.5 - 5- ' - ■^ THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Series xxxvii No. i JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN Historical and Political Science under the Direction of the Departments of History, Political Economy, and Political Science UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS BY D. P. SMELSER, PH.D. Captain, Quartermaster Corps, A. E. F. BALTIMORE THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS OF BALTIMORE. American Journal of Insanity. E. N. Brush, J. M. Mosher, C. M. Campbell, C. K. Clarke and A. M. Barrett, Editors. Quarterly. 8vo. Volume LXXV in progress. .$5 per volume. (Foreign postage, fifty cents.) American Journal of Mathematics. Edited by Frank Morley, with the coopera- tion of A. Cohen, Charlotte A. Scott and other mathematicians. Quarterly. 4to. Volume XLI In progress. $6 per volume. (Foreign postage, fifty cents.) American Journal of Philology. Edited by B. L. Gildersleevb and C. W. E. MIIJJ5R. Quarterly. 8vo. Volume XL in progress. .$3 per volume. 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Eably Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Japak; 1853-1865. By Payson J. Treat. 468 pp. 12mo. $2 50. A complete list of publications sent on request. UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Series xxxvii No. i JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN Historical and Political Science Under the Direction of the Departments of History, Political Economy, and Political Science UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS BY D. p. SMELSER, Ph.D. Captain, Quartermaster Corps, A. E. F. BALTIMORE THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS 1919 PREFACE This monograph had its origin in an investigation carried on by the author while a member of the Economic Semi- nary of the Johns Hopkins University. The principal sources of information have been the trade-union publica- tions contained in the Johns Hopkins Library. Document- ary evidence was also supplemented by numerous personal interviews with trade-union officials. The author wishes to express his appreciation of the help- ful criticism and advice received from Professor J. H. Hol- lander and Professor G. E. Barnett. D. P. S. 10 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS ized wage earners, to consider briefly the data which appear to be the most reliable, and to attempt to determine the rela- tive volume and character of unemployment in some of the principal trades, in order to show how different the problem is in the various trades and to make clear that con- ditions determine, to a great extent, the methods which each trade union employs to solve it. The sources of statistical information as to unemployment among trade unionists are the publications of the state de- partments of labor and of the trade unions. While refer- ence will be made to all the data which have been collected, only those data which can be more or less successfully uti- lized in the study will be particularly described. The New York Department of Labor has collected since March, 1897, statistics of unemployment among the trade unionists of that State. From 1897 to 1914 it collected semi- annually, from all the trade unions, information as to the number of members employed and unemployed on the last working days of March and September, the causes of such unemployment, the number of members idle throughout the first and third quarters of the year, and the number of days which each member worked during these periods. The supply of this information was made compulsory by law. Since December, 1901, the New York Department has selected certain local unions in each trade and industry from which it has secured monthly returns as to unemployment. It has attempted to select local unions which have reliable and intelligent secretaries, to have each trade represented in proportion to the number of workmen engaged in each class, and to maintain the same proportionate representation from month to month so that the data may be comparable. Both classes of statistics are of doubtful value. The secretaries of the local unions in many cases had no means by which they could determine the actual number employed and unemployed, and consequently they resorted to rough estimates. Further, there was a tendency to exaggerate the amount of unemployment in the hope that this would favor- STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT II ably affect public opinion. These defects were especially inherent in the data collected semi-annually from all unions, and for this reason the collection of this class of data was discontinued in 1914. The data relating to selected unions are defective in many respects, but it is thought that, while they are of no great value as regards the actual amount of unemployment, they are of considerable importance in making apparent the movements in the state of employment from month to month and from year to year. It is for this reason that a summary of the data thus collected is given below. It may be well to state that these statistics represent about 235 local unions with a membership of 150,000, which is about 25 per cent of the trade-union membership of the State. State of Employment of Organized Labor in New York State, AS Reported by Representative Unions, 1901 to 1915 (From Bulletins of the New York Department of Labor) Percentage of Members Unemployed on Last Working Day of Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. 1902 20.9 18.7 17-3 15-3 14.0 14-5 15-6 7-1 6.3 II.2 14-3 22.2 1903 295 17.8 17.6! 17.3 20.2 23.1 17.8 154 94 II-7 16.4 23.1 1904 25.« 21.6 27.1 17.0 15-9 13-7 14.8 13-7 12.0 10.8 II. I 19.6 1905 22.5 19.4 19.2 II. 8 8.3 9-1 8.0 7.2 5-9 5.0 6.1 II. I 1906 15.0 15-3 11.6 7.3 7.0 6.3 7.6 5.« 6.3I 6.9 7.6 154 1907 21.5 20.1 18.3! 10. 1 10.5 8.1 8..S 12. 1 12.31 18.5 22.0 32.7 1908 36-9 37-5 37-5 33-9 32.2 30.2 26.8 24.6 24.61 23.1 21.5 28.0 1909 29-3 26.5 23.0 20.3 I7.I 174 139 11.9 14-5' 13-7 13-3 20.6 I9I0 24-5 22.4 22.6 16.0 14-5 154 19.4 22.3 12.5 15-0 17.5 27.3 I9II 26.7 24.8 25.b 21.3 27.2 22.9 15-5 11.7 II. 2 11.6 20.0 34-2 I9I2 25.« 17.6 18.8' 13.3 20.1 22.8 21. 1 91 5-9 74 15-3 30.1 I9I3 3«.2 33-4 21.8 21.7 22.9 22.2 20.8 19.6 16.2 193 27.8 40.0 I9I4 32.3 30.7 28.3 23.6 22.7 25-5 32.5 30.3 24.3 24.9 35.« 35-7 I9I5 40.1 32.2 27.4 26.4 31-8 25-5 26.0 19.31 14.9 12.7 17.6 21.9 The table clearly indicates the fluctuations in employment from month to month and from year to year. During 1902, 1903, and 1904 the average percentage of unemployment was around 13, but gradually decreased until the depression of 1907 and 1908 when it sharply rose, gradually dropping how- ever after the spring of 1909. During 1910 and 191 1 the 12 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS percentage was fairly constant, but there was a 25 per cent decrease in unemployment in 1912 ; for several of the months the percentages were lower than they had been for five or six years. However, after November, 1912, the percent- ages, if we disregard seasonal fluctuations, gradually rose until the fall of 191 5. It will be noted that during the past seven years an aver- age of between 20 and 25 per cent of the workmen in the selected unions have been returned as unemployed on the last working day of each month. The minimum percentage for the period was 5.6 in October, 1905, while the maximum was 40.1 in January, 191 5. The instances in which the monthly percentage was under 10 number less than twenty- five. The seasonal fluctuations are clearly indicated in the table. January reports the highest percentage of the year, after which the percentage drops gradually to September and October, in which months it appears that there is less unemployment than at any other time. November and De- cember show very high percentages. The Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics, since March, 1908, has collected data as to unemplyoment from trade unions situated in that State. This information is compar- able, in many respects, to that collected by the New York Department. In Massachusetts information as to unemploy- ment is secured only from those unions which desire to re- port their working conditions. However, the majority of the trade-union membership is represented in the returns. Thus, for the quarter ending September 30, 191 5, returns were made by 1052 local unions representing 175.754 organ- ized wage earners, or approximately 75 per cent of the trade-union membership of the State.^ Monthly returns are not made by any of the unions, reports being made only for the last working days of the four quarters of the year by the secretaries of the local unions. The returns are scrutinized by the bureau's experts and if any errors are apparent the schedules are returned for correction. 1 The Thirty-first Quarterly Report on Unemployment in Massa- chusetts : Quarter ending September 30, 1915, p. i. STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 13 The following table shows the percentage of members unemployed at the end of each quarter from March, 1908, to December, 191 5 : State of Employment of Organized Labor in Massachusetts (From Bulletins of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics) Percentage of Members Unemployed. March 31 June 30 September 30 December 31 1908 17.9 14.4 10.6 139 1909 II.4 6.4 4.8 9-4 I9I0 7-1 7.0 5-6 10.2 I9II 10.4 6.6 5.6 9-7 I9I2 14.1 5-3 47 91 I9I3 II-3 6.4 6.8 10.4 I9I4 12.9 9-9 II. 18.3 I9I5 16.6 10.6 7.0 8.6 The striking fact disclosed by these figures is their great disparity with the New York data. When idleness due to other causes than lack of work, lack of material, and the state of the weather has been eliminated, the averages of the New York and Massachusetts percentages for the last working days of the four quarters of the year, for the period 1908-1915, are 19.2 per cent and 7.5 per cent re- spectively. The most plausible explanation of this differ- ence is the larger proportion of highly seasonal workmen represented in the New York data. In the reports for June 30, 191 5, for example, the building trades represent more than 25 per cent of the workmen included in the New York report,^ while in the Massachusetts figures for that date the returns for the building trades constitute less than 20 per cent of the total figures.^ But what appear to be of even greater importance are the different proportions of the totals represented by garment workers. In the returns for June, 1915, the garment workers constituted 21 per cent 2 Idleness of Organized Wage Earners in the First-half of 1915, Bulletin of the New York Department of Labor, whole no. jj), P- ii- 2 Calculated from table in Thirteenth Quarterly Report on Unem- ployment in Massachusetts, June 30, 1915, p. 11. 14 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS of those included in the New York returns,* while in the Massachusetts data for that date this class of workmen formed less than 3 per cent of the members reporting.^ Unemployment in the building trades and in the garment industry of New York is twice as great as the average in other trades taken together. Thus, the average of the monthly percentages of unemployment in the building trades from 1907 to 1914 in New York was 29, and that for the garment industry was approximately the same, while the average of all industries was only 22 per cent. When it is remembered that the average of all industries is weighted in proportion to the relative representation of trades, and that the garment workers and building trades mechanics constitute more than 50 per cent of the total, the efifect of the great amount of unemployment in these two industries upon the average percentage is easily seen. The New Hampshire Bureau of Labor is the only other state bureau which has collected statistics of unemployment among organized wage earners, and these statistics are prac- tically valueless as they give only the percentages of mem- bers unemployed throughout the first and second quarters of 191 5. It seems that the secretaries of the local unions, in most cases, were unable to accurately report such infor- mation. A number of the American trade unions have attempted to collect statistics of unemployment of their members. Generally these attempts have failed, either because the sec- retaries of the local unions refused to report conditions accurately, or because the secretary of the national union failed to recognize the importance of the statistical infor- mation as to unemployment. The unions have the oppor- tunity of collecting such material at small expense. In all unions the secretaries of the subordinate branches make monthly reports to headquarters concerning various sub- * Bulletin of the New York Department of Labor, whole no. 73, p. II. s Calculated from table in Thirteenth Quarterly Report on Unem- ployment in Massachusetts, June 30, 1915, p. 11. STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT I5 jects, and where statistical information as to unemployment has been collected these monthly reports have generally been utilized for this purpose. The American Federation of Labor collected from 1899 to 1908 data relating to unemployment among members of its affiliated unions. The number of workmen represented in the returns varied as much as Boo per cent from one month to another in the same year, and as the reports were made by the secretaries of the national unions it is obvious that the data secured were not accurate. For this reason the collection of this information was discontinued in 1909. The Wisconsin State Federation of Labor has collected statistics of unemployment from its affiliated unions since 1912. The information collected in 1912 was worthless and that for the two succeeding years was far from satis- factory. In 1 91 3 the affiliated unions were requested to report the percentages of members unemployed on Septem- ber I. Returns were made by 243 local unions with a total membership of 19,921. Of these, 1436 members, or ^.2 per cent, were reported as idle.® This percentage is but four-tenths of one per cent higher than that of Massachu- setts for September 30 of the same year, while it is 12.8 lower than the New York percentage for August 31. A few unions have realized the benefits accruing from the collection of statistical information as to unemployment and have accordingly provided in their constitutions that the local union secretaries shall report the state of employment at specified periods. For example, the Potters,'^ Plumbers,* Boilermakers,® Iron Molders,^^ Lithographers,^^ Elevator Constructors,^- and Metal Polishers^^ require the secre- 8 Labor Conditions in Wisconsin : Second Report by the Execu- tive Board of the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, July i, 1914, p. 15. ■^ Constitution, 1913, sec. 132. s Constitution, 1913, sec. 36. 9 Constitution for Local Unions, 1914, art. 2, sec. 6. "^^ Constitution, 1912, art. 5, sec. i. 1'' Constitution for Local Unions, 1913, art. 5, sec. i. 12 Constitution, 1910, art. 6, sec. 3. ^3 Constitution, 1913, art. 32, sec. i. l6 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS taries of their subordinate unions to report either monthly or quarterly the number of members employed and unem- ployed. But little attention is paid by the secretaries to these provisions, and in the unions where the information is reported it is neither used by the general secretaries nor compiled for publication. The Painters, Paperhangers, and Decorators at their con- vention in 191 3 provided that an official " time book " should be issued to each member of the union, who was to record in it all time lost through unemployment and the causes of such idleness, and report quarterly to his local union. The secretaries of the subordinate branches were instructed to compile these reports and send them to the national union.^* It was thought that much valuable information could thus be secured. Considerable light would have been thrown upon the question of variation in unemployment among localities. However, it was found impossible to secure the desired information from the members except through a system of fines, which, of course, would have had a tendency to produce inaccurate statistics. Consequently, these time books are used in only a few unions.^^ It is understood that the Chicago local union has collected statistics of unem- ployment from its members for five or six years. It was reported at the convention in 1913 that the data collected in the two previous years indicated that the average painter lost ninety-eight working days each year through inability to secure work.^® The Glass Bottle Blowers have collected and privately published statistical information as to unemployment among its members for several years. But in consequence of the fact that no distinction is made between the members totally unemployed and those working as " spare men " this infor- mation is of little value. There is also available in the monthly journals of the Wood Carvers data as to the num- ber of members employed and unemployed on the last ^* Constitution, 1913, sec. 238. *6 Interview with General Secretary Skemp, August, 1915. " Proceedings, 1913, p. 635. STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT I7 working day of the month. Percentages of unemployment have been calculated for the period 1909-1915, and there is little fluctuation in them from month to month and from year to year, the rate of unemployment ranging between twenty and twenty-five per cent. This would seem to indi- cate that the returns are not accurate but mere estimates of the secretaries. The only statistics of unemployment collected by the trade unions which it was possible to utilize in this study are the data collected by the Bricklayers, Masons and Plasterers from 1882 to 191 1, by the Pattern Makers from April, 1907, to December, 1916, and by the Flint Glass Workers from 1907 to 1915. In view of the fact that so little attention has been given to the collection of data as to unemployment in the United States before 1900, it is rather surprising to find that the Bricklayers' Union, organized in 1865, collected semi- annually statistics of unemployment from 1882 to 1911 and monthly thereafter.^'^ These statistics are based upon the reports by the local secretaries of the number of members employed and unemployed. Not all of the unions reported, as some were always in a state of disorganization or were involved in labor disputes ; but the reports are fairly repre- sentative of the entire membership, and the average per- centage of the membership included in the data for the period 1882-1911 is 79.1. There is no reason to believe that those unions which are not represented in the returns, ex- cept the few on strike, had more or less unemployment than the average of those reporting. The returns unfortunately include members who were reported as unemployed on ac- count of labor disputes and illness. Of course the inclusion of these members has produced high percentages of unem- ployment. Another important question is whether the secretaries correctly reported the number of the unemployed. Secre- iT The data collected since 191 1 have not been compiled, the secre- tary merely using the information. (Interview with Secretary Dob- son, August, 1915.) 1 8 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS taries of unions having less than fifty members could easily determine the number of unemployed, since they generally knew the places where members were at work ; but in unions with a larger membership — many of the local unions have from IOC to 7000 members — the secretaries were unable to make exact returns from their own knowledge. In such cases the secretaries either based their returns upon rough estimates or upon the reports of the stewards. It is impos- sible to determine the extent to which the stewards' reports were used. It would not have been difficult to ascertain the exact number of members employed on a given day if these reports had been used, because each week the stewards on the various jobs reported the names of all members work- ing on particular days. The reports are supposed to give the number of members employed and unemployed on the last working days of June and December ; but it is under- stood that frequently the returns were based upon the con- dition of trade slightly before and after these dates. These data are presented in the following table, principally because they represent the only continuous record respecting unem- ployment in the United States before 1897. Unemployment of Members of the Bricklayers, Masons and Plasterers (From Semi-Annual Reports of the General Secretary) Percentage of Members Percentage of Members Year Unemployed Year Unemployed June 1 December June December 1882 lO.O 20.2 1897 41.4 51-7 1883 4-6 26.4 1898 38.8 47.6 1884 II. I 48.6 1899 18.2 31.2 1885 20.5 33-6 1900 29.8 34-7 1886 15-1 36.7 I9OI 8.8 20.9 1887 6.0 37- 1 1902 10.5 23.8 1888 15-2 37-3 1903 II-5 45-8 1889 13-3 34-1 1904 14.2 36.9 1890 12.5 37-1 1905 10.5 23-4 189I 24.8 37-2 1906 11.7 24.0 1892 18.7 37-6 1907 16.4 512 1893 22.2 67.7 1908 42.2 48.8 1894 49-6 54-6 1909 17.2 30.1 1895 28.1 43-2 I9IO 12.8 30.2 1896 33-3 55-9 I9II 26.3 STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT I9 As was to be expected, the figures show great differences in unemployment between summer and winter. Every one realizes that there is, on the whole, less work for bricklay- ers in December than in June ; but few realize how great the difference is. December 31 and June 30 may be taken as dates representative of the poor and good seasons of employment in the building industry. It is to be noted that, without exception, in the period 1882-1911 unemploy- ment was greater in December than in June of any one year. The mean of the December figures is 37.47 per cent, while the mean of the June figures is only 19.84 per cent. By taking the average of the percentages for the two sea- sons over a period of thirty years the effects of special cir- cumstances, cyclical fluctuations, and general changes of level may be eliminated or made inappreciable, and the sea- sonal fluctuation alone is seen. The table also discloses a remarkable series of waves of good and bad employment. The average unemployment for the four minima, 1882, 1883, 1901, 1905, is 15.6 per cent or one-third of the maximum. It would be interesting, if the statistics of a sufficient number of years were available, to compare this range with the fluctuations in other trades. Beveridge has shown that in England those trades which are most regu- larly affected by seasonal movement from month to month are those least affected by a cyclical fluctuation from year to year.^^ From an examination of the existing statistics in the United States it appears that this does not hold true in this country. The Flint Glass Workers have collected quarterly statis- tics of unemployment since 1907, but the data are frag- mentary from 1907 to 1912. In 1913 the union also in- cluded in its inquiry questions as to the number of members who were unemployed at the trade, but who had secured temporary employment in other lines of industry. Accord- ingly, the local unions were requested to report the number of members employed at the trade, the number holding bon- is W. H. Beveridge, Unemployment : A Problem of Industry, 1909, p. 40. 20 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS orary membership, disabled, and working outside the trade, and the number of those who were wilHng and able to work but had not found employment of any kind. The following table shows the data thus collected : Unemployment of Members of the Flint Glass Workers Union (From Quarterly Reports of the Secretary) Percentage of Members Employed at Trade Employed Outside Trade Unemployed IQ07 Aue. "^i 80 82 80 87 87 84 87 85 87 87 80 QO 91 90 86 87 87 84 74 76 76 81 80 85 6 8 7 6 8 9 13 10 7 8 9 20 Nov 30 18 1908 Feb. 28 20 1 909 Feb 28 I"^ 1910 Feb. 28 13 Mav "^i 16 191 1 Feb. 28 13 15 13 13 20 Mhv "^i 1912 Feb. 28 May 31 Aue. "^i Nov. 30 ID 1913 Feb. 28 9 4 6 Mav "?! Aue. "^i XT ^ 0* Nov. 30 1914 Feb. 28 6 7 8 Mav "^i Aug. 31 Nov. 30 17 II 1915 Feb. 28 14 12 Mav ^i Aue. "^i 12 Nov. 30 6 The percentage of the members employed at the trade, it will be noted, varied from 74 on August 31, 1914, to 91 on February 28, 1913. The means for the four quarters for the period 1912-1915 were 83, 84, 78 and 81 per cent. It appears that the state of employment is, on the average, practically the same in all four quarters. Since 1913 of those not employed at the trade on the average 8.2 per cent were employed outside the trade, while 9.1 per cent were returned as unemployed. The fact that many workmen secure subsidiary employ- STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 21 ment when they are unable to secure employment at their principal occupations is a factor that has frequently been overlooked in discussions of unemployment statistics. The fact that the unions in a particular trade report that 30 per cent of their members were unemployed on a certain day should not be construed to indicate that 30 per cent of their members were not working, but that 30 per cent were not engaged at their principal occupation. This defect in trade union statistics of unemployment is due to the fact that the secretary of a local union estimates the percentages of un- employment with the idea that the information which is most desirable is that relating to the number of members who are unable to secure employment under the jurisdiction of the union. Statistical information as to unemployment among the members of the Pattern Makers' Union is available for each month since April, 1907. These data have been secured from the reports of the local union secretaries to the na- tional president who compiles the statistics for private use and for publication.^^ The secretaries are instructed to "give the exact number of members unemployed at the end of the month "-'' and the membership of the local unions. These statistics are, of course, open to the same criticism as those of the New York Department of Labor and Massa- chusetts Bureau of Labor, but they are greatly superior to the statistics collected by trade unions that have heretofore been considered. In January, 191 5, forty of the sixty-five local unions of the Pattern Makers had less than fifty mem- bers each.-^ As was stated above, the secretaries of local unions with few members are able to determine the number of unemployed from personal knowledge. Moreover, sev- eral of the larger unions, two of which comprise over 20 per cent of the entire membership, pay out-of-work bene- 1" The writer wishes to express his appreciation of the kindness of President Wilson of the Pattern Makers in placing at his dis- posal the reports from which these data have been obtained. 20 Monthly Financial Statement and Trade and Statistical Report, December, 1914, p. 2. 21 Ibid., January, 1915, pp. 6, 7. 22 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS fits," and all of the local unions furnish out-of-work stamps free to the unemployed," so that their secretaries, unlike those of most unions, have the opportunity of ascertaining the exact number of unemployed members with but little difficulty. The president of the union, too, takes great in- terest in the returns and where a local union attempts to conceal a good condition of trade by the return of an exag- gerated number of unemployed, does not hesitate to correct the error. However, President Wilson states that, although the greater number of unions make fairly accurate returns, some associations overestimate the number of unemployed for the purpose of deterring the traveling members from transferring to them. Thus, in January, 191 5, he pointed out that "one association this month reports that 20 per cent of its members are out of work while the truth is that all of its members are employed, and another union reports just about three times as many as are really idle."^* As with the other data as to unemployment in trade unions, these figures include those unemployed from all causes.^^ The following table shows the percentages of unemploy- ment in the Pattern Makers' Union for the last working day of each month from April, 1907, to December, 1916: Unemployment of Members of the Pattern Makers' Union (From Reports at the Union Headquarters) Percentage of Membership Unemployed on Last Working Day Year , . Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Mean 1907 1 ' 3.8 5-5' 4-9 4-9 6.8 9.8 12.5 20.6 29.3 10.9 1908 28.6 29.428.1 22.6 27.1 26.4 25.6 23-7 22.5 21.7 17.I 16.7 24.1 1909 15-3 I4.I 10.2 12. 1 II. 8 10.6 8.2 7.3! 6.5 6.0 6.2 5.6 9-5 I9IO 4.8 3-9, 5-5: 4-3 4-4 5.1 5-5 7.8 8.1 II. ii I0.6I 11.3 6.8 I9II 10.5 8.li 7.6\ 7.6 9-3 6.9 7.2 8.2I 8.i| io.i| lo.i 9.1 8.6 I912 74 6.31 6.51 5.2 50 4-9 4.6 4-5' 4-3: 3-8i 3-8 4-8 5-1 I913 4.6 3-8| 3-9 4-2 6.2 7.4 9.3 11.4: 11.8 12.9; 15.1 16.6 8.9 I914 14.0 12.5111.911.311.613.1 12.8! 15.6 20.3 23.8; 23.9 19.9 159 I915 20.4 16.5114.9 13.1 II. 8 10.9 8.3; 7-8I 8.3 7.0! 5.7 5.7 10.9 1916 5-« 6.81 6.3I 6.6 6.5 5.6 6.0I 6.6! 7.1 5.9, 4.7 3-9 5-2 22 See p. 144. 23 See p. 145. 2* Monthly Financial Statement and Trade and Statistical Report, January, 1915, p. 2. 25 In 1916 an average of 16.8 per cent of the members reported as unemployed were on strike. STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 23 It will be noted that the percentages are considerably lower than those of the other unions so far noted. In normal years the percentage of unemployment is between five and eight, but these figures are doubled in periods of industrial depression. The striking fact about the data of the Pattern Makers is the relative constancy of the figures from month to month; that is to say, the percentages show no sudden fluctuations from one month to the next as the unemployment statistics of a single trade generally do, but either rise or fall gradually during the periods of depression and prosperity. Thus, in 191 5 the percentage was 20.4 in January and only 5.7 in December, but the percentages for the intervening months decreased gradually. The same slow movement of the percentage of unemployment oc- curred in 1907 when there was a gradual increase from 3.8 in April to 29.3 in December. This regularity in the re- turns probably indicates that the secretaries were more care- ful than in other unions to note slight fluctuations. One of the most important conclusions to be drawn from the statistics of unemployment relates to the very great differences in the amount of unemployment among locali- ties. The dominant industries of any two States are rarely the same, or even if the same, the proportions of workmen employed in the various industries are generally different. It is certainly true, for example, that the chief occupations of the workmen included in the Massachusetts returns are not identical with those of the workmen represented in the New York data. Even where the industries are the same in two States certain local peculiarities may affect the sea- sonal fluctuations and produce more unemployment in one state than in another. The differences in unemployment among various States is illustrated by a comparison of the monthly fluctuations in the number of persons employed in manufactures. The census of manufacturers of 1909 shows that in ten States the minimum number of wage earners reported for any month in the year represented over 90 per cent of the maximum 24 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS number. In thirteen States the proportion was less than 80.0 per cent. The largest difference between the maxi- mum and the minimum numbers employed is shown for Idaho, where the percentage was 63.3. This was due chiefly to the seasonal variations in the lumber industry which gave employment to more people than any other industry. In New Hampshire and Vermont, on the other hand, where the fluctuations in the various industries largely balance one another, the minimum numbers of wage earners reported were 94.3 and 93.3 per cent respectively, of the maximum numbers.^" The following table shows the relative fluctuations in un- employment in New York and Massachusetts. The per- centage of fluctuation is calculated upon the base of the greatest number employed in any one month of the year : Monthly Fluctuations of Employment in the Industries of New York and Massachusetts, 1909 (From the Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910, vol. viii ; Manufactures, p. 282) Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug, Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. Mean New York Mass lo.i 7.6 8.7 6.6 6.8 5-4 6.9 5.8 7-5 5-9 7.8 6.0 8.1 6.5 6.1 5-2 2.1 2.9 1.8 0.4 1.4 1-7 6.02 — 5.01 The table shows that not only was there a greater fluctua- tion between the best and worst months of employment in New York than in Massachusetts, but that in New York the average of the other eleven months was 6.02 per cent less than in the busiest month, October, while in Massachu- setts the average was only 5.01 per cent less than in De- cember, the busiest month. In eight of the eleven months the percentage of fluctuation was over six in New York, while in Massachusetts the percentage was six or over in only four months. Not only are the fluctuations in employment in the indus- tries of two States taken as a whole often quite different, 26 Thirteenth Census, 1910, vol. viii, p. 282. STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 25 but it frequently happens that the seasonal fluctuations in the same industry are different in two States. This arises chiefly out of climatic conditions although various local pe- culiarities play a large part. Thus, when the state of em- ployment in the building trades of New York City is poor, Philadelphia may be erecting a number of large buildings and may need additional workmen. Indeed it may be said that the state of employment in certain trades is affected more by purely local variations than by seasonal and cyclical fluctuations. It will occasionally happen that in a particu- lar city more building will be done during the winter than was done in the preceding summer. Even taking the labor market as a whole, the state of employment varies as much from one city to another as it does from one season to an- other. This fact is shown by the reports of the Massachu- setts Bureau of Statistics on the state of employment in the various cities of the State. In March, 191 5, for example, the percentage of unemployment for the entire State was 16.6; in Boston, it was 13.9, in Brockton, 27.6, in Holyoke, 25.2, in Lowell, 7.4, while in Quincy and Taunton it was only 4.1 and 4.7, respectively." Thus, there was a total range of 23.5 from one city to another in the same State. The reports of the New York Department of Labor show that the state of employment is generally far worse in New York City than in other parts of the State. The difference in the amount of unemployment among cities is illustrated by the statistics of "traveling" among trade unionists. Workmen do not move from one city to another because the general state of employment in their trade is poor, but because it is poor in the particular com- munity in which they reside. It is true that some twenty years ago trade unionists traveled needlessly from one local union to another, but in consequence of the change in the attitude of the unions, the members are notified of the con- dition of trade in contiguous cities before they move, and if it appears to the secretary or business agent that the 27 Twenty-ninth Quarterly Report on Unemployment in Massa- chusetts, March 31, 1915, p. 4. 26 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Unemployment and Traveling in the Pattern Makers' Union Year Month Percentage Unemployed 1909 I9IO I9II I9I2 1913 January. . February . March . . . April .... May June July August . . . September October . . November December , January . . February . March ... April May June July August . . . September October . . . November December . January. . February . March . . . . April May June July August. . . September October . . . November December . January. . February . March . . . . Apiil May June July August . . . September October . . . November December . January. . February . 15-3 14. 1 10.2 12. 1 11.8 10.6 8.2 7-3 6.5 6.0 6.2 5-6 4.8 3-9 5-5 4-3 44 5-1 5-5 7.8 8.1 II. I 10.6 II-3 10.5 8.1 7.6 7.6 9-3 6.9 7.2 8.2 8.1 10. 1 10. 1 91 7-4 6.3 6.5 5-2 5-0 4-9 4.6 4-5 4-3 3-8 3-8 4.8 46 3-8 STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 27 Unemployment and Traveling in the Pattern Makers' Union (Continued) Percentage Unemployed Number of Members per 1,000 Transferred I913 I9I4 1915 March . . . April .... May June July August . . . September October . November December . January. . February . March ... April May June July August . . . September October. . . November December . January. . February. March . . . . April May June July August . . . September , October . . November . December . 3-9 18 4.2 23 6.2 25 7-4 21 9-3 23 11.4 18 11.8 19 12.9 14 151 13 16.6 12 14.0 II 12.5 10 11.9 17 II-3 13 11.6 10 131 16 12.8 12 15-6 13 20.3 10 23.8 7 239 8 19.9 9 20.4 8 16.5 10 14.9 10 I3-I 12 11.8 13 10.9 17 8.3 13 7.8 21 8.3 17 7.0 16 5-7 20 5-7 18 member would not be bettering his chances of employment by transferring his residence, the workman is informed of the fact. The trade unionists, as will be shown in a later chapter, are relying more and more upon their unions to notify them of employment in other cities and consequently the movement that occurs at the present time is largely due to differences in the demand for labor in various cities. It has frequently been asserted in periods of depression that 28 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS the poor condition of trade forced many workmen to move from one city to another, but the contrary is true. This is clearly brought out by comparing the percentage of unem- ployment and the number of transfers issued per one thou- sand members in the Pattern Makers' Union, as shown in the table on pages 26 and 2."]. The coefficient of correlation between the number unem- ployed and the number transferred is — .70. In other words, the percentage of unemployment varies inversely with the percentage of transfers issued. As unemployment in- creases, the number of workmen transferring from one city to another decreases, and vice versa. The percentage of transfers is governed by the fluctuations of employment be- tween individual labor markets. From the statistics of unemployment we are also able to make certain deductions as to the relative volume and char- acter of unemployment in some of the principal trades. Cyclical fluctuations occur with some degree of regularity, the movement covering a period of four or five years. Thus, 1896, 1900, 1904, and 1908 were years in which the percentage of unemployment reached very high marks. These cyclical fluctuations affect all trades and industries. It appears that a depression generally causes an increase at the high point of 50 per cent over the number normally idle. Thus, in IMassachusetts it appears that there was, on the average, 61 per cent more unemployment in 1908 and 1904 than in the intervening years while in New York there was, on the average, 50 per cent more tmemployment in 1908 and 1914 than the average of the intervening years. The number unemployed does not register the full effect of a depression since short-time is more common in such periods. The amount of the weekly pay-roll would be a better measure, but the data are not obtainable. Industrial depressions affect the various trades in different degree. For instance, a period of depression causes an increase of 100 per cent in the number of unemployed in the building trades, while it causes increases of only 30 per cent in the STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 29 garment industry, 40 per cent in food and liquors, and prac- tically none in some other trades and in public employment. There are two methods by which the trade unions can alleviate the consequences of unemployment due to cyclical fluctuations: (i) distribution of employment and (2) un- employment insurance. It is obvious that the unions can of themselves do nothing to regularize industry. In pe- riods of depression, their employment bureaus cannot have any great value, nor can they place their members in other occupations, because industries are generally affected. Equal distribution of employment and unemployment insurance appear to be the only means of meeting cyclical fluctuations. But, as will be pointed out in a later chapter, various forces operate against the establishment of the system of equal distribution of employment. Thus, in transportation and printing where a period of depression throws out of em- ployment only about four per cent of the workmen, this number is not large enough to cause the unions to ask for an equal distribution of the work. The system is most used in those trades where the cyclical and seasonal fluctuations are the most violent. In the building trades, however, where the workmen change frequently from one employer to another, this method can be utilized only with great difficulty. The most noticeable characteristic of the statistics is the wide fluctuation in the percentages of unemployment from month to month. In the New York data, which constitutes the only statistical information as to unemployment from month to month in all trades, the percentages for all trades taken together gradually dropped from January, the dullest month in the year, to September and October, and rose again in November and December. The good and bad sea- sons vary from one trade to another. Thus, the winter months furnish less employment in building trades and transportation, but more employment in clothing, textiles, boots and shoes, theatres and music. The diflferences among the various trades of the same industry are equally as im- 30 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS portant. For instance, in the garment industry, the dull seasons in dresses and waists coincide with the periods of fairly intense activity in the manufacture of petticoats. While the seasons of activity and dullness may be in gen- eral the same in some of the various industries, the duration and the intensity of the unemployment may be different. In the clothing industry the seasonal fluctuations are the great- est, for in some of its trades there is an almost complete stagnation in the dull season. On the average, it may be said that the dull season affects 80 per cent of the workmen in the clothing industry. In the building trades the fluc- tuations due to weather conditions mean the idleness of 20 per cent of the workmen in addition to the number normally idle. In metals and machinery and printing, the seasonal fluctuations are less, amounting to but three or four per cent of the workmen. In the brewing industry the seasonal fluctuations mean the employment of all workers on half time, while in theatres about 75 per cent of the workmen are unemployed during the summer months. There are two chief remedies recommended for seasonal fluctuations: (i) the regularization of industry and (2) the dovetailing of occupations. While it is true that the trade unions could facilitate the regularization of industry by lowering their minimum rates in the dull seasons, there are certain considerations which make this solution undesirable to them. Moreover, this solution can only be achieved by cooperation with the employers. The second remedy, the dovetaihng of trades, has greater possibilities, although the trade unions have given it little attention. In a later chapter, it will be pointed out that only a few of the unions have provided for a free inter- change of union cards. It was noted, however, in our ex- amination of the statistics of the Flint Glass Workers union, that nearly one-half of those not engaged at their principal occupations were employed at other work. In this prob- lem, as in others, the volume and character of the unem- ployment determine to a great extent the appropriate rem- STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 3I edy. It is obvious that the amount of dovetailing will be greatest in those trades where the slack seasons are most pronounced. The flint glass workers, the theatrical stage employees, and the glass bottle blowers, who realize that they will be unable to secure any employment at their main occupation during the dull seasons, look to other industries for employment to tide them over the slack period. On the other hand, where the fluctuations are less pronounced, and there is a greater chance for continued employment in the trade through the slack season, the workmen are reluc- tant to enter other industries and perform work which is more irksome for lower wages. This explains in great part why the longshoremen rarely enter other fields of em- ployment even for short periods ; there is always the chance that they can secure some work along the wharves. In another group of trades, workmen are unable to dove- tail occupations because there are no opportunities. The coal miners have no means of supplementing their earnings in dull seasons, and charity workers will testify to the fact that clothing workers are usually unable to secure work at other than the needle trades. Skilled workmen are re- luctant to do unskilled work for fear that they will in some way destroy the knack of doing skilled work ; it is only in a small number of cases that building trades workers secure employment in other occupations with somewhat lower wages. Thus, the extent to which resort is had to sub- sidiary occupations varies from trade to trade. In trades where the seasonal fluctuations are more pronounced, a con- siderable part of the number not employed at the trade are employed in some other occupation. In the highly skilled trades and in trades where the fluctuations are not very acute, the number is very much less. The consequence of seasonal unemployment to the indi- vidual workmen may be alleviated by unemployment insur- ance, by relatively higher wages during employment, and by distribution of employment. It has been noted that the periods of seasonal fluctuations 32 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS in many trades are well defined, and the workmen expect to be unemployed for a certain length of time each season. Unemployment insurance, in such cases, is not necessary unless the workmen have not the will to provide for these periods of idleness. It will be noted later that the Cigar Makers do not provide for the payment of out-of-work benefits during the seasonal periods of slackness. It is a well recognized fact that wages are higher in trades which are affected by pronounced seasonal fluctua- tions than in trades embracing the same class of workmen but with greater regularity of employment. Thus, the hourly wages of bricklayers are considerably higher than the wages of carpenters ; but the statistics of the New York Department of Labor show that the average yearly earnings in the two trades are about the same. Cabinet makers re- ceive lower wages than carpenters partly, if not entirely, because they have more regular employment. The rela- tively high daily wages of members of building-trades unions are frequently used to indicate high yearly earnings, yet it is found that the latter are but little more than those in metals and machinery and slightly lower than in printing, where regular employment produces high yearly earnings although the daily wage is relatively low. In a later chapter it will be shown that the unions depend chiefly upon the distribution of employment in meeting seasonal fluctuations, and that the volume and character of the unemployment play a considerable part in determining whether or not this method is available. Apart from seasonal and cyclical unemployment there is a considerable amount of unemployment in certain trades which is due to the maladjustment of the labor supply among different localities. Against this form of unemploy- ment, the unions have provided by the transfer of their members from one city to another. These methods are generally better established in trades where the local fluctua- tions are the greatest. Finally, there is the form of unemployment which is STATISTICS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 33 present at all times, caused either by a chronic oversupply of workmen in the trade or by the fact that workmen are sometimes forced to change their employers. The former cause is of importance only in those trades where the work is extremely casual as in the case of longshoremen. In this connection the unions have done little; indeed Barnes-* points out that the unions of longshoremen in New York City have repeatedly refused the offers of the employers to place a certain number of the men on weekly wages. The second form of unemployment, that due to the chang- ing of employers, is of great importance in some trades, while in others it is not a serious problem. More time is lost in this manner in the building trades than in any other industry. The average building-trades worker secures em- ployment on several jobs and under several employers dur- ing a season. Inasmuch as the periods of unemployment in such cases are generally short, unemployment insurance is of little value. The most important need is for employ- ment bureaus. In a later chapter it will be noted that the unions have developed these agencies in proportion to the relative volume of such unemployment in their trades. Thus, in the building trades where the problem is the greatest, the office of business agent has been established. In other trades, as, for instance, the glass industry, where the problem is far less acute, the unions have done very little. 28 Charles B. Barnes, The Longshoremen, pp. 74, 79, 102. CHAPTER II The Til\de Union Theory of Unemployment The American unions have adopted certain policies which have as their object a solution of the problem of unem- ployment. Some of these policies are based on fallacious reasoning, while others would produce a partial solution if the unions were able to exercise jurisdiction over a greater proportion of the working population than they now control. No one realizes the inadequacy of present policies better than the trade unionists, and they also realize that without the aid of the government, of the employers, and of the general public, they cannot deal successfully with the prob- lem. As one trade-union official has said: "Of all the problems facing trade-union officials that of unemployment is the most difficult to handle."^ There are numerous union rules, regulations, customs, and policies which bear some relation to unemployment, but only those which show the union theory of unemployment will be considered here. Inasmuch as this theory has been de- veloped from two main ideas, the regulation of the number of workmen among whom the employment is to be divided, and the increasing of the total amount of employment, the policies which have been chosen for discussion may be con- veniently classified under these two heads. Unions generally regard the amount of work which is to be done as a fixed quantity. Their chief concern, there- fore, is the number of workmen among whom the employ- ment is to be divided. The problem of unemployment would be, in great measure, solved, in their opinion, could they but regulate the number of workmen in the country and in each trade. Thus, the unions have been the strongest 1 Typographical Journal, January, 1915, p. 42. 34 TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 35 agitators for a restriction of immigration. They maintain that as the population of the country increases the chances for employment lessen and there is less amount of employ- ment per capita. In the same manner they appear to think that by the aboHtion of the manufacture of goods by con- vict and child labor the per capita amount of work will be increased. In short, the union theory of unemployment is built upon the doctrine which economists have termed the " work fund " theory. In view of the existence of such union theories, it is not surprising that a great number of unions have placed re- strictions upon the admission of workmen to their organiza- tions. The editor of the Bridge and Structural Iron Work- ers Journal has stated the common union view as follows : " As a general proposition with us we appear to think that a new applicant means another person to apply for the various jobs."2 Not all of the unions have adopted the policy of limiting their membership; many are willing to receive as members practically all who are employed at the trade. But, where a local union has the field sufficiently organized to success- fully deal with the employers, very little effort is made to secure additional members. In some of the large cities it is very difficult to obtain admission to a building-trades union. In such cases it is felt that workmen have the local situation so well in hand that the presence of even a con- siderable number of unorganized workmen can have little influence in their dealings with the employers. A few local unions in various trades make their admission fees high as a barrier to deter the unorganized from joining. Initiation fees of $50.00, $75.00 and even $100.00 are found in a few highly organized unions, and this amount must be paid before the workmen are given their working cards. Another method of keeping the unorganized out of the union is to make the conditions of the examination such that it is very difficult for ordinary workmen to pass it. 2 Bridgemen's Magazine, 1908, p. 848. 36 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS The New York local union of Steam Fitters limits its mem- bership by this method. The requirements of the examina- tion are said to be of such a nature that a majority of the members of the union could not pass it. Other unions have gone further and have absolutely refused to consider ap- plications. While this is a policy of only two or three national unions, it is practised in a great number of local unions of various trades. These local unions have a suffi- cient number of members to maintain relations with the em- ployers and are extremely reluctant to receive any new mem- bers, even upon application. A still greater number of local unions do not make any serious efforts to organize their trade. Thus, a business agent informed the writer that he made no effort to secure new members and, further, that he attempted to persuade applicants not to join the union unless work was very plentiful.^ The union apprenticeship policies are dominated by the same ideas. The unions seek to perpetuate the custom of apprenticeship with its accompanying rules, primarily, in order that the supply of labor may be regulated and, sec- ondarily, that capable workmen may be produced. Although there is no desire to minimize the purpose of the unions to produce efficient workmen by the system of apprenticeship, it is obvious that this is subordinate to the desire to restrict the number working at the trade. In those trades in which the system of apprenticeship exists, a considerable amount of unemployment is frequently traced by the unions to the admission of too many apprentices. Thus, an official of the Photo-Engravers reported in 191 5: "We fully agree that one of the chief contributing factors that have been the cause of so much unemployment in our trade has been a too liberal apprentice ratio which is turning out more journey- men than the trade can absorb. The industry is not growing as rapidly as it has in the past and the new time and labor saving methods and processes are aggravating this situation. . . . We therefore . . , urge this convention to alter our 2 Interview, February, 1913. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 37 existing ratio of apprentices so as to be more restrictive."* Trade unionists generally believe that if the unions were allowed to fix the ratio of apprentices to journeymen, the problem of unemployment would be greatly lessened. Thus, the president of the Plumbers said in 1900: "I believe that the future prosperity of our trade lies in restricting the vast number of apprentices that are at present employed. The supply is greater than the demand and therefore in accord- ance with the other lines of trade we should endeavor to restrict the number of apprentices until such time as our older members have an opportunity to earn a livelihood."^ In the majority of trade conferences, such as those in the glass industry, the subject of apprenticeship is one of the most important topics of discussion. The unions demand that the ratio be reduced while the employers desire an in- crease. Frequently the unions have laid as much stress upon this point as upon wages and other working conditions. The relation between restriction of numbers and the avoidance of unemployment is illustrated by the policies of certain unions when trade is very active. In such cases the unions occasionally remove the barriers to membership in order to furnish employers with the desired number of workmen. They receive these men into the union upon the payment of the customary initiation fee, but are careful to accept as members only enough to meet the demands of the employers. In other cases the unions do not accept as regular members those workmen who are needed by reason of an increased demand. For instance, the Elevator Con- structors, which has limited its membership more success- fully than any other American union, utilizes the so-called " permit " system. A Chicago contractor stated in 1904 that "in busy times the Union (Elevator Constructors) will not admit new members so that all of its members, even the poorest, may be able to obtain employment," and that this resulted in a shortage of efficient men." * American Photo-Engraver, October, 1915, pp. 467-468. 5 Proceedings, 1900, p. 15. 8 Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1904, P- 333. 38 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS When a local union of the Elevator Constructors is forced by the employers to find additional workmen, it secures men who have had experience in elevator construction, or struc- tural and ornamental iron workers, machinists, carpenters, and electricians. The work is of such a character that under the guidance of experienced elevator constructors these workmen of closely allied trades can be utilized very satisfactorily. But these men are not required to join the union. Indeed, in the greater number of cases they are not admitted. They are given "permits" which are valid for one or two weeks. If their services are needed after this time the permits are renewed, but if employment is not plenti- ful the men are released. For these permits the union charges the sum of 25 or 50 cents per day. The rules of the Chicago local union provide that " when the condition of trade makes it impossible to furnish employers with the necessary help from among the regular members, the busi- ness agent shall have power to issue permits to the members of other trades who may be competent to do the work. These permits may be withdrawn at any time by the busi- ness agent."^ President Murphy of the Elevator Constructors says that in 1912 the New York local union was working three hun- dred and fifty permit men at one time.^ Nor are the fluctua- tions which require additional men of short duration. The secretary reported in 1908 that the Philadelphia local union had had an average of twenty-five permit men for two months, and added : " now that trade is dull, the permit men are being dispensed with to make room for the regular mem- bers who are out of work."^ When asked as to the union's motive in using the permit system to such an extent, Presi- dent Murphy stated that the main reason was the desire to maintain the number of members at such a point that all would be steadily employed throughout the year.^" ^ Constitution, 1914, art. 8, sec. 16. 8 Interview. August. 1915. ^ Elevator Constructor, 1908, p. 23. i** Interview, August, 1915. , TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 39 Partly on account of the great seasonal fluctuations, partly as a result of the policy of equal distribution of employment during the dull seasons, and partly on account of the fear of prohibition and local option laws, the Brewery Workers also use the permit system.^^ During the summer a large force of extra workmen is needed in all breweries. By reason of the policy of the union respecting the restriction of membership, the supply of workmen is not sufficient to cope with this extra work. The union, which has practically complete control of the trade, has been given the power to designate the workmen to fill all vacancies. Accordingly, the union secures unemployed members of other unions, gen- erally from those trades which experience seasonal unem- ployment during the summer months. The character of the work is such that no previous experience is required. These additional workmen are given permits which are re- vocable at any time on demand of the business agent. The fees charged the permit men are the same as the dues paid by the regular members. In the Flint Glass Workers there has been a shortage of mould makers on frequent occasions since 1901. Inas- much as the periods during which a scarcity of men has existed have been of short duration, the union has refused to allow the employers to increase the ratio of apprentices to journeymen. As a substitute, President Voitle of the Flint Glass Workers in 1902 advised that the manufacturers be permitted to employ members of the Machinists' union to do patching. Such workmen, however, were not to become members of the union, but to pay the regular assessments on their earnings. Furthermore, the permits of the machinists were to be revoked not later than June 30, 1902." It ap- pears that this proposal was not adopted as a general rule, although it was put into practice in several shops. In 1904 the manufacturers again complained of a scarcity of mould makers and it was proposed that members of the Machinists' Union be given permits to do this class of 11 Interview with Secretary Proebstle, August, 1915. 1* Proceedings, 1902, pp. 60-61. 40 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS work. President Rowe in speaking of the proposition said: " I believe that if we extend relief to the bottle-mould shops where it is badly needed at the present time, we should carefully measure the number required to furnish the relief necessary, and we should confine that relief for one or two years to the common grade of work. If at the expiration of the period of one or two years, we are unable to fill the places with mould makers competent to do the work, we should then teach the trade to the machinists with permits, and when they become competent workmen we should admit them to membership. I favor this plan in preference to admitting more apprentices. If we admit more apprentices we will have them on our trade at all times, owing to the fact that they have learned no other trade. We should arrange specifications whereby the machin- ists could be put off in case of slackness in trade and they would have another trade to go to in case it was best for the interests of the workers to have them put off."^^ The permit system was put into operation by the FHnt Glass Workers in many factories, but it was not until 191 4 that a general rule was adopted. The convention of that year made the following provision : " In the case of a short- age of mould makers and the American Flint Glass Work- ers' Union is unable to supply the men within a reasonable period of time . . . the shop committee shall have the privi- lege of drawing labor from the International Association of Machinists, and all those engaged under such circumstances shall pay assessments into our Union and comply with our rules, with the distinct understanding that labor drawn in this manner, if working at a time when work becomes slack, shall be the first to be laid off before there is a division of time."^* In the building trades the permit system is in operation in a great many local unions. The Bridge and Structural Iron Workers issue permits to sheet metal workers, metal lathers, and boiler makers when there is a scarcity of union iron workers. The Carpenters frequently allow so-called " hatchet-and-saw " men to work on permits during the busy season and the Plasterers obtain " handy-men " to aid them in their work. The local unions of Chicago and New 13 Proceedings, 1904, pp. 133-134. 1* Proceedings, 1914, p. 193. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 4 1 York have been the chief centers of the permit system. It is common knowledge among unionists that at one time it was extremely difficult to obtain membership in any of the building-trades unions of Chicago and New York. The Steam and Hot Water Fitters have utilized the per- mit system in various forms. President Short of the Build- ing Trades Department said in 191 1 that "the conditions in Chicago at the first of the year were such that it was deemed advisable for the United Association of Plumbers to organize a local union of steam fitters, as theretofore it was impossible for a journeyman steam fitter to obtain admission into the organization to which he should belong. Instead of being given membership in the Steam Fitters' Union he was compelled to work under a so-called permit system. His permit would be renewed from week to week and a certain fee was charged for it."^^ While the present steam fitters' local unions of the United Association of Plumbers do not arbitrarily refuse to admit efficient jour- neymen into the union, they do use the permit system for helpers, and to a certain extent, for journeymen. When there is a scarcity of journeymen steam fitters, the union issues journeyman permits to its most efficient helpers, and in turn issues permits to handy men to take the places of the helpers who have been temporarily promoted. Such permits are revocable at the desire of the business agent. When work becomes dull, the permit journeymen are re- duced in rank to helpers and the permit helpers are given their release. The fees charged the helpers on permit vary from 25 to 50 cents per day, while the regular helper pays only $1.30 per month. A business agent of the Steam Fit- ters said he attempted to secure each season as helpers on permit men who had worked in this capacity before, and generally the men who have worked on permits return the next season for the same privilege.^^ A great part of the jurisdictional disputes among the ^5 Proceedings, Building Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor, 191 1, p. ZT- ^''Interview, December, 1915. 42 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS unions is directly attributable to the " work fund " theory. Each union strives zealously to increase its jurisdiction, since the members expect thereby to increase their field of employment and thereby to increase the per capita amount of work for the members. But the unions carry this idea further. It is a well known fact that a great number of workmen are capable of working at more than one trade. Such men would be able to greatly decrease their periods of unemployment by transferring from the trade in which they have been thrown out of work to a trade in which they could secure work. When, however, a member of a union attempts to transfer either for a short period or perma- nently to another union, he is compelled, with few excep- tions, to pay the same initiation fee as an unorganized work- man.^^ Very few unions allow the interchange of cards. The only exceptions appear to be the reciprocity agreements between the Bricklayers, Masons and Plasterers and the Operative Plasterers, the Western Federation of Miners and the United Mine Workers, the Maintenance of Way Employees and Carpenters, the Carmen and the Painters, the Glass Bottle Blowers and the Flint Glass Workers, and to a limited extent, the Ladies' Garment Workers and the United Garment Workers. A member of the Commercial Telegraphers, for example, is not recognized by the Rail- road Telegraphers although the work performed by the members of both organizations is practically the same, and there is much transferring between the tv/o industries.^® Those unions which are organized on the basis of indus- try, instead of trade, furnish the most flagrant examples of this situation. The work of the members of the Stationary Firemen and Steam Engineers is the same as that per- formed by some members of the Brewery Workers, the Western Federation of Miners, and the United Mine Work- ers. But, there is no permanent interchange of cards be- tween these organizations. A member of the Teamsters cannot secure employment at his trade in the brewing or " The Bridgemen's Magazine, December, 1903, p. 5. ^3 Interview, August, 1915. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 43 mining industries until he withdraws from the Teamsters' Union and joins the Brewery Workers or Miners. When one considers the number of industries in which the average mechanic works during a year it is obvious that the indus- trial union form of organization, unless some change were made in present rules, would be less adapted to combat the problem of unemployment than the trade union. Under a system of organization by trade, a member of a union is free to work in any industry provided that he is employed at his customary trade, but the field of employment of a member of an industrial union is limited to one particular industry. From time to time in various unions, some of whose mem- bers have been capable of working at more than one trade, or in more than one industry, there have been campaigns for reciprocal recognition of the cards of certain unions. During the past few years a number of such agreements have been made. Some unionists have gone further and advocated a Universal Card System, under which a union card would be accepted by a local union in any trade, pro- vided that the initiation fees of both local unions are the same. The chief argument advanced by the promoters of the reciprocal agreements between particular unions and of the Universal Card System has been that when a workman is compelled to change his occupation he is generally in need of funds, and this is a most inopportune time for him to pay an initiation fee. Certainly the fact that he is com- pelled to pay a new initiation fee has forced many a work- man to relinquish the hope of securing employment under the jurisdiction of another union. In some unions there exists the practice of granting se- niority rights and privileges to certain members. Under this system when employment slackens, those members who have been longest employed are given preference by being employed at full time while other members arc laid oflF. The system of seniority rights exists, to a certain extent, in many unions, but only in the Railroad Brotherhoods and in the Printers is it in general practice. 44 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS The Typographical Union established its priority rules in 1892. These provided that the oldest competent substitute should have the first vacancy and when the working force was to be decreased such decrease was to be accomplished by discharging first the person or persons last employed. Furthermore, when an increase in the force was desired, the persons displaced should be reinstated in the reverse order in which they had been discharged." This rule has been attacked from the outset. The objec- tions made to it have been summarized by Professor Barnett as follows: (i) The power of men of superior efficiency to secure employment in preference to workmen of fair skill is greatly lessened. (2) The incentive to high efficiency on the part of the employee is lessened. (3) The employer is less likely to pay superior workmen more than the minimum rate, for, if they leave his service, they must begin at the bottom of the list in some other office. (4) The distribu- tion of work is curtailed, for the foreman is unwilling to permit inferior men to " sub," for they would thus acquire priority rights in the office. (5) The mobility of labor is decreased, for a substitute with priority rights in one office cannot accept a situation in another office without losing his rights in the first.^° The defenders of the priority rule claim that it was estab- lished to guarantee equality of rights ; that before it became effective situations were given out regardless of the seniority of candidates for vacancies ; that under it a situation holder is secure in his position, while the first substitute in the office is assured in time of promotion to a position as regu- lar; that it prevents members who are subbing from secur- ing situations through favoritism; and that it tends to re- ward long and faithful service.^^ At various times there 13 Proceedings, 1892, p. 135. 20 George E. Barnett, " The Printers : A study in American Trade Unionism," in American Economic Association Quarterly, third series, vol. 10, no. 3, p. 241. ^21 George A. Stevens, "The History of Typographical Union Number Six," in Annual Report of the New York Bureau of Labor Statistics, 191 1, Part i, pp. 529-530. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 45 have been efforts to abolish the system, but each time the attack has failed. The New York local union in 1908 pointed out that the priority rule "has had a fair chance to prove its merits in New York City and we are firmly con- vinced that a continuance of its enforcement will prove dis- astrous to the Union."-^ It appears that the system has undergone considerable changes which its promoters did not anticipate. President Lynch said in 191 1 that " there has been a gradual and de- termined application of the priority rule in a broader and broader sense until the danger-point has been reached, and in many jurisdictions it is not now a question of competency which determines the man for a particular position but a question of priority. The priority law has been in count- less instances a great protection of our members, but in- stances are also on record where priority laws have been used to protect the incompetent to the demoralization of the composing room and to the discredit of the local union."^^ In the various Railroad Brotherhoods seniority rights and privileges are in effect. The men are classified in certain groups in order of seniority, and the men last taken on are not entitled to any work until the men in the various groups are receiving runs totaling a certain number of miles. Thus, in periods of depression the young men are placed on the extra list and receive employment only after those with greater seniority rights earn a certain amount of money per month. This system has led to considerable discussion in the Brotherhoods, but the older men appear to be firmly entrenched and the younger men, realizing that some day they will have the same priority rights as the older men now enjoy, do not strongly object. In some cases the system has led to gross inequalities in employment. Thus, it was said in 191 5 that one-fourth of the total membership of the Locomotive Engineers were " extra " men, and that during the previous seven years on a certain division of the North- 22 Ibid., p. 530. 23 Reports of Officers and Proceedings of tlie Fifty-seventh Ses- sion, 191 1, p. 39. 46 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS em Pacific Railroad, the " extra " men did not average over $75.00 per month, while those with greater seniority rights averaged $175.00 per month.^* Some unions have gone farther than acquiring seniority rights for the trade over which they have jurisdiction, and have created rights in subsidiary trades. Thus, when it becomes necessary to reduce the number of locomotive en- gineers on the engineers' working lists, those thus taken off who have been promoted from the ranks of firemen in any seniority district, may, if they so desire, displace any fire- man who is their junior in that seniority district.^*^ It is said that during the depression of 1914 one third of the engineers on some railroads took the places of firemen, who in turn displaced " hostlers. "^^ The American unions have attempted to solve the prob- lem of unemployment also by the adoption of policies of another kind, which, it was thought, would tend either to increase the total amount of employment or to distribute the employment over a greater number of their members. Such policies are (i) restriction of output, (2) shortening of the normal day, and (3) regulation of overtime. The policy of restriction of output is justified by a num- ber of unions as a method by which employment may be increased. The desire to " make the work go round " is prevalent chiefly in trades which experience extreme sea- sonal fluctuations, and where the output is restricted in order to "make the seasons longer." The instances of union regulations for the systematic restriction of output are not very numerous, despite the fact that the induce- ments to adopt such policies are very great. Fifteen years ago, a number of unions provided in their constitutions for a restriction of output, but only a few have maintained such policies to the present time. The force of public opin- ion and the increasing disinclination of the employers to 2* Locomotive Engineers' Journal, January, 191S, p. 36. 25 Chicago Joint Agreement between the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers and the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, May 17, 1913, art. 11. 28 Locomotive Engineers' Journal, March, 191S, pp. 224-225. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 47 bargain with the unions that openly declared for restriction forced these unions to abandon such policies. Two of the most glaring and, perhaps, most important illustrations of restriction of output which are sanctioned by the national unions, are those of the Printers and the Machinists. The Typographical Union prohibits the loaning, borrow- ing, purchase or sale of news matter in type, linotype, matrix or plate form, or of miscellaneous matter or cuts in small forms between newspapers of a city. Furthermore, the loaning, borrowing, exchange, purchase or sale of matter or matrices, or cuts of advertisements, by one local news- paper to another is prohibited, except that when the matrices of advertisements are furnished by one local newspaper to another, the text shall be reproduced within one week from the time of publication as nearly like the original as possible, made up, read, corrected, and proofs be submitted to the chairman for inspection. ^^ This rule has been characterized as "job making" of the most despotic sort, and, although some justification has been attempted for the rule which requires the resetting of advertising matter, a great many of the members of the union criticize the rules on the ground that the only reason for their enforcement is the desire to "make work." The International Association of Machinists in 1901, pro- hibited its members from operating more than one ma- chine.^' The one-man-one-machine rule, however, is not operative when the machines require no special skill to su- pervise them or are double machines. This rule had its genesis in an unwritten law which prevailed in the trade before the organization of the machinists. And indeed, many employers do not now object to the rule when it is applied to establishments which make large machinery, be- cause in these establishments two machines cannot be effect- ively operated by a single workman. However, in shops making smaller work, the rule operates as a restriction of output, for often one man is capable of operating more than 27 Constitution, 1915, sec. 168. 28 Constitution, 1901, art. 22, sec. 2. 48 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS one machine. Thus, while the one-man-one-machine rule of the Machinists is justified in a great number of cases, there are other instances where its operation is merely a method of "making work." The union explains that the purpose of the rule is the physical protection of the work- man, but it seems clear that this is not the only motive. An officer of the union said in 1901 : " We prevented the intro- duction of the two-machine system in 137 shops, employing 9,500 men, and it is safe to say that if this system had been introduced the force of men would have been reduced one- eighth; hence, in this we have saved the positions of 1,188 men."-^ These two examples are by no means the only instances of restriction of output in American unions. Thus, a cu- rious regulation of the Plumbers for increasing the con- sumption of time is the prohibition upon its members of " the use of the bicycle and motorcycle during working hours. "^° A business agent when asked for the justifica- tion of this rule stated that " a plumber could cover twice as many jobs that way." The Baltimore local union of Plumbers prohibits its members from telephoning to the employer when they are " out jobbing to know if there are any more jobs in the neighborhood."^^ In the majority of trades there are unwritten regulations for the determination of the daily " stint." And, in the greater number of cases, they have been handed down from one generation of members to another. They are not in- corporated in any constitutions or working rules, but there is a tacit understanding among the members as to what con- stitutes a day's work. Frequently these restrictions exist to the same extent among non-unionists in the same trades. However, there are frequent instances where local unions have formulated definite schedules under which the output has been restricted. Thus, in May, 1899, the Chicago local 29 Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor, 1904, p. 143. 2° Constitution, 1913, sec. 125. 31 Working Rules of Local Union, Number 48, 1914, art. 12. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 49 union of Plumbers adopted a set of working rules which specified the amount of work which was to be considered a day's work. When a journeyman was working on lead work, eight wiped joints should constitute a day's work, and " when finishing on flats, apartments, hotel or office build- ings, one fixture shall be considered an average day's work, except in the case of laundry tubs, when each apartment shall constitute one fixture."^- The outcome of the adop- tion of these rules was a general lockout in February, 1900, and this device for restricting output was abandoned, although President Kelley of the Plumbers stated that the rules were formulated in order to prevent " rushing."^^ To stun up, it may be said that policies of systematic re- striction of output do not exist to a great extent in Ameri- can unions. Generally speaking, those rules which are in force have not been dictated by selfish or sectional class in- terests alone, but by the desire to prevent a speeding up of the workmen which threatens physical injury. It is not desired, however, to minimize the importance of that aspect of the problem which has to do with the desire to "make the work go round." It is generally admitted by unionists that this is an important motive for the maintenance of such policies. The ever-present fear of being thrown out of work leads the workmen to reduce output in order to make the work last as long as possible. It is very doubtful whether restriction of output affects to any extent the amount of unemployment. If restriction were applied only in seasons of depression, such might be the effect, but restriction of output on the part of individual workmen generally occurs in periods of prosperity. The employers maintain that in busy times men work at a more leisurely pace than they do in dull times, and the reason for this difference is obvious. When every member of the local union is employed and there is need for additional work- men, some workmen do no more than is absolutely neces- »2 Report of the Industrial Commission, 1901, vol. 8, p. 407. « Ibid., p. 966. 4 50 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS sary because they do not fear immediate discharge. On the Other hand, however, when only two-thirds of the trade is employed, the other third being idle but anxious to secure work, the workmen who have employment will exert them- selves to do all they can, knowing that many unemployed men are waiting for any vacancy that may occur. Closely linked with the policy of restriction of output, as a means of partially solving the problem of unemployment, is the union policy of decreasing the working hours of the normal day. Unionists and unorganized workmen have, at all times, demanded the reduction of the hours of labor. While the unorganized workmen have not succeeded as well, the unions have, to a very considerable extent, secured the eight-hour day.^* The unions, in their demands for a shorter working day, have developed their argument along two lines. For the benefit of the employers and the general public, the unions offer as exhibits, the case of those members employed at hazardous occupations which require uninterrupted atten- tion in order to guard against physical injury, and that of the workmen employed at tasks which consist of perform- ing the same operation several thousand times during the day. They depict such workmen returning home, after working ten or more hours, physically exhausted. They demand for their members such working conditions that there may be " eight hours for work, eight hours for rest, and eight hours for what we will." It is argued that the increased productivity which will result from the shortening of the working day will more than compensate them for the increase in the hourly wages. On the other hand, the unions frequently offer a different explanation to their mem- bers of their desire for the shorter day. They are told that to decrease the working hours is the one sure way to solve 3* Of the 21,165 union members reporting to the Wisconsin Fed- eration of Labor in 1913, 11,552, or 54.6 per cent had secured a nor- mal working day of eight hours or less. The average daily working hours for the entire number was 8J4 ("Labor Conditions in Wis- consin," Second Report by the Executive Board of the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, July i, 1914, p. 13). TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 51 the problem of unemployment. Thus President O'Connell of the Machinists said in 1901 : "There are 150,000 machin- ists in this country, and an hour taken off their day's labor would give employment to 16,666 more machinists. "^^ Thus the problem would be solved. The average workman, who has been working ten hours a day, appears to believe this. He thinks that if his normal day were reduced from ten to eight hours, his output would certainly not be the same, and thus work would be furnished for his unemployed fellow members. This aspect of the question makes a great im- pression upon the workman. It is said that during a dis- cussion of the eight-hour day at union meetings, references to the opportunities for study and for more recreation which a shorter work day would bring, result only in a modicum of applause, while a word picture of the horrors of unem- ployment rarely fails to elicit the tumultuous appreciation of the audience.^" Such illustrations are not fanciful. The American Fed- eration of Labor has adopted, according to an expositor, the principle that " the movement to reduce the hours of labor is not to shirk the duty of toil, but as the humane means by which the workless workers may find the road to employment."^^ The Plumbers provide in their constitu- tion that eight hours shall constitute a normal working day, and explain that " inasmuch as the business throughout the country is insufficient to furnish employment to more than 50 or 75 per cent of the journeymen, and recognizing that by reducing the hours of labor it will have a tendency to keep more men employed, the Saturday half-holiday is rec- ommended to all local unions. "^^ President Kelley of the Plumbers in 1900 set forth the union theory of the shorter working day in its barest form as follows : " When our members decrease the number of working hours of a given day it simply means that more of them will be provided with 35 Machinists' Journal, April, 1901, p. 199. 3" Isaac H. Mitchell, "The Unemployed Problem," in The Nine- teenth Century, July, 1905, P- ii7- •■'7 The Bridgemen's Magazine, January, 1910, p. 9. 38 Constitution, 1913, sees. 118-119. 52 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS employment, and as a consequence, as we relieve the market of its unemployed surplus, we simply provide for the un- failing operation of the law of supply and demand, and through this means make possible the inevitable demand that will be created for our labor."^^ The Painters at their convention in 191 3 adopted the fol- lowing resolution : " Inasmuch as the average painter is em- ployed not more than seven or eight months in a year, and as the only permanent remedy for this condition Hes in the proportionate shortening of the working day, we instruct the Executive Board to do all in its power to put into sub- stantial effect the six-hour day."*° Secretary McGuire of the Carpenters and Joiners as early as 1888 said that " by reducing the hours of labor we are furnishing employment for our unemployed""; and the Editor of the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' journal probably stated succinctly the union's belief when he said : " Trade unions shorten the hours of labor to place more men at work."*- While a great number of trade unionists still hold this belief in the effect of the eight-hour day on unemployment, some of them have changed their former attitude. In 1898 President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor stated that " in every industry where the hours of labor have been reduced through the efforts of organized labor, it has been followed by these results: wages have been increased, periods or seasons of employment have been lengthened and the number of unemployed has been reduced."*^ But in 191 5, in "The Philosophy of the Shorter Working Day," he says that "the individual production of the short-hours, highly-paid worker is vastly greater than that of the long- hours worker."^* If this is accepted as true, no employment has been created for those out of work. Likewise, the atti- tude of President Duncan of the Granite Cutters has under- 39 Proceedings, 1900, p. 14. *o Proceedings, 1913, p. 631. *i Proceedings, 1888, p. 18. *2 Bridgemen's Magazine, March, 1914, p. 149. *3 Leather Workers' Journal, September, 1898, p. 4. ** American Federationist, March, 1915, p. 167. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 53 gone a considerable change. Writing in 1909 he said 1 " It was to help in the elimination of poverty that organized workmen agitated for a reduction of the working hours per day, and the fact that they now enjoy a shorter work day gives employment to many who, under the old method, would be idle, and each person so employed is a step in the trade union campaign against poverty."*^ But in 1914 he stated that the reduction of the hours in the Granite Cutters from ten to nine, and then to eight, had neither lengthened the seasons of employment nor given work to those un- employed.*^ Trade unionists have, in the past few years, come to realize that not only is their explanation of the eflfect of a shorter working day on unemployment false in theory, but that it did not work in practice. With but few exceptions, the officials and members admit that the eight-hour day has not decreased unemployment. The explanation is made that the individual production is the same in both cases. President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor has stated that " there has been no diminution of output by reason of the reduction of hours from ten to eight. In not a few cases the output has not varied from the results of ten hours, the number of human workers remaining the same in proportion."*'^ It is only in the building trades that the workmen still claim that the output in an eight-hour day is less than under the ten-hour day, and here in a few trades, especially those of the plumbers and the painters, it appears that this is true.*^ *5 Bridgemen's Magazine, January, 1910, p. 14. <6 Granite Cutters' Journal, August, 1914, p. 2. ^'^ Brauer-Zeitung, March 25, 1911, p. i. *^ For an account of the results which have been obtained in sev- eral large establishments through a reduction of the working hours from ten to eight per day, the reader is referred to a most instructive article, " The Eight-Hour Day," by C. J. Morrison in the Engineer- ing Magazine, December, 191 5, pp. 363-366. Mr. Morrison shows that manufacturers have limited their working day to an eight-hour basis without diminution of output ; indeed, in some cases, more goods were produced under the eight-hour day and at lower costs. For other accounts of the results of the operation of the eight-hour day, the reader is referred to Thomas K. Urdahl, " The Normal Day 54 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS The question of the regulation of overtime is closely con- nected with that of the shortening of the normal day. When a union has secured a reduction of working hours, it is ex- tremely reluctant to allow its members to work overtime. A member working overtime is looked upon as receiving em- ployment which should be given to those out of work. Thus, President Woll of the Photo-Engravers deprecates the " unjust practice of some of the members who work excessive overtime while others are denied the opportunity of employment."*^ The Cincinnati, Ohio, local union of Bricklayers and Masons explains that its members are pro- hibited from working overtime because "the object of regu- lar hours is to afford work for as many as possible."®*^ In order to discourage the employers from resorting to overtime, the unions have demanded that a wage rate con- siderably higher than that paid for work performed during the normal day, should be paid for all overtime. Generally, " time-and-half " is asked, although in certain cases over- time is paid for at ** double-time." A few unions have gone further and prohibited their members from working over- time, except under certain circumstances. Thus, the Granite Cutters provide that " overtime is not to be worked except in cases of emergency, such as the spoiling or breaking of stone, delay in quarrying large sizes, where a stone is re- quired to finish a building or where an accident has hap- pened. "^^ The Metal Polishers prohibit members from working overtime unless all vacancies are filled, and then only when overtime is absolutely necessary,^^ 'pj^g Spinners prohibit members from working overtime under any circum- stances.^^ The emphasis laid upon the restrictions on overtime as in Coal Mines," in the Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the American Association for Labor Legislation, 1907, pp. 50 et seq., and to the American Labor Legislation Review, March, 1914, pp. 106, 107 and pp. 117-119. *» American Photo-Engraver, October, 1915, p. 469. s" Constitution, 1912, art. 9, sec. 9. ^1 Constitution, 1912, sec. 95. s* Constitution, 1913, art. 35, sec. 8. ^3 Proceedings, 1913, p. 9. TRADE UNION THEORY OF UNEMPLOYMENT 55 a means of increasing employment is further illustrated by the rules of certain unions which provide that when a mem- ber works overtime, he shall at some future time lay oft an equal amount of time. The Printers have formulated a rule, known as the " six-day-law," which prohibits its mem- bers from working more than forty-eight hours per week, if a substitute is available. Should a printer, through inability to secure a substitute, work a greater number than six days in any one week, or whenever his overtime aggregates eight hours, he is forced to give the first available substitute the opportunity to work the exact number of hours which his accumulated overtime amounts to. The local unions are allowed to specify the period during which this extra time is to accumulate, "provided that it is not less than thirty days.** The Railroad Brotherhoods limit the mileage or earnings of members when other members are unemployed. The engineers, for example, who are on "work-lists " are placed in one of three classes, (i) pooled or chain gang freight, (2) extra road, or (3) extra switching. In the busy season the men are transferred from one list to another to suit the demand. The crews in each class are given runs in the order in which they arrive at the terminal from previous runs, and so long as the men in the various classes are securing regular employment and there are none unem- ployed, they are not limited to a certain amount of work. But when the earnings of some men exceed a certain amount, while others who rightly belong in that class are unemployed, or are receiving less than a certain amount, a limit is placed upon the individual members. Thus, those in pooled or chain gang freight service cannot average more than three thousand miles per month ; those on the extra road list are limited to the equivalent of twenty-two hun- dred miles per month ; and those in extra switching service are not allowed more than twenty-two days work in a month. The result of these rules is that whenever the s* Constitution, 191 5, sec. 105. 56 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS average earnings exceed the various amounts while there are members unemployed, a sufficient number of workmen must be added to the list to bring the earnings within the proper limit."' While one of the motives for the regulation of overtime in all unions has been the desire to give work to the unem- ployed, there has also been present in the seasonal trades, the idea that a regulation of the working day would tend to shorten the seasons of unemployment. Especially has this been the case in the building trades. President Duncan, of the Granite Cutters, for many years has exhorted the local unions to abolish all overtime, and thus force the employers to give up the custom of rushing the work in summer in order to close down the entire plant in winter.^® In the building trades, even during periods in which there are few unemployed, the local unions are generally unwilling to have their members work overtime. The actual results of the abolition of overtime in lengthen- ing the working season have been entirely contrary, in the greater number of cases, to what was expected by the unions. The unions have failed to understand that even if less were produced in the eight-hour day than in a longer working day, the natural tendency would be for the em- ployers to increase their working force rather than the length of the season. In the building trades, for instance, were the employers unable, through the shortening of the normal day and the abolition of overtime, to complete their building operations in the customary season, they would be forced to employ more men. And inasmuch as all of the building trades mechanics are generally employed during this season, the employers would recruit their forces by securing work- men from other industries. Such workmen would, there- fore, be thrown upon the industry in the majority of cases, and would have to be taken care of in the dull seasons. "5 Chicago Joint Agreement between the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers and the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, May 17, 1913, art. 11. ^^ Granite Cutters' Journal, February, 1914, p. 4. CHAPTER in Local Union Employment Bureaus There is a great need in every industrial community for some agency through which the demand for and the supply of labor can be adjusted. On account of the seasonal fluc- tuations of trades, the variations in the demands of indi- vidual employers in consequence of peculiarities of their markets, and the continuous changes in the personnel of the working force of each business unit, there is at all times more or less maladjustment. The employment bureau is justified when there is unemployment due to the inability of employers to get into contact quickly with the unemployed who are capable of meeting their requirements. In descriptions of the existing employment bureaus of the United States the activities of the trade unions have gen- erally been omitted or given minor consideration. This is due either to the fact that the proportion of workmen who are organized is small, or that the majority of the trade- union employment bureaus are not merely employment bureaus. Furthermore, one cannot learn of the activities of the unions in this connection by a study of their litera- ture. Many trade unionists when asked whether their union maintains an employment bureau will answer in the nega- tive although their particular union may possibly have a very practical method of securing work for its members. The difficulty lies in the fact that there is prevalent the idea that an employment bureau is an office with card indexes and an attendant who is entirely occupied in registering the names of the unemployed and receiving applications for workmen from employers. The trade unionist thinks it only natural that his business agent should secure work for him when he is unemployed. This, he considers, is one of 57 58 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS the principal benefits of the union, but he does not term such an agency an employment bureau. It is obvious that the need for an employment bureau varies in the different trades. In those trades where the period of employment is relatively long, as in the printing trade, the glass industry, and the various railroad trades, there is little need for local employment bureaus. The main- tenance of a business agent in such trades would ordinarily be uneconomical. The business agent is peculiarly the product of the building trades unions. The need for such an official is great in these trades because of the short term of employment. Inasmuch as the local union generally provides for bring- ing unemployed members into connection with the proffered employment, the national unions have given little considera- tion to the question of local-union employment bureaus. The only exceptions appear to be the Ladies Garment Work- ers,^ the United Garment Workers,^ the Lithographers,' and the Cigar Makers,* all of which require their local unions to "establish labor bureaus for the purpose of designating work to the unemployed." In the constitutions of the local unions there are seldom found any provisions for the main- tenance of employment bureaus because this is considered to be one of the essential functions of the unions, which it is unnecessary to particularize. It may be said that the average member of a union in search of employment secures help from his local through one or more of the following sources: (i) the business agent or secretary, (2) the shop collector, (3) fellow members. In practically every organized trade there are some local unions which provide for the employment of an official who is paid a salary sufficient to permit a capable member to give his entire time to the duties of the office. Such officers are 1 Constitution, 1914, art. 12, sec. 2. 2 Constitution, 1912, art. 13, sec. 2. 3 Constitution, 1913, art. 11, sec. i. * Constitution, 1912, sec. 131. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 59 known as business agents or secretaries. The maintenance of such an office entails the expenditure of a considerable sum of money. The salaries of business agents vary from $20.00 to $50.00 per week, while the average is perhaps $30.00, and there are incidental expenses of $5.00 per week. A local union expends, on the average, about $1900 a year for a business agent. It is obvious that only those local unions which have a considerable membership can afford this expense. In a few cases the expense of maintaining business agents is shared by the national unions. Thus, the Machinists assist local unions in maintaining business agents in any city "if after due investigation it is found that the interests of the organization warrant the expense."^ The Pattern Makers in 1913 assisted several of its local unions to support paid representatives,® and the Blacksmiths for many years have subsidized all local union business agents by paying one-half of their expenses.'^ In the Molders the expense of maintaining the business agents of the twenty-two Con- ference Boards is partly met by a subsidy of five cents per capita per month and in some cases by an additional sum.' The Teamsters, Metal Polishers, Brass Workers, and several other unions help to defray the expenses of the local- union business agents when the unions are in need of assist- ance. Frequently, several local unions of allied trades no one of which would be able alone to support a business agent, together maintain a paid representative. This occurs generally among the building trades in small cities. It is found that the majority of local unions which main- tain business agents are either in the building trades, or if in other trades, those of large membership. In 1915, 320 local unions of the Carpenters and Joiners maintained busi- ness agents. The Chicago local unions had 29 agents, while New York had 16, Boston, 12, and Philadelphia and San 6 Constitution, 1913, art. 10, sec. i. * Proceedings, 1913, p. I4- ■^Interview with Secretary Kramer, August, 1915. » Constitution, 1914, art. 20, sec. 6. 60 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Francisco each had 7. In the Painters, there were 275 local unions which employed business agents, the Chicago branch maintaining 15. Of the 760 local unions of Machinists, 47 had business agents. Thirty-seven of the 345 local unions of Boilermakers, 69 of the 118 branches of the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers, 23 of the 35 local unions of Elevator Constructors, and 45 of the 90 local unions of the Pattern Makers also employed representatives in 191 5. Of the other unions, the majority have business agents in the large cities and in the industrial centers of their particular trades. The duties of the business agent are varied. Generally speaking, he acts as treasurer of the union; he visits the different jobs to see that all those working at his trade are "paid up" members; he settles disputes between the mem- bers and the employers, interprets the rules of the union, and acts as an employment agent. Thus, as one of the duties of the business agent of the New York local union of bookbinders, it is provided that "he (the business agent) shall keep a record containing the names of the unemployed reporting for work and he shall find where men are wanted and adopt the speediest methods of notifying said members of such vacancies."" The business agent of the Baltimore local union of bricklayers and masons is required " to use all honorable means to procure work for the unemployed and to visit all builders and contemplative builders and en- deavor to secure their work for the members of the union. "^" While the activities of business agents have probably re- ceived more criticism than those of any other union official, it is no doubt true that the agent is of great real benefit to the organized workmen. The average business agent is a well-informed man. He is on the alert at all times to secure employment for the members of the union. While his primary object is to make every job a union job, it is in ^ Constitution, 1903, art. 5, sec. 6. ^° Constitution, 1909, art. 10, sec. 7. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 6 1 consequence of this desire that he is efficient in supplying employers with workmen. His primary occupation is to learn of developments in his trade. He knows the condi- tion of every job within his jurisdiction, the prospects for the future employment of his members, and the immediate chances for securing work at each job. Let us consider, for instance, the activities of a business agent in the building trades. In the morning before the members begin work he spends an hour at his office in order to take care of any employment which the employers may have to offer. Then he spends a part of the day in visiting the various buildings on which his members are employed. He consults the employers and the foremen as to their need for workers. He secures from the architects a list of pros- pective building operations and visits the contractors or owners. Thus he learns of practically every opportunity for the employment of members of the union. The business agent does not, like the average employment- bureau official, wait for employment to be offered, but makes a survey of the field and applies direct to the prospective employer. Furthermore, he is far more efficient than the average employment-bureau agent in that he is a specialist. He knows his own trade perfectly ; he knows the ability of each of his men and his characteristics ; and he appreciates the peculiarities of the employers and the conditions sur- rounding the various jobs. He considers these conditions before he recommends one of his men to an employer. On the other hand, the ability of an official of an employment bureau to cater to any particular trade is limited. He is forced to deal with more than one trade and as his knowl- edge of each is limited his selection of men is more or less haphazard. No amount of questioning by the employment agent can produce a knowledge of those peculiarities of the individual workmen which the business agent, through long association, has discovered, and an acquaintance with which is so useful to him in selecting workmen for particular jobs. 62 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS The Chicago business agent of the Pattern Makers thus explains why employers apply to the union for men : " The business agent knows his men and can furnish a more satis- factory man than the employer can hire at the door of his factory by taking men as they come. Our members in their application for membership to the union and every time they send in an application for work, must state in the application the class of work that they are used to and how long they have worked at that class ; besides, we get confidential reports from other sources upon the special apti- tude and ability of our members. The union officials claim that, being practical pattern makers themselves and having this line upon their men, they are more capable for selecting the men for a given kind of work than the employers themselves, who, while excellent business men, are not practical workmen. We give them the best men we can get for their line and we never send a man to a shop to do work that he can not do, if we know it."^^ While the business agent spends the greater part of the day in visiting the various jobs and shops where his mem- bers are employed, he also has his office hours. These are known to the employers and to the members of the union. The latter generally loiter around the union headquarters in order to secure any employment which the business agent may have to offer. Some local unions have gone further and designated certain periods of the day during which ap- plications will be received for the different classes of work- men. Thus the Chicago Bakers and Confectioners, in their 1914 agreement with the employers, secured a provision that all bakers must be secured through the union's employment bureau, which would be open all day. But " steady hands " must be asked for during the hours of ten to twelve, and " hands " on cakes between one and two o'clock, while sub- stitutes were to be had at all times. Because of the fact that the employer can secure a competent hand on a few hours' notice, the union is frequently called upon to furnish workmen. The employer calls the business agent by tele- phone and asks for a certain kind of workman. Generally, the desired man can be found among those waiting about the hall, or one can soon be notified by means of the tele- phone number which each man on the unemployed list gives to the business agent, and the employer is furnished the 11 Regulation and Restriction of Output, Eleventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor (Washington, 1904), p. 188. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 63 desired workmen within a short time. This is practically- impossible in the case of any other employment bureau. It has been stated by the Chicago employers of union pattern makers that they receive their men through the union as a matter of choice because " it is much easier to telephone to union headquarters for a man than to get one in any other way," and further that "the union does try to send a man best suited to the needs."^^ It is obvious that the ability to secure a workman on an hour's notice is very convenient to employers. Consider for instance the case of bakers. When the shop starts to work it may be found that several " first hands " are absent on account of sickness or other cause, or that it is necessary to provide for extra orders. In such cases the employer requires the services of additional men within one or two hours, and the union's employment bureau is usually able to meet the requirement. But the business agent goes further than merely receiv- ing applications for men, and sometimes adopts ingenious methods of securing employment for his constituents. He scans the want advertisements of the press in hope that there may be found opening for his members. He secures publicity by advertising that employers may secure work- men from him on a few hours' notice by merely telephoning to his office. By means of such methods many odd jobs are filled. Thus, the business agent of the Memphis, Ten- nessee, Carpenters and Joiners' local union reported : We send out one thousand circulars each month for the purpose of refreshing the memory of our clients that we are still able to furnish them mechanics. It is one of the good features of this office that we secure a great number of small jobs from merchants. The merchants themselves are pleased with this arrangement as it saves them a great deal of trouble. The instances where our members secured employment through this office during the past year amounted to twelve hundred. Another point worth mentioning is the assistance rendered other trades by this office. Frequently we receive calls for painters, plasterers and men of other crafts, and as it helps us as well as others and serves to make this institution more useful and popular we are only too glad to oblige them in this respect.i3 12 Ibid., p. 189. ^3 The Carpenter, February, 1906, p. 4. 64 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS It is obvious that by requiring the employers to apply to the union for labor, the union makes its employment bureau more efficient. Such a course has been pursued more or less successfully by the Bakers, Barbers, Brewery Work- ers, Deutsch-Amerikanischen Typographia, Lithographers, Photo-Engravers, Flint Glass Workers, and Potters. Of course such a policy can only be enforced where the union has thorough control of the trade ; but where this method is practiced the union employment bureaus are put on a more business-like basis. As was stated above, the greater number of local unions are not financially able to maintain paid representatives. Such local unions, however, frequently appoint one of their members to perform the duties of a business agent during his spare time. He is generally the secretary or president. This official receives from the employers applications for workmen and confers with the employed members as to the prospects for work at the different shops. Frequently there is appointed in each shop or on each job where members of the union are employed a member who is designated the " shop collector," or in the building trades, the " steward," It is the duty of this member to represent the union and to acquaint himself with the prospects for employment. Should there be need for additional workers, it is his duty to make this known to the unemployed. At each meeting of the union, the various shop collectors or stewards make reports. The shop collectors and secretaries are of great assistance in securing employment for members. The employer knows that by applying to these men he will be supplied with the desired number of workmen more quickly and efficiently than by application to any other agency. Further- more, these officials, like the paid representatives, are always on the alert to discover possible places of employment with- out waiting for applications from the employers. Another source from which the union workman receives aid in securing employment is his fellow workers. One of the duties of a trade unionist is to procure work for his LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 65 unemployed fellow member. Thus, one of the duties of members of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners is " to assist each other to secure employment."" A member of the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers" or Bricklay- ers and Masons^*^ takes the following oath : " I will at all times by every honorable means within my power procure work for members of this union." At each meeting of a local union the president usually asks the following ques- tions : "Are there any members out of employment?" and, "Does anyone know of any vacancies?" Generally, if there are any situations unfilled they are made known to the unemployed. Indeed, several local unions provide for the fining of those members who fail to notify the union of vacancies which are known to them. The permanent headquarters of a local union offers a place where the unemployed can congregate and where those who are working can assemble after working hours. The importance of this feature of trade-union life must not be overlooked. It is here that all the members meet and talk over the conditions in the trade. Those who have knowledge of vacancies gladly, and one might say, proudly, convey such information to their fellow members. Pros- pects for the future are discussed and the trade gossip is canvassed. The usefulness of such meeting places has long been realized by the trade unions. As early as 1893, the Bricklayers and Masons advised the local unions to estab- lish and maintain headquarters which would be open to the members at all hours of the day.^'' During the past ten years other unions have followed this example, and at pres- ent practically every building-trades union and the greater number of other unions maintain such rooms. One has only to spend a short time in the headquarters of a building-trades imion to find that the members arc fully cognizant of the local employment situation. The average ^* Constitution, 1914, sec. 3. ^5 Constitution, 1914, p. 42. 10 Constitution, IQ12, art. 12, sec. 4. ^'^ Proceedings, 1893, p. 113. 5 66 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS union carpenter, for example, knows of practically every job under construction and of the more important ones for which contracts have been awarded. Not only does he know the name of the contractor and general foreman, but that of the foreman whose duty it is to engage carpenters. There is no doubt that this lessens the work of the business agent. The workman does not ordinarily wait for the em- ployer to apply to the union, but visits the foreman before- hand and tries to obtain a job. In many cases this is done w^hile the man is still engaged upon a job which will termi- nate before work on the new building will be started. While this method of obtaining employment is generally termed "caUing around," it is very different from the hap- hazard means by which the unorganized and unskilled w^orkmen secure employment. There exists in all unions the custom of " calling around." Having failed to secure employment through the union agencies described above, there remains the possibility of applying direct to the various employers. In some unions this method is facilitated by a printed list of shops or fac- tories in which union members are employed. Generally, the business agent or secretary will indicate certain estab- lishments at which there is the greatest chance for employ- ment. But on account of the increasing efficiency of the union employment bureaus this custom is gradually disap- pearing. The workmen now realize that when the business agent, secretary and other members are not cognizant of any vacancies, there is small chance of finding employ- ment. Consequently, this method, which was at one time the chief means by which workmen secured employment, is rapidly being supplanted by union agencies. In some unions it is held to be discreditable for a member to ask the em- ployer directly for work. Among the Hatters it is the accepted custom that a member looking for employment must not apply directly to the employer but get another member who is working in the shop to apply for him. Fore- men who hire hatters in violation of this rule are liable to LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 67 a fine of $25.00.^^ This rule also obtains to some degree among the Cigar Makers.^^ The methods by which workmen are chosen for the va- cancies which are reported to the union are of sufficient im- portance to be mentioned. There are three usual methods of determining which member shall be given the proffered employment: (i) place on the out-of-work list, (2) the decision of an official, (3) the drawing of lots. There are two kinds of out-of-work lists, the compulsory and the optional. The former is found in comparatively few unions. Under this method the names of the unem- ployed are kept on a list in the order of the length of unem- ployment, that is, those who have been out of work the greatest length of time are placed at the head of the list. When the employer applies to the union for a workman the first man on the list is sent, and unless the employer can show that this man is unable to perform the work he is obliged to employ him. This rule is found in general prac- tice only among the Miners and Brewery Workers, but ex- ists in a great many local unions of other trades. It is obvious that such a custom can only exist in a strongly organized trade, and where there is comparatively little dif- ference in the skill of the workers. The optional out-of-work list is in general use in a great many unions. Upon application the out-of-work list is fur- nished the employer and he is allowed to take any man on the list. Of course, if he should merely ask that a work- man be sent him, the man longest unemployed would prob- ably be designated. Such lists are maintained by a great number of local unions of the Metal Workers, Hatter.s, Pat- tern Makers, Photo-Engravers. Bakers, Printers, Litho- graphers, Blacksmiths, Machinists, Coast Seamen, and of some national building-trades unions. The rules governing the out-of-work list of the Coast Seamen are as follows: The man first on the list is given the first chance at the 18 Interview with President Martin Lawlor, AuRUst, 1915. 1" Letter from the secretary of tlie Tampa, Florida, branch to the writer, Feb. 22, 191 3. 68 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS vacancy. If he should not care to accept the employment, his name remains on the list in the same order, but if he should be absent from the roll call three consecutive times his name is removed to the bottom of the list.^° The second method — the decision of an official — is more widely used. Generally when an employer applies to the union for workmen, he specifies certain requirements, or, as occurs in a great many cases, he asks for a particular man. If he asks for a certain man, this member if unem- ployed will be sent. If he does not, the business agent gen- erally chooses the first man he can find who is able to meet the requirements. In the building trades if the men are wanted quickly, those loitering in the meeting room are chosen. In trades in which there is a high degree of spe- cialization or if men with certain qualifications are wanted, the business agent generally takes into consideration all who are unemployed before designating the man to accept the employment. It is obvious that where time is not impor- tant this is by far the best method of choosing men. In- deed, as was said above, it is in this respect that the business agent excels the ordinary employment bureau officials. It is to be admitted that by giving a union official the power of designating the person to fill a vacancy a fertile field for favoritism is opened, and disgruntled workmen have frequently asserted that the chances for securing em- ployment depend more upon being a friend of the business agent than upon ability or the length of the period of unem- ployment. On the other hand, if the comparative periods of unemployment were the sole guide, much of the value of the business agent's service would be lost. The third method of choice — the drawing of lots — is found in very few unions. Where practised a number of slips, on one of which is written the word " job," are placed in a hat, and the members draw the slips to determine which one is to apply for the job. This custom exists in a few of 20 Letter from the editor of the Coast Seamen's Journal to the writer, October 25, 1915. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 69 the local unions of the Cigar Makers and in some building- trades unions. In certain building-trades unions no choice is made, but the information concerning employment is placed upon a bulletin board in the union headquarters. It is considered that by this means each unemployed member is given an equal chance to obtain employment. Under this method, it frequently results that many times the number of workmen desired apply for work. If the trade-union member is unable through his union to find employment, there remains the possibility of securing work through application to state, commercial employers' and philanthropic employment bureaus, and through an- swering advertisements in the newspapers. Since 1890, when the State of Ohio established the first state employment bureau, twenty-two other States have created such agencies, and more than twenty-five cities have formulated plans for aiding those out of work in securing employment. Of the twenty-three state bureaus more than one-half have been established since the financial depression of 1907. Although one of the reasons for their establish- ment was the desire to curb the evils of the private employ- ment bureaus, a historical study shows that they have been created mainly in periods of industrial depression. These bureaus appear to a part of the public as one of the princi- pal means of increasing employment in such depressions. States and municipalities are urged to establish employment bureaus and great efforts are put forth to insure their suc- cess. Soon after their establishment, and when business conditions improve, interest in the bureaus dies out and they either become merely registration offices for the down-and- outs and the unemployable, or are abandoned. The actual results of the public employment bureaus have been well described by a recent investigator as follows : " In practice, far from supplanting private agencies, the free offices have not even maintained an effective competition against them. With few exceptions their operations have 70 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS been on a small scale, their methods unbusinesslike, and their statistics valueless, if not unreliable. Four States and about half a dozen cities have discontinued their offices and most of those now in operation are constantly on the de- fensive to maintain their existence."^^ Under such condi- tions it is not surprising that the trade unions have not given their support to the public bureaus. President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor traces the "persistent and widespread promotion in this country of the scheme for state and philanthropic employ- ment bureaus to the transatlantic steamship combination and the great trusts." He says further that the necessity for the public employment bureaus arises mainly when the stream of immigration is directed to one locality or another to the benefit of the employers, and that the employers' profit comes through replacing union workmen by non- unionists and through substituting foreign cheap labor for unorganized labor.^^ President Gompers appears to think that trade-union employment bureaus, advertising, and regulated private agencies are capable of supplying suffi- ciently the needs of the employers, and finds no reason for the establishment of public employment bureaus.-' The convention of the American Federation of Labor in 1914 refused to endorse a resolution urging the creation of em- ployment bureaus by States and cities.^* President Furu- seth of the Coast Seamen stated during the consideration of the resolution that the existing bureaus have been a "never ending curse" and have always been placed in charge of those " who have no sympathy with the struggling toilers."" The attitude of the American Federation of Labor to- wards public employment offices is not unlike that of the English and German trade unions when public labor ex- 21 W. M. Leiserson, " Public Employment Offices," in Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 29, 1914. p. 29. 22 American Federationist, July, 191 1, p. 514 et seq. 2» Ibid., July, 1911, p. 528. '* Ibid., June, 1915, p. 31. 25 Proceedings, 1914, p. 357. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 7 1 changes were first established in those countries. Grad- ually the unions in those countries have come to realize that such bureaus are not inimical to their interest. Recently the unions have been granted some share in the manage- ment and have accordingly appeared less hostile, though they can hardly be considered even yet as sympathetic. A few of the American trade unions have not objected to the establishment of public employment bureaus. The Printers at their convention in 191 5 went on record as fa- voring them,-'' and the Maryland Federation of Labor has recently endorsed the movement.^'^ Indeed, the Superin- tendent of the Illinois Free Employment Agency-^ said in 1901 that organized labor was largely responsible for the creation of that bureau, and Superintendent Dunderdale of the Boston Free Employment Office, states that " it was only through the influence of the trade unions that the law establishing the Free Employment Offices in this state was granted."'^ In some cases the unions have cooperated with the bureaus. Mr. Sears, superintendent of the Boston Em- ployment Agency, said that the unions furnished the bureau with information regarding labor difficulties and that there had never been any trouble over the bureau's supplying the employers with strike breakers.^" While it appears that the public bureaus in general have been of little value to skilled workmen, there are several which have done very efficient work during the past few years. Indeed, it appears that the trade unionists, while criticising the utility of the bureaus, have made some use of them. Thus, the report of the New York City Public Em- ployment Bureau for the first twenty-nine days of its opera- tion shows that of the 10,489 persons who applied for em- ployment, 364, of nearly three and one-half per cent, were members of trade unions,*^ while the Boston office of the 2" Proceedings, 1915, p. 65. 27 Proceedings, 1915, pp. 63, 67. 28 The Bridgemen's Magazine, December, 1901, p. 182. 29 Letter to the writer, February 23, 1916. 80 American Labor Legislation Review, June, 1915, p. 284. »i Ibid., p. 281. 72 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Massachusetts Employment Bureau reported that of the 10,707 persons for whom it secured positions in the first year of its operation, 441, or more than four per cent, were known to be members of trade unions.^^ Of course, the trade unionists use the pubHc bureaus less, because the chances of a skilled worker obtaining employment in this way are very much less than those of an imskilled workman. It has been estimated that there are between 4,000 and 5,000 commercial employment bureaus in the United States.33 The majority of these have as clients mainly do- mestic servants and waiters, and to a less extent girls and women in the unorganized trades. Only a few of them profess to secure employment for skilled workmen, while trades which are highly organized are rarely supplied by these agencies except in times of strikes. The trade unions regard private employment agencies largely as strike break- ing bureaus and the activities of these offices furnish consid- erable proof of the soundness of the unions' contention. Moreover, several of the unions have experienced consid- erable trouble with commercial bureaus even at times when no strikes were being carried on. Thus, the Hotel and Res- taurant Employees complain bitterly that its members who apply to such agencies in periods of industrial depression are not infrequently made to pay exorbitant fees for the promise of situations which do not exist.^* The majority of trade unionists, especially those in the building trades, cannot hope to secure employment through the commercial bureaus because the few jobs which such bureaus have to fill are mainly non-union ; and the general trade-union antipathy towards these agencies is such that they would be used only as a lost resort. An exception seems to be the attitude of the Steam Shovel and Dredge Men. In its monthly journal there generally appear the advertisements of some twenty railroad labor supply agen- 32 Quarterly Publications, American Statistical Association, June, 1909, p. 522. 33 Final Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations, 1915, pp. 171, 172. 34 Mixer and Server. September, 1915, p. 68. LOCAL UNION EMPLOYMENT BUREAUS 73 cies in the West and Northwest. The secretary, however, explains that these agencies do not charge the members of the union fees, but merely act as the union's representatives and obtain their fees from the employers.^^ Within recent years the employers' associations in all the large industrial centers have established employment bu- reaus. These are supported by the employers and work- men are not charged fees. Although the directors of these bureaus claim that they have been established in order to supply the employers with workmen at all times, the major- ity of them owe their origin to the desire of the employers to establish and maintain the so-called " open shop." These bureaus are in most cases not active except in times of in- dustrial strife and the motive for their maintenance is mainly to secure a weapon against the unions. Conse- quently, except in a small number of cases, the trade union- ist cannot hope to secure any help from them. In every city there are religious and charitable organiza- tions which attempt to find work for the unemployed. The tendency during each period of industrial depression has been to multiply these agencies. Inasmuch as the main work of these philanthropic bureaus is to secure work for the unemployed who are not capable of holding ordinary positions the trade unionist is not likely to receive help from this source. Frequently the unions have protested against the wages at which such agencies have placed their applicants. In one case during the depression of 1914 a philanthropic bureau in a Mid-western city was accused by the trade unions of undermining the whole scale of wages in the city by sending men to work at cut rates. ^" There remains for the workmen the want advertisements of the newspapers. To unskilled workmen, professional workers, and domestic servants these are of some value, but the skilled mechanic and trade unionist can rarely use them to any advantage. A study of newspaper advertisements as a medium for securing employment shows that the trade 35 Interview with Secretary Dolan, August, 1915. 38 American Labor Legislation Review, November, 1915, p. 54S- 74 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS unionist is seldom offered work at union wages and hours. Advertisements for carpenters, painters and other building- trades mechanics are frequently inserted, but the men are generally to be employed on non-union jobs. A study of the "help-wanted" columns of the Baltimore newspapers for several years resulted in finding less than a half-dozen opportunities for members of any trade union to secure work under union conditions. In what has been said above the attempt has been made to show the superiority of the trade-union over other exist- ing employment bureaus as a means of connecting the unem- ployed with employers in need of men. Not all of the unions have developed their resources to the full in this connection and accordingly the members of many unions are forced to rely upon other means of securing employ- ment. CHAPTER IV Union Agencies for the Distribution of Workmen In the same way that a workman is forced to move in a community from one employer to another, he m.ay be forced to move from one local labor market to another because of the variation in the demands for workmen in the two local labor markets. Although a number of trades are affected in approximately equal degree throughout the country in periods of general business depression, there are other trades which are differently affected in different communities. Even in periods of industrial prosperity, the variations in demand among local labor markets are great enough to necessitate the transfer of many workmen. Given the fact that there is a scarcity of workmen in one labor market and a body of unemployed in another, there remains the prob- lem of making known to the unemployed that there are op- portunities for securing work elsewhere. Some unions have considered it their duty not only to secure the employment which is offered in a community for the members who reside in that labor market, but when the demand for labor in a community is such as to require the services of additional workmen, to procure them from other places where some of their members are unemployed. In- asmuch as the methods of those unions which have at- tempted systematically to increase the mobility of labor cannot be successfully classified, it is necessary to describe separately the activities of the several unions. Owing probably to the great local differences in the de- mand for workmen in the granite industry, the Granite Cutters' Union has probably the most effective method of adjusting inter-local supply to be found among American trade unions. During the past fifteen years the following 75 76 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS system has been maintained : When a local union is unable to supply from its members the number of workmen desired by the employers, the national union is notified. The gen- eral secretary immediately sends this information to the local unions nearest the locality. If it is found that the man cannot be obtained from nearby local unions, the infor- mation is printed in a "flier," with generally eight or ten other such announcements, and sent to every local union in the country. The information concerning each opportunity for employment is complete. The "flier" gives the em- ployer, the kind of workmen required, that is, granite cut- ter, polisher or tool sharpener, the class of work to be per- formed, the number of men required, the working conditions and the length of time the men will be given employment. These " fliers " are generally issued weekly, but the period depends upon the variations in the demand among the dif- ferent localities. Unless the distances between the local unions in which men are unemployed and those in which men are needed are very great, there are few cases in which the employers are not supplied in a short time. The general secretary, besides notifying the trade of the opportunities for employ- ment, also occupies himself in furthering the transference of the men required. Members are advised to telegraph or write to the employers before moving, and as this advice is generally followed, only the required number of men transfer. The employers have expressed their satisfaction with the system, and the union has succeeded in materially shortening the period of unemployment due to the need of transference from one locality to another, and has done away with a great deal of needless and haphazard traveling from one city to another. The system of inter-local supply among the Glass Bottle Blowers had its origin in the introduction of the bottle machine. To operate the machine the services of expert pressers were required. The union did not have control over the class of workmen who were able to perform this UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 77 kind of work and therefore established an employment bureau in order to satisfy the demands of the employers. In 1903 a member who was an expert presser was appointed as chief of this bureau. The bureau seems to have given satisfaction, for President Hayes reported to the convention in 1905 that the employers had been furnished with iii machine workers, which amply filled every demand for men of this class.^ Having been so successful with the employment bureau for machine workers, the union decided to render similar services to other members. Accordingly, all unemployed members were requested to send their names, addresses and occupation to the national secretary. The local union secre- taries and manufacturers who were in need of men were asked to notify the union. This extension of the bureau's services has been a distinct success, despite the fact that at times it has been impossible to induce the unemployed to transfer to places where work could be secured. The gen- eral secretary, upon receiving a request for men, sends tele- grams or letters to those upon his unemployed list, and if this fails to procure the required number of men, the trade is notified by means of circulars. Also, each local-union secretary reports quarterly to the union the number of fur- naces at work and idle, the number of members employed and unemployed, the number doing *' spare " work, the num- ber of men required and the number of men available for transfer. This information is classified and sent to the trade. Thus, there is available at all times, definite infor- mation as to the condition of trade in the various localities for the benefit of those members who are unemployed and are willing to remove to another locality. There appears to be little, if any, difficulty in inducing the local unions to notify the union of a scarcity of workmen, and the traveling members are generally given the same consideration as the local members when there is work to be had. Another national union which has established an employ- 1 Proceedings, 1905, p. 23. 78 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS ment bureau is the Flint Glass Workers. The demand for men in various localities varies so greatly in this trade that sometimes it has been very difficult to supply the employers with the required number. In the agreements between the union and the manufacturers the latter have demanded the incorporation of the following : " The union agrees to ad- vertise for men free of cost, and to do its best to place men in the factory when needed."- The mode of procedure is for the local-union secretaries to furnish the general secre- tary with definite information as to the number of men re- quired and the number of members unemployed. Those who are unemployed and willing to transfer to another locality file their applications with the union. The em- ployers notify the chairman of the shop committees when they are in need of men and they in turn inform the gen- eral secretary, if the local union is unable to furnish the desired number. The general secretary immediately notifies those on the unemployed list who live nearest the locality in which the shortage of men exists. If this fails to supply the number of men required, the entire membership is notified through the official journal and circulars. During the past few years the union has experienced con- siderable difficulty in supplying employers with all the men needed in certain branches of the trade. Especially was this the case with mould makers. The union through its trade letters, journals, and circulars, and through correspondence with the local unions in 1910, and again in 1912, attempted to reach the unemployed and induce them to transfer to localities in which there were shortages of mould makers. The places remained unfilled despite the activities of the union. It was clearly a case of unprecedented prosperity in this department of the industry, and the union's methods were not at fault. In the other branches of the trade, the union has generally been able to effect the needed transfers. The custom of writing to firms in dififerent localities for work became so general and produced such unfavorable re- 2 Circular, Number i, August 7, 1914, p. 2. UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 79 suits that the Lithographers in 1906 ruled that this method of applying for employment should be discontinued.' As a substitute there was established an employment bureau under the direction of the general secretary. The unemployed were to send their names and qualifications to the bureau, and the local-union secretaries were required to notify the general secretary of any vacancies. Those first on the un- employed list and living nearest were to be notified by tele- graph to apply for the positions or to notify the bureau that they did not care to accept them. Although there appears to be only a small number of transfers among the lithog- raphers, the employment bureau performs its duties in this connection very adequately. The Photo-Engravers' Union for many years was con- fronted with the problem which exists in so many trades, viz., the acceptance by members of positions in other cities without consulting the business agent of the union in the locality. There might be a sufficient number of men who were capable of filling the positions in the city, but the em- ployer, for reasons of his own, preferred to obtain work- men from another city. There was thus an unnecessary and costly movement. The convention in 1906 established an employment bureau at national headquarters and adopted certain rules. It was made compulsory for members to write to local-union secretaries before accepting positions in another city. The unemployed were to register at head- quarters. Local unions were required to notify the bureau of any vacancies and the employers were requested to file applications for workmen.* During the first six months of the operation of the bureau 108 applications for employment and 109 applications for workmen were received. The sec- retary reported that the greater number of these positions had been filled, although it was impossible to give the exact numl^er as the members did not always notify the bureau when the positions were accepted. It was then provided that when an applicant was notified of a vacancy, a blank ^ Proceedings, 1906, p. 193. * Proceedings, 1906, p. 61. 8o UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS was to be sent him to be used for notifying the bureau whether or not he had accepted the position.^ From time to time improvements were made in the methods of the bureau and its usefulness was increased. In 1912 President Woll reported that the bureau "continued to be of great benefit to the members seeking employment," and likewise that " employers have been aided, and general satisfaction has been expressed by all those who have had occasion for its use."" During the past few years the effi- ciency of the bureau has been increasingly higher. Writing to employers for positions, advertising or answering adver- tisements for employment, and applying to other agencies than the union's bureau have been discouraged. The em- ployers have thus practically been forced to make use of the bureau ; and they have expressed complete satisfaction with the manner in which they have been brought into con- nection with possible employees. The chief reason for the present efficiency of the Photo-Engravers' employment bureau has been this realization by the officers of the benefits that the union may derive from it. As President Woll said in 191 5, " We should ever be ready to do all in our power to furnish union help whenever required, not simply because the employer wants it, but because it is a good business proposition."^ The Potters also keep a list of unemployed members at headquarters. The general secretary requires those who apply for employment to state their experience, the par- ticular kind of work they have performed, and other perti- nent facts. When an employer inquires for a workman, the secretary is able to give him a list of those who are able to do the work. The general secretary states that the em- ployers do not hesitate to apply to the bureau for men, and that the system has been very satisfactory to the members and the employers alike.^ 5 Proceedings, 1907, p. 46. ^ Proceedings, 1912, p. 24. ■^Proceedings, 191 5. pp. 23, 24. 8 Letter of Secretary John T.Wood to the writer, October 25, 1915. UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 8 1 Through weekly reports made by the local unions of the Pattern Makers, the president is enabled to secure definite information of the state of the trade in each locality. The local secretaries report weekly the number of members em- ployed and unemployed and the number of wood, metal, and plaster pattern makers wanted by the employers. These reports are classified and sent to each local union, thus enabling them each week to direct the unemployed to locali- ties in which they can secure work. The president also at- tempts to supply directly the needs of employers from the list of unemployed members which is kept at headquarters, and telegraphs to those of the unemployed residing nearest the place where men are needed. These efiforts coupled with the activities of the local unions adequately cover the field and in the majority of cases the employers are quickly and efficiently furnished with the necessary men.*' The Stone Cutters for many years had a system like that of the Pattern Makers. The local unions reported to the general secretary the state of trade and prospects and the number of members employed and unemployed. These were classified and sent to the various local unions. Since September, 1914, these weekly trade reports have not been published, because the employment in all localities has been very poor and there has been no need for transfers.^" Three of the railroad brotherhoods have attempted to facilitate the movement of their members by the establish- ment of employment bureaus. At the first convention of the Locomotive Firemen in 1888 an employment bureau was established at headquarters. It was provided that the national president should keep a register of the applicants and endeavor to secure employment for them. The onici.rs and members of the subordinate unions were urged to inform the bureau of all vacancies and the railroad companies were requested to apply to the bureau for men." It is understood » Interview with President James Wilson, August, 1915. 10 Interview with Secretary Drayer, August, 1915. 11 Locomotive Firemen's Magazine, November, 1888, p. 809. 6 82 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS that the bureau was established in order to secure employ- ment for the one thousand members who were thrown out of work through losing the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy strike in 1888. Since that time it has performed but little service in securing employment for the members of the union. President Carter says that it has been unsuccessful for the reason that a railroad generally refuses to employ engineers and firemen who have secured their experience on other roads.^^ The Railway Conductors'^ established its employment bureau in the same year as did the Firemen, but it was abolished after a few years on account of its failure to be of service to the unemployed. However, it was reestablished at the Detroit Convention in 1913.^* Acting President Sheppard said in 191 5 that while there had been quite a number of applicants, the bureau had " been able to lend practically no assistance to the members searching for em- ployment," although immediately following its establishment in 1913 employment was found " for several members."'^ The Railroad Trainmen in 1915 appointed one of its mem- bers as chief of its employment bureau in Chicago " for the purpose of advising its members who are now in search of employment."'® Prior to 1912 a member of the Bookbinders who wished to travel in search of employment was compelled to write to the secretaries of the local unions he wished to visit before he was allowed to apply directly to the employers for work. Because of the failure of the secretaries to reply and the spirit of selfishness displayed in many localities, this rule was abolished and an employment bureau was established. It was provided that the unemployed were to register with the bureau, and local union secretaries were required to notify the general secretary of all vacancies. Members who left positions were to report this fact to the 12 Letter to the writer, October 19, 1915. 13 Proceedings, 1888. p. 2.yj. 1* Proceedings, 1913, p. 748. 15 Letter to the writer, October 16, 1915. 1*^ Railroad Trainmen, March, 1915, p. 40. UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 83 bureau and the employers were requested to apply for men when they were needed." During the first month of the bureau's existence, July, 191 1, a number of members were furnished with employment,^^ but the local unions did not notify the general secretary of the vacancies in their juris- dictions and the bureau was abolished. ^^ For several years prior to 191 2 President Lynch of the Typographical Union advocated the establishment of an employment bureau under the supervision of the general secretary. The convention in 1912 instructed the executive officers to formulate plans for such a bureau,^" and the following rules were adopted: (i) only members of the union were to be registered; (2) each applicant was to pay an initiation fee of $1.00; (3) requests for men from cities in which there were local unions were to be endorsed by the local-union secretaries.^^ The bureau was opened January I, 1913, and several hundred dollars were expended in send- ing to the trade advertising pamphlets. During the first six months of its operation, 62 members registered ; during the next year there were 79 applicants for employment, while for the year 1914-1915 only 29 members registered, and of these it is thought that but few received employment which could be traced to the activities of the bureau. In short, as Secretary Hays said in 1915, the "employment bureau has not proven very satisfactory."-^ In 1901 the Leather Workers on Horse Goods established an employment bureau at headquarters with three branches. The country was divided into three sections, in each of which a member was appointed as employment agent. Each was to receive applications from the unemployed and at- tempt to transfer them to localities in which they could secure employment. When one of the agents was unable 17 International Bookbinder, June, 191 1, p. 238; Ibid., August, 191 1, P- 303. ^^Ibid., August 1911, p. 282. 19 Letter from Secretary W. N. Reddick to the writer, November 9, 1915. 20 Proceedings, 1912, p. 302. 21 Typographical Journal, August, 1913, p. 86. 22 Letter to the writer, October 19, 1915. 84 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS to supply the demands in his territory, he was to notify the general secretary or one of the other agents.^^ President Balsinger in 1902 said, "The bureau has given universal satisfaction,"-* but the three sub-bureaus were abolished in 1903.^^ Since that time the bureau at headquarters has been maintained and has kept a list of the unemployed from which the requests of employers have been supplied. Sec- retary Pfeififer in 1915 said, "We have met with little or no success for the reason that it has been impossible to get the employers to cooperate with the bureau."-" So far we have mentioned only the more important unions which have established employment bureaus. Although those which we have discussed are the only national unions which really perform any considerable service in placing the unemployed, there are a number of others that from time to time, under pressure from the employers, attempt to trans- fer the unemployed. In this category may be placed the following vmions : Bakers, Blacksmiths, Bridge and Struc- tural Iron Workers, Elevator Constructors, Stove Mounters, and Typographia. In none of these is there any perma- nent system of finding employment, the unions merely at- tempting to transfer members when some employer or local union writes for workmen. Several unions have emphatically rejected the proposal to establish employment bureaus to which the local unions would have been required to report regularly the exact con- dition of trade. Thus, in 1895, the Iron, Steel and Tin Workers refused to accede to the suggestion of President Garland that an employment bureau should be established, to which the local unions should report every two weeks as to the condition of trade. ^^ The general antipathy ex- hibited by the average member of a union towards any pub- licity of employment conditions is probably best illustrated by the history of the Bricklayers and Masons. In 1873 a 23 Leather Workers' Journal, November, 1901, p. 60. -* Ibid., July. 1902, p. 306. 25 Ibid., March, 1903, p. 32. 26 Letter to the writer, October 19, 1915. 27 Proceedings, 1895, p. 4940. UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 85 national employment bureau was established. Each local union secretary was required to inform the general secre- tary monthly as to the number of employed and unemployed, and whether or not any additional men were needed.'^ The bureau lasted but a few months, the local unions refusing to notify the secretary of the actual conditions of trade. In 1881 the union attempted to reestablish the employment bureau and at this time required only quarterly reports from the local unions.^'^ In the following year many of the local unions refusing to report, the rules were changed so as to require only semi-annual reports.^" During 1905 Sec- retary Dobson was requested by employers in many cities to supply them with additional men. He thereupon wrote to all local unions asking them to report the actual condi- tion of trade, giving the number of additional men required or the number of members unemployed. Only a few re- sponses were made and the majority of these were from cities in which employment was very poor. In commenting upon the refusal of the local unions to give publicity to trade conditions, he said : " Judging from the replies we received we understood that no matter how many men were needed to supply the demands of the employers our local unions did not take kindly to our idea or desire the fact to be known that their particular communities were in need of men."^^ There was an attempt made at the convention in 1910 again to establish an employment bureau at headquarters, but only one third of the delegates voted in favor of the proposal.^- During 1912 Secretary Dobson once more tried to obtain from the local unions accurate information concerning the state of trade, but he was forced to abandon the idea be- cause the local unions refused to supply him with the neces- sary information.^^ 28 Proceedings, 1873, p. 25. 29 Proceedings, 1881, p. 25. 30 Proceedings, 1882, p. 32. •*i Fortieth Annual Report of the President and Secretary, ujo^, P- 334- 32 Proceedings, 1910, p. 169. 33 Interview, August, 1915. 86 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS About ninety per cent of the American trade unions pub- lish weekly or monthly journals which in a number of unions are set free to each member. Some of the unions, realizing the possibilities of these journals as a means of conveying information respecting employment conditions have utilized them for this purpose. For example, the Cigar Makers, Iron Holders, Plasterers, and Sheet Metal Workers publish every month in their journals the state of trade in each of their local unions. The Woodcarvers' Journal contains reports from the local unions giving the number of shops in which trade is good, fair and dull, and the number of members employed and unemployed. The Bricklayers and Masons, Carpenters, FHnt Glass Workers, and Plumbers publish lists of cities in which trade is dull. Some of the building-trades unions have for many years given considerable space in their journals to construction news in various cities. Lists of the principal contracts which have been awarded and advanced information rela- tive to proposed buildings are published. The Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' journal contains a list of all iron and steel buildings and bridges that are contemplated, and the Bricklayers and Masons and the Lathers publish news concerning all construction work that will give employment to their members. While this information is sometimes val- uable to those who wish employment, these lists have in many cases caused needless traveling. A bricklayer notic- ing in the journal that several large contracts have been awarded in a distant city may not know whether the con- struction is to be of brick, or whether the general condition of trade in the particular city is such that additional men will be required. There have been many complaints in the Bricklayers' Union concerning the publication of news of this kind, and at times the journal has discontinued pub- lishing it. The Stone Cutters' Journal for several years contained a list of contracts awarded, but discontinued its publication in May, 1915. Secretary Drayer said that much needless traveling had been caused by the publication of UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 87 these lists since members had transferred to cities in which the journal had noted great building activity, only to find that on some of the large buildings not more than a few hundred dollars worth of stone was to be used, and in some cases that terra cotta had been substituted entirely for stone.^* The Boot and Shoe Workers, Coopers, Gannent Work- ers, Granite Cutters, and Leather Workers on Horse Goods publish the names and addresses of employers who conduct strictly union establishments, and do not prohibit their members from writing to employers for employment. In all trade-union journals there is a great amount of correspondence from the local-union secretaries and busi- ness agents. In those unions which have a relatively small number of local unions there is opportunity for all localities to be represented, but in some of the larger building-trades unions, for example, the Carpenters, Painters, and Brick- layers and Masons, this is not feasible. These reports from the local unions generally contain information as to the state of trade, the number of members employed and unemployed and the prospects for employment. In some cases this cor- respondence is very valuable to the members who wish to secure employment. Among the journals which serve the purpose very well, those of the following unions may be cited: Photo-Engravers, Bookbinders, Printers, Flint Glass Workers, Granite Cutters, and Bridge and Structural Iron Workers. For the information of those members who may desire to write to the business agent or secretary of a local union as to the chances for employment in other localities, 32 of the 80 trade-union journals print lists of local-union secretaries and business agents with their addresses. Several of the subdivisions of the national unions, such as state conferences and districts councils, have attempted to devise means by which information concerning the state of trade could be conveyed to the unemployed. Among the building-trades unions, conferences are formed in the vari- s* Stone Cutters' Journal, May, 1915, p. i. 88 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS ous States, composed of the local unions. The Bricklayers and Masons have 25 such conferences, while the Painters have 17 and the Carpenters 10. The Texas State Council of Carpenters sends to each of its members a monthly report of the number employed and unemployed, the prospects for employment, and the number of men wanted in each local union. 3^ The Massachusetts State Conference of Brick- layers and Masons also publishes monthly reports of the condition of trade in each local union.^" Some of the districts of the unions have gone further than simply publishing- the condition of trade, and have estab- lished employment bureaus. Thus, the New England Typo- graphical Union and the Indiana Typographical Conference have conducted employment bureaus for several years, and President Lynch of the Printers says they have produced results "to the satisfaction of affiliated unions and their members."" The district vice-presidents of the Lithog- raphers receive applications for employment and requests from the employers for workmen. Vice-President Lawrence reported that in 1906 he had succeeded in supplying the em- ployers in his district with workmen from the five hundred applications which he had received during the year from unemployed members. ^'^ Frequently several local unions of a trade will conduct an employment bureau in common. Thus in 191 5 the railroad divisions of the Sheet Metal Workers established an employment bureau in St. Louis, Missouri.^^ This practise exists to a certain extent among the pattern makers and in some other unions. It may be said that while these subdivisions of the unions do not gen- erally cooperate very readily with one another in employ- ment matters, they serve in some degree by their connec- tions to direct the unemployed to localities in which work can be secured. 35 The Carpenter, September, 1906, p. 40. ^^ Bricklayer and Mason, May, 1908, p. 70. 3T Proceedings, 1912, p. 21. 38 Proceedings, 1906, p. 193. 3^ Sheet Metal Workers' Journal, October, 1915, p. 399. UNION AGENCIES FOR DISTRIBUTION OF WORKMEN 89 In those unions which do not maintain employment bu- reaus at the national headquarters, additional workmen are generally secured by one local union's writing or telegraph- ing to other local unions. This method is largely employed by the building-trades unions. When New York City is in need of additional building-trades mechanics, either Phila- delphia, Baltimore, Boston, Albany, or Pittsburg is notified of the shortage of men. Sometimes, as is the case with the Elevator Constructors and Bridge and Structural Iron Workers, the business agent telegraphs to the local union of a nearby city to send a certain number of men, with the understanding that these men will be guaranteed employ- ment if they come. The following letter, which was printed in the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' Journal, was written by the business agent of Salt Lake City, and illus- trates the methods in force. " I received a telegram from busi- ness agent Hendricks of Los Angeles asking me if I could furnish eight men for the San Pedro at Calientes, Nevada. T replied that I could send as many men as was needed. I received another telegram to send eleven men, so I sent them out on the 24th on the bases of $4.50 for nine hours and transportation expenses."*" But the greater part of the movement of trade unionists in search of employment does not result either from the activities of the union employment bureaus or through the notification of one local union by another that men are needed. The ordinary member realizes that local unions do not generally send for additional men until the pressure from employers forces them to do so. He knows that there are numerous instances in which other local unions are not notified of opportunities for employment even after the em- ployers register their wants. Therefore, workmen keep in communication with one another and when the prospects are good, those who are cognizant of the fact notify their friends. Many workmen also write to the various business agents and local union secretaries to inquire about the pros- *" The Bridgemen's Magazine, July, 191 1, p. 448- 90 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS pects for employment. This is the manner in which the unemployed, who are not habitual " travelers," generally secure their information. At times the local union secre- taries complain that they are compelled to answer too many letters. The Washington business agent of the Bridge and Structural Iron Workers reported in 1904 that he received an average of four letters each day from members asking for information concerning the prospects for employment.^^ Other workmen write to their friends in other cities inquir- ing as to the conditions of trade. We have outlined, so far as ascertainable, the methods of those unions which have attempted to devise means for giving information to the unemployed which will enable them to find employment in other places. There are in the United States over 125 national unions. Of these, we have found that only 14 maintain employment bureaus. And of these 14 bureaus, only seven can be said to possess merit. The value of the others to the unemployed is negligible. Numerous reasons have been advanced by trade unionists for the lack of success of the employment bureaus which have been established, and for the fact that the other unions do not even attempt to provide means for the dissemination of a knowledge of trade conditions. The failure of Ameri- can unions to solve the problem of transferring their mem- bers from localities in which trade is poor to those in which work can be secured is chiefly attributable to the selfishness of the local unions There are very few trades in which traveling members do not receive a cool welcome from the local unions in which they deposit their cards. The mem- bers of a local union look upon the work to be done in their community as belonging to them, and they resent any in- trusion upon the part of non-residents. Although this at- titude is contrary to the doctrines of unionism, the greater number of union officials concede its existence. It is this spirit which has made it impossible to induce the local unions of the Bricklayers and Masons, the Cigar Makers and vari- 0\ w n i-< (H 11 00 >-< lO 'H. « f^>- rj- >- 1-1 C> rt-iO "^vO ■* ro M ►- N cT ro t^ pT C 2 'a, CO U i! t^^^ •OVO t^vO «i ■ ■ ■ S-2 1^ q t->. cs Cv \d 00 1-' w IS a Q. 'S. 01 U a! t4 ao, < >o HH rj- M w vq rj- >H \q a\ rt-oo io*q b-.iv.qpi t>oo ■* 10 rf tc (>vd \o pi t^c^d Tt•c^<7^o doo ior>.d^'-< »o Tj-vO 00 vO 10 t^ P) OS rOOO fOl^OsPI t^t^O 1/500 0\ u a bo a a OrO'-'iOOOOvOsOPI'* 'i-vO 00 t^lOOsO fO" o -rt-tntn-^m 00 wvO tOt^uOiOt^Os :^\0 I^T}-OsfO<'5'*P) iOm lOOsOsiO •«i-\o pj d >-< d lO pj so rosd CTsOsTJ-TJ-rO'TJ'^'-" m O P< 'i-iOiO'^pi d 00 00 ir> ro^ P< O >-i Ti-oO OssO P«Tff^000C0'*i-iiOP<>-i00Tl- 1-1 O 0>OsO «-ioooo q_Tt-'+t^q;wO;0; ^so o. "2 q, •-". <^ i-i f^ o i-Too" OS -T d" loso" 1^ ■^so" pT oodos pT t-^ i-Too" ro «? >o d"oo pi'oo" ro P) cc cc rO Tj- 1/5 ID lOvO lO t^oo 00 OsOO 00 t^ t^oo t^QO 00 O* 3 ■5. u 0. m r^OO i.H00P«Os'!t.O'-OfOr^wP»rD"t>. so 00 t^oo Tt-p* pt fctot^iop) r^p» "?"?^'-; '^'^. cjs *? ^ '?'*'? ' w pj fo (N i-< p) pJ W I- p) I-"' .; ►.;««« ^ ^1 •0 a hJ c 3 a < lOOSTj-OOO •*« «^lOTfP» (Tit^i-i t>.sO P) TjTOrOfOr)i-H 1-1 tr) i-/5t^ot^^t^b7''*'-;'-;'-;Nq'i-'9'-:'>q'^'~;>qs oo' i-^so* lopj rou^w rj-d Tt-iop) >OTf r^so' t>. r-^ -fod pi "i- i-I o6 tc O •^OO rO rOOO rOOO O^"*" rCOt^iOiO t^sO rO<~0fO'r>i-i n Pt Os 00 l^rOi.HSOsOOO P)00 i/JOsTft^'+i-'sO O O PI P4 PisOrOiOf^*^ pT pT O t^ ^so' l-^C^P^^O^^^O^^d'p^l-^fOC^^Or^rO'<•lO pfoo"" VO a Own f^'^ioso t^oo oso •- N rr-fioso t-00 Os o " p; tJrfVP 00000000000000000000 OsOsOsOsOsOsOsOsOsOsO O O O O O OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO OsOsOsOsOsOs I06 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS ! -a o s V o c o s il -lis 3 O 2 'a. U P CM o "? to s V ■& a O s 2 'o. c< up r-^ "? ^ ^. ". o ID ^4 S o 00 1^ 00 HH ,-< vO fC d\ cJ vO rf3 w' >0 lO ■^OO O ID to 00 00_ rC to O a 5 '5. eg U lOO \o to is 2 « BCL, N o o •«d-0 lo o vd to oo" 2 CIS "2 '5 a c (^rOiO^i O Juices ►I O ■^(OrOrOi-jvqvq ro I-' ri ci p-"' OMO rJ !>. d ►H ro -* « t^ lO^O 00 CN M3_ <0 M w Tj- Tj- i-H_ •<:*■ C)_ ■^ ch c^ m" rT t-^ t>l pT ctn 0\0\0>-i">->-00 3 'Eu a U (1^ ^. '^ " "^ "^ OVOO HH O 1-1 t-l W ' ' ' ' W t-H o B § c 3 O E < 1-ivO •^TUv.t^o P* lO 0) 00 "^ er week, beginning with the fourth week of un- employment. After having received benefits for four weeks, a period of three weeks must intervene before the member is again entitled to the benefit, and the amount received during the fiscal year cannot exceed $96.00 Members who are unemployed through their own fault are not entitled to the benefit until they have been on the unemployed list for seven weeks, but if the situation has been voluntarily given up, the member is allowed to draw the benefit after a period of four weeks. The secretaries of the local unions specify certain hours of the day during which the unemployed must register at the union offices. Should the member receive employment for one day while on the unemployed list, $1 is deducted from his weekly benefit, but four days' employment in one week debars him from any benefit for that week. Members who refuse to accept a situation are not allowed to 134 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS register for a period of six weeks, while refusal to work as a substitute debars from the benefit for two weeks. In- ability to hold a position debars a member from any benefit, and only through the action of the local union can he be given any financial assistance. The cost of the out-of-work benefit in the Cigar Makers' Union and in the Typographia is shown in the following table : Cost of Maintaining the Out-of-Work Benefit Typograph a Cigar Makers Year Total Cost Per Capita Cost Total Cost Per Capita Cost 1885 $ 1,118.90 $ 2.00 1886 i,453-o8 1-52 1887 1,240.10 I 15 1888 1,315-13 1. 16 1889 6,281.50 5-55 1890 4.315-00 3-47 $ 22,760.50 $ .92 189I 6,067.00 4-58 21,223.50 •87 1892 9,359-50 6.77 17,460.75 •65 1893 7,835-00 5-67 89,402.75 3-34 1894 17,262.50 14-33 174-517-25 6.27 1895 9,464.20 8.66 166,377.25 5-99 1896 7,812.00 7.00 175,767-25 6.43 1897 8,485.00 7-83 117,471.40 4.46 X898 8,603.00 7.82 70,197.70 2.65 1899 11,135.00 10.39 38,037.00 I-3I 1900 8,703.00 8.33 23,897.00 .70 I9OI 6,716.00 6.56 27,083.76 .79 1902 7,839.00 7.86 21,071.00 .56 1903 4,846.00 4.86 15,558.00 •39 1904 5,785-00 5-82 29,872.50 .72 1905 5,105.00 5-23 35,168.50 .87 1906 5,086.00 5.22 23,911.00 .61 1907 3,802.00 3-84 19,497-50 •47 1908 6,585.00 6.78 101,483.50 2.51 1909 6,350.00 6.69 76,107.25 1.71 I9IO 4,011.00 4-34 39,917.00 .91 I9II 3,401.00 3-70 36,942.50 .88 I912 3,670.00 4-13 42,911.05 1.06 I913 3,248.00 3-64 31,898.71 •79 I914 3,188.00 3-59 68,198.00 1.70 Total $180,081,91 $1,486,732.62 Average .... 6,002.73 5.61 59,469.30 1.90 UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I35 Some comparison can be made of the cost of the out-of- work benefit in the two unions. During the twenty years existence of the Cigar Makers' system the average annual per capita cost has been $1.90, while the average annual per capita cost of the German Printers has been $5.61. But this great difference has not been due chiefly to a greater amount of unemployment, although the printers are more subject to unemployment than the cigar makers. The weekly benefit of the Cigar Makers is only one-half of that of the Typographia, while the maximum yearly benefit is only about sixty per cent as great. During the past few years there appears to have been a tendency towards decreased per capita costs in both unions. This is partly due in the case of the Cigar Makers to a more stringent administration of the system, while in the Typo- graphia it is the result of the introduction of the old age pension in July, 1908. Secretary Miller of the Typographia says that the majority of the members receiving the benefit for the unemployed are the older men who are unable to operate typesetting machines, and that before the introduc- tion of the old age pension these members drew the maxi- mum out-of-work benefit each year.^^ As the periods in which the two unions have paid unem- ployment benefits are about the same, it is not surprising that there is a striking correspondence between the fluctua- tions in their per capita costs. Both fall and rise together throughout the twenty-five years. From 1892 to 1894 the Cigar Makers' per capita cost rose from 65 cents to $6.27 and the Typographia's from %6.yy to $14.33, while from 1899 to 1907 the cost of the Cigar Makers decreased gradu- ally from $1.31 to 47 cents and that of the Typographia from $10.39 to $3.84. Both rose during the panic of 1907-1908 and have since decreased gradually. The Diamond Workers' Union, organized in 1902, estab- lished an out-of-work benefit in 1912. The system went into effect on August i, 191 2. It provided that the out- 11 In letter to the writer, October 19, 1915. 136 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS of-work fund should be maintained by assessments of ten cents per week upon all employed members. Those mem- bers who had been employed for thirteen full weeks during the first half-year of their membership and who had been unemployed for six consecutive weeks were entitled to benefits. The unemployed were to receive a benefit of $6.00 per week and $1.00 for each additional day of idleness, but could not draw benefits for more than thirteen weeks, or seventy-eight working days, during the fiscal year. Mem- bers drawing benefits who found employment for four con- secutive weeks or more were not entitled to an additional benefit until they had been idle for six additional consecu- tive weeks, while those who had been drawing the benefit and received work for less than four weeks were not to receive the benefit until they had been idle for as many days as they had been employed. Members who had resigned from their employment without reasons satisfactory to the executive board or who had courted their discharge were excluded from the benefit, and those who refused to accept employment when offered forfeited all rights to the benefit during the fiscal year. Those receiving the benefit were compelled to report at the headquarters of the union every Tuesday and Friday between the hours of 10 and 12 A.M.^^ Several important changes in the system have been made since its establishment. In July, 191 3, the weekly benefit was increased from $6.00 to $7.50, and members became entitled to the benefit after they had been unemployed for four weeks instead of six weeks. ^^ At first it was thought that with an initial donation of $600.00 to the fund from the general funds of the union the assessment of ten cents per week would be sufficient to defray the expenses of the benefit system. It appears that in normal times the income from this source was sufficient to cover the expenses, but during the depression of 1914-1915 the expenditures for the ^2 Circular of the Diamond Workers Protective Union of Amer- ica (New York, n. d.). 13 Letter to the writer from President Andries Meyer, March 7, 1916. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I37 benefit were so large that it was necessary to transfer large sums from the general fund of the union to the out-of-work fund. Thus, from January i, 1914, to March 31, 1915, $22,600 was drawn from the general fund for the use of the out-of-work benefit." In 1916 the employed members were assessed $1.00 per week besides the regular dues in order to provide new resources for the out-of-work fund.^^ The following table shows the amounts paid since Oc- tober I, 1912: OuT-OF-WoRK Benefits Paid by the Diamond Workers' Pro- tective Union Quarter Ending Amount December 31, 1912 $ 435-00 March 31, 1913 78.00 June 30, 1913 36.00 September 30, 1913 181,25 December 31, 1913 567.50 March 31, 1914 3,04i-2S June 30, 1914 4-863.75 September 30, 1914 7,163.75 December 31, 1914 7,213.75 March 31, 1915 2,622.50 June 30, 191S 96.25 September 30, 1915 670.00 December 31, 1915 258.70 Total cost $27,22 7.70 Average per capita $ 86.43 Although but three national unions have established out- of-work benefits, a great many, at one time or another, have made special provision for the unemployed by donating money for this purpose from the general funds of the union. These emergency benefits have usually been put into opera- tion during periods of general business depression. The following table shows the total annual amounts in- cluding regular benefits and special appropriations, which have been appropriated for the relief of the unemployed by the unions reporting to the American Federation of Labor. ^* Quarterly Financial Statements, Jan. i, to Mar. 31, 1914; Jan. i to Mar. 31, 1915. 15 Letter to the writer from President Andries Meyer, March 7, 1916. 138 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Unemployment Benefits Paid by Unions Reporting to the American Federation of Labor, 1903-1916 Year Amount Year Amount 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 $ 79,538-37 78,073-25 85,050.72 79,582.70 46,481.79 205,254.31 484,028.49 197,808.00 I9II I912 I9I3 I9I4 I9I5 I916 $218,742.71 215,398.60 69,445-70 99,024.88 256,002.29 120,770.60 1909 Total $2,235,202.41 I9IO Average $159,657-32 Typical examples of emergency funds for the unem- ployed are those of the Flint Glass Workers and the Glass Bottle Blowers. The general business depression of 1907 closed many factories in which members of the Flint Glass Workers were employed and the national union was be- sieged with appeals from the unemployed who numbered over thirty per cent of the membership. A relief fund was established and about $5,000 was donated monthly to the unemployed until business conditions improved.^® During the same depression the Glass Bottle Blowers were confronted with a situation not unlike that of the Flint Glass Workers. The general office received so many applications for help that the executive board, on January 7, 1909, de- cided to establish a fund for the relief of the unemployed by increasing the assessment upon the earnings of those em- ployed. Within a few weeks after its establishment 3200 of the 8200 members were receiving relief. The unemployed married members were given $7.00 per week and the unem- ployed single members, $5.00 per week for an indefinite period. During the period in which relief was granted there was expended $260,502.75.^^ During the depression of 1914-1915 the national union loaned money to the local unions to relieve the unemployed. In 1914 the sum of $9,- 890.13 was expended,^^ while in 191 5 the expenditure 18 Proceedings, 1908, p. 91 et seq. 1'^ Proceedings, 1910, pp. 50, 70. 18 Proceedings of American Federation of Labor, 1914, p. 29. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I39 amounted to $55,000.^^ Although this money was to be repaid, it is said that there is very Httle Hkelihood that this will be done. Although the out-of-work benefit has been utilized so little by the American trade unions, there is scarcely a union in which there has not been a more or less continuous agita- tion for its adoption. These campaigns have been waged not only in the unions which were in existence when the Cigar Makers and the Typographia adopted the benefit, but also in unions founded within the last fifteen years. The agitation has been greatest during periods of general busi- ness depression, but it goes on even in the most prosperous years. The Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners aflfords an illustration of this continuous agitation. P. J. McGuire, the founder of the union, advocated the establishment of an unemployed benefit. In the conventions of 1894 and 1896 he expounded its advantages and recommended its adoption, but each time the proposed benefit was defeated.^" Presi- dent Lloyd at the New York convention of 1898 urged the delegates to establish a benefit for the unemployed, and this time the question was submitted to a referendum vote but was defeated.^^ During the panic of 1908 Secretary Duffy reported to the convention that he heartily favored some plan whereby the union might be able to give aid to the unemployed.^- At almost every convention since, the question has been debated and in many of the issues of The Carpenter there are letters from members urging the union to adopt some form of unemployment insurance. The Typographical Union, which has an extensive benefit system, has frequently considered the advisability of estab- lishing an out-of-work benefit. Its officers, like those of the Carpenters, have been the most aggressive exponents of the advantages to be derived from such action. President 18 Proceedings of American Federation of Labor, 1915, p. 30. -^ The Carpenter, January, 1908, p. 10. 21 Proceedings, 1898, p. 8. 2* Proceedings, 1908, p. 5. 140 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Prescott at the convention of 1894 urged the members to adopt the out-of-work benefit instead of the sick benefit.^^ During the period in which the Hnotype was displacing great numbers of printers the agitation for an out-of-work benefit became general throughout the union, but each time it was put to a vote of the membership it was defeated. As late as 1907 President Lynch said : " It has long been the belief of the president that the Typographical Union is great enough, experienced enough, and in the possession of the necessary machinery, to establish and successfully carry on an out-of-work benefit."^* During the depression of 1914 many letters were written to the Typographical Journal urging the adoption of this benefit, and the convention of 191 5 provided for the appointment of a committee to inves- tigate the feasibility of establishing an out-of-work benefit for the International Union.-' When the Plumbers in 1899 decided to inaugurate a sys- tem of benefits, a campaign was made for the out-of-work benefit, but through the conservatism of its officers other benefits were chosen instead. In 1908 the executive board was authorized by the convention to ascertain the probable cost of the benefit, but the finances of the union were in such condition that the adoption of the benefit at that time would have been impossible.-*' In the Pattern Makers this benefit was considered at the organization of the union, and has since been discussed at nearly every convention. As several of its local unions already had unemployment bene- fits, the movement made considerable headway, but each time the question has been submitted to the members, it has failed of adoption. During the financial panic of 1896 and the years of depression following there was a strong move- ment in favor of the out-of-work benefit in the Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, Painters, Granite Cutters, Bakers, and Lithographers, but in recent years there appears to have 23 Barnett, The Printers, p. 103. 2* Ibid., p. 106. 25 Proceedings, 1915, p. 65. 26 Proceedings, 1908, p. 93. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I4I been no attempt in these unions to reopen the question. On the other hand, in the Brewery Workers, Metal Polishers, Photo-Engravers, Boot and Shoe Workers, and Potters, the out-of-work benefit has been the subject of consideration during the past few years, and at each succeeding conven- tion seems to gain additional support. The failure of the national unions to provide out-of-work benefits has led many local unions in various trades to estab- lish systems of their own. These exist in nearly all unions and some of them have been in existence for many years. Probably the oldest and most important are those found among the Printers. The Typographical Association of New York City, as early as 183 1, provided that the sum of $3.00 per week should be paid to unemployed single members and $4.00 per week to unemployed married members. This benefit was to be paid as long as the members were unemployed unless a member refused to accept a situation offered him or made no effort to procure employment. This system remained in operation for only a few years, but it was re- established later and was maintained throughout a business depression.^^ In September, 1893, ^^^^ unemployed benefit was reestablished, but it was not until March, 1896, that a permanent system was founded. The money for this bene- fit was to be secured by an assessment of one per cent on the earnings of those employed. Unemployed members who had been in good standing for one year were entitled to a benefit of $4.00 per week for the first four weeks of unemployment, but not more than four weeks' benefit could be drawn in any six weeks nor more than $60.00 in any one year.'^ This system remained in operation until Au- gust, 1907, during which time the sum of $520,645 was ex- pended. The following table shows the annual total cost and the annual average per capita cost. 27 George A. Stevens, " The History of Typographical Union Number Six " in Annual Report of the New York Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1911, part i, pp. 112 and 113. -* Ibid., pp. 478 and 479. 142 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Cost of Maintaining the Out-of-Work Benefit in the New York City Typographical Union Year Total Cost Per Capita Cost ! Year Total Cost Per Capita Cost 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 $18,259.04 17,779-05 25,365.20 30,211.70 35,169.24 37,274-13 40,323-65 40,451.46 $3-59 3-81 5.38 6.29 6.90 6.88 7-45 7-36 1902 $40,715.75 1903 44,510.86 1904 I 45,458.12 1905 50,385.80 1906 54,701.69 1907 40,039.56 $7-07 7-14 7.06 7.40 8.II 5-95 1900 Total $520,645.25 I9OI Average. . $37,188.90 $6.45 It will be noticed that the per capita cost shows no sudden changes in periods of depression or prosperity. With but few exceptions, the cost increased each year — from $3.59 in 1894 to $8.11 in 1906. Inasmuch as the weekly benefit and the maximum amount which could be drawn in one year remained the same it is evident that the benefit, if continued, would have become a serious financial drain upon the union's resources. Since August, 1907, when the system was abol- ished, the unemployed who have been in need of assistance have been given benefits, ranging from $5.00 to $15.00 ac- cording to individual need, through a benefit board which investigates each case to prevent imposition. The money for this relief has been secured by a special assessment of one half of one per cent on the earnings of those employed. During the depression of 1914 this source of income was insufficient and an assessment of five per cent on all earn- ings of over $10.00 per week was made.-° Several other local unions of the Printers, especially the Chicago union, have been paying out-of-work benefits for several years. ^" Notwithstanding the fact that their national union pays unemployment benefits the three hundred German type- setters of the New York City local union have established an additional benefit. This is so arranged that after a member has received the national benefit for four weeks 29 The Survey, February 20, 191 5, p. 550. 30 Typographical Journal, January, 1915, p. 42. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE 1 43 the local union provides a benefit for the succeeding weeks, during which the unemployed member receives no benefit from the national union. ^^ The Boot and Shoe Workers^- and the Lithographers^^ have constitutional provisions recommending that their local unions establish out-of-work benefit funds. In both unions several of the subordinate unions have acted upon the suggestion. The New York City branch of the Lithog- raphers, for instance, provides that members who have been unemployed for one week are entitled to a benefit of $3.00 per week. The maximum amount that can be secured in one year is $60. To be entitled to the benefit, a member must secure from the delegate of the shop in which he was last employed a certificate stating the cause of his discharge or lay-off. If he is instructed by a local union officer to apply for a position and fails to do so, he is not entitled to any benefit.^* The Bakery and Confectionery Workers at its convention in 1904 recommended that "immediate steps be taken to create in every local union an out-of-work benefit."^^ In 191 5 Secretary Mand stated that about thirty or forty local unions had inaugurated systems for the support of their unemployed.^® In the Brewery Workers there are prob- ably not less than twenty local unions which pay out-of- work benefits, but as no report of these funds is made to the national union, detailed information cannot be secured concerning them.^^ The Newark, New Jersey, local union, with 370 members, reported to the convention of 1903 that it had expended $10,000 during the previous year for the support of its unemployed,^* and the Chicago local union of 650 members reported that in 1900 it had disbursed $3,652 31 The Survey, February 20, 1915, p. 549. "2 Constitution, 1913, sec. 64. 33 Constitution, 1913, art. 4, sec. 5. 3* Constitution, 1905, art. 3, sees. 2, 3, 4 and 5. 35 Bakers' Journal, October 21, 1905, p. i. 38 Interview, August, 1915. 37 Interview with Secretary Proebstle, August, 1915. 38 Proceedings, 1903, p. 193! 144 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS on account of its unemployment benefit.^^ The Cleveland branch provides that a member who has been out of employ- ment for four weeks is entitled to a benefit of $3.00 per week for ten weeks during a year/" and the New York City local union with 1200 members pays a benefit of $4.00 per week for twelve weeks in each of two years, after which a member must pay dues for a full year before he will again be entitled to the benefit.*^ Several of the larger local unions of the Pattern Makers have had out-of-work benefit systems in operation for the past ten years. The Boston association established its benefit in 1906. It was provided that a member who had been in good standing for at least six months should be entitled to a benefit of $7.00 per week, such benefit to begin after the first week of unemployment and to be limited to thirteen weeks in any one year.*^ During the period April, 1913, to April, 1914, $4,280 was expended for this benefit.*^ The New York City local union has paid the sum of $5.00 per week as relief to its unemployed members for several years. During the year 1908 this benefit cost the union an average of $728 each week.** Among the Photo-Engravers, the local unions in Phila- delphia, New York, Chicago, and several other cities have successful out-of-work funds. The New York local union pays to the unemployed a weekly benefit of $6.00 for an indefinite period.*^ In the following unions there exist but one or two local- union permanent out-of-work benefits : Boilermakers, Black- smiths, Bookbinders, Cloth Hat and Cap Makers. Commer- cial Telegraphers, Glass Workers, Hotel and Restaurant Employees, Lace Operatives, Ladies' Garment Workers, Spinners, and Wood Carvers. In the building trades very few local unions maintain out-of-work funds. 39 Proceedings, 1901, p. 92. 40 Proceedings, 1901, p. 91. 41 The Survey, February 20, 1915, p. 550. 4- Pattern Makers' Journal, April, 1906, p. 13. *3 Ibid., May, 1914, p. 20. 44 Ibid., May, 1908. p. 3. 45 The Survey, February 20, 191 5, p. 550. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I45 An indirect form of unemployment benefit is the exemp- tion of those who are out of work from the payment of dues and assessments. This rule is found in the Black- smiths, Boilermakers, Brewery Workers, Cigar Makers, Diamond Workers, Glass Workers, Granite Cutters, Hat- ters, Iron Holders, Leather Workers on Horse Goods, Lithographers, Locomotive Firemen, Machinists, Metal Pol- ishers, United Mine Workers, Pattern Makers, Photo-En- gravers, Piano and Organ Workers, Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Mill Operatives, Stove Mounters, and Western Fed- eration of Miners. In other unions, such as the Flint Glass Workers and Printers, where the members are taxed in proportion to the amount of their wages, the unemployed are automatically freed from the payment of dues. The dues of those unions which have developed strong beneficiary systems have naturally increased with the intro- duction of each new benefit, and in some cases amount to five per cent of the members' wages. The unemployed member thus finds it difficult at times to remain in good standing. Moreover, in some cases those who have been in arrears for a certain number of weeks are excluded from union benefits. On account of these circumstances about twenty national unions exempt the unemployed from pay- ment of dues so that they can be retained as members and be entitled to the various benefits. The general character of these provisions is much the same. The Iron Molders exempt unemployed members from payment of dues for a period of not exceeding thir- teen weeks in any one year. Those who have paid dues for the preceding six months are entitled to this exemption.** This rule was adopted in October, 1897, and to the first of January, 191 5, the cost of the system was $316,168.*^ The United Mine Workers, on account of seasonal unem- ployment in the trade, exempt members from the payment of dues when unemployed. A member who has been idle ^6 Constitution, IQ12, art. 18, sec. i. *7 Holders' Journal, February, 1915, p. 112. 10 146 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS for one month is excused from payment of all dues until he again obtains employment.*® The Granite Cutters provide that any member in good standing who is unemployed shall be exempted from one-half of the regular dues.*^ The Metal Polishers excuse members who are unemployed from the payment of dues for three months after four weeks of idleness.^" In view of the fact that the out-of-work benefit is one of the devices by which trade unions protect the standard rate and the working conditions by relieving members of the necessity of accepting less favorable terms aind conditions, it is difficult to understand why the out-of-work benefit is not more widely used. In the greater number of unions the officers are staunch advocates of the system, and there is no more ardent supporter of out-of-work benefits than President Gompers of the American Federation of Labor. At the New York convention of the American Federation of Labor in 1898, the delegates went on record as endorsing the payment of the benefit and urged all affiliated unions to establish such a system. ^^ Two reasons can be stated for the slight development of the out-of-work benefit in American trade unions ; first, the unwillingness of the average union member to acquiesce in the necessary increase of dues ; and second, the apparent inadequacy of the administrative agencies of the union to secure a just distribution of the benefit. The first of these hindrances to the establishment of the out-of-work benefit needs little comment. The average workingman joins a trade union chiefly from the desire to carry a union card and participate in the better conditions secured by the union. The matter of benefits, and espe- cially out-of-work benefits, is of secondary importance. He wants to be a member of the union, but he also wants the dues to be as small as possible. *8 Constitution, 1914, art. 14, sec. 23. 4^ Constitution, 1912, sec. 134. ^° Constitution, 1913, art. 17, sec. 3. ^1 Proceedings, 1899, p. 5677. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I47 The second hindrance grows chiefly out of the personal acquaintance of the local union officials with the members. The experience of the Cigar Makers, and for that matter, the history of any trade union benefit, shows that there are always local union officials who pay benefits which should not have been paid. The disbursing agencies must be given considerable discretion in determining whether or not the applicants are entitled to the benefit. Further, the local officials seem unable to deal strictly with a member who abandons a job on plausible grounds. The experience of the New York local union of the Typographical Union with an out-of-work benefit may be cited. A member of that organization writes : " We found that a number of men each year drew the full amount that was permitted them under the laws regulating the fund, and that these men could best be described as ' panhandlers.' The abuses in our case eventually became so flagrant that the fund was abolished upon the report of an investigating committee to the effect that the majority of the beneficiaries of the fund belonged to this dissolute class. "^^ The unions have specifically set forth in the rules on the subject the manner in which the benefit systems are to be administered and the various con- ditions under which the unemployed members shall become entitled to the benefit. The systems generally have been well planned but poorly administered. Since the establishment by Great Britain of a compre- hensive insurance plan some of the American trade union officials have inaugurated campaigns for the adoption of a similar scheme by this government. °^ Inasmuch as the con- census of opinion among recent writers on the subject is in favor of utilizing the trade union in a scheme of govern- ment insurance,^* it is not surprising that American repre- ss A. J. Portenar, Problems of Organized Labor, p. 73. ^^ The text of the British Insurance Act is contained in Bulletin of the United States Bureau of Labor, No. 102. ''* L G. Gibbon, Unemployment Insurance, p. 251 ; Cyril Jackson, Unemployment and Trade Unions, p. 29; Henry R. Seager, " Outline of a Program of Social Legislation," in Proceedings of the first Annual Meeting of the American Association for Labor Legislation, 1907, p. 87. 148 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS sentatives of organized labor demand that the trade unions should be given the right to administer the benefit among their own members. ^^ We have seen that three national unions have established unemployment benefits, that a few more have provided emergency relief funds for those out of work, and that a small percentage of the local unions have regular benefits for the unemployed. Under such conditions one might ex- pect to find the average unemployed trade unionist in as bad a predicament as the unemployed non-unionist. But such is by no means the case. There is scarcely one Ameri- can local union which does not in some form or other contribute towards the support of its unemployed members when they are in need of assistance. A member out of work is rarely turned away from the union without receiv- ing some assistance. In some cases it may take the form of a loan of a few dollars, but his union will rarely allow him to suffer from want. The usual procedure is for a friend of the unemployed to announce at a meeting of the local union that a brother member is unemployed and in need of money to pay the rent and secure the necessities of life. With scarcely any further remarks, the union votes to do- nate a sum of money to the member. In other cases the local union sets aside a certain sum of money for the relief of the unemployed, and appoints a committee which has complete control over the granting of aid. Frequently the unions, in periods of general business de- pression, maintain relief agencies for their unemployed. In 191 5 some two hundred Jewish trade unions of New York City opened headquarters on the lower East Side and gave out groceries to their unemployed members.^*' From January I to May I of the same year, the bricklayers' local union of Toronto, Ontario, donated 372 baskets of groceries and ^^ G. W. Perkins, in American Labor Legislation Review, June, 1913, p. 236; T. J. Dolan, in the Steam Shovel and Dredge Man, April, 1915, p. 380; Proceedings of the Massachusetts Federation of Labor. 1915. ^^ The American Labor Legislation Review, November, 1915, p. 104. UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE I49 many tons of coal to their unemployed members.^^ Of course, these relief agencies are marked with the stigma of charity and consequently only those who are in dire need apply to them. The system is far from ideal. The un- employed are assisted only when they are in great need, and those who have been fortunate and wise enough to save for the days of unemployment do not receive any aid from the system. But, as one trade unionist said, " It is better than that provided for the non-unionist." The effectiveness of even so crude a system is shown by the fact that union members are rarely found among the applicants to organized charities. Those associated with charity organizations adequately appreciate the valuable social services performed by the trade unions. A writer on the subject says, " Charity workers testify to the fact that during business depressions when the unemployed must be cared for by the thousands, scarcely a single member of a trade union has applied for relief either to the cities or to philanthropic organizations."^^ The Secretary of the United Charities of vSt. Paul, Minnesota, stated that in 1914-1915 " The trade unions with their benefit features have been the saving grace in the situation here."^^ In December, 191 3, the city of Seattle, Washington, provided special work for the unemployed, and of the 1300 men who applied for work only six were members of trade unions.^" The chairman of the relief work in Chicago during the severe season of 1893- 1894 reported that not a single member of a trade union in that city applied for aid either to the city or to the philan- thropic organizations.*"'^ As further proof of this fact, the report of the Com- mission of Industrial Relations may be quoted: "It is ^^ The Bricklayer, Mason and Plasterer, May, 1915, p. 104. 58 Adna F. Weber, quoted in the Bricklayer and Mason, January, 1902, p. 7. ^" Quoted in the American Labor Legislation Review, November, 1915, p. 589. ''" Associated Press Dispatch. «i Bulletin of the United States Department of Labor, Number 22, May, 1899, p. 400. 150 UNEMPLOYMENT AND AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS significant that trade union members are practically never found among the applicants for charity during periods of unemployment. They may be unemployed, but they are in some way cared for, either by having v^ork found for them, or by systematic or voluntary relief ."^^ With but few exceptions, those applying to charitable organizations as union members are found to be expelled members or in arrears with their dues.*'^ 62 Final Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations, 191S, p. 175. 63 Mr. C. C. Rohr, a member of the Economic Seminary of Johns Hopkins University, in 1911-1912 made an investigation of 500 cases of the Federated Charities of Baltimore City. The Charity records showed that of the 500 applicants 19 were members of trade unions. Upon investigation, however, nine of these were found never to have been associated with any union. And of the remaining ten only two were union members in good standing at the time when the period of unemployment began. One of these was unable to live upon the strike benefits of his union, and the other was a member of a local union on strike which had expended its entire strike fund. NDEX American Federation of Labor, 15, 51, 52, 53> 70, 93. 123, 130, 1377I38, 146. American Tinplate Company, 119. Apprenticeship, 36-37. Bakers and Confectioners of Chicago, 62. Bakery and Confectionery Workers' International Union, 64, 67, 84, 120, 124, 140, 143. Balsinger, President, 84. Barbers' International Union, Journeymen, 64. Barnes, Charles E., 22- Barnett, George E., 44, 108, 124 (note), 140 (note). Benefits. See Insurance. Beveridge, W. H., 19. Blacksmiths and Helpers, In- ternational Brotherhood of, 59, 67, 84, 123, 144, 145. Boilermakers, Iron Shipbuilders and Helpers of America, In- ternational Brotherhood of, IS, 60, 123, 129. 144, 145. Bookbinders, International Brotherhood of, 82, 87, 91, 120, 144. Boot and Shoe Workers' Union, 87, 120, 141, 143. Boston Free Employment Office, Brandeis, Louis D., 113. Brass and Composition Metal Workers, Polishers, and Buf- fers, United Brotherhood of, 59- Brewery Workmen, Interna- tional Union of the United, 39, 42, 64, 67, 108, 121, 122, 129, 141, 143, 145. Bricklayers, Masons and Plas- terers, International Union of, 17, 42, 54, 65, 84, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 102. Bridge and Structural Iron Workers, International Asso- ciation of, 40, 52, 60, 65, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 93. Business agent, 58 ff; salary of, 59; duties of, 60; why em- ployers apply to, 62-63 ; one of the union members, 64. " Calling around," 66. Cards, interchange of, 42-43. Carpenters and Joiners, United Brotherhood of, 40, 42, 52, 59, 65, 86, 87, 88, 107, 139- Carter, President, 82, 107. Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Strike, 82. Chicago, Rock Island and Pa- cific Railway, 123 Cigar Makers, International Un- ion of, 32, 58, 67, 69, 86, 90, 94, 102, 103, 104, 130, 134, 135, 139, 145, 147- Cloth Hat and Cap Makers, United, no, 115, 126, 144. Commercial Telegraphers, Brotherhood of, 42, 120, 144. Commisison of Industrial Rela- tions, 149. Coopers, International Union of, 87, 120. Crown, Cork and Seal Opera- tives, 123. Diamond Workers' Protective Union, 130, I35-I37, 145- Dismissal of workmen, 123 fif. Dobbins, Secretary, 96. Dobson, Secretary, 17 (note), 85. Dovetailing of trades, 30-31. Drawing of lots, 68. Drayer, Secretary, 86. Duffy, Secretary, 139. Duncan, President, 52, 56, 96. Dunderdale, Superintendent, 71. Efficiency of Workmen, 125-126. J51 152 INDEX Electrical Workers, Interna- tional Union of, 15, 37, 38, 60, 84, 89, 93, 108. Emergency funds, 138. Employment, distribution of, 109 ff. ; ways of distributing, 109- 124; conditions eflfecting un- ion policies toward, 125-128; union objections to, 128-129. Employment, subsidiary, 20-21 ; varies with the trade, 31 ; through help of fellow-work- men, 64; through advertise- ments, 73-74. Employment bureaus, public, 69 ff . ; state, 69; employers, 73; religious and charitable, 73. Employment bureaus, union, 57 ff . ; need of, varies, 58; agen- cies for securing help, 58; methods of choosing work- men, 67 ff. " Five day " rule, 123-124. " Fliers," 76. Flint Glass Workers' Union, American, 17, 19, 30, 39, 40, 42, 64, 78, 86, 87, 92, 94, 96, 103, 104, no, 117, 123, 128, 138, 145. Fluctuation, 19 ff. ; remedies for, 29-31. Furuseth, President, 70. Garland, President, 84, 119. Garment Workers' Union, La- dies, 42, 58, no, 112, 123, 126, 144. Garment Workers, United, 42, 58, 87, no. n4. Glass Bottle Blowers' Associa- tion, 16, 42, 76, 119, 123, 138. Glass Workers' International Association, Amalgamated, 122, 144, 145- Glove Workers' Union, Interna- tional, no, 115. Gompers, Samuel, 52, 53, 70, 95, 131, 146. Granite Cutters' International Association, 52, 54, 56, 75, 87, 94, 95, 103, 140, 145, 146. Hatters of North America, United, 66, 67, no, 115, 145. Hayes, President, 77, 120. Hays, Secretary, 83. Hotel and Restaurant Em- ployees' International Alliance, 72, 144- Hurst, President, 131. Iffland, Secretary, 143. Illinois Free Employment Agency, 71. Indiana Typographical Confer- ence, 88. Industrial depressions, effect of, 28-29. Insurance, national unions hav- ing, 130-141 ; systems in local unions, 141-144; indirect form of, 145-146; reasons for not having, 146-147 ; campaigns for government, 147. Iron, Steel and Tin Workers, Amalgamated Association of, 84, no, 118, 123, 140. Journals, 86 ff. Kelley, President, 49, 51. Kunzler, Secretary, 96. Labor supply, methods of ad- justing, 75-76; sj'stems in dif- ferent unions, 76-90; failure to solve problems, 90-92; hin- drances in the movement of, 107. Lace Operatives, Chartered So- ciety of the Amalgamated, 120, 144. Lathers, International Union of Wood, Wire and Metal, 86. Laundry Workers' International Union, 120. Lawlor, Martin, 67 (note), 115. Lawrence, Vice-President, 88. Leather Workers on Horse Goods, United Brotherhood of, 83, 87, 94, 99, 103, 104, 120, 145- Lithographers' International Pro- tective and Beneficial Associa- tion, 15, 58, 64, 67, 79, 88, 94, 100, 120, 126, 140, 143, 145. Lloyd, President, 139. Locomotive Engineers, Grand International Brotherhood of, 45. INDEX 153 Locomotive Firemen and En- ginemen, Brotherhood of, 81, 145- Lots, drawing of, 68. Lynch, President, 45, 83, 88, 140. McGuire, P. J., 52, 139. Machinists, International Asso- ciation of, 39, 40, 47, 59, 60, 67, 94, 99, 103, 123, 129, 145. Maintenance of Way Employees, International Brotherhood of, 42. Marble Workers, International Association of, 92. Maryland Federation of Labor, 71. Massachusetts Bureau of Sta- tistics, 12, 21, 25. Massachusetts Employment Bu- reau, 72. Membership, limited, 35-36. Metal Polishers, Buffers, Plat- ers, Brass Molders and Brass and Silver Workers, Interna- tional Union of, 15, 54, 59, 120, 123, 141, 145, 146. Miller, Secretary Hugo, loi, 135. Mine Workers, United, 42, 67, no. Miners, Western Federation of, 42, no, 145. Mitchell, John, in. Molders' Union,' International, 15, 59. 86, 120, 123, 129, 145. Murphy, President, 38, 108. NeviT England Typographical Union, 88. New Hampshire Bureau of La- bor, 14. New York Department of La- bor, 10, 13 (note), 14 (note), 21, 25, 32. New York Public Employment Bureau, 71. Normal day, shortening of, 50- 53- Northern Pacific Railroad. 45- 46. O'Connell, President, 51, 100. Out-of-work list, compulsory, 67 ; optional, 67. Output, restriction of, 46-50. Overtime, regulation of, 54-56. Painters, Decorators, and Paper- hangers, Brotherhood of, 16, 42, 52, 60, 87, 88. 91, 101, 107, 140. Paper Makers, International Brotherhood of, 120. Pattern Makers' League, 17, 21, 28, 59, 60, 62, 67, 81, 120, 123, 140, 144, 145. Perkins, President, 104. Permit system, 37-41 ; effect on transference of workmen, 108. Pfeiffer, Secretary, 84. Photo-Engravers' Union, Inter- national, 36, 54, 64, 67, 79, 87, 120, 141, 144, 145. Piano, Organ and Musical In- strument Workers' Interna- tional Union, 145. Plasterers' International Asso- ciation, Operative, 40, 42, 86. Plumbers, Gas Fitters, Steam Fitters and Steam Fitters Helpers' United Association of Journeymen, 15, 37, 41, 48, 51, 86, 102, 140. Potters, International Brother- hood of Operative, 15, 64, 80, 116, 141. Prescott, President, 139-140. Printers. See Typographical Union. Proebstle, 39 (note), 122. 143 (note). Pulp, Sulphite and Paper Mill Workers, International Broth- erhood of, 145. Railroad Telegraphers, Order of, 42. Railroad Trainmen. Brotherhood of, 82. Railway Carmen, Brotherhood of, 42. Railway Conductors, Brother- hood of, 82. Rock Island Federated Trades, 123. Rotation of workers, 120-123. Rowe, President, 40. Sanitary Manufacturing Potters' Association, 116. Seamen's Union, International. Sears, Mr., 71. 154 INDEX Seniority rights, 43-46; objec- tions to, 44; defense of, 44- 45 ; effect on transferring of workmen, 107. Sheet Metal Workers' Interna- tional Alliance, Amalgamated, 67, 86, 88, 123. Sheppard, President, 82. " Shop collector," 64. Short, President. 41. Short-time, working of, iiofif. " Six-day-law," 55, 124. Skemp. Secretary, 16 (note), 91. Smith, President, 117. Spinners' Union, International, 54. 144. Stationary Firemen, Interna- tional Brotherhood of, 42. Statistics, 9 flf. ; sources of, 10; of New York Department of Labor, 12; of the Massachu- setts Bureau, 12-14; of New Hampshire Bureau of Labor, 14; reasons for failure to col- lect, 14-15 ; unions that col- lect, 15-20; factors overlooked in, 20-21 ; conclusions drawn from, 23 ff. Steam Engineers, International Union of, 42. Steam, Hot Water and Power Pipe Fitters and Helpers, In- ternational Association of, 36, 41- Steam Shovel and Dredge Men, International Brotherhood of, Stcne Cutters' Association, Journeymen, 81, 86. Stove Mounters' International Union, 84, 120. 145. Strasser, President, 131 Street and Electric Railway Em- ployees. Amalgamated Asso- ciation of, 120. Tailors' National Union, Jour- neymen, no, 114. Teamsters, International Broth- erhood of, 42, 59. Textile Workers, United, no, 115. Trades, dovetailing of, 30-31. Traveling, statistics of. 25 ; ex- penses for, 93. Traveling loans, failure of. 94; national unions having, 95- 102 ; local unions having, 102- 103 ; cost of, 104. Typographia, Deutsch-Ameri- kanische, 64, 84, 94, loi, 103, 104, 130, 133, 134, 135, 139. Typographical Association of New York City, 141-142. Typographical Union, Interna- tional, 43, 44. 47, 55, 67, 71, 87, 88, 102, 108, 124, 129, 139, 140, 141, 142. 145. 147. Unemployment, in dififerent lo- calities, 23 ff. ; relative volume and character of, 28; methods of relieving, 29; remedies for seasonal, 31 ; union theory of. 34 ff. Unions, realizing benefit of sta- tistics, 15 ; methods of reliev- ing unemployment, 29; atti- tude toward amount of work. 34; importance of headquar- ters of, 65; methods of adjust- ing labor supply, 76 ff . ; failure to solve problem of transfer- ring members, 90 ; paying traveling loans, 94; policy toward distribution of em- ployment, 109 ff. ; conditions effecting policj^ of, 125; objec- tions to distribution of em- ployment, 128-129 ; relief agen- cies in, 148. LTnited States Potters' Associa- tion, 116. Universal Card System, 43. V'oitle. President, 39. Watch Case Engravers' Interna- tional Association, 123. Vi'hite Rats Actors' Union, 94, 98. 103. Wilson, James, 21 (note), 22, 81 (note). W'isconsin State Federation of Labor, 15. 50 (note). Woll, President, 54, 80. Wood Carvers' Association. In- ternational, 16. 86. 144. " Work fund " theory. 35. 42. Workmen, dismissal of, 123 ff. ; efficiency of. 125-126. 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Diplomatic Nego- tiations of American Naval Officers, 1778-1883. 1912. $2.00. 1912. Isaac J. Cox. The West Florida Controversy, 1798-1813. 1918. $3.00. 1913. William R. Manning. Early Diplomatic Re- lations between the United States and Mexico. 1916. $2.25. 1914. Frank A. Updike. The Diplomacy of the War of 1812. 1915. $2.50. 1917. Payson J. Treat. Early Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Japan, 1853-1865. 1917. $2.50. THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS BALTIMORE, MARYLAND THE LIBRARY r "m^ERSlTY OF CALIFORNIA UCLA-Young Research Library HD5724 .S63u yr L 009 600 250 6