nature in general of that sort of evidence as proper 
 and allowable in these cases. But this method of proceeding and the 
 evidence in it should be very seldom and cautiously used, and never 
 unless upon very extraordinary occasions, and from necessity, the Rules 
 of Law being our best security. 
 
 The next great work I was engaged in was the impeachment of the 
 Earl of Macclesfield. The part I took in it, as one of the managers, I 
 leave to the censure of those who shall read that remarkable trial. He 
 was undoubtedly a person of great knowledge in and out of his pro- 
 fession, and of very clear and fine parts. Able and greatly so, as a 
 judge, in the high stations he had in Westminster Hall, but not equal to 
 that in his other situations, except on one occasion, which was his rise : 
 I mean his extraordinary performance upon the trial of Dr. Sacheverel. 
 The time was fortunate to him for Lord Chief Justice Holt died just 
 before the Tory Administration was settled, when by that accident the 
 Duke of Somerset, in the short interval between the old Ministry going 
 out and the coming in of the new, having at that juncture, some how or 
 other, an influence at Court, he made use of it to procure Sir Thomas 
 Parker (afterwards Earl of Macclesfield) to be made Lord Chief Justice of 
 the King's Bench, and Sir Robert Eyre, who had been also a manager upon 
 trial, to be a judge in the same Court upon another vacancy there. 
 Both which promotions proved of signal use, afterwards, to the Pro- 
 testant succession and the Whig cause ; and this was Lord Macclesfield's 
 merit at the accession of the present Royal Family; but he wanted 
 temper to manage himself well under his exaltations now, and these he 
 had afterwards, and created so many enemies to himself by that, that in 
 his fall he was pitied by very few even of the Whigs, and had no coun- 
 tenance from the then Administration, nor indeed before, as having 
 been raised to be Chancellor by my Lord Sunderland's procurement. 
 
 Yet Sir Robert Walpole would, to my knowledge, rather the prosecu- 
 tion had not been, as the Earl was removed from the Great Seal, which he 
 would have had to be his punishment ; but his little personal regard for 
 the Earl and the general cry and run against him made the Court yield 
 to the impeachment ; but Sir Robert took care, that several of his own 
 people should be concerned in the management of it, and it was moved 
 by one of them. This I thought and believe was done by him chiefly to 
 prevent, in others concerned (who were not his friends), some attempts 
 in this secret committee (for so a Committee to prepare articles of 
 
515 
 
 impeachment always is) to go farther in their enquiry than what imme- Owsiow MSS. 
 diately related to my Lord Macclesfield. Whether that was so or not, I 
 cannot pretend to say ; but I am sure my aim was only for justice, and 
 1 did not observe the contrary in any one during the examination. 
 
 The Earl's defence was not happy for him, but he bore the judgment 
 against him with great calmness and decency, and continued that, the 
 few remaining years of his life, in much retirement and devotion, and the 
 manner of his dying was exemplary. This has often affected me. 
 Whilst this prosecution was carrying on my Lord Bolingbroke's 
 petition was presented to the House. It was for his restitution to his 
 
 family estate, after his father's death as it stood upon and had 
 
 been forfeited upon his attainder and given up by the King with all the 
 other forfeitures, at that time, for the use of the public, and therefore it 
 was necessary to have an Act of Parliament for the being restored to it : 
 but the King was to recommend it to the House, which he did, and, by 
 the means of the Duchess of Kendal, promised him all the support he 
 could give him in it ; and to this Sir Robert was, very unwilling for - 
 many reasons, forced to submit. The matter being then fully before 
 the Parliament, it was very ili received by those called the old Whigs ; 
 and among them I took a part against it, and having said in the debate, 
 that if the estate were to be given back to the family, whom I knew to 
 have been always friends to the present Establishment, I should have 
 no objection to it, but to give it to him who had been tenant in tail of 
 it, was to give it from the family, as he was very likely to run it out, by 
 his known dissipation, and perhaps in a foreign country. This had an 
 effect upon many ; but a Bill however was ordered in ; but the next 
 day, I think, Sir Robert came across the House to me, and said if we 
 who had been against the Bill, meaning the old Whigs (and who indeed 
 were his best friends and whom he was afraid of disobliging) would 
 come into the Bill care should be taken to prevent Lord Bolingbroke's 
 alienating it, by a special and effectual clause for that purpose. I told 
 him, that for myself I should still be against the Bill, but that if this 
 clause were inserted in the Bill, it would much soften it with me. I 
 suppose Sir Robert said the same thing to others, and the Bill passed 
 with this restriction, except as to some charges he was allowed to make 
 upon it. During the time of this transaction, it made my Lord Boling- 
 broke, as may well be imagined, very uneasy, and to labour all he could 
 to have this clause not brought in ; and to stop me in the pursuit of it, 
 I believe he prevailed with his father the Lord St. John, very old, and 
 with whom I had been acquainted, to come to me to entreat me, which he 
 did with much earnestness, not to press the passing of this clause, saying 
 his son Bolingbroke might be well trusted, that he would never do any 
 hurt to his family. The father had then one or two other sons, and 
 Lord Bolingbroke no child or likely to have any, and my answer to the 
 father was, " my Lord, I am a better friend to your family than you are," 
 and said no more to him. Lord Bolingbroke's then wife, whom he 
 married abroad, was a niece or some other near relation of Madame 
 Maintenon, and was a very fine sort of woman, had been so in her 
 person, and was still so in her understanding. She was often of the 
 King's parties here, and much with the Duchess of Kendal, who was 
 always considered and treated as the King's private wife, a character 
 allowed in Germany under some circumstances, but was no friend of Sir 
 Robert Walpole, nor indeed were any of the Germans. Upon this 
 commerce Lady Bolingbroke had at Court, she had been able to apply 
 personally, as I have been informed by the Duke of Newcastle, to the 
 King himself, and complained of this design of abridging Lord Boling- 
 o 77960, LL 
 
51G 
 
 Oysiow MSS. broke's power over the estate in question, and as being against the 
 original promise of restitution ; that the King heard her so patiently, 
 and then said to her, " Madam, I am always content with what the 
 Parliament thinks fit to give me, and I would advise you to do the 
 same, lest you get nothing." Thus the estate was saved to the family, 
 who now enjoy it, which many things afterwards in the farther course 
 of his life did plainly demonstrate, And here let me add, although not 
 of immediate relation to what went before, an anecdote I had from Mr. 
 Pelham, Sir Robert's nearest and constant friend in his administration, 
 and of most real use to him in it, at least in the House of Commons. 
 
 He told me, soon after Sir Eobert's death, mentioning several things of 
 him, that Lord Bolingbroke had, by some German intrigues and 
 influence, so wrought himself into the confidence and favour of the 
 then late King (Geo. I.) that had he lived to come back from Hanover, 
 it was very probable he would have made Lord Bolingbroke his chief 
 minister, and of which Sir Robert was so sensible, that he. intended, 
 just before the King went abroad, to have obtained a peerage for 
 himself, and resigned his offices, but acquainting his great friend the 
 then Duke of Devonshire of it, he was strongly averse to it, and it was 
 so strenuously opposed by the Princess, to whom the Duke of Devon- 
 shire had imparted it, that he laid aside his design, although against 
 his judgment at that time. This shows the interest he had then with 
 the Princess, and will account for the early re-establishment and 
 increase of his power in the following reign, against the new King's 
 first inclination and resolution, which were certainly for Mr. Compton 
 the Speaker, who had been long his treasurer, and very near to him in 
 all his counsels. It went so far as to be almost a formal appointment, 
 the King, for two or three days directing everybody to go to him upon 
 business, and Sir Robert, I know, did himself believe it would be so; 
 but by the Queen's management, all this was soon over-ruled, with a 
 sincere regard, I am persuaded, to what she believed to be most for the 
 King's real service, with, perhaps, at the same time, a little vanity to 
 have the person deemed the ablest Minister in Parliament at least of 
 that age, to be a dependent of hers, which the other was not, or much 
 in her esteem. He was very able, however, in the chair, but had not 
 the powers of speech out of it ; without which few Ministers can do 
 well in either House of Parliament, as the chief business of Grovernment 
 is now carried on there. But notwithstanding this preference of Sir 
 Robert Walpole to Mr. Compton the King always bore a great regard 
 for him, and seemed glad of opportunities to increase other promotions 
 upon him, which were very high in honours and rank ; but never to be a 
 first Minister, even after he came to be at the head of the Treasury, 
 the common business of which he did well, and so; in his other stations. 
 There were some few other things in this Parliament, that I took 
 a part in, and without any discredit to myself, as my friends thought. 
 I had not been a frequent speaker in debates, and never long, always 
 diffident of my performances' there, and endeavoured to found my 
 character, rather upon the rectitude of my actings, than upon any other 
 fame, and therefore often voted with both parties as I thought them to 
 be in the right. I loved independency, and pursued it. I kept firm to 
 my original Whig principles, upon conscience, and never deviated from 
 them to serve any party cause whatsoever : and all this I hope and am 
 persuaded, was what chiefly laid the foundation of my rise to the Chair 
 of the House of Commons without any the least opposition, although 
 Sir Robert Walpole sometimes said to me, that the road to that station 
 lay through the gates of St. James's. 
 
517 
 
 These last words bring to my mind what was, many years afterwards, Onslow MSS, 
 •said to me by Mr. Pelham (then, in reality first Minister) who came on 
 purpose to engage me to be Speaker in the approaching new Parlia- 
 ment. I had been so long in that labouring situation, that I was much 
 inclined and indeed resolved, at the end of the then Parliament to 
 retire from all public business. He had heard of this, and it was 
 the occasion of his coming to me at that time, to press me to alter my 
 purpose, and many things were urged by him with much earnestness to 
 induce me to do so, that may not be very proper to mention, but what 
 convinced me, that it was my duty to submit to (none, God knows, with 
 regard to my own private interest) and this I was the more ready to 
 give into, and is the reason of my giving you this relation, that upon 
 my observing to him, that if I was to be Speaker again, he must not 
 expect that I would act otherwise than I had always done, and which 
 he knew was not always pleasing to Ministers, his answer was, "Sir, I 
 shall as little like, as any one else in my station, to have a Speaker in 
 a set opposition to me and the measures I carry on ; but I shall as little 
 like to have a Speaker over-complaisant, either to me or to them." I 
 thought it nobly said, and mention it to his honor, and the rather as 
 he and I had often differed. He died, not long after this discourse, and 
 before the choice of the new Parliament, and in "which I was Speaker, 
 for many of the reasons Mr, Pelham had used to me. 
 
 After this digression, I come now to relate what happened to me, 
 after the death of the King who died suddenly in Germany, some time 
 in June 1727. I have told 'you already that everybody expected, 
 that Mr. Compton the Speaker would be the Minister, and Sir 
 Robert Walpole thought so too, for a few days, during which time 
 I went to wait upon him at Chelsea, a place he had for retreat, as 
 much as a first Minister can enjoy, so near the town. I found him 
 at that time, alone, and he kept me a great while with him. At first 
 he seemed a little shy of talking, and I imagine he thought I came 
 
 by direction of — and to report what he should say in our 
 
 conversation ; but I had no such base view, nor ever was an instru- 
 ment of that sort for any person, and he soon perceived I had no such 
 motive, and came only out of pure respect and affection for him, as 
 was the truth I really believing that all power was to be in other hands. 
 Upon this he took me into his arms with a flood of tears that came 
 immediately from him, crying out, that this kindness of his friends had 
 drawn a weakness from him, which his enemies never could do. He 
 then made me sit down by him, for I was going away, and entered 
 into a long discourse of his Ministry, justifying his measures, and defy- 
 ing any charge that could be brought against him, ending with saying, 
 that all he had been employed in would devolve upon Mr. Compton 
 (which indeed everyone believed, and people crowded, during these few 
 days, in their resort to him accordingly), seemed to like this destination 
 for Mr. Compton, better than for any other person, and declared 
 he would never leave the Court if he could have any office there, 
 and would be content even with the Comptroller's Staff. He 
 expressed some kind things of regard to me, and in this conver- 
 sation, or some other not long after, I found he would not dislike my 
 being the next Speaker ; but of that nothing was ever said by him 
 to me till he was in the full return of his former power, and which soon 
 came about, with very ample increase of it. 
 
 After the death of the old King, the new parliament to be chosen 
 was the great business of the nation, and occasioned great contests 
 almost everywhere, as what would have an effect upon the King's mind 
 
 LL 2 
 
518 
 
 Onslow MSS. w ith regard to parties. He had fully manifested his inclination to the 
 Whigs, but the Tories, and some Whigs who had joined them, hoped 
 by being a majority in the House of Commons to distress him out of 
 that predilection, the common cause of these struggles ; and this made 
 the Whigs the more earnest in their endeavours to continue the strength 
 they had in the two preceding parliaments. 
 
 We, in Surrey, by a division among the Whigs there, had not 
 been fortunate in some late county elections, and my Lord Onslow 
 had a notion that he might in some measure recover that, at least 
 our family interest, by making me to stand for the county, to which 
 I was very much averse, and did long withstand, on many accounts, 
 and was desirous to continue a member for Guildford, as most proper 
 for me in all respects ; but his importunities were so vehement, joined 
 with the ready and warm approbation and desire of many of our 
 nearest friends, that I yielded at last upon ccndition that I should be 
 chosen also for Guildford, which I was without any opposition, as I had 
 been always before. During the time of this transaction for my being a 
 candidate for the county, I did communicate it to Sir Robert Walpole, 
 who, out of personal kindness to me, did not approve of it, using these 
 or like expressions. " What ! Will you take a county upon you ? 
 Cons der what that is with regard to re-election; and should any 
 accident happen to prevent 3 our being chosen Speaker, you will, J 
 suppose, be not unwilling to come into other offices and trusts, perhaps 
 frequent elections may not be so practicable in a county as in a borough. 
 I once, upon a sudden and very extraordinary occasion, was prevailed 
 with to stand for the county of Norfolk ; I lost it indeed then, but 
 might, perhaps, have carried it at another time, which, however, I would 
 not attempt, and kept to the boroughs Lynn and Castle Rising, for 
 either of which I knew I could always be re-chosen." I thanked him 
 for his kind advice ; but told him I could not resist the pressing 
 instances that were upon me for it. He wished me good success, and I 
 had all the interest his countenance could give me. 
 
 Being thus engaged I took all the pains that are usual in such under- 
 takings, against two candidates who were united, and against all the 
 force of unbounded expense, and of all party zeal and rancour, with 
 every artifice that could be practised. The expense to me was a trifle. 
 My family and friends in the county, took almost the whole upon them- 
 selves, and the spirit of the country in general was so great for me, 
 that I carried my election by a majority of near a thousand, and had 
 near nineteen hundred single voices. My uncle, Sir Richard Onslow, at 
 an opposition somewhat like this to me had once thirteen hundred, which 
 was thought extraordinary, and his majority upon the whole was about 
 three hundred ; and in the most sanguine of my own expectations I 
 never went farther, scarcely so far. When the two other candidates per- 
 ceived upon the run of the poll how much it was against them, and not 
 knowing upon which of them the loss of the election would fall, they 
 began to act against one another, each endeavouring to poll single votes 
 for himself, and reproaching one another wii.h it, that the father* of one 
 of them, who had used me worst, came into the public court, and in the 
 most abject manner, begged I would forget and forgive some things 
 which had passed, and engage my friends, who had not polled, and 
 were single for me, to give their second votes for his son. I rejected 
 him with the scorn he deserved, and told him I knew I could choose, by 
 the means of those friends, which of the two candidates I now pleased ; 
 
 * Sir Thomas Scawen. 
 
519 
 
 but that I would have nothing to do with either of them. After some Onslow mss, 
 
 farther struggles between themselves, they came, by the intervention of 
 
 their common friends, to a strange sort of agreement, which was, that 
 
 one* of them should come into court and publicly give up the election 
 
 to the other, which he did do, the poll then going on, and thick. It is 
 
 not to be conceived almost, the flame this put the country into, and the 
 
 indignation it raised against both, with the most opprobious language, 
 
 of selling the election, &c, &c. After some time I procured a silence, 
 
 and said to the people, that this attempt was illegal, dangerous, and 
 
 unheard of before ; that the election was the right of the freeholders to 
 
 choose whomsoever they thought fit, and those who should be so chosen 
 
 were obliged to serve, whether they consented to it or not, and could 
 
 not therefore renounce the election ; that the sheriff was bound to go on 
 
 with the poll, as long as there were any freeholders left who should offer 
 
 their voices; and that he could not judge, who were duly elected till 
 
 the poll was over, and he had cast up the numbers, who were upon the 
 
 books, and then he was bound to declare and return such as he found to 
 
 have the majority, even against the desire and consent of those who had 
 
 it.f Upon which there was a loud and general cry, "go on — go on — 
 
 goon — no selling the county "; and the sheriff proceeded accordingly. 
 
 If the poll had been closed at the time Mr. Walter renounced, by the 
 
 private accounts taken of the numbers, Mr. Walter had more votes 
 
 upon the poll than Mr. Scawen, and the sheriff must have therefore 
 
 returned him notwithstanding their compact ; which being understood, 
 
 I believe, many of my friends, without my interposition, did throw their 
 
 second votes upon Mr. Scawen by which he obtained a small majority 
 
 above Mr. Walter. What the consideration (for some there certainly 
 
 was) to Mr. Walter for this yielding, and suffering his remaining voters 
 
 to poll against himself in favour of Mr. Scawen, I could never learn. 
 
 It has been said, that Mr. Scawen was to answer all the expenses of the 
 
 election, which must have been very large, and not suited, as it was 
 
 thought, to Mr. Walter's circumstances at that time, and it may be, the 
 
 party rather chose to prefer Mr. Scawen as being a young man, compared 
 
 with the other, of very great fortune, and the most likely to encounter, 
 
 and get the better of, our family interest hereafter, although the other 
 
 was much more firm to them in principles and actings ; but their great 
 
 view was to get the county out of our hands by any means, to make 
 
 the Tory cause prevail there, as we had anciently, constantly, and uniformly 
 
 supported the contrary, and generally with effect. But they have failed 
 
 in all those hopes and expectations, and the Whig cause in Surrey is 
 
 the most prevalent there. 
 
 After this great defeat, I never had an opposition (yet sometimes 
 vainly threatened) in some measure owing perhaps, to the resolution, and 
 which I kept to, of avoiding even any appearance of joining with any 
 other candidate. The county I am sure would not like it ; would deem 
 it an imposition, and taking too much upon ourselves, which is always 
 unpopular, and which the family have suffered by, more than once, and 
 my uncle ever disapproved of, who lost an election by it, and drawn 
 into it, against his judgment, by this indiscreet warmth of some very 
 near him. He could never venture upon it again, and so recovered his 
 interest. 
 
 * Mr. Walter. 
 
 t Therv: are many instances of it ancient and some modern. It was the practice 
 formerly to take Manucaptors, on some occasion at least, for the appearance in 
 Parliament of those who were elected to serve there. 
 
520 
 
 Oxslow MSS. 5 And now I bring you to the principal scene of my life, that of ray 
 being chosen Speaker. Mr. Compton, elected again for Sussex, having 
 been made a peer a little while before the Parliament met for business, 
 my election to the Chair was unanimous, as it has been in the four 
 subsequent parliaments. I began with no small disadvantages in suc- 
 ceeding immediately a person who had been long and of great character 
 and authority in that station, and I very young for it, and with the 
 experience of a few years only, in the business of the House. I had 
 many fears ; but I had some encouragements too. I had never made 
 myself personally obnoxious to any party, and had, by my manner of" 
 acting in Parliament, some regard shewn to me from many of every 
 denomination and they had reason to believe, I should be respectful and 
 impartial to all. I had besides, the hopes of countenance and assistance 
 from my predecessor, which I soon and very kindly received from hinv 
 and had all its weight. Thus fortified 1770. G.O. 
 
 When my father broke off thus abruptly, I do not know j but 
 it becomes me to close as well as I am able, the account of his life 
 in the Chair of the House of Commons, in which I shall do him more 
 justice than his modesty would have suffered him to have done himself. 
 Every honest resolution he took at his first entering into that station he 
 religiously kept. He was allowed universally to be the best and ablest 
 Speaker that ever filled that Chair. His whole delight was in his 
 business, and his only aim to act uprightly and justly there, and with 
 strict impartiality. He nobly and disinterestedly resigned the lucrative 
 office he had of Treasurer of the Navy (though by-the-bye, it was to 
 him much less lucrative than it had been before and has been since to 
 others, as he abhorred making use of the public money, and even after 
 he was out returned all the money which the taxes on his salary would 
 have come to, had not custom exempted it from them but which he 
 thought not sufficient to do so). 
 
 He continued speaker (and knight of the shire for Surrey) till the 
 end of the reign of Geo. II. ; and the proceedings of the House of 
 Commons, and their generosity to him when he left it, are the best 
 proof of the unanimous opinion they, and the whole kingdom with them 
 entertained of his signal merit. I had the happiness of sitting under 
 him all his last Parliament, being by the recommendation of the Duke 
 of Newcastle (who from this time to his death in 1768 continued a most 
 kind and partial friend to me and whose niece you know your mother 
 is) chosen into the Parliament of 1754 for Rye in Sussex, where I was 
 also very much supported by my colleague there, that worthy old man 
 Phillips Gybbon, Esq.,* who had served so many years before for that 
 place. I was chosen most honorably, for my election cost me not a single 
 shilling save my moiety of the entertainment. Previous to my election 
 I was appointed to the office of Out Ranger of Windsor Forest (of the 
 institution of which office and of the share our ancestor had in the 
 getting it established for the joint interest of the Crown and the people* 
 you will find an account among your grandfather's papers) which I hekl 
 till I was removed from it in 1763, of which I shall say more hereafter. 
 The income of it was of singular use to me, being 400/. a year clear 
 after all deductions, which supplied me very well during the seven years 
 
 * Whose picture I have since given to be hung up in the Town Hall of Eye. 
 
521 
 
 my wife and I lived with my father, in Soho Square, from 1754 to 1761 ; Onslow MSS; 
 
 and indeed we had 200/. a year more, 100/. paid by Sir John Shelley to 
 
 his daughter, and the other by my father to me, and besides this the 
 
 interest of the money left me by the late Lord Onslow. The 100/. was 
 
 as much as my father could well spare me then as he spent his whole 
 
 income in keeping up the necessary dignity of his office, and as I was 
 
 otherwise a considerable expense to him in the maintaining our children 
 
 and servants. When he retired and was possessed of the means, he amply 
 
 shewed his generosity and goodness to me by allowing me every shilling 
 
 he could and reserving to himself not more than 12 or 1,400/. a year. 
 
 Thus enabled by him, upon his leaving Soho Square and going into 
 
 Russell Street, Bloomsbury (where he and my poor good mother died) 
 
 we removed into Ciuzon Street, Mayfair, into a very good house there. 
 
 In the first Parliament of George 3rd I was chosen knight of the shire 
 for Surrey, and just before my election had the office given me of 
 Surveyor of the King's gardens and waters ; a very genteel office and 
 worth to me nearly as much as my other. Both these offices I was 
 removed from in 1763, the famous time when (by the counsels of that 
 wretched man Mr. Henry Fox, afterwards Lord Holland and by the 
 hand of him to whom this country is indebted for all the evils which 
 have happened in this reign, I mean the Earl of Bute) that general 
 massacre was made of almost every man in office from high to low who 
 had had any connection with far better and higher men than themselves, 
 those who composed the Whig Administration of the late reign, especially 
 with the Duke of Newcastle. Among those, very much to my honor, 
 I suffered ; if I may so call it, when my father's munificence made that 
 loss of income, great as it was, scarcely to be felt. You will read in the 
 history of those times, of th3 wretched policy and more wretched end 
 those two ministers came to ; and in 1765 all things were set to rights 
 again and every person who had been turned out of their office restored 
 to it or promoted to better. I was among the latter, for I was appointed 
 a Commissioner of the Treasury with the Marquis of Rockingham, 
 Mr. Dowdeswell, and my friends Lord John Cavendish and Mr. Thomas 
 Townshend junior. I was on that occasion rechosen for the county, 
 and again at the general election in 1768. In the November before, I 
 was made a Privy Councillor and am still a Commissioner of the 
 Treasury now (1771) acting upon the same principles as lean maintain, 
 though with different, but full as good and able men (at my own Board 
 I mean), Lord North in particular whose great abilities and manly 
 courage in standing forth and in the brunt of these most factious times 
 I have had the happiness of being a witness to, and of seeing him save 
 the Constitution and the honour and dignity of Parliament. 
 
 Thus much for my public life to this time I shall now say something 
 to you of a private nature and more therefore to my present purpose, 
 which is that you should know some particulars of those you are 
 descended from and related to. First and principally I must mention 
 your mother to whom you both owe so much of that credit which I trust 
 you will ever preserve in the world from her having with such unwearied 
 pains instilled into your minds from your infancy those principles which 
 I have the unspeakable happiness to think I see growing up in you both,, 
 and which if you maintain them, must and will carry you through the 
 world with all that happiness and honor I so devoutly wish you both. 
 She was the daughter of Sir John Shelley, of Michelgrove in Sussex, by 
 Margaret daughter of Thomas the first Lord Pelham. I was married to 
 her very young, in the year 1 753 (the 26th of June) and have had now 
 during the course of thirty-two years unspeakable obligations to her, 
 
522 
 
 Onslow MSS. and each year more and more reason to see and adore her tenderness, 
 truth, generosity, honour, real religion and integrity. Oh ! Remember 
 and imitate her virtues, and be assured, that if you ever cease to love and 
 respect her when living, or to honour her memory when dead, you will 
 be the most ungrateful of sons. There are few, if any, such examples 
 of maternal kindness and anxiety for the welfare of others as she has 
 felt and shewn to you both. Remember it, I charge you, and return 
 it whenever you can ; as you expect a return from your children for 
 your kindnesses and concern for them, and as you hope for the 
 blessing of God on your endeavours for their welfare. Behave to her 
 as I with pleasure and comfort can say and acknowledge you do to me. 
 Your being descended from her will ever be a credit to you, and an 
 honour to your name. 
 
 So will it be to you, my dear grandchildren, that you are descended 
 from that excellent mother of yours (now, alas, no more) of whom I 
 will attempt to give you some idea. She was the third daughter of 
 Mr. Ellerker, of Risby Park in Yorkshire, and on the death of her 
 brother, became a co-heiress of his fortune (which was 5,000/. a year) 
 with her three sisters ; one of whom is married to the present (1785) 
 Earl of Leicester, son of Lord Viscount Townshend. Her mother was 
 Barbara, sister of Mr. Dixon of Belford in Northumberland, to whose 
 bountiful and munificent will you owe so large a part of your fortune ; 
 indeed the whole of it, till your father's death, which I hope is far 
 distant. As you have the misfortune of never knowing her yourselves, 
 it is fit you should be informed by me, who, thank Grod, did know 
 her, what as well as who she was. She was moral, conscientious, and 
 religious in the best sense of the words, having an excellent under- 
 standing, and consequently no affectation. She was, indeed, genuine, 
 undisguised truth itself. Her person and gentleness of manners (for she 
 was handsome, civil, elegant, cheerful, calm, and composed at all times 
 and in all places) made her admired wherever she went ; but this, though 
 she must have seen and known it, was so far from raising any vanity in 
 her, that she never loved shewing herself and rather avoided public 
 places than otherwise, and never was in one without being glad when 
 she was got back to her family and her home, which she always deemed 
 our house to be as much as her own. She preferred her husband's and 
 his family's interests to every other consideration in this world, loved 
 their company more than any other, and had no intimates but those who 
 were also theirs. She was exemplary in her attention to her children 
 with whom she made it a point to pass most of the morning, and 
 indeed had them under her own eye3 almost all the day. Her modera- 
 tion was equal to her judgment and was observable on every occasion. 
 In the duties of a wife, mother and daughter none could exceed her. 
 She was alike in body and mind ; all cleanliness, purity and decency 
 in both. In thought, word or deed she never gave offence to any 
 creature living, and to those she was most with, nothing but delight. 
 In 1782 we lost this inestimable treasure. Such had she lived, would 
 she have been indeed to you her children, of infinitely more value than 
 the addition which (vast as it is) she has made to the family stock of 
 fortune, though her death was a still greater diminution of its stock of 
 virtue and goodness. May it be long before the latter suffers the only 
 one that can equal it, the death of your grandmother. 
 
 You will read in the former part of these notes, who my mother was, 
 and what she was. My father does her justice in what he says of her, 
 and to my knowledge lamented her loss and revered her memory the 
 two years he survived her. I must ever do so, and remember with 
 
523 
 
 gratitude and tenderness her partiality and love to me which asted from Onslow MSS. 
 my birth to the last moments of her life (in June 1766) which I 
 attended with sorrow, as I did my father's afterwards. He died in my 
 arms ; as I hope to do in yours. 
 
 Onslow 
 10 December 1785. 
 " His conduct was a legacy to all 
 Richer than mammon's to a single heir." 
 
 Dr. Young. 
 
 [Note on the Rebellion of 1745.] 
 
 26th September 1745. — Hearing in the country the day before, that 
 the rebels in Scotland had defeated the King's troops, commanded by 
 Sir John Cope, at Preston near Edinburgh, I thought it proper to go 
 to Kensington, where the Court then was, to pay my duty to the King, 
 and to learn there, what was to be done upon so extraordinary and so 
 unexpected an event. When the King came into the Drawing Room 
 (being the first public day since the news) he looked as became him on 
 the occasion, with a composedness that showed attention to what had 
 happened, but void of the least appearance of fear or dejection, and just 
 with cheerfulness enough to give spirit to others. I never saw him I 
 think show so much of true greatness as he then did. After he had 
 spoken to several and as usual, he turned to me, and looked as if he 
 would have me to come a little out of the circle, that he might speak to 
 me out of the hearing of others. When I came forwards, which was 
 not however quite out of the hearing of those who had stood close to 
 me, he asked me whether I thought there would be a large appearance 
 of members of the House of Commons, when the Parliament met. which 
 was to be that day three weeks. I told him I hoped and believed there 
 would. 
 
 He said it was an extraordinary occasion they met upon : that 
 the matter was now become very serious, meaning the progress of the 
 rebels, and that he hoped for and chiefly depended upon the vigour of 
 his Parliament on this occasion, that they must be his true support, and 
 that it was his Parliament he could and would trust to. He said, some 
 things perhaps may fall out that may not be exactly according to law ; 
 but as it was a time of danger, he hoped that if any such thing did 
 happen, it would pass by as unavoidable. I told him, he had the law 
 and the legal force of the Kingdom on his side, which was the 
 great support of his cause. He replied, it is true, but things 
 will happen at such a time, that are not strictly within it. He 
 then returned to the talk of his Parliament, and said he did 
 not only now rely upon Parliament, but had always done so, for 
 the support and security of his government ; and however he might 
 sometimes have disapproved of some particular men's behaviour there, 
 yet in general he always liked and loved and trusted to Parliaments ; 
 and added, you, Sir, know this to be true. I said, his doing of that had 
 been the strength and the honour of his Government. Pie replied, I 
 ever thought so. I told him, I was persuaded his subjects in general 
 were firmly resolved to support him and his family ; and considered 
 their own interests as involved in and united with that ; and that as 
 our all was therefore now to be defended, I thought all was to be made 
 use of for it. I found he understood me, as meaning, which I did, that 
 all our forces in Flanders should be sent for, in order to put a quick 
 end to this rebellion, and prevent any invasion ; upon which he smiled, 
 
524 
 
 Onslow MSS. and said somewhat to it, but so low, that I really did not hear enough; 
 of it to be able to repeat it. 
 
 Two or three other things were then said, which I cannot recollect, 
 and afterwards with some little emotion, looking steadfastly at me, 
 France, says he, has been the occasion of all this ; France, the old 
 and bitter enemy of this country, and till her power is checked, or she 
 is subdued (I cannot say which of the expressions) this nation will 
 never be in quiet. He then said, I know your zeal for me, and I depend 
 very much on your activity, your experience, and, he was pleased to 
 add, your capacity. I replied, those words, Sir, do me more true honour 
 and give me more comfort than I ever received in my life. 
 
 S A. O. 
 
525 
 
 INDEX 
 
 A. 
 
 Abdy, T., a deputv lieutenant of Essex ; 
 
 280. 
 Abercrombie, Lieut.-Col. ; 117. 
 Aberdeen : 
 
 letter dated at; 144. 
 election petition ; 312. 
 Abergavenny, Lord ; 243. 
 Aberrot ; 54. 
 Abingdon : 
 
 borough of, scandalous election re- 
 turn ; 303. 
 Lord ; 455, 456. 
 
 , a singular bill on the subject of 
 
 Ireland proposed by ; 170 (2). 
 
 , in favour with Princess Anne 
 
 of Denmark ; 456. 
 Abington, Mrs., the actress ; 264. 
 Abnet, Thomas, of Harting ; 275. 
 Abury, Mr. Justice ; 312. 
 Acadia; 353. 
 Ackland, Sir Hugh ; 274. 
 Acquaviva : 
 
 Cardinal; 52, 54, 70,91, 95. 
 
 his country house ; 91. 
 
 Act of Indemnity ; 482. 
 
 Adda, River, military movements near ; 
 
 204, 206, 207. 
 Adderly, Mr. ; 316. 
 Addison : 
 
 Joseph; 248. 
 William; 210. 
 Adey, Daniel, letter from ; 309. 
 Administration of 1743, divided, dis- 
 tracted, and weak ; 87. 
 Administration of the Colonies, by Thomas 
 
 Pownall ; 155, 156. 
 Admiral, the, appeal from, in prize 
 
 matters ; 312, 
 Admiralty, the : 
 
 indignant at the state of the Dutch 
 
 squadron ; 114. 
 a complaint against ; 352. 
 Adonis or Apollo, a statue of; 301. 
 Adventurer, the, pseudonym of the young 
 
 Pretender; 145. 
 Advowsons, bills concerning; 314. 
 Africa; 368. 
 African Company, the, negotiation with 
 
 the Court of Portugal ; 20. 
 Agar, Charles, Protestant Archbishop of 
 
 Cashel, letter from ; 160. 
 Aguessau, Henri Francois d', Chancellor 
 
 of France; 461. 
 Ailesbury, Lord ; 405, 406. 421, 423, 424, 
 
 426, 427, 430, 431, 455. 
 Ailesford, seat of the Dowager Countess 
 of ; 483. 
 
 Ainsworth, Robert, letters relating to 
 
 numismatics; 291. 
 Albury; 483. 
 Aislabie, Aislaby, Aslabie : 
 
 Mr., park at Studley ; 235. 
 Mr., Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 connexion with the South Sea 
 Company; 507,508. 
 
 bis history; 510,511. 
 
 Aix, Isle d' ; 129. 
 Aix, Aix-la-Chapelle ; 239, 338. 
 letters dated at; 86. 
 Congress at, suggested ; 126. 
 offered to the Dutch ; 360. 
 Albani party at Rome ; 52. 
 Albano, Cardinal ; 48. 
 Albano, the Pretender's family at ; 52. 
 Albemarle : 
 
 George Monk, first Duke of, Lord 
 Lieutenant of Devon, autograph, 
 &c. ; 273. 
 appointment of deputy lieu- 
 tenants ; 274. 
 
 godfather of the Duke of York's 
 
 son; 370. 
 
 letter from ; 371. 
 
 [Christopher Monck], Duke of; 387, 
 
 423, 442. 
 [William Keppel], Earl of; 27. 
 
 sent against the northern rebels ; 
 
 132, 144. 
 Albergotti, Monsieur ; 231. 
 Alberoni, Cardinal, and Corsican politics ; 
 
 4. 
 Aldborough, Lord, letter to Pery ; 199. 
 Alderney, Baron of. See Cumberland, 
 
 Duke of. 
 Alexander, Mr. ; 156. 
 Alexandria ; 215. 
 Algacos near Tortosa, Bay of ; 209. 
 Algiers, war with ; 391. 
 Alicante; 210. 
 
 Alington, Lord, letter from ; 417. 
 Allegre, Marquis of, lieutenant-general ; 
 
 202. 
 Allen, Richard, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Allied army : 
 
 in Flanders (1745), disunion among 
 the generals and troops ; 115, 116. 
 incidents of the campaign ; 116, 117, 
 127. 
 Allies, the (1706-1714), peace negotia- 
 tions; 319-364. 
 Alnwick : 
 
 letter dated at ; 261. 
 Duke of Northumberland's improve- 
 ments at ; 264, 265. 
 Alost in Flanders ; 212, 217(2), 370. 
 Alsace; 327, 342, 344. 
 
■526 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Alston, Mary (Mrs. Hare) ; 257. 
 Alt, Mr. ; 43. 
 Althorp; 448. 
 
 Lord, election for Surrey, &c. ; 165. 
 
 offered Lord Lieutenancy of 
 
 Ireland; 176. 
 Alum mine in Sweden ; 374. 
 Ambassadors, precedence of, in Paris ; 
 
 364. 
 Ambie, Camp of, letter dated at ; 151. 
 Amelia, Princess ; 237. 
 Amelot, Mons. ; 92. 
 America ; 57, 155. 
 
 French jealousy of English extension 
 
 in ; 59. 
 convicts transported to ; 77. 
 French in, repulsed ; 296. 
 Spanish posse-sions in, the question 
 of conquest of; 38. 
 American (North) Colonies : 
 
 British policy with regard to; 297, 
 
 298, 299. 
 ■war imminent ; 302. 
 American prisoners ; 162. 
 American possessions of Portugal, trade 
 
 to ; 20. 
 American seas, rights of navigation and 
 commerce as between England and 
 Spain in; 15, 18, 24, 125. 
 Amerongen, letter dated at ; 192. 
 Amherst, Sir Jeff; 303. 
 Amougies, letters dated at ; 220. 
 Amsterdam ; 73, 222, 274, 328, 334, 340, 
 341, 346, 347, 355, 357. 
 a hint from, suspected ; 2. 
 a spy's correspondence to pass 
 
 through ; 20, 21. 
 a vigorous resolution with regard to 
 Prussian projects on the part of ; 
 64. 
 Burgomaster of ; 357. 
 corver of, mentioned ; 78. 
 hospital for foundling children at ; 
 
 38. 
 letter dated at ; 33. 
 tin shipped for ; 411. 
 Ancona ; 52. 
 Anderlecht; 216, 217. 
 Andesloe, first mention of Onslow ; 473. 
 Andrew, Alexander, of Rotterdam, a fic- 
 titious name used in a secret corre- 
 spondence ; 36, 40. 
 Andrews, P. ; '296. 
 
 Anglesea, Earl of (Arthur Annesley) ; 482. 
 return of rental made by ; 281. 
 exchange of offices ; 367. 
 Anglo-Dutch, peace ultimatum ; 326. 
 Angus, Earl of, Gilbert de Uinfraville ; 
 
 269. 
 Anjou : 
 
 Duke of, before Barcelona ; 210. 
 Duchess of, dsparture from Madrid ; 
 
 211, 212. 
 mentioned; 223. 
 Anlaby : 
 
 Esq., of Anlaby, in county of 
 
 York; 488. 
 John; 488. 
 
 Anualv, Lord, correspondence with Pery ; 
 
 181* 
 Annandale, Marquess of, letters from, 
 
 explaining certain conduct, &c. ; 31. 
 Anne of Austria, the " Queen Mother," 
 
 her influence ; 383. 
 Anne of Denmark, Princess, at Notting- 
 ham, &c. ; 450, 453. 
 mentioned ; 456. 
 Anne, Queen, of England ; 319, 322, 324, 
 325, 327, 332, 335, 336, 345, 354, 
 355, 357, 358, 360, 362, 364 464. 
 wine sent to, by the King of France ; 
 363. 
 Annesley, Arthur; 481 (n.). See also 
 
 Earl of Anglesea. 
 Anson : 
 
 Lord; 295. 
 
 Mr., collection of antiques bought by ; 
 301. 
 Anstruther, General, the case of; 313. 
 Anthoyn; 113. 
 Antibes ; 92. 
 " Antimac," name for the King of Prussia, 
 
 q \ Vm 
 Anii-Machiavel by Voltaire, an expur- 
 gated second edition ; 60. 
 Antiquary, The; 21 A. 
 Antiques, a collection of; 301. 
 Antoing; 224. 
 
 Antwerp ; 226, 331, 335, 348, 366. 
 letters dated at ; 31, 134. 
 defence of, against the French, &c. ; 
 
 216. 
 an image of the K. of Spain upon the 
 high altar at ; 370. 
 Aranjuez ; 363. 
 Arco, Count; 201. 
 Arden, Mr. ; 260. 
 Ardleigh; 286. 
 Aremberg : 
 
 Due d' : 100, 102. 
 
 object of his journey into Eng- 
 land ; 84. 
 Duchess of; 355. 
 Argenrson, D' ; 133. 
 Argyle, Duke of; 65, 244, 246, 247. 
 impracticable demands of; 46. 
 removed from all his emplovments; 
 
 47. 
 "very active "; 81. 
 opposition to the Court ; 247. 
 Argyllshire Highlanders; 140. 
 Arleux, battle near, &c. ; 231, 232. 
 Arlington : 
 
 Lady, gives birth to a daughter ; 368. 
 Lord ; 367, 372, 381, 387, 392. 
 Army bill in Parliament ; 238. 
 Army : 
 
 Augmentation of the, debate in the 
 
 House of Commons ; 11, 62. 
 the King controls military promo- 
 tions ; 40. 
 no mention of; 44. 
 vacnncies in regiments at a standstill ; 
 
 45. 
 (British) in the field, operations, &c ; 
 85, 86, 87, 99, 100, 102. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 D2V 
 
 Army — cont. 
 
 its weakness ; 94. 
 
 a council of war taken up in disagree- 
 able expostulations ; 99. 
 Deputy Paymaster to Foreign troops 
 in British pay ; 73. 
 Arnheim ; 400. 
 Arras; 219,229, 232, 365. 
 Artagnan, Mons. ; 226. 
 Artichokes; 47, 48 (2). 
 Artois, English regiment quartered in ; 
 
 390. 
 Arundel : 
 
 Countess of ; 278. 
 Earl of ; 483. 
 Arundell of Trerice, Lord ; 426, 430. See 
 
 also Trerice. 
 Arzila, town, in Africa ; 368. 
 Ashburnham : 
 Lord; 314. 
 Mr.; 283. 
 Ashby and White's case ; 312. 
 Ashton, Thomas, of Harting ; 275. 
 Ashworth; 269. 
 Ask, Conan de ; 269. 
 Asketot, Richard de ; 268. 
 Aslabie, Mr. See Aislabie. 
 Assebourgh, Mr., at Paris ; 42. 
 Assche between Brussels and Alost ; 217. 
 Assiento of Negroes, the ; 75. 
 Assognes ships safe in Spanish ports ; 
 
 251. 
 Astuiias, Prince of ; 350. 
 A.th; 213, 218, 219. 
 
 siege of; 215, 216. 
 Athanasian Creed, characterised ; 113. 
 Athens, Greek priests from, visit England 
 
 44. 
 Athlone, Earl of, correspondence with Perj 
 settlement of his son in Ireland, &c. 
 191, 192, 193. 
 naturalization of the first Earl, &c. 
 193. 
 Athole, Due d' (the eldest brother in exile) 
 130. 
 Duke of, the rebels in his country 
 131. 
 
 his place at Dunkeld ; 265. 
 
 Atterbury, Dr., Bishop of Eochester, con- 
 spiracy in favour of the Pretender ; 462, 
 463, 5*12, 514. 
 Attorney and Solicitor General, seat in 
 
 the House of Commons ; 316, 475. 
 Audeley, Thomas, afterwards Lord 
 Audeley of Walden ; 271. 
 grant to, by Henry VIII. ; 271. 
 Augusta, Princess, escort to England ; 2. 
 birth of, addresses proposed; 11, 
 237. 
 Augustan age, the ; 366. 
 Augustus, King; 334,336. 
 Aulick Court ; 1. 
 
 resolution relating to Ost Erise ; 18. 
 Aulnage ; 416. 
 Austain, camp at, letter dated at ; 99. 
 
 Austria : 
 
 Court, or Ministers of (" Coart of 
 A r ienna "), policy of, discussed ; 
 97, 111, 131, 182. 
 subsidy to ; 136. 
 House of; 324, 338. 
 
 , encroachments ; 63. 
 
 , alliances ; 63. 
 
 , bigotry and pride of, &c. ; 1, 9, 
 
 70,71,74. 
 
 , treaty with Saxony ; 7 1 . 
 
 , and the Imperial crown ; 119, 
 
 122, 123, 141. 
 
 , humbled; 388. 
 
 , its interests ; 318. 
 
 Prussia and, relations between 
 them ; 73, 74. 
 
 , effects of a reconciliation 
 
 between; 135, 136. 
 Austrian : 
 
 army, appearance of remissness ; 84. 
 
 , have passed the Rhine ; 86. 
 
 , success against the Bavarians : 
 
 88. 
 claims in Italy ; 323. 
 Netherlands, the, in relation to 
 European peace negotiations ; 123 
 124. 
 Austrian*, the, at liberty to act against 
 Erance only; 116. 
 conduct of, as allies, characterised ; 
 152. 
 Auvergue, Princess d', refused a pass- 
 port ; 365. 
 Auverkerque, Monsieur ; 202, 203, 205. 
 Avaux, Mons. le Comte d' ; 318. 
 Avesnes le Sec, letters dated at, siege: 
 
 233. 5 
 
 Avignon ; 38, 61. 
 Ayloffe, Benjamin, a deputy lieutenant of 
 
 Essex; 280. 
 Aylva, Mr. ; 107. 
 
 B, 
 
 Bab, opponent of Lord Danby at Court • 
 
 377. 
 Backwell, Alderman ; 410. 
 Bacon : 
 
 Montagu, son of Sir Nicholas Bacon • 
 
 499, 500. 
 Sir Francis, once Attorney-General • 
 476. 
 Baden ; 366. 
 
 Radlesmere and Scales, Lord of ; 276 
 Bagot, Dr. ; 306. 
 Baird, Alexander, a cadet in Gen. Collier's 
 
 regiment ; 80. 
 Baker : 
 
 Dr.; 259. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 416. 
 Bale; 344. 
 
 Balke, Richard, of Shipley 275. 
 Ball, Archdeacon 236. 
 
528 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Baltic, French squadron in the ; 246. 
 
 a British fleet to be sent into the ; 
 295, 296. 
 Baltimore, Lord ; 36, 54. 
 Barapfield, Sir Copleston ; 274. 
 Banckes, Mr.; 410, 411. 
 Banduri ; 295. 
 Banieres, sent to Spain ; 23. 
 Bank of England " saved for a time " ; 
 
 132. 
 Baraguera ; 354. 
 Barantyne : 
 Dm; 271. 
 John; 271. 
 Barbadoes, sale of negro women in ; 273. 
 
 treatment of slaves in ; 300. 
 Barber: 
 
 J., chosen Lord Mayor of London ; 
 
 252. 
 Mr. ; 406. 
 Barcelona; 354,355,359. 
 
 reported capture of; 208. 
 
 news from ; 209. 
 
 accounts of siege of, arrival of British 
 
 fleet ; 209. 
 the Queen Begent at ; 360. 
 Bardulf; 268. 
 Barefoote, Bobert, of Lambourne Hall ; 
 
 272. 
 Barillon, Monsieur de, visit to England, 
 &c. ; 381, 382, 385. 
 mentioned ; 389, 394. 
 Barker : 
 
 Archdeacon, death of ; 236. 
 Sir John, pedigree of ; 273. 
 Sir Robert ; 273. 
 Sir Thomas; 273. 
 Barkstead, Colonel, commanding parlia- 
 mentary troops at siege of Colchester ; 
 282. 
 Barksteads, Fort ; 286. 
 Barkstead's own Regiment (the Tower 
 
 Guards) ; 283. 
 Barley, high price, &c. ; 252. 
 Barlow, Robert, mercer, of Colchester ; 
 
 271. 
 Barnard : 
 
 Sir J.; 61. 
 
 Sir John, character of ; 469, 470. 
 Barrel's regiment in Scotland ; 145. 
 Barrier : 
 
 for the Low Countries, negotiations, 
 &c. ; 327, 328, 331, 336, 337, 338, 
 345, 347. 
 condition described ; 135. 
 towns, loss of ; 103, 139. 
 treaty ; 55. 
 
 between the Venetians and Milanese 
 suggested; 362. 
 Bartenstein, M. : 
 
 ill-will towards the English ministry ; 
 
 11. 
 mentioned ; 74. 
 Bartle, Susannah, a young woman emi- 
 grating to North America ; 302. 
 Bartley, Mr.; 416. 
 Bartue, Capt. Nicholas ; 371. 
 ^Basing House, siege of ; 477. 
 
 Bassecour, Mr. : 
 
 impolitic conduct of ; 19. 
 a proposal of, mentioned ; 64, 66. 
 mentioned; 70. 
 a " Jackanapes " ; 78. 
 Bassee ; 219. 
 Basse Wavre (Waveren), letter dated at ; 
 
 204. 
 Basset, John ; 274. 
 Bastile at Paris, the ; 216, 360. 
 Bataile, Richard ; 268. 
 Bateman, Mr., house at W indsor ; 241. 
 Bates : 
 
 Dr. Rugeley ; 369. 
 C. Bertie's cousin ; 456. 
 Bath: 
 
 Prince of "Wales's visit to ; 25. 
 quantity of water drunk by frequenters 
 
 of; 241. 
 mentioned ; 266. 
 country seats near ; 304. 
 letters dated from ; 152, 306. 
 Bath, Earl of, as Lord Warden of the 
 Stannaries ; 273. 
 mentioned; 141,405,406, 408, 410, 
 414, 421, 422, 425, 420, 427, 431, 
 434, 456. 
 letters to Lord Danby, on his im- 
 peachment, &c. ; 408,"411, 412, 415, 
 416, 418, 433. 
 letters to Lady Danby ; 432. 
 his solicitor ; 434. 
 Bath, and Wells, Deanery of, long void; 
 
 250, 251. 
 Bathurst, Lord ; 246, 247, 256. 
 Battiad, the, a satire ; 294. 
 Bavaria, attitude in regard to European 
 politics ; 64, 70, 68, 72. 
 progress of the war in ; 88. 
 Bavaria, Elector of; 143, 324, 325, 326, 
 330,331,345. 
 French troops sent to assistance of; 
 
 78. 
 campaigns of, &c. ; 200, 211, 213, 
 
 220, 228, 232. 
 the Dutch surrender their conquests 
 in Flanders to, 360. 
 Bavarians : 
 
 offers of; 136. 
 
 at the battle of Blenheim, &c. ; 201, 
 
 202. 
 at the battle of Ramillies ; 211. 
 Bavay, battle near ; 229. 
 Bay, Marquis de ; 222. 
 Bay, manufacture (wool), haymakers ; 49, 
 275, 285. 
 weavers as volunteers at Colchester ; 
 282. 
 Bayles, Thomas, of Colchester : 275. 
 Baymount, letter dated at ; 189. 
 Bayning, Lord : 
 
 accounts of; 278. 
 
 Viscount (Paul 2nd), Ann, dan. of ; 
 280. See Viscount Sudbury. 
 Bayonets, supply of; 83. 
 Beacons, repair of ; 281. 
 Beauchamp. Lord ; 1 88. 
 Beaufort, Duke of; 455. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 529 
 
 Beaumont, Eliz. ; 275. 
 
 Beck, apparently a maid of Mrs. Hare's ; 
 
 262. 
 Bedford, Duke of ; 141. 
 
 the Tavistock bill ; 315. 
 Bedloe, William, the informer ; 405, 407. 
 Bedwin, Great, double election return for, 
 
 petition; 309,310. 
 Beer, policy of lowering duties on; 199. 
 Beer, Henry; 271. 
 Belcner, governor, New Jersey, letter 
 
 from; 292. 
 Belford; 262. 
 Belgrade; 251. 
 Bell, Captain ; 162. 
 Bellasis, Bellasyse, Lord ; 373. 
 
 the precedent of ; 418. 
 Belleisle; 123. 
 Belloni le banquier ; 131. 
 Belmont near Warnford, Hampshire, letter 
 
 dated at ; 177. 
 Bel voir (Belivir) ; 431. 
 Bene t, William, alderman ; 271. 
 Bennet library of manuscripts ; 293. 
 Benson : 
 
 Mr., Lord Shaftesbury's agent in 
 
 Paris; 404. 
 Martin, Bishop of Gloucester ; 244, 
 247. 
 
 Bentinck, , his mother's quarrel 
 
 with Lord Pembroke ; 45, 52, 53. 
 Count; 88. 
 Monsieur ; 456. 
 Bentley, Dr., Archdeacon of Ely ; 241. 
 Bentley, Lord Sudbury's seat at ; 278, 279, 
 
 280. 
 Bently, Mr., and wife ; 275. 
 Berechurch ; 305. 
 Beresford, Mr. ; 187, 188, 193. 
 Berga, besieged ; 364. 
 Bergen op Zoom ; 373. 
 Bergevenny, Lord, great chamberlain of 
 
 England, &c. ; 270. 
 Bergh and Juliers, the affair of ; 1, 18, 30, 
 
 49, 53, 56, 63, 64, 65. 
 Bergheyck, Count of, probable plenipoten- 
 tiary ; 363, 364. 
 Berkley : 
 
 Lord ; 378, 426, 430. 
 — — made an Earl ; 14. 
 
 the seat of; 241. 
 
 Lady; 390. 
 Mr., death; 154. 
 Berks, forest land in; 487. 
 Berkshire, Lord ; 425. 
 Berlin ; 2, 47, 64, 295, 325, 348. 
 letter dated at ; 90. 
 money to be raised by Mr. Trevor in, 
 
 for a purpose ; 27. 
 that " Ethiopian " at ; 145. 
 Berlinghem, the camp at, letter dated at; 
 
 99. 
 Bernard : 
 
 Mr., speech in the House of Com- 
 mons ; 36. 
 governor, neglected by the Ministry; 
 299. 
 Bernder: 352. 
 
 Berne, letter dated at ; 4. 
 
 Berry, Duke of, commanding the French 
 
 army ; 216. 
 Berry, Sir John ; 274. 
 Bertie : 
 
 Charles; 405, 408, 438, 441, 447, 
 453, 454, 457. 
 
 letters to his brother-in-law, 
 
 Sir T. Osborne, afterwards Lord 
 Danby, or his sister ; 367-370, 
 407-411, 417, 439, 447, 448, 449, 
 451, 453, 455, 456. 
 
 letters from, travels in Sweden, 
 
 &c; 371, 372. 
 
 letter to his brother ; 414. 
 
 letters to ; 376, 377, 398, 399, 
 
 419. 
 
 secret service expenditure ; 403, 
 
 407-411. 
 
 imprisonment ; 408, 410, 411. 
 
 sent by Lord Danby to the Lord 
 
 Chancellor and others ; 418. 
 
 a house built bv ; 446. 
 
 P.; 408. 
 
 Peregrine ; 417, 438. 
 
 illness of, &c. ; 369, 370. 
 
 letter from ; 371. 
 
 letters to; 414,450. 
 
 a messenger to the Prince of 
 
 Orange ; 453. 
 Philip ; 449, 453. 
 Vere; 372. 
 Bertram's forgery, Itinerary of Richard 
 
 of Cirencester ; 294. 
 Berwick-upon-Tweed ; 451. 
 Berwick Castle; 261. 
 
 letter dated at ; 262. 
 
 Berwick, Duke of, or Marshall ; 219, 220, 
 
 221, 361. 
 
 a rumour of his defeat in Savoy ; 232. 
 
 Betty, Charles Bertie's niece, loss of ; 370. 
 
 Beuering, the Sieur, one of the States' 
 
 Plenipotentiaries ; 367. 
 Bewick, Mr. ; 260. 
 Bezons, Mons. de, a Councillor of State ; 
 
 385. 
 Bids, Mr. ; 210. 
 Bigg, Mr., medical man from London ; 
 
 258. 
 Billericay, rendezvous at ; 282. 
 Binoh; 231. 
 Bioche ; 229, 230. 
 Birch : 
 
 Col., and Lord Danby; 409. 
 Mr. Justice; 312. 
 Birmingham wares, a chapman in Flan- 
 ders selling ; 76. 
 Biron, Count ; 56. 
 Biscay Company, a ship belonging to, 
 
 taken as prize ; 35. 
 Bish : 
 
 Joane, of Shipley; 275. 
 Thomas, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Bishoprics should be equal in value; 304. 
 Bishops, the, action with regard to Lord 
 Danby; 430. 
 vote in the House of Lords on the 
 Spanish Convention; 247. 
 
530 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Blackarnore's Head at Maesland Sluice ; 
 
 22. 
 Blackheath, Review on ; 265. 
 Bladen, Mr. ; 405, 421, 423, 424, 430. 
 Bladenhorst ; 42. 
 
 Blair, Duke of Athoi's seat at ; 255. 
 Blakeney, General, in command of Stirling 
 
 Castle; 140. 
 Blakesley, manor of, Northants ; 272. 
 Bland, General; 144. 
 Blaney; 261. 
 Blansack, Marquis de, Major-General ; 
 
 201. 
 Blaquiere, Sir John ; 196. 
 Blaregnies, letter dated at ; 229. 
 Blekenburgb's auction of pictures ; 13. 
 Blenheim, battle of, described ; 200. 
 
 effect on France ; 317. 
 Blessington, Lord ; 194. 
 Bletchingley, M.P. for ; 476, 494. 
 Blithfield, letter dated at ; 301. 
 Bloome, a servant of Lord Danby ; 441, 
 
 442. 
 Bloomsbury, the young ladies at; 308. 
 Blund : 
 
 Andrew; 268. 
 
 Felicia; 268. 
 
 Hugh le ; 268. 
 
 Robert: 268. 
 Blundell, Lord ; 262. 
 Blunts in Butsbury, Essex ; 268. 
 Bobbingworth village ; 272. 
 Booking; 271. 
 
 Bockington, bay manufacture about ; 49. 
 Boetselaer (Boetslaer, Boetzelaer) : 
 
 Mr.; 97, 98, 101, 103, 106, 110, 136, 
 140. 
 
 cautioned with regard to his 
 
 conduct; 137 (2). 
 
 Bohemia; 381. 
 
 abundant harvest in ; 304. 
 
 Electorate of ; 65. 
 
 invasion of; 103. 
 Bohemians, value as cavalry; 82. 
 Bois le due ; 111. 
 
 letter from ; 277. 
 Bolingbroke : 
 
 Lady, a niece of Madame de Main- 
 tenon ; 515. 
 
 Lord; 105. 
 
 political action ; 26. 
 
 friendships and animosities ; 
 
 465,466,467. 
 
 character of ; 470, 471, 472. 
 
 petition for restitution of his 
 
 estate, proceedings thereon; 515. 
 
 in favour with K. George I. ; 
 
 516. 
 Bolonois, the ; 226. 
 Bonn; 86. 
 Bonn, Court of ; 96. 
 BonoDuil, Monsieur de ; 395. 
 Boot, Mons., Treasurer in Sweden ; 372. 
 Booteslaer, M. ; 146. 
 Bootle, Sir D. ; 311. 
 
 Borck, — , an agent of the Court; 
 
 2, 65. 
 
 Bordeaux, Parliament of, and the English 
 
 Consul; 386. 
 Borough, Sir John ; 278. 
 Boroughs by prescription, parliamentary 
 
 franchise in; 310, 311. 
 Bosc, Abbe du ; 365. 
 
 Boseawen, — , on service in America ; 295 . 
 Bossu; 221. 
 Boston, collection of papers printed at ; 
 
 308. 
 Bostcnians: 
 
 circular letter, &c. a signal for war ; 
 
 302, 303, 304. 
 question whether the}'- were justified 
 in aiming at officers with rifled 
 muskets ; 307. 
 their character ; 307. 
 Botetourt, Lord, in Virginia ; 303. 
 Bothmar, Count, effect of memorandum by ; 
 
 359. 
 Bouchain ; 233. 
 Bouillon : 
 
 Cardinal de ; 360, 365. 
 Duchy of; 420. 
 Bourbon, House of; 23. 
 
 effect of predominance of ; 70. 
 Bourbon Prince not to be suffered on the 
 
 Spanish throne ; 318. 
 Bouwenih; 366. 
 
 Bowyer, W., printer of Morant's Col- 
 chester ; 291. 
 Boxted ; 287. 
 Boyle, Mr., Chancellor of the Exchequer ; 
 
 488. 
 Brabant; 327, 335, 339, 355, 375. 
 Brahe, Count Peter, President of the 
 Civil Courts of Justice in Sweden ; 371. 
 Braine-la-leud ; 204. 
 Bramber, in Sussex, Member for ; 483. 
 Bramston, John ; 274, 280. 
 Brandenburg ; 4, 49. 
 
 Hanover opposed to ; 41. 
 Elector of ; 325, 344. 
 
 in relation to Elector of Hanover 
 
 and King of England ; 49, 50. 
 
 pretended rights of, mentioned ; 
 
 63. 
 " Brandenbourg," a great warm coat ; 
 
 391. 
 Brandt, Baron ; 296. 
 Brayle, le, letter dated at ; 230. 
 Breda; 150, 367, 368. 
 
 Congress or conferences at ; 12G, 15 1 . 
 letters dated at ; 8. 
 " Breda Job," the ; 148. 
 Breech-loading guns on Swedish ships ; 
 
 372. 
 Brembato ; 207. 
 Brende, Sir Laurence de ; 269. 
 Brent, Mr. ; 410. 
 Breslau ; 82, 83. 
 
 treaty of, mentioned; 117, 125, 131. 
 Brest; 404. 
 
 French squadron at ; 92. 
 intelligence received from; 295. 
 Breugle, Dutch painter ; 12. 
 Bribery at elections of members of Parlia- 
 ment ; 310. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 531 
 
 Bridges : 
 
 Henry, Esq., of Ember Court; 506. 
 Rose, married Onslow ; 506. 
 Shem, in the East India Company's 
 service ; 506. 
 Bridgewater, Duke of, or Lord ; 36, 422, 
 
 423, 425, 426, 430. 
 Bridport election petition ; 315. 
 Brien, Donatus, Lord ; 416. 
 Brihuega, victory at ; 353. 
 Brill, Paul, Dutch painter ; 12. 
 Brisach; 344. 
 Brisbane : 
 
 J., letters from Paris ; 378, 379, 380, 
 381,382, 383, 384,385,386, 387, 
 389,390,391,393, 395, 396, 398, 
 399, 403. 
 Mr. ; 457. 
 Bristol : 
 
 Bishop of, as a Plenipotentiary; 360. 
 Lord, or Earl of; 425. 
 
 house at Bury ; 305. 
 
 Bishop of Derry, letter to Pery ; 
 
 156. 
 British : 
 
 merchant ship taken by the Spaniards ; 
 
 35. 
 policy in Europe, its character dis- 
 cussed ; 96. 
 Museum, a glorious appearance ; 296. 
 
 the reader's place at ; 304. 
 
 Parliament refuses to put a tax 
 
 on tickets ; 305. 
 
 motto for the ; 315. 
 
 Brittany ; 130. 
 
 Broderick, Thomas, Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on the South Sea scheme ; 512. 
 Broghiil, Lord, after Avards Earl of Orrery ; 
 
 481 (n), 482. 
 Bromley : 
 
 Christine de ; 269. 
 Thomas, solicitor-general ; 276. 
 William, M.P. for Oxford, death of ; 5. 
 Bromley, Great, court rolls of ; 269. 
 Brower, Dutch painter; 12. 
 Brown : 
 
 — , before Carthagena ; 255. 
 Dr.; 263. 
 
 Mr., the Lords' clerk, case of ; 425, 
 431. 
 Browne : 
 
 Mr., Sir R. Paston's negotiations 
 
 with ; 375, 376. 
 Sir Adam ; 485. 
 Bruges ; 99, 102, 220, 330, 331, 332, 333, 
 335. 
 capture of; 217, 218. 
 Bruhl, the " magnificent" ; 143. 
 Bruning : 
 
 Frances, of Up Marden ; 275. 
 ■ Gilbert, of Up Marden ; 275. 
 Bruninghausen, Seigneur de ; 42. 
 Brunswick, the Imperial army passing 
 
 through; 325. 
 Brussels; 102, 213, 218, 219, 220, 221, 
 235, 236, 322, 327, 331, 335, 341. 
 
 o 77960. 
 
 Brussels — cont. 
 
 information about an intrigue between 
 an Englishman and Scotchman 
 meeting at ; 75, 76. 
 effect of the loss of ; 142, 144. 
 a design on ; 232. 
 British envoy at ; 355. 
 letters dated at ; 83, 94, 216. 
 l'hotel d'Egmont ; 112. 
 Buck's view of Hurstmonceux Castle ; 
 
 264. 
 Buckingham : 
 
 — , a notable whig ; 204. 
 Duke of; 288, 404. 
 
 return of rental made by ; 281. 
 
 committed to the tower, &c. ; 
 
 367, 368, 369. 
 
 restored to his honours, &c. ; 
 
 370. 
 
 engagements in consideration of 
 
 a pardon ; 403. 
 
 his agent at Paris ; 404. 
 
 charge of suborning witnesses 
 
 against; 419. 
 Buckinghamshire : 
 
 John, Earl of (Lord Buckingham), 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; 191, 
 192, 195. 
 
 letters to and from Pery ; 156, 
 
 157, 158. 
 
 proposed arrangements of ; 159. 
 
 bishoprics to be disposed of by ; 
 
 161. 
 
 detested in both kingdoms, &c. ; 
 
 196, 197. 
 Bucks : 
 
 election of M.P. for ; 401. 
 sheriff of, a sot ; 401. 
 Bulbecke, Viscount ; 276. 
 Bull, Mrs., Pery's letter to, alluded to ; 
 
 181. 
 Bullets, poisoned ; 286, 288. 
 Bullock : 
 
 Edward; 276. 
 Robert; 269. 
 Bung, a suborned witness ; 436. 
 Bunker Hill, battle of ; 307, 308. 
 Burford, Lord ; 387. 
 Burgh : 
 
 — , prime serjeant in Ireland ; 168. 
 Geoffrey de, Bishop of Ely ; 268. 
 Burghfield ; 240, 270, 271. 
 
 manor and advowson of; 271. 
 Burghley; 277. 
 
 Burgoyne, General, his character, &c. ; 
 306, 307. 
 Colonel; 316. 
 Burgundy, Duke of; 216, 333. 
 Burlington; 448. 
 
 New Jersey ; 292. 
 Burnaby, — ; 42. 
 Burnet : 
 
 Bishop, description of Hale by ; 480. 
 
 History of his own Times 
 
 492 (n). 
 Mr. Justice ; 312. 
 Burnett, — , clerk of the closet, &c. ; 456. 
 
 M M 
 
632 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Burrisb : 
 
 Mr. ; 107, 133. 
 
 Onslow, letter from Maestricht ; 111. 
 Burton, Judge, run away ; 451. 
 Bury, Lord Bristol's house at ; 305. 
 Busby, Goodman ; 275. 
 Bus — de, foreign secret correspondent, in- 
 significant character of his first letters ; 
 36. 
 Bussy, — ; 78. 
 Bute, Earl of, his " wretched " policy as 
 
 Minister ; 521. 
 Butler : 
 
 Dr., Clerk of the Closet to the Queen, 
 &C; 242. 
 
 James, Roman Catholic Archbishop 
 of Cashel, letter from ; 155. 
 
 Major; 307. 
 
 Sir Nicholas ; 455. 
 
 Samuel, author of Hndibras ; 477. 
 Butsbury; 268. 
 
 Butts, Robert, Bishop of Norwich, trans- 
 lation to Ely; 241. 
 Buxton, of Clare Hall, tour ; 235. 
 Buxton, « White Hart" at ; 260. 
 
 mentioned ; 262. 
 Buxstone : 
 
 Alice; 271. 
 
 William; 271. 
 Buys, M. ; 340, 346, 347, 349, 350, 351, 
 358, 359. 
 
 expected in Amsterdam ; 348. 
 
 re- called by the Allies; 357. 
 Byllesby, Sir Andrew ; 272. 
 Byng, Admiral ; 332. 
 Byron, Lord ; 423. 
 
 C, Dr. ; 230. 
 
 Cabinet, jeu de, again in vogue in London ; 
 
 ~132. 
 
 Cabinet, the Lords of the, Spanish 
 
 question under consideration ; 14, 18. 
 Cadiz; 35,321,323. 
 
 British Consul at ; 29. 
 
 letters from, tell of cruel treatment of 
 English ; 13. 
 
 squadron from, movements; 46, 47 
 
 (2). 
 Cadogan : 
 
 Brigadier; 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 
 226,227. 
 
 Envoy Extraordinary at Brussels; 
 
 355. 
 Lord ; 237, 241. 
 
 bill against clandestine mar- 
 riages ; 256. 
 Calabria, prohibition of ships from ; 90. 
 Calais; 92,363. 
 
 captain of; 270. 
 Lord Clarendon ill at ; 370. 
 Callaway, Annie ; 275. 
 Calledon, letter dated at ; 156. 
 
 Calvert, Mr., M.P. ; 315. 
 Cambray ; 229, 233. 
 
 why not taken by Marlborough, &c. 
 236. 
 Cambrics, bill against fraudulent impor- 
 tation of ; 314. 
 Cambridge : 
 
 expectation of entertainments and 
 
 burgessing at ; 151. 
 Public Library, Anglo-Saxon Chro- 
 nicles in ; 293. 
 Cambridge University grown luxurious ; 
 302. 
 influenced by its Chancellor ; 308. 
 St. John's College, Master of ; 297. 
 Campden, Lord, return of rental made 
 
 by; 281. 
 Camden, Lord; 301,425. 
 
 his promotion, &c. ; 300. 
 Camolodunum (Colchester) ; 291, 294. 
 Campbell : 
 
 Dr., argument on treatment of slaves ; 
 
 300. 
 H.,M.P. ; 310. 
 Campden, C. Bertie's " Sister " ; 369. 
 Campion, Sir W., commanding Royalist 
 
 troops, death, &c. ; 283. 
 Canada; 353. 
 Canadians : 
 
 British policy with regard to ; 305. 
 in regard to the American troubles ; 
 308. 
 Cannon, breechloaders, in Sweden ; 372. \ 
 Canons, seat of the Duke of Chandos at ; 
 
 240. 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of; 4. 
 
 influence on the parliamentary repre- 
 sentation of Oxford University ; 5. 
 preferment of his friends ; 10. 
 favourable opinion of two Greek 
 priests ; 44. 
 Cape Breton : 
 
 capture of, its effect, &c. ; 127, 129, 
 
 132. 
 as to surrender of; 147 (2), 149, 151. 
 Capel, Lord ; 281, 286, 287, 288, 290. 
 son of; 288. 
 the case of; 194. 
 Capper ; 271. 
 Caprarola; 91. 
 Carr (Car, Carre), Sir Robert ; 384, 387, 
 
 407. 
 Caraccas, the : 
 
 ships from, taken prize ; 35 (2). 
 Vernon's attempt on the coast of ; 42. 
 ships captured ; 253. 
 Carausius ; 295. 
 Caibury, Lord ; 423. 
 Cardinal, the. See Fleury. 
 Cardinals going to the Conclave, capture 
 
 and escape of; 368. 
 Cardona, siege of ; 364. 
 Cardonel, Mr. ; 203. 
 Carew, Sir Thomas ; 274. 
 Carleton, Lord ; 199. 
 Carlisle; 454. 
 
 the Rebels at ; 1 38. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 533 
 
 Carlisle : 
 
 Lady, marriage ; 369. 
 Lord; 159, 161, 425. 
 
 house at Castle Howard ; 235. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 
 letter to Pery ; 160. 
 
 resignation and recall and losses ; 
 
 165. 
 Carlos, Infante Don ; 4. 
 Carlton; 371. 
 Carmarthen, Marquis of : 
 
 letter from, to the Marchioness ; 456. 
 in action with his ship ; 456. 
 at the Admiralty fitting his vessel; 
 457. 
 Carmarthenshire, a village without a name 
 
 in, letter dated at ; 263. 
 Carnarvon : , 
 
 Countess of; 423, 432. 
 
 letter from ; 420. 
 
 Lord; 432. 
 Carolina, settling the limits of ; 242. 
 Carolinas, the; 125. 
 Caroline : 
 
 Queen of George II., death and 
 funeral, and character ; 8, 9, 236, 
 237. 
 
 her opinion of Lord Onslow ; 
 
 494. 
 
 partiality to Sir R. Walpole ; 
 
 516. 
 Princess, letter to Princess of Orange ; 
 8. 
 
 in a dangerous way ; 238. 
 
 Carpenter : 
 
 Lord; 313. 
 General; 354. 
 Carteret, Lord ; 66, 67, 81, 87, 98, 247(2). 
 letters from; 81, 82. 
 relations with the Marlborough 
 
 family; 82. 
 his policy ; 82. 
 a political journey ; 83. 
 at the Battle of Dettingen ; 88, 89. 
 relations with the Duke of Newcastle ; 
 
 93. 
 Earl of Granville, character of; 471, 
 472. 
 Carthagena; 255. 
 
 British disgrace before ; 74. 
 Carton, letter dated at ; 161. 
 Cartwright : 
 
 Mr., Postmaster General, death, &c. ; 
 
 245. 
 Thomas, Bishop of Chester, passing 
 his pardon ; 448. 
 Cary, John, of Harting ; 275. 
 Caryll : 
 
 Frances, of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 John, " Lord Durford", Envoy to the 
 
 Pope; 275. 
 Mary, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Peter, of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 Phillip, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Richard, of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 Case of the Hanover Forces, a pamphlet ; 
 87. 
 
 Cashel : 
 
 Archbishop of (Roman Catholic); 155. 
 
 (Protestant) ; 160. 
 
 recommendation of a friend of; 
 
 172. 
 Cashiobury ; 240. 
 Cassano ; 207. 
 Cassubia; 372. 
 Castagnetto ; 204. 
 Castell, William; 271. 
 Castle Howard ; 235. 
 Castlemartyr, letter dated at ; 176. 
 Castleton, Lord ; 444. 
 Catalans, the ; 361. 
 Catalonia ; 209, 216, 331, 354, 355. 
 
 French King sailed from ; 360. 
 
 the wife of King Charles as Regent 
 of; 360. 
 
 rumour of muskets sent for from ; 
 362. 
 Cataway Bridge, near Colchester ; 284. 
 Catterick; 262. 
 Cavendish : 
 
 Lord; 169, 427,431. 
 
 Frederick ; 307. 
 
 John; 521. 
 
 family, best friends of faction ; 307. 
 Caversham; 241. 
 Cayley, Consul, at Cadiz ; 29. 
 Cecill, Thomas ; 276. 
 Cenci, Cardinal ; 52. 
 Cevennes, war of, referred to ; 865. 
 Chaloner, John ; 477. 
 Chalons in Champagne ; 390. 
 Chalons sur Saone ; 390. 
 Chamberlain, Fitz-Rafe ; 272. 
 
 Lord, and Lady, and the Papists ; 
 446, 447. 
 Chamberlaine, Sir Thomas, a daughter of; 
 
 437. 
 Chamilard (de Chamillart), Monsieur; 
 
 209, 222, 328, 338. 
 Champagne, English regiment quartered 
 
 in; 390. 
 Champigny, Mr. : 
 
 his dexterity ; 118. 
 
 the demand of; 119. 
 
 his begging epistle sent to Hanover ; 
 121. 
 Champion, Sir G., put by from the 
 
 Mayoralty of London ; 252. 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Secretary 
 
 to, emoluments of; 501. 
 Chancellor, Lord. See names. 
 Chancery, Masters of the ; 475. 
 Chandler, Dr., travels in Asia Minor; 
 
 307. 
 Chandos : 
 
 Duke of ; 453. 
 
 seat at Canons : 240. 
 
 Governor of the Turkev Com- 
 pany ; 493. 
 Chapelizod ; 194. 
 Chapman, Mr. ; 426. 
 Chard; 446. 
 Charlemont : 
 
 Lord, a recommendation of; 149. 
 
 letter to Pery ; 197. 
 
 M M 2 
 
534 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Charles I., King : 
 
 debt from Lord Bayning ; 278. 
 uselessness of oaths made to ; 464. 
 Charles II., King : 
 
 services to, when in exile ; 274. 
 a present to ; 367. 
 borrows 20,000Z. ; 368. 
 opinions as to his position ; 380. 
 advised not to go to war ; 382, 383. 
 relations with the French Court; 
 
 383, 385. 
 almost at war with the Parliament ; 
 
 384. 
 just going abroad ; 386, 387. 
 proposal for his joining the confede- 
 rates in a war with France ; 391, 
 393. 
 relations with K. of France ; 394. 
 numeral representing ; 394. 
 no conspiracy against ; 396. 
 the true facts as to his bargaining 
 
 with France ; 397, 400. 
 letter to Duke of Ormond ; 401. 
 letter to Duke of York ; 401. 
 in connexion with Lord Danby's im- 
 peachment, &c. ; 404, 405, 407, 408, 
 409, 411, 412, 414-416, 417, 432. 
 money received from France, &c. ; 
 
 409, 410, 411. 
 movements of the Court, &c. ; 411, 
 
 415. 
 little regard for his household ser- 
 vants, stops allowance of wages ; 
 413. 
 plot to kill him, mentioned; 414. 
 his Majesty's ill day of intermitting 
 
 fever ; 415. 
 would have a brace of Lord Danby's 
 
 male deer ; 416. 
 effect of Parliament offering a sum 
 
 of money to ; 420. 
 speeches to Parliament ; 424, 431. 
 kind in words ; 444. 
 uselessness of oaths taken at the 
 Restoration of; 464. 
 Charles V., Emperor, mentioned ; 388. 
 Charles, Archduke (King Charles III. of 
 Spain); 213, 322, 326, 337, 340, 
 344, 345, 349, 350, 352-356, 359, 
 360. 
 reinforcements f or ; 321. 
 disliked by the nation; 327. 
 master of Sardinia ; 330. 
 Charles, Prince; 125, 135, 143. 
 
 and Dutch troops, movements ; 90. 
 why sent for to the army ; 148. 
 Charles, Mr. ; 428, 430. 
 Charleton, Judge ; 428. 
 Charlett, George, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Charlotte yacht ; 3. 
 Chateau-Thierry married to the daughter of 
 
 Princess d'Auvergne ; 365. 
 Chatham : 
 
 Dutch threatening, &C; 367, 368. 
 Earl of. See Pitt. 
 Chaucer's poetry ; 305. 
 Chaundler, Thomas ; 271. 
 
 Chauvelyn, the measures of, pursued in 
 
 the Councils of France ; 24. 
 Chediston; 270. 
 Cheeks, Thomas, lieutenant of the Tower ; 
 
 416. 
 Chelmsford, parliamentary army at; 281. 
 Chelsea; 517. 
 
 letters dated at ; 20, 22. 
 Manor of, Middlesex ; 272. 
 Cherbourg, governor of, emoluments of; 
 
 270. 
 Cherry, slave ; 273. 
 Chertsey; 496. 
 
 Chesham, Bucks., the manor of ; 276. 
 Cheshire, antiquities of ; 307. 
 Chester : 
 
 letters dated at; 297, 308. 
 election petition ; 311. 
 bishop ; 454. 
 Chesterfield : 
 
 Earl of (second) ; 421, 423, 426, 430, . 
 442, 444. 
 
 offer of a loan to Lord Danby ; 
 
 438. 
 Earl of (fourth); 39, 81, 110, 112,. 
 119, 126, 129, 135, 247. 
 
 & dictum oi ; 101. 
 
 journey to Ireland ; 127. 
 
 letters from London, &c. ; 113, 
 
 114, 117, 118, 120, 127, 146, 149, 
 153, 154. 
 
 (Lord Lieutenant of Ireland), 
 
 letter from Dublin ; 131. 
 
 letter to ; 145. 
 
 " boy in whom he is inter- 
 ested," visits the Hague ; 149. 
 
 friendship for R. Trevor; 151, 
 
 153, 154. 
 
 to be Secretary of State ; 153. 
 
 enemy of Sir Robert Walpokv 
 
 his character drawn ; 472. 
 Chesterfieldians, the ; 27. 
 Chesterton; 423. 
 
 letter dated at ; 437. 
 Cheyne, Mr. ; 406. 
 
 Cheyney, Dr., Winchester school ; 498. 
 Chichester : 
 
 letters dated at ; 241, 248, 249. 
 M.P. for ; 494. 
 people mentioned ; 236, 238. 
 Chickeley, Sir John ; 375. 
 Chiffinch, Mr. ; 409, 410, 411. 
 Child : 
 
 Mr., at Temple Bar ; 448. 
 
 his account with Lord Danby ; 
 
 448 452. 
 Chimiere, le sieur de ; 320. 
 
 sent to Paris on peace negotiations, 
 death there; 317. 
 China trade; 178. 
 Chivas; 204, 215. 
 Christian IV., commission to raise men for 
 
 his service ; 277. 
 Christian : 
 
 arrest, petition for release j 
 
 Edward, 
 419. 
 
 at 
 
 417. 
 
 York Buildings, London 
 
INDEX. 
 
 535 
 
 Christian — cont. 
 
 Mr.; 411. 
 Christianity, propagation of, by British 
 
 conquests, &c, discussed ; 297, 298. 
 Christianstadt ; 348. 
 
 the cock walk from Karga to ; 111. 
 Christina, Queen, jointure of; 371. 
 Cholmly, Sir Hugh, burgess for Scar- 
 borough ; 488. 
 Cholmondeley, Lord ; 80, 237, 244, 247. 
 Churchill : 
 
 Genl. ; 204. 
 
 M.P. for Milburn Fort ; 309. 
 
 Cider Act, the ; 315. 
 
 Ciphers ; 457. 
 
 Cisterna; 91. 
 
 Ciudad, Castle of, besieged ; 364. 
 
 Civita Vecchia ; 82. 
 
 Clandon ; 500. 
 
 funeral of Arthur Onslow from ; 484. 
 
 papers ; 477, 478, 482. 
 
 erection of the noble house at, by 
 Lord Onslow ; 495. 
 Clandons, the two ; 249. 
 Clanricarde, Earl of, letter to Pery ; 177. 
 Clare and Connaught, Lord of ; 269. 
 Clare Hall Club ; 235. 
 Clare, Lord, and Lord Aldborough ; 199. 
 •Clarendon, Earl of: 
 
 Lord Chancellor ; 310, 426, 427, 431, 
 452. 
 
 gossip about ; 369. 
 
 humiliation of ; 370. 
 
 very ill at Calais ; 370. 
 
 the case of ; 420. 
 
 •mentioned as an example; 460, 461, 
 462. 
 Clarges : 
 
 a paper in the handwriting of ; 482. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 407. 
 Clarke : 
 
 Dr. Alured ; 242. 
 
 James, tenant of East Moulsey ; 377. 
 
 Air. Justice ; 312. 
 • Claxton, Hamond, merchant of Norwich ; 
 
 271. 
 Clayton, George, clerk to Henry VIII ; 
 
 272. 
 Clement IXth, Pope ; 368. 
 Clere, William ; 269. 
 Clergy, their remissness, &c. : 304. 
 Clerk, Thomas; 269. 
 Cleveland, Lady ; 399. 
 Clifford, Lord, letter from ; 375. 
 Clifton; 247. 
 Clive : 
 
 Lord; 299. 
 
 , a visit to, his abilities, &c. ; 
 
 305. 
 
 Mr. Justice; 312. 
 Cloyne, Bishop of, settles in Oxford ; 294. 
 Coals, dearness of, &c. ; 28, 254, 369. 
 Coape, Henry, loan from, to E. of Oxford ; 
 
 281. 
 Cobham, Lord; 81. 
 Cockermouth; 263. 
 Cockpit, letter dated at ; 4. 
 
 Cocks, Mr., on board the Dorsetshire « 
 
 295. 
 Cofford, William de ; 269. 
 Coggeshall Abbey, stewardship of; 276. 
 Coins, collections of; 291. 
 Cokaine, Geoffrey de ; 268. 
 Coke, Lord, cited; 311, 216. 
 Colbert, Mons; 58, 327, 328, 383, 394, 
 395. 
 administration of ; 378. 
 his financial plans ; 384. 
 Colchester ; 275, 270. 
 Aldermen of; 229. 
 bay manufacture about ; 49. 
 fortuue telling at ; 291 . 
 gaol delivery roll ; 270. 
 influenza at ; 308. 
 market place of, tenement in ; 271. 
 Mayor of; 289. 
 
 Mayor of v. Sir John Shaw; 274. 
 mosaic pavement found at ; 292. 
 Parliamentary representation ; 276, 
 
 306. 
 Quakers in; 275. 
 siege of ; 280 (n), 281-290. 
 the "White Padt " at the New 
 
 Hythe; 271. 
 Castle; 295. 
 manor; 268. 
 Colchester, History of, by Morant, con- 
 ditions of printing, &c. ; 291, 291. 
 Cole: 
 
 Captain; 162. 
 
 Christian, Memoirs of, letter in, 
 
 quoted ; 491. 
 Mr., of Chichester ; 236. 
 Collier, General ; 80. 
 Coin, river ; 285. 
 Colne, Prior of ; 270. 
 Cologne : 
 
 letter dated at ; 420. 
 l'Ordre Teutonique a ; 40. 
 Elector of; 345. 
 
 , the ministers of, bribed; 11«, 
 
 121. 
 
 , his policy, &c, discussed; 121, 
 
 420. 
 gazette, &c. ; 38. 
 " Cologne affair," the ; 118. 
 Cologne subsidy ; 105. 
 Colonies, Bill for declaring the rights of 
 
 the British legislature over; 315. 
 Colvenburg ; 42. 
 Colville, William de ; 268. 
 Colwall : 
 
 Arnold, of the Friary, Guildford; 
 
 489. 
 — , stepbrother of Arthur Onslow ; 
 499, 501. 
 Comines ; 225. 
 
 Common, right of, bills concerning; 314. 
 Commonalty, meaning of ; 315. 
 Compiegne ; 228. 
 Oompton : 
 
 Henry, Bishop of London, attends 
 
 Princess Anne ; 450. 
 mentioned ; 453. 
 
536 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ccmpton — cont. 
 
 Mr., Speaker of the House of Com- 
 mons, a favourite of K. George II., 
 thought to be £oing to oust Sir R. 
 Walpole: 516,517. 
 Compter, Mr. ; 73. 
 Comyns, Dr. ; 25S. 259. 
 Concern on the Adda : 207. 
 Coude; 345. 
 
 rendezvous of the army at ; 382. 
 Prince of, his advice to K. Charles II. ; 
 
 382, 383. 
 rrincesse de. lays claim to Mont- 
 ferrat ; 364. 
 Conrlans, French defeat Dear; 341. 
 Constantino; 294. 
 Constantinople. French Ambassador to ; 
 
 392. 
 Consuls in French trading ports ; 386 (2). 
 Conti, Prince of : 113. 
 Continent, a party in England proposing 
 
 to abandon the • 132, 133. 
 Convicts, take possession of ship convey- 
 ing them to America ; 77. 
 Convoys for the Spanish Trade ; 324. 
 Conway : 
 
 Lord; 409. 421, 422,423,424, 426. 
 430. 431. 432, 434. 
 
 letters from ; 405.406. 
 
 death of his wife ; 405. 
 
 great with Lord Halifax ; 435. 
 
 Col. ; 312. 
 
 General, and the American colonists : 
 
 29S. 
 Mr., an officer in the young Pre- 
 tender's suite : 130. 
 Conyers, Lord: 425. 
 Cook, Col., at siege of Colchester ; 281. 
 Cooke : 
 
 Captain; 3 OS. 
 
 Thonias. commanding a regiment of 
 Essex train bands; 2S0. 
 Cooper : 
 
 Sir Anthony Ashley ; 452. 
 Capt.. of the Chester man-of-war ; 
 35. 
 Copage, William ; 275. 
 Cope : 
 
 Sir John ; 131. 514. 
 
 King's troops under, defeated, at 
 
 Preston ; 523. 
 Copenhagen; 334. 34S. 372. 
 
 letters. &C. dated at; 373, 374. 
 Copley, Col., Lieut.-Governor of Hull, 
 
 seizes upon the governor; 449. 
 Corbais, letter dated at ; 206. 
 Corbeck : 202. 
 Corbett : 
 
 Mr., Clerk of the Peace of the Co. of 
 
 Surrey ; 505. 
 Mr. Secretary, of the Admiralty, 
 question of his salary ; 40, 41. 
 Corded, Sir William: 276." 
 Corella; 362. 
 
 Corfe, election of M.P. for ; 401. 
 Cork : 
 
 inspection of provisions at ; 171. 
 Coronation Dav at ; 263. 
 
 Corn : 
 
 bounties, argument against ; 300, 303. 
 regulations for exportation and im- 
 portation in Ireland, proposals, &c. ; 
 197, 198, 199. 
 embargo on, -when legal ; 311. 
 Cornwall, John, Earl of; 269. 
 Correspondence, secret, by way of Holland, 
 
 plans for ; 22. 
 Corsica : 
 
 KiDg of (Baron de Neukoff) ; 4. 
 
 - letters from : 40, 41. 
 
 political intrigues in connexion with ; 
 
 4. 
 coasts and harbours of, a paper de- 
 scribing : 42. 
 forces for defence of. &C, : 48. 
 Corsini : 
 
 family, the; 30, 31. 
 party at Pome ; 45. 52. 
 Cardinal, his influence : 54. 
 
 mentioned ; 95. 
 
 Cortrick, reported capture of : 368. 
 Corver, Mons. : 70, 106. 
 Cote, letter dated at ; 231. 
 Cotterell, Capt., of the Canterbury man- 
 of-war ; 35. 
 Cotton : 
 
 Sir John : 313. 
 Sir Eobert ; 311. 
 Counsel, King's, and other, employment 
 to defend persons accused of treason ; 
 405. 
 Court : 
 
 late convulsion at ; 9. 
 etiquette : 306. 
 Court-martial, oath of secrecy in a ; 312. 
 Courtin, Monsieur : 
 
 re-call from England, &c.j 381, 382, 
 
 3S5. 
 account of conversations with ; 393, 
 
 395. 
 letters representing ; 393, 394. 
 Courtnev : 
 
 Sir "William ; 2 74. 
 
 , Lord Bath's solicitor; 434. 
 
 Coventry; 137, 138. 
 Coventry : 
 
 Lord; 397. 
 
 Mr. Secretary: 379, 385, 386, 406, 
 408. 
 
 retirement of ; 397, 400. 
 
 Henry ; 368, 369. 
 
 Sir Thomas, once Attornev-General : 
 476. 
 Cowley, Abraham, the poet 
 Cowper, Lord Chancellor, 
 
 Richard Onslow ; 492. 
 COX : 
 
 Captain, killed at Colchester 
 Eobert. letter from ; 151. 
 Coxe's Memoirs of Lor el Walpole, letters 
 printed in': 5, 6. 5. 9. 34, 60, 75, 
 76,77, 79, 14S. 
 Pelham's Administration, letter 
 printed in ; 137. 
 Crab,— ; 369. 
 
 ; 2S0. 
 
 •peech to Sir 
 
 2S3, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 537 
 
 Craggs : 
 
 Mr. (the elder), joint Postmaster- 
 General, his history ; 511. 
 
 , connexion with the South Sea 
 
 Company ; 508. 
 Mr. (the younger), supporter of the 
 Peerage Bill ; 459. 
 
 , an advocate in public of views 
 
 repudiated in private ; 460. 
 
 , character, &c. ; 511. 
 
 Cranford; 241. 
 Cranley; 484. 
 Craon, Prince of; 52. 
 Craven, Lord; 425. 
 
 estate at Wartling ; 257. 
 Crawford, Lord, dangerously wounded ; 
 
 251. 
 Credit as affecting European politics ; 83. 
 Creeton, letter dated at ; 417. 
 Creffeild, Peter, mosaic pavement in his 
 
 garden ; 292. 
 Crequi, Monsieur or Marechal de : 
 mission to England ; 380, 383. 
 Commander in Germany ; 380. 
 
 Crew: 
 
 1st Lord, return of rental made by ; 
 281. 
 
 mentioned ; 482. 
 
 3rd Lord, Bishop of Durham, passing 
 his pardon ; 448. 
 Criminal justice ; 316. 
 Crips : 
 
 Mary, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Richard, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Cristemasse, Thomas, clothman ; 271 (2). 
 Cromwell : 
 
 Oliver, dispute with Sir Richard 
 Onslow; 477. 
 
 at Worcester ; 478. 
 
 committee for making him king ; 
 
 478. 
 
 appointments made by; 479. 
 
 as Protector; 481. 
 
 Richard; 481,482. 
 
 an anecdote of ; 92. 
 
 Cromwell's third Parliament ; 477. 
 Cronenburg Castle : 
 
 British ships to pass, with the topsails 
 
 up ; 373, 374. 
 governor of, displaced ; 374. 
 Croning, "our friend," suggested as an 
 intermediary for a secret correspon- 
 dence ; 22. 
 Croomstrom, General ; 102. 
 Crowle, Mr., reprimanded by House of 
 
 Commons ; 313. 
 Crown grants : 
 
 bill for, where to be initiated ; 314. 
 of leases of lighthouses ; 317. 
 " Crown and Anchor " tavern, a parlia- 
 mentary meeting at ; 39, 40. 
 Crown Point ; 295. 
 Crown, the, a Swedish ship ; 371. 
 Crownian lecture, the ; 294. 
 Croissy, Chevalier de ; 333, 334,335,338, 
 
 339, 341. 
 Cuidad, Castle of, see Ciudad. 
 
 Culpeper, Lord ; 424, 425, 426, 430. 
 
 purchase of an office from ; 421. 
 Cumberland, Duke of ("the Duke") : 
 
 preparations for military campaign, 
 &c; 110, 112, 113, 114. 
 
 his character ; 113. 
 
 disputes with the Prince of Waldeck ; 
 114, 115 (2), 116. 
 
 advance against the rebels; 135, 137, 
 138. 
 
 the command in Flanders j 144. 
 
 departure from Edinburgh ; 145. 
 
 intrigue against ; 148. 
 
 attacked by measles ; 246. 
 
 Duke and Duchess of, at Bath ; 306. 
 Cumberland returns, scandalous ; 303. 
 Curacao ; 42. 
 Cutts, Lord; 194,200. 
 Czar, the ; 334, 355. 
 Czarbatoff, Prince ; 43. 
 
 D. 
 
 D., R. H.; 421. 
 
 Daguesseau. See Aguessau. 
 Dallers, the, in Sweden ; 371. 
 Danby, Earl of : 
 
 correspondence ; passim 376-456. 
 
 letters to the Countess ; 386, 413, 
 436, 444, 446, 447, 449, 453. 
 
 correspondence with Sir W. Temple ; 
 397, 399, 402. 
 
 letters to the Prince of Orange ; 401, 
 449, 450, 453. 
 
 corr jspon lence with his son, Viscount 
 Latimer ; 401, 405, 407, 408, 414, 
 415,416,418, 421, 423-454. 
 
 letters to the King; 415, 417, 421, 
 436, 438, 440, 442. 
 
 letter to Lord Lindsey ; 421 . 
 
 note by, on a list of bills ; 376. 
 
 debates on impeachment of; 376. 
 
 his responsibilities and aims; 377. 
 
 his troubles with the Parliament, con- 
 sequent joy in France; 396, 399. 
 
 accusations against, impeachment, im- 
 prisonment, &c; 396, 397, 398, 
 399, 404-412. 
 
 petition to the King against the Par- 
 liament ; 404. 
 
 objection to his being defended by 
 King's Counsel ; 405. 
 
 place of concealment ; 406. 
 
 surrenders himself; 406. 
 
 petition to House of Lords; 406. 
 
 suggestion of a bill of banishment; 
 409, 410. 
 
 money charged in his ledger as Trea- 
 surer of the Navy ; 411. 
 
 effect of his retirement from Court ; 
 413. 
 
 complimentary letters ; 412, 413. 
 
 a ridiculous story of his escape by his 
 son's pistols ; 413. 
 
538 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Danby, Earl of—cont. 
 
 relations with the Duke of York ; 414. 
 
 release from the Tower ; 416. 
 
 to travel abroad ; 416. 
 
 payment of his " wages " ; 417, 419. 
 
 proceedings for his release, &c. ; 418, 
 
 419, 438-441. 
 the question of his petitioning; 418, 
 
 419. 
 proceedings in the Court of King's 
 
 Bench; 442. 
 recognizance ; 442. 
 the office of Master of the Rolls ; 
 
 421, 443, 445. 
 arrangements for his bail, petition, 
 
 &c. ; 422. 
 arrangements for travelling to Ox- 
 ford; 425. 
 proceedings in Parliament relative to ; 
 
 426-431. 
 a petition for his release prepared ; 
 
 433. 
 petitions for a speedy trial ; 434. 
 domestic expenses in the Tower ; 
 
 43 6\ 
 discusses the question of his release 
 
 and the views of the Judges ; 438. 
 offer of a loan to ; 438. 
 draft of a letter to the Lord Chief 
 
 Justice ; 440. 
 sends medicinal water for a lady in 
 
 whom the King is interested ; 
 
 442. 
 the question of his reward ; 442, 
 
 443. 
 at Kiveton, visited by all the country ; 
 
 434. 
 King James II's. attitude towards; 
 
 446. 
 " cannot have a moment's peace where 
 
 " his wife is " ; 446. 
 opposed to the Whig interest ; 446. 
 joins the gentlemen of Yorkshire in 
 
 arming for the defence of the 
 
 country ; 447. 
 keeping of his money ; 448, 452. 
 seizes York for the P. of Orange ; 
 
 449, 450-456. 
 
 chosen High Steward of York ; 450. 
 proposed arrangements in the north- 
 ern counties for Prince William ; 
 
 450, 451. 
 
 march from the Xorth ; 453. 
 
 letter to Mayor of Pontefract ; 454. 
 
 ciphers used by ; 457. 
 Danby, Countess of : 
 
 letters from ; 435, 437. 
 
 letters to; 386, 405, 406, 413, 432, 
 444, 446, 447, 452, 453. 
 
 at Kiveton; 413. 
 
 movements ; 414. 
 
 in the Tower with her husband; 415. 
 
 sole executrix of her husband's will ; 
 447. 
 Danes in British pay ; 66, 68, 72. 
 
 Deputy Paymaster to ; 73. 
 Danish: 
 
 army, reverses of ; 348. 
 
 Danish — cont. 
 
 Minister; 324. 
 
 treaty, ratification of the; 27. 
 Dantzic; 372,374. 
 Danube, River ; 200. 
 Darby, Admiral, fleet of ; 162. 
 Darcy : 
 
 Lord; 447. 
 
 Colonel, M.P. for Yorkshire ; 453. 
 Darmstadt; 90. 
 D'Arpajon. receives the " Golden Fleece" 
 
 363. 
 Darrell, Wm.; 275. 
 Dartmouth : 
 
 Lord ; 448, 452. 
 
 trained bands ; 273. 
 Dartrey, Lord ; 166. 
 Dashwood : 
 
 Sir Francis; 312. 
 
 Sir James ; 296. 
 Dauphine ; 361. 
 D'Avalliere, Brigadier ; 201. 
 Davies, Davis : 
 
 John, of Shipley; 275. 
 
 John, of Wivenhoe, shipwright, will 
 of; 276. 
 
 Katherine, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Dawley ; 241. 
 Day and Son, merchants, transport of 
 
 bonded servants ; 302. 
 Dean Forest, the business of (Lord 
 
 Danby) ; 444. 
 Debrise, Captain, killed; 152. 
 Delamere, Forest of, portion enclosed; 
 
 303. 
 Delamere, Lord; 455. 
 De la War, Lord ; 425. 
 Demetrius in Polybius — a parallel with the 
 
 Pretender's son, pamphlet ; 94, 95. 
 Denbigh, Lord ; 417, 425. 
 Dender, River ; 217, 218, 220, 221. 
 Dendermond, siege of; 212 (2), 214, 215. 
 Denham, Doctor ; 417. 
 Denison, Mr. Justice ; 312. 
 Denmark, or King of Denmark ; 63, 334, 
 335, 336, 337. 
 
 the question of subsidies to ; 25, 51. 
 
 policy in regard to European alli- 
 ances ; 51, 64, 67. 
 
 negotiation and treaty with France ; 
 
 ~ 42, 51. 
 
 Secretary of War in ; 42. 
 
 King threatens to recall his troops ; 
 232. 
 
 difficulties with Gottorp ; 323, 324, 
 346,353. 
 
 declaration as to British ships striking 
 in Danish ports ; 373, 374. 
 Depine, — ; 434. 
 De Puy, — ; 451. 
 Derbyshire, Rebels in ; 135, 137. 
 i Derneford, Agnes, daughter of Thomas 
 de, seal of; 268. 
 Derry, Dean of, appointment of; 156. 
 Derwentwater (Keswick Lake) ; 263. 
 Derwentwater, Ratcliffe ; 135. 
 Desmarets, M. ; 342, 361. 
 Destaing's navy ; 309. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 539 
 
 Dettingen, Battle of ; 88, 89, 90, 
 Deulemonte ; 225. 
 Devon : 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of ; 273. 
 
 Deputy Lieutenants of ; 274. 
 
 Stannaries Militia ; 273. 
 Devonshire : 
 
 Lord; 425,447. 
 
 joins the Prince of Orange ; 449, 
 
 450. 
 
 Duke of, collection of coins men- 
 tioned ; 291. 
 
 Duke of ; 516. 
 
 to have the Garter; 164. 
 
 offered Lord Lieutenancy of 
 
 Ireland; 176. 
 D'Ewes, Sir Symonds, commonplace hooks 
 
 of; 273. 
 D'Ewes' Journal of the House of Com- 
 mons ; 473, 474, 475. 
 Dewev, Justice ; 406. 
 Deynze; 211,218. 
 " Dick, Uncle " ; 424. 
 Dickens, Guy, at the Prussian Court ; 23. 
 
 2,000/. in gold ducats to be sent to ; 
 27. 
 
 letters to ; 32, 63. 
 
 letter from ; 42. 
 Diemar, M. ; 42. 
 Digby: 
 
 Admiral; 309. 
 
 Eliz. ; 275. 
 
 John ; 275. 
 Dikele, Roger de ; 269. 
 Dillengen, Diligen ; 200. 
 
 letter from the camp of ; 117. 
 [Diphtheria], " a sort of ulcerous humour 
 
 in the throat" ; 37. 
 Diseran, M. ; 126. 
 Dissenters, zeal for the ; 242. 
 
 application for repeal of the Test 
 Act; 243. 
 " Dissenters, the two ** ; 438. 
 "Divell" Tavern; 410. 
 Dixon : 
 
 Mr., of Belford ; 522. 
 
 Barbara; 522. 
 Doddesley, Mr., printer ; 243. 
 Dodwell's dissertation, De Paucitate 
 
 Martyrum ; 309. 
 Dolman, Sir Thomas, Prince William of 
 
 Orange at house of; 452. 
 "" Domesday," the Onslows mentioned in ; 
 
 473. 
 Dompre, Lieut.-Genl. ; 224. 
 Doncaster, letter dated at ; 450. 
 Donegal, Lord, killed ; 210. 
 Donhoff; 42. 
 Donoghadee ; 157. 
 Donop, Mr. ; 43. 
 Dorchester, Viscountess ; 278. 
 Dormer: 
 
 Mr. ; 422, 424. 
 
 Philip, mortally wounded ; 200. 
 Dorset : 
 
 Thomas, Marquess of; 271. 
 
 Duke of; 141, 153. 
 
 Dorset — cont. 
 
 Duke of, to take charge of Princess 
 Mary ; 45. 
 Douay ; 213, 219, 222, 226, 232, 349. 
 camp near, letter dated at; 229. 
 investment and capture ; 229, 230, 231, 
 236. 
 Douglas, Lord George, regiment in the 
 
 French service ; 390. 
 Dover secured for the P. of Orange ; 452. 
 Dowdeswell, Mr. ; 521. 
 Downing College, a paper about, men- 
 tioned ; 302. 
 Downing Street, letters dated at ; 153, 154. 
 Drake : 
 
 Mr., having a living at or near 
 
 Doncaster; 260. 
 Mr. T. ; 261. 
 Drenghen ; 102. 
 Dresden ; 43, 67. 
 
 and Vienna, coolness between the 
 
 Courts of ; 65. 
 increase of the Imperial dignity at, 
 
 effect of ; 111. 
 politics; 116. 
 proposal concerning the Great Duke ; 
 
 119. 
 that " Weathercock " at ; 145. 
 Drogheda, Earl of ; 194. 
 Droitwich, Election petition ; 310. 
 Drokenesford, Thomas de ; 269. 
 Droste, le Baron de ; 40. 
 Dublin Castle, letter dated at ; 131. 
 Dublin : 
 
 French gentleman arrested at, false 
 
 report; 43. 
 Lord Mayor of, mentioned ; 157. 
 "vastly improved, has the air of 
 
 London " ; 264. 
 Four Courts, situation for erection of ; 
 
 184. 
 Post Office; 179. 
 Dublin streets, &c. : 
 Inns Quay ; 184. 
 College Green ; 184. 
 Great Denmark Street ; 199. 
 Sackville Street described ; 264. 
 Dublin Patriots, the ; 157. 
 Dublin University, compared with Oxford j 
 
 294. 
 Du Bosc, Abbe ; 365. 
 Du Cros, Monsieur ; 395. 
 Dudley, William ; 271. 
 Du Haut, commander of a French man-of- 
 war, slain; 130. 
 Dumbarton, Lord ; 391. 
 Dumblaine (Dunblaine, Dumblane), Vis- 
 count ; 432. 
 
 Dunbar commanded away from ; 
 
 446. 
 
 and the Prince of Orange ; 449, 
 
 450. 
 
 to represent York in Parliament ; 
 
 450, 453, 456. 
 Viscountess, letter to ; 437. 
 Dumey, Engineer at Siege of Dendermond j 
 212. 
 
540 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Dunbar, Lord, Murray called ; 94 (2), 95. 
 
 the Pretender's confidant ; 46. 
 Dunbar, — , ordered away from Lord 
 
 Dumblaine ; 446. 
 Dundas, — ; 188. 
 
 Dunkeld, Duke of Athol's place at ; 265. 
 Dunkirk; 57, 75, 124, 135, 137, 138, 219, 
 342, 345, 361. 
 embarkation, the ; 92, 93, 94. 
 suggestion of the acquisition of ; 147. 
 siege of, probable ; 212. 
 letter dated at ; 372. 
 work on the fortifications, docks, &c. 
 
 of; 372. 
 battle of; 383. 
 Dunmore, Lord ; 110. 
 Dupplin, Lord, election to the Board of 
 
 Trade; 151. 
 Du Puis (Puy), M. ; 328, 329, 330, 333, 
 
 335, 338, 352, 355-358. 
 Duras, Lord ; 394. 
 Duret, Colonel ; 202. 
 Duren ; 86. 
 Durford, Lord ; 275. 
 Durham; 261. 
 Duson, Monsieur, Marechal de Camp ; 
 
 201. 
 Dussen, Van der ; 347. 
 Dutch, the Dutch, or the Dutch Eepublic : 
 mentioned in the Petkum correspon- 
 dence in connexion with the peace 
 negotiations ; passim, pp. 320-366. 
 Admiral deserts " Mr. Vernon " ; 138. 
 Army, conduct of the troops at battle 
 
 of Melle; 116, 120, 126. 
 , ideas as to, prevalent in Eng- 
 land; 118. 
 
 , degeneration of Dutch troops ; 
 
 122. 
 
 , establishment of troops ; 137. 
 
 , cowardice of troops at Fonte- 
 
 noy; 139. 
 
 , Dutch regiments alone engaged 
 
 in the battle near Liege ; 152. 
 
 , campaigns with the Duke of 
 
 Marlborough ; 202 et seq. 
 
 , in the field in 1671 ; 373. 
 
 , the behaviour of, treaties sus- 
 pended; 158. 
 commerce, safeguarding of; 321, 324. 
 deputies with the Duke of Marl- 
 borough. See States General,Depu- 
 ties of. 
 East India Company ; 367. 
 England and, discouragement from 
 the King's Electoral bias explained, 
 &c; 95, 96. 
 dissatisfaction in England with regard 
 
 to; 114, 116, 120, 128. 145. 
 only useful British ally ; 133. 
 angry with the English; 322. 
 European peace negotiations ; 123. 
 fleet, at the Nore, &c. threatened at- 
 tacks (1667) ; 367, 368. 
 
 under de Ruyter (1672) ; 375. 
 
 with the Prince of Orange, move- 
 ments, &c. ; 448, 449. 
 (1708); 330. 
 
 Dutch, &c. — cont. 
 
 fleet, at the Nore, &c. (1745) inefficient 
 condition of the Squadron, &c. ; 1 14. 
 
 France and, exposure to French at- 
 tack ; 27. 
 
 neutrality in case of war between 
 
 England and France, discussed ; 28. 
 
 position of the Dutch in respect 
 
 of France; 54, 55. 
 
 suspicions of the Dutch having 
 
 underhand dealings with France ; 
 118. 
 
 negotiations with France ; 149, 
 
 153. 
 
 averse to a separate peace with 
 
 France; 231. 
 
 the Dutch deny a passage to the 
 
 French force ; 370. 
 
 war with France; 390, 391. 
 
 Gazettes, scandalous paragraph in ; 5. 
 
 Gazetteers; 343. 
 
 Government, confused state of the ; 
 139. 
 
 herring trade ; 325. 
 
 jealous of British extension in the 
 West Indies ; 38. 
 
 peace negotiations with ; 368, 369. 
 
 slave trade ; 20. 
 
 trade in the Sound ; 373. 
 
 troops (6,000) in British pay, ques- 
 tion of their payment while serving 
 in Flanders, &c. ; 97, 98, 99. 
 
 See also Holland, and States General. 
 Duties upon candles, soap, &c. ; 7. 
 Dyke, Sir Thomas ; 262. 
 Dyle, River ; 202. 
 
 E. 
 
 Earls Colne Priory ; 277. 
 East Bridge; 284, 285, 286. 
 East India : 
 
 Company (Dutch) ; 367. 
 fleet, efforts to catch ; 375. 
 merchant ships ; 309. 
 trade with Ireland; 178, 185, 186. 
 East Indies : 
 
 French naval strength in ; 57. 
 propagation of Christianity in, dis- 
 cussed, the character of the English 
 clergy there ; 298. 
 the British settlement in ; 299. 
 Eaton : 
 
 Agnes ; 275. 
 Eliz. ; 275. 
 William ; 275. 
 Ecclesiastical Councillor of State, office 
 
 given to the Abbe Pompone ; 364. 
 Ecclesiastical courts, jurisdiction as to 
 
 marriage ; 84, 85. 
 Eden: 
 
 Mr.; 162, 184,. 188. 
 William, Chief Secretary to the Lord 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, letter to 
 Pery; 162. 
 
 come over with Lord Carlisle's 
 
 resignation; 165. 
 losses, &c. ; 165. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 541 
 
 Edgcombe, Sir Richard ; 274. 
 
 Edict, to take up quotas of loans in French 
 
 Provinces ; 360. 
 Edinburgh : 
 
 mob outrages at ; 3. 
 letter dated at ; 139. 
 building at ; 265. 
 Edlin, Baron or Mr. ; 240, 259, 260, 262. 
 Edmundsberry, letters dated at ; 158, 191. 
 Edward VI., grant by ; 272. 
 Edwin, Mr., usher of the Exchequer; 
 
 234. 
 Effingham; 333. 
 Egerton, Sir Thomas, Solicitor General ; 
 
 475. 
 Egremont, Lord, castle of ; 263. 
 Egmont, Lord; 312. 
 Elbogen, Hungarians surprised at ; 84. 
 Eleanor, Queen, grant to ; 268. 
 Election petitions considered by House of 
 
 Commons; 309, 310, 311, 315, 316. 
 Elector Palatine, the ; 216. 
 
 result of his death anticipated ; 30. 
 threatens to recall his troops ; 232. 
 Electoral considerations, See Hanover, 
 
 Elector of. 
 Eldred, John ; 274. 
 Elemesthorp, co. Leic. ; 270. 
 Elisabet, French man-of-war escorting 
 
 the Young Pretender ; 130. 
 Elizabeth, Queen, maid of honour to ; 476. 
 Ellerker, Mr., of Risby Park, third 
 daughter of, married Onslow, her virtues 
 and death; 522. 
 Ellis : 
 
 Bishop'; 452. 
 
 Judge; 421. 
 
 Serjeant, his house turned into a kind 
 
 of coffee house ; 407. 
 Welbore, Secretary of State for the 
 American department ; 163. 
 
 , correspondence with Pery ; 
 
 163, 180, 184, 185, 190. 
 Elmstead; 269. 
 
 Elridge, Francis, of Eoegate ; 275. 
 Elsen, Seigneur d' ; 40. 
 Elsingborgh ; 32. 
 Elsinore, letter dated at ; 374. 
 Elton near Hull ; 488. 
 Ely, bishopric and archdeaconry of; 241. 
 Ember Court; 505. 
 Emden : 
 
 people of, interference on behalf of ; 
 
 18, 50. 
 a regiment to garrison ; 205. 
 Emley, Lord, manuscripts of ; 155. 
 Emo, interviews Torcy ; 362. 
 Emperor, the : 
 
 [Leopold], present to Charles II.; 
 367. 
 
 , a small country bestowed on ; 
 
 382. 
 
 , his policy ; 385, 386. 
 
 , Marshal Schomberg's negotia- 
 tions with ; 392. 
 
 , proposed treaty with Spain and 
 
 Holland ; 393. 
 [Joseph] ; 216. 
 
 Emperor, the — cont. 
 
 [Joseph], desire for a visit from the 
 D. of Marlborough ; 208. 
 
 , terms of peace as affecting; 
 
 319. 
 
 , mentioned in the Petkum cor- 
 
 respondence; 320-359. 
 
 death of, mentioned ; 361. 
 
 [Charles VI.], election of; 232, 356, 
 360. 
 
 , at Vado; 361. 
 
 , at Milan ; 363. 
 
 , his policy, affairs, &c. ; 19, 28, 
 
 29, 250, 251, 252, 253. 
 
 , mentioned in connexion with 
 
 European alliances ; 54, 56. 
 
 , his policy discounted ; 59. 
 
 , his death, mentioned ; 63. 
 
 , war in support of, in 1733 ; 67. 
 
 (1741), election of a new Emperor; 
 
 65,67, 71, 75. 
 (1745), election of a new Emperor ; 
 
 122, 123, 124, 128, 143. 
 effect of the Great D uke's election ; 
 
 131. 
 [Francis], his insignificancy ; 145. 
 Empire, the ; 328, 329, 342, 344, 359. 
 
 princes of, protection of ; 86. 
 Enghien; 216. 
 Engineers, the ; 288. 
 England : 
 
 mediation of, unacknowledged; 11. 
 people of, frightened at a war with 
 
 Spain ; 24. 
 pays princes for defending their own 
 
 countries; 119. 
 ill-humour in, against the Dutch ; 119, 
 
 120, 360. 
 dejection in, on account of French 
 
 successes ; 126. 
 feeling of despair with regard to ; 132. 
 English policy (as mentioned in the 
 Petkum correspondence) ; passim, 
 321-366. 
 effect of arrival of news from ; 359. 
 secret negotiations in; 364. 
 English, or the English : 
 
 in general a sober people ; 199. 
 encouraged by the taking of Tournay ; 
 
 341. 
 eager for war ; 348. 
 supposed to have conquered Acadia ; 
 
 353. 
 commerce, safeguarding of ; 321. 
 crown, the succession of; 329. 
 fleet in the Mediterranean ; 330. 
 Epitaph on Sir John Vanbrugh; 313. 
 Epping, muster of militia at; 281. 
 Epsom; 249. 
 Escurial, the ; 306. 
 Esotericks and Exotericks ; 133. 
 Espierre, Pont d' : 100. 
 Esquerchin, letter dated at ; 229. 
 Essex, county of : 
 
 Dutch auxiliaries in ; 99. 
 impressment of seamen in ; 276. 
 returns of lands in, made by Peers ; 
 281. 
 
542 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Essex, county of — cont. 
 
 deputy lieutenants of, letter to Lord 
 Oxford; 280. 
 
 , form of deputation for ; 280. 
 
 manors in ; 269. 
 Vice-Admiral of; 276. 
 Essex : 
 
 Earl of (Henry Bourchier) ; 276. 
 
 , return of rental made by ; 281. 
 
 Lord ; 426, 430. 
 Fort ; 284, 286. 
 Essex, History of, by Morant ; 272. 
 Estres, Comte d''; 404. 
 Ettrick, Anthony, letter from ; 438. 
 Etwin; 233. 
 
 Eugene, Prince, of Savoy, military opera- 
 tions and negotiations ; 200, 204, 
 206, 207, 208, 213, 215, 216, 217, 
 218,219,221,223, 224, 227, 230, 
 236, 320, 326, 329,331,332,333, 
 335, 339, 347, 348, 349, 350, 352, 
 353, 358, 359. 
 blamed for Toulon failure ; 322. 
 receives a poisoned letter ; 329. 
 a barrier suggested for ; 362. 
 bis value as a commander; 252. 
 Europe, quiet situation of, precarious ; 7. 
 balance of power in, plans for pre- 
 serving ; 25. 
 future security of, on what dependent ; 
 47, 51, 54, 
 European politics discussed ; 19, 30, 56, 62- 
 70, 72-76, 85, 86, 88, 250, 253. See 
 also 317-366, passim. 
 two puzzling elements in, credit and 
 religion ; 83. 
 Eustace de Fauconberg, Bishop of London ; 
 
 268. 
 Evelyn : 
 
 George, of Wotton in Surrey ; 484. 
 Sir John ; 484. 
 Evreux, Count of, an annuity secured to ; 
 
 360. 
 Ewers, fort; 285. 
 Exchequer, usher of the ; 234. 
 Excise, Commissioner of ; 488. 
 Exeter, Earl of; 417. 
 Exilles taken ; 220, 221, 342. 
 Exshaw, Mr. Alderman ; 181. 
 Eyles, Sir J. ; 245. 
 Eythrop; 432. 
 
 Fagel, Mons., at siege of Tournay ; 225, 
 
 226, 
 Fagg, Mr. ; 257. 
 Fagg's business ; 379. 
 Fairfax : 
 
 Lord (Parliamentary general), in 
 Kent; 281. 
 
 at the siege of Colchester ; 282- 
 
 290. 
 Lord ; 447, 449, 450. 
 M.P. for Yorkshire ; 453. 
 
 Falconer, T. : 
 
 letters from ; 295-309. 
 
 visit to Oxford, work on Strabo, &c. j 
 305, 306. 
 Falkirk, battle of , described ; 139. 
 Fane, Mr. ; 30. 
 
 Fanshawe, Dr., preferment ; 10. 
 Farndell, John, of Halting ; 275. 
 Farnham ; 477. 
 
 Farnhamhall, Court Rolls of ; 269. 
 Faro, bar of; 35. 
 
 Farr, Colonel, taken prisoner at Colches- 
 ter; 283. 
 Farrington, Mrs., of Chichester ; 236. 
 Faskes, Thomas ; 276. 
 Fastolf, Hugh ; 269. 
 
 Fauconberg, Eustace de, Bishop of Lon- 
 don ; 268. 
 Fawkener, Sir Everard ; 112. 
 
 letters from; 112, 117, 126, 144. 
 Fazakerly, Mr. : 
 
 counsel ; 45. 
 
 M.P. ; 311, 312,313. 
 Felton Bridge; 261. 
 Fenelon : 
 
 M. ; 18, 19, 33. 53, 78. 
 
 Marquis de, youngest son wounded 
 at battle of Dettingen ; 88. 
 Fenestrelles ; 342 
 Fenich, the priest ; 413. 
 Ferrol; 46, 47, 129. 
 Ferrybridge ; 454. 
 Feuillade; 215. 
 Feversham; 453. 
 Feversham, Earl (2nd) ; 325, 326, 423. 
 
 messenger of a project of peace ; 389. 
 
 partisan of K. James ; 454. 
 
 made prisoner by the Prince of 
 Orange ; 455. 
 Finale; 92. 
 
 Marquisate of; 125, 129. 
 Finch E. : 
 
 Ambassador to Piussia,. going to 
 Petersburg ; 43. 
 
 suggested instructions for ; 56. 
 
 letter from ; 80. 
 
 mentioned; 82. 
 Finch : 
 
 Sir Heneage, Attorney - General ; 
 475 (w.). 
 
 Lord Chancellor, materials for a 
 speech promised ; 379. 
 
 his ingratitude, &c. j 384. 
 
 and Lord Danbv's impeachment ; 
 409, 418. 
 
 legal ability of; 480 (».). 
 Finland ; 372. 
 Fireships ; 368. 
 Firran, (?) Cardinal; 52. 
 Fitz Geoffrey, Stephen; 268. 
 Fitz Gerald, negotiations with Spain, &c. ; 
 
 18, 20, 21, 24. 
 Fitz Harris : 
 
 [Edward], examination, trial, &c. ; 
 428, 431, 433, 434, 435, 436. 
 
 Mrs., petitions the King on behalf of 
 her husband ; 435. 
 
 statement bv ; 436. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 543 
 
 Fitzherbert, Mrs. Anne ; 275. 
 Fitz Hugh, Henry ; 269. 
 Fitzmorris, — , to accompany the Pre- 
 tender's son ; 61. 
 Fitzpatrick, Eichard, Chief Secretary, 
 
 Ireland; 164, 165, 169, 170. 
 Fitz Ealf : 
 
 Ralf; 268. 
 
 Simon, of Huchendene ; 268. 
 Fitz Richard, William, of Frating ; 261. 
 Fitzroy, Lord Augustus, commander of 
 
 H.M.S. Eltham ; 4. 
 Fitz SawaP, Richard ; 268. 
 Fitzwilliam, Lord ; 163. 
 
 offered Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland ; 
 
 176. 
 
 Fitzwilliam, Mr. ; 112. 
 
 Fitz William de Elmstcad, Richard ; 268. 
 
 Flanders ; 59, 83, 327, 338, 344, 360, 362. 
 
 a country affording abundance of 
 
 entertainment ; 235, 236. 
 allied army in ; 114. 
 
 the command of; 148. 
 
 the campaign of 1745 in; 116, 
 
 117, 118, 119. 
 
 consequences of the event of a 
 
 battle; 148. 
 
 defeat at Raucoux, described, 
 
 &c. ; 151, 152, 153. 
 an English chapman selling Birm- 
 ingham wares in ; 76. 
 a policy that would have saved ; 
 
 134. 
 campaign in, proposed (1707) ; 323. 
 English troops sent into (1678) ; 394. 
 French pretensions in, arbitration as 
 
 to; 374. 
 French troops in (1711) ; 365. 
 seminaries for the English in, their 
 
 effect, &c. ; 236. 
 Spanish army in, against France ; 393. 
 Flanner, William ; 275 (2). 
 Flavell, John ; 273. 
 Fleet : 
 
 movements of the ; 55. 
 refuse to carry over the Prince of 
 Wales ; 452. 
 Flemish pictures, prices, &c. ; 14. 
 Fleury, Cardinal ("the Cardinal"); 57, 
 58, 67, 72, 296. 
 peace of Europe dependent on the 
 
 life of; 7. 
 reads a certain correspondence to 
 
 Lord Waldegrave ; 11. 
 a deciphered letter seen on the table 
 
 of; 22. 
 in a manner, dead ; 24. 
 prophecies as to the result in Europe 
 
 of his policy; 27, 75. 
 violent against England ; 28. 
 opinion as to his probable policy ; 42, 
 
 43. 
 policy in regard to Prussia ; 49, 78. 
 90 years old ; 52. 
 Flood, Henry; 170. 
 
 question of his dismissal ; 159. 
 quarrel with G rattan; 181. 
 
 Florence : 
 
 regulations for the government of, 
 
 criticised too freely ; 31. 
 letters dated at; 48, 52, 61, 70,88, 
 
 91, 93, 94, 113. 
 the gallery and library at ; 248. 
 mentioned ; 250, 251, 252. 
 Florida; 125. 
 
 settling the limits of; 242. 
 Floyd, Sir E. ; 436. 
 Fluies ; 227. 
 Foley : 
 
 Mr., junior; 310. 
 
 Paul, speaker of the House of 
 Commons ; 474. 
 Foliot, Payn ; 268. 
 Fontainebleau ; 327. 
 
 Torcy at ; 327, 328. 
 English messengers sent to ; 360. 
 Fontarabia suggested as a cautionary 
 
 town ; 392. 
 Fontenoy ; 113. 
 
 battle of ("the battle"), troops en- 
 gaged, conduct, &c; 114, 116, 133, 
 139. 
 Foot, Sir Thomas ; 495. 
 
 daughter of; 483, 487. 
 Forbes, Mr., Solicitor General in Ireland ; 
 
 168, 176. 
 Ford, old; 261. 
 Ford, Sir Drury ; 274. 
 Foreign secret intelligence, payments for $ 
 
 40, 45. 
 Foresta, Carta de, mentioned ; 487. 
 Forests, Act, 16 Charles I., settling bounds 
 
 of; 487. 
 Forster : 
 
 Eley ; 275. 
 
 Mr., recommendation for ; 304. 
 
 companion of Capt. Cooke j 
 
 308. 
 
 Fortleon, castle of, taken by D'Arpajon ; 
 
 363. 
 Fort Rouge ; 225. 
 Fortune telling at Colchester; 291. 
 Foster : 
 
 John, M.P. for Louth ; 160, 161. 
 
 candidate for the speakership in 
 
 Ireland ; 175. 
 
 mentioned; 184. 
 
 speaker of the House of Com- 
 mons, Ireland, letters to Pery; 189, 
 194. 
 Mr. Justice; 312. 
 Lord Chief Justice ; 439. 
 Fothergill's Fort ; 286. 
 Foundling Hospital, secretary to the com- 
 mittee of the ; 38. 
 Fowell, Sir John ; 274. 
 Fox: 
 
 Charles James, views as to Ireland, 
 influence ; 164. 
 
 called the man of the people, 
 
 giving up his clubs, &c. ; 165. 
 
 causes of his resignation; 169. 
 
 mentioned ; 188, 237, 240. 
 
 Henry, Duke of Marlborough's friend j 
 15. 
 
544 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Fox — cont. 
 
 Mr. Stephen, opens the motion for the 
 
 address ; 10. 
 Sir Stephen ; 410. 
 
 letter from ; 419. 
 
 Foxhall; 246. 
 Fr., Mr. ; 261, 262. 
 France or French ; passim, 317 to 366. 
 alliance against ; 54. 
 Ambassador in England (1688) ; 452. 
 ambitions of ; 389. 
 army (1671), pay, &c. ; 372. 
 
 a review at Dunkirk ; 373. 
 
 (1704-1708) campaign against 
 
 Prince Eugene and Duke of Marl- 
 borough ; 200, 207 et seq., 331, 340, 
 
 341. 
 (1742-46) decamp before the 
 
 Austrian, unattacked ; 84 . 
 losses at the battle of Dettingen, 
 
 &c. ; 89, 90. 
 in the Netherlands, position ; 
 
 113,117. 
 rumours of successes, &c. ; 150, 
 
 152. 
 
 take Liege, &c; 151, 152. 
 
 attitude in regard to European 
 
 politics ; 68, 69, 72. 
 Bavaria and, troops sent to the aid of 
 
 the Elector ; 78. 
 coinage, intrinsic value, &c. ; 58. 
 commercial greatness of ; 58. 
 concessions necessary to be made to, 
 
 alluded to; 117. 
 Corsica and ; 48. 
 Cardinals at the Conclave at Rome ; 
 
 46, 
 coalition against ; 370. 
 Cologne and, influence over the 
 
 Elector, &c. ; 420. 
 Court of, policy of, relative to the 
 
 affair of Bergh and Juliers ; 18, 
 
 19. 
 , alarmed at the rumour of the 
 
 King of Spain's abdication ; 23. 
 , probable action of, in regard to 
 
 war between England and Spain ; 
 
 24, 29, 32, 34, 35, 51, 56. 
 , negotiations with Spain, pro- 
 bable results ; 28. 
 , views of Spanish policy endea- 
 voured to be spread in ; 67. 
 Chancellor of (see Aguesseau). 
 Charles II. and, money received by 
 
 him from France ; 409. 
 French women about his court ; 
 
 442. 
 danger from too great an army in the 
 
 Empire and near the States ; 19. 
 Dauphin of , marriage ; 153. 
 Dauphineof; 360. 
 unprecedented honour paid her 
 
 by the King; 361. 
 Denmark and, negotiations ; 42. 
 designs against England ; 403. 
 Dutch Republic and, the arbitrary 
 
 and irresistible power of France ; in 
 
 27, 28. 
 
 France or French — cont. 
 
 Dutch negotiations with ; 118, 149. 
 
 East Indies and ; 298. 
 
 emissaries to Holland ; 328. 
 
 the Empire and, France averse to the 
 
 great Duke's wearing the imperial 
 
 crown; 122, 123. 
 English agent in ; 60. 
 English Ambassador in, 1 67 7,earnestly 
 
 pursuing a treaty ; 378, 379. 
 English correspondence with, very 
 
 bad; 367. 
 Envoys of, to go into mourning for 
 
 the Dauphin's death ; 361. 
 Flanders and, success of the French ; 
 
 117, 119, 121. 
 arbitration as to French preten- 
 sions ; 374. 
 fleet; 55. 
 
 forces designed for Munster ; 370. 
 galley laden with Cardinals, capture 
 
 and escape ; 368. 
 gentleman's arrest at Dublin, false 
 
 report ; 43. 
 people going over to England in great 
 
 numbers, thought to be indiscreet ; 
 
 381. 
 her happiness how fo be secured ; 88. 
 Holland and, suspicion of treacherous 
 
 dealings ; 120. 
 declaration against Holland ; 
 
 133. 
 interest of, how defeated ; 408. 
 invasion of England, alarm of; 122, 
 
 123, 124, 126, 138, 139, 295. 
 invasion of Ireland, alarm of ; 162. 
 merchants residing in England, rights, 
 
 &c. ; 311. 
 military policy, discussed ; 1 10. 
 misery of, great; 226, 227. 
 navy in 1736 ; 33. 
 naval and military power of, discussed; 
 
 56, 57, 58, 59. 
 Netherlands and, suggestion of yield- 
 ing the Netherlands ; 126. 
 effect of its conquest by ; 140, 
 
 141, 142, 143. 
 
 French successes ; 146. 
 
 not a party to the treaty of Vienna ; 
 
 18. 
 ordonnance de marine in, under 
 
 Colbert; 378. 
 peace negotiations, or the question of 
 
 peace discussed, &c. ; 116, 121, 
 
 122, 123, 127, 129, 131, 132, 147, 
 
 153, 222-224, 227, 228, 230, 317, 
 
 389, 390, 394. 
 
 plan for a treaty ; 124-126. 
 
 peace signed ; 360. 
 
 people of, attitude of the lower ; 308. 
 Petkum's journey in ; 327. 
 policy discussed ; 66, 119. 
 Protestants, emigration of ; 44. 
 Pretender and Young Pretender and, 
 
 proposed visit of the Pretender's 
 
 son; 46, 61, 82. 
 empty promises to the Pretender; 
 
 48. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 145 
 
 France or French — cont. 
 
 Pretender and Young Pretender, 
 French ministers disclaim know- 
 ledge of the Young Pretender's 
 enterprise ; 92. 
 
 Young Pretender supposed to be 
 
 going to serve in French squadron 
 at Brest; 92. 
 
 invasion of England in favour of 
 
 the Pretender designed, embarka- 
 tion at Dunkirk, &c. ; 92, 93, 94. 
 
 engagements with regard to ; 
 
 124. 
 
 French frigate escorting the 
 
 young Pretender to Scotland, com- 
 bat, &c. ; 130. 
 
 Prussia and, the King endeavours 
 to avoid a defensive alliance ; 41. 
 
 disposition towards Prussian 
 
 pretensions ; 49, 50. 
 
 rumour of the King of Prussia 
 
 making a tour in France ; 53. 
 
 detachment of Prussia from 
 
 France; 135, 136. 
 
 Regent of; 461. 
 
 said to have revealed the Atter- 
 
 bury conspiracy ; 462,513. 
 reported to have taken Cortrick ; 368. 
 repulsed in America, 296. 
 return of French troops to, Queen of 
 
 Hungary's action with regard to ; 
 
 83. 
 revenues and resources of, described 
 
 and discussed ; 56,57. 
 
 care to cultivate ; 388. 
 
 seize British ships ; 456. 
 
 ships, an epidemic among ; 309. 
 
 Spain and, sure test of a treaty signed, 
 
 &c. ; 29, 32. 
 effects of Royal marriages ; 29, 
 
 30, 243. 
 
 prophecy of effect of alliance 
 
 against England ; 54. 
 
 encourage the Swedes to attack 
 
 the Czarina ; 245. 
 
 support of Spain against Eng- 
 land, &c. ; 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 
 253. 
 
 France professes to be neutral ; 
 
 256. 
 
 effect on English and Dutch 
 
 commerce of a French prince in 
 Spain ; 321. 
 
 Franco-Spanish treaty ; 324, 
 
 325. 
 
 supplies from Holland and Sweden ; 
 57. 
 
 threatens war against Duke of Milan ; 
 390. 
 
 trade in the Sound ; 373. 
 
 trading ports, English consuls in, not 
 admitted ; 386 (2). 
 
 treatment of English ships and com- 
 merce by ; 378. 
 
 treaty negotiations with ; 379, 380. 
 
 Venetians and, help promised to ; 362. 
 
 war with, discussed; 42,58, 121, 127, 
 391, 392, 393. 
 
 France or French — cont. 
 
 war with, in support of the Emperor ; 
 
 67. 
 West Indies, jealousy of British con- 
 quest in ; 38. 
 Franchise, the, a scheme for ; 302. 
 Frankfort; 89, 356, 358, 359, 365. 
 an intrigue originating in ; 75. 
 Frankfort, league ; 103. 
 Frankland, Lady Ann ; 39. 
 Franklin : 
 
 Dr., a scheme for paper money ; 1 55. 
 Governor ; 301. 
 Frating; 268, 
 
 Frecheville, Freechevill, Lord; 423, 426. 
 letter to Lord Danby ; 412. 
 a cornfactor as well as a hero ; 305. 
 Frederick I., King of Prussia ; 325, 334, 
 
 339, 344, 348. 
 threatens to recall his troops ; 232. 
 Frederick William I., King of Prussia : 
 
 3, 5, 19, 25, 30. 
 opinion of the Walpoles ; 2. 
 compliments and overtures from ; 
 
 23. 
 ratification of an agreement by, from 
 
 fear; 33. 
 illness; 41, 42 (2), 43 (2), 47. 
 value of an understanding with, &c. ; 
 
 49. 
 Frederick II. (the Great), " Antimac " : 
 inclination towards an alliance with 
 
 England; 53 (2), 54. 
 character, verses on Liberty, &c. ; 
 
 54 (2), 55, 56, 78. 
 policy as Elector of Brandenburgh ; 
 
 49, 50. 
 claim to Ostf rise discussed ; 50. 
 report of his death, &c. ; 61 (3). 
 his plans and projects, &c. ; 62, 63, 
 
 64, 66, 69, 70. 
 march into Silesia ; 64, 65, 69. 
 his influence in European affairs dis- 
 cussed ; 73. 
 a neutrality with, for the sake of 
 
 Hanover, discussed ; 76. 
 his answer to Lord Hyndford ; 78. 
 his saying about the Saxons in his 
 
 army ; 83. 
 attention to Voltaire ; 90. 
 a name given to, his position, &c; 
 
 113. 
 French jealousy of; 116. 
 a secret agreement with, suggested j 
 
 117, 118, 119, 124. 
 a representation on the affairs of; 
 
 127. 
 the " devil and all " in Saxony ; 128. 
 negotiation with the Court of Vienna ; 
 
 129. 
 effect of neutrality of ; 131. 
 differences with, their effect ; 132. 
 reasons for an alliance with the Mari- 
 
 tine Powers; 140, 141. 
 necessity for his assistance ; 142. 
 his policy discussed ; 143. 
 incurable jealousy of Austria ; 145. 
 treaty of England with ; 295, 296. 
 
54G 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Freeman : 
 
 Anne, of Shipley ; 275. 
 
 Richard, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Freeman's Journal, the; 158. 
 Free-trade, opinion as to ; 303. 
 Fremyngton; 269. 
 French : 
 
 Mr., returned M.P. for Milburn 
 Port; 509. 
 
 John; 271. 
 Freston, vicarage of; 269. 
 Fretin, letter dated at ; 221. 
 Freynssh : 
 
 Jane; 271. 
 
 John, of Sandwich; 271. 
 
 William; 271. 
 Fribourg, capture of ; 390. 
 Frisk, Mr. ; 456. 
 
 Fromanteel, Solomon, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Frost, a severe, in London ; 38. 
 Funds, the, the reduction of the interest 
 
 to 3 per cent, discussed ; 6, 7, 8. 
 Furly, John, of Colchester ; 275 (2). 
 Furnes ; 345. 
 
 Furnesse, Mr., a notable Whig ; 204. 
 Furniture, prices of ; 278. 
 
 0. 
 
 Gage : 
 
 Genl.; 306. 
 
 Eliz. ; 275. 
 
 Henry, of Bently ; 275. 
 
 Sir John, of Firle, Bart. ; 275. 
 
 Joseph, Esq. ; 275. 
 
 Dame Mary ; 275. 
 Gale, Mr. ; 294. 
 Gallasch; 357. 
 
 Galloway, Lord, well beaten ; 222. 
 Gal way, Lord, 211. 
 
 Game laws, proceedings in House of Com- 
 mons; 315. 
 Garter Tavern near Charing Cross ; 436. 
 Garway, Henry ; 275. 
 Gascoigne (Gascoyne, Gascoign) : 
 
 Sir Bernard ; 287, 288. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke, surrendered to the 
 Parliamentary forces ; 290. 
 
 Mr.; 313, 315. 
 Gatton, member for ; 476, 494. 
 Gavere on the Scheldt ; 218. 
 Gaylands affairs in Africa ; 368. 
 Gazette, the, false news printed in ; 368. 
 Gazettes ; 326, 338, 347. 
 Gazette d' Amsterdam, a paragraph in, 
 
 objected to ; 8. 
 Gazettes of Cologne, &c, the ; 38. 
 Gazetteers, the Dutch ; 343. 
 Genap; 204. 
 " General Union *' formidable to France ; 
 
 370. 
 Geneva ; 358. 
 
 Genoa : 
 
 Court of, and Corsica ; 4. 
 The Pretender's son at; 92. 
 
 Due d'Uceda in ; 362. 
 
 the Republic of, lesson to the Dutch 
 of the catastrophe of ; 151. 
 Genoese : 
 
 envoy ; 322, 362. 
 
 envoys sent to recognise the Emperor 
 as King of Spain ; 363. 
 
 will buy their protection ; 152. 
 " Gentleman " used as a name for a valet ; 
 
 242. 
 George I., King : 
 
 oaths, taken to ; 464. 
 
 family divisions, their effects ; 509. 
 
 his private wife, &c. ; 515. 
 
 his reply to Lady Bolingbroke ; 516. 
 
 death; 517. 
 George II., King (" The King ") : 
 
 idea of a convention to prevent 
 outrages ; 1 . 
 
 driven back by a storm to Helvoet 
 Slays; 3. 
 
 birthday kept in Hanover; 3. 
 
 and Prince of Wales, proceedings in 
 Parliament, &c, relative to the 
 affair between; 4, 5. 
 
 , attempt towards a reconcilia- 
 tion ; 80, 81. 
 
 disposition towards the King of Prus- 
 sia and his projects ; 3, 5, 49, 63, 
 64, 66, 67. 
 
 a dry and short answer to a request ; 
 9. 
 
 influence of his conduct as Elector 
 upon English affairs ; 11. 
 
 relations with the Duke of Marl- 
 borough ; 15. 
 
 concern about Sir R. Walpole's 
 illness ; 23. 
 
 a projected visit to Hanover pre- 
 vented; 28. 
 
 of opinion that a war with Spain was 
 inevitable; 32. 
 
 his reception of the letter from the 
 States of Holland on Walpole's 
 recall ; 35. 
 
 control of military promotions ; 40, 
 53. 
 
 has thoughts of going abroad ; 43, 46. 
 
 effects of his journeys to Hanover ; 
 46, 47, 83, 124, 238. 
 
 in better humour in Hanover ; 48, 51. 
 
 will do nothing with the King of 
 Prussia ; 55. 
 
 anger at the mention of Saurin's 
 name ; 61. 
 
 about to visit Holland ; 71. 
 
 likely to be forced into a neutrality 
 as Elector of Hanover ; 75, 78. 
 
 with the army at Dettinge'n, &c. ; 88, 
 89. 
 
 policy of keeping the Elector an 
 Englishman to be pursued ; 82. 
 
 effect of the prevalency of his Elec- 
 toral bias on the Dutch Republic 
 detailed ; 95, 96. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 547 
 
 George II., King (" The King ") — cont. 
 at last prevailed upon to open himself 
 
 without reserve ; 97. 
 expectation that he will go abroad ; 
 
 98. 
 difficulties arising out of his being 
 
 also Elector of Hanover discussed ; 
 
 104, 106. 
 his policy as surmised at the Hague ; 
 
 142. 
 state of his health ; 154. 
 grief at death of the Queen ; 237, 
 
 238. 
 mentioned ; 245. 
 messages to House of Commons ; 245, 
 
 246. 
 parliamentary provision for younger 
 
 children of ; 246. 
 political partiality ; 518. 
 hearing on hearing of defeat of his 
 
 troops at Preston ; 523. 
 George III,, King: 
 
 his state of mind ; 195, 196, 197. 
 civil list, marriage, &c. ; 296, 297. 
 annals of the reign " will be read with 
 
 wonder " ; 299. 
 good nature, plundered in the first 
 
 year of his reign, &c. ; 303. 
 George, Dr. ; 210. 
 
 Geraldino, Monsieur, Spanish envoy ; 241. 
 the nature of his instructions sur- 
 mised; 15. 
 delivers the Spanish auswer on the 
 
 W. Indian question; 21. 
 convention on the point of being 
 
 signed ; 22. 
 mentioned in connexion with the 
 
 negotiations between England and 
 
 Spain ; 31, 32. 
 pamphlets written at instigation of ; 37. 
 German : 
 
 army in Italy, the ; 208, 209. 
 princes on the Khine, military action ; 
 
 86. 
 Germanic Body, the, government of ; 71. 
 Germans : 
 
 at the battle of Blenheim ; 201. 
 friends of the King ; 465. 
 Germany ; 330, 339, 361. 
 
 reinforcements from ; 226. 
 exportation of British linen to ; 296. 
 a campaign in, proposed ; 323. 
 Swedish provinces in, alarm as to; 
 
 355. 
 Princes of, an envoye to circulate 
 
 amongst, suggested; 386. 
 peace of, fallen into worse terms ; 
 
 399. 
 affairs of, studied by Lord Carteret ; 
 
 472. 
 Gerrard, Sir Gilbert ; 482. 
 Gertruydenberg ; 231, 349, 350, 351, 365. 
 Gertruydenberg scheme ; 359. 
 Ghent; 99, 117,214, 215,220, 221,236, 
 
 330-333, 335, 338. 
 military operations near ; 102. 
 surprised, surrendered, &c. ; 217, 218, 
 
 219. 
 
 o 77960. 
 
 Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 
 Empire ; 309. 
 Gibbons : 
 
 Mary; 275. 
 Thomas; 275. 
 Gibraltar; 57, 75, 127, 321, 323, 361. 
 
 demand for restitution of, anticipated ; 
 
 28. 
 British fleet ordered to stop at, effect 
 
 of the news in Spain, &c. ; 29, 32. 
 Spanish prize carried into ; 35. 
 Gibson: 
 
 Mr., a trustee of the Onslow estate ; 
 
 500. 
 one, obstructs the Westminster elec- 
 tion ; 313. 
 Giffard, John ; 274. 
 Giffins, Mr., opponent of Lord Danby at 
 
 Court; 377. 
 Gigery; 369. 
 Gilford, Lord ; 425. 
 Gilyngham Manor ; 269. 
 Gin Act, the, feeling in regard to ; 2, 3. 
 Ginckel, Ginkel, General ; 2, 47, 72, 104. 
 Gioe, Monsieur ; 395. 
 Gironne (Gerone, Girone, Geronaj ; 209, 
 
 211, 355. 
 Glasgow trade to Virginia ; 308. 
 Glashy, destruction of ; 296. 
 Glemham, Lady ; 279. 
 Glogau, the key of Silesia ; 111. 
 Gloucester : 
 
 Bishop of, and Prince of Wales ; 294. 
 
 a pamphlet against ; 297. 
 
 Humfrey Duke of; 270. 
 Glyn, Serjeant; 316. 
 Goddard : 
 
 the Abbe, an Irishman formerly inter- 
 nuncio at Brussels, his indiscretion ; 
 94, 95. 
 Thomas, of St. Philips, Barbados; 
 273. 
 Godfreys, the ; 418. 
 Godolphin : 
 
 opponent of Lord Danby at Court ; 
 
 377. 
 Lord; 452, 488, 492,510. 
 Sir William; 437. 
 Mr. ; 259, 397. 
 Godwyn, Rev. C, B.D., letters from ; 294, 
 
 296, 297. 
 Goes, M. ; 359. 
 Gohrde, letter dated at ; 3. 
 Golden Bull, the ; 71. 
 Golden Fleece, the, order conferred on 
 
 D'Arpajon ; 363. 
 Golding : 
 
 George, of London ; 276. 
 Nich., and wife ; 275. 
 Golowkyn, Goloffkin, Count, state prisoner 
 
 in Russia ; 43, 80. 
 Gonzaga, the house of, a daughter of- 
 
 364. 
 Gooch, Dr., bishop of Norwich ; 242. 
 Goodricke, Sir Henry, envoy at Madrid 
 
 letters to ; 414, 437. 
 Goodwood family, the ; 251. 
 Goodyer, Jane, of Horsham ; 275. 
 
 N N 
 
548 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Gorcum ; 111. 
 
 Goree, the hearing of ; 4. 
 
 Goring, Lord (siege of Colchester) ; 281- 
 
 290. 
 Gothenburg, Governor of; 374. 
 Gothland, Island of ; 371. 
 Gotter, M. ; 65. 
 Gottorp : 
 
 court of; 320. 
 difficulties about ; 323. 
 claims of ; 324. 
 Gouraud, John, letter from ; 77. 
 Government funds, reduction of interest 
 
 from four to three per cent. ; 6, 7, 8. 
 Gower : 
 
 Dr. ; 307. 
 
 (Gore), Lord; 141. 
 Grace, the Act of; 313. 
 
 its origin ; 316. 
 Graeme, Col. William, Dutch Army, 
 
 letters from; 99, 116. 
 Grafton : 
 
 Duchess of, at Bath ; 306. 
 Duke of; 141. 
 
 his influence over Cambridge 
 
 University ; 308. 
 
 challenged ; 160. 
 
 ministry, its feebleness ; 304. 
 Graham, Judge, run away; 451. 
 Graham's regiment, losses in an engage- 
 ment in Flanders ; 152. 
 Gramis, letter dated at ; 215. 
 Grammont : 
 
 letter dated; 116. 
 Marechal de ; 387. 
 Granby, Lord ; 299. 
 Grand Duke, the : 
 
 has said downright hard things ; 82. 
 head of Lorraine, and the Imperial 
 Crown; 122, 123, 124, 131. 
 Grand Prior, the ; 207. 
 Grantham, great feast at ; 436. 
 Granville, Lord ; 148. 
 
 the removal of ; 108, 109. 
 his policy characterised ; 109. 
 seals of Secretary of State given to ; 
 141. 
 Grattan, Henry : 
 
 claims of the Irish parliament, &c. ; 
 
 166, 170. 
 letter to Pery ; 175. 
 quarrel with Flood ; 181. 
 letter to Pery on resignation of 
 Speakership ; 190. 
 Gravesend ; 4. 
 
 the King gone for ; 47. 
 terrified by the Dutch; 367. 
 Parliamentary forces at ; 282. 
 Gray, Charles : 
 
 correspondence of; 291. 
 
 suffering from strain of the Session ; 
 
 304. 
 his bill for issuing writs ; 306. 
 his parliamentary connexion with 
 
 Colchester; 306. 
 his MSS. on Strabo ; 30S. 
 parliamentary note book ; 309-317. 
 Grayhams, Sir Richard, 427. 
 
 Great Fakenham ; 269. 
 
 Greek priests from Athens visit England: 
 
 44. 
 Green, Thomas, Bishop of Ely, death ; 
 
 241. 
 Greenwich, Parliamentary army passed the 
 
 Thames at; 281. 
 Greffier : 
 
 "the worthy old" or "good old"; 
 
 103, 110. 
 policy of ; 136. 
 Grenville : 
 
 Mr.; 174,316. 
 
 and ecclesiastical appointments ; 
 
 297. 
 
 a bill of, of good service ; 306. 
 
 young Mr. ; 306. 
 Grey of Werke, Lord ; 426, 430. 
 Grey, Mr., at the battle of Blenheim ; 200, 
 Griffin, Lord ; 456. 
 
 Grimsthorpe, letter dated at ; 384, 419. 
 Grimston : 
 
 Sir Harbottle ; 421, 482. 
 fa mil}' correspondence of ; 273. 
 Grimston's House ; 286. 
 Groenendale ; 205. 
 Gromkow, M., the late ; 32. 
 Guards, the, vacancies in, how filled up ;. 
 
 53. 
 Guelders, trouble in ; 324, 325. 
 Gueldre, proceedings of the Prus sians in ; 
 
 1. 
 Guildown, a hill near Guildford ; 487. 
 Guildford ; 476. 
 
 free school of; 497. 
 
 the Friary near ; 489. 
 
 Mayors of, presented with a gold 
 
 chain ; 485. 
 Park; 486. 
 
 members for ; 482, 483, 484, 487. 
 Town Book of; 483. 
 Guilleragues, Monsieur de, French Am- 
 bassador to Constantinople ; 392. 
 Gunpowder manufacture ; 374. 
 Guoinces, Mustp. ; 191. 
 Gurdon, Mrs. ; 259. 
 Gurney, John, of Norwich, letter from: 
 
 48. 
 Gutterige, Mr. ; 447. 
 Guy, Mr. ; 440. 
 Guybon, Mr. ; 81. 
 Gwyn, Nell ; 387. 
 Gybbon, Phillips, Esq., member for Rye 
 
 in Sussex ; 520. 
 Gyllemburgh, Count ; 43. 
 Gynges Joybert (Butsbury) ; 268. 
 
 H. 
 
 Habeas Corpus bill in Ireland ; 157. 
 Haddock, Admiral, his squadron ; 35. 
 order to seize Spanish ships, &c: 
 240. 
 Hadlow, manor of, Kent ; 272. 
 Hagley ; 265. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 Hague, the ; 208, 343. 
 
 political proceedings at ; 78. 
 English negotiations at, not success- 
 ful ; 84. 
 sentiments entertained at ; 136, 142. 
 a victorious army within 12 leagues 
 
 of; 146. 
 politics at the ; 248. 
 unreliability of letters from, in the 
 
 public prints ; 250. 
 place of meeting for peace negotia- 
 tions ; 364. 
 letters dated at ; 121, 209, 222, 223, 
 320, 321-326, 328-339, 341, 345- 
 359, 399. 
 Haguenau, reported taking of ; 208. 
 Haine, River ; 221, 228. 
 Haines, taken ; 435. 
 Haland; 212, 215. 
 Haldane, Mr., petitioner in the Bridport 
 
 petition ; 314. 
 Hale, Sir Matthew : 
 
 a story about his appointment as 
 
 judge ; 479. 
 description of ; 480. 
 an observation of ; 500. 
 Hales, Sir Edward ; 451, 454. 
 
 his case ; 451. 
 Halesworth; 268. 
 Halifax : 
 
 Marquess of ; 426, 427, 428, 429, 
 430,431. 
 
 great with Lord Conway ; 435. 
 
 and Lord Danby ; 439. 
 
 and King James II. ; 448. 
 
 part taken by, in 1688 ; 452, 
 
 455, 456. 
 3rd Earl; 493. 
 4th Earl, death of; 246. 
 5th Earl, speaks in the House of 
 Lords; 247. 
 Hall, Mr. ; 419. 
 Ham ; 455. 
 
 Hamburg ; 130, 326, 334, 350. 
 Hamilton : 
 
 Baron, in a scrape at Limerick ; 194. 
 
 Duke of ; 290. 
 
 Lady ; 390. 
 
 Lord Archibald ; 141. 
 
 , his lady the great governess at 
 
 Norfolk House ; 239. 
 Sackville, under Secretary, Civil 
 Department, Ireland, letters to 
 Pery; 165,194, 199. 
 William Gerard, Chancellor of the 
 
 Exchequer in Ireland ; 160. 
 Mr., writings by, character, &c. ; 12. 
 — , can do no great harm with the 
 youth at Leyden ; 13. 
 Hamilton's dragoons at the battle of 
 
 Falkirk; 139. 
 Hamon, seal of ; 268. 
 Hampden, Mr. ; 401, 441. 
 Hampshire, manors in ; 269. 
 Hampton Court ; 434,435. 
 Hanau ; 88. 
 
 letters dated at ; 89, 90. 
 Handel, " Mr. " ; 237. 
 
 Hands, Rigeley ; 448. 
 
 Hanmer, Sir John, Lieut.-Colonel ; 449, 
 
 450. 
 Hannequhi, or Hennequin ; 336, 337, 352. 
 Hanover; 209. 
 
 letters dated at; 2, 3, 126. 128. 
 in opposition to Brandenburg ; 41. 
 the King at, in better humour ; 48. 
 position in regard to European poli- 
 tics ; 51, 76, 119. 
 intrigues among the women at ; 54. 
 reciprocity demanded from ; 68. 
 a certain overture made to ; 116. 
 Champigny's epistle sent to ; 121. 
 the King's loitering in, its effect at 
 
 the Hague ; 124. 
 Duke of; 325. 
 
 Elector of, difficulties arising out of 
 the King of England being also ; 
 11 (2), 18, 43, 82, 95, 96, 97, 100, 
 104, 106, 107. 
 
 the King visiting, mischievous 
 
 consequences anticipated ; 28, 
 43,46, 47. 
 (a certain elector) his uncon- 
 cern; 136. 
 
 mentioned ; 330, 344. 
 
 memorandum from the envoy 
 
 of; 359. 
 Electoral ministers, a mysterious pro- 
 ceeding about a sort of neutrality ; 
 78. 
 House of; 329. 
 Prussian minister at ; 53. 
 Hanover forces, case of the, a pamphlet ; 
 
 87. 
 " Hanoverian creed," the, characterised ; 
 
 113. 
 Hanoverian Ministers ; 472. 
 Hanoverian point of view ; 121. 
 Hanoverian troops ; 84, 326. 
 pass the Rhine ; 86. 
 number in British pay, &c. ; 94. 
 in the Netherlands, their independ- 
 ence, &c. ; 95. 
 question of retaining them in the 
 
 pay of Great Britain ; 110. 
 under General Somersfeldt ; 136. 
 Hanoverians, the ; 145. 
 
 animosity of English and Dutch 
 against ; 91, 96. 
 Hanse towns, an envoye to circulate 
 
 amongst, suggested ; 386. 
 Han way, Jonas, letter from ; 301. 
 Harbord : 
 
 Sir H. ; 266. 
 William; 448. 
 Harcourt, our new Counsellor; 234. 
 Hardinge : 
 
 Mr., of Knowle in Surrey ; 474. 
 Katherine ; 474. 
 Hardman, Mr. ; 314. 
 
 Hardwicke, Lord, Lord Chancellor ; 129, 
 141, 248. 
 supports the Duke of Newcastle ; 13. 
 speech on liberty of the press, men- 
 tioned ; 243. 
 
 N N 2 
 
550 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hardwieke, Lord — cont. 
 
 speech in the Spanish Convention; 
 
 247. 
 letter from; 305. 
 Hardy, Sir Charles, destruction of Glasby 
 
 by; 296. 
 Hare : 
 
 Theodore J., manuscripts of; 200 et 
 
 seq. 
 Francis, Chaplain with the Duke of 
 Marlborough's forces, letters from ; 
 200-209, 211, 234. 
 
 Dean of Worcester, letter to ; 
 
 234. 
 
 recommended to be usher of 
 
 the Exchequer ; 234. 
 
 Bishop of Chichester, letters 
 
 from; 235-257. 
 
 tour to see some fine seats ; 240. 
 
 purchase of estate at Burgh- 
 field ; 240. 
 
 advice as to medical treatment ; 
 
 241. 
 
 ramble to Southampton, &c. ; 
 
 251. 
 
 illness and death ; 257, 258, 
 
 259. 
 
 children buried at St. Paul's, 
 
 removed ; 259. 
 
 Mrs., at Lewes Races ; 236. 
 
 (Mary Alston), widow of Bishop 
 
 Hare, letters from ; 257-262. 
 — — allusion to her daughter ; 281. 
 Miss, a pretty picture of ; 239. 
 Hare or Naylor : 
 Nancy; 260. 
 eldest Miss ; 260. 
 Harecourt, Richard ; 271. 
 Hargraves, Dr. ; 251. 
 Harle, M. de, French Protestant going on 
 a mission of enquiry to Virginia, letter 
 from ; 44. 
 Harlestone, William ; 271. 
 Harley. See Oxford, Earl of. 
 Harlow : 
 
 hundred of ; 272. 
 muster of militia at ; 281. 
 Harrington, Lord ; 5, 13, 28, 34, 40, 41, 
 43, 62, 66, 69, 71, 72, 78, 79, 95, 
 108, 110, 113, 119, 129, 133, 146, 
 147, 294. 
 letter from ; 43. 
 in favour with the King, &c. ; 51, 
 
 53. 
 at Hanover ; 54. 
 
 his character, &c. discussed ; 55, 79. 
 had learnt complaisance in Hanover ; 
 
 68. 
 Lord President of the Council; 81. 
 removed ; 82. 
 representation on the affairs of the 
 
 K. of Prussia alluded to ; 127. 
 Secretary of State, resignation of 
 
 office; 141. 
 appointment to Ireland doubtful ; 153, 
 154. 
 Harrogate : 
 
 letter dated at; 260. 
 
 Harrogate — cont. 
 
 " Queen's Head " at, dancing at 
 260. 
 
 " Salutation " at ; 260. 
 
 gaieties at; 260, 261. 
 Hart : 
 
 Anne, of Harting ; 275. 
 
 Edward, of Horsham ; 275. 
 
 Jane, of Horsham ; 275. 
 Harting ; 275. 
 
 Hartington, Marquis of ; 491. 
 Harvey : 
 
 Mr., returned M.P. for Milburn Port ; 
 309. 
 
 Lady; 39. 
 
 W.; 314. 
 Harwich; 284. 
 
 Haslemere, member for; 476, 494, 496. 
 Hasuon Abbey ; 226. 
 Hastings, Lady Elizabeth, of Ladstone, 
 
 character ; 495. 
 Hastnett, — , baker, father of the Arch- 
 bishop of York ; 277. 
 Hatfield in Hertfordshire, parsonage of; 
 
 473. 
 Hatton, Lord; 417, 425, 426, 427. 
 Haunselin : 
 
 fief; 268. 
 
 Ralf; 268. 
 Hautefeuille, Monsieur de, General of 
 
 Dragoons ; 201. 
 Havannah, the ; 255. 
 Havens : 
 
 Henry, of Colchester ; 275. 
 
 William, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Hawkesbury, Lord (R. B. Jenkinson), 
 
 correspondence with Pery ; 197, 198. 
 Hawley : 
 
 General ; 144. 
 
 letter from ; 134. 
 Hay, Lord J. ; 202. 
 Hayes, Mr., Vagrant Bill; 247. 
 Hay ley, Dean; 251. 
 Headley, Martin, business about the Leeds 
 
 Corporation; 445. 
 Heath, Sir Robert, Attorney-General ; 
 
 476. 
 Hebrew MSS., search for ; 296. 
 Hedin; 232. 
 
 Hedingham Castle, re-purchase of ; 277. 
 Heelyberge; 205. 
 Heinsius ; 
 
 Grand Pensionary of the Netherlands, 
 passim between pp. 320-358. 
 
 illness; 326. 
 
 letter to ; 347. 
 Helchin : 
 
 letter dated at; 212. 
 
 mentioned; 215, 222. 
 Helvetius, movements of, &c. ; 326, 334. 
 Helvoet, packet boat at ; 134. 
 Helvoet Sluys ; 357, 
 
 letter dated at ; 3, 4. 
 Hemenhale, Sir Ralf de ; 269. 
 Henkelom, Lieut.-General ; 204. 
 Henry the Second, afforests the county of 
 
 Surrey ; 486, 487. 
 Henyngham, Sir John ; 270. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 Herbert : 
 
 Mr. " son " of Lord Danby, his 
 
 political associations; 446, 457. 
 Sir Edward, Solicitor General ; 476. 
 Lord Chief Justice, flight, &c. ; 451. 
 Hereford; 300. 
 
 Herenden, Joseph, of Morcott; 275. 
 Herenthals, letter dated at ; 208. 
 Herfelingen, letter dated at ; 218. 
 Heron, Sir Richard, visit to London ; 157. 
 
 letter to ; 158. 
 Herring Fishery, or trade; 325, 373. 
 Herts, manors in ; 269. 
 Hervart ; 357. 
 Hervey, Lord ; 240, 247. 
 Hespen; 202. 
 Hesse Cassel ; 67. 
 Hesse, Prince or Landgrave of; 219, 228, 
 
 230, 321, 325, 344, 349. 
 Hessian troops : 
 
 in the British service ; 66, 68, 72, 84, 
 
 88, 94, 137. 
 Deputy paymaster for ; 73. 
 aid required to suppress the Scotch 
 rebellion; 138, 140. 
 Hessians, the (Princess Mary's marriage) ; 
 
 45. 
 Heveningham, John, armorial seal of; 
 
 270. 
 Hie Lemnum, the, question of laying 
 
 aside ; 45. 
 Highlanders in the King's army, ill- 
 behaviour of; 144. 
 Highwaymen ; 423. 
 Hill; 355. 
 
 Hilyard, Mrs., wife of mayor of West- 
 bury ; 310. 
 Hind Head's Br. mountain, Northumber- 
 land ; 262. 
 Hine, Mrs. ; 8. 
 Hobart : 
 
 Lord; 9!. 
 H. ; 156. 
 
 Sir Henry, Attorney General ; 475(n), 
 476. 
 Hocheyn; 211. 
 Hochst : 
 
 letter dated at ; 87. 
 French advance upon ; 89. 
 retaken ; 89. 
 Hochstadt : 
 
 letter dated at ; 200. 
 battle of, effect on France, &c. ; 317, 
 490. 
 Hoghton, Sir H.; 316. 
 Holand, Thomas, Earl of Kent ; 270. 
 Holden, Judge ; 433. 
 Holkham ; 263, 265. 
 
 Holland (Dutch Republic, States of Hol- 
 land, &c.) : 
 
 a spy's correspondence to come 
 
 through; 20, 21, 22. 
 alliance with Engiand ; 25. 
 give evidence of spirit and vigour ; 
 
 66. 
 sentiment in, with regard to French 
 
 designs on the Netherlands ; 28. 
 opinion in, affects English policy ; 35. 
 
 Holland, &c. — cont. 
 
 friends of England in ; 37, 80. 
 
 jealous of British extension in 
 America ; 38. 
 
 cannot stir without aid ; 54. 
 
 a scheme for getting sailors and ships 
 from ; 55, 59. 
 
 desire to send money in aid of 
 England; 56. 
 
 situation of affairs in ; 60. 
 
 a vigorous effort of the States of ; 63, 
 64. 
 
 attitude in regard to European 
 politics ; 65, 68, 70, 72, 75, 76, 86. 
 
 sour humour in ; 96. 
 
 effect of 30 years' peace upon ; 105. 
 
 policy urged upon; 108, 109. 
 
 state of feeling and condition of affairs 
 in, described ; 1 26, 135, 136, 143, 192. 
 
 peace with, talked of; 164. 
 
 mentioned in the Petkum corre- 
 spondence in connexion with the 
 negotiations for peace ; 320-359. 
 
 exultation in, over successes against 
 England; 367, 369. 
 
 artichokes from ; 47, 48. 
 
 British Ambassador in, exemption to ; 
 
 35. 
 letter on the recall of Horatio 
 
 Walpole; 35. 
 
 Lord Chesterfield ; 472. 
 
 British policy with regard to, dis- 
 cussed; 97, 98, 100, 101, 103-8. 
 British difficulties in ; 100. 
 British mission to ; 149. 
 debt of the province of ; 314. 
 the Emperor and the Porte ; 11. 
 
 proposed treaty ; 393. 
 
 and the people of Emden ; 18. 
 
 English alliance with ; 394. 
 
 French declaration against ; 133. 
 
 French party in ; 120, 144. 
 
 Greek priests visit ; 44. 
 
 Greffier of; 78. 
 
 justice of, very rigid ; 31. 
 
 marriage of an Englishman in, legal 
 
 formalities ; 85. 
 naval and military strength ; 105. 
 packet boats ; 255, 276. 
 late Pensionary of, influence in affairs 
 
 of Europe ; 19. 
 Pensionary of; 18, 78, 113. 
 
 peevish questions of ; 3. 
 
 a paper on the Sinkiug Fund 
 
 for the perusal of ; 16. 
 political negotiations, views, 
 
 policy, &c. ; 97, 101,103-106, 108, 
 
 109, 117, 119-122, 129, 131, 136, 
 
 140, 143. 
 interposition in the quarrel of 
 
 the D. of Cumberland and Prince 
 
 Waldeck; 115, 116. 
 
 his heart near broken ; 143. 
 
 letter of, quoted ; 146. 
 
 political pamphlet sent to be printed 
 
 in; 68. 
 powder obtained from ; 62. 
 
552 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Holland, &c. — cont. 
 
 Princess Augusta's transit through ; 
 2. 
 
 printing trade in ; 185. 
 
 Professors of, their opinion on the 
 succession of Ostfrise ; 50. 
 
 troops kept up by the States after the 
 peace of Utrecht, &c, questions 
 and reply as to ; 134. 
 Holland : 
 
 Earl of; 288, 477. 
 
 Lord (Henry Fox), " that wretched 
 man" ; 521. 
 Hollanders, the, unnecessary alarm with 
 regard to the English Funds on the part 
 of; 6, 16. 
 Holler, Mrs. Mary; 275. 
 Holies : 
 
 Denzil; 482, 495. 
 
 Sir Fretchevill ; 370. 
 Holloway, Judge, his action as to Lord 
 
 Danby's release ; 439, 440. 
 Holman. W., son of ; 291. 
 Holmes, — , at Oxford, removal impracti- 
 cable ; 10. 
 Holser : 205. 
 Holstein : 
 
 difficulties with Denmark ; 323, 324, 
 353. 
 
 Prince of, his bad fortune ; 295. 
 Holt, Lord Chief Justice ; 496, 514. 
 Holton (Suffolk) ; 268. 
 Holyhead; 263. 
 Hompesch, Mons. ; 204, 224. 
 Honnywood, Sir The s., with the Eoyalist 
 
 force near Colchester ; 282. 
 Honyrcood, Col. ; 354. 
 Hooghly Biver ; 305. 
 Hooknorton, manor of, Oxon ; 272. 
 Hop, Mr.; 47, 78, 110. 
 
 a conversation with ; 19. 
 
 served as interpreter; 98, 101. 
 Hope, the, Dutch Squadron at ; 367. 
 Hopital d'Orchies, letter dated at ; 227. 
 Hopkins,—; 204. 
 Hornburg ; 42. 
 Horndon on the Hill, Parliamentary force 
 
 at; 282. 
 Home, — ; 304. 
 
 Horse Guards, Parliamentary ; 288. 
 Horseheath, letter dated at ; 417. 
 Horses; 3, 7^280. 
 Horsham ; 275. 
 Horsley; 249. 
 
 Horton, letter dated at ; 415. 
 Hotham : 
 
 Beaumont ; 306. 
 
 " Young," who was beheaded ; 488. 
 Hotham's convoy ; 162. 
 Houdain; 233. 
 Houghton; 242. 
 
 letter dated at ; 53. 
 Houghton, Lord, and the Prince of Orange; 
 
 449, 450. 
 H oward : 
 
 Henry, of Norfolk ; 483. 
 
 Sir Eobert ; 387. 
 
 of Escrick, Lord ; 426, 430, 435. 
 
 Howe, Lord : 
 
 to command the fleet ; 164. 
 
 in America ; 308, 309. 
 Huchendene ; 268. 
 Hudibras, George Withers mentioned in ; 
 
 477. 
 Hull: 
 
 trade with Sweden ; 374. 
 
 seized for Prince of Orange ; &c. ; 
 449, 450, 451. 
 Hulpen ; 204, 205. 
 Hulse : 
 
 Dr.; 241. 
 
 Sir E. ; 258. 
 Hungarian horses, a present to K. Charles 
 
 II. ; 376. 
 Hungarian mediation, the ; 204. 
 Hungarians, the ; 323, 354. 
 
 surprised at Elbogen ; 84. 
 Hungary ; 352. 
 
 malcontents beaten in ; 220. 
 
 Queen of, see Maria Theresa. 
 Huntingdon : 
 
 Countess of, mother of; 495. 
 
 Earl of ; 456. 
 
 character and death ; 495. 
 
 Hurmulhein ; 40. 
 Hurstmonceux ; 219. 
 
 letter dated at ; 235. 
 
 great expense of keeping the place up, 
 &c. ; 257. 
 
 rumour of sale of ; 263, 264. 
 
 Buck's vieAv of; 264. 
 Huske, Brigadier or General ; 86, 144. 
 Hutchinson, John Hely, provost of T.C.D. ; 
 
 159. 
 Huxelles, Marechald'; 348, 349, 356, 
 359, 360, 365, 366. 
 
 letter from ; 366. 
 Huy, rumour of capture of; 150. 
 Hyde : 
 
 Lord; 435. 
 
 his allowance from the Lord 
 
 Treasurer ; 376. 
 
 Mr. ; 401, 423. 
 Hyndford, Lord ; 72, 78, 82, 96. 
 
 letter from Berlin ; 90. 
 Hythe (Hith) ; 284, 287, 288, 239. 
 
 Impeachment ; 431, 434. 
 Imperial : 
 
 Army; 207, 325, 326. 
 
 Court put a slight upon England and 
 
 Holland; 11. 
 dignity restored to House of Austria ; 
 
 141. 
 envoy, the ; 348, 349, 350. 
 horse at the battle of Blenheim ; 201. 
 troops defeated by Turks ; 250. 
 Imperialists, the ; 341. 
 India, map of British possessions in, 
 alluded to ; 305. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 Indies, the ; 320, 322, 323, 325-332, 335, 
 
 336, 349, 350, 351, 353, 355, 356. 
 Indies, Spanish ; 344, 345. 
 Infant Bill, an; 301. 
 Influenza, the ; 308. 
 Inglis, Sir David, consul at Bordeaux ; 
 
 386. 
 Inn charges ; 261. 
 Insurance Bill ; 311. 
 Intelligence from abroad, an agent for ; 
 
 38, 39. 
 Interest of Great Britain steadily pursued, 
 
 a pamphlet by Horatio Walpole ; 87. 
 Interesses, farmers of the revenue in 
 
 France ; 384. 
 Inverness; 145. 
 
 letter dated at ; 264. 
 Ireland : 
 
 Admiralty Court in, establishment of ; 
 
 178, 179, 183. 
 alarm of French invasion of ; 162. 
 at the eve of being free ; 164. 
 beer tax in ; 186. 
 
 bill for permitting 5,000 men to be 
 removed from, a desperate measure ; 
 170. 
 bishoprics in, disposition of ; 161. 
 ■ commercial arrangements with Great 
 Britain, resolutions proposed; 185, 
 186, 187. 
 Commissions of excise and customs 
 
 in; 158, 159. 
 corn regulations, &c. ; 197, 198, 199. 
 defence of ; 169. 
 delicate state of ; 179. 
 delegates from ; 197. 
 dependency of, discussed; 167, 168. 
 designs of France wilh regard to ; 
 
 403. 
 East India and China trade with ; 
 
 178, 185, 186. 
 English views as to political questions 
 
 in; 164. 
 good humour prevailing in ; 163. 
 importation of English woollens, &c 
 
 into ; 155. 
 King James's partisans in ; 454. 
 King's letters for money payments 
 
 in; 169. 
 legislative independence of, clauses 
 
 to secure ; 188. 
 linen and thread manufacture in ; 44. 
 Lord Lieutenant of, an epigram as to 
 
 the business of the office ; 128. 
 forms and ceremonies ; 131. 
 
 salary too small for constant 
 
 residence; 165. 
 
 a " step of disgrace " ; 508, 509. 
 
 Lords Justices in, to be revived ; 159, 
 
 165, 168. 
 
 measures for, discussed; 157, 158. 
 Muster office in; 160. 
 paper money in, a scheme for; 156. 
 parliament in, a statement as to its 
 claims and relation to England; 
 
 166, 168. 
 
 resolution relating to Earl 
 
 Temple; 1.78. 
 
 Ireland — cont. 
 
 parliament in, government of Ireland 
 to be left to ; 178. 
 
 all parties in England disposed 
 
 to support ; 181. 
 adjournment ; 181, 182. 
 
 the doings of, disappointing ; 
 
 196. 
 
 House of Lords, its judicial 
 
 power discussed • 167. 
 
 House of Commons in, its lan- 
 guage; 158. 
 
 chaplaincy of ; 161. 
 
 proceedings in ; 170. 
 
 canvass for the speaker- 
 ship ; 171, 173, 174, 175. 
 Pitt moves an address relating to ; 
 
 188. 
 packet boats for ; 276. 
 political views held in ; 166, 167. 
 printing trade in, proposals destruc- . 
 
 tive of; 185. 
 regiments ordered from ; 247. 
 Roman Catholics of, a Bill in favour 
 of, suggested ; 155. 
 
 toleration of; 180. 
 
 should be left without a grievance ; 
 
 164. 
 spirits in, evil consequences ; 198, 199. 
 victualling of the French fleet from ; 
 
 58. 
 volunteers in, alarm in England, &e. ; 
 
 163, 164. 
 woollen manufacture in ; 180. 
 Irish : 
 
 assistance to the Americans ; 307. 
 soldiers disbanded by Lord Fever- 
 sham ; 454, 455. 
 workmen in London, cheap labour ; 
 
 2,3. 
 yarn, importation of ; 246, 248. 
 Iron Cross, name of a fort at Porto Bello ; 
 
 43. 
 Isabel, Queen of Edward II. ; 269. 
 Italian : 
 
 possessions formerly belonging to 
 
 Spain; 323. 
 Princes and France ; 362. 
 successes, their effect ; 150, 151. 
 Italy; 348._ 
 
 alarm in ; from plague ; 89. 
 Austrian claims in; 523. 
 campaign in, projected ; 323. 
 Court of, and Corsica ; 4. 
 Don Philip in ; 145. 
 in relation to European peace nego- 
 tiations ; 123. 
 letters from, giving Prince Eugene's 
 movements, summarised ; 206, 207. 
 lost to France ; 336. 
 numbers of English gentlemen in ; 
 
 250. 
 Palatinate troops in ; 321. 
 Prussian troops in ; 325. 
 search for Hebrew manuscripts in ; 
 
 296. 
 Spain's power in; 29. 
 Spanish pretensions in ; 67. 
 
554 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ivrea ; 215. 
 
 Ivry; 233. 
 
 Ixworth Priory; 269. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jacob, Mr., a trustee of the Onslow 
 
 estates ; 500. 
 Jacobites, the ; 3, 63, 77. 
 
 nothing stirring among; 12. 
 alwavs very sanguine ; 248. 
 Tories as; 462, 465. 
 Jamaica ; 44. 
 
 clandestine trade with Spanish settle- 
 ments ; 256. 
 James I., King, restraint under ; 272. 
 James II., King : 
 
 attitude towards Lord Danby ; 446. 
 preparation for the' rising in York- 
 shire against ; 447. 
 summons a Council on announcement 
 of the sailing of the Prince of 
 Orange ; 447. 
 also to hear proofs of birth of Prince 
 
 of Wales; 448. 
 flight from London, &c. ; 451. 
 stopped at Feversham, &c. ; 453. 
 took the seal from the Chancellor ; 
 
 454. 
 retires to Eochester, &c. ; 455, 456. 
 negotiations with the Prince of 
 
 Orange ; 45 5. 
 proposals for his restoration ; 361. 
 James Francis Edward, Prince of Wales, 
 
 flight, &c. : 452. 
 James Kiver in Virginia ; 44. 
 Jauer, principality of, its value ; 111. 
 Jefferies, Serjeant ; 475 (rc). 
 Jeffreys, Sir George, afterwards Lord : 
 Lord Chief Justice, afterwards Lord 
 
 Chancellor ; 440, 446, 485, 486. 
 new daughter-in-law puts herself under 
 the protection of the French Am- 
 bassador ; 448. 
 flight; 451. 
 interrogated as to the Seal, &c. ; 453, 
 
 454." 
 will make a frank confession; 455. 
 anecdote about ; 486. 
 Jekyl, Sir Joseph, Master of the Rolls ; 
 470, 430(?0> 486. 
 death, zeal for Dissenters, &c. ; 242. 
 Jekyll's collection of genealogies ; 291. 
 Jenison, a false witness against Lord 
 
 Danby; 413, 414. 
 Jenkins, Sir Leoline : 
 
 letters from ; 395, 398. 
 
 proposed for Secretaryship of State ; 
 
 402. 
 Secretary of State; 428, 431, 435, 
 457. 
 Jenkinson : 
 — ; 163. 
 
 Mr., an extract from ; 187. 
 mentioned; 188. 
 
 Jenner, Judge : 
 
 passes his pardon ; 448. 
 run away ; 451. 
 Jennings : 
 
 one, Sheriff of Yorkshire; 312. 
 Sir John ; 448. 
 Jesuit missions to the X. American In- 
 dians ; 301. 
 Jesuits' designs ; 396. 
 Jesuits' powder, a specific for quartan 
 
 ague; 447. 
 Jews admitted as witnesses; 481. 
 John, servant of Mrs. Hare ; 260, 261. 
 Johnson : 
 
 George, and the office of Master of 
 
 the Polls; 421. 
 Mr. ; 434. 
 Jolly, William, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Joncourt, Pierre de, connected with the 
 
 linen and thread manufacture ; 44. 
 Jones : 
 
 Sir Thomas, judge of the King's 
 
 Bench; 384. 
 Lord Chief Justice, avoids dis- 
 putes with " a certain great man " ; 
 438. 
 Sir William, Attorney General, 
 opinion on Lord Danby's release 
 from the Tower ; 416. 
 
 opinion on the action of the 
 
 Commons ; 431. 
 William, at Doncaster, letter from ; 
 450. 
 Jourdane, Anne, and her daughter ; 275. 
 Journal of Mist upon the Restoration, 
 
 author of ; 234. 
 Joyeuse, Cardinal, " the Cardinal " ; 249. 
 Judge, a, who will not suffer a political 
 hint to interfere in his proceedings ; 
 10. 
 Judges, the : 
 
 action of, in regard to Lord Danby's 
 
 case ; 440. 
 their differences make law a nose of 
 wax ; 433. 
 Juliers ; 1, 85. 
 
 the affair of Bergh and; 18, 49. 
 Jullien, M., Lt.-Genl., death of; 364. 
 Jutland ; 353. 
 
 K. 
 
 j K. ; 406. 
 Karga, the cock walk from Christianstadt 
 to; 111. 
 j Keen, Mr. : 
 
 at the Court of Spain ; 13, 18, 21, 29, 
 
 31, 32, 33, 37. 
 and the Spanish King's declaration ; 
 255. 
 Keene, — ; 149. 
 Keith : 
 
 — ; 43. 
 
 General, a determined Jacobite ; 63. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 555 
 
 Kel, fort of ; 344. 
 Kelley : 
 
 at Calais; 434. 
 
 a non-juring Irish clergyman, con- 
 cerned in Dr. Atterbury's con- 
 spiracy ; 512, 514. 
 Kendal, Duchess of, King George I.'s 
 
 private wife ; 515 (2). 
 Kennedy Castle, Earl Stair's seat; 264. 
 Kennicott : 
 
 Dr. ; 305, 309. 
 Mr. ; 296. 
 Kensington ; 369, 497, 523. 
 instructions signed at ; 34. 
 Council at, referred to ; 98. 
 Kent : 
 
 Countess of ; 278. 
 Earl of; 270. 
 
 county of, Royalists in ; 281. 
 Keswick Lake; 263. 
 Ketel, John, of Elmstead ; 269. 
 Khevenhullers ; 110. 
 Killala, bishop of; 169. 
 Killarney, Lake of; 264. 
 King : 
 
 Lord; 497. 
 
 John, of Booking ; 271. 
 Mr.; 435. 
 Kings of England, pedigree of; 270. 
 King's Bench, Court of. Lord Danby's 
 
 case in ; 440. 
 King's gardens and waters, surveyor of; 
 
 521. 
 King's letters for money payments in 
 
 Ireland; 168. 
 King's Ministers in England, effects of 
 
 want of harmony among ; 96. 
 King's speech alluded to ; 91. 
 Kingston; 288. 
 
 Duchess of, at Westminster Hall ; 
 308. 
 Kingstonwood ; 272, 273. 
 Kinsale, agent at, and American prisoners 
 
 162. 
 Kirby, Mr. ; 278. 
 Kirkpatrick, Mr. Sheriff; 181. 
 Kiveton ; 367, 369, 447. 
 
 Countess of Danby at ; 413. 
 the house at, compared ; 446. 
 Knapp, J., Haberdasher's Hall ; 302. 
 Knaresborough ; 447. 
 
 the dropping well at, &c. ; 260. 
 Knight : 
 
 Colonel, of Jamaica, niece and heiress 
 
 of; 495. 
 Robert, cashier of the South Sea 
 Compan}-, his history ; 507. 
 Knipshausen, the Prussian envoy ; 296. 
 Knock, fort of; 345. 
 Knoll, residence of some of the Cnslows ; 
 
 476. 
 Knolles, Captain ; 3. 
 Knox : 
 
 Mr. ; 405, 406. 
 
 William, at Lord North's office, letter 
 toPery; 178. 
 Konigseck, Konigsegge, Marechal, in com- 
 mand of the army ; 112, 115. 
 
 Konigsgratz ; 82. 
 
 Koran (Alcoram), the, a MS. of ; 300. 
 
 L. 
 
 Labour troubles in London ; 2, 3. 
 
 La Garde, Chancellor Count Magnus de, 
 
 Sweden; 372. 
 La Hogue, battle of, mentioned ; 56. 
 La Marche, Count de, French envoy to 
 
 Spain; 23. 
 La Matiniere, M. ; 37. 
 Lambertini, Cardinal, elected Pope ; 54. 
 La Motte, Count ; 219, 221. 
 Lancashire ; 290. 
 
 and the rebellion of 1745 ; 133. 
 Lancaster, Duchy of, attorney of ; 474. 
 
 , Chancellor of; 437. 
 
 Lancaster; 137. 
 Mr.; 257. 
 
 Henry, Earl of, grandson of Henry 
 III.; 269. 
 Land Bill ; 253. 
 
 Land tax, if taken off, difficult of re- 
 imposition ; 7. 
 borrowing on, formerly necessary ; 16. 
 voted; 37. 
 
 effect of raising the ; 306. 
 committee on ; 313. 
 Landen; 202. 
 Lane, — ; 406. 
 
 " La Neulande " in Butsbury ; 268. 
 Langdale, Lord, governor of Hull, seized ; 
 449, 450. 
 set free; 450. 
 Langly, Peter, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Langridge, John, of Halting ; 275. 
 Languard Fort, storm of, false report ; 
 
 368. 
 Languedoc, Protestant insurrection in ; 
 
 113. 
 Langwilh, John ; 434. 
 Lapland; 372. 
 
 La Quadra, correspondence on the W. 
 Indies question, &c. ; 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 
 20, 21, 37', 39. 
 La Roche, a foreign secret correspondent ; 
 28, 38, 39, 43, 47, 71, 72. 
 a remittance for ; 45. 
 Larrey, — ; 132, 133. 
 Latimer, Viscount : 
 
 correspondence with his father, Lord 
 Danby; 401, 405, 407, 408, 414- 
 416, 418, 421, 423-454. 
 proceedings in connexion with his 
 father's impeachment ; 406, 407, 
 408. 
 at Windsor ; 409. 
 
 elected M.P. for Buckingham ; 414. 
 letter to his wife ; 415. 
 letters to and from his mother ; 435, 
 
 446. 
 grant of office in the name of ; 421. 
 
556 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Latimer, Viscount — cont. 
 
 proceedings during meeting of Parlia- 
 ment at Oxford, in connexion -with 
 his father's petition, fte. ; 423, 424, 
 425. 
 
 visit to the Attorney-General ; 434. 
 
 a suggested marriage for ; 437. 
 
 grant of the office of Master of the 
 
 Rolls : 445. 
 
 in danger of arrest ; 444. 
 Latimer, Viscountess, movements of; 
 
 414. 
 Latouch, Mr.; 193. 
 Lauderdale, Duke of, and Lord Danbv ; 
 
 418. 
 La Valliere, Mademoiselle ; 370. 
 La Ville; 114. 
 Lavington. Dr. ; 259. 
 Law, Cornet, death, &c. 3 2. 
 Law of nature, value of a knowledge of ; 
 
 500. 
 Lawford : 2 74. 
 Lawford, John ; 271. 
 Lawrence, Nathaniel : 275 (2). 
 Layer, one, an Attorney, concerned in the 
 
 Atterbnry conspiracy ; 513. 
 Lea, River : 247. 
 Leake, Sir John ; 216. 
 
 (the EDglish Admiral) in the Medi- 
 terranean : 330, 331. 
 Leather trade; 303. 
 Leatherhead ; 249. 
 Leek, the River, ice upon ; 111. 
 L'Eeluse. Governor of, the " refusal of " ; 
 
 120. 
 Ledbury; 300. 
 Ledston in Yorkshire ; 495. 
 Lee : 
 
 General Arthur; 370. 
 
 Thomas, Justice or Chief Justice of 
 King's Bench ; 312, 500. 
 
 Sir Thomas, M.P. for Bucks ; 500. 
 Leeds : 454. 
 
 corporation : 445. 
 
 Duchess of, Bridget, letters to her 
 daughter-in-law : 456, 457. 
 
 Duke of. verv ill ; 457. 
 Lees v Great), Essex; 271. 
 Lees, — . Secretary of War, Ireland ; 168. 
 Leeuwe : 206. 
 
 Leewarde, letters dated at; 1. 
 L'Effroy collection of antiques ; 301. 
 Legs, Le^ere : 
 
 Mr. Justice: 312. 
 
 Mr., M.P. ; 314. 
 
 , speech in the House of Com- 
 mons ; 296. 
 Leghorn : 
 
 quarantine at ; S9. 
 
 a free port; 125. 
 Leicester : 
 
 Robert, Earl of : 276. 
 
 Earl of, son of Lord Viscount Town- 
 - nd, married a daughter 01 Mr. 
 Ellerker; 522. 
 
 Sir P.: 316. 
 Leigh, Mr. : 260. 
 Leighton, Sir Ellis, corruptness of; 375. 
 
 Leinster, Duke of, letters :o Perv : 161, 
 
 168, 189. 
 Leith; 367. 
 Lemar, Mr. ; 419. 
 Lembecq ; 205. 
 Le Moyne : 
 
 Geoffrev, armorial seal of; 268. 
 Ralf; 268. 
 LeDs: 201, 219. 
 
 letter dated at ; 231. 
 Lenthall, Spencer ; 439. 
 Leopold, — ; 63. 
 
 Le Poer and Curraghmore, Lord, regi- 
 ment of; 274. 
 Lerida; 209,210. 
 Lesare: 221. 
 
 Leslie, Mr., of Tarbert : 162. 
 Lessines ; 218. 
 
 camp, letter from ; 113. 
 L'Estrange, Sir Roger : 455. 
 Le Tellier, Monsieur, letters representing ; 
 
 395. 
 Levant trade : 323, 392. 
 Le Vayer, Mons., one of the Marine 
 
 Council in France : 378 
 Levels Grove near Clandon; 502. 
 Leviuz, Sir Cressweii, Attornev-General ; 
 
 429. 
 Lewenorn, — , Secretary of vTar in Den- 
 mark, death, &c. : 42. 
 Lewes : 
 
 M.P. for : 9, 23S. 
 horse races ; 236. 
 Lewis : 
 
 Prince ; 202, 204, 206. 
 
 Sir John, of L 1 Yorkshire, 
 
 widow of, mart. 
 Mr.. Sir R. Paston's 1 _ is with: 
 
 375, 376. 
 Lexden : 
 
 Lord Fairfax at : 2 82, iS3. 
 Heath; 285. 
 Road ;' 2S6. 
 Lexington, battle of : 306, 308. 
 Eeybourn, Bishop : 454. 
 Ley den; 31. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton'- inf 13. 
 
 a spy's correspondence to pass 
 
 through; 20, 2V- 22. 
 plan of a projector from, for pulling 
 wool from she 
 Leydeshem : 202. 
 Libel, law of; 316. 
 Liberty, verses in praise of, writteD by 
 
 King of Prussia ; 54. 
 Lichfield : 
 
 Bishop of ; 308. 
 
 Bishop and Dean of, mutually excom- 
 municate one another : 370. 
 Liefland; 372. 
 Liege; 7S, 236, 341. 420. 
 capture of; 150, 152. 
 offered to the Dutch ; 360. 
 Lighthouses, grant 0: 317. 
 
 Ligonier, General Sir John ; 86. 
 letters from; 112, 113. 
 advances against the Young Pre- 
 tender's annv ■ 133. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 557 
 
 Ligonier, General Sir John — cont. 
 
 disabled by illness ; 134. 
 Lille; 213, 219, 220, 221,229,328,335, 
 336, 345, 369. 
 siege of; 220, 221, 222, 226, 236, 
 
 329, 330, 331, 332. 
 allied troops on plains of; 224. 
 French soldiers deserting from ; 225. 
 described; 236. 
 Lilloe, governor of, the " refusal " of ; 120. 
 Limerick; 161, 177, 194. 
 
 bishoprick of, candidature for ; 174. 
 complaints of the merchants of; 171, 
 
 172, 173. 
 plan of; 273. 
 Linai; 218. 
 Lincoln; 269. 
 
 letter dated at ; 446. 
 races; 235. 
 
 public buildings at ; 235. 
 Lincoln, Lord ; 425. 
 Lincoln's Inn Fields, mass house in, burnt 
 
 by the mob ; 452. 
 Lindsey : 
 
 first Earl of; 277,278. 
 third Earl of, manuscripts of; 367- 
 457. 
 
 mentioned ; 422, 424, 425, 447. 
 
 letter to Lord Danby, illness of 
 
 his son, moral reflections, &c. ; 376, 
 377. 
 
 other letters to and from Lord 
 
 Danby ; 419, 421, 433, 437, 444. 
 
 letters from ; 384, 413. 
 
 complains of Sir R. Car ; 387. 
 
 letters to his sister, Lady Danby ; 
 
 416, 452. 
 
 great feast given by ; 436. 
 
 marks to know his letter ; 452. 
 
 Lindsey House, Old Palace Yard, West- 
 minster; 371. 
 " a mere lazaretto " ; 369. 
 to let ; 370. 
 Linen manufacture, the ; 111, 295. 
 Linton in Cambridgeshire ; 284. 
 
 defeat of the Royalists at ; 285. 
 Lipsius ; 294. 
 
 Lisbon ; 3. ,, 
 
 Lisle : 
 
 Sir George, commanding Royalist 
 troops at siege of Colchester; 281, 
 282, 283, 286, 287. 
 
 shot to death ; 290. 
 
 Mr., a medical man ; 258. 
 Samuel, ultimately Bishop of Nor- 
 wich ; 498. 
 Lissanoure near Ballymoney, letter dated 
 
 at; 194. 
 Litchfield, Lord, named for Chancellor- 
 ship of Oxford ; 296. 
 Lithow; 140. 
 Littleton, Mr., in the House of Commons ; 
 
 84. 
 Liturgy, a prayer in the, quoted; 98. 
 Liverpool merchants, their views as to the 
 
 Stamp Act ; 299. 
 Llandaff, bishopric of, vacancy, &c. ; 242. 
 
 Lloyd : 
 
 Sir Philip ; 409. 
 
 Sir R.; 311. 
 Lockhart : 
 
 Sir William; 378. 
 
 M., a saying of , 83. 
 Lockyer, Thomas ; 275. 
 Lodere in Languedoc, Bishop of, a servant 
 
 of Mons. Colbert ; 383. 
 London; 270,288, 348, 356. 
 
 labour troubles in ; 2. 
 
 rumour of a petition for dissolution of 
 Parliament from ; 30. 
 
 murmurs in, over Spanish negotia- 
 tions; 32. 
 
 a severe frost in ; 38. 
 
 favourably disposed towards the Ad- 
 ministration ; 51. 
 
 rioting among the sailors in ; 176. 
 
 great pains taken to inflame ; 243. 
 
 petition Parliament ; 244, 252. 
 
 address the King in plain English ; 
 262. 
 
 postchaises not to be had in ; 265. 
 
 troops wanted from, for siege of 
 Colchester ; 283. 
 
 terrified by the bugbear of a French 
 invasion ; 295. 
 
 Elector of Hanover's Envoy in ; 359. 
 
 preliminaries signed in ; 361. 
 
 lend to the King ; 368. 
 
 " sensibly increasing " ; 369. 
 
 flight of King James II., consequent 
 proceedings ; 451. 
 
 Lord Mayoralty of, reason for passing 
 by a candidate ; 252. 
 
 Lord Mayor of; 487. 
 
 show ; 448. 
 
 members for; 469, 470. 
 
 Recorder of; 474,486. 
 London streets and places : 
 
 Addiscombe Place ; 187. 
 
 Albemarle Street, letter dated atj 
 181. 
 
 Bedford Row; 212. 
 
 Bucklersbmy, mass house in, altar 
 rifled; 448. 
 
 Channel Row ; 234. 
 
 Fenchurch Street, mass house in ; 
 448. 
 
 St. James's Street ; 1 76. 
 
 Spread Eagle in Gracechurch Street ; 
 176. 
 
 Stratton Street, letter dated at ; 181. 
 Londonderry, Robert, Earl of ; 274. 
 Longe : 
 
 Harry, son of Sir Richard ; 272. 
 Longford, Lord ; 485. 
 Longnor, pictures at ; 300 
 Longueville, Longville, Mr. ; 259, 434. 
 Lonsdale, Lord ; 247. 
 Lonsday, John, seal ; 270. 
 Lords in the Tower, bailing of ; 438, 439. 
 L'Orge, Monsieur le Marechal de ; 390. 
 Loriangen, Count ; 207. 
 Lorraine : 
 
 Duke of, co-regence of; 65. 
 
558 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lorraine — cont. 
 
 Duke of, should be spoken to plainly ; 
 74. 
 
 military movements ; 386. 
 
 envoy ; 331. 
 
 and Bar, Duchies of, cession of ; 124, 
 125. 
 Los Passages suggested as a cautionary 
 
 town ; 392. 
 Lottery tickets held by Bishop of Chiches- 
 ter ; 237. 
 Lottum, Count, at siege of Tournay ; 225, 
 
 226. 
 Loudon, Lord ; 427. 
 
 despatched upon an expedition ; 295. 
 295. 
 Loughborough, Lord ; 160, 290. 
 Louis XIV., King of France; 222, 223, 
 327. 328, 340, 342-345, 349, 350, 
 359-364. 
 alters the value of French money ; 
 
 58. 
 receives news from the seat of war; 
 
 209. 
 refuses to sign preliminaries of peace ; 
 
 223, 224. 
 his picture, set in diamonds, pledged ; 
 
 281. 
 rumour of the death of; 336. 
 weeps ; 361. 
 
 receives a horse as a gift ; 363. 
 sends a present of wine to Queen 
 
 Anne ; 363. 
 visits the Count of Toulouse ; 364. 
 is bled ; 365. 
 retreat from Lille ; 369. 
 success in Flanders ; 370. 
 with his Queen and Court at Dun- 
 kirk ; 372. 
 conditions of peace with England ; 
 
 382,383, 
 his methods, powers, success, &c. ; 
 
 388. 
 numeral standing for; 304. 
 Louis XV., King of France : 
 
 rumour of an intention to marry a 
 
 daughter to the Young Pretender ; 
 
 92. 
 
 declaration of war, its relation to 
 
 Hanover; 96. 
 
 Louis, Don, an implacable enemy of the 
 
 English; 20. 
 Louisburg, reduction of; 297. 
 Louvain the dirtiest town in Flanders ; 
 
 236. 
 Louveh; 233. 
 Louvois, Mons. de ; 58, 343, 378, 383. 
 
 numerals representing ; 395. 
 Lovel, Lord, action in Parliament ; 27. 
 Lovelace, Lord ; 424. 
 Low Countries, weak situation commented 
 upon ; 27. 
 defenceless condition of ; 135,136. 
 proposed neutrality of ; 146. 
 trade of, endangered ; 322. 
 mentioned ; 323, 328, 344, 345. 
 (Catholic) ; 323, 324. 
 
 Lowendahl, Count, state prisoner in 
 
 Kussia ; 80. 
 Lowth, Dr., a smart pamphlet written by ; 
 297. 
 
 preferments for ; 297. 
 Lowther : 
 
 Sir James ; 312. 
 
 Sir John, of Lowther ; 454. 
 
 Sir William ; 387. 
 Lubeck, the bishoprick of; 320. 
 Luc an, Lord ; 174. 
 
 letters toPery; 159, 163, 164, 165, 
 168, 176, 195, 196, 197. 
 
 to be elected to Northampton ; 165. 
 Lucas : 
 
 Lord; 425. 
 
 return of rental made by ; 281. 
 
 made lieutenant of the Tower ;- 
 
 451. 
 
 Sir Charles, Royalist, at siege of 
 Colchester; 281, 282, 284 (2), 286. 
 
 house blown up ; 287. 
 
 shot to death ; 290. 
 
 Lucerne, Chevalier de ; 162. 
 Luckin : 
 
 Eliz. of Horsham; 275. 
 
 Frances, of Shipley ; 275. 
 
 Thomas, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Luckyn, family correspondence of; 273. 
 Lude, Duchess de ; 361. 
 Ludlow; 300. 
 
 fine oaks by; 263. 
 Ludlow's Memoirs'; 481 (n.). 
 Ludlowe, Sir Richard ; 271. 
 Luiscius, Mr. : 
 
 certainly a rogue ; 2. 
 
 cause of his disgrace ; 32, 33, 34. 
 
 negotiation with Fenelon ; 53. 
 Lumley : 
 
 Lord; 439. 
 
 joins the P. of Orange, &c. ; 449, 
 
 453. 
 
 James, Scarborough estate left to, &c; 
 39. 
 
 Sir Martin ; 280. 
 
 Mr.; 224. 
 Luseren, camp at ; 102. 
 Lusher, Mrs. Katherine ; 275. 
 Luttrell, Mr.; 316. 
 Luxembourg ; 386. 
 
 Duke of, commander in Flanders, &c. ; 
 380, 382. 
 Lynslager, Captain, letter from ; 33. 
 Lyons ; 237. 
 
 a sad occurrence at ; 360. 
 Lyra, Dr. Emanuel de, numeral standing 
 
 for ; 394. 
 Lys River, military movements on ; 102, 
 
 223, 225. 
 Lyttelton, — ; 240. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macartnay, Lt. General ; 354. 
 Macartney, Lord: 
 
 letter to Pery; 162. 
 
 letter on behalf of Baron Hamilton ; 
 194. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 559 
 
 Macclesfield; 137. 
 
 Earl of, impeachment of ; 514. 
 Macdonnell, Captain, in the Assurance; 
 
 451. 
 Machiavelli, a maxim of, quoted ; 440. 
 Mackenzie : 
 Mr.; 132. 
 
 James Stuart, account of the battle 
 
 with the rebels near Falkirk ; 139. 
 
 Stuart, M.P., nephew of the Duke of 
 
 Argyle ; 114. 
 
 "Madame's " visit to England, suspicions 
 
 aroused by; 371. 
 Maddocks, P., at the Treasury, letter from ; 
 
 413. 
 Madrid; 17, 24, 210-212, 322, 352-354, 
 362. 
 people of, averse to the Princess Des 
 
 Ursins; 363. 
 treaty of ; 244. 
 Maes, River; 85. 
 Maesland Sluice, the Blaekamore's Head 
 
 at; 22. 
 Maestricht; 2, 85, 217, 219, 236. 
 
 allied army on the plains of ; 152. 
 letter dated at ; 111. 
 Magrath's intercepted letter mentioned; 
 
 435. 
 Mahon, Port; 361. 
 Maidstone, Royalists at; 282. 
 Maillebois, M. de ; 48. 
 Maillebois' march ; 103. 
 Main (Meyn), River, movements of the 
 
 armies on the ; 87, 88, 89, 90. 
 Maintenon, Madame de : 
 
 King Charles has supper with ; 360. 
 a niece of ; 515. 
 Makyne : 
 
 John, grocer ; 271. 
 John, bailiff; 271. 
 Maldon : 
 
 pass at; 282. 
 petition from ; 274. - 
 road, in Colchester ; 286, 288. 
 Malmay in Schonen, alum mine in ; 374. 
 Malt Bill ; 253. 
 
 Malt tax, if taken off, difficult of re-impo- 
 sition ; 7. 
 borrowing on, formerly necessary; 
 16. 
 Manchester ; 295. 
 
 rebels assembled at; 135, 138. 
 Duchess of, and Lord Scarborough ; 
 
 256. 
 Lord, marriage ; 369. 
 Mann : 
 
 Horace, Mr. Fane's secretary, efforts 
 on behalf of Storch ; 30. 
 
 , at Florence, letters from ; 48, 
 
 52, 54, 61 , 70, 82, 88, 89, 91, 93, 94, 
 113. 
 Mr.; 259. 
 N. ; 202, 209, 230. 
 Manners, a satire ; 243. 
 Mannheim, Court of, and the affair of 
 
 Bergh and Juliers ; 18. 
 Mansel, Mr., M.P. ; 310. 
 
 Mansfield, Lord : 
 
 infringement of Irish liberty ; 1 75. 
 a motion pointed at; 316. 
 Mantua : 
 
 Duchy of, suggested as a barrier ; 362. 
 Emperor to pass through ; 383. 
 Mantuan, the; 204. 
 Manwood's Treatise of the Laws of the 
 
 Forest; 487. 
 March, Count de la, French Envoy to 
 
 Spain; 23. 
 March and Ulster, Earl of; 269. 
 Marchiennes ; 227. 
 Mare, M. le Comte de, a Pont-a-Musson ; 
 
 36. 
 Margate; 451. 
 
 Maria Theresa, Queen of Hungary; 111, 
 135, 137, 141, 314, 384. 
 resolution and spirit of; 63. 
 as a member of a European alliance; 
 
 65, 66, 67. 
 English military succours for ; 66, 
 
 67, 72, 73. 
 accommodation of matters between 
 her and the King of Prussia ; 69, 
 71, 72. 
 relations with K. of Prussia ; 74. 
 refusal to let the French troops 
 
 return to France ; 83. 
 a courier sent to Vienna to keep 
 
 up her spirits ; 84. 
 her territory saved for the French; 
 
 100. 
 British support for, discussed; 101, 
 
 121. 
 in relation to a plan for peace ; 
 
 124. 
 her Silesia madness ; 132. 
 her Junonian spirit of 
 137. 
 Marines, motion in Parliament as to the 
 
 raising of; 37. 
 Marino, the affair of; 255. 
 Maritime Powers, the ; 19, 25, 64, 85, 326 
 -328, 333, 355. 
 unable to check France unaided; 50, 
 in European negotiations ; 117, 121. 
 in a position of struggling for life, &c; 
 
 122, 123. 
 plan for a peace ; 124. 
 their policy, &c. ; 141. 
 Mark Lane, Lord Sudbury's house in ; 279. 
 Markham, William, Bishop of Chester" 
 
 306, 308, 309. 
 Marlborough : 
 
 Duke of, campaigns ; 200-234, 236. 
 
 his letter to the States General 
 
 mentioned; 208. 
 
 proposed visit to Vienna, &c. : 
 
 208. 
 — — working for a good peace, 
 ingratitude experienced by ; 231. 
 
 referred to in the Petkum 
 
 correspondence, passim, between 
 pp. 322-355. 
 
 letters to and from Petkum • 
 
 346, 352, 353, 355, 365. 
 
 vengeance; 
 
560 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Marlborough — cont. 
 
 Duke of, report of appointment as am- 
 bassador declared false ; 365. 
 
 second daughter of; 508. 
 
 2nd Duke of (D. of M.), and the 
 Windsor election ; 15, 238, 240. 
 
 kissed his Majesty's hand and 
 
 accepts a regiment, an agreeable 
 surprise, &c. ; 15, 16, 240. 
 mentioned ; 81. 
 
 birth of a son; 243. 
 
 Dowager Duchess of, mentioned in 
 connexion with the Windsor elec- 
 tion ; 239, 240. 
 
 message to second duke on the 
 
 birth of a son ; 243. 
 Marly; 363. 
 
 letters dated from ; 341, 349. 
 King of France at, 350, 361. 
 death of a carp at ; 361. 
 Marque, the; 100, 222. 
 Marquion ; 232. 
 Marriage iu England, legalities connected 
 
 with, &c. : 84, 85. 
 Marriages, clandestine, a bill against ; 256. 
 Marriage Bill, a saying in the debate ; 314. 
 Marrick; 269. 
 Marseilles ; 61, 82, 360. 
 
 galleys fitting out at ; 404. 
 Marshal, the; 113. 
 Mar sham, R. : 
 
 letter from, describing a tour in North 
 
 of England ; 235. 
 letters to F. Naylor ; 263-266. 
 tour in Ireland ; 263, 264. 
 Martham; 269. 
 Martin, a witness ; 268. 
 Mary, Princess : 
 
 bill for her fortune near upon pass- 
 ing ; 43. 
 marriage arrangements, &c. ; 43, 45, 
 
 47. 
 and the Prince of Orange ; 387. 
 Mary, Queen of James II., flight from 
 
 London, &c. ; 451, 452, 454. 
 Mash, Honor ; 275. 
 Masbam, Sir W., at Colchester ; 282, 284, 
 
 286, 288. 
 Maskall, Wm. ; 275. 
 Mason, Mr. ; 308. 
 Massachusettensis, remonstrances by ; 
 
 308. 
 Master of the Rolls, the ; 475. 
 Maubeuge; 231,345,365. 
 Maud, daughter of Earl of Angus ; 269. 
 Maupertuis, M. de ; 71. 
 Maurepas, Mons. ; 56. 
 Maurice, Prince, commission from ; 277. • 
 Mawson, Dr., Bishop of Llandaff ; 243. 
 May, opponent of Lord Danby at Court ; 
 
 377. 
 Mayence, Elector of ; 65. 
 Mayhew, W. ; 291. 
 Maynard : 
 
 Lord; 423. 
 Mr.; 210. 
 Serjeant; 480. 
 Mayne, Sir William; 301. 
 
 Mazarin, Cardinal (the Cardinal) ; 383. 
 
 Mearsy, Isle of; 285. 
 
 Meath county, Roman Catholics in; 308. 
 
 Mecklenburg; 372. 
 
 Mechlin; 236. 
 
 Medinaceli, Duke of ; 349. 
 
 Mediterranean, the ; 330, 332. 
 
 British squadron in, offensive to Spain; 
 
 34. 
 a new power in ; 304. 
 Medlicot, Mr., M.P. for Milburn port: 
 
 309. 
 Medway, the river : 367. 
 Meer : 
 
 Mary; 275. 
 
 Peter, of Harting ; 275. 
 Meggot, — ; 111. 
 Megrigni, Mons. ; 224. 
 Mehaigne, the river ; 203. 
 Meirevon, Marquis de, Lieutenant General; 
 
 201. 
 Melari, a Bolognese gentleman, in favour 
 
 with the Pope ; 54. 
 Meldert near Tirlemont ; 202, 203. 
 Melle : 
 
 the action at ; 117. 
 behaviour of the Dutch troops at; 
 120, 126. 
 Melons, propagation of ; 78. 
 Melwind, Capt., a Scotchman ; 52. 
 Menager, Mesnager, Mons. ; 356,357,360, 
 361. 
 preliminaries of ; 359,362. 
 circulates rumours ; 363. 
 given a brevet as Councillor of State ; 
 
 363. 
 urged to buy an estate ; 362. 
 horoscope of, fulfilled; 365. 
 Mendez, the merchant, supposed author 
 
 of a satire ; 294. 
 Mengden, President, state prisoner in 
 
 Russia; 80. 
 Menin ; 236, 331, 345. 
 
 hopeless situation of the Dutch 
 
 garrisons in; 96. 
 siege of; 213, 214, 215. 
 Merchants' Association and the Bank; 
 
 132. 
 Merchants, the idol of the ; 26. 
 Merchants' petition into the Spanish de- 
 predations before the House of Com- 
 mons, &c. ; 239, 242. 
 Mercoeur, Duke de, Cardinal ; 368. 
 Mercure Galand, writer of the ; 340. 
 Mercy, Count ; 228. 
 Meredith, Lieut.-General ; 354. 
 Merlebeck, letter dated at ; 211. 
 Merlin's Cave; 241. 
 Merrow, near Guildford ; 498. 
 Messenden, manor of, Berks ; 272. 
 Messina, plague in ; 89. 
 Methuen, Mr. ; 310, 312, 366. 
 Metwin, M. See Methuen. 
 Meuse, allied army cross the ; 152. 
 Mew, Peter, Bishop of Winchester ; 484. 
 Middle Mill; 287, 288. 
 Middlemore, Thomas, of Worth, and his 
 wife ; 275. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 561 
 
 Middlesex : 
 
 county of, irritation ot the people, 
 
 effect on verdicts ; 316. 
 Lord; 141. 
 Middleton : 
 
 Lord, in command against the Dutch 
 
 in Kent; 367. 
 Dr., proposals for a life of Cicero by, 
 solicitation of subscriptions ; 29. 
 Midgham ; 241. 
 Miguelets, the; 209, 210, 211. 
 Milan; 204,215, 362. 
 
 the new Emperor at ; 361, 363. 
 Milan, Duchy of ; 337,356. 
 
 war against, threatened by France ; 
 390. 
 Milanese and Venetians, a barrier be- 
 tween ; 362. 
 Milburn Port, disputed return of members 
 
 for; 309. 
 Milford Haven and Waterford, post office 
 
 packets between ; 178. 
 Militia business, the (1766) ; 299. 
 Mimms ; 457. 
 Mingo, negro boy ; 273. 
 Ministers or Ministry (English) : 
 
 a false suspicion with respect to the 
 publication of pamphlets by direc- 
 tion of ; 37. 
 irresolute and contradictory counsels ; 
 
 61, 73. 
 irreconcileable discord amongst; 97, 
 
 98. 
 unexpected change of, in England ; 
 
 163. 
 confusion of ; 355, 356, 357. 
 Minorca; 330. 
 
 threatened attack upon ; 256. 
 Mint, the, a man to try to make gold in ; 
 
 350. 
 Missenden, Anthony ; 272. 
 Missionary effort in North America and 
 
 East Indies discussed ; 297, 298. 
 Mistley; 161. 
 Mitchell : 
 
 Commissioner of the Admiralty ; 
 
 276. 
 Mr., concludes a treaty with King of 
 Prussia ; 295. 
 Modena, Duchy of ; 125,356. 
 Moerdyke; 347, 348. 
 Mohaut : 
 
 Emma de ; 269. 
 . Robert de ; 269. 
 Molines, M., made Archbishop of Sara- 
 
 gossa ; 362. 
 Molke, General; 117. 
 Moller, J.; 366. 
 Monacan, Virginia, French settlement at ; 
 
 44, 
 Monk, General, members brought back by ; 
 477. 
 persons named as Richard Cromwell's 
 
 advisers by ; 481. 
 a paper written by ; 481, 482. 
 restores the secluded members to their 
 seats ; 482. 
 
 Monmouth, Duke of; 405, 408, 431. 
 
 departure for Scotland; 412. 
 
 an express from the King sent to j 
 416. 
 
 his disgrace, effect on the country j 
 146. 
 
 attendance at the Council; 416. 
 
 the rebellion of; 446, 486. 
 Mons; 213, 219, 220, 221, 232, 328, 365. 
 
 siege of, probable ; 228. 
 
 Chateau de Havre, near ; 228. 
 
 "battle of"; 229. 
 Monsbruck ; 40. 
 Monseigneur; 361. 
 " Monsieur " at Paris, a letter delivered 
 
 to; 387. 
 Montagne (? Mortagne) ; 224. 
 Montagu, Montague : 
 
 Duke of, Master General of the 
 Ordnance, letter from ; 62. 
 
 Admiral, afterwards Earl of Sand- 
 wich ; 482. 
 
 Col., killed; 152. 
 
 George, conceals Lord Danby ; 406. 
 
 letter from ; 415. 
 
 Lady Catherine ; 499 (n.). 
 
 Mr. ; 395, 396. 
 
 accusations against Lord Danby ; 
 
 396, 397, 398, 399, 400. 
 
 Mr., Lord Sandwich's son ; 444. 
 
 Sir Edward; 272. 
 Montcalm, Marquis of; 305. 
 Monteny, Ernulf de ; 268. 
 Monteleon, Marquis of, made plenipoten- 
 tiary, 364. 
 Montesquieu, a maxim of ; 304. 
 Montferrat; 331. 
 
 claimed by the Princess de Conde j 
 364. 
 Montfort, Monsieur de, a general officer ; 
 
 201. 
 Montgomery, Earl of, at Hull, seized ; 449, 
 450. 
 
 set free ; 450. 
 Monti, Cardinal, author of certain verses, 
 
 &c. ; 94. 
 Montijo, Count; 76. 
 
 Montperu, Marquis, Major-General ; 201. 
 Montreal';' 308. 
 Montreuil, Monsieur de, resident with the 
 
 rebels in Scotland ; 391. 
 Montrose's fatal letter mentioned; 298. 
 Moor Park ; 240. 
 Moorfields, a lodging in ; 163. 
 Moore, Commodore, hopes as to his suc- 
 cess in America ; 295. 
 Morant's : 
 
 History of Colchester ; 291, 294. 
 
 History of Essex, referred to ; 272. 
 
 correction of an error in ; 276. 
 
 Morcott; 275. 
 Mordaunt, Lord ; 367. 
 More, Mr. ; 369, 422, 424. 
 Morice : 
 
 Sir William ; 274. 
 
 Secretary, letter from ; 28 1. 
 Morlee, Robert de ; 269. 
 
562 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Morley : 
 
 Lord ; 425. 
 
 Colonel, of Sussex ; 482. 
 Morpeth, the inn at, accommodation and 
 prices; 261. 
 
 mentioned; 262. 
 Morris, Anthony, and his wife ; 275. 
 Mortagne ; 220, 221, 228. 
 Mortimer. Edmund de, Earl of March and 
 
 Ulster; 269. 
 Morton, — ; 306. 
 
 Moselle, Eiver; 83, 202, 216, 217, 381. 
 Mossop, Mr. ; 195. 
 Moulsey, East, tenant of ; 377. 
 Mountjoy, Fort, Barcelona ; 209. 
 Mountrath, Earl of ; 194. 
 Mouzon; 386. 
 Mowbray, Lord ; 425. 
 Munich, Court of. See Bavaria. 
 Munich, General, Count, Field Marshal ; 
 43. 
 
 his disgrace, its results, &c. ; 69, 80. 
 Munson, Lord ; 141. 
 Munster; 200. 
 
 peace of, mentioned; 317. 
 
 French forces designed for ; 370. 
 Munsterians, the offers of ; 136. 
 Murray : 
 
 called Lord Dunbar ; 94 (2), 95. 
 
 B., regiment vacant by death of ; 15. 
 
 Major-General ; 218. 
 
 Mr., counsel ; 45. 
 
 to accompany the Pretender's 
 
 son; 61. 
 
 Solicitor General ; 311. 
 
 punished by House of Com- 
 mons ; 313. 
 
 William, on legal marriage ; 84. 
 Murray's regiment ; 240. 
 Murrel — ; 473 (».). 
 Muschamp, Major, killed at Linton ; 285. 
 Muscovites, the ; 374. 
 Musquetoons, the ; 444. 
 Mutiny Bill ; 245. 
 Myrobalanus ; 255. 
 
 Namur; 236. 
 
 Nann; 260. 
 
 Nano, an Irishman, a state prisoner ; 234. 
 
 Nantes; 130. 
 
 Naples; 152. 
 
 a drinking water at ; 248. 
 
 marble tables at Lord Palmerston's 
 bought at ; 25 1. 
 Naples and Sicily, king of ; 125. 
 
 the kinsrdom of ; 337. 
 Nash, Mr. ; ^259. 
 Nassau : 
 
 Count; 104. 
 
 Friends of the House of ; 332. 
 
 Prince of ; 333. 
 
 National Debt, reduction of; 16. 
 
 Naval engagement, French and English ; 
 
 130. 
 Naval matters, British claim to stand in to 
 foreign ports with the topsails up ; 372, 
 373, 374. 
 Navy accounts, discussion in Parliament ; 
 
 40. 
 Navy Board, letter from ; 377. 
 Navy, the : 
 
 difficulty of getting seamen ; 55, 57, 
 
 59. 
 increase desiderated ; 292. 
 Nayland Bridge ; 287. 
 Naylor : 
 
 Dean, of Winchester ; 250. 
 Francis," letters to ; 235-257. 
 
 scenes of his travels ; 235, 236, 
 
 239, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252. 
 
 a sister of; 261. 
 
 never north of Stirling ; 264. 
 
 Mrs. Francis ; 264, 265. 
 George; 200, 211. 
 Mr., funeral of ; 259. 
 Neale, Mr. ; 441. 
 Neapolitan mare, a ; 280. 
 Needham, Colonel, commanding the Tower 
 Guards Regiment, defeated at Colches- 
 ter ; 283. 
 Neer-Eysche (Neer-Ysche) ; 202, 204, 205. 
 Negroes for the Portuguese Colonies ; 20. 
 " Nelly " and King Charles II. ; 387. 
 Nelson, Mr. ; 117, 119, 121, 131. 
 Netherlands, the : 
 
 exposed condition as regards France ; 
 
 27, 28. 
 cause of the loss of; 96. 
 condition of affairs in, described ; 136. 
 effect of their conquest by France ; 
 
 140, 141. 
 question of yielding to France ; 126. 
 question of inundation to repel the 
 
 French ; 126, 127. 
 no compensation for the loss of ; 151. 
 Netherlands, Spanish, rumour of exchange 
 
 to the French ; 437. 
 Nettervile, James, accusations by ; 419. 
 Neuchatel ; 325, 344. 
 Neuhoff, Theodore, Baron de ; 4. 
 so-called King of Corsica, 
 
 from; 40, 41. 
 letter to ; 53. 
 Neuville, Mr. ; 78. 
 Neville, Nevyle : 
 
 George, Archbishop of York : 
 John, Earl of Northumberland ; 
 Richard, Earl of Warwick 
 Salisbury ; 270. 
 
 his seal ; 270. 
 
 Newark ; 447. 
 Newark, Lord; 279. 
 Newbury ; 452. 
 Newcastle; 132, 138. 
 
 trade with Sweden ; 374. 
 Duke of (HeDry Cavendish) ; 421, 
 423, 424, 426, 427, 430. 
 
 letters to Lord Danby ; 405, 
 
 413, 417. 
 
 letters 
 
 270. - 
 
 270. 
 
 and 
 
INDEX, 
 
 563 
 
 Newcastle — cont. 
 
 Duke of (John Holies) ; 515, 521. 1 
 
 Duke of (Sir Thomas Pelham), " my 
 brother " ; 10, 20, 30, 87, 95, 126, 
 129, 240,246, 247, 316. 
 
 at Lisbon ; 3. 
 
 Spanish action in the West In- 
 dies ; 13. 
 
 action in the House of Lords ; 
 
 93 
 
 hatred of Lord Carteret, &c. ; 93. 
 
 letters from; 91, 100. 
 
 a letter from, alluded to ; 121. 
 
 an omission in not addressing a 
 
 letter to ; 128. 
 
 resignation of office of Secretary 
 
 of State; 141. 
 
 at Lewes races ; 236. 
 
 Secretary of State, signs conven- 
 tion with Spain ; 241. 
 
 ecclesiastical preferments ; 297. 
 
 political patronage of ; 520. 
 
 New Englanders, take Cape Breton; 129. 
 
 reduction of Louisburg by, its effect ; 
 297. 
 Newenham Sir "Edward, letter to Pery ; 
 
 193. 
 New Forest, High Woodward of; 375. 
 
 grant from sale of decayed trees, &c. ; 
 375. 
 Newfoundland, Isle of; 345. 
 Newhale, letter dated at ; 371. 
 New Hall house ; 281. 
 Newhaven ; 163. 
 New Jersey, letter from the Governor 
 
 containing an account of the province ; 
 
 292,293. 
 Newmarket, letter dated at ; 386, 
 
 King Charles II. at ; 417. 
 Newspapers, scandalous paragraphs in ; 5. 
 Newton Pery; 162. 
 New World, Spanish trade with ; 323. 
 New York, effect of the Stamp Act in ; 298. 
 Niagara; 300. 
 Nicholas, Sir John ; 436. 
 Nicholson, Bishop ; 294. 
 Nieuport; 211, 212, 219, 220, 361. 
 Nightingale, Edward; 273 (2). 
 Nimeguen : 
 
 treaty negotiations at ; 385, 386. 
 
 letters dated at ; 395, 398. 
 
 mentioned ; 402. 
 
 peace of, mentioned; 317. 
 
 offered to the Dutch ; 360. 
 Ninove ; 217, 221. 
 
 Nisbet, Sir Henry, mortally wounded ; 152. 
 Nixon, Mr., non-juring clergyman, circum- 
 stances of his trial ; 3. 
 Noailles : 
 
 Cardinal de, illness of; 364. 
 
 Due de ; 354, 360. 
 
 Marshal; 90. 
 Noel, Lord; 421, 423. 
 Nore, the, the Dutch fleet at ; 36 7. 
 
 the buoy at ; 368. 
 Norfolk : 
 
 Duke of; 483. 
 
 House ; 239. 
 
 o 77960. 
 
 Norman, Hamon, of London ; 268. 
 Norreys : 
 
 " my brother," and family, very 
 
 sickly ; 369. 
 Lord, 421,422, 423, 424, 426, 427, 
 428, 430, 431. 
 
 letter to Lord Dan by ; 432. 
 
 request for an earldom, &c. ; 
 
 414, 415,436. 
 
 letter against Lord Latimer's 
 
 marriage ; 437. 
 Lady; 423. 
 Norris : 
 
 Sir John ; 92. 
 Mary, of Shipley ; 275. 
 North : 
 
 Charles, Lord ; 425, 426, 454. 
 William, Lord, at the battle of Blen- 
 heim ; 200. 
 
 endeavour to go to France ; 234. 
 
 Francis, Lord; 155. 
 
 very ill; 160. 
 
 views with regard to Irish 
 
 politics; 157. 
 
 his political situation ; 175. 
 
 his parliamentary abilities &c. ; 
 
 306 (2). 
 
 saviour of the Constitution, &c. ; 
 
 521. 
 Francis, Lord Chief Justice, after- 
 wards Lord Guilford; 405, 408, 
 409, 412, 413. 
 
 life of ; 480. 
 
 Roger; 508 (n.). 
 North America : 
 
 libel printed in, brought before the 
 
 House ; 316. 
 the Europeans in, barbarised; 301. 
 transport of young women (not 
 criminals) to ; 302. 
 North American : 
 
 Assemblies, Acts of ; 316. 
 Colonies, British policy with regard 
 to; 297, 298, 299, 301, 304. 
 
 war in, &c. ; 302, 303, 306, 307, 
 
 308. 
 Indians, propagation of Christianity 
 among, discussed ; 297, 298, 301. 
 
 a civilised tribe murdered by 
 
 Christian planters, &c. ; 300, 301. 
 Northampton, Lord ; 423, 430. 
 
 and the Prince of Orange ; 450. 
 North Bridge ; 287. 
 Northcot, Sir Arthur ; 274. 
 Northcote, Sir John, Colonel of the Horse ; 
 
 273. 
 Northey, Mr. ; 433. 
 Northey, Sir Edward ; 480 (n.). 
 Northington, Earl of, Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland; 176. 
 correspondence with Pery ; 177, 182. 
 resignation, &c. ; 182. 
 Northumberland : 
 
 county of, its character; 262. 
 
 rising in ; 315. 
 
 John, Duke of; 272. 
 John, Earl of; 271. 
 Henry, 10th Earl of; 273. 
 
 O C 
 
564 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Northumberland — cont. 
 
 [Sir Hugh Smith son], End of, sons 
 of; 260. 
 
 operations at Berwick Castle ; 
 
 261. 
 — — improvements at Alnwick ; 264, 
 265. 
 Nortleigh, Henry ; 274. 
 Norton : 
 
 Colonel, of Hampshire ; 482. 
 
 Sir John, High Woodward of the 
 
 New Forest; 375. 
 Lyddy ; 275. 
 
 Will., of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 Norton St. Walery, manor of; 269. 
 Norwich : 
 
 letter dated at ; 48. 
 
 lepers at the gates of, a bequest for ; 
 
 271. 
 House of Magdalen at; 271. 
 St. John Maddermarket at; 271. 
 Bishop of, and the Prince of Wales ; 
 
 294. 
 Deanery of, not disposed of; 250. 
 Norwich, Earl of (Goring), at siege of 
 
 Colchester ; 288, 290. 
 No search. Take and hold, famous words 
 
 of England ; 75. 
 Nottingham; 235. 
 
 adherents of the Prince of Orange at ; 
 
 449, 450. 
 Princess Anne at ; 450. 
 Nottingham, Lord, part taken by, in 1688 ; 
 
 452. 
 Novara; 215. 
 Nugent, Mr., M.P. ; 312. 
 
 a saying as to the Marriage Bill ; 314. 
 Numismatics; 291. 
 
 Nuncio (Papal) in England; 451, 452, 
 454. 
 
 in Paris ; 364. 
 
 Nuthale, Thomas, of St. Peter's, Col- 
 chester ; 271. 
 
 0. 
 
 O., Mr. C. ; 406. 
 
 Oates, Titus ; 405, 406, 407. 
 
 Oaths, impositions of useless, instances, 
 
 &c; 464. 
 O'Brien : 
 
 Lord; 403. 
 Mr. — ; 120. 
 Oeland (?), Island of ; 371. 
 Ogle : 
 
 George, correspondence with Pery ; 
 171. 
 
 canvassing for the Speakership 
 
 of the Irish House of Commons ; 
 175. 
 
 Oglethorpe : 
 
 General; 138. 
 
 Colonel, duel with Lord Onslow, &c. ; 
 • 490. 
 Oldfield, Mr., of Windsor ; 239. 
 Olivecrantz, M., conversations with ; 395, 
 
 398. 
 Oliver, Mr., a London alder .nan ; 316. 
 Oliverian days, the brave heroic style of; 
 
 42. 
 Olmutz; 82. 
 
 Oneglia, Marquisate of; 125, 129. 
 Ongar : 
 
 hundred of; 272. 
 ward-staff of ; 267. 
 Onslow : 
 
 Earl of, extracts from a manuscript 
 
 belonging to ; 458-524. 
 Thomas, 2nd Lord ; 53. 
 his character, &c. ; 494, 495. 
 George, 4th Lord ; 197, 
 Arthur ; 483, 484. 
 
 death and funeral of; 484. 
 
 Right Hon. Arthur, Speaker of the 
 House of Commons, views as to 
 advocating in public things dis- 
 proved in private ; 460. 
 
 autobiography ; 497, et seq. 
 
 elected for Guildford ; 503. 
 
 circumstances of his marriage ; 
 
 505, 506. 
 
 his proceedings in the House of 
 
 Commons; 512,514. 
 
 Lord Bolingbroke's case ; 515. 
 
 his political principles ; 516. 
 
 views as to the conduct of 
 
 Speaker; 517. 
 
 affecting interview with Sir R. 
 
 Walpole; 517. 
 chosen member for the County 
 
 of Surrey ; 518. 
 elected Speaker ; 520. 
 
 resigns treasurership of the 
 
 navy ; 520. 
 
 note on the rebellion of 1 745 ; 
 
 523. 
 Denzil, of Drungwich ; 483. 
 
 of Pyrford ; 489. 
 
 godson of Mr. Denzil Holies, 
 
 his career and character ; 495, 496. 
 
 outranger of Windsor Forest; 
 
 497. 
 
 cousin of Arthur, treasurer of 
 
 the post office; 503. 
 Edward, son of Richard; 476. 
 Foot, son of Arthur ; 487. 
 
 death, and condition of his 
 
 estate; 499. 
 
 Mrs. Foot, death; 501. 
 
 George, inscription by, in the Onslow 
 
 manuscript; 458. 
 
 chosen member for Rye ; 520. 
 
 * outranger of Windsor Forest; 
 
 520. 
 particulars of his income ; 520, 
 
 521. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 565 
 
 "Onslow, George — cont. 
 
 residences; 521. 
 
 elected for county of Surrey ; 
 
 521. 
 
 made surveyor of the King's 
 
 gardens and waters ; 521. 
 
 removed from his offices ; 521. 
 
 appointed a Commissioner of 
 
 the Treasury ; 521. 
 
 made a privy councillor ; 521. 
 
 marriage; 521. 
 
 virtues of his wife ; 522. 
 
 Sir Henry; 483. 
 Lieut.-General ; 501, 502. 
 Richard (temp. Eliz.) ; 473, 474,476. 
 Sir Richard (temp. Charles L), son 
 
 of preceding, called Lord Onslow ; 
 
 476, 477, 478, 479, 481, 482, 483. 
 Richard, a Turkey merchant ; 483. 
 Sir Richard, afterwards Baron Onslow 
 
 of Onslow; 487, 489. 
 a memoir of ; 489-494. 
 
 duel with Col. Oglethorp ; 490. 
 
 elected Speaker of the House of 
 
 Commons ; 491. 
 defeated for Surrey ; 492. 
 
 Lord Chancellor's speech to 
 
 him, when sworn Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer; 492. 
 
 made a peer and a teller of the 
 
 Exchequer; 493. 
 Governor of the Turkey Com- 
 pany ; 493. 
 
 .- death ; 494, 503. 
 
 election for county of Surrey ; 
 
 518. 
 Richard, cousin of Arthur, M.P. for 
 
 Guildford; 495. 
 Robert, son of Richard ; 476. 
 Roger ; 473. 
 William; 473. 
 Onneslowe, Roger de, ancestor of the 
 
 Onslow family ; 473. 
 Opdam, Obdham, Mons. ; 48, 106. 
 
 the King's anger at his letter; 61. 
 Oporto ; 47. 
 Opposition, the, very resolute and bold; 
 
 91. 
 Orange, M. Jullien died at ; 364. 
 Orange, Prince of; 224, 387. 
 letter from ; 1 . 
 conduct of, discussed ; 60. 
 English relations with ; 136. 
 his party in a bad condition ; 192. 
 refusal of the government of the seven 
 
 provinces ; 375. 
 his wooing and marriage ; 387, 388, 
 
 394. 
 writes to the King of France ; 388. 
 numeral representing ; 394. 
 Lord Danby's relations with, money 
 
 owing to, &c. ; 397, 399, 400. 
 letter from Lord Danby to ; 401. 
 visit to the King at Windsor ; 436. 
 sails for England; 447, 448. 
 Orange, Princess of, letter from ; 1. 
 investment of her fortune ; 2. 
 letter from Princess Caroline ; 8. 
 
 Orchies, letters dated at ; 227, 228. 
 Orde, Thomas, Chief Secretary, Ireland, 
 correspondence with Pery ; 183, 185, 
 187,188,189,190,191. 
 Ordnance Office : 
 
 supply of guns and bayonets ; 83. 
 put into the hands of committees, 
 411. 
 Orford : 
 
 Lady, departure from Florence for 
 
 England, causes, &c. ; 113, 114. 
 Earl of (Sir Robert Walpole), resigns 
 the seals as Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer; 81. 
 policy attacked in Parliament ; 84. 
 asked, to reply to a political pamphlet ; 
 
 87. 
 action in the House of Lords in 
 connexion with the threatened 
 French invasion ; 93. 
 (" my brother "), a passenger only in 
 the political galley ; 111, 
 Orkney, Lord; 219, 224. 
 Orleans, Duke of (the Regent) ; 215, 366. 
 the system of his ministry alluded to 
 123. 
 Ormonde, 1st Duke of, a saying of, as to 
 fame; 462. 
 Duke of, movements, &c. ; 38, 52. 
 
 to conduct the Pretender's son 
 
 to Paris ; 61. 
 
 letter from the King to ; 401. 
 
 Orrery, Lord; 457, 482. 
 
 committed for high treason ; 234. 
 Osborne : 
 
 one ; 406. 
 
 Lady Bridget, letters to; 369, 371. 
 Herbert, son of Lord Danby; 414, 
 422, 425. 
 
 M.P. for Queenborough ; 414. 
 
 Sir Thomas, letters to ; 367, 368, 369, 
 370, 371, 372, 373,374, 375. 
 
 not acceptable at Court ; 369. 
 
 Viscountess, letters to ; 376. 
 Osburne, Wm., of Harting ; 275. 
 Osnabruck, Bishop of ; 352. 
 Ostade, Dutch painter, see Van Ostade. 
 Ostein, Count, agent of the Q. of Hungary ; 
 
 66. 
 Ostend ; 75, 99, 112, 211, 214, 361. 
 British artillery at ; 90. 
 defence of, &c. ; 118, 119, 127. 
 Osterman, Count, his policy ; 69. 
 State prisoner in Russia ; 80. 
 OstFrise; 1. 
 
 the succession of; 49, 50. 
 
 a resolution of the Aulick Court 
 
 • relating to ; 18. 
 
 understanding with the K. of Prussia 
 
 relating to, desiderated ; 25. 
 Princess of, a fortunate event if she 
 
 gives birth to a prince ; 53. 
 King George's management of the 
 
 Imperial commission in ; 95. 
 a passion for ; 151. 
 Osulstone, Lord ; 454. 
 Osuna, Duke of ; S63. 
 
 as plenipotentiary ; 364. 
 
 oo2 
 
566 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Otho Yennias, a portrait of Sir Ralph 
 
 Sidney by ; 300. 
 Ottyr, John ; 270. 
 
 Oudenarde; 211,218, 220,221, 224,327, 
 331. 
 battle of; 218. 
 the hasty reddition of; 126. 
 Outports merchants, how to be heard 
 
 before the House of Commons ; 314. 
 Outram, Dr. ; 415. 
 
 Over Berque, M. de, death of; 332, 333. 
 Over-Ysche ; 203. 
 Oxenforde, estate of; 277. 
 Oxford ; 453. 
 
 Jacobites at ; 63. 
 
 expense of eating at ; 300. 
 
 visit to ; 305, 306. 
 
 Parliament meeting at ; 422, 423, 424, 
 
 429. 
 letters dated at ; 423, 424, 425, 426, 
 427, 430. 
 Oxford, Countess of (Ann, daughter of 
 2nd Viscount Bayning), deed of settle- 
 ment ; 280. 
 Oxford, Veres, Earls of, papers of ; 276. 
 Oxford, Earl of : 
 
 Hugh, lease from; 276. 
 
 Edward, settlement of manors, debts, 
 
 agents, &c. ; 276, 277. 
 Robert de Vere, papers relating to ; 
 
 277. 
 Aubrey de Vere; 278, 280. 
 
 as Lord Lieutenant, returns of 
 
 Peers made to, &c. ; 281. 
 
 regiment of militia ; 281. 
 
 mentioned ; 442. 
 
 Robert Harley, impeachment and 
 trial; 493. 
 
 See also Harley. 
 
 Oxford University : 
 
 Parliamentary representation of; 4, 
 
 5(2). 
 the affairs of; 10 (2). 
 good behaviour of the youth at ; 294. 
 choice of a chancellor ; 296. 
 the compromise at ; 296. 
 the " New Interest " at ; 296. 
 Baliol College, letters dated at ; 294 
 
 296, 297. 
 Corpus, the President of, who acted 
 
 Vice-Chancellor ; 297. 
 Christ Church Library, &c. ; 300. 
 grown luxurious ; 302. 
 Onslows founders of All Saints' 
 College in ; 476. 
 
 P., Lady, necessity of gratifying her 
 
 376. 
 Packet boats ; 134, 276. 
 their safetv ; 255. 
 
 Page sloop ; 3. 
 
 Paget, Commissioner of [ the Ad- 
 miralty ; 276 
 Paintings; 12 (2), 13, 14. 
 Pakenham : 
 
 Richard de ; 269. 
 Sir Thomas de ; 269. 
 Palatine, Palatine Court; 1. 
 
 answer relative to Bergh and Juliers ; 
 
 18. 
 troops; 216, 321. 
 Palatinate : 
 
 elector of; 339. 
 Upper; 216, 331. 
 Palma, — , painter ; 12. 
 Palmer, Sir Jeffery ; 475 (n). 
 Palmerston, Lord, house at Romsey ; 251. 
 
 marble tables from Naples; 251. 
 Palmquist, Mons. de, Swedish Envoy Ex- 
 traordinary at the Hague ; 317, 334, 
 353. 
 Pamphlet (political) sent to be printed in 
 
 Holland; 68. 
 Pamphlets printed in England, a mis- 
 chievous use made of; 36. 
 Pamplona (Pompolona) ; 211. 
 Panama ; 44. 
 Pandora's box ; 27. 
 Papal : 
 
 Legate, to be received in Milan ; 
 
 362. 
 Nuncio, leaving Paris ; 354. 
 Paper money ; 155. 
 Papists : 
 
 in England and Ireland ; 308. 
 designs against the Protestant Re- 
 ligion: 396. 
 a tax levied on ; 463. 
 Pardo, convention or act of the; 125, 
 
 147. 
 Pardubitz; 82. 
 Paris; 61, 130, 338, 352. 
 
 letters dated at ; 92, 120, 340, 353, 
 414. See also letters of J. Brisbane, 
 an English spy in ; 28, 60. 
 consternation at, probable ; 88. 
 news from; 216. 
 visit to, in the interests of peace ; 
 
 318. 
 Petkum in ; 327, 328. 
 Chevalier de Croissy in ; 333. 
 ambassadors at, complaint of the 
 
 Nuncio; 366. 
 Royal library at ; 306. 
 Paris a la main ; 250. 
 Paris Gazette, the, false news in ; 206, 
 
 213. 
 Paris carrying off Helen, a bas-relief ; 
 
 301. 
 Parker : 
 
 Admiral ; 309. 
 Mr. Justice; 312. 
 
 Sir Thomas, see Macclesfield, Earl of. 
 Parliament ; 
 
 proceedings and debates in, described, 
 &c. ; 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 16, 180, 237-240, 
 242, 244-247, 253-256. 
 secession of the Tories from ; 26, 30. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 i67 
 
 Parliament — cont. 
 
 warm debates expected on meeting 
 of; 91. 
 
 addresses to the King, on the enter- 
 prise of the Pretender's son ; 92, 93. 
 
 a party in, for abandoning the con- 
 tinent; 133, 
 
 dissolution of, in prospect ; 165. 
 
 bill for restraining privilege of; 240. 
 
 mentioned in the Petkum correspon- 
 dence ; 325, 335, 336, 352, 354, 
 355,357,358. 
 
 an address from, not agreeable to the 
 Dutch; 348. 
 
 of Charles II., opinion in France as 
 to ; 379, 383, 384, 385. 
 
 relations of the King with ; 394. 
 
 numeral representing ; 394. 
 
 Lord Danby's relations with ; 396, 
 398, 399, 405, 409. 
 
 (1679), meeting postponed ; 416. 
 
 dissolution in 1681, speech of the 
 King, &c. ; 431. 
 
 (1688), election of; 453. 
 
 views with regard to conscientious 
 action in ; 460, 461. 
 
 annual meeting of, benefits of ; 507. 
 
 Act of Parliament when void ; 316. 
 Parliament, House of Commons : 
 
 proceedings and debates described, 
 &c. ; 40, 41, 61, 188, 296, 512, 513, 
 514. 
 
 bill for reduction or redemption of 
 the funds in ; 8. 
 
 proceedings, the address, prospect for 
 the session, &c ; 10, 11, 12. 
 
 debates, &c. on augmentation of the 
 army ; 11, 62. 
 
 adjourned on account of the Speaker's 
 illness ; 13, 17. 
 
 progress of business, &c. ; 17. 
 
 motions for a call of the House ; 37, 40. 
 
 proceedings and votes in, relative to 
 Spanish depredations in the West 
 Indies, and the convention ulti- 
 mately signed ; 13, 15, 17, 25, 26. 
 
 proceedings in connexion with the 
 war; 36, 37, 81. 
 
 debate on the Place Bill ; 37, 38. 
 
 a noble reprimand by the Speaker ; 
 302. 
 
 the corrupt part of ; 306. 
 
 note-book of proceedings, 1747-1775 ; 
 309-317. 
 
 notes on practice and customs of ; 
 312-317. 
 
 absentees from ; 312. 
 
 members in Speaker's room on a 
 division being taken ; 313. 
 
 procedure of, bill for a flesh market 
 not a private bill ; 313. 
 
 action of the Speaker relative to 
 
 a Bill for an annuity clear of future 
 taxes ; 314. 
 
 when counsel cannot be heard 
 
 before a committee; 314. 
 
 bills that must arise in the 
 
 House of Commons ; 314. 
 
 Parliament, House of Commons, procedure 
 — cont. 
 
 • when petitions are taken ; 314. 
 
 " effect of the order "to be laid 
 
 on the table "; 314. 
 
 the laying of estimates before 
 
 the House of Commons ; 315. 
 
 double returns ; 315. 
 
 breach of privilege ; 316. 
 
 proceedings relative to Lord Danby ; 
 
 376, 377, 416, 427, 428, 429, 431. 
 Committee to enquire as to disposal 
 of secret service money, &c. ; 407, 
 409, 410,411. 
 Clerk of the House of Commons 
 
 allowed to act by deputy ; 473. 
 action of little courtiers and office 
 
 men in, described ; 488. 
 an office given in order to vacate a 
 seat in ; 497. 
 Parliament, House of Lords : 
 
 proceedings relative to the dispute 
 
 with Spain over depredations in 
 
 the West Indies ; 17, 32, 33. 
 
 proceedings on declaration of war ; 36. 
 
 proceedings in, in regard to Sir R. 
 
 Walpole's (Lord Orford's) policy ; 
 
 67, 84. 
 
 proceedings and debates in : 210, 244. 
 
 247. 
 person committed by, cannot be re- 
 leased unless by a writ of Hab. 
 Corp.; 416. 
 proceedings, debate, &c, relative to 
 
 Lord Danby; 426, 427, 430, 431. 
 creation of new Peers ; 458. 
 Parliamentary : 
 
 corruption ; 509. 
 
 franchise in boroughs by prescription ; 
 
 310. 
 Opposition, a meeting of Lords and 
 
 Commons at a tavern ; 39, 40. 
 prosecutions discussed ; 506. 
 Parliamentary army in Kent; 281. 
 
 attack upon Colchester; 281, 282. 
 Partition Treaty, the ; 322, 343. 
 Passage; 392. 
 
 Paston, Sir Robert, letter from ; 375. 
 Pastrana, Count of, probable plenipoten- 
 tiary; 363. 
 Patriots, the, in Parliament; 11, 26, 81, 
 
 238, 242-244, 252, 298. 
 Paulton's, letters dated at ; 180, 190. 
 Pavia; 215. 
 
 Pavy, Francis, of Shiply ; 275. 
 Peace negotiations ; 317, 320-364. 
 Anglo Dutch ultimatum ; 326. 
 Pearce, Dr., Dean of Winchester ; 250. 
 Pearle : 
 
 Mary, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Richard, of Shipley ; 275. 
 Peers, bill to restrain the Crown in making 
 of; 458, 459,509. 
 supposed author of ; 512. 
 Peirce : 
 
 Anne ; 275. 
 
 Frances ; 275. 
 
 Win., of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 
568 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pclham : 
 
 commonly called Turk Pelham, 
 
 M.P. for Lewes, death ; 9. 
 Anne, of West Grimsted; 275. 
 Mr., of Stanmer, death ; 238. 
 Mr., death ; 246. 
 Mr., afterwards Lord; 491. 
 Harry, death of his sons from ulcerous 
 
 humours of the throat ; 37, 254. 
 Henry or Mr. ; 9, 110, 118, 127, 128, 
 240, 314, 315,516. 
 
 conference with Mr. Botselaer ; 
 
 98. 
 
 friendship for Robert Trevor ; 
 
 152, 153. 
 
 letters to Robert Trevor ; 73, 
 
 95, 97, 98, 108, 114, 115, 119, 126, 
 129, 131, 133, 137, 149, 151. 
 
 letter to Francis Hare ; 234. 
 
 letters to; 103, 121, 135, 142, 
 
 145, 150, 154. 
 
 views as to the proper conduct 
 
 of a Speaker, interview with Speaker 
 Onslow; 516. 
 J., twice blown up by miDes but 
 
 unhurt ; 229, 230. 
 Richard, of West Grinstead; 275. 
 Thomas, Chief Secretary, Ireland, 
 correspondence with Pery ; 178, 
 179, 181. 
 
 mentioned ; 182, 195, 196. 
 
 Margaret daughter of ; 521. 
 
 Pelham Ministry resigned and restored ; 
 
 141. 
 Pelhani's Administration, by Coxe ; 137. 
 Pelletier, M., a horse given to ; 363. 
 Pells, Clerk of the, patronage of the 
 
 place; 246. 
 Peltinghem near Oudenarde, camp at, 
 
 letter dated at ; 100. 
 Pemberton, Chief Jnstice ; 432. 
 Pembroke, Lord or Earl of ; 141, 276. 
 legal dispute with Lady Portland ; 
 
 45, 52, 53. 
 collection of coins mentioned ; 291. 
 Pen, — , the examination of ; 307. 
 
 " our friend " ; 455. 
 Penerich, Robert, of Elmstead ; 269. 
 Pennsylvanians' conduct ; 307. 
 Penruddoch's insurrection at Salisbury ; 
 
 478. 
 Pension Bill, a ; 255, 256. 
 Pensionary of Holland. See Heinsius. 
 Perandra, San dro, painter ; 12. 
 Percival, Lord ; 310. 
 
 Perry, Mr., Chairman in House of Com- 
 mons ; 239. 
 Perth, Tay Bridge at ; 265. 
 Perth, Lord, the rebels in his country ; 131. 
 Perth Amboy, New Jersey, letter dated 
 
 at; 292. 
 Pery : 
 
 William Cecil, afterwards Baron Glent- 
 worth, Dean of Deny, &c. ; 156. 
 
 a bishopric asked for, price to 
 
 be paid tor it ; 160, 161, 162. 
 
 — Bishop of Killala, candidature 
 
 for bishopric of Limerick ; 174. 
 
 Pery — cont. 
 
 Edmund Sexten, speaker of the 
 
 House of Commons in Ireland, 
 
 letters to and from ; pp. 155-199. 
 asked to pay a visit fo London, 
 
 &c. ; 156, 157. 
 asks for a bishopric for his 
 
 brother; 160, 161. 
 summoned to a meeting at the 
 
 Chancellor's; 165. 
 
 letter from, explaining affairs 
 
 in Ireland; 166-167. 
 
 correspondence with Lord Shel- 
 
 burne; 168-173. 
 
 relations with Duke of Port- 
 land ; 169. 
 
 rumour of his being about to 
 
 be called to the House of Lords ; 
 
 171. 
 declarations as to his intention 
 
 to quit the Speakership ; 171, 174, 
 
 175. 
 re-election to Speakership ; 180. 
 
 on the resolutions relative to 
 
 commercial arrangements between 
 Great Britain and Ireland ; 187. 
 
 • retirement from the Speakership ; 
 189, 190, 197. 
 
 ■ resolution of thanks from the 
 
 House of Commons ; 189. 
 
 granted a viscountcy and a 
 
 pension ; 190. 
 Lord Lieutenant's speech sub- 
 mitted to ; 191. 
 
 a medal of, struck ; 195. 
 
 Peterborough, Lord ; 425, 434, 451, 454. 
 commanding the fleet sent to relieve 
 Barcelona, &c. ; 209, 210, 211,213. 
 Peters, Father ; 454. 
 Petersburg ; 43. 
 Potkum : 
 
 correspondence ; 267. 
 account of his negotiations for peace 
 with Marquis de Torcy; 317-319. 
 journeys in France; 327, 341. 
 letters to and from ; 320-359, 365- 
 
 366. 
 passport for; 327. 
 
 letters from private correspondent of, 
 at Paris ; 359-365. 
 Petre, Lord, great new house at Thorndon ;. 
 265. 
 return of rental made by ; 281. 
 Petworth, a picture at; 261. 
 Phebe, a slave; 273. 
 Philip : 
 
 King of Spain ; 323, 324, 325, 326,. 
 327, 328, 329, 336, 337, 350, 352, 
 353, 354, 356, 388. 
 
 can do little in Spain; 231. 
 
 and the throne of Spain ; 318. 
 
 envoys or plenipotentiaries of ; 
 
 359, 362, 364. 
 The Infant Don; 29, 48, 125, 126, 
 129. 
 
 danger of his being beaten out 
 
 of Italy ; 145. 
 Philips, Arthur, of Harting; 275. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 569 
 
 Phillippeville 206, 365. 
 Picardy : 
 
 irruption of cavalry into ; 219. 
 militia of; 226. 
 
 English regiment quartered in ; 390. 
 Piedmont, Prince of ; 350. 
 Piggot, Samuel, master of the free school, 
 
 Guildford; 497. 
 Pike, George; 278. 
 Pisa; 91. 
 Pitt, William ; 169, 240, 313, 315. 
 
 resolutions with regard to Ireland ; 
 
 185, 186, 187. 
 moves an address relating to Ireland ; 
 
 188. 
 his " people " cast down at the 
 doings of the Irish parliament ; 
 196. 
 letter from ; 146. 
 hates the Chancellor ; 197. 
 the points of his character, policy and 
 speeches ; 298, 299, 300. 
 Pittfield, Mr. ; 315. 
 Place Bill in the House of Commons ; 37, 
 
 38, 40, 252, 254, 255. 
 Places, the tax on ; 296. 
 Plague, the, in Italy ; 89. 
 Plumptres, family at Nottingham ; 235. 
 Plunket, an Irish Papist, concerned in the 
 
 Atterbury conspiracy ; 512, 514. 
 Plymouth; 367,385. 
 
 election for, heard at the bar of the 
 House; 235. 
 Plymouth, Lord ; 406, 407, 408. 
 
 funeral, debts, &c. of ; 421. 
 
 Lady, Lord Danby's daughter ; 407, 
 408, 425. 
 Po, River ; 204. 
 Podewils, Mons. ; 86. 
 Poland : 
 
 the kingdom of ; 111. 
 
 commotions in ; 296. 
 
 a nation as unsteady as the English ; 
 
 372. 
 King of, an artifice to catch the ; 
 119. 
 
 as Emperor ; 128. 
 
 threatens to recall his troops ; 
 
 232. 
 Pole, Jacob, of Colchester ; 275. 
 Polignac, Abbe de ; 342, 343, 349, 350, 
 365. 
 as a plenipotentiary ; 366, 364. 
 Political pamphlets ; 36. 
 Pollard, Sir Amias ; 274. 
 Pollexfen, Mr., heads of arguments ; 440. 
 Pomerania ; 73, 372. 
 Pomfret, Lord, challenges the Duke of 
 
 Grafton, &c. ; 160. 
 Pompolona. See Pamplona. 
 Pomponne, Abbe of, made Ecclesiastical 
 
 Councillor; 364. 
 Pomponne, Monsieur de ; 379, 395. 
 certain dry negatives of; 386. 
 a conversation with ; 391. 
 letter and numeral representing ; 
 395. 
 Pondicherry ; 298. 
 
 Ponsoaby, J., a candidate for the Speaker- 
 ship of House of Commons in Ireland ; 
 173, 175, 176. 
 Pont-a-Mousson in Lorraine; 36, 386. 
 Pont-a-Rache near Douay ; 227. 
 Pont-a-Tressin, camp at, letter dated at ; 
 
 99. 
 Ponzon, or Ponzoni, Matteo, painting of 
 
 the Holy Family by ; 11 (2), 14. 
 Poole : 
 
 Sir Courtney; 274. 
 John; 274. 
 Pope, Alexander ; 243. 
 Pope of Rome, the old, his advice to the 
 Pretender ; 48. 
 election of, dissensions in the Con- 
 clave, &c. ; 52. 
 Cardinal Lambertini elected ; 54. 
 and the Young Pretender's expedition 
 
 to Scotland; 131. 
 an election of a, the finest sight in 
 
 Europe; 253. 
 not dead ; 255. 
 election of; 368. 
 
 designs against Protestant States; 396. 
 Popery Bills in Ireland ; 164. 
 Popham, Sir John, Solicitor General ; 475. 
 Populace, the word construed ; 315. 
 Porte, the ; 355. 
 
 letters from Vienna to ; 11. 
 effect of its recognition ; 70. 
 Porter, Sir Charles, Lord Chancellor of 
 
 Ireland; 194. 
 Portland, Duke of, Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, character, &c, ; 163, 164, 
 165. 
 correspondence with Pery ; 169. 
 return to England, causes ; 169. 
 conduct as Lord Lieutenant ; 170. 
 Portland, Lady, dispute with Lord Pem- 
 broke ; 45, 46, 53. 
 PortMahon; 57, 75, 330. 
 Portobello, the taking of; 42, 43. 
 names of the forts at ; 43. 
 fortifications destroyed ; 256. 
 Portsmouth ; 385. 
 
 small pox in ; 251. 
 Portsmouth, Lady; 416, 441, 442. 
 Portugal, project against ; 216. 
 King of; 321, 344, 364. 
 
 terms of peace as affecting; 319. 
 
 ministers of ; 334. 
 
 Portuguese Colonies, trade of serving them. 
 
 with negroes ; 20. 
 Portuguese, the, take Salamanca ; 212. 
 Posling; 388. 
 Postman, the ; 203. 
 
 Post Office, franking of letters to and from 
 Ireland, &c. ; 178. 
 letters opened at ; 179. 
 treasurer of the, emoluments ; 501. 
 Potomac in Virginia, convicts transported 
 
 to; 77. 
 Potsdam ; 197, 305. 
 Potter : 
 
 John, Bishop of Oxford, afterwards 
 
 Archbishop of Canterbury ; 4. 
 Paulus, Flemish painter ; 14. 
 
570 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pottes on the Scheldt ; 220, 221. 
 Powder, method of testing, and supply, 
 
 described ; 62. 
 Powell, Thomas, clerk of "le Whight 
 
 Harte," of Colchester ; 271. 
 Powerscourt, Lord, his park by Dublin ; 
 
 264. 
 Powis, Lord, his oaks by Ludlow ; 263. 
 Pownall, Thomas, letter to Pery ; 155. 
 Poyning's law; 167, 169 (2). 
 Poyntz: 
 
 Mr., asked to reply to a pamphlet ; 
 87. 
 
 at Midgham ; 241. 
 
 Stephen, letters from; 109, 112. 
 Praemunire ; 315. 
 Pragmatic sanction, the ; 63, 65, 66, 67, 
 
 68, 69, 70, 73, 95, 124. 
 Pratt, — , of Roffy ; 275. 
 Preliminaries of peace, the ; 342, 346, 347, 
 
 351. 
 Presbyterian, a, gives information to the 
 
 Duke of York; 414. 
 Press, a speech on the liberty of the ; 243. 
 Press gangs resisted ; 55. 
 Preston; 138. 
 
 election petition ; 316. 
 Pretender, the (" James III.") : 
 
 arrangements for a spy's correspon- 
 dence relative to ; 20, 21. 
 projected visit to Spain ; 45, 47, 52. 
 project of a visit to France ; 46, 61, 
 
 82. 
 supposed action of the adherents of ; 
 
 30, 31. 
 his confidant ; 46. 
 schemes, &c. in progress ; 52, 70, 71, 
 
 91,93, 94. 
 policy in regard to the war with 
 
 Spain ; 52. 
 nothing new with regard to ; 54. 
 consternation at failure of eldest son's 
 
 enterprise; 94. 
 French engagements with regard to ; 
 
 124. 
 his prospects; 248. 
 effect of his interest at Rome, on 
 
 English travellers ; 250, 251. 
 plot in favour of ; 462, 512. 
 negotiations with ; 510. 
 Pretender, the Young (Charles Edward) : 
 proposed king of Corsica ; 4 
 the title of prince for, objected to ; 8. 
 hopes of sending him somewhere, a 
 
 medal struck for him ; 48. 
 departure from Rome for invasion of 
 
 England, details ; 91, 92, 93, 94. 
 a printed account and Latin verses 
 
 relative to ; 94. 
 voyage of, its import ; 127. 
 embarkation for Scotland ; 130. 
 the progress of the rebellion, &c. ; 
 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, 139, 
 140, 144. 
 in Scotland, " the adventurer," move- 
 ments of ; 145. 
 
 Pretender's second son supposed to be 
 
 taken ; 135. 
 Prices, examples of ; 278. 
 Pride, Colonel; 478. 
 Prideaux : 
 
 Dr., letter to the Bishop of London, 
 
 mentioned ; 298. 
 Sir Peter; 274. 
 Peter, Esq. ; 274. 
 Captain Richard; 273. 
 Prideaux's daughter; 437. 
 Prie, Marquis de, Austrian Governor ©f 
 Brussels ; 507. 
 ! Prince, John, and wife ; 275. 
 Prince Generals, the ; 339, 347, 349. 
 Princess Royal's match, ill-undertaken 
 
 and worse supported ; 60. 
 Princesses, the. attacked by measles ; 
 
 246. 
 Princeton College, New Jersey ; 292. 
 Prior, Matthew, as a Plenipotentiary ; 360. 
 Privateers : 379. 
 Privy Council : 
 
 powers as to quarantine ; 90. 
 at Hampton Court ; 434. 
 Prize matters, right of appeal in ; 312. 
 Prizes taken ; 43. 
 Proctor, Mr. ; 259. 
 Protestant religion and states, designs 
 
 against ; 396. 
 Protectors, the ; 244. 
 Provence ; 152. 
 
 abortion of design of invading ; 153. 
 Prussia : 
 
 alliance with, progress of negotiations; 
 
 51. 
 relations with Austria; 62, 70, 71, 
 74. 
 
 ■ a joint application to the courts 
 
 of, referred to ; 68, 69. 
 and Saxony, relations between ; 65. 
 attitude in regard to European poli- 
 tics ; 68, 69, 70, 71. 
 alliance of, with France and Bavaria, 
 
 deprecated ; 69. 
 negotiations with ; 120. 
 detachment of, from France, and 
 reconciliation with Austria, the 
 effect of the policy ; 135, 136. 
 power of ; 314. 
 King of, see Frederick. 
 Prince Royal of, hint that he would 
 accept a pension from the K. of 
 England ; 23, 24. 
 Queen of; 23. 
 Prussian : 
 
 foot soldiers counted the bravest 
 
 troops; 135. 
 Minister's pressnce in England dis- 
 cussed ; 23. 
 troops at Alost ; 212. 
 Prussians,. proceedings in Gueldre ; 1. 
 Puby, Mr. ; 244. 
 
 Pullen, lieutenant of horse ; 450, 451. 
 Pulteney, Poultenay : 
 
 Mr., speeches in Parliament, &c. ; 15, 
 25, 36, 37, 41, 62, 239, 240, 255. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 571 
 
 Pulteney, Poultenay — cont. 
 
 Mr., hint of leaving the House of 
 Commons ; 26. 
 
 mentioned ; 43, 61, 67. 
 
 Daniel, animosity to Sir R. Walpole, 
 
 &c. ; 465, 466. 
 William (afterwards Earl of Bath) ; 
 
 466. 
 William, Chairman of a Committee of 
 the House of Commons ; 513. 
 Punnet, Roger, of Barbados, bill of sale 
 
 from; 273. 
 Purchase of office ; 421. 
 Puritans, Archbishop Tillotson's opinion 
 
 of; 497. 
 Pusey, Mrs., bill relating to ; 314. 
 Putney Common ; 444. 
 Putt, Sir Thomas; 274. 
 Puymoran, one, a great friend of Mr. 
 
 Montagu; 399. 
 Pyrenees, the treaty of the; 319, 383, 
 
 389. 
 Pyrford, estate at, purchased ; 495. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quakers : 
 
 the; 243, 274, 275, 581(«)- 
 legalizing of the children of ; 481. 
 Quakers' meeting house in Colches- 
 ter; 275. 
 Qualification Bill, a ; 255. 
 Quarantine, by what authority imposed, 
 
 &e.; 90. 
 Quartan ague, a specific for; 447. 
 Quarter Sessions, people flocking to, to 
 take an oath of allegiance to the govern- 
 ment; 463. 
 Quebec : 
 
 Bill or Act, the ; 305, 307. 
 privation of the inhabitants ; 296. 
 effects of the capture of; 308. 
 failure of the expedition to ; 362. 
 Queenborough ; 414. 
 Quesnel, Father, New Testament of ; 
 
 364. 
 Quesnoy; 233. 
 Queurain ; 228, 229. 
 Quin, Henry, M.D., letter to Pery ; 195. 
 Quincy, quoted ; 255. 
 Quiros, Don Bernard de ; 324, 325, 330, 
 331. 
 
 R 
 
 Ragley, letters dated at ; 405, 406. 
 Rainsbro' fort, built during siege of Col- 
 chester; 286. 
 Ralf, parson of Great Fakenham ; 269. 
 Ramby, Mr., surgeon in the British army ; 
 
 88. 
 Ramey, near Judoign ; 206. 
 
 nunnery of; 206. 
 Ramillies, battle of, described ; 21]. 
 Randall: 
 
 Frances, of West Grimsted ; 275. 
 
 Robert, of West Grimsted ; 275. 
 Randyl, Morgan, some time member for 
 
 Guildford; 512. 
 Ranelagh, Lord ; 451. 
 
 purchases the place of Gentleman 
 of the Bedchamber ; 411. 
 Rati sb on ; 11. 
 
 Raucoux, battle of; 151, 152, 153. 
 Raymond : 
 
 Sir Robert, Attorney-General (" the 
 attorney ") ; 234. 
 
 afterwards Lord ; 514. 
 
 Lord, his seat visited ; 240. 
 
 Judge; 428. 
 Raynforth, Sir John ; 27 1. 
 Raynham, — , Mayor of Colchester; 276. 
 Rebellion of 1745, note on ; 523. See 
 
 also Pretender. 
 Rebow, Sir Isaac, Vice- Admiral ; 276. 
 Recusants, warrant to stop process against ; 
 
 274. 
 Rede, Sir Edmund ; 270, 271. 
 Register, Bill for a general ; 248, 256. 
 Reide, Mr., contractor for transporting 
 
 convicts; 77. 
 Religion as affecting European politics ; 
 
 83. 
 Reprisal, letters of ; 239. 
 Reresby, Sir John, letter from ; 436. 
 Restoration, the, Lord Onslow's views of ; 
 
 479, 482, 484. 
 Resurge, peace of, mentioned ; 317. 
 Retz, Cardinal de; 147. 
 Revesby Abbey ; 271, 272. 
 Reynolds : 
 
 of the Clare Hall Club ; 235. 
 
 Richard, Bishop of Lin com ; 244. 
 Rheims: 
 
 Archbishop of, death mentioned ; 
 364. 
 
 Bishop of, visit to England ; 381. 
 Rhine, the ; 83, 344. 
 
 campaign on ; 85, 86, 228. 
 
 princes on the, alliance against 
 France ; 86. 
 
 scenery, a comparison with ; 265. 
 Rhinfels; 344. 
 
 Ribston, letter dated at ; 447. 
 Richard I, disafforested the county of 
 
 Surrey; 487. 
 Richard II., indenture of war; 270. 
 Richard of Cirencester, Itinerary of, 
 
 Bertram's forgery ; 294. 
 
 Dr. Stukeley's account of ; 304. 
 
572 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 " Richard of Westminster," his literary 
 
 labours, &c. ; 293. 
 Kichelieu, Duke of; 139. 
 Richmond; 17, 156, 197, 241. 
 Richmond, Cbarles Lennox, 2nd Duke of ; 
 141. 
 
 details of battle of Dettingen ; 
 
 89. 
 
 at Lewes Races; 236. 
 
 [Charles Lennox, 3rd] Duke of, to 
 have the Garter; 164. 
 
 mischievous conduct of ; 307. 
 
 Richmond Park; 22. 
 Rigsby, John ; 271. 
 
 Rigby, Richard, Keeper of the Rolls of 
 Chancery in Ireland, letter to Pery ; 
 161. 
 Riot Act ; 39. 
 Ripon ; 260, 447. 
 Rivers : 
 
 [Thomas Savage, 3rd] Earl ; 425. 
 [Richard Savage, 4th] Earl, Vice- 
 Admiral of Essex, warrants : 276. 
 
 return of rental made by; 281. 
 
 Riversdale, Lord, letter to, his request for 
 
 a peerage ; 191, 192. 
 Riviere, M., name used on the occasion of 
 visit to Paris to set on foot negotia- 
 tions for peace ; 317. 
 passport for ; 327, 328. 
 Robert, John ; 455. 
 Robin, a messenger for LordDanby ; 425, 
 
 429. 
 Robinett, — ; 447. 
 Robinson : 
 
 Mr.; 157. 
 
 Lucas, burgess for Scarborough ; 488. 
 
 Sir Thomas or Tom ; 110, 127. 
 
 an end put to his appointments, 
 
 return to Vienna ; 14. 
 
 letters from Vienna ; 45, 71, 82, 
 
 83, 111, 146. 
 
 his presence of mind applauded; 
 
 63. 
 
 diplomatic proceedings, &c. j 65, 
 
 74,75. 
 Rochdale ; 455. 
 Rochefort; 404. 
 Rochelle; 373. 
 Rochester : 
 
 taken by Royalists, &c; 281, 282. 
 K. James retires to ; 455. 
 Atterbury, Bishop of, promotes a 
 
 plot for the Pretender ; 462. 
 _-, — trial of ; 463. 
 Earl of ; 274 (2), 440, 444, 452. 
 Rockingham : 
 
 faction; 306. 
 
 Marquess of, death of, &c. ; 169, 521. 
 Rocque, Mous. de ; 226. 
 Rodney, Admiral, in the West Indies, &c. ; 
 
 156, 305, 309. 
 Roegate; 275. 
 Rogers, Sir Edward; 475. 
 Rolle : 
 
 one of Cromwell's appointed judges ; 
 
 479. 
 Sir John ; 273. 
 
 Rolls, Master of the, disposal of the office ; 
 
 445. 
 Rolls : 
 
 Sir John ; 274. 
 Samuel ; 274. 
 Roman Catholics of Ireland. -See Ireland. 
 Romanengo ; 207. 
 
 Romans, King of the, election of; 314. 
 Romberg, le Baron de ; 42. 
 Rome ; 20, 61, 70, 91, 92, 248, 249, 250, 
 252. 
 advices, &c. from ; 45, 46, 48, 52, 91, 
 
 92. 
 consternation in, on failure of Pre- 
 tender's enterprise ; 94. 
 " our friend at," a remittance for ; 
 
 82. 
 letter dated at; 130. 
 coffee houses in, filled with the Pre- 
 tender's people ; 251. 
 a number of sober young gentlemen 
 
 at ; 253. 
 King of Spain's agent at ; 362. 
 the cost of a dispensation from, when 
 
 princes are resolute ; 387. 
 Conclave in, dissensions in ; 48, 52. 
 Court of, Voltaire's attacks on ; 60. 
 Romsey ; 251. 
 Roos : 
 
 E. Lady, letter to Lord Danby ; 415. 
 Lord; 417. 
 Rospigliosi, Cardinal, elected Pope ; 368. 
 Rosse, Lord ; 387. 
 Rotlidg, an Irishman, connected with the 
 
 Young Pretender ; 130. 
 Rotterdam : 
 
 a spy's correspondence to pass 
 
 through; 20, 21, 60. 
 tin shipped for; 411. 
 Rouille, Mons ; 223, 224. 
 
 letters to and from ; 340-358. 
 Round : 
 
 James, Esq., of Birch Hall, the MSS. 
 
 of, introduction to ; 267. 
 " honest Jemmy," takes the chair at 
 quarter sessions ; 303. 
 Rouquillos, Don Pedro ; 437. 
 Rousselaer, letter dated at; 211. 
 Roussett, — ; 78. 
 Rousy, Count de, Lieutenant-General ; 
 
 201. 
 Row, Brigadier ; 200. 
 Rowley, Admiral, his Chinese temple ; 305. 
 
 mentioned; 309. 
 Royal Horse, troops of the ; 288. 
 Rupert, Prince ; 289, 367, 369, 381. 
 Rushout, Sir John ; 81. 
 Russell, Cherry, reported to be in Holland j 
 
 448. 
 Russia, or Court of Russia : 
 
 an alliance against, discussed ; 30. 
 understanding with Sweden ; 43, 77. 
 basis of alliance with Prussia and 
 
 England, discussed ; 50, 51, 65. 
 necessity of her friendship to Eng- 
 land ; 53. 
 aid of, against France and Spain, 
 how only to be obtained ; 54, 56. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 573 
 
 Russia, or Court of Russia- -cont. 
 
 its declaration in regard to the prag- 
 matic sanction ; 66. 
 part and influence in European poli- 
 tics ; 73. 
 demands of ; 106. 
 forced to make peace ; 252, 253. 
 advance of; 304. 
 Czarina or Empress ; 56, 113. 
 cruelty tarnishing her reputa- 
 tion ; 53. 
 
 attack on, encouraged; 245, 
 
 246. 
 English ambassador in ; 80. 
 state prisoners in, punishment of ; 
 80. 
 Russians, offers of; 136. 
 Rutherford, J., letter from ; 280. 
 Rutland; 275. 
 
 [John Manners, 8th] Earl of, death ; 
 
 417. 
 9th Earl ; 421, 423, 424, 425, 431. 
 
 a difference with Lord Lindsey ; 
 
 444. 
 Duke of; 163 ; 189. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 
 health of ; 183. 
 
 death ; 194. 
 
 Lady ; 447. 
 Ruvigny, Monsieur de ; 385, 399. 
 Ruyter, Admiral de ; 367. 
 
 offers from the English to ; 375. 
 Rycot, Rycote ; 423. 
 
 letter dated at ; 432. 
 Ryder, Sir D., Attorney- General; 311. 
 Rye, threatened ; 368. 
 
 picture in the town hall of; 520 (n). 
 Ryston ; 372. 
 R} r swick, treaty of ; 344. 
 
 s. 
 
 S., General, a letter of, alluded to ; 330. 
 Sackville, Lord ; 191, 192. 
 
 letter to Pery ; 162. 
 Sagan, principality of, its value ; 111. 
 Sagittarius letters against the Boston 
 
 faction; 308. 
 St. Aignan, Due or Monsieur de ; 46. 
 St. Albans, Earl of; 370, 414, 424, 425. 
 
 banished the French army ; 367. 
 St. Alban's family mismanage an election ; 
 
 239. 
 St. Amand; 224, 226. 
 St. Baron, Madame ; 2. 
 St. Catherine's, mastership of; 154. 
 St. Chard's Church ; 474. 
 St. Frond ; 203. 
 St. Geran, Cointe de ; 382. 
 St. Germains ; 398. 
 
 St. Giles, Lord Shaftesbury's estate; 377. 
 St. Guilain ; 228. 
 
 battle near; 229. 
 capture of; 390, 391. 
 St. Hubert, abbey of, its dependence ; 124. 
 St. Ildefonso; 21. 
 St. James's; 346. 
 
 St. James's House, a magnificent table 
 kept for Court members daring Parlia- 
 ment time ; 509. 
 St. John, Lord; 355, 515. 
 St. John Maddermarket ; 271. 
 St. John's [Colchester], the ledger book 
 
 of; 291. 
 St. John's Green, Colchester ; 291. 
 St. John's, N.B., capture of ; 308. 
 St. Katherine's, place of brother of; 415. 
 St. Martin's parish in Colchester ; 275. 
 St. Mary's Fort, Colchester ; 282, 285, 287, 
 
 288. 
 St. Mary's, York, fragment of a cartulary 
 
 of ; 270. 
 St. Maure ; 226. 
 St. Osyth ; 270. 
 St. Paul's, children of Bishop Hare buried 
 
 at ; 259. 
 St. Petersburg, punishment of State 
 
 prisoners in ; 80. 
 St. Pierre, mountain of, in the Nether- 
 lands ; 152. 
 St. Quintin Lenniche ; 217. 
 St. Sebastian suggested as a cautionary 
 
 town; 392. 
 St. Tropez, French vessels burnt at, com- 
 pensation proposed for ; 124. 
 
 the article of, raised indignation ; 132. 
 Salamanca taken ; 212. 
 Salisbury; 446. 
 
 insurrection at ; 478. 
 Salisbury, Bishop, asked to reply to a 
 
 pamphlet; 87. 
 Salisbury, Earl of, return of rental made 
 by; 281. 
 mentioned ; 422, 423, 426, 430, 451, 
 454. 
 Salisbury House, searched; 451. 
 Salmon, Dr., History of Essex, mentioned ; 
 
 291. 
 Sambre, River ; 228, 365. 
 Sambrook, Lieutenant Colonel ; 286. 
 Sampford, John, Abbot ; 276. 
 Sample, my lord ; 120, 131. 
 Samson, P. A., letter from ; 4. 
 Sand, Mr. ; 244. 
 Sandbeck ; 444. 
 Sandon, Sir William ; 272. 
 Sandwich; 271. 
 Sandwich, Earl of ; 482. 
 
 departure on a mission for Holland ; 
 
 149 (2). 
 his character, &c. ; 149, 153. 
 Sandys, Mr., political action; 26, 81. 
 M.P. for Droitwich; 310. 
 M.P. for Worcester, afterwards Lord 
 Sandys; 514. 
 Sanghin, letter dated at ; 222. 
 Saragossa, Archbishopric of; 362. 
 
574 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sardinia ; 125, 330, 331, 337, 349. 
 
 King of; 152. 
 
 his character ; 29. 
 
 marriage of his daughter to the 
 
 Dauphin ; 153. 
 Sart, Bois de, near St. Guilian ; 229. 
 Sarum, a ramble to ; 251. 
 Saunderson, Sir Thomas ; 36, 39. 
 Saurin's petition refused ; 48. 
 
 the King's anger at the mention of 
 his name; 61. 
 Savage, Sir Thomas ; 269. 
 Savoy; 220. 
 
 Duke of; 212, 215, 320-325, 342- 
 345, 356. 
 
 campaign of; 221. 
 
 terms of peace as affecting ; 
 
 319. 
 
 suspected by the allies ; 320, 
 
 321. 
 
 engaged by the French ; 390. 
 
 Sawyer, Sir Robert, Attorney General, 
 
 fumbling in Court ; 439. 
 Saxe, Count de or Marshal ; 84, 115. 
 military operations ; 100. 
 threatening the Low Countries ; 136. 
 Saxe Weissenfels, — ; 110, 143. 
 Saxon Court, the demands of, discussed ; 
 
 111. 
 Saxon subsidy, the; 105, 108, 109. 
 Saxon troops ; 339. 
 Saxons, a saying of the King of Prussia as 
 
 to the ; 83. 
 Saxony : 
 
 relations with Prussia ; 65. 
 
 treaty with Austria; 71. 
 
 the Protestaut religion in ; 111. 
 
 passage of Prussian troops through ; 
 
 125. 
 the " Devil and all" in ; 128. 
 abundant harvest in, and previous 
 
 scarcity ; 304. 
 treated as a conquered province ; 
 
 296. 
 the King of; 342. 
 Elector of; 143. 
 means to gain ; 5o. 
 
 as a member of a European 
 
 alliance, &c. ; 63, 65, 67, 69, 71, 
 76. 
 
 his conduct disapproved ; 66. 
 
 treaties of the King with, in his 
 
 dual character; 96. 
 
 subsidy for; 313. 
 
 Saymakers ; 285. 
 Scarborough : 
 
 little company at ; 261. 
 
 Castle, seized for the Prince of 
 Orange ; 449, 450. 
 
 Dr. Ch., letter from ; 280. 
 
 Lord; 36, 168, 240,247. 
 
 suicide, disposiiion of his 
 
 property, &c. ; 39, 40, 256. 
 
 Scarpe, the, or Fort Scarp ; 229, 230, 231, 
 
 232. 
 Scarsdale : 
 
 Countess of, mother of; 495. 
 
 Lord, his grand house and oaks ; 263. 
 
 Scawen : 
 
 Sir Thomas, incident connected with 
 
 his son's election for Surrey ; 518. 
 Mr., election for co. of Surrey, 
 incidents of ; 518, 519. 
 Sceaux; 384. 
 Schaub, Sir Luke, at Hanover, his 
 
 intrigues, &c. ; 54. 
 Scheldt, River, campaigns on; 99, 100, 
 
 117, 218, 220, 221, 223, 224, 228, 233. 
 Scheveling ; 448. 
 Schmettau, Baron ; 123. 
 Schmettau's letters ; 103. 
 Schomberg : 
 Dr.; 294. 
 Marechal de ; 380> 3S2. 
 
 his English connexions, &c. ; 
 
 381. 
 
 cause of his not settling in Eng- 
 land ; 392. 
 Schonen, gunpowder mills in ; 374. 
 Schulemburg, General ; 225, 226. 
 Schuningen ; 201. 
 Scotland : 
 
 command of the forces in, &c. ; 46. 
 
 a landing in, suggested ; 120. 
 
 the Young Pretender's rebellion in 
 
 1745; 130-144,391. 
 troubles in, fear of their becoming 
 
 habitual ; 145. 
 travelling in ; 265. 
 numeral representing ; 394. 
 designs of France with regard to ; 
 403. 
 Scotch : 
 
 Army, the ; 290. 
 
 brogue; 261. 
 
 clergy, models for residence and 
 
 watchfulness ; 304. 
 Members of Parliament, scandalous 
 paragraph in the Dutch Gazettes 
 relating to; 5. 
 sympathies with England in respect 
 
 of the American troubles ; 308. 
 trade in the Sound; 373. 
 Scott,—; 176. 
 Col.; 436. 
 
 the Duke of Buckingham's 
 
 agent in Paris ; 404. 
 
 Doctor, spiritual adviser to Judge 
 Jeffreys; 486. 
 Scott and lott; 315. 
 Scottish failure; 326. 
 Scroggs : 
 
 Serjeant; 384. 
 
 Sir William, Lord Chief Justice; 
 422, 427, 428. 
 
 at Windsor, advising the King ; 
 
 416. 
 
 the reward of; 443. 
 
 Scroop : 
 
 Lady; 403. 
 
 visit to Lord Danby ; 440. 
 
 Scrope, Mr., of the Treasury ; 46. 
 Seaford election petition ; 315. 
 Seamen, impressing of; 247, 252, 276. 
 Seceders, the; 245, 248, 252. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 57i 
 
 Seeker, Thomas, Bishop of Oxford ; 244. 
 
 and the Prince of Wales ; 80. 
 Secret correspondence, plans suggested 
 
 for; 22. 
 Secret Service money ; 403. 
 
 Committee's examination as to amount 
 and disposal of, &c. ; 407, 409, 
 410. 
 Secretary at War, lucid speech in Parlia- 
 ment on the state of the army ; 62. 
 Segovia, Castle of; 349. 
 Segur, M. de ; 113. 
 
 Seignelay, Marquis of, letters represent- 
 ing ; 395. 
 Selden, Mr.; 311. 
 Selkirk, Lord ; 245. 
 Selwyn, " Young Mr.," seconds the motion 
 
 for the Address ; 10. 
 Seminaries for the EDglish in Flanders, 
 
 their effect ; 236. 
 Sensett, River ; 232. 
 Septennial Bill, effort to repeal ; 39. 
 Serjeant, Mr. ; 162. 
 Serjeants and counsel ; 475. . 
 Sevenoaks, manor of, Kent; 272. 
 Seville, treaty of; 68, 244. 
 Sewell's History of the Qtiakers ; 274. 
 Seymour : 
 
 Edward, Speaker; 274. 
 Sir Edward ; 274, 474. 
 Mr. ; 422, 435. 
 Mr., the reward of ; 443. 
 Shadwell, Sir John, physician in ordinary 
 
 to Queen Anne ; 489. 
 Shaftesbury, Lord; 404, 423, 426, 427, 
 430, 482. 
 his character, &c. ; 377. 
 his agent in Paris ; 404. 
 suborned witnesses against, &c. ; 435, 
 
 436. 
 a kinswoman of ; 437. 
 Shannon, Lord ; 159, 160. 
 
 letter to Pery ; 176. 
 Shaw: 
 
 Dr., preferment ; 10. 
 Sir John, v. Mayor of Colchester; 
 274. 
 
 complaints against ; 274. 
 
 Sheepskins, art of pulling wool from ; 48, 
 
 49. 
 Sheerness, fortified ; 369. 
 Shelburne, Earl of : 
 
 to have the garter ; 164. 
 correspondence, &c, with Pery ; 168- 
 
 173. 
 views with regard to Ireland; 169, 
 
 170. 
 a conversation with Pery ; 173. 
 Sheldon : 
 
 Archbishop; 310. 
 
 an English shipwright in Sweden ; 
 371. 
 Shelley, Sir John, of Michelgrove, 
 daughter married to George Onslow ; 
 521, 522. 
 Sherard, Lord; 416. 
 
 Sheridan : 
 
 Mr., an officer in the young Preten- 
 der's suite ; 130. 
 
 Secretaryof War in Ireland ; 168. 
 
 Richard Brinsley ; 188. 
 Sheriff incapable of being M.P. for his 
 
 county ; 312. 
 Sherlock, Thomas, Bishop of Sarum,named 
 in a satire ; 243. 
 
 speech in the House of Lords; 244. 
 Sherlock's Abbey, Mrs. ; 273. 
 Shipley ; 275, 276. 
 Shippen, Mr. ; 61. 237. 
 Ships' names : 
 
 Black Prince ; 157. 
 
 Canterbury, man-of-war ; 35. 
 
 Charlotte ; 3. 
 
 Chester, man-of-war ; 35. 
 
 Diamond, man-of war ; 43. 
 
 Dorsetshire, 70 gun ship ; 295. 
 
 Edgar; 375. 
 
 Eltham; 4. 
 
 Fairfax; 375. 
 
 Monk-, 375. 
 
 Page; 3,4. 
 
 Rupert; 375. 
 
 St. Michael's; 375 (2). 
 
 Sally, conveying convicts ; 77. 
 
 Sheerness ; 135. 
 
 Vanguard ; 368. 
 
 Yarmouth ; 375. 
 Shirley, Sir Thomas, daughter of, married 
 
 to Edward Onslow ; 476. 
 Short, EdAvard, at the Ordnance office ; 83. 
 Shovell, Sir Cloudesley, Commissioner 
 
 of the Admiralty ; 276. 
 Shrewsbury, Foundling Hospital at ; 299. 
 
 Onslow, near ; 473. 
 
 Richard Onslow buried in ; 474. 
 Shrewsbury, Duke of; 455, 491. 
 
 a saying of; 128. 
 
 seen in Holland ; 448. 
 
 a sour letter writer to ; 488. 
 Shute, Mr. ; 210. 
 Siby, Abbe ; 398. 
 Sicilian abbot, "an English agent in 
 
 France ; 23, 60. 
 Sicily ; 152, 321, 337, 347, 349. 
 
 prohibition of ships from ; 90. 
 Sick and wounded, fund for ; 377. 
 Sidney : 
 
 Sir Philip, a portrait of ; 300. 
 
 Mr. ; 414. 
 Silesia ; 111. 
 
 rights to fiefs in ; 63. 
 
 King of Prussia's declaration on 
 marching into ; 64. 
 
 partition of ; 65. 
 
 progress made by the King of Prussia 
 in; 69,71. 
 
 yields good foot-soldiers ; 82. 
 
 obligations guaranteed by ; 126. 
 " Silesia madness " of the Queen of Hun- 
 gary; 132. 
 Sinking Fund, application of the, dis- 
 cussed ; 6, 7. 
 
 a paper on the produce, application, 
 &c. of; 16. 
 
570 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Sinzendorf, Count; 34], 347-359. 
 
 declaration of; 18. 
 " Sir Thomas " ; 206. 
 Skelton, Mr., lieutenant of the Tower ; 
 
 451,452. 
 Skiddaw, view from ; 263. 
 JSlangenberg, — ; 203, 205. 
 Slave trade, the ; 20. 
 Slaves, treatment of ; 300. 
 Sleswig Holstein, Duke of, the negotiations 
 for peace of a minister of, with Mar- 
 quis deTorcy; 317-319. 
 Smalbroke, Richard, Bishop of Lichfield ; 
 
 244. 
 Smalls Rock on the Irish Coast, lighthouse 
 
 on; 317. 
 Smissaert, General ; 104. 
 Smith : 
 
 Agnes; 275. 
 Mr., M.P. ; 311. 
 
 Sir Jeremy, movements of his squad- 
 ron ; 367,368. 
 Sir Robert, Bart., letter from ; 304. 
 Smithson : 
 
 Ann, of Horsham ; 275. 
 Richard, of Horsham ; 275. 
 Smyth, Lieutenant ; 277. 
 Soame : 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. ; 259. 
 Miss ; 264. 
 Soho; 446. 
 Soho Square, Viscount Latimer at ; 444, 
 
 445. 
 Soignies; 219, 221. 
 Bois de ; 204. 
 Sole, Major, wounded, &c. ; 152. 
 Solingen, bayonets from ; 83. 
 Solmes, Count de, lieut.-general of the 
 
 Prince of Orange's guards ; 455. 
 Somers, Lord ; 486, 492. 
 Somersfeldt, Sommerfeldt, General; 89, 
 
 136. 
 Somerset : 
 
 Duke of; 442, 514. 
 manors in ; 269. 
 Soncino ; 204. 
 Sound, the : 
 
 trade in; 373. 
 
 privileges to English warships in ; 
 379. 
 Southampton : 
 
 Lord Treasurer, mentioned as an ex- 
 ample of uprightness ; 461, 462. 
 a ramble to ; 251. 
 South Sea : 
 
 trade in ; 325. 
 
 12 English vessels to be allowed to. 
 trade in; 361. 
 South Sea CompaDy : 
 
 Spanish relations with ; 24, 32. 
 refuse to accept the cedulas offered 
 
 by Spain, &c. ; 25. 
 suspension anticipated ; 29. 
 refusal to pay Spanish debt ; 245, 
 
 246. 
 directors ; 314. 
 cashier of ; 507. 
 
 South Sea Company — cont. 
 
 speculations, effect on the public 
 mind and morals, &c. ; 462, 504, 
 506, 507, 511, 512. 
 Southwold, net manufactory at; 294. 
 Spain : 
 
 conclusion of peace with (1667) ; 
 368. 
 
 mentioned in the Petkum correspon- 
 dence in connection with the nego- 
 tiations for peace (1708-1711); 
 320-360. 
 
 dispute with (1738-1740), ending in 
 war, negotiations, discussions and 
 progress; 13, 15, 17-22, 24-26, 
 27, 29, 31-33, 35, 37, 41, 51, 239- 
 248, 250, 252. 
 
 war declared ; 253, 254. 
 
 great concourse of people at the 
 
 proclamation of war ; 253. 
 
 a treaty with France signed ; 29, 32. 
 
 convention with Prussia ; 30. 
 
 reason alleged for not paying the 
 West Indian indemnity ; 33. 
 
 concert with France ; 34. 
 
 pamphlets written in the interest of ; 
 37. 
 
 a bill to prohibit commerce with ; 37. 
 
 convention with, attacked in the Ho. 
 of Commons ; 41. 
 
 unfounded rumour of treaty of peace 
 with; 46, 47. 
 
 designs against England ; 47. 
 
 their empty promises to the Preten- 
 der; 48. 
 
 plan for peace with (1745) ; 125. 
 
 negotiations with France, marriages, 
 &c. ; 28,29, 30, 243. 
 
 refusal to pay West Indian indemnity ; 
 247, 249. 
 
 war with France, English alliance, 
 &c; 392, 393. 
 
 proposed treaty with the Emperor, 
 &c. ; 393. 
 
 Court of, put into great agitation by 
 English pamphlets and libels, &c. ; 
 29. 
 
 said to be embarrassed ; 230. 
 
 King of, ready to enter into a con- 
 vention with England ; 18. 
 
 rumoured abdication ; 23. 
 
 a division between him and the 
 
 Queen surmised ; 32. 
 
 probable alliance ; 152. 
 
 at defence of Barcelona; 209, 
 
 210. 
 
 his image upon the high altar at 
 
 Antwerp ; 370. 
 
 Queen of ; 362. 
 
 and affairs in Corsica ; 4. 
 
 , will not lose sight of her 
 
 country in Italy ; 29. 
 
 repents of having forced Eng- 
 land into war ; 67. 
 
 monarchy of, and peace negotiations; 
 223. 
 
 throne of, not to be occupied by a 
 Bourbon Prince, &c. ; 318, 319. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 577 
 
 Spaniards, the : 
 
 hostilities; 256. 
 
 prize ship taken by ; 85. 
 
 rely only upon miracles for their 
 
 defence; 370. 
 bestow a small country on the Empe- 
 ror ; 382. 
 Spanish : 
 
 Buonavento ship taken, a valuable 
 
 prize ; 43. 
 colonies in the West Indies ; 38. 
 Council, the, urge the King and Queen 
 
 not to go to Aranjuez ; 363. 
 fleet, ordered to engage the British ; 
 52. 
 
 a secret contract for provisions 
 
 for; 76. 
 man-of-war taken ; 47. 
 merchants, the, petition of ; 238. 
 navy in 1736 ; 33. 
 prizes taken ; 35. 
 trade, convoys for; 324. 
 Spakeman, Mr. ; 259. 
 Spar, Baron, governor of Gottemberg, an 
 
 arbitrator, 374. 
 Spateman, Mr. ; 250. 
 Spencer : 
 
 Lord, to be Lord Lieutenant of Ire- 
 land ; 195. 
 
 his policy, &c. ; 196. 
 
 Lord Charles; 296. 
 Lord Robert ; 168. 
 Sir Thomas ; 422, 424. 
 Spey, the; 144. 
 Spithead; 35, 47. 
 Spirits, consumption of, evil consequences 
 
 and remedies ; 198, 199. 
 Spread Eagle, in Gracechurch Street ; 
 
 76. 
 Spryng, Richard ; 271. 
 Spurr : 
 
 John, and his wife ; 275. 
 Thomas, of West Grinstead ; 2 75. 
 Staffordshire sheep and wool ; 303. 
 Stair, Earl of; 82, 88, 110, 219, 366. 
 
 letters from, describing movements 
 
 of the army ; 83, 85, 86, 87, 90. 
 refusal to serve under M. Konigseck ; 
 
 112. 
 castle Kennedy belonging to ; 264. 
 Stamford, Lord ; 423. 
 Stamford, Lord Danby at ; 455. 
 Stamp Act, effect in America ; 298. 
 Standish, Sir Frank ; 316. 
 Stanford, meadow of Sturmad in ; 276. 
 Stanford, William de, lease and seal ; 276. 
 Stanhope : 
 
 Earl, Secretary of State, character ; 
 
 511, 512. 
 Mr.; 209. 
 General ; 354. 
 Stanley William; 271. 
 Staremberg, Count; 354, 355, 359, 360, 
 
 361. 
 States General of the United Provinces : 
 unavoidable inaction of ; 59. 
 a resolution of, discussed ; 104. 
 
 States General of the United Provinces — 
 cont. 
 
 deputies of, with Marlborough, pro- 
 ceedings ; 202, 205, 208, 215, 227. 
 peace negotiations (1708-1711); 
 
 224, 320-357. 
 grants passports ; 364. 
 State trials, reference to : 479 (n). 
 Statutes : 
 
 35 Eliz., Bill for repealing ; 425. 
 6 George: I. ; 166, 168. 
 Steenbock, General; 348. 
 Steinberg, Baron ; 107. 
 Steinbock, the Rix Admiral Count 
 
 Gustavus ; 372. 
 Steinheim; 201. 
 Stephens : 
 
 Mr. ; 409, 410, 411. 
 Katherine ; 275. 
 
 Thomas, of West Grinstead ; 275. 
 Stert, Mr., the Commissary ; 244. 
 Steven 3 : 
 
 Mrs., receipt for the stone ; 245. 
 Thomas, of St. Osyth ; 270. 
 Stirling Castle besieged by the rebels ; 
 
 140, 144. 
 Stockholm; 76. 
 
 described; 371. 
 Stockport, linen manufacture at ; 295. 
 Stocks, rise and fall discussed ; 7, 31, 253, 
 
 254. 
 Stoken Church Hill ; 423. 
 Stone : 
 
 Andrew, letter from ; 128. 
 Mr. ; 8, 87. 
 Stone, the, receipt for ; 245. 
 Stoner, John, bailiff of the hundred of 
 
 Ongar; 272. 
 Storch, Mr., warned out of the Grand 
 
 Duke's territories ; 30, 31. 
 Stormont, Lord; 163. 
 Stote, Sir Richard ; 421,427. 
 
 recommended for Baron of the Ex- 
 chequer; 426. 
 Stoughton : 
 
 Mr., daughter of, married to Arthur 
 
 Onslow; 487. 
 Sir Nicholas ; 485. 
 Stowe, letter dated at; 179. 
 Strabo, work on ; 305, 306, 307, 308. 
 Strabogey ; 144. 
 Strachey, Mr. ; 305. 
 
 made Secretary to the Commission ; 
 309. 
 Strafford, 1 st Lord, his death mentioned ; 
 420. 
 3rd Lord ; 247, 357, 359, 364. 
 
 as a plenipotentiary ; 360. 
 
 questioned as to terms of peace ; 
 
 362. 
 Strange, Lord, mock dispute with the 
 
 Speaker; 296. 
 Strangway, Arthur, daughter of ; 483. 
 Strasbourg; 344, 361. 
 
 restitution of ; 319. 
 Stratford ; 272, 286. 
 
 Parliamentary army at ; 281. 
 Stratton Strawless, letter dated at ; 265. 
 
578 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Strawberry Hill, "the taste of"; 265. 
 
 Street, Serjeant, to be a judge ; 432. 
 
 Strickland, — ; 120. 
 
 Studley; 260. 
 
 Studlev bv Ripon, Mr. Aislabie's park at ; 
 
 235." 
 Stukeley, Dr. W., letters from ; 293, 294. 
 his account of Richard of Cirencester's 
 MS.; 304. 
 Sturrnad in Stanford, meadow in ; 276. 
 Stykford, Robert, Abbot of Revesby ; 272. 
 Subsidies, address against, debate; 314. 
 Succession Act ; 315. 
 Sudbury, Paul, Lord Ba} r ning, Viscount, 
 accounts of ; 278. 
 Ann, Elizabeth and Mary, sisters of, 
 expenditure for ; 279. 
 Suffolk : 
 
 Archdeaconry, official of ; 269. 
 county of, advice to their members ; 
 
 262. 
 assizes of, burning of witches at ; 
 
 480. 
 families, armorial of ; 272. 
 forces of, at siege of Colchester ; 
 283, 284, 286. 
 Suffolk Fort, Colchester ; 286. 
 Suffolk : 
 
 Lady ; 154. 
 
 Alice, Duchess of: 270, 271. 
 Charles, Duke of ; 271 (2). 
 John, Duke of; 271. 
 Earl of, letter to E. of Oxford ; 281. 
 Sugar Bill, a; 247, 248. 
 Sugars in Ireland : 157. 
 Sulzbach, the House of, obligation of 
 
 France to ; 19. 
 Summers, — , refuses Recordership of 
 
 London ; 448. 
 Sunderland : 
 
 2nd Earl of ; 407, 408, 425, 456, 457. 
 
 and the Prince of Orange, &c. ; 
 
 401, 402. 
 
 letters to Lord Danby ; 405, 
 
 412, 415. 
 
 sells an office with the King's 
 
 leave; 411. 
 
 proceedings in connexion with 
 
 Lord Danby ; 418. 
 
 movements of; 416, 448. 
 
 the disposal of the Mastership 
 
 of the Rolls ; 445. 
 
 character ; 508. 
 
 3rd Earl of; 204, 246, 465. 
 
 opposition to Sir R. Walpole ; 
 
 465. 
 
 his connexion with the South 
 
 Sea Company ; 507. 
 
 character and history ; 508, 509, 
 
 510. 
 
 parliamentary corruption ; 509. 
 
 promotion of the Peerage Bill ; 
 
 509, 510. 
 
 death of; 466. 
 
 Sundet, — ; 428. 
 Surrey : 
 
 Lord Holland's insurrection in ; 477. 
 
 Surrey — cont. 
 
 representatives in parliament ; 476, 
 
 482, 483, 484. 
 perambulations in, for ascertaining 
 
 the bounds of the Forest ; 487. 
 circumstances of the election for, 
 when Speaker Onslow was first 
 returned ; 518. 
 Whig cause prevalent in ; 519. 
 Surrey Regiment, Colonel of the ; 478. 
 Surville, Mons. ; 224, 228. 
 Sussex estates dear ; 257. 
 Sussex, recusants in ; 275. 
 Sus»ex, Thomas, Earl of ; 276. 
 Sweden, Suedeland ; 331, 332, 337, 346, 
 371. 
 part in European politics ; 30, 51, 64, 
 
 69, 72, 73. 
 armament of ; 372. 
 Cham of Tartary's embassy to ; 374. 
 customs' officers in, their character ; 
 
 371. 
 design specially against ; 396. 
 English trade to ; 374. 
 envoy of; 334, 353. See also 
 
 Palmquist. 
 gunpowder manufacture in ; 374. 
 King of; 320, 324, 325, 330, 334, 
 342, 352. 
 
 negotiations with England ; 42. 
 
 a lovely youth, to receive his 
 
 first sacrament ; 372. 
 
 letters representing ; 395. 
 
 mines (silver and copper) in ; 372. 
 Regents of; 371. 
 Russia and ; 43, 77. 
 travels in ; 371. 
 troops 20,000 strong ; 348. 
 Swedes encouraged to attack the Czarina ; 
 
 245, 246. 
 Swedish ships with breechloading guns ; 
 
 372. 
 Swinfen, Mr. ; 482. 
 
 Switzerland, cantons of, an endeavour to 
 engage them in a war with France ; 
 393. 
 Swortzkoff, a secretary, state prisoner in 
 
 Russia; 80. 
 Sydenham, Mr., M.P. ; 313. 
 Sydney, Lord, Secretary of State : 
 correspondence with Pery ; 181. 
 mentioned ; 182. 
 Sydney papers, the ; 476. 
 Syracuse, sea fight near ; 244. 
 
 T. 
 
 Talbot, Lord ; 303. 
 
 Tallard, Count, or Marshal; 200, 201, 
 
 360, 361, 362, 363,365. 
 Talmarsh, General, wounded ; 456. 
 Tarbert, co. Kerry, letter dated at ; 162. 
 Tartars, under King of Sweden ; 352. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 79 
 
 Tartary, Chain of, embassy to Sweden ; 
 
 374. 
 Tavistock Bill, the; 315. 
 Tay Bridge at Perth ; 265. 
 Taylor : 
 
 George ; 275. 
 John ; 275. 
 
 John, letter to Lord Latimer ; 444. 
 Mr.; 260. 
 Temple ; 
 
 — , agent of Duke of Marlborough ; 
 
 333. 
 Lady, a lucky message from, &c. ; 
 
 402 (2). 
 Lord, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; 
 170. 
 
 correspondence with Pery ; 174, 
 
 175, 179. 
 Sir Richard, elected M.P. for Buck- 
 ingham ; 414. 
 Sir William, correspondence witb 
 Lord Danby ; 393, 397, 399, 402. 
 
 offer of secretaryship to by the 
 
 King ; 397, 400, 402. 
 ■ relations with the Prince of 
 
 Orange ; 402. 
 antagonism to Sir J. William- 
 son ; 402. 
 Tencin : 
 
 Cardinal ; 48, 70, 92. 
 
 projected journey to Marseilles ; 
 
 82. 
 Chevalier, nephew of the Cardinal ; 
 94. 
 Tendring : 
 
 sheriff's tourn at ; 271. 
 hundred of; 274. 
 Teniers, David, Dutch painter ; 12. 
 Terbank, letters dated at; 216, 217. 
 Terestrelles ; 221. 
 Terling; 271. 
 Terracena; 212. 
 Terrick, Bishop ; 508 (n). 
 Terricks, the ; 235. 
 
 Terringham, Lady, interment of; 411. 
 Terry, James ; 275. 
 Terryb ridge ; 454. 
 Tessin, — ; 43. 
 Test Act; 156. 
 
 agitation for repeal of; 243, 245. 
 Tetsworth; 423. 
 Thalia, a statue of ; 301. 
 Thames, ice in the, mischief caused by ; 
 
 38. 
 Thanet, Lord; 425. 
 
 The Examination of the Popular Preju- 
 dices, a political pamphlet ; 37. 
 Thesse, Marshal de ; 211. 
 Thewer, Capt. ; 406. 
 Thomas, Dr.; 259. 
 
 " Thomas, Sir," sale of speech in Parlia- 
 ment ; 377. 
 Thompson : 
 
 Andrew, letter from Paris ; 92. 
 Mr. ; 410. 
 Thorndon, Lord Petre's house at ; 265. 
 Thorp; 269. 
 Three per cents., rise above par ; 6. 
 
 o 77960. 
 
 Thriberg, letter dated at ; 436. 
 Throat disease ; 37, 254. 
 Thun, Mons. de ; 92. 
 
 Thurles, near Cashel, letter dited at ; 155. 
 Thurloe ; 259, 260. 
 
 Thurlow, Lord, Lord Chancellor, and the 
 Irish resolutions ; 187. 
 mentioned; 195,196. 
 hates Pitt; 197. 
 Thurston, Aguila, will of; 274. 
 Ticonderago ; 295. 
 Tillotson, Archbishop, his opinion of the 
 
 Puritans ; 497. 
 Tilson, George, letter from ; 3. 
 Tin, export of ; 410,411. 
 Tindal, Mr. ; 291. 
 TiQehinch, letter dated at ; 190. 
 Tiptree Heath ; 288. 
 Tirlemont : 
 
 letter dated at; 201. 
 mentioned ; 206. 
 Tirrell, Sir Peter; 414. 
 Titus, Col. ; 407. 
 Tobago, victory of, Te Deum in Notre 
 
 Dame to celebrate ; 384. 
 Tocketts, Captain ; 450. 
 Toledo; 354. 
 
 Top, Topp, General; 203, 329. 
 Torbay, Dutch fleet in ; 449. 
 Torcy : 
 
 Marquis de; 222, 223. 
 
 peace proposals made to, and 
 
 account of interviews with ; 317- 
 319. 
 
 letters to and from, and mention 
 
 of ; 320-355, 358-366. 
 
 at Fontainebleau ; 327. 
 
 entertains Petkum at his house ; 
 
 342. 
 
 interviews with Emo ; 362. 
 
 horses given to ; 363. 
 
 obtains a favour from the King ; 
 
 364. 
 
 an English lord visits ; 364. 
 
 Tories, the ; 238, 352, 356, 357. 
 at Oxford ; 5. 
 
 secede from Parliament ; 26, 30. 
 offended at Mr. Pulteney's speech ; 
 
 36. 
 policy of; 133. 
 Torrington, Earl of, Herbert, raises a regi- 
 ment of marines ; 494. 
 Tortosa; 210. 
 Toulon; 152. 
 
 squadron ; 55. 
 
 ships carrying provisions to Spain ; 
 
 216. 
 failure of attempt on ; 320, 322, 323. 
 men-of-war at : 404. 
 Toulouse, Count of'; 360, 361, 364. 
 Tournay; 100, 213, 219, 220, 221, 229, 
 341, 343, 345. 
 siege and surrender of; 224,225,226, 
 
 227, 228, 236. 
 ill- defence of, by the Dutch ; 116. 
 hopeless situation of the Dutch gar- 
 rison in ; 96. 
 
 P P 
 
580 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tourville, Chevalier de ; 404. 
 Tower Guards, the (Barkstead's own Regi- 
 ment) ; 283. 
 Tower of London : 
 
 Lieutenant of the, responsibility for 
 
 persons committed ; 417. 
 money deposited in, for safe keeping ; 
 448, 452. 
 Townes, — , Esq. ; 473. 
 Townley's letter ftom Paris ; 120. 
 Townsend, Mr. ; 169. 
 
 Mr., M.P. for Westbury; 310, 312. 
 Townshend : 
 
 Lord; 341, 347, 350, 351, 354, 355, 
 466. 
 
 resigned an office ; 243. 
 
 removed from being Secretary 
 
 of State ; 509. 
 Thomas, Junior ; 521. 
 Tommy; 29. 
 Tracy, Mr., M.P. ; 314. 
 Traun, M. de; 48. 
 Treason denned ; 315. 
 Treasurer : 
 
 the Great ; 352. 
 
 Lord, numerals representing; 394. 
 
 not respectful to Duke of York ; 
 
 395. 
 Treasury, the, poverty of; 114, 133. 
 Treby, George, refuses Recordership of 
 
 London ; 448. 
 Tremick or Terrick, Bishop ; 508. 
 Trerice, Lord ; 424, 425, 426, 430. See 
 
 Arundell. 
 Treves; 386. 
 Trevigar, Mr. and Mrs. ; 243, 251, 259, 
 
 261. 
 Treviglio ; 206, 207. 
 Trevor : 
 
 Sir John ; 474. 
 
 Richard, Bishop of St. David's, letter 
 from; 153. 
 
 Bishop of Durham, candidature 
 
 for Chancellorship of Oxford ; 296. 
 Robert, British envoy at the Hague, 
 letters to ; passim pp. 1 to 154. 
 
 letters to, regarding pictures,&c.; 
 
 11,12, 68. ' 
 
 letters from ; 8, 32, 34, 53, 60, 
 
 75. 
 letter of advice to Lord Annan- 
 dale ; 30. 
 
 letter giving views of the Dutch 
 
 republic on King's electoral bias, 
 &c. ; 95. 
 
 • letters to Henry Pelham ; 98, 
 
 103-108, 121-126, 134, 135, 142, 
 145, 150, 154. 
 
 -, candidature for Oxford ; 5. 
 
 . a prosecution against the great 
 person that espoused his cause ; 
 10. 
 
 to succeed to the embassy at the 
 
 Hague ; 13. 
 
 to raise certain money in Berlin ; 
 
 27. 
 
 Trevor — cont. 
 
 instructions, &c. ; 34, 35, 68. 
 
 his disagreeable situation ; 60. 
 
 the King constantly solicited on 
 
 his behalf; 71. 
 relations with Lord Harrington ; 
 
 79. 
 
 relations with Lord Carteret; 
 
 81. 
 
 projected marriage ; 84. 
 
 formalities necessary ; 85. 
 
 declines coming into Parliament; 
 
 91. 
 
 excites D. of Newcastle's dis- 
 pleasure, 93 ; 
 
 discusses effect on the Dutch 
 
 Republic of the incompatible rela- 
 tions of England and Hanover ; 95, 
 96. 
 
 requests to have his letters 
 
 burnt ; 100, 108. 
 
 instructions to; 114, 119. 
 
 half-a-year's appointments to be 
 
 paid to; 114. 
 detailed plan for a peace be- 
 tween France and the Maritime 
 Powers, and replies ; 124, 126, 127, 
 128, 129. 
 
 should have been addressed 
 
 to the D. of Newcastle ; 128. 
 ■ personal objects ; 145. 
 
 quit of the " Breda job " ; 148. 
 
 a place of Commissioner of the 
 
 Revenue in Ireland obtained for ; 
 149, 150, 151. 
 
 desire for release from his post 
 
 at the Hague, &c. ; 150, 153. 
 his views as to European poli- 
 tics ; 150, 151, 154. 
 
 birth of a son and heir ; 151 . 
 
 Mr., cousin of Robert, M.P. for 
 Lewes; 9, 10,238. 
 Trezzo on the Adda ; 207. 
 Triennial Parliaments ; 39, 40, 255. 
 Triple Alliance, views as to, in Sweden ; 
 371. 
 mentioned; 409. 
 Tripoli; 404. 
 
 Tronchin, M., letter to ; 8. 
 Trozelle, " poor " ; 9. 
 Trumbull, Sir William, governor of the 
 
 Turkey Co. ; 493. 
 Trussel, Sir William, of Elemesthorp, copy- 
 letter of pardon ; 270. 
 Tulse, Sir Henry ; 486. 
 Tunbridge ; 444. 
 
 quantity of water drunk by frequenters 
 
 of; 241. 
 manor of, Kent ; 272. 
 Turin : 
 
 Court of, alarmed at the Union be- 
 tween French and Spanish families? 
 29. 
 investment of ; 212, 213, 215, 216. 
 Turkey Company affair ; 314. 
 
 governors of the ; 493. 
 Turkish war mentioned ; 29. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 581 
 
 Turks : 
 
 defeat Imperial troops; 250, 251, 
 
 252. 
 peace with Russia — its effect ; 253. 
 Montesquieu's maxim applied to the ; 
 
 304. 
 troops under King of Sweden ; 352, 
 353 
 Turner : 
 
 Henry, and his wife ; 275. 
 
 Mrs. ; 387. 
 
 Sir Charles, death ; 242. 
 
 Sir Edward, M.P. for Great Bedwin ; 
 
 309. 
 Sir William, declines to act as alder- 
 man; 448. 
 Turnham Green, letter dated ; 132. 
 Tuscany : 
 
 Grand Duchy of ; 125, 129. 
 
 Grand Duke of, and Mr. Storch ; 30, 
 
 31. 
 the coast towns of; 337, 350. 
 Tweedmouth; 264. 
 
 Twickle, Mr. or Mons. ; 96, 103, 140, 143. 
 Tynemouth; 450. 
 Tyrawle} , Lord ; 20. 
 Tyrconnell, Lord, in arms for K. James ; 
 
 454. 
 Tyrrel, Sir John ; 313. 
 Tyrwite, Dr. ; 259. 
 
 U. 
 
 Ucida, Due d', declares for King Charles ; 
 
 362. 
 Uffington : 
 
 letter dated at ; 414. 
 
 a nohle house built at ; 446. 
 Uhlfield, Count ; 82. 
 Uhlefeld, M., letter to ; 147. 
 Ulloa's Voyages, prophetic ; 307. 
 Umfraville, Gilbert de, Earl of Angus ; 
 
 269. 
 United Provinces, the ; 326, 327. 
 
 in relation to a plan for peace ; 124. 
 
 weak state of; 146. 
 
 States General of. See States Gene- 
 ral. 
 Ursins, Princess de : 
 
 sets out for Madrid • 362. 
 
 quarrels with the grandees ; 363. 
 Utrecht ; 31, 333, 358, 366, 400. 
 
 letter dated at; 191. 
 
 conferences at ; 359, 365. 
 
 offered to the Dutch ; 360. 
 
 treaty of; 41, 125. 
 Uxbridge; 423. 
 
 treaty of, mentioned ; 298. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vache, the ; 236, 237, 240, 241, 242, 251, 
 
 252, 257, 261. 
 Vado, 361. 
 Vagrants' Bill ; 247. 
 Valenciennes ; 226, 228, 233. 
 Valentia; 215. 
 
 Van Beninghen, Monsieur ; 393. 
 Vanbrugh, Sir John, the epitaph on ; 313. 
 Vanderdussen ; 348, 349, 350, 359. 
 Van der Heim, Mons. ; 105. 
 Vandermeer, kind of intelligence received 
 
 from; 30. 
 Van der Werf, Adrien, Dutch painter ; 12. 
 Vane, Mr., joins the Prince of Orange ; 
 
 449. 
 VanHoey; 147. 
 Vanloe, Mr., pictures by ; 239. 
 Van Neck, Mons. ; 95,*106. 
 Van Ostade, Adrien, Dutch painter ; 12. 
 Vaudreuil, Governor, of Quebec ; 296. 
 Vaughan, Lord ; 425. 
 Vautort, John de; 269. 
 Vaux, " our friend," at Maesland Sluice, 
 suggested as an intermediary for secret 
 correspondence ; 22. 
 Velaine : 
 
 letter dated at; 214. 
 mentioned; 215. 
 Velino; 265. 
 
 Venasque, taken by D'Arpajon ; 363. 
 Vendosme, Vensdosme : 
 
 Duke of, campaign of; 207, 209, 212, 
 215, 220, 221, 222, 354, 359, 360, 
 361,364. 
 Mons. le Chevalier de ; 381. 
 Venetians, the, request a barrier ; 362. 
 Venice; 356. 
 
 an escape from assassination at ; 40. 
 Venn, John ; 275. 
 Venne, Mr. ; 243. 
 Ventidius, an agent for foreign intelligence, 
 
 payments to ; 40, 45. 
 Vere : 
 
 Lord, made a Lord of the Admiralty, 
 
 consequent election ; 239(2), 240. 
 Aubrey ; 277. 
 
 Francis, son of Geoffrey; 277. 
 Horatius, son of Geoffrey; 277. 
 Hugh, appointed heir to Earl of Ox- 
 ford; 277. 
 John, son of Geoffrey ; 277. 
 
 son of Robert Vere ; 277. 
 
 Lady Mary, bequest to ; 277. 
 Mr., elected M.P. for Norfolk ; 72. 
 Mrs.; 278. 
 Sir John; 277. 
 
 John, Earl of Oxford, pardon of; 
 276. 
 Veres, Earls of Oxford, papers of; 276. 
 Verelst : 
 
 Governor ; 305. 
 
 Harman, Secretary to the Committee 
 of the Foundling Hospital ; 38. 
 
 P p 2 
 
582 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Vergier near Oisy, letter dated at ; 232. 
 Verne, Madame, auction of pictures ; 14. 
 Verney, Mr., Chief Justice of Chester ; 242. 
 Vernon : 
 
 Admiral ; 138. 
 
 — — naval operations ; 42, 43, 255, 
 
 25G. 
 Edward, rector of Merrow, one of the 
 
 last of the Church Puritans ; 497. 
 Mr.; 448. 
 
 Secretary, a letter of ; 491. 
 Versailles; 223, 317, 318. 
 
 letters from ; 320, 340, 342, 343, 350, 
 
 353, 389. 
 Court returns to ; 3G3. 
 an English lord at ; 364. 
 Versailles, Court of, Voltaire's attacks on ; 
 
 60. 
 Vertue, — ; 300. 
 
 Verulam, Lord, ancestors of; 273. 
 Vesey, Agmondisharo, M.P. for Kinsale, 
 
 &C; 160. 
 Victualling Office : 
 
 a Commissioner of the ; 49C. 
 profits of the office ; 496. 
 Vienna ; 14, 206, 348, 353. 
 
 letters dated at ; 45, 71, 82, 83, 111, 
 146. 
 Vienna, Court of; 354. 
 
 treatment of Holland and England ; 
 
 11. 
 coolness with Court of Dresden ; 65. 
 a joint application to, referred to; 
 
 68. 
 will open and read Walpole's letters ; 
 
 75. 
 reconcilement with Prussia ; 62. 
 coolness with Court of Dresden ; 65. 
 will not be appeased on particular 
 
 points ; 83. 
 expectation at, with regard to the 
 
 King of Prussia ; 113. 
 negotiation with K. of Prussia ; 129. 
 perverseness, dilatoriness, and hag- 
 gling of; 142. 
 its Neapolitan project ; 145. 
 the dictates of ; 148. 
 views and aspirations ; 150, 151. 
 play the fool eternally; 216. See 
 also Austria. 
 Vienna politics ; 116. 
 Vienna, Treaty of ; 18,66. 
 Villars, Mons. ; 204, 362. 
 
 campaigns, &c. ; 220, 224, 225, 226, 
 
 227, 228, 231, 232, 233. 
 passes compliments with Prince Eu- 
 gene; 230. 
 Villemeaux, letters dated at; 224, 225, 
 
 226 
 Villeroy, — ; 211. 
 re-called; 212. 
 
 Duke de, forbids his son to go to 
 England; 381. ' 
 Villers Brulin, letters dated at ; 232, 352. 
 Villiers : 
 
 Mr.; 111. 
 
 Thomas letters from seat of war ; 89, 
 90. 
 
 Vincent, Barbara ; 275. 
 Vine, John ; 275. 
 Vilvoorden, letter dated at ; 126. 
 Virginia ; 303. 
 
 visit of inquiry to, on behalf of cer- 
 tain French Protestants ; 44. 
 
 French settlement in ; 44. 
 
 chief incendiary of; 307. 
 
 suspension of commerce; 308. 
 Virtuoso, the itch of a ; 249. 
 Vitry upon the Scarpe ; 230, 932. 
 Vivenne, Marshal de ; 404. 
 Vlanen; 111. 
 Voltaire ; 54. 
 
 French Ambassador, &c, fall foul of ; 
 60. 
 
 at Berlin ; 90. 
 Volunteers : 
 
 gentlemen, Royalists, at siege of 
 Colchester; 281, 287, 282. See 
 Ireland. 
 Vulture Tavern, Lombard Street; 375. 
 
 w. 
 
 W., Count ; 82. 
 W., Serjeant; 406. 
 Wachtendonck, General ; 48. 
 Wade, Field Marshal George (" the Mar- 
 shal ") ; 62, 96. 
 letter from; 94. 
 his conduct of the campaign, &c, 
 
 discussed ; 99. 
 weary of his command; 100. 
 his conduct defended ; 102. 
 disabled from making another cam- 
 paign; 110. 
 sent against the Scotch rebels ; 132, 
 133, 135, 137, 138,145. 
 Wadham College, Oxford ; 498. 
 Wael, the ice upon ; 111. 
 Wager, Sir Charles ; 42. 
 Wakefield; 454. 
 
 Wakeman, John, and his wife ; 275. 
 Wakes Colne; 270. 
 Walcott, Judge ; 439, 440, 441. 
 Waldeck, Prince of; 112, 116, 117. 
 
 Duke of Cumberland's disputes with ; 
 114, 115 (2), 116. 
 Waldegrave, Lord : 
 
 in France ; 11, 22, 24, 38, 249. 
 relations with Card. Fleury ; 27, 28. 
 Walden, Lord Audelay of; 271. 
 Waldron, Sir William ; 274. 
 Wales, Prince of : 
 
 (son of James II.) proof of birth of ; 
 
 448. 
 (1711); 357. 
 
 (afterwards King George II.), ani- 
 mosity to Lord Sunderland ; 309, 
 510. 
 
v 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 583 
 
 Wales, Prince of — cont. 
 
 Frederick, marriage ; 2. 
 
 affair between him and the 
 
 King, proceedings in Parliament, 
 efforts for a reconciliation; 4, 5, 10, 
 25, 39, 80, 81. 
 
 relations with Duke of Marl- 
 borough ; 15. 
 
 action of his partisans in Parlia- 
 ment; 26, 38, 83. 
 
 and the regency, &c. ; 83. 
 
 intrigue against the Duke of 
 
 Cumberland; 148. 
 
 — — effect of his being made Regent ; 
 195. 
 
 his policy ; 196. 
 
 his party, &c. ; 238. 
 
 100,000/. for ; 243. 
 
 votes and attendance in Parlia- 
 ment ; 244, 247. 
 
 bishop attending on ; 394. 
 
 "Wales, Princess of ; 40. 
 birth of a son ; 245. 
 Wales, travelling in ; 263. 
 Waller : 
 
 Mr.; 81. 
 
 Sir William; 419. 
 Wallingford House ; 375, 379. 
 Wallingford, Lord, claim to certain pro- 
 perty ; 2, 
 Walloon troops, the ; 354. 
 Walmer (Weymers) Castle ; 287. 
 Walmsley, Miss ; 260. 
 Walpole : 
 
 Horace (1709) ; 223. 
 Horatio, afterwards Lord, letters 
 from; pp. 1-81 passim, 83, 84, 
 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, 97, 109, 111, 
 132-134, 137, 139-141, 143, 144, 
 147, 148, 150-152. 
 
 recommends lenient treatment 
 
 of rioters ; 3. 
 
 about to quit the Embassy at 
 
 the Hague; 13. 
 
 detained in England ; 18, 21. 
 
 moves an address in the House 
 
 of Commons on the convention 
 with Spain ; 26. 
 interview with the King ; 32. 
 
 likely to be ordered over to 
 
 Holland; 32. 
 
 writes from the Hague ; 34. 
 
 letter from the States of Holland 
 
 on his revocation gives great satis- 
 faction ; 35. 
 recommended for office of Teller 
 
 of the Exchequer ; 53. 
 his views of European affairs ; 
 
 53, 54, 55, 56, 134, 135, 150, 151, 
 
 152. 
 embassy to France mentioned ; 
 
 56. 
 discusses the resources of, and 
 
 effect of a war with France ; 56- 
 
 59. 
 desires that his letters may be 
 
 burnt; 61. 
 
 Walpole, Horatio Lord — cont. 
 
 interview with the King, to pre- 
 sent Mr. Obdham's letter ; 61, 62. 
 
 his negotiations in Flanders in 
 
 1733 called in question ; 67. 
 
 election for Norfolk ; 72. 
 
 setting out for Norfolk, &c. ; 
 
 73. 
 
 - his prognostication of the course 
 of European events ; 75. 
 relations with Lord Harrington ; 
 
 writes a political pamphlet : 
 
 87. 
 reflections on the campaign aDd 
 
 discord among the ministers ; 97. 
 never again to engage in the 
 
 political galley ; 111. 
 mentioned, &c. ; 238, 245, 248, 
 
 313, 314. 
 Horace, son of Sir Robert; 10, 53, 
 
 245. 
 
 has a place for life ; 12. 
 
 — — in Florence ; 52. 
 
 his influence on antiquarians ; 
 
 307. 
 J., account of siege of Barcelona ; 
 
 209, 210. 
 Sir Robert (Mr. Walpole, Sir R. W., 
 
 "my brother"); 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 
 
 36, 43, 45, 234, 235, 236, 242, 245, 
 
 411,493. 
 
 letters from; 2, 14, 68. 
 
 letters to; 75. 
 
 King of Prussia's antipathy to ; 
 
 2. 
 
 an irregular correspondent ; 2. 
 
 will exert himself against the 
 
 Funds Bill ; 8. 
 purchases of pictures; 12, 13, 
 
 14, 17, 68. 
 
 brought home his lady, her 
 
 character and demeanour ; 13. 
 
 Duke of Marlborough's relations 
 
 with; 15. 
 action in Parliament ; 15, 62. 
 
 method of dealing with the- 
 
 Sinking Fund; 16. 
 
 movements, &c. ; 18, 77. 
 
 illness at Richmond Park ; 22, 
 
 23. 
 
 effective speech in the House of 
 
 Commons ; 26. 
 
 want of influence with regard 
 
 to military promotions ; 40, 45, 53. 
 
 speech in the House of Com- 
 mons on the war with Spain ; 41. 
 
 chagrin at the King's visit to 
 
 Hanover, &c. ; 47. 
 
 disposition of the country to- 
 wards his administration ; 51. 
 
 his action relative to the quarrel 
 
 between Lady Portland and Lord 
 Pembroke ; 53. 
 
 a personal motion in the House 
 
 of Lords against, threatened ; 65, 67. 
 
 parliamentary attacks upon; 68, 
 
 80, 81, 255, 256. 
 
584 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert — cont. 
 
 marriage, &c. ; 238. 
 
 speech in House of Commons on 
 
 Spanish depredations ; 240. 
 
 illnesses ; 241, .245, 254. 
 
 a lucky man, provision for his 
 
 sons ; 246. 
 <— — an aid to his recovery ; 248. 
 
 parliamentary proceedings of ; 
 
 311. 
 
 a plan of, to make all Tories 
 
 appear as Jacobites ; 462, 465. 
 
 his methods criticised ; 463, 465. 
 
 averse to the bill for restraining 
 
 the making of Peers ; 458, 459. 
 
 dislike of Mr. Craggs ; 460. 
 
 plots against ; 465, 466, 467, 
 
 468, 469, 470,471,472. 
 
 fall; 472, 473. 
 
 death ; 473. 
 
 and Lord Sunderland ; 509. 
 
 conduct in connexion with the 
 
 Atterbury conspiracy ; 513. 
 
 Lord Macclesfield's impeach- 
 ment ; 514. 
 
 an anecdote relating to ; 516. 
 
 a place of retreat at Chelsea ; 
 
 517. 
 
 interview with Mr. Onslow when 
 
 it was thought Mr. Compton would 
 supersede him ; 517. 
 
 his views as regards a county 
 
 constituency; 518. 
 Ladv, her death, grief of Sir Robert, 
 &c.; 17, 18. 
 Walter, Mr., candidate for the co. of 
 
 Surrey, incident of the election ; 519. 
 Walton, Admiral Sir George, a niece of; 
 
 495. 
 Wanderdussen ; 340. 
 War in Europe, cost to England; 119. 
 War Office restrained by their own pre- 
 cedents ; 162. 
 Warburton : 
 
 — , a daring affront to ; 297. 
 Mr., M.P. for Chester; 311. 
 Warcop, Justice; 436. 
 Ward : 
 
 - ; 428. 
 
 Dr., motto for the British Museum ; 
 315. 
 Warde; 231. 
 
 Wards, Court of, Attorney of; 474. 
 Wareham, the voting of freeholders in; 
 
 310. 
 Warkworth, Lord, described ; 260. 
 Wark worth Castle ; 261. 
 Warneton, loss of* garrison of ; 224, 225. 
 Warren, — , King George III.'s physician ; 
 
 196. 
 " Warrewyk," R., autograph of; 270. 
 Warrington; 133. 
 
 Wartling, Lord Craven's estate at; 257. 
 Warton's Account of English poetry ; 305. 
 Warwick ; 272. 
 Warwick : 
 
 Earl of, the King maker, signature 
 and fceal of ; 267, 270. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of (1662), return of rental 
 
 made by ; 281. 
 Warwick Lane, amphitheatre in ; 294. 
 Wasner : 
 
 Mr.; 66, 110, 142, 147, 148. 
 
 letter from ; 147. 
 
 Water, medicinal, for a lady in whom 
 
 K. Charles II. was interested; 442. 
 Waterford : 
 
 and Milford Haven, post office packets 
 
 between; 178. 
 St. John's Gate, plans of; 273. 
 Watson, an artisan genius, of Ashbourne 
 
 in Derbyshire; 299. 
 Wealch, an Irishman, commanding the 
 frigate carrying the Young Pretender ; 
 130. 
 Weather notices ; 242, 250, 252, 254, 261. 
 Webb, Mrs., of Chichester ; 236. 
 Webster : 
 
 John; 274. 
 
 memorial of services to late King 
 
 and Queen ; 274. 
 Sir Thomas, petition against return 
 of; 276. 
 Wedderburn, Alexander, Attorney- 
 General, &c. ; 157, 193, 315. 
 Weeninx, painter ; 12, 14. 
 Wegg, George, letters from; 291, 294, 
 
 303, 305. 
 Weinendahl, action in ; 331. 
 Weissemburg ; 204. 
 Welbeck : 
 
 letters dated at ; 405, 417. 
 Duke of York visits ; 417. 
 Weller, Mary ; 275. 
 
 Wells and Bristol, deanery of; 242, 243. 
 Wells, Lord; 196. 
 " Wems," Lord, Lord Chief Justice, dines 
 
 with Lord Danby ; 446. 
 Wendt, — ; 96. 
 
 Wenlock, Lord John; 270, 271. 
 Wentworth, General Thomas, letters from 
 
 the camp, &c: 99, 100, 102. 
 Weobly, election petition ; 310. 
 Werwick, letters dated at ; 219. 
 Wesel; 42. 
 
 West, William, clerk ; 271. 
 Westbury election petition ; 310, 312. 
 West Claudon ; 474. 
 West of England fabrics, wool used ; 49. 
 Westenston in Sussex ; 476. 
 West Grinstead, co. Sussex ; 275. 
 West Indies : 
 
 Spanish depredations in, negotia- 
 tions in consequence; 13, 14, 15, 
 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 31, 
 32, 33, 75, 239, 240, 242, 243, 244, 
 247. 
 question of the extension of British 
 
 colonies in ; 38. 
 British squadron in, offensive to 
 
 Spain ; 34. 
 fleet sail for ; 55. 
 weak condition of the British islands 
 
 in ; 57. 
 hostilities in : 256. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 185 
 
 90, 109, 113, 
 134, 145, 147, 
 
 497. 
 
 261. 
 
 West Indian : 
 
 commerce, treaty concerning; 324. 
 
 merchants petition Parliament ; 244. 
 
 merchant ships safely arrived ; 309. 
 Westminster : 
 
 Bill for a flesh market in ; 313. 
 
 election, lost to the Ministry, causes 
 
 . 80. 
 
 obstruction of ; 313. 
 
 Hall, an affair in ; 2. 
 Westmorland, Lord; 417. 
 Weston ; 
 
 Edward; 87. 
 
 letters from ; 82, 
 
 126, 128, 132, 133, 
 148. 
 
 letter to; 111. 
 
 John, of Oakham, Esq. 
 
 Judge or Baron ; 424. 
 
 death ; 425. 
 
 Margaret; 275. 
 
 Mr., his " flame " at Durham 
 Westphalia, treaty of; 319, 344. 
 West Wittenham ; 270, 271. 
 Wetherby; 447. 
 Wetstein, C., account of Battle of Dettin- 
 
 gen; 88. 
 Wharton : 
 
 Lord; 488. 
 
 Mr,, candidate for Parliament; 446. 
 
 mentioned ; 447. 
 
 Whig party, the Whigs ; 376. 
 
 prospects in Parliament ; 10, 11. 
 
 preferment of friends ; 10. 
 
 voting of, in Parliament ; 39. 
 
 rejoice over Duke of Argyle's fall ; 
 47. 
 
 a parcel of notable Whigs brought to 
 the D. of Marlborough's army ; 
 204. 
 
 averse to the making of new Peers ; 
 458, 459. 
 
 led by Mr. Walpole ; 462. 
 
 opposition to Sir R. Walpole ; 465. 
 
 a general run upon the Whig interest ; 
 492. 
 
 prevalent in Surrey ; 519. 
 
 friends of the administration all re- 
 moved from their offices ; 521. 
 Whisperer, the, the gross treason of ; 299. 
 Whitehaven, letter dated at ; 263. 
 Whitehead, one, author of Manners, a 
 
 Satire; 243. 
 Whitelock, one of Cromwell 
 judges ; 479. 
 
 memorials of; 478, 481. 
 Whitington : 
 
 Frances ; 275. 
 
 John, of West Grinstead 
 Whittaker, a witness ; 436. 
 Wielings, the ; 375. 
 Wiggs, Mr., the Messenger; 68. 
 Wigmore, Lord ; 269. 
 Wilbraham, Mr. ; 299, 311. 
 
 his Bribery Bill ; 302. 
 Wilcocks, Mr. ; 296. 
 
 VVildhouse, Koman Catholic chapel at, 
 demolished ; 452. 
 
 appointed 
 
 275. 
 
 Wilkes, Mr. ; 304. 
 
 resolution, &c, of the H. of C. as to 
 his libel ; 315, 316. 
 Wilkeites, the ; 306. 
 Will, a servant of Mrs. Hare's ; 262. 
 Willes, Mr. Justice ; 312. 
 William, Prince, acting for King of 
 
 Sweden ; 42. 
 William, Prince, of Furstenberg ; 420. 
 William of Orange, Prince, letters from 
 Lord Danby to ; 449, 450, 453. 
 
 sails for England, arrival, and other 
 proceedings ; 449, 452, 453. 454, 
 455. 
 William and Mary, oaths taken to ; 464. 
 Williams, Mrs., of Chichester ; 238. 
 Williamson, Sir Joseph ; 387. 
 
 and Sir W. Temple ; 402. 
 
 stated cause of his removal ; 403. 
 Willis, — , King George III.'s attendant ; 
 
 196, 197. 
 Willoughby, Lord; 260, 449, 450. 
 
 Lord Robert; 277. 
 Wilmington, Lord ; 82, 257. 
 Wilton, the finest thing in England ; 251. 
 Wilts, manors in ; 269. 
 
 forest land in ; 487. 
 Wimbledon and the great road from 
 Wandsworth to Kingston; 444. 
 
 Lord Danby's residence at ; 437. 
 
 Countess of Danby at ; 444. 
 Wimbleton Park ; 165. 
 Winchelsea, Lord ; 424. 
 Winchester ; 251. 
 
 chapel of St. Elizabeth at ; 269. 
 Windermere and Derwentwater compared ; 
 
 263. 
 Windham, Mr. ; 112. 
 Windsor ; 414, 454. 
 
 election at; 15, 239 (2). 
 
 the Court at ; 434, 435, 436, 437. 
 
 King Charles II. at ; 411. 
 
 the new lodges, &c at; 241. 
 
 the sign of the Garter at ; 444. 
 
 perambulations in, temp. Henry III., 
 &c. ; 487. 
 
 Castle, governorship of ; 367. 
 
 Forest, rioters in ; 485. 
 
 Guildford Park in ; 485, 486, 
 
 487. 
 
 Arthur Onslow, ore of the 
 
 verderers of; 487. 
 
 outranger of, profits, holders of 
 
 the office ; 497. 
 Windsor, Lord ; 311. 
 
 coolness to Lord Danby ; 423. 
 Wingfield : 
 
 John; 272. 
 
 Mr.; 384, 
 Winnington, Sir Francis ; 407. 
 Winsfield, letter dated at ; 175. 
 Wirmegay, William de ; 268. 
 Wiseman, Sir William, regiment of militia ; 
 
 281. 
 Witham; 266, 281. 
 Witherby, George of Colchester ; 275. 
 Withers, George, libel of; 477. 
 Wivenhoe ; 276, 284. 
 
586 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wodekouse, Sir Edward; 271. 
 
 Wolfe, General, effect of his climbing the 
 
 heights of Quebec ; 308. 
 Wolsey : 
 
 Cardinal ; 462. 
 
 Brigadier ; 194. 
 Wolters, Mr.; 112. 
 
 letters of, alluded to ; 126. 
 Wolverhampton; 272. 
 Wood, Major- General ; 200. 
 Woodford in Essex, an estate at ; 501. 
 Woodnott, a servant of Lord Danby's ; 
 
 447. 
 Wool, art of pulling, kinds and uses ; 48, 
 
 49. 
 Wool trade ; 303. 
 Woollen manufacture, duties as between 
 
 England and Ireland ; 155. 
 Woolterton, letters dated at; 17, 48,49, 
 
 51, 52, 53, 148, 150, 152. 
 Worcester : 
 
 Cromwell at ; 478. 
 
 election petition ; 311. 
 
 manufacture of china ; 300. 
 
 Marquess of; 370, 423, 424. 
 
 — — Dowager of, husband of, accused ; 
 414. 
 Worcum ; 111. 
 Worms; 90. 
 
 treaty of; 91, 104. 
 Worth; 275. 
 Worthey ; 444. 
 Wortley, Edward ; 490 (n). 
 Wotton ; 273, 484. 
 Wotton, Lord ; 423. 
 Wouwermans, Philip, painter ; 14. 
 Wrangle, the Rix Felt Herr, one of the 
 
 regents in Sweden ; 371, 372. 
 Wratislaw; 358. 
 Wren, Christopher, designs at Christ 
 
 Church, Oxford ; 300. 
 Wright, Mr. Justice ; 312. 
 
 passes his pardon ; 448. 
 Wroth, Major-General, member for Guild- 
 ford, &c. ; 503. 
 Wurtemburg : 
 
 troops of ; 335. 
 
 General of the Duke of ; 339. 
 Wycombe ; 423, 425. 
 Wye, the river ; 487. 
 Wykes; 269. 
 
 Wykham, John, Prior of Colne; 270. 
 Wyn, Sir W. Williams, in the House of 
 
 Commons ; 84. 
 Wyndham : 
 
 Mr., of Norfolk, Chief Secretary, 
 Ireland; 176, 177. 
 
 Mr., at the battle of Blenheim ; 
 
 201. 
 
 Sir William ; 240, 244, 245, 255. 
 
 action in Parliament ; 26. 
 
 a leader of the Tories, descrip- 
 tion of; 467, 468. 
 Wyneston ; 271. 
 Wyngfield, Sir Henry ; 271. 
 Wyse, Sir Edward ; 273. 
 
 Wyseman : 
 
 Thomas, assignment of office of 
 
 auditor; 276. 
 William, a deputy lieutenant of Essex ;; 
 280. 
 Wythins, Judge ; 439. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yard: 
 
 Edward; 274. 
 
 Mr., widow of; 497. 
 Yardley, manor of, Worcester ; 272. 
 Yarmouth, Lord ; 425. 
 
 — — farm rents paid by, &c. ; 376. 
 
 Lady, long interview with the At 
 torney- General ; 434. 
 Yelverton, Barry, Attorney-General in- 
 
 Ireland; 164, 168, 176. 
 Yonge, Sir W. ; 311,514. 
 
 in the House of Commons ; 38. 
 
 extremely ill ; 44. 
 York: 
 
 Archbishop of; 270. 
 
 father of; 277. 
 
 letter dated at ; 234. 
 
 choose Lord Danby as High Steward ; 
 450. 
 
 a meeting at, against 
 447. 
 
 K. James II 
 
 Lord Danby at ; 449-455, 456. 
 seized for the Prince of Orange ; 449, 
 
 450. 
 races ; 261. 
 York Buildings, London; 414, 417. 
 York, Col., sent on a mission to Berlin ;. 
 
 295. 
 York, Duke of (James), H.R.H. ; 367, 
 439. _ 
 son christened Edgar ; 370. 
 offers to de Ruyter; 375. 
 letters representing ; 394. 
 want of respect to ; 395. 
 letter from the King to, to absent 
 
 himself; 401. 
 relations with Lord Danby ; 414, 417, 
 
 444. 
 at Windsor; 416. 
 visit to Welbeck ; 417. 
 York, "My Uncle"; 278. 
 Yorke : 
 
 Mr. ; 291. 
 
 Sir Philip, afterwards Earl of Hard- 
 wicke ; 514. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 587 
 
 Yorkshire : 
 
 election ; 81. 
 
 army advancing through, against the 
 rebels ; 135. 
 
 alum works in ; 374. 
 
 in 1688; 454. 
 Young: 
 
 Lord George ; 164, 168. 
 
 Sir W. ; 240. 
 Ypres; 213, 345, 361, 383. 
 
 hopeless situation of the Dutch gar- 
 rison in; 96. 
 Ysche [? River] ; 205. 
 
 z. 
 
 Zeeland; 334. 
 
 States of, proceedings against the 
 Prince of Orange ; 1. 
 Zenoc, Isabella ; 275. 
 Zulystein, Mons. ; 453, 455. 
 Zuniga, D. Pedro de, Lt.-Gen. of the 
 Spanish Army ; 353, 354. 5 
 
188 
 
 Circular of the Commission. 
 
 Public Record Office, Chancery Lane, 
 London, W.C. 
 Her Majesty has been pleased to appoint under Her Sign Manual 
 certain Commissioners to ascertain what unpublished MSS. are extant in the 
 collections of private persous and in institutions which are calculated to throw 
 light upon subjects connected with the civil, ecclesiastical, literary, or scientific 
 history of this country. The present Commissioners are : — 
 
 Lord Esher, Master of the Rolls, the Marquess of Salisbury, K.G., the 
 Marquess of Bath, the Marquess of Lothian, K.T., the Earl of 
 Rosebery, K.G., Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, the Bishop of Oxford, 
 the Bishop of Limerick, Lord Acton, Lord Carlingford, K.P., 
 Sir G. W. Dasent, and Mr. H. C. Maxwell Lyte, C.B. 
 
 The Commissioners think it probable that you may feel an interest in this 
 object and be willing to assist in the attainment of it; and with that view 
 they desire to lay before you an outline of the course which they usually 
 follow. 
 
 If any nobleman or gentleman express his willingness to submit any 
 unprinted book, or collection of documents in his possession or custody to the 
 examination of the Commissioners, they will cause an inspection to be made 
 by some competent person, and should the MSS. appear to come within the 
 scope of their enquiry, a report containing copies or abstracts of them will be 
 drawn up, printed, and submitted to the owner, with a view to obtaining his 
 consent to the publication of the whole, or of such part of it as he may think 
 fit, among the proceedings of the Commission, which are presented to 
 Parliament every Session. 
 
 To avoid any possible apprehension that the examination of papers by the 
 Commissioners may extend to title-deeds or documents of present legal value, 
 positive instructions are given to every person who inspects MSS. on their 
 behalf that nothing relating to the titles of existing owners is to be divulged, 
 and that if in the course of his work any modern title-deeds or papers of a 
 private character chance to come before him, they are to be instantly put aside, 
 and are not to be examined or calendared under any pretence whatever. 
 
 The object of the Commission is solely the discovery of unknown historical 
 and literary materials, and in all their proceedings the Commissioners will 
 direct their attention to that object exclusively. 
 
 In practice it has been found more satisfactory, when the collection of 
 manuscripts is a large one, for the inspector to make a selection therefrom at 
 the place of deposit and to obtain the owner's consent to remove the selected 
 papers to the Public Record Office in London, where they can be more fully 
 dealt with, and where they are preserved with the same care as if they formed 
 part of the muniments of the realm, during the term of their examination. 
 Among the numerous owners of MSS. who have allowed their family papers of 
 historical interest to be temporarily removed from their muniment rooms and 
 lent to the Commissioners to facilitate the preparation of a report may be 
 named : The Duke of Rutland, the Duke of Portland, the Marquess of 
 Salisbury, the Marquess Townshend, the Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of 
 Ancaster, Lord Braye, Lord Hothfield, Mrs. Stopford Sackville, Mr. le Fleming, 
 of Rydal, and Mr. Fortescue, of Dropmore. 
 
 The costs of inspections, reports and calendars, and the conveyance of 
 documents, will be defrayed at the public expense, without any charge to 
 owners. 
 
 The Commissioners will also, if so requested, give their advice as to the 
 best means of repairing and preserving any papers or MSS. which may be in 
 a state of decay, and are of historical or literary value. 
 
 The Commissioners will feel much obliged if you will communicate to them 
 the names of any gentlemen who may be able and willing to assist in obtaining 
 the objects for which this Commission has been issued. 
 
 J. J. Cart WRIGHT, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
.89 
 
 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Sessional 
 Paper. 
 
 Price. 
 
 1870 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1874.) 
 
 1871 
 
 First Report, with Appendix 
 Contents : — 
 England. House of Lords ; Cambridge 
 Colleges; Abingdon, and other Cor- 
 porations, &c. 
 Scotland. Advocates' Library, Glas- 
 gow Corporation, &c. 
 Ireland. Dublin, Cork, and other 
 Corporations, &c. 
 
 Second Report, with Appendix, and 
 Index to the First and Second 
 Reports - 
 Contents : — 
 England. House of Lords; Cam- 
 bridge Colleges ; Oxford Colleges ; 
 Monastery of Dominican Friars at 
 Woodchester, Duke of Bedford, 
 Earl Spencer, &c. 
 Scotland. Aberdeen and St. An- 
 drew's Universities, &c. 
 Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; 
 Dr. Lyons, &c. 
 
 Third Report, with Appendix and 
 Index ----- 
 Contents : — 
 England. House of Lords ; Cam- 
 bridge Colleges ; Stonyhurst Col- 
 lege ; Bridgewater and other Cor- 
 porations ; Duke of Northumber- 
 land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Mar- 
 quis of Bath, &c. 
 Scotland. University of Glasgow ; 
 
 Duke of Montrose, &c. 
 Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; 
 Black Book of Limerick, &c. 
 
 Fourth Report, with Appendix. 
 Part I. - 
 Contents : — 
 
 England. House of Lords; West- 
 minster Abbey ; Cambridge and 
 Oxford Colleges ; Cinque Ports, 
 Hythe, and other Corporations, 
 Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh, 
 &c. 
 Scotland. Duke of Argyll, &c. 
 Ireland. Trinity College, Dublin; 
 Marquis of Ormonde. 
 
 1873 Ditto. Part II. Index 
 
 1872 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1873 
 
 f'cap. 
 
 [C. 55] 
 
 s. d. 
 1 6 
 
 [C. 441] 
 
 3 10 
 
 [C 673] 
 
 6 
 
 [C.857] 
 
 6 8 
 
 [C.857I.] 
 
590 
 
 Date. 
 
 Size. 
 
 Sessional 
 Pamper. 
 
 Price.. 
 
 Fifth Report, with Appendix. Past I. - 
 Contents : — 
 England. House of Lords ; Oxford 
 and Cambridge Colleges ; Dean and 
 Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd, 
 and other Corporations, Duke of 
 Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne, 
 Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c. 
 Scotland. Earl of Aberdeen, &c. 
 
 Ditto. Part II. Index - 
 
 Sixth Report, with Appendix. Part I. - 
 Contents : — 
 
 England. House of Lords ; Oxford 
 and Cambridge Colleges ; Lambeth 
 Palace; Black Book of the Arch- 
 deacon of Canterbury ; Bridport, 
 Wallingford, and other Corporations ; 
 Lord Leconfield, Sir Reginald Graham, 
 Sir Henry Ingilby, &c. 
 
 Scotland. Duke of Argyll, Earl of 
 Moray, &c. 
 
 Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde. 
 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1893.) 
 
 1879 
 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1881 
 
 Ditto. Part II. Index 
 
 Seventh Report, with Appendix. 
 Part I. - - 
 
 Contents : — 
 
 House of Lords ; County of Somerset ; 
 Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick 
 Graham, Sir Harry Verney, &c. 
 
 Ditto. Part H. Appendix and Index - 
 
 Contents : — 
 
 Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde, 
 S. F. Livingstone, Esq., &c. 
 
 • 
 
 Eighth Report, with Appendix and 
 Index. Part I. - 
 
 Contents : — 
 
 List of collections examined, 1869-1880. 
 England. House of Lords ; 
 Duke of Marlborough ; Magdalen 
 College, Oxford ; Royal College 
 of Physicians ; Queen Anne's 
 Bounty Office ; Corporations of 
 Chester, Leicester, &c. 
 Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde, Lord 
 Emly, The O'Conor Don, Trinity 
 College, Dublin, &c. 
 
 Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index 
 
 Contents : — 
 Duke of Manchester. 
 
 fcap. 
 
 [C.1432] 
 
 »» 
 
 [C.1432 
 i-3 
 
 »> 
 
 [C.1745] 
 
 » 
 
 [C.2102] 
 
 »> 
 
 [C.2340] 
 
 >i 
 
 [C. 2340 
 
 » 
 
 [C.3040] 
 
 
 [C.3040 
 
 
 
 s. d. 
 
 7 
 
 3 C 
 
 8 6 
 
 1 10 
 
 7 G 
 
 3 & 
 
 8 6- 
 
 1 9 
 
591 
 
 Date. 
 
 Size. 
 
 Sessional 
 Paper. 
 
 Price. 
 
 1881 
 
 1883 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1884 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1884 
 
 1883 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1888 
 
 1889 
 
 1892 
 1894 
 
 1885 
 
 1885 
 (Re- 
 printed 
 1895.) 
 
 1885 
 
 2885 
 
 Ditto. Part III. Appendix and Index 
 Onntents : — 
 Earl of Ashburnham. 
 
 Ninth Report, with Appendix and 
 Index. Part I. - 
 Contents : — 
 St. Paul's and Canterbury Cathedrals ; 
 Eton College ; Carlisle, Yarmouth, 
 Canterbury, and Barnstaple Corpora- 
 tions, &c. 
 
 Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index - 
 Contents : — 
 England. House of Lords, Earl of 
 Leicester ; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Mor- 
 rison, Esqs., &c. 
 Scotland. Lord Elphinstone, H. C. 
 
 Maxwell Stuart, Esq., &c. 
 Ireland. Duke of Leinster, Marquis 
 of Drogheda, &c. 
 
 Ninth Report. Part III. Appendix and 
 Index - 
 
 Contents : — 
 Mrs. Stopford Sackville. 
 
 Calendar of the Manuscripts op the 
 Marquis of Salisbury, K.G. (or Cecil 
 MSS.). Part I. - 
 
 Ditto. Part II. - 
 
 Ditto. Part III. 
 
 Ditto. Fart IV. - 
 
 Ditto. Part V. 
 Ditto. Part VI. - 
 
 Tenth Report - 
 
 This is introductory to the following : — 
 
 (1.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Max- 
 well, Bart., andC. S. H. Drummond 
 Moray, C. F. Weston Underwood, 
 G. W Digby, Esqs. 
 
 (2.) Appendix and Index 
 The Family of Gawdy. 
 
 (3.) Appendix and Index 
 Wells Cathedral. 
 
 f'cap. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 [C. 3040 
 ii.] 
 
 [C.3773] 
 
 [C.3773 
 i-] 
 
 [C.3773 
 ii.] 
 
 [C.3777] 
 
 [C.5463] 
 
 [C. 5889 
 v.] 
 
 [C.6823] 
 
 [C.7574] 
 
 In the Press. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 [C.4548] 
 
 [C.4575] 
 
 [C.4576 
 iii.] 
 
 $. d. 
 1 4 
 
 5 2 
 
 6 3 
 
 1 7 
 
 3 5 
 
 3 5 
 
 2 1 
 
 2 11 
 
 2 6 
 
 Si 
 
 1 4 
 
 [C.4576 
 ii.] 
 
592 
 
 Date. 
 
 
 
 Size. 
 
 Sessiona 
 Paper. 
 
 Price. 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. d. 
 
 1885 
 
 (4.) Appendix and Index 
 
 Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart ; 
 Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throck- 
 morton, Sir P. T. Mainwaring, Lord 
 Muncaster, Capt. J. F. Bagot, 
 Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of Powis, and 
 others, the Corporations of Kendal, 
 Wenlock, Bridgnorth, Eye, Ply- 
 mouth, and the County of Essex ; 
 and Stonyhurst College. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 [C.4576] 
 
 3 6 
 
 1885 
 
 (Re- 
 
 printed 
 
 1895.) 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 The Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of 
 Fingall, Corporations of Gal way, 
 Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and 
 Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland. 
 
 » 
 
 [C. 4576 
 
 2 10 
 
 1887 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord 
 Braye, G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie, 
 W. Bromley Davenport, E. T. 
 Balfour, Esquires. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.5242] 
 
 I 1 
 
 1887 
 
 Eleventh Report - 
 This is introductory to the following : — 
 
 » 
 
 [C. 5060 
 vi.] 
 
 3 
 
 1887 
 
 (1.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Corre- 
 spondence. 
 
 >» 
 
 [C.5060] 
 
 1 1 
 
 1887 
 
 (2.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 House of Lords. 1678-1688. 
 
 - 
 
 [C. 5060 
 t] 
 
 2 
 
 1887 
 
 (3.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 Corporations of Southampton and 
 Lynn. 
 
 >f 
 
 [C. 5060 
 ii.] 
 
 1 8 
 
 1887 
 
 (4.) Appendix and Index - 
 Marquis Townshend. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.5060 
 iii.] 
 
 2 6 
 
 1887 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index ... 
 Earl of Dartmouth. 
 
 »> 
 
 [C. 5060 
 iv.] 
 
 2 8 
 
 1887 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index - 
 Duke of Hamilton. 
 
 - 
 
 [C. 5060 
 v.] 
 
 1 6 
 
 1888 
 
 (7.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of 
 Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c; 
 Bridgwater Trust Office, Reading 
 Corporation, Inner Temple Library. 
 
 n 
 
 [C.5612] 
 
 2 
 
 1890 
 
 Twelfth Report - 
 This is introductory to the following : — 
 
 *> 
 
 [C.5889] 
 
 3 
 
 1888 
 
 (1.) Appendix - 
 
 Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., 
 at Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. I. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.5472] 
 
 2 7 
 
 1888 
 
 (2.) Appendix - 
 Ditto. Vol. II. 
 
 1 
 
 [C.5613] 
 
 2 5 
 
593 
 
 Date. 
 
 Size. 
 
 Sessional 
 Paper. 
 
 Price. 
 
 1889 
 1888 
 1891 
 1889 
 1890 
 1891 
 
 1891 
 
 1891 
 
 1892 
 1891 
 
 1892 
 1892 
 
 1892 
 
 1893 
 
 (3.) Appendix and Index - 
 Ditto. Vol. III. 
 
 (4.) Appendix - 
 
 The Duke of Kutland, G.C.B. Vol. I. 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index ... 
 Ditto. Vol. II. 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index ... 
 House of Lords, 1689-1690. 
 
 (7.) Appendix and Index ... 
 S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of RydaL 
 
 (8.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the 
 Earl of Home. 
 
 (9.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl 
 of Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W. 
 W. B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A. 
 Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; Bishop 
 of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces- 
 ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough ; 
 Corporations of Gloucester, Higham 
 Ferrers, and Newark; Southwell 
 Minster; Lincoln District Registry. 
 
 (10.) Appendix 
 
 The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. 
 1745-1783. 
 
 Thirteenth Report - 
 
 This is introductory to the following : — 
 
 (1.) Appendix .... 
 
 The Duke of Portland. Vol. I. 
 
 (2.) Appendix and Index - 
 Ditto. Vol. II. 
 
 (3.) Appendix. 
 
 J. B. Fortescue, 
 Vol. I. 
 
 Esq., of Dropmore, 
 
 (4.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and 
 Hereford. Capt. F. C. Loder- 
 Symonds, E. R. Wodehouse, M.P., 
 J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. 
 Lennard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Macray, 
 and Earl of Dartmouth (Supple- 
 mentary Report). 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 House of Lords, 1690-1691. 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index 
 
 Sir W. FitzHerhert, Bart. The De- 
 laval Family, of Seaton Delaval; 
 The Earl of Ancaster ; and General 
 Lyttelton-Annesley. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 [C. 5889 
 i-] 
 
 [C.5614] 
 
 [C.5889 
 ii.] 
 
 [C. 5889 
 iii.] 
 
 [C.5889 
 iv.] 
 
 [C.6338] 
 
 [C 6338 
 i-] 
 
 [C. 6338 
 ii.] 
 
 [C.6827] 
 
 [C.6474] 
 
 [C. 6827 
 
 [C.6660] 
 [C.6810] 
 
 [C.6822] 
 [C.7166] 
 
 s. d. 
 1 4 
 
 3 2 
 2 
 2 1 
 1 11 
 
 1 
 
 2 6 
 
 1 11 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 7 
 2 4 
 
 2 4 
 
 1 4 
 
594 
 
 Date. 
 
 
 
 Size. 
 
 Sessional 
 Paper. 
 
 Price. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. d. 
 
 1893 
 
 (7.) 
 
 Appendix and Index - 
 The Earl of Lonsdale. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 [C.7241] 
 
 1 3 
 
 1893 
 
 (8.) 
 
 Appendix and Index 
 The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II. 
 1784-1799. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7424] 
 
 1 11 
 
 1896 
 
 Fourteenth Report - - 
 This will be introductory to the following : — 
 
 >> 
 
 [C.7983] 
 
 3 
 
 1894 
 
 (1.) 
 
 Appendix and Index. 
 The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. III. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7476] 
 
 1 11 
 
 1894 
 
 (20 
 
 Appendix. 
 The Duke of Portland. Vol. III. - 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7569] 
 
 2 8 
 
 1894 
 
 (3.) 
 
 Appendix and Index. 
 The Duke of Roxburghe; Sir H. H. 
 Campbell, Bart. ; the Earl of Strath- 
 more ; and the Countess Dowager 
 of Seafield. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7570] 
 
 1 2 
 
 1894 
 
 (4.) 
 
 Appendix and Index. 
 Lord Kenyon - 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7571] 
 
 2 10 
 
 1896 
 
 (5.) 
 
 Appendix. 
 J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. 
 Vol. II. 
 
 >5 
 
 [C.7572] 
 
 2 8 
 
 1895 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Appendix and Index. 
 House of Lords, 1692-1693 - 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7573] 
 
 1 11 
 
 1895 
 
 (7.) 
 
 Appendix. 
 The Marquess of Ormonde 
 
 » 
 
 [C.7678] 
 
 1 10 
 
 1895 
 
 (8.) 
 
 Appendix a:nd Index. 
 Lincoln, Bury St. Edmunds, Hertford, 
 and Great Grimsby Corporations ; 
 The Dean and Chapter of Wor- 
 cester, and of Lichfield ; The 
 Bishop's Registry of Worcester. 
 
 »J 
 
 [C.7881] 
 
 1 5 
 
The following appear periodically, and can be subscribed for:— 
 
 Trade of the United Kingdom with British Possessions and Foreign Countries, 
 
 showing the Quantities and the Declared Value of the Articles. 
 The Proceedings of Parliament in Public and Private Business are published daily— 
 
 House of Lords, price Id. per 4 pp. ; House of Commons, Id. per 8 pp. 
 Trade Reports of the several British Colonies, with information relative to their 
 
 population and general condition. 
 Trade Reports by Her Majesty's Representatives in Foreign Countries, and Reports 
 
 on Commercial and General Interests. 
 
 State Trials, being Reports of the Chief State Trials which have taken place 
 
 between 1820 and the present time, published under the supervision of a Committee 
 
 appointed by the Lord Chancellor: — 
 
 Roy.8vo. Vol. I. 1820-1823. (1888.) Vol. II. 1823-1831. (1889.) Vol.111. 1831- 
 
 1840. (1891.) Vol. IV. 1839-1843. (1892.) Vol. V. 1843-1844. (1894.) Vol. VI. 
 
 1844-1848. Price 10*. each. 
 
 Challenger, H.M.S. A Report on the Scientific Results of the voyage of, during the 
 
 years 1873-76, under the command of Captain Q-eorge S. Nares, R.N., F.R.S., and 
 
 Captain Frank Turle Thomson, i&.N. Prepared under the superintendence of the late 
 
 Sir C. Wyville Thomson, Knt., F.R.3. ; and now of John Murray, Ph.D., V.P.R.S.B. 
 
 This Report is now complete in Fifty Volumes. Price 101L 15s. 
 
 Europe by Treaty. Che Map of. By Sir Edward Hertslet, K.C.B. Vol. IV. 
 
 Nos. 452-625. 1875-1891. Price 11. 11«. 6d. 
 
 Military :— 
 
 Artillery Drill. Garrison. 1895. Vol. I. Price Is. 9d. 
 
 Ditto. Part IV. Drill. Price 6d. 
 
 Artillery. Horse, Field, and Mountain. Instructions for Practice. Price 6d. 
 
 Encampments and Cantonments. Regulations and Instructions for. 1895. Price 9d. 
 
 Law. Military. Organisation & Interior Economy, Notes, by Capt. Morrison. Price 5s. 
 
 Musketry Instruction, Regulations. Lee-Metford Rifle and Carbine. 1896. Price 9d. 
 
 Queen's Regulations and Orders for the Army. 1895. Price Is. 6dl 
 
 Staff. General. Duties of the. Third edition. Price 6s.* 
 
 Telescopic Sights. Handbook for. Land Service. 1895. Price 3d'. 
 
 Trumpet and Bugle Sounds for the Army. September 1895. Price 2s* 
 
 Volunteer Force. Regulations for. 1895. Price Is! 
 
 Zululand. Precis of information concerning. Corrected to December 1894. Price 4s. 
 
 Naval : — 
 
 Boat Signals. For the use of Her Majesty's Fleet. 1894. Price Is. 6d. 
 
 3Jocal Government Board : — 
 East London Water Supply, Summer, 1895. Inquiry as to alleged failure of. Price 3d. 
 Infectious Diseases. Hospitals for. Supplement to Tentn Annual Report of the' 
 Local Government Board, 1880-81. Reprinted, with slight amendments, from 
 Command Paper (0. 3290). Price 5s. 
 
 Poor Iiaw3. Administration and operation of, in 1834. First Report of the Commis- 
 sioners. (Reprinted, 1894.) Price 2s. 6d. 
 -Explosives Act. G-uide Book to the. 8th edition. Price 2s! 
 Iiaud' Registry. Land Transfer Act, 1875. General Instructions as to the Registration 
 and Transfer of Land; with Act, Rules, and Orders, Fees, and Index. Price Is. 
 Examples of Modes of Registration. Certificates, Registers, &c, &c, in use in the 
 Land Registry. p r i ce 2*. Qd. 
 Geological ;— 
 The Jurassic Rocsis of Britain. Vol. I., Price 8*. 6d. Vol. II., Price 12s. Vol III 
 
 Price 7a. 6d. Vol. IV., Price 10s. Vol. V., Price 7s. 6d. 
 Northumberland, including the Country between Worler and Coldstream: 
 r " , Geology of part of. p r i ce i 8m 6d [ 
 
 Agriculture, Board of. Journal of the. Vol. II., No. 4, March 1896. Price 6i. 
 
 Emisrrants' Information Office, 31, Broadway, Westminster. Publications issued by, viz. :— '. 
 Colonies, Handbooks for. 8vo. Wrapper. 
 No. 1. Canada. 2. New South Wales. 3. Victoria. 4. Soata Australia. 
 5. Queensland. 6. Western Australia. 7. Tasmania. 8. New Zealand 
 9. Cape Colony. 10. Natal. Price Id. each! 
 
 No. 11. Professional Handbook dealing with Professions in the Colonies. 
 12. Emigration Statutes and General Handbook. Price 3d. each*. 
 
 No. 13 (viz., Nos. 1 to 12 in cloth). Price 2s* 
 
 Consular Reports, Summary of. America, North and South. December 1895. 
 
 Price 2d. 
 
 Intending Emigrants, Information for: — Argentine Republic, price 2d. 
 
 California, price Id. Ceylon, price Id. Maryland, price Id. South African 
 
 Repnblic, price 2d. West Indies, price 2d. 
 
 Board of Trade Journal, of Tariff and Trade Notices and Miscellaneous Commercial 
 
 Information Published 15th of each Month. Price Sd. Index, Vols. 1 to 14. Price 2«r. 
 
 Electric Lighting Regulations. No. 1 to 7. Price 2d. each! 
 
 JEew: Royai Botanic Crardens. Bulletins of Miscellaneous Information. Volume 
 
 for 1895. 8tto. Boards. Price 3g. and Monthly parts, 1896, price 4sd. 
 
 Ferns and Fern Allies cultivated in the. Hand list of. Price 6i. 
 
 1. IV. 96. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. 
 
 THE 
 
 MANUSCRIPTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE EARL OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, 
 
 THE EARL OF LINDSEY, THE EARL OF ONSLOW, 
 
 LORD EMLY, THEODORE J. HARE, ESQ., 
 
 AND JAMES ROUND, ESQ., M.P. 
 
 #r«tentr& tfl corf) i§0ugc£ of $arltamrot b» Command at $?er Ma]t&t$* 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE, 
 
 BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, 
 
 PEINTERS TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 
 
 And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from 
 
 EYRE and SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.C., and* 
 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or 
 
 JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 
 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow; or 
 
 HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. 
 
 2895. 
 
 FOURTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IX 
 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 Kittisn^ 
 
 $& 
 
 a* 
 
 \0fc3 
 
 m 
 
 
 JtfRS 
 
 RECTOID-WTJ 
 
 RECD104BB 
 
 231984 
 
 SEP 3 01574 
 
 Form L9-50m-9,'60(B3610s4)444 
 

 00869 
 
 4456 
 
 t 
 
 pLEA e* DO NOT REMOVE 
 **$„% BOOK CARD 
 
 ^•UBRAIKG* 
 
 i» u Research Library 
 University Kese 
 
em bhrh 
 
 UnWICilHHflBHfnH 
 
 nHfflBnfl 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
 Wm 50 
 
 Mini Cms 
 
 WMHlWl 
 WimM 
 
 mpsk nn 
 
 HH