UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS angele:
 
 On the history of the process 
 by iv high the aristotelian 
 writings arrived at their 
 present form. 
 
 |[n lEeaay 
 
 RICHARD SHUTE, M.A. 
 
 LATE STUDENT AND TUTOR OF CHRIST CHURCH 
 
 . f'f W ^ .* 'S.Il/fiF: 'MEMOIR I OT TH.E A VT^WR 
 
 AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 1H88 
 
 \_All rights rcscrva/'}
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 
 Oxford University Press Warehouse 
 Amen Corner, E.C.
 
 B^ss 
 
 S'G 
 
 O 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 \ The friends of Mr. Shute, who proposed to the 
 ^i Delegates of the Clarendon Press the publication of the 
 J^ following Essay, written for the Conington Prize Com- 
 petition in 1882, take this opportunity of explaining briefly 
 the circumstances under which it appears. 
 
 Written in the midst of Tutorial and other College 
 
 duties, it suffers in form and to some extent in substance 
 
 ^ from hasty composition. But Mr. Shute's friends cannot 
 
 <*- forget his enthusiasm for the subject, and the suggestive- 
 
 \^ ness of his conversation while engaged upon it ; and they 
 
 ^ now publish it as it stands, unwilling that all record of 
 
 ^ that bright activity of thought should be lost, and hoping 
 
 that what may appear wrong or questionable will be 
 
 lightly passed over for the sake of the fresh points of 
 
 view, the sound conclusions and the wise doubts to which 
 
 the writer's sagacity conducted him. 
 
 V The lines pursued by him are common to German 
 
 ^ writers to whom he has naturally been indebted, but it is 
 
 XI believed that to English readers this Essay will be the more 
 
 welcome, as there is no English work which systematically 
 
 covers the same ground. 
 
 It is matter for deep regret that Mr. Shute was not 
 permitted to rc-writc it in the light of his subsequent 
 studies, which were extensive, and would assuredly have 
 
 a 2 
 
 385881
 
 iv Preface. 
 
 won for him, had he lived, a high place among interpreters 
 of Aristotle. Indeed it would not have been the author's 
 intention to publish it in the unrevised shape in which his 
 death has left it. During his last illness he said ' that he 
 did not consider any work he left behind him sufficiently- 
 worked up for publication ; but that if his friends wanted 
 his notes, they were to be sent to them, as he knew that 
 they would not let anything in the shape of bad work be 
 published. Had he lived, his work would all have been 
 gone through again and corrected.' 
 
 There is so much good work in this Essay that his 
 friends consider no injustice will be done to his memory 
 by publishing it, incomplete though it be. 
 
 The text has been left untouched ; but some obvious 
 slips have been set right, all the references have been 
 verified, and a Table of Contents and Index added. 
 
 J. A. S. 
 L. A. S. B.
 
 A BRIEF MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 Erat in Ricardo Shute ardor aniim, htgenzi vis, disputandi sub- 
 tilitas, morum summa mansuetudo. 
 
 Veritatejii et amabat magno opere et libriim de ea investiganda 
 scripiL ^ ^ 
 
 IN the words above written an impartial judge summed up in 
 brief the life of Richard Shute ; but it has been thougiit well 
 by his friends that a few pages set here side by side with his last 
 work should recall such remembrances as might convey to others 
 a little more fully the impression he made on them. 
 
 He was the posthumous son of Richard Shute of High Park, 
 North Devon, Captain in the Hannover Garde du Corps, and 
 of Mary Power, and was born at Sydenham, Nov. 6, 1849. 
 
 He was brought up in the country, where he came by that love of 
 birds and beasts which was always strong in him. He never forgot 
 his delight in his first pony. Silver-tail, and would often talk of the 
 dogs he knew as a child. With poor health, as sometimes happens, 
 the thinking faculties quicken early, and as a little boy he was 
 full of quaint fancies and shrewd self-constructed theories which he 
 used to apply with varied success to life. Being always bent on doing 
 things and thinking out difficulties in his own fashion, he was 
 naturally a puzzle to some of those who had to do wilh him. For 
 instance, he got a liking for mathematics in reading the first three 
 books of Euclid by himself, at hours when he ought to have been 
 learning his Greek accidence, with the result that his good tutor, 
 knowing nothing of his real task and wondering at his invincible 
 ignorance of his grammar, gave up his case, reporting him as an 
 amiable but ho[jelcss pupil, with but a poor chance of any future 
 mental awakening — a verdict which the lad accepted with some 
 wonder, but without attempting any vindication. He had luckily 
 plenty of books in his way, and. tutored or tutorless, he read what 
 
 b
 
 vi Richard SInitc 
 
 he liked when he hked, and as he had a fine memory and good 
 natural taste, his reading of course became his real education. 
 He was happy too in his companions, for his Sisters w'ere children 
 of more than ordinary ability and appreciation, and there was plenty 
 of bright talk with them and his Mother over books and things, 
 and no lack of eager ventures in verse and prose in imitation 
 of favourite models or in expression of favourite thoughts. 
 
 By the time he went to school he had a turn for mathematics, 
 some knowledge of French and Italian, the power of ready 
 composition in English, and a large store of English verse in his 
 head, so that his master's cridcism was confined to the fact that his 
 handwriting was barbarous, and that he was as inaccurate in 
 minutiae as self-taught scholars often are. 
 
 Owing to a severe illness of nervous character which caused his 
 removal from a preparatory school, he did not go to Eton till late, 
 in 1864. He was then more than a fair scholar (though he had 
 not read as many Latin or Greek books as his contemporaries), 
 and still kept up his love for mathematics, wherein he showed 
 considerable promise. At Eton he was happy enough to come 
 under the care of INIr. William Cory, whom he often spoke of 
 with affection as the first teacher whose words and help really in- 
 fluenced him. After an ordeal that would have been ' enough 
 to daunt a boy of less than his strong mind,' he got into the full 
 current of school life, took eagerly to work and play, and battled 
 bravely against his own weak health and the lack of exact training 
 that marred some of his best work. His exercises were warmly 
 spoken of by IVIr. Cory (one of the most exacting of hving critics), 
 who noted boldness and passion in the lad's verse, and once wrote 
 of him, ' He is in Latin an original author.' At play too he held 
 his own, was a good runner, and a fair swimmer and sculler. He 
 was elected in 1867 to the famous Eton Debating Society (' an 
 unwonted tribute to intellect,' as his tutor remarked), and did a good 
 deal of literary prentice-work in ' The Adventurer,' a school maga- 
 zine, and in several of the London monthlies. His endurance and 
 courage, the originality of his thought, his unselfishness and his
 
 at Cambridge. vii 
 
 genuine sympaihy for all that needed it, made \im\. many friends 
 in spite of his strong individuality and the uncompromising way 
 in which he stood by his colours on every point. 
 
 From Eton he went to Trinity Hall, having gained an exhibition 
 there in 1868; thence he migrated to Caius College. He read a 
 good deal of literature at Cambridge in a desultory way, and did not 
 wholly put aside his regular work at mathematics and classics. But 
 he had ' not come up to read,' he said, and he spent many a happy 
 day with the hounds, or attending country steeple-chases, at coursing- 
 meetings, or on Newmarket Heath fleeting his time carelessly 
 enough. But after a few such golden terms he made up his mind 
 that he ought to read, and seeing that it would be difficult for him 
 to change his mode of life at Cambridge, he resolved to break it 
 off short and come to Oxford. Here he settled down quietly at 
 New Inn Hall in 1869, and gave himself almost wholly to hard 
 work. 
 
 I had met him once before at Newmarket, but it was now that 
 I came to know him well. I can remember how after a long 
 spell of reading he would dash with a shout into some lazy friend's 
 room, where two or three of us were pretty sure to be found, and 
 join eagerly in the talk, no matter what the topic. We were 
 astonished and delighted at his quick bright restless conversation, 
 studded with happy quotations, bristling with cunning paradox. 
 For he dearly loved dialectic, and would take up in his play 
 the most indefensible positions, and defy us to drive him out of 
 them, not unfrcquently coping single-handed and successfully with 
 a loud and eager band of assailants. 
 
 Of his tastes I remember his especial fondness for poetry, especially 
 that of the musical sort (which with him indeed took the place of 
 music itself). I have seen him rocking to and fro in his seat crooning 
 verse to himself like an Arab. His chief favourite at Eton had been 
 Shelley, but at Oxford Swinburne's verse was most often in his 
 mouth, and he had a special fondness for some of his French 
 poems, though I think he read Browning more than anything else. 
 He gi-eatly delighted in comic verse, and possessed a goodly 
 
 b2
 
 viii Riihard Shiite 
 
 store thereof, old and now. He was a sound judge of style, and 
 was seldom ileceived by those eccentricities of second-rate writers 
 which unduly charm one in youth. He had got to write a legible 
 hand, but it was a curious script, much like type, and he ' painted 
 his letters ' as it were, with a quill pen. Perhaps in consequence 
 of his early difficulties in writing, he was able to compose whole 
 pages in his head and set them down in their final form on 
 paper, so that his MS. was remarkably clear. 
 
 He did not care for most indoor amusements, but he was a 
 good whist-player, and a quick and awkward adversary at dearth. 
 He was fond, all his life, of training animals to tricks, and in his 
 exceeding patience was usually successful. 
 
 He had travelled in France and Italy, and spent some time in 
 Florence and Rome, and he liked talking about those countries 
 and their peoples, admiring especially the absence among Italians 
 of that pretence and uneasy self-consciousness which he greatly 
 objected to in his own countrymen. 
 
 Among us there were those who were no judges of his mental 
 gifts, but they too were attracted to him by his hearty companion- 
 ship, his love and knowledge of sport, and his unflinching game- 
 ness. He was ready for a spin or a row almost any afternoon, 
 but though he would drive he would not ride, because he said if he 
 did he should have a struggle to stick to reading. In the long 
 Sunday walks of thirty or forty miles and in the punishing runs he 
 would take every now and then, he staved off this craving for what 
 he always held the most noble of open-air exercises. 
 
 He never spared himself, bore pain like an Indian, and though 
 singularly quick to sympathize with another's trouble, would never 
 let any grief of his own show in his face or bearing. We used 
 to notice that he was much more tolerant than most of us of 
 other people's ways and even views. His long-suffering with 
 those he cared for or felt he ought to look after was really re- 
 markable, and he had devotion enough for his friends to tell them 
 when he thought they had got on the wrong path, and he would 
 manage this with singular tact, so that a man, however young
 
 at Nezv Inn Hall. ix 
 
 and vain, could hardly feel his raw self-respect hurt, even though 
 Shute spoke plainly enough to show him his full folly. Not many 
 men of his years have courage to help their friends in spite of 
 themselves. He had high spirits, was always cheery, and there 
 was a quaint wild spirit of fun in him which rarely slept, and 
 many ludicrous adventures and extravagant jests this led him 
 into. The presence of striking incongruity was always an attrac- 
 tion to him, and this was a joy most of his friends could share 
 with him. 
 
 Altogether Shute was a very characteristic person to his comrades. 
 I can remember watching him many an evening as we all sat 
 talking and smoking, or listening to his talk (he never smoked); and 
 the grave kindly face, the tall spare grey-clad figure loosely flung 
 across a big chair, the restless hands ever in abrupt action, the 
 broken force of his speech, are all vividly present to me. Un- 
 forgotten too is his favourite Gordon setter ' Lill,' his constant out- 
 of-doors companion, whom we all, probably rightly, treated as a 
 distinguished person of higher sagacity than our own. In deep 
 silent thought she would shuffle on at his heel as he strode along, 
 and never leave him save for some exceptional bait of unwonted 
 fragrance ; after such lapse her repentance and his forgiveness, not 
 without due penance, were also to be remembered. The best por- 
 trait of him as a young man is a photograph in which he and Lill 
 are taken together. And I am sure he would not like the memory 
 of Lill's broad honest black head, handsome eyes, and beautiful tan 
 points to be left out in any notice of his undergraduate life. 
 
 The Schools found Shute overstrained by his effort to do more 
 work than there had been time for in his two years' space. He was 
 threatened by a return of his old nervous malady, and had one or 
 two sharp and disquieting bouts of it in the evenings after the 
 paper-work, but he pulled through by sheer strength of will. We 
 all felt that if he could only stay out the Examination, the result 
 would not be doubtful, though, as ever, he was distrustful of his 
 own ability, and underestimated his progress. He was placed in 
 the First Class in the Honour School of T.itcr?c Humaniores in
 
 X Kii/iaid S/iiifc 
 
 1872, and a little later gained a Senior Studentship at Christ 
 Church after a severe open competition. 
 
 This was the beginning of a new sphere of life for him. But 
 in all essentials his character was formed, it seemed indeed to have 
 been formed before he came to Oxford. Intellectually he had no 
 doubt made progress, he had gone carefully over much new and 
 some old ground during the training for his degree, and he had 
 had the advantage of hearing the problems he was wrestling with, 
 handled by those who at Oxford had studied them most deeply. 
 In especial, his taste for philosophy (which he had dabbled with even 
 at school) grew with his work, and he began to form definite plans 
 of future research in metaphysic. 
 
 He entered on his new life and duties with zest, and won as 
 great regard and affection from his colleagues and pupils as he had 
 secured from his old companions. There was not the shadow of 
 pretence or vanity about him : he was hard to move when he had 
 made up his mind, but he usually contrived to resist the Teacher's 
 Temptation to dogmatize, and rarely forced his theories as fun- 
 damental maxims on others. He would often leap at the solution 
 of a difficulty, and he never lacked a ready answer, and a fair 
 argument to support it if he was posed with a problem ; but he 
 seldom let himself be deceived by his own ingenuity, and would 
 witness its exposure with good-natured and amused interest. He 
 used to state his own serious opinions very directly, but he would 
 take great pains to enter thoroughly into the views of those from 
 whom he differed most widely, and towards an opponent he was 
 always scrupulously and generously fair. 
 
 The old talks went on, when the day's work was over and acci- 
 dent gave him an evening to spare, or he wished to discuss some 
 question that interested him, and which he fancied some friend 
 might help him to unravel. Far into the small hours I remember 
 these talks prolonging their devious and curiously chequered 
 course, and I am sure that it was a gain to those of us who knew 
 him well and saw him often to hear his hearty dutiful views of life, 
 and to listen to the half comic but ahvavs logical analysis to which
 
 at Christ Church. xi 
 
 he subjected many a respectable fallacy, many a highly-supported 
 theory with results eminently satisfactory but not alwa}-s expected 
 by his hearers. He was a good man of business too, and alto- 
 gether had more experience than falls to most young men in the 
 management of his own concerns, so that he could and would 
 give useful practical advice. 
 
 His friend Mr. C. L. Dodgson's photograph gives the happiest 
 and truest likeness of him as a grown man : an enlarged copy of 
 it is to be seen at Christ Church in the Undergraduates' Reading 
 Room, a place the success of which he had much at heart. 
 
 He had not settled to stay at Oxford, and had determined to get 
 called to the Bar, before deciding upon his future career. Ac- 
 cordingly in 1874 he began reading English and Roman Law with 
 a certain enjoyment, appreciating heartily the peculiar mental 
 training and the legal habit of mind it induces. 
 
 In 1875 came a break in his work;- he took the Professorship of 
 Logic and Moral Philosophy in the Bombay Presidency. Pie con- 
 sidered this step carefully, though it turned out a mistake. We 
 bade him goodbye and good-S])eed, and had a few hopeful notes 
 from India. But he soon found that his health could never stand 
 the strain he put upon it in that climate, for he tried to work as 
 hard as he had been able to do in England. He was ordered 
 home by the doctors within the year. 
 
 In 1876 Shute took his place again at Christ Church, and was 
 shortly appointed Tutor, but it was not till 1878 that he quite 
 threw away legal ambition, gave up all thought of other work, 
 and determined to stay as teacher and student at Oxford. 
 
 The work of the last ten years of his short life falls naturally 
 into lines that may be shortly traced. Always persuaded that 
 a teacher must, to keep up his own power, be a learner too, 
 he began to follow out a regular course of philosophic study. 
 
 In 1876 he brought out Truth in Extremis, a little pamphlet 
 on the question of Endowment of Research, called forth by 
 Dr. Appleton's volume and much earnest discussion on the sub- 
 ject, which is of permanent interest at Oxford. In a few pages
 
 xii Kii/iard S/iufc 
 
 of more logic, of less bitterness, ami certainly of greater cogency 
 than one looks for in such controversial matter, he drew out his 
 own ideas of the student's life and aims, and the dangers of En- 
 dowment. In 1877 ^^^ published the book he had written the year 
 before, A Discourse on Truth, a singularly suggestive and ingenious 
 essay in a direction which has been neglected in England of late 
 years. This treatise, which is eminently readable and has some- 
 thing of the man's own humour in its plan and structure, was 
 taken up abroad, and resulted amongst other influences in Uphues' 
 Grundkhren der Logik iiach Richard Shute s Discourse on Truth 
 bearbeitet. Breslau, 1883. 
 
 It was in 1877, after this book was out of hand, that he spent 
 part of his Long Vacation on a canoe tour in the north-west of 
 France. His craft, the Eremia, was built at Oxford on his own 
 plan, and proved strong and handy. He set her afloat on the 
 Ranee in July, went along the Vilaine, the Loire, the Cher, and 
 the Seine, and ended his cruise at Paris. He did some long 
 paddles, one of 70 miles (after which he had to be lifted out of 
 the canoe, for he could not stand), and kept a regular log of his 
 voyage. And in spite of his over-exertion, the Eremia brought 
 him the first real holiday he had had for years and did him good, 
 for though he had his law-books in his fore-locker, he could not 
 often open them. 
 
 In 1882 appeared A Collation of Aristotle s Physics, Book vii, 
 Anecdota Oxoniensia, Classical Series, vol. i. pt. 3; Clarendon Press, 
 Oxford, — a work which had occupied much of his time in 1880 
 and 1 88 1. The present unfinished treatise was his last work, and 
 it shows that his intention had been to go over in a thorough way 
 the bases of Aristotelian study. He had got beyond the results 
 here published, but had not had time to correct them or record 
 his later impressions and acquisitions. 
 
 It is not for me to judge of the value of these philosophic 
 studies, but I can testify to the steady zeal and careful preparation 
 with which he laboured, and to his utter scorn of secondhand or 
 botched work.
 
 at Christ Church. xiii 
 
 To his earlier boyish essays, to his numerous bits of verse, to his 
 novel (written in my room in the evenings of one term in the year 
 1879 as a mere relief from the pressure of matters which he felt 
 were then trying him too hard), he attached no weight whatever, 
 and they are only mentioned here as a proof of Shute's versatility, 
 though one fancied there was in his English writing promise 
 of more than ordinary kind; and since Landor's one has not 
 often seen such real and interesting Latin verse as he would 
 now and then dash off on a happy impulse, and throw away, 
 when it cumbered his desk, without remorse. 
 
 He was much concerned with all sides of College business, into 
 which he threw his accustomed energy, and those best qualified to 
 speak have repeatedly acknowledged the high value they set upon 
 his ready and efficient help. With drafting the new Statutes for the 
 House he had a good deal to do. In the year 1886 he was chosen 
 Proctor by Christ Church, and was as assiduous in the service of 
 the University as he had been in the service of the House. 
 
 But the main part of his time and trouble was lavished upon his 
 teaching, and to estimate his method and success here I shall borrow 
 the words of his tutor, friend and colleague, Mr. J. A. Stewart (in 
 Mind, Jan. 1887). He is speaking of Shute's personal work with his 
 pupils. ' "He riddled through one's seeming knowledge," as one who 
 was once his pupil has expressed it. This was the first effect of his 
 conversations. Beginners were often discouraged, and thought that 
 there was no truth to be obtained on the subjects discussed. But 
 when they came to know Shute better they began to suspect that 
 he was even enthusiastic about the truth. His enthusiasm was 
 perhaps all the more catching, that it was, at first, only suspected ; 
 at any rate, his pupils followed his singularly lucid expositions 
 addressed studiously to the logical understanding, with the growing 
 feeling that it is a solemn duty which a man owes to himself, as a 
 rational being, to try to be clcar-hcadcd. Intellectual clearness, as 
 such, seemed to be presented as a duty. But his more intimate 
 pupils and friends came to see that he valued intellectual clearness 
 not merely for its own sake, but as indicating that idoas incapable
 
 xi\' Kic/iard S/iiih'. 
 
 of logical handling were being kept out of discussion and left to 
 reign in their own proper sphere. These pupils and friends observed 
 that in his philosophical conversations (as in his ordinary talk) he 
 held much in reserve. He was reticent — almost ironically so — 
 about those ideas which maybe summarily described as "moral and 
 religious." when others were tempted to discuss them and hope by 
 discussion to make them clearer. This, those who knew him well 
 had learned to understand, was not because these ideas did not 
 interest him, but because he felt they were not objects of speculation 
 but practical principles of life. And he showed how deeply they 
 interested him by his own life. The acute dialectician never asked 
 himself " the reason why " he should spend his failing strength in 
 doing his best for the mental improvement of his pupils. He simply 
 assumed that it was worth doing, and that was his " metaphysic of 
 ethic." ' 
 
 This picture is exact ; all I can add to it is my remembrance of 
 the cost at which this work was done — his never-satisfied desire 
 to do better still, his anxiety when he fancied his teaching in any 
 particular case was not as fruitful as he could have hoped, his 
 thrifty economy of his own time in order to lavish the hours he 
 could save upon his pupils. He could never do enough for 
 them. The method of teaching he used in ' getting men to think ' 
 (as he called it) is one which is perhaps in the end the most trying 
 to the teacher, to him it was especially exhausting. But as long 
 as he had life in him sufficient to keep at his post, he would not 
 bate a jot of his effort or spare himself a whit. 
 
 In 1882 he married Edith Letitia Hutchinson, younger daughter 
 of Colonel Frederick Hutchinson and Amelia Gordon, and went 
 out of college to live in a house he had planned out himself at 
 the north of Oxford. We all rejoiced in his great happiness 
 and the helpful and true companionship he had gained, 
 and we hoped that he would now see that the work he was 
 doing must, if it was to be continued long, be done at a slower 
 pace and with less stress. But he would not allow himself greater 
 rest than odd fag-ends of vacations, and toiled on as before. A
 
 The Cojiclusion. xv 
 
 threatening attack forced him to greater care for a while in 1884; 
 but in 1885 he felt it his duty to act as Examiner in the School 
 of Literae Humaniores, and the prolonged strain did him no good. 
 In 1886 the Proctorship tried him still more, and before the end 
 of his first term of office he was taken suddenly ill. He bore his 
 four months' illness with serene self-control and gentle fortitude, 
 though he knew very soon that, in spite of all the loving care 
 bestowed on him, it could have but one end, and was fully con- 
 scious of all that parting must mean to him and those nearest 
 him. In one of his last letters he wrote to his friend Mr. W. O. 
 Burrows, 'I think that man is happiest who is taken while his hand 
 is still warm on the plough, who has not lived long enough to feel 
 his strength failing him, and his work every day worse done.' 
 And these words his Wife has had engraved on his tomb. 
 
 He died on the 22nd Sept. 1886, and was buried at Woking, 
 hard by the grave which he himself had chosen for a Sister who 
 predeceased him. On the w^all of the north aisle of the Cathedral 
 at Oxford is a memorial brass to him, set up by his College friends 
 and pupils, with a Latin inscription written by the Dean. 
 
 Those who knew the man best had looked forward to his ' future 
 success ' confidently and with assurance, but though his studies lie 
 unfinished, surely he has done his work. His influence must be a 
 lasting one on those who knew him. No teacher that I have known 
 had a higher ideal than Richard Shute, and I have known none 
 that lived closer to his ideal ; I have met few men as unselfish and 
 fair-minded, and no one of more absolute and fearless courage, or 
 more earnest in the pursuit and love of Truth — and ' this,' in the 
 words of an old writer, I say 'not in flattery. I loved him in 
 life and I love him none the less in death ; for what I loved in 
 him is not dead.' 
 
 F. Y. P.
 
 ON THE HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ARISTOTELIAN WRITINGS. 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE PROBLEM. 
 
 Publication of works by Greek philosophers, p. i ; by Plato, p. 3 ; a large 
 class of works never published by Aristotle except as lectures, p. 3 ; 
 another class of larofnat not even as lectures, p. 4 ; a doubtful class of 
 Problemata, p. 6; lost books and the question of authenticity, p. 7. 
 
 Special difficulties caused by — (i) repetitions in the form of {a) duplicate 
 treatises, {l>) long reduplications or double versions of portions of treatises, 
 {c) short reduplicated passages, p. 8 ; (2) references, p. 10. 
 
 The alleged analogy of the works of Hippocrates, p. ii ; rendered very doubtful 
 by great differences — (a) in the early history of the MSS., (/') in the matter 
 of early criticism, {c) in completeness of canon, p. 13; summary of the 
 argument from Hippocrates, p. 18.
 
 xviii The Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 ^ CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM ARISTOTLE TO THE TIME OF CICERO AND THE LATIN 
 RENAISSANCE. 
 
 The Dialogues, their date, p- 19; their relation to the t^wrfpiKol \6yoi, p. 21 ; 
 the Politeai:, their date, p. 22 ; a limited publication of these two classes 
 of works in Aristotle's lifetime possible, p. 22 ; possible publication of 
 certain works in an earlier form, p. 23 ; Plutarch's evidence worthless, 
 p. 24. 
 
 Use of Aristotelian works in the Lyceum, p. 25; Theophrastus and Eudemus, 
 p. 26 ; evidence of Eudemian Ethics, p. 28 ; the Skepsis story according 
 to Strabo, p- 29 ; according to Athenaeus, p, 30. 
 
 From the death of Theophrastus to the purchase by A'ptWicon— probable 
 relation of the Lyceum lectures to Aristotle, p. 33 ; analogy from the 
 works of Theophrastus, p. 34 ; evidence of Cicero as to Aristotelian works 
 in use at Athens, p. 35 ; the minor Peripatetics, p. 37 ; their neglect of all 
 except ethical writings and Topics, p. 39 ; Polybiiis and the political 
 writings, p. 39 ; the silence of other authors explained, p. 43 ; Alexandrian 
 activity, p. 43 ; summary, p. 44. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CICERO AND THE LATIN RENAISSANCE. 
 
 The Editorial work of Apellicon resulting in disappearance of original MSS. 
 and of works by Eudemus and Theophrastus, p. 46. 
 
 The Critical 'work of Tyrannion and Andronicus aiming at an Aristotelian 
 canon, p. 47 ; Cicero uses the uncriticized text, p. 49 ; but the Aristotelian 
 revival due chiefly to Cicero and Atticus, p. 50 ; Cassius and Lucullus, 
 p. 52 ; Rome the centre of Aristotelian culture, p. 52. 
 
 Difficulty of verifying Cicero's references to Aristotle, p. 53 ; to the ethical 
 works, p. 54 ; to popular works and dialogues, p. 56 ; to the History of 
 Animals, p. 58 ; to the book on orators, p. 59 ; his general review of the 
 Peripatetics, p.6i ; references to Theophrastus, p. 63; Cicero's knowledge 
 of Aristotle, p. 63. 
 
 ' CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM CICERO TO ALEXANDER APHRODISIENSIS. 
 
 Nicolaus of Damascus, Dionysius of Halicamassus, p. 66 ; Strabo, p. 68 ; 
 Philo Judaeus, Didymus, p. 69. 
 
 Plutarch, references to Metaphysics, p. 70; to De Caelo, p. 71 ; to Politeae, 
 p. 72 ; to Dialogues, p. 75 ; to Problemata, p. 76.
 
 Contents. xix 
 
 Galen, p. 77; references to lost books of Aristotle, p. 79; Athenaeus, his 
 references to the History of Animals, p. 80 ; Plotinus, Sextus Empiricus, 
 p. 82 ; his real ignorance of Aristotle, 83. 
 
 Diogenes Laertius, p. 85 ; examination of his canon, p. 86 ; shows that it is 
 not derived from that of Andronicus, p. 89 ; his citations show that he 
 knew a different Aristotle from that of Andronicus, p. 90 ; his list is one 
 of MSS. in the Alexandrian Library in early times, p. 93 ; transition to the 
 age of the Scholiasts, p. 94. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 OF TITLES AND REFERENXES. 
 
 Evidence as to variation in Titles, p. 96; cross-references, p.97; the theories 
 of a second recension and a repetition of lectures, p. 98. 
 
 Three classes of references of which Aristotle cannot be the author, p. 99 ; 
 (1) references to spurious works — the Trfpt <{>vtwv, p. 99; the Q(o5iKT(ia, 
 p. 100; the t^wTfpiKoi \6yoi, p. 102; (2) references to projected works, 
 P- ^05 > (3) mis-references — citation of same work under different names, 
 confusion between Physics and Metaphysics, p. 107; the Ethics, p. 109; 
 the Topics and Analytics, p. 109 ; references at end and beginning of 
 books or treatises, p. no ; the number of Aristotelian works, p. 112; 
 titles of Analytics and Topics — tcL nepl aTroSel^eckis and tcL irtpl avkKoyicFfx.wi', 
 p. 113; the Methodica, p. 115 ; summary, p. ii6. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 OF REPETITIONS AND SECOND AND THIRD TEXTS, ILLUSTRATED 
 ESPECIALLY FROM THE PHYSICS, METAPHYSICS, AND DE ANIMA. 
 
 The three classes of repetitions require different explanations, p. 117 ; general 
 principles on which to explain double texts of treatises, p. 118; the seventh 
 book of the Physics, and the evidence of Simplicius and Alexander, p. 1 19 ; 
 the Politics, p. 123 ; the Categories, p. 124. 
 
 Special illustrations from Physics vii, p. 125; Physics i, p. 127 ; Nicomachcau 
 Ethics i. 6, and v. 7 and 8, p. 129 ; summary of causes of reduplication 
 and corruption, p. 131 ; illustrations from l)e Anima — the two texts of 
 book ii. due to late commentators, p. 132 ; illustratinn from the Meta- 
 physics and Physics, p. 136.
 
 w Till A I islotclia)i M'ritiiio^s. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 OF THK NICOMACHEAN ETHICS. 
 
 The difficulties require different keys, p. 141 ; books viii-ix not an integral part 
 of the Nicomachean Ethics, p. 142 ; a mistaken reference in ix. 9, p. 142 ; 
 the summar)' in x. 10, p. 144; evidence as to separate publication of the 
 books jrcpt <pt\ias — Diogenes, p. 146. 
 
 The ground-plan of the Nicomachean Ethics as requiring the doubtful books. 
 p. I4S ; the execution of these books inconsistent with the ground-plan, 
 p. 152; references in the doubtful books, p. 155 ; the Eudemian Ethics 
 and the doubtful books, p. 150; the doubtful books neither wholly 
 Eudemian nor Nicomachean, p. 158; disputed order of passages especially 
 in book v, p. 159; reduplicated passages — longer passages, p. 160; 
 shorter passages — illustrations from book iii, p. 161. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE POLITICS AND EVIDENCE FROM THE AVOIDANCE OF 
 HIATUS. 
 
 Instances of avoidance of hiatus, p. 164; its evidence for the directly Aristote- 
 lian origin of Politics vii-viii, p. 165 ; other evidence, p. 168; these two 
 books not written as part of the treatise to which the rest belong, p. 169 ; 
 and which at all events is incomplete, p. 170. 
 
 Order of books iv, v, vi — conflict of logical order with evidence of references, 
 p. 170; position of books vii-viii — evidence of references, p. 172; evidence 
 of Didymus, p. 173 ; conclusion as to the history of the Politics, p. 175. 
 
 General summary, p. 176 ; practical conclusions, p. 177.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE PROBLEM. 
 
 What precisely is the nature of the heterogeneous 
 collection of treatises which has come down to us under 
 the name of Aristotle ? Do any or all of them represent 
 finished works published by Aristotle in his lifetime? 
 Are they merely notes for or of lectures, or are they 
 rather the opinions of Aristotle filtered, at least to some 
 extent, through other minds ? Do we possess the greater 
 part of the authentic writings of Aristotle, or merely stray 
 spars from a storm which has drowned a whole argosy of 
 valuable works ? These are but a tithe of the questions, 
 answers to which, as it seems, must needwise be given 
 before we can arrive at a true comprehension of the works 
 which remain to us. Yet these answers have never been 
 given, and, it is to be feared, never will be given in a form 
 to secure universal or even general assent. 
 
 Before we attempt any answer to these questions it 
 will be well perhaps to consider the conditions under 
 which philosophical works saw the light in the days of 
 Aristotle. 
 
 Zcller^ has very well pointed out that the public to 
 which Greek philosophers primarily appealed was the 
 circle of their disciples. Many, perhaps the majority of 
 them, never can be said to have published a philosophical 
 work in any sense other than that in which a lecturer 
 publishes his thoughts to his audience ; this is obviously 
 and notoriously true of Sokrates, and probably not less 
 ' Hermes, xi. 84 sqq. 
 B
 
 2 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 true in fact of his contemporary Sophists. The works of 
 these authors were primarily Ao'yot, show set discourses, to 
 be read to their pupils as models of style and elocution 
 quite as much as vehicles for the exposition of doctrine. 
 A most obvious case of such a set oration is the story of 
 the Choice of Ilerakles which Xcnophon has reported to 
 us, possibly from the lips of Prodikus ; for the very fact 
 of his reporting at full length the story of a contemporary 
 or almost contemporary is strong proof that that story 
 could have already been published only in a very limited 
 sense of the word. This story is, in fact, an early in- 
 stance of those Ao'yot TTpoTpeiTTLKOi, which were so abundant 
 in later Greek literature. I suspect that the celebrated 
 works of Protagoras (TTept a\^]6€ias) and of Gorgias (Uepl tov 
 /:x7) o^Tos, 1] Tiepl (f)v<T€(Ds) did not differ greatly in kind from 
 this type^. The somewhat catchpenny title of the latter 
 treatise suggests rather a taking advertisement for a 
 course of striking rhetorical lectures than a serious philo- 
 sophic work. Poetico-philosophic works like those of 
 Empedokles and Xenophanes no doubt were formally 
 published and had some vogue ; but in the days when 
 there were no public libraries nor, as it seems, any private 
 collectors, it is not likely that philosophers would have 
 elaborated their thoughts in a distinctly literary style, and 
 their so-called books would be rather collections of re- 
 marks for their own or their pupils' use, of which there 
 would exist at best a few copies. This I believe to have 
 been indubitably the case with the writings of such 
 authors as Heraklitus and Demokritus. That Aristotle 
 is intimately acquainted with the works of preceding 
 philosophers is nothing against this theory, for we are 
 told on fairly credible tradition that he was one of the 
 first of those who collected a library. Plato is undoubtedly 
 
 ' Sext. Empiricus, Adv. Math. vii. 65. 87.
 
 The Problem. 3 
 
 an exception to this rule, since his dialogues must have 
 obtained, and been intended to obtain, what was for those 
 times a wide circulation. But with Plato at least it is 
 true that his most serious teaching is not expressed in his 
 dialogues in its most scientific form, but reserved for the 
 inner circle of his disciples. Of this we have sufficient 
 evidence in the Dialogues themselves, in the constant 
 references to a longer and more perfect way, and the 
 complaints as to the insufficiency of any book to answer 
 the purposes of teaching. Deep and far-reaching as the 
 philosophy of the Platonic dialogues seems to us, it was 
 not in them that he embodied what he considered the 
 most perfect form of his philosoph}% nor to them that 
 Aristotle refers when he wishes to discuss that philosophy 
 in its most serious aspect. 
 
 With Aristotle himself the case is yet stronger. By his 
 time what we may call the University system of Athens 
 was more fully developed, and the circle of students would 
 include the majority of the worthy hearers whom Hellas 
 contained. Moreover (whatever may be the truth as to 
 some of his lost works) those which have come down to us, 
 with one striking exception ^, are clearly neither prepared 
 nor designed for a large circle of readers. I think, then, we 
 may safely conclude that there was no publication in any 
 sense of these works during Aristotle's lifetime ; that some 
 of them at least represent lectures (whether written out by 
 Aristotle himself or reported by his pupils we need not 
 yet inquire), and involve for their understanding not only 
 a previous instruction in the main doctrines of the school, 
 but even the ordinary paraphernalia of the lecture-room, 
 the slate, or its representative the sanded board ; on any 
 other supposition than this the constant use of symbols 
 
 ' Politics vii, viii (iv, v), of which I shall speak at length later, ciiapter 
 viii, pas'iim. 
 
 15 4
 
 4 Histo)-}' of the A ristotcliaii Writings. 
 
 without an\' cxplanator}' diagram is quite inexplicable, 
 and leads even now to great differences of opinion amongst 
 commentators ; witness the controversies which have arisen 
 as to the explanation of the celebrated chapter on Zeno's 
 paradoxes ^ Of verj- similar nature is the reference to 
 the biaypacpi'] in Eth. \ic. ii. 7. i ". 
 
 If this doctrine be the true one, then for these treatises 
 at least it will be absurd to talk of verbal alterations by 
 Aristotle in later recensions ; as if forsooth Aristotle had 
 first brought out one edition of his book in the modern 
 sense, and then made corrections of it in a second edition. 
 In one sense, it is true, we may sometimes get two really 
 Aristotelian versions of the same thought, since the lec- 
 tures may have been, and probably were, repeated more 
 than once, but any differences in style between the first 
 and the second repetition of such lectures are far more 
 likely to be accidental than intentional. Differences and 
 developments of doctrine might, and probably would, 
 occur, but of these in the reduplicated passages, which 
 some have referred to two Aristotelian recensions, we find 
 no trace. Such an explanation seems purely fanciful, and 
 to rest on an unlikely and unprovable hypothesis. 
 
 But we have a second class of Aristotelian writings, 
 which certainly can be regarded neither as published 
 books nor as delivered lectures. The chief instance of 
 these we find in the undoubtedly authentic books of the 
 History of Animals. I think the explanation of the exist- 
 ence of this class of writings is to be found in a passage 
 in the Prior Analytics, where Aristotle says that you can 
 only begin syllogistic treatment of a subject, or in fact 
 scientific treatment generally, when you have made a 
 more or less complete enumeration of the facts bearing on 
 the subject. He concludes with the following words : Et 
 
 ' Physics vi. 9. 239 A. 5. ^ Eth. Xic. ii. 7. i. 1107 a. 34.
 
 llie Problem. 5 
 
 yap \}.r]h\v Kara ti]v ia-Topiav TTapa\ei(f)deLri tcov a\i]9o)s vTrapxov- 
 Tonv Tolls TTpayp.aaw, e^ojxev irepl airavTos ov /xey €(ttlv aiTobeL^Ls, 
 TavTT]v evpetp Kal airoheiKvvvai, ov 8e /X7j 'iT^(j)VKev airobeL^LS, 
 TovTo TToulv (f>ai'€p6v^. In accordaiice with this principle 
 Aristotle undoubtedly made enormous collections of facts 
 on all the . subjects which he intended afterwards to treat 
 scientifically. In the actual scientific treatment he is 
 usually sparing of illustrations, not giving us more facts 
 than are really required to throw light on the point 
 treated of. This is obviously the case in such works as 
 the riept '^vxv^, where the amount of preliminary observa- 
 tions, especially for the second book, must have been con- 
 siderable ; still more is this so with the Politics, where 
 again, except in the book on Revolutions, illustrations are 
 introduced with a sparing hand. Yet notwithstanding 
 the negative criticism of Rose and others, the noAtrelat, or 
 collection of constitutions, has earlier evidence in its favour 
 as an Aristotelian work than any treatise which we now 
 possess ; and the fragments which remain will at least 
 compare favourably with some parts of the History of 
 Animals. To ask whether such works are worthy of 
 Aristotle shows a misapprehension of the whole question. 
 These toroptat represent collections of material of the most 
 various value, which Aristotle himself has not sorted nor 
 reduced to order and consistency. They represent, in fact, 
 the note-books of a man who was seeking information 
 from all quarters, and who intended later on to judge of 
 the relative value of this information, and to coordinate 
 it into a scientific theory. To blame collections of build- 
 ing material because they are not yet the perfected house, 
 shows little depth or acumen of criticism. 
 
 A somewhat more doubtful class of treatises are those 
 which arc represented in our present collection by one 
 ' An. Pr. i. 30, 46 a. J4-27.
 
 6 History of tJic Aristotilian ITj i/iiij^s. 
 
 work, the rroblcmata. These seem to be a carrying out 
 in a somewhat tiresome form of the process with which 
 we are famihar in tlie apodictic works of Aristotle, the 
 raising and solution of doubts which have occurred, or 
 might reasonably occur, with regard to the subject in hand. 
 It is not in itself at all inconceivable that Aristotle may 
 ha\e prepared collections of questions of this kind, the 
 more important of which he would afterwards incorporate 
 in his scientific works. We know that he holds that the 
 solution of a doubt is in fact itself a discovery, and such 
 a collection or collections of solved doubts would, like his 
 ia-TopCai, give him much useful material to work upon. 
 On the other hand, it must be admitted that considerable 
 portions of our present book of the Problemata contain 
 questions and solutions which we can hardly believe to 
 have seriously occupied the mind of Aristotle, while the 
 theology of the book, or of sections of it, attributes a much 
 more personal character to the Deity than anything we 
 find in undoubted Aristotelian works ^. Yet large portions at 
 least are well worthy of Aristotle both in language and in 
 thought, and a collection of this kind with no connection 
 between the separate subjects treated of is just the one to 
 lend itself most largely to interpolation, or rather, as it 
 would seem to Aristotle's disciples, furnishes merely a 
 number of heads under which all future questions and 
 solutions may be grouped. We cannot appeal for this 
 method of treatment to the direct authority of an un- 
 doubted Aristotelian work, as we could in the case of the 
 la-TopiaL ; but the constant repetition of such phrases as 
 biaiTopria-avTe^ -npoTepov would make us prone to believe 
 that the original plan at least of the collection is due to 
 Aristotle, though there is a likelihood almost amounting 
 
 ' Cf. Probl. XXX. 5 iiiit. 955 b. 22-24, though perhaps the expression is merely 
 a popular one.
 
 The Problem. 7 
 
 to certainty that a great, perhaps the greater, part of the 
 execution of the collection which we now possess is to be 
 attributed to his disciples. The same remark applies, 
 though in a less degree, to the loroptat, both those which 
 we possess and the much larger number which arc lost. 
 
 But besides these three classes of books which partially at 
 least remain to us, there must be taken into account whole 
 categories of books once attributed to Aristotle, which are 
 completely or almost completely lost. Under this head we 
 have, first the Dialogues, the compositions of Aristotle with 
 which antiquity was best acquainted, and for which, next to 
 the rioAtrerai, we have the earliest authority. Next, we 
 have another class of Aoyot or set discourses, perhaps with 
 a dialogic prelude and end, of which the Aristotelian Trpo- 
 rpiiTTLKos ^ was probably an example. We have whole 
 clusters of historical and critical works on previous philo- 
 sophers, of which the undoubtedly spurious work — Dc 
 Xenophane Zenone et Gorgia — may be taken as either an 
 instance or an imitation ; these seem to be enlargements 
 of the historical and critical sketches of preceding works 
 on the subject which we find in so many of the didactic 
 Aristotelian works. We have v-rroixi'/jixaTa — mere collec- 
 tions of notes — sometimes apparently identical with the 
 IcTTopiaL, at other times including all works except those 
 which are reduced to the perfected form of a dialogue or 
 Ao'yo?, since the Nicomachcan Ethics is once at least 
 alluded to as iiOiku vTroixp/jiJ-aTa. We have works on mathe- 
 matics", on medicine'', and on the influence of locality "* ; 
 
 ' Cf. Rudolf Ilirzcl, ULcr ilcii rrutrcptikus dcs Arislotelcs ; Ilcrmcs x. 
 61-100. (1876.) 
 
 '' Scxt. Empiricus, Adv. Math. iii. 57-59. 
 
 ■' Galen, cd. Kiihn, ii. 90 ct x. 15. These books of, or altiilmtcil to, 
 Aristotle {irtpl vuaajv, ete.) arc not to be confounded with the larpiicfi avfayooyi) 
 which Galen tells us was falsely attributed to Aristotle but written by Menoa 
 (Galtn XV. 25). * Galen iv. 7<;S.
 
 8 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 lastly, \vc have a scries of critical notes on Homer*, 
 which perhaps least of all of his reputed writings can with 
 probability be attributed to Aristotle, since his frequently 
 loose treatment of that author would make it most im- 
 probable that he had devoted any serious attention to 
 critical study of him. 
 
 It is impossible to arrive at anything like a satisfactory 
 conclusion as to the works remaining to us, unless we 
 have some theory as to their relation to those which are 
 lost, and as to the authenticity of the latter. The list of 
 main heads might be very considerably increased if we 
 were to include the multitudinous catalogue of titles accu- 
 mulated by Diogenes Lacrtius, which yet comprises very 
 few of the works which we now consider to be Aristotelian. 
 I have however purposely abstained from reference to any 
 books whose authenticity is not vouched for by authors 
 anterior to, or at least contemporary with, Diogenes, and 
 of far greater weight as witnesses. 
 
 But the Aristotelian problem does not consist solely 
 or chiefly in determining the authenticity of particular 
 books. Almost every page gives us the same questions 
 and the same difficulties. These difficulties may be roughly 
 put under two heads, — the repetitions and the references. 
 Almost the whole of the Aristotelian criticism may be 
 said to consist in a due understanding of these two ques- 
 tions. A full and satisfactory explanation of either is yet 
 to be looked for. 
 
 And first as to the repetitions. These fall under three 
 distinct heads. We have first duplicate and even triplicate 
 treatises on the same subject, and following usually exactly 
 the same lines. The duplicated treatises are sometimes both 
 assigned to Aristotle, as in the case of the two Rhetorics 
 (which however differ from each other much more than is 
 
 ' Plutarch, Epicurus xii.
 
 The Problan. 9 
 
 usually the case), or more commonly the second and third 
 versions are assigned to some pupil or successor of Aristotle. 
 Thus we have Eudemian Ethics, Physics, and Analytics ; 
 Theophrastian Metaphysics and History of Animals, with 
 probably a large number of other works following the 
 lines of the Aristotelian treatises ^ The process seems to 
 have been continued by Straton and other later Aris- 
 totelians ; but of their works few or no fragments remain 
 to us. 
 
 Secondly, we have long reduplications or analyses of 
 portions of works, sometimes taking the form of second ver- 
 sions of given books, as in the double versions of the second 
 book of the De Anima, the seventh book of the Physics, 
 the apparently complete double version of the Politics, 
 and the certain double version of the Categories ; some- 
 times that of the repetition in one work of parts of other 
 works, as that in the tenth book of the Metaphysics of 
 portions of the Physics ; or of earlier portions of the same 
 work, as in Metaphysics x, where we get a shortened 
 form of portions of the earlier books, and in Metaphysics 
 xii and xiii, where we get the same matters treated over 
 again, though with some differences in point of view. 
 
 Thirdly, in all the Aristotelian works we frequently 
 meet with short reduplicated passages generally, though 
 not invariably, following each other very closely. These 
 passages have usually, but not always, some slight verbal 
 differences, and it is to be noticed that in the cases in 
 which they are absolutely identical [e.g. Physics i. 2. 3 and 
 i. 3. J, Eth. Nic. V. 7. 1132 b. 9 and v. 8. 1133 a. 14] they 
 are usually somewhat further removed from each other 
 than in cases where there is a real, though not very im- 
 
 ' Cf. Cicero, De Fin. i. 2. 6, togcllicr with tiie constant coupling of Tiico- 
 phrastus witii Aristotle as to the most heterogeneous matters of doctrine by 
 Cicero, Plutarch, Galen, etc.
 
 lo History of tJic A ristoicliaii Writi)igs. 
 
 portant, difference in expression. The bearing of this 
 remark \vc shall sec later. 
 
 We turn now to the references, and we find that the 
 whole of the Aristotelian works as we now have them are 
 connected together by a very elaborate series of references, 
 or perhaps, as we shall see later, by more than one such 
 series. We perceive that there are comparatively few 
 references to any works which we do not possess, and that 
 these arc generally of a vague and doubtful character. But 
 when we look at the matter more carefully, and attempt 
 to draw any certain inferences from these references as to 
 the order and authenticity of the books, we find that the 
 matter, apparently so simple, really bristles with difficulties. 
 We find cross-references between different works, which 
 clearly could not have been inserted at the time of the 
 writing of whichever was the earlier. We find the same 
 work referred to by several different names. We find in 
 the same work references to other portions of that work 
 as both preceding and following a given portion. We find 
 constantly the connecting link between two adjoining books 
 occurring both at the end of one and at the beginning 
 of the other. We find references implying an arrange- 
 ment of books in an artificial order, when it is almost 
 certainly proveable that that order could not have existed 
 till long after the time of Aristotle. Lastly, we find re- 
 ferences which contain grievous errors as to the real mean- 
 ing of a doctrine or as to its relation to the matter in hand. 
 
 We have therefore forced upon us the examination, 
 first, of the external evidence of the authenticity of the 
 various works imputed to Aristotle; secondly, of the nature 
 of the text and the causes through which it was brought 
 into its present form ; and thirdly, of the references and 
 of the nature of the evidence which may with truth be 
 deduced from them.
 
 The Problem. ii 
 
 But before setting out on this task, it may perhaps be 
 worth while to consider at some length what seems at first 
 sight: to be an ahiiost exactly parallel history, and to 
 inquire whether we can gather from it any hints towards 
 the solution of the Aristotelian question. 
 
 Even as under the name of Aristotle there existed once 
 a multitudinous collection of treatises, all of which could 
 hardly have been the work of one man, so under that of 
 Hippokrates we have a very considerable collection of 
 medical works, some of which at least must be posterior 
 in date to that renowned physician. Further, as other 
 works closely resembling in form and matter those imputed 
 to Aristotle are attributed to his disciples or even (in one 
 case) to his descendants, so too to the descendants and 
 disciples of Hippokrates are attributed some of the works 
 which other critics and historians have assigned to 
 Hippokrates himself, while other works which bear 
 the name of Hippokrates are attributed to later oixcovvixoc. 
 Just as some at least of Aristotle's works seem mere 
 collections of notes, so a very large proportion of the works 
 assigned to Hippokrates are mere bundles of disconnected 
 jottings in which the same thing is often repeated several 
 times over. These works were said by the older commen- 
 tators to be collections of observations published without 
 editing by the disciples of Hippokrates soon after his death. 
 They are called vT:o\xvi]}xaTa in opposition to his more 
 finished writings, the (Tvyypd\xixaTa or avvTaKTiKa, a distinc- 
 tion sufficiently familiar to Aristotelian students. With 
 Hippokrates, as with Aristotle, there is a considerable 
 period during which we have no real history of the manu- 
 scripts, though with him also we have during this interval 
 incidental notices and quotations, since M. Littre seems to 
 make out his case as to the quotation from Hippokrates in 
 the Phaedrus, and we have the express and repeated
 
 12 Ilistoiy of tlic Aristotelian JVrilmgs. 
 
 testimony of Galen that in ph\sical and medical matters 
 Aristotle is often the mere interpreter of Hippokrates. 
 Tarra (rvfiTrarra Kcd Trpos tovtoi's ^repa ttoAAu, to. re tS)v 
 TTpoaprifjifVMV bvvayLicov KOt to. toov rofryj/xc'iTCu/' Tijs yeye'creco?, Itttto- 
 KpdTi]'i pL(i' TTpCoTos anavToyv S)V tafxev opOQ'i eiTier, ApicrTOTeKrjs 
 6e SeuTcpcos opdw'S i^i]yi]CTaTo ^. 
 
 M. Littre enumerates eight chief points bearing on the 
 criticism of the works of Hippokrates^. 
 
 (i) The collection exists authentically from the time of 
 Herophilus and of the foundation of the Alexandrian 
 libraries (circa B.C. 300). 
 
 (2) Portions certainly belong to other writers than 
 Hippokrates. 
 
 (3) A large portion consists of notes, which no author 
 would have published in their present form. 
 
 (4) Several works are, or comprise, compilations, analyses, 
 and extracts of other works in the collection still in 
 existence. 
 
 (5) The treatises do not all belong to precisely the 
 same epoch. 
 
 (6) The Hippokrateans must certainly have possessed a 
 whole mass of works which were already lost at the time of 
 the publication of the collection [that is, in M. Littre's sense, 
 the time of the transfer of the collection or of copies of it 
 to the Alexandrian libraries]. 
 
 (7) The most ancient authorities have hesitated as to 
 the author to whom this or that special treatise should be 
 assigned. 
 
 (8) There is a small number of writings which all 
 ancient critics agree in assigning to Hippokrates. 
 
 All these statements, except the first, may be transferred 
 mutatis vmtandis to Aristotle, and we may add one or 
 
 * Galen ii. 90, ed. Kiihn, and so also continually in other passages. 
 ^ Littre, Hippokrates, Introduction, vol. i. p. 263.
 
 The Problem. 13 
 
 two more resemblances gleaned from other portions of M. 
 Littre's invaluable introduction. 
 
 (i) In the time of the commentators, certainly at least in 
 that of Galen and Erotion, there were no MSS. claiming 
 to be due to the hand of Hippokrates himself. In like 
 manner, as Stahr very justly argues^, the doubt which 
 Andronicus expressed as to the authenticity of the De 
 Interpretatione and Categories, a doubt based apparently ' 
 entirely on internal grounds, is strong evidence that he did 
 not believe himself to possess any autographs of Aristotle 
 himself ; nor does the story of Strabo, if rightly understood, 
 give any contradiction to this view -. 
 
 (2) The names under which the Hippokratean treatises 
 are known to us arc certainly in many cases, and possibly 
 in all, later than the works themselves. Perhaps none of 
 them go back as far as the time of Hippokrates. The 
 same remark is notoriously true of such Aristotelian con- 
 glomerations as the Organon and the Metaphysics ; and it 
 will be our task to prove that it is of much wider signi- 
 ficance and applies to a considerable number, if not to all, 
 of the apparently homogeneous treatises. 
 
 But if there are many points of resemblance between the 
 histories of the Aristotelian and Hippokratean treatises, 
 there are differences so numerous and so important, as to 
 render analogical arguments from the one history to the 
 other of extremely doubtful value. 
 
 In the first place, though we have a break in the history 
 of the MSS. of Hippokrates, there is no reason for assum- 
 ing that at any time they were treated with other than the 
 most loving care. We have nothing equivalent to the 
 Skepsis story, however we may interpret that story. From 
 the temple at Cos the manuscripts or their copies a[)parcntly 
 went straight to the libraries at Alexandria ; and the only 
 
 ' Stahr, Aiistotcliji. ii. 72-73. ' Cf. later, ca]). 2, p. 32.
 
 14 History of the A rislotclian Wriiiugs. 
 
 change which they seem likely to have suffered is the 
 gradual accretion of further observations and furtlier 
 treatises on kindred subjects, ascribed to the name of the 
 master probably because they precisely follo\^ed his lines 
 of argument and inquiry : for though the eagerness of the 
 Ptolemies as book-collectors may have led to some de- 
 liberate forgeries, this process cannot have attained any 
 great perfection before the time when the canon of the 
 Hippokratean works was finally established ; which was, 
 as it appears, but a very few years after the first opening 
 of the Alexandrian libraries. 
 
 Secondly, in this very matter of early criticism Hippo- 
 krates has been far more fortunate than Aristotle. The 
 Alexandrian librarians and litterateurs from the very earliest 
 foundation of the libraries, that is, within a century and a 
 half of the death of Hippokrates, set themselves to the work 
 of arranging, criticising, and examining the master's works, 
 and though their treatises are lost to us, yet their tradition 
 is carried on unbroken, and in all probability we have all 
 the most valuable results of it in the works of Galen. It 
 is true that the one work of Galen himself which w^ould 
 have thrown most light on the matter, his formal discussion 
 of the authenticity of each special Hippokratean treatise, is 
 now lost to us, but his extant works preserve for us sufficient 
 information for a tolerably accurate reconstruction of his 
 canon, and of the kind of evidence upon which it was based. 
 
 With Aristotle the case is lamentably different. We 
 have, it is true, some vague traditions of Alexandrian and 
 other commentators ; but we cannot with certainty assume 
 even that the works upon which they commented are 
 those which we now have under the name of Aristotle. 
 Not a trace of these commentaries remains to us, and (as 
 far as we can judge) the works of Andronicus Rhodius, the 
 well-head of all the commentaries that remain, were com-
 
 The Problem. 15 
 
 posed without any reference to them. Had we any portion 
 of these works, or above all the book \\hich Andronicus 
 composed on the authenticity of the treatises which he 
 included in his canon, we should be in a position widely 
 different from our present miserable state of vague guess- 
 ing. But Andronicus is lost ; Nicolaus ^, the commentator 
 on the Metaphysics, is lost ; Didymus ^, Asperius ^, and 
 Boethus^ (the friend of Galen and learned Roman consul) 
 have all disappeared ; so also has Galen's own commen- 
 tary on the Analytics '" ; and Alexander Aphrodisiensis, 
 great though he be, writes more than five centuries 
 after the author on whom he is commenting. Even 
 of his works not many remain, and some portions at 
 least of those which are attributed to him are un- 
 doubtedly spurious. After him we get only third or 
 fourth-hand repeaters, like Ammonius, SimpHcius, or the 
 crowd of dull scribes who lurk under the name of 
 Johannes Grammaticus or Philoponus. For some of the 
 most undoubtedly Aristotelian works we are not even so 
 well provided, and have nothing better than the trivialities 
 and absurdities of ninth to twelfth century Byzantine 
 commentators. It is true that in some cases we have the 
 further aid of the twice or thrice translated versions and 
 commentaries of Arabian or Jewish literati ; but the text 
 from which these learned men drew was already a late 
 product of criticism, and does not carry us back a step 
 beyond the existing Greek commentaries. 
 
 Yet another important point in which Ilippokrates has 
 
 ' Ills work on the Aristotelian Metaphysics is referred to by a commentator 
 quoted by Brandis in his edition of the Metaphysics of Aristotle and Thco- 
 phrastus, p. 327, note. 
 
 " Quoted often by Galen and Athcnaeus ; the fragment referring to the 
 Aristotelian Ethics and Politics, quoted by Stobaeus, is not beyond suspicion. 
 
 ' Quoted by .Simplicius frequently. * Galen, ii. 215 et xix. 13. 
 
 '•" Galen, xix. 41.
 
 1 6 History of tJic A risfofc/iau Writings. 
 
 been more fortunate than Aristotle. Galen quotes only- 
 four treatises of Hippokrates which we do not possess. 
 He omits to mention fifteen treatises or parts of treatises 
 which we now have ; but a large proportion of these are 
 obviously only summaries or cuttings from works included 
 in the Galcnian canon, so that the practical identity of our 
 Hippokratean collection with that known to Galen is even 
 closer than it at first appears. 
 
 How different is the case with Aristotle ! Not one tithe 
 of the works which passed under his name with antiquity 
 remain to us ; and, on the other hand, the only lists which 
 have come down to us purporting to enumerate all his 
 works seem to contain very few of those which we now 
 have. This latter is, it is true, of little importance since all 
 the treatises which we now possess are referred to by 
 authors of far greater weight than the makers, or rather 
 copiers, of these Aristotelian lists. But what right have we 
 to assume that the whole or anything like the whole of 
 the genuine Aristotelian works is now in our hands ? 
 We can only do so in the teeth of all the most trustworthy 
 evidence of ancient authorities. We hear of early doubts 
 <as to the Categories, De Interpretatione, and Metaphysics, 
 but none whatsoever as to the rToAtrelat, the Dialogue on 
 Philosophy, the Eudemus, the Protrepticus, and many 
 others. As to the arguments from style and matter these 
 must always be of very doubtful nature, resting, as they 
 needs must, upon preconceived ideas of the arguer. That 
 short quotations from lost works of Aristotle (chiefly with 
 reference to meanings of words) do not seem very weighty 
 or important may be due very much more to lack of 
 judgment on the part of the quoter than to any fault or 
 weakness of the author quoted ; while the longer fragments, 
 notably that from the Eudemus quoted by Plutarch in 
 the Consolatio ad Apollonium and the passage from the
 
 The Problem. 17 
 
 rToAtretat on the functions of the/^ouA?;, Trpuraret? andeTrto-rdr?]?, 
 are, in my humble opinion, worthy of the Aristotle whom 
 we know. But of all such arbitrary negative criticism we 
 may say with M. Littre, ' Une pareille critique repose sur 
 des fondements incertains ; rien n'est sujet a controverse 
 comme les arguments tires de la gravite du style et de sa 
 concision. D'ailleurs il y a la une petition de principes ; car 
 avant de dire que tel style appartient a Hippocrate, il faut 
 prouver que les ouvrages bu Ton croit, a tort ou a raison, 
 reconnaitre ce style, sont reellcment de I'auteur auquel on 
 les attribue' (i. 171); and later, ' L'incertain Soranus, auteur 
 de la vie d'Hippocrate, a eu toute raison de dire qu'il est 
 possible d'imiter le style d'un ecrivain, et que le meme 
 homme peut lui-meme ecrire de differentes manieres' 
 (Littre, i. 179). 
 
 When, therefore, a critic asks us to believe that we have 
 with one or two unimportant exceptions all the authentic 
 works of Aristotle, and that on the other hand by far the 
 greater proportion of the works which we now possess 
 are authentic, we have considerable ground for rejecting 
 his plea at once, unless he can produce for it very strong 
 external as well as internal evidence. But when this 
 author asks us further to believe that Hippokrates never 
 wrote at all, in the face of the whole tradition of antiquity 
 and of the evidence which can certainly be evolved from 
 Plato, a contemporary or almost a contemporary; and 
 further, that there was no real Pythagorean doctrine, but 
 only a Pythagorean life ; that that which we take for Pytha- 
 goreanism is an invention of Plato and his disciples; when 
 I say he affirms this in the teeth of repeated assertions of 
 Plato, and of Aristotle, who must have been the contem- 
 porary of these fraudulently inventive disciples of Plato, 
 and who can have had no motive for concealment or 
 possibility of being deceived ; then wc can only conclude 
 
 C
 
 iS 1 listory of the ArisiofcliiDL ]Vyit'uigs. 
 
 that the writer's erudition, which is enormous, stands out 
 of all relation to his judgment, and that to the latter we 
 need not assign any undue weight ^. 
 
 To sum up then ; the strong apparent similarity of 
 the conditions of Hippokratean criticism to those of Aris- 
 totelian vanishes to a great extent on closer inspection. 
 The external evidence as to the authenticity of the books 
 is at one and the same moment stronger and less impor- 
 tant for Hippokrates than for Aristotle. For as far as the 
 Hippokratean virofxv^ixaTa are concerned, it is of infinitesimal 
 importance who inserted this or that report of a case into 
 the general corpus of such reports collected by the guild 
 of physicians of Cos. The repetitions, moreover, in the 
 Hippokratean works occur chiefly, if not entirely, in these 
 i~oixvi]}xaTa, and the criticism is free from that chief and 
 perhaps most insoluble difficulty of Aristotelian scholar- 
 ship, the insertion of duplicated and triplicated passages 
 into formal didactic works (e.g. the Nicomachean Ethics, 
 De Anima, and Physics). We must then give up our 
 hopes of finding practically useful analogies in the labours 
 and results of the editors of Hippokrates, and proceed 
 without such aid to the discussion of our problem. 
 
 * Rose, Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus and De Ordine et Auctoritate Librorum 
 Aristotelis.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ARISTOTLE TILL THE TIME OF CICERO AND THE 
 LATIN RENAISSANCE. 
 
 Were any of the Aristotelian writings published during 
 the master's lifetime ? We have already answered that 
 question as far as the bulk of the works which have come 
 down to us is concerned. For these there was certainly 
 no other publication than the public reading of such off 
 them as may be considered as representing courses of 
 lectures. But this answer is very far from solving the 
 whole question. We know that certain reputed works of 
 Aristotle were generally known within a few years after 
 his death, and that from that time forth throughout the 
 whole of antiquity no doubt was expressed as to the 
 authenticity of these works. The chief members of this 
 class are the Dialogues and the Politeae. Into the 
 question of the authenticity of these works it is not within 
 our scope to enter at length ; and as to the former, almost 
 all that was worth saying has been said by Bernays in 
 his monograph on the subject. But I may remark in 
 passing upon the absurdity of an argument upon which 
 Rose lays great stress, that the Dialogues could hardly 
 have been written after the death of Plato, by reason of 
 their admittedly Platonic character, since at the time of 
 Plato's death Aristotle was already a man of mature years, 
 and must already have elaborated the more important 
 parts of his own system ; while on the other hand they 
 
 (J I
 
 20 History of the A yislotclian Writings. 
 
 could not have been published during Plato's lifetime, 
 since one at least of them, the N7;pti'0oj, KopivOcos, or 
 N>/piVios, introduces Plato as an interlocutor, which, says 
 Rose, could never have been done during Plato's lifetime. 
 
 As to the first horn of this supposed dilemma it only 
 need be said, that it would only prove that the dialogues 
 which are Platonic in doctrine were probably written before 
 Plato's death ; but this is not at all in opposition to the 
 supposition that the N7/pty^os was written after that time, 
 since there is not the slightest evidence that the doctrine of 
 the Nerinthus itself was Platonic. As to the second horn, 
 we must ask whence Rose gets this important piece of 
 information, that living men are not introduced as inter- 
 locutors into dialogues Platonic or other? Is it likely 
 that all the young men who are introduced as interlo- 
 cutors in the Platonic dialogues were already dead when 
 these dialogues were published ? Menon, Glaucon, Adi- 
 mantus, Simmias, Kebes, Theaetetus, and half a score of 
 others were more or less contemporaries of Plato. Char^ 
 midoo - Avas probabl ^^^yeuflger. Is it at all likely that all these 
 should have died before the dialogues in which they are 
 respectively introduced were written ? We have no reason 
 to believe that these dialogues, or the majority of them, were 
 written when Plato was a very old man, since there are 
 at least two or three Platonic writings which are certainly 
 posterior in date to any of those in which the personages 
 I have mentioned appear. But if Rose means merely that 
 the principal personage in the dialogue could not be a 
 living man, then granting that assumption, though it too 
 is an unproveable one, I need only remark that the words 
 of Themistius certainly do not prove that Plato was the 
 chief interlocutor in the dialogue Nerinthus. In truth, 
 they can hardly be said to prove that he was an inter- 
 locutor at all, though they undoubtedly suggest it. The
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 2 1 
 
 passage of Themistius runs as follows : 'O 8e yecopybs 6 
 KopLvdios T(j) TopyCa ^vyyevoixevos — ovk avT(2 €K€LV<t> Topyia, oXka 
 rw Aoyco ov YlXaTcav ^ypaxj/c kir eAey^w tov crocfiicrTov — avTLKa 
 a(f)(U TOV aypbv koX tcl'S djUTre'Aovs rTAdrcot-t vitidi-jK^ ti]v yj/vxp]V 
 Kal TO. eKeirov kcnr^ip^To koX ecpvT^veTo' koI ovtos kariv ov np-a 
 'ApL(TTOTikt]i TO) StaAo'yo) r<o Kopiy^to) ^. 
 
 On the other hand, I cannot attach much weight to 
 Bernay's identification of the efcorept/cot Adyot with the 
 dialogues. Even though he could prove, as I think he 
 has proved, that some or all of the references to e^wrepiKOi 
 Adyot in the Aristotelian works referred to the dialogues, 
 I do not think it would at all follow that these were 
 really Aristotelian works. It would prove merely that some 
 editor had believed that they were ^, But of the general 
 belief of antiquity we have enough direct evidence with- 
 out falling back upon indirect ; and it is to be noticed 
 that in a passage undoubtedly Aristotelian the word 
 efcoreptKd? is used in the sense attributed to it by Zeller, 
 not in that for which Bernays argues. The passage occurs 
 in the first book of the Politics, and runs thus : koL tovto 
 [to (velvaL to ap\ov koX to ap\6p.€VOV^ e/c t^s aTiaa-qs </)do-ecoj 
 kwnapyti Tols e/xi/ry^ot?" koX yap iv rots' pr] p^TiyjovaL {o)?/? eort 
 rts o.p\r], olov app.ovias' dAAa ravra p.ev tcrods e^ajrept/ccorepas 
 €(ttI (TKi\lfe(x)S, TO he ^woy irpcoTov (rvvi(TTr]Kev ex '^v)(r]s koI 
 (TU)p.aTos, 5>v TO piv apyjov eari (f}V(ret to be apyjopevov, p. 1 254 a, 
 31-36. Mere the meaning of the expression is clearly 
 that the investigation of this subject belongs to a branch 
 of inquiry somewhat alien to the matter in hand, i. e. 
 either to Ethics or to Psychology. But the question as 
 to the e^uiTepiKol Koyoi is not really of vital importance 
 towards settling the problem of the authenticity of the 
 Aristotelian Dialogues, and I think that the weight of 
 
 ' Themistius, Or. xxiii. p. 295 c. 
 
 * Cf. chap. V, on Titles and References, passim.
 
 2 2 History of iJic Aristotelian Writiuf^s. 
 
 evidence in favour of the authenticity of some at least of 
 these dialogues is overwhelming. 
 
 As to the no/\tretai, we can trace them down from 
 Timaeus of Tauromcnium, an author who wrote within 
 sixty or seventy years of the death of Aristotle \ The 
 only argument against them rests upon the mention of 
 the Ammonias, which ship or ship's name took the place 
 of the older Salaminia, and which is mentioned in one of the 
 preser\-ed fragments of the Politeae. Bockh argues chiefly 
 from the silence of preceding inscriptions, that the change 
 was not made before the year 322 B.C., that is, some time 
 after the death of Aristotle, but the evidence is by no 
 means strong, and even w^ere it conclusive, would not yet 
 finally demonstrate the spurious nature of the Politeae as 
 a whole, since no one will assert that their text in the 
 mutilated fragments which we possess is free from all cor- 
 ruption ; and the alteration, if it be one, is just such a one 
 as a scribe would make who knew the state of things in 
 his time, and assumed it to be the same in that of 
 Aristotle. It must be admitted that the author from 
 whom we got the statement must have found the word 
 'A/i/^coytas in his text of the rToAtreiat (if indeed he was not 
 quoting at second, third, or sixteenth hand) ; but that fact 
 tells little or nothing against the possibility of alteration 
 in the centuries which elapsed between his remark and 
 Aristotle's writing -. 
 
 If then there were, as we may assume, certain dia- 
 logues and historical treatises written by Aristotle, the 
 first would almost certainly have received such publication 
 as Athens afforded in his lifetime, for they must neces- 
 sarily from the beginning have been intended for pub- 
 
 ' Cf. Polybius, xii. 5, in his defence of Aristotle against the attacks of 
 Timaeus. 
 
 * Aristoteles, ed. Berol. frag. 403, p. 1545 a, 42 sqq.
 
 A ristotle till the time of Cicej^'o. 2 3 
 
 lication. The second would have been very Hkely to have 
 seen the light early, for they were on a subject of far 
 greater general interest than most of Aristotle's works, 
 and moreover, as we may judge from the longer frag- 
 ments, were worked into something more like a connected 
 whole than was the case with the other crvpaycdyaC and 
 la-TopiaL compiled by Aristotle. We may no doubt assume 
 that their chief interest to Aristotle himself would be as 
 forming material out of which he might evolve the 
 general scientific results which are happily preserved to 
 us in the Politics ; but he might probably and reason- 
 ably consider that this collection, got together with im- 
 mense labour, might also be made useful to gain him some 
 of that immediate fame, the wish for which cannot be 
 entirely absent from the mind of any creative thinker. 
 Even on the supposition that other works of Aristotle 
 were published during his lifetime, it could only be through 
 his Dialogues and Politeae that he could hope to be imme- 
 diately known to a wide circle of non-philosophic readers. 
 If he were during his lifetime something more than the 
 revered teacher of a limited circle of pupils, we may safely 
 assume that this publication took place. 
 
 As to the works which remain to us in their entirety, 
 I am inclined to guess that no one as a whole ever issued 
 beyond the limits of the lecture-room during the master's 
 life, though there seem grounds for thinking that portions 
 of the Metaphysics and De Caelo, some at least of the 
 Parva Naturalia \ the two books Flept (fnXia^'^, now in- 
 cluded in the Nicomachean Ethics, and the two books on 
 the ideal state •\ Politics vii, viii (iv, v), may have first 
 seen the light perhaps in some other form during the 
 lifetime of Aristotle. If, indeed, we are to accept the 
 
 ' Cf. post, on the question of the avoidance of liiatiis, pp. 164 sqti. 
 
 '•' Cf. post, chap, vii, i)p. 142 sqq. ' Cf. post, cliaj). viii. ]>p. 164 sfiq.
 
 24 History of tJic A ristolclian Writings. 
 
 authority of Plutarch and the authenticity of the letters 
 of Alexander and Aristotle, we shall be forced to admit 
 that the most abstruse and most obviously unfinished of 
 all the Aristotelian writings, was published by him against 
 the will of his king and master ^ But if we believe this, 
 we must believe, first, that the name ci/cpoa/AartKot Ao'yoi 
 was popularly used and understood in the days of Aristotle 
 himself, a supposition which all competent critics would 
 at once reject. We must believe, further, that Alexander 
 was such a conceited noodle as to seek for distinction by 
 the possession of some secret talisman of knowledge, as 
 if, forsooth, he was so much in need of any stray morsel 
 of fame merited or unmerited ; we must believe that the 
 Aristotelian circle of earnest scholars imitated the mum- 
 meries of the Mysteries, which were already fallen into 
 absolute disrepute ; we must believe that Aristotle wTOte 
 in the st)-le of a quibbling charlatan ; and, if we allow our 
 credulity to extend to the whole passage, we must throw 
 in the beliefs that Alexander, thanks to the teaching of 
 Aristotle, was no contemptible leech ; that he kept always 
 under his pillow an edition of the Iliad prepared for him by 
 Aristotle ; that Alexander, somewhere in the centre of 
 Asia, cooled down in his affection for Aristotle, and 
 showed his coolness ; and (if we turn over a few pages) 
 that Aristotle was suspected of privity with the murder 
 of Alexander by poison^ — a story which perhaps no one 
 but the mad Caracalla ever took seriously, least of all men 
 Plutarch himself^. Simplicius in his version of the matter, 
 though he follows the account of Plutarch, seems to under- 
 stand Alexander's letter and Aristotle's answer as referring 
 to the publication of a/cpoa/xartKot \6yoi generally ; but he 
 adds the further valuable information, that Aristotle in the 
 
 ' Plutarch, Alexander, vii. ^ Plutarch, Alexander, Ixxvii. 
 
 ' Dio Casslus, 77. 7.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 
 
 ^:> 
 
 &KpoaixaTLKo\ koyot purposely practised obscurity ^ ; perhaps 
 a little extra absurdity thrown in need hardly be counted 
 amid this tissue of childish nonsense. 
 
 Let us now turn to the fate of the Aristotelian writings 
 other than the dialogues and histories in the period imme- 
 diately succeeding the master's death. A passage of 
 Cicero may serve as an introduction to this part of our 
 inquiry. It runs thus : ' Platonis autem auctoritate qui 
 varius et multiplex et copiosus fuit, una et consentiens 
 duobus vocabulis philosophiae forma instituta est, Acadc- 
 micorum et Peripateticorum ; qui rebus congruentes nomi- 
 nibus differebant ; nam cum Speusippum sororis filium 
 Plato philosophiae quasi hercdem reliquisset, duos autem 
 praestantissimos studio, atque doctrina, Xenocratem Chalce- 
 donium et Aristotelem Stagiritem ; qui erant cum Aris- 
 totele, Peripatetici dicti sunt, quia disputabant inambu- 
 lantes in Lyceo ; illi autem qui Platonis instituto in Aca- 
 demia, quod est alterum gymnasium, coetus erant et 
 sermones habere soliti, e loci vocabulo nomen habuerunt ; 
 sed utrique Platonis ubcrtate completi, certam quandam 
 disciplinae formulam composuerunt, et eam quidem plenam 
 et refertam ; illam autem Socraticam dubitationem de 
 omnibus rebus et nulla affirmatione adhibita rationem dis- 
 serendi reliquerunt ; ita facta est disscrendo, quod minimc 
 Socrates probabat, ars quacdam philosophiae et rcrum ordo 
 et dcscriptio disciplinae ; quae quidem erat primo duobus, 
 ut dixi, nominibus una ; nihil cnim inter Pcripatcticos et 
 illam veterem Acadcmiam diffcrcbat ; abundantia quadam 
 ingenii praestabat, ut mihi vidctur quidem, Aristotclcs ; 
 sed idem fons erat utrisque et eadem rcrum cxpctcndarum 
 fugicndarumquc partitio' (Acad. Post. i. 4. § 17-18). 
 
 Now wc must of course deduct from this account Cicero's 
 statement of the practical identity of the Peripatetics and 
 
 ' Sfmp. in riiys. Proocm. z. zz-^t,.
 
 26 History of tJic Aristotelian Writi^igs. 
 
 the Old Academy. Cicero, like other eclectics, had a 
 mania for pro\ing that all schools were substantially in 
 agreement ; just as, later, Simplicius is for ever proving to 
 us that Aristotle never really criticises Plato, but only 
 misunderstandings of Plato. Even as Cicero here assures 
 us that there is no real difference between the Peripatetics 
 and Old Academy, so elsewhere he asserts that the dis- 
 tinction of doctrine between Stoics and Peripatetics is a 
 merely verbal one \ But, deducting what we may call 
 the personal equation of Cicero, there remains to us the 
 definite testimony, that at a very early period both in the 
 Academy and in the Lyceum a regular course of lectures 
 was organised, a systematic education given. We may 
 safely assume that this complete education comprised 
 most at least of the subjects treated of in our present 
 Aristotelian books. In what way, then, were Aristotle's 
 works made useful for this education ? I think that only 
 one answer is really possible. The notes on Aristotle's 
 lectures, whether his own or those taken by his former 
 pupils — the then lecturers, — were read out to the class, 
 who, as I believe, could not otherwise easily obtain access to 
 copies of them. Occasional notes and criticisms were inter- 
 polated by the lecturer, who probably did not always warn 
 his hearers as to what was interpretation and what text. 
 Only on this supposition can the repetition of the whole, 
 or nearly the whole, of the Aristotelian titles in the works 
 ascribed to Eudemus, Theophrastus, and, later, Straton be 
 explained. 
 
 Doubtless these repeated lectures departed from the 
 original in very different degrees. Their fidelity w^ould 
 be almost in inverse proportion to the originality of 
 the lecturer. As far as we can judge from the remaining 
 works of Theophrastus, he was a good deal more than 
 
 ' De Fin. iv. 28.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 2 7 
 
 a mere repeater and cautious editor. Yet Cicero, speaking 
 probably of some works which are now lost to us, attributes 
 to him a close following of the Aristotelian matter, and 
 Galen seems rarely if ever to find any difference in doctrine 
 between them. 
 
 With Eudemus the case is different ; with him we find 
 not new treatises following the lines of Aristotle, but 
 merely repetitions of Aristotle's works with a certain 
 amount of verbal alteration, and possibly occasionally a 
 modest suggestion of criticism. Near as the Eudemian 
 Ethics seem to the Nicomachean, as far as we can judge 
 the Eudemian Physics were yet nearer. The suggestion 
 of Fritzsche that Simplicius only quotes the passages in 
 which Eudemus agrees with Aristotle, omitting those in 
 which he varies from him, is hardly worthy of serious 
 discussion. The differences to an intelligent editor, like 
 Simplicius, or those from whom he copies, would have 
 been far more important and likely to be noticed than the 
 resemblances. Further, the very words of Simplicius with 
 regard to Eudemus, 6 yvr\(Ti(yiTaTO'i tmv 'ApioTorfA.ov? kraLpoiv, 
 suggest quite as easily and naturally a faithful repro- 
 ducer^, as a disciple who merely faithfully follows the 
 general lines laid down by his master. The theory that 
 the Eudemian Ethics is in fact intended as an explanation 
 of difficulties of the Nicomachean, is contradicted by the 
 most cursory reading of the two treatises. That there 
 should be occasional explanations is well in accordance 
 with the theory I have stated. One perhaps is rather 
 surprised to find how few these explanations are, and how 
 often what is easy in the Nicomachean Ethics becomes 
 difficult in the Eudemian. Some of these extra difficulties 
 are no doubt due to the greater corruption of the text, 
 but on the most favourable view the book could never 
 
 ' Simplicius in Physica, p. ij^d, 1. 36.
 
 2S History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 have been intended as a systematic exegesis of the earlier 
 work ; still less is it an original treatise following out the 
 same general lines. As to the Eudemian Ethics, Spengel very 
 well remarks, 'Wer immer diese Eudemia geschrieben hat, er 
 konnte sich nicht cinbilden ein eigenes Werk zu geben ; es 
 ist kcine weitcre AusfUhrung und Begriindung des urspriing- 
 lich Gegebenen, kein historischer Commentar, wie ihn Theo- 
 phrastus zu Aristoteles 7re/jt ato-0/;o-eco? koX ala-Q-qroiv lieferte, 
 ein Werk, welches zeigt, was in jener Zeit fur das Verstand- 
 niss der Schriften des Meisters geleistet werden konnte, 
 mitunter auch wirklich geleistet worden ist ; es ist die 
 Darlegung desselben Stoffes in Anderer Form, wie ent- 
 standen, vermogen wir bei dem Mangel aller nahern 
 Kenntniss der Schule nicht nachzuweisen ^' Now I hold 
 that, so far from this Eudemian work being abnormal or 
 difficult of explanation, it exactly represents that which 
 went on yearly in the Lyceum, at all times except when 
 a man of real originality like Theophrastus occupied the 
 professorial chair. Straton probably followed much more 
 closely in the steps of Eudemus than in those of Theo- 
 phrastus, though, by a gradual process of change, each 
 successive lecturer would probably be a step further from 
 the real Aristotle. This doctrine of course assumes that 
 the autograph lectures of Aristotle were not in the pos- 
 session of the School, but this I think is sufficiently clear 
 both from the facts which we actually know about the 
 successive Peripatetic teachers, and from any reasonable 
 explanation we may give of the Skepsis story. Whether 
 there ever did exist autographs of these lectures, or merely 
 careful and generally accurate notes, we have no means of 
 determining. The former is perhaps the more probable 
 theory a priori, the latter would more easily account for 
 the free way in which Aristotle's immediate successors 
 * Spengel, Aristotelische Studien, i. 1^-13.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 29 
 
 (Theophrastus, etc.) seem to have treated the master's 
 works or lectures. 
 
 As to the Skepsis story itself. The full understanding 
 of it can only be arrived at when, having first made up 
 our minds as to what we mean by Aristotelian ' Books/ 
 we compare the stories of Strabo and Athenaeus (for 
 Plutarch in fact adds nothing^) with the evidence which 
 we have aliunde as to the existence of Aristotelian 
 works and the continuity of the Aristotelian school, be- 
 tween the times of Theophrastus and of Cicero. The 
 account of Strabo presents one obvious peculiarity. In 
 the first part of his statement he talks not of the works of 
 Aristotle and Theophrastus, but of their libraries ; that is, 
 apparently, their collections of the books of other people. 
 In the second part we are told that the descendants of 
 Neleus after a long interval sold the * books ' of Aristotle 
 and Theophrastus to Apellicon of Teos. These ' books ' 
 might of course only mean the libraries, but the remainder 
 of the story assumes that they were the writings of these 
 authors. In this there is of course no necessary contra- 
 diction, but there is at least a suggestion of some con- 
 fusion. When Strabo goes on to state that meanwhile 
 the Peripatetic school were greatly at a loss for want of 
 authentic works of Aristotle and Theophrastus, possessing 
 only a few and those chiefly the exoteric, the statement 
 at first blush seems so absurd and impossible that one 
 cannot wonder that many editors have rejected it as 
 utterly false. Was it likely that Theophrastus, the suc- 
 cessor of Aristotle and the inheritor of the glory of his 
 school, should leave that school entirely bereft of the in- 
 struments by which alone it could maintain its position, 
 nay rather its bare existence? Moreover, if real books of 
 
 ' Strabo, xiii. p. 608-9 ^^^- > l'liit'i''ch, Sulla, xxvi ; Alliciiacus, },a-li and 
 2 1 4 a-/.
 
 ;o History of I lie Arisfoleliaii Writings. 
 
 Aristotle existed, would not the successors of Theophrastus, 
 Straton, or Eudemus have taken care to procure copies 
 of these books before they parted with them ? If the 
 books were already in any sense published, there would 
 have been no difficulty about this ; if they were not, we 
 must remember that Neleus himself was a Peripatetic, and 
 is hardly likely to have refused to his fellow-disciples 
 so simple a boon as the right to copy these precious 
 volumes, a boon which involved no loss to himself, but 
 an inestimable advantage to those to whom it was 
 granted. 
 
 But putting aside these a priori considerations, let us 
 turn to the external evidence. We have first that of 
 Athenaeus, who deals directly with the same subject. In 
 his first notice of the matter ^ he is talking of the magnifi- 
 cence of a certain Roman gentleman, Laurentius, who 
 was appointed either Pontifex Maximus or Flamen Dialis 
 by Marcus Antoninus, and how he had collected the books 
 of a number of celebrated Greek authors, amongst others 
 ' those of Aristotle and of Neleus who preserved Aristotle's 
 books, from whom our king Ptolemy Philadelphus, having 
 bought them all, put them together with those w^hich he 
 had bought from Athens and Rhodes and brought them 
 to fair Alexandria.' Now it is of course quite probable 
 that Ptolemy may have bought many other works besides 
 those of Aristotle from Athens and Rhodes, but I think 
 that the presumption here is that Athenaeus or his epito- 
 mator means us to understand that all the works to which 
 the words quoted refer were those of Aristotle. We 
 have in favour of this theory the story that Ptolemy son 
 of Lagus sent an embassy to Theophrastus to buy books 
 of him, and further, that Ptolemy Philadelphus possessed 
 more than a thousand books or rolls of Aristotelian 
 > Athenaeus, i. 2/'-?,/'.
 
 A ristotle till the ti77te of Cicero. 3 1 
 
 works ^. That the Alexandrian Hbraries were full of real 
 or spurious Aristotelian works there can be no manner 
 of doubt ; nor further, that a number of these works 
 reached these libraries within a comparatively few years 
 after the death of Aristotle. Hermippus, the pupil of 
 Kallimachus, the Alexandrian librarian, almost certainly 
 inserted into his life of Aristotle a list of his works. In 
 truth, the knowledge and love of Aristotle seem never 
 to have failed at Alexandria, for we find that in the time 
 of Caracalla there were Aristotelian clubs or o-vcraLTca, 
 which there is no reason to suppose were of recent date, 
 and which that extraordinary madman suppressed on the 
 ground that Aristotle had conspired against Alexander, 
 and that it was his duty to avenge the wrongs of his idol 
 and model ^. 
 
 The other account given by Athenaeus seems to be in 
 contradiction with that in the passage just quoted. Talk- 
 ing of the futile rising of the Athenians under Athenion, 
 and the part taken therein by Apellicon as his lieutenant, 
 he describes him as having originally been a philosopher 
 of the Peripatetic school, as also was Athenion himself, 
 and as having bought the library of Aristotle and many 
 others". This account is therefore in general agreement 
 with that of Strabo, though, if it be taken as authentic, it 
 throws some doubt upon the igaorance of Apellicon, 
 which makes a point in Strabo's story. The question then 
 which we have to deal with is this : Are the two ac- 
 counts which go under the name of Athenaeus in any way 
 reconcilcablc ? I tliink that they are absolutely recon- 
 cileable, with the exception of a single word. It cannot 
 
 ' .Scholl. Aiist. 22". 12. Cf. also on his sending to Theophraslus, Diog. 
 Laer. v. 37 ; on his love of Aristotle, Ammon. in Aristot. Cat. f. 10 a. ;cd. Ven. 
 
 154.S)- 
 * Dio Cassius, Ix.wii. 7. ^ Athenaeus, 21 4 </-<•.
 
 32 History of tJtc A) istotclia7i Writings. 
 
 be true that Ptolemy Philadclphus bought all the books 
 of Aristotle from Nelcus, unless indeed we understand 
 that the books so bought were not the originals but merely 
 copies. We may indeed perhaps conjecture that the 
 exact reverse was the case ; that of some at least of the 
 Aristotelian works Ptolemy bought the originals, returning 
 accurate copies to the owners, a plan which we know he 
 adopted in some of his other book-dealing transactions. 
 But here we are getting beyond the limits of tangible 
 history into the cloudland of conjecture. 
 
 What was the nature of the two sales to Alexandria, 
 that of Theophrastus and that of Neleus ? I should con- 
 jecture that the books sold in the first instance were those 
 which were already in publishable form, the Dialogues and 
 Historical Works. Neleus very possibly added a certain 
 number of the collected notes, putting them together into 
 some kind of books ; but of course it is quite equally prob- 
 able that the whole story of the sale of books by Neleus to 
 Ptolemy arises from an attempt of the epitomator to com- 
 bine the well-known story of the sale by Theophrastus 
 with the belief which probably by his time was common, 
 that Theophrastus left all his Aristotelian books to Neleus. 
 The substitution of Neleus' name for that of Theophrastus 
 w^ould seem the most obvious way out of the difficulty. 
 
 What we are most chiefly concerned with is the ques- 
 tion as to what was taken by Neleus to Skepsis, and what 
 was left to his Peripatetic brethren. I believe that the 
 statement of Strabo that what he left was chiefly ex- 
 oteric, though certainly not true in the ordinary sense, 
 contains at least an element of truth. If our theory be 
 right that the Dialogues and at least some of the historical 
 works were published during or soon after Aristotle's life- 
 time, while the rest of his lectures were left in the form of 
 notes, either his own or those of his pupils, it will lead us.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 33 
 
 I believe, to an easy solution of the whole question, and 
 one which is in accordance with all the known facts, 
 
 I hold it as indisputable that at the time of the death 
 of Theophrastus a regular curriculum of lectures was 
 organised, in which all or most of the subjects treated of 
 by the master himself were dealt with in due course, to 
 a great extent in Aristotle's own words, but with con- 
 siderable latitude of addition and criticism allowed to each 
 lecturer. It is most unlikely that only the president of 
 the school was permitted to give such lectures. All the 
 surviving disciples of the master who had persevered in 
 philosophy would assist the president, either as lecturers, 
 or at least as privat-docents. Each of these would have 
 his notes for his own course or courses, both those of the 
 lectures which he had heard from Aristotle, and those 
 which he was in the custom of delivering himself. If 
 then Theophrastus at his death bequeathed to Neleus 
 both his own and Aristotle's library (which, as it was col- 
 lected to a great extent by his own labour and expense, 
 he had a perfect right to bequeath to whom he would) 
 and also his own private notes of his own and of Aris- 
 totle's lectures, no great apparent loss was inflicted upon 
 the school as a whole. The lectures went on as usual, 
 each lecturer giving his own version of the Aristotelian 
 doctrine, and each probably believing and trying to get 
 his pupils to believe that his was the most correct version 
 of the master's thought, or at all events that it differed 
 only from that thought by reason of certain valuable ad- 
 ditions and corrections of the teacher's own invention. In 
 such a state of things the loss of Theophrastus' notes 
 would not be greatly observed or regretted. It would no 
 doubt have been an entirely different matter had the 
 notes so bequeathed away been Aristotle's own auto- 
 graphs, but we have already observed that it docs not 
 
 D
 
 34 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 seem likely that Tyrannion and Andronicus believed that 
 they had the absolute handwritings of Aristotle before 
 them ; while the story is all against any recopying of the 
 documents during the time of their stay at Skepsis ; and 
 although Apellicon undoubtedly had the manuscripts re- 
 arranged and recopied, it is not at all likely that he would 
 have destroyed a single scrap of what he believed to be 
 Aristotle's own handwriting. Apellicon lived in an age 
 when libraries had been long established, and when the 
 value of autographs was fully understood. He is much 
 more likely to have forged Aristotelian autographs than 
 to have destroyed any which he really possessed. 
 
 The fact that no really published works of Aristotle were 
 lost to the school meanwhile, may be inferred from what 
 we know of those of Theophrastus. The story makes pre- 
 cisely the same assertion about his works as about those 
 of Aristotle, but we know well that his works were popu- 
 lar, much commented on, and much attacked during the 
 whole time that they were supposed to be locked away 
 out of all men's ken in the cellar at Skepsis. Hermippus, 
 who probably gave a list of the Aristotelian writings, 
 certainly did of those of Theophrastus ^. Cicero mentions 
 him over and over again as an author well known to all, 
 and repeatedly attacked by the Stoics and Epicureans. 
 If this be oblivion, what is knowledge ? 
 
 It is to be noticed that Cicero himself, the friend of 
 Tyrannion (who must all this time have been engaged 
 with Andronicus on the new edition), is quite unaware of 
 any new find of Aristotelian works, or that those which he 
 has in his hands have only just been exhumed. Yet surely 
 the Topics, De Caelo, Physics, and Problemata are not 
 exoterica, whatever may be said of the Rhetoric, Nicoma- 
 
 1 Cf. Scholiast, quoted in Note to Brandis' Aristotelis et Theophrasti Meta- 
 physica, p. 323. ed. Berol. 1823.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 35 
 
 chean Ethics and the article rather than treatise ITept r?]? Iv 
 
 VTTV'^ IxavTiKTjs. Yct to all these works Cicero more or less 
 
 definitely refers ^. It is nothing to the point that these 
 
 references may come only second or third hand, for, if that 
 
 be the case, they must come even more necessarily from 
 
 teachers who lived before the supposed resuscitation of 
 
 Aristotle. A further passage, which at first sight might 
 
 be taken as a confirmation of the Skepsis story in its barest 
 
 form, is really a strong argument against it. The passage 
 
 is worth quoting in its entirety. ' Cum enim mecum in 
 
 Tusculano esses et in bibliotheca scparatim uterque nostrum 
 
 ad suum studium libellos, quos vellet, evolveret, incidisti in 
 
 Aristotelis Topica quaedam, quae sunt ab illo plurimis libris 
 
 explicata. Qua inscriptione commotus continue a me 
 
 eorum librorum sententiam requisisti. Quam tibi cum ex- 
 
 posuissem, disciplinam inveniendorum argumentorum, ut 
 
 sine ullo errore ad eam rationem via perveniremus ab 
 
 Aristotele inventa, libris illis contineri ; verecunde tu 
 
 quidem, ut omnia, sed tamen ut facile cernerem tc ar- 
 
 dere studio, mecum, ut tibi ilia traderem, egisti. Cum 
 
 autem ego te non tam vitandi laboris mei causa, quam quod 
 
 id tua interesse arbitrarer, vcl ut cos per te ipse legeres, 
 
 vcl ut totam rationem a doctissimo quodam rhetore acci- 
 
 peres, hortatus essem ; utrumque, ut ex te audiebam, es 
 
 expertus. Sed a libris te obscuritas rejecit. Rhetor autem 
 
 ille magnus haec, ut opinor, Aristotelica se ignorarc re- 
 
 spondit : quod quidem minimc sum admiratus, eum philo- 
 
 sophum rhetori non esse cognitum, qui ab ipsis philosophis 
 
 praeter admodum paucos ignoretur. Quibus eo minus ig- 
 
 nosccndum est, quod non modo rebus iis, quae ab illo dictae 
 
 et inventae sunt, allici debucrint, sed diccndi quoquc incre- 
 
 ' Topics, Cic. Topica, passim. DcCacloand I'liysics, De Nat. Dcor. ii. 15-16, 
 Acad. Pri. ii. 37, 119-120. Problcmata, Tusc. i. 33. Rhetoric, Orator, p.nssim. 
 Ethics, Dc Fin. ii. n. 34, ii. 13. 40. Tifpl ttjs iv v-nvc^), De Divin. i. 38. 81, ii. 
 62. 128. 
 
 U 2.
 
 ;^6 History of the Aristotelian Writings, 
 
 dibili quachim cum copia, turn ctiam suavitatc . . . Cum 
 omnis ratio diligcns disserendi duas habeat partes, unam 
 invcnicndi alteram judicandi, utriusque princeps ut mihi 
 videtur, Aristotelcs fuit ' (Topica, i. i, etc.). 
 
 This quotation, in the first place, throws considerable 
 doubt on the alleged second-hand nature of Cicero's know- 
 ledge of Aristotle. Apparently he at least has copies of some 
 of his works in his library, and in another passage we find 
 him calling on a friend to borrow some Commentarii Aris- 
 totelici^ ; but reserving this question for further discussion^, 
 let us pass on to the gist of the quotation. Cicero says that 
 Aristotle is very little known either by rhetoricians or by 
 philosophers, but he adds that the latter at least are hardly 
 pardonable for their ignorance. Could these words have 
 been written if the Aristotelian works had only just been 
 rediscovered, and were not yet regularly published ; for if 
 a publication had recently taken place Cicero must surely 
 have mentioned it here or elsewhere ? But if we compare 
 this passage with others we shall see that it is chiefly the 
 philosophers of his own day whom he blames for their 
 ignorance of Aristotle. Their predecessors, he thinks, were 
 better acquainted with him. Thus Panaetius, though no- 
 minally a Stoic, ' had Aristotle always in his mouth^,' while 
 Epicurus attacked Aristotle in most contentious fashion *, 
 and an attack must imply at least a certain amount of 
 knowledge ; and one seems to detect certain echoes at 
 least of Aristotelian doctrine in Epicurus' disciple Lucre- 
 tius, such, for instance, as the allusion to the theory of avTi- 
 Treptorao-t?, which is carefully explained in the Aristotelian 
 Physics •'', though we must admit that such supposed echoes 
 must needs be uncertain, as these commonplaces of dispute 
 were treated by philosopher after philosopher. 
 
 ' Pe Fin. iii. 3. 10. ^ Chap. iii. pp. 53sqq. ^ De Fin. iv. 28. 79. 
 
 * De Naiura Deornm, i. 33. 93. ^ Cf. Lucretius, i. 370 sqq.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. ^j 
 
 Having established that there was no general or com- 
 plete ignorance of the works or doctrines of Aristotle in 
 the period which elapsed between the death of Theo- 
 phrastus and the purchase by Apellicon, let us return to 
 the Aristotelian school at Athens possessed, as we shall 
 hold, of certain published Aristotelian works, chiefly of a 
 more popular character, and of courses of lectures which 
 contained, or were believed to contain, the essentials of the 
 more difficult Aristotelian doctrines. But the successors 
 of the school were not great men like their predecessors. 
 They probably altered less than the first generation of 
 Aristotle's pupils had done, but their alterations would 
 almost invariably have been mistakes. The unimportance, 
 comparatively, of their own intentional alterations would 
 have made it less likely that they should publish their 
 lectures as new works, and so give them any degree of 
 stability. Their interest would rather be that they should 
 remain unpublished, since, if this publication took place, 
 they would either have to prepare fresh lectures, for which 
 perhaps they had neither ingenuity nor inclination, or to 
 give up their teaching and their bread ; for by this time 
 systematic teaching had become a regular paid profession 
 at Athens. It would be during this period that the dis- 
 tinction between exoteric and esoteric teaching would have 
 grown up, since the professors woyld naturally be very 
 anxious that those of their notes which referred to sub- 
 jects on which there were no authentic published treatises 
 should not be divulged by their pupils — a sentiment which 
 has not been altogether unknown to more modern occu- 
 pants of professorial chairs. The principle was of course 
 most strictly applied to the doctrines of Aristotle which 
 were not yet made public, or rather to the courses of lec- 
 tures which at that time represented those doctrines, and 
 which would diverge a little furthc-r from the oriinnul with 
 
 385881
 
 o 
 
 8 Jlisfory of I he A ristotelian Writings. 
 
 each repetition, or at least with each fresh occupant of the 
 professorial chair. The very fact of these doctrines being 
 kept to some extent a secret would tend to the greater 
 corruption of the text ; for in the first place they would be 
 copied by the professors themselves, or by trusted pupils, 
 rather than by skilled professional copyists ; and in the 
 second place, as these lectures did not now profess to be 
 reports of the words of Aristotle, but merely statements of 
 his doctrine, verbal accuracy in the copying would be con- 
 tinually less esteemed. Meanwhile another change was 
 coming over the school. Every philosophic school, if it 
 wishes to preserve a sufficient body of adherents, must 
 take its part in the philosophic jousts of the day; so that 
 its subjects of teaching are to a great extent conditioned by 
 those of contemporary educational associations ; especially 
 when those other associations have provoked the attention 
 of the general public. This was precisely the case with 
 the knot of professors at the Lyceum, They seem never 
 to have been an extremely popular school, and no doubt 
 were often at their wits' end to keep up their numbers in 
 the face of the literary attractions of the three Academies, 
 the caustic wit of some of the Pyrrhonist teachers (Timon, 
 etc.), and the practical value of the Stoics' teaching. They 
 could not therefore choose their battlefield, but were forced 
 to accept that which their rivals had pitched upon. Ana- 
 lytic Logic, Scientific Procedure, First Philosophy, Psy- 
 chology in its higher sense — all these had to be laid aside, 
 and the Peripatetic teachers had to carry on the unequal 
 fight in endless controversies as to the Summum Bonum, 
 and the Criterion of truth ; the last a meaningless and 
 insoluble question which Aristotle himself always passes 
 over with truly royal contempt. 
 
 But the worst was not yet. Gradually the Peripatetics, 
 who were provided by their master with the most perfect
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 39 
 
 instrument for scientific argument which the human intel- 
 lect has yet invented, were compelled by the general usage 
 of those around them to lay aside their glorious apodictic 
 syllogism for the contentiously effective, but scientifically 
 sterile form of the hypothetical. The only courses which 
 were likely to attract hearers were the ethical and the 
 dialectical. For the latter, as it was then understood, the 
 greater part of their master's logical system was absolutely 
 useless, and we are no longer astonished at Cicero's state- 
 ment that the Peripatetics failed in Dialectic ^. The two , 
 parts of the whole Aristotelian curriculum which remained 
 of much practical use to them were the Ethical writings 
 and the Topics, The lectures on the other parts of the 
 course were either discontinued or performed in a perfunc- 
 tory fashion, and the notes of earlier professors on these 
 more recondite matters remained on the shelves of the 
 Lyceum library at the mercy of worms and dust. Some 
 perhaps were altogether lost ; others were saved from 
 further corruption just by the fact that they were not 
 further used. The Topics, as they were possessed by these 
 later Aristotelians, must have been much mutilated and 
 interpolated. It is a significant fact that Cicero, starting 
 from the statement that he is going to explain the Aristo- 
 telian Topics, when treating of Syllogism, gives only the 
 Stoical or Hypothetical form ^. 
 
 One great man was worthy and willing to be an inter- 
 preter of the philosopher at least on the political side. 
 Polybius is a warm admirer of Aristotle as he knows him, 
 and defends him indignantly against a contemptible libeller. 
 In his account of the Lokrian history and constitution he 
 goes into a considerable digression on the subject of an 
 attack which Timacus of Tauromcniuin had made upon the 
 veracity of y\ristotlc with regard, as it appears, to a story 
 ' Dc I'in. iii. 12. 41. '•' Ciccio, Topica, jiassim.
 
 40 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 told by the latter in his Politcac. Polybius says first (xii. 5) 
 that Aristotle's account is in accordance with the tradition 
 of the place ; secondly, that Timaeus' mistake does not arise 
 from ignorance but from zeal to defend the Lokrians from a 
 stor}- not very agreeable to their dignity (cap. 7) ; thirdly, 
 (cap. 8) that Aristotle's story is in itself the more probable ; 
 fourthly, that Timaeus, in order to justify his virulent as- 
 sault on Aristotle, ought to prove that Aristotle's story 
 about the Lokrians was due to some favour, spite, or mer- 
 cenary motive. ' Since, however, no one would dare to make 
 such an assertion, we must admit,' says he, 'that those who 
 use such bitter and scurrilous language are in grave error.' 
 He then quotes part of Timaeus' libellous attack, and ends 
 up by saying that is absolutely beneath the dignity of his- 
 tory (cap. 9). When we turn, however, to other parts of 
 Polybius' great work, we find sufficiently clear proof that 
 he was not acquainted with at least one treatise which 
 would have interested him most deeply. In the sixth 
 book, before he begins his admirable account of the Roman 
 constitution, he gives a general sketch of what he believes 
 to be the history of the succession of constitutions in cases 
 where they are not interfered with by external causes. He 
 prefaces his discussion by stating that Plato and some other 
 philosophers have already perhaps treated more accurately 
 of the succession of constitutions (vi. 5). But that their 
 treatises are elaborate and within the ken of very few 
 people. He will, therefore, give a more general and sum- 
 mary exposition of the whole subject. He forthwith de- 
 velopes his own theory, which is that the true order of 
 succession is Kingdom, Tyranny, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, 
 Democracy and Ochlocracy or Cheirocracy, Mob-law and 
 Fist-law \ Now it is noticeable that this order is v-ery far 
 removed from that of Plato, the only theorist on the sub- 
 1 Polyb. vi. 7-^.
 
 A ristotle till the time of Cicero. 4 1 
 
 ject whom he actually names. On the other hand, it is 
 exactly identical with the account given in the first book 
 of the treatise ITe/at (f)i.X[as (Eth. Nic. viii. 1 2), if we assume 
 that the treatment there is intended to be historical. Of 
 course one is naturally inclined to think that this cannot be 
 the case, in face of the very severe condemnation passed 
 upon Plato in the Politics [v. (viii.) 12. 1316^. i] for 
 assuming a regular order of changes. But in the first 
 place it is not quite inconceivable that even Aristotle 
 should have been inconsistent with himself in different 
 works ; and in the second place there is considerable 
 reason for imagining that the actual working up of these 
 two books is due rather to an able pupil than to the 
 master himself ^ If we look at the actual words of the 
 chapter in question, there is a good deal in favour of the 
 theory that the author intended the succession at least 
 from each member of the opposed pairs to its opposite to 
 be historical. Me7a/3ati;et 8' ck /3acrtAetas ds rvpavvCba' .... 
 e£ apia-TOKpaTias 8e els oKiyapyjiav KaKia rGiv apy^ovTiov . . . . eK 8e 
 hi] TLfj.0KpaTLas eh brjixoKpariav' crvvopoi yap etcnv avraL ~. If we 
 combine these expressions with the well-known Aristotelian 
 doctrine that a kingdom was only possible in an early 
 stage of society, and that the only ' pure ' form suitable 
 for highly developed states, though not in itself the best, 
 was iroktTeia or Tip-oKparta we shall get connecting links also 
 between the pairs, and shall thus have a historical or quasi- 
 historical order represented by the following diagram, in 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 Aristocracy 
 
 Timncracy 
 
 Democracy 
 T)rranny Oligarchy 
 
 ' Cf. chap, vii, pji. 142 sf^q. ' viii. 12. 1160/'. 10 17.
 
 42 History of the A ris^totclian Writings. 
 
 which the lengths of the upri_L;"ht lines represent the dis- 
 tance in point of excellence of each pair of opposites, and 
 the zigzag line taken as a whole represents the historical 
 development. 
 
 Now this is precisely the same as the order given by 
 Polybius, with the exception that he gives the name De- 
 mocracy to that which Aristotle calls Timocracy or Poli- 
 teia. It seems to me, therefore, likely that he had seen 
 either the chapter or quotations from it. On the other 
 hand, it is most unlikely that he had seen it definitely as- 
 cribed to Aristotle or to any well-kno\^n author. Had he 
 done so, surely he who mentions Plato, whom he does not 
 follow, would mention also Aristotle, whom he does, and 
 w^ho, as we have already seen, was known to and esteemed 
 by him. That Polybius did not know the Aristotelian 
 Politics is, I think, distinctly proveable, for in these chap- 
 ters there are many passages where an allusion to the book, 
 had he known it, would have been almost certain. Thus, 
 for instance, he talks in chapter iii of the excellence of 
 the Spartan constitution as consisting of its just mixture 
 of three forms, making the remark quite as an original one; 
 so too just below he points out that there are many forms 
 to be found under each of the three heads ; very much in 
 the same way as Aristotle had done before him. If we 
 are to consider Polybius as a vulgar plagiarist, we shall 
 say that these proofs are rather in favour of than against 
 his having read the Aristotelian work ; but the nature of 
 the man, and his constant habit of naming his authorities 
 when he is quoting from authors of any reputation, make 
 it much more probable that he considers himself to be in- 
 venting or else using notions which were generally in the 
 air, certainly not copying the ideas of a well-known philo- 
 sopher. One or two minor facts tend in the same direction. 
 Thus Polybius, like Aristotle, describes the extreme form
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 43 
 
 of oligarchy which is ah-cady nodding to its downfall, but 
 he has no apt name to give it. If he did not scruple to 
 take so much from Aristotle he certainly would not have 
 stopped short at appropriating that most happy name 
 hvvaurda for describing this state of things. Again, he 
 does not allude to Aristotle's contemptuous treatment of 
 what he (Aristotle) conceives to be the Platonic doctrine 
 of the cyclical revolution of constitutions, which Polybius 
 himself adopts. Yet surely if he knew of this work of 
 Aristotle, and esteemed it so much as to follow it in many 
 details, he would not state a theory which is scornfully dis- 
 missed in this very work without making some attempt to 
 substantiate it. 
 
 The result then which we arrive at is this : that Poly- 
 bius knows Aristotle's Politeae under that philosopher's 
 name ; that he may very possibly know the two books ITept 
 (pikias, but probably does not know them as Aristotelian ; 
 that he almost certainly does not know the Politics. 
 
 How much or how little of Aristotle assailants like 
 Epicurus and Chrysippus may have known, we have no 
 means of judging. But it is to be noticed generally that 
 far too much is made of the silence as to Aristotle in 
 the two centuries immediately succeeding his death. As 
 a matter of fact, almost all the books in which he would 
 be at all likely to be mentioned are lost. The silence is 
 not that of authors who pass over Aristotle, but the absolute 
 silence of a vast desert of thought, beneath whose sands we 
 know not what may lie buried. 
 
 Let us now turn back for a moment to Egypt, and sec 
 what has been happening there during these centuries. 
 Alexandria is throughout this time the chief centre of 
 intellectual activity, but it is the activity of the grammarian 
 and the philologist rather than that of the philosopher. 
 The Egyptian kings arc for ever anxious to fill their
 
 44 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 magnificent libraries, but quantity rather than quality is 
 the thing aimed at. It is the age of literary forgeries ; and 
 a brisk trade in them .goes on between Athens and 
 Alexandria. At a very early period all the authentic 
 works of Aristotle, which were in any sense published, 
 would have found their way to the latter city. There were, 
 as I have shown, strong reasons against sending to Alex- 
 andria any notes which might remain of the esoteric 
 works (I use the word as Peripatetic, though certainly not 
 Aristotelian), The forgers therefore would naturally have 
 fallen back upon dialogues, and, what were still more easy 
 to counterfeit, \(noplai. Second-rate and fourth-rate collec- 
 tions of obser\'ations were doubtless fathered upon Aristotle, 
 and, in addition to these, any amount of lives of preceding 
 philosophers ; among the latter seem to have been works 
 on almost every thinker of note ^. It seems also that 
 logical works, real and forged, found their way in great 
 profusion to Alexandria. I am inclined to think that all 
 our present logical treatises were to be found in the 
 Alexandrian libraries, and that they in all probability 
 did not form a tithe of the whole logical collection which 
 there passed under the name of Aristotle. Probably also 
 the Politics, and possibly parts of the physical treatises, 
 were to be found there ^. 
 
 We have thus in the time immediately preceding the 
 find of the Aristotelian librarj^ at Skepsis, and the suddenly 
 aroused interest in Aristotle at Rome, the following state 
 of affairs. The Peripatetic school existing at Athens, 
 and possessing in its library a large number of collections 
 of notes of very various antiquity, some mounting up 
 almost or quite to the time of Aristotle, some compara- 
 tively recent, but none of very certain authority; a certain 
 
 ^ Cf. later, chap. iv. on the list of Diogenes, pp. 85 sqq. 
 - Chap. V, pp. 109 sqq.
 
 Aristotle till the time of Cicero. 45 
 
 small number of works attributed to Aristotle, early pub- 
 lished, and still remaining in circulation (chiefly dialogues 
 and the Politeae); and the libraries of Alexandria teeming 
 with works attributed to Aristotle, of which only a very 
 small proportion were genuine.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CICERO AND THE ROMAN RENAISSANCE. 
 
 What exactly was it that Apellicon, Tyrannion, and 
 Andronicus respectively did for Aristotle? I think the 
 answer to this question is to be gathered from the con- 
 clusions we arrived at in the last chapter. 
 • Apellicon priding himself upon his already acquired 
 Peripatetic knowledge, and probably aided by his friends 
 of the Athenian Peripatetic school, tried to remedy the 
 raids of worms and damp, by piecing the newly acquired 
 treasures with the best of the notes on the parallel courses 
 of lectures which were to be found in the Lyceum libraiy. 
 Possibly in some cases he had two versions of the same 
 lectures in the store of books unearthed from Skepsis, since 
 this store is said to have contained the library of Theo- 
 phrastus, as well as that of Aristotle. In such a case he 
 would probably have preferred to use the Skepsis books, as 
 of higher authority, but I doubt much whether this resource 
 was open to him in the majority of cases, since often the 
 piecing has been done with books later than the probable 
 date of the departure of Neleus. This piecing as a 
 rule seems to have been performed on the principle of 
 parsimony, inserting from the supposed less trustworthy 
 source only what seemed necessary to fill in a gap 
 in the Skepsis MSS.; but it was done with the most 
 absolute absence of judgment, and probably done in a 
 hurry, for Apellicon himself must have been greatly 
 occupied about this time with his political adventures.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Rcnaissa7ice. 4 7 
 
 Apparently, when a MS. had been so pieced as to make 
 something like sense, it was recopied, and the original 
 destroyed or at least neglected. This would be true both 
 of the Skepsis MSS., and still more of the notes preserved 
 in the Lyceum library ; since the former would probably 
 be illegible, and the latter would be considered of very 
 inferior authority to the now joint production, which 
 no doubt followed the Skepsis MSS. wherever that was 
 possible. The MSS. which were attributed to definite 
 authors would have a fairer chance of preservation than 
 those which were anonymous ; but, the moment that this 
 conglomerate edition was accepted as the Textus Receptus 
 of the prime doctrines of the Peripatetic school, all the 
 other versions of this doctrine were doomed to destruction, 
 and they would vanish exactly in proportion as larger ex- 
 cerpts from them were included in this Textus Receptus, 
 or again as they corresponded more nearly with it in argu- 
 ment and phraseology. To both these causes I attribute 
 the gradual but almost entire disappearance of Theophras- 
 tus and Eudemus. The Characters of Theophrastus which 
 remain to us give no exception to this rule, for in them 
 Theophrastus is really working at an original line, and, as 
 we may fairly believe, has no exact Aristotelian prototype, 
 and something like this is true of what remains to us of his 
 physiological works. The fact of the existence of a single 
 form for the three books which seem common to the 
 Nicomachcan and the Eudemian Ethics is, as I shall 
 attempt to show, a very characteristic instance of the 
 working of the second cause ^ 
 
 When Sulla swept down upon Apcllicon and his intrigues, 
 and carried off to Rome his library, which, besides the 
 books he had bought from Skepsis, would doubtless con- 
 tain either originals or copies of the chief MSS. from the 
 
 ' Chap, vii, p. i6o.
 
 48 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 L\'ccum librar\-\ tlic whole store was, according to Strabo's 
 story, handed over to Tyrannion, himself a leading man of 
 the Peripatetic sect, and a friend of literary Romans. He 
 may possibly have belonged to that Neapolitan branch of 
 the Peripatetics, of whose existence we learn through 
 Cicero (De Finibus, v. 75). He, apparently, joined with 
 himself Andronicus of Rhodes, who perhaps devoted him- 
 self chiefly to the work of commenting and investigating 
 the authority of the works as a whole, while Tyrannion 
 spent his attention chiefly on the condition of the actual 
 text. A great deal of the work which these learned men 
 would have to perform would be the pruning away of the 
 excrescences and more obvious repetitions caused by the 
 clumsy patching of Apellicon and his associates. They may 
 possibly also have used the less doubtful works contained 
 in the Alexandrian libraries, copies of which would at that 
 period not have been difficult of attainment. But their 
 chief work, or at least that of Andronicus, would have been 
 the establishing of a canon of what might be considered as 
 legitimately Aristotelian works, in the sense of being 
 traceable back to within a few years of his time, and of 
 fairly representing his doctrine. Probably by far the 
 greater part, if not all, of the works found at Skepsis 
 already existed in some form either at Athens or Alex- 
 andria. What the Skepsis MSS. enabled these scholars to 
 perform was the work of exclusion of spurious books ; or, 
 at least, of those whose authenticity could not be estab- 
 lished. The Ti'ivaK^'i of Andronicus were, as I hold, intended 
 to perform a work rather negative than positive, and repre- 
 sented a canon w^hich, though considerably wider than the 
 
 ' We must remember always that Athenion and Apellicon were the leaders 
 and patrons of the Peripatetic sect. It is possible, though not proved, that the 
 Peripatetics generally may have been involved in their ruin and may also have 
 had the Lyceum library confiscated and carried off to Rome.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 49 
 
 works now remaining to us, was considerably nearer to our 
 present list than to that of Diogenes ^ As it was with 
 Andronicus, so probably was it with Tyrannion, assuming 
 for the moment that it was he who chiefly concerned him- 
 self with the rehabilitation of the text. In the joint or 
 conglomerate MS. manufactured by Apellicon, he would 
 lop off what was obviously exuberant. In the treatises 
 which were already in general circulation he would be able 
 in many cases to cut out interpolations by comparing the 
 existent copies with the purer text of the Skepsis MSS. 
 I am inclined to think that in some cases at least the MS. 
 which Cicero uses is not the corrected text of Tyrannion, 
 but the corrupt recension which that corrected text sup- 
 planted. That Cicero's Rhetoric of Aristotle is substantially 
 the same as ours no one can doubt, nor, I think, can any 
 reasonable person dispute that this book at least he read 
 first-hand ; yet he often gives us passages which differ from 
 the originals, as we now have them, by what seem absolutely 
 unnecessary additions. Of course these additions may 
 possibly be Cicero's own, but they certainly look as if they 
 were statements of what he found in his text. Thus in the 
 De Oratore (iii.47. 182-183) he gives us correctly Aristotle's 
 statement of the uses of metrical feet in speaking, and of 
 his preference for the Paean, as also his distinction between 
 the two kinds of Paean (Ar. Rhet. iii. 8. 'y-^)^ but he adds in 
 the middle, ' In quo [in heroo] impune progredi licet duos 
 dumtaxat pedes, aut paullo plus ne plane in vcrsum aut 
 similitudinem versuum incidamus.' The only words of 
 Aristotle which bear at all on this point are those in the 
 third section, Aio fwOixov 8et ^x^'^ ''"^^ kuyov, ^xirpov 8e ixq' 
 TToCrjixa yap lorat. 'VvOp.uv be jMr] aKpt/3(Ss' tovto be ^crTat, eav 
 P-ixpi Tov fi'^. Now it is of course quite possible that the 
 'duos dumtaxat pedes, aut paullo plus ' may be a gloss of 
 
 ' Cf. chap, iv, p. 89. ■■' p. i4o8<^. 30. 
 
 E
 
 50 History of the AristotcUan Writings. 
 
 Cicero's on the \i.i\pi roO of Aristotle, but it looks more as 
 if there had been some such gloss in the text with which 
 Cicero is working. From a single such instance one can 
 of course infer nothing, but there seem to be a good many 
 of the same nature. Combining this fact with Cicero's 
 absolute ignorance of any important change in the position 
 of the xA.ristoteIian philosophy which has just taken place, 
 I should be inclined to guess that the edition of Tyrannion 
 and Andronicus was the work of a lifetime, or rather of such 
 portions of a life as a man like Tyrannion, who was so much 
 occupied with other literary work, could give to his own 
 pet subject, and that very probably a considerable portion 
 of the edition was unpublished while Cicero was writing. 
 I think it is also quite clear that Tyrannion himself did 
 not give his work forth to the world as a rediscovery of 
 Aristotle, but merely as a corrected text of works the 
 majority of which at least were known in some form to the 
 Peripatetics themselves, and some of them also to the 
 external world. Cicero must have had within his reach, 
 either in his own library or in those of his friends, a large 
 number of treatises claiming to be Aristotelian, He 
 apparently at one time played with the idea of translating 
 both Plato and Aristotle ^ He was intimate not only with 
 Tyrannion but with other Aristotelians ^ ; yet he has no 
 notion of that which would have been, were Strabo's version 
 an accurate one, a complete revolution in the fortunes 
 of the sect. That the find of Skepsis was very important 
 to the possibility of satisfactory study of Aristotle is 
 undoubted ; that it had much to do with the revival of 
 interest in Aristotelian doctrines and literature is I think 
 improbable. 
 
 For this revival I think we must look chiefly to the 
 influence of the champions of the New Learning, specially 
 
 ' De Fin. i. 3. 7. ^ Tusc. i'i. 10. 27
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 5 1 
 
 to Cicero and his friend Atticus. Peripateticism was in 
 fact in its practical nature rather Roman than Greek, in its 
 many-sided interests and detached standpoint more cosmo- 
 poHtan than either. Of course its primary attraction to 
 Cicero himself was in its thoroughly practical and scientific 
 treatment both of rhetoric proper and of the general art of 
 controversy, but he had also much interest in its scientific 
 procedure and minute questionings, especially such as told 
 upon the psychological peculiarities of man. Besides the 
 Rhetoric, which he had at his fingers' ends, and the Topics, 
 some parts of which at least he knew^, he quotes in the De 
 Divinatione i. 38, 81 a statement which seems to have been 
 got by putting together two passages from the Parva Natu- 
 ralia. His words are, ' Aristoteles quidem eos etiam qui vale- 
 tudinis vitio furerent, et melancholici dicerentur, censebat 
 habere aliquid in animo praesagiens atque divinum.' This 
 doctrine may be elicited by combining Aristotle's Divinatio 
 per Somnum 2. 463 b.\^ with De Somno 3. 457 a. 27. The 
 first passage explains how the dreams even of inferior men 
 may be in some way prophetic, and says that Nature her- 
 self is \d\os Koi iJ.€\ayxo\LKr] ; the second shows the physical 
 connection of jj-eXayxoXia with light sleep, which is the state 
 most favourable for dreams. It is possible that the passage 
 in Cicero refers only to the former of these passages, but I 
 think it more probable that he had both of them in his 
 head. In the same way we have a good many references 
 to observations of Aristotle as to the habits of birds and 
 beasts, besides the general statement of his compass of 
 learning, which accords fairly well with the books contained 
 in our canon^ It matters not a whit whether Cicero's know- 
 ledge of Aristotle was accurate or inaccurate, first-hand or 
 filtered through many minds. His merit is that he pointed 
 him out to his fellow-Romans as a great storehouse of 
 ' De P"in. v. 4. 9 sfiq. 
 E %
 
 52 His/ory of //ic Aristoieliafi IVriti^igs. 
 
 scientific knowledge, as a master of style (illustris et 
 splendida oratio ; Flumen aureiim fundens ; uberrimus, 
 etc.), and as a teacher of definite doctrine as well as of 
 sublimity of thought. 
 
 But Cicero, though he is the best known, is by no means 
 the only illustrious Roman of the day who devoted himself 
 to Aristotelian literature. In the De Oratore ^, Sulpicius, 
 one of the interlocutors, says to Cassius the orator, ' I need 
 neither your beloved Aristotle nor Carneades.' Lucullus 
 has apparently a more perfect collection than Cicero ^. For 
 the Roman, Aristotle already has a place of his own, 
 different from, but perhaps hardly lower than that occupied 
 by Plato, who for all Greeks who have not come under 
 Roman influence is, and will still remain absolutely with- 
 out a rival in the kingdom of thought. 
 
 From this time forward we find that Rome is the centre 
 of Aristotelian culture, as Athens is of Platonic. All the 
 great scholars of Aristotle in the first two or three cen- 
 turies either are real Roman citizens like Flavius Boethus, 
 or have taken up their abode in Rome like Andronicus, 
 Tyrannion, and Galen. Aristotle from henceforth is the 
 Doctor of the Latins. Even w^hen the knowledge of Greek 
 has vanished from them, they keep up a glimmering know- 
 ledge of him through the later sixth century versions and 
 commentaries of Boethius (himself, like his almost name- 
 sake, a person of distinction in the political as well as 
 in the philosophical world). Aristotle moves eastward into 
 Greece only when the seat of Roman empire is transferred. 
 If he himself was only a half-Greek, as some German 
 scholars have asserted, Greece herself never fully under- 
 stood the glory she might acquire by claiming the doubtful 
 maternity, while the western races, and specially those of 
 
 * De Oratore, iii. 36. 147. '' De Fin. iii. 3. 10.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 53 
 
 Latin blood, have from the first without hesitation or 
 grudging adopted Aristotle as a spiritual forefather. 
 
 To turn to the absolute evidence as to Aristotle's works 
 which we can extract out of Cicero. We are met at the 
 outset by a considerable difficulty. Aristotle, or the im- 
 mediate disciples of Aristotle, treated the same matters in 
 several different forms. Thus all or most of the questions 
 raised in the Ethics, Metaphysics, and De Anima seem 
 also to have been treated of under the form of Dialogues, 
 sometimes apparently at considerably greater length than 
 in the treatises^ which we now possess. If then we find 
 allusions in Cicero or any other comparatively early author 
 to doctrines which we now find embodied in this or that 
 Aristotelian treatise, we have no right to assume absolutely 
 that Cicero possessed that treatise, unless we have a per- 
 fectly recognisable quotation, or a definite statement as to 
 the treatise from which Cicero is drawing his information. 
 Now the moment we are off the sure ground of the Rhetoric, 
 which Cicero quotes not once or twice, but more than a 
 score of times, we are met by this difficulty, and in many 
 cases it is quite impossible to escape from it. Thus though 
 Cicero refers very definitely to the Aristotelian Topics, and 
 talks about their value and difficulties, yet the most 
 definite allusion to Aristotle's doctrine in the Ciceronian 
 Topics is to a point now only to be found in the treatise 
 which we call the De Interpretatione^. In the same way the 
 statements as to Aristotle's attacks on the ideal theory of 
 Plato may possibly refer to some books of the Metaphysics, 
 but equally possibly to the Dialogue ITept <^tXo(rof/n'as. So 
 too what Cicero tells us in the Acad. Post. (i. 7. 26) as to 
 the ■ni[i.TiTov (TS>\m, which he repeats also in the Tufc. Disp. 
 
 > Cf. De Rep. iii. 8. 12. 
 
 " ' Itaque hoc idem Aristotelcs avn0n\oi' appcllat quod I.atinc est nola,' Cic. 
 Topica, viii. 35 ; Aristot. De Interp. 2. 16 a. 27 ; id. 14. 24/'. 2.
 
 54 History of the A ristotelian Writ'mgs. 
 
 (i. lo. ^2\ may refer to the Aristotelian doctrine as expressed 
 in the Dc Caelo, while the last part of the second passage 
 seems to refer to the eighth book of the Physics, and the 
 twelfth of the Metaphysics (the notion, that is, of an intellect 
 always existing erreAexfta, and in some way the cause of 
 all motion) ; on the other hand, the citations may very well 
 be taken from dialogues, or may indeed come from com- 
 monplace-books, or be repeated through other authors. 
 Besides the Rhetoric and Topics, Cicero cites definitely an 
 historical work on orators and their methods, in one book^, 
 perhaps the rt\vQiv (rvvayu^yr] of Diogenes' list (though, as 
 I shall show later, the argument from Diogenes to the later 
 list is extremely doubtful), also the Dialogues, the Eudemus-, 
 the riept hiKo.ioa-vvq^'^ , the Nerinthus'*, and (probably) that 
 entitled ETepl (f)L\oao(f)ias''. In this last quotation he men- 
 tions that he is citing the third book, and he also tells 
 us as to the Rhetoric that it consisted of three books ; as 
 to the dialogue Hept hiKaioa-vvr]^ he says that it contains 
 four great books. This agrees with the number given in 
 Diogenes' list, and (though the fragment of Cicero which 
 remains to us does not contain Aristotle's name) yet the 
 reference is proved independently by a parallel quotation 
 in Lactantius ^. The passage is interesting as proving 
 not only that the division into books is as old as Cicero, 
 but also that the books were not of identical size, as has 
 sometimes been imagined. 
 
 Cicero further mentions the Nicomachean Ethics (about 
 which he makes the absurd mistake of attributing it to 
 Nicomachus'^), but though he is well acquainted with the 
 general outlines of the Peripatetic system of morals, and 
 
 ' De Oratore, ii. 38. i6o. ^ De Divin. i. 25. 53. ^ De Rep. iii. 8. 12. 
 
 * Tusc. Disp. V. 35. 1 01. Cf. Bemays, Dialog. Arist. p. 84. 
 
 '•" De Nat. Deorum, i. 13. 33. 
 
 " Lactantius, Inst. v. 14 and 17. Quoted by Bemays, Dialog. Arist. p. 152. 
 
 ' Cicero, De Finibus, v. 5. 12.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 5 5 
 
 alludes to them very frequently, there is no single state- 
 ment of his which can be certainly referred to the Nico- 
 machean Ethics, nor which even proves that he had read 
 the book. The nearest approach to a quotation is perhaps 
 to be found in the De Finibus ii. 11. '^■^^ where Cicero says, 
 ' Bestiarum vero nullum judicium puto, quamvis enim de- 
 pravatae non sint pravae tamen esse possunt. Ut bacillum 
 aliud est inflexum, et incurvatum de industria, aliud ita 
 natum ; sic ferarum natura non est ilia quidem depravata 
 mala disciplina, sed natura sua ; nee vero ut voluptatem 
 expetat natura movet infantem,' etc., where there seems to 
 be an allusion to Eth. Nic. vii. 7. T149 b. 27^. If this be in 
 truth the case, it is curious as showing that these doubtful 
 books were known to Cicero, though he does not here make 
 an allusion to the Nicomachean Ethics. On the other hand, 
 he so frequently alludes to Aristotle's moral doctrines, and 
 always in such very vague terms, that I think that as far as 
 the Ethics is concerned Madvig's^ conclusion is irresistible 
 that Cicero's knowledge of these works is entirely second- 
 hand. It is true Cicero states (De Finibus, v. 5) that 
 Aristotle has a somewhat different doctrine as to the 
 Summum Bonum in the exoterical works and in his 
 commentaries ; but the assumption that the Nicomachean 
 Ethics is un-Aristotelian does not suggest a very careful 
 study of it, and there is no allusion to any definite doctrine 
 contained therein, as there is with regard to the book of 
 
 ' "Clarttp yap (iprjrai tear' dpx^s, clI /tt^' [r/Soval /cat fntOvf^iat^ dvOpaiTTiKai dai 
 KUi ipvaiKol KOI Ty 7e»'<t leal rw fifytOd, al Se OrjpiuSm, at Sc SicL Tnjpuafis Koi 
 voffijpaTa. tovtwv i\ irtpl rds wpcwTas acucppoavvT] Kai dicoKaaia fx6vov iariv 5ii Kal 
 rd Orjpia ovre aij'Ppova ovt uKuXaara Kiyop-fv d\K' f/ Hard fteracpopdv kcu (i rii'i 
 oAois aAA.0 irplis &K\o hiu(ptpii yivoi twv ^oiwv v0pti icnl aivafidipia icai to; napupdyoy 
 (Ivaf ov ydp «x*' TTpoaiptaiv o\ih\ \oyt<Tfiuy, dW' i^iarrjicf rf)i tpvatwi, wairtp ol 
 fjiaiv6iJ.(voi rujv dvOpdnroJv. "EKarrov 5i [Kaieou, Rassovv] BrjpiijTrj^ tcaKias <pol3f- 
 piirtpov hi. 0X1 yap hiiipOaprai rb ^tKriaroy, wanfp iv rifi dvOpamo), dKK' oiiK «x*'- 
 De Finibus ii. 6. 19 is possibly a reference to Etii. Nic. i. 7-10. 
 
 ^ Madvig, De I'inibus, Excursus vii.
 
 56 I lislory of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 Theophrastus with w hich it is connected. It seems, howcx'cr, 
 from the expression ' cujus (Nicomachi) accurate scripti de 
 moribus libri,' that Cicero would have referred the Nico- 
 machean Ethics, by whomever written, to the class of com- 
 mentaries rather than to that of exoteric writings, so that 
 (according to the statement that Aristotle himself wrote 
 both commentaries and exoteric treatises on morals) there 
 must have been existent at least two other ethical writings 
 ascribed to Aristotle ; one at least of an esoteric character, 
 and one of the more formal expositions which Cicero calls 
 commentaries. The latter may possibly have been our 
 Eudemian Ethics, which in almost all the earlier writers 
 are attributed to Aristotle ; but there does not seem to 
 exist even in the extended list of Diogenes any single 
 dialogue covering the field of Ethics generally. The 
 probability seems to be that the whole of Cicero's opening 
 statement is a mere rhetorical flourish with no precise 
 reference. 
 
 Besides these direct references to Aristotelian works 
 there are a considerable number of passages which are 
 said to be quoted from Aristotle, but whereof the book 
 cited is not mentioned. Very {q\\ of these, with the ex- 
 ception of the frequent quotations from the Rhetoric \ refer 
 to Aristotelian works now known to us. A great propor- 
 tion of them seem to come from Dialogues or popular 
 works. Of this nature is the metaphor quoted in the De 
 Natura Deorum, ii. 37. 95, as to the condition of people 
 living inside the earth who had only heard by report of the 
 wonders of the exterior world and the power of the Gods, 
 who were then led up through the opened gates of the 
 earth. This passage, like many others, justifies Rose's 
 remark that the majority of fragments attributed to Aris- 
 totle are very Platonic in their form and doctrine, for 
 ^ Orator and De Oratorc, passim.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 5 7 
 
 here we seem to have a distinct imitation of the Pla- 
 tonic myth of the cave. The citation itself Bernays, with 
 considerable probability, refers to the Dialogue Ilept 0tAo- 
 
 In a fragment which remains to us of the Hortensius, 
 ' Aristotle,' says Cicero, ' compares our souls to the victims 
 of Etruscan pirates, who are slain by them with deliberate 
 cruelty ; \\hose live bodies are attached to corpses ; even 
 so are our souls attached to the corpses of our bodies.' 
 The idea is a trite one enough in later Roman times, and 
 is repeated by Epictetus, with perhaps a slight improve- 
 ment, in his celebrated phrase, -^vyapiov el ^aa-Tci^ov veKpov. 
 It may possibly have been original in Aristotle, and if so 
 we should probably consider it as an improvement on the 
 Platonic idea in the Cratylus that crwjua is arnia yf/vx^is, but 
 Bernays does not seem to have very strong evidence as to 
 its derivation from the dialogue Eudemus '^. There is also 
 a passage in the De Officiis ^ which seems to be a quota- 
 tion from an Aristotelian dialogue : ' Quanto Aristoteles 
 gravius et verius nos reprehendit qui has pecuniarum 
 effusiones non admiremur, quae fiunt ad multitudinem 
 deleniendam. Ait enim qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere 
 aquae sextarium mina cogerentur, hoc primo incredibile 
 nobis videri, omnesque mirari ; sed cum attenderint vcniam 
 necessitati dare, in his immanibus jacturis, infinitisque 
 sumptibus nihil nos magnoperc mirari; cum pracsertim ncc 
 necessitati subvcniatur,nec dignitas augeatur.ipsaque ilia de- 
 lenitio multitudinis sit ad breve exiguumquc tcmpus; caquc 
 a levissimo quoquc ; in quo tamcn ipso una cum satietate 
 memoria quoquc moriatur voluptatis. Bene ctiam colligit, 
 haec pueris et mulicrculis ct scrvis et servorum simillimis 
 liberis esse grata, gravi vero homini, et ca quae fiunt judicio 
 
 ' Dialog. Arist. p. 107. " lb. p. J4. 
 
 ' Dc Officiis, ii. 16. 56.
 
 58 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 ccrto pondcranti probari nullo modo posse.' Here I think 
 the style is evidently that of a dialogue, but I can find no one 
 reputed Aristotelian title under which safely to place it. 
 
 Again, speaking of the letter of advice which he is try- 
 ing to compose to Caesar, Cicero says to Atticus (Ad Att. 
 xii. 40), 'cryju/3oi'AevTiK6i; saepe conor; nihil reperio; et equi- 
 dem mecum habeo et ' ApiaroT^Xovs et QeoTToixirov irpos 'AAe- 
 ^avbpov : sed quid simile ? Illi, et quae ipsis honesta essent 
 scribebant et grata Alexandre. Ecquid tu ejusmodi re- 
 peris?' And later (Ad Att. xiii. 28), 'Nam quae sunt ad 
 Alexandrum hominum eloquentium et doctorum suasiones, 
 vides quibus in rebus vcrsentur ; adolescentem, incensura 
 cupiditate verissimae gloriae, cupientem sibi aliquid consilii 
 dari, quod ad laudem sempiternam valeret, cohortantur ad 
 decus ; non deest oratio.' This passage must certainly refer 
 to the dialogue or letter Uepl /3acriAeias, or to that Flepl 
 cLTToiKL&v, or to both. 
 
 To the History of Animals there is probably an allusion 
 in the De Finibus, iii. 19. 6^, 'Ut enim in membris alia sunt 
 tamquam sibi nata, ut oculi, ut aures, alia etiam ceterorum 
 membrorum usum adjuvant, ut crura, ut manus, sic immanes 
 quaedam bestiae sibi solum natae sunt, at ilia, quae in 
 concha patula pinna dicitur, isque, qui enat e concha, qui, 
 quod earn custodit, pinnoteres vocatur, in eandemque cum 
 se recepit includitur, ut videatur monuisse ut caveret, 
 itemque formicae, apes, ciconiae, aliorum etiam causa quae- 
 dam faciunt.' We find in the History of Animals, v. 15, 
 p. 547 d, 25, etc. a mention of the pinnoterae and of their 
 conjunction with the pinnae and several other shell-fish. 
 
 Another longer passage^ would also naturally be referred 
 to the History of Animals or to some similar treatise, but 
 no trace of it is to be found in our existing Aristotelian 
 treatises. It relates a peculiarity of the flight of covies 
 
 ' De Natura Deorum, ii. 49. 125.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance, 59 
 
 of cranes, and runs as follows : ' Illud vero ab Aristotele 
 animadversum, a quo pleraque, quis potest non admirari ? 
 Grues, cum loca calidiora petentes maria transmittunt, 
 trianguli efficere formam ; ejus autem summo angulo aer 
 ab lis adversus pellitur ; deinde sensim ab utroque latere, 
 tamquam remis ita pinnis cursus avium levatur. Basis 
 autem trianguli, quem grues efficiunt, ea tamquam a puppi 
 ventis adjuvatur ; haeque in tergo praevolantium colla et 
 capita reponunt ; quod quia ipse dux facere non potest, 
 quia non habet ubi nitatur, revolat, ut ipse quoque quiescat. 
 In ejus locum succedit ex iis, quae acquierunt, eaque vicis- 
 situdo in omni cursu conservatur.' 
 
 In the Brutus 12. 46 there is a passage which seems to 
 be taken from the one book on the doctrines of preceding 
 orators of which Cicero speaks in the De Oratore ^ : 
 * Itaque ait Aristoteles, cum, sublatis in Sicilia tyrannis, res 
 privatae longo intervallo judiciis repeterentur, turn primum, 
 quod erat acuta ilia gens et controversa natura, artem et 
 praecepta Siculos Coracem et Tisiam conscripsisse. Nam 
 antea neminem solitum via nee arte, sed accurate tamen et 
 de script© plerosque dicere, scriptasque fuisse et paratas a 
 Protagora rerum illustrium disputationes, quae nunc com- 
 munes appellantur loci. Quod idem fecisse Gorgiam, cum 
 singularium rerum laudes vituperationesquc conscripsisset ; 
 quod judicaret hoc oratoris esse maxime proprium rem 
 augere posse laudando, vituperandoque rursus affligcre. 
 Huic Antiphontem similia quaedam habuisse conscripta 
 . . . Nam Lysiam primo profiteri solitum artem esse 
 dicendi ; deinde, quod Theodorus csset in arte subtilior, 
 in orationibus autem jejunior, orationes eum scribere aliis 
 coepisse, artem removisse. Similiter Isocratem primo 
 artem dicendi esse negavisse, scribere autem aliis solitum 
 orationes, quibus in judiciis utcrcntur ; scd, cum ex eo, 
 
 ' I)c Oratore, ii. 38. 160.
 
 6o History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 quia quasi committcrct contra legem, quo quis judicio 
 circunivciiirctur, saepe ipse in judicium vocarctur, ora- 
 tioncs aliis destitisse scribere, totumque se ad artes com- 
 ponendas transtulisse.' Now the facts as to Tisias, 
 Theodorus, and Gorgias might be taken as a somewhat 
 distorted version of the passage at the end of the Sophis- 
 tic! Elenchi \ but we have there no mention of the other 
 orators ; and though these are all mentioned in the 
 Rhetoric, yet these special facts are not recorded of them. 
 I think moreover that it is clear that Cicero is quoting one 
 connected passage, or at all events epitomizing a con- 
 nected discourse. This can hardly be other than the his- 
 torical work on orators ; and here therefore we have 
 another instance of a la-Topia which has served as the basis 
 of an Aristotelian scientific work. 
 
 Another long passage in the De Natura Deorum ^ 
 gives an Aristotelian argument in favour of souls for the 
 stars, and of their voluntary motion, which reminds us 
 to some extent of the argument in Metaphysics xi. 8. pp. 
 1073 b-ioj^b, but is certainly not taken directly from that 
 treatise ; neither do I see any reason for assuming with 
 Bernays that it is part of a dialogue. The other passages 
 which Cicero quotes, and which there is no good reason on 
 other grounds to consider as extracted from Aristotelian 
 dialogues, have far greater stylistic merit. The present 
 passage is at once less popular in style, and more like 
 in matter to the Aristotelian treatises to which we are 
 accustomed. It contains the triplicate Aristotelian dis- 
 tinction (f)V(r€i, Tiapa ^vcriv {^z=Tvyr\ or avayKT]), and a~o biavotas 
 (cf. Eth. Nic. iii. 5. iii2«. 32), and the general observations 
 which we find in the Physics and De Caelo; for still less can 
 I agree with Rose in finding contradictions or even marked 
 differences between the statements in this passage and those 
 
 1 Sophistic! Klcnchi, 33, p. 183/'. 31-184 a. 8. ' De Nat. Deoram, ii. 16.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 6i 
 
 in the latter xA.ristotelian work. I think therefore that we 
 have got here a fragment either of Aristotle himself or 
 of some author fully inspired with his idea, and probably 
 even with his style, as we know it. The passage in the 
 Tusculan Orations (i. 28. § 70), which states that Aristotle 
 held that the stars were eternal a parte ante, may refer 
 to this lost book, or to frequent statements both in the De 
 Caelo and in other Aristotelian treatises ^. 
 
 Besides, however, these individual quotations and refer- 
 ences, we have the general statement as to the scope of 
 the subjects covered by the Peripatetic School in general, 
 and by Aristotle in particular'-. Here Cicero begins by 
 stating that there are three parts of this philosophy; the 
 first deals with nature ; the second with speech and argu- 
 ment ; the third with the rule of life. ' Nature,' he says, 
 ' is so fully investigated by this School that (poetically 
 speaking) no part of sky, sea, or earth is neglected by 
 them. . . . Aristotle himself investigated the birth, life, 
 and shapes of all animals, Theophrastus the nature of the 
 vegetable world also, and the causes and laws of nearly 
 all things which are born from the earth ; by which pre- 
 vious knowledge the investigation of the most abstruse 
 matters was made easier ; the same men handed down to us 
 principles not only of dialectical argument but also of rhe- 
 torical discourse, and the fashion of treating both sides of 
 the argument as to individual points was first adopted by 
 Aristotle, not however after the style of Ancsilas, who 
 attacks all positions whatever, but yet so as to bring out 
 in all cases what can be said on both sides. Since further 
 the third division of their doctrine investigated the rules of 
 right life, these same men directed their search not only to 
 
 * Cf. Eth. Nic. iii. 5. 1112 a. 25 ; Met. xi. 8. 1073 a. 34; Dc Caelo, ii. 12, 
 291. a. coinhiniiig it with tiic fact that the TrpuiTi] (jwpd is necessarily eternal. 
 '' De Fin. v. 4.
 
 62 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 tlic rules of private life, but also to the guidance of the 
 state. The customs, institutions, and methods of education 
 of almost all states, not only of Greece but of barbarous 
 lands, are known to us through Aristotle, their laws also 
 through Theophrastus, and whereas each of them taught 
 what should be the nature of the ruler of a state, and further 
 described at greater length what is the best constitution of 
 a state, Theophrastus going beyond this taught also what 
 were the tendencies to be looked for in different states, 
 and the critical periods which had to be dealt with as 
 the occasion demanded. As to types of individual life, 
 they preferred above all others the quiet and contempla- 
 tive species intent upon the study of truth ; this life, since 
 it is most like that of the gods, they held to be most worthy 
 of the wise men, and about these matters their style of 
 discourse is stately and notable.' 
 
 Now I think it clear that after the first general state- 
 ment Cicero is referring to particular works. It does not 
 at all follow that with regard to these works he knew any- 
 thing more than their names, but from his vague allusions 
 we may infer pretty positively what titles of works were 
 known to him. I think this comes out quite clearly both as 
 to the works of Aristotle and as to those of Theophrastus ; 
 thus we have ' animantium omnium ortus' corresponding 
 to Trept {wcoy y(Lvi(T(.(x><i ; ' victus ' may refer to parts of the 
 History of Animals, though it is not the subject treated 
 of at greatest length in that book. I should be inclined 
 rather to refer it to a lost Aristotelian or pseudo-Aris- 
 totelian treatise. The expression ' animantium figurae ' will 
 answer fairly well to irept Cj^iav \xop'n3iv ; later on we get 
 perfectly definite references to the Topics and Rhetoric, 
 and also to the general Aristotelian method bia~opelv 
 Trporepov. Lastly, we have a work attributed to Aristotle 
 on the best kind of rule, which is probably precisely the
 
 Cicero and the Ro7naii Renaissance. 63 
 
 subject of the dialogue Trept ^acnXetas ; on the best constitu- 
 tion ( = perhaps Politics vii, viii (iv, v), and the collections 
 of constitutions of Greece and barbarous lands which is of 
 course the lost noA.tretat : the whole finishing with a state- 
 ment of the doctrine of the excellence of the life of con- 
 templation and intellectual activity which is in exact 
 accordance with the Nicomachean Ethics, though it is too 
 vague in its character to be considered as a definite 
 quotation from that work. 
 
 When we turn to the works attributed by Cicero to 
 Theophrastus, the resemblance to the titles of works as- 
 signed to him by others becomes still closer. The first 
 work, which must have been entitled ITept ^urwy, does not 
 indeed appear in the list of Diogenes ^, but all the rest are 
 unmistakeably to be found there : thus the ' laws of all 
 states' are represented in this list by the lengthy work 
 NofMOiv Kara (TToixdov k8'^, the very epitome of which occupies 
 ten books. We have also works Ylepi /SacriAeta? and ITept 
 TTjs apiaTris TToAtreta?, corresponding to the two subjects on 
 which both Aristotle and Theophrastus are said to have 
 written, besides a work in six books on Politics generally; 
 but the most striking coincidence is that between Cicero's 
 expression ' quae esscnt in republica inclinationes rcrum et 
 momenta temporis,' and the title given by Diogenes, -noki- 
 TiKov TTpos Tovs KULpovi, in four books. As to the ethical 
 works, Theophrastus has so many of these attributed to 
 him, and they follow so generally the lines of the Aristo- 
 telian treatises in their titles, that it is impossible to refer 
 Cicero's remarks to any one of them. 
 
 I think then that we may safely conclude that Cicero 
 
 was acquainted with the names of a far larger number of 
 
 Aristotelian works than he anywhere quotes, or than he 
 
 had in all probability read or opened, and further that, 
 
 ' Diogenes Laertius, lib. v, cap. 2, sec. 13. ' lb. v. 2. § 13. 4^.
 
 64 History of tJic Ayisloklian Writings. 
 
 with the exception of the Dialogues and the noAtretat, the 
 majorit)- had the same titles as those which have come 
 down to us. Whether the books were in their content 
 the same, on Ciceronian evidence, taken by itself, we have 
 no means of judging. For in truth there is strong evidence 
 that, with the exception of the Rhetoric, he had no ex- 
 tended knowledge of any Aristotelian works but the Dia- 
 logues. All he says as to the beauty of the Aristotelian 
 style, both in this passage and in many others, proves that 
 this must have been the case. Cicero was hardly the man 
 to admire greatly the nervous apophthegm, the pregnant 
 conciseness of our Aristotelian discourses, tempered as 
 these great qualities are by absolute disregard of the graces 
 of style, and frequently of the rules of grammar. Least of 
 all could such expressions as Flumen aureum fundens \ 
 Aristotelia pigmenta ^, eloquentia ^, be applied to such 
 works. 
 
 Of the Dialogues, on the other hand, he had certainly 
 made a most careful study, and to some extent at least 
 had formed his style on them. The two most important 
 bits of information which he gives us with regard to them 
 is, that each book of a dialogue containing more than one 
 had a separate preface^, and that Aristotle made himself 
 the chief interlocutor in his own dialogues ^. 
 
 For the rest Cicero gives us a few bits of general infor- 
 mation which are of some interest. Of these, perhaps the 
 most important is that of the unbroken tradition of the 
 Peripatetic School *'. It is true that in this very account 
 Cicero arranges them into true or false Peripatetics, accord- 
 ing to their views on the question of the Summum Bonum ; 
 but this arrangement may be at least partly due to Cicero's 
 
 ' Acad. Pri. ii. 38. 119. - Ad Att. ii. i. i. 
 
 ^ Ad Att. xiii. 28. a. " Ad Alt. iv. 16. 2. 
 
 * Ad Att. xiii. 19. 4 ^ De Finibus, v. 5.
 
 Cicero and the Roman Renaissance. 65 
 
 own predilection for moral questions, or to the main subject 
 of the book in which the passage occurs. It does not by 
 any means prove that the Peripatetics had altogether 
 given up all questions other than moral ; though it is 
 probable, on grounds which I have already mentioned, that 
 morals had of late constituted their chief pursuit and 
 interest. 
 
 Cicero also furnishes us with a considerable amount of 
 tradition as to the supposed quarrel between Aristotle and 
 Isocrates. It is curious that the works of Aristotle at 
 least afford not only no evidence in favour of this tradi- 
 tion, but very considerable presumption the other way; 
 for although he attacks Plato and his disciples [(\)ikoi avbpes) 
 with considerable vigour and inconsiderable fairness, yet 
 his allusions to Isocrates are never conjoined with hostile 
 criticisms. The citations from that author are usually 
 rather of points to be imitated, than of errors to be avoided. 
 The tradition is undoubtedly a very early one, but it finds 
 no support in any Aristotelian work.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ARISTOTLE FROM CICERO TO ALEXANDER 
 APHRODISIENSIS. 
 
 Immediately after the Ciceronian period, and thence on- 
 ward for more than a century, we have another great gap 
 in our history of the Aristotelian writings, broken by a few 
 scattered notices. But here there is no pretence for saying 
 that the gap is due to any failing in interest in the Aristo- 
 telian literature. It depends simply upon the unfortunate 
 fact that all the many commentators who treated of Aris- 
 totle during this period are now lost to us. 
 
 The first of these, in point of date, was probably Nico- 
 laus of Damascus, an author of whose historical works 
 considerable fragments remain, and who wrote apparently 
 in the time of Augustus. He is said to have written a 
 commentary on the Aristotelian Metaphysics, and if the 
 account be true, we shall be able to trace back that ob- 
 viously post-Aristotelian title very nearly to the times of 
 Andronicus ; but the whole account is second-hand, and 
 much trust cannot be placed in it ^. 
 
 Next comes Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who praises Aris- 
 totle for his acuteness and clearness and pleasantness of 
 style, as well as for his wide learning ^. He has of course 
 a more definite story than Cicero of the libels invented by 
 Aristotle 2 against Isocrates, for scandal always becomes 
 more circumstantial as it gets further from its source. 
 
 * Brandis Aristotelis et Theophrasti Met., p. 323, note. 
 
 * De Vett. Script. Cens. c. 4, Reiske 5, p. 430. 
 ' De Isocr. Jud. 18, Reiske 5, p. 577.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 67 
 
 But his most important contribution to Aristotelian litera- 
 ture is his argument ^ to prove that Demosthenes did not 
 borrow his principles of oratory from the Rhetoric of Aris- 
 totle, but rather that Aristotle himself framed his Rhetoric 
 by observing the actual usages of Demosthenes and of 
 other orators. Of course he fully makes out his case, 
 which, indeed, was not hard to do, but incidentally he gives 
 us a good deal of very valuable information. First, we 
 notice that his citations from the Rhetoric are not only 
 roughly but actually the same as the text which we now 
 have, thus proving that he is using the revised edition of 
 Tyrannion and Andronicus ; while a few not very import- 
 ant differences suffice to show us that we are not here 
 dealing with citations which have been corrected by some 
 later editor, or copyist from an Aristotelian MS., a possi- 
 bility which, in dealing with quotations in Greek texts, so 
 often makes our inferences dangerous or valueless. What 
 is still more important, he has in one quotation two distinct 
 references to the name avakvTiKa, where, curiously enough, 
 the first reference does not appear in our present version; 
 for quoting Rhet. i. 3. 1356 a. 36, he says, tQ>v h\ hia. rou 
 beiKvv(rOaL, r) (^acVeo-^at beiKVva-OaL KaQamp ev toIs ava\vTiKo't9 
 K.T.A.., where our MSS. without exception read 8taAeKriKot?. 
 He agrees, however, with our version in reading eK tG>v 
 ava\vTLK(av a few lines further down, and later again has, as 
 our text has, the references to the Topics and Method ica. 
 He argues quite fairly enough that (assuming, as he docs, 
 the accuracy of the references in the Aristotelian text) 
 Aristotle must have written a good many important works 
 before he wrote the Rhetoric, and that consequently the 
 Rhetoric could not well have been known till the greater 
 part at least of the speeches of Demosthenes were deli- 
 vered. Happily for his argument he is able to establish it 
 
 ' Ad Amm. de Dem. et Ar. c. lo, Rciske 6, pp. 735 sqq. 
 F Z
 
 68 History of the Arisfotclian Writings. 
 
 equally satisfactorily by means of references to the events 
 of the day contained in the Rhetoric itself. The import- 
 ance of his quotation of this passage including references 
 to other Aristotelian works will be seen when we come to 
 examine the question of the evidence as to titles and re- 
 ferences ^. 
 
 Strabo, who is almost, if not quite, a contemporary of 
 Dionysius, has nothing very important except the cele- 
 brated passage as to the history of the Aristotelian library; 
 but in one other place he gives a statement, culled second- 
 hand from Posidonius, that Aristotle calls the parts between 
 the Tropics t] biaKeKavixivr], and that between the Tropics 
 and the Arctic circle r] ^vKparos ^. The statement as to its 
 first part has some slight resemblance to Problemata xii. 3. 
 906 b. 12 : Altlov be tt/s evcobias ka-riv, oirep kol iirl Tfjs yrjs' 
 biadepixov yap kol bLaK€Kavp.evr]s oiicrris, o av CKcfiva-i] to upStTov 
 e^cSSes o^et .... tovtoov 8e ^toUv TTVpovp-evcovj to. irpos eco roov irpos 
 ixea-rjix^piav [etia^Seorepa], on ycwSrj? p-aXXov 6 tottos 6 irept tjjv 
 '2ivpiav Ka\ Apa/Biav ka-rtv, ?; 8e Ai/3i^?/ ap.p.(ahrjs koX avLKp.os. The 
 second part stands about equally near to Problemata xxvi. 
 31. 943 b. 21: Ata ri 6 ^^(fivpos €vbi.€tvbs koL ^'Storos boKel elvat. 
 tQv avep-cav, kol olov kol "O/xTjpo? ev t<2 'li\vai(o TreSio), ' dXA' aiel 
 Cef^'^poLo bianveiovcnv aiJTai ; ' *H irpioTov p-ev on e'^et rrjv rod 
 aipos Kpacnv ; Ovre yap depp-os cocnrep ol airb p.ecriqp.lipia'i Kal eco, 
 oijTe yf/vx^pos coairep ol ano rfjs apuTov, aAA.' ev pLeOopiio iirl t&v 
 ■y}/v)(^pS>v KOL 6€pp.(av Ttvevp-aTo^v. There is also a passage in the 
 Meteorologica i. 6, p. 343 «. 8, which bears somewhat on the 
 subject, ey p.kv ovv rw p.€Ta^v tottu) t5>v rpoinKutv ovx ekK^LV to 
 vbbop TTpbs kavTov bia to K^KavcrdaL viro Tr\s tov rjXlov (popas, but it 
 does not seem at all likely that Posidonius should have put 
 together passages so far removed from each other, which 
 even when combined do not give exactly the statement for 
 which Strabo makes him responsible. It is far more prob- 
 
 * Cf. chap. V, pp. 100 5qq. ^ p. 94, Cas.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 69 
 
 able that this statement comes from some lost geographical 
 work like the still existent and spurious ITept koo-iiov. 
 
 Philo Judaeus has no mention of Aristotle except in his 
 citation in the treatise on the Incorruptibility of the World, 
 which Rose pronounces to be spurious. The passage itself 
 is certainly popular in form, and would probably come 
 from a dialogue ^ A much more important authority on 
 Aristotelian criticism would have been Didymus the gram- 
 marian, who is said to have flourished during the time of 
 Nero, and whose manysided activity seems to have em- 
 braced such different fields of criticism as Homer, Aristo- 
 phanes, and Aristotle. But little, however, remains to us of 
 that part of his labour which bears on our subject. We 
 have a certain number of stray notes on Aristotelian uses, 
 and references to the supposed Aristotelian series of com- 
 mentaries on Homer, to which, as we have seen, Plutarch 
 also alludes. But we have a long fragment attributed to 
 Didymus by Stobaeus, lib. 2, cap. 7, which is quoted in 
 Mullach's Fragmenta, vol. ii, pp. 53-101. There we have 
 an account of various ethical systems, amongst others that 
 of Aristotle, with, further, an epitome of the Aristotelian 
 Politics '^. Here too we have definite quotations from the 
 Nicomachean Ethics, and an allusion to Aristotle's criti- 
 cism of Eudoxus, which is said to occur (v tS> b(K<!i.T(o tS>v 
 '^iKO}j.axei(jiv ^. This would be a statement of very great 
 importance if it were really made by a commentator as 
 early as the time of Nero, for it would prove that the Nico- 
 machean Ethics already contained the three doubtful books 
 and the treatise Tlepl ijuXias. Unfortunately, however, 
 Stobaeus, or his editor, is absolutely untrustworthy in the 
 names which he assigns to his excerpts. This may be 
 seen by the strangely modern ethical doctrines whicli he 
 
 * p. 489, Mang. " Miillach, vol. ii, pp. loo-ioi. 
 
 ' Mullach, vol. ii, y. f>o.
 
 70 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 attributes to Dcmocritus. Here a confusion may doubt- 
 less have arisen between Democritus of Abdera and Dc- 
 mocritus Platonicus, but unhappily there were also two 
 writers known under the not very distinctive name of 
 Didymus. 
 
 When we reach Plutarch we certainly seem to get a step 
 nearer to our Aristotle, But Plutarch is a magazine-writer 
 and not a critic ; he aims at what is telling rather than at 
 what is exact, and we have therefore to use his information 
 with considerable caution. It is very valuable as informing 
 us of the state of knowledge and opinion as to Aristotle in 
 the writer's own time, but we cannot argue from any of his 
 statements as to the past without the greatest possible risk 
 of error. 
 
 We find then in Plutarch first an allusion to the Meta- 
 physics^, which, if we except the doubtful quotation from 
 Nicolaus of Damascus^, is the first definite mention of that 
 book. Secondly, allusions to a number of other books 
 which, though perhaps mentioned by other authors, are 
 not quoted equally definitely. One very important pas- 
 sage in this context occurs in the article against Colotes, 
 where, after pointing out the differences of opinion between 
 Plato and his disciples, Aristotle and Xenokrates, and again 
 between Straton and both Plato and Aristotle, he finishes 
 up with the following sentence : Tds ye \iy\v ibeas irepi <5y 
 eyKaAei tw nXdrcort 'iravTa^^ov KtvQiV 6 'Aptcrro7eA.J7S, koX iraaav 
 €TTayu>v airopCav avroLS, kv rots r\OLKols viro^ivrijxacnv, iv toIs 
 (pvcTLKols, 8ia Toiv e^(i)T€pLKa>v biaX^yoov [btaKoycov, ed. Didot 
 rightly] <f)iXov€i,K6Tepov (bo^iv iviois 17 (f>iko(ro(pu>T€pov ck [* *] 
 TMV boypLCLTOiv TovToiv, 0)? 7Tpod4[j.€vos Ti]v YlXcLToyvos vTrfpibelv 
 (f)LXo(TO(f)iav ^. The references here to the Physics and to 
 the Ethics are clear enough, for in Physics ii. 2, pp. 193 <5'- 
 
 ' Alexander, vii. 5. ^ Brandis, Ar. et Theophr. Met. p. 323. 
 
 ^ Adversus Coloten, xiv. 4.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 71 
 
 194^, we get a sufficiently sharp critique of the Platonic 
 ideal theory generally, while in Ethics Nic. i. 6 we get the 
 same kind of criticism applied to the central Platonic doc- 
 trine — that of the Itka tov ayaOov. As to the dialogues, 
 too, we shall have no difficulty in assigning the critique of 
 the Platonic theory to that named Uepl c^tAoo-o^ia? ; for, 
 though there is a special work Uepl rijs Ibias attributed to 
 Aristotle in the list of Diogenes, this can hardly be a dia- 
 logue according- to the probable theory of Bernays, that in 
 this list the dialogues occupy the first place arranged in 
 order of the number of their books. If this theory be cor- 
 rect the last dialogue in the list will be the Flepl TratSems, 
 which is the last of the one-book series in the first part of 
 the list, and the treatise, Ufpl rijs Ibias, which comes much 
 further down the list, must belong to some other class. It 
 is to be noticed, however, that the symmetry of arrange- 
 ment with regard to the number of books seems to vanish 
 with the first class in the list. Unless we are to assume a 
 quite unworkable number of categories, we must admit that 
 all the works except the dialogues are arranged in the 
 most haphazard order. 
 
 To return to our citation, it is curious that in this pas- 
 sage there is no reference made to the Metaphysics, which 
 surely more than any other Aristotelian treatise attacks 
 the Platonic ideal theory. It is the more curious as we 
 know that Plutarch is acquainted with the name at least of 
 the Metaphysics. Perhaps his knowledge of that book 
 began and ended with its name. 
 
 In a passage from the article De Oraculorum Defectu 
 we have an equally clear reference to the Dc Caclo. The 
 passage runs, Kl fxi] vrj Aia to. tov 'AptorroTeAous v7r6\}rovTaC 
 Tcves', wv (fwrrLKos ulTias t^ovra. rwr ylij) aojjxaToj^ eKturrou tottov 
 oLKelnv f^ovTVi, ojs <l>ri(nv, avayKy] ttju yijv -navTaxoOev e-nl to ixiaor 
 (f)if)i(TOai., KUL TO vbojp tV' avTijs Oia ftdpos v(l)taTa[x(vov tuIs
 
 /- 
 
 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 KOVipoTfpOLS. civ ovv TrXfioves Sjcri. koV/aoi, (rvixj3ri(reTat ti)v y^iv 
 ■noWayjov \ikv eTrorco tov irvpos xal tov aepos Kiia-dai, iroXXax^ov 
 8e VTroKOLTU)' koI tov aipa koX to vbcop op-oms, ttt] pi^v Iv Toi^ KaTo. 
 <f)vcnv )(<tfpats vTTa.p\€LV tttj 8' €v rats irapa (f)V(nv. uiv ahwaTuiv 
 6vT(jt)v o)S oterai, pn'^Te bvo p7]T( TrXeiovas eu'at Kocrpovs akX tva 
 TOVTov €K Tijs oixTias dTraoTjs (rvyK(ipi€VOV,lhpvp.evov Kara (f)V(rLV, wj 
 'npocn]K€L TOLS tS)v a-oip.a.Tu>v hia(^opa.ls. Here the allusion is 
 obviously to De Caelo i. 8. 4. 276 b, etc. ^ 
 
 There are also several allusions to the YloXaelai, one 
 of which is important as proving that Cicero at least could 
 not have read that book. It occurs in the life of Camillus, 
 where Plutarch tells us that Aristotle also had heard of the 
 capture of Rome by the Kelts, but that he calls the pre- 
 server of Rome Lucius, whereas the real praenomen of 
 Camillus was Marcus ^. Cicero, however, certainly did not 
 know that there were any allusions to Rome in the IToAt- 
 retat, for his national pride would surely have prevented 
 him from including his state in the comprehensively con- 
 temptuous term Barbaria. But of the Politeae, as of the 
 History of Animals and of the laropiai generally, we must 
 always bear in mind that they represent not any fixed 
 work of Aristotle or of anyone else, but merely a continu- 
 ously open note-book ; and this note as to the capture of 
 Rome may well have been suspected to be of later origin 
 by Tyrannion and Andronicus, and so excluded from their 
 edition. Even though, as is probable, Cicero had not read 
 the rioAtretat it is hardly to be believed that his friend 
 Tyrannion, with whom he was in constant correspondence, 
 would have failed to call his attention to this interesting 
 historical notice of his country, had Tyrannion himself be- 
 lieved the passage to be genuinely Aristotelian. 
 
 Other notes of less importance attributable to the same 
 source are the story that Aristotle considered Nikias, 
 
 ' Plutarch, De Oraculorum Defeclu, XXV. 424 ^-a'. ^ Plutarch, Camillus, xxii.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 73 
 
 Thukydides son of Melesias, and Theramenes to be the 
 best of statesmen and patriots, but put the two former 
 before the latter with his reasons for so doing ^; and the 
 story of Polykrite and the redemption of the Naxians by 
 her agency^. 
 
 To the dialogues there are several allusions, two separate 
 ones to the Eudemus ; the former in the life of Dion-^, 
 the latter and more important one in the Consolatio 
 ad Apollonium^; this second passage is so important in its 
 bearing on several points of Aristotelian criticism that, 
 notwithstanding its length, it is worth transcribing in its 
 entirety : Touro 6e, 0rj(rty 'AptororeXr]?, koi top ^et\r]vdv avk- 
 Krj<^divTa rw Mi8a a-no^rivacrOai. ^IXtiov h' aiiras ras rov 
 (f)i\o(r6(f)OV Ae£ets iiapaOiaOai. ^r]a\ 8' kv rw Ev87///<{) kinypa- 
 (pojxei'w Ttepl "^vxv^ ravrC' AtoTrep S) KpaTLare TtavTOiv koX p.a- 
 Kapi(TTaT€, KOI TTpos T(Z fxaKapiovs Kol evbaiixovas eu'ot tovs 
 rereAeuTTj/coVa? vop.i^eLV, Kat to ■yj/e'va-acrOaC tl kut avT&v Ka\ to 
 l3Xa(T(pr] [xelv ov)( 6(nov, ws KaTo. [BeXTiovcov, ■)]yo'vpeda, koI KpetT- 
 Tovuiv 7/677 yeyovoTcoV Koi TavO ovtu>s apx,0'la Kal iTaXaia biaTeXel 
 vevopnan^va Trap' i]pXv, wore to Trapa-nav ov8et? olbev ovTe tov 
 Xpovov TTjv apxrjv ovt€ tov 6ivTa TrpcaTov, aXXa tov air^ipov 
 alcava Tvyx^cLvovart bio. reAou? ovroi vevop.i(T\xiva. TTpos be hi] 
 TovTois, bia aTop-aTos kv toIs avOpunrots opqs, o)? e/c ttoXXwv trcoy 
 e/c iraXaLov y^povov 7reptc/>eperai dpvXo'vpLevov. tC tovt ; cc/)?/. 
 Ka/ceit'os VTtoXaftcav, ' ws apa p.i] yiyvea-Oat piv, e(f)riv, apiaTov 
 iravToov, to 8e TeOvavai tov (ijv eVrt KpelTTov. kol ttoXXoIs ovToi 
 Tiapa. TOV baipLOVLOV p.(p.apTvpriTat. tovto p.ev eKeu'o) rw Mi8a 
 Aeyoucrt (n]-nov p.eTa ti^v Oqpav ojs eAa/3e tov ^(LXrjvdv, oiepcorwyrt 
 Koi TTVvOavop.ivo}, tC TTore eort to ftiXTiov toIs avOponrois, Ka\ tl to 
 TTCLVTOiV alpeT(i>TaTov, TO pi€v TTpwTov, ovbev (OeXdv eiTreif dAAa 
 (TLMTTav appr]T(jis. kireihr] hi ttotc juoAi? iraa-av p.i]yavi]V p.rwav(i>- 
 p.(V09 TrpoarjydyeTO <l)6(.y^a(T0ai tl irpv'i avTov, ovtcos avayKa(()' 
 
 ' Nikias, ii. '' De Virtutibus Mulicrum, xvii. 254 i: 
 
 ^ Dion, xxii. * Consolatio, xxvii. ii5(^.
 
 74 11 islory of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 fxfvos eiTreu', Aaifxavos eirnTovov xat TV)(^rii x^k^'^V^ ec/)?)jue/>oi' 
 (TTT^pixa, TL jxe jSLa^ecrOe Xeyew h vjuv apeiov ju?/ yv&vat ; [xeT 
 ayvoias yap rcDz' oiKeioov KaKwr dAuTroVaro? 6 fSCos. avOputirois Se 
 77d/:/7raz' ovk eort ytrecr^ai to Trdrrcoz' upia-Tov, ovh\ p.f.Tacr^^'iv 
 TTji Tov /^eAn'oToi; (jyvaeoos. apicTTOv yap ttcktl Kal Trdwats to p-i] 
 yii'ccrdai., to pLiVToi juerd tovto koL to Tip^Tov rwy dXAcoy avva-Tov, 
 biVTepbv be, to yevojxivovs airoOavelv ws Ta)(^La-Ta.* 
 
 Now Rose assumes that in this and other passages in 
 the same dialogue the chief speaker is Plato. It seems to 
 me that there is nothing in this or in any other passage 
 which should make us reject the express testimony of Cicero 
 that Aristotle makes himself the chief interlocutor. Of 
 more weight seems to me an objection which might be 
 raised, that there is a pessimism about the whole passage 
 which is diametrically opposed to the practical optimism 
 of Aristotle ; but even this objection does not seem to me 
 final ; the writer, it is true, is not our Aristotle, but he is a 
 dignified, gracious, and worthy thinker out of whom our 
 Aristotle might easily have developed. We certainly 
 should not have assumed on internal evidence that the 
 dialogue was Aristotelian ; but there is nothing in this 
 internal evidence to make us reject definite external evi- 
 dence. But after all the style is the most important thing 
 about the whole passage ; and does it not merit all, and 
 more than all, the encomia of Cicero ? The 'golden river' 
 is now no longer a strange bit of hyperbole, but a literal 
 truth. If many such passages as this were to be found 
 in the dialogues attributed to Aristotle, we need no longer 
 wonder that Cicero should have taken him as his model. 
 
 One point as to this matter of style is to be particularly 
 noticed — the absolute absence of hiatus — the only apparent 
 exception being the a vpuv, which of course is merely 
 apparent. Valentine Rose indeed, following Usteri, has 
 produced another and very hideous hiatus by reading
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 75 
 
 e0rj apicTTov ^ for the perfectly explainable and under the 
 circumstances absolutely necessary l^jjy apiarov of the 
 vulgate text and presumably of the MSS. The absence 
 of hiatus in this passage is the more noticeable in that 
 Plutarch, who most frequently himself avoids it, does not 
 do so in this article ; in fact the sentences which imme- 
 diately precede the quotation contain an unusual number 
 of peculiarly hideous infractions of the rule. Had this 
 passage been found in one of the hiatus-less articles of 
 Plutarch, it might be said that he himself had doctored 
 his author to make him fit the rules of his own taste. 
 But if, as Wyttcnbach ^ probably conjectures, this dis- 
 course was written in Plutarch's youth, before he had 
 formed a definite style or adopted the rule of the avoided 
 hiatus, then we have the stronger proof that this quotation 
 is taken straight from his authority without any alterations 
 or emendations. The argument to be drawn from the 
 absence of hiatus in works attributed to Aristotle I must 
 reserve for the chapter on the Aristotelian Politics, where I 
 shall have the opportunity of treating all these passages 
 together ^. 
 
 Another small passage which may come from a dialogue 
 is that in the De Cupiditate Divitiarum, o-v 8' ovk axoi/ets, 
 (^r\(To\j.tv, 'ApLCTTOTeXovs AtyoiToj, otl ol fjiev ov \p5>VTaL [rot? 
 XP'/^aTir] ot oe TTapax^ptavraL*^, But it may only be a free 
 allusion to the doctrine of the Nicomachcan Ethics. 
 
 On the other hand, the advice said to have been given 
 by Aristotle to Alexander to deal with the Greeks as their 
 leader and with the barbarians as their master must come, 
 if from any definite treatise, from the dialogue or Ao'yos, 
 Hepl /^aTiAeias"'; for I am inclined to agree with Ilirzel in 
 
 ' Rose, fr. 40 in Arislot. ed. Berl. p. 14S1 a. 44, and note. 
 
 * Prolc{,'omena to the Consolatio. ' Cf. ch.ip. viii, pp. 164 sqq. 
 
 * De Cupiditate Divitiarum, viii. -,2";^. ■ Dc Fortitudinc Alc.xandri, vi. 329.
 
 76 Histo)'y of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 his modification of the theory of Bcrnays, and to hold that 
 in the first h'st are inckided, not only dialogues proper, but 
 set discourses with dialogical prefaces ^ It is, however, 
 quite possible that this advice may be merely a tradition 
 as to some oral advice of Aristotle to Alexander extracted 
 from one of the many worthless lives of the philosopher. 
 
 The statement of the effect of oil in calming the sea and 
 the explanation of that effect looks as if it came from a 
 lost passage of the Problemata. It is a curious anticipation 
 of an hypothesis, now at last about to be put to a practical 
 test, which through the intervening score of centuries has 
 only been kept alive as a proverb. 
 
 Another passage which seems also to belong to the 
 Problemata, though not to be found in our remaining books, 
 is alluded to in the De Facie in Orbe Lunae^, 'AptoToWXT]? 
 8e 6 TraAatos ahCav tov TrAeoi'a/cts ttji' creXrivqv kKX^i-novaav rj tov 
 ijktov KadopaaOai, Trpbs aXXais tlctI kol TavTiqv aiiohihiitcnv' T]kiov 
 yap €KkeL7Teiv aeXrivrjs ai'Ti(f)pd^€L creKipTiv be [cetera desunt]. 
 Now Aristotle takes great interest in the question of 
 eclipses and their causes, and the phraseology of this 
 passage is distinctly Aristotelian ; but no one of the 
 several passages in which he talks about eclipses at all 
 answers to this maimed quotation^. 
 
 I omit of set purpose a reference to the Physics in the 
 Pseudo-Plutarchian De Placitis Philosophorum*. 
 
 As to history or pretended history, Plutarch, in addition 
 to his grand story of the plots of Aristotle against the life 
 of Alexander, gives us the following items ; that Aristotle 
 induced Philip to restore Stageira ^ ; that the seats and 
 shady retreats of Aristotle and Alexander his pupil were 
 
 ' Cf. ante, p. 7. ^ xix. 933. 
 
 ^ Aristotle on eclipses, Problemata, xv. 11. 912 i>, and xxvi. 18. 942 a; An. 
 Post. i. 31. I. 87*^. 40 ; ii. 2. 3. 90a. 16; ii. 12. i. 95 a. 14. 
 * i. 3. 38. 878^, 5 Alexander, vii.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. jj 
 
 still to be seen at Pella ^ ; that Diogenes reproached Aris- 
 totle for his dependence on Philip - ; that Aristotle 
 stammered ^ ; that Theocritus of Chios wrote a sarcastic 
 epigram, girding at Aristotle for preferring the court of 
 Pella to the groves of the Academy * ; all of which state- 
 ments are perfectly possible but by no means to be 
 believed, at all events on the authority of Plutarch. 
 
 If with Plutarch we come forth from darkness to 
 glimmering dawn in the history of the Aristotelian 
 treatises, with Galen we break out into full day-light. 
 That most estimable physician and commentator loved and 
 honoured Plato and Aristotle with a reverence but little 
 short of that which he paid to his own master Hippocrates. 
 
 Whenever Galen quotes Aristotle, — and his quotations 
 are very numerous, — his text is practically the same as 
 ours, though he includes in his Aristotelian canon several 
 works which are altogether lost to us. But the list of 
 works which Galen quotes and which still remain to us is 
 sufficiently copious. Amongst these naturally those which 
 bear upon the history and parts of animals most attracted 
 the attention of a scientific surgeon. Thus we have" a 
 very large number of quotations of the History of Animals 
 and the treatise on the Parts of Animals'"'. Next in order 
 to these come the physical works in the proper sense, the 
 Physics, the Dc Caclo, the riepl yez'fcrecos koX cl)Oopas, and the 
 Meteorologica '^. 
 
 The Problemata are often quoted, chiefly, as we might 
 expect, as to matters which bear upon surgery and natural 
 history"'. 
 
 ' Alexander, vii. * De Exilio, xii. 604 rt'. 
 
 ' De Aiulicndis poelis viii. t^i' 'ApiaTuriKovi rpaxiXoTrjTa. 
 
 * De Kxilio, x. 603 c. 
 
 ' Ed. Kuhn, vi. 7S1, xix. 321, iv. 791, v. 347, vi. 647, etc. 
 
 * lb. i. 448, i. 487, i. 489, viii. 687, xix. 273, xix. 275, ii. 8. 
 ' lb. iv. 791, 792, xvii. 29, etc.
 
 yS History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 The Dc Anima is quoted two or three times ^. 
 
 The first of these passages contains a reference also to 
 the book De Sensu et Sensibili. As to this book Galen 
 makes the remark, cTrtypa^erai 8e tovto . . . Trept al<r6/](T€(jos 
 Kol ala9riTi]pi(Dr, a fact the bearing of which we shall see later 
 on^. There are a few references to the logical works, but with 
 these we know well that Galen was fully acquainted, since 
 he himself had written commentaries on the Uepl kpixrjvdas 
 and on the two books of the Prior Analytics ^ ; he quotes 
 also the former book in a passage which, if it is to be taken 
 in its accurate sense, would seem to show that he had a 
 good deal more of the Aristotelian works than he names. 
 ITept 6e r^s ala-OrjTrjs [xii'TjcreaJS tt/j dprrjpias], eTretS?/ koI ravTrjv 
 ivioi TTjV irpocrQriKrjv a^Lovcn irot^laOai, to ttoWclkls dprjjxevov 
 VTT 'Apto-rore'AoDs a^iov eiTrety. eKeii'o? yap 6 avi]p avTapKcas 
 ei'ioTe bL€\6u>v, tC TTpoa-TidevaL (firjcrl belv avrio bia ras (TO'pLa-TLKas 
 e2;o)(A.7]<r€t? (^(odev aWo to hoKOvv (KaaTOTe avp-fpepeiv tm \6yco^. 
 
 Now the expression fro^tortKat ivox^w^ts only occurs 
 once in our present Aristotelian treatises ^, so that if 
 Galen finds it in Aristotle sometimes, or often, it must be 
 in works which are now lost to us. Possibly, however, 
 Galen for once deserts his usual accuracy, and means only 
 that warnings of this kind often occur in Aristotle, which 
 is undoubtedly true. Galen also quotes the Topics ^, but 
 I think not the Categories ; perhaps therefore he was in- 
 duced by the doubt of Andronicus to treat these as 
 spurious ; the argument, however, is not a strong one since, 
 as I have said, the quotations from the logical works are 
 few. 
 
 But Galen is not a mere reproducer of passages quoted 
 from Aristotle's works ; he sometimes combines passages 
 
 ' ii. 871, xix. 355. If the treatise ol laTpiKoi be really genuine. 
 
 ^ Cf. chap. V, passim. ^ xix. 41, 42. * viii. 725. 
 
 ' De Interpretatione, vi, p. 170, 36. ^ viii. 579.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 79 
 
 and slightly varies them, so as to bring out more fully the 
 sense of his author ; a very noticeable instance of this is in 
 the passage where he deals with the regular hierarchy of 
 the animal and vegetable kingdom. He writes as follows : 
 'AAAa yap /cat Trept Tovrcoy'A/atcrroreAet /caAw? etprjTaL to. t aXXa 
 Koi OTL Kara fipa-)(i) t5>v <f)VTS>v rj (f>vais airoxoipova-a trepov 
 krepov ^(rioy kpya^erai TeXecarepov, ecus Trpos to irdpTcdv a(f)LKriTat 
 TeXeu>TaTov [tov avOpoiTTov] (iii, 328). The two passages to 
 which Galen seems here to refer occur, the one in the 
 History of Animals, viii. i. p. 588 d. 4 : — ovtco 8' e/c tcov 
 a\Jru)(^MV €1? TO, C'^a pLera^aivei Kara fxiKpov ?; (f)vaLS, ware tjI 
 (TVi'exdq \av9dveiv to jxeOopiov avTUiV koX to fxiaov Trore'pcoy 
 kariv' p-eTo. yap to twv d\}/v)(^cov yivcs to Tutv ^vtS>v rrpcaTov Icttlv. 
 Ka\ TOVTinv €T€pov TTpos €T€pov 8ta0epet Tw p.aX\ov boKelv peTi- 
 X^iv C^ris, oXov 8e to yevos Trpos piev raXAa crco/xara (^aiveTai 
 ayjehov uxrirep €p.\}/v\ov, Trpos be to rcav fwcoy a-^vxov, the other 
 in the De Partibus Animalium, iv. 5. p. 68 1^:. 12 : — ?/ yap 
 (pv(ns peTajSaiveL (n;re)(w? aTTo Tutv dylrv')(^u)V els to. ^<2a Sta tQv 
 ^u>vTwv p.(.v ovK ovTOiv hi. C<{''coi', ovTMs cofTTe hoKelv Tidp.-nav p^iKpov 
 8ta0ep6ty daTepov duTepov ti2 avveyyvs dXXi'jXois. 
 
 Of the books now lost to us, the most important are ITept 
 vbcLTOiv Kal depojv Kal tottmv^ ; the book Flept vocroiv or voat]- 
 pLCLTOiv ^ (unless indeed we arc to refer the words of Galen 
 to the laTpLKo. ft. of the list of Diogenes) ; there is a possible 
 allusion to an Aristotelian book on Anatomy, but it is not 
 a certain one^. As to the second of these three treatises, 
 Galen informs us that Aristotle in his treatment of diseases 
 followed Hippocrates, which statement, coming from a man 
 who had before him an enormous amount of evidence 
 which is now lost to us, would in itself be a sufficient 
 answer to the assertion of Rose, that Aristotle is ignorant 
 of the works imputed to Hippocrates, even were it not 
 the fact (as Littrd has shown that it is) that both Plato 
 
 ' iv. 79^. ' ii. 90. ■' XV. J9S,
 
 So History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 and Aristotle actually quote the works of Hippocrates. 
 Tcrhaps the most important statement which Galen makes 
 with regard to Aristotle is that the four books of the 
 Analytics are only named by o\ vvv by that title ; that 
 Aristotle himself refers to the Prior Analytics as the books 
 about Syllogisms and to the Posterior Analytics as the 
 books on Proof ; both these facts we know to be true as 
 far as the existence of references under these names is 
 concerned ; but our Aristotle has a far larger number of 
 passages in which the reference is made directly to the 
 Analytics ^. 
 
 An interesting passage in Galen tells us of the fate 
 which even in his lifetime had befallen his own books ; 
 people apparently were anxious to get copies of anything 
 which bore his name, and not very scrupulous booksellers 
 sold to a too confiding public works which were entirely 
 spurious or which contained an imperfect version of his 
 doctrine^ ; if this could happen during a man's own life- 
 time and at a period when criticism was fully awake, how 
 much more widely extended must necessarily have been 
 the corruption of books which, like Aristotle's, were 
 never finished in a literary form and which had passed 
 through so many vicissitudes. 
 
 From Galen to Athenaeus is a falling back from light 
 into darkness, but here it is the man and not the period 
 which is at fault ; Athenaeus quotes Aristotle often enough, 
 though the great majority of his quotations come from 
 a single book, the History of Animals. But here we 
 have a curious fact to notice. A very large proportion of 
 these quotations come from a book which Athenaeus calls To 
 'nk\i.TiTov Trepl ^oicoy {xopLcov, or sometimes merely To Trepl ^(acov. 
 Now our treatise De Partibus Animalium contains no fifth 
 
 ' Cf. later, chap, v, pp. 109 sqq. ^ xix. 8 sqq.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Apkrodisiefisis. 8i 
 
 book, and the book which Athenaeus so constantly cites is 
 identical with our fifth book of the History of Animals \ 
 
 Quite consistently with this he cites what is now our 
 ninth book of the History of Animals as the eighth book 
 (387 b) ; this ninth book of the History of Animals he 
 sometimes cites by this name and sometimes by that 
 of To Trept C<^oiv ijOcov (282^, 307 c). It should be noted 
 that there arc one or two passages quoted by Athenaeus as 
 coming from the fifth book ITept fxopiiav which do not occur 
 in our fifth book of the History of Animals, notably 294 d 
 and 329 <3;, but these seem to be merely passages that have 
 dropped out, as we should naturally expect that some 
 would do from the nature of the subject. Cp. ante, pp. 5 
 et 44. We should notice that Galen never refers to this 
 doubtful book. The conclusion seems to be that in the 
 time of Athenaeus and perhaps up to his time this book was, 
 in some or all the MSS., attached to the end of our four 
 books Dc Partibus Animalium ; though it certainly more 
 naturally and properly belongs to the History of Animals, 
 and, therefore, was very wisely moved to its present posi- 
 tion. Another peculiarity of Athenaeus is that his quota- 
 tions from a book which he calls ITept (o^t/cdiv are almost 
 always to be referred to parallel passages in the History 
 of Animals ; thus, for instance, the notice in Athenaeus 
 330 rt, (J' has its exact parallel in the passage quoted by 
 Athenaeus himself from the History of Animals v. 5. 540 b. 
 
 ' Athenaeus, 312 c, ^=IIist. of Animals, v. 10, p. 54.3 a. 19, etc. Ath. 63^ = 
 H. A. V. 12, p. 544 a. 23. Ath. 394 a = 11. A. v. 13, p. c^^^l). i, etc. Ath. 88/' = 
 H. A. V. 15, p. 647^. 2, etc. Ath. I05f = li. A. v. 7, p. 541 b. 19, 20. Ath. 
 286r = H. A. V. 5, p. 540^. 6-19. Ath. 304<r = n.A. p. 543a. 20, etc. Ath. 
 3io^=H. A. V. 10, p. 543(^. Ath. 3i5a = H. A. v. 10, p. 543/'. i, 2. Ath. 
 319 (/^H. A. V. II. p. 543/'. 1 1. Ath. 321 <; = H. A. V. 8, p. 5430.8. Ath. 320/= 
 H. A. V. 26, p. 655 a. 23 and II. A. v. 11, p. 543^. 5. Ath. 323 ^ = H. A. v. 6, 
 p. 541^. 12-15. Ath. 3i7(/=H. A. V. 9, p. 543a. 5-8. Ath. 328/=!!. A. v. 9, 
 543a. 5. Ath. 3i7^«=II. A. V. 12, ]). 544a. 6-14. Ath. 326f = H. A. v 18, 
 550(^.13,14. Ath. 303(/=Il. A. V. II, 543({'. II.
 
 82 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 6-1 g ; so too the passages 305 (t, 313 (t, 315 r, have all their 
 parallels in our present books of the History of Animals; 
 but in all cases something is added which does not exist in 
 these books, so that we should be led to imagine that the 
 CooLKo. known to Athenaeus, which are also mentioned by 
 other authors, were something like a second text of what 
 we know as the History of Animals standing in the same 
 relation to it as the Eudemian Ethics do to the Nicoma- 
 chean, or perhaps more exactly as Books B, F, E, etc. of 
 the Metaphysics stand to M and N. 
 
 Athenaeus has further an allusion to the Nicomachean 
 Ethics (Ath. 673 r,/) but no quotation from it, and one or 
 two silly stories about Aristotle. 
 
 Plotinus shows throughout his phraseology his Aristo- 
 telian knowledge, but once and once only does he actually 
 quote from any Aristotelian work ; in the first Ennead 
 and the fourth book he is discussing the question of 
 happiness and the Peripatetic theory that external goods 
 are, to some extent at least, necessary for happiness. 
 There, in one and the same page, he alludes first to the 
 doctrine that a man cannot be happy if he meet with 
 misfortunes like those of Priam ; to the theory that plea- 
 sure is needwise combined with a happy life, and to the 
 Aristotelian use of the word a-TTovbalos ^ ; the whole of this 
 book is completely filled with Aristotelian expressions and 
 criticisms of doctrines and phrases which occur in the 
 Nicomachean Ethics ; but there is nothing sufficiently 
 definite to enable us to establish with certainty any facts 
 as to the state of the text. 
 
 When we turn to Sextus, the sceptical physician, we 
 find very little real knowledge which we cannot glean 
 from earlier writers, and that little seems to be most of 
 
 * Enn. I, bk. 4, ch. 5, p. 32, ed. Basil. 1580 ; Vol. II, p. 30S, ed. Kirchhoff.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisicnsis. 8 
 
 o 
 
 it second or third-hand. There are one or two references 
 to the Rhetoric ^ and to the Physics ^, also a more definite 
 reference to the AristoteHan theory of time ^ ; but this 
 very reference, although correct, tends to show us that the 
 information of Sextus Empiricus was not first-hand, for 
 further on in the same book he tells us that Strato, or, as 
 other people think, Aristotle, defines time as ' the measure 
 of motion and rest*.' In the earlier passage he had told 
 us that Aristotle defined time as ' the number of that 
 which is in succession or motion ; ' and that Strato had 
 corrected this definition by adding rest to motion, on the 
 ground that things in rest were as much in time as things 
 in motion. He does not seem to see any contradiction 
 between these two statements, or at least any reason for 
 deciding that Aristotle held one opinion more than the 
 other. 
 
 The fact seems to be that he is merely quoting from 
 commonplace books or collections of extracts. A still 
 more striking instance of his real ignorance of Aristotle 
 occurs in the passage where he informs us that Aristotle 
 identified health and rh ayaOov, a mistake which could not 
 have been made by anyone who had really read Aristotle''. 
 Perhaps the most important of the citations of Sextus is 
 that allusion to the Categories where he explains Aris- 
 totle's doctrine of the six forms of motion : 'O ij.ev WpiaTo- 
 tcAtj? ^^ ethr] rrjs Kivrjfreuis IXeyev vitap^^eiv' S)V to fxev n 
 elvat roTriKTji; fxiraftacnv' to 8e \xiTajioXr]v' to h\ y^veaiv to 8e 
 (f)dopa.v' TO be av^r\aiv' to 8e iiiiui(Tu> ". This quotation is 
 the more important since not only docs it refer to the 
 disputed book, the Categories, but to the most disputed 
 
 ' Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. ii. 6i =Rhct. i. 2. i. 1355 /'. 26. 
 
 ' Adv. Math. x. 31 and x. 33. 
 
 ' Adv. Math. x. 176. Cf. I'hys. iv. 13, p. 222 a. 1. 30, etc. 
 
 * Adv. Math. x. 22S. •' Adv. Math. xi. 77. *■' Adv. Math, x, 37. 
 
 C 2
 
 84 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 portions of that book, the Postprcdicamcnts. Unfortu- 
 nately there is no trace of any scientific knowledge of the 
 text of Aristotle in the writings of Sextus ; and since we 
 know that the Categories, or rather the two versions of 
 them, were already in existence in the library of Alex- 
 andria, we cannot be at all certain that Sextus is not 
 here quoting from some author who wrote before the 
 authenticity of the Categories had been called in question 
 by Andronicus. 
 
 Another perfectly definite quotation refers to the Aristo- 
 telian Meteorologica, and gives the story of a person who 
 always saw the figure of a man preceding him ^ ; the only 
 difference being that Sextus gives the country of the man, 
 which Aristotle, in our version at least, omits. There is a 
 story that Empedocles first started the art of rhetoric, and 
 that Zeno was the first dialectician, which is attributed by 
 Sextus to Aristotle, which by the aid of a parallel passage 
 in Diogenes Laertius we are enabled to assign to the 
 Aristotelian or pseudo-Aristotelian dialogue ' Sophistes -.' 
 
 There is also a long passage, apparently from some ma- 
 thematical work of Aristotle, explanatory of the notions of 
 length without breadth, etc., where the explanation given is 
 sufficiently in accordance with Aristotle's general doctrine 
 as to ac^atpeo-ts ^. Lastly, there is a curious passage in 
 which Aristotle is made to say that Parmenides and 
 Melissus are rebels against nature^. Now it is noticeable 
 that this expression does not occur in Aristotle, but does 
 occur in the Theaetetus of Plato : it is, of course, con- 
 ceivable that Aristotle may somewhere have quoted Plato ; 
 but the chances seem greater that Sextus, or his authority, 
 is confusing the two authors. The doctrine is of course 
 
 1 Pyr. Hypot. i. 84. Cf. Arist. Meteor, iii. 4, p. 373 b. 2-10. 
 
 * Adv. Math. vii. 6. Cf. Diog. Laert. viii. 57. 
 
 ' Adv. Math. iii. 57-59. ^ Adv. Math. x. 46.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 8 
 
 D 
 
 quite in accordance with that of Aristotle^. There is one 
 curious and important reference to the Aristotelian Meta- 
 physics ^ ; here Sextus quotes Aristotle as his authority 
 that Hermotimus of Clazomenae and Parmenides of Elea, 
 and, long before them, Hesiod, had some notion of a final 
 cause, and this statement is to be found in the first book 
 of the Metaphysics ^. But Sextus does not here mention 
 the name of the treatise, and if, as is most probable, the 
 first book of the Metaphysics appeared originally in some 
 other form, for instance as a portion of the dialogue Flepl 
 (f)iKo(ro(f)La9, we cannot be sure whether Sextus or his 
 authority had it before him in its first or in its second 
 combination. One thing at least we may say with almost 
 certainty of Sextus, that he had no first-hand knowledge of 
 the Aristotelian logical works ; his only notion of the 
 Syllogism is of the Stoic hypothetical form, and there 
 is no trace in any of his logical writings of Aristo- 
 telian influence ; from which we may the more certainly 
 conclude that the quotation from the Categories already 
 referred to is not first-hand. Sextus is in fact an authority 
 of the most variable value. For writers of distinctly 
 sceptical tendencies he had great sympathy and interest, 
 and accordingly he has preserved for us most valuable 
 epitomes of the arguments of Protagoras and Gorgias, 
 and again of those of the new Academy ; but all other 
 writers, with the exception of course of his own master 
 Pyrrho, he is content to take from any epitome which lies 
 near to hand. Even as to the Stoics and Epicureans, 
 schools which were in full vigour in his own day, he is 
 most vague and unsatisfactory ; as to Aristotle or Plato, 
 except by accident, he is a witness of no value whatever. 
 
 We come lastly to Diogenes Lacrtius, an author wliosc 
 information on the subject of Aristotle has given rise to 
 
 ' Arist.Phys. 1.2-3.184/'. '^ Adv. Math. ix.7. ' Mctapli. i.3, .t,p.f|S4/'. 11. 19-.^!.
 
 86 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 more controversy than that of all his predecessors. The 
 crucial question with regard to Diogenes is naturally that 
 of the origin and authenticity of his list of the works of 
 Aristotle ; that this list is extracted from Favorinus may 
 be said to be agreed upon by all critics ; that Favorinus 
 copied the rdvaKf.^ of Andronicus is an opinion pretty 
 generally accepted, and has in its favour the consensus of 
 two such generally opposed scholars as Bernays and Rose, 
 beside a host of other writers ; nevertheless I hold that it 
 is proveably mistaken. 
 
 Let us look first at the external evidence ; we find that 
 from the time of Cicero onwards the disciples and suc- 
 cessors of Tyrannion and Andronicus are fairly uniform 
 in their list of books. These books coincide fairly well 
 with our present list, with the exception of certain ad- 
 ditional books now lost to us. The most important of these 
 are a certain number of the Dialogues or Ao'yot [assum- 
 ing that these are not quite identical] ; that ITept bLKaioaijvqs, 
 the largest apparently of this class of works attributed 
 to Aristotle, the dialogue Ufpl ^tXoo-o(^tas, the Eudemus, 
 the Nerinthus or Korinthius, the Sophista, the Gryllus, 
 the Protreptikus, the Uepl jSaa-tXeias, and perhaps one or two 
 more. Besides these we have works on mathematics, and 
 on climate and its influence [rTepl vbdroov koL aipoiv /cat 
 70770)1'] alluded to by Galen (iv. 798), and from which we 
 seem to have another extract in the passage where he 
 says that food and climate have enormous effects on 
 cattle so as to change the nature of their flesh and their 
 other sensible qualities (Galen vii. 729). As to the medical 
 work of Aristotle mentioned more than once by Galen, it 
 is in the first place not to be confounded with the tarpiKr) 
 (Tvvay(tiyr] really composed by the Peripatetic Menon, 
 and falsely attributed to Aristotle (Galen xiv, 615 sqq., et 
 XV. 25-26) ; and on the other hand I think it is not likely
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. Sy 
 
 to be identical with the laTpiKa which occur in Diogenes' 
 h'st, since Galen seems to talk of the book as if it were 
 rather a scientific discussion of the facts and symptoms of 
 disease than a practical treatise on therapeutics (Galen ii. 
 90). Against this we might perhaps put the story of 
 Plutarch, that Aristotle taught Alexander not only philo- 
 sophy and science, but also practical medicine ; but the 
 very words of the allusion show that Plutarch is proceed- 
 ing on vague guesswork, and is not referring to any given 
 book-^. In fact, I think we may safely assume that that 
 entertaining litterateur has no first-hand knowledge of any 
 books of Aristotle except the Dialogues. 
 
 When we turn to the list of Diogenes, we find that, with 
 the exception of the Dialogues, there is hardly a work 
 which we can certainly identify as belonging to our 
 present collection. rioAtrtK?/? d/cpoacrecos; ws ^ 0eo^pdcrrot>, in 
 eight books, may very probably be our Politics. The 
 latter words seem to suggest that there was some doubt 
 in the minds of the compilers of the list as to whether this 
 work should be attributed to Aristotle or to Theophrastus. 
 Now we find in the list of the works of Theophrastus a 
 treatise called UokiTiKUiv, in six books, and this will really 
 exactly accord with the eight of the Aristotelian work, if 
 we take into account (what we shall prove later on) that 
 two books of the Politics, whether they be Aristotelian or 
 no, belong at least to a different recension, and therefore 
 might easily be annexed to the Aristotelian Politics in 
 one manuscript and omitted in another^. We have almost 
 certainly also the History of Animals with his Flept C^mv 
 in nine books (omitting of course book 5) and the spurious 
 
 ' AoKfi 5( fioi Hal ro <{>i\taTptii' 'AKt^avSpqi npoffTplipaaBai fxciWov iripwv 
 'ApKTTOTtKTji' ov ycLp ^ii'/vov rfjv Otcvpiav ■fi'yanrj'Td', dAXd icai voaovaw fPoTj9(t ToFi 
 (p'tKois, ical ovvfTaTTt Ofpantiai rii/as nai Sia'nas, ws in rwv iviaruKwv Kafitiv 
 iariv. — Plutarch, Alcxanricr, viii. 
 
 ' Cf. chap, viii, pp. 168-169.
 
 SS Hhtory of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 Ofpi (f)VTwv. The works '' AvaXvTLKoov vcrrepcov /leyaAwj', in 
 two books, may be our Posterior Analytics, and SvAAo- 
 yto-ptwr a. /8. is very likely to represent our Prior Analytics ; 
 but the identification of the MeOohiKo. with the Topics 
 seems an absolutely mistaken one, or at least one for 
 which there is no proof whatsoever ^ The very number 
 of books (eight) which seems at first in favour of the 
 identification is in fact a strong argument against it, for the 
 number of books of the Topics, including the Sophistici 
 Elenchi, which up to a very much later period than the 
 time of Favorinus belonged to that collection, was nine 
 and not eight. There are besides these treatises the names 
 of several of the works which we now possess. But the 
 books referred to cannot be the same, since the number 
 of books is entirely out of accordance with those which 
 we now find, and we cannot doubt that, from the time of 
 Andronicus at least and probably before it, the number 
 of books in each treatise was finally settled -. 
 
 The notice of the Categories, De Interpretatione, and 
 the PoHteae, seems to be put in as an appendix with the 
 Letters and the Poems, possibly because Favorinus or 
 Diogenes himself had heard that there was some dispute 
 as to their authenticity. It is quite possible that a but 
 half-educated book-maker may have been aware of this 
 discussion, which was sufficiently notorious, and yet may 
 have inserted into his list a number of works which never 
 came under discussion at all, simply because they never 
 were included within the critical canon. People now-a- 
 days talk glibly enough about Merv and its distance from 
 the Indian frontier, who would find it hard to say in what 
 country Merv lies or to give a list of half-a-dozen of the 
 most important towns of Central Asia. 
 
 But besides and beyond these few and doubtful works of 
 
 * Cf. chap. V, pp. 115 sqq. ^ Cf. Cicero, De Oratore, ii. 38. 160.
 
 Fi'om Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 89 
 
 the Aristotle known to all the disciples of the Andronican 
 tradition, we have an enormous hotchpotch of titles 
 arranged, with the exception perhaps of the Dialogues, in 
 no conceivable or intelligible order. 
 
 If Andronicus did indeed arrange a critical list of the 
 authentic writings of Aristotle, on which point, in face of 
 the definite evidence of Porphyry, there should be no 
 shade of doubt, the list which remains to us in Diogenes, 
 putting aside the question of its enormous omissions, can- 
 not be that of Andronicus. For what says Porphyry ? That 
 'Andronicus arranged the separate works of Aristotle and of 
 Theophrastus into sequent treatises, TrpayixaTelai, collecting 
 the cognate questions into the same volume ' (Plotinus I, 
 p. 39, ed. Kirchhoff). Now, if we look at the list as we 
 have it in Diogenes, putting aside the Dialogues which, as 
 Bernays shows, come first, not by reason of their matter, 
 but of their style, we have first a treatise, Uepl rayaOov, 
 presumably metaphysical ; then one on the Laws of Plato ; 
 thirdly, apparently notes or quotations from the Platonic 
 Republic. These three may possibly be connected as 
 being all critical studies of Plato. Then follow, an 
 economic work ; a work on friendship ; one on bodily 
 affections ; one on sciences ; then four or five logical works, 
 followed by an ethical one ; another logical work ; a work 
 riept TMv TToAAaxws Aeyo/xeVwi' (metaphysical or lexicographic); 
 a work on anger ; another ethical work ; one on first 
 elements ; one on science ; one on first principles ; two 
 apparently logical works ; one on question and answer ; 
 one on motion ; several logical works ; one ethical {Uepl rod 
 fteXTtnvoi) ; one metaphysical (flepi rrj^ Ibdas,) then more 
 logical. So it is throughout the whole list. There is 
 neither order nor arrangement, except sometimes for small 
 groups, in the very middle of which is often inserted 
 a treatise which belongs to an entirely different branch of
 
 go History of the A ristotctian Writings. 
 
 enquiry. Treating the matter with reference merely to what 
 wc know of the Aristotelian work of Andronicus and his 
 successors, we arrive only at the negative conclusion, that 
 the lists are not those of Andronicus, and bear no relation 
 to them ; unless indeed we are to conceive that Diogenes or 
 Favorinus cut these lists into small pieces and shuffled them. 
 But we need not go further than Diogenes himself 
 to establish that these lists stand in no relation to the 
 Aristotelian knowledge of the day. In the rest of his 
 work Diogenes cites Aristotle pretty frequently ; and 
 that Aristotle is not the Aristotle of the lists, but the 
 Aristotle of Diogenes' ow^n immediate predecessors and 
 contemporaries. Thus we have an apparent allusion to the 
 ITept xj/vxris in the account of Thales ^, and a direct quota- 
 tion from the same in the account of the Aristotelian 
 doctrine, following immediately after the enigmatical list ^. 
 It is noticeable that the account of the doctrines of 
 Aristotle given throughout this chapter is based on the 
 contemporary Aristotle, and is full of references to exist- 
 ing works which do not occur in the lists. Just before the 
 list there is an allusion to the doctrine that a man can- 
 not have many friends, which is stated by Diogenes to be 
 taken from the seventh book of the Ethics. This seems to 
 refer to our ninth book of the Nicomachean Ethics, 
 chapter lo, where the question whether it is possible to 
 have many friends is discussed at considerable length ; but 
 on no hypothesis, that I know of, can the books in the 
 Nicomachean treatise be reduced by two, and by two 
 only, unless we adopt Fritzsche's doctrine, that of the 
 three disputed books the fifth book only is Aristotelian, 
 and hold further that the sixth and seventh had not been 
 inserted as late as the time of Diogenes, who seems here 
 
 ^ Diog. Laert. i. 24 = nepi ^vxf/s i. 2. 405 «. 19 et i. 5. 411a. 8. 
 '■' Diog. Laert. v. 33 = nfpt ^i/^^s ii- i. 412 a. 19.
 
 From Cicero to A lexander Aphrodisicnsis. 9 1 
 
 for once to be quoting first-hand ; a more simple and 
 probable hypothesis is to imagine merely some scribe's 
 miswriting of e/38oV<;) for eydrw. If the quotation from 
 Didymus, alluded to already, is really from an author of 
 the time of Nero, it would settle the question, as to the 
 much earlier existence of our present order ; but that 
 quotation, as we have already seen, is not beyond doubt. 
 We get, further, citations of a book FTept TToirjTLKijs, which 
 may possibly be a continuation of our Poetics; a book Uepl 
 TTaibeias, which certainly is not any book known to us, and 
 which, on the other hand, is, it must be admitted, in the 
 list of Diogenes ; one from the dialogue, Hepl (^tAoo-o^m?, 
 which is also in the list, but, as we have already shown, 
 is well-known to all the ancient world. Of a large 
 number of nameless quotations, some may refer to the 
 Dialogues ^, others are absolutely untraceable-, and several 
 have distinct reference to works which we now possess ^. 
 Lastly, there are several references to works which we 
 neither possess nor can find in the list ; as the treatise on 
 Magic'*, a treatise on Beans'", and a treatise on Education''. 
 It must be admitted that some of the names in the list of 
 Diogenes are to be found as references in the Aristotelian 
 works ; as, for instance, the AtatpeVets is referred to in the 
 treatise Oept yei^eVecos koI (fidopa.'i'^ ; the €KXoyi} avaTOjxQv, or 
 avaTOjxai simply, arc referred to constantly in the physio- 
 logical works *, the laTpiKo. may possibly be the same as 
 the Y\ep\v6(Tov kol vyuias, the most definite citation of which 
 calls it at twv v6(tojv apxa.i'\ a title more in accordance with 
 the notice of Galen, though it is alluded to as a work to 
 be performed and under the former name in the doubtful 
 
 ■ ii. 55; ill. 37. ^ '-99; ii- 2^); ii. 45; viii. 52; viii. 63, etc. 
 
 * i. 24; V. 29; viii. 19, etc. ' i. i. 
 
 * viii. 34. " ix. 53. ■' ii. 3. p. 3.30/', 16. 
 
 ' Hist. Aiiim. iii. i. 509/;. 22 ct passim. ° Dc I'ait. Aniin. ii. 7. (^^7,(1- ^.
 
 92 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 treatise Dc long^itudinc vitac ^ ; the Optics arc cited in the 
 Problems -, but one cannot say with any certainty what 
 portion of this treatise is due to Aristotle himself. So, too, 
 the Ti\v\]'i TTJs @€ob€KTov (TvvayMyi] is cited in the Rhetoric ^, 
 but all these citations, as we shall prove in the next 
 chapter, show, not that Aristotle wrote such books, but 
 that some editor or editors thought that he did ; that 
 Andronicus is one of these editors cannot be denied, and 
 we shall point out later that at least some of these references 
 in the Aristotelian works are due to him. But the con- 
 sensus of the writers who follow the tradition of Andro- 
 nicus forbids us to think that all, or even many, of these 
 works were known to or acknowledged by him. But 
 Diogenes himself furnishes us with the most definite proof 
 as to the source of the list of Favorinus. Immediately 
 before giving his similar list of the works of Theophrastus, 
 he quotes Favorinus, and there distinctly tells us that 
 Favorinus' authority is Hermippus ** ; the point anent which 
 Favorinus is cited is, it is true, not the list, but an unim- 
 portant matter as to the old age of Theophrastus. But the 
 list follows without a break, and, if we are justified in 
 assuming that the list also comes from Favorinus, there is 
 at least a strong presumption that the authority of 
 Favorinus was the same in both places. To Hermippus 
 then we look as the prime originator of this strangely 
 confused catalogue, first copied by Favorinus, and after 
 him by Diogenes, though it is probable that either or both 
 of them may have added works to this list ; the list, in 
 fact, on the very face of it, is not a catalogue raisonn^ of the 
 works of an author, but merely a statement of the MSS. 
 which exist in a library. Who can doubt, for instance, 
 that AtatpeVei? kiua Kat hiKa.^ biaipeTLKcov d, btaipenKov d, are 
 
 ^ I. 464 b. 32. ^ xvi. I. 913 fl. 27. 
 
 ' Bk. iii. ch. 9. 1410/'. 2. ' Diog. La^rt. v. 41.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 93 
 
 merely different MSS. containing the same writings in more 
 or less perfect form ? In the same way we have oT;A.Aoyt(r/xot 
 d, <JvWoyi(T[xGiV d, /3, <jvWoyi(Tr\.Kov Kai opoi a, again Te^vy] d, 
 ak\r] Te)(^vT] a. Would a critical editor, as we must suppose 
 Andronicus to have been, have inserted all these into his 
 list as of undoubtedly Aristotelian authority? We know 
 that, as a fact, Andronicus was so critical, that he rejected 
 the De interpretatione and parts at least of the Categories. 
 It remains for us, then, to conclude that we have got 
 here a list of the MSS. as they were found, in early times, 
 in the Alexandrian library; and that, too, before the 
 forgeries and duplicate versions had grown to such a 
 cumbrous bulk as they afterwards attained, owing to the 
 misplaced munificence of the Alexandrian kings. For 
 instance, we do not find here two versions of the Cate- 
 gories, nor forty books of the Analytics, but we are on the 
 way to making up this number, which Ammonius tells us 
 was afterwards reached^ ; for including the various works 
 on syllogisms, we have altogether fifteen books concerned 
 with the subject-matter of our four books of the Analytics. 
 Perhaps we have here a catalogue merely of the Aristotelian 
 works in one of the several libraries established by the 
 Ptolemies; and we shall probably have to add up all the 
 MSS. in these libraries in order to make up the enormous 
 roll of a thousand books mentioned by David the Armenian'-, 
 The forgeries of course went on ever accumulating, but 
 already in the time of Ilermippus there must have been 
 a considerable number of them, for, putting aside obvious 
 dujjlicates, we cannot possibly conceive that all the separate 
 works attributed to Aristotle in this list should have been 
 written by him, in addition to all those which on better 
 grounds we attribute to him. Perhaps we sliall not 
 altogether wrong Theophrastus in suspecting that even 
 
 ' Amm. Ad Cat. 13 a, cd. Yen. 1545. '■' Slahi, Arislylflia, ii. 63.
 
 94 U i si ory of iJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 the first book-hunting embassy of Ptolemy son of Lagos ^, 
 and the consequent voyage of Strato to Egypt -, was not 
 altogether fruitless of introducing spurious or doubtful 
 Aristotelian works into the newly-founded Alexandrian 
 library. The eighty talents which, according to the doubtful 
 story of Diogenes, Strato received from Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus, had to be paid for in weight of books, if not in 
 value thereof. 
 
 Diogenes Laertius brings us to the threshold of the 
 Aristotelian scholiasts, whose works have survived to us ; 
 he is a contemporary, or almost contemporary, of Alexander 
 Aphrodisiensis, the greatest of all the Greek scholiasts who 
 deal with Aristotle. From this time, then, the text of 
 Aristotle is a definite thing, which we can deal with, and 
 whose changes, if any, we are in a condition to trace. 
 That there were such changes I shall attempt to show in 
 a later chapter^. But from this time forward it is not 
 impossible to reconstruct the Aristotelian text ; that text 
 is commented upon with the greatest care and accuracy; 
 all the various readings are preserved, and we have to deal 
 with only two difficulties ; the first and worst being the 
 entire lack of writings belonging to the great school of 
 Greek commentators with regard to certain Aristotelian 
 treatises, the other a less frequent and more subtle difficulty, 
 the passing over by the commentators of passages which 
 presented no difficulties to them because they found only 
 one easy reading, which passages have now come down to 
 us in a condition impaired by the second flood in which 
 Aristotle, as well as all Greek literature, was practically 
 submerged, from the seventh to the fourteenth centuries ; 
 for the labours of Byzantine commentators tended rather 
 to the corruption than to the elucidation of the text ; often 
 in such cases we can see that Alexander, Themistius, or 
 
 ' Diog. Laert. v. 37. ^ Diog. Laert. v. 5S. ^ Ch. vi, passim.
 
 From Cicero to Alexander Aphrodisiensis. 95 
 
 Ammonius has got a reading entirely different from ours, 
 but the attempt to reconstruct that reading is both difficult 
 and dangerous. 
 
 The result of our work up to this point has been to 
 prove that the works of Aristotle known to the learned 
 world in the first two centuries after our era included all, 
 or almost all, of our present collection ; that they included 
 further, as undoubtedly Aristotelian, certain of the Dia- 
 logues, the IToAtretat, and two or three more treatises, but 
 that they did not include the muddled and heterogeneous 
 list handed down to us by Diogenes and his copyists.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 OF TITLES AND REFERENCES. 
 
 No author is so plentifully provided with references and 
 cross-references as Aristotle ; if we are to believe that all 
 these are genuine we must hold that he arranged his works 
 on a preconcerted system, so that every one of them should 
 stand in its place, and that he carried this scheme in his 
 head not only with regard to works already completed but 
 also as to works of which he had not as yet written a line. 
 We must assume further that the titles of the works were 
 already fixed by Aristotle, and that they have not varied 
 since. Thus, for instance, in the test passage at the begin- 
 ning of the Meteorologica we have first references to three 
 physical works which precede, though there the divisions 
 are not quite the same as those of our present books ; and 
 we have also a more general reference to the physical 
 works which are to follow ^ ; on the other hand, besides 
 these general references we have at least an equal or per- 
 haps greater number of references to these same books 
 under other names. Which names, then, if any, rightly 
 belong to them ? Are we to suppose that Aristotle was 
 at once so exact and so inexact as to connect all his 
 multifarious works by a system of references and cross- 
 references, and at the same time to confuse his reader by 
 referring to the same work under two, three, or more 
 names ? 
 
 On the question of the titles of the treatises we are not 
 left entirely to Aristotle ; we have already referred to 
 ' Meteor, i. i, pp. 338a. 20-2,1^0. 8.
 
 Of Titles and References. 97 
 
 Galen's statement that the books which we call respectively 
 the Prior and Posterior Analytics are cited by Aristotle as 
 the books about Syllogism and the books about Proof. 
 Now Galen knew these books and also the Topics well, 
 and had a sufficiently accurate general acquaintance with 
 the remaining Aristotelian works. In Aristotle, as we now 
 have him, the reference to the Analytics is sufficiently 
 constant, though there are also references to the books 
 on Syllogism and those upon Proof : it seems hardly con- 
 ceivable that Galen should have told us this story in the 
 face of these frequent references to the Analytics, unless 
 either he did not find these references in his text, or finding, 
 attributed them to some comparatively recent interpolator. 
 In the same way we have noticed that the fifth book of the 
 History of Animals, as it stands in our collections, is known 
 to Athenaeus, and presumably to earlier authorities, as the 
 fifth book of the Parts of Animals ; further, that the only 
 passage which Cicero cites from the Topics is to be found 
 in the treatise now called FTept Ip/xrjyeia?. The evidence is in 
 fact generally in favour of considerable variation of names 
 for some time after the Christian era, and some of the 
 names are undoubtedly badly chosen ; we shall have reason, 
 for instance, later on to think that the term 7/^tKa did not 
 originally belong to the whole of the Aristotelian treatise 
 or collection of treatises which now pass under that name. 
 The same thing is confessedly true of the Physics. An 
 earlier nomenclature breaks up this treatise into two parts, 
 ra Trepl Twy apySiv and to. 7re//t rr/s Kivy\(Tf.(M<i. The only book 
 which wc can prove to have been from an early period 
 in the same state and with the same divisions as those 
 which we now find, is the Rhetoric. 
 
 As regards references, in some cases at least, there 
 is a cross-quotation between two treatises ; each cites 
 the other ; the most obvious and well-known case of this 
 
 II
 
 98 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 kind is with the Topics and Analytics ; the Analytics cites 
 the Topics four times, the Topics cites the Analytics five, 
 if we include, as we should, the 2o(/)t(7rtKoi "EAeyxot amongst 
 the books of the Topics. In the same way the Meteoro- 
 logica cites the book TTepi aio-0?](rc(o? ^, though the passage 
 so cited does not exist in our book under that title ; but 
 the ITept atcr(??/(reco? refers to llept V'^X'/^ " ^^ Trporepov, while 
 the Oept \}/vxvs cites the Uepl yev^aeias ^ Kal (pdopas, which 
 itself must necessarily immediately precede the Meteoro- 
 logica, if the first chapter of that work be genuine. The 
 references then generally are by no means beyond sus- 
 picion, and it becomes our duty to examine more in detail 
 the evidence with regard to them, and the facts which may 
 be deduced from that evidence. 
 
 Of the cross-citation various explanations have been 
 given ; the least probable, perhaps, is that which has found 
 most supporters, viz. that Aristotle issued more than one 
 edition of his works, and that these citations belong to a 
 second edition. In favour of the doctrine of a second re- 
 cension we have, it is true, the great name of Torstrik *, 
 though he applies this doctrine in a somewhat different 
 manner. Trendelenburg ^ varies between this doctrine and 
 that of a repetition of lectures merely, in which the earlier 
 lectures were less full than the later. So that in the second 
 course books would be inserted which would contain re- 
 ferences to works posterior in the order of thought but 
 prior in fact, since they had already been given in the first 
 course ; while in this second repetition these same works 
 would come later, and therefore naturally and properly 
 would refer back to what now (in this second course) pre- 
 ceded them, the inserted book or books. But in the first 
 
 * Meteor, i. 3. 341a. 14. ^ Ilepl alaO. i. 436;^. 14. 
 
 ^ lifpl i/'vx^y, ii. 5. 4i7«- i. and elsewhere. * Torstrik, De An. Praef. § 2. 
 
 ' Trendelenburg, De Anima prooemium, 114-115.
 
 Of Titles and References. 99 
 
 place, as we have already tried to show^, the notion of a 
 recension of books by Aristotle, or in fact of any editing of 
 the 'AKpoa/xariKot Ao'yot by him, is mistaken. In the second 
 place, it is simply inconceivable that any lecturer should 
 keep in his head so enormous a course so as to give 
 references often to minute points in passages to be found 
 in other portions of the course far removed both in thought 
 and in order. 
 
 But if this difficulty as to quotations and cross-quotations 
 were the only one it might perhaps be got over ; as a 
 matter of fact it is neither the only one nor the greatest. 
 We get in the Aristotelian works three classes at least 
 of reference, which cannot be explained on the assumption 
 that Aristotle is the author of these references ; first, we 
 get references to works which Aristotle can hardly have 
 written, and of which there is no trace even as far back 
 as the time of Andronicus ; secondly, we have references 
 to minute points, in what purport to be future treatises ; 
 and thirdly, we get references which involve mistakes or 
 changes as to doctrine, fact, or order. First, we have the 
 evidence of Cicero that the book rie/jt ^vrwr, not the book 
 which we now possess, but a much earlier treatise, was 
 composed by Theophrastus, and his statement here is a 
 precise and definite one, not resting upon any inference of 
 his own, but evidently due to the teaching of his master, 
 whether that master in this matter was Tyrannion or An- 
 tiochus. Cicero distinctly opposes Aristotle's knowledge 
 of the animal kingdom to Theophrastus' knowledge of the 
 vegetable kingdom '-. The book Flept (J)vt<2v was, in fact, 
 variously attributed to Aristotle and Theophrastus, and 
 docs not seem to have been one of those frequent works of 
 which there were two versions, that of Theophrastus differ- 
 ing somewhat from that of Aristotle. On the whole the 
 
 ' Cf. ante, cli. ii, ]p|). 2;, s'|'|. ^ Cic. Dc 1-iii. v. 4. 10. 
 
 II 2
 
 I oo Histo}'y of the A ristotelian Writings. 
 
 balance of opinion was in favour of Theophrastus ; but 
 there could have been no doubt at all had the critics of 
 the time had before them, as we have, a number of 
 references to the books ITepl <\>vTQiv existing in well- 
 known works of Aristotle. A book ITept /leraAAcoi; is dis- 
 tinctly promised in the Meteorologica \ notwithstanding 
 that Brandis in his index - denies that there is any re- 
 ference. Neither can I think it likely that the reference 
 Meteorologica, book iv^, can be, as Brandis thinks, to the 
 end of the third book'*, for in the end of this very chapter 
 Aristotle promises to treat the whole subject of minerals 
 specially elsewhere, and according to this view of 
 Brandis the only place in which he again refers to the 
 subject of minerals contains merely a reference back to 
 this same chapter. 
 
 The 0eo8e'/creta, another work which, notwithstanding the 
 doubts of Heitz and the somewhat strained interpretation of 
 Rose, is certainly referred to in the Rhetoric ^ as an Aristo- 
 telian work, occurs also, we may notice, in the list of Dio- 
 genes ; that is, according to our interpretation, was amongst 
 the works attributed to Aristotle in the Alexandrian cata- 
 logue : now it is to be noticed that the reference to the 0eo- 
 Sexreta occurs in the Rhetoric, that is, in a work which was 
 continually extant and continually subject to alteration in 
 the whole period between Aristotle and Andronicus. Now 
 if, as I shall hope to show, there is some reason to suppose 
 that a good many at least of the systematic references 
 were inserted by Andronicus himself, and if it was also the 
 case that the criticism of Andronicus rejected the ©eoSe/creia 
 as spurious, we should have an easy explanation of all the 
 facts of the case ; the ©eoScKreta would be one of the works 
 which was attributed to Aristotle in the period most fertile 
 
 1 iii. 6. 378 b. 5. 2 104 a. 43-4'5- ^ iv. 8. 384^. 32-34. 
 
 * iii. 6. 378 a. 15, etc. ' Rhet. iii. 9. iAf\ob. 2.
 
 Of Titles and References. loi 
 
 in forgeries, the second and third centuries before our era. 
 If then the insertion of references had already begun, we 
 understand how, in the text of the Rhetoric, which was 
 already fairly established by the time of Andronicus, a 
 reference to this work would occur ; we understand also 
 how the name is inscribed in the list of Diogenes. Now 
 we have no right to assume that the find at Skepsis in- 
 cluded all the Aristotelian works known to us ; any which 
 had been published in any form during the lifetime of 
 Aristotle or Theophrastus would be less likely to be found 
 there, since the wish to possess the original of pub- 
 lished books is certainly not to be attributed to anyone 
 earlier than the Ptolemies in Egypt, and therefore MSS. of 
 books already published would be esteemed of less value 
 and less carefully preserved. It is possible, though not 
 proveable, that the story of Athenaeus as to the sale of 
 certain books by Ncleus to Ptolemy Philadelphus may 
 refer to original or assumed original MSS. of books already 
 in circulation ^ ; we know at least that the Ptolemies were 
 amateurs of originals, so much so that they would give 
 large prices for those originals, and return carefully executed 
 copies. Wc know further that even at the library of Alex- 
 andria these originals rapidly disappeared, and that all that 
 remained were copies which had several times been re-edited. 
 Still it is probable that, by reason of the constant corruption 
 of books in Greece proper, the most correct copies of any 
 works not to be found in the Skepsis treasure were to be 
 looked for in the Alexandrian libraries. The task then 
 which Andronicus performed for books already in vogue 
 like the Rhetoric, the rioAtreTat, and the Dialogues (if 
 indeed he edited these latter at all) would be a compari- 
 son of copies, correction of obvious errors, and excision 
 of interpolations. Now the allusion to the C-)«c»6t'Krttu, 
 
 ' A I hen. 3 a /'.
 
 I02 History of the A yistotclia)i Writings. 
 
 even although Andronicus might be too doubtful about 
 the treatise itself to include it in his critical edition, would 
 be one to a work which, in some time past at least, had 
 been attributed to Aristotle, and Andronicus and Tyran- 
 nion, as conservative editors (and all good editors are 
 conservative), would not have felt justified in striking 
 out this reference from their text, though they themselves 
 would probably not have inserted it. The fact that the 
 QiohkKTi.ia vanishes from this time forth would depend on 
 the principle on which I have already laid stress, that the 
 whole sound critical treatment of Aristotle finds its well- 
 head in the work of Andronicus, and that books not 
 included in his canon were soon looked upon as spurious. 
 
 Much the same thing may be said of the e^caT(f)LKol Ao'yot, 
 the (yKVKkia and the eKSeSo/xeVoi Ao'yot, to all which there 
 are references in our text ; I hold that Bernays on the 
 one hand has made out his point that these expressions 
 refer in most, if not in all, cases to dialogues or other 
 treatises popular at least in form though perhaps not in 
 matter ; on the other hand I agree with his opponents 
 in believing that the use of the word e^corepLKos and its 
 implied opposite iaajTepcKos in the senses respectively of 
 ' popular ' and ' secret doctrine ' is certainly later than 
 Aristotle ; that the only proper Aristotelian use of the 
 term is that which we find in the Politics, e^wrepiKojrepa 
 aKexj/ts ^, which certainly means ' an enquiry alien to the 
 present matter.' The absence of the word ia-coTepiK^ or 
 -Kos in our works is no argument against the assumption 
 that i^cDTepLKol koyoi are opposed to deeper and more 
 secret treatises, since all the w^orks which we now have 
 belong to the latter class ; they can therefore only cite 
 each other by special names, and can not refer to any 
 treatise within the ' esoteric ' class by a general designation 
 ' Polit. i. 5. I254rz. 33.
 
 Of Titles and References. 103 
 
 which would apply equally well to the treatise in which 
 the citation was made as to that which was cited. There 
 would be moreover, as we have already pointed out, a 
 natural tendency amongst editors, who were themselves 
 usually Peripatetics, to exalt the esoteric and unpublished 
 works above the exoteric and published ones. We find, 
 as we should expect, that references to esoteric works 
 are much more common in treatises which were in vogue 
 all through the period of darkness than in those which 
 may be supposed to have remained unpublished during 
 that time. The Peripatetic philosophers, in giving their 
 wares forth to the world, took care to inform that world 
 that they had much more valuable goods in reserve, which 
 could only be obtained by direct initiation and oral in- 
 struction. Thus they talk of the dialogues under the 
 general and somewhat contemptuous name of the external 
 doctrine, without taking the trouble to specify what special 
 dialogue the doctrine is to be found in. The whole tone 
 with regard to them is slighting : Aeyerat Iv vols e^wreptKots^ 
 XoyoLS apKovvTOis (Via ' — tt/? ap;(?ys tovs Aeyo/jiei-ov? rpoirovi 
 pahiov SteAeiy" Ka\ yap kv Tois e^coTepiKois Ao'yots biopi^opieda 
 TTfpl avT(iv TToWaKis^ — T^OpvXrjTaL yap to, ttoWo, /cat virb 
 tS)v k^oiTipiKwv koyMv ■'' — (TTiCTKcnTai. 8e TToAAot? TTepl aVTOV 
 TpoTTOLs Kal iv Tots e^coTeptKoTs' Ao'yots Kat kv rots Kara (1>lKq- 
 (To^iav^y where the distinction between the aKpoaiiaTiKS. 
 and the f^wreptKa is precisely drawn. It is noticeable that 
 this sharper distinction between the e^corept/<d and to, Kara 
 <jjt\oiTO(j)[av occurs in a work which must necessarily have 
 existed and been currently known in the centuries inter- 
 vening between Theophrastus and Andronicus ; for no 
 version of the Skepsis story asserts that Neleus carried 
 off the works of Eudemus as well as those of Theophrastus 
 
 ' Eth. Nic. i. 13. iio2rt. 26. ^ Pol. iii. 6. 1278//. 31. 
 
 ^ Met. xii. I. io;6a. 28. * Eth. End. i. 8. 1217/'. 22.
 
 1 04 History of the A ristotcliaii Writings, 
 
 and Aristotle. Out of all the times in wliich the i^MrepiKol 
 \6yoL arc mentioned by Aristotle (or rather his editors) 
 more than half fall into two books, the Eudemian Ethics 
 (including for that purpose the doubtful three books 4, 
 5, 6 Eud.) and the Politics. Now the former we know 
 from internal and external evidence, the latter at least 
 from external evidence, to have been in vogue during 
 the pre-Skepsis period. The remaining allusions are one 
 in the Nicomachean Ethics \ one in the Physics-, and 
 one in the twelfth book of the Metaphysics ^. Now there 
 is no difficulty whatever in supposing that Andronicus, 
 himself a Peripatetic, may have fallen sometimes into the 
 customary Peripatetic method of designating the more 
 popular works, though the distinction would have lost 
 the greater part of its meaning when all the works equally 
 were published ; and we must notice moreover that out of 
 these three quotations one at least is to be found in a 
 book whose nature and origin are and are likely to remain 
 a matter of controversy*. It is to be noticed further as 
 bearing in the same direction that, with the exception 
 of the dialogue Trept (pLko<TO(Piai, none of the dialogues 
 are definitely alluded to in this system of references. 
 Rose would of course explain this by saying that the 
 dialogues are all of them spurious ; but, in order to com- 
 bine his two contradictory assumptions of the absolute 
 authenticity of all the references and the practical co- 
 extensiveness of the genuine Aristotelian writings with 
 our present canon, he has to play such curious tricks 
 with grammar, with his text, and with common-sense, 
 that I prefer to follow Bernays and the unanimous verdict 
 of antiquity in believing, first, that these dialogues were 
 the works of Aristotle in a sense as full as, or perhaps fuller 
 
 1 Eth. Nic. i. 13. 1102 a. 26. ^ Physics, iv. 10. 217 (!i. 31. 
 
 3 Met. xii. I. 1076 a. 28. * Cf. post, chap, vi, p. 139.
 
 Of Titles and References. 1 05 
 
 than, any others which are inckided in the Aristotelian 
 canon ; secondly, that these dialogues are definitely 
 alluded to as i^carepLKol Ao'yot, iynvKXia and under other 
 vague designations. It seems to me that the only con- 
 sistent and satisfactory explanation of the fact of these 
 vague allusions, coupled with the studious avoidance of 
 the names of these writings, lies in the theory which I 
 have broached. How little willing the Peripatetics were 
 to acknowledge the doctrinal value of the Aristotelian 
 works which they contemptuously called the e^corept/ca 
 we may see from a statement of Alexander Aphrodisiensis 
 quoted by David the Armenian. 'O be 'AAe'£ar8pos uWrjv 
 biacpopav Ae'yet Tcav aKpoafxaTLKcav Trpos' to. StaAoytKa, ort ev 
 [xkv Tols a/cpoa/jtariKOts to. boKOVvra avT<2 Ae'yet kol tol a\r]6rj, 
 €v be Tols StaAoytKots to. aWots boKOvvra, to. ■^evbrj ^. 
 
 The 'EKkoyi] Twv evavTiiav " is a work as to which we can 
 hardly say whether it was or was not Aristotelian ; it is 
 referred to three or four times, and it does not seem that 
 there is any justification for identifying it with the second 
 book of the Topics, nor again with the Ylepl epjxriveias, nor 
 with any part of it ; Alexander ^ informs us that this book 
 occurred in the treatise Hepl tov ayaOov, but he is not very 
 consistent in his notices of it. In the Politics there are 
 three or four references to the Oeconomica, a work now 
 entirely lost to us, if it ever existed. 
 
 But a much more certain proof of the non-Aristotelian 
 nature of these references lies in the large number of future 
 references ; some of these, it is true, are quite general in 
 their nature, and such as a man might possibly insert looking 
 to a book which he had planned but not published, as, for 
 instance, the references in the Physics to the explanation 
 
 • David in Cat. I'rol. 24/'. 3.3-36, cd. IJcrol. 
 
 * Mctaph. 1004a, 1. 2 ; 10540, 1. 30; 1055/', 1. 28. Topics, \o.^a, 1. 33. 
 ' In Mel. 206. 20, ed. Bonitz.
 
 io6 History of the Aristoteliau Writings. 
 
 which Aristotle means to give of the question, whether 
 there is one or more than one ultimate principle in 
 the 77pwr?; (piXo(ro(f)[a ^ ; but the majority of future refer- 
 ences refer to small and unimportant points which it is 
 hardly conceivable that a man should have definitely 
 decided to insert in a given unwritten work ; instances of 
 this class of reference are most common in the 'loroptat, 
 and the works on natural history generally ^. But though 
 by far most frequent in these books, these references are 
 by no means absolutely confined to them ; talking of the 
 motion of the fifth body as eternal, Aristotle says this 
 might be proved also through the methods of first philo- 
 sophy ^ ; now if this refers to anything in the book which we 
 have, it must refer to the proof in book xi of the Meta- 
 physics of the eternal motion of all those things which owe 
 that motion to the direct influence of the divine will : in 
 the same way in the Meteorological there is a reference to 
 the book Uepl ai(T6i](r€(09, though here the observation to 
 which this is an allusion is not to be found in our present 
 book of that name ; another, perhaps more obvious case, is 
 the reference in the Politics to the theory of KdOapcns in the 
 Poetics; this again is a passage not to be found in our 
 Poetics, but we know that this book of ours is itself 
 imperfect, and, if we are to believe the authority of 
 Diogenes, there existed a treatise on Poetry in two 
 books. Now it is to be noticed that the History of 
 Animals in which these future references are most frequent, 
 cannot on any supposition be a course of lectures, so that 
 Trendelenburg's theory of a repeated course cannot pos- 
 sibly apply to the explanation of these references. Neither 
 
 ' Physics, i. 9. 192 rt. 35. 
 
 * Cf. Hist. Anim. i. 5. p. 489 (^. 16-18 ; De Part. Anim. iv. 4. 678 a, 
 16-20, etc. 
 ' De Caelo, i. 8. 277 /'. 10. ' Meteor, i. 3. 341 a. 14.
 
 Of Titles and References. 107 
 
 can these 'la-Toptai have ever been formally edited books 
 till they fell into the hands of later grammarians and 
 critics ; if, then, we are to believe that the references are 
 Aristotle's, we must believe that from the beginning he 
 had in his head a definite scheme, and had made up his 
 mind as to where he would put every part of it, even in the 
 remotest details. The real truth is this, that the expres- 
 sions dpr]Tai and et/07/o-erai mean merely that the person 
 who is putting in the reference has got a definite order, 
 and writes, ' it has been said,' if the passage precedes in 
 that order, ' it will be said,' if the passage follows. 
 
 But perhaps the gravest difficulty in the way of be- 
 lieving that the references are generally those of Aristotle, 
 arises from the frequent mis-references involving either 
 ignorance, false order, doubtful order, or misunderstanding 
 of doctrine. First, let us take the expression -nepl (piXocro- 
 </n'a9 or Kara ff)Lkoao(piav. This expression is generally, 
 though not always, combined with the adjective Trpwr?]? or 
 TTpcoT-qv, and seems usually to mean the Metaphysics^ ; but at 
 least once the Physics ^ are referred to as to. Kara (t)i\o(ro(j)iav. 
 But as to the Physics themselves, a greater confusion pre- 
 vails : the words to. Trepl (f)V(r€o>s mean either in the 
 narrowest sense the first five books of the Physics ^ other- 
 wise called TO. TT€pl TOLs apxds ; or they mean the whole four 
 treatises *, Physics, Dc Caelo, De Gcncratione et Corrup- 
 tione, and the Meteorologica ; or, finally, they mean our 
 books of the Physics ^. The last three books of the Physics 
 are most commonly referred to as ra irepl Kun/o-ew?, but the 
 sixth book is referred to in the eighth as iv rots' kuOoKov 
 TTfpl (jwa-eoji. Now is it in any way conceivable that an 
 
 ' I'hysics, i. 9. i(j2 a. .^5 ; Ufpl -ftvin. i. 3. 3iSrt. 6 ; De Caelo, i. 8. 277 l>. 
 10, etc. 
 
 ' De Tart. Anim. i. i. 642 a. 6. " Physics, viii. 1. if,ia. 9. 
 
 * Met.iph. i. 8. 9^9 rt. .14. ' Met. .\ii. 9. loSGi/. 23.
 
 loS History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 author should at one and the same time be so accurate as 
 to be able to give references which are usually correct to 
 such an enormous series of works, and should yet be so 
 careless as unnecessarily to confuse his readers by citing 
 the same work under two or three different names, and 
 by employing the same name, or almost exactly the 
 same, with regard to two such different works as the 
 Physics and the Metaphysics ? The explanation is to be 
 found in the constant changing of the titles of the whole or 
 the parts of the Aristotelian treatises. This did not even 
 end with Andronicus. With regard to the Physics, for 
 instance, the earliest form in which they probably existed 
 was as two treatises, nepl t5>v ap\Giv and Hept KiyTjcreco? ; they 
 were then arranged by Andronicus, together with the De 
 Caelo,DeGeneratione etCorruptione,and theMeteorologica, 
 into one volume or complex of scrolls, containing all the 
 works which he considered to be validly Aristotle's bearing 
 on the subject ; for, if we are to accept Porphyry's state- 
 ment, this was in truth the method of Andronicus. In the 
 next volume or bundle to this would have come the De 
 Anima, the Parva Naturalia, and all the treatises bearing on 
 the lives and habits of animals ; the two volumes would 
 form a connected whole, which might be called Aristotle 
 on Physical Philosophy. The individual treatises would 
 still retain their names, but all the first volume would be 
 distinctively called Ta Trept c})V(Teojs. All parts of this 
 volume would be edited in relation to each other, so that 
 irpoTepov and va-repov might be in any part of the volume, 
 however far off. The connection in the second volume 
 would be a great deal less close than that in the first, since 
 this second volume would contain not only definite acro- 
 amatic works, like those of which the first volume was 
 composed, but a large, in fact a larger, number of mere 
 ia-Topiat. This volume would therefore get no single
 
 Of Titles aiid References. 1 09 
 
 definite name, though the connection of the treatises with 
 each other, and their general relation to the first volume, is 
 sufficiently clearly pointed out in the first chapter of the first 
 book of the Meteorologica. The use of the name Physics, 
 in the intermediate sense of the eight books now known to 
 us under that name, seems to me the latest of all ; and it 
 is in accordance with this view that the only references we 
 find to this use of the name are in the Metaphysics, the 
 book which was last of all reduced into order. Thus far 
 as to changes of name in the references. 
 
 As to absolutely mistaken references, one or two may be 
 cited. There are distinct references in the tenth book of the 
 Nicomachean Ethics to the ninth ; yet I shall try to prove at 
 a later period that the ninth book belongs to a treatise which 
 did not originally form part of the Ethics ^, Again, in the 
 second book of these Ethics^ there is a distinct reference to 
 the first chapter of the fifth book in its present form, and 
 there is a reference I think equally distinct to the doctrine 
 that all excellences indifferently are ju,eo-or?jre?, a doctrine 
 which, in fact, we find in some later Aristotelians quoted by 
 Stobaeus, whom (because they wrote in Doric) he ingenu- 
 ously called Pythagoreans. The words in this passage of the 
 second book are usually otherwise explained, but they are 
 only so explained because of a double assumption ; first, that 
 Aristotle wrote those words ; secondly, that he could not 
 seriously have written the statement that intellectual as well 
 as moral virtue is a mean state : the second assumption is 
 certainly true enough, but the first is, I hold, mistaken, and 
 it is the first only which compels us to put a strained inter- 
 pretation on the word o/xotcos- in the passage referred to. 
 
 What, now, are we to make of the double references which 
 we get between tlic Topics and Analytics, and again, as I 
 think I shall be able to show, between certain books of the 
 
 ' Cf. ch. vii. j»p. 142 sr]f|. ^ Kth. Nic. ii. 7. 1108/', 1. 6-10.
 
 iio History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 Politics^? I think \vc shall find that one explanation will 
 make clear all cases ; the books which thus alternately 
 refer to each other have at different times been differently- 
 arranged ; this we know to be the fact with regard to the 
 Topics ; many ancient editors considered the Topics should 
 come immediately after the Categories, so much so that 
 they called the Categories 'the treatise before the Topics ' 
 (the De Interpretatione we may leave out of the question, 
 since, though it quotes several of the Aristotelian writings, 
 it is mentioned by none, and, being considered of doubtful 
 value, was probably put at the end of the collection of 
 treatises with which it was connected). If at one time (or 
 according to one school) the Topics preceded the Analy- 
 tics, and the references were arranged accordingly, and if 
 afterwards our present arrangement was resorted to, while 
 the text, being at that time held sacred, was not altered, but 
 elucidated by a number of marginal references, which after- 
 wards got into the text ; then our whole difficulty as to 
 double references vanishes. 
 
 There is another class of references the nature and 
 position of which throw great light on the whole subject ; 
 these are those which connect two successive books of 
 a treatise or the end of one treatise with the beginning of 
 another in our present order. Very frequently in such 
 cases the same words, or almost the same, are given at the 
 end of one book and repeated at the beginning of another; 
 thus, for instance, at the end of the fifth book of the Meta- 
 physics we have (f)av€pov 8' ev oh hi(Dpicraii.e6a irepl tov Trocraxws 
 \ey(TaL eKaa-Tov, otl 7roA.\axws KiytTai to 6v, while at the 
 beginning of the sixth we find to ov XiyeraL TroAAaxcS?, 
 KaOaTiep SieiXopie^a TipoTepov h rots Trept tov 7roo-ax<Ss : at the 
 end of the fourth book of the Nicomachean Ethics we 
 have vvv 6e -nepl bi.Kaio(Tvvr}s itiTcoiJ.€v ; the fifth book begins 
 
 ' Ch. viii, pp. 172 sqq.
 
 Of Titles and Refere^ices. 1 1 1 
 
 with TK.pi 8e 8iKatocrv2'77s /cat abLKcas o-KeiTTeov. Again, the 
 seventh book of the Nicomachean Ethics ends with Xolttov 
 be Kot TTepl ^tAias (pov[xev ; the eighth book begins with 
 //era 8e ravra irepl (piXias €7rotr Sy bLeXdelv. Similarly in the 
 Politics, the third book ends with Stcopto-jueVcov 8e tovtoov irepl 
 rrjs TTokireias 7)877 Treipariov Xiyeiv tt}? apCcrrris, riva tt€(()VK€ 
 y'lveadai rpoTTOv Kol KaQicrTaa-Qai tto)?. avayKX] 87) tov fxeWovTa 
 TT€pl avTTJi TT0L7](Ta(TdaL Ti]v TTpoa"i]Kov<Tav <rK€\}/iv, K.T.A. ; the 
 fourth (seventh) book begins with irepl TroAtretas apia-Tris ror 
 fxikkovTa TTOLi'ja-acrdaL tijv T:poar]KOvaav ^riTi-\cnv avdyK-q hiopina- 
 crdai TTpQTOv TLs atperwraros (3 Cos. d87JAou yap ovtos tovtov koI 
 Tr}v apL(TT7]v avayKoiov abrfkov iXvat irokneiav. Now in all 
 these cases, except perhaps the first, there is some doubt 
 as to the connection between the books ; a reference 
 therefore was wanted to pack the books together in 
 the order believed in by him who inserted that reference : 
 this reference might be put indifferently at the beginning 
 of one book, or at the end of another, or it might 
 be put, and probably often was put, in the margin in 
 between the two books. A reference so inserted in the 
 margin would in some MSS. get tacked on to the end of 
 one book or treatise, in others to the beginning of another. 
 The words of Simplicius in his account of the position of 
 the fifth book of the Physics relatively to the sixth \ seems 
 to show that not only the arrangement of the treatises 
 relatively to each other, but also the arrangement of books 
 in a treatise was to a great extent the work of Andronicus; 
 and to him wc may with great probability attribute these 
 connecting references ; though the reduplication of the 
 reference must in most, if not in all, cases have been due to 
 the stupidity or the doubt of a copyist, who found some such 
 reference in the margin of his MS., and was anxious, as 
 copyists ever are, to squeeze it into the text. 
 
 ' Simp, in Phys. fol. 216(7, 11. 1-34, Aid.
 
 1 1 2 History of the Ai'istotclian Writings. 
 
 Some of the references show by their very nature, not 
 only that they were not written by Aristotle, but that they 
 were inserted by some editor who was doubtful either of the 
 authenticity or of the value of the work to which he was 
 referring. A very noticeable instance of this class occurs 
 in the Politics ^, where the Aristotelian editor says (pajxev 8e 
 Kal kv rots i]diKois, ei ri tS>v Xoymv ^K^ivuiv o^eAos, ^vepyeMV 
 fiyai Koi ■)(^pi](TLv aperrjs TcXeiav, kol ravTrjv ovk e^ vitoQia^ois 
 aA\' a7rX<5s. Now the mock-modesty which would say of 
 his own works, ' if these works of ours are worth anything ' 
 is entirely alien to Aristotle ; whoever put in that reference 
 did so at a time when some question had been raised as to 
 the Nicomachean Ethics. He himself, apparently, to some 
 extent shared the doubt, whatever it was. This is the most 
 striking instance of the kind, paralleling as it does the con- 
 temptuous or doubtful way in which the exoteric discourses 
 or dialogues are invariably spoken of. If Rudolf Hirzel 
 is right in his conjecture that Xoyo^ in classical Greek 
 always means a set discourse, then we get another proof 
 of the lateness of the insertion of this reference, for the 
 Nicomachean Ethics cannot be in any way described as a 
 Ao'yos of this kind. 
 
 It has been assumed throughout this chapter that the 
 inference drawn before from the speech and silence of all 
 the successors of Andronicus is a correct one, and that the 
 number of books arranged and accepted by Andronicus 
 did not greatly exceed those which we at present possess. 
 On the other hand we must admit that we have evidence, 
 though it is not of very trustworthy character, that An- 
 dronicus' list contained a much larger number of works. 
 David the Armenian solemnly asserts that Andronicus, 
 the eleventh master of the school from Aristotle, possessed 
 altogether a thousand of the Aristotelian works, or at least 
 
 ^ Polit. iv. (vii.) 13. 1332a. 7-10.
 
 Of Titles and References. 1 1 3 
 
 stated that there were a thousand ^. If this statement of 
 David were true, then indeed we should possess but a 
 small portion of the Aristotelian treatises ; but against 
 believing it there are several insuperable objections. 
 In the first place it is inconceivable that any man of 
 sense should have believed that Aristotle or anybody 
 else wrote a thousand complete treatises, <jvyypa\i.\x.aTa not 
 ^L/BXia. In the second place the very number, a thou- 
 sand, is extremely suspicious, for it is that precise number 
 which David, in another place, says that Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphus possessed. Now Ptolemy Philadelphus, or, what 
 is the same thing, the libraries of Alexandria, must have 
 possessed a very considerably larger number of books 
 attributed to Aristotle than were included in the list of 
 Andronicus ; for we know that either Andronicus himself, 
 or some other editor, during or even before his time, had 
 reduced the number of the Analytics from forty books to 
 four, and in all probability a similar reduction was made 
 by Andronicus in the cutting out of other spurious treatises. 
 As a matter of fact David does not know Andronicus first- 
 hand, for although he is aware that there is some doubt as 
 to the validity of the Uepl kp}xr]vdas'^, which he defends, he 
 does not seem to be aware that it was Andronicus who 
 raised this doubt. The whole passage of David is full of 
 errors ; he supposes, for instance, that Aristotle went all 
 round the inhabited, or at least Hellenised, world with 
 Alexander. Moreover, notwithstanding his wide state- 
 ment of the number of a-vyypainxaTa possessed or at least 
 mentioned by Andronicus, his actual list almost exactly 
 corresponds with ours. 
 
 Connected with the main question of the order of the 
 Analytics and Topics respectively is the further question 
 
 ' Schol. ed. Brandis, p. 24 a. 19. 
 
 ' Cf. Alexand. Aphrod., Prior Analyt. 52. 33, p. 161, cl. Hcrol. 
 
 I
 
 1 14 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 of their names ; Galen ^, as we have seen, says that it is 
 only o\ vvv who call the Analytics by that name ; that Aris- 
 totle, which of course means some early editor, always 
 alludes to them as to. irepl (rvkXoyia-ixGiv and to. Ttepl diroSet- 
 ^ecos. We have, as I have said, a few references still re- 
 maining in this form, which I am inclined to think may be 
 those of Andronicus ; yet, as Waitz and other editors have 
 pointed out, it does not seem probable that the more 
 obvious names Trepi avWoytcrixCiv and irepl airobei^ecoi should 
 be exchanged for the less obvious one avaXvTLKa, and I 
 think the key to this difficulty is to be found in the fact 
 that the name avaXvTLKa. was already, from a long time 
 back, in use in the Alexandrine libraries ; that amongst 
 the forty books of Analytics, which these libraries at one 
 time possessed, were in all probability at least the two 
 books TTepl d7ro8ei£eco?, much as we now have them, which 
 books may probably then have borne the name avaX.vTiKa 
 varepa jxeydXa, as we find it in the list of Diogenes ; that 
 the four books recognised by Andronicus consisted of these 
 two and the two books Trepl a-vXXoyi(Tp.m', for which four 
 works he found, or thought he found, independent autho- 
 rity, whether that authority lay in the library brought from 
 Skepsis, or in the tradition of the Peripatetic school. 
 
 Ammonius, it is true, tells us that these four books were 
 separated from the rest and judged to be genuine because 
 the interpreters considered that the thoughts and phraseo- 
 logy were more worthy of Aristotle than those of the rest, 
 and further because the philosopher makes mention of these 
 books in his works very frequently; but the last reason 
 seems to me to be putting effect for cause. If Andronicus 
 had, as it seems probable he had, some external evidence 
 or tradition of the Schools in favour of these four books, 
 
 ^ Cf. ch. iv, p. 80.
 
 Of Titles and References. 115 
 
 and if the books, as he found them either in the Skepsis 
 library or that of the Lyceum (of which he was, or had 
 been president), bore the name respectively of ra Trepl auX- 
 KoyLcrix&v and to. irepl a7ro8et^eco9, while two at least of them, 
 and perhaps all four, were already known to the literary 
 world as part of the great Aristotelian logical collection 
 called TO. avaXvTiKa, then it would be natural for Andronicus 
 in republishing these books to preserve the general name 
 under which they and others were already known, although 
 on critical grounds he was compelled to reject the others. 
 The few references to the older Grecian title of these books 
 might be due either to Peripatetic philosophers earlier than 
 Andronicus, or (if indeed they were due to Andronicus 
 himself) would have been put in by him before he made 
 up his mind to adopt the well-known Egyptian title for 
 the whole of the four books. It is of course possible that 
 Galen may be more exactly correct even than this, and 
 that the name ra avaXvTiKa may be later than Andronicus 
 as applied to these four books ; but in that case both sets 
 of references, that to the order in which the Topics pre- 
 cedes, and that to the other order in which it follows, must 
 be later than Andronicus, and that I think is not a probable 
 supposition. As to the supposed identity of the Topics and 
 the Mcthodica, I have already stated that I consider it un- 
 provable, and as far as the evidence goes, it is against it ; 
 thus Aristotle, or his editor, in the beginning of the Rhe- 
 toric, alludes both to the Topics and the Mcthodica. Dio- 
 genes in his list mentions the Methodica, and also mentions 
 some Topics, though they do not correspond with ours. 
 Simplicius, who mentions the Topics frequently, also men- 
 tions the Mcthodica as a different work ; but the Mctho- 
 dica was certainly a logical work, and must have covered 
 much the same ground as the Topics, and I am inclined 
 on the whole to think that it must have been in fact what 
 
 1 2.
 
 ii6 I lisiory of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 \vc call a second version or text of the Topics ; but all 
 such conjectures arc unprovable and not very useful. 
 
 To sum up then, we find the titles of the Aristotelian 
 books did not arrive at a fixed condition till some hundred 
 years after the death of the master ; that on the other 
 hand the references assume all the titles as already fixed 
 during his lifetime ; and that even so they are not 
 explicable, unless we grant further that he deliberately 
 called several books each by two or three names ; that he 
 had planned out all his books before he began any, and 
 carried all the details of books both written and unwritten 
 in his head. Even these liberal assumptions will not get 
 rid of all the difficulties, and the only satisfactory way of 
 explaining the matter as a whole is to believe that all or 
 the great majority of the references are post-Aristotelian, 
 and that they proceed from editors neither of the same 
 date nor altogether in agreement as to the nomenclature 
 and order of precedence of the books ^. 
 
 * I have said nothing as to Rose's argument as to the agreement of all texts, 
 including the Hebrew and Arabic, because I suppose that it must be obvious to 
 all men that this agreement shows merely that no alteration was made after the 
 text had passed through the hands of the Greek commentators, and had assumed 
 its semi-final form. No one doubts that this is the case ; but it is no argument 
 against changes in the text by Andronicus himself, by his predecessors, and by 
 his immediate successors, which is all I plead for.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 OF REPETITIONS AND SECOND AND THIRD TEXTS, 
 ILLUSTRATED ESPECIALLY FROM THE PHYSICS, META- 
 PHYSICS, AND DE ANIMA. 
 
 In dealing with the Aristoteh'an writings as a whole we 
 have, as I have already said, to deal with three separate 
 classes of repetitions. Firstly, the repetition in consider- 
 ably altered language of a whole treatise generally under 
 some other name ; as the Aristotelian and Theophrastean 
 History of Animals, Politics, Analytics, etc., and the 
 Aristotelian and Eudemian Ethics, Physics, and Analytics ; 
 secondly, the repetition of a whole book or large portion of 
 a book either in the same or in two different treatises, as 
 the Books B, T, E, Z, H, 0, and the books M, N of the 
 Metaphysics, or the Books B, F, A, E of the Physics and 
 the latter part of K of the Metaphysics, or the three 
 doubtful books claimed both for the Nicomachean and 
 for the Eudemian Ethics ; thirdly, the repetition of short 
 passages either close together or considerably removed 
 from each other. 
 
 Now I do not believe that any one of these three classes 
 can be adequately explained by a single hypothesis. 
 Almost every such repetition must be taken and examined 
 by itself, and the light which the explanation of any other 
 apparently parallel case will throw is not nearly so great 
 or clear as might be at first imagined. Nevertheless some 
 general principles may be usefully stated and illustrated by 
 examples.
 
 1 iS History of the Ayistotelia7i Writings. 
 
 The majority of cases of the repetition of whole treatises 
 is. I think, to be explained on the general principles which 
 I have laid down in the second chapter ^ The course of 
 lectures on each subject was continually repeated, with 
 such slight variations of language and doctrine as the 
 taste or ingenuity of the new expositor might suggest. 
 But there are one or two treatises of the whole of which 
 double versions exist, or have existed, which cannot, I 
 think, be thus explained. Adrastus (quoted by Simplicius) 
 tells us that there existed two texts of the Categories 
 differing from each other in very few points, and having 
 the same number of lines -. This latter statement is 
 probably somewhat exaggerated, but we may take it, I 
 think, that these two texts differed only in mistakes or 
 alterations, which had been introduced by copyists or 
 editors. A very similar phenomenon has been observ-ed 
 with regard to the whole of the Politics. The Latin 
 translation ascribed to William de Moerbeke follows a 
 text varying considerably from that of any of the Greek 
 MSS., and on the whole considerably better. Susemihl 
 conjectures, and I think correctly, that the definite division 
 of the two texts was of a comparatively late date ; 
 certainly after Andronicus, and not before the time of the 
 greater Greek commentators. The correctness of this 
 conjecture I think I shall be able to establish, or at least 
 greatly to strengthen by the examination of a parallel case, 
 where the duplicate text does indeed exist only for a 
 single book, but which may most conveniently be treated 
 here, for the light which it throws both on the duplicate 
 texts of the Categories and Politics, and also on the some- 
 what more complicated problem of the De Anima. 
 
 It has long been known that there exists a double 
 version of the whole of the seventh book of the Physics, 
 
 ' Chap, ii, pp. 28sqq. ^ Simp, in Cat. 4^, 50-50:, i, ed. Bas. 1551.
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. 1 1 g 
 
 and that the text which till lately was given of the first 
 chapter of that book was not the first and better but the 
 second and worse. I think it more than probable that in 
 the later chapters (3, 4, 5) of the textus receptus, we have 
 still either the second text, or at least a mixture of the 
 two. Spengel ^ unearthed a copy of the first version from 
 Morell, and suggested that the second version was in fact 
 the Eudemian book on the same subject ; which Simplicius 
 tells us was lost before his time, if it ever had been written. 
 Spengel's suggestion is a taking one, and for a long time I 
 was inclined to accept it, but on further study I was 
 compelled absolutely to discard it for the following 
 reasons. In the first place, the book in either text is 
 almost certainly un-Aristotelian ; it is not wanted and 
 treats, in a much less satisfactory fashion, matters which 
 are fully explained in the eighth book. Simplicius ^ and, 
 as it seems, Alexander also treat it with some suspicion, 
 though the former throws out the suggestion that it may 
 be the original final book of the treatise, and that Aristotle 
 may have afterwards added the more exact eighth book 
 but may have been unwilling altogether to discard this 
 one. Themistius leaves out altogether the first part of 
 the book in his paraphrase, and gives a very short and 
 practically useless account of the rest of the book. His 
 method of dealing with it is in fact quite different from 
 that which he applies to the rest of the Aristotelian works. 
 I think therefore there can on the whole be no doubt that 
 neither text is Aristotelian, and here I have the honour for 
 once in a way of agreeing with Rose. Is then the first 
 version Eudemian ? That is at first sight a very possible 
 hypothesis, but on the whole I am inclined to reject it also. 
 
 ' Spengel, Abhdl. d. philos. CI. d. k. Ikicr. Akad. d. Wiss. vol. iii. 
 
 PP- 305-349- 
 
 ' Simplicius in Physica, fol. 242 a, 1. 5 sqri.
 
 120 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 Eudemus, as \vc have already seen, is the least original 
 and therefore the most niithful of the disciples of Aristotle^ 
 In the Physics especially he seems, as far as we can judge 
 from the very frequent citations of Simplicius, to follow his 
 master foot by foot. Now the seventh book of the Physics, 
 though it deals chiefly with the same questions as the 
 eighth, treats them in a very different fashion. It plays 
 with them rather than solves them ; being in this matter a 
 contrast not only to the eighth but also to every other book 
 of the treatise. I think then that the most probable 
 solution is that the seventh book of the Physics is the 
 production of some later Peripatetic in the time when in- 
 terest in such purely abstruse speculations was still kept up, 
 but when the faculty of dealing with them was somewhat on 
 the wane. That is, that it was in no sense written by Aristotle, 
 nor even by Eudemus, but that it is probably not later, 
 than the century succeeding Aristotle's death ; and, as I 
 think likely, contains some portions from works or lectures 
 of Aristotle's, noticeably the critique on the argument of 
 Zeno as to the slightest grain of the jceyxpo? sounding. 
 
 What then are we to say of the second text ? I think 
 we shall be able to fix its date satisfactorily, if only 
 approximately, from the comparison of our present text 
 with the commentary of Simplicius. In the first place the 
 distinction between the two texts was certainly more 
 definite in the time of Simplicius than it is now in any 
 printed edition, or perhaps in any MS. Bekker notices 
 that the majority of the MSS. mix the two texts ^. Had 
 he more carefully consulted Simplicius, who on this matter 
 is our sole authority, he would have found that not the 
 
 ^ Notice the expression in this very passage of Simplicius — koX oye EuS^/zos 
 fiexP^ '''ovSe toTs o\rjs ax^^ov t^s irpayixardas KecpaXaiois aKoKovOfjaas and fifty 
 like passages. Simp, in Phys. 242 a. 10. 
 
 ^ Ed. Berol. p. 243 note.
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. 1 2 f 
 
 majority only but every MS. which he has consulted or 
 collated gives, especially in the later chapters, readings from 
 both of two texts. The only MS. which I have been able 
 to find which almost invariably gives the first text is Paris 
 Regius 1859 (Bekker's b), though even this has one 
 remarkable exception to which I shall return later, as it is 
 valuable as illustrating the gradual growth of the text. 
 Thus we have in the time of Simplicius two distinct and 
 definite texts running through the whole of this seventh 
 book ; each of them with a number of individual variants 
 (the variants in the first text only are mentioned by 
 Simplicius, but there must obviously have been parallel 
 variants in the second text also). The two texts, as 
 Simplicius very truly remarks, have very slight difference. 
 The questions to be discussed and the proofs are identical 
 and the order is the same. The chief change notice- 
 able is in the letters taken as symbols for illustration ; 
 though there runs throughout a slight difference in the 
 phraseology. Now the first and chiefest question for us to 
 discuss is this : had Alexander Aphrodisiensis and his 
 predecessors the same marked distinction between the two 
 texts which we find in Simplicius ? The evidence is unfor- 
 tunately extremely scanty, but I think it is sufficient to 
 enable us to answer this question in the negative. 
 
 In the Berlin edition, p. 24H b, 11. 6, 7, we have the words 
 aAA' ocra jxri 6\x(i)vv\xa, irAvra (rvixftXrjTu., referring chiefly to 
 motions. There is also a second reading, aAA' uaa fxi] 
 <Tvv(jivv\xa airavTa a(rini^\r]Ta, which is followed by all the 
 MSS, which generally preserve the first text (Bekker only 
 mentions one, H, but the same thing is true of b, c, d, and 
 others). Now here Simplicius says, lirriov 6e on j} ypa<l>h 
 Tov prjTov TovTov 8i(i(/jo/)09 cfy^perai' oirov fxiv, ' uAA' ucra /x?) 
 Ofxtawixa airavTa cTVjxftKi]Ta^ wy Kat 6 Wki^avhpn<i ^ypa'^fv' uttov 
 h(, 'dAA oaa pij nvvoivvjia uTravra arrvixjiKrjTa.' TLvts oe t\\v (r
 
 I 2 
 
 History of the Aristotelian IVi'-itings. 
 
 rco tTipu) (jibofxia l3L^X((oypa(f)})v ei^ravda jxeTaTeOelKaa-iv i^yovcrov 
 ovrtos', ' dAA apa ye oaa pLi) ofxcawixa a~avTa (Tvp.^\r]Ta ^,' 
 
 Here there are practically only two readings, for the 
 first and third are really identical, so that we have here the 
 fact that Alexander has got as his only reading one which 
 belongs to the second text rather than to the first. A 
 more marked instance is however to follow. In the 
 fifteenth line of p. 249 a the Berlin text has 6 pkv yap xpovos 
 del aro/.(,os tm eioet. ?) fi/^ta KaKelva ei8ei 8ia(^e'pei ; This reading 
 is entirely unknown to Simplicius and Alexander ; and 
 the reading which both of them actually prefer exists in 
 no MS. that remains to us. But there is another reading 
 which occurs in one MS. of Bekker (F) and the three Paris 
 MSS. (b, c, d) which Simplicius tells us is quoted by 
 Alexander as a variant ; this reading runs thus, 6 p.ev yap 
 Xpovos 6 avTos det aTop-os tw etoei, ?} ap.a KCiKelva eiSet hia^^p^i.. 
 Now having quoted this reading as one of those known to 
 Alexander, Simplicius adds, aKka Trjv ptev ypacfjrjv ravTiqv Ik 
 Tov krepov klih6p.ov jiijikiov ivravOd tls pLerareOeLKe ^. From 
 this remark of Simplicius we may certainly infer that Alex- 
 ander considers this as a variant of the textus receptus, 
 or, as Simplicius would say, of the first text ; but through- 
 out Simplicius's commentary on this book he never once 
 quotes Alexander as giving any reading as existing in the 
 second text, or as being in fact conscious of the existence of 
 the two texts. Yet the quotations from Alexander in the 
 commentary of Simplicius are especially frequent in this 
 book, and they more often than not refer to readings. 
 
 We have then these facts, first, that Alexander more than 
 once gives either as a principal reading or as a variant 
 one which Simplicius finds in the second or inferior text; 
 secondly, that as far as we can judge from the testimony and 
 silence of Simplicius, Alexander never notices the existence 
 
 • Simp, in Phys. f. 252 a. 48. ^ Simp, in Phys, 253 l>. 42-43.
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. 123 
 
 of two texts. I think we may safely infer from this that 
 either the two texts did not exist separately in the time of 
 Alexander, or, at all events, that the difference between 
 them was not nearly so marked as it was in the time of 
 Simplicius. The truth as to the second text at least in 
 this case is, I believe, that the distinction between it and 
 the first arose from the labours of the two rival schools of 
 commentators whose existence or chief activity is limited 
 to the centuries which separate Alexander from Simplicius. 
 The earlier commentators Alexander, Boethus, Nicolaus, 
 Andronicus find and comment on a single text with a large 
 number of variants \ If one reading out of these many 
 variants is adopted by one school of the post-Alexandrian 
 commentators, that in itself is an almost sufficient reason 
 for the other school to adopt some other reading and to argue 
 fiercely in favour of it. As the succession in the two schools 
 is perfectly definite and the antagonism is continually more 
 marked, out of merely a collection of variants there grow up 
 two fairly distinct texts, though the distinction is necessarily 
 one merely of form and not in any way of matter. Thus 
 Simplicius always treats the second text, as he calls it, with 
 very considerable contempt, though the readings in that text 
 seem in no way worse or less probable than those of the first. 
 It is of course barely possible that Simplicius may have had 
 reason to believe that the readings of the first text were 
 drawn from older or better authenticated MSS. than those 
 of the second ; but of this we have no proof whatsoever, 
 and Simplicius usually seems to concern himself much more 
 with the opinions of his predecessors in the School than with 
 the comparative antiquity and authority of MS.S. 
 
 I should conjecture then that the two texts of the Politics 
 
 ' This statement applies of course only to the Physics and other treatises 
 with parallel history, not to those where the duplication arises from earlier and 
 entirely different causes, of which 1 have before spoken.
 
 124 Histo)'}' of the Aristotelian W^-i tings. 
 
 grew up in much the same way as those of the seventh 
 book of the Physics. That the divergence between them 
 cannot have been an early one is proved, I think, by the 
 fact that they both have our present sets of references ; 
 that is, the divergence did not take place till, the order of 
 books having first varied and references having been put 
 in at different times to different orders \ the present order 
 was finally established. This could hardly have occurred 
 before the time of Andronicus, and the divergence of the 
 two versions could not have immediately followed, so that 
 here, as with the book of which we have been treating, the 
 probable origin of two versions may be traced to the 
 labours of the rival schools during the third, fourth, and fifth 
 centuries of our era. With regard to the Categories the 
 case differs only in time. If there ever existed, as Simpli- 
 cius tells us ^, two texts similar, but varying definitely in 
 certain points, then these two texts must, I think, have been 
 due to the labours of the grammarians and commentators 
 of Alexandria. It may well be that the librarians of the 
 different libraries (the King's library, the ' Ship ' Library, 
 etc.) may have constituted different schools of criticism ; 
 but on this point we have no evidence whatsoever. I do 
 not think it is likely that one of the texts should have 
 been a Peripatetic one (that is, should have come from the 
 Lyceum library) ; nor again, that one of the two should be 
 part of the find at Skepsis. The first supposition is im- 
 probable, because in that case the two texts must almost 
 infallibly have diverged further than the words of Simpli- 
 cius seem to imply ; the second, because, had one of the 
 two texts come from a source which Andronicus probably 
 accepted as the test of accuracy, we should simply have 
 heard no more about another text of inferior authority and 
 
 ' Cf. ante, ch. v, pp. 107 sqq., et post, ch. viii, pp. 172 sqq. 
 '' Simp, in Cat. i,h. 50-5 a. i.
 
 Of Repetitions, dr. 125 
 
 so closely related. Perhaps the most simple and likely- 
 hypothesis with regard to these two Categories is that 
 they were not properly two texts but merely two MSS. 
 existing probably at Alexandria, and showing some varia- 
 tions of reading. If Simplicius or Adrastus found them 
 separately named in what was really a library catalogue, 
 he might very easily apply to them the critical ideas of his 
 own time and consider them as two texts. Certainly 
 Simplicius himself had never seen the two versions and 
 probably Adrastus never had. They can hardly both have 
 been included in the list of Andronicus, as Simplicius, who 
 is acquainted with Andronicus, cither directly or at least 
 through Alexander and other early commentators, refers 
 only to Adrastus as his authority. Adrastus in all probability 
 was acquainted with the Egyptian library catalogues. 
 
 But it is not only for the question of double versions of 
 books or whole treatises that the critical study of the 
 Physics generally and of this book in particular is valuable. 
 We find here in comparatively simple form one explanation 
 at least, though not the only one, of minor corruptions and 
 of repeated passages. In comparing the MSS. of the seventh 
 book itself we find that, though they all ^ combine readings 
 from the two texts, no two do so in precisely the same way. 
 Some of the most curious and interesting variations are 
 afforded us by those MSS. which come nearest to Paris 
 1859 in accuracy. Thus, near the beginning of the first 
 chapter at the words fxi] (l)d(TKOL rts, etc., p. 241 d, 1. 32, the Paris 
 MSS. 1 86 1 and 2033 (c and d of Bckkcr) suddenly break 
 into the second text, follow it for si.x lines, and then revert 
 to the first, though this involves a confusion between one 
 set of symbols and another ; similarly a MS. in the 
 
 ' Paris 1859 has, as far as one can prove certainly, only one rcatlinfj from 
 the second text, that which Alexander treats as a mere variant of llic first. C'f. 
 ]>. 1 22.
 
 126 History of the Ay istotclian IVritmgs. 
 
 Bodleian library inserts in p. 242/7. 13 after the word 
 TTeTrepao-jue'z'o? a whole sentence from the second text, but in 
 that case omits nothing from the first text but goes straight 
 on. It is hardly necessary to say that the inserted 
 sentence makes nonsense of the passage. A still more 
 curious instance is one of repetition in p. 248 (^, 15, ff. Here 
 all the three better MSS. (b c d) have a reading different 
 from that of Bekker's text, and nearer the words of Sim- 
 plicius, but the two latter, having given this for five or six 
 lines, begin again and give a somewhat different version of 
 the same passage^; here, as both the sentence preceding 
 and this repeated passage end with the same word o-u/x/SATjra, 
 one is at first inclined to think that one is dealing merely 
 with a copyist's repetition arising from the homoeoteleuton ; 
 but this would not account for the considerable variation 
 in the repeated passage ; and I am inclined to think that 
 this third instance is to be explained by the method which 
 certainly applies to the second, the supposition, namely, 
 that the other reading was noted down in the margin and 
 so passed into the text. As to the second passage, I 
 imagine there can be no possibility of doubt. If a text is 
 to be found which runs quite smoothly except for the 
 insertion of a needless sentence, if further that sentence is 
 known to come from the parallel passage in another text 
 or set of MSS. ; then I think we cannot doubt that its 
 presence in this awkward position is due to the double 
 work of a too careful editor, who noted it down by the 
 side of the sentence to which it was parallel, and of a 
 puzzled copyist who imagined that the marginale was a 
 passage omitted by his predecessor and that it ought to be 
 inserted in the text. As real omissions are often inserted 
 as marginalia in all Greek MSS., and as the average 
 
 ' [For these passages cf. the author's collation of this book in Anecdota 
 Oxoniensia, Classical Series, vol. i, part iii. Oxford, 1882.]
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. T27 
 
 copyist would have neither time nor critical skill to distin- 
 guish between one class of marginalia and another, this is 
 probably the most frequent source of reduplicated passages 
 in treatises which have either two distinct texts or frequent 
 and widely differing variae lectiones. 
 
 As to the first passage I think that the explanation of 
 it is entirely different from that of either of the two latter 
 ones ; here the second text has been brought in deliberately 
 to fill up a lacuna in the first : either the MSS. which 
 preserved the first text must in these instances have been 
 spoiled to some extent by worms, damp, etc., and deliberate 
 recourse must have been had to other MSS. which contained 
 the second and not the first text to fill up the lacunae ; or 
 perhaps even in the same MS. both texts were given entire, 
 just as now we often find the whole or the greater part of 
 a commentator in the margin of a MS. copy of a work. 
 If that were the case, the slipping from one text to another 
 would naturally become more easy and frequent ; it would 
 occur whenever there was any difficulty in reading the MS. 
 on one side, while the parallel passage on the other side was 
 clearer. Something of this kind must be assumed in order 
 to explain the frequent and irregular variations of all the 
 MSS. which contain the seventh book of the Physics from 
 one text to the other. But there is also another source 
 of repeated passages quite independent of any we have 
 mentioned ; this occurs when an editor or commentator 
 has put in the margin a sentence from some other portion 
 of the work, and when the copyist has inserted this marginal 
 sentence into the body of the text. A very good instance 
 of this is to be found in the first book of the Physics. 
 There is a reduplicated passage which occurs both in the 
 second and in the third chapter of that book ; Aristotle is 
 talking of the anti-physical doctrines of the Eleatic School, 
 and saying that they are really beyond argument for the
 
 128 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 physicist, and if they are to be met at all must be met by 
 the first philosopher, ' and,' says he, ' no one can be ex- 
 pected to meet a purely contentious argument ; ' he adds 
 OTrep aix(p6T€poi ixkv i\ov(nv ol XoyoL, kol 6 MeXicrcrov koI 6 
 Tlapfxevibov' koi yap xj/evbi] kaixSavovcn Kat aavWoyiaToi elaiv' 
 fxaWov 6' 6 MeA.t(7(rou (fiopTLKoi koI ovk e^coy airopiav, aXX. 
 a-oi aroTTOV boOevTOS to. aWa avp.^aLvei' tovto h\ ovh\v 
 Xa/Xe-oV^. In the third chapter the passage is repeated, but 
 with some variation : ajxtpoTepoL yap eptcrriKw? avWoyi^ovrai, 
 KOL Me'Xtcrcros /cat Hapfj.€VLbr]s' Kal yap \j/evbi] X.ap.j3avovat Kal 
 acrvW6yi(TToi eicrtv avTwv oi KoyoC fxakkov b 6 Mekicrcrov 
 (popTLKos Kal ovK. €')(^aiv cmopiav, aXh! kvos aroTTOv boOevTos raXka 
 (TvpL^aivec TOVTO 8e ovOev xo-kerrov ^. Now Bekker, and Prantl 
 following him, considered the former passage to be spurious 
 and the latter to be authentic ; but against this doctrine 
 there are several strong reasons. The strongest of all is 
 the authority of Themistius ; Themistius has this passage 
 in the second chapter, he has no trace of it in the third -^ ; 
 now Themistius, for all books but the seventh, is by far 
 the most trustworthy authority on the Aristotelian Physics. 
 But there is another very strong argument against this 
 reading in the third chapter. All the MSS. which give it, 
 with one exception, omit the words avTcav oi koyoi ; now 
 without these words the article 6 in the next clause has no 
 subject to refer to : it is true that the MS. which gives the 
 words avTU)v ol koyoc is the Paris MS. 1853, the E of Bekker ; 
 but I have attempted to show in another place that the 
 authority of E at least for the Physics is not so great as 
 Bekker and other German scholars following him have 
 imagined. I think we can see exactly how this passage got 
 into the text of the third chapter. Aristotle in the second 
 
 » 185 a. 8. ^ iS6a. 6. 
 
 * Themistius, ad loc, ed. Spengel, vol. i. p. no, 1. 8, etc.; of. p. 115, 
 11. i-^.
 
 Of Repetitions, dr. 129 
 
 chapter makes a general statement condemnatory of the 
 procedure of the Eleatic philosophers. In the third 
 chapter he gives the ground of that condemnation, and 
 says generally, with reference to what he has already said 
 in the second chapter, that the method of argument of 
 both Parmenides and IMelissus is contentious. A careful 
 editor put in the margin opposite this statement the more 
 definite words of condemnation from the second chapter 
 just as they stand in that chapter, beginning with /cat yap 
 ylrevbrj and ending with ovdev xoAeTroV. Afterwards, as usual, 
 some copyist introduced this marginale into the text ; but 
 in the text of this chapter as it stood it would not construe, 
 therefore, later on, some fatally ingenious emendator 
 inserted the words which we find in the MS. Paris 1853, 
 avTU)v oi XoyoL, and thus completed the mystification. 
 Instances of this kind of reference which have got into the 
 text are not uncommon. We have one, for instance, in the 
 Nicomachcan Ethics ; in the sixth chapter of the first 
 book Aristotle tells us that the result of his argument of 
 exclusion is that the happiness of man must be the prac- 
 tical happiness of a reasoning animal. The words which 
 follow in our text are tovtov be to ^ep ws eTriTret^es 
 Ao'yoj, TO 8' 0)? ^x^^ '^^'' bLavoovixd'ov^ ; now the words as 
 inserted clearly break the grammatical structure of the 
 passage, and they are by all editors acknowledged to be 
 spurious ; the fact is that some ancient editor put these 
 words in the margin very unnecessarily to explain the 
 words Tov Xuyov ix^ovTo^, and they subsequently got into the 
 text. A very similar instance occurs in the fifth book of 
 the Nicomachcan Ethics, where there is a passage repeated 
 in two consecutive chapters, and where on the whole I am 
 inclined to think that it belongs to the first rather than to the 
 second, though in this case one cannot speak w illi anxtliing 
 ' 1098 a, 11. 4, 5. 
 K
 
 1 ;o History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 like the same certainty. In the chapter on corrective 
 justice the author tells us that the object of all such justice 
 is to establish absolute equality ; that therefore if one man 
 through injustice exceed, the portion by which he exceeds 
 must be taken from him and given to the other, so as to 
 restore equality^ ; i^Ti oe Kai liil rwy aAAcoi' r(.\vQiv tovto' 
 aifrjpovvTo yap av, el ixrj iiroiet to irotovv koL octov kol olov, kul 
 TO TTaa^ov e7ra(r)(e tovto /cat toctovtov kol toiovtov : in the next 
 chapter, after explaining that the general principle of trade- 
 exchange is TO UvOayopeiov bLKacov (that is, exact equality), 
 he gives the instance of the shoemaker and the house- 
 builder, and shows how their exchange is reduced to an 
 equality, and we then find this sentence repeated ^. 
 
 Now the question is to which of these two passages the 
 sentence belongs ; the majority of editors have been 
 inclined to refer it to the second rather than to the first ; 
 but here, I think, they were wrong ; the sentence as ap- 
 pearing in the second passage is jejune and unnecessary ; 
 the author having laid down a general principle and 
 illustrated it by a special case is made to say that this is 
 true of all other similar cases ; as if Euclid, after proving a 
 proposition as to the triangle ABC, should take the trouble 
 to inform us that the proof holds of all similar triangles. 
 In the first passage, on the other hand, the author is inform- 
 ing us that a fact which applies to corrective justice applies 
 also to exchange ; he is in fact anticipating in a sentence 
 the proof which he is going to give in the next chapter. 
 An anticipatory method of this kind he frequently pur- 
 sues. According to this theory the t&v aXXa^v tcxvojv in 
 the passage has its most proper idiomatic Greek meaning, 
 exclusive and not inclusive of the thing compared ; and 
 this use is extremely frequent in Aristotle. The only 
 difficulty as to taking the sentence as belonging to the 
 
 ' Eth. Nic. V. (End. iv.) 1132^. 9-11. iiT,^a. 14-16.
 
 Of Repetitions, cfr. 131 
 
 first passage is to find an object of tovto^ but the real object 
 of this word is the general fact that absolute equality must 
 be arrived at, not the special statement which precedes. 
 It is to be noticed further that the insertion of the sentence 
 in the second passage spoils the order of the argument, for 
 the yap which immediately follows {ov yap ex hvo laTpQ>v 
 K.T.X.) refers to the statement that equality must be arrived 
 at between two different things before an exchange can 
 take place ; that is, to the sentence which precedes this 
 interpolated sentence. We may notice also that the Para- 
 phrast has the sentence in the first instance ^ and has it not 
 in the second ^ ; though of course his authority on the 
 Nicomachean Ethics can in no way be compared with 
 that of Themistius on the Physics. 
 
 We have arrived then at the explanation, or rather at 
 a number of explanations of reduplicated books and pas- 
 sages short or long, and of a considerable number of other 
 corruptions of the text : we have found that for double 
 texts there are two explanations which apply to two dif- 
 ferent classes of such texts ; first, when there have been 
 from a time not much later than the death of Aristotle 
 two or more workings-up of his subject by different hands. 
 In such cases there is usually a considerable difference of 
 expression and sometimes of doctrine between the two 
 texts. On the other hand we have discovered that there 
 is a considerable number of double texts, whose dif- 
 ferences depend chiefly, if not entirely, upon the ingenuity 
 of rival schools of commentators ; instances of such double 
 texts may be found in the I'olitics and in the seventh 
 book of the Physics: we fiiul that these te.xts differ from 
 each other merely in point of expression and never in 
 matters of doctrine, that they arc exactly parallel through- 
 out, and that the differences throughcnit, even in point of 
 
 ' I'araphr. cd. Ilciiisius, l.iigd. 1607, j)p. 16S, 169. ■' Id. jip. 172, 173. 
 
 K 2
 
 132 History of the Aristotelian Writi^igs. 
 
 expression, arc not very great. \Vc find further that when 
 two texts of either of these two kinds exist, the text is 
 sure to be further corrupted in at least two ways ; first, by 
 the insertion of passages supplied from one text to the 
 other to fill a real lacuna ; secondly, by the writing in 
 the margin of parallel passages from the other text, and 
 the gradual creeping of these marginalia into the body of 
 the text. Lastly, we discovered another cause of cor- 
 ruption, which was not peculiar to treatises which pos- 
 sessed a double text, but applied equally to all ; the in- 
 sertion, that is, in the margin of passages for the purposes 
 of reference, and the subsequent acceptance of these also 
 into the text. Having thus arrived at a more or less 
 complete view of the causes of reduplication and corrup- 
 tion, we are in a position to apply these general principles 
 to some of those treatises which have caused the greatest 
 difificulty to scholars ^ We begin with the treatise De 
 Anima, where it will be seen that the principles which we 
 have evolved are especially useful. 
 
 It had been long ago noticed by scholars that the 
 second and third books of the De Anima were in a pecu- 
 liarly corrupt state, more corrupt perhaps than that of any 
 other Aristotelian treatises, except that of the three doubt- 
 ful books of the Ethics. Torstrik has the merit of finding 
 what is to a great extent the clue to the evil, and also the 
 means of remedying it ; he discovered in the Paris MS. 
 1853 that there existed a page or two of another text of 
 the second book of the De Anima, which probably at one 
 time existed in this MS. for the whole of the second and 
 
 ' I have said nothing here of such other well-known causes of corruption as 
 the homoeoteleuton, or the anxiousness of learned men to make a sense out of 
 a passage already corrupt, by which they did but deepen the corruption and 
 render the true reading more difficult to detect ; these causes had been at work 
 on the Aristotelian texts no less than on any other ; but they do not belong to 
 distinctively Aristotelian criticism.
 
 Of Repetitio7LS, dr. 133 
 
 third books, but which was afterwards removed, with the 
 exception of one long and one shorter fragment, to make 
 place for a copy of the ordinary text. Torstrik on this 
 arrived at the probable, nay, almost certain conclusion 
 that the double text was the source of most at least of the 
 confusion which we find in these two books. He was 
 able to point out a large number of passages where quota- 
 tions from the two texts followed one another immediately, 
 and where the real order and sense would be restored if 
 the second statement of the same thing in somewhat dif- 
 ferent words were omitted. But though acknowledging 
 the transcendent merits of Torstrik in his application of 
 his discovery, I cannot admit his explanation of the origin 
 of the two texts. Torstrik's theory is that both versions 
 are due to Aristotle, for he says that both versions are 
 Aristotelian in style and form, and that no one but 
 Aristotle himself would have dared to alter Aristotle ; 
 this last assertion seems to me to show an entire miscon- 
 ception of the facts of the case ; Torstrik treats Aristotle 
 as if he were a modern author, as if he had actually pub- 
 lished books in perfected form, and, as the theory assumes, 
 had afterwards re-edited them. Now, as I have already 
 tried to show, Aristotle can in no sense be said to have 
 published nor even to have put into literary form any 
 of the books which we now possess ; and so far from 
 it being the case that no one of his discii)lcs would have 
 dared to alter Aristotle, that is precisely what his disciples 
 spent their life in doing, as far as phraseology was con- 
 cerned ; in other words, they spent their time in repeating 
 his lectures with such modification of language or doctrine 
 as they considered necessary or advisable. Are then the 
 two versions of the De Anima due t(^ diffcrciit icprescnla- 
 tions of Aristotle's mind by his pupils? I think that they 
 arc not c\cn that. So far as we can judge b)' the two
 
 134 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 longer passages cited, the two texts differ from each other 
 much more in the fashion in which the two texts of the 
 seventh book of the Physics differ, or again, as the original 
 of the Latin version of the Politics differs from most of 
 the Greek MSS., than as the Eudemian Ethics differs from 
 the Nicomachean, or as the Theophrastean History of 
 Animals must have differed from the Aristotelian. In 
 fact, I hold that the two versions of the De Anima depend 
 upon the action of commentators, and probably late com- 
 mentators. 
 
 As far as we can see, neither Themistius, Simplicius, 
 nor Sophonias, whom Torstrik himself cites, had any 
 notion of a double text of these books ; yet all the 
 Greek commentators were fully aware of the frequency 
 of two texts of Aristotelian treatises ; their silence seems 
 to me a sufficient evidence that two such texts did not 
 exist in their day. Of course Torstrik might rejoin that 
 the two texts had already been moulded into one before 
 the time of any of these commentators, but if that was the 
 case we must assume that both the texts belonged to the 
 Skepsis library, otherwise they would infallibly have been 
 in some way corrupted ; they must therefore have been 
 worked into one either by Apellicon or by Tyrannion and 
 Andronicus : the latter assumption seems to me entirely 
 impossible, for in the first place the work is far too clumsy 
 to be attributed to learned and skilful editors, in the 
 second place where Andronicus discards one of two texts 
 we seem generally to hear of it, as for instance in the 
 case of the two texts of the Categories, which seems 
 almost precisely similar. As to Apellicon, the evidence is 
 that he only put together parts of separate treatises when 
 rats, damp or neglect had so marred a MS. that it was 
 unintelligible without such piecing ; but here, according to 
 the theory of Torstrik, we have two perfect editions, both
 
 Of Repetitions, die. 135 
 
 due entirely to Aristotle, coming into the hands of an 
 editor, be he Apellicon or who he may, then being wan- 
 tonly cut in pieces and put together again in unintelligible 
 form : that this should have happened gradually by the 
 action not of one editor but of a large number of copyists 
 is precisely what I myself should assume ; that it could 
 either have been performed by Apellicon or have occurred 
 in the short time that elapsed between the time of Apel- 
 licon and the full light of ancient Aristotelian criticism is, I 
 think, absolutely impossible. If there were two texts of 
 the Aristotelian De Anima included in the find at Skepsis, 
 then both of them must have come into the hand of 
 Andronicus and his immediate successors : had this been 
 the case we should assuredly have heard of it, for the 
 De Anima is a book which was peculiarly well-known in 
 the first three centuries of revived Aristotelian interest, 
 yet throughout the whole of this time there is not a trace 
 of the existence of two separate versions. I think this 
 line of reasoning leads us necessarily to the conclusion 
 that these texts are, like most of the duplicate texts 
 whose differences are small, the results of the labours of 
 later Greek scholars. So much for the general theory. 
 
 As to the existence of a large number of reduplicated 
 passages in the texts of the second and third books, that 
 I think is sufficiently explained by the principles of re- 
 duplication which we arrived at in the earlier portion 
 of this chapter. A sixth, seventh, or eighth century MS. 
 must be the archetype of all the MSS. which we possess 
 except the fragments w hich exist in Paris 1H53 ; this 
 MS. must have had in the margin a very large number 
 of passages from the other text, and some copyist must 
 have transferred all tlicse passages wholesale into the 
 text. During the latter part at least of this period y\ris- 
 totelian interest was at its lowest ebb ; it had been driven
 
 136 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 out of Western Europe and had never really flourished 
 at Byzantium ; the number of times therefore that any 
 MS. was copied was at this period very small, and it 
 may well have been that when the next copy was made 
 of the originally corrupted MS. from which all our MSS. 
 take their source, the whole history of the corruption, 
 together with its author, had vanished from memory. 
 
 The Metaphysics present us with a much more com- 
 plicated problem ; we have not a single treatise with a 
 double text, but a complex of books some of which are 
 repetitions of others, while others are excerpts from 
 an independent work. The fact is that, from the be- 
 ginning, the Metaphysics are not a treatise but a collection 
 of parts of treatises ; though the collection must have 
 been an early one and I think probably anterior to the 
 time of Andronicus. Although we have a commentary 
 of Alexander at least on the first four books, our most 
 definite evidence as to its origin comes from a consider- 
 ably later author, Asclepius, a commentator of the be- 
 ginning of the sixth century, or at least of the end of 
 the fifth, who reports to us the lectures which he had 
 received from his master Ammonius the son of Hermeas. 
 He says that it is obvious to all men that the arrange- 
 ment of this treatise is defective and that parts of it are 
 mere repetitions in bulk of parts of other treatises, while 
 other parts are repetitions of what has gone before in 
 this same collection. The defence given for this (and 
 Ammonius thinks that it is a just one) is that Aristotle 
 having written the treatise sent it to his friend Eudemus 
 the Rhodian, that Eudemus did not think it advisable 
 to publish the book at the moment ; that meanwhile 
 Eudemus himself died and parts of the books were de- 
 stroyed and that his successors, not daring to add any- 
 thing from their own books or lectures to fill up the gap.
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. 137 
 
 because they fell far short of the understanding of Eude- 
 mus, filled up the gap with passages from other treatises, 
 connecting them as best they could ^ Now the absurdity 
 of this story as its stands is apparent at first sight ; for 
 in the first place Eudemus the Rhodian, the disciple of 
 Aristotle, is not likely to have received a gift of books 
 from Aristotle, having himself been instructed in the 
 whole course, and books meaning, as we have shown, 
 merely notes for or on lectures ; the story assumes further 
 that Eudemus had left the school before the death of 
 Aristotle, which is against all we know of his history ; 
 but putting aside all these slight difficulties, is it reasonable 
 to suppose that any man should think that he could 
 supply the place of a lost book of a treatise by merely 
 inserting the whole or part of a previous book? Yet 
 that is what the editor, if we can so call him, of the 
 Metaphysics is represented to have done. I think the 
 story contains one grain of truth ; I believe that the 
 Metaphysics were not and were never supposed to be a 
 portion of the Skepsis find ; it seems to me that they con- 
 tain a collection of works which represented the remnants 
 which remained to the Peripatetics of the Aristotelian 
 philosophy in the higher sense after all their sales and 
 losses by will and otherwise. I believe on the other hand 
 that the Physics, which omitting the seventh book have 
 a purer text than any of our Aristotelian treatises, were 
 in all probability a portion of the Skepsis library. On 
 this assumption, I think we are able to explain the con- 
 dition of our Metaphysics, The Peripatetics possessed 
 throughout what we may call their dark age, first a 
 continuous treatise represented by B, F, E, Z, II, 0, and 
 possibly I of the Metaphysics; they possessed also another 
 treatise in one book which we now find as /\ of the Mcta- 
 ' Scholia, cd. Uraiidis, \i. 519/'. 33-1'- 5.20a. i.
 
 13S History of the A y'ntotelian Writings. 
 
 physics ; besides this they possessed another abbreviated 
 and somewhat altered version ^ of the same six books 
 which we have already mentioned, together with a book 
 Trepl Tov TToaax^s ^, and a number of notes on subjects 
 which we now call physical, constituting a treatise covering 
 the same ground as the five books -rrepl twv apyCiv of tlie 
 Aristotelian Physics ^ They had further a reduplicated 
 text of portions of the first three books of the main 
 collection of treatises, as we have them now, but with 
 great omissions* ; lastly they added to this collection of 
 treatises the present first book, which is in all probability 
 either a book or excerpts from a book of the dialogue 
 irepl (pLXo(ro(f)Las, and thus got together all that remained 
 to them of the Aristotelian higher philosophy. The 
 passages from the Physics contained in the last chapters 
 of book K of the Metaphysics, are not really, as Bonitz 
 states, a mere collection of excerpts from our Physics ; 
 they look more like an original draught for our Physical 
 books. The order of these chapters is not a strange or 
 unnatural one, and what they omit of the Physics is 
 chiefly digression ; in some places also the draught in 
 these chapters is fuller than that in what we may call 
 the revised version in our Physics ; in the same way 
 the passages in books M and N frequently are rather other 
 versions than excerpts from or epitomes of the earlier 
 books which they represent. Thus M 4, 5, pp. 1078 (5, 32- 
 1080 a repeats Metaphysics A 9. 990;^, i, etc., except that 
 the text in book M has an inserted passage of nine lines, 
 loygd, 11. 2-1 1. The two are so near that they can be 
 hardly called different versions, though perhaps book M 
 is in this passage a little more correct than book A. The 
 fact of a passage from book A appearing again in book 
 
 " Met. M, N. - Met. A. 
 
 = Met. K, 8, p. 1065 a to end of book. * Mel. K, i-8. 1065.
 
 Of Repetitions, &c. 139 
 
 M is a proof that the former book must have been very- 
 early attached to the general series B, F, E, etc., that is, 
 before the divergence of the text represented by M N 
 from the general stock A, B, T, etc. The earlier portion 
 of K seems to me to consist of scraps loosely put together 
 of another MS. of the books B, T, E ; thus K 7-8 down to 
 1065^:, 26 is really another version of E 1-4, not differing 
 more than we might expect two MSS. to differ in an 
 uncritical time, though it has considerable omissions. 
 
 To sum up then ; I think the facts of the case, the state 
 of the books relatively to each other and to the Physics, 
 combined with our knowledge of the early existence of 
 the Metaphysics in their present form ^, can only be ex- 
 plained by assuming that the Metaphysics constituted 
 the whole of the possessions of some individual or school 
 bearing on the Aristotelian higher philosophy and con- 
 sisting of a simple roll or bundle of rolls. That this 
 library belonged to the Lyceum is in itself highly probable, 
 for it must undoubtedly have been known to and named 
 by Andronicus. He probably placed it after the Physics 
 as covering to some extent the same ground and as being 
 far inferior in authenticity. I have said nothing hitherto 
 of the books A and A. The former because it is the work 
 of some very dull Peripatetic, with however some scraps 
 of Aristotelian lore, remembrances of the master's doctrine 
 as to ^v(Ti<i and atria; the latter because, although I believe 
 it to be Aristotelian in the highest sense, that is, as most 
 truly representing the master's doctrine, yet I can find 
 no very close connection between it and other parts of 
 the collection, and assume that it only got connected 
 
 ' Ainmonius has exactly the same l)ooks as vvc have ; llic only one as to 
 whose authenticity he is a little rlouhtful be/ng the greater a. Had llitrc 
 been any dispute since the times of Andronicus as to the authenticity of the 
 books he must have heard of it. Schol. j). 520 a, 2 si]'].
 
 1 40 History of tJic A ristotclian Writings. 
 
 with them by the ahnost accidental link which tics them 
 together ; that is, that it too formed part of some person's 
 or society's collection of Aristotelian MSS. bearing on 
 the higher philosophy. That this and no other is the 
 history of that strange growth, which we from the time 
 of Andronicus onwards have continued to call the 
 ISIetaphysics, seems to me almost mathematically de- 
 monstrable.
 
 CH A PTER VII. 
 
 OF THE NICOMACHEAN ETHICS. 
 
 I HAVE reserved the treatment of the Ethics and the 
 Politics for two separate chapters, not because they in- 
 volve the introduction of any new principles, nor because 
 they present any special difficulties, but rather because 
 in separate ways they furnish very pretty and interesting 
 exemplifications of most of the positions which I have 
 laid down in the two preceding chapters. 
 
 If we have not arrived at a satisfactory solution of 
 all the questions connected with the Ethics, it certainly 
 is not for lack of learning and genius expended upon 
 them ; for the Ethics have excited more attention both 
 in England and in Germany than any other Aristotelian 
 work : yet the differences of opinion on all the most 
 vital points seem as strong as ever. Perhaps the reason 
 of this may be that each expositor looked for one master- 
 key to open all the locks, and invariably supposed that he 
 had found it. His antagonists were always able easily 
 enough to show that some of the locks he had in truth 
 not opened but broken, and they then triumi)hantly pro- 
 duced their one master-key with precisely the same results. 
 If we once admit that all the locks will not yield to any 
 one key yet made, by patiently using all those furnished 
 by our forerunners each for the lock which it really and 
 naturally fits, and, if need be, furnishing one or two of 
 our own for less important doors, we may perhaps in llu; 
 end succeed in making our way through the house. 
 
 Before attacking the mrn'n anrl most difficult (]ucstinii as
 
 1 4 2 History of iJic A ristotelian Writings. 
 
 to the origin of the three admittedly doubtful books, we 
 may take as a bit of practice the two books Trept </)tAta9. 
 That these are Aristotelian, in one sense at least of the 
 term, no one will deny. That they are an integral portion 
 of the whole which we call the Nicomachean Ethics can 
 I think hardly be admitted. They are too long for a 
 mere digression, and they interfere with the main plan 
 which runs fairly regularly through books i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
 (or their original Nicomachean representatives) and 10. 
 As to book 7 there may be some doubt ; but the question 
 of the various developments of virtue and vice, and the 
 imperfect stages of each, is at all events more closely 
 connected with the general plan of the treatise, than 
 the totally independent discussion of the nature of friend- 
 ship, the points of casuistry to which it gives rise, and 
 its metaphysical or psychological explanation. 
 
 There is further one bit at least of very direct evidence 
 as to the non-Nicomachean nature of these books, and 
 that is the careful working out of the doctrine as to the 
 real nature of the ' self as the highest part ^. This cer- 
 tainly would not be wanted here if this were not intended 
 as a separate treatise since its natural position is in the 
 discussion of decopia, where we find the same doctrine 
 repeated -. In this latter passage there is what seems 
 to be a reference back to this very discussion in the ninth 
 book, oixoXoyovixevov be tovt av 8o£etey rois TTporepots ; but 
 the evidence of reference, as we have already seen, counts 
 for little or nothing as to original connection. This very 
 same ninth book gives us a very characteristic instance of 
 mistaken reference. Talking of the necessity for the 
 happy man of the possession of friends, or at least of a 
 friend, the author or rather interpolator says, iv apxii yap 
 
 * Eth. Nic. ix. 8, p. 1168 d, 1. 30, etc. 
 
 * Eth. Nic. X. 7, p. 1177 a, 11. 13, etc.
 
 Of the Nico7nacIiean Ethics. 143 
 
 eLpr]Tat on i) (.vhai\J.ovia kvipyeia Tis kcrriv, i) b' evepyeia brj\ov 
 oTL yu'erai koI ov^ v~dp\€L uxnrep KTrjixd tl ^. The reference 
 is here clearly to Eth. Nic. 1, chapters 7 and 8, and more 
 especially to the sentence bLa(pep€L 8e tcrws ov p.iKpbv kv 
 KTrjo-ei. rj ^prjCTci. to apicrrov VTToXafx^dveiv kol kv e^et i] ivepyiCa ^ ; 
 but the reference-maker has either forgotten or does not 
 understand Aristotle's cardinal distinction between yivecm 
 and h'ipyeua, for the meaning of the words ?/ 5' kvipyeia h?]kov 
 OTL yiveTai koX ov\ virdpx^et axrirep KTrjixd tl can only, I think, 
 be that which the Paraphrast attributes to them when 
 he says with reference to this passage 7/ 8' evepy^La <f)av(pbv 
 OTL yCyveTUL Kal ev rw yiyveaOuL to etvaL exet, kol ov yiyove 
 KOX vTrdpx^i ybi] Kadd-mp tl KT?]p.a^. It seems to me that 
 it is quite impossible that the author of these two books 
 which, however nearly or remotely they are related to 
 the words of Aristotle, are at all events full of the genuine 
 spirit, could have been guilty of such a mistake on so 
 important a matter. 
 
 Besides this distinctly mistaken reference there might 
 seem to be one in the former of these two books to a matter 
 which now occurs in our fifth Nicomachean or fourth 
 Eudemian book. The ninth chapter of the eighth book 
 begins with the following words : — Ovx o/xotco? 8e to Xaov ev 
 re rots otKotot? kol kv tj] (jiLklq cfyaiveTaL ex^'^ eort yap €v p.€v Toli 
 bLKaioLS Lcrov Trpwrcos to kut d^iav, to 8e KaTo. ttoctov Seure'pcos, iv 
 be Tji * (j>LkLa TO fxev KaTo. ttoctuv Trpwrcos, to be kut d^iav bevTepco^. 
 This reference, if it be a reference, must, I think, be ascribed 
 to the original author since it forms an integral portion of 
 the argument. The doctrine that the essence of justice is 
 proportion and not equality occurs sufficiently frequently 
 in our fifth book of the Nicomachean Ethics, specially in 
 c. 6, p. 1131^:. 20-26, and still more exactly in c. 8, p. ii32<^. 
 
 ' Eth. Nic. ix. 9, J). 1169 /), 11. 2^-30. ' i. 8. p. 109S/', 11. 31-33. 
 
 I'arajihrast, c<l. Ilcinsius, p. 364. ■* I'",th. Nic. viii. 9. 115S//, 29.
 
 144 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 1. 31-1133^', 1. 2; but here the doctrine is one of so 
 general a character that it must have been perfectly- 
 well known to all Aristotle's disciples, and there is no 
 reason that I can see for supposing any definite references 
 to these passages. I feel the same doubt as to the other 
 references between these books mentioned by Mr. H. 
 Jackson in his edition of the fifth book of the Nico- 
 machean Ethics. 
 
 But besides the one reference from the tenth Xicoma- 
 chean book to the ninth, there is another of yet more 
 definite character which, if we are to acknowledge the re- 
 ferences to be Aristotelian, will at once settle the whole 
 question. In the summary at the beginning of the last 
 chapter of the work we find this passage : 'Ap' ovv d Trepl 
 TovToov koXtS>v apeTi^v, I'ri be kol (^tAta? /cat yjhovrjs tKarw? etp-qrai 
 rots TVTTOts, re'Ao? e\^eLV olrjreov njy Trpoalpeatv, i] Kaddirep Xeyerat, 
 ovK ecTTLV iv Tols TTpaKTOis Tekos TO decoprjcTat. (KacTTa /cat yvdvai 
 aXka fxaXXov to -npaTTeiv avTo. ^ ; Now the last part of this 
 sentence undoubtedly belongs to the author of the whole 
 chapter, for the connection from this point runs on without 
 a break, therefore we cannot here, as elsewhere, point to 
 the obvious insertion of a sentence. Nevertheless, I think 
 I can show strong reason against the authenticity of the 
 sentence as a whole. We have an apparent summing up 
 of the whole treatise, which appears to break it up into four 
 parts; TavTa, presumably that which immediately precedes ; 
 at a.p€Tai, which may cover books 2 to 4, but would hardly 
 include book i ; the books -rrepl (piXias, and a treatise about 
 pleasure, which we may suppose to be that which forms the 
 earlier part of this book. What an extraordinary order is 
 this ! It is neither direct nor, what is much more common 
 in Aristotelian works, inverse. It compares, as if they were 
 on the same level, slight discussions of two or three chapters 
 
 ' Eth. Xic. X. 10, 11 -g a. 33-/' 2.
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 1 45 
 
 with detailed and elaborated investigations running 
 through several books. If Aristotle or the author of the 
 Nicomachean Ethics was guilty of such a summary as this 
 without order, principle, or reason, then indeed we need 
 trouble ourselves no further as to the removal of absurdi- 
 ties or contradictions which occur in other parts of the text, 
 but may merely put them down to the occasional idiocy of 
 the greatest thinker of antiquity. 
 
 Are we then to adopt the other most obvious hypothesis, 
 and treat the whole of this chapter as spurious ? I think 
 that that is a more violent remedy than is in any way 
 necessary. The chapter as a whole forms an almost neces- 
 sary connecting link between these ethical lectures and the 
 closely cognate course, portions of which remain to us under 
 the name of the Politics. The whole substructure of these 
 books rests on the assumption that the science of man as 
 an individual is in some sense subordinate to that of man 
 considered as a member of an organised community. The 
 chapter itself, moreover, is in no way unworthy of the author 
 of the whole treatise. What then is our escape from our 
 difficulty? 
 
 I believe it is to be found in the closer investigation of 
 the passage with reference to what immediately precedes. 
 In the eighth and ninth chapters our author has been talk- 
 ing about the life and happiness Kara ti]v akKi]v aperyv, that 
 is of the more active developments of those virtues of which 
 he treated at length in the second, third, and fourth books, 
 lie then returns to the evoaiixovia of dempia, and shows that 
 though the evoaijxovLKO'i will need a sufficient supply of ex- 
 ternal goods to perform the ordinary virtues of man he will 
 need less than many other.s, since his special function is not 
 the performance of these virtues, but pure contemplation. 
 He ends up the latter chapter by two small observations : 
 first, that you must test your theories by life and ])y results ; 
 
 L
 
 146 History of the Aristotelian Writings, 
 
 and secondly, that it seems probable that the deoyprjTLKos 
 will be best beloved by God since he is likest to God. 
 
 Now I believe that what Aristotle originally wrote was 
 'Ap' ovv (I TTipL TovToiv Kol Tuiv apeTwv iKavoiS elprjTat rots tvttols 
 K.T.X., where ravra meant these two subsidiary questions, 
 and TU)v aperdv the relation of the theoretic life to the other 
 virtues, which is the chief subject of discussion in the two 
 preceding chapters ; that some stupid editor, thinking that 
 Aristotle intended by these words to sum up his book as a 
 whole (a thing which the more real Aristotle rarely if ever 
 does\ whether at the beginning of a treatise anticipatorily, 
 or at the end of it retrospectively), inserted the words en 8e 
 Kol (f)L\ia9 KOL r]bovr]s by way, as he imagined, of completing 
 this summary, and thus created a most admired confusion. 
 This editor must either not have found the three most 
 doubtful books in his copy, or must have believed them 
 to be spurious, or Eudemian, and therefore have omitted 
 to mention them ; but as we know nothing either of the 
 date or the circumstances of the interpolation, the discovery 
 of it will not help us at all to the elucidation of the main 
 question. 
 
 Is there any trace of the separate publication of the books 
 TTepl (piXias ? Both from their form and their lack of rela- 
 tion to the rest of the Nicomachean Ethics we should ex- 
 pect that they had originally been published as one com- 
 plete treatise. We find in Diogenes' list two entries, irepl 
 <f)LX[as a. and dia^is (piXiKoL /3. We have not much evidence 
 as to what ^eVei? means in the list of Diogenes ; it probably 
 is something the same as the Oiaecs to which Cicero refers in 
 
 ' The chapter at the end of the Sophistici Elenchi is not a summary but a 
 history ; the summary and plan constituting the first chapter of the Meteoro- 
 logica is, I think, almost undoubtedly spurious, as are also those connecting 
 links forming so often either the beginning of one treatise or the end of another, 
 indiiferently or dubiously.
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 147 
 
 the Topics ^, general questions as to the nature of a subject 
 not differing very widely from airoprnxaTa. Now the latter 
 part of the treatise Trepl 0tA.ta?, beginning from the second 
 chapter of the ninth book^, is in fact a collection of airopiai^ 
 or points of casuistry with regard to friendship. 
 
 It is possible, though in no way provable, that the two 
 entries in Diogenes really refer to one book ; the first 
 part of that book would more properly be called Trepl (jnXias, 
 the latter part Oea-eis (^tAtKat. Perhaps the first MS. which 
 he mentioned only contained the earlier part, the latter 
 containing the whole was called ^eWt? </)tA.t/<a( to distinguish 
 it from the former, if we assume, what we have attempted 
 to prove, that the names in Diogenes' list are names not of 
 treatises but of MSS. The only conclusion which it seems 
 to me we are absolutely justified in arriving at is this, that 
 the two books Tnpl (Pikta^ are not an integral part of the 
 Ethics, and could not have stood in the original draught. 
 How they got into our Ethics we have no means of deter- 
 mining ; we certainly cannot accept Grant's somewhat naive 
 theory that these disjecta incmbra of Aristotle's Ethics 
 were found ' lying among his papers at his desk, and that 
 Nicomachus, or some other editor, took in hand their 
 amalgamation,' any more than we can accept as to the 
 three doubtful books the dictum that ' Part of the original 
 system of Aristotle being now lost, or for some cause or 
 other wanting, Nicomachus probably took three of the 
 Eudemian books as being the nearest approach to the 
 doctrine and to the very words of Aristotle, and grafted 
 them on with the view of presenting a complete treatise to 
 the world.' 
 
 Before discussing at all the question of the doubtful 
 books, it is advisable to ask ourselves whether we have any 
 evidence as to what was the original plan of the author of 
 
 ' Cicero, Topics, xxi. 79. ' Kth. N'ic. ix. 2. \>. 1 1^).) />, 11. a J :*i|'i. 
 
 L 2
 
 14S 11 isfory of f he Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 the Nicomachcan Ethics. On this we get several hints ; 
 first, we are told that it is to be an investigation of the 
 chief good for man considered as a being in a social state ; 
 we are then told that one can only arrive at this chief good 
 for man by considering his function or functions ; these 
 functions must be divided according to the divisions of his 
 soul, and putting aside the merely nutritive portion we 
 have two portions left to consider — the moral or emo- 
 tional portion, and the intellectual portion. But we are to 
 consider both only so far as the matter in hand requires, 
 that is, only so far as concerns man's general well-being ; 
 the consideration of either his emotions or his intellectual 
 powers in their essence wall belong to a dififerent portion of 
 scientific enquiry; to that portion namely which Aristotle 
 is wont to name ^uo-t/c??, in a sense much wider than that of 
 any of the reference-makers. This twofold division gives 
 us the principle according to which our subsequent enquiry 
 is to be governed, and the order of that enquiry is in fact 
 determined by this division. The one thing absolutely 
 regular in all genuinely Aristotelian treatises which in any 
 way admit of it is the order : this, in fact, is the general 
 order of all science ; we begin with that which is material, 
 formless, unreasonable, unstable ; we rise up gradually to 
 that which is immaterial, pure form, pure reason, and 
 eternal. A very good exemplification of this we see in 
 the De Anima (excluding the historical and dialectical 
 first book), which, notwithstanding the mutilated and cor- 
 rupt state of the text, still follows in its general outline 
 the order which Aristotle must have originally given it in 
 his lectures. The principle itself is most clearly stated in 
 the Meteorological, To yap ov eveKa ■fJKio-Ta kvravOa bfjXov ottov 
 irX^laTOV TTjs vh.rjs' uxnrep yap ei ra i^a-yara \rj(f)6e[r], rj /xei^ v\r] 
 ovO^v aXXo -nap avTi]v, t) 6' ovaia ovdev a\Xo r] 6 Xoyos, to, 8e 
 > p. 390 a, 11. 3-7.
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 149 
 
 fi^Ta^v avdkoyov rco €yyv<i elrat 'iKacrrov ; but it is hinted at 
 sufficiently definitely in the Nicomachean Ethics them- 
 selves, for in treating of the individual virtues the author 
 states as the reason of taking Temperance after Courage, 
 that these two virtues belong to the aXoya fxepi] of the soul, 
 that is, they are virtues which to some extent at least 
 belong to man, not qua man but qua animal. The same 
 principle applies to the arrangement of the fourth book, 
 though it is not there equally obvious, fxeyakoxj/vx^ia, which 
 the writer calls Koa-jjios t<2v aperwj', seems at first sight to 
 come much too early ; but although fxeyaXo-^vx^a involves, 
 as Aristotle says, all goodness, it is considered here rather 
 in the light of its external manifestation than of its internal 
 basis : moreover, it can occur earlier in point of time than 
 the virtues which followed in the book, for it does not 
 definitely assume a social state or social relation to other 
 men. Like avhpda and (to a certain extent) a-cocfypoaijvr], 
 it is rather separative than agglutinative. The three virtues 
 which conclude the fourth book depend, as Aristotle tells 
 us, upon koyojv KOL TTpd^€0}v KOLvoivia; that is, they are emi- 
 nently social, and they are at least as much intellectual as 
 moral \ The next excellence in order, hiKaLoavvr], is dis- 
 tinctly more intellectual than moral ; its result, that is, its 
 producing a mean, is, as the author himself tells us, that 
 which constitutes it a virtue ; it is not itself like the other 
 virtues, a mean of action [Eth. Nic. v. (Eud. iv ) cap. 9, 
 p. 1133 b, 1. 32 to 1134^, 1. 12]. Lastly, in the sixth book 
 we deal with purely intellectual excellences, and with the 
 highest of them all, aocpia, we have got to the furthest point 
 away from the vkt] and arrived at the purest form of the 
 Ao'yoj. So far this argument is all in favour of at least the 
 
 ' I have omittetl from account the chapter on aiSuj^, which is certainly 
 misplaced, if in fact it has any place in the Nicomachean treatises, for alSm, 
 as the author himself tells us, is not a virtue.
 
 150 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 fifth and sixth books belonging to the Nicomachean 
 treatises ; neither do I attach very much importance to the 
 difficulty which is raised that the sixth book ought to 
 be an explanation of the opQos Xoyos, which is named in 
 the definition of moral virtue in the second book, and 
 whose explanation is promised later on. For this objection 
 really proves too much : not only does the treatment of 
 4>p6ini(ns in the sixth book not give a sufficient explana- 
 tion of the opOos Xoyos of the second, but it does not give 
 any explanation at all. What we want in the sixth book, 
 according to this theory, is not the account of some in- 
 ternal faculty, but that of some objective rule, some law of 
 Tightness. The chapter, moreover, in which the relation of 
 (^po2'Tj(rt? to the opOos Ao'yos is chiefly explained, is itself the 
 most suspicious in the sixth book ^. Schleiermacher has 
 already pointed out that this book, considered as an 
 answer to the promise in book ii, is both deficient and 
 redundant ; deficient as giving us no real explanation of 
 6p6oi \6yos, and redundant as introducing the conceptions 
 of <TO(})La, riyj^T], etc., which have nothing to do with opObs 
 Xoyos at all. It may be noticed, moreover, that in the latter 
 chapters of this sixth book (fypovrjcns, which according to 
 this view is the chief subject of the whole book, is subordi- 
 nated to, and made the handmaid of, o-o^ta. If the author 
 intended this book as an explanation of the opOos Xoyos of 
 the second, he certainly forgot his intention in the working 
 out of the book itself. 
 
 But, as a matter of fact, the book is already promised, 
 implicitly at least, in the division of the virtues at the end of 
 the first book, and three of the most important excellences 
 of which he is going to treat in the sixth book are there 
 
 * Eth. Nic. vi. (Eud. v.) ch. 5, p. 1140 a, 1. 24-p. 1140/', 1. 30. Rassow has 
 already pointed out the un-Aristotelian expression 'i^tv d^TjOrj, and the unworthy 
 pun on it can hardly be called an attempted derivation, dkTjOrjs d-\Tj9T].
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 151 
 
 already named ; for having mentioned the two divisions 
 of the soul with which the ttoXltlkos is concerned he adds, 
 bLopi^eraL Se koI t] aperi] Kara n/r biacpopav TavTrjv' Kiyop.^v yap 
 avTU)v Tas p.€v biai'orjTLKas ras 8e rjOtKas, aro^piav p.\v koX crvvecnv Kol 
 (f)p6vri(rLV bLavorjTiKCLs, ikevOeptoT-qra b^ koL (ru>(f)po(rvvi]v rjOrnds ^. 
 This sentence is not, and is not intended to be, a definite 
 prospectus or plan of the books which are to come, for as 
 we have before said, Aristotle does not favour us with these 
 prospectuses ; but it is, like the remark about the order of 
 the virtues, a clear indication of the general idea which 
 is running in Aristotle's head. That idea is throughout 
 political, not narrowly moral, and it involves the enumera- 
 tion and sufficient discussion of all the excellences which 
 man possesses as man, from the point where he just rises 
 above the irrational brute to the point where he is the 
 fellow-worker with and almost the peer of the Divinity. 
 That the latter portion of the plan is not thoroughly carried 
 out in our present sixth book we must admit, but in the 
 original Aristotelian plan we should have had a description 
 concise but sufficient of all the excellences of the intellec- 
 tual sphere, just as in the third and fourth we have a 
 similar description of the excellences within the moral 
 sphere. How then do I propose to treat the words pr]9i](TeTaL 
 b' vfTTepov 7T€p\ avTov [tov opOov Xoyov^ koI tI Icttiv 6 opOos 
 Xoyos, Kal ttws e^f t irpos ras ctAAa? aperds " ? We might of 
 course explain them by saying that Aristotle will inci- 
 dentally, in treating of the intellectual excellences, treat 
 also of (ppovrjo-L^, which in the sixth book is identified with 
 opOos Ao'yos ; but, as we have already shown, the upOos Aoyos- 
 of the sixth book docs not correspond very well with that 
 of the second. I prefer then boldly to treat this sentence 
 as another case of mistaken reference, and I am strength- 
 ened in this belief by the obscrxalion that the reference is 
 ' iio^a. 3. -' Kill. Nic. ii. i. p. 1103/', U. .^i .14.
 
 152 History of the Aristotelian Writhigs. 
 
 anyhow out of place ; if it comes anywhere it should come 
 immediately after the statement of the general definition 
 of moral virtue ; the words which immediately precede ro 
 \jkv ovv Kara tov opdbv Xoyov TTpdrreLV kolvov Ka\ vTroKeLaOco 
 would fall under a like condemnation. If they are wanted 
 anywhere they are wanted in another place ; it is true that 
 the expression v~oK€L(rdco, which has caused such searching 
 of spirit to Michelet and one or two other editors, can 
 be immediately paralleled by a passage in the Physics, 
 b€i.x6i](T€TaL 8' vaT€pov vvv he tovO^ vTTOKeicrdd} ^, but the paral- 
 lelism is unhappily a little too close, for this passage also 
 looks more like the insertion of a reference-mongering 
 editor than part of the original text. 
 
 The fact is, a good deal of misconception has been due 
 to the sin of the original editor or compiler, who chose 
 to call his collection of Aristotelian treatises r}^tKa ^cko- 
 ixax^ia. Of the whole number of books of this conglomera- 
 tion, only three are distinctly ethical, for, as we have seen, 
 Aristotle's conception of biKaLoa-vvrj is at least as much 
 intellectual as ethical ; if the collection as a whole is to 
 have any general name, that name should be irepl r?/? 
 evbaipLovCas, or Tiepl rayaOov ; this name would apply to the 
 first six books and the tenth, which seem to constitute the 
 whole original plan of the course of lectures. 
 
 But if on the one hand we are compelled to admit that 
 the fifth and sixth books at least of the three doubtful 
 books belong to the original plan of the author of the 
 Nicomachean Ethics, yet, on the other hand, we must 
 admit that the execution of these books as we now possess 
 them, neither corresponds with their intention, nor can 
 possibly be altogether assigned to the author of the Nico- 
 machean Ethics. Thus, for instance, the passage on 
 €vj3ov\ca would certainly not be wanted by anyone who 
 ' Physics, viii. j-. p. 260 i>, 1. 24.
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 1 5 3 
 
 had already got the fuller treatment of ^ovXivcns in the 
 third Nicomachean book ; the use of -npoaip^cns, too, is 
 different in several passages in this book from that which 
 is explained in Ethics, book iii. TTpoatpeais in the sixth 
 book, and also in the seventh, seems to be choice not of 
 special means, but of end ; answering more to the English 
 word ' purpose ' than to the proper Nicomachean use of 
 the word ^. But the most striking change of front occurs 
 with regard to the question as to the equipment with which 
 every man starts in life. According to the treatment in 
 the beginning of the second book of the Nicomachean 
 Ethics, all men seem to start about equal ; the8wa/xeis, out 
 of which the perfected e^ets, whether for good or evil, are 
 evolved by habit, seem to be those purely negative poten- 
 tialities, whose essence is that they arc beKTiKol tuiv evavricov 
 as opposed to the (fiva-LKoi Swa/xet?, which are ov beKTiKol tmv 
 ivavTLMv. It is not probable that Aristotle really thought 
 that all men started precisely fair ; in fact, in the special 
 treatment of the virtues in the third and fourth books, we 
 have several notices of natural tendencies, which when 
 properly trained may become virtues, though when left un- 
 restrained and undisciplined they become one of the two 
 opposed vices. Thus 6vp.6<i stands in this relation to the 
 perfected virtue avopeia, and the natural form of aa-corCa to 
 the virtue eXevOfptorris ; but the general preliminary chap- 
 ters (ft. 1-6) would certainly leave the careless reader 
 under the impression that all men start equal in the race 
 of life, and that it is a mere matter of education and 
 habituation whether a man must turn out a hero or a 
 scoundrel. Now in the latter end of our sixth book of the 
 Nicomachean Ethics, we hear for the first time of (jnunKal 
 
 ' Eth. Nic. vi. Eud. v.; 2, p. 1139/', 1. 4, and Elh. Nic. vii. laid, vi.) fi. 
 p. 1148 a, 1. <j.
 
 154 History oj the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 operat'^, that is, natural tendencies towards virtue, from which 
 we may assume also their converse, (f^va-LKal KUKLai, or natura 
 tendencies towards vice. The mention of these natural ten- 
 dencies seems like a correction of the Aristotelian doctrine, 
 as it is too barely stated at the beginning of the second 
 book ; and the idea is worked out more fully in the seventh 
 book, where a more definitely physiological view is taken 
 both of virtue and of vice. This is not, moreover, the only 
 instance in which these books seem to furnish a correction 
 of the Nicomachean books in the strictest sense ; Spengel 
 in his Aristotelische Studien has pointed out two or three 
 such corrections, the most obvious of which occur at the 
 beginning of this sixth book ; the passage runs — 'Eret he 
 Tvy)(avop.€v irpoTepov elprjKoTes on hei to [xecrov alpeiadai Kal jii] 
 T-t-jv v~€pl3o\i]V fxrjbe tijv ekXet^LV, to be jieaov eaTlv ws 6 Koyos 
 6 opObs keyei, tovto biekoijjLev. ev Tracrai? yap rai? elprjixevais 
 e^e<rL, Kaddirep koL ctti tSjv aAAcoy, ecrrt tls (tkotto? irpos ov 
 aTro^\e~u)v 6 top Koyov e\u>v e~iTeivei koI aviija-tv, nai tls eaTlv 
 opos tG>v necroTriTOjV, as fxeTa^v t^iaiiev elvai tt]s i;7rep/3oA^s koI 
 TTJs eXXeixj/ews, ovaas KaTa top opdbv Xoyov. ecTTi be to fxev 
 eiirelv ovtcos aXriOes \xev, ovOev be aa(j)es' kol yap ev Talis aAAats 
 eTTi/xeAetat?, irepi ocras eaTlv e'niaTTqp.r], tovt aXr]6es fxev elTrelv, 
 OTL ovTe TrAeico ovTe eAarro) bel TToreiv ovbe padvp-elv, akXa to. 
 fxeaa ko.I w? 6 opdbs koyos' tovto be jxovov e)(U)V av tls ovdev 
 av elbetrj -nXeov, olov Trola bei T:poa(f)epea6ai irpos to awfj-a, el tis 
 eiTTeiev otl oaa rj laTpiK-i] KeXevei Kal u>s o TavTTjv eyjav. bid bel 
 Kai TrepL tcis ttjs \pvxvs e^eis p.i] p.6vov aX-t]6es eXvai tovt elprnxevov, 
 aXXa Kal btoipiapAvov tls t eaTlv b opdbs Xoyos koI tovtov tis opos"^. 
 Now it is obvious to the meanest capacity that these words 
 cannot be written by the author of the Nicomachean 
 treatise, but I very much doubt whether they were written 
 by Eudemus ; it seems to me that they are merely an- 
 
 ^ Eth. Nic. \n. (Eud. v.^ 13, p. 1144^, 11. 1-6 and 32-p. 114; a, 1. i. 
 ' Eth. Nic. vi. I. 'Eth. Eud. E), p. 1138 /', II. 18-34.
 
 Of the Nicomacheati Ethics. 155 
 
 other spurious connecting link like the first chapter of 
 the Meteorologica. 
 
 Let us turn now to the undoubtedly Eudcmian books, 
 and see what evidence can be extracted from them. The 
 first thing which we notice is, that there are considerably- 
 more direct references to these three doubtful books. But 
 against this we must put the fact that references generally 
 are much more frequent in the Eudemian Ethics than in 
 the Nicomachean ; thus, for instance, in the second book of 
 the Eudemian Ethics, cap. 10^, we have a direct reference 
 to the amount of voluntariness which differentiates mis- 
 fortune, fault, and crime, as treated in the fifth book of the 
 Nicomachean (Eud. iv), with these words added, oXKa ircpl 
 ix€v TovTcou ipoviiev iv Tij TTepl T(av biKaiojv e77tcrK€\//et ; but only 
 a very few lines further on we have an almost unnecessary 
 reference to the Analytics ^. In the same way, in the third 
 book and second chapter there is what seems to be a pre- 
 liminary discussion of the relation of ey/cpareta, aKpaaCa, 
 aKoXacrCa, with the added reference, aKpiliiarepov be irepl rod 
 yivovs rSiv ■tjbovcov hrrai oiaiperiov iv tol^ keyojxivot^ vcrrepov 
 TTepl eyKpareias Ka\ aKpacrCas^, but from such references as 
 these we can prove nothing whatsoever, except perhaps the 
 fact, hardly worth proving, that at some time or other the 
 three doubtful books were treated as a part of the Eude- 
 mian I'Lthics. As little as on the other hand can wc infer 
 that the treatise on pleasure at the end of the seventh 
 book belongs to the Nicomachean Ethics, because, as 
 Bendixcn, I think correctly, argues, there is a reference to 
 it in a passage in the Politics*. 
 
 ' p. 1227 a, 11. 2 .and 3. - I<1., 11. 10- 11. ■' 127,1 /'. 2. 
 
 * I'olit. iv. (vii.) cap. 1 1. p. i 295 rt, 1. 35, tl yap /cnXw'; Iv toi's j/OtKoh nprjraL to 
 Tuv tvSalftova ^iov (Tvai tov Kar uptTfjv dffixnoSiaTov, utaurrjra h\ t^c Cipti-qv, 
 K.T.X. I think, notwithst.inding Spcnfjcl's critici.sin, thai the author of this 
 insertion had in his mind the passaf^e in the Ethics where the word m'tpLnofnaToi 
 is so frcc|ucntly repeated, Kth. Nic. vii. 'Kud. vi.), c. 14, p. ii.s.^/', H. 1-25,
 
 156 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 I do not think much can be made of the ' evidence of 
 style,' for, as Spengel very well observes, one man may 
 imitate another's style, and the same man may write two 
 different styles. There are certainlya number of expressions 
 in the Eudemian Ethics which seem to be not only post- 
 Aristotelian, but later also than any date to which the 
 composition of the Eudemian Ethics has yet been assigned. 
 One is the absolute use of kii(Trr]Ka=\ am mad. In the 
 seventh doubtful book e^ia-rrjKe rijs (f)v<Te(os is used in this 
 sense ; but in the Eudemian Ethics we have the form 
 e^ea-TTjKe continually used absolutely, without any case 
 whatsoever to imply madness. We have two cases of this, 
 in the first chapter of the third book, page 1229^:, 1. ^,bid koI 
 
 O fXT] bta TOVTOV VTTO[JieVO}V aVTCL, OVTOS 7/70t i^io-Ti-jKev r) 6pa(TVS' 
 and line 25, Sto koI ol aypioi Oijpe^ drSpetot boKovcnv ^Zvai, ovk 
 ovT€s' orav yap ^kcttuxti, tolovtol eirriv : this reminds us of the 
 use, common in the commentators and the later philosophers, 
 of 6 aval3efir]K(i)s to signify him who has passed from the 
 realm of sense to that of pure science. We also have 
 what seems to be an un-Aristotelian expression, TrotTjrtK^ 
 €7rL(TTi]pr] \ There is one sentence in the Eudemian Ethics 
 which looks almost certainly post-Christian — Irt be irpb 
 epyov TO Ta TOiavra //?] XavdaveLv p-dXicrra irpos a bel avvreu'eiv 
 Ttaaav a-Kixj/w, e/c tlvu)V ivbe-x^eruL p.eraa-y^e'iv tov eS Kal /coAwy 
 ^ijv, et TO) p.aKapi(X)S iincpdovcoTepov eiTretz/, koI irpos ti]V 
 (X.iTiba Ti]V Tiepl eKaara yevop.ivr]v av tu)v e:rtetKWi;- : but, after 
 all, all such instances as these prove very little. It is 
 certainly the case that we find none of them in the three 
 doubtful books, but these corruptions of the Eudemian 
 books may have taken place at a time when there were 
 
 but with all ancient writers rd rj0iKa seems to be used just as much of the 
 Eudemian as of the Nicomachean Ethics, and our editor probably made no 
 distinction. 
 
 ' Eth. Eud. i. 5. p. i2i(>h, 11. i6, ij- ; iii. i. p. 1230 a, 1. 24. 
 
 ^ 1215 a. 8.
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 1 5 7 
 
 other copies of the doubtful books inserted in the Nico- 
 machean Ethics ; and as it was then presumably agreed 
 that these doubtful books belonged equally to both these 
 treatises, any corruptions of this kind which were put 
 into these three books in the Eudemian treatises would be 
 cut out again by comparison of them with the Nico- 
 machean, while those in the other books would remain, 
 having nothing to be compared with. But in the much 
 more important matter of Philosophy there are at least two 
 or three passages where the doctrine of these Eudemian 
 books is in direct opposition to that of the doubtful books : 
 the most striking are two passages on the subject of 
 ({)p6vri(TLs ; the first is in Eth. Eud. bk. i. c. 4, where, talking 
 about the different courses of life, the author says, rwy 8' ds 
 ayu)y't]V evhai,fxovLKi}v TaTTOfxivaiv Tptwv ovtcov, tu)V kol irpoT^pov 
 pi}6ei'TU)V ayadoJv w? fXiyicTTaiv rot? avOpcoiroLS, apetT/s Kat 
 (Ppovi](r€(os Kal ijdovrjs, rpet? opcofxev koI fHovi ovras, oij ol eir 
 efouo-ias rvy^dvovTCi Tipoaipovvrat Cv^ a-navres, ttoXltikov (piko- 
 ao(f)ov a-noXava-TLKov ^ Now here we have ^poviqais used as 
 identical with (pikoa-o(l)ia, to which in the second of our 
 three doubtful books it is carefully opposed (Eth. Nic. vi. 
 Eud. v). The second passage curiously enough gives us 
 (ppovr^ais at the extreme opposite end of the scale ; no 
 longer an intellectual virtue at all, but merely a moral one. 
 In the second book of the Eudemian Ethics we have a 
 vi:oypa(l)ri of the moral virtues in general corresponding to 
 that given in the second book of the Nicomachean, but 
 with considerable differences. At the end of this list we have 
 the items -navovpyia (vyOeia (j)puin](TLs as two opposed vices 
 and their corresponding virtue. Now nothing can be more 
 opposed to this doctrine than the express statement of the 
 second doubtful book, that (j)p6vr}<n^ is not any special 
 virtue, but the necessary intellectual clement in all \ irtue, 
 
 ' p. 1 215 a, 1. 32-/1, 1.1.
 
 158 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 &fj.a yap rrj <ppovi]<Tei fxta ovar] Ttacrai vitap^ovcnv [at i]6ikoX 
 aperaij '■. 
 
 We have arrived then at this not very satisfactory con- 
 clusion, that the three doubtful books can by reason of 
 clear points of doctrine, and not of the doubtful argument 
 of style, be assigned neither absolutely to the Nicomachean 
 nor absolutely to the Eudemian Ethics. Nor again can 
 we accept the solution of Fischer and Fritsche, who at- 
 tempt to draw a dividing line between the portions due to 
 each ; for in the sixth (fifth Eud.) book, which we have taken 
 as our chief test, we find dispersed throughout the book 
 passages from which we may safely conclude that the book 
 as a whole does not belong either to the Nicomachean or 
 to the Eudemian version of Aristotle's lectures. We are 
 reduced then to the humiliating conclusion that there is a 
 mixture at least of those two versions running through the 
 three books, and that we can never hope satisfactorily to 
 discriminate one from the other. One or two remarks we 
 may safely hazard. First, that the chapters on aoc^ia and 
 the general view of the whole intellectual operations are 
 rather Nicomachean than Eudemian, for the Eudemian 
 work is far more distinctly ethical in its plan than the 
 Nicomachean. Secondly, that the physiological view of 
 virtue and vice which appears in the doctrine of ^vaiKol 
 dperai, and in the explanation (j)vcnK(i>T€pov of the pheno- 
 mena of aKpaa-ia, is probably due to the Eudemian treatise ; 
 for, as I have already pointed out, the Nicomachean 
 Ethics has no hint of such natural differences in its treat- 
 ment of the general question of the origin of virtue and 
 vice ; while in the Eudemian we have in the parallel 
 passage this very same principle pretty distinctly stated — 
 XeKTeov bi] Kara tl r?/? \}/v)(rjs ttoi arra ijdri, ecrrai 8e Kara re ras 
 bvvd[j.eis T(ii)v TiaOrjp.a.TOiv, KaO as w? TraOrjTLKol Aeyotrai, Kal Kara 
 ^ Eth. Nic. vi. (Eud. v.) 13, p. 1145 a, 11. 1-3.
 
 Of the Nicomachea7i Ethics. 159 
 
 Ta<i e'^etj, Ka& as irpos to. TrdOrj ravra Xiyovrai rw Traa-^^iv ttcos 
 ri airadds etrai ^ It is curious that this notion of natural 
 tendency to this or that affection is repeated in the Cate- 
 gories, whose right to stand in the first rank of proximately 
 Aristotelian treatises has been somewhat sharply questioned 
 both in ancient and in modern times. It is noticeable, 
 however, as showing how entirely inseparable is the 
 mixture, that the Nicomachean doctrine of cro(/)ta occurs 
 in the same chapter as the Eudemian view of (pvaLKoi 
 aperai. 
 
 There remain two questions ; that of the order of the 
 passages in the individual books, a question which mainly 
 concerns the first of the doubtful books, and that of dupli- 
 cated and triplicated passages which concerns all three 
 books equally. 
 
 As to the first matter let me say at once that I have no 
 hope that any good will ever result from attempted shift- 
 ings of this or that sentence or passage hither or thither. 
 They are all very ingenious, and make some kind of sense 
 sufficient at least to satisfy their inventors ; but the very 
 fact that two or three such transpositions equally make 
 some kind of sense seems to me to condemn them all; 
 A's arrangement makes about as much sense as B's or 
 C's. They cannot all be right, and it really would be 
 invidious to prefer one above another. Besides, they all 
 involve the, to my mind, radically mistaken belief that 
 the book would make some consecutive sense if you 
 were to shake it up enough, and put all the heads where 
 the tails were before. I hold that the corruption began 
 and was carried on for centuries before the book attained 
 its present form ; that emendation followed corruption re- 
 doubling the evil, and that fresh corruption followed on the 
 toj) of emendation. Imagine an originally nuicli ruined 
 
 ' Eth. Eiul. ii. 2, p. 1220/', 1. 6.
 
 i6o History of the Aristotelian Wriii^igs, 
 
 MS. of the Xicomachcan treatise, first doctored by Apelli- 
 con and roughly pieced from the Eudemian and probably 
 one or two other treatises, then treated with a more critical 
 hand by Andronicus, but still full of corruptions and 
 doubtful readings ; imagine further these doubtful readings 
 giving rise to two or more separate versions in the hands 
 of the later schools of commentators, and then again being 
 corrected backwards and forwards one from the other. 
 There we have something like the true history of the 
 jumble, full of valuable remarks and impossible in- 
 consistencies, which we have before us in these three 
 books. 
 
 The question of the reduplicated passages is a somewhat 
 different one. Here I think we must distinguish between two 
 classes of reduplication. The repetition of long arguments 
 such as the two treatments of the question of the possi- 
 bility of doing injustice to oneself, and the double explana- 
 tion of pleasure in books vii and x ; and on the other hand 
 the shorter repetitions which usually follow one another 
 very closely. The longer passages I agree with most critics 
 in assigning to the clumsy work of the original book-maker, 
 were he Apellicon or some other. These passages were 
 undoubtedly in all cases taken directly from some Aristo- 
 telian or Peripatetic MS. When the patched text was 
 once made it was esteemed of higher value than any of 
 the MSS. out of which it was composed, and these MSS. 
 naturally also disappeared ; the survival of the remaining 
 Eudemian books depends just precisely upon the fact that 
 the Nicomachean books for this part of the text were in 
 fairly legible condition, and that therefore the Eudemian 
 were not used for patching. It is possible also that the 
 Eudemian books iv, v, vi, themselves were in worse condi- 
 tion than the rest of the treatise, and were almost unintel- 
 ligible ; the text of the remaining Eudemian books does
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 1 6 1 
 
 not warrant us in forming a very high conception of the 
 condition of those which, having been used for piecing the 
 Nicomachean text, afterwards disappeared. 
 
 With regard to the smaller repeated passages I see no 
 reason for varying the doctrine as to their origin which we 
 have arrived at with regard to similar passages in other 
 Aristotelian treatises. No work imputed to Aristotle is 
 altogether without these repeated passages. They occur 
 not unfrequently even in the earlier and comparatively 
 pure Nicomachean books. I will cite only two from the 
 third book of the Nicomachean Ethics, a book which is 
 by no means one of the lowest in point of purity of text. 
 
 Eth. Nic. iii. i, p. iiio a, 1. i sqq. : Btatoy 8e ov 7) apx'? 
 e^oodev, TotavT7] ovaa kv fj in]b€v (rvixjSdWeTai 6 'npaTTdiv 77 6 
 Tiaa-^^^iDV f oXov el irv^vy-a KOfJ-Ca-ai ttoi t] avOpcairoi Kvpioi ovres, 
 oaa 8e bia (\)6fiov jxei^ovo^v KaKwv TTpaTTeraL i) hia Kakov rt, olov 
 €1 Tvpavvos TTpo(TTaTTOL al(T)(^p6v TL TTpoL^aL KvpLos 0i)V yoveoiv Km 
 TCKVOiv, Kol TTpd^avTos p.€v actiCotvTo, /X7/ TTpd^avTos he diTodvi'i- 
 (TKOUV, diJ.(f>i(Tj3i]Tr\(TLV e\(L TTOTepov aKovcrid ecrrtz; t) eKOVcrta. 
 TOLovTov be TL (TVix(3aLvei. Koi irepl tol^ ev rois yeip-Sxriv eKJBoXd'i' 
 uTiXSts p-ev yap ovbels diro^dWeTai eKcau, ein (rtonjpta 8 avTov 
 Koi tS)v XomSiv diravTes ol vovv e^ovres. p.iKTa\ p.ev ovv elcnv al 
 ToiavTaL TTpd^eLS, eoLKacn be p.aXXov eKovaiots' aipeTol yap elcn 
 t6t€ ore irpaTTOvTai, ru be re'Aos Trjs irpd^eais Kara tov Kaipvv 
 ((TTw. Kal Tu eKQVcnov bij Kal to dKOvaiov, oTe Tr/Kirrei, XeKTeor. 
 llpaTTei be eKcLv Kal yap y apx^? '"^^ Kweiv to. upyavLKo. p.epi] ev 
 Tats TOLa'UTai'i irpd^ernv ev avTio ecrTiv' 5>v 8' ev avT(2 r/ dpyji, eir 
 avT<2 KUL TO TTpuTTeLV Kul p.1]. eKoixTia bij TO, ToLttuTa, (ittAws 8 
 irrajv uKowta' ovSets yap av eXoLTo kuO' avTo tiov tolovtcov ovbev. 
 eTTL rats upd^ecri be rats Totai;rats eviore Ka\ e ir aw ovvt at, oTav 
 al(T)(^pov Ti 7/ Xvnripov viropivoimv aiTt p.eyaXo)v Kal KaXC>v' av b 
 uvdrraXiv, xj/eyovTai' to. yap at<r)(t<T(J' viTop.eivaL ern pi]()€vt kuAw 
 ri ixeTpL(a (f)avXov. eV eviots o ^Tiaivoi piev ov yiverai, (Tvyyvoipi] 
 8', OTav bia Toiama Trpd^ii rts h pr] bel, a ti)v dvOpio-nunjv (jwo-iv 
 
 M
 
 1 62 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 VTrepretret kox ixi]b(U av VTroixeCvat. evia 8' icrcos ovk eariv avay- 
 Kacrdijvat, akka ixaWov airodavereov TraOovri to. beLvoTara' Koi 
 yap Tov ^vpiirCbov 'AAK/xattora yeXola cpaiveTai to. avayKacravra 
 IxrjTpoKTovTJcraL. €(ttl be xaAeTroy eviore biaKplvai ttoIov avrl ttolov 
 alperiov Kal tl arrl tlvos viropeveriov, en be \aXeTTuiTepov ep.- 
 fxe'ivat, Tots yviocrOelartv' &)? yap eirl to irokv ea-ri to, pev irpocrboKOi- 
 p-eva \vin]pd, h be avayKa^ovTai aicrxpa, oQev eTraivoi Ka\ \j/6yoL 
 yivovTai irepl tovs avayKacrdevTas i) p.r]. 
 
 Eth. Nic. iii*. l, p. 1 1 lO <^, 1. l sqq. : Ta 8?/ iroia (f>aTeov ^iaia ; ?) 
 aTrAw? piev, ottot av rj alria ev rots eKTos t) Kat 6 irpaTToov p.rjbev 
 crvp.l3dX.\riTat ; a be Kad' avra p.ev dKov(nd eori, vvv be Kal avrl 
 Tcoi'be alperd, Kal rj dp)^7] ev t(d irpdrTovTi, KaO^ avra p.ev aKOva-td. 
 ecTTL, vvv be Kal avrl Tc^vbe eKovcTLa. p^aXXov 8' eoiKev eKOVcriOLs' 
 ai yap irpd^eis ev rots KaO' eKacrra, ravra b eKovcria. -nolab^ olvtX 
 TToioiv alpereov, ov pabiov dirobovvaf iroWal yap bia^opai elcriv 
 ev TOLs Ka9' eKacrra. 
 
 Here it is perfectly obvious that the second passage is 
 merely a repetition of the first with the omission of all ex- 
 planations and illustrations. The more important sentences 
 are repeated with almost exact verbal accuracy; while 
 there is not a single additional idea introduced in the 
 second passage. This instance then is altogether beyond 
 doubt. Our second is still less doubtful, but of a somewhat 
 different character. In the eleventh chapter of the book, 
 p. iii6d, 11.33-35, we have this remark about beasts, Ov 877 
 eariv avbpela bid to vtt dXyyjbovos Kal Ovpov e^eXavv6p.eva Trpos 
 TOV KLvbvvov 6pp.dv, and four lines later (p. 11 17^, 11. 2-3) we 
 have, Ov b-q ea-Tiv dvbpela to. be dkyqbovos rj dvp.ov e^ekavvopieva 
 TTpbs TOV Kivbvvov. In this latter case we have undoubtedly 
 merely a copyist's accidental repetition slightly disguised 
 by an editor, who finding the words given twice over, 
 thought it his duty to make some kind of sense of both ; 
 but the former case is one of a real double text, precisely 
 similar to those of which we find so many in the De
 
 Of the Nicomachean Ethics. 163 
 
 Anima, and in our three doubtful books. All these, as I 
 have before said, have one and the same immediate origin, 
 the inserted marginale. But that marginale itself may be 
 due to three sources ; first, a mere editor's quotation for 
 reference ; secondly, a various reading ; and thirdly, a double 
 text which, as I hold, in most cases has grown out of the 
 various readings of antiquity systematised by rival schools. 
 It is these last two classes of marginalia which naturally 
 and necessarily occur most frequently when the text is 
 originally in a corrupt state, and by their subsequent in- 
 clusion in the text render the confusion worse confounded. 
 It is the work of the critic to notice as frequently as they 
 occur these interloping marginalia, and by bracketing or 
 excising them to give as far as possible a continuous text. 
 Much of this work has already been done for the Ethics ^, 
 but I am convinced that careful reading will discover more 
 of these dittographs in portions of the text where they are 
 least expected. The search for them will tend much more 
 to the advancement of Aristotelian knowledge than en- 
 quiries, which by the nature of the case can never get an 
 answer, as to the authorship of this or that sentence or pas- 
 sage, or the time at which it got included in the text. 
 
 ' Especially by the labours of Rassow and (for the seventh book) of 
 Mr. Wilson. 
 
 M 2
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE POLITICS AND THE EVIDENCE FROM 
 AVOIDANCE OF HIATUS. 
 
 The question as to the Politics, unlike that as to the 
 Ethics, is, or has been treated chiefly, as one of the order of 
 the books ; nevertheless the two points (of order and of 
 authenticity) are not so entirely disconnected as they 
 appear at first sight. 
 
 The chief matter of which we have to treat is that of 
 the nature and position of the two books on the best 
 constitution vii (iv) and viii (v). We shall see that the 
 history of these books is in fact that of the whole 
 question. 
 
 Now there is one thing observable about these books 
 which does not occur in any other Aristotelian work to 
 such a large extent. From beginning to end of these 
 two books, there is a careful and deliberate observance 
 of the rule of the avoided hiatus. This observance is so 
 nearly absolute that we must suppose that the few in- 
 fractions of it which occur are due either to a slip of 
 the writer, the carelessness of the copyist, or the folly 
 of the revising editor. Now this avoidance of the hiatus 
 is to be found in smaller parts of works also attributed 
 to Aristotle. It is to be found in portions of the De 
 Caelo, of the first book of the Metaphysics, and in some- 
 what larger fragments of the Parva Naturalia ; and, as 
 I have already noticed, we have a perfect instance of it 
 in the fragment from the Eudemus preserved for us by 
 Plutarch. It has been conjectured that the passages in
 
 Of the Politics. 1 6 5 
 
 the De Caelo and the first book of the Metaphysics are 
 excerpts made by Aristotle himself or by some editor 
 from the dialogue Trcpt <^iKo(To^ia^. Even supposing it 
 provable that this avoidance of the hiatus is due to 
 Aristotle's own handicraft, I should much doubt whether 
 the former of these hypotheses (which is the one held 
 by most of those who have noticed the fact) is the more 
 likely one. If Aristotle 'wrote' the De Caelo for pub- 
 lication, then assuredly he would have noticed that the 
 contrast between his usual style abounding in harsh 
 sounds and hiatus \Vould be painfully contrasted with 
 the smooth and running style of these passages. It seems 
 much more likely that if these passages are derived from 
 the dialogue Trept ^lAoo-o^tas they are the result of some 
 post-Aristotelian patching of the two books in question. 
 This is rendered more probable, with regard at least to 
 the Metaphysics, by the fact that that whole treatise is 
 itself a gigantic bit of patchwork ; and though we have 
 no positive evidence of the time at which its parts came 
 together, no one in the present day would be likely to 
 attribute the putting together to Aristotle. For the De 
 Caelo we can only say that as far as we know a con- 
 siderable part of the dialogue Trept </)tXocro(/)tas went over 
 the same ground and may have been useful to fill up 
 considerable gaps, though the text of that treatise as a 
 whole seems fairly good and the argument unbroken. 
 
 What exactly is the evidence which the avoidance of 
 the hiatus gives us? I think we must say that it is merely 
 this, that we have, wherever it occurs, a work or a portion 
 of a work in exactly the state which was given to it by 
 the author who threw it into its present form. As to 
 whether this author was or was not Aristotle himself a 
 good deal may be said on cither side. Against the /\ris- 
 totclian autli<>rs]ii|) of the.se passages, and more especially
 
 1 66 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 of the two books with which we are chiefly concerned, 
 it may be urged that the Aristotle whom we know shows 
 the most absolute contempt for all matters of style, and 
 he seems likely to have been the last instead of one of 
 the first of prose writers to adopt a rule which hitherto 
 had been observed only as a matter of ear in set orations, 
 and appears to have been first formulated as a general 
 principle of composition by the rhetorician Isokrates [I 
 set aside the supposed enmity of Aristotle and Isokrates 
 as unproven, and, in any case, quite beside the ques- 
 tion]. As to the dialogues, it may be perhaps argued 
 that they were written when Aristotle was a young 
 or younger man, and that he may have sought in his 
 youth graces of style which in his maturer years he de- 
 spised. But unfortunately for this argument it is quite 
 clear that these books of the Politics are the work of a 
 man of maturer years, and there is what I think indis- 
 putable general evidence, that they were written after the 
 death of Plato ; to which we may add this special fact, that 
 in criticising the various styles of music and the special 
 purposes for which each is fit the author adds : 'O 8' kv rrj 
 TToXtreia Soj/cpdrrj? ov KaKia^ ti]v (f)pvyi(TTl \x6vr\v KaraXeiTrei 
 fji€Ta Trjs b(opi(rTi, koI ravra airoboKLixdcras tS>v opydvcov rbv 
 avKov K.T.k. ^ Now if we remember the elaborate apology 
 to the Platonists with which Aristotle begins his hostile 
 criticism of the Ihia tov dyadov in the Nicomachean Ethics, 
 which were certainly written after Plato's death, we shall 
 hardly believe that the same writer would have used 
 during Plato's lifetime the curt sharpness of ov /caAws 
 KaTa\ei7T€L. Yet at the time of Plato's death Aristotle was 
 no longer a young man ; if then these two books are 
 the work of Aristotle we have the phenomenon of an 
 author writing, in his mature years, two such different 
 
 ' p. 1342 a, 11. 32-i^. I.
 
 Of the Politics. 167 
 
 styles, that the one must seem the condemnation of the 
 other. 
 
 Much, however, may be urged on the other side. 
 In the first place, as I have already noticed, the 
 tradition of times immediately following Aristotle is 
 stronger for the dialogues than for any of the works 
 which we now possess. In the second place, whatever 
 may be said for the intrinsic value of the dialogues, we 
 have here a work composed apparently in the same style 
 which even the most captious critic would hardly dare 
 to call unworthy of Aristotle, Moreover it may be urged 
 that we have in fact no other complete instance of a book 
 attributed to Aristotle and clearly prepared for general 
 publication. Though a man is not likely, through a con- 
 siderable portion of his lifetime, to have kept up two 
 so entirely opposite styles of writing for publication, 
 yet there would be nothing either wonderful or difficult 
 in keeping one style for oral lectures and another for 
 published books. Still less wonderful would it be if there 
 was a wide difference to be found between mere notes 
 for such lectures and deliberately finished publications. 
 If we adopt the theory that these two books represent 
 Aristotle's finished style, and that nothing unfinished was 
 ever given to the general public during his lifetime or 
 with his consent, we shall arrive at some very convenient 
 results. In the first place we shall be able to admit that 
 there is some value to be given even during Aristotle's 
 lifetime to the distinction between exoteric and esoteric, 
 though of course not precisely that which even our earliest 
 authorities give to it ; still less that which later Romanists 
 like Aulus Gcllius, or slapdash writers like Plutarch, graft 
 upon the more modest and meagre statements of their 
 ffjrcrunners. Secondly, we may acquit Cicero of all ten- 
 dency to e.xaggcration in what otherwise seem his
 
 i6S History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 hyperbolic expressions of praise of the Aristoteh'an style. 
 Bernays, who does not notice the avoidance of the hiatus, 
 is full of just praise of the style of the first part of the 
 seventh (fourth) book ; but he might well have extended 
 that praise to the whole of the two books ; and the absence 
 of hiatus is just one of those points which would strike 
 the ear of a pure stylist like Cicero. I am not here as- 
 serting that Cicero had read the Politics ; of that I can 
 find no evidence whatsoever. I merely say this, that 
 assuming, as I think we may assume, that the dialogues 
 which Cicero had read resembled in style these two books, 
 and assuming further, that in speaking of Aristotle's style 
 he speaks only of published works as opposed to ' com- 
 mentaria,' his admiration is explained and justified. 
 
 One more point may be urged which tells perhaps 
 somewhat in favour of the directly Aristotelian origin 
 of these books. I have already noticed ^ that in Diogenes 
 a work presumably our Politics is irokiTtKr] aKpoaa-is &>? ?/ 
 ©eo^pdcrrou in eight books, while turning to the list of 
 Theophrastus we find nothing nearer to this description 
 than TiokiTLKo. in six books. It might be plausibly argued 
 that if the two books on the best constitution were pub- 
 lished in Aristotle's lifetime, or known to be his finished 
 work in a stronger sense than the lectures, this difference 
 of number of books could be easily explained. Theo- 
 phrastus would repeat Aristotle's course of lectures on 
 this as on other subjects, apparently in this course making 
 very few alterations, so that these lectures might be 
 variously attributed to him and to Aristotle ; on the 
 other hand the books on the best constitution once pub- 
 lished would be known for certain to be Aristotle's work, 
 and therefore at whatever period these two books were 
 added to the MS. of the Aristotelian lectures on politics, 
 
 1 Cf. p. 87.
 
 Of the Politics. 169 
 
 they were not similarly added to that other slightly 
 differing text which bore the name of Theophrastus. We 
 find indeed that there was a treatise on the best con- 
 stitution in one book attributed to Theophrastus himself S 
 but that for some reason, or probably from mere chance, 
 was not included in the general course of lectures which 
 bore the name of Theophrastus, as was the similar treatise 
 in the MS. ascribed to Aristotle. 
 
 But after all it is a mere hypothesis. These books may 
 be Aristotelian and give us a real sample of the master's 
 finished style, or they may be the work of some clever 
 pupil, putting the rugged wisdom of his master into a 
 form likely to be acceptable to those later Athenians who 
 were more critical of ear than of mind. All that we can 
 assert with safety, and all that it greatly imports us to 
 know, is that whoever was their author, they were not 
 written as part of the general course to which the re- 
 maining books of the Politics belong. If this view be 
 the true one, then strictly speaking these books have 
 no proper place in the treatise to which they are attached. 
 It is a mere matter of private taste where they shall be 
 put, unless indeed we shall say that there must have 
 been some treatment of the subject in the general lectures 
 which is now lost to us, and that wherever that would 
 have come there these books must be inserted. This is 
 probable enough as a theory, but after all gives us no 
 very definite clue. I am inclined to think that at least 
 of the ' Political lectures ' of Aristotle (represented for 
 us merely by the Politics and the Nicomachean Ethics) 
 a very large amount was either never reduced to writing 
 at all, or was lost before the days of catalogue and refer- 
 ence-makers. This, I think, may be argued not from 
 the most uncertain ground of references, but from llu- 
 ' Diog. Laeit. v. 45.
 
 lyo History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 general aim and plan of the work as it dimly stands forth 
 to us. We have neither a finished whole as in the Physical 
 writings and the Analytics, nor again a mere collection 
 of facts which may be enlarged or contracted at will like 
 the to-Toptat and Trpo^ATj/xara. There must have been a 
 real course on Oeconomics, one probably on anger (a 
 point on which the Peripatetics were very strong) and 
 a good deal more on the intellectual excellences than 
 we have in our present sixth book of the Nicomachean 
 Ethics. What further was included in the Political lectures 
 in the narrower sense we know not. Incomplete they 
 certainly are, and the insertion of our two books does 
 not complete them, nor make a connected whole. The 
 position of these books then cannot be settled as a matter 
 of right on these grounds or any other. 
 
 But as a matter of history we may arrive at some con- 
 clusion. 
 
 Two orders of books find favour with modern editors. 
 A. Stahr, Forchhammer, and V. Rose defend that which 
 appears in the MSS., while the great majority of editors 
 and critics from St. Hilaire downwards have preferred as 
 more reasonable and logical the order i, ii, iii, vii, viii, 
 iv, vi, V. We see here that there are two distinct suppo- 
 sitions, the one that the two books on the perfect form of 
 constitution should be transplanted from the end to the 
 middle of the treatise, the other that books v and vi 
 should be transposed. As the latter is a separate and more 
 simple question it will be advisable to deal with it first. 
 
 Logically, I think there can be no doubt of the 
 superiority of the order iv, vi, v to iv, v, vi. Book vi 
 is a natural continuation of book iv, and neither of them 
 stands in any very close relation to book v. On the other 
 hand, the references seem with one doubtful exception all 
 to point to the order v, vi, and not vi, v. The sixth
 
 Of the Politics. 1 7 1 
 
 book begins with a reference to the fourth, with which, as I 
 have said, it is naturally and necessarily connected, and 
 proceeds, en 8e [etp?;rat] Trept <\)Qopas re K<xi a-MTi-jpLas tS>v 
 TToXiTetwv, €K TToioiv T€ y'lyvtTai KoX hia rivas airtas ^. It would 
 be impossible to find a clearer statement as to the order 
 which the reference-inserter had before him. Similarly in 
 the fourth chapter of the book we have a 8e <})6eip€Lv cruix- 
 ^aivet. Kol ravTi-jV koX tos aXXas TroAtretas, dprjTai irporepov ra 
 irXela-Ta (rxebdv^; and again at the end of the first chapter, 
 Zr]TOV(ri pi€v yap ol ra^ iToAtretas" Ka^tcrrat'res airavTa to, oiKeia 
 crvvayayelv irpos tijv v-60e(nv, ap-apravovai, he tovto iroLOVVTes, 
 KadaTTep €V rots -nepl Teh's (f)6opas koI tol^ croiT^pias rStv TToAtretwj' 
 dpr]TaL TTpoTepov ^. The only passage which has tended to 
 raise any doubt is the following : talking of the weakening 
 of the fiovXiq when the eKKKrjcria is paid the author says, 
 els avTov yap avayei ras KpiaeLS irdcras 6 8?/ju.os evTTopG>v [xlctOov, 
 Kaddirep etprjrat irpoTepov ev rfj fxeOobco rf] irpb ravry^s^. The 
 reference here seems certainly to be a parallel passage in the 
 fourth book, where the same doctrine is asserted with the 
 same terms, but at somewhat greater length — KaraXveTai, be 
 Koi rrjs (3ov\rjs ?/ hijvafxts ev rats roiavrats b-qixoKpariais ev als 
 avTos (TvvL(i)v 6 hfjixos xpy^ixaTL^ei, irepl irdvTMV. tovto be (TvpL^ai- 
 veiv eX(a6ev, orav eviropCa tls y 77 p-LcrOos rots eKKAvjo-ia^ouo-i?^" 
 (rxoXd^ovTes yap a-vKkeyovTai re TroAAoKts koi S-iravTa avTol 
 Kpivovaiv^'. But the expression ?/ p.e6obos rj -npb ravrrjs, if it 
 does indeed mean ' the preceding book ' (as it almost cer- 
 tainly does), can not only not be Aristotelian but must be 
 very late ; if it means merely the course of enquiry which 
 preceded this, then it may be made as loose or as definite 
 as we will, though it must be admitted that it will be a very 
 strained extension of the term to treat eitiicr books iv 
 and V, or books v and vi, as a single ixtOooos. As how- 
 
 ' vi. p. 1316 />, II. 34-35. ■■' p. 1319 /', 11. 4-^»- ■' !>• «3'7"' •'• 35-3^- 
 • vi. 2. p. 1317 /', 11. 32-35. '•" iv. 15. p. 1299 /', 1. :,X-\'>- i.^oo a, 1. 4.
 
 I 72 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 ever the most enthusiastic supporters of the new order will 
 hardly go so far as to say that the division into books is as 
 old as Aristotle himself, no very certain argument on either 
 side can be drawn from this passage. 
 
 On the whole then, as to these three books iv, v, vi, all 
 we can safely conclude is that iv and vi stand in so close 
 a relation that they must probably have come near each 
 other in the original course of lectures ; but that from the 
 time of the earliest reference-makers the order in the 
 MSS. was iv, v, vi. How v originally got wedged into its 
 present position we have no evidence. 
 
 When we come to deal with the two inserted books, 
 vii, viii (iv, v), we find no such unanimity among the 
 authorities, but rather proofs of a very ancient controversy. 
 On the one hand the majority or perhaps all of the references 
 are in favour of placing the books in the order suggested 
 by St. Hilaire ; on the other hand we have one very defi- 
 nite statement on the authority of a very ancient commen- 
 tator in favour of the order now to be found in all the MSS. 
 
 The first strong reference in favour of the new order 
 is the final sentence of the third book which consists 
 of these words, bioopLcrixivoov 8e rovrctiv irepl Trjs -noXiTdas I'^hr] 
 TT€LpaTiOv Xiyetv rijs aptcrTrjSi riva Tti<^VKe yiveaOai rpo-nov koX 
 KadiaTaaOaL ttoJ? ^ ; that is, the third book ends with a 
 promise of what in the old order is the seventh, omitting 
 all reference to the intermediate books. 
 
 In the second chapter of the fourth book we have this 
 sentence — 'ETret 8' kv rrj Trpwr?/ //.e^o'So) Ttepl rdv TioXLTeioov 
 bieiXofxeda rpets juey ras dp6as TToXLTetas, (Baaikeiav apicrTo- 
 KpaTiav TToXiTeiav, rpeis be ras tovtoov 7rape/c/3dcrets, Tvpavviba 
 fxev (Saa-iXeias, 6Xiyap\iav h\ apiaTOKpaTLas, brjp.OKpaTLav be 
 TToXiTeias, Koi Trepl p.ev apLaroKparios Kal j3a(nXe(,as elpi]Tai' to 
 yap TiepX ttjs apiar-qs TtoXiTeias deMprjaai ravTo koI zepl tovtmv 
 1 iii. 18. p. 1288 b, 11. 2-4.
 
 Of the Politics. 1 7 3 
 
 1(tt\v eiii^Lv Tu>v 6voixaT(ov k.t.K.^ Here we have another 
 clear case of ixidobos used as equal to the librarian's division 
 of a roll or a book, and I am inclined to think that this 
 long reference (for there is yet more of it) was inserted by 
 the same editor to whom is due the similar passage in the 
 seventh (sixth) book. He at least has no doubt about the 
 order. Again, in the next chapter we have — ert Trpos rals 
 Kara ttKovtov bLac^opals ((ttIv ?/ jxev Kara yevos i] be Kar aperijv, 
 KCLV ei TL hi] TOLOvTov eT€pov (tprjTaL TToAeo)? elvai. fj.epos kv toIs 
 TT€pl Ti]v apiaTOKpariav' (Kel yap buLkofxeOa eK iToauiv fiep&v 
 avaynatajv eort -naa-a ttoAis ''. This is an obvious allusion to 
 the process of analysis of an organised society into its 
 ultimate elements which is performed for us in book vii 
 (iv) chapters 8, 9 [p. 1328 a, 21 sqq.]; and yet later in cap. 7 
 we get — apia-TOKparCav p-ev ovv xaAcos ex^t KaKelvnepl ?/? bLi]K- 
 6op,€V iv Tols TTpooTOLS \6yots' Ti^v yap ex ti2p apta-Toyv aTrAwj Kar 
 apcTrjV TtokcreCai', Kal p.i] irpos inroOea-iv rtva ayaOiSv avbpit)v, p,6in]v 
 bUaiov irpoaayopeveLv apia-TOKpariav^. Here the reference, 
 though no less clear than in the former passages, is rather 
 general than particular. Lastly, we have two references to 
 this order in the sixth (seventh) book, both occurring 
 in the same chapter and passage (eighth) : aKokovOov b\ rois 
 elprip.evois eort to btr]pi]a-dat Kakios to. irepl tcls ap'x^a.s, Trocrat /cat 
 tCv€S Kal TLVcov, KaOdiTep elpriTai KaX TTporepov. Tciv fxev yap 
 avayKaicav ap\i2v \<jipls abvvaiov elvai ttoKiv, t<2v be irpui 
 (vra^iav Kal Ku(rp.ov abiivarov OLKelcrOai Kaki^s. en 8 avayKalov 
 ev \xkv rats /iiKpats ekaxTovi elvai ras apx^a^-, ev be rais /xeytiAais 
 ■nkeiovi, wa-irep Tvy\avei irpurepov eipi]p.evov ^. Here the 
 reference is certainly to the fifteenth chapter of the seventh 
 (fourth) book. 
 
 But against this very definite evidence (jf reference we 
 have a fact to face which cannot be explained away. 
 
 ' iv. 2. p. izSqa, 11. if)-},2. '' iv. 2. ]). 1289 /', 1. 40 ]). ijyoa, 1. j. 
 
 ' iv. 7. p. i2<)Z />, 11. 1-5. * vi. 8. p. 1 32 1 /', 11. .| 7.
 
 1 74 History of tJic Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 Didymus the commentator, whom I have ah'eady men- 
 tioned, gives us a fairly complete analysis of the Aristote- 
 lian Politics. In this analysis the order is that of our 
 MSS. as far as it is continued, for it gives us nothing of the 
 eighth book^. If then we have really here the words of a 
 commentator of the time of Nero, we can only reconcile 
 them with the fact of all our references being the other 
 way by assuming either that the order of the books being 
 originally that of St. Hilaire was changed before that 
 period, or that the references are even later than that time 
 and represent an experiment in the way of change of 
 order which was not persevered with at the time, but has 
 been revived in our days. Were the books a portion of 
 a treatise so early commented on as the Physics or the 
 Logical works, no one could hesitate to decide in favour 
 of the former rather than the latter hypothesis ; as how- 
 ever they belong to that class which at first at least seems 
 to have missed the notice of the commentators, the 
 question is not so easily solved, and on the w'hole I am 
 somewhat, though not greatly, inclined in favour of the 
 latter solution. In the first place, the natural point at 
 which an addition on a somewhat kindred subject would be 
 affixed, would be the end of the manuscript — unless indeed 
 this addition was distinctly wanted to fill an obvious gap in 
 a given place ; but that is not the case here for, putting 
 aside the references, there is no great reason why the two 
 books on the best constitution should precede rather than 
 follow books iv and vi. In the second place we must in 
 any case admit that there has been a double shifting of the 
 order of the books, for supposing we assume that the 
 original order was that recommended by St, Hilaire and 
 also by our anonymous reference-maker, then we must 
 also believe, I think, that at that time book vi was placed 
 
 ' Mullach, Fragrnenta Philosophorum, vol. ii. pp. loosqq.
 
 Of the Politics. 175 
 
 before book v, since the phraseology of the single reference 
 in book vi, by which it is made to precede book v, is 
 precisely like that of one of the several references which 
 involve the position of books vii and viii as preceding 
 books iv, vi, and v. If then we assume that this was 
 the original order, we must assume not only that subse- 
 quently the books were placed in different order, but that 
 all the references but one in books iv, v, and vi were re- 
 written, in so far as they touched upon the respective order 
 of those books. Now it happens that the number of these 
 references is considerably larger than that of those in 
 which vii and viii are made to precede the others ; and 
 though we cannot in this case count heads, since the two 
 matters are in their nature independent, yet I think it 
 more reasonable to suppose that the change which in- 
 volved the less alteration in the text was the later rather 
 than that which involved the greater alteration. 
 
 I think then that the history is something like this. First 
 there existed six books of Aristotle's political lectures and 
 two of his finished tract of The Perfect State ^; then these 
 two works were for some reason copied on the same parch- 
 ment or roll, the two books on The Perfect State being 
 affixed at the end of the other six. While this state of 
 things existed the majority of the references grew up, 
 especially those connecting books iv, v, vi. I should con- 
 jecture that during this time the two annexed books were 
 still so far treated as a separate work, that they were not 
 connected by references and cross-references with the other 
 books. Then at some unknown date, but probably later 
 than the time of Didymus, a re-arrangcmcnt of the books 
 was attempted which took the same form as that of recent 
 
 ^ In talking of Aristotle's Iccluica and of his finished Ir.ict, I do not wish to 
 assume that either the one or the otiicr is directly his, but merely th.it both bore 
 his name in the library catalogues.
 
 I 76 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 critics has done. The rc-arrangcr wrote all his references 
 connecting the two books with the others on the assump- 
 tion that they belonged to the place where he had put them, 
 that is, between books iii and iv. He also reversed books v 
 and vi and put in the single reference which assumes 
 that reversal, but, like the majority of the older commen- 
 tators and critics, was more bold at inserting than at ex- 
 cising, so did not cut out from his text the older references. 
 This history has the single merit of attempting to ac- 
 count for all the facts. The only certain results of our 
 investigation in this chapter are : first, that the Politics are 
 made up of two separate treatises of different classes, and 
 certainly originally separately published ; second, that they 
 had already been twice edited on two different hypotheses 
 as to the order of the books, in the days when editors still 
 amalgamated their remarks with the text, or at least when 
 editor and copyist together produced that combination. 
 
 I have in this essay attempted to prove, first, that of the 
 great bulk of the Aristotelian works as we now have them, 
 there was no kind of publication during the lifetime of the 
 master, nor probably for a considerable period after his 
 death. Secondly, that as to this portion of the Aristote- 
 lian whole, we cannot assert with certainty that we have 
 ever got throughout a treatise in the exact words of Aris- 
 totle, though we may be pretty clear that we have a fair 
 representation of his thought. The unity of style observ- 
 able may belong quite as well to the school and the method 
 as to the individual. We have certainly got a most pre- 
 cious Aristotelian literature ; we have not certainly got 
 Aristotle in the strongest and most literal sense. Thirdly, 
 I have tried to prove that the works which are preserved 
 to us come chiefly, if not entirely, from the tradition of 
 Andronicus, and stand in no very definite relation to the
 
 Sanuuary. 177 
 
 list of Diogenes, and consequently we have a very consi- 
 derable proportion, and not a mcrch- insignificant fraction 
 of the reputed works of Aristotle known to Latin antiquity. 
 Fourthly, I have laid down that the majority of the titles, 
 and probably all the definite references, are post-Aristote- 
 lian, and that therefore no safe argument can be drawn 
 from the latter as to the authenticity or original order of 
 the Aristotelian works, though other very valuable infer- 
 ences as to the subsequent history of these works result 
 from their careful consideration. Fifthly, I have attempted 
 to trace the double texts and repeated passages each to 
 several original sources, and not to a single point of origin. 
 I have applied the doctrines arrived at to the consideration 
 of those Aristotelian treatises which have given rise to 
 most controversy, and seem to myself to have found some 
 solutions at least, through the method I have followed. 
 Incidentally I have been led to investigate the question of 
 another class of works which bear Aristotle's name, of 
 A\ hich we can say with certainty that the portions which 
 we have of them are precisely as the final author wrote 
 them ; but cannot with equal certainty assert that that 
 author was Aristotle. We can safely assume, however, 
 that these works, and works like these, were those best 
 known to our earliest authorities on the subject, Cicero and 
 his predecessors, and that on them all the praise of Aris- 
 totle's style is founded. 
 
 If there be any value in these conclusions, the practical 
 lesson to be drawn from them will be, that the present 
 duty of scholarship is to determine as far as possible the 
 course of the Aristotelian argument, by bracketing super- 
 fluous and repeated passages. In some cases there will 
 be internal or external evidence for bracketing the one 
 of two passages rather than the other. In other cases, and 
 I believe they will be the majority, there will be no trust-
 
 178 History of the Aristotelian Writings. 
 
 worthy evidence which shall lead us to reject one of 
 such passages more than the other. We shall not follow 
 such assumptions as that of Torstrik in the De Anima, 
 that the former of two like passages is always the prefer- 
 able ; nor shall we rashly assume that the one is more 
 strictly Aristotelian than the other. When we have pointed 
 out such reduplications to the student we shall leave him 
 to choose which of them he prefers, showing him only that 
 both cannot be wanted in the text. If we bracket at all, 
 it will not be that we assert the one passage rather than 
 the other to be spurious (except in those rare cases where 
 we have definite proof). It will merely be in order that 
 he may see what is the general line and connection of 
 the argument. We shall be cautious in many cases in 
 assuming even reduplication ; for an author or lecturer 
 may deliberately repeat himself. But this caution will not 
 be necessary in the case of repeated and almost identical 
 passages which follow immediately after each other. 
 
 In a word, we shall try to get as near as we can to the 
 earliest form of the teachings of the master, but shall not 
 vainly and pedantically hope to restore his actual words ; 
 nor shall we rashly reject this or that passage or phrase as 
 being clearly un-Aristotelian, since we shall know well 
 that the Aristotle we have can in no case be freed from 
 the suspicion (or rather almost certainty) of filtration 
 through other minds, and expression through other voices. 
 Criticism of Aristotle must in truth always be of thought 
 rather than of phrase, of sentence rather than of word.
 
 INDEX OF REFERENCES. 
 
 Alexander (Aphr.). 
 
 In Met. (Bonitz). 
 206. 20 . . . 
 
 In An. Pri. (ed. Berol.) 
 52. 33, 161 b.\i . . 
 
 105 
 "3 
 
 Ammonius. 
 
 In Cat. (ed. Yen. 15^5). 
 
 10a . . . .' . . . . 31 
 13 a 93 
 
 In Met. (ed. Berol.)- 
 
 13 fl 93 
 
 519 b. 33— 520 a. i . . .137 
 
 520 a. 2 139 
 
 Aristotle. 
 
 An. Pri. 
 
 i. 30, 46 a. 24-27 .... 5 
 
 De Anima. 
 
 i. 2, 405 fl. 19 90 
 
 i. 5, 411 a. 8 90 
 
 ii. 5, 417 a. I 98 
 
 De Caelo. 
 
 i. 8, 276 (^. 6 72 
 
 i. 8, 277 b. iQ . . . 106, 107 
 ii. 12, 291 a 61 
 
 De Gen. 
 
 i. 3, 318 a. 6 ... 106, 107 
 ii.'3, 330 <J. j6 91 
 
 De Interpret. 
 
 2, 16 a. 27 . . . . 
 
 6, 17 a. 36 . . . . 
 
 14, 24 <^. 2 .... 
 
 De Longit. Vilac. 
 
 I, 464*. 32 ... . 
 
 De Part. Anitn. 
 
 i. I, 642 a. 6 ... 
 ii. 7, 653 a. 8 ... 
 iv. 4, 678 a. iCi^o . . 
 iv. 5, 681a. li . . . 
 
 78 
 53 
 
 92 
 
 107 
 
 106 
 79 
 
 De Sensu. 
 
 1, 436 /;. 14 . . 
 
 De Sotimo. 
 
 3, 457 a. 27 . . 
 
 Div. per Soinn. 
 
 2, 463 <^. 15 . . 
 
 Eth. End. 
 
 i. 4, 1-215 a. 8 . 
 i. 4, 1215 a. 32 . 
 i. 5, 1216 /a 16-17 
 i. 8, 1217*. 22 . 
 ii. 2, 1220 b. 6 . 
 ii. 10, 1227 a. 2-3 
 ii. 10, 1227 a. lo-ii 
 iii. I, 1229 a. 3, 25 
 iil. 1, 1230 a. 24 
 iii. 2, 1231 b. 2 . . 
 
 Eth. Nic. 
 
 i. 4, 1096 a. II . 
 i. 7, 1098 a. 4-5 
 i. 8, 1098*. 31-33 
 i. 13, 1102 a. 26 
 i. 13, 1103 a. 3 . 
 ii. 2, 1103 *. 32-34 
 ii. 7, 1107 a. 34 
 ii. 7, 1108*. 6-10 
 iii. I, 1110 fl. I . 
 iii. I, 1110*. I . 
 iii. 5, 1112 a. 25 
 iii. 5, 1112 a. 32 
 iii. II, 1116 *. 33-35 . 
 iii. II, 1117 a. 2-3 
 V. 6, 1131 a. 20-26 
 V. 7. 1132*. 9 . . . 
 V. 8, 1132*. 31—1133 
 V. 8, 1133 a. 14 . . . 
 V. 9, 1133*. 32—1134 
 vi. 2, 1139*. 4 . . . 
 vi. 6,1140a. 24-1140 
 vi. 13, 1144 *. 1-6 . . 
 vi. 13, 1144 *. 32 — 11 Ii 
 vi. 13, 1145 a. 1-2 
 vii. 6, 1148 a. 9 . . . 
 vii. 7, 1149*. 27 . . 
 vii. 14, 1153*. I-J5 . 
 
 103, 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 51 
 
 156 
 157 
 156 
 103 
 
 159 
 155 
 •55 
 156 
 
 156 
 155 
 
 71 
 129 
 
 M3 
 104 
 
 151 
 151 
 4 
 109 
 161 
 163 
 6i 
 60 
 162 
 162 
 143 
 •3° 
 '43 
 1.^0 
 149 
 i.';3 
 
 •.SO 
 
 154 
 154 
 i5» 
 
 N a
 
 i8o 
 
 Index of References. 
 
 Eth. Nil. '^continued). 
 
 PM.E 
 
 viii. 9, 1158 /'. 29 . . . 
 
 ■ 143 
 
 viii. 12, lltiO h. 10-17 
 
 ■ 41 
 
 ix. 2, lltJJ h. 22 ... 
 
 • 147 
 
 ix. 8, llt;;^ /'. 30 ... 
 
 . 142 
 
 ix. 9, lltJ'J /;. 28-30 . . 
 
 • 14.^ 
 
 X. 7, Wil a. 13 ... 
 
 . 142 
 
 X. 10, 11 7 'J a. iz-b 2 
 
 • 144 
 
 Fragm. (ed. Berol.). 
 
 40, 14S1 rt. 44 75 
 
 403, 1545 a. 42 .... 22 
 
 Hist. An. 
 
 i. 5, 489^. 16-18 . . . .106 
 
 iii. I, 509 (fj. 22 91 
 
 V. 5, 540 (J. 6-19 .... 81 
 
 V. 6, 541 d. 12-15 • • • . 81 
 
 V. 7, 541 d. 19-20 .... 81 
 
 V. 8, 543 a. 8 81 
 
 V. 9, 543 a. 5-8 81 
 
 V. 10, 543 a. ig 81 
 
 V. 10, 543 «. 20 8 1 
 
 V. 10, 543 l>. 1-2 .... 81 
 
 V. II, 543<5. 5 81 
 
 V. II, 543 (J. II 81 
 
 V. 12, 544 a. 6-14 .... 81 
 
 V. 12, 544 a. 23 81 
 
 V. 13, 544 d. 1 81 
 
 V. 15, 547 i>. 2 81 
 
 V. 15, 547^. 25 .... 58 
 
 V. 18, 550 <^. 13-14 ... 81 
 
 V. 26, 555 a. 23 Si 
 
 viii. I, 588 d. 4 79 
 
 Meteorolog. 
 
 i. I, 338 a. 20— 339rt. 8 . . 95 
 
 i. 3, 341a. 14 . . . .98, 106 
 
 i. 6, 343 a. 8 68 
 
 iii. 4, 373 b. 2-10 .... 84 
 
 iii. 6, 378 /'. 5 100 
 
 iv. 8, 384(^. 32-34 . . . . 100 
 
 iv. 12, 390 a. 3-7 .... 148 
 
 Metaphys. 
 
 i. 3, 984<^. 19-31 .... 85 
 
 i. 8, 989 a. 24 107 
 
 i. 9, 990^. 1 138 
 
 iii. 2, 1004 a. 2 105 
 
 ix. 3, 1054 a. 30 .... 105 
 ix. 4, 1055 (5. 28 . . . .105 
 
 xi. 8, 1073 a. 34 .... 61 
 
 xi. 8, 1073(^—1074^ ... 60 
 
 xii. I, 1076 a. 28 . . 103, 104 
 xii. 4, 1078 b. 32— 1080 a .138 
 xii. 4, 1079 iJ. 2-1 1 . . .138 
 
 xii. 9, 1086 a. 23 . . . . 107 
 
 Phys. 
 
 i. 2-3, \Ub 85 
 
 Phys. (continued. 
 i. 2, lS5a. 8 . . 
 i. 3, 186 a. 6 
 1.9, 192 a. 35 . 
 ii. 2. 193 <5— 194 a 
 iv. 10, 217 b. 31 
 iv. 13, 222 a. 30 
 vi. 9, 239 b. 5 . 
 vii. I, 1i\b. 32 . 
 vii. I, 242 b. 13 
 vii. 4, 248 b. 6-7 
 vii. 4, 248 ^.13 
 vii. 4, 248 <5. 15 
 viii. I, 251 a. 9 . 
 viii. 7, 260 b. 24 
 
 Pol. 
 
 i. 5, 1254 a. 31-36 
 i. 5, 1254 a. 33 . . . 
 iii. 6, 1278;^. 31 . . 
 iii. 1 8, 1288 iJ. 2-4. . 
 iv. 2, 1289 a. 26-32 . 
 iv. 3, 1289 b. 40—1290 a 
 iv. 7, 1293 b. 1-5 . . 
 iv. II, 1295 a. 3=; . . 
 iv. 15,1299/;. 38— 1300 a 
 v. 12, 1316 a. I . . . 
 vi. I, 1316 /;. 34-35 . 
 vi. I, 1317 a. 35-38 . 
 vi. 2, 1317 b. 32-35 . 
 vi. 4, 1319 b. 4-6 . . 
 vi. 8, 1321 b. 4-7 . . 
 vii. 8, 132S a. 21 . . 
 vii. 13, 1332 a. 7-10 . 
 viii. 7, 1342 a. 2>^-b. 1 
 
 Probl. 
 
 xii. 3, 906 3. 12 . . 
 
 xvi. I, 913 a. 27 . . 
 
 xxvi. 31, 943 b. 2\ . . 
 
 XXX. 5, 955 b. 22-24 . 
 
 Rhet. 
 
 i. 2, 1355 <^. 26 . . . 
 
 i. 2, 1356 a. 36 . . . 
 
 iii. 8, 140S b.io . . 
 
 iii. 9, 1410 b. 2 , . . 
 
 Soph. El. 
 
 33, 183 <^. 31— 184 a. 8 
 
 Topica. 
 i. 10, 104 a. 33 . . . 
 
 Athenaeus. 
 
 PACK 
 
 9, 128 
 
 9, 128 
 
 06, 107 
 
 104 
 83 
 
 4 
 125 
 126 
 121 
 126 
 126 
 107 
 152 
 
 21 
 102 
 103 
 172 
 173 
 173 
 173 
 155 
 171 
 
 41 
 171 
 171 
 171 
 
 4- 
 
 • 171 
 
 • 173 
 
 ■ 173 
 . 112 
 . 166 
 
 . 68 
 
 . Q2 
 
 . 68 
 . 6 
 
 • 83 
 
 ■ 67 
 
 ■ 49 
 92, 100 
 
 . 60 
 
 • 105 
 
 Ib—Zb 30 
 
 3a-(5 29, 31, loi 
 
 633 81 
 
 88 3 81 
 
 105 <: 81 
 
 214 a-/ 29, 31
 
 Index of Refej'ences. 
 
 i8i 
 
 Athenaeus (continued . page 
 
 282 c 8i 
 
 286 c 81 
 
 294 fl! 81 
 
 303^ 81 
 
 304 c 81 
 
 305 fl' 82 
 
 307 c 81 
 
 310c 81 
 
 312 c-(/ 81 
 
 313^ 82 
 
 315 a 81 
 
 315 c 82 
 
 Z\ld 81 
 
 319 (/ 8i 
 
 320/ 81 
 
 321c 81 
 
 323 c 81 
 
 326 c 81 
 
 328/ 81 
 
 329 a 81 
 
 330 a-^ Si 
 
 387 1!- 81 
 
 673 c-/ 82 
 
 Cicero. 
 
 Acad. Pri. 
 ii. 37. 1 19-120 . . . 
 
 ii. 38. 119 
 
 Acad. Post. 
 i. 4. 17-18 
 i. 7. 26 . 
 
 35 
 64 
 
 25 
 53 
 
 Ad Att. 
 ii. I. I 
 iv. 16. 2 . 
 xii. 40 . 
 xiii. 19. 4 
 xiii. 28 
 
 Rrtitus. 
 xii. 46 
 
 De Divin. 
 i. 2.^. 3.^ • 
 i. 38. 81 . 
 ii. 62. 1 28 
 
 Dc Pin. 
 i. 2. 6 . 
 
 i- 3- 7 • 
 ii. 6. 19 
 
 ii- "• 33 
 ii. II. 34 
 ii. 13. 40 
 iii. 3. 10 
 
 . 64 
 
 • 64 
 
 • 58 
 
 • 64 
 58, 64 
 
 59 
 
 54 
 
 35. 
 
 • 9 
 
 50 
 
 55 n- « 
 
 • 55 
 
 • 35 
 ■ 35 
 
 36. 52 
 
 De Pin. (continued". 
 
 iii. 12. 41 
 iii. 19. 63 
 iv. 28 . . 
 iv. 28. 79 . 
 V. 4. 9 . . 
 V. 4. 10 . 
 V. 5 • • 
 V. 75 • • 
 De Nat. Deor 
 i- 13- 33 • 
 i- 33- 93 • 
 ii. 15-16 . 
 
 ii 37- 95 • 
 
 ii. 49. 125 
 
 De Off. 
 
 ii. 16. 56 . . . 
 
 De Oratore. 
 
 ii. 38. 160 . . 
 iii. 36. 147 . . 
 iii. 47. 182-183 
 
 De Rep. 
 
 iii. 8. 12 . . . 
 
 Hortetisiiis. 
 
 Frag. 90 (Orelli") 
 Frag. 55 (Nobbe) 
 
 Topica. 
 
 i. I 
 
 viii. 35 . . . 
 xxi. 79 . . . 
 
 Tiisc. 
 i. 10. 22 
 i. 28. 70 . 
 
 i 33 • 
 iii. 10. 22 
 V. 35. loi 
 
 54. 
 
 54 
 
 • 39 
 . 58 
 . 26 
 . 36 
 
 51,61 
 
 • 99 
 55.64 
 
 • 54 
 . 36 
 
 35.60 
 . 56 
 
 • 59 
 
 • 57 
 
 ,59.88 
 
 • 52 
 
 • 49 
 
 53. 54 
 
 • 57 
 
 • 57 
 
 36 
 
 53 
 
 147 
 
 54 
 61 
 
 35 
 50 
 
 54 
 
 31 
 113 
 '05 
 
 David (SchoH. ed. Berol.). 
 
 In Cat. 
 
 22 a. 12 
 
 24 a. 19 
 
 24 b. 33-36 .... 
 
 DiDYMUS. 
 
 ap. Mull.ich Frag. I'liil 
 
 ii. Oo 69 
 
 ii. 101 69 
 
 Dio Cassius. 
 
 77-7 24.31 
 
 Diogenes I.aertiu.s. 
 
 I. I 
 
 i. 24 
 
 • 9« 
 
 90. 91
 
 iS; 
 
 Index of References. 
 
 Diogenes Laert 
 i. 99 
 ii. 26 
 "• 45 
 •i-55 
 iii- 37 
 V. 2 
 V. 29 
 V. 33 
 V. 37 
 V. 41 
 
 V. 45 
 V. 58 
 viii. 19 
 viii. 34 
 viii. 52 
 viii. 57 
 viii. 63 
 ix. 53 . 
 
 us (continued) page 
 
 • 91 
 
 ■ 91 
 
 ■ 91 
 
 • 9^ 
 
 • 91 
 
 • 63 
 
 • 91 
 
 • 90 
 31, 94 
 
 • 92 
 . 169 
 
 • 94 
 
 • 91 
 
 • 91 
 
 • 91 
 . 84 
 
 ■ 91 
 
 • 91 
 
 DiONYSius Halicarn. (ed. Reiske). 
 Ad Anim. de Dem. et Ar. 10, 
 
 6-735 67 
 
 De Isocr. Jud. 18, 5. 577 66 
 
 DeVet. Script.Cens. 4, 5. 340 66 
 
 Galex (ed. Kiihn). 
 
 i. 448 ........ 77 
 
 1-487 77 
 
 1-489 77 
 
 ii- 8 77 
 
 ii- 90 7. 12, 79, 87 
 
 ii. 21^ 15 
 
 ii-87i 78 ; 
 
 iii. 328 79 I 
 
 iv. 791 77 ' 
 
 iv. 792 77 
 
 iv. 798 7, 79, 86 
 
 V. 347 77 
 
 VI. 647 77 
 
 vi. 781 77 
 
 vii. 729 86 
 
 ^^ii• 579 78 
 
 viii. 6S7 77 
 
 viii. 725 78 
 
 X. 15 7 
 
 xiv. 615 86 
 
 XV. 2=; 7, 86 
 
 XV. 26 86 
 
 XV. 298 79 
 
 xvii. 29 77 
 
 xix. 8 So 
 
 xix. 13 15 
 
 xix. 41 I5> 78 
 
 xix. 42 78 
 
 ^ix. 273 77 
 
 Galen (continued). p^ge 
 
 xix. 275 77 
 
 xix. 321 77 
 
 xi.x. 355 78 
 
 Ll'CRETIUS. 
 
 i. 370 36 
 
 Paraphrast (ed. Heinsius, 1607). 
 
 168-169 131 
 
 172-173 131 
 
 364 143 
 
 Philo Judaeus (Mang.). 
 
 489 69 
 
 Plotinus (ed. Kirchhof). 
 
 i- 39 89 
 
 ii. 308 82 
 
 Plutarch. 
 
 Alexander. 
 
 7 24, 70, 76, 77 
 
 8 87 
 
 77 24 
 
 Camillus. 
 
 22 72 
 
 Dion. 
 
 22 73 
 
 Epicurus. 
 
 12 8 
 
 Nicias. 
 
 2 73 
 
 Sulla. 
 
 26 29 
 
 Adv. Coloten. 
 
 14-4 70 
 
 Consolatio ad Apoll. 
 
 21,\\bb 73 
 
 De Aud. Poet. 
 
 8 77 
 
 De Cupid. Divit. 
 
 8, 527 a 75 
 
 De Exilio. 
 
 10, 603 c 77 
 
 12, 604^ 77 
 
 De For tit. Alex. 
 
 6. 329 76
 
 Index of References. 
 
 183 
 
 Plutarch (continued . page 
 
 De Facie in Orb. 
 
 19. 932 76 
 
 De Placit. Phil. 
 
 I. 3. 38, 878^ 76 
 
 De Orac. Defect. 
 
 25. ^l^b-d 72 
 
 De Virt. Mul. 
 
 17- 254 ^ 73 
 
 POLYBIUS. 
 
 vi- 5 40 
 
 vi. 7-9 40 
 
 xii. 5 ..22 
 
 xii. 5-9 40 
 
 Sextus Empiricus. 
 
 Adv. Math. 
 ii. 61 . 
 
 iii- 57-69 
 vii. 6 
 ix. 7 
 X. 31 
 X. 33 
 X. 37 
 X. 46 
 X. 176 
 X. 228 
 xi. 77 
 
 Pyr. Hyp. 
 
 83 
 
 84 
 84 
 85 
 83 
 83 
 83 
 84 
 
 83 
 83 
 83 
 
 84 
 
 SiMPLICIUS. 
 
 In Cat. (ed. Bas. 1551). 
 4 b. 50 — 5 a. \ . . . 
 
 iiS, 124 
 
 In Phys. (Aid.) 
 
 
 prooem. 2. 22-33 ■ • 
 
 • • 25 
 
 93 ^. 36 
 
 • • 27 
 
 216 a. 1-34 .... 
 
 . . Ill 
 
 242 a. 5 
 
 . . 119 
 
 242 a. 10 
 
 . . 120 
 
 252 a. 48 
 
 . . 122 
 
 253 d. 42-43 .... 
 
 . . 122 
 
 Stob.\eus. 
 
 
 ii- 7 
 
 . . 69 
 
 Strabo (Cas.). 
 
 94 68 
 
 608-9 29 
 
 TlIEMISTIUS. 
 
 Or. 
 xxiii. 295 c 21 
 
 In Phys. (ed. Spengel). 
 
 i. no. 8 128 
 
 i. 115- 1-5 128 
 
 Theophrastus. 
 
 Metaphys. (ed.Brandis,Berol. i823\ 
 323) note 15, 34, 66 
 
 THE END.
 
 ■ CONTENTS 
 Clarendon Press Books 
 
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 ENGLISH CLASSICS 11 
 
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 ENGLISH ANNOTATED EDITIONS 15 
 
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 LATIN AND GREEK PROSE 35 
 
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 D 2
 
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 LATIN AUTHORS 37 
 
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 LATIN WORKS OF REFERENCE 39 
 
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 ENGLISH HISTORY 51 
 
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 ENGLISH HISTORY 53 
 
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 COLONIAL HISTORY 55 
 
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 EUROPEAN HISTORY 57 
 
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 PHILOSOPHY 59 
 
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 OLD TESTAMENT: GREEK 69 
 
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 SANSKRIT AND ZEND 81 
 
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 The World's Classics 
 
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 LIST OF TITLES. 
 
 L Charlotte Bronte's Jane Eyre. 3rd 
 Imp. 
 
 2. Lamb's Essays of Elia. 5th Imp. 
 
 3. Tennyson's Poems. 4th Imp. 
 
 4. Goldsmith's Vicar of Wakefield. 
 
 2nd Imp. 
 
 5. Hazlitt's Table Talk. 3rd Imp. 
 
 6. Emerson's Essays. 4th Imp. 
 
 7. Keats' Poems. 3rd Imp. 
 
 8. Dickens' Oliver Twist. 2nd Imp. 
 
 9. Barham's I ngoldsby Legends. 3rd 
 
 Imp. 
 10. Emily Bronte's Wuthering Heights. 
 
 2nd Imp. 
 n. Darwin's Origin of Species. 3rd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 12. Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 13. English Songs and Ballads. Com- 
 
 piled by T. W. H. Crosland. 
 2nd Imp. 
 
 14. Charlotte Bronte's Shirley. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 15. Hazlitt's Sketches and Essays. 
 
 2nd Imp. * 
 
 16. Herrick's Poems. 2nd Imp. 
 
 17. Defoe's Robinson Crusoe. 2ndlmp. 
 
 18. Pope's Iliad of Homer. 2nd Imp. 
 
 19. Carlyle's Sartor Resartus. 2nd Imp. 
 
 20. Swift's Gulliver's Travels. 2nd Imp. 
 
 21. Poe's Tales of Mystery and Imag- 
 
 ination. 2nd Imp. 
 
 22. White's History of Selborne. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 23. De Quincey's Opium Eater. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 24. Bacon's Essays. 2nd Imp. 
 
 25. Hazlitt's Winterslow. 2nd Imp. 
 
 26. Hawthorne's Scarlet Letter. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 27. Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome. 
 
 2nd Imp. 
 
 28. Thackeray's Henry Esmond. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 29. Scott's Ivanhoe. 2nd Imp. 
 
 30. Emerson's English Traits and Re- 
 
 presentative Men. 2nd Imp. 
 
 31. George Eliot's Mill on the Floss. 
 
 2nd Imp. 
 
 32. Selected English Essays. Chosen 
 
 and Arranged by W. Peacock. 
 3rd Imp. 
 
 33. Hume's Essays. 2nd Imp. 
 
 34. Burns' Poems. 2nd Imp. 
 
 35. 44, 51, 55, 64, 69, 74. Gibbon's Ro- 
 
 man Empire. Vols. 1-4. 2nd 
 Imp. Complete in 7 vols. 
 
 36. Pope's Odyssey of Homer. 2nd Imp. 
 
 37. Dryden's Virgil. 2nd Imp. 
 
 38. Dickens' Tale of Two Cities. 3rd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 39. Longfellow's Poems. I. 2nd Imp. 
 
 40. Sterne's Tristram Shandy. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 41 . 48, 53. Buckle's History of Civiliza- 
 
 tion in England. Complete in 
 
 3 vols. 2nd Imp. 
 42,56,76. Chaucer'sWorks. From the 
 
 Text of Prof. Skeat. Complete 
 
 in 3 vols. Vol. I. 2nd Imp. 
 43. Machiavelli's Prince. Translated 
 
 by Luigi Ricci. 
 
 45. EngHsh Prose from Mandeville to 
 
 Ruskin. Chosen and Arranged 
 by W. Peacock. 2nd Imp. 
 
 46. Essays and Letters by Leo Tolstoy. 
 
 Translated by Aylmer Ward. 
 2nd Imp. 
 
 47. CharlotteBronte'sVillette. 2ndlmp. 
 
 49. A Kempis's Of the Imitation of 
 
 Christ. 2nd Imp. 
 
 50. Thackeray's Book of Snobs. 2nd 
 
 Imp. 
 
 52. Watts-Dunton's Aylwin. 2ndlmp. 
 
 54, 59. Adam Smith's Wealth of Na- 
 tions. Complete in 2 vols. 
 
 57. Hazlitt's Spirit of the Age. 
 
 58. Robert Browning's Poems. I. 
 60. The Meditations of Marcus Aure- 
 
 lius.
 
 THE WORLD'S CLASSICS 
 
 99 
 
 LIST OF TITLES (continued) 
 
 61. 
 6-2. 
 
 63. 
 65, 
 
 66. 
 67. 
 
 68. 
 
 71. 
 
 72. 
 
 73. 
 75. 
 
 78. 
 
 79. 
 
 80. 
 
 81. 
 82. 
 
 86. 
 
 88. 
 
 83, 8 
 
 85. 
 
 Holmes' Autocrat of the Breakfast 
 Table. 
 
 Carlyle's On Heroes and Hero 
 Worship. 
 
 George Eliot's Adam Bcde. 
 
 70, 77. Montaigne's Essays. Com- 
 plete in 3 vols. 
 
 Borrow's Lavengro. 
 
 Anne Bronte's Tenant of Wildfell 
 Hall. 
 
 Thoreau's Walden. With an In- 
 troduction by Theodore Watts- 
 Dunton. 
 
 Burke's Works. I. With a Pre- 
 face by Judge Willis. Complete 
 in 6 vols. 
 
 Twenty-three Tales by Tolstoy. 
 Translated by L. and A. Maude. 
 
 Borrow's Romany Rye. 
 
 Borrow's Bible in Spain. 
 
 Charlotte Bronte's The Professor, 
 and the Poems of Charlotte, 
 Emily, and Anne Bronte. With 
 an Introduction by Theodore 
 Watts-Dunton. 
 
 Sheridan's Plays. With an Intro- 
 duction by Joseph Knight. 
 
 George Eliot's Silas Marner, The 
 Lifted Veil, Brother Jacob. With 
 an Introduction by Theodore 
 Watts-Dunton. 
 
 Burke's Works. Vol. II. 
 
 Defoe's Captain Singleton. With 
 an Introduction by Theodore 
 Watts-Dunton. 
 
 Mrs. Gaskell's Mary Barton. With 
 an Introduction byC. K. Shorter. 
 
 Mrs. Gaskell's Rutli. With an In- 
 troduction by C. K. Shorter. 
 
 [In preparation. 
 i. Johnson's Lives of the Poets. 
 With an Introduction by .\rthur 
 Waugh. 2 vols. 
 
 Matthew Arnold's Poems. With 
 an Introduction by A. T. Quiller- 
 Couch. 
 
 87. Hood's Poems. Edited, with an 
 Introduction, bv Walter Jcrrold. 
 
 89. Holmes' Professor at the Breakfast 
 
 Table. With an Introduction by 
 W. Robertson NicoU. 
 
 90. Smollett's Travels in France and 
 
 Italy. With an Introduction by 
 T. Seccombe. 
 
 91,92. Thackeray's Pendennis. With 
 an Introduction by Ednumd 
 Gosse. 
 
 93. Bacon's Advancement of Learning 
 and The New Atlantis. With an 
 Introduction by Professor Case. 
 
 94.. Scott's Lives of the Novelists. With 
 an Introduction by Austin Dob- 
 son. 
 
 95. Holmes' Poet at the Breakfast 
 Table. With an Introduction 
 bv W. Robertson Nicoll. 
 
 96-98. Motley's Rise of the Dutcli 
 Republic. With an Introduction 
 by C. K. Shorter. 
 
 99. Coleridge's Poems. With an In- 
 troduction by A. T. Quiller- 
 Couch. 
 
 lOO-lOS. Shakespeare's Plays and 
 Poems. Edited by Tiieodore 
 Watts-Dunton, with a Preface 
 by Algernon Charles Swinburne. 
 9 "vols. 
 
 109. George Herbert's Poems. With an 
 
 Introduction by Arthur Waugh. 
 
 110. Mrs. Gaskell's CVanford. With an 
 
 Introduction by C. K. Shorti-r. 
 
 Ul-lU. Burke's Works. Vols. IH- 
 VI. 
 
 115. Essays and Sketches by Leigh 
 Hunt. With an Introduction 
 by R. Brimicy Johnson. 
 
 IK). Sophocles. Translated into Eng- 
 lish Verse by Professor Lewis 
 Campbell. 
 
 117. Aeschylus. Transl.ited into Eng- 
 lish Verse by Professor Lewis 
 Campbell. 
 
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