POLITICAL PARTIES UNITED STATES HISTORY AND INFLUENCE JACOB HARRIS PATTON, M.A., Ph.D. h AUTHOR OF 'FOUR HUNDRED YEARS OF AMERICAN HISTORY," "NATURAL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES," " POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR AMERICAN YOUTH, WRITTEN FROM AN AMERICAN STANDPOINT " (Trutb Is not partisan" NEW YORK NEW AMSTERDAM BOOK COMPANY 156 Fifth Avenue 1896 Copyright, i8gb BY NEW AMSTERDAM BOOK COMPANY -W OIBECTOBY P11INTINQ AND BOOKBINOINQ COMPANT HEW YORK Aa6 ( PREFACE. The Author of this monograph never held an office, nor excepting by his vote aided others to obtain one; and in writing it, his only motive has been to direct the attention of the intelligent and thoughtful to the different historical phases of our political life and National policy — Foreign and Domestic. He invites the attention more especially of comparatively young men who for years, perhaps, have exercised the privileges of citizenship, and also of those who are about to en- ter upon such duties; in addition he extends the invitation to a large and worthy class of intelligent citizens of foreign birth, who are presumed to be less informed on these subjects than the native- born. Thoughtful citizens, as well as true states- men, are recognizing more and more the impor- tance of our younger men being well informed on the political, the moral, the financial, and the in- dustrial questions of the day. In writing a " History of the American People" the Author has had occasion to study the pi'inciples held and put in practice, during the Nation's life, by our different political organizations. In the present work, which has grown out of that, his iv PRE r ACE. ntteulion has been directeJ to these parties — Tlie Doinocratic, the Feileml, the Whig and the Ke- pi'.blioan. The democratic being the first to take form and to remain till the present time. In order to understand fully the phases of character pertaining to anj'one politicid party, it is essential, likewise, to have a knowledge of the antagonistic principles actuating its rivals. By "politics," here so brielly treated, is meant not only the influence and out- growth of legislative measures, advocated or op- posed, but likewise the manner in which political power has often been attained and kept. This monogra])h is not written in the interest or spirit of partisanship — Truth is not partisan; its nature forbids. Facts are immutable; prejudices, even, cannot change them: of those here intro- duced, some are Jiistorical, some are notorious ; — the latter are equally true with the former, though they may not be found in the books. In illustra- tion of this remark may be adduced the summary of results found in the last three pages of this book. If statements or sentiments herein seem harsh or severe, their severity consists in their truthfulness. For the facts derived from our Nation's history references are made, that the reader may verify them; those which have been called "notorious" are so Avell known that intelligent citizens will not challenge their accuracy. J. H. P. New York City, April, 1896. CONTENTS. Introduction, Pagb. Section I. — Neutrality 9 The Trying Period— The Clubs— Birth of Democratic Party— Policy of Washiugtou— A Secret Influence— Change of Front. Section II.— Government ant) the Governed. . . 17 Demagogisin — Insurrection Encouraged — Aristocrat and Democrat — The Poor Man's Friend — Republican Simplicity. Secton III.— Finance and Commerce 26 The Second Mistake — Import Duties — U. S. Bank — Chinese Policy — Disregard of Commerce — State Rights. Section IV. — Alien and Sedition Laws. ... 31 Vice-President J eff erson — The Plots of Aliens — Resol ution of 179S — Citizen Time Required. Section V. — Strict Constitutional Construction. . 37 Nature of the U. S. Constitution — Application of its Implied Powers. Section VI. — A Comparison 41 Party Material— Prejudices Instilled— See's of Treasury. Section VII. — Jefferson's Empargo 46 F"oreign War — Domestic Paralysis — Financiering — Inter- nal Improvements — An Unforeseen Blessing — Failure of the Embargo Policy. Section VIII. —Second War with England. . . 50 War Preparations — Jefferson's Peace Policy. Section IX. — Our First Important Tariff. . . 53 American Manufactures — Lord Brougham's Advice — An Equalizing Measure — The Results. Section X. — Labor and Intelligence. ... 58 In the Slave States- Ignorant Laborers— A Change of Base—In the Free States— Slavery in Politics— Imported Laborers. Section XI. — Testimony of a Democrat. ... 65 Martin Van Buren — Senate Committees. Section XII.— Political Patronage. . . . .69 The Demand tor Spoils— The Kremer Letter— Morey. N i CONTENTS. Pacb. 'Letter — Election by the House — .Inckson a Candidate Hi.t Tiieorios I'ntlrrf^o a ("lian;;e — Tiic S|«iils — Tiie I'ro- fi-s.-^ional l'i>litici:in— .lai'iisun's Now I'olicy -- Intense ratiioiisni— lii'inovals and Apiioinlmfnts — lJisrcj4ard of t'onslitutod l^iws. Section XIII. -I'mtk-D States Hankinc;. ... 80 rniforni l'nrii'ni'\ — I'. S. Itank Oiijioscd— Boston the Money t 'enter — .lacivson's Veto — Tlio false Klection Cry — The Keiiroof of Van IJuren. Section XIV.— iMroitr.s and Commehck 90 Nortiiern and Sontliern Views on tlie Tariff — Tlie People of tlic Nortli — Niillilicatiou— Compromise Tariff — The Cr.isli and the Uprising. Section XV.— Financial Ufview 97 National IJankin,!;— Independent Trcasnry — American Credit— Various Makeshifts. Section XVI.— Caiti-.s Rile 102 The two Partie.s — Their Material — How Managed — Plan- ters and Farincr.«— Politiciil Inspiration— Sons and Fatliers — The Foieijiners. Section XVII. — Wjiic Kkforms Ill Industrial Advancement — Cheap Postage— Its Oppon- ents — Hij,'h totes. Section XVIII. — Dkmocrats Again in Powkr. . 117 Tiie Turn of tlie Wheel- The Trick— Tariff of 184G— Double Invoices — Government deemed an Enemy. Section XIX.— The Mexican War 122 Neighborliness — Injustice of the M'ar — The Aspiimed Boundary — The Cost of Texas — Of California— Of Louis- iana — And of Alaska. Section XX.— Kansas. ....... 137 Increased Greed- Fugitive Slave Law— Squatter Sover- eignty—" Bleeding Kansas "—The Political Result. Section XXI.— Filibusterings 137 Ostend Manifesto— Other Raids— Responsibility of The Democracy. Section XXII -Foreign Relations 141 Protection of Adoi)ted Citizens— Political Brag. Section XXIII —Tariff Records 144 The Tariff Commission— Present Party Attitudes. Section XXIV.— The Poor Man's Partv. . . . 152 The Frce-Traders- Notorious Facts— An Instance in Point— The Workingman's Cai)ital— His Income— JIutual Interests— The Workingman's Choice— A Word of Warn- ing. — Collins Line Ruined. Section XXV.— Free a.*cd Slave Labor. . . . 163 Sectionalism — The True Progress. Section XXVI.— De.mocuatic Oracles 108 CONTENTS. Vii Pagb. Jefferson and Jackson— Disloyal Incumbents Removed- Civil Service. _,<*«<* Section XXVII. — Constitptional Interpretation. . 172 "^^ The real Interpreter — Unauthorized Interpretation — Con- gressional Nullification — Suiniuary of Faults. Section XXVIII. -Opponents of the Democrats. . . 178 Tiie Federalist- The Whig— Tlie Republican. Section XXIX.— Homestead Law 182 The year 1803— How to get a Home— Timber Culture Act— Blessings conferred by the Law— School Funds — How Lands are given to Railways — Speculators— Opjiosi- tion to the Homestead Law— Lands for Colleges— The Advantages of the Measure — Mingling of the Settlers- One Dollar and Quarter an Acre — Absence of Humane Sentiment — Benefits Recognized. Section XXX. — National Banks 199 Financial Security — No Monopoly — Inflation and Con- traction. Section XXXL — Evils op Partisanship. . . . 204 City and Country Democracy — Issues of Past and Pres- ent—The Tweed Ring— How Countenanced— Figure Heads — Spurious Civil Liberty — Party Material — Republican Independence. Section XXXIL— Southern and Nobthern Democ- racy 219 Old Lines Redrawn — Northern Aid for the South- Northern Sympathy — The Rebuff — Southern Outrages and Northern 'Democrats — Presumed Political Reasons. Section XXXIII. — Southerners as Statesmen. . . 228 Sectional Narrowness — Taking Time by the Forelock — Sectionalism— Mismanagement of Private Affairs— Blun- ders in Public Affairs— Tact in Political Management — Lack of Practical Wisdom— The Infatuation— The better Way— Tlie Present Policy — Johnson's Plans— Who were Responsible? — Reconstruction— The Mistakes. Section XXXIV.— Caste as a Political Force . . 248 Class Antagonisms— The Whiffs— Tlie True Aristocracv— Prejudice and Nicknames— Silk Stocking Gentrv-Lo- cofoco and Bourbon— Black Republican— Recent Efforts —Copperheads— Platform Statements . Section XXXV.— Party Discipline 258 Democratic Devotion— Drill and Demand— Contempt for Dissenters— Control of the Ignorant— The Position of Power. SfcCTioN XXXVr.— Resumption op Specie Payment, . 2G4 Assumptions— Business Revival— History of the Act— Re- fcirding Resumption -Policy of Obstruction. Section XXXVII.— Political Trading 271 / / / viii CO.YV'AWT'.*?. Pags. Nomin.ition of llnmcoCiieoly— CoquPttins with Fiutioiis — IViiiaiuls on tlic Meiiibcrs. 8k.11), — " 'I'lie Ivejtnbliean (Demoeratic) J)arty in ITUO, was iillid wiili ill-informetl and ill-regulated sympathy for the French Revolutionists, and if it could have had its way, it would, under the lead of refugee editors, filled with rancor and ignorant zeal, have committed the Ignited States to close relations with France, and hy iin])orting Jacobinism into this coun- try, have overthrown constitutional liberty here." On this same ])oint says Von Ilolst — (ConsttHitional Jlisf., I. J). 107), — "The French Revolution intro- duced from abroad an element which kept uj) ex- citement during many years at the boiling point ; " and "The farther France ])roceeded, by the ado])tion of l)i-utal measures, the more rank was the growth in the United States of the most radical teaching; and the more attentively the legislators of France listened to the fierce cry for blood, the more boldly did demagogism, in its most repulsive form, rage in the United States." Policy ofWashing'ton. — It is proper to notice here the difiiculties of the situation at that time. Discussions arose in Congress in respect to our re- lations with foreign countries, especially on the complaints of our merchants that their ships were ca))tnred by the belligerents of Europe — by the cruisers of both France and England. The Demo- cratic clubs, taking their cue from their patron, Jefferson, avIio had returiied from France where NEUTRALITY. 13 he had beou our Minister, and who was deej)ly imbued with French radicalism, were ardent partisans of " The Great Republic," and were inclined to connive at her harsh treatment of our merchant marine, and had equally strong prejudices against England, for whom they tolerated no excuse. While, on the other hand, President Washington and his cabinet, with the exception of Jefferson, desired to be strictly neutral in respect to the European belligei-ents ; deeming it madness for our nation to join in an alliance with either of the parties, and thus expose still more to the hazards of war our merchant ves- .sels, which, at the time, had much the greater share of the carrying trade of the world. Belonging to a neutral nation — though often interfered with by the cruisers of the belligerents — they managed not only to carry merchandise for the F'rench and Eng- glish, but to supply Germany and Russia with manufactured goods and raw material. It must not be inferred that Washington and the Federal party did not sympathize with France in a struggle for genuine liberty as they understood it ; but she had passed far beyond that into anarchy and trucu- lent bloodshed, the most terrible told in history — • with that they did not symjjathize. The turbulent portion of the clubs continued untiring in efforts to accomplish their ends, and sometimes adopted measures that the well-meaning deprecated; but still many of the latter remained members and were pointed out as leaders when they were only figure-heads ; the turbuleuts being the ruling spirits. 14 roi.lTlVM. PARTIKS. Tlu' rosj»ectal»U's iniMly protosti'd, Imt did not openly condonin, and thus virtually tlircw their in- fluenoe in favor of these ohjeetionahle actions. A. Secret Influence. — Thomas Jefferson, though at the time a member of the eabinet as Secretary of State, exercised his influence against the policy of neutrality in an underhand and secret manner, characterizing it in his j)rivate letters as " sneaking neutrality." In virtue of his office, he held frequent intercourse with the French minister, " Citizen" Genet, but in a ])eculiar manner — a sort of diplo- matic flirtation, leading the latter to believe, as he alleged, that Jefferson was in favor of giving France material aid in her contest with England. But when the policy of neutrality became popular, Jefferson changed his course, and treated the French Minister in a manner which caused the latter to charge him with double dealing ; after pre- tending to be his friend, with " having an official language, and a language contidential." {Ilildreth, IV. p. 435.) IIow different would have been the position of the United States, if the policy desired by Jefferson and his followers had been carried out ! We should have become embroiled in European wars and complications, and who can tell when or where these entanglements would have ended ? Certainly, under such conditions, the damages to the nation would have been exceedingly great. This decision in respect to neutrality was the first instance in which the newly organized govern- ment declared its i)olicy as an independent and self- NEUTRALITY. 15 respecting nation ; and George Wasliington stands forth grandly, wlien he demands for the United States an honored position among the nations of the world — the spirit of colonial dependence now van- ishtd forever. Change of Front. — Some ten years afterward, on becoming President, Jefferson in his inaugural ap- proved the policy of neutrality, and in a neat for- mula announced it as follows : " Honest friendship with all nations — entangling alliances with none." (^Mandairs Jefferson., II., p. 632.) Not a reference was made to what Washington and Adams had done in sustaining the dignity of the nation, but an assumjjtion of the policy as his own ; and his admir- ers have quoted these words ever since as one of the fundamentals of their political faith, while they as an organization opposed neutrality, until its man- ifest advantages overcame all opposition, and be- came popular. It is very noticeable throughout American history, in how rtiany instances this political organization has opposed measures which by their excellence have sizice received the sanction of leading minds among the people, and in consequence become the fixed policy of the National government. Another instance in which the same influences were exerted against Washington's administration, was in relation to Jay's, or the second treaty with England; {Pattori's American People, p. 587.) space forbids our going into detail. Says Professor Sumner : — " Jay's Treaty was a masterpiece of di- H'. rn/.iT/cA/. j'A/rrih'S. jtldiiKU'V, (Miisidcriii^ tlu- time and tlu' circiiiiistaurcs of tliis country. Those wlio oltjccted t<> it coiihl ])ro]tos(' nolliini; l>ut a jiolicy of bluster, wliicli the country was not jtrcpari'd (o follow u]>, or the inibe- cile device of a conunercial war." A^ain, " Washinjj;- ton succeeded in maintaining neutrality by this treaty, but at the cost of bitter hostility at home." When, in consequence of these and other objection- able doings of the clubs, Washington thought proper to refer to them because of their violence, Jeffer- son wrote tliat it was " wonderful indeed that tlie President should have permitted himself to be the organ of such attack on the freedom of discussion, the freedom of writing, printing and j)ul)lishing." He continues, and fears lest the " honest and political erroi's " of Washington might cause the people to exclaim, " Curse on his virtues ! — they have undone tlie country." {Morse's Jefferson.^ It is remark- able that the principles involved in these "political errors" of George Washington have become the political truisms of our land. Thus during the first three Presidential terms the machinery of the National government was adjusted and put in motion, and for sixty years — till the Rebellion — it moved on seemingly without friction. The people, temperate, industrious and economical, secured unprecedented material suc- cess, and that iu spite of drawbacks, caused, often, by injudicious legislation, which affected their finances and their industrial interests. II. GOVERNMENT AND THE GOVERNED. Democracy and Demagogism.— The aphorism, " The workl is governed too much," had its origin in the theories of Thomas Jefferson. In his Life by- Morse, he is quoted (pp. 90, 91), when writing of Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts in 1786. " A little rebellion now and then is a good thing : . . . An obser- vation of this truth should render honest Republican governors so mild in their jiunishment of rebellions as not to discourage them too much." — "It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of govern- ment." Again, "God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion. . . . What sig- nify a few lives lost in a century or two ? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure." If the writer of this had had a prophet's vision of the terrible scenes enacted (in 1861-1865) in a rebellion, which was the legitimate, though ex- treme outgrowth of his own doctrine of State Sov- ereignty, and of the principles of the famous Reso- lutions of 1798 (p. 34), instead of rejoicing he would have recoiled from the sight in horror ; for he was a man, kind and humane. Still further (1787), "The basis of our govern- IS POLITICAL PART IKS. luonts, hoijiiLj the opinion of the pcoplo, the very tirst oltjert should be to keej) that right ; were it left to me to decide whether we have a government without news]ia]>ers, or news|)ai)ers without a gov- ernment, I sliould not hesitate a moment to prefer the hitter."' Intelligent j)eople would repudiate such sentiments, both on the ground of their absur- dity, and of their innate evil to the community at large. He illustrates still further, saying, "So- cieties exist under three forms : 1. Without govern- ment, as among our Indians. 2. Under govern- ments, wherein the will of every one has a just in- Huence. 3. Under governments of force. It is a problem not clear in my mind, that the^rs^ condi- tion is not the best." Is it strange that under such teachings and influence the disorderly elements of society gravitate toward a political organization which reverences the author of such sentiments al- most as a demigod, and whose leaders use his name as a talisman? It may be said the rank and file of the Democracy do not read these sentiments of Jef- ferson ; yet they are under the influence of leaders who are imbued with his political theories, unless they belie their professions, when they celebrate his birthday, and extol him as preeminently the great- est statesman this nation has produced, and as such, demand for him the homage of their followers. Says Professor Von Hoist, already quoted on this period of our history : " The philosophical reveries about the goodness of human nature in the abstract, had developed in the concrete (or practice) in such GOVERNMENT AND THE GOVERNED. 19 manner that nine-tenths of the worst elements of so- ciety were the promoters of that party who proclaim that the ' world is governed too much ' ; they dislike wholesome restraint." Again : " From the time that the blessings of the Constitution began to be felt, the lower strata of the population of the larger cities commenced to swell the ranks of the Anti- Federalists." " Sounding phrases and all the arts of the demagoffue could here be made use of with the greatest success." (Vol. I. p. 124.) Insurrection Encouraged. — The whiskey insur- rection in Western Pennsylvania (179-4), was for a time a great boon to the opponents of Washington's administration (Patt07i's Americcm People, I., 585- 587). The Democratic clubs by indirect means en- couraged these insurgents ; first they foimd fault with the government for taking measures to sup- press the rebellion, though it had been in existence more than a year ; then they proclaimed that it was too strong to be put down, meanwhile asserting that the insurgents numbered 16,000 men ; this latter statement v/as designed to have influence with the militia, who were liable to be called out to quell the insurrection. But the government, not- withstanding, raised an army of 15,000 men. This was judicious, as thus the shedding of blood was prevented, for all hope of resisting so large a force vanished ; and as soon as this army crossed the mountains the insurgent leaders fled the country, and their deluded followers at once submitted. Now the opiJOsUH>Q raised the cry that all this was 20 POLITIC A J r Mi TIES. :m unnoecssary expcnso, and that the poor jKople wouhl in consoqiUMico bo hunlone*! witli taxes. Jot'forson's evident synipatliy with the whiskey insurreetionists was consistent Mith wliat he wrote in relation to Shay's rebellion just quoted, and with his views of " too much government." In his private letters he chuckled over an absurd story " that one thousand men could have cut off their whole force in a thousand ])laces in the Alle- ghenies ; " and " that though the people let them pass quietly, they were objects of their laughter, not of their fear." ( Works, IX., p. 112.) "Washing- ton himself expressed the opinion that the members of the clubs encouraged this outbreak. The more violent evidently favored the insurrection, though the more moderate deprecated extreme measures. The protests of the latter had, however, little in- fluence, as the protestors remained in the societies, some even as officers, thus imparting a certain kind of respectability to the more turbulent. From this time forth the terra " Democratic," be- came prominently know^n in American politics. The idtras of the party assumed the name — they being the most bitter opponents of the general policy of Washington's administration — while the more moderate adopted the term " Democratic- Republican," which name they sometimes have since taken. Jefferson preferred the simple tenii "Republican," that being the designation iised in France. Aristocrat and Democrat. — In order to secure GOVERNMENT AND THE GOVERNED 21 more fully their ends, the leaders in these societies endeavored to array one portion of the community against another. Those who were in favor of neutrality they characterized as Aristocrats ; every lover of order or sujjporter of the national govern- ment was denounced as such, and as an enemy of the " ])oor man," a favorer of the hated aristocratic England and not of democratic France. It has been the policy of the leaders of that j^olitical organization from that day to this, to proclaim themselves preeminently the friends of the " poor man," as they affectionately designate those who obtain a living by working in any form for wages, but more especially those engaged in manual labor or as employees in manufacturing establishments. They imply at the same time that the men of wealth or capitalists — in a word those who employ workpeople — are the enemies of the latter. The epithets which they then used had a meaning and a purpose, as we shall see in respect to similar terms employed throughout this narrative. The term aristocrat in that day had a peculiarly unjioisular significance, and was designed to excite prejudice against those who were in favor of "Washington's policy. By this term they meant to imply that the advocates of neutrality were imitators of the English aristocracy, who had been the bitterest foes of the colonists in their recent struggle for independence, while France aided them. The offensive epithet was seized upon and used to rouse a prejudice against the more educated and well-to-do in the community. '2-2 POLITICAL PARTIES. The Poor Man's Friend. — Wliilo leaders of the DonuK'r.'U'v from (hat tiiiie to this have never ceased tt» prochiiin thfiiiscl\ cs the special friends of the " poor man " or of those employed by others, yet tho influence of that ]>arty's measures — both negative and positive — shows it to have discriminated, let us hope unwittingly, ntjaiiiKt the interests of that por- tion of the people, if we are to judge by its acts and not by its words. This statement is i)roved to be correct wlien history tells in what manner the inter- ests of those who worked for wages have been af- fected favorably by the national measures which these leaders opposed^ and i?)Juriousli/ by the meas- ures which they themselves introduced. The class of persons whose only support is from their wages is the largest in the community — estimated by polit- ical economists at thi-ce-fourths of the adult popu- lation, and it will be ever so from the nature of the case. To secure the good will of this large class these leaders have labored incessantly. One of their most influential means has been to infuse distrust of employers among those employed. The result is one of the facts which we characterize as notorious / it is well known that the unintelligent of those who live by wages, and the unskilled laborers, especially those of foreign extraction, are nearly all hostile in politics to their employers. This unfortunate antag- onism between different classes of the community in our country — commencing shortly after our Rev- olution — is due to influences described above, exerted systematically from that time to this. The employed GOVERNMENT AND THE GOVERNED. 23 are induced to believe that in some indefinable way their own interests are not interwoven with those of their employers. This feeling has been induced by the continual reiteration that the poor or labor- ing man was the special protege of the leaders of the Democracy, and to befriend him was to it a la- bor of love, at the same time broadly intimating that those who employed him had no friendly inter- est in his welfare. In testimony of this see numer- ous platforms of the party — both National and State — put forth in years gone by. Republican Simplicity. — In the oarlydays of the government, when customs and ceremonies were in a state of transition from the courtly to the more plain rejiublican style, much was said and written in deprecation of the forms or ceremonies practised at the official receptions of the first and second presidents. We of this day are certainly unable, from our standpoint, to conceive of the violence of the social tem2)est which is said to have been roused at that time. The extremists among the Democracy proclaimed that these receptions, conducted in this formal manner, were aping similar ceremonies at the English court, and broadly intimated that there was perhaps in these things a lurking design upon the liberties of the people ! Eventually these ultra notions on both sides neutralized each other, and as a result of the agitation was brought about the com- mon-sense custom among the people of leaving with- out much comment such ceremonies — plain or osten- tatious — to regulate themselves in accordance with 24 POI.ITJCAL PARTJES. \\\v scnst' of ))r(>]tr*K'ly jxTvadinjj; the Wliite ITouso. Tlu' ]):in(loiini; to tlu' viil<;ar instincts of the iiriionmt, liowi'vor, wliicli \v:is illiist ratctl in the foit'i^oini; acts, was a dclihcratc policy from the outset, nor has it yet disapjteared. Later, when Jefferson was about to assume the ofHce of presi- dent, he intimated that he would have no special ceremony at liis inauguration. lie kei)t his own counsel ; when the hour arrived, he quietly rode up to the Cai)ito], tied his horse to a post, went in, and took the oath of office at the hands of one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States. Tliis ])hase of simplicity has never been imitated by any succeeding president. In carrying out his assumed role, Jefferson went still further, and compromised himself as well as the nation over mIucIi he presided. The circumstances were these : according to the account given by Mr. Merry, the British minister, of an interview to Avhich he was accompanied by the Secretary of State, James Madison, whose duty it was to introduce the minister to the newly inaugurated ])resident, he says: "Mr. Jefferson's appearance soon ex- plained to me that the general circumstances of my reception had not been accidental but studied." He was "not merely in undress, but actually stand- ing in slippers down at the heels, and both panta- loons, coat, and under-clothes indicative of utter slovenliness and indifference to ajipearances, and in a state of negligence actually studied." This oc- curred at an hour which Jefferson himself had ap- GOVERNMENT AND THE GOVERNED. 25 pointed for his first reception of the British minister, who came in his " official costume." Sucli manifesta- tion of discourtesy might have been for two reasons, one to gratify the less intelligent members of his political adherents, and the other to treat with disrespect the minister of that country which he personally disliked. Jefferson's social training for- bade his doing such things without a plan and a motive. The British minister said and believed that the scene was prepared " as an insult to the sov- ereign whom he represented." III. FINAXCE AND COMMERCE. The Second Mistake. — When the clubs and their promoters had failed to prevent neutrality being fully and fairly carried out, they next directed their opposition against the financial measures designed by the general government to liquidate the Nation's debt. This debt was originally in the form of "^ certificates or notes of obligation to pay for value received ; " the latter had been issued both l)y the Continental Congress and the States during the war for independence, and in addition was a foreign debt for money borrowed from friendly nations in Euro})e. These various obligations were assumed by the United States Government when it went into operation. The Anti-Federalist or Democratic party bitterly op])osed the National government's assimi- ing and paying these debts, thus contracted for the benefit of the whole people. This opposition came mostly from the Southern States, and the reason given was that much of the debt Avas not in the hands of the original owners, the latter having, it was said, disposed of it at a large discount. This was true to a certain extent ; but the debt was a debt, nevertheless. Impor*" Duties. — Alexander Hamilton, Secretary FINANCE AND COMMERCE. 27 the Treasury, made a report to the first Congress at its second session on the financial measures neces- sary to meet these demands. This report, because of its Uisting influence, is the most important in our annals. He recommended an indirect tax by impos- ing duties on imported merchandise, in order that that class of property, as well as real estate, should bear its proportion of the public burdens. His de- sign was also to equalize the expense in the produc- tion of manufactured goods, so that our own work- ^)eople might be able to compete with the low wages paid in Europe, and with the acquired skill of centuries. The finances of the country at that time were in a deplorable condition. "From 1783 to 1789 the trade of the thirteen old States was j)erfectly free to the whole world. The result Avas that Great Britain filled every section of our country with her manufactures of wool, cotton, linen, leather, iron, glass, and all other articles used here ; and in four years she swept from the country every dollar, and every piece of gold." (^olles^s Financial Hist, of U. S., II. p. 437.) This was our first and only experiment in absolute Free Trade. It is easy there- fore to divine the reason for the following explana^ tory statement in the preamble to our first National tariff, which was passed by Congress and signed by George Washington in 1789 : " For the support of the Government, and for the encouragement and pro- tection of domestic manufactures." United States Bank. — Hamilton likewise recom- mended a National Bank to facilitate exchange, and 28 POLITICAL PARTIES. to increase its usefulness, tliat it iiave branches in the States, should tlie itcoj)le so desire. The first Con- gress thoroughly discussed these })ropositions, and in its second session passed laws in accordance with their main features. The bank had a charter for twenty years, thus giving for that length of time ome assurance of stability in business ; its bills being payable in coin on demand, raised the credit of the government and inspired confidence in commercial circles. Industry received a new impulse and the whole country bounded forth as one man in energy and enterprise. Strange as it may seem, these measures, which proved so beneficial to the whole nation, were bitterly opposed by the then Democratic organization, thus affording, as in the case of neutral- ity, an instance in which they desperately fought against measures that have, from their own inherent excellence and adaptation, become the fixed policy of the land. {Patton^s American People, pp. 577, 581.) Jefferson's Chinese Policy. — The reason why Jefferson duringhisadministrationopposed the policy of defending the commerce of the country, was to be found in his contracted views of what constitutes a prosperous nation. He appeared to deem property owned in commerce, such as ships and the benefits de- rived from trade, as less valuable than that belonging to the planter or farmer. He M'ished the United States, as he expressed it, to engage in neither com- merce nor navigation, but stand in respect to Europe «s China did to the ---ac of the world ; that is, to be I FINANCE AND COMMERCE. 29 isolated from all other nations. He had but little sympathy with those who engaged in manufacturing, except of articles of the simplest forms, and that only for home consumption. In truth, this school of statesmen had very inadequate conceptions of the elements that constitute a nation, perfect in all its component parts, such as the diversities of industry — mechanical, commercial and agricultural — which are the outgrowth of differences of climate or arising from variety of location. It is certainly not the Divine order, that nations should be isolated from one another, if the world is to advance toward a complete Christianized civilization. Disregard of Commerce. — Thus it was the prac- tice of Jefferson and his school to give little protec- tion on the ocean to the vast amount of property en- gaged in commerce, and owned in one portion of the Union, but to permit the foreign trade of the Nation to be virtually destroyed by belligerent cruisers, when it was as truly property, and ought to have been held as sacred, as either cotton or to- bacco. In consequence of these limited views he was opposed to maintaining a navy or having for- eign commerce, while his notions about our being separated from the rest of the world had influence upon his policy to diminish our intercourse with other nations. Presidents Jefferson and Madison being Southern country gentlemen, did not fully value the importance of commerce and the mechan- ical industries of the land, and while comprehensive in their abstract theories of government, they both 30 POLITICAL PARTIES. failed ill i)r:u-tic'e' ; cither because of their lack oi interest or tlieir disregard of the wants of those who lived in a region less fertile, but having a more dense and intelligent pojjulation, and other facilities for manufacturing, and in addition nearer the sea- board, so that a large number could engage profit- ablv in commerce. State Rights. — Jefferson's idea of isolation from all the world, like the Chinese of that day, was analo- gous to his view of State Rights ; so different from that of Madison, who held in substance that the States under the United States government, were great municipalities analogous to that of cities un. der State governments. In the convention that formed the United States Constitution, Madison said : " The States never possessed the essential right of sovereignty," and Washington said : " It is only in our united character that we are known as an empire ; that our independence is acknowledged." We all believe in State Rights ; but not in State Sovereignty, that extreme \aew which would disinteg- rate the nation, and put the individual States above the Union, or make them all entirely independent of each other. Statesmen holding such limited views became narrow in their conceptions of the true elements constituting a nation. They are inclined to become selfish in a State or sectional point of v-iew ; we see this cropping out all along our history. IV. ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS. Vice-PresidentJefferson.— We have already seen that refugees fleeing from anarchy and bloodshed in France came to this country, and in their oppo- sition under the leadership of " Citizen" Genet much annoyed Washington in his endeavor to preserve neutrality. Later (1797) during the administration of John Adams, they became more bold and inso- lent in manifesting their contempt for the United States government. There were obvious reasons for these impertinent demonstrations — Jefferson was now vice-president, and hostile to the adminis- tration, though holding in it an official position. This anomaly occurred because at that time, of the candidates for the presidency, the one receiving the greatest number of votes was declared president, and the one receiving the next highest number, vice- president. John Adams was the " Federal " candi- date, and Thomas Jefferson the "Republican or Democratic ; " thus the vice-president became the virtual leader of the opposition. The mode of elect- ing these two officers of the government has since been changed, [ Constitution of the United States, Arts. II and XII.], and now the president and vice- president are members of the same political organiza- tion or party, as of course they should be. ;]'2 POLITICAL PARTIES. .TcrfiTson, hccaiisc of liis jxisition, Avns the more iiifliifiitial in stimulating tliu malcontents by means of his jtrivate letters, Avhile abuse, equally scurrilous with that headed upon the first ])resident, and by the same class of men, Avas meted out to John Atlams ami his administration by newspajiers whose editors were foreigners, one of whom — Freneau, the slanderer of Washington — was a special protege of the vice-president and others. " Time has not washed out the stain of his Mr. Jefferson's intimacy with William Duane, the editor of the infamous " Aurora " — so abusive of John Adams and his ad- ministration, (/Stece?is''s Gallatin, p 290). The means thus used to influence and poison the minds of the people had to be counteracted. To-day, we are unable to appreciate fully to what extent the hospitality of the nation was abused by many of these refugees ; and yet they never would have dared insult the Xational authority, had they not been encouraged and aided by the native opponents of the jiolicy of the administration with the conni- vance and secret aid of the vice-president. The Plots of Aliens. — A brief summary of what these exiles or refugees attempted may afford a clue to the reasons which induced Congress to enact the two laws mentioned at the head of this section. The refugees had been increasing in numbers from year to year, so that at this time it -was estimated there were more than 20,000 in the United States. They w^ere all opposed to the policy of neutrality, and were emboldened to clamor for the irovern- ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS. 33 ment's in some way aiding France in her struggle with England. What they could not obtain by open and direct means, they attempted by secret and indirect. Some laid plans to seize Louisiana, others to make an expedition against Florida ; both of these belonged to Spain, and the object was to embroil us in a war with that country, then an ally of England. They even went so far as to tamper, by means of agents, with the settlers of Kentucky, to induce them to furnish men to capture Louisiana. These settlers were for the most part from Virginia, and their prominent men seem to have been im- bued with the abstract theories of politics so preva- lent in that State, and also with French notions of democracy and infidelity. The National government seemed thus compelled in self-defence to take decisive measures, and it passed the " Alien and Sedition laws" (July, 1798) — the former to expire by limitation within two years. The " Alien Act" authorized the president to order out of the country foreigners who by their con- spiracies might embroil the government in war. The law was never enforced ; its effect was preventive, since great numbers of these plotters, seeing their occupation gone, left the country. The " Sedition law" forbade conspiracies against the government, and publications designed to bring it into disrepute. This was also preventive. It might perhaps have been better for the government to have borne the misrepresentation and abuse of unscrupulous news- paper men, though foreigners, than to endeavor to 34 POLITICAL PARTIES. punish such offoiiscs by rcstiic-tive legal enactments. The law was a weleome boon to the leaders of the Democracy ; with sadness they lamented the loss of liberty and of freedom of speech, and in addition they ])roclaimed the act or law to be null and void, because unconstitutional. If that was the case, they might have spared themselves much anxiety, since on the very first trial under the law, that question would have been tested and settled, and, moreover, the law itself would expire within two years. But such sober thoughts seem to have been at a discount with these gentlemen, and the consequence was the most ludicrous and extravagant partisan furor that ever occurred in our political annals. Resolutions of '98. — Jefferson hastened to the rescue, with a set of resolutions known as those of '98. {Americaji People^ pp. 709-712.) These he sent to be introduced into the legislatures of Virginia and Kentucky, having meanwhile carefully enjoined uj)on his friends to keep their authorship a secret • — Why was that ? — which they did for twenty years. These resolutions advocated principles that have been a curse to the land. In them was the germ of Nulli- fication, and of resistance to national authority, as exemplified in the late rebellion. Said Alexander Hamilton, when he learned their contents : " This is the first symptom of a sjnrit which must be killed, or it will kill the Constitution of the United States." {Life of John Jay, II., p. 89.) These resolutions were a standard theme of eulogy for certain orators and writers till their principles began to be tested in ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS. 35 1861. "Were it not for the far-reaching influences that grew out of this pohtical furor, the story of this episode — though it was the occasion of making Jefferson president — need not have been told ; but it belongs legitimately to the history of the Demo- cratic party, whose leaders for nearly half a century afterward harped on the enormities of the " Alien and Sedition laws," and continue still to eulogize the " Resolutions of '98." The material prosperity of the country had been steadily advancing for twelve years, and at the close of John Adams's presidency, the revenue was amply sufficient for the current expenses of the government ; while the assurance of the latter's stability had inspired confidence in industrial pur- suits ; and commerce too, both in the exportation of raw material and in the carrying trade, had ad- vanced far beyond precedent. Strange to say, the ludicrous clamor just mentioned led the unintelli- gent among the Democracy to believe that the country was going to ruin ; and when by their votes they put Thomas Jefferson in the presidential chair, they verily thought they had saved the country and their own precious liberties too. And why? Be- cause a few foreign refugees in consequence of their abuse of the Nation's hospitality, and impertinent intei-meddling in its affairs, were invited to leave the country or conduct themselves properly, and a few foreign-born editors were warned that their whole- sale abuse of the gove^nnient and its officers must cease. A little more than a quarter of a century 30 POLITICAL PARTIES. afterward was enaoled a similar socno, when the more radical of the same ])olitical organization pro- claimed and thought that they too had saved the country. During the first three administrations of the gov- ernment the law required a residence of fourleen years before an alien could be admitted to citizen- ship. Toward the close of that period it was esti- mated there were in the United States between twenty and thirty thousand foreigners, princijially French and Irish refugees. With scarcely an excep- tion these aliens were in sympathy with Jefi'erson and the Democratic clubs in their opposition to the policy of neutrality adopted by the National govern- ment (pp. 12-lG). Very few of those foreigners, in consequence of the above law, had become citizens and voters. The reader can understand why, in the first session of the first Congress in Jefferson's ad- ministration, that law was so changed as to reduce the time of such residence from fourteen years to five. This is one of the onl}' tivo instances in which a law, primarily introduced and carried through Congress by the Democratic party alone, became the policy of the Nation. {Johnston's American Politics, p. 54.) STRICT CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUC TION. Nature of the American Constitution. — The leaders of no political organization have been quite so inconsistent in the application of their theories, as the Strict Constructionists of the Constitution of the United States, as they styled themselves. On this subject we intend -to notice only, and that very bi-iefly, one or two salient points. Immediately after the inauguration of the govern- ment under President Washington, came the practical application of the principles of the Con- stitution, and of course the latter's interpreta- tion. The departments of foreign affairs or of State and of War, had been, virtually, in existence from the beginning of the Revolutionary struggle, and their present secretaries could learn much from the experience of their predecessors ; but that of the Treasury,a8 applied to the Avhole Nation, involved an entirely new financial system, which included the means of raising the funds necessary to carry on the national government, and likewise meet all its other pecuniary obligations. Alexander Hamilton, the Secretary of the Trea- sury, contended that if the Constitution authorized the doing of a certain thing, it impliedly authorized. 4fi2236 38 POLITICAL PARTIES. also, the use of the proper means to accompllsft that object. lie characterized this i)rinciple as the "imjilied powers" of the Constitution. That inter- pretation "vvas so much in accordance with the dic- tates of common sense, that the national government — though sometimes its prominent administrative officers were strict constructionists — has ever since virtually acted upon it. Thomas Jefferson, and the school of which he was the most prominent exponent, believed in the strict constructionist theory ; but his explanation lacks clearness, while his application of it is inconsistent. These gentlemen must have thought the Constitution, instead of being an in- strument comprising general principles, and thus affording room for the use of the knowledge and wisdom acquired by experience in its application to the necessities of the Nation, was a sort of govern- mental cast-iron frame that was ever to remain inflexible. England's great statesman, W. E. Glad- stone, thought differently when he said, " As the British Constitution is the most subtile organism which has proceeded from progressive history, so the American Constitution is the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man." Application of Implied Powers. — The first struggle of the strict constructionists was on the policy of chartering a United States Bank. The Constitution gives Congress the power "to regulate commerce among the several States " ; and the second Congress at its first session char*ered a " Na. STRICT CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRUCTION. 39 tional Bank for twenty years, with the privilege to establish branches in any of the States " ; this was done at the suggestion of Hamilton. Congress thought that it would " regulate commerce " by facilitating financial exchanges among the States, but the " strict constructionists " seemed to demand the authority in explicit terms, or in so many words. The Constitution authorizes Congress " to establish post-offices and post-roads," and yet the statesmen of the strict school, at this time in authority, were much puzzled what to do, when it was proposed for Congress to construct the famous national or Cum- berland Road across the mountains, thus uniting the Atlantic slope Avith the valley of the Ohio. But it was a measure so important that they held in abey- ance their " strict " scruples and authorized the work and voted appropriations to carry it on toward com- pletion. That road was at the time, in proportion to the population and territory belonging to the Nation, as important as in 1869 was the finished Union Railway from the Mississij^pi to the Pacific. On the same general principle, as well as in aid of commerce. Congress still makes appropriations to improve rivers and harbors, all under the implied powers inherent in the Constitution. Again, the Constitution says : " New States may be admitted by Congress into the Union." There is no intimation nor direction given as to what tei'- titory these States were to come from, nor by what means they were to be obtained ; there is the power granted, and the wisdom of Congress was to devise 40 rOLITICAL PARTIES.^ the moans. Could anything be oloarcr hy implica- tion than that ? Practical wisdom "svonld say no; but the speculating theorist would be in doubt. Thus Jefferson, as a strict constructionist, was greatly puzzled whether or not he liad the consti- tutional power to purchase Louisiana. Finally he made the purchase — saying it was extra-con^iiiu- tional. Alexander Hamilton was strongly in favor of thus obtaining the territory of Louisiana, while num- bers of the Federalists of the time were mistakenly opposed, but not on constitutional grounds. It is remarkable that all the territory we ever acquired, with the excejition of Alaska, was obtained by pro- fessed strict constructionists, who, for the time be- ing, adopted Hamilton's interpretation of the im- plied powers within the Constitution itself. It is worthy of notice that the people only in one instance, that of the annexation of Texas, had an opportunity by their votes to express their views on the subject ; all the other territory being obtained by negotia- tions conducted by the different presidents without consulting the people. VI. A COMPARISON. Party Material. — " The Democrats were far in- ferior to the Federalists, in the numbers and the ability of their leaders; and, moreover, the great moneyed interests of the Northern States were the corner stone of the Federal party." ( Von Holst^ I., p. 179.) A similar comparison maybe instituted in point of the general intelligence of that day, be- tween the main supporters of the former — the plant- ers and farmers — and the main adherents of the lat- ter — the merchants, the manufacturers, the importers and bankers — and in contrast equally as striking as that made by Professor Von Hoist. This is an im- portant element that should be taken into account, when forming an estimate of the causes that modi- fied the politics of that portion of our history. There were legitimate reasons for the differences existing between the rank and file of these two rival polit- ical organizations. The Federalists were mainly in the States where public schools had been in existence for generations, and where their influence had per- meated the whole community, as well as in those States where education was cherished, but not through the medium so much of public as of private schools; while in the Slave-Labor States public schools were unknown. Where the latter existed 4-2 POLITICAL PARTIES. the jieople became readers, newspapers were pa. troni/A'd, and Hourished in conse(]uence ; and by means of these the readers informed themselves on the current topics of the time, rather than by the vehement liarangues and ex-parte statements of stump orators. The earnest public speaker is often tempted to make assertions, while addressing an audience, that he would not dare write and publish. The extreme bitterness of party spirit that existed at the time of which we write, in cer- tain portions of the Union, may be traced, more or less, to the fact that the populace caught the animus of the stump orators to whom they listened. On the contrary, had they read even the same sentiments in the quiet of their own homes, thus having more opportunity for reflection and for reading counter arguments, they would have been influenced more by reason than by the eloquence of political speakers. Prejudices Instilled. — A curious phase of preju- dice, as already noted, was instilled into the minds of the unintelligent Democracy of that day. They were often led, by the insinuation and hasty assertions of their leaders, to suspect the well-to-do and the educated portion of the community of being hostile to themselves. These leaders, at first, as we have seen, characterized those who sustained the policy of the government for the first twelve years of its existence as " Aristocrats,^'' and that term of pre- sumed reproach was used until superseded by that of the " Moneyed Power,'''' meaning by the latter A COMPARISON. 43 epithet those who continued to sustain the financial principles introduced by Alexander Hamilton and embodied in the policy of Washington's adminis- tration ; the policy of Neutrality in the meantime having become poi:)ular, the epithet " Aristocrat," as originally used, was no longer available. But in relation to financial measures, taxes, tariffs, banks, etc., "moneyed power" suited their j^urpose ad- mirably, and every " jDoor man " who worked for wages, was impliedly invited to look upon the well- to-do and the intelligent as having but little sym- pathy for him. The persons thus affected in that day — the planters and farmers — were of a lower grade of intelligence than those of the present time. Now the vast majority thus influenced are foreigners or their direct descendants, and a hostile feeling is fostered between the employers and the employed. Financiering-. — In respect to the management of the finances of the nation, the contrast between the two leading political organizations in our history has been always A^ery marked. Those financial measures, which were comprehensive, and in their influence ben- eficial to the whole nation, are due not to the leaders of the Democracy, but to their opponents. It is true that individual members from the commercial and manufacturing centers often voted with the latter for such measures, but in doing so they, for the time being, severed their connection with the theory and spirit of their own party. This unwise legislation in respect to commercial interests and mechanical industries, originated in contracted views of states« U POLITICAL PARTIES. manship, which rendered such officials sectional in their ideas — though it may have been unconsciously — and finable to coniprebcnd the wants of a well organized nation. Hence there has been always a crudeness of legislation on financial affairs, including tariffs, whenever the Democracy have predominated in the nation's councils. Jefferson, when president, though opposed to the United States Bank, was anxious to use the other banks as political machines and on the 12th of July, 1803, he wrote to his sec- retary of the treasury — Albert Gallatin — saying : " I am decidedly in favor of making all the banks Republican [Democratic] by sharing deposits among them in 2)ro2^ortion to the disposition they shoxo. If the law forbid it, we should not permit another session of Congress to pass without amending it. It is material to the safety of Republicanism [the De- mocracy] to detach the mercantile interests from its enemies, and incorporate them into the body of its friends." {BoUes's Financial Hist, of the U. S., p. 140.) Internal Improvements. — Another element — the dogma of extreme State Rights, or Sovereignty — influenced the statesmen, both in relation to the United States Bank and to internal improvements. They seemed to have a horror of any policy that would exert an influence in uniting the people in closer bonds of union — especially those living in the slave, with those dwelling in the Free-Labor States. Hence they deprecated the United States Bank with its branches in the several States. For a similar A COMPABISON. 45 reason — predicated on assumed constitutional grounds — they had their doubts as to internal im- provements being made by the national government : such as canals, that might extend from one State to another. This was before the era of railways ; which, being constructed by corporations using pri- vate capital, have made sad work with the retarding policy fostered by the extreme theory of State Rights. Secreta.ries of the Treasury. — The Presidents from the South practically recognized the inferioi* skill in financial aflairs of the public men of that section by selecting Northern men as Secretaries of the Treasury. George Washington set the example by appointing to that office that prince of financiers, Alexander Hamilton. Another Northern man, Al- bert Gallatin, was for fourteen years Secretary of the Treasury under Jefferson and Madison. With scarcely an exception, for seventy years Northern men were selected for that office. The only Secre- tary from the South who left his impress upon the financial and industrial interests of the country was Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi. The London Times characterized his first report to Congress as the only " properly Free-trade document ever made by an American minister of finance." Upon the theories contained in that report was based tlie principles of the tariff of 1846 (pp. 118-121). John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, was appointed Secretary of the Treasury in 1893. VII. JEFFERSON'S EMBARGO. Foreign War. — Toward the close of Jefferson's first administration, Avar broke ont more fiercely than ever between France and England, and the cruisers of both belligerents, knowing its helpless condition, began to prey upon our commerce, under the pretext of searching our merchantmen for arti- cles conti-aband of war. The peace policy of the President invited this kind of treatment from these unscrupulous cruisers. The merchants petitioned for licenses to arm and protect themselves, as they had done in the jjrevious administration ; but that petition Avas denied on the ground that, if granted, it would be virtually war. Yet the illegal seizure of our merchant vessels by these cruisers was looked upon in the light of the " Chinese Theory " — of non-intercourse wuth the rest of the world — as quite a venial offence. Domestic Paralysis. — Xow was the time to apply the potent remedy for these evils, and the president, whose political wisdom was deemed infallible by the great majority of his admirers, recommended, and Congress — without a moment's warning to the country — passed the Embargo Act (Dec. 1807) ; a law forbidding the American i)eople to trade with JEFFERSON'S EMBABGO. 47 the French and English. {Patton^s American Peo- 2)le, pp. 612-614.) This was clone with the expecta- tion that these two nations, f oi* the want of our raw material and produce, would hasten to respect our flag, and no more board our merchantmen in search of articles contraband of war nor impress those of our seamen who happened to be born in the British Isles ; or, if worse came to worst, we would have no ships on the ocean for them to board, at all. In consequence of this law, the commerce of the country was ruined ; ships in hundreds lay rotting at the wharves, and thousands of sailors were thrown out of employment, while the surplus agricultural produce of the land was valueless for want of a mar- ket, and all this ruin brought about by the crude legislation of a Democratic Congress, held in hand by a president who was the idol of the party. If one doubts the accuracy of this statement, let him read the history of the period from Dec. 1807 to the end of Jefferson's administration. " The Alien and Sedition laws were not nearly so unjust and tyran- nical as the laws for enforcing the embargo, and they did not touch one man, when the embargo laws touched hundreds." { Sumner'' s Jackson, j). 28.) An Unforeseen Blessing-. — These measures bore very hard upon the laboring men and mechanics of the time, nearly all of whom were deprived of em- ployment. As the embargo lasted almost a year and a half, their misfortunes led to a large emigra- tion of these workmen from the seaboard States to the west. The movement, which continued for ^t8 POLITICAL PARTIES. some time, grew out of the circumstances, and was indirectly beneficial to the Nation in commencing settlements in several new States. This advantage to the country is not to be attributed, however, to the far-seeing policy of the political leaders of that day — for they jilanned no such movement. What a contrast to the laws enacted for the purpose (1863), under which States and Territories have since been, and are now being, settled in accordance with the comprehensive policy, as shown by the Homestead Law, and the opening up of new terri- tories by means of railways. Failure of the Embargo Policy. — Meanwhile, the com])lications in relation to the cruisers con- tinued as the weakness of our defences, both by sea and land, was well understood by the belligerents of Europe, and when the English frigate Leopard wantonly fired upon and boarded the United States frigate Chesapeake (1807), and carried off four men, President Jefferson, in consequence, ordered the English war vessels out of American waters ; but their officers, knowing he was unable to en- force the order, in the most contemptuous man- ner, took their own time. This unpleasant condi- tion of affairs between England and the United States continued until Congress declared war (1812) in Madison's administration. Thouech, owins: to the " penny wise " policy of Jefferson, which also was practised to nearly the same extent by his suc- cessor, the country was as unprepared to enter upon such a contest, as was Napoleon III to contend with JEFFERSON'S EMBARGO. 49 Prussia. The despised little navy came tc the rescue, and afterward had the honor, by its victories, to raise the drooping spirits of the people, and save the nation from disgraca VIII. SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. "War Preparations. — Though Presidents Wash- ington and Adams used every honorable means to avoid collisions with the belligerents in Europe, yet the}' caused the power of the United States to be respected by putting our military forces, both land and naval, in such condition that in case of war the government should not be unprepared. At impor- tant ports along the coast our defences were strengthened, and three frigates — the Constitution, the United States, and the Constellation — com- menced in Washington's administration, were fin- ished in 1798, when the people themselves came forward, and, by their liberal subscriptions, aided in equipping them for active service. These National vessels soon had influence as convoys in protecting American commerce from the interference of French and British cruisers ; in addition President Adams licensed more than three hundred American mer- chantmen to carry arms and protect themselves, which they did. Congress also authorized the build- ing of six additional frigates, which were well under SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 51 way when the administration of John Adams came to a close. Jefferson's Peace Policy. — Mr. Adams was suc- ceeded by Thomas Jefferson, Avho, on entering upon office, began to j^ut in practice his j^eculiar theories. For ilhistration, he was not so much in favor of commerce as to protect it from the aggressions of belligerent cruisers by means of a navy ; he rather preferred that the public ships should be hauled in out of harm's way. He also deemed the keeping up of harbor fortifications along the coast as a useless expense ; if we should have difficulties with foreign governments, he would retaliate by cutting off our trade with them by means of embargoes ; if the navy of an enemy attacked our seaboard cities, he would defend them by using gunboats in our harbors instead of men-of-war upon the ocean ; and at his suggestion Congress authorized the frames of the six frigates already mentioned, and on which work had been stopped by order of the President, to be taken to pieces and the timber used in building gvin-. boats. The latter were to be anchored in the har- bors to defend the cities : but they proved to be ab- solutely worthless ; the sailors were afraid of them ; they said that if heavy guns were fired from their decks they would topple over. For six years not an ocean-going vessel of war was added to our navy. It is worthy of note that the Southern mem- bers of Congress, following Jefferson's lead, were specially hostile to our marine while there was abroad in that section an opinion that it was better 52 POLITICAL PARTIES. to give up commerce altogether, than incur the ex- j)onse of a navy to ju-otect it; while as to the people living on the seaboard, if they were attacked, why they could retire into the interior, as was recom- mended by Jefferson himself. IX. OUR FIRST IMPORTANT TARIFF. American Manufactures. — Our industrial pro- gress had been very great, when it was interrupted, as we shall see, by the influence of the attempt at Nullification in South Carolina (1833). A brief notice of this progress will not be out of place here. At the close of the second war with Great Britain in 1815, American manufactures had increased beyond pre- cedent. This was owing in a great measure to the suspension of commercial intercourse with England, which had hitherto furnished nearly all the foreign made articles used in the United States. Thus from necessity the American people began to manu- factui-e those articles for themselves, while their genius for invention was brought into requisition in devising labor-saving machinery. (American People^ p. 713.) Lord Brougham's Advice. — England was then striving to hold the control of the ocean, and also to become the workshop of the world ; and was deter- mined to permit no interference with either of these assumed prerogatives. The spirit Avitli which she wa& imbued may be inferred from what Lord Brougham said in Parliament in 1816, when he declared he was very far from placing the vast exports which the 54 POLITICAL PARTIES, )H':\ci' with Aiiu'rica h:i(l (XH-asioned "upon the same footiiiLj with those to the European market the year before ; both because ultimately the Americans will pay, which the exhausted state of the Continent renders unlikely, and because it was well worth while to incur a loss upon the first ex])ortation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States, which the war ha'otective tariffs, she forbade, In' stringent laws and severe penalties, persons taking from the kingdom any machine used in manufacturing. Samuel Slater had brought to the United States in 1790 the drawings of the machinery used in England for spinning cotton. From these drawings was made the first " s])inning jenny " in this country. It was set to work in Pawtuckct, Rhode Island {American People, \t. 578), 1793, thi!s becoming the pioneer of our extensive system of cotton manufacturing. As soon as the treaty of Ghent (Dec. 3, 1814) was ratified, and a way opened to commerce be- tween England and America, English merchants flooded the markets of the United States with their OUR FIRST IMPORTANT TARIFF. 55 goods. These were put at very low rates, frequently below cost, with the avowed intention, as we have seen, of destroying our domestic manufactures, Avhicli had come into existence during the war. 77iis tliey did effectually. Great multitudes of our working people were thrown out of employment, causing much distress ; while the prospect was that henceforth our industries Avould be held in bondage at the Avill of the foreign manufacturer. An Equalizing- Measure. — The statesmen of that day, who followed the example of Alexander Hamilton, had a policy that was not merely theo- retical, but based upon reason and common sense. They labored to introduce measures that would lay a firm foimdation for the future progress of the country. In consequence, they imposed a tariff upon foreign-made articles, thought to be sufficiently high to equalize the cost of their 2>i'oduction, or, in other words, counterhalance the low wages paid the operatives in Europe. They designed to promote the industries of the whole land ; endeavoring, meanwhile, to make them as diversified as the wants of the people required. They wished, also, to develop the natural resources of the country, then thought to be great, and now known to be almost inexhaustible. In accordance with these principles Congress passed a tariff (1816) sufficiently high in Its rate to produce revenue and protect our own industries, which, having had no foreign com- petition for the previous four years, had been carried on prosperously, until overwhelmed as we :,r, rouTicAL iwhtiks. have just scon. Tlu> Slave-Labor States were then in favor of fostorinuf domestic nianiifactnres, John C Calhoun, of South Carolina, took a prominent part in the movement, and so did Henry Clay, of Kentucky; the latter, however, continued to view protection against the skill and low wages paid in Europe, as necessary for the development of our na- tional resources of every kind. The slave-ownei's seemed to have had reference to employing their slaves in manufacturing, especially coarse cottons, the material used mostly for clothing the negroes. The making of these cottons had been introduced successfully into American mills within the last few years. The Results. — Years passed on and this tariff (1810), amended from time to time to make it more effective, encouraged the various mechanical indus- tries of the Union so that they progressed with amazing rapidity ; the whole country gained under the influence, as all classes, especially in the Free- Labor States, were busily employed, and the nation was never before so prosperous. In less than a score of years, it was found, however, that the slaves, because of their ignorance and lack of inter- est in their work, could not spin and weave cotton. They could only hoe and pick it. Senator Hayne of South Carolina put the case in this manner : — " The slaves are too incapable of minute, constant, delicate attention, and the persevering industry which 18 essential to the success of manufacturing establishments." Senator McDufRe, of the same OUR FIRST IMPORT A XT TARIFF. 57 Stale, argued in opposition, saying be believed " tbat tbe slaves could work in factories " (Debates in Conffress,Yo\. X). Meanwbile, in New England, in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the people during tbis period bad been acquiring skill wbicb tbey applied very successfully in many kinds of manufacturing, sucb as textile fabrics and iron. It was owing to tbe intelligence of tbose who woi-ked in the mills, and their zeal in their work, tbat these rapid strides were made in the Free-Labor States. Though tbey had not learned to make tbe finer kinds of textile fabrics — woolen or cotton — so as to compete with tbe much older establishments in France, in Belgium or in Great Britain, yet the New Englanders were able to compete in coarse cottons with the English in tbe far east, especially in the markets of China, and at the same time supply tbe slave-owners at home. England, before long, virtually gave up the greater portion of tbat trade in China, as she found it more profitable to man- ufacture tbe finer fabrics from cotton. X. LABOIl AND INTELLIGENCE. In the Slave States. — The South might have been at least fairly siiecessful in manufacturing, if the slave-owners liad Avishcd. Had they taken measures to invest caj)ital and establish cotton mills, even when they found that the slaves could not 'Aork to advantage in them, and em])loyed native whites, male and female, as was done in the Free- Labor States, they might have succeeded, so far as to have changed the industrial condition of that section of the Union. The only probable drawback to success might have been found in the lack of in- telligence among the " poor whites ; " for this, their misfortune, the slave-owners themselves were re- sponsible, because for generations, as legislators, they had neglected to establish common schools in which the youth, male and female, could at least have been taught the rudiments of an education. Their water-power was abundant, and scarcely liable to freeze in the winter ; in that respect the James Avas supei-ior to the Merrimac. In the highlands of the Carolinas and Georgia were numerous streams and waterfalls, and abundance of white labor to be obtained from those who did not own slaves, for in that region the evil influence of the system of V'r\itude in degradiiif; labor was not so much felt LABOR AND INTELLIGENCE 59 as in other portions of these States. These mills might have made coarse cottons, and, in time, other manufacturing industries might have been intro duced. The truth was, the slave-owners wanted the en- tire profits accruing from both raising the raw cot- ton and its manufacture by slave-labor. On the other hand they had no desire to elevate the labor- ing man, or " white trash," as they contemptuously termed those who did not own slaves, but who earned their living by manual labor, either on small farms or in workshops for wages. They preferred to abandon almost every attempt at manufacturing throughout the land, and compel Congress to enact laws Avhich tended to free trade, regardless of the injury thus done to the industries of the Free-Labor States. In 1831 the latter's capital invested in cot- ton manufacture alone amounted to more than $40,000,000 {Industrial Hist, of U. S., p. 413). The slave-owners expected to make this change in the existing tariff by using the votes of the North- ern Democratic members of Congress whom they controlled; they themselves Avould, henceforth, raise cotton only, which the slaves could do. Cot- ton, at that time, was the most important export we had. We shall see how the union of these two wings of the Democracy brought ruin upon the in- dustries of the country, and threw the laboring men and mechanics out of employment. Ignorant Laborers. — Perhaps the greatest crime against the " poor whites" of the Slave-Labor States, (io r 01. in CM. i' ART ins. was tlio indiriTt t't'furt.s rnadt' for s^onerations to ki'i'j) Uu'in in iLjiionuifo. " The mass of the small slavoholillnix land-owners and of the poor artisans, was the most sorrowful social product which the his- tory of civilized nations had to show ; an aristocratic class of common people, which both from its lack of culture and its arrogance was terrible material in the hands of a self-seeking aristocracy and of politi- cians giredy for power" ( T'o??. Jlolst, I., p. 347). Aristocracies are, and always have been, tyrannical and selfish, treating with contempt those below them in the social scale. The slave-owners — the rulers and legislators — forbade, by laws sanctioned by cruel ])enalties, the negroes learning to read and write, and punished severely those who should teach them. They likewise neglected to provide public schools for their own children, and for those of the non-slaveholding portion of the people. This policy continued for more than one hundred and fifty years, the legitimate result of which was, at the end of that period, the most illiterate native white population in the entire Nation ( Census of the U/rifrd State.'ifor 1860). A Chang-e of Base.— When the tariff of 1816— characterized as " protective " — was passed, it was deemed constitutional by John C. Calhoun, and his compeers from the cotton-growing States. It is a singular coincidence that thirteen years later, when it was found that the slaves could not work in cotton or woolen mills, the views of these states- men chaiigod. The theorv now advocated wa» LABOR AND INTELLIGENCE. 61 that a tariff, in its effect protective to American in- dustry, was uncotistitutional (Debates in Con- gress^ X., pp, 243, 245). This Avas assuming that the tariff then in existence was made with the in- tention to aid one portion of the community — the manufacturers — by virtually prohibiting the impor- tation of certain classes of goods that could be made here ; but that was never the intention of its framers, nor that the result produced. The protest issued by the South Carolina Convention (1829) pro- nounced protective duties " unconstitutiouaJ., op- pressive and unjust.'''' These were the mutterings of Nullification. The ground taken was that the existing tariff must be modified, and, instead, one bordering on free trade established. In the Free States.— During this period (1816- 1828), so progressive compared with the past, great advances were made, showing the energy of the people. New York city was fast becoming the center of the foreign commerce of the United States, because of her position at the mouth of the Hud- son, and now (1825) by means of the Erie Canal in connection with the great lakes and the northern portion of the valley of the Mississippi ; being also further west and nearer the center of the States than Boston, which in commerce had, hitherto, taken the lead, and still was the money center of the Union. The two cities of Boston and Philadelphia gradually withdrew a large portion of their capital invested in 6hi|)ping, because of its becoming less profitable. After the downfall of Napoleon (1815), and the 02 nn.lTU'M. J'AHTJES. rlosing of till' w ;irs kiinwii l)y his n:iinr, tlnir iiu- monse carryiiij; tradr ln'fjan to slip out of the liatids of tlu> Ainericans. Tlic French, the Germans, the lloUaiulers, nieanwliile, were recovering their coni- nu-rcial marine, wliich liad l)een virtually ruined iluriui; the twenty-five years of these wars ; while the En<;lish, owing to their supremacy ui)()n the ocean, hatl kej)t theirs up to a high standard. These nations were now carrying on the greater part of their commerce in their own ships. In consequence, the American shippers of the Free-Labor States sought other outlets for their capital, and turned their attention to manufacturing industries, and were so much aided by the general intelligence of the work])eople employed, that they succeeded well in that field of enterprise. Boston furnished the capital that established the mills of Lowell and Lawrence, and indeed, more or less, the mills up the Merrimac. In Rhode Island, the same process was going on, and Providence, where the first successful cotton mill in the L^niou was established in 1798, rapidly grew into a manu- facturing city. Philadelphia was largely investing her capital in two branches of industry, textile fabrics and iron. Iron ore in connection with coal was found in the mountains of Pennsylvania, and in some of her valleys. These deposits were known to be rich in quality, and in vast quantities, indeed presumed to be inexhaustible for ages to come. Slavery in Politics.— This period is remarkable, also, for the lirst prominent disagreement in Con- LABOR AND INTELLIGENCE. 63 gress on the subject of slavery. The occasion of tliis discussion and action was the admission of Mis- souri as a Slave State, by the enactment of the fa- mous bill known as the Missouri Compromise (1820), Avhicli guaranteed that all territory west of that State and north of its southern boundary line should be forever free. Slavery was henceforth recognized by the thoughtful as a future element of great influence and power in the nation's poli- tics, but held in abeyance only for the time being. In the treatment of the question it was evident, even at this first issue, that the leaders of the Dem- ocracy in the Free-Labor States sympathized with the slave-owners. Imported Laborers. — During this period be- gan also a large immigration to this county, prin- cipally from Ireland. This fact was first noticed officially in a report of the Secretary of State in 1819. This class of immigrants were nearly all unskilled laborers ; that is, they could handle the spade, and the mattock, or jjickaxe, and were era- ployed in digging our canals, somewhat in grading railways, and in carrrying bricks and mortar in building our cities. At that time, few of these were even so far skilled as to work in brick and stone, as masons, and unfortunately great numbers were illiterate, and unable to inform themselves in respect to the workings of our government and in- stitutions. They were taken in hand as proteges by certain political leaders. To the Irishman the name " Democrat " seems to have a peculiar fascination. • ;4 I'OLJTJCAL IWRTIKS. 'V\w If-in is iiMiI ill till' llritisli Isles and on the Contiiu'iit :is (iu- direct opiiosite of kingly or aris- tocratic rule ; and the peojtle of their class looked upon such rule as their ])olitieal enemy, no matter how kiiul and just the government might be. This led the Irishman, when he landed on our shores, to sympathize with the political organization known as Democratic without stopping to learn its prin- ciples or the history of its acts. It is noticeable that a much smaller proportion of the immigrants from (lermany or Northern Europe connect them- selves with the same party, though they come from countries where the governments are not so liberal as that of Great Britain. The solution of this fact is in their greater intelligence. From this time (1820), onward, we find the Dem- ocratic organization, as such, abetting the slave- holders in their every demand, and itself uniformly sustained by the naturalized citizens of Irish birth. XI. TESTIMONY OF A DEMOCRAT. Martin Van Buren, in his "History of Poli- tics," seems to have been suspicious of the intelli- gent portion of the people, who happened not to be found in the ranks of the Democracy ; in this he was in sympathy with Jefferson and Jackson, both of M'hom impugned the motives of those who differed from themselves in political opinions. "Writing of the period when he himself Avas in political life, he says : " The press, men of letters, artists, and pro- fessional men, of every denomination, and those engaged in subordinate pursuits Avho live upon luxurious indulgences of the rich, are all brought within the scope of this influence " (p. 225), — the " money power," meaning the Whigs. This latter epithet, used by the Democratic speakers and writers of that day, had the effect of prejudicing one portion of the community against another. And again : " It is perhaps in this way only, that we can account for the remarkable disparity in number between the newspapers and other period- icals advocating Democratic principles, and those which support the ' money power ' and its adher- ents [Whigs] a disparity the extent of which will strike any one who visits a common reading- tiG POLITICAL r ARTIES. room, ill whicli, amid the wi'll-furnishod sliflvcs and full lili's of llu' ]tul)lii'atioiis of tlu' latter class [Whig jtaj)i'rs], it is ran- that we liml iiiaiiy of the former [Democratic], often not more than a single news- j)ai>er, sc)metimes not one. Yet those jiapers which we do not lind there, represent the j)olitical princi- I>les of a large majority of the people " (p. 225). Again : " Although Hamilton's policy was successful with many, it failed signally [in elections] with the most numerous and consequently the most powerful class of our citizens, those engaged in agriculture." Further on : " Farmers and ]ilantcrs are the main- stay of the Democratic party," (p. 227). These leaders always refer to the number of the votes, and not to the iiitellif/oice of the voters. Van Buren ought to be good authority on the subject. Was he aware of the stigma he thus placed upon the intelli- gence of the members of his own political party, by rejjresenting that portion of the peoi)le presumed to be intelligent and of refined tastes, as not in sym- j)athy with it, but in intimate relations with the "Whigs, whom he for his own reasons, charac- terized as "rich and luxurious " ? The solution of this problem was not found, as Mr. Van Buren in- sinuates, in the influence of the "money power," as he characterized the intelligent and well-to-do classes, but in the fact that the great majority of the reading and thinking ^oxXxow of the people were not in sympathy with the party to which he refers. Van Buren sjieaks a])provingly of the planters and farmers of his dav, as beini; the adherents of the TESTIMONY OF A DEMOCRAT. 67 Democratic organization, and in respect to its opponents, he does not hesitate to impugn their principles and motives by declaring that they " were constructed principally of a network of special inter- ests " (p. 226). But the planters and farmers had no foreign competition, and they needed no measure as a tariff to equalize the cost of production between them and foreign owners and cultivators of the soil. The Northern farmer of that time had no foreign outlet or market for the produce of his fields, while the planter had for his cotton. In the England of that day, the land under cultivation was sufficient, or nearly so, to produce food for its own people, but the population has since increased, while the area cultivated has remained about the same ; hence the necessity now to supplement their own production of food by importations from abi-oad. On the con- trary, the American manufacturers had to contend, not only with the low wages paid workmen in Europe, but with the acquired skill of ages, in that day even much greater in proportion than now. Hamilton's famous report on manufactures in Washington's administration was the only public document up to that time that unfolded princiiDles which, if applied, could remedy these defects. Yet Van Bm-en laments, in referring to this report, that " the political seed sown by Alexander Hamilton has never been eradicated — it seems not susceptible of eradication " (p. 227). Of course not ; and why ? Because time has sliown that the wisdom and principles embodied in that report have had the sanction to this day of G8 rul.lTlCM. PARTIES. the great majority of the reading and thinking portion of the American peoi)le. Finally, as to ]>arty management, Van Buren says : "A ]>oliti('al jiarty [Wliig] founded on such principles and looking to such sources for its support does not often stand in need of caucuses and conventions to preserve harmony in its ranks." (p 220). Certainly not ; for the members of such political organization think and act for themselves. The animus of what Mr Van Buren says in respect to the managing of political parties, is clearly derogatory to those who were sufficently intelligent to comprehend the re- lations that one portion of the nation has to those of another, and dared act accordingly ; hut its prac- tical bearing is the reverse. For thirty-six years it had been conceded as a matter of courtesy to the Vice-President, as the pre- siding officer of the Senate, to appoint the commit- tees and their respective chairmen. During the administration of John Quincy Adams, John C. Cal- houn being Vice-President, a necessai-y change (182G) was introduced. Though in quite a minor- ity, Calhoun appointed Democrats on the more im- portant committees in such manner as to give them the control of each one. Former Vice-Presidents had made these appointments impartially. This uncalled-for action of Calhoun became the occasion of the Senate adopting the rule which still obtains in that body, to elect its own committees by ballot, and also designate the chairman of each. (Johnston's American Politics, p. 96.) XII. POLITICAL PATRONAGE. The " Demand for Spoils," — It is fitting to trace more fully how the custom was introduced into the politics of the country, the principle of which is tersely expressed by the aphorism, " to the victors belong the sj^oils." The four presidents immediately preceding Jackson, — Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and John Quincy Adams — were educated and refined gentle- men, and judicious in the exercise of the duties of their office in resj^ect to the appointments of sub- ordinates ; in consequence they held the radical Democracy in check. But now the latter were to have their own president — " one of the people," as they put it. In the presidential election of 1824, Jackson had more electoral votes than any one of the other candidates — his vote being 99, Adams's 84, Crawford's 41, and Clay's 37. Although this was a minority of the whole,the Democracy, whom Jackson represented, demanded that the House of Represent- atives should waive its independent position and choose him president, simply because he had a plurality though not a majority of the electoral votes, as required by the Constitution. The Kremer Letter. — A few days before the House was to act on the subject, there appeared in a 70 POLITIC A ]. r ARTIES. couiitv m'\vs]i;i|K'r (if rcmisvU ;iwi:i :i li'ltcM* over the iiMiiu' of a (HTtaiii •■'• lialf-iMlucatc'd " incinlxT of CniiLrrt'ss, naiiuMl KreiiuT, from a rural district in llial St.itc. This h'tter statt'd in substance tliat IKnrv (lay, whose name would not come before the House, because only the three candidates having the hiirhest number of electoral votes could do so — had made a bargain with Mr. Adams to the effect tliat he (Clay) would throw his influence in favor of the former, in consideration of whicli, Clay was to have the highest j)osition in the Cabinet — that of Secretary of State. This story W'as known to be absolutely false, and the members of the House, ignoring it, jiromptly chose Mr. Adams. The letter was not written by its rejiuted author, but by a more ]iractised hand, as its internal evidence and proof afterward adduced made manifest ; but when an in- vestigation was attempted Kremer kept out of the way, and could not be produced before the com- mittee. Nevertheless, certain newspapers continued to rejjeatthe slander during the four years preceding the next presidential election ; meanw^hile always characterizing its spurious author as " Honest Kremer." This incident is mentioned only because of the influence it had upon the rank and file of the Democracy and its peculiar resemblance to the coincidence of the forged " Morey letter," published in the interest of the same Democratic parly on the eve of Garfield's election to the presidency in 1880 — fifty-six years later. Election by the House.— The House chose POLITICAL PATRONAGE. 71 John Quiucy Adams because of his superior qualifi- cations as a statesman, and in this view Jackson is said to have at first acquiesced, admitting that he, himself, in that res])ect, had but little experience. But to be easily influenced by flattery w^as, unfor- tunately, one of the traits of Andrew Jackson, and in addition he was like Jefferson in imputing sinister motives to those who differed from him in opinion ; he seemed unable to recognize good qualities in his political opponents, and to his dying day he firmly believed the absurd story about the "Bargain." Says Prof. Sumner, p. (221), "Jackson was a rude soldier, unlettered, intractable, arbitrary, with a violent temper and a most despotic will." Morse in his X^■/e of Jeff er son,]). 148, says, "In a blind way, because he was intellectually immeasurably below Jefferson, but with the same instincts, Andrew Jack- son afterward repeated the triumphs of the former by aid of the same classes of the community." Which classes Prof. Von Hoist characterized as the " Radical Democracy." Jackson a Candidate. — Immediately after the inauguration of Adams, Jackson Avas taken up, es- pecially by the leaders of the latter, as their candidate for 1828 ; meanwhile, as a preliminary process, he was beset by a host of politicians who knew his sus- ceptibility to flattery, and they so lauded his qualifi- cations to be President of the United States, that he himself got the impression, in the course of these intervening years, that he was the most competent man in the nation, and the only one who could save 7'J I'OI.ITICAL IWRTIES. tlu' IJfpnMir I llo scfini'd also to bo iiritatt'd ; siiuH' he h;nl Ix'cii madi' bolicve tint, sc^iu'liow, he was (U'fraudcd nf wliat was diu' his merit, in his not having l)oon clioson l»y tlie House instead of Mr. Adams. As Prof. Von IIt)lst puts the case (II. p. 50), — " A narrow-minded man with absolute faith in himself." "His election was the triumph of the radical over the moderate Democracy." And now, "professional politicians and the crowd" took j)os- session of the White House. Jackson's Theories Changed.— It may bo worth the labor to trace the inHuoncos that )»ro(hiced a change in the political theories of Andrew Jackson. This result was the outgrowth of the systematized efforts of " professional politicians." When James Monroe was about to assume the office of president^ Jackson urged him " to exterminate that monster — j)arty s])irit," saying that the " chief magistrate of a great and j)OWorful nation should never indulge in party feelings." Said he, — " Consult no party in your choice of your ministry or cabinet," ( Von JTolst, II. p. 13). Jackson afterward changed his mind on this ])hase of appointments to office — not consciously, it would seem, of his own motion, but from outside pressure, which influenced him by appealing to his self-complacency. The leaders of the time were adroit ; they did not dare assail him in a direct manner, but by availing themselves of this weak point in his character, they induced him to do what they wished, and then congratulated him for his patriotism in saving the country, thus strengthening POLITICAL PATROXACE. 73 his theory that he alone knew what to do in the premises. " The Spoils." — The evil of patronage being used for ])olitical or partisan purposes had been increasing m some of the States, but as yet the demoralizing influence had not reached the administration of the National government. Notably had this custom prevailed in New York ; that State was the paradise of politicians. During many years a "Nominating Council " named the candidates, and the i-ank and file of the Democracy never failed to vote as thus directed. This "Council" was known in political annals as the "Albany Regency," and its j^residing genius was Martin Yan Buren, who managed the whole organization with marvelous skill. This peculiar method was j^i'actised in that State for about twenty years. (Article " Ifartin Van Buren " in AppletoiUs Encyclopedia and Townsend's Hist. of Politics in Neio York State.) Seeing that Jack- son was the coming man, and having an inkling of his character, Yan Buren began to oppose the ad- ministration of John Quincy Adams, and finally carried New York State over to the support of the former, though in the previous presidential election, more than two-thirds of the electoral votes of the State had been given to Adams. From that time forward Yan Buren stood in the relation to Jackson of a protege. Now, for the first time, appears the " professional politician " at Washington ; national politics became somewhat a game, and the principles and a manage- 74 POLITICAL I'AliTiKS. nu'nt similar to that wliic-h had been successful iiv the Einj>ire State, were to be a])|)lie(l to the ad- ministration of national affairs. Li that State orii^inated the custom of apjiointments to ottice being made for jtartisan reasons alone ; in which custom the interests of the State were held subordinate to those of the individual who received the oflice, not because of his fitness to fulfil its duties, but as a reward for services rendered. William L. Marcy, when United States Senator from New York, in commending the politicians of his own party in that State, said, — " They boldly jireach what they jjrac- tise. When they are contending for victory, they avow their intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated they expect to retire from office^ They see nothing wrong in the rule, that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy " ( Von Ilolst^ IT. ].. 20). Jackson's New Policy. — Andrew Jackson's in- tended policy was foreshadowed in the newspapers of his party ; a leading one announced, — " We take it for granted that he [Jackson] will rev\\ard his friends and punish his enemies ; " that is, those who differed from him in political opinion. John Quincy Adams sturdily refused, though urged in justice to himself, and his success as president, to remove numbers of United States officials, who, in an offensive and officious manner, were in the habit of opposing the policy of his administration, because lie consistently adhered to his belief in the jirinciple of free political discussion as the bhthi-ight of every POLITICAL PATRONAGE. 75 citizen, whether office-holder or not ; and in four years he removed only tico persons from office. Mark the contrast ! The majority of the United States Senate belonged to the opposition about to come into power, and when toward the close of his administration. President Adams sent in a number of nominations of gentlemen to fill offices that had become vacant by death or resignation, the Senate postponed the consideration of these nominations to a day beyond the 4th of March 1829 — on which day Jackson was expected to be inaugurated as pres- ident. The latter came prepared for the emergency, having his list made out of those he intended to remove, and also of those he purposed to put in their places. With him came, likewise, " his friends " in hundreds, who openly demanded that he should " deprive political opponents of their offices and distribute them to political friends." The hitherto unquestioned right of the people to have the afiairs of the Nation administered wisely and economically, was made subordinate to this new system of sup- plying partisans with places. Under the specious name of " rotation in office," lay the assumption that the offices of the government were the property of these partisans, a7id to be used by them in turn — thus there grew up a new order of things. In con- seqiience the most sordid and selfish passions ex- hibited themselves in distorting and misrepresenting the motives and conduct of those whose places were wanted, and could be obtained by slander. 7G rolATlCAL I'AUTlh'S. Intense Patriotism.— Jackson, tlu' victim of svstcmatu' llattory, iiiia<;ined something must be wroii'T in nnv statesman who differed from him in })olitieal opinion. From tliis mere sii|)]>osition, it was easv for one of his peculiarly arbitrary nature to pass over, perhaps unconsciously, to the feeling of hostility toward such statesmen. This mani- fested itself in acts on his part that sometimes savored of vindictiveness; and, yet in A/."? tcai/, he was intensely patriotic, and verily thought he was doing the country service. Under the circum- stances, perha])s, he has been censured too much for liis adoption of the Xew York system, as introduced indirectly by Van Buren, who was his Secretary of State and most confidential sitggester. As has been noticed, to his inauguration came hundreds of his friends, who were made believe they had saved the country by electing him presi- dent, and they were clamoring for their reward, as the aiders and abettors of his election ; says Von Hoist : " Their most forcible arguments being the erection of ' hickory poles,' and ' hurrahs for Jack- son' " (Vol. II., p. 10). His inaugural stated that the " task of reform " was imposed upon the Executive, and he commenced a general and in- discriminate removal from office of those who dif- fered from him in political o\)imon— all for the yood of the country. Removals and Appointments. — The presidents, hitherto, had made appointmejits to office, because of the comjietency and integrity of the appointee, POLITICAL PAntOXAGE. 77 and not for partisan purposes. The same principle prevailed in respect to removals, none being made except for cause, and designed to protect or aid the interests of the whole nation. For illustration, Washington removed nine persons from office, John Adams, 10; Jefferson, 39 ; Madison, 5; Monroe, 9; and John Quincy Adams, 2; in all 74 — this was during forty years. But Jackson, the representa- tive of radical opinions, and under their pressure, luiceremoniously removed, and put his own partisans in their places, 230 officials of higher rank, and 760 postmasters and subordinate officers — in all 990. Numbers of these had held office under Madison and Monroe, and were continued under John Quincy Adams because of their competency. Here was the introduction of the most corrupting element in the politics of the Nation. For twelve successive years the rule in the National government, in this respect, was strict and unrelenting ; and then for about two years (1841-1843) under Tyler, there was a little relaxation ; then, after another four years under Polk, came Taylor and Fillmore, repre- sented by a medley of removals and ajjpointments ; then came back the old Jacksonian custom in all its vigor, for eight years, under Fierce and Buchanan, terminating March 4th, 1861, when the circum- stances had become radically changed, and many of the incumbents were so disloyal, that it Avas abso- lutely essential for the safety of the Union that their places should be filled by loyal men, with- out much reference to their theoretical political opinions. 78 VOIATICAL rAliTJh'S. Disreg-ard of Constituted Law. — Jackson came to tlu' juisiihiilial cliair as llie idol of the radical wing of iIk' ])c'nu)cTacy — one of themselves — and his overbearing character, tyrannical manners, and ilisregard of constituted law, became virtues in the eves uf his ardi'nt followers. From this time for- ward the intiiience of statesmen of a liigli order be- g:in to bi' made siil)ordinate to the crowd of " pro- ft'ssional jioliticians," by Ix'ing outvoted on the floor of Congress by the adherents and tools of the " pro- fessionals." The arbitrary sway of this "idol of the Democracy" was almost unendurable, yet he was sustained and lauded by those who were con- tinually j>rating about liberty and all that. Said Justice Story — a Democrat: "I confess that I feel humiliated at the truth, which cannot be disguised, that though we live under the form of a republic, we are, in fact, iinder the rule of a single man." (Life of Story, II., p. 15.) " The Su])reme Court had not failed to pursue the organic develojmient of the Constitution, and it had on every occasion in which it was ])ut to the test, proved the Ijulwark of constitutional liberty, by the steadiness and solidity of judgment with which it had established the interpretation of the Constitu- tion." "Xo man can be named to whom the nation is more indebted for solid and far-reaching services than to John Marshall " (Sumner's Life of Jackson, p. 361). " The master-mind of Chief Justice Mar- shall laid the foundation of a school of Constitu- tional interpretation which is now completely in the POLITICAL PATBONAGE. 79 ascendant." (Edward Stanwood, Atlantic Montldy^ May, 1884, p. 701.) At the commencement of his presidency, Jack- son prochiimed that he himself would act in accord- ance with the Constitution, as he understood it. This is the first enunciation of that theory in our history. Jackson continued to disregard the inter- pretation given of that instrument by the Supreme Court, if it did not agree with his own notions. He even went so far, in one of his veto messages, to announce, that "each public officer who takes an oath to support the Constitution, swears that he will support it as he understands it, and not as it is understood by others" {Von Hoist, II., p. 49). This theoi-y opened a wide field for disregarding constituted law. The influence extended, and we even find Democratic officials sometimes applying the same principles of action and interpretation to the laws and constitutions of the States, that Jack- son applied to those of tlie United States. Jackson Managed. — Senator Poindexter, of Mississippi, tells how Van Buren managed Jackson. Should he have a scheme in which he wished to in- terest the General, he would give him a hint of it. The latter would say, "Eh!" Van Buren would adroitly change the subject, but erelong allude to it again. The General, now, would ask, " How's that ? " Van Buren would evade the answer ; but he had set the General thinking, who himself would soon after broach the subject ; then Van Buren would exclaim, "What a grand, a glorious idea ! No man in the laud would have thought of it but yourself." XIII. UNITED STATES BANKING. Uniform Currency. — The necessity for some medium by which exchange could be facilitated be- came apparent toward the close of the Revolutionary strujifgle, and the Bank of North America was established in 1781 for a period of ten years, at the recommendation of Robert Morris, the celebrated financier of that period. {American People, j). 544.) This institution was of immense advantage to the cause of Independence in its closing struggles. Then again at the commencement of Washington's administration, when the United States govern- ment was inaugurated, Congress took a com])rehen- sive view of the situation, and on the recommenda- tion of Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, chartered a National bank (1792), for twenty yeai's, with the privilege of having branches in any of the States. This bank was of very great advantage in promoting exchanges in commerce and thus encouraging the industries of the people. When this charter had expired and the affairs of the bank wound up toward the close of the war of 1812, another United States bank was chartered (181G) for twenty years, which charter expired in 1836. This bank commenced operations in Phila- delphia, March 4, 1817, and in connection with its UNITED STATES BANKING. 81 branches — numbering twenty-five — in other States, afforded the people a uniform currency redeemable at all times in gold and silver. {American People, ]). G8G.) These banks, the latter especially, fulfilled their ])arts well and were of immense value to the commerce and the industries of the people in afford- ing facilities in moneyed transactions throughout the Union. The U. S. Bank Opposed. — The Southern states- men for the greater part opposed a United States bank, " because it would faciliate the borrowing of money by the government," {Deb. in Co7igress I. p. 287) ; and Jefferson was even in favor of an amendment to the Constitution by which "the United States government would not have the power to make loans " ( Works, IV. p. 260). Still another objection was " that the bank Avould be of advantage only to the mercantile interests." {Deb. in Congress, I. p. 272.) Prof. Sumner gives one of the current objections to the old bank when he says : " the Democrats opposed it as aristocratic, federalistic ; a dangerous political engine, because its stock was partly held by foreign noblemen " (p. 229), and Jefferson as expressed in his private correspondence, held similar views. This unreason- able feeling of hostility to anything English, ex- tending from the leaders, pervaded the minds of the rank and file of the Democracy. They seemed unable to comprehend that capital, no matter whence derived, invested for instance in our internal im- provements, was aiding the industrial ])r(>gress of 83 Pi) LIT I CM. PAHTIK8. the cotititi V. The writ IT, wljcii a hoy, once heard two staunch Democrats himentiiig that English RtockhoMcrs owned a portion of the Pennsylvania canal, an^. But after a charter was denied the Bank f?iving it a national character, there sprang into existence an unusual number of banks, under the authority of the several States, and in additioti great numbers of private ones, that were virtually irresj)onsible. For the most part the charters given by the States were loosely drawn, and thus afforded facilities for de- frauding that innocent victim — the jiublic. Says Prof. Sumner, — " Ninety-nine in one hundred of these banks (outside New England) were pure swindles. They had no capital ; by issuing notes they borrowed instead of lending, and they paid no interest," (p. 230). In a thousand ways they were vicious, and lost their credit ; the result was a con- tinuous and enormous exj^ense in the way of dis- counts or exchange, when merchants did business at a distance or out of their own States. This im- mense tax fell upon the people, who were the con- sumers, as it enhanced the price of almost every article. The necessity to pay these discounts brought into existence hordes of brokers, who entered upon the business of conducting these ex- changes, and their commissions were just so much loss to the people at large, while they themselves were non-producers, but acquiring fortunes in con- sequence of the financial disorders thus introduced in the commercial world. These banks, for the greater part, were continually going into liquidation and defrauding their customers, while their places were supplied by others which usually went through a similar process. UNITED STATES BANKING. 85 Who -were to Blame. — Why may not these Democratic statesmen be justly held responsible for these immense losses to the people, from 1836 to 1863 ? Had it not been for their peculiar notions on the subject of the finances, they could have de- vised a national banking institution, which might have been so guarded in its provisions as to prevent fraud, and have been of almost incalculable advan- tage to the business interests of the whole land. A bill designed to accomplish this end was introduced and supported by the Whigs ; it passed Congress to be vetoed by John Tyler who played into the hands of the opposition leaders. Thus time passed on, and for a quarter of a century the people were enormously taxed in the form of discounts, which enhanced the price of every article supplied from a distance. The theory of not having a financial agent for the benefit of the people of the whole Union, was only another form of the influence of the dog- ma of State Rights or Sovereignty. A national banking system would have had the effect of bind- ing the people of the different sections more inti- mately in their business relations, and the moneyed interest of the Nation, thus united, would have been a great impediment in the way of those who, for years, were laying plans to break up the Union. These gentlemen chuckled over every alienation of feeling that grew up between the Free and the Slave-Labor States, whether it was in business, in governmental policy or in church relations. It may be said any political organization is liable 86 POLITICAL PARTIES. to make mlstakos; that is true, but no party or nrtranizatioii lias a riirlit to introduce measures of Fuc-h tU>ul)tful utility, no matter how sincere they maybe in their motives. Tlie leadini? minds amont? the Whites — Clay, Webster, Seward and others — nnd commercial men, bankers, merchants, etc — members of both ]>olitical parties — in every section of the country, almost invariably pointed out the bad results of such injudicious legis- lation — but without avail. The i)rophecies of these statesmen and experienced financiers were fulfilled almost literally. In the days of Andrew Jackson and Thomas H. Benton, the Democratic party prided itself on being in favor of hard money to such an extent that they did not wish the Treas- ury to transfer funds by check — but it must be done literally by gold and silver. " As there was then " — since the destruction of the United States Bank — *' no efficient means by which the Government could transfer funds as they were wanted, from place to place by any ])aper representative of equal credit throughout the Union, specie had to be moved to and fro in masses and under guard." ( Curtiss^ ^Af'^ of James BucJianan^ p. 410.) The legislatures that were under the same influence forbade the banks having charters from their respective States issuing bills in amount less than five dollars. The design was to compel the people to use silver in mercantile transactions — but the latter refused to subject themselves to the inconvenience, and instead used the notes of smaller denominations, though UNITED STATES BANKING. 87 they were issued by banks in neighboring States, and were often at a discount. The False Electioneering Cry. — It is proper to notice that the cry of Reform by Democratic leaders, so effective in overthrowing the administration of John Quincy Adams, was based on charges, known to be absolutely false, but they were implicitly be- iieved to be true by the unenlightened, who voted as their leaders dictated. It would not be compli- mentary to the intelligence of the prime movers of this crusade, to say they believed these charges, while the manner in which they i)ersisted in pro- claiming them, and thus gained their end, damages the moral character of their ])olitical honesty. This same administration, since the motive for slander- ing it has disappeared, has been referred to by speakers and writers, perhaps oftener than any other, as a model of economy in expenditure and the general progress of the country. It was a period of four years of unparalleled prosperity when compared with previous administrations ; while greatly diminishing the national debt, it left five million dollars as a surplus in the treasury ; the same financial influence passed over into the suc- ceeding administration of Jackson, and finally led to the paying off of the entire debt. The people had been gradually advancing in wealth and in the blessings of peace ; every branch of industry was ])rosperous, — agriculture, manufactures and com- merce, — while the Nation, thus rapidly gaining in strength at home, was also securing more and 8S m LI TIC AT. PARTIES. moro tho rosi)Oct of the govcMiimciits of the civilized worl.l ; vet, in the faec of this extraordinary pros- j>eritv the uneidightcncd Democracy — the leaders ,H>ver — were induced to believe the country was going to ruin, and Jackson was carried by their votes into the Presidential chair. It is a remarka- ble coincidence that in much the same manner, John Adams had been displaced by Thomas Jeffer- son. Reproof of Van Buren. — It is astonishing how far party spirit will often censure that whicli ap- ]K>ars just and proper in the eyes of posterity. Mr. Van Buren, when President Jackson's Secretary of State (1829), had instructed John McLean — after- ward one of the justices of the United States Court — as Minister to England " to reopen negotiations on the subject of the West India trade," and in so doing had reflected on the previous administration (that of John Quincy Adams), saying that the])arty in power " Avould not sup])ort the pretensions of its predecessor." This undignified and unworthy exhibition of partisanship was not overlooked by those who had regard to the dignity and self-re- spect of the Nation as superior to any political or- ganization. Accordingly, when afterward (1831) Jackson nominated Van Buren as Minister to Eng- land, the Senate refused to confirm the nomination, though he liad already set oiit on the mission. This they did on the ground of the objectionable instruo tions to which allusion has been made. The re- jection was designed as a " rebuke upon the first," UNITED STATES n.iXKIXG. 89 and we may say only, " instance in which an Amer- ican jMinister, had been sent abroad as the repre- sentative of his parti/, and not as the representative of his country^ Strange to say the whole Demo- cracy were incensed beyond measure at this digni- fied and self-respecting action of the Senate in re- senting the slight thus thrown upon the Nation it- self by a Secretary of State. The cry of persecution was raised. All other considerations were ovei-- looked amid the furor thus excited, and Van Buren henceforth became more than ever the pro- tege of Jackson, while this reproof had much to do with his nomination and election to the Presidency. XIV. DI PORTS AND CLTRRENCY. Northern and Southern Tariff Views.— Wliile energy, intelligence and perseverance in the North were carrying forward manufacturing industries M'ith unj>recedented vigor, a univei'sal dej)rcssion brooded over similar industries in the South (1818- 1833). In the former the whole ])eo])le, in various forms, were industrious, wliile in the latter, with few exceptions, only the slaves worked. In the one section the ])lanters went on from year to year raising only cotton or tobacco, never fertilizing the soil but exhausting it so much that in a short time it became barren and unfruitful ; in the othei* the farmers cultivated all the crops suitable to the soil and climate, fertilizing their fields and making them from year to year more .and more productive. In the one section labor was despised — in the other respected. In those days, and after the attempt at Nullification, it was customary for the ordinary slave-owners of a neighborhood to meet once or twice a week, usually "Wednesdays and Saturdays, at some central jioint, a village or Court House, and discuss ])olitirs, while the more prominent were frequently engaged in the non-productive enteri)rise of meeting in yearly con- ventions and discussing wliy it was, as Senator McDuffie complained on the floor of the Senate, tliat IMPOIiTS AND CURRENCY. 91 in the Southern States were seen " deserted villages, houses falling to ruin, and impoverished lands thrown out of cultivation." This result these political economists attributed to the influence of the existing tai-iff ! It did not occur to them that had they been as industrious and provident as the people of the Free-Labor States, their success would have been equally great, and that in addition they had a decided advantage in a climate and a soil that gave them the monopoly of the world in the production of cotton. The people of the North — on the whole indus- trious and economical — paid as they went, while those of the South contracted the improvident habit of being behind hand, at least a full year, and often more ; in consequence buying their supi)lies at exor- bitant prices, and on this debt thus enhanced paying usually a heavy interest. This system of conducting mercantile transactions was I'liinous in the extreme. But the owners of slaves, assuming that the tariff was in some way the cause of their ill success, and not recognizing the true reason — idleness and want of foresight — determined to break iip the industries of the coimtry by lowering the tariff under which they had been so siiccessfully carried on. The remedy they proposed was virtually free trade. The planters could purchase their main supplies in the Free-Labor States, but an antagonism toward the North had come into existence within a few years, that preferred free trade or nearly so, in order that they might obtain certain manufactured articles \)2 POLITICAL PARTIES. from Kiiulaiitl— tlie |)niUMi)nl market for iheir raw cotton, rather than from the factories of their own country. They manifested but little sympathy for National success, as such; even if for obvious causes, they themselves failed, there was no reason or justice, why an unrelenting war should be waged ii|>on tiie industries of the Free-Labor States, and the wages of those who worked in factories reduced to a level with those paid in Europe. The slave- owners assumed that they would be safe in either case, as they ))roduced raw cotton which Eurojie 7nf(st bin/. This was the animus of the movement? which, after a few years, led to an attempt at nullifi- cation by South Carolina. That State was only more bold than Virginia and Georgia, as the latter two professed to be equally opposed to a tariff that encouraged mechanical industries, except " incident- ally," as they termed it. Nullification. — Corapro raise Tariff. — Then came the decisive contest in respect to nullification, or the determination of South Carolina not to permit the United States authorities to collect within her i)orts the duties levied on merchandise brought from abroad. (American People., ])p. 718-720, and 721-724.) President Jackson, in the crisis, showed his maidy strength in sustaining the Federal dignity ; but Congress backed down in passing the Com- promise Act, introduced by Henry Clay as a peace measure. {American People., p. 725.) By this Act the Tariff was to be gradually lowered, to what was termed a "horizontal tariff" of 20 per cent. — every IMPORTS AND CUIiRENCV. 93 article coming in under that rate of tluty. Tlie theory was that the tariff thus modified would afford sufficient revenue to defray the expenses of the government and, also, give incidental protection to industry. By this compromise bill annual reductions were to be made of 1-lOth per cent, on the value of duties above 20 per cent, for ei^/it successive years — terminating Sept. 1842 — so that the reduction of all duties was to be brought by that time to a uniform rate of 20 per cent. — except on about 100 articles which were to come in free. When this rate arrived at the "horizontal" 20 per cent, it became our first example of a " tariff for revenue only." In accord- ance with this duty of 20cts on every 100 or one dollar, it would result from the average wages paid at this time (1883) in Europe, that in producing an article costing one dollar in wages — the other ex- penses being equal — the English manufacturer would have over the American the advantage of 30cts; the French and German, 47 ; the Italian, 55. That is, the American manufacturer paid lOOcts in wages where the English pays 50 ; the French, 33 ; the Germans, 33 ; and the Italian 25. Almost immediately on the passage of this bill, those engaged in manufacturing, as a matter of prudence, commenced to curtail their operations (1833), and in consequence, the wages paid work- men began also to decline. Ere long it became known that in making many articles, the American manufacturers could not compete with those of Europe, where the operatives received so much '.••4 POLITICAL PARTIES. lowiT wall's. Moimwliilo the rate of tlie tariff con- tinued to (liniinish on all inerchaiulisc, and American production of articles coni])Cting directly with those made in Enro])e ceased almost entirely. The whole Nation virtually stood idle; bought in Europe, and went in debt for the class of goods it used to make for itself. Though the tariff was lower than ever before, the revenue was much gi-eater, owing to the vast amount of foreign merchandise that was im- ported. The National debt was paid off in 1835, and within two years there was a surplus of about 840,000,000 in the treasury. This apparent success Avas at the expense of the ruin of the industrial interests of the country — the raising of cotton being the only exception. The government was rich, and the people bankrupt. In November, 183G, the peojde elected, as Jackson's successor, Martin Van Burcn, the Democratic candidate. The Crash and the Uprising. — Congress, at a loss what to do with the surplus revenue on hand, finally decided to distribute $37,408,819 of it among the States in four quarterly installments, and in ])roportion to their respective population or rej^re- sentation in the Lower House in Congress. Three of these installments were paid. Meanwhile the world was invited to ap])laud the statesmanship which had brought about this marvel of the Nation's progress. Soon after the first installment was handed over, various speculations sprang into exist- ence ; one form of which was State Banking Insti- tutions, besides multitudes of banks owned by ])ri- IMPORTS AND CURRENCY. 95 vate individuals, and under such regulations as to be virtually irresponsible. (See previous chapter.) Bank notes now flooded the land, together with " shinplasters " — thus named in contempt — issued by individuals in denominations as low as ten cents. Speculation raged ; the compromise tariff stimulated immense importation ; manufactures di'ooped. We need not go farther into detail. In due time the bubble burst (1837), and never before in our history had there been so terrible a financial crash thi'ough- out the length and breadth of the land. Industry was prostrate ; laboring men and mechanics were thrown out of employment ; bankruptcies were al- most universal. Within two years there were more than sixty defaulters to the National government : Swartwout, the Collector of the Port of New York, leading that band of worthies with a defalcation of $1,500,000. This latter phase was the outgrowth of the Jacksonian policy of appointing men to office not because of their integrity and competency, but on purely partisan grounds, and also the result of the measures of the nullifiers of South Carolina. The excitement was intense throughout the Union ; the people traced these disasters to the mistakes and the injudicious interference of the National government with the finances, and in con- sequence, the breaking up of the industries of the land. The Democrats nominated Mai-tin Van Buren for a second term, but at the presidential election (1840), the people chose Gen. William H. Harrison, his Whig opponent, almost by acclamation. 96 I'O/JTICAL PART IKS. Cirout nuinbors of the thoughtful ami ititt'lligciit Democrats voted -with the Whigs ; while, strange to Ray, the Iiisliinen, whom we have seen thrown out of eni|>I(>yineiit, still clung to the i)arty which had cajoled thcni with j)romising words, M'hile ruining their interests as laboring men. The new president died within a month after he assumed office ; then began a series of tam])erings on the part of certain leaders with John Tyler, the acting President. But into this political flirtation we do not intend to enter. AVe have noted in this chapter the mischief wrought by Democratic and pro-slavery statesmen, when they broke down the protection of the tariff and tampered with the currency — stopping home indus- try and begetting speculation. XV. FINANCIAL REVIEW. National Banking. — Until 1836 the surplus rev- enue of the government had been deposited in the United States Bank, which had always returned such funds to the government, as its charter expired at that time, and President Jackson refused to sign the bill for its renewal and the bank had to close up its business. After that the governmental deposits were made in certain favored State banks, at the time called in derision " Pets." The public money thus appeared in circulation in the form of notes or bills, issued by banks scattered over the country, to redeem which bills these banks had very little coin of their own ; yet, notwithstanding this lack of basis, the notes themselves were received by the United States Treasury in payment of duties, as well as of sales of the public lands. The " Pets " soon began to utilize the money thus placed in their keeping for their own benefit, by loaning it to spec- ulatoi's ; this they did most recklessly on the sup- position that the money would not be needed by the government for a long time, since the amount ot the importations and consequent revenue continued to be enormous. In consequence of these loans, spec- iilation became even more rampant, especially in the 98 POLITICAL PARTIES. j>un-li:iso of the jmlilio lands ; but a cliano;o began whon, lu'ar tlic close of his second term, President Jackson issued the famous Specie Circular. This Circular demanded that the lands sold should be paid for ill gold or silver, and that brought the speculators to a standstill ; they could buy no more land nor ])ay for what they had bought, because the notes which they held they were unable to con- vert into coin, as the banks had very little or none in their vaults. Meanwhile the importations began to fall off — as the people were out of employment and could not purchase — and of course, also, the revenue. In consequence, the government was soon in want of money to defray its current expenses, and that Avithin a year after it had announced a surplus of about 840,000,000. It called in vain for the return of the deposits, for the "Pets" being unable to return them, failed and became bankrupt, and their credit, always more or less s])urious, now vanished entirely. The Sub-Treasury.— This failure of the banks to pay back their deposits led to the adoption of the Independent Treasury. There was no alterna- tive ; by substituting that mode of keeping the public money, the interest that might acci-ue from it would be lost, but then it would be safely kept. Fhe Democ rats passed the law ; and aftei-wai-d tl in Whigs repealed i t, as they belie ved that the pub lic m oney under suit able regulation s could be safe Jv ke])t on de))osit in banks, and at the same time uav interest ; but the former had had such terrible ex- FINANCIAL REVIEW. 99 perience on acQOunt oi.jdefaulters, that when Jiiey again came into jwwcr, they re-enacted the law, and it still rem ains unrepealed, l»eeaiise the co unt ry seeing its advaiit;ii;cs continues the sys tem . It is a singular fact, that this is the other measure (see p. 36), which, originating with Democratic • states- men, introduced and passed by them, has become the permanent policy of the country. The physi- cian deserves more credit for ])reventing disease, than in curing it ; thus we have seen that the man- agement of the national finances induced a state of things by which the deposits in irreponsible banks were lost ; and the remedy for the future was the In. dej^endent Treasury. "Ever since emptying its plethoric purse into the greedy State Treasuries, the government had not received enough to pay its annual expenses. Every year it sank a little deeper 7nto the mire of debt." Thus " in a time of pro- found peace, the government could not pay its ex- penses year after year save by borrowing." This continued until the era of Soiithern Secession, and in July 1860, the public debt was $87,700,000, at the end of a period of many years of peace. " Such was the miserable ending of the chapter on finances, while they were managed by the South, imder the quasi administration of James Buchanan." {Bolles's Hist. Finances TJ. /S.), pp. 576, 605. American Credit. — The credit of the govern- ment had been brought so low under Jackson and Van Buren's combined rule, that one of their Sec- retaries of the Treasury said in his report : "While 100 POLITICAL I'AHTIKS. Eiiroponii nations, with not Ji tithe of our resources ami hurtlonotl with debts, could borrow money «at t/iree ))€r cent., the agent of the United States gov- ei'innent could not obtain a loan in the same money- market, when capital was seeking investment at ect is much more beneficial to the American ])eo])le than to the English, as the former are scattered over so much 114 POLITICAL PARTIES. moro territory, niiil tVom the fact tliat tlic incnibors of Aiiu'ru ail faniiru's are so liable to be far se])ara- ted, when scttlril ill life. They often migrate from one jiortioii of the country to another; the farmers' sons and others from the east to the ])lains of the far west or the mines of the Rocky Mountains. To these ])ersons and their friends at home cheap j)Ostage and ra])id mail facilities are blessings that cannot be estimated at a mere money value. Cher- ishing the affections of those friends and relatives sejiarated from each other far over the land, is an advantage of great value to the unity of the Nation at large. The Opponents. — In the days of dear ])ostage the cost of sending letters was a great tax u])on tlie })eople, yet the leaders of the Democracy i-e- sisted cheap postage for yeai-s, oj^posing it as long as the bill was before Congress, and not until I860 when that i)arty had but a small minority in the House or Senate, did the people get almost the present rates. The South took the lead in op2)osing cheap i)Ostage ; the States of that section, with one exception, never paid their own i)ostage. The ex- ception was Louisiana, and it gave a small surplus, while the sur])lus of Massachusetts was about the same as the deficiency of Virginia. The truth is, in proi)ortion to the number of the inhabitants of the Southern States, a very limited number patron- ized the post-ofHce, and this portion had l)ut little respect for the wants of others who worked for their living, whether Southern "white trash" o'- WHIG liEFOTiM. 115 Northern "mudsills." They argued that chcaj) postage would deprive t/ieni of the greater portion of their mail, as the government could not afford the expense, while the advocates of the measure contended that the greater intelligence of the peo- ])le of the Free-Labor States would sup])ly the deficiency in the increase of the number of letters and papers sent through the mails, in consequence of the reduction of the rate of postage. This result has been attained in the increase of revenue from the post-office, now nearly self-supporting. The efforts in Congress to obtain cheap j)ostage were commenced in 1836 by Edward Everett representing a Whig constituency of Massachusetts, but prac- tically put under way in 1842 by George Ashmun of Massachusetts in the Congress chosen two years before, when Gen. Harrison was elected president. In 1845 the first reduction was made; but it took Uoentij-one years (to 1863) by successive steps to reduce the rate of postage to what it was 1st Sep- tember, 1883; the Democratic members for the most part ojjjiosing the reduction more or less when- ever the matter was brought before Congress, though a few individuals — more j)rogressive than their fel- lows — voted for this boon to the people, while the ])olitical organization as such was opposed to it. High Rates. — At the time the agitation on the subject began, the letter which now costs a hco cent stamj), cost from three to ten times as much, and even more. The letter was reckoned partly by the distance it was to travel and j)artly by sheets,' not 116 rolATlCAL 1' ARTIES. l>y weight :is uiulcr tlie j)resent system ; hence don bio letters — no matter how thin or light — were charged double ])ostage ; triple sheets, triple, and so on in the same jjroportion. The postage on newsjiajjcrs did not differ much from that of the present time; the great burden was on the letters, they being so much more imi)ortant to the mass of the people. As soon as weight was adopted as the basis of charge, another improvement came in, that of enveloj)es, which, in addition to their convenience, have been a j)rotection against the necessary annoy- ance of postmasters })rying into letters to ascertain the number of sheets of which they were composed. This free intercourse by means of letters and newspapers is an advantage of almost infinite value to a nation composed as ours ; its people homo- geneous, and every community having represent- atives from other communities far distant, but often united by ties of relationship, as we find in the wide separation of families. The advantages accruing from cheap postage to the business rela- tions between the different portions of the Union, are as obviously beneficial as they are gi-eat. It is due to truth and justice as well as to history, that the American people should recognize to whose foresight and statesmanship they are indebted for this boon, and what influence has consistently op* posed it from the earliest to the latest times. XVIII. DEMOCRATS AGAIN IN POWER. The Turn of the Wheel. — Into the presidential canvass of 1844 the Sonth came with the demand that Texas should be annexed to the Union ; thus the question of slavery was introduced ; by this means James K. Polk of Tennessee, was elected. The annexation of Texas was designed to extend the area of slavery ; on that question the Slave- Labor States were virtually " solid," and holding the balance of power between the two political parties, the Democrats succeeded in this national election ; as the Northern wing of the party suc- cumbed as usual to the dictation of the Southern, the "Whigs of those States were not so much op- ])osed to the acquisition of Texas, but they were unwilling to have it at the expense and moral wrong of a war with Mexico, when it was evident that the same end could be attained in a few years by peaceful measures. {American People^ pp. 742- 749.) Then, for the next fifteen years, slavery held sway in the National government, and the progress and the industry of the country was held subordinate to it. The Trick. — It had been foreshadowed that the South was hostile to the tariff of 1842; but it was 118 rOLITICAL PARTIES. noccssaiy for the Dcinocracy, in order to succeetl in the election of 1844, to secure one of tlic influential Free-Labor States, wliose interests were thus in- volved ; Pennsylvania was chosen as the battle •ground. That State had always, strange as it may seem, voted against its own interests, but since her industrial ])rogress had been so great, esi)ecially in developing her immense resources in iron and coal, under the tariff of '42, it was feared that without strenuous exertions, she would now sui)])ort the "Whig ticket. Iler farmers must be induced to vote as they always had done. Therefore on the banners used in that State during the canvass, the Demo- cratic leaders had inscribed the legend, — " Polkfunl Dallas and the Tariff of '42." Dallas was a Penn- sylvanian and the candidate for vice-president. He was a protectionist, and as such was recognized throughout the State ; for this reason large numbers having faith in him on that special question, voted the ticket. We shall see how these innocents Avere deceived, — the State went for the party by a small majority. Tariff of 1846. — It was soon seen what the re- vived industries of the country had to expect from the return of that party to the control of the national government. The " tariff of '42," was modified and almost neutralized by the one — '•'•for revenue only'''' — enacted in 1846. The latter was passed under the dictation of the slave-owners ; the changes being made in accordance with the recom- mendations embodied in the report of Robert J. DEMOCRATS AGAIN IN POWER. 119 Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury under President Polk. This report, the London Times characterized as the only "properly free- trade report ever made by an American Minister of Finance." This bill was passed by the aid of North- ern Democratic votes ; a tie occurring in the Senate, Vice-President Dallas gave the casting-vote., by which it became a law. {Appleton^s Enc.., first edition. Article., George M. Dallas.) This was a most wanton and uncalled for interference with the industrial intei'estsof the country, which were rapidly becoming more and more prosperous. All were taken by surprise ; not a petition for a change had been presented by the i)eople to Congress ; on the contrary all the Free-Labor States were in favor of letting well alone — but slavery commanded and the Northern Democracy obeyed. Double Invoices. — A principle that wrought immense harm was introduced into this new tariff, as it changed the mode of levying duties in nearly all cases, from a specific basis to that of ad valorem. The former system prevented, to a great extent* cheating the government, as the article imported had a definite value given it, on which the duty was levied. The latter, as the name implies, was a duty levied according to the value assigned the article in the invoices, thus opening a wide field for defraud- ing the government. This was accomplished by the importer using doable invoices ; one on which to pass the goods through the Custom House, the other to pay and sell by. The first was sent with 120 POLITICAL PARTIES. the merchaiulise, the second afterward, giving time, generally, for tlie goods to be assessed for the duties l»efut the sentiments of all these were overridden by the advocates of slavery extension, wlio controlled both the Southern and the Northern Democracy — the latter with but few excei)tions. The si)irit Avhlch animated this war may be inferred from the answer made by Mr. N. P, Trist, who negotiated the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and who had his instructions from "Washington, to the Mexican Commissioners Avhen they requested to have incorporated in the treaty a guarantee that the terri- tory Avhich they were about to cede should be pre- served in a state of freedom. The rei)ly was the exag- gerated statement that if it were " increased tenfold in value, and in addition to that, covered a foot thick with pure gold, on the single condition that slavery should be forever excluded," he would not " entertain the offer for a moment, nor even think of sending it to his government. No American President would dare submit such a treaty to the Senate." (Jtones G. Jilaine's " Ticentij Years of Congress^''\.^'^.l^. The Cost of Texas. — Let us look at this o})er- ation. The Mexican war, from the battle of Palo Alto to the treaty of peace at Guadalupe Hidalgo (February 2, 1848), lasted about seventeen months, but, in addition, the time occupied in the ]n-epar- ations before and in the disbandment of the soldiers afterward covered altogether at least two years, if not more. The vast naval armament to invade Mexico on the east, and also another sent round MEXICAN WAE. 127 Cape Horn to make an attack on her western borders, cost an immense sum ; then the volunteers — 50,000 in number at once accepted — one-half to be mustered into the service, and the other held as a reserve. Within a few weeks, 200,000 men had volunteered. The expenses of this war are not at all covered by the nominal sums expended by the government, such as pay to the soldiers and expense of their equipments, etc., but, to be strictly accurate, there must be included the loss of time by the volunteers, in their being thus withdrawn from the active duties of life for nearly two years ; and, also, the large sums privately contributed by individuals to their friends who volunteered ; and, in addition,we have been paying j^ensions to the soldiers of this war down to this hour. But considerations of wounds, and sufferings, and deaths, are not deemed worthy of estimate by those who recognize only the value of the money expended,while the varied demoralizations incident to war, and losses of friends and relations, came home to the people at large, and Avere viewed by them from a different standpoint than that of the heartless one of money alone. " In the Mexican war, 120 officers and 1,400 men fell in battle or died of wounds in the United States army, while 100 officers and 10,800 men died of diseases contracted in the war." (Gen. Egbert L.Viele). After what had been paid out in current expenses during the war itself, there remained a debt in round numbers of $130,00i),000, but, when we take into consideration all the (expenditure that fell upon the peojjle them- V2S POLITICAL PARTIES. Kolvt's, with this iimiH'nso sum and the interest ujuMi it, (lie cMitire cost of the Mexican war to the j)eoi»le of the United Stales must have been $'jr)0,000,000, if not more. However, we will put it at ^'200,000,000, which is certainly below the actual amount. The area of Texas is 274,356 square miles — thus being about 70,000 square miles larger than that of France. Seven years after annexation (1852) its number of inhabitants was only one to three square miles, as based \i])on the number of their votes cast in the Presidential election of that year. Not an acre of this immense domain was asked by the United States government as a part remuneration for the expenses incurred in this war, which was undertaken at the call of Texas for protection ; neither did the State thus defended offer an acre ! Slavery demanded the whole, though with compara- tively little expense to itself, and Northern Demo- cratic leaders sustained the demand. As a matter of justice to the whole people of the Union, some such arrangements for remtmeration ought to have been made, since, ])erha])s, four-fifths of the ex- j)enses of that war were borne by the people of the Free-Labor States. The number of square miles in Texas is 274,856, but by deducting the water surface along the coast, — three miles out — and that within the State, which may be estimated together at 2,500 square miles, there would be left of land, available for use, 271,856 square miles. The cost of the Mexican war, at its lowest MEXICAN WAR. 129 estimate, being $200,000,000, it would follow that the people of the United States paid for Texas at the rate of $736 pei* square mile, or $1.15 per acre — this price jter acre being only ten cents less than that asked by the government for its own unoccu- pied lands outside railroad grants. Cost of California, Louisiana, and Alaska. — Compare this $1.15 per acre with the prices paid for other territory, in some respects more valuable. The amount i)aid for California, including the Mesilla Valley, was $25,000,000 ; to this is to be added the $3,500,000 due from Mexico to Ameri- can citizens, which was assumed by the United States, making in all $28,500,000 ; this was at the rate of $46.65 per square mile, or seven cents an acre. The purchase of Louisiana was at the rate of $14.20 a square mile, or two cents an acre. The cost of Alaska, purchased in 1867, was $7,200,000, or at the rate of $12.47 per square mile, or not quite ^?oo cents an acre. The Alaska Fur Company pays annually about $300,000 to the United States government for the privilege of capturing fur-bearing seals on the Prybiloff Islands, belonging to Alaska in Behring's Sea. This is $12,000 more than the interest on the purchase money at 4 per cent. The people of each political party willingly ac- quiesced in the purchase of California, as thus, in connection with the Territories of Oregon and Washington, already in our possession, our domain would extend across the Continent from ocean to ocean. This mode of obtaining territory was legi- 130 POLITICAL PARTIES. timato, thouLch it tlid ,u:row out of tlie contingency of llio ^Mexican war, and was in accordance with a sense of justice. Tlie ])rovidential discovery of layed into the hands of the slave- holders as much as they did by their misrepresenta- KANSAS. 133 tions of the intent of these Personal Liberty bills which were simplj protective of the j^lainest indi- vidual rights. Squatter Sovereignty. — As a measure prelim- inary to the seizure of Kansas, the Missouri Com- promise was repealed in 1854. This measure, passed in 1820, after long and exciting debates, had admitted Missouri as a Slave State on the condition that the territory west of it should be forever free : a compact as solemn and binding as any covenant ever was. And in 1854 it Vv'as deliberately violated by the Democratic party, at the demand of their Southern allies ; who, with their accustomed tact, used as their agent a celebrated Democratic Senator from the North, whom they allured to in- troduce the bill into the Senate. The history of this breach of faith on the part of the slave-power with the people of the Free-Labor States, ought to be better known, but we cannot in this connection go into detail. Let it be sufficient to say, that with this rej^eal was also connected another enactment, organizing the two territories Kansas and Nebraska; the design being to obtain possession of the former in the interest of slavery, although it was included in the land set apart and agreed upon in the Missouri Compromise as to be free. In the enactment ju&t mentioned was incorporated a principle, afterward known as " Squatter or Popular Sovereignty," which was intended, so its authors said, to enable " the people of the territories to be free in their political action, and when they came to frame their State 134 rOIATlCAL PARTIES. Constitutions and ask admission Into the Union, tlu>v coulro-slavery aggressions, lasting from the ineeption of the Mexican .War and the annexation of Texas, and continuing on into this struggle for freedom in Kansas, were the occasion of an indig- nant uprising in the Free-Labor States, that in the end led to the extinction of their primary cause — slavery. The opposition to the extension of the system into the territories became embodied in the formation of the Republican party in 1856. Its primary object was to prevent such extension, but not to interfere with the system in the States where it existed. This organization was composed of Whigs and self-respecting Democrats, who refused to submit any longer to the dictation of the Demo- cratic organization nnder the orders of the Southern slave-owners. To this new organization was also attracted the great majority of the thinking young men of the Free-Labor States. XXI. FILIBUSTERING. Cuba. — After the Mexican "War, about the time that Gen. Zachary Taylor became President (1849), — the Candidate of the Whig party, — a scheme, having its origin in the Slave-holding States, was set on foot to secure the annexation of Cuba to the United States. The motive for this movement is not difficult to divine. The honest President issued a proclamation, cautioning the people against violating the laws by engaging in such enterprises. Yet, in less than a year after its issue (1850), six hundred men — nearly all Americans — under Gen. Lopez, a Spaniard, eluding the subordinate United States officers, got to sea, and landed at Cardinas in the island of Cuba. Finding the people hostile instead of friendly, however, they thought it prudent to reembark at once, and make their way to the nearest United States port. Key West, Florida. They did so, but were closely pursued by a Spanish war steamer. The following year Lopez found means, it was said, again to elude the United States officers at New Orleans, and to sail from that port to Cuba with four hundred and eighty men. But this expedition was still more unsuccessful than the former, for it was attacked and totally defeated, 138 POUTICAL PARTIES. Lojtoz liimsolf being takrn ])risonor and speedily executed. It was evident tliat Cuba could not bo "annexed" )»\- means of filibustering expeditions; Konie otluT jilan must be adoi)ted. The Ostend Manifesto. — Three years afterward by direction of the Democratic President Frank- lin Pierce, three American foreign ministei's, James IJuchanan, John Y. Mason and Pierre Soule, accredited severally to Great Britain, to France, and to Spain, met Oct. 9, 1854, in consultation at Ostend in Belgium, and thence issued a sort of })roclamation, known as the " Ostend Manifesto " from the place of its issuance. This " manifesto," in relation to our government seizing Cuba if Spain would not sell it to us, is of the same objectionable character, though not pre- cisely in form, as the expeditions just mentioned, the difference being in the dignity of those proposing in this manner to obtain the coveted island. The purchase, or the seizure as the case might be, was designed for the special benefit of the slave-owners, who had obtauied Texas for th.mselves alone some dozen years before. The threat thus unblushingly made of appropriating a neighbor's property in this peculiar style, astonished the world, as well as the best men of our own land w^ho deemed the Nation dishonored by the proceeding. The plea given was, that if Cuba was likely to become similar to San Domingo — that is, its slaves become free — it would be for the interest of the United States to take pos- session of the island in seK-protection, lest the FILIBUSTERING. 139 slaves in the Southern States might thus be induced to rise in rebellion. Every intelligent person knew that the latter would never hear of Cuba becoming like San Domingo, or anything else, but their mas- ters would learn if such were the fact, and act ac- cordingly, with the aid of the National government then under their influence. Of course those in the United States, who would decide on the condition of Cuba, were the slave-owners themselves and those in sympathy with them, their Northern allies. We can easily imagine, if there had been opportunity, in what manner that decision would have been made. It is a singular fact that the United States Government never disavowed this Democratic " manifesto " nor explained it to the world. Other Raids. — Soon after the issue of this man- ifesto and evidently encouraged by it, another phase of this disregard of the rights of our neighbors was exhibited in the many raids made into Central America and Cuba, which were either permitted or connived at, if not by the authorities at Wash- ington, by their subordinates. These raiders mider the pretense of being philanthropists proclaimed their wish to aid the poor down-trodden people to obtain their liberty. Yet the latter, unfortunately, did not realize their sad condition, but were the first to oppose the invaders, who professed to have oome with such benevolent intentions. Responsibility of Democracy. — These out- rages, by which the Nation was disgraced in the eyes of Christendom, were the outgrowth of the UO POLITICAL PARTIES. plottings of the slave-owners, with the connivance of their Northern allies, to extend the area of slavery, and for that purpose to seize the rich island of Cuba, to which they could send their surplus slaves from the border States, as well as from the cotton lields, with the expectation that their labor would thus be much more profitable in raising sugar and tobacco. The same holds true of Central America, where "Walker and his marauders at- tempted to overturn the existing government. These crimes wci'e encouraged by the Democratic leaders, but repudiated by the better portion of the party itself and also by the Whigs. These leaders in their national convention of 1856, called to nominate a candidate for the Presidency — James Buchanan — adopted a resolution commending in plain terms the raid then in progress in Central America by Walker and his fellow-filibusters, saying : " The people of the United States cannot but sympathize with efforts which are made by the people of Cen- tral America to regenerate that portion of the Con- tinent." We need no further evidence of the utter disregard of the ricchts of our neicchbors in these o o o proceedings, nor of the aniinus that inspired them. XXII. FOREIGN RELATIONS. Protection of Adopted Citizens. — There are also two instances in whicli our dealings with other foreign governments may be noticed ; one in re- spect to the protection of our foreign born-citizens, the other for j^olitical effect. The Democratic party has deserved Avell of the nation in its j^rompt protection of American citizens in foreign lands ; no difference is made between the native-born and the adopted. Such was the case of Martin Koszta, a Hungarian (1853), who had been engaged in a political revolution in 1848 in Austria, and had fled to this country, and in legal form had declared his intention of becoming an American citizen. Having occasion to visit Smyrna, on the coast of the Medi- terranean, he there placed himself under the pro- tection of the United States' consul, but, notwith- standing, he was seized by an unauthorized band of men and carried on board an Austrian ship as a criminal. He appealed for aid to the consul, but the commander of the Austrian vessel refused to set his prisoner at liberty. Captain Ingraham, of the sloop of war St. Louis, happened just then to come into port, and after investigation he found that Koszta was entitled to the protection of the 142 roUTlCAL PAltTIMS. United States, tl»ereu)>on he demanded his releaseo The Austrian naval oHicer hesitated to comply, but on being warned that he woidd be fired upon, he released the i)risoner. Captain Ingraham was sus- tained by his own government in the position he had taken. Fi-i)m that day to this, the precedent lias been estal)lished, that our ado])ted citizens under all circumstances will be protected in foreign lands in their rights as such by the government of the United States. Political Brag. — Sometimes, however, the Dem- ocratic party leaders have make mistakes that savored of bluster, as in the presidential canvass in 1844, when the object evidently was to make sure of the support of certain classes of our foreign poj)ulation, whose prejudices against England were usually of a most pronounced character. The occasion was in respect to the boundary line be- tween Oregon and the British possessions in the Northwest. The question had been an open one for a number of years, and had hitherto been treated by both parties in their discussions of the subject in a courteous and amicable manner. But now the Democratic leaders introduced into their platfoiTQ the assumption that the United States had a " clear and indisputable " title to the territory up to 54 degrees 40 minutes north, which statement was rounded into the electioneering phrase : " fifty- four, forty; or fight." This show of belligerency secured the votes of large numbers of those who were willing to twit England, and might have FOREIGN RELATIONS. 143 passed as a stratagem to captivate Hibernian votes, but when President Polk embodied the same senti- ment in his first annual message to Congress, the relations were changed from a mere newspaper or electioneering statement, to what now became little short of an insult to a neighboring nation. England made no demonstration, but jireserved a dignified silence. At length the President and his advisei-s stepped down from the position thus uncourteously assumed in the canvass and in the message, and proposed to have the line run from a point on a tributary of Lake Superior on the parallel of 49 to the Pacific — that \9, five degrees and forty min- utes^ or about /b«r hundred miles south oi what was originally assumed to be the correct boundary. The whole proceeding was undignified in the eyes of other nations, and came near involving the country in war. {JBenton^s Thirty Y'ears' View, II, chaps. 156-159 ; Amei'ican People, pp. 755- 756. It is the opinion of many that this " electioneer- ing slogan " was the occasion of the Americans los- ing the territory of the present British Columbia. The Northwest Company was quite indifferent to the influx of settlers, as in that region there were very few fur-bearing animals. The joint occupation would have probably continued as it had done for years ; meanwhile American settlers in large num- bers would have found homes therein, and a mutual arrangement between the governments might have amicably settled the difficulty. XXIII. TARIFF RECORDS. 1846 and 1857.— William IT. Seward, Senator from the State of New York, said on the floor of the Senate when the Democratic tariff of 1846 was en- acted, that within ten years its effect Avould be seen in the prostration of tlie industries of the country, lie judged from what liad, liitherto, been the effect Tijwn these industries when they were made to succumb to the low wages paid operatives abroad, He knew we could not compete with Europe without a tariff' that would equalize these rates of wages, or, that not doing so, Ave must put the wages of our workingmen and w'omen down to the mere pit- tance paid by the foreign manufacturers. To avoid the latter evil, as well as to develop the resources of the country, the Whigs, with far-seeing policy — for it was successful — had, in 1842, imposed a tariff intended to raise the needed revenue, and also making it sufficiently high to enable the man- ufacturers to i)ay their workmen liberal wages. The ca])italist cannot afford to invest his money where it will not pay a fair j^ercentage, nor should he be expected to i)ut his capital where it would be lost, any more than it should be expected of the laboring TARIFF EECOBDS. 145 man or skilled mechanic to work for half-price, or for nothing. The lowered Democratic tariff of 1846 did not immediately have its full effect in causing the in- dustries of the country to languish, as, in spite of that influence, they wei-e at first kept up by the ne- cessities induced by the Mexican war, and the acqui- sition of California — the latter leadinsr to the finding of gold in 1848. The excitement in consequence of this discovery, and the immense immigration thither from the old States, carried forward the industries of the country, especially those pertaining to trans- portation and furnishing supplies. Tens of thousands of laboring men went to California, and when there, had to obtain their supplies from the older States, while their places thus vacated in the eastern fields of labor were filled by others, and at advanced wages. " Every means of conveyance was called into requisition, from the emigrant's pack-horse and wagon, to the sailing-vessel and steamship. Some went in caravans over the plains and the Rocky Mountains ; some crossed the Isthmus of Panama, and made their way up the Pacific coast ; others took ship and passed round Cape Horn. The fer- ment extended throughout the civilized world. Multitudes of gold-seekers were soon on their way from the different countries of Europe and South America, and even distant China sent her thoxi- sands." This discovery " touched the nerves of industry throughout the world," infused new life into commerce, and awakened a spirit of adventure 1 IG POLiriCAL r ARTIES. and imlividual exertion never before known. (Ame- rican ]\'ople, p. 8*25). The energy which devel- o])od the requisite industries to supply these de- mands was preeminently great ; while so many laborers and mechanics went to the land of gold, that those who remained in the old States received higher wages in consequence. When treating of the industries of this period, certain writers ignore both the influence of the hiofh "Whig tariff of 1842, the Mexican war, and the re- vival of business in consequence of the discovery of gold, but attribute the industrial development to the revenue tariff of 1846, and to that alone. This has been strenuously argued within a few months. The plan of that tariff, as stated by one of its friends, was " to charge a lesser duty on partly manufactured goods in their various stages, and a higher rate of duty as they ascended to a state of perfection." (John S. Morse before the tariff com- mission, October 3, 1882, N. Y. Tribune.) The low rate thus imposed, when we had not acquired skill, would have the tendency of crushing out our feeble beginnings ; when, if the higher duty had been laid on the imperfect article, we could have advanced toward "perfection," at Avhich stage we would be better able by means of acquired skill and machin- ery, to withstand the effect of a lower rate of duty. The Democratic advocates for revenue-only ad- mit " the superiority of our labor-saving machinery," but claim that it " neutralizes the great bugbear of pauper labor." The purport of this assertion is, TARIFF RECORDS. 147 that the American manufacturer must sacrifice the advantage which he has gained by his inventions and use of labor-saving machinery, transfer that advantage to the foreign manufacturer, and take away tlie higher wages paid his employees, or in other words, give a premium on ignorance and low wages. The period immediately succeeding the tariff of 1846 was one of intense activity and com- mercial success so long as the needs of war and the California excitement continued. But the low customs finally had their natural effect ; the country was flooded with cheaper-made foreign goods, our manufacturers, stimulated by the excitement of the times, produced more than they could sell under that competition, and within ten years the inevitable financial crash did come in 1857. Such has been invariably the result, when we have attemj^ted to compete with the low wages paid those who work in factories in Europe. This crash led to the amend- ing of the tariff from time to time, and the indust- ries began again to revive, as an outlet for their products still continued in supplying the miners in California and the adjacent regions. Then came the war of the rebellion, and this led to the adoption of the tariff of 1861. When we put a tariff so low as not to cover the dif- ference betwen the amount of wages paid workmen in this country and that paid in Europe, our indus- tries invariably decline, and our working people are thrown out of employment. How do we otherwise account for their unprecedented success since 1861 ? 148 rOLiriCAL PARTIES. The financial revulsion in 1873 was an exception; ns it '" was a noi-cssary consequence of the sj)ecula- tion and over-production incited by the inflated currency of the ten previous years." ( Wayland and Chapinh Political Economy., p. 158.) Since January 1st, 1879, business has been conducted on a basis of specie payments, and the inflation of the cur- rency in the nature of the case cannot occur. The tariff should be so adjusted as to j^ay revenue, and encourage manufacturing, and thus give em- plo}Tnent to our own working people at living wages, while, at the same time, developing the material resources of the land. But our free-trade friends would levy no duties on foreign made articles, and thus throw out of employment our own work- peoj)le, who may be engaged in manufacturing the same class of goods, as it would be impossible for our capitalists or manufacturers to contend against the low wages paid in Europe ; while almost to the same extent, tlie advocates for-revenue-only would deprive them of employment, flood the country with foreign merchandise, fill the public treasury, and bankrupt the people themselves. The Tariff Commission.— The Democratic lead- ers, after a lapse of fourteen years (from 1861), obtained control of the House of Representatives in 1875; but, the Senate being Republican, it was use- less for them to attempt lowering the rates of the tariff established in 1861, under which the in- dustries of the country had prospered marvelously. Notwithstanding this result, they had inveighed for TARIFF RECORDS. 149 the last ten years against this tariff, but preferred to postpone action on it till after the presidential election in 1876. In 1878 it was evident that on the fourth of the following March they would also control the Senate by a majority of nine, but two months before that time, resumption of specie pay- ments would take place, and this might possibly in- terfere with the expediency of changing the rates on imports. They, however, resolved to make the attempt to introduce a tariff "for revenue only." The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means prepared a bill making reductions in order to reach that standard, and likewise imposed duties on many articles of raw material used in American manufacturing, which had, hitherto, come in free of duty. The chairman in presenting the bill to the House prefaced it by saying : "If I had the power to commence de novo, I should reduce the duties fifty per cent., instead of less than fifteen per cent, upon an average, as now proposed." This was at a time when the wages paid by our manufacturers were, on an average, about sixty per cent, higher than those paid in Europe. This bill did not pass the House, a sufficient number voting against it of those who are nominally Democrats, but on the tariff and the banking question, in their political opinions sympathize with the Republicans. Meanwhile the tariff question continued to be discussed in the newspapers and in the canvass for members of the XLVIIth Congress (1881-1883). The Republican majority of that Congress at its 150 POLITICAL PARTIES. llrst sossioTi, antliori/i'd tlie Frt'sulent to appoint a " TaiitT C'uminission," coDsistiiif; of nine members. It was tlu'ir duty " to take into consideration and to thorouijhly investigate all the various questions re- lating to the agricultural, commercial, mercantile, manufacturing, mining and industrial interests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to the establishment of a judicious tariff, or a revision of the existing tariff, iipon a scale of justice to all interests." The members of this Com- mission "R-ere recognized as men of great intelli- gence on these special subjects. In their investi- gations they spent several months in receiving testimony and opinions. They also visited through- out the coutitry, the different centers of mercantile, manufacturing and mining industries, and invited intelligent gentlemen, who were engaged in these various avocations to appear before them and give their views; they also solicited information from writers and experts or those who took special in- terest in studying the subjects under investigation. The " Commission " made their report to Con- gress at the commencement of its second session, and after due consideration the latter adopted the " Ileport " with but few changes, and enacted the tariff as thus revised, which revision was based on the general principle that it produced more revenue than we needed. In addition at the same session Congress endeavored to take off about $70,000,000 of import and revenue taxes — leaving, with little al- teration, the tax on whiskey and tobacco, they being TARIFF RECORDS. 151 deemed luxuries of doubtful utility. It may be noticed that the Democratic leaders in this Con- gress persistently opposed this revised tariff, but made efforts to have the tax on whiskey and tobacco removed or reduced. Present Party Attitudes, — No thoroughly or- ganized party in the country can be said at this writing to be in favor of absolute " free-trade " as a practical working basis ; but the Democratic leaders have for years worked in this direction rather than toward the protection of American industries, and during the presidential campaigns of 1876 and 1880, in the former announcing themselves in favor of a tariff " only for revenue," and in the latter, " for revenue only." This simply means that duties should be imposed so as to produce revenue for the National go\'ernment expenses, without regard to the needs of American mechanical industries. It is perhaps not correct to say that the Democratic jjarty leaders as such favor a strictly revenue tariff, for having an inkling of the unpopularity of that line of legislation, they hesitate to avow anything definite on the subject ; but on the one hand they wish to cultivate the " Solid South," which for the most part believes in free-trade, and on the other to give the working man the impression that they are his special friends. Thus lacking the courage of their convictions, are they not likely to fail in securing the confidence of either the pure free^ trader or the strict protectionist ? XXIV. " THE POOR MAN'S PARTY." The Free-Traders of the XLVIIIth Congress, (1884), made a desperate effort to embody the general feeling of the Democratic party in a bill reducing the Tariff. This was under the leadership of Mr. Morrison, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. But it is the year of the Presidential election ; it was widely believed that the " Foi-- Revenue-Only " cry lost the Democrats the election in 1880 ; and the i^arty, as such, was divided in feel- ing, in policy, and in action. About one-fifth of the Democratic Congi*essmen joined with the Re- jniblicans, and the bill was lost. There can be no doubt about the free trade tendencies of most of the Democratic leaders ; but while there is a ques- tion of their being entrusted or not entrusted with power in a near election, there will always be doubt about their actio)i. And this uncertainty is for business men and interests about as bad as a cer- tainty of the worst. Some Notorious Pacts. — The Democratic lead- ers have nearly always induced the organization as such, to vote against measures designed and adapted to be specially beneficial to the " poor man," " THE POOR MAN'S PABTY." 153 while at the same time proclaiming themselves his only true friends. This ardent zeal in his behalf and great love for his interests, have been proclaimed especially every four years in their National con- ventions when a presidential candidate was about to be nominated, and the " poor man " must be con- ciliated ; the echoes of the same sentiment are heard throughout the land in the State conventions of the party during the intervening years. It may be asked, if these leaders wished to hold in hand on election days the man who worked for wages, why did they not aid him by promoting the mechanical industries of the country and thus give him employment ? Reasonable answers may be given to this question : one is that the party was under the control of the slave-holders up to 1861, who were more or less opposed to the manufacturing interests in the Free-Labor States. The Whig party of that period was in favor of developing the re- sources of the land, and in this policy the present Republican party is its legitimate successor ; the design is, to protect our National industries, and in so doing keep up the wages of the laboring man ; affording him aid indirectly, and at the same time fostering his self-respect, by giving him employment, and an opportunity to support himself and family. A second answer is : as this ground of thus aiding the workpeople was already occupied, the leaders of the Democracy seem to act as if they hoped to secure certain results by prejudicing the unenlight- ened portion of the laboring classes against their i:.4 POLITICAL PARTIES. niililovcrs, and thus iiuluoe tliem to vote in opposi- tion to whatovor the latter may favor. IViis fact is more or less uotorious. An Instance in Point. — Tlie famous tariff of '4l! revi\«.'(l the industries of the country in a re- markable manner, and brought into existence many lu'w manufactures and works. In Pennsylvania an iron furnace, which had been long in existence, was owned and operated by a gentleman proverbial for his kindness toward those whom he employed. This furnace under the influence of the tariff just men- tioned Avas much enlarged, and it was threat- ened that if the Democratic organization succeeded in electing its candidate for the Presidency and a ma- jority of the members of Congress in 1844, this tariff would be repealed, and one enacted instead more in accordance with the notions of the slave-owners. Under these circumstances the proprietor thought pro])er to call together the men in liis employ^ and explain to them the effect this proposed tariff would have upon his special manufacture, and upon the men themselves in res]>ect to their pay, as he would either have to curtail his oj^erations or reduce their wages. He exjjressed the wish that they would consider the matter, and vote in such manner as to aid themselves as well as himself ; showing them that in the coming issue their interests and his own were mutual. Time passed on ; the leaders of the Democracy sent their oratoi-s to harangue the workmen on the great privilege of voting as fcreemen, and all that. They especially exhorted " THE POOR MAN'S PARTY." 155 them not to be influenced by their em])loycr, who belonged to the " silk stocking gentry," that being the epithet then used to i:)rejudice the " poor man " against those who gave him employment. The election came off ; of the workmen, the sons of the Emerald Isle almost to a man voted the Democratic ticket. In due time the tariff of 1846 was enacted, and it inflicted a severe blow upon the general in- dustries of the coxmtry, but especially on the inter- ests involved in the iron manufacture. Nearly one- half the furnaces in Pennsylvania in the course of a year or two had to curtail their operations or close their fires entirely. The fxirnace just mentioned was compelled after a while to reduce the amount of its operations, and a portion of the men were of necessity dismissed. The owner dispensed with the services of those who had voted both to injure his interests and their own. Throughout that whole region this benevo- lent iron-master wns unmercifully abused, not be- cause he had dismissed those workmen who did all they could to injure him in his business, but as the partisan news])a})ers put it, because he had done it for opimo)i's sake — that jewel of inestim- able price, so dear to these leaders. This instance is not unlike many others that could be named, when workmen have ignorantly voted against their own interests, while being the dupes of cunning demagogues. How is this evil to be removed ? Only by education ; but the appli- cation of that remedy seems almost hopeless, so i:)0 POLITICAL PARTIES. long as ignorance and mere partisansliip have so much sway. The Working Man's Capital.— If the laboring man or mechanic or wiioever works for wages, woulil avail himself of proj)er information, he would labor to ))romote the general industry, and uniform development of the resources of the country. Prosperous industry in its varied forms is a god- send to the man who works for his living, because he can then obtain employment. 2^he brain, the hand and the mechanical skill of the working man, are his capital, as much as the money invested in the factory or iron foundry and their equipments of machinery, are the capital of the proprietor. The owner of these factories derives his income or divi- dends from the application of his capital in the busi- ness of manufacturing ; just in the same respect the capital of the mechanic is brought into practical development when he is employed, and his dividend or income is his wages. The former would have no income if he did not invest his capital, nor would the latter have wages paid him imless he invested his capital, or in other words, worked. But the former, having his capital in available funds, can live upon it; the latter, on the other hand, cannot live on his capital — his brains, muscle and skill — he must labor, or invest them ; the one party can put his money in a bank or business and derive inter- est from it, the other cannot deposit his muscle and skill at all. If labor should cease there could be no income from the money, any more than from idle " THE POOR MAN'S PARTY." 157 physical strength and skill. That legislation there- fore, is humane, which in its influence aids the cap- ital of both parties to be employed, and thus pro- duce dividends. The Working- Man's Income. — The workman or laborer obtains employment only when the capi- talist invests his money in agriculture or in some kind of manufacturing, in which persons are needed to work in order to make the investment pay : the result is a mutual benefit to both the employer and those employed, and a dependence of the one upon the other. In truth, the greater advantage accrues to the working man, as he receives absolutely more in proportion — it is estimated by practical men to be from 80 to 90 per cent — to the amount of his capi- tal than the employer, though they may labor equally. The latter may deny himself luxuries when he does not actively employ his money, but with the mechanic it is a far more serious matter, for when financial troubles come and manufacturing industries languish or cease, the misfortune falls peculiarly hard upon the working people. The owner of factories can fall back upon his capital for individual wants, when he cannot derive an income from it, but the "poor man" has no such resource, he must live upon his income, i.e. his icages, and if he has no employment he must suffer. For this reason that large class whose only capital is their brains, skill and muscle, suffer the most whenever commercial ti'oubles sweep over the land. Mutual Interests.— The investment of money 158 POLITICAL L ARTIES. in a m.-iiUKT to give occuj)ati<)n to tlic " capital" of the working ]ieoj»lo, is one of the greatest boons conferred ni)on that class, — abinit three-fourths of the adult |io])ulati(»n, — :is they otherwise could not sujiport their families. The ])erfect industrial de- veloitnieut of the resources of the United States, depends ui)on the harmony and good will existing between these two kinds of ca})ital — the one in the form of money, and the other in the form oi physi- cal strenyth and skill ; the harmonious blending of these two classes of investments in energetic em- ])loyment, secures the success of the people, and their happiness, and thereby indirectly promotes the interests of the whole Nation. There should be the greatest harmony and kind- ness of feeling existing between those employing and those employed. The interests of both parties are involved in such enterin-ises, and both ought to be governed by the principles of the golden rule. If such were the case many difficulties would vanish. The fault of disagreement is not always on one side alone. It is hard upon the workmen to find the corporation, or individual proprietor, who em- l)Ioys them, refusing what the former deem sufficient wages ; they then have a right to ask more, and the request should be heard respectfully, and granted, if consistent with the best interests of both parties. On the other hand, it is no more pleasant for those who employ workmen to find them manifesting no special interest in their employers' business, but oftentimes indifferent to it, even sometimes looking ''THE pooB MAN'S party:' 159 \\\)OYi their employer as inimical to them rather than friendly. Were it not, however, for oulside influ- ences, arbitrary rules of busybodies, the troubles that sometimes occur between those Avho pay wages and those who receive them, would be easily ad- justed. The Working Man's Choice. — It cannot be too deeply impressed upon those who are employed in factories, in which the articles produced are in direct competition with those of foreign make, that it is for their interest that such industries should be sus- tained, that they themselves may be employed. They should resist, in self-defense, the policy of any political party that would, by its measures, have a tendency to lower their wages, as those employed have an unquestionable right to demand a fair re- muneration for their labor. To secure this, the workingmen, for their own protection, are in duty bound to study this question, and labor to attain that end; yet liow often they unwittingly vote against their own interests! The Democratic party lias, from its birth to the present day, striven to prejudice the workman against his employer, and also — chiefly at the demand of the South — to dis- criminate against American industries ; thus doubly crippling the poor man's only source of success and ini})rovement. Yet, there is no denying that the great majority of our unskilled laborers, and even numbers of skilled workingmen, under the leaders of the Democracy, almost invariably vote that ticket ; IGO POLITICAL PARTIES. wo soc tliis to-day, osi)ecially in our Norllicrn cities and aUtiii; our railways. It is astonishing liow these workiiiiT men liavc been seduced into voting against their own interests; this was the case in years gone by in the times of tlie old Whig party, that strong advocate for developing the natural resources of the country, and of affording employment to the working people. A similar spirit })revails when they oppose the Republican organization, an advo- cate to-day of the same policy of improving the in- dustrial interests of the whole land, and of aiding the laboring classes in the only way consistent with the latter's self-respect. Yet the majority of the workingmen, especially the unskilled, and Ave must say the unintelligent, always vote against that political party whose measures of statesmanship have given them employment ; while they have in- variably supported its rival, to whose lack of prac- tical Avisdora in managing the finances in their varied forms, history attributes, with only one ex- ception, that of 1873 — the commercial failures of the nation. A Word of "Warning. — This is not the place for extended argument for or against the general principle of a Protective Tariff, or one that equalizes the cost of production, but it may be admissible to urge working men — whether they labor with hand or brain — to study this question carefully ; to note the condition of laborers in Europe, for instance, Great Britain, their low wages, their squalid homes, " THE POOR MAN'S PARTY.'* 161 their social degradation, the increase of pauperism among them, and then decide whether Americans are prepared to pave the way for a similar down- ward course for their workingmen. The animus of the South toward the commercial industries of the North may be inferred from the following : Through the influence of Senator Rob- ert Toombs, of Georgia, aided by certain Democratic members from the North, " Congress passed an act (June 14, 1858) limiting and forbidding the Post- master-General to make a contract for carrying the ocean mails to run for more than two years." This law was designed to break up the " Collins Line " of ocean steamers, which then received a moderate sum from the National government for carrying the mails to and from Europe. Within two years this noble American line of ocean steamers disappeared. At the above date the Cunard Line was running un- der an eleven years' contract, calling for an annual subsidy of $957,000. Mr. Cunard testified before a committee of Parliament: "If I had got the con- tract three months sooner, there would have been no American line." The committee asked : "You are aware that the line (Collins) ceased because the American Government withdrew the subsidy ? " (Denslow's Economic Philosophy, p. 657.) XXV. FREE AND SLAVE LABOR. Sectionalism. — It is well for those interested in questions of labor to trace further the influence of the Slave-Labor States and their right hand, the Democratic party, on the industries of the whole Nation, during the period 1832-1861. From the time of Nullification onward the South, instead of laboring harmoniously to develop the resources of the whole country, acted for their own section alone, and in this they had the symj^athy of the greater portion of the Democracy of the F'ree-Labor States. This was the struggle between the North and the South ; the one to develop the country in its industries, and the other by the extension of slavery to increase the political power of their own section ; the one by the increase of industrial facili- ties to benefit all, especially the " poor men " or laborers, the other by strengthening the bonds of slavery to gain for the slave-holding class power and influence. The latter literally held all the political ofiices within their own States, and an un- due proportion in the services of the national gov- ernment ; with them the " poor men " were simply FREE AND SLAVE LABOR. 163 " white-trash," whose only use was to vote for the candidates whom the slave-owners chose to nom- inate. As the slaves failed their masters in not being intelligent enough to work in factories, the latter determined to go into Free Trade or nearly so, and raise only the raw material — tobacco and cotton — which Europe must buy, and pay for in manufactured goods, though in this case the National government would receive but a small revenue, and on some merchandise none at all. This was to be the policy without reference to the industrial interests in which so much capital had been invested in the Free- Labor States, and in which great advancement had been made and much skill acquired. The friends of these industries argued that the Slave-Labor States themselves had unrivaled facilities for manufacturing in their immense and available water-power and mineral resources, and that operatives could be ob- tained from the non-slaveholding whites. But the owners of slaves had a special contempt for that class of their fellow-citizens, and were unwilling to promote their advancement in respect to education or acquiring mechanical skill in manufacturing. From the year 1803 when Louisiana was acquired, and after the Missouri Compromise (1821) was passed, but more especially after the attempt at Nullification (1832) the Southern statesmen acted preeminently for their own interests with little regard to those of the other portion of the Union. The student of our history can see that after the time mentioned, their congressmen and senators 10-i POLITICAL PARTIES. bent their energies to seeure the supremacy of their own section. The dream of Calhoun was under all circumstances to liave the Senate equally divided in its members between slave-holding and free States. The admission to the Union of territories if they were free, no matter how populous, was opposed, unless offset by slave-OA\niing ones. This result they could not obtain without assistance from the Free- Labor States, which had the majority in the Lower House because of their greater poi^iilation, though the South had from ten to twenty members in con- sequence of the representation of two-thirds of the slave population. They were aided in carrying out this policy by the Democracy, North, the members of which for the most part played into the hands of the slave-holders from one presidential election to another, and meanwhile by their votes in Congress. The slave-owners, as was natural, had a secret contempt for those Northern men who proclaimed themselves believers in the righteousness of the system. They were willing to use them in order to carry out their plans, but they did not implicitly trust them. Thus, when they fired on Fort Sumter, their indignation was of the sublime order, at find- ing that numbers of the Northern Democratic leaders did not sanction that proceeding. They then charged, but unjustly, the M'hole party North of treachery, as having led them on by expressions of sjnnpathy, and deserting them when the hour of trial came. This was true in respect to some of the mere political leaders, but not of the non-political FREE AND SLAVE LABOR. 165 Democrats — the latter were not in the secrets of the would-be disunionists. The rebels sneered scorn- fully at this newly developed love and reverence for the " Stars and Stripes." Since the rebellion the ex-Confederates and their sons in trampling upon the rights of defenceless freedmen and ex-Union men, have had the sympathy and connivance of the Northern Democratic leaders as fully as the old slave-holders had it in the palmiest days of the system. The True Progress. — The true and general prog- ress of the country always has been in the Free-Labor States, especially from 1842 onward. The intelli- gence, the industry and economy of the people of that section, in spite of hindrances in the form of unfriendly legislation, urged them forward in na- tional prosperity, at an unprecedented rate. The people were so much engaged in the avocations of life, that they neglected too much the interest they should have taken in National affairs. With them the office of being a Congressman was not deemed of so much importance as it was in the Slave-Labor States ; but if they had valued it more, they might by their intelligence and votes have diminished the number of Northern Democratic Congressmen who followed the lead of slave-owning members, and saved their own industries from many reverses. The South as a section adA'anced very little in manufacturing pursuits, and even in cultivating the soil little improvement was made ; in truth, under the wasteful system of slavery the cultivated lands 16() POLITICAL PARTIES. trri'w iKxircr and jKiorer. The poor whites or " trash " as they wtM-e contoiiiiituously called, were too ij^noraiit to make iinu'li )iro<:;ress in those oceupa- tions that re(|uiri'd niechanieal skill, while the slave- owners and their sons thought it beneath their dignity to engage in industrial pursuits. The ruinous system of slave-labor meanwhile was impoverishing the whole region; like some malign power it moved stead- ily forward, soon exhausting the virgin soil and neA tr making it more and more fertile. For example in Virginia, which had the j^ossibilities of being the Garden State on the Atlantic slope, could be seen the ruins of the fine mansions of other days, in the midst of farms once flourishing, but now exhausted and overgrown with rubl)ish. Instead of going industriously to work and availing themselves of their magnificent climate and fertile soil, as a gen- eral rule, the Southern gentlemen or slave-owners mostly spent their time in complaining that the merchants and manufacturers of the Free-Labor States, were growing rich out of the percentages on their cotton and tobacco ! The latter by their in- dustry and economy obtained the means to purchase and pay for these products at their market value, and either manufactured them or sold them in Eu- rope. What Avould be our estimate of the wisdom of Western farmers, that, to-day, should upbraid the produce merchants, who give them the market price for their wheat and then send it to supply the wants of the Eastern States or of Europe, even if at the the same time they made a fair profit ? The burdens FREE AND SLA VE LABOR. 1G7 of these complaints were often sent abroad from Southern conventions, and manifested themselves from time to tin)e on tlie lloor of Congress, The main remedy jjroposed for these evils was to extend slavery to new and fertile soils. Did not this influence extend still further, and even blunt the political acumen of certain Ameri- can statesmen ? History shows that for the last half century the statesmen whose writings live, and whose memory is linked with the promotion of the now recognized best interests of the nation, were not in sympathy with the Democratic party. The political theories which the latter advocated could not, from their nature, promote policies, hu- mane in character and calculated to benefit the whole people of the Union. Instead, these states- men drifted into a negative position — one of apolo- gizing for wrongs, such as the continuance and extension of slavery, and indirectly, as a collateral of the same wrong, encouraging filibustering raids against our Southern neighbors ; while in another direction, under the plea of opi^osing fancied "sumptuary laws," they catered to the liquor in- terest. In contrast is the manly vigor with which statesmen not thus trammeled opposed these wrongs. This influence entered into the higher and more intellectual walks of life. The reader may ask himself, with what politicahoi'ganizations have sympathized the great majority of the bright- est names in our literature ? XXVI. DEMOCRATIC ORACLES. Jefferson and Jackson. — It is said the savage who comes in contact with the civilized man copies the latter's vices rather than his virtues. The Democracy claim two men — Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson — whose names they use somewhat after the manner the ancient conjurers used great names when they performed their enchantments. Jefferson they never imitated in his generous sym- pathies for humanity, and his repugnance to the system of slavery, so contrary to his better nature ; but his views on State Rights they adopted, and quoted him as an authority and an infallible oracle on the subject. But Jefferson — radical as he was — never held the extreme vieics of State Rights or Sovereignty attributed to him by certain leaders who ruled the Democratic party, neither would he have thrown the Nation into the convulsions of a most cruel and uncalled for war, to continue, much less extend, slavery. These leaders endeavored to carry out the State Rights theories of John C. Cal- houn, rather than those of Jefferson, but they unjustly attributed them to the latter, in order to secure greater influence by the authority of his name, as the great majority of the party North, even DEMOCRATIC ORACLES. 169 if they so desired, had not the intelligence to detect the subterfuge, nor, afterward to unveil the de- ception. This had been the policy of these leaders for a third of a century, but more systematized in the latter portion of the time. Calhoun's influence had waned very much, except in his own State, South Carolina ; his connection with Nullification excited a feeling of distrust in the other States — hence the necessity of giving a certain tinge to the views of Jefferson. As to Jackson, the Southern wing of the Democ- racy, and quite a portion of the Northern, rejected his dogma as expressed by hunself: "The Union must and shall be preserved," and also his views as to the development of the industries of the country ; but adopted his theory that subordinate officers of the government ought to be removed, if their politi- cal views were not in accordance with those of the executive, and, also, of not enforcing a law which he deemed unconstitutional. Jackson was con- sistent, as he removed from office during the period he was President, 990 persons, and aj^pointed in their places decided political friends of his own. During the previous forty-four years of the govern- ment's existence, the Presidents had found it necessary to remove only 74 persons from office, and that for definite reasons. From this innovation of Jackson was derived nine-tenths of the partisan- ship and unseemly struggle for office that thence- forth prevailed in the Nation's politics. The in- fluence in the mean time being most demoralizing 170 ' roLlTlVAL rAUTIES. ami corruittiiiij:, the loaders liavinc: adopted the c'(nnj)reheiisive ajthorisin of Win. L. Marcy : "To the vietors belong tlie spoils." The evil extended ; and ^ve find the AVliigs to some extent, but partly in retaliation, carrying out the same system of ehange, though only in respect to important and in- fiuential offices. Strictly speaking, the latter had really control of the national government only four or five years out of the twenty-four from Jackson's time to the commencement of the Rebellion. Nor should be overlooked the injurious influence of Jackson's violating the laws because he himself deemed them unconstitutional, in opposition to the decisions of the legal expounder of that instrument — the Suj)reme Court of the United States. This baleful influence has permeated the minds of the leaders of that party, and we have seen them, even in municipal affairs, endeavoring to resist the enforcement of State laws, in accordance with Jackson's theory of personal interpretation of any constitution — National or State. Disloyal Incumbents Removed. — When the Kepublicans came into power (1861) the circum- stances Avere peculiar ; gi*eat numbers of the subor- dinate officers and employees of the government were found to sympathize with the Secessionists, soon to be in open rebellion. In view of the condi- tion of the Union struggling for life, it was ex- pected, and the case demanded, that among its officers there should be no half way loyalty to the preservation of the Nation's integrity. I DEMOCRATIC ORACLES. 171 Since the Union has triumphed, the reform of the Civil Service has been steadily advancing, and the indications are that the affairs of the government will be conducted hereafter on the principle of era- ploying only competent and honest men, and re. moving only for malfeasance in office. True patriot- ism deprecates blind partisanship, and appointments to office on that principle only. If a mercantile firm or a manufacturing company were to cond\ict its business as the United States did when " to-the- victors-belong-the-spoils " theory was the rule, it would lose its credit and become bankrupt. XXVII. CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION. The Real Interpreter, — The legal interpreter of the Constitution of the United States is their Su- preme Court. But Andrew Jackson, when Presi- dent, announced that he would enforce the laws as lie understood them, without reference to the deci- sions of that court. The influence of this political vice, or revolutionary spirit, has had a baleful effect from that day to this, as seen whenever his admirers wished to prevent the enforcement of a law, which in their wisdom they deemed unconstitutional, oi of which they wished to get rid. The Nation's gratitude is due to the Supreme Court of the United States, whose influence up to the death of Chief Justice Marshall did much in moulding our institutions by its decisions; thus standing as a bulwark against which dashed the machinations of theorists and partisans, demagogues and factions. Its efforts in behalf of constitutional liberty, and in training the better class of citizens to true ideas of order, were beyond calculation in their benign influence upon the stability of the Na- tion. One advantage was, that the judges of that comparatively early day were familiar with the understanding which the framers of the Constitu- CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION. 173 tion themselves had of its meaning. The court's decisions were pure and legitimate. Jackson appointed more judges than any one of his predecessors in office, and apparently more be- cause they coincided with him in his peculiar notions and prejudices, than for other considerations. The decisions of this court have been sometimes tinged, unconsciously no doubt, with certain theories, rather than pure deductions from the Constitution and its principles. The last of this class — the famous " Dred Scott decision " — was in its character more political than legal. It is said that chivalry went out amid the laughter of Europe, when Don Quix- ote was published; thus, amid the disgust of the unprejudiced thinking minds of the Nation, vanished the influence of such decisions as the " Dred Scott." Nevertheless, in the vast majority of cases, the Supreme Court has commanded the confidence and the approval of the entire Nation. Unauthorized Interpretation, — The great riot to resist the draft in the city of New York (July, 1863), was encouraged by the assumption that the law under which it Avas ordered was imconstitu- tional. This opinion was proclaimed in the Dem- ocratic newspapers for weeks before the draft was to take place, and it was also announced that the Democratic Governor of the State coincided with that view of the law, and this statement was not contradicted by himself nor even by his friends. According to the favorite Jacksonian mode of dealing with obnoxious laws, this assumption was sufficient 174 I'OIJTJCAL I'AUTIEti. iH'ason for \\\v iiiol* to n.ist the draft. I say ''.lacksdiiia!! iiiodc," for altlioni;li he grandly cnislicd the woidil-l)(.' XullitiiTs of South Carolina, it was c'liii'lly l)i'i-auso ho did not agree with their opinion of the unconstitutionality of the law they resisted ; he Inniself was a remorseless Xullifier whenever he did not like the law. It was evidently known to a nutnber of these political leaders that some form of violence was about to be used in preventing the enforcement of the draft law, yet the Governor did nothing, did not even issue a proclamation warning persons against committing such acts of violence. At this very time Lee with a rebel army was in Pennsylvania, in the vicinity of Gettysburg, and the National Guard was absent from the city in order to aid in repelling the invasion. On the third day of the riot the Governor met great numbers of the rioters face to face in the City Hall Park and said : " Let me assure you that I am your friend ; you have been my friends," and ended by promising " to see to their rights." Instead of denouncing them as violators of law and liable to punishment — for he well knew that murders had been already committed by the rioters then in his presence — he took the ground that he would en- deavor to have the draft " suspended and stopped," and for this purpose he had sent his Adjutant Gen- eral to "Washington to confer Avith the President. He then asked the mob to desist till he could hear from Washington. This implied that the rioters were justifiable in their resistance to a law, which CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION. 175 they were told by their leaders and newspaj^ers was xmconstitutional. At this time multitudes of innocent and helpless persons had been wantonly murdered, and whole blocks of buildings burned to the ground, while an asylum for colored children — an institution man- aged by benevolent ladies — was pillaged and burned and its little inmates driven into the street. It was a hideous crime in those who, knowing better, urged on the ignorant and vicious by false repre- sentations to commit these terrible outrages. Congressional Nullification. — In the extra ses- sion of Congress in 1879, the Democratic majority attemjited to nullify a law by refusing to make an appropriation to pay the salaries of the United States marshals, because they and their deputies, by laws passed by a former Congress, had included in their duties that of keeping the peace at the jiolls, when Congressmen and Presidential Electors were to be chosen. This refusal was under the plea that the law by which this duty was enjoined upon the marshals was unconstitutional ; in the same cate- gory they i^laced the law of Congress authorizing the judges of the United States Circuit Courts to appoint supervisors at the same elections. The Supreme Court has since decided that both of these laws are in accordance with the Federal Consti- tution, which says (article 1, section 4) in respect to regulations of elections for representatives in the Lower House : " Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations." In this instance 17G POLITICAL PARTIES. tho majority in Congress attempted the Jack- sonian method of nullifying a law, which they o}>l>osed but could not repeal. This virtual annul- ment of these election laws was attached to the requisite appropriations, and passed Congress ; but the bill was vetoed by President Grant. The plan, as announced, was to stop the wheels of government by not voting the necessary supplies of money to- defray its expenses, and thus comi)el the presi- dent to sanction the repeal of laws which the majority in Congress, on their own authority, assumed to be unconstitutional. The effect would have been to remove almost every guard against fraudulent voting, when Congressmen and Presiden- tial Electors were to be chosen. {American Peoj^le., p. 1083, and Ch. XLI of this m,ono(jraj)h^ Immedi- ately after the decision on this law was made by the Su2>reme Court, a representative on the floor of the House (March 10, 1880) and a leading member of the majority (which at that time happened to be Democratic), is reported to have proclaimed his defiance of the authority of the Court and of its decision on these laws — the sentiment, it seems, Avas ai)j)lauded vociferously by the members of the majority present. Summary of Faults. — It would seem as if tho political faults of Jefferson and Jackson had been embodied in certain prominent characteristics of the Democratic organization, namely : States Rights or Sovereignty leading to secession ; extreme par- tisanship in removals from office and in appoint- CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION. 177 ments to the same ; attemjats to nullify laws which they dislike, on the plea of their being iniconsti- tutional : while on the other hand stand out the rejection of Jefferson's humane sentiments in rela- tion to slavery ; and the repudiation of the doctrine of Jackson in respect to the promotion of the industries of the nation and the development of its natural resources, and the preservation of the Union. XXVIII. OrPOXEXTS OF THE DEMOCRATS. The Federalists. — To more fully understand one political organization it is sometimes essential to study the character of its opponents. The Demo- cratic party has had during its existence three prominent contemporary and antagonistic ones — the Federalist, the Whig, and the Republican. The first, the honored organization iinder "Washington, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and that galaxy of eminent men, practically laid the foundation of the government. They and their compeers framed the Constitution — ■ and on the principles embodied in it, based a gov- ernment which has stood the test from that time to the present. The policy of Washington's adminis- tration, especially in three respects, has been acted upon by the national government ever since ; First, in relation to neutrality or the non-interference in the quarrels of foreign nations. This policy apj)cars so rational to-day, that it seems surprising it ever could have met with opposition (see p. 9); Second, the protection to American industry, as set forth in the preamble to the first tariff j^assed by Congress and signed by Washington ; and third, notwith- standing the op]>osition continued for many years, the financial measures inaugurated by the first Secretary of the Treasury — Alexander Hamilton — OPPONENTS OF THE DEMOCRATS. 179 which in principle virtually remain in force to- day, in the financial policy of the Nation. The "Whig's. — When the Federal party, to which the American peo2)le owe so much, passed out of power (1801), its spirit still lingered in the minds of multitudes of the intelligent and thoughtful of the land. The War of 1812, which had united the people as patriots and obliterated much of the pai-- tisan feeling that ever existed, was followed by what was termed the " era of good feeling." In time the progress of the country demanded new measures to meet its wants. The most prominent was that of easy communication from one jjortion of the country to another for the purpose of commercial intercourse and travel. The spirit of the old progres- sive Federalists gradually revived, but under an- other name, for a time that of National Republican, then that of Whig — borrowed from the days of the Revolution. This party grajjpled with the question of internal improvements, and contended that the national government ought to aid in the cause ; while the Democratic statesmen of the time were in the main in opposition to that policy, they being worried by abstract theories on the question whether Congress had the constitutional j^ower to aid such improvements. In that day there was comparatively little surplus capital in the hands of individuals to invest in internal impi'ovements such as canals, and in turnpikes or macadamized roads ; at that time the only effective — but, owing to the manner of their construction, expensive — means of transportation. 180 POLITICAL PARTIES. But iiitor-coinimiiuontion, tlic Whig party con« tciulecl, Mas one of the most effective measures to develop the resources of the entire country. The "Whigs were, also, ])recminently the pro- moters of all measures having an elevating influence upon the mass of the people ; they were, especially, the advocates of schools of learning, and of all forms of industry. These statesmen saw that in a young nation like ours, where the laborers or those who exchange their services for hire were few in com- parison with the whole population, wages must be comparatively high. The situation was very different from that of the Old World, and they thought it useless to attempt any industry in com- petition with Europe, if great numbers must be employed, unless some means were devised to counterbalance the low wages paid workmen there. This Avas the principal point of contrast between the political parties. The Whigs proposed to remedy the evil by a legal measure to equalize this difference in amount of wages, and thus ])ut the American workman in manufacturing industries on a level with the foreigners by means of a tariff — called "protective" for want of a better designa- tion. The Republicans. — Numbers of the purest and ablest statesmen of the Slave-Labor States were Whigs, and were also slave-owners. In process of time political questions arose which involved the system of slavery ; this led to the alienation of the Southern wing of the Whig party, because on that OPPONENTS OF THE DEMOCRATS. 181 subject the portion Nortli for the most part did not sympathize with the policy of extending the system to the territories. Thus deserted, the party as such became powerless. This accession of Whig strength thus derived made the Democratic slave-ow-ners still more exacting in their demands in behalf of human bondage, while as a natural result, a stronger oppo- sition arose in the Free-Labor States. The Whigs of the latter chafed under these demands, and a new or- ganization arose from the wreck of that party, for the present Republican party sprang spontaneously out of the political chaos ; drawing to itself the advanced men of the Whigs, and many of the Independent Democrats who would thinh for themselves^ and refused to be dragooned into voting at the dictation of the Southern wing. These gentlemen from the first took ground against the extension of slavery into the territories, and Avere known as the " Free Soil " party. They finally afliiliated with the Re- publicans, and with them remained identified in its struggles against the Southern wing, which en- deavored to found a confederacy whose " chief corner-stone " was to be slavery. They aided in putting down the Rebellion; in preserving the Union; in blotting out slavery; and in placing the Nation in a position in Christendom for which its people need never blush. Let us consider some of the measures of public benefit introduced and fostered by these opponents of Democracy, while obstructed by the " friends of the poor man." XXIX. LAND LAWS. The Year 1863. — Xo measure in respect to the public lands ever passed Congress that has been so fraught with blessings to the " poor man," or settler ■with limited means, as the Homestead Law. This law went into effect on January 1, 1863 — that year so remarkable in our annals — on the same day slavery was abolished. During that year a Repub- lican Congress cheapened postage still further, to what it was as late as 1883, or nearly so, and in- augurated the Xational Banking system ; this year was also noted for the Union victory at Gettysburg and the Union capture of Vicksburg and of Port Hudson — so that within ten days (July 1-9) the Con- federacy lost between seventy and eighty thousand men, and war material in proportion. How to Get a Home. — Under the Homestead Law a settler can enter 160 acres upon any unoccu- pied lands of the L^nited States, by paying ten dollars to cover incidental expenses; but the settler must live upon the land thus entered and cultivate it for five years, at the end of which time he receives a title in fee for the land thus occupied. The government has also given grants of alternate LAND LAWS 183 sections of land to aid the construction of railways through the territories, and in some of the new- States where there may be public lands. In the territories the grant extends Uoenty miles on each side of the road, and ten miles in the States. With- in these grants the Homestead given is only 80 acres, because the land in the vicinity of railways is rated at twice the value of that outside the grant. The result is the Government loses nothing by its grants to railroads, as the lands within them are held at twice the price of those outside. Did the statesmen or newspapers who opposed this benefi- cent measure ever publish this fact ? These Homesteads can be obtained by the head of a family, male or female, by complying with the above conditions. The same regulations, also, apply to foreigners who are already citizens, or have declared their intention to become such. The Timber Culture Act. — A later enactment likewise enables persons as heads of families to secure homesteads. If they "plant, protect, and keep in a healthy growing condition for eight years., ten acres of timber, on any section of any of the public lands of the United States, they shall be en- titled to the whole of such quarter section," or 160 acres. If the settler plants trees on five acres., on the same condition, he receives a patent for 80 acres, and so on in proportion. Residence on these claims is not required by the Timber Act. This act is limited in its operation much more than the Homestead, as it applies only to the portions of the 184 POLITIC A ]. PARTIES. public lands where there may be a scarcity of timber. It shows the intention of the statesmen who enactotl these laws to encourage the settler and in- dustrious man, that they made the homesteads obtained under both of them exempt from seizure on account of debt or debts contracted previous to the date of the entry, and also exempted them from taxation until after a title in fee had been given the settler. Blessings Conferred by the Homestead Law. — Since the Homestead Law went into effect, as shown by the successive reports of the Secretaries of the Interior for twenty-eight years, to July, 1891, there have been taken up in homesteads by settlers under this law, 141,006,400 acres, or 221,260 square miles. This equals in area the five New England States, the Middle States, and the State of Virginia combined. The ordinary enumeration of the areas of these States includes the surface of their lakes and rivers, and also their shore line extending three miles out, altogether estimated at 7,000 square miles. Deduct this latter area, which is not included in Homestead surveys, and we have the amount of land occupied by free farms. As has been said, the Homesteads outside the railway grants contain each 160 acres, while within the grants it is only 80. The government averages the amount of land under these two arrangements, belonging to Homesteads, at 120 acres each. At LAND LAWS. 185 tliis rate the number of homesteads would amount to 1,180,053, while at the average rate of five persons to each, the population thus supplied with home comforts amounts to 5,900,265, lacking not quite one hundred thousand of being equal the popula- tion of the State of New Yox-k in 1890. Already there are numerous and flourishing villages located on lands originally taken up in Homestead grants. The denser population in these villages makes the average number for each Homestead in the Avhole area occupied, perhaps, more than Jive pei'sons. The happiness of families growing up as citizens successful in life, and the moulding influence they exert on the Nation's future, are not to be reckoned in dollars and cents, but in the wealth and growth of great communities of moral, industrious and self- respecting people. These results are well worthy the attention of the political economist, and of the ]>atriotic statesman. Homesteads are located all over the new States and territories ; and whole settlements have grown up and become prosperous, and no doubt will thus continue, for it is a fact well known, that the great majority of those who settle on these Homosteadn are young married people. They are also enei-getio and industrious, and determined to make an inde- pen lent living, and set before their families an example that will tell on their future happiness and success. None but the energetic go so far from their native homes in order to obtain a competency, and their habits of diligence and economy will cor- 186 POLITICAL PARTIES. tinue to inrtueiice for good future generations by means of their children, thus jtrojierly trained. The same may be said of the many thousands who have settled alongside the occujiants of the Homesteads on lands 2)iirchased from the railway corj)orations or the government. School Funds. — The government has also pro- vided the funds for the support of schools in all future time, if they are properly husbanded. This fund is furnished by giving the first and the thirty- sixth sections of each township of thirti/-six square miles, to be reserved and sold when the territorv becomes a State, and the proceeds invested for the benefit of schools. This regulation was in existence before the passage of the Homestead Law. How Lands Are Given to Railways. — A por- tion of the unoccupied jjublic lands, of course, lie along the three roiites of railways across the continent The National government, especially since the Home- stead Bill was passed, has granted lands to railways, in order to aid in their construction through the public domain, with the twofold object of making these lands accessible, and of extending three belts of settlements along these roads across the conti- nent. These grants of land are given to the roads on this condition. The school lands are first re- served ; then of the remainder the odd numbered sections are given to the railway, and the even num- bered the government retains, either to sell or to give to the settler in Homesteads, each of eighty acres. The land within these railroad grants, when LAND LAWS. 187 sold costs $2.50 an acre — double the price demanded outside the grant. In theory as well as practice the national government loses nothing by these grants to the railways, as it sells the lands retained for as much as the whole would have sold for at one-half the price. Under the present system these lands virtually build the roads, as the funds to be derived from their future sale form a basis of value, which become a guarantee for the remuneration of the stock and bondholders, who have furnished the capital for building them. The benefits are immense which these roads across the continent have already con- ferred, and will confer, upon the whole country ; they are peculiar in their character, inasmuch as they make cheap homes accessible to multitudes of families, and at the same time extend three belts of settlements toward the Pacific. Speculators. — Before the Homestead Law was passed, speculators were accustomed to buy up whole counties and districts of the best public lands. This was the case, especially, in the States of Iowa, Wisconsin and Minnesota, where the settlers in purchasing farms were forced to pay enormous profits to the speculators. This extortion retarded the settlement of these States ; though thus hin- dered at first, their progress was the marvel of the time ; what would that progress and settlement have been if the jieople had been protected by a Homestead Law? The difficulty in Congress was that the slave- 1S8 J'OUTICAL rAHTlES. owners, ooiistituting tlic landed aristocracy of the South, were opposed to tlie IVill, because it opened the way for small farms. As slavery could not exist except on large estates, they were " solid " against any measure that would distribute the public lands in limited quantities to those who would culti- vate them by means of their own labor. Even if the lands lay in a latitude or a climate where slavery could not exist, theso gentlemen disliked the prece- dent^ and seemed unwilling to aid any measure, whose influence would promote the interests of the " poor man," " white trash," or " mudsill," no mat- ter in what section he lived. We infer this from their votes in Congress ; witness their opposition to cheap postage, to this Homestead IJill, and to the fos- tering of the industries of the entire Union. The Democratic members in Congress from the Free- Labor States almost universally voted with them in respect to these beneficent measures. Opposition to the Homestead Law This in- stance is so striking that it deserves further notice. There had been measures adoj^ted by Congress from time to time in respect to the public lands — but this is not the ])lace to go into detail. It may be said, however, that the principle of free homes or lands had been before Congress for some years, but the Democrats — South and North — always voted it down. Meanwhile, the matter was more or less discussed, especially in the Free-Labor States. At length an amendment was offered to a bill (in 1859), which embodied the princijile of free homesteads. LAXD LAWS. 189 This amendment was adopted in the House by a vote of 98 ; every Republican and 13 Democrats voting in favor of it — the negative being all Demo- crats. But when the Bill with this amendment came up for its final passage, the vote stood 91 in favor of free homes, all Republicans ; 95 against the principle, all Democrats. The latter, who changed their votes on the amendment, were from the South (Congressional Globe, p. 492, et seq. for 1859). In the session of 1860-61, the Bill was brought up again, and after much discussion, finally, by a small majority, passed both Houses of Congress ; nearly all the Democrats voting against it, especially those from the South, while upon some of the party from the Free-Labor States, public opinion among their constituents was so strong, that they did not follow their leaders, but voted for the bill, knowing, perhaps, that it would be vetoed. The Republicans to a man voted for the beneficent measure. This Homestead Bill failed to become a law, for, sure enough, James Buchanan, the Democratic President, on the last day of his presidential term (March 3, 1861) vetoed it. This was the end, after a strug- gle for years — killed by the special " fi-iends of the poor man." Lands for Colleg-es. — Another beneficial meas- ure which, after much labor and debate, passed Congress, had been already vetoed (Oct. 24, 1861) — the bill granting waste lands in aid of Agricultural Colleges. Since that time Congress has passed the ll>0 POLITICAL PA li TIL'S. I>ill, :\ii(l tlu' :i(lv:iiit:it;t's to the ciillc'gvs, and indi- rectly to tlie c^xmtrv, have been large. Finally, under the iiieoining administration of Abraham JJneuln, this «ii/tie Homestead Bill was passed in 180*2, and went into effect Jan. 1, 18G3. We have seen that the good effects of this law are almost innumerable, in the founding of Christianized communities having the advantages of schools and churches. From these elements spring in(histry and economy, and moral influences that multiply themselves through all coming time. These settle- ments confer great benefits upon the older States; the former cultivate the soil and aid by their pro- ducts in furnishing food and raw material to those portions of the country, where, in ])roportion to the number of the inhabitants, there is less land under cultivation. The latter are more generally engaged in manufacturing interests, because of the greater amount of jjopulation who can be thus employed. The benefits are reciprocal ; the agricultural sec- tions of the Valley of the Mississippi have become, and will continue to be, the future storehouses of food for the older portions of the country. These mutual advantages should hold us together as a Nation. The Advantages of the Measure. — The ad- vantages to the ])eople themselves of having these settlements, on this vast amount of once waste ter- ritory, are far beyond the value arising from the sale of such lands paid into the treasury in money at the rate of 81.25 an acre. In the first place, the sales LAND LAWS. 191 AvouUl have been very limited in comparison with the amount of territory brought under cultivation by means of the Homestead Bill. But these are trivial considei'ations when compared with the bless- ings conferred upon the tens of thousands that have thus been enabled to start in life and to be the ancestors of future millions of industrious citizens. These lands were once so inaccessible, that there was no special inducement to found homes upon them. But the government's jDolicy of aiding to build railways through the public lands since 1863, has made these vast territories available for the people's use, who have founded on them large com- munities, prosperous and happy. If the Democratic leaders had had their way, neither these settlements to any extent, nor the railways extending across the country toward the Pacific, would have been in existence. But since the Homestead Law has, for the last thirty years, pi'oved and been recognized as a great blessing to the "poor man," they pro- claim that all grants of public lands in aid of build- ing railways must cease ; and instead these lands must be given to the "poor man." Every intelli- gent American that has kept up Avith the times, only half-way, knows that railways thus built through the public domain far more than ])ay the market value of the land granted them, in their being the occasion and cause of the unprecedented develop- ment of communities of successful and industrious people in regions useless to the Nation, because of their being inaccessible. How could it be possible 102 POLITICAL PARTIES. for the ]>ro(> ro/.ITICAl. r ART IKS. mill, coiiscMpu'iitly, vi'i-y largo landed estates Avill jiever be possible to much extent in regions where the lloinostead law originally prevailed. Such with us do not remain unbroken, as a rule, beyond the second or third generation, as we have no laws as in England, by Avhioh land is entailed for the heir. After opposing as long as they could the giving of public lands to those who were unable to pur- chase them, the Democratic leaders now declare most zealously, they are unwilling that an acre of these lands should be diverted from the landless, and given to soulless corporations for building rail- ways. The true plan, as the result ])roves, has been to blend the two systems in founding settlements upon the public domain by means of the Homestead law, and by grants of land to aid in constructing railroads, in order to render these lands accessible. Had the making of these railways been postponed till the country was occupied by farms purchased from speculators or even from the government itself, and then built by unaided private enterprise, this century would scarcely have seen one of them finished, and to-day we have three extending from the Mississippi to the Pacific, and in addition are seven connecting branch roads. When all along these three routes settlements shall have been founded, perhaps ranging from twenty to forty miles wide, then will private capital still further build cross roads, run- ning north and south, as the case may be, uniting these settled districts. LAND LAWS. 197 These roads so speedily built, and these settle- ments so rapidly founded, — the latter in consequence of the facilities afforded by the roads — have had almost from the start, many of the comforts enjoyed in the States. This pi-ogress is one of the marvels of the age. These farms — originally Homesteads — and others Avithin the railroad grants, are to-day furnish- ing much of the grain and other suj^plies of food to the Middle and the Eastern States, while the surplus is carried to the sea-board and shipped to Europe. Could the Territory of Dakota have astonished the world by sending annually so many million bushels of Avheat to the Eastern markets within the last year or two, if the Northern Pacific railway had not penetrated its borders ? Had it not been for that road, or the prospect of its being built, there would instead have been scarcely a settlement within her boundaries. The grants of land to the railroads across the con- tinent have secured their completion, and thus paved the way for these belts of settlements along their lines from the Mississippi to the Pacific. Now it is thought by the political organization which originated and carried out this combined system — of giving Homesteads to settlers and grants of land to railways — that the cross roads, hereafter, uniting these three belts, can be built as needed by private snterprise and without aid from the National government, and therefore they propose to reserve its remaining lands for the landless, saying that " no further grants of the public domain should be 19S POLITICAL PARTIES. mado to niiy railway or corjjoration," {Platform — Re- ptthlican — etc., adopted at Chicago — June 4, 1880). This comes with a good grace from the organization that has accomplished so much for the people by giving them homesteads, and making their numer- ous settlements accessible by railways, built by funds derived from the sale of lands hitherto waste. Yet, after all, Avhat is the objection, if the govern- ment continues to lose nothing by giving lands under the usual conditions to aid in building railways ? XXX. NATIONAL BANKS. Financial Security. — Relief in the management of financial affairs came to the people on Jan. 1, 1863, when the present National Banking system was introduced by the Republican Party, and for thirty years it has truly been what its name im- plies. By recent enactment of Congress the system is to be continued. In contrast with the former miscellaneous and irresponsible banking — incorpor- ated and jirivate — within the States, the notes of the National Banks are at par all over the Union, and they are so on their own merits ; being secured by United States bonds held on deposit at the Treasury at Washington for that purjDOse, they are worth everywhere in the land their face in gold. The United States Treasury stands guard that these banks shall not over-issue, as such institutions fre- quently did under the comparatively irresponsible systems of former days, when great numbers of them often failed and defrauded the public. The law permits only nine-tenths of the capital — all of which must be paid in — to be issued in the form of notes, and to prevent fraud the Treasury De- partment itself prints and issues these notes in due 200 POLITICAL PARTIES form, and keeps an account of tlio sanio with each 1iank, and in aOt> rol.lTK'AL I'ARTIKS. backs uj) its arnunu'iit with editurials and a multi- tutk' of garbled extracts. Issues of Past and Present.— The reason that the orix^iiii/atioii has survived its great mistake of 1800- 1801 is not because its principles have in themselves a vital and intrinsic merit. On the contrary the issues which it has since brought to the front, have been only in direct or indirect opposition to measures proposed by the party in control of the National government ; which measures, having been put in force, have been sanctioned by the people because of their influence in promoting the onward progress of the nation. In the previous period, down to March 4, 1861, the spirit that labored for the preservation and extension of slavery, was the great stimulator of the party's measures and gave it life ; though John C Calhoun irreverently said it was held together by the " cohesive power of ])ublic plunder." Be that as it may, it is evident that the main element that supported the organization be- fore the rebellion was the slave-holding interest, with which the Northern wing sympathized, and as the slave interest was a unit on that question when it was at issue, the party was sure to win in elections. On the score of apology, it is said that these measures and mistakes are of the past, and that they should not be charged upon the Democ- racy of to-day ; but they belong to the history of the party, and as such should be noticed. The next question is : What are the issues — ^^^hat is the stimulus of the Democratic Party to-day? Is it EVILS OF PARTISANSIIIP 207 anything else than party opposition to the Republi- cans for the mere sake of opposition ? The Tweed Ring-.— It is one of the strange prob- lems of politics, so called, that we sometimes find even intelligent men voting against their own interests as citizens, especially of municipalities. This frequently occurs from an indefinable senti- ment of partisanship ; a desire that the ]>arty — right or wrong — with which they have hitherto acted should be successful. This is an unwise and wrong principle that may not be limited to one political organization alone. As a striking instance of this sort of partisanship may be cited the famous " Tweed Ring " of New York City. The persons composing this "Ring" — a set of low fellows — ■ swindled the citizens of the city for about three years. The members appropriated absolutely to their own use, it is carefully estimated, not less than $13,000,000, very little of which the city ever recovered by legal process; meanwhile these wor- thies for the most part fled the country. In addition, in consequence of the " Ring's " extrava- gant schemes, under the guise of improving the city, they left its taxpayers to meet an extra debt of nearly 1100,000,000, Yet after these enormous swindles were so thoroughly unmasked by the JVew York Times as to convince every intelligent voter of the truth of the exposure, Tweed himself was elected to the State Senate by ten thousand major- ity of Democratic votes. This famous "Ring," whose rascalities have become proverbial the Union •JiiS POLITIC A I. rAUTIh'S. »>vor, was t'K'i'tt'tl and kept in otticc by ll.a votes of rcspiH'tahlo Democrats. If that class had joined with other respectable voters, with no reference to National ])olitics, but only to municipal affairs, the Tweed llinix would never have had an existence, much less have stolen more from the city than has been taken fraudulently from the United States Treasury since the days of the numerous defaulters in Van Karen's administration. The city is still reaping the fruits of such fatuity in the debt under wiruh it labors. It is worth noting that the cities throughout the land have suffered very much from this form of partisans]iip, that is, in ))utting into offii'C men of doubtful character and dishonest l2 roi.irnwL rAirrjEx. WluTo l)(.'K>ii'jj |n>lilii";illv iht' ki'(.'|j«.'rs of (hinkliij; saloons of various grades as well as the great ma- jority of those who patronize them? And where the men of violenee wlio take the law into their own hands and to seeure thoir ends engage in riots? — • How many "Molly Maguires " were not of this party? These faets are undeniable as illustrated in onr eities, and no less notorious in the eountry, though not met with so often. Let a question of morals eome up in a rural district or village, be it concerning temperance or Sabbath desecration, and you will find for the most part the Democracy tak- ing sides against that 2)hase of the question. They do this under the plea of being the advocates of the greatest liberty of the individual ; this means that the rights of the community must be held subordi- nate to that theory of the rights of the individual. At one time, under the plea that the " world was gov- erned too much," " the proposition to introduce po- lice into cities was resented [by the Democracy] as an assault upon liberty " (Sumner's, Life of Jackson^ p. 365). The practical working of this fallacious theory of liberty is, that if any one wishes to make his living by selling intoxicating drinks, by all means permit him, it is his right ; if he spends the Sabbath — the legal day of rest and quietness — in a boisterous and rowdy manner, it is only the exercise of this civil liberty. The number of drunkards he makes or the families he ruins, or the peojjle he disturbs in their worship, are only of secondary consideration, in comparison with this interpretation of the citizen's EVILS OF PARTISANSHIP. 213 individual liliorty. The leaders ])roclaim themselves f)))posed to " Snm]ituary laws; " that unusual word has the desired effect in making " the rank and file " opponents to temperance movements or any meas- ures calculated and designed to promote the public good by restraining the vicious. Responsibility of Voters. — It is time intelligent voters had a more exalted conception of their re- sj)onsibility ; even Christian citizens sometimes ex- hibit to outsiders a singular and inconsistent feature of our politics. They will sometimes join, we hope thoughtlessly, with the corrupters of society, such as liquor-sellers and gamblers of every class, in their votes on questions of doubtful propriety, only because these are party measures. This is their right, certainly, on questions devoid of moral character ; but is there not a higher obligation resting upon these good citizens ? It is for them to explain how they can support pod and j^en- erous found in any political organization, and wc would deem the liighcst compliment j)aid such, to consist in the fact that neither the disorderly classes, nor those who countenance them belong to it, hut hate it with an intensity that enhances the value of the compliment. If the law-abiding and upright men of the lead- ing jtolitical j)arties were to join hands on questions that partake of both a political and a moral charac- ter, such as temperance and the sale of intoxicating drinks, and others of a similar kind, as gambling establishments, the disorderly classes, and those who abet them, would get little encouragement ; and soon find themselves in a helpless minority. It is notorious as a rule, that notwithstanding the many good citizens that are in the Democratic ranks yet as an organization it often legislates to favor these classes, or negatively aids them by not legis- lating. Can there be any mystery why those per- sons whose business has a corrupting effect upon the community vote as they do ? Now the ques- tion arises how can moral and Christian men, w^ho really abhor evil, vote for and with an organization within whose fold such elements find a welcome ? Were it not for this encouragement, these classes would soon lose their influence even in the party itself, But what are we to think of the grade of patriotism that leads respectaltle gentlemen to con- EVILS OF PARTISANSHIP. 215 nive at these evils, and quietly avail themselves of the votes of such persons, merely to keep up the prestige of the party, or even as candidates some times act as figure-heads of respectability? But something more is required to secure the votes of these equivocal classes — they must be "conciliated." It will not be politic to have a prominent member of their own class as a candidate, lest the respect- ables of the party should rebel. The leaders know how to secure both ends; they often nominate for the office in municipal affairs a respectable gentle- man and amiable of temper. This opens the way to office for the leaders and at the same time gives them an opportunity to reward their retainers. On ques- tions that are truly National, such as the tariff or free-trade, foreign policy or the management of the finances, as the case may be, voters have different views, and in that case their sense of duty leads them to vote in accordance with their own senti- ments and with the organization whose views on these National questions coincide with their own- But why should good citizens so vote on questions of a local nature as merely to secure the supremacy of a party as such? Party Material Again. — It is a notorious fact that at the present time as it was in the earlier days, (p. 41), the great mass of the Democratic voters fail in comparison as to their general intelligence with the similar class in the Republican ranks. This is not said in derogation of the former, as if they themselves were entirely responsible for their 216 POLITICAL I'AIiTlES. misfortmu-, tli(UiL:;li tluTc is lit tic excuse for the lack of political knowledge ve sonutiincs sec myoung men ic/io are raters. The iiianagcment of the former organization is confined to comparatively very few leaders, who hold the conventions, ]iass resolutions, construct platforms, and wind up by nominating the candidates, and demanding that the rank and file should vote as thus directed ; and the latter very seldom fail their leaders. This is undeniably true ; for that reason at first Van Buren and more recently other political strategists have acted on the jn-inciple that the mass of the voters, asking no (piestions for the sake of information, should take for granted that the dictum of the leaders must be obeyed, and that they vote the ticket. Though demanding this obedience to their behest, the man- agers "hitherto have not usually enunciated clearly and explicitly in their platforms the varying ])oli- tical theories held by the different sections of the party. Was this because an inconsistency so strik- ing would lead the intelligent nominal Democrats to hesitate in implicitly obeying? However that may be, the leaders have carried out the most per- fect despotism known to our political annals. It is equally notorious that the leaders of the pres- ent Rci>ublican organization could not if they de- sired lead the great mass of their members, because the latter are readers, and think for themselves, and in consequence can never be led as an unthinking crowd. Hence the latter party strives to be con- sistent with itself; knowinir it must cleai'lvnnd dis- EVILS OF PARTISAXSHIl'. 217 tiiK'tly lay down the principles which it advocates, whatever their bearings. Neither does its intelligent following tolerate on the part of the organization, jwlitical dickerings with factions of other parties, whose principles are not in accordance, in the main, with those of their own organization. It is essential therefore that the enunciations of the party in its plat- forms, shoixld be so clear and distinct, as not to ad- mit of double or doubtful meanings ; they never did nor do they tolerate repudiation, in any form, of the ])ublic debt principal or interest ; they are clear in their statements on the tariff, and on the subject of education, while they do not hesitate to express themselves on the importance of restraining intem- perance. Republican Independence.— The most striking instance we have seen of the intelligent members of this organization asserting themselves was when they recently rose and annihilated the power of certain political " Bosses " as they are vulgarly called, who wished to manage it in their own in- terest. The main portion of the party were moving along in the even tenor of their way, politically speaking, when suddenly they realized that a com- paratively small number of members had by vari- ous means gradually obtained control of the inner management of the organization. The great mass of the members, indignant that they should be deemed by these gentlemen fit subjects to be thus held in hand, made short work with the " Boss " system and in spite of party discipline the " Inde- 21S rolJTlCAL rAHTltiS. pendents" rapiiUy assunu'tl the controlling hand. They detormineil to retain in their own liands the control of the selection of the members to the State and National Conventions. The "Bosses" had been in tlie liabit of virtually appointing throuirh the county committees, the delegates to the State CoJivention, and the latter, the delegates to the National Convention. The design was to have the latter obey the instructions of the State Convention, in preference to the will of the people themselves of the districts, which these delegates were chosen and presumed to represent. The Republican party is by no means perfect ; yet one custom it deserves credit for, that is, when abuses have grown up among government officials, or members of Congress belonging to it, the charges are investigated and the delinquents brought to trial ; for example, the cases of those who were connected with the " Credit Mobilier " scheme, and the " Star Route " affair ; while it is just as strin- gent in relation to its internal management ; witness the short work it made of the " Boss " system. Every political organization is liable to be imposed upon by selfish and dishonest men, who connect themselves with it for the purpose of carrying out corrupt or selfish measures. But we judge of the organization itself by the manner in which it treats such delinquents. SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN DEMOCRATS. 219 XXXII. SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN DEMOC- RACY. Old Lines Redrawn. — The intimate relations ex. isting before the Rebellion between the Democratic leaders in the Free-Labor States and the leaders of its Southern wing are worthy of notice because they still continue. During the period just mentioned — from about 1824 onward — were blending two dis- similar elements, whose united influence was thence- forth felt in sustaining each other in political rela- tions. These were the slave-OAvners and the Irish immigrants in the Fi-ee-Labor States ; the latter nearly all voted the Democratic ticket with the majority of the former. These two classes of voters had really no bond of sympathy with each other, and therefore the connection was incongruous ; the slave-holder looked with the greatest contempt upon the poor laboring Irishmen, while the latter in his never failing vote, often in respect to his own interests most blindly given, was essential to the political success of the leaders, both North and South. These relations still remain, though the circumstances are somewhat changed. In the for- mer case, in the langunge of the time, the slave 220 POLITICAL J'AUTIES. owners " c racki'tl tlu' wliip;" in the latter the Northern haulers, earing less for repairing the waste places of the South and the development of its natural resources, than for ol)taining the control of the National Government, go liand in hand with Ihe present Southern wing — known as the "solid" South. The leaders in the liebellion would never have entered upon that project, had they not had the connivance of the Northern Democratic poli- ticans ; but -when the crisis came a large majority of the rank and Jile of the i)arty declined to follow these gentlemen any further, but promptly took up arms and nobly defended the life of the Nation. Great numbers, also, of the thoughtful, intelligent and leading men of the ])arty, but not politicians, who were never taken into the secrets of the con- spiracy, indignant at the insult offered the Nation at Sumter, burst the meshes of partisan toils, and joined those who were determined to defend the integrity of the Union. The native born of the latter have rarely returned to the fold of Democ- racy; they imderstood Avhy they chose to be loyal at that time, and why they now ])reserve their present political relations. The same may be said in respect to the native born jtrivate soldiers, nimi- bers of whom were originally Democrats, but were equally indignant at the insult offei-e(I the " Stars and Stri])es," and w'ho came to fully understand the principles involved in the contest. There were, however, other private soldiers from the same Democracv — jjenorous and bra\e Irishmen — n^reat SOUTHER X AKD XOBTIIERN LEMOCRATS. ooj multitudes of whom, after the close of the war returned to the party and are to-day its staunchest adherents, right or wrong. After the war they were much influenced by their old leaders, who purposely appealed to their ancient prejudices against the colored peoi»le. They were made to believe, among other absurdities, that the P^reedmen were to be brought North for the express purpose of depriving the Irishmen of their opportunities for work. These inducements and old associations have brought them fully back, and they are now depended upon, as in the olden time, to vote the ticket under all circumstances. It is but fair to say that even during the Rebel- Yion there were native Noilhern Democrats who were loyal and yet honestly in the opposition ; and since the war, too, many old-time Democrats have returned to that i^arty and from sincere conviction oppose the measures of the Republicans. Never- theless, the general lines of the statements above stand as correct. Northern Aid for the South — Almost as soon as the war closed, there arose a strong sentiment among the humane of the North to aid the mass of the people of the South, who had suffered so much, and who were not thought by these benevo- lent persons to have brought this ruin upon them- selves, but believed to be the victims of the political ambition of certain leaders. In accordance with this feeling, efforts were made among the benevo- lent of the North to aid the educational institutions :i'22 POLITICAL HAHTLKS. of iho Stall's recently in tlie Ixebellion. The largest donations were made by men who had been loyal to the Union — witness the money raised to aid the colleges — Wasliington and Lee, and William and Mary in Virginia, Vanderbilt university in Xashvillc — the latter a j)ersonaI gift — and the Slater fund. This aiil has continued to be given ever since to various institutions of learning; besides, funds have been given to schools to promote a common English education. Meanwhile, the Northern Democratic leaders manifested but little sympathy for the poor sufTering Southern people ; for the most part they stood aloof, making no movement ; and seemed anxious only to secure the assistance of the ex-Con- federate leaders in order to regain the political power they had lost in 1860. Northern Sympathy for the South. — In addi- tion to money given, as we have seen, to colleges, and to aid the cause of education in the South at tlie close of the Rebellion, was a more general uj)- rising in the minds of the loyal and benevolent of the Xorth to aid their poor brethren, whose homes had been made desolate. They looked upon the gi'eat mass of the Southern peojile as having been the victims of a despotism, inaugurated by the would-be secessionists, unequalled in its tyranny to any similar rule in modern Christendom. Their S}Tnpathics went out toward these innocent suffer- ers, and they were willing to aid in rejtairing the material ruins incident to the war by furnishing the means to repair the railways, and, if need be, estab- SOUTHERN AND NORTUEUN DEMOCliATS. 223 lish manufactories. This was not offered as a mere gift to the people of the States recently in rebellion, but in the end to benefit both sections of the land. The develo])ment of the resources of the whole country was the object to be attained, irrespective of location, or of the fact that certain leaders had endeavored to destroy the National Government, in which unnatural contest the mass of their own people had been made to suffer the hori-ors of war for four years. It was well known that the majority of the Southern people themselves were opposed to breaking up the Union, and if the bare question of union or disunion had been submitted to them in a fair and free election, they would have voted for preserving the integrity of the Nation by over- whelming majorities, except in the State of South Carolina. On the contrary, by a series of manoju- vers and misrepresentations of politicians, their wishes were overruled and they themselves, in great numbers, driven into the army to fight for what they did not apj)rove, and even abhorred. The Rebuff.— After the close of the Rebellion there were thousands of households in the Northern States who were ready, under these changed rela- tions, to cast in their lot with the Southern people. The same households would have been attracted thither long before the war by the genial climate and rich soil of that region, but the insuperable objection in the way Avas slavery, the evil influence of which, in respect to material progress, was not to be compared with its ruinous effects upon fami- 1'1?4 POLITICAL PARTIES. lies ill tlK'ir m(ir;il :mtl donu'stif rclatiop.s. Iiiti'lli- gont ami worthy hoads of lioust'holds knew this, and ihoy wore unwilling to subject their families to sueh jjrospeetive evils. The war over, great numbers of energetic and intelligent men of the North trans- ferred their ])i-o|ierty and families to the Southern States, intending there to make their homes. C'ai)ital was, to a certain extent, furnished for repairing rail- ways and building new ones, and to be used in renewing the waste places. These efforts were not appreciated. Could not the ex-Confederate leaders see the advantage of these extended railways, of farms well cultivated, of mines of mineral wealth such as coal and iron, opened and workeil and man- ufactures established, affording in time employ- ment to thousands of persons, male and female? These leaders seemed unable to comprehend the idea, tliat wlien a well meaning and industrious man comes into a neighborhood, bringing with him his family, it must be with the hoi)e of bettering his condition, and of finding a permanent home. In- stead of truly welcoming these moral and industri- ous men and their households, who proposed to cast in their lot among them, the ex-Rebels looked on them with sus])icious eyes. In consequence a series of petty annoyances were put in train — a kind of social ostracism. Especially was this the case if the new comer exercised the ])resumed rights of the Amer- ican citizen, of thinking for himself, and voting in accordance with his convictions, or instructed the colored children in Sabbath or in other schools. SOUTHERN AND NOUTIIEUN DEMOCRATS. 225 Then followed in many places maurauding expedi- tions of the Ku Klux, to terrify and commit out- rages on the P^reedmen, on the natives who had been Union men, and on these new comers. These bands were made up of the younger ex-Rebels and the sons of former slave-holders. Southern Outrages and Northern Democrats. — It may be asked what had the Democratic Party North to do with these outrages ? The answer is that they encouraged these crimes by conniving at them. Their papers and leaders in the North either apologized for them, or ])roclaimed that the accounts of assassinations and kindred outrages were greatly exaggerated. The facts in the case are embodied in a report of a committee (/Senator Teller, Chair- mcm), appointed by the U. S. Senate; this volumin- ous report contains the sworn testimony of numerous 'witnesses to these outrages. The pertinent ques- tion may be asked, were the Northern Democratic leaders careful to have a fair account of these out- rages published in their recognized organs? What would have been the result if these leaders and their organs, certain newspapers, had denounced these outrages, and proclaimed to the ex-Confed- erates, that while they sympathized with them in their recent contest with the government, the De- mocracy of the Northern States would not tolerate such crimes nor countenance their authors ; can there be a reasonable doubt that these marauding expeditions would soon have ceased ? We are able to understand the s)>irit which animated the leaders of 226 POLITICAL PARTIES. iho Xortlieni Doinocracy, from the fact that when President Johnson vetoed that benevolent measure, tlie " Freodnien's Bureau Bill," which was desi liave soon, and undor tho name of " Ku Ivlux," roamed over tlio country, abusing the frcednien and the native white nion wlio had hoon loyal to the Union ; thus retarding tho material pro- gress of that section so much, that it has not yet fullv recovered from that direful iiifluonco. Blunders in Public Affairs. — Of similar char- aeter is the famous boast often heard that the material progress of the country during the greater portion of the Nation's life, from Thomas Jefferson to Abraham Lincoln, was owing to the superior management of the national affairs by Democratic statesmen. On the contrary, the history of our industrial progress in every respect during this period, shows that this advancement was due to the inherent energy of the people themselves, which com- pelled success in spite of much crude legislation by the statesmen of those times. The Xatioual govern- ment was for the greater portion of this period under the control of the slave-power, and to such an extent that all ])ublic measures were either stifled or moulded by that influence. They had before them one steady aim, especially from the time of Nullification onward ; that aim was to strengthen the power and influence of slavery, and preserve its integrity, and felt but little interest in the progress of the people at large. This may be accounted for on the principle that the Southern statesmen seemed never to take in the full import of the small amount of wages paid to operatives in Europe, when compared Mith that paid to similar SOLTIIEHXERS AS STATESMEX. 233 workpeople in the United States. The only ])lausible solution of this mistake is, that as they (lid not pay their slaves wages, they had but little sympathy for those who worked for hire. This defective element entered largely into their states- manship, when they endeavored to introduce Free- Trade or nearly so, by not taking into consideration the effect of the low wages paid in Europe, upon those paid our own workpeople in the Free-Labor States, when employed in manufacturing the same class of goods. The custom of paying no wages at all, as in the case of their slaves, put the slave- owners on an equality with those who paid low wages in Europe. The support of the slaves in place of their being paid, about counterbalanced the low wages paid operatives in Europe, out of which the latter supported themselves. Had the slaves only been able to manufacture or work in mills, the result would have been the utter prostration of the higher wages necessary to secure competent work- people in the factories in the Free-Labor States. Tact in Management. — It may be asked why the South, with comparatively a smaller number of members, exerted in Congress so much influence down to 1861 ? It was not because of their greater learning in law and political principles, for in that respect, taken as a whole, they were inferior to the Xorthern members ; nor from true statesmanship, for they never were the promoters of comprehen- sive measures beneficial to the people in the various sections of the land, taking in the diversities of 'i:U rui.iTicAL j'Airrih'S. cliinale in our vast domain. Tlir measures tlii-y spcfially promoted, directly or indirectly, were jilaniu'd and desij^ned to l»e in the interest of tlieir own section and of slavery, either in streiigtheninjjj it where it existed, or of extending it, so as to make it National. Jt was their tact in managing men ; often measures were carried through Congress hy means of their superior parliamentary tactics alone. They acquired this skill, because the politicians of that section sent to Congress usually the same men, from session to session, and always, without ex- ception, from the same class — slave-owners — and thus they acquired by continuous experience, the power of managing that body, and of moulding a majority of the members for their own interests — as in voting they held the balance of power. Especially w'as this the case with respect to the Democratic leaders and members from the Free- Labor States ; the latter having a following at home that did their bidding, in a class of citizens of foreign birth, who invariably voted in accordance with the dictation of these subordinate leaders. This unenlightened class never changed ; they voted continuously the same ticket, and oftentimes indirectly for measures which were clearly against their own interests, as laboring men or mechanics. This fact w^as well known to the Southern leaders ; they had (mly to secure the Northern Democratic members in Congress, the latter being sure of their own following at home. During the period (1829- 1861) there was not a comprehensive measure to SOUTflERNERS AS STATESMEN. 235 benefit the people at large introduced into Congress by a Southern member, except the Homestead Bill by Andrew Johnson — he seems, as a Southern member, to have stood alone or nearly so in that movement. Witness the persistent opposition of the Southern members and of their allies from the Free-Labor States, to the introduction of Cheap Postage and to the Homestead Bill, and every measure designed to encourage the mechanical in- dustries or the commerce of the whole nation. Lack of Practical Wisdom. — It was little short of madness for the ex-Confederate leaders not to accept the situation in good faith at the close of the Rebellion ; meanwhile, going vigorously to work in repairing the waste places of their own land, and cordially welcoming all those who came to live in their States as upright and thrifty citizens. But instead they stood aloof, as did the Democratic leaders in the Northern States. The latter, as such, seem to have had but little intention of aiding their Southern brethren in recuperating their strength in material progress, and in enabling the mass of the people to recover their desolated lands and rebuild their ruined houses ; seemingly, their only object Avas to secure in their favor the political influence of the former leaders in the Rebellion. The latter, it was said, at the suggestion of these Noi'thern leaders, ab- stained from voting at some important elections, which pertained to bringing back their States into the Union under what Avas termed the policy of " Reconstruction " {American People, pp. 1,033, L'8«'. J'OLITJCAI. J'AirJ'Jh'S. 1,04 0, will' li '.viis ndapU'd ti) secure llic li^^hls of the I'lv'iMliiieii as citizens, niio\vi'r, to attain wiiich they artiliated with the leaders of the Demoeraey in the Northern States. This lioi)C had already dawned, for after their terrible losses at Gettyshuru:, Vicksburi;, and Port Hudson in July, 1803, the jtolitical leaders in control of the Rebellion still lield out because, it would seem, they hoped the Democratic ])arty would elect a president in 18G4, whose candidate, it turned out, " was regarded as more favorable to the Southerners" {Life of Lee, p. 291). The Southern leaders had scarcely ever actively engaged in the ordinary business of life or in personal labor, and to them it must have been exceedingly irksome as well as difficult to earn their bread by the " sweat of their faces ; " they naturally ij)referred to live by ])olitics, and the emoluments of office, since the un- requited toil of slaves was no longer available. A Better "Way. — On the other hand were thous- ands and thousands of blameless men and women, reduced by the results of the war from affluence to poverty. Their lands remained, but their slaves that cultivated them were gone, and they themselves were compelled to labor for subsistence. To them the change was equally great, but they displayed under their misfortunes remarkable energy and self- reliance, for which noble traits they have won the regard and sympathy of every true and generous- hearted man and woman in the Northern States. They went to work and did not waste their time looking to a recent disloyal faction in the loyaP SOUTHERNERS AS STATESMEN. 239 States to aid them in regaining political influ- ence. It is strange the ex-leaders of the Rebellion did no^ recognize in all its bearings, the fact that the sla^^es had become free, and they had been given the privilege of suffrage, as a matter of expediency, as well as of necessity, in order that they might protect themselves from unjust laws, the form in which their oppressions would be the more likely to come {American People., pp. 1,036, 1,040). The freedmen were in their midst and must remain ; they could not be driven away, nor was it desirable ; they were absolutely essential, so long as the special agricultural products of the South were to be cul- tivated. The true and common-sense policy for these ex-leaders was to make the best of the situa- tion ; encourage the freedman and his children, as Avell as the children of the jioor whites, to avail themselves of the advantages of education — never enjoyed before — as now provided in the free schools, introduced through the influence of the National government. These people could at once have been put in the way of bettering their condition, and consequently in time have become better edu- cated, and more competent to take their part in industrial pursuits, such as working in mills and factories, as well as engaging more intelligently and more successfully in farming and planting. How much wiser would have been the policy of trying to elevate all classes of the community by the various means of education thus afforded, than that of 'J40 roi.lTK'M. J'Ah"J'JJ:S. j»l:uiiiij iin|)i'tliiiu'nts in tlie way «»f llio general ]irog- ress of lliat section of the country, by not protecting the freednien in their effort to iinj)rove, and l>y able from indications ])revalent for some time after the close of the war, that the ex-Confederate leaders, with but few exceptions, would have acce])ted the situa- tion, and have fallen in with the designs of the gov. ernment to aid the peoj)le in every way consistent with its authority, had they not come under the malign influence already noticed. The Present Policy. — We can only conjecture what " it might have been " if Mr, Lincoln's life had been sj tared ; what he could have accomplished by means of his wonderful ])ower of conciliating men of different, and even hostile views and theories. He had ins])ired confidence in his integrity, tact,and goodness of heart, not only among his immediate friends, but among his political opponents in the loyal States, and even of those then in arms against the government, the more thoughtful had come to ap- preciate these peculiar traits, and after his death had recognized under the circumstances, that they had lost their best friend. He would have drawn around him the leading men of the South — not the incorrigi- l)le politicans — but such minds as Robert E. Lee, A. H. Stevens, L. Q. C. Lamar and others of influence in that class, and no doubt he would soon have had the sympathy of the intelligent and patriotic among the SOUTHEIiNERS AS STATESMEN. 241 non-political portion of the Southern people. The hitter had already begun to suspect they had been grossly deceived by their leading politicians Avho rep- resented the non-political peo])le of the North as being for the most part hostile in feeling toward their southern brethren. It was well known in the North that the great majority of the latter had been oppos3d to the breaking up of the Union, but after the war commenced human nature asserted itself and they determined to fight, and they did it bravely too. Meanwhile, the extreme doctrines of State Rights were harped upon so much that they finally came to believe that the States in rebellion had a right to secede from the Union in spite of the pi*o- test of their sisters. But under what doubtless would have been the conciliating policy of Mr. Lin- coln had he lived, the game afterward entered upon by the Democratic leaders of the North Avith the ex- Confederates of the South, would never have had an existence. Johnson's Plans.— During the space of about seven months, from Mr. Lincoln's death till the meet- ing of Congress, certain influences produced results that astonished loyal people, and equally surprised the members of Congress, when on their assembling, President Johnson announced in his message what he had done. In the furtherance of his "policy of Restoration " he had proposed conditions with which, if the recently rebellious States would cora- ))ly, he virtually took upon himself to restore them to their former relat ions in the L^nion. Consistently 242 POLITICAL IWHTIKS. •with this |>rt»i>ositittii, he had vecoinmoiulcHl the elec- tion of inembers of Congress in these States, and also of Legislatures, the latter to choose United States Senators, that all niitjht be in readiness to take their }>laees in the Congress about to assemble. For this action the President had no authority, expressed or implied in the Constitution. The Executive branch of the government had usurped the province of the Legislative. We cannot here go into detail in re- spect to the controversies elicited in dealing with the questions that grew out of the war, such as those pertaining to the protection of the Freednien and their descendants as well as others equally Important. {^American People, pp. 1035 — 1044.) "Who -were Responsible.— What were the influ- ences to which alhision has been made? It is evi- dent that x\ndrew Johnson would never have taken the position he did, had he not been tampered with by Democratic leaders, backed by ex-Confederate politicians, and in consequence the famous "Resto- ration policy " would never have been announced, much less attempted to be put in force, had he not been Tylerized. Here is the germ of the irritations which grew up during his administration, and the Kepublican leaders, in defence of their policy of "Reconstruction," denounced him as the organ and representative of the clearly defined combination of the recent disloyal faction of the Democratic leaders in the Xorth with the ex-Confederates m the South. Had it not been for this combination, so patent to all intelligent readers of the time, the many harsh SOrrilERNERS AS STATESMEN. 213 6])eec'lies in Congress in respect to the ox-Confede- rate leaders and their Northern allies, would never have been made. On the contrary, the danger loomed up, that nearly all that the war had gained for humanity and the prospective advancement of the Nation, was about to be virtually lost under the guise of "Restoration," in accordance with which no guarantee was given that the Freedmen and their descendants would not have been continued in a condition of vassalage little less than that of the olden time — save they could not be bought and sold. In proof of this general statement, may be cited the laws passed by several Southern Legislatures, that were elected in accordance with President Johnson's recommendation, and who expected that his theory of " Restoration " would be fully carried out. (McPherson's Handbook of Politics, i)p. 29-44. This great wrong was, however, prevented by a Republican Congress adopting over President Johnson's vetoes the theory of "Reconstruction," by means of Avhich the Freedmen were made voters in order they might have a voice in making the laws under which they and their children wore to live, and this right was guaranteed to them as far as could be done under the circumstances. The Freedman could now enter upon his now relations ^s a citizen, encouraged by the hope of success if he himself made the jn-oper exertion. How different would be his condition to-day if the leaders of the Democracy had had their way. It is almost univer- sally conceded that, in the main, it is better that L'44 rol.lTlCM. I'AHTIKS. these States were brouglit back on the iir'meiplc of inakin<:f the colored people citizens, and then training the latter by education to fill well their part, than to have deprived them of such j)rivilege and launched them forth without an incentive, only to be kept in ignorance and to toil, subjected to the caprice of those who employed them, and to live under laws that thev had no hand in making. The Mistakes. — In the light of political history we can see that many mistakes were made on both sides at the close of the war; the Republicans were not free from error, neither were the Northern Democrats, while the Southern leaders failed in not repudiating the disloyal faction in the North, and instead, falling in with the progressive element among the Northern people, whose heart began at once to manifest sympathy for their Southern brethren, and were willing, and even anxious, to let bygones be really bygones, and to aid in recuper- ating the wasted material strength of the South. xxxrv. CASTE, AS A POLITICAL FORCE. Glass Antagonisms. — Immense injury has often been done to the kindly and sympatlietic feeling that ought to and would naturally exist among the American people, by the influence of certain polit- cal leaders in arraying one portion of the community against another, especially to incite the uneducated and the class that works for wages, against the educated and those who employ workpeople. To that custom, thus persisted in, may be attributed nearly all the unreasonable and dangerous class antagonism — especially in the cities among the )>eople. This feeling is more than usually injurious to a nation constituted like ours, where popular will governs, as the unthinking are so liable to be led astray by designing men under the guise of patriot- ism, Avhen they are only partisans. Under a mon- archy or kingly rule, where the authority is outside the mass of the people, it would be different, but here, where all are equal as citizens in their rights and privileges, the injury is much greater and more dangerous. The Democratic clubs — in the origin of the party — were very effective in exciting preju- dice against the Federalists or supporters of Wash- 240 POLITICAL PARTIES. \n^\o\\^ ndiniiiistiMtitiii by stipiinti/ing thcin as Aristocrat.'^. TiKlecil, so much has bctMi made of what tlioy call in contrast democratic equality, as to give the impression that there is a merit in being slovenly dressed .and vulgar in habits; this may explain in some measure, why the rough and rowdy elements of society, for the most part, gravitate toward the Democracy — though, Avhatever the ex- planation, the fact remains. This antagonistic feeling between classes in the community, has been inspired and increased by the same influence as shown in political speeches and manifestoes in platforms of their Conventions, both State and National. The spirit has been the same at all times, and has been exhibited on all occasions for a purpose ; for instance, directly or indirectly, representing the well-to-do classes of the commmiity as hostile to those of limited means — es])ecially if the former were manufacturers and emjdoyed \\\c latter. To fan into flame what latent hostility there may be among different classes in American society, has been the systematized ])lan of the leaders, especially wdien a president is to be elected or Con- gressmen chosen. This influence is by no means exerted by all their speakers and writers, yet it is unquestionably true that a majority of them, Avhat- ever the motive may be, do prejudice the unenlight- ened by such misrepresentations. The National Congress having the control of the affairs of the country in its general intercourse with other nations, and also in respect to tariffs and financial measures, CASTE, AS A POLITIOAL FOROE. 247 that affect the interests of all classes ; the Presiden- tial canvass calls forth more than usual the energies of parties ; and measures of doubtful propriety in both cases are sometimes, sad to say, resorted to. The term Aristocrat, as we have seen, was applied for a purpose to the Federal party, which supported the policy of Washington's administration, but this term of reproach lost its poM^er as time wore along, and the prejudices agamst the aristocracy of Eng- land began to fade away. Meanwhile another gen- eration had come on the stage of action. A polit- ical oi-ganization had grown up during these years, which, because of the elements that composed it, became the successor of the old Federal party. This organization assumed the name of Whig, and within its fold were found at that day, great numbers of the most progressive and intelligent portion of the Nation. They were the advocates of every improve- ment that could be introduced to benefit the country in its industries and general development. They were in the main well to do in a worldly way ; they thought for themselves, and had no great mass of the unenlightened to follow them and vote for their measures, right or wrong. This very independency of thought caused them to differ frequently among themselves in resj^ect to measures of public policy, yet they would never compromise with cliques nor coquette with them to secure their votes. Under these circumstances, it was only when the glaring mistakes of their opponents, as a j^arty, were obvious to nearly every one, that the Whigs obtained con- 24S POLITICAL PARTIES. trol of the Natioiuil (iovcrnniont, and when great numbers of the intelligent and independent Dem- ocrats voted with them. For instance, the numer- ous mistakes the latter made in relation to the finances of the country, which led to the great com- mercial revulsion in 1837, enabled the Whigs to succeed ; the latter having persistently opi>osed these measures and foretold the results which fol- lowed. The True Aristocracy. — The lower grade of political leaders likewise often apply the term aristo- crat a^^ nickname to those holding in society a higher social position than themselves. This is designed to excite the prejudice of that class which, perhaps, by no fault of its own, has not yet attained to a similar social position. Instead of stimulating these envious feelings in the latter, would it not be more ])atriotic to encourage them in laboring by industry and correct moral dejiortment, to attain for them- selves as high a grade of excellence as jiossible, and by their example and influence, aid their children to reach a plane still higher? Above all price is the aristocracy of that family, in whom are blended the physical and moral characteristics which, in the course of generations, become the outgrowth of an upright ancestry. This is a higher grade of excel- lence than has ever been possessed or even claimed by the so-called aristocracies of the Old World ; because it is based on moral and intellectual worth and will command the respect of the bad, and attract the love of the good. Its ranks are open to CASTE, AS A POLITICAL FORCE. '2i9 all those worthy of the honor, and the qualifications are, in time, within the reach of all — poor and rich. An aristocracy of that character is worthy of any people, as it is based on the eternal principles or truth and excellence, while against it will be arrayed the prejudices of the vicious alone. Such unreasonable antagonism can be remoAcd but in one Avay, by improving the moral tone of the morally low classes of the community. How much better it would be if political leaders would make efforts to raise the standard of morals and education among those classes, than cajole them in order to secure their influence at the polls. Prejudice and Nicknames. — In the presidential canvass of 1844, two definite plans of operation was adopted by the leaders of the Democracy : one to introduce the slavery question, another to secure the vote of an influential Free-Labor State (already noticed, p. 117), the third, from the efforts that were made we are justified in inferring was to prej^rdice the laboring classes against those who employed them. This very injurious phase of electioneering was then carried on to an extent never witnessed before. For illustration, the Irishman leaves his native isle with strong prejudices against the English people and their government, and he finds in this land of his ado]>tion certain political leaders so far professing to sympathize with him in this antagonism, that he is confirmed in his original prejudices, and is led to imagine that those who employ him here are as much his enemies aa he deemed his employers were in hir native lawd. 'J5(> rol.lTlCM. I'AHTIKS. Silk stocking Gentry.— In the tiini' oi Jack- eon's ])rosi(U'nc'y, wliilc the contest was ragincj in respect to tlie United States Bank, tlie business men, merchants, and bankers — those who had had exi)erience in financial affairs — who were in favor of chartering the bank as a measure of commercial im- portance to the business of the M'hole people — were characterized as the " 7nonet/ed poicer,'''' with the implication that they were the enemies of the " poor man " who worked for wages. Of course this led the Irishmen to vote the ticket of the party to which his employei- was ojiposed — the latter for the much greater portion being Whigs. The Democratic leaders put themselves forward in this canvass (1844) as the special friends of the " poor man," for whom their hearts went out in sympathy, while the Whigs, whom they now styled " The Silk Stocking Gentry," they represented as the enemies of the workingman, and charged them with gi-owing rich out of the toil of those whom they employed. These epithets, which took the place of the " aristocrat " of the earlier days, had their effect, and were evidently chosen for the express purpose of prejudicing especially the for- eign poor and ignorant against the well-to-do and the intelligent. It was really an insult to the self- respect of those who worked for wages, to attempt to influence them by using such epithets. The result showed they were thus influenced, as, for the most part, they voted for the Democracy, and, as it proved in the end, against their own interests, but in obedience to the behests of their leaders. CASTE AS A POLITICAL FOIiCE. 251 Locofoco — Bourbon. — One nickname — " Loco- foco" — was current for a number of years, but it had no political significance outside the party, as it was not given by the Whigs but by one faction of the Democracy to another. There existed a differ- ence of opinion on some points in the famous society known as " Tammany." A meeting of the society had been called (October 29, 1835), and the regulars, as they termed themselves, secretly gained admission to the hall by a side door, before the hour appointed for the meeting. The other faction coming at the designated time, found their brethren in possession and a meeting organized. The new comers, being in the majority, made short work with the jjrogress of the session, by outvoting its members. The regulars were forced to retire, meanwhile, before leaving, they shut off the gas, and the others, perhaps anticipating such a result, came provided with candles and " loco-foco matches," which enabled them to strike a light and organize their meetino; and nominate their candi- es o dates. The regulars took their revenge by nick- naming their opponents " Locofocos." The term "Bourbon," as used to-day, also originated within the party itself. Black Republicans. — The Free-Soil Democrats and liberal AVliigs united in a new political organi- zation under the name of Republican (1855), This ]>arty wished by legal and just measures to prevent the extension of slavery to the territories, lest it should prove to them in future generations, the 252 POLITICAL PARTIES. moral ami ecoiioniical riirse it had been to tl\e then slave-hoKlinjjc States. To excite prejudice against this new jiarty the Democratic leaders at once, and with one consent, characterizecl it as Black Repnb* lica/t. This opprobrious and suggestive nickname was purposely chosen, as the object was to secure influence with those who were unable from their want of knowledge to fully understand the vast im- j>ortance of the questions at issue. It shows the cunning of these leaders, inasmuch as that epithet, under the circumstances, had an iinuiense influence upon certain classes of their followers, and induced thousands to vote their ticket, and meanwdule de- terred other thousands from voting with their op- ponents. Recent Efforts. — In later years we have seen the same political organization endeavoring to prejudice the laboring man against those who employ him. The favorite epithets used being : " Bloated Bond- holders," " Coupon-Clippers," " Gold-Bugs," " Blood- suckers," and other vulgar terms, while those who work for wages were characterized by one single term — the "Downtrodden." The former epithets were applied to all those who by economy and in- dustry have obtained a competency of this world's goods. Were not these ignominious nicknames designed and used for the express ])urpose of array- ing one portion of the community against another ? Can there be another explanation ? What intelli- gent reader of the day can fail to divine the motive ? Do these demagogues credit the numerous rich men CASTE, AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 253 thus characterized, with the immense sums they have given and are giving to-day for the purpose of founding or aiding institutions of learning, in which the sons and daughters of those of limited means can receive gratuitously a practical education ? This antagonism, thus engendered and promoted, of the less wealthy against the well-to-do-classes, is an ominous sign of future evil ; but there is only one political organization that encourages this, and as such expects to profit by it. The capitalist, instead of being characterized as an enemy, ought to be hailed as a friend of the working man ; since he alone furnishes the means and the occasion by which the latter obtains employment and derives div- idends from his own capital — his skill and his muscle. In connection with this may be noted that the great majority of the manufacturers and })rominent men of business do not — unless in theory — belong to the Democratic party; this may account for the worldly wisdom of the lower grade of their leaders, who endeavor to create antagonistic feelings between the employers and those employed. To be sure, it does not argue much, for the practical wisdom of the working men that they j^ermit themselves to be thus fooled — that they are thus liable, is their mis- fortune — but how are we to estimate the position of the respectable portion of a political organization, which connives at taking advantage of this misfor- tune ; and appealing to the meaner instincts of human nature in order to array one class of the people against another, and thereby gain a partisan triumph? 2.">4 I'Ol.lTlrAL PARTI lis. Evory true jKitriot deprocatos the hostile feeling of one portion of the community toward another, when, on the contrary, their mutual benefits dcj)end so much upon good will toward each other. What antagonism there may exist has frequently arisen from sueh misrepresentations as we have noted. Copperheads. — The loyal men, originally of both parties, must, at least, plead guilty to one charge of calling naughty names. During the Rebellion, large numbers of Northern Democrats were disloyal ; that is, were in sympathy more or less with the enemies of the Union. They mani- fested their zeal in underhand and secret ways; such as exaggerating every reverse of the Union arms and extolling every victory of the so-named Confederates ; commending the skill of the latter's commanders, while depreciating that of the Union generals. They labored to destroy the credit of the government, and when it wished to obtain money by issuing bonds, they refused to buy them, and endeavored to discourage others, by proclaim- ing the bonds would never be paid. If they had property, which the government in its emergency needed, they would take in payment, not its bonds, but gold ; with the latter the more astute specu- lated, and the more ignorant — expecting the Union to go to pieces — kept it on hand till they were forced to admit the Nation was still intact. Some disloyal editors, by means of personals in their papers, made the latter mediums of communication between the rebels and their sjonpathizers in the CASTE, AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 255 loyal States {Jacob Thompsoii's Report to Jeffer- son Davis — dated Dec. 3, 1864, at Toronto^ Canada. Thompson was Sec. of the Interior under Such- anan.) Many of these gentlemen engaged, secretly, in blockade-running ; some went abroad, princi- pally to England, to carry out their schemes of making money, and of aiding the enemies of their own country by furnishing them supplies. One of the most blatant of these patriots was sent by President Lincoln across the lines, but after a tima he made his way from the Confederacy into Canada, and while on its soil was nominated by the Demo- cracy of the State of Ohio for the office of governor. The chief leaders, meanwhile, were proclaiming themselves innocent of disloyalty, in truth were ill- treated, were martyrs, and were complaining, about illegal arrests, when they were all loose. There is found in some states a serpent in its nature very poisonous — not like the rattlesnake, giving warning of its presence, but concealed in the grass awaiting the opportunity to sting the passer by. Was it strange that the indignant loyal men of the time character- ized these secret but active enemies of the Union as copperheads. Platforra Statements. — The Democracy habit- ually word their platforms in such manner as to give the impression that they are the peculiar friends of the " poor man." As a case in point their National Convention of Cincinnati, (June 24, 1880) adopted the following: "The Democratic party is the friend of labor and of the laboring 250 ruJ.lTlCAL PARTIKt^. mail, and jiK-dgcs itself to ])rotoot him alike against the cormorants and the com mane.'''' We presume it was loft to their orators to I'xplain wliat is meant by these tico enemies of the j)oor man Avho works for wages. Then again : " The Democratic party being the natural friend of the working man, and having throughout its history stood beticeen him and oppression, renews its expression of 8)'m])athy with labor and its promise of protection to its rights." [Dem. Con. of Penna., April 29, 1880]. Many more instances might be cited couched in similar terms. These statements are in the face of the facts of the party's history in respect to what this "natural friend of the workman," has done for the latter in times jiast. "Similar assertions have been made,_and that systematically, in their speeches, papers and platforms, from year to year, and un- fortunately, too often, the unenlightened working man believes them, perhaps because they are so often brought to his notice. While the close reader of our political history has seen in every instance, w^here measures have been introduced by other parties, which were, in their nature, adapted to con- fer lasting benefits upon the Nation at large, the Democratic leaders have uniformly throAvn their in- fluence against them. Facts, on the other hand, con- clusively show that measures — such as cheap postage, free homes, the National Banking system, return to Specie payments, etc. — which the Democracy stren- uously opposed, have proved themselves not to be merely theoretical, but thoroughly practical in their CASIE, AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 2bt good results, we thus find the political organization that has been the most clamorous in promises of de- votion to the special interests of the "poor man," has done him the least good. Dividends Compared. — These, so-called, friends of the "poor man," prejudice the wage-earners by asserting that manufacturers secure for themselves nearly all the profits. To obtain the truth of this assertion, we must ascertain the value of the two classes of capital invested, and, also, the proportion- ate incomes from each. Suppose we estimate the value of the knowledge, skill, and muscle of a com- petent workman — that is his capital — at $10,000. He gets, when he works, a salary of, say, $1,000, $1,500 or $2,000 a year ; that would be 10, 15, or 20 per cent, on his capital. Wages or dividends of workmen are graduated from the highest grade to the lowest, in proportion to the value of their skill and muscle when properly put forth. Suppose the plant of a factory cost $500,000, that amount, alone, at 5 per cent, incurs a yearly expense of $25,000. In addition, are the taxes, the raw ma- terial, but more than all, the wages of the employes. These expenses must be met before the manufact- urers can declare a dividend. Their income is vari- able, since it depends upon many contingencies, but they must, however, pay the wages of their work- people. In view of these facts does not the capital invested by the employed pay in px'oportion a more certain and larger dividend than that of the em- ployer ? XXXV. PARTY DISCIPLINE, Democratic Devotion. — The Democracy has always been uiuler llie control of comj)aratively few leaders — the great mass following imj)licitly. Some- times a limited number will disagree with these leaders in res])ect to their measures or ])olicy, but they are soon compelled to succumb. The thinking men, who thus dare differ, are brought to terms by a system of ostracism unknown in other political organizations. The latter gentlemen may differ in opinion from the party leaders or ])oliticians, and as we have seen them again and again, even express their dissent in debate or by writing, yet, strange as it may seem, when the time comes the much greater number vote with the party. These daring leaders care very little for the opposite opin- ions expressed by this small number of the member- ship. In i)roof of this statement let us look at the question of the National finances ; on this subject there are and have been more opinions at variance than on any other. Those of the Democracy en- gaged in purely financial business, such as bankers, brokers, and dealers in merchandise, were almost to a man in favor of the finances being based on specie jiayments, in order that the commerceof the country PAHTV DISCIPLINE. 259 niiglit be conducted on a solid basis, and be free from the fluctuations of value, which passed over from the times of the Rebellion. Yet their repre^ sentatives in Congress voted to retard this resump- tion. Now comes the marvel ; the gentlemen just mentioned, with scarcely an exception, supported these same men when re-nominated to Congress, notwithstanding they had voted, as these financiers thought, in a manner to injure the business of the whole country. The demand of the leaders, that the members of the Democracy should vote the regular ticket, is by no means limited to the luiintelligent of the party, it is well understood that flinching will not be tol- erated on the day of election, even on the part of those who are well informed. The latter are sub- jected to a social ostracism of only a little higher grade. How a political organization could wield such power over its members, is a matter of aston- ishment to those who are self-respecting and unfa- miliar with the drill and demand of the party leaders. The managers — often virtually self-constituted — of caucuses and conventions, announce principles and nominate candidates, and woe to the member who thinks for himself and dares vote independently. Hard-money Democrats, as they were termed, or those in favor of coming back to specie payments, were among the most thoughtful and intelligent of the party, yet, when that question was under discussion, they were expected at the dictation of the leaders to belie the principles which they be- !>0(» POLITICAL PAHTIK^. liovi'd to l»o tilt' b(.'st for the country. Thus, in the State of Ohio in 1879, the Democratic Convention nominated for governor a famous Grcenbacker or JnHationist in spite of the ])rotests of the hard money men of the ])arty. In consequence, much discussion was elicited within the i)arty itself. Said Senator Thurman, one of the most influential Dem- ocrats of the State, in speaking of these hard money men, and of the incongruity of the nomination : " Undoubtedly, a great many Democrats in Ohio think that General Ewing's financial views are un- sound, hut when the day of election conies they will be found voting for him, and it is the votes which count on that day — not opinions " {N". Y. Tribune^ Aug. 14, 1879). Evidently with this expectation the nomination was made and hard money Demo- crats were relied upon to lay aside their convictions of duty, their self-respecting manliness and vote, merely for a partisan gain, in support of the prin. ciples they abominated. Contempt for Dissenters. — The truth is, the leaders of the Democracy care very little for the occasional dissent from their policy, by some of the intelligent members, because the discussions thus elicited are neither heard nor read by the great majority of the voters in the party. The latter, it is notoriously known, have not the general informa. tion necessary to understand the bearings of many important questions, a true statement of which sel- dom reaches them. This class of persons or voters, from the nature of the case, very seldom change their political relations ; when once they commit them PARTY DISCIPLINE. 261 selves they cling with tlic greatest tenacity to their party. This is specially true of certain portions of the foreign element, because captivated by the term Democrat, which to them is the direct opposite of the governments they have known in their old homes ; they believe in the mere name itself, as if it had some mysterious influence. These leaders assume that they will always have the su])port of that large class of foreigners who are in the habit of crowdhig into the cities and along the railways i;ear the large towns, but they are far from being so confident of those Avho settle as farmers in the West and the Northwest. Under these circum- stances the headers treat with contempt those Dem- ocrats who hwe the rashness to differ in opinion from the matvifestoes of the caucus, or reject the nomination of candidates in their conventions, be- cause the number of malcontents is usually so small that they can ei)sily s])are them from the ranks, see- ing they have su.^ciont supporters in this unwaver- ing class. In fact,, the leaders would rather not have these inquisitive gentlemen in the ranks at all ; they want implicit obedience to caucus dictation. Indeed, these troubleaorne members — so few in number that their absence would scarcely be missed, and their mfluence over the ordinary crowd of voters not worth mentioning — are often advised to succumb or be put under the ban. Free and frank discussion of current political questions within the ranks of the Democracy itself would be injurious to the or- ganization — hence absolute obedience is demanded of ever/ member. 2()2 VOUTICAL r ART IKS. Control of the Ignorant. — By loaders wo menn the politioiaiis of the i):iity, not tlioso oitizoiis who in theory may believe in its dogmas, but do not take an active interest in polities, or even in politi- cal questions, but wish honestly for the good of the country in its varied interests. The former class live by office and its incidental emoluments; they are the many who for tlieir own ends bamboozle their followers. They take care that the mass of their supj)orters shall loani nothing on i)assing dis- cussions on National subjects, cxcejit what they think pro])er to put before them. Lot any intelli- gent person notice the statements made in certain newspapers in the cities and specially designed for the enlightenment of the mass of the Democracy, and he will be astonished at the bold assertions, the misre])resentations ; and garbled extracts in re- lation to current opinions and facts, that are fur- nished as political food for these devotees. By this means certain voters of the ]>arty are marvellously held in hand ; should one of them vote an opposi- tion ticket, he loses caste at once among his fellows, especiall}' is this true in respect to Irishmen, who are so tightly held in political shackles. If the in- vestigation is carried to the county or rural papers of the ])arty, the facts revealed would be equally interesting in the same line. The mass of these voters, though uninitiated as to the schemes of their OAvn ])oliticians, mean well, but they are gr'ossly deceived, and we would not say a word to wound their self-respect, but this systema- tic effort to kccji them \n }>olitical bondage, and PAIiTY DISCIPLINE. 263 oftentimes, as we have seen, induce them to vote against their own interests, is a crime, and for that reason we denounce it and its perpretrators. As it now stands the unenlightened voters hold an im]>ortant position of power between the intelli- gent voters of the two main political parties of the day — the Democratic and Republican. The latter from the progress that springs from the counsels of thinking and active men, does much for the " poor man" in advancing the industries of the land, and putting the business of the country on a firm basis, thus securing permanent good results and employ- ment for those who work for wages. The leaders of the former have not so good a record ; in their crude theories and legislation up to 1861, they brought distress uj)on the business of the country, about every ten or dozen years and in consequence turned the "poor man " out of employment. There has not been a time of great financial disturbance and prostration of the business of the Nation for twenty-five years preceding 1861, but can be traced directly or indirectly to the crude legislation of the Democracy. No student of our history need be surprised that within the last few years when they were in control of the lower House of Congress, they made efforts to accomplish legislation — for instance voting against resumi)tion of Specie pay- ment — on financial and on industrial affairs, which, if they had succeeded, would have been of great and manifold injury to the material progress of the entire country. XXXYT. RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENT. Assumptiors. — We have already seen the fhaiacteristic maixeuvre of these leaders in claiming for themselves the credit of measures that proved beneficial to the countiy. They have also actually claimed the merit of bringing about specie pay- ments in 1879, and that in the face of their most persistent efforts to prevent it. Since resumption has been a triumphant success, as seen in the in- crease of business and confidence in conmiercial circles, these leaders })roclaim to their followers that specie payments would not have taken place had it not been for their support. Said one of their prominent ])olitieal managers : — " It was due to the support of a Democratic Congi-ess that Resumption was mads possible;" and he adds: "the party has always been a hard money party, considered in general," (K V. Tribune, Aug. 22 or 23, 1879.) Had that gentleman forgotten that when the act of Resumption was ])assed it was opposed by every member of his party in Congress who voted on it ; while at the same time the bill was passed, the Secretary of the Treasury was authorized to make the necessary arrangements ; all of which was as HESUMPTIOX OF SPECIE PAYMEXT. 205 btrenuously opposed ? This mere assumption by one prominent leader would have little influence were it not calculated to deceive the unenlightened, meanwhile, the leaders, if the measures which they opjiosed turn out well and become a blessing to the land, do not hesitate in a quiet way to claim them as their own. In truth, since resumption has been a success and business has revived, they have no alternative but to acknowledge they made a mis- take. Business would not have revived had it not been for the confidence inspired by the knowledge that the Secretary was accumulating coin in the Treasury to meet the emergency on January 1, 1879. The abundant crops aided the cause, but they would not of themselves have been sufficient had there not been proper management and careful preparation to meet the demand on the Treasury. This foresight ena- bled the government to secure the advantages de- rived from the balance of trade being in our favor. Could all this have been brought about if the leaders of the Democracy, both in Congress and outside as represented by their press, had been able to prevent the Resumption Bill becoming a law or had been able to repeal it? As the business of the country has been improving more and more since we came back to specie pay- ments, and the prospect that a large amount of our immense grain crops, and food in the form of dairy products, beef and cattle, etc, will continue to be sent abroad, the leaders are at a loss how to make 26G POLITICAL FAIiTlh:^. this unparalU'lc'd success available politically. They proclaim they were always in favor of honest or hard money "in general," but not precisely \n fpAorofthe manner in which the business of the Nation has at length reached a coin basis. Our great skill and recent success in manufactures may be traced, in ]>art, to the fact that they liave not been so much disturbed as usual by the hostile feeling toward them manifested by the leaders of the Democracy who have again and again endeavored to tinker but ineffectually the tariff in the interest of "for revenue only." They appear to be anxious to secure a portion of the credit of this industrial pros- perity ; why not claim that had it not been for the Rebellion, brought on by the Southern wing of the Democracy and connived at by many of their leaders in the Free-Labor States, there would have been no necessity for the imposition of duties so heavy upon foreign imports in order to defray the expenses of the war — thus they themselves have indirectly occa- sioned the building up of our magnificent system of industrial pursuits. Resumption. — The Resumption Act passed Con- gress in January 1875 ; it required the government to resume specie payments on Jan. 1, 1879 — four years later. This act was voted against by every Democratic member in Congress ; and thus it was literally a measure of the Republicans. Afterward the former i)arty attaining a majority in the House of Rejjresentatives, passed a bill to repeal this law; but not having a like majority in the Senate, they POLITICAL TUADJXa. 267 failed, and two months before they had the requisite number in tlie latter, resum])tion had taken place. That the whole Democratic party, as such, was op- posed to the resumption of specie payments, is evi- dent from the following as found in the platform of their convention held in St. Louis (June 28, 1876) : " we denounce the financial imbecility of that party [Republican] which, while annually professing to intend a speedy return to specie payments, has annually enacted fresh hindrances thereto. As such a hindrance we denounce the resumption clause of the Act of 1875, and we here demand its repeal." The Greenback party had previously (May 16, 1876) said in convention; "we demand the immediate and unconditional repeal of the specie resumption Act of 1875." As to the result, the day after the original Act was signed by Presi- dent Grant, the premium on gold began to diminish, and thus continue till on Jan. 1, 1879 it vanished. Retarding Resumption. — These leaders evi- dently retarded resumption for a time, by their con- tinued attempts to interfere in various ways with the finances, thus lessening that confidence in busi- ness transactions so essential to commercial pros- perity. Though the crops of the country were abundant, and our immense exports caused the balance of trade to be in our favor — one of the eli'- ments in the country's preparations for resumption — these facts seem not to have diminished the in- tense hostility of the Democratic leaders to the re- sumption of specie payments and the consequent 268 POLITICAL PARTIES. revival of tra nllianco of the year before, and iji both States (lemnndi'tl that tlie hard money and National debt-jiaying members of the ]>arty, should vote this combination tieket — no questions asked. Meamvliile, in the canvass for governor in the State of New York, they proclaimed themselves in favor of hard- money ; that State being mudi engaged in mercan- tile pursuits; the latter's newspapers, also, using the strongest terms in condemnation of the Green- back heresy, and against the repudiation of the National debt. Consistent with this i)olicy, we often see the leaders meeting in State, or National Con- ventions, and so framing resolutions as to exj)ress opinions, it may be differing somewhat from the general sentiments of the ])arty's ordinary mani- festoes, but a])parently calculated, for the time being to induce factions of other parties to vote their ticket. xxxvm. PROPHETS OF EVIL. Raven Croaks. — It seems peculiarly unfortunate for a great political organization at any time to be 60 straitened as to rely for its success upon the mis- fortunes of the people. During the war of the Rebellion, the hopes of the disloyal leaders of the Democracy hung upon the reverses of the Union armies ; and they chuckled over every defeat with which the latter met. Financial distress or dis- turbances were a welcome boon to those leaders, meanwhile, giving them an opportunity to ventilate their peculiar theories of what they themselves would do in the premises if they only had the power. Thus they stood ready to avail themselves of any failure of the cro])s or in business. In the presidential campaign of 1880 such failures were deemed essential to their success, if we may judge from the gloomy forebodings of their orators and news})apers of the period. But the failures did not come; meanwhile the country was gradually re- covering from the crash of 1873, as the adoption of specie payments — so bitterly opposed by these leaders — had been making, business more and more stable for a year and a half, by inspiring commer- cial confidence. 27G rol.lTlCAJ. /'MiTlKS. Futile Prophecies. — The Deuu )ciaiic i>arty be- ing in the majority in the House of Representatives, in which bills in relation to the finances must originate, its leaders, at the close of the first session of the XLVI Congress in 1880, for reasoiiH known to themselves, refused to pass a bill to enable the Secretary of the Treasury [Mr. Windom] to re- fund the portion of the debt coming due within a few months, and before Congress would again meet. Could it be possible that the prophecy, so confi- dently made, of financial disturbances during that summer, were based on the non-passage of such bill? The United States Treasury had about 8200,000,- 000 available to meet an indebtedness of about $650,000,000 in bonds, soon to become due and to be redeemed in some way. The Secretary, thus left to his own resources, proposed to the creditors, as a business transaction, to change the bonds they held to a lower rate of interest and to run for a longer time. The creditors agreed to the arrange- ment; the success was complete, and by the opera- tion 813,000,000 a year in interest w-ere saved to the people. Had these le;iders in Congress author- ized the Secretary to refund that portion of the debt, they might have claimed a portion of the credit of saving these millions, instead they had only obtained the credit of being obstructionists in opposing the Secretary's common sense financial policy, wdiich proved successful, as the business of the country experienced no disturbance because of PROPHETS OF EVIL. 277 the Treasury not being able to meet its obligations. The nominal Democrats — that is, Democratic in name but in practical financial matters, Republican — aj)plaucTed the policy and the success of the Secre- tary. Party Lines. — These leaders are prone to resort to means that are calculated to inspire distrust in the minds of the people. In the presidential can- vass of 1876, their cry was simply the word " Reform " — and that word, continually repeated, leaving to the imagination of their followers to con- jure up what direful things needed '•'•reform^ Again : in the case of the Electoral Commission (February 1877), — a compromise arrangement em- powered in Congress hy Democrats and liepub- licans alike — consisting of fifteen members of as intelligent, high and noble-minded men as were found in the Nation, and who spent weeks patiently and carefully, while under oath, in weighing the evidence bearing upon the point in issue, and who decided that the Republican candidate was duly elected President of the United States ; notwith- standing all this, when the covenanted arbitration was decided against them, the Democratic leaders at once raised the cry of the single word " Fraud^"* repeated ad injinitxon. Fallacies. — The advocates of Free Trade and for-revenue-only in arguing against a protective or equalizing tariff, ignore the fact that the money raised by import duties goes to defray the current expenses of the national government, and thiis 278 POLITICAL PARTIES. benefit the jn-oplo at largo. Tliis money does not come from oxtortioii, hut from the free will of those who |)urchase the foreign goods on whieli these duties are levied. They need not buy them, as to own such class of merchandise is not absolutely essential. This immense amount of property — worth about §1000,000,000 a year — which is im- ported and pays so large percentage of profit to the importer and the merchant, ought to pay in the form of duties its share of the general expenses of the government. It is a little singular that these zealous gentlemen never, in their writings or in their lectures, contrast the wages paid abroad for the same class of work Avith those ])aid here ; neither do we ever hear them contrast the manner of living of foreign operatives in respect to their food and the houses they live in — all inconsequence of the low wages they receive — and their general comfort with those of the American. Why should not the people whom they try to influence, have the truth in all its bearings put before them, that they may judge for themselves ? On the other hand, Avould they transfer the profits of which they complain to the foreign manufacturer, and in con- sequence, cither cut down the wages of our own workpeople or throw them out of employment ? The dividends of the manufacturer and of the workmen — the latter called wages — are the outgrowth of the combination of capital and labor — the latter per- formed by our own workpeople for which they are paid on an average more than twice as much as PROPHETS OF EVIL. 279 their fellows in Europe. This, however, it seems, goes for nothing in comparison Avith the importance of sustaining certain theories. Why do these writers and lecturers never say a word on the ad- vantages our own workpeople derive from having something to do, and at comparatively good wages ? Why not explain to them the difference in wages paid in the United States and in Europe ? Why do they not draw a comparison between the com- forts of living which the American workmen enjoy when compared with those of their fellows in Europe ? Political economists, who have made this subject a special study, estimate that three- fourths of the adult population of the United States, literally work for wages. If this estimate is correct it would follow that the latter and those Avhom they support are the mass of the people. The Workmens' Answer. — On the other hand they tell those employed that in consequence of the present tariff they pay higher for what they pur- chase. The workmen reply : We prefer to have good wages and pay higher for what we buy, than to have low wages and pay less. We can practice economy in both cases, and we can certainly lay up more for a " rainy day " on high wages than on low, and in respect to what things we need, outside food and rent, we virtually buy nothing strictly foreign, except tea and coffee, and on these there is no duty, while home competition has brought all textile fabrics that we use in clothing, down to a reasonable price. Therefore, the intelligent work- 280 POLITICAL PARTIES. men say to those gentlemen, " We do not thank yoA» though your intentions are kind, for your ndvoeacy of theories, whieh, if put in praetice, would ecrt.ainly lower our wages or deprive us altogether of employ- ment, and thus prevent our earning the means to purchase the goods you recommend, though they may be nominally as cheaj) as you say." These sentiments are in substance expressed again and again by intelligent and incbistrious mechanics. The Benevolence of Manufacturers. — You would infer from the strong statements by the o|> ponents of an equalizing or protective tariff against American manufacturers, that the latter were ty- rants, avaricious and cruel, when in truth there is no class of men who have done more for the advance- ment of the children of these workmen than they by their munificent gifts to found institutions for education. Many of these proprietors learned in their own experience to symj)athize with struggling virtue, as often seen among their own employees, and at the close of their career, and sometimes be- fore, have taken measures by means of their bene- volences to promote at large the interests of the workpeople. How different this is in principle from that we have learned of so many of the English manufacturers, who congratulate them- selves on having j)aid their poor fax, and thus done their share in providing poorhouses for their worn out workpeople, male and female. Yet owing to the political influence of ])olitical demagogues working men are tempted to distrust their employers, PltOFHETS OF F \JL. 28 1 and in consequence take but little interest in the latter's business or success. In addition to the rich manufacturers that have aided the cause of education by munificent gifts, numbers might be named who in proportion to their ability, have afforded opportunities in a less public manner for their workpeople to improve themselves, by means of reading-rooms and lectures and facilities for social intercourse. In truth no class of wealthy men is so liberal toward those of limited means. Peter Cooper was a manufacturer, and so was John F. Slater, who gave a million of dollars to aid education in the south ; and Mr. Williston the founder of the Academy that bears his name, and the bestower of many other similiar benevolences, v;as a manufacturer. Scores of such liberal Ameri- can manufacturei's could be named. But in all these matters the Democratic policy seems to be the fostering of public fear by predic- tions of evil, and the stimulation of distrust between the employer-class and the wage-class. XXXIX. FALSE PRETEm'lJES. Economy. — One of the tactics of Democratic leaders has been that of endeavoring to secure advant- ages as a party by means which sometimes appear like false pretences. A favorite mode of bamboozling the uninitiated is the systematic boast of economy in the administration of public expenses. This is often done by making insufficient appropriations to carry on the general government for the ensuing financial year. This year closes the 30th of June, but Congress will meet again in December, before the small appropriations thus made have been ex- hausted. Meantime these leaders have been pro- claiming in their papers, speeches and platforms how many million dollars they have saved the people. The great mass of their followers seem never to become aware of the exact truth on the subject, as their papers are careful to reiterate from time to time how much these professed economists have cut down the extravagant appropriations of the other party. The unenlightened but faithful Democrat believes these statements most implicitly, and as a patriot votes the ticket in the next fall elections. la due time Congress assembles, and after a FALSE PHETENCES 2T1» while, comes a report from the Departments, stat- ing that the appropriations made when Congress was last in session, are about exhausted. These economical gentlemen at once bring in the neces- sary deficency bills, and pass them without a word — as meekly as unweaned lambs. The rank and file scarcely if ever hear of these deficiency bills, for thej' are not paraded from day to day and week to week in the party papers, though the latter's readers are not permitted to forget the millions as- serted to have been saved the tax-ridden people by the insufficient appropriations just noted. This sort of economy has been practised every year, when fall elections were in prospect — can this be merely a coincidence ? An Illustration. — When the Democracy ob- tained control of the Lower House of Congress they proclaimed they would reform the government in re- lation to its expenses, and they cut down the appro- priations for 1877, about fourteen million dollars, less than had been appropriated for 1876 by the previous Republican Congress. The following year they entered upon a crusade against the ar?7ii/, and what was known as the '■'•fast mail^'' which was designed, especially, to facilitate the business of the country ; they also caused the suspension of work for a time, on necessary jowJ^/c buildings by refusing sufficient funds to carry them on, the sum of these general reductions amounted to about $35,000,000. But when the deficiences were added in, " the appropriations of 1877 were $83,000,000 284- POLITICAL PARTIES. gi-cator than (host, fur 1JS76." Yt't in the j)]atf()rm of thi'ir National Convention at Cincinnati (June 1880) tliey eay : " we congratulate the country uj)on the honesty and thrift of a Democratic Con- gress, which has reduced the juiblic exi)enaying the Nation's debt honestly in full, ami upon that ground they aj)j)ealcd to the intelli- goMce and honesty of the jjeojile and were by tliem sustained. The latter j)arty looked upon any form of virtual repudiation as dishonorable and a crime, and as such condemned it under any form or name, announcing that "all creditors at home and abroad" should be ])aid, " not only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it was con- tracted." Now the Democratic leaders profess to be in favor of paying the national debt, principal and interest, since honesty seems to be popular. The Amendments to the Constitution. — The XVth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States having ])assed Congress in due form came before the legislature of New York for the latter's ratification, which was given it. Afterward, when another legislature had assembled, which had a majority of Democratic members, the latter went through the formal farce of voting to annul the sanction given by the previous legislature. The same spirit seemed to actuate these leaders through- out the land. But in 1872 the same leaders pledged themselves in their platform " to maintahi the union of these States, emancipation, and en- franchisement [' the civil rights of the freedmen 'J and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the XIIT, XIV, and XV amendments to the Constitution." This was accepting recon- struction, which they had bitterly opposed ; it had CHANGE OF BASE. 289 now become a fixed fact, and popular. They had come upon the ground which had been taken by those statesmen who comprehended the necessity of giving the colored man a chance to perform intelli- gently his duties as an enfranchised citizen. Four years afterward (1876), to make it doubly sure, they declared in their platform that " In the whole country, we do affirm our devotion to the Consti- tution of the United States with its nmeudments unwersally accepted as ^ final settlement of the con- troversies that had engendered civil war." These leaders also opposed Reconstruction, except on principles that v.'ould have been injurious to us as a progressive Nation, that is, they wished Restor- ation in accordance with Andrew Johnson's policy, and they were consistent when they connived at and virtually encouraged the Ku Klux outrages in order to neutralize the effects of reconstruction. {American People, pp. 1033-44.) Why is it that these gentlemen have accepted the measures intro- duced by their political opponents, and which at the time they opposed with all their strength? There can be but two reasons assigned ; either they have found that they were mistaken in their opposi- tion and now see it, or because these measures in consequence of their good influence have become popular, and therefore better policy to accept them. The one supposition shows that the statesmanship of their opponents was the better and more com- prehensive in its influence and beneficial in its effects ; the other that acquiescence is the better 290 POLITICAL PARTIES. policy in order to staiul fair with the American people. Final Approval of Measures. — Tt seems from the very first to liave hcon the fate of the leaders of the Democracy to oppose measures which thjy were afterward compelled to accept because of their utility; for instance, in the earlier days, the policy of neutralit]/^ and the Hamiltonian theory of managing i\iQ Jinances. In later times their opposi- tion to the introduction of chea}:) postage is one oi the most striking instances. The leaders of the Democracy, for the most part, have opposed the \)VQ?,e\\i National banking system, but those nominal Democrats, who are financiers and merchants, have come fully upon Republican ground on that subject. However, nothing definite can be predicted of the leaders on this policy so long as they continue to flirt with Greenbackers and Inflationists. On one political question they have not come on common ground with their opponents — the Tariff. No mat- ter whether they say for " revenue alone " or " only for revenue,'' they mean their hostility to any sys- tem that equalizes the cost of production of foreign manufactured goods that in any form come in com- petition with those of our own make, or in other words, that affords jirotection to our mechanical industries, and thereby gives employment to those of our own people who work for wages. This ia evident from the numbers in the party who are absolute Free Traders, and, also, may be inferred from the leaders coquetting with the latter organ- CHANGE OF BASE. 291 i/atioTi. But here, too, they seem to L^ck the cour- age of their convictions, and are evidently afraid to commit themselves as a party to any definite policy. This is clear from the recent failure of the so-called "Morrison Tariff Bill," which the Free Trading section of the party tried to pass in Congress in the year 1884, and for which one-fifth of their members refused to vote. It may illustrate the progressive views of the leaders of the Democracy on the subject of the tariff, to give extracts from the platforms of the last three of their National Conventions. In 1876 they demanded a tariff "only for revenue;" in 1880, "for revenue only;" and in 1884, " exclusively for public purposes." It is presumed the different meanings attached to each of the first two can be made plain, and also the reasons given for the change of base in adopting the third, " exclusively for public purposes." If the latter phrase differs essentially in meaning from the first two, that dif- ference ought to be pointed out in order that the members of the party, outside the leader class, may be able to vote intelligently. XLI. ILLEGAL VOTING. The Basic Principle. — In our government the final power rests in tlie hands of the people them- selves, who express their Avill in choosing by ballot their executive officers and the representatives to their legislative bodies — both National and State. If these elections are kept pure the will of the ))eo- ple will be fully expressed, but if they are fraudu- lent, the result will be injurious to the purity of our legislative bodies. For this reason, among many others, all lovers of honesty and fairness in elections desire the people to have the opportunity of express- ing their will by their votes. That the voice of the majority should rule is the keystone of our political arch; but how can this principle be carried out if dishonest men are permitted to cast more than one vote for each candidate at elections? To carefully guard the purity of the ballot-box is presumed to be the desire of every patriotic citizen ; and to do otherwise is to merit the condemnation of every advocate of truth and honesty. Of the meas- ures adopted to prevent this class of frauds, the most eifective is to have the voters, under proper regulations, register their names and address, that, if necessary, their right to vote can be verified. It ILLEGAL VOTING. 293 seems strange that any portion of good citizens should be opposed to a law designed to protect the elective franchise from fraud. Registry La"w. — We are not aware — though such a thing is not impossible — of a single instance, either in the State Legislatures or in the National Congress, when the leaders of the Democratic party- took the initiative in proposing laws to secure fair and honest elections. On the contrary, we have seen them in every instance playing the role of ob- structionists to every measure that Avas introduced by others to promote the purity of the ballot-box. In what State have they of their own motion introduced a rer^istry law, in order to protect citizens entitled to vote and prevent their wishes being neutralized by fraud? [^Since there may have been an instance in which the leaders of the Democracy of their ovm motion instituted a registry law ice leave this blank in order to insert an authenticated record of such fact lohen it shall have been found.'] Election Frauds. — There is no place in the Union where the Democx'acy holds absolute sway as in the good City of New York. Here are found the classes — termed "dangerous" — by the police, 204 POLITICAL PARTIES. which adhere fervently to those who cater to their vices and always vote in the interest of that jiolit- ical organization from which they expect to derive the most benefits. Out of such elements fraudulent voters could be manufactured. These are notoriotis facts, and arc not denied by good, intelligent and respectable citizens of any creed, religious or polit- ical. This accounts for the ease with which fraud- ulent voting could be carried out in that city. Thus in 1808, when an election was to be held for President and Congressmen with State officers, it was determined by the Democracy to carry the State at all hazards. This w^as accomplished l)y means of issuing naturalization papers to persons not entitled to them. Upon these forged papers thousands upon thousands of fraudulent votes were cast. They had so large a sur])lus of these docu- ments, that they were used by the same party for other voters, in other cities and towns, and along the railways of the State, and also, it was said, in two neighboring States. To make the matter still more sure, a circular was sent from the city to the inspectors of election belonging to the party, in important districts throughout the State, requiring them to telegraph immediately on the close of the polls, to the headquarters of the Democratic Cam- paign Commi^-teo in the City of New York, their estimate of the number of votes cast in their dis- tricts by the respective parties. They were enjoined to be thus prompt, before the telegraph would be used in transmitting the real returns. This circular ILLEGAL VOTING. 295 had attached as signature of the committee's chair- man the name of a gentleman Avell known and who has since been highly honored by the Democ- racy as their peculiar re])resentative in the cause oi " Reform."^ Some lengtli of time elapsed after the returns from the remainder of the State were in, when the inspectors of election in New York made their returns, and lo ! the Democratic voters had been so numerous in the city that the party was overwhelmingly successful in electing both their National and State tickets! There were circum- stances connected with previous elections in the State which made it evident that tremendous frauds had been systematically committed. This fact Avas clearly demonstrated by the investigation of a com- mittee appointed by Congress for the purpose. {Report of Select Committee on Alleged Election Frmcds in New ITorl:.) Had the ])resent law been so amended as to require the applicant to receive his naturalization papers, not less than six months before he was entitled to vote, Avould these whole- sale frauds have occurred ? The Remedy. — The people throughout the whole land were astounded. They were interested in this election far beyond what they would have been if the effect had been limited to the state offices alone ; they were not willing that Congressmen and Presidents should be elected by fraud in any State. The scheme had been devised by master minds, and effectually carried out, yet, as some- times occurs, they went too far, and attracted uni- > Samuel J. Tilden. 2P(i POLITICAL rARTIEf^. versal attention. The crime w;is too dangerous td be overlooked, and tlionglitful and patriotic men demanded of Congress jirotection from frauds in the elections for National ofliccs. In consequence, Con- gress, after full investigation and debate, made the dishonest proceedings just mentioned, the occasion of passing a law to prevent similar frauds in the States, when elections are held for choosing Electors for President, or the Re]>rescntatives of the people in the Lower House. This Avas in accoixlance with tbe Constitution of the United States, article I , sect. 4, as decided by tbe Supreme Coui't. This law {American People, p. 1053,) cannot be objected to by those who wish honest elections. It ])rovides for a registry of the legal voters ; what true or honest patriot could object to that ? It provides for inspectors of election to be appointeolitrcal partie:^ — if the inspectors are honest and fair, this ought to prevent illegal voting, and if they are not honest and fair, they can prevent fraud by watching each other. Where can there possibly be an objection to this arrange- ment if honest elections are desired ? The law has worked well in preventing fraud, and has the sanction of those who wish the people to have a fair expression of their preferences when they vote for their representatives in Congress or for President. What possible motive could there be to repeal this law on the part of any political organization, especially if they wished fair elections. It applies only to cities and towns of a certain num- ILLEGAL VOTING. 297 ber of inhabitants — 20,000 or more — and for ilie reason well known, that in these there are more facilities for carrying out schemes of illegal voting than in rural districts, where the voters are com- paratively few, and well known to each other. Opposed by the Democrats. — The propriety of this Inw mu:;t be obvious to reflecting minds, as Congressman in their official duties have an equal right to vote on all the interests that pertain to the whole people of the Union, and therefore the whole people have a right to demand that these representa- tives should be elected by the free and fair choice of their own constituents in their oxen several dis- tricts. However, when the law was before Congress it was bitterly opposed by the Democratic members on the ground that it " interfered with the rights of the States." This was the old presumption under a new phase, which means that the Nation — the entire people — has no right to protect itself from fraudulent voters in any single State. When tho bill was under discussion, its opponents proclaimed with nervous anxiety their willingness that elections should be free and fair, but when an amendment was offered forbidding persons coming to the polls aiTucd with deadly weapona '■'■for the purpose of xn- timidating voters " — thus even in its wording ren- dering the accusation or indictment liable to fail by means of a simple denial of the motive on the part of the accused — the Democratic Senators to a man voted against the amendment, and it failed. ((7on- gressional Record^ 1879.) May not the solution of 29S POLITICAL /'AJiTILJS. this e-xlruonliiiary vote be foinul in the fact that, to a certain extent, the custom of carrying deadlv weai>ons to the polls prevails in the or.ce slave- owning States ? (jReport of Senate Committee on Outrages, etc. — Teller, Chairman.') The record shows that in all of our legislative discussions concerning illegal voting the Democratic \>zyX\\, for some reason or other, has invariably found reasons to object to every law frr.med for the pro- tection of the ballot box; and has QC\\\n\\\ foimcl it impracticable to propose any other law for that pur. pose. The two facts bear their own comment. XLH. CENTRALIZATION. Meaning of the Term. — The objection made to what is termed centralization, or the assertion that the national government at Washington has too much power, is only a modern phase of the old theory of State or Sovereignty Rights. The strict application of this doctrine would deprive the Nation of the power to sustain itself against those who might wish to violate its integrity. Under the presumption that the government has too much power these theorists would not permit it to protect the rights of the whole people ; for instance, as noted in the last chapter, in guarding against fraud in the elections for Congressmen and Presidential Electors. The National government — both legisla- tive and executive — is })reeminently the represent tative and agent of the whole people of the Union, and to it emphatically belongs the duty of protect- ing them in every section of the land. The charge of Centralization is often specious and, it would seem, only used to cover an ulterior purpose ; for instance the law to prevent fraudulent voting for Congressmen and Presidential Electors (1870) was opposed in Congress on the ground that it was 300 POLITICAL rARTlES. giving too much power to the Kational govcniincrit or loading to Centralization. But tlie Constitution of the United States says in rosjteot to elections for Representatives in the Lower House; "Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regula- tion/' (Article I, Section -i.) But it is remark- able that these leaders did not interpose this objec- tion when they wished to affiliate with the Green- back-inflationists who would authorize the national government as a central poxcer to issue Greenbacks without restriction or call them in, if the govern- ment wished to influence the money market. Still more strange is the opposition made by our Demo- cratic friends to the National government's aiding in part, public schools in the States, and pro rata to their illiteracy, on the ground that it leads to Centralization. Thus the education of the young, especially, in the recent slave-labor States must be postponed and held subordinate to a mere theory. A Strong Government.— "What is meant by a strong National government, is one that under the constitution and laws would be able — for illustra- tion — to protect its citizens in all the States in their rights ; among others the right of free speech and honest voting ; that is ; be strong enough to pro- tect its own integrity in the security and purity of elections for the Nation's own officers, and enforce the right for the citizen to migrate from one state to another, and there enjoy the protection of the government in his privileges as a citizen of the whole Nation. CEX TKA L IZA TIOX. 301 It may not be out of place to give an extract from a recent decision of the U. S. SuiDreme Court on the question of guarding the purity of elections, it says : " That a government whose essential character is republican, whose executive head, and legislative body are both elective, whose most numerous and powerful branch of the Legislature is elected by the people directly, has no power by appropriate laws to secure this election from the influence of violence, of corruption and of fraud, is a proposition so startling as to arrest attention and demand the gravest consideration. If this Govern- ment is anything more than a mere aggregation of delegated agents of other States and Governments, each of Avliich is superior to the General Govern- ment, it must have the power to protect the elec- tions on which its existence depends from violence and corruption." Again, in respect to the theory of the strict constructionists that there must be in so many words an express power etc., delegated to Congress, the court says : " It destroys at one blow in construing the constitution of the United States, the doctrine universally applied to all instruments of writing, that what is implied is as much a part of the instrument as what is expressed^ XLIII. FiXAXCiAL co:mparisons. The Balance of Trade. — Having resumed spe- cie payments, to make permanent this solid founda- tion for business transactions, the National govern- ment must be able to pay the interest on the fund- ed debt, and defray its current expenses. To aid in this important result, it will be to the Nation's advantage to have the balance of trade in its favor, in oi'der to avoid paying the difference in gold. "With the aid of manufactured articles sent abroad in addition to our agricultural products, we can make our exports of equal or more money value than our imports. AVe have never before exported such immense quantities of our industrial j^roducts of various kinds, which hitherto we have made to supply but partially our own wants. The time was when we were satisfied Avith meeting these wants only, but since the Centennial Exposition we have had higher aspirations, even to send abroad our manufactured goods and compete Avith the rest of the world. The American people Avere encouraged to do this because the majority of the goods made by themselves compared favorably at that Ex2)osition FINANCIAL COMPARISONS. 303 with tliose of foreign make, while in respect to those for practical use, such as ingenious machinery and all kinds of labor-saving tools in various com- binations, they were unquestionably the farthest advanced of all the exhibitors. They were never before in a position so favorable to compete with European nations in manufacturing, as then for the first time they had availed themselves of the skill acquired during fifteen years of consecutive pro- tected labor and experiment. The following statement and estimate may give some idea of our industrial progress. We learn from the census that in 18G0, the value of our manufactures was 11,800,000,000 ; in 1870, 83,400,000,000 ; and in 1880, !|!5,300,000,000. It may also be noted that during this same period our exports and imports, and the value of our agricultural products have increased enormously if not in an equal ratio. In addition a census report states that since 1860 l)rices have been reduced from 25 to 30 per cent, while about one half of the production is American. We once paid England $100 per ton for steel rails, but since American manufactories have grown up we ]>urchase them at about |40 per ton, and in an exceptional case not long since, a lot was sold for $34 per ton. Before 1861 our mechanical indus- tiieswere never free for more than four or five years at a time from injudicious intermeddling, such as changing the tariff from one basis to another, or making the attemi)t from time to time. This \incertain.ty had a-n ji furious effect upon the man- 304 POLITICAL rARTlliS. ufacturinn- iiulustr'us of tho laiul, as fa}»halisis were timid in investing to much extent in such enter- prises. On the other hand the certainty of no change in this respect for a number of years, has had much to do with our present vast industrial advance, as well as the application of labor-saving machinery, the most of which is of American inven- tion or ingenious imi)rovements on foreign ones. "We can now in some respects compete with the world in skill and machinery but not in low wages. Our Bonds and Exports. — Another good result from the balance of trade Avith foreign countries being in our favor is to change the ownership of many of our bonds held abroad, as they are fre- quently sent back to pay the difference, and in- stead of the interest on them being paid to foreign holders it is paid to our own people, and of course goes into the circulating medium of the country. Care ought to be taken by appropriate measures to keep the balance of trade in our favor. It is not to be expected that failures of the crops in Europe will continue to last, and thus afford from year to year so large an outlet for our surplus grain. This deficiency may in part be supplied by our exporting the products of our mechanical in- dustries. But the latter cannot be accomplished if these industries are materially injured by adverse legislation. It would seem as if the sjyecial friends of the workingman hoped to benefit him by lower- ing the duties on imports, and thus interfere with the amount of his wages by diminishing them, FINANCIAL COMPARISONS. 305 and " compensate " him by reducing the tax on to- bacco — a more or less useless luxury, and on whis- key — the working man's special curse. Fancy Financiering. — We can judge of the merits of a system only by its results. It seems that much of the revenue collected in the Democratic days of Jackson and Van Buren found great diffi- culties in reaching the United States Treasury ; it somehow stuck by the way, even more than it did during the preceding Whig administration of John Quincy Adams, (1825-1829), in which 1885,374 all told, failed to reach the Treasury. In Andrew Jackson's eight years, (1829-1837), $3,761,112 be- came entangled in the 2>ockets of the collectors and their subordinates ; no wonder honest old Hickory, horrified at the result, said to Daniel Webster that " he had always sought honest men for the offices, but nearly all turned out thieves as soon as they obtained full possession of their places." {Histortj of Democracy by Norcross, p. 210). Mr. Van Buren has not left on record an account of his emotions when he learned of the immense difficulties his officers had in forwarding their collections to the Treasury during his administration of four years, (1837-1841), as 13,343,792 failed to reach it; this was nearly as much as lost its way during Jackson's eight years of rule. The Loss on the $1,000. — Another form of com- parison may be interesting to the reader. In Adams's administration 12.75 on the i!l,000 lost their way ; in Jackson's 87.52 on the same amount; 306 POLITICAL PARTI EH. wliile in Van Buixmi's §11.71 on the $1,000 never reached the Treasury. This period covered sixteen yearn. Let us now, in connection with it, examine another period, but of tioenty-oiie years. In 18G2, under Republican administration, and collection of vastly greater sums, this loss on the SI, 000 was no- tably less than it had been in the previous adminis- tration — Mr. Buchanan's — when it had been the cus- tom, it is said, in making estimates of the public ex- penses to allow for an average of 814 on the thousand to lose its way to the Treasury. Notwithstanding the immense disbursements at the time — sometimes at the rate of a million dollars a day — the loss on the $1,000 continued to diminish from year to year, till in Andrew Johnson's administration it fell to $1.05 on the thousand, and in General Grant's administra- tion to $0.20 ; and still lower under President Hayes. The Contrast. — However, the most remarkable contrast has been in the Internal Revenue Depart- ment, where, during seven years, ending June 30, 1883, 8893,38-1,437 had been collected, and not one dollar became entangled by the way, but all safely reached the Treasury. This vast amount was col- lected through the medium of 126 offices, and the entire expense was not quite three and one-half per cent, on the sum paid in (Commissioner Raum's reports). There have no doubt been losses, though to a limited extent when compared with the past, in connection with import duties, as there are so many secret facilities for the dishonest importer to cheat FINANCIAL COMPARISONS. 307 the Treasury by means of double invoices, (p. 119), or by undervaluations. Successful Financiering. — The close of Presi- dent Buchanan's administration, March 3, 1861, left the financial condition of the National Government in a sad state. The country had enjoyed a period of thirteen years of peace, yet, strange to say, under the system of financiering then in vogue, the Nation was saddled with a debt of 187,700,000, and its credit was so low that it could not borrow money in the markets of Europe at its offered rate of six per cent., while the regular price was as low as three and a half and three. It was at this time, and under such state of affairs, that the control of the National Government passed into the hands of the Republi- can party. The latter soon had to contend with a rebellion and to provide the funds to defray the expenses of crushing it and saving the Nation's life. The detail of the manner in which our finances were managed to accomplish this result and to pro- vide for the debt thereby incurred, is too long to be fully introduced in this connection and we can give only a summary. Congress, in addition to in- creasing the rate of the tariff and imposing a tax on incomes and domestic manufactures, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue United States notes — since known as " Greenbacks " — and bonds of various denominations from thousands of dollars down to fifty, and in which loyal people in- vested their earnings, as a pledge of their patriotism 808 rOLlTlCAL PARTIES. ami t)f tlit'ir faith in the ultimate success of the cause. Dirainishing the Debt. — In four years time, when the Rebellion collai)se(l in 1865, the National fleht had increased to ^2,756,431,571 ; which was left over after the curretit taxes and import duties paid in during that period had been expended, together with the immense sums i)rivately contri- buted by the loyal people in the Free-Labor States. This vast debt had to be grappled with ; and since then the government has paid (up to Dec. 1, 1883) $1,783,967,355 an average of about §70,000,000 a year. The original debt was at unusual high rates of interest, ranging from 7.3-lOths to 5 per cent, but the Treasury, under the management of succes- sive Republican secretaries, brought this down as soon as possible to four and a half, four, and even to three per cent, saving an immense amount in in- terest alone, so that during eighteen years in the diminishing of the debt and in the reduction of the rate of interest, a very great amount of the burden of the original debt has been removed. Experienced financiers say that this has been done under wise and honest management ; but our friends, the Democratic leaders, say under " rascals," who ought to be turned out for the benefit of the " dear people." The Interest for Each Individual. — In 1865 the annual interest charge on the whole debt was $4.29 for each individual of the Xation, but it has since been going down — by diminishing the debt FINANCIAL COMPARISONS. 809 itself as well as by lowering the rate of interest — till now (1891) it is on an average of about thirty-six cents. The latter result has been accomplished mainly by reducing the rate of interest on the bonds ; not arbitrarily, but by a fair and open mer- cantile transaction, in which, when its bonds be- came due, the government, through the Secretaries of the Treasury, proposed to its creditors to pay them in full, or, if the latter preferred, to reissue the bonds at a lower rate of interest, but to run for a longer term ; the exchange was made to the satis- faction of both parties. The political organization that has been in control of the National govern- ment since March 4, 1861, has dealt fairly with its creditors and has invariably repudiated repudiation, even in its most insidious forms. A Republican Congress — XLVIIth, 2d session, 1 883 — made an e£Fort to curtail the internal revenue 130,000,000, and to adjust the tariff so as to di- minish its income 140,000,000. It was found, how- ever, July 1, 1884, that the reduction of the former was only $19,000,000 and that of the latter only 123,000,000. The estimates had been in error, but on the safe side, as the material progress of the country had been so much greater than anticipa- ted. Meanwhile, the net reduction of the Nation's debt for the financial year ending June 30, 1884, was 1101,000,000, and also the ordinary expenses of the government for the same year were di- minished #5,000,000, and the interest on the debt to the same amount. T])o net debt of the United States on July 1, 1884, was •erson in the ])ul)lic service shall for that reason he under any obligation to con- tribute to any ]i(ilitical fund or render any political service, and he Avill not be removed or otherwise prejudiced for refusing to do so. Democratic View of it. — Since the close of the Rebellion, while for nearly thirty years the Repub- licans have been kept in office by the people, the leaders of the Democracy have manifested an un- usual interest in talking about Civil Service Re- form, though previous to that time this reform had not received their special attention. The passage of Senator Pendleton's Civil Service Bill in Con- gress marked an era in the progress of this move- ment, and the friends of good government rejoiced. But, for some unexplained reason, since that time the practical zeal of its Democratic friends, so ardent in w'ords, has flagged considerably. The mutterings of disapjirobation of Senator Pendle- ton's course in certain Democratic newsj^apers was the first intimation of this change of sentiment, which presently culminated in the refusal of the Democratic majority in the Ohio Legislature to re- elect him to the United States' Senate. Thus Mr. Pendleton, because of his sincerity, has been vir- tually consigned to a political Nirvana. Numerous pajiers — organs of the party — within the State and out of it, have attributed his rejection to his zeal in CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 313 the cause of Civil Service Eeform. The Good Results.— The theory of Civil Ser- vice Reform as held by its advocates is that subor- dinate employes of the Governmeut, such as clerks in the departments. Custom Houses, Post-Oflrices, etc., when appointed in accordance with the re- quirements of the law, if found efficient, should be retained, while the rules (p. 311), if complied with, preclude their taking active part in politics, or becoming, as since defined," offensive partisans." The advantage of appointing to office competent men, is self-evident, and the genuine friends of that measure of reform hope, in time, to rid the Nation of what is known as the '' spoils system," which hitherto has had so injurious an effect upon political morals. XLV. THE LIQUOR INTEREST. Its Power. — As, in the times previous to the Re- bellion, Slavery held the balance of power in all Xational questions, so to-day, in its various fonns^ the Liquor Interest aims at holding the same kind of power l)etween the two great political j^arties within the States. This active force in elections — either State or National — is not, l)y any means, to be despised. It includes in its ami)]e fold all the wholesale dealers, who control millions of money; the keepers of drinking saloons ; the distillers and brewers, and great numbers of those who raise the grains from which whiskey and beer are made; the keepers of gambling establishments, and all those who in divers ways cater to the vices of the community. To these, likewise, must be added the foreign icine interest ; this includes the importers and dealers with but few exceptions. It is well known that beer is less injurious than whiskey when used to excess ; in consequence, not so many are op- ])osed to it as a beverage : yet its makers and vend- ers, are equally stre)uious in opposing any reform tending toward temperance in the use of either. This whole power is a iniit in opposing any political THE LIQUOR INTEREST. 315 organization that dares move in the direction of a temperance reform, however moderate, and liquor dealers finding the Democracy the acknowledged stronghold of their interest throughout the Union, act consistently, Avhen they ally themselves with it, and become its right arm. This combined liquor power is by no means unconscious of its influence in elections, be they of State Legislatures or of Municipal Officers ; it has not yet had the opportu- nity to try its strength directly on National ques- tions, which pertain to its own special interests, but not less than if the latter were at issue, does it adhere in National politics to its party friends and advocates in local strifes. This interest, conscious of its power, is felt almost everywhere, hence it ia courted by unscrupulous politicians, and conse-. qucntly its demands are made with an arrogance that is astounding. In an election (Nov. 6, 1883), New York City furnished more than thirty candidates for munici' pal or state ofticers, who were personally identified with that interest as keepers or ex-keepers of drink- ing saloons, etc. {The JV. Y. Telegram, Nov. 8, 1883.) This liquor influence pei-meates, more than is even suspected, much less known, the private life of the commimity; corrupting habits and morals and bringing sorrow and disgrace upon families, by catering to the vice of Intemperance and its con- comitant evils. The indications are that this pow- er will henceforth exert an influence In controlling 316 rOLITICAL PA li TIES. elections, l)otli State and National, almost as great as slavery (lioor unfortunate drunk- ards from their dire adversary the rumseller and his friends ? The political conflict will be severe and mTiy continue for years, but, at last, when the evils THE LIQUOR INTEBEST. 321 of intemperance are more fully unfolded, the people will see and feel their own responsibility in the matter, and will rise in their majesty and crush them out. They will not let the question rest xmtil the co?iscience of the Nation is satisfied, either in having the traffic sufficiently restrained or entirely abolished. TLe Question of the Future. — The political questions of the i)ast few years have had special reference to material prosperity and industrial in- terests ; that phase will still continue, but to this the question of temj^erance will most assuredly be super- added, because of its vast importance to the well- being of society, and its good effect on future gene- rations. Therefore, in no period of our history has the responsibility of voters in a strictly moral sense been greater than it is now and will be in the near future. Just here ovu* young men must take a de- cided stand, intelligently and morally. In dead issues they have no interest excejjt in their history ; but here is a living issue, whose influence is limited only by time — if even by that — and with it the young men must grapple. In respect to political organizations the lines are quite clearly drawn. The one, as such, is in favor of judicious measures that will remove the evil of intemperance from the land ; the leaders of the other appear to be opposed to the enforcement of laws or measures, that would attain that object, under the pretense that they ai-e " sumptuary," and moreover that they interfere with the inherent rights of the individual. That means but little check upon the traffic, except in the way of license, and with 322 POLITICAL PARTIES. scarcely any restraint based upon its evils to society, as that would interfere with t/icir interpretation of individual liberty, and the ajthorisni that "the world is governed too much." These facts are so notoi'ious that it seems unnecessary to quote here in proof from general i>latforms of the i>arty or from speeches and letters of its leaders, to illustrate their general tone on this subject. We shall, however, obtain a truer exposition of the views of the Democracy on the temperance question in the platforms of their State Con- ventions than from the sentiments they put forth in their National Convention every fourth year. The reason is obvious ; there is more diversity of opinion in the whole Xation than in individual States, hence in the National platforms it is essen- tial to arrange statements in such manner that they can be interpreted in different ways, or in other words, to conceal when expedient and to reveal when necessary. If one will look over the plat- forms adopted in their State Conventions in 1882, he will find in eighteen of these that^fe express themselves in favor of no restraint being placed on the sale of intoxicating liquors ; three express them- selves obscurely ; 07ie is alarmed at the spread of intemperance ; nine give no expression on the sub- ject; not one distinctly declares in favor of temper- ance. In the State of New York the Democratic candi- date for Secretary of State (1883) — whose private and public character Avas unimpeachable — was de- THE LIQUOR INTEREST, 323 feated by the liquor-dealers, because some years ago he dared vote in favor of temperance, and they avowedly combined against him and openly an- nounced the reason. This they had a right to do, and the result showed their power, and also showed that the Democracy has some principles it dare avow and act upon. The same year, in an election in the State of Ohio the Democratic leaders depended for success on the liquor interest, and on that ground they suc- ceeded. At a previous session, the Republican Legislature, in order to restrain the increasing vice of intemperance in that State, passed an ordinance — known as the Scott law, from the name of the member who introduced it — on licensing the sale of intoxicating drinks ; the object being, by imposing a high license, as far as possible to secure a class of liquor-sellers who would not cater so much to the unfortunate victims of the degrading vice of drunk- enness. The enactment of this law was a boon to these leaders, as it afforded them an occasion for descanting on the abstract principles of " civil liberty " and " sumptuary laws," and all that. In Iowa a similar influence was exerted and on virtually the same ground, but it was not so suc- cessful. In the State of Indiana an amendment was i^roposed to the State Constitution on the subject of restraining intemperance, and the same party's leaders opposed it vehemently at every step ; their most influential ex-United States Senator taking the ground, and clearly implying, that inter- 3-24 rul.lTlCM. PMITIKS. fereuce wiLli the runiscller wiis a violation of " certain inalienable rights," which were not to bo tampered witii unless "for tiie purpose of securing cifil liberty." This is the record. Self-respecting young men in entering upon their career as citizens, will decide for themselves in respect to their duty in the jirem ises. Using Factions.— The leaders of the De- mocracy are proverbially shrewd in availing them- selves of factions that may exist among their oppon- ents, and in various ways leading the fornn?r to i)lay into their hands. The more simple-minded these factionists are, the more susceptible are they of being utilized. For illustration : the Prohibitionists ran a presidential candidate in 1884 ; the leaders of the movement — though posing as Christian tera- jierance men — knew that nearly all their voters would come from the Eepublican party, the only political organization that ever ]iassed a law re- stricting the liquor traffic. In New York State they polled more than 25,000 votes, and thus man. aged by a plurality of 1,047 to elect a President, the representative of the Democracy which had in its platform of that year a plank indorsing the liquor interest, saying, "We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and interfere with individual liberty." In their platforms of 1888 and 1892 the party also adopted the same plank. XLVI. YOUNG MEN'S RESPONSIBILITY, A Necessary Choice. — There can be no more interesting class of voters in our Nation, than the young men, who are from year to year coming of age, and assuming the responsibilities and privileges of citizenship. It is higlily important that they should stand right in politics as well as in morals ; and that their influence as voters should be thrown on the side of the Nation's material prosperity and its pure morality. As there will always be different opinions and pai-ties as to the policy of the Nation, every young man should consider it is his duty as a citizen to identify himself with the one which he deems the most progressive, from a Statesman's point of view, and which exerts the best influence ; never failing to rememl)er that it is his moral and patriotic duty to inform himself, at least, so far as to be able to vote intelligently. Every young man of ordinary education and reading must judge for himself, concerning each political organization, whether it holds views of policy which are likely to promote the Nation's best interests — both industrial and moral — and if he is of correct moral principles he will vote in accord- ance with his convictions. In addition, the various 326 POLITICAL PARTIES. questions that come up in respect to the affairs of tl»e eonntry at large, or of the State, the young man sliouM as a matter of conscientious duty study care- fully in onler to vote intelligently. This much, at li-ast, his own self-respect requires, that he never at any time be a mere ])artisan — voting " the ticket, right or wrong." Correct Principles Important. — When our in- telligent young men are governed by high-toned and morally correct jirinciples, shameless ]iartisan- ship will receive a check, and the office of the dema- gogue become a sinecure. The latter succeeds only when he leads ignorant men, and this class ought not to be numerous in these days of common schools and means of information on all subjects pertaining to the progress of the Xation. Let the young man study the jjrobable effects of proposed measures in the light of the past ; he may be able to trace to their source the influences that have made the Xation hitherto prosperous, and almost with cer- tanity divine what would be the effects of honesty and industry upon its future progress. "^Ve would say to every young man on entering upon his duties as a citizen : "Never vote for others to carry out measures for which you would not give your individual support as a legislator. Xever be led to do for the sake of partisanship, Avhat you would not do for the good of the whole community. Remember as a principle of correct action, the re- sponsibility of the intelligent voter should equal that of those elected to office. Questions of morals YOUNG MEN'S RESPONSIBILITY. 327 are often mingled in the issues of the day. Es])e- cially beware of any political association, whose in- fluence is such that the immoral classes and those who cater to their vices find within its folds a wel- some." It is well for young men to start right as citizens, and not to identify themselves with measures and parties that in their more mature judgment they would be likely to repudiate as mistakes or moral wrongs. They can ask themselves which political organization — as there will always be parties — has the brightest record ; which has done the most to ]>romote the material interests of the Nation ; which has labored the most to raise the plane of the general intelligence of the people ; which one does not count on the votes of the vicious classes? Questions such as these, every young man should ask himself, when studying the points at issue, if he wishes to vote intelligently for what he deems the best interests of the country. Voting Qualifications. — It is time the Amei'ican people took higher ground in respect to the qualifica- tion of those who elect their executive ofticers and their legislators. Let them demand that, henceforth, no native-born young man on becoming of age, be permitted to vote unless he can read and write ; and also let them require the same qualification of foreigners, who have ample time during the five years before they become naturalized, to learn to read mid lorite, and if the latter neglect this duty, let them be disfranchised as well as the native-born^ r^'2S POLITICAL PARTIES. ' The rosult would lie that in less than a quarter of a t'CMitury, tluTL" woiihl scarcely he an illitt'rate voter in the entire Nation. In these (hiys of conmion schools, hoth tliese classes should he disfranchised if they failed to comply with this n-asonahle followiiiij; well known fju'ts. The tariff, for illus- tration, has l)oon adjusted to afford suflieient revenue and in llu' main, to pioniote our mechanical in- dustries, nieanwliile to y;ive employment to those who depend ui)on their daily labor for their living; our National banking system, after a trial of thirty years, has been so satisfactory that it is to be con- tinued with the sanction of our bankers, merchants and all those who are especially cTigaged in financial affairs, this class, also, includes Democrats — no mat- ter what their theories may be as to abstract notions about Centralization, State Sovereignty, Strict Con- struction and all that — who, in all practical and financial matters are Republicans, and also in favor of sjiecie ])ayments, as a basis for moneyed trans- actions ; the Civil Service reform has been so ar- ranged that there appeal s to be no reason why its general principles cannot and will not be honestly carried out, according to the law. This question has been so long before the people, who have taken an unusual interest in the subject, that even if tech- nical politicians of any party should attempt its evasion, they would be unable to succeed. Those who have studied the politics of the United States, ai'e aware of the curse brought npon the land in the ai)})lication of the " Jacksonian " policy of appointing men to office, not because of their fitness but as partisans. The people may well ask themselves, why may not the national government be managed in respect to economy and the appointments of ^cient subordinates^ on the same principles that YOUNG MEN'S EESPONSIBILITV. 331 govern great corporations, such as the central rail- roads of New York or Pennsylvania ? These cor- ])orations retain men as long as they properly perform their duties, and they value at their true worth the experience and aptitude acquired hy their employees, from the sui)erintendents down to the brakemen. With this arrangement the stockholders in the roads are satisfied ; and the peoi)le, the stockholders in the National government, would be equally satisfied with a similar efliciency in the " Civil Service " of the country. XLVII. DEMOCRATIC SELF-DISTRUST. Uncertainty of Principle and Action. — In writinuj tlie history of a political organization — so diffc-Tunt from ordinary history — it is legitimate to notice what it does, and also what it attempts ; be- cause the latter is not without influence, especially if the attemj^ts are in the direction of changing the laAvs in respect to financial or industrial matters. Though such efforts may not be successful, they have the effect of unsettling values, and throw a shadow of uncertainty over the business of the coun= try, and this is more likely to be the result when the people are so well satisfied with the existing laws and regulations, that they do not even wish, much less petition Congress to make changes, but prefer to let well alone. It is singular that for the last few years, when the Democracy gained an election, in consequence of which they could control National legislation, the whole mercantile and industrial community became anxious lest they would pass laws whose effect would injure the business interests of the country. ■The well known theories of many of their promi- nent leaders on the general subject of financial mat* DEMOCRATIC SELF-DISTBUST. 333 ters being at variance with the received principles of experienced commercial men, manufacturers and financiers, a mysterious influence pervades the pub- lic mind, and capitalists curtail their operations, or hesitate to invest in enterprises that might be thus affected. This uncertainty thus brought about, meanwhile, injures no persons really so much as those who work for Avages, because they are less able to bear the wrong. Anxiety of the Leaders. — This distrust is not tlie outgrowth of partisanship, for it often pervades the minds of thousands and thousands of intelligent gentlemen, who are theoretically professed Demo- crats, but on financial and industrial matters, are in accordance with those of the Republican organiza- tions. The more sagacious leaders of the Democ- racy are also worried, but for a different reason ; they are apprehensive lest by some maladroit legis- lation, their majority in Congress will become an obstacle to the immediate political success of the organization. One cause of this universal distrust among the intelligent of both parties, is that the Democratic leaders in Congress are so often ham- pered by pledges given to all sorts of theorists on juch subjects as the Tariff, Free Trade, or the Na- tional Banking system. Though the latter has been f((Und remarkably efficient for the last twenty or more years in promoting mercantile exchanges throughout the land, and at scarcely any expense, yet the people have the impression that many of the prominent leaders in the Congress (1884) are on ,3;u POLITICAL r.[/rriKs. llu! iilort to iiijiiii' the systciu by indirect, if tliey cannot by dircet, means. Evi'n the more considernte editors of their influ- ential ))ai)ersare ill at ease, -when tlieir party lias con- trol oidy of the Lower House of Congress, lest they " commit some bluiuler" — as they ])ut it — that Avould jeopardize, not t/ie interests of the coiuitri/, but the syicceBS oi the party itself m future elections. We would not by any means make a charge of such lack of ]iatriotism, but really the leaders to Avhom we refer must have overlooked that jjhase of the subject, for they only mention the danger of failure that would accrue to party organization in future elec- tions, especially the impending Presidential one in 1884. It is still more strange that this sentiment seems to be all-pervading, for even in the counsels given by the venerable emeritus leaders, who are not in active political life, all other considerations are deemed of secondary, if not tertiary importance, compared Avith that of the future political success of the organization. The "Warning Voices. — These venerable Nestors seem of late to have been more than usually imbued with the spirit of caution, which they have urged should be the ruling genius in the councils of the Forty-Eighth Congress, (1883-1885). They had evi- dently in mind its first session. The leaders in that body were implored again and again not to do any- thing rash in relation to the finances or the tariff ; that is such as would awaken suspicion in the minds of the people. Said the venerable Democratic ex- DBMOCRATIC SELF-DISTEUST. 335 Senator Eaton of Connecticut ; " A tariff for revenue only, lost us the Presidential election in 1880. A like 2)latforni, or even a doubt as to the disturbance of the tariff policy of the country would defeat us again. We cannot afford to adoj)t a policy that is offensive to Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey and my own State, Connecticut." Does the admonition thus given impliedly indicate that the impending Presidential canvass should be entered upon imder false colors ? But, says an Editor of a leading journal of the organization: "The Demo- cratic party has made a tariff record which it cannot escai)e. The question is. Shall the party run away, pursued by tlie Ile})ublicans, or shall it stand its ground, unfurl its flag, and fight for its convictions ? " When the Forty-Eighth Congress elected for Speaker an out and out Free-Trader, said another tnlluontial pa])er of the same party. " The Democratic ma- jority of the House of Representatives, have defi- nitely planted themselves xipon the doctrine of Free- Trade, and have declared their hostility to evert/ fortn, degree and kind of tariff protection toward American industry." This choice of a speaker is looked ujion by this same ])aper as " a bhoider" as such position taken by the House might interfere with the party's success in the next Presidential election ! Another influential Democratic paper finds con- solation in the fact that though the election of a Free-Trade S])eaker is a misfortune, yet it hopes " Congress will act prudently." For what purpose ? 330 Pn/JTICAL IWRTIKS. For llic Li'Dod of tlu' country? No; — l)u( in order to secure' success in 1SS4. Still another is (juite worried, nnd tliinks tliat the election of such a Spciker " can ilo no haiiii because the President and the Senate are 1 Jt'])ul)Iicans ! " This lani^uage sounds strange. Must the united irisJotn of the great Democ- ratic organization be thus hampered in doing what that wisdom would dictate, by a llejniblican Presi- dent and Senate ? But in this case the latter is looked upon as ^friendly obstruction that saves the Democ- racy from its own leaders. Though the majority in Congress at the request of the caucus rejected the advice of the ex-Senator, it so far compromised as to introduce the new Speaker to the country, not as an advocate of Free-Trade, Avhich would be decidedly radical, but as a " Tariff lleformer," and consistent with this role, he an- nounced his position, saying he was not in favor of "sudden and radical changes in the laws and regu- lations affecting the commercial interests of the peo- ple." Is it not clear that the Democratic party is dis- trusted for the most part by its own wisest men? XLVIII. A COMPAKISOK Democratic Theories. — The question may be raised why the lenders of the Democracy do not have some available policy that would enlist the sympathies of the intelligent portion of the Ameri- can people. It would seem that the only policy they can adopt, if any, is that of Opposition, as long as the people are so contented with their own present policy as represented by the Republican Legislation, which covers the whole theory of man- aging the finances, of deriving revenue, of promot-. ing mechanical industries, and thereby giving employment to our workpeople, skilled or un- skilled ; and while they are equally interested in other subjects, such as fair and honest elections, and the promotion of education and temperance. In their present state of self-complacency on these points, it would seem difficult to change the senti-. ments of the American people to favor opposite theories, which by no means are original, but as far as they have been put in practice hitherto have ever proved failures ; and the people are consistent with their convictions, when they are unwilling to re-adopt such theories and to run the risk of ruining their present industrial and financial condition. 33S POLITICAL IWRTIKS. Tlu- .Aiiu'iicMii ])i'(^]>]o Imve ])r()siierc(l beyond com- ]>;irf ; and yet tlu'V have never, except as experi- ments for !i time, adopted the distinctive Demo- cratic theories in relation to their financial measures or their indnstries. The ardent Democrat, as he reads the history concerning the api)lication of so many of his party's distinctive theories, must be inclined with a feeling of disappointment to apolo- gize for their failure to make a permanent impres- sion u])on the material progress of the land, or to exert influences that would tend to elevate the peo2)le intellectually and morally. To-day the dan- ger seems to be that the organization will come under the control of leaders who are theoretical rather than practical in respect to the principles of political economy. Republican Practice. — On the other hand the lieiml)lican organization has no apologies to make to this f/eneration, as it has originated and carried forward measures of vast importance to the welfare of the peo])le. It was forced by the Southern wing of the Democracy, when the latter fired on Fort Sumter, to take up arms to defend the integrity of the Union ; it was forced by military necessity to free the slaves, and ever since it has labored to elevate them by establishing schools for their benefit. Having, in order to protect him in his rights, made the freedman a citizen, they have thus given him a chance to ])rei)are himself to exercise intelligently the privilege of voting, which was given as a matter of ex])ediency to enable him to FINAL COMPARISON. 339 protect himself, as it was in the form of hostile legislation that oppression for the time bore hard upon him. (American People., pp. 1037-1039.) Neither need it fear the censure of 'posterity., as the measures it has introduced must, from their nature, redound to the great benefit of future gen- erations : such as the dotting over of the vast terri- tories of former unavailable lands with homesteads and farms, and threading the same regions with railroads, — measures that even now in their effects are adding immensely to the prosperity and happi- ness of the peo^jle at large. And this is only an earnest of what will be tlie result in the future. Of the same beneficent character is the establishment of public schools, for the first time, throughout the former slave-holding States, and the provision for educating both races, white and colored, and paving the way for their success in time to come in mate- rial prosperity, be it in cultivating the soil or in manufacturing industry. The most important of all, is this influence of education combined with pure morality, thus brought to bear upon the mass of the people, without regard to race or condition, either in the present or in former times. In the same class of benefits are the measures of finance established in the organization of National Banks, whose notes are at par throughout the Union, because they are secured by United States bonds, and are equal to gold in value. Thus by means of these banks the merchant can do business anywhere in the Union, virtually without the 340 POLITICAL rARTIES. expense of discounts, or one can travel all over the land without being subjected to inconveniences for want of funds that are current. In marked con- trast is this with the Democratic system of State l>;iid!. motive for this change? Was it to iiuluce the American manufacturer, under the specious jilea of cheapness, to adulterate woollen cloths for the bene- fit of wage-earners or those of limited means ? Industries Transferred— Tin-plate. — Under the provisions of the tariff of 1890, and the rea- sonable prospect that it would remain in force for years, a number of foreigners transferred their fac- tories to the United States. This movement gave additional employment to great numbers of Ameri- can work-people, but it came to an end in 1893. For similar reasons several new industries were in- troduced into the country ; among these was that of making tin-plate. According to the official re- port on the progress of this new industry, on June 30, 1893, there were in the Union thirttj-Jive mills engaged in the manufacture of tin-plate, and which were employing several thousand workmen. Yet is it to be credited that the Democratic majority in the House of Eepreseutatives of the Llld Congress passed, about that very time, a bill to repeal the tariff on tin-plate, and thus break up that industry ! {See also p. 266 for a similar action.) According to The Metal Worker there were (1895) in operation 28 tin-plate mills that rolled their own black plates. " There [were] in the aggregate 155 mills completed or building, of which 110 were in active work. These mills employ some 15,000 hands." The block-tin used in this manufacture comes in free of duty. Workingmen Misled. — It seems almost iucredi- FROM MARCH 4, 1SS9, TO APRIL, 189G. 301 ble that persisteut misrepresentations of the lead- ing provisions of the bill, and the slanderous im- pugning the motives of those who framed it, should have misled even those workmen who were sjjecially benefited by it, they being employed in factories on articles that were thus protected against foreign competition. For example, in a manufacturing town in Connecticut, it is said, about 800 workmen thus employed voted for the Democracy in 1892, and when expostulated with, and warned that if the latter were successful their wages would be cut down in order to meet the competition abroad, they sneered at the suggestion, saying " they would keep up their wages by means of their trade- unions, and, moreover,they wished a change anyway." They did not then take into consideration the pos- sibility of shut-downs, which came, when, owing to the general depression of business, orders fell oft' entirely. Meanwhile the Democratic leaders and their free-trade allies were promising very high prices for the products of the farmers, and very cheap foreign goods for those who worked for wages. The votes of these 800 workmen in Novem- ber of 1894: gave clear evidence that they wished another change. Appropriations. — The List Congress was charged by the leaders of the Democracy with being extravagant in the amounts of its aj^propriations. The Republicans when in control of the House of Representatives, wherein appropriations legally orig- inate, have made them in good faith and never for 302 I'OLiTjcAL r.nrrjEs. the sake of political cfl'ect, hence they designate the amounts that^YCl•c called for by the careful estimates for the financial year. On the contrary, when the Democrats were in control of the Lower House, they have uniformly {sec, pp. 282-284), especially if a presidential canvass was impending, made appropri- ations that were notoriously inadequate in their amounts. Then they go to the country on this fic- titious economy, urging the unenlightened rank and file to witness how saving they have been of the money of the dear people. The List Congress was thus hampered, as it had to make up an unusually large deficiency left over from the previous one (Democratic), in addition to the regular aj^propriations. From the surplus in hand it took sufficient to pay honest debts which had been neglected for years. It thus refunded to the loyal States $13,000,000, that being the amount of a direct tax paid by them to aid the Government during the war to save the Union. It also paid the "French spoliation claims," which had been due for a number of years — $1,30-4,095. The Harrison ad- ministration paid off $365,493,170 of the national debt, and thus saved to the people an annual in- terest of more than $11,000,000. This was done as a matter of business, as it was found cheaper for the Government to buy certain bonds that were not 3'et due and pay the premium on them than to let them remain unpaid and draw interest. On March 4, 1893, there was sufficient money re- maining in the Treasury to meet the current ex- FROM MARCH 4, 1889, TO APRIL, 1896. 3G3 pcnses of the Government for a length of time, but the threats made of radically changing the entire financial system of the country "which had been so successful for thirty years, caused universal distrust. This feeling so depressed every form of industry and general business that in consequence the ordi- nary revenues fell otf, and the money in the Treasury being nearly exhausted, the Government was com- pelled to resort to loans in order to defray its cur- rent expenses — an extraordinary transition from an overflowing Treasury to a deficiency. Contrasts.— Under the tarift* of 1890, during the last two years of Mr. Harrison's administration, " all our industries were active, exports and imports were the largest ever known, . . . prices were good, foreign capital was coming into the country by hundi'eds of millions every year " — not borrowed, but for investment. In consequence of threats to destroy the existing financial and industrial system of the nation, and finally the enactment of the Wil- son-Gorman tariif, every mechanical industry in the Union was depressed — wages lowered or ceased alto- gether, while general business was paralyzed — all this within two years succeeding the 4th of March, 1893. Again, " during Mr. Harrison's administra- tion our total foreign trade Avas $1,258,657,086, more than during Mr. Cleveland's _/ir.s^ term " [Amer- ican Economist, May number, 1885, p. 276). lu both Congresses of this Jird term persistent efforts ■were continually made to change the then existing tariff, with the natural result of disturbing and re- .'ili-i: POLITIC A I. r.lIiTJh'S. tardiug the progress of the industrial and commer- cial interests of tlie nation. The exports of the last year of ]\Ir. Harrison's ad- ministration under the McKinley Bill were $334,- 323,641 ; the exports of the year 1894, under the ■\^'ilson-Gorman Bill, were $19G,18G,0G5, while in the latter the imports ^Yere enormous, especially of tex- tile fabrics of every class, which our -work-iieople ought to and could make themselves. Mr. Harri- son's administration paid $305,493,170 of the public debt. On the contrary, according to the Govern- ment's own showing, Mv. Cleveland's has thus far paid nothhi(j, while within two years and a few months the national debt has been greatly increased. Votes for Congressmen. — The following facts may properly attract the attention of the American people. The number of constituents that each Con- gressman represents in the Lower House is the same throughout the Union. The present number, being based upon the census of 1890, is 173,901. How, then, can we account for the discrepancies in the average number of the votes cast for each Con- gressman in the different sections of the Union ? Taking as a basis the number of votes polled in the presidential election in 1892, we find the average number of votes for each Congressman in the twenty- six Northern States to be 40,337 ; in the four bor- der ones, 32,713, and in the eleven Confederate, 19,543. Democratic Principles. — Certain leaders are continually eulogizing what they term "Democratic FROM MARCH 4, 1SS9, TO APRIL, ISOfJ. 3G5 i:)rinciples." The question is suggested, What are they ? Within the last thirty years or more these leaders have not even enunciated a comprehensive policy or principle in the application of which the American people have been or could be benefited, or with which they were satisfied. While these leaders, as Confederates in the South and Copperheads in the North, were trying to break up the Union, the Re- publicans and loj/al Democrats were battling against them, and in the end frustrated their plans. Mean- while the latter were originating and putting in practice principles that in their application were pro- moting the welfare of the people at large. They in- troduced honest financial measures that secured the confidence of the business portion of the community, meanwhile cherishing the manufacturing and other industries and developing the natural resources of the entire land. These financial measures, based on a solid foundation, broad and deep, enabled the Government to meet as far as possible the expenses of the war then in progress, and at its close to at once commence paying ofL' the debt thus imposed. The American people have been complimented justly when characterized by intelligent European statesmen as a debt-paying nation. Ui^on examination these Democratic principles appear to be mostly of the dog-and-mauger variety. For illustration, on several occasions, when having a majority in the Lower House, that majority, at the dictation of the leaders, attempted to repeal meas- ures which have proved themselves to be of inesti- not') roi.i ri cm. iw ii ties. mablc value (o tlic \Yliole coiuifry (yce pj). 2GG- 269, 358). Critics slioulj not, however, be too severe, for what can these leaders do ? The naughty lic'])ul)licans for about thirty years have monopolized all the principles or i^olicies — the financial, the industrial, and commercial — which in their application have brought in their train the blessings of prosperity. In consequence, these lead- ers, in order to keep their organization in hand before the eyes of its unodightened members, are compelled to play the role of ohstrucllonid^. Cost of Production ^ — Raw Material. — The Democratic majority in both Houses of the Lllld Congress (March 4, 1803-1895) manifested extreme hostility to the prominent features of the tariff of 1890, and which it finally superseded by enacting what is known as the Wilson or Gorman Bill. The contrasts between the McKinle}' Tariff Bill and that of the Gorman-Wilson are well worth noticing. The one was based on the relative cod of production, taking as a criterion the amount of wages paid abroad as compared with that paid in the United States for similar work ; the other is based virtually on the cod of the raw material. The former, in order to protect our work people, put a dut}' correspond- ing to the wages paid to employees on foreign manu- factured articles that came in competition with our own. The framers of the latter intimated they would do something of the same kind, but that they failed to carry out such intimation is clearly proved by the universal depression of our manufacturing FROM MARCH 4, 1SS9, TO APRIL, 1896. 367 interests, wliicli began as soon as their tariff went into eft'ect. The McKinley Bill imposed a cor- responding high rate of duty on the most elab- orately textile fabrics, such as velvets, woollen cloths, laces, and such like, and on all classes of luxuries ; for instance, on costly wines, etc. — that is, on high- priced articles which those of limited means never purchase. It also admitted free of duty the raw material for onr factories which we could not pro- duce ourselves ; among which were unwrought silk, rubber, gutta-percha, block-tin, and other articles ; but upon the raw materials that we could produce ourselves, for obvious reasons, a duty was imposed, as on iron-ore, coal, and wool. Then again, it looked after the comforts derived from the poor man's table by bringing in free of duty tea, coffee, chocolate, sugar, and the spices of the tropics. (For sugar see p. 355.) On the contrary, the Gorman- Wilson Bill appears to have been based more on the cheapness of the raw material than on the cost of production. The labor, according to statistics, put upon the manu- factured articles costs from 85 to 90 per cent, of the entire expense, while the raw material — from an iron ship to a sewing-machine — in value is not more than two or three per cent, of the entire cost. For illustration, what is the value in the vein of the iron-ore from which the iron ship is made ? or what the value in the mine of the coal which smelts that iron-ore ? or of the trees as they stand in the forest from which the wood-work is made ? The 3G8 I'DUTICAL 1' ARTIES. value of all these is enhanced alone by the labor of pi'eparing them for practical use. The basic •value of any raw material should, therefore, be reckoned its worth uhen in a primitive state, while its subsequent value is the outcome of the labor put upon it. It is evident that the McKinley tarifif, based on the comparative cost of production, is more espe- cially in the interest of the greater number — our wage - earners, three-fourths of om* adult popula- tion — while it is equally clear that the Gorman- Wilson Bill, being based on the cheapness of the raw material, is more especially in the interest of the manufacturer. That the main basis upon which the latter bill was designed to be placed — namely, the cheapness of the raw material — we are com- pelled to infer, because of the strenuous efforts that were made, pre-eminently by Mr. Cleveland, to have iron-ore, coal, and wool come in free of duty. The three articles of raw material thus mentioned we can produce, but they are very liable to be injured in their value and prodiiction by foreign competi- tion. In respect to wool, it was made free of duty by the Gorman-Wilson Bill. What has been the ef- fect ? Only that the wool industry of the United States, estimated in value at about $100,000,000, has been depreciated at least one-half. Again, what Las been gained by that measure ? The answer is, tliat a gentleman's suit of the finest quality, if its cloth were of American manufacture, and made FROM MARCH 4, 18S9, TO APRIL, 1896. 369 from foreign merino wool of the highest grade and free of duty, the suit would be one dollar and ten cents cheaper than if the duty imposed by the Mc- Kiuley Bill had been paid on the raw wool. Where is the line to be drawn, by those who pro- claim that protection is unconstitutional, between a duty that is " protective " and one that is " for reve- nue only ? " Every duty, however small on a com^Det- ing manufactured article, in the nature of the case must be to that extent protective. It follows from this that a duty "for revenue only " can be imposed upon those foreign-made articles alone which we can- not produce, and therefore such cannot come in competition with ours. According to this view of the subject, to be consistent, we must admit free of duty every foreign manufactured article that com- petes with our own. The Surplus— The Deficiency.— From 1866 onward to the second administration of Mr. Cleve- land the National Government had always a sur- plus year by year after paying its current expenses. Such was the case for twenty-eight years till 1894. During this period the yearly average surplus was $08,429,828, including the four years of Mr. Cleve- land's first term. That term was an earnest of his second, inasmuch as at its beginning great anxiety pervaded business circles, lest the policy of the Democratic party would injure all the industries of the land. In consequence of this ominous uncer- tainty, in the first financial year of his administra- tion the surplus fell off $40,929,854. The people 370 POLITICAL PARTIES. became assured, however, that the Senate would stand firm in resisting the changes jiroposcd in the Morrison tarifl', as well as any future measure that might have a similar effect upon their industries. As soon as this position of that body became known, an impulse was given to business, and as an evi- dence of that fact the surplus of the second financial year (188G) of his administration was $30,492,817 more than that of the previous one. This surplus increased each year to the end of Mr. Cleveland's term, in consequence of the indications being so promising that the people would restore the Repub- licans to power, and thus thelatter's financial policy, ■which since 18G2 had so grandly promoted the in- terests of the nation, would be continued. During Mr. Cleveland's second (1893-1897) term, thus far, as Democratic financial theories have had full sway, instead of a surplus there has been a con- tinuous deficiency, amounting in all at this date (April 1, 189G) to $117,883,782. Thus our proud and recognized distinction of being a debt-paymg nation has degenerated into one running into debt year by year. LL IMPEDIMENTS REMOVED. The Outlook.— We entered upon the second century of our national existence on March 4, 1889. Let us briefly notice the influences that will promote our material interests, and also those that will aid in elevating the American people to a still higher plane of intelligence and good morals, thus making more perfect their present Christianized civiHzatiou. What a number of impediments have been swept away, that during its first century hindered the Nation's progress in its widest and best sense ! In consequence, the American people will hence- forth be comparatively free and untrammeled in their onward progress, and meanwhile, by utilizing the noble institutions bequeathed them by the fii'st century, will attain still grander results in the second. These results will include a continual ad- vancement in the material things that pertain to the physical comfort of the people at large, and in a still more important sense elevating them to higher planes of intelligence and morals. A unique and strenuous opponent to the genuine progress of the Nation in its first century, and which will be unknown in the second, was slavery. This 372 POLITICAL PARTIES. system had :i retanling iuflucnce in more senses than one ; it was financially wasteful, the parent of untold wrongs, as manifested in its domestic evils, Avhich penetrated the inner circle of the household. It was the enemy of universal education wherever it held sway. The slaveholders, the governing class in that section of the country, never established public schools, while in the free-labor States they were in existence more than two hundred years before the civil war. The ruling class designed as far as pos- sible to keep the "poor white trash," as they con- temptuously characterized the non-slaveholders, in ignorance. This was done on the assumption that their knowledge could be communicated to the slaves, who in consequence might become dissatisfied Avith their condition and foment insurrections, from which were proj^hesied massacres with all their at- tendant horrors. The second century, in marked contrast, starts with jii^ihlic schools established throughout the entire Union, while the system is growing more and more in favor with the good, the intelligent, and pro- gressive citizens. The public school is a promoter of material progress among all classes in the com- munity ; and it extends still further in its influence in uniting in sympathy the different sections of the land by teaching all the youth the English language. Undef such conditions the unfortunate illiterates will in due time disappear, and the American people, in theory at least, will become a nation of intelligent ■voters. IMPEDIMENTS REMOVED. 373 The Spoils System — Civil Service. — That most pernicious policy known as the spoils system, introduced by Andrew Jackson (1829) near the middle of the Nation's first century (see pp. 75-77), will, it is hoped, disappear in the early portion of its second. IMeasures have been taken to banish it forever from the politics of the Nation {Four Hun- dred Years of American Hidory, pp. 1068, 1072) (see pp. 310-313), and whenever the reform contemplated in the Civil Service secures a complete triumph, na- tional policies will thereafter be discussed on their merits alone. Writers and speakers on national topics will then be influenced by patriotic motives, and will not expect nor ask political preferment for doing their duty, except in an honorable and straightforward way, as when the offices in the gift of the people are conferred upon those alone whose fitness for the position they recognize. The evil of the spoils system has had a degrading influence, especially ujDon tlie less intelligent, in giv- ing them false views, as when they unconsciously deem patriotism and partisanship as of equal impor- tance. This deceptive notion has hitherto prevailed to an extent among the followers of local leaders, who have dishonestly oftentimes promised, directly or indirectly, the same office to different persons in order to secure the latter's political favor. This de- moralizing influence will receive its death blow when, on a basis of merit alone, appointments will bo made to subordinate offices, such as clerkships, etc. The qualifications demanded as to knowledge will be 374 POLITICAL PARTIES. tbut obtainable in the common schools or academies, but Avliicb education must be supplemented by prac- tice, energ}', and honesty. How much more dig- nified and self-respecting to hold such an ap- pointment as the result of an examination than to secure it through the influence of a local political leader ! The Hopeful Prospect.— The system of Civil Service will become more perfect in its administra- tion when the classes of public employees, that are now subjected to preliminary examinations and a hmited probation before entering fully npon their duties, are appointed for a number of odd years, for instance, seven, nine, eleven, etc., as may be deemed best, the object being to overlap Pres- idential terms, and thus avoid the unseemly tur- moil of oflSce-seekers and their friends, so often seen immediately after the inauguration of a Presi- dent. The American people have an interest in their national affairs as conducted at Washington, and for that reason, why should not the classes of officials mentioned above be drawn from the several States in proportion to the number of their resi^ective populations as ascertained by each census ? Such an arrangement would enhance the existing good- will of the people of every section of the Union. Let these clerical or subordinate appointments be made or recommended by a commission instituted tor the purpose of ascertaining the qualifications of cne applicants. This policy would in time banish IMPEDIMENTS REMOVED. 375 the absurd notion that the general government is somehow under obUgation to appoint certain per- sons or their friends to these minor offices. If such appointees are efficient, why should not their tenures of office be judiciously extended, and thus the entire service be conducted on the business principles that prevail in the management of the great corporations of the country ? National Banks,— A prominent hinderance to the material progress of the Nation, during nearly three-fourths of its first century, was the frequent changes in the management of the financial measures of the National government, as well as in those of the respective States (see pp. 26-28, 80, 81, 199). This unsettled condition continued till the adoption of the present national banking system on January 1, 18G3. Since then we have had no bad money. This system of banking, so comprehensive and national in its character, has passed over into the current century. In pi'ocess of time no doubt there will be modifications which will adapt the system to contingencies that may hereafter arise, yet the grand and valuable feature, of being national in its practi- cal utility, will be continued. As it is now, the notes of these banks are current throughout the Union and are redeemable at the United States Treasury. The immense advantages derived from these banks have been so great that in the future no other than a banking system adapted to the whole Union will be tolerated by intelligent people. The contrast between the two centuries, in respect to the benefits 376 POLITICAL PARTIES. derived from their resi^ectivc financial measures, is very remarkable. Our Territory Ample.— Tlie territory in the possession of the American people of the second cen- tury will be sufficient for their occupation and abundant, under the forms of agriculture that will prevail, to supply all their demands, since improve- ments in the cultivation of the soil will go forward and never retrogade. The moral tone and justice of the people will forbid unlawful elitbrts to acquire additional territory. In the days of the first cen- tury, in the interest of slavery, criminal filibustering expeditious against our weak neighbors on the south were carried on with the connivance and en- couragement of the leading political party for nearly one-quarter of the first century. If territory is hereafter added to our domain it will be acquired honorably, and in accordance with the desire of the inhabitants themselves of such territory. The annex- ation will be made in good faith and for the mutual benefit of both the parties. The Proteg§.— Slavery, as long as it lasted, was apologized for, and, as we have seen, catered to by the Democratic party on every occasion of a national election. After it was blotted out the leaders looked round for a substitute, one that had within it ele- ments to attract the same or similar classes which held sway in the Jacobin clubs in 1796 (pp. 11, 12), and whose votes the then leaders had learned to util- ize. They chose the liquor interest (pp. 205, 314- 318), whose adherents had uniformly voted to sustain IMPEDIMENTS REMOVED. 377 the Democracy, and in return their business was con- nived at or protected by legal enactments. In the cities, with scarcely an exception, the rum-sellers and their customers, and the keepers of gambling saloons and their frequenters, together with those who kept various disorderly establishments, all voted the same ticket. Up to 1884 this protege of the Democracy had been only local in its influence, but now the sagacious and prominent leaders of the party, seeing its power, determined to utilize it as an ally in national elec- tions. They recognized that by catering to its de- mands it could be made to hold the balance of power between the two prominent political parties. With this design the National Convention of the party, held in Chicago, July 10, 1884, endeavored to dignify the liquor interest as a national question by indorsing it in these words : " We oj)pose sumptuary laios which vex the citizen and interfere with indi- vidual liberty." This entire j^latform was afterward reafiirmed by their National Convention held in St. Louis, June 7, 1888, and then again by their conven- tion held in Chicago, June 21, 1892. The Republican National Convention held in Chicago, June 21, 1888, adopted the following : " The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the people. The Republican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the promo- tion of temperance and morality." Their National Convention held in Minneapolis, June 7, 1892, adopted the same sentiment in similar language. 378 POLITICAL PAIiTIES. The reader will notice the consummate skill used iu the wording of these indorsements of the liquor interest. The convention did not dare enunciate its true meaning in plain unequivocal tei'ms, but shrewdly used the expression " sumptuary laws," as though that phrase would add dignity to the busi- ness of the rum-seller when thus introduced as a factor in our national politics. In consequence of these indorsements of a great national party, the special adherents of this direful business are more aggressive, and their demands more exacting, to-day, in the third ijear of the Nation's second century than ever before. Every good and patriotic citizen cherishes the hope that, in the rapid progress of general intelligence and pure morality among the American people, this national curse will, early in our second century, be so restrained as to be stripped of its pernicious influence and perhaj)s virtually banished from the land. Danger to the Public Schools. — There ap- pears at present only one source of anxiety to thoughtful minds who attempt to interpret the signs of the times : that is, the danger which threatens our grand national system of public schools. The latter can be virtually destroyed by perverting the funds raised by taxation for their support to aid sectarian schools. If one sect obtains such aid, why may not another, and thus the whole system, now so universal and perfect, be broken up piecemeal? Certain ecclesiastics are credited with devising the scheme, and the probability is that a party which, IMPEDIMENTS REMOVED. 379 for the sake of votes, catered to slavery, and does now to the liquor interest, would not hesitate, for the same reason, to break up the public-school sys- tem, since it is continually found fault with by these ecclesiastics, and in such manner as to prejudice or mislead the unintelligent. The Lien. — The liquor interest has a political lien on the Democratic party. Note an instance wherein its power was recognized and duly honored. In the presidential canvass of 1884, Mr. Cleveland's self-respect forbid his specially endorsing, in his let- ter of acceptance, the liquor plank in the party's platform of that year, and, also, the same influence induced him when again a candidate in 1888 to ig- nore the same. In the latter year, however, David B. Hill ran for the governorship of the State of New York, and because of his notoriously avowed princi- ples in favor of the liquor traffic, he was ardently supported by the saloons and their sympathizers. Hill carried the State by about 15,000 plurality, while Mr. Cleveland lost it by about the same num- ber. Then, in 1892, came the third candidacy of the latter. In his letter of acceptance in that year Mr. Cleveland laid aside his self-respect and most cor- dially endorsed the liquor plank of the Chicago plat- form. By thus sacrificing his better principles, he obtained the full vote of the saloon interest, which gave him the State of New York and secured his election. Ln. DEMOCRATIC THEORIES REJECTED. How often we see men engaged in the business of life, who are uniformly unsuccessful, and notwith- standiiiii: their incessant labor there seems to hang over them a pall of misfortune. Though many may say in respect to individuals. They have been unfor- tunate because they lacked judgment or business capacity, — yet if they have been pure and honest in their endeavors to succeed, they deserve sympathy rather than carp'^ig criticism. Do we hold a senti- ment as charitable toward a combination of individ- uals — a railroad company or a political organiza- tion ? We assume the latter to be patriotic in its motives, though it may be misguided, and charity falls back upon the presumption that it did the best it could, but unfortunately knew no better. This is strikingly exemplified in the present instance, since with only tioo exceptions the American people in the end have rejected the aj)plication of every theory of Democratic Statesmen in respect to the practical workings of the measures which they advocated, but, on the contrary, adopted the measures which they opposed, especially those that had a favorable influ- ence upon the industries of the land, and also those that from their nature and purjDOse, were adapted DEMOCEACY ItEJECTED. 381 and designed to confer success, happiness and com- fort upon the people at large. In order to substantiate this statement, we jiur- pose in closing this brief history to give a summary — from the first to the last — of the measures whose pas- saoe throuajh Compress the leadinar men of the De- mocracy strenuously opposed, but which have since, because of their intrinsic merits, become popular among the intelligent portion of the American peo- ple, and are now the fixed policy of the Nation. We shall not omit to notice the two measures that were introduced by Democratic statesmen into Con- gress, and by means of their votes carried through, which are now also the law of the land. SIBIMARY. 1. One of the most important measures of George Washington's administration, was that of the United States government's assuming and main- taining Neutrality in respect to wars between other nations ; this measure, though bitterly op- posed by the Democracy of that day, has since become the fixed policy of the Nation, [p. 9, 14. of this monograph.] 2. Tlie encouragement given by the first two Presi- dents to our foreign Commerce and its protection by a Navy, and afterward the policy of Inter- nal Improvements by the National govern- ment, were opposed in theory by Jefferson, Mon- roe, and other leaders of the same school of States- men, [p. 29,39,46,51.] 3. Democratic Statesmen — North and South — uni- formly promoted Slavery till the people blotted it out. [pp. 122-124 ; 162-1G5.] 4. In only two instances— from 1801 to 1861 — did Democratic Statesmen enact measures that have be- come the policy of the Nation. The one when they reduced from fourteen years to foe the time of resi- dence required of an alien in order to become a cit- SUMMARY. 383 izen. [p. 3G.] The other when they instituted the Sub-Treasury for keeping the money of the United States, [p. 98.] 5. Cheap Postage, that boon to the people, was o})posed more or less for years and years by the leaders of the Democracy in Congress [pp. 113 — 116.] but was gradually effected by their political opponents. 6. The Homestead Law — in the application of which nearly 8,000,000 of Americans, in families of old and young, are to-day enjoying happy homes would have no existence if Democratic Statesmen had had their way. [pp. 182, 188, 189 ] 7. A little in advance of the progressive move- ments of these Free Homestead settlements, was the threading of the unoccupied territories by Railways, in order to bring the settlers of the fertile regions into communication with the older portions of the country. And the routes were made Transcontinental to transport the vast commerce of the Pacific Coast and of Asia beyond. Democratic Statesmen from first to last bitterly opposed the land grants by which these railroads were built. [ pp. 191,196.] 8. From the first. Democratic Statesmen for the most part opposed any system of Banking that could facilitate mercantile exchanges between the States — such as the last two United States Banks, and the present National Banking System, [p. 80, 84, 199.] 9. The Democratic members of Congress from 1875 3S4 POLITICAL PAliriES. to 1879 opposi'd in i-vory available mode ibe Resumption of Specie Payments — the solid basis of our i>rc'seiit busiiu'ss jji-osperity. [ )». 204, 266—209.] 10. The same class of Statesmen in Congress op- posed at every step the present La^w to Prevent Fraudulent Voting when members of Con- gi'ess or Presidential Electors are to be chosen. [ p. 292—295.] 11. More prominently from 1846 to 1861 the leaders of the Democracy discriminated in their Tariff Measures against rather than in favor of the mechanical industries of the land. Since then the Xation has rejected that policy, [pp. 53, 55, 93, 118, 146, 147.] 12. The position of the Democracy on the Liquor Question is so well defined that it need not be further specified [p. 314], except to quote from the platform of its National Convention held in Chicago, July 8, 1884, the following: " We op- pose sumptuary laws which vex the crtizen and interfere with individual liberty" [})p. 212, 316, 321, 323], 13. The Democratic National Convention lield in 1888 in St. Louis, reaffirmed this plank, tlius continuing the liquor question in National politics. The Couveutiou held in Chicago, in 1892, did the same. INDEX. Adams, John, V. P., 10; Presi- dent, 31; Success 35. Adams, John Quiiicy, 69; chosen President 70 ; Slanders on his Administration, 87. Alaska, cost of, 129. Aliens, plots of, 32 ; act 33, 36. Apologies, none to make, 338, 339. Aristocracy, the true, 248. Aristocrats, 21 ; 246. Aslimun, Geo. : — Bill for Cheap Postage, 115. Bank U. S., 27 ; banking, 80; opposition to, absurd, 81 ; de- posits, 97. Banks National, 199 ; no mono- poly, 200 ; perfect safety of, 210', 375. Benton, Thomas, 34, 86 ; on the Annexation of Texas, 123. Blaine, Jas. G. , quoted, 126. Blunders, 101, 232, 334. Border Rutfians, IM. Boss system repudiated, 217. Brougham's, Henry, Lord, ad- vice, 53. Buchanan, James, vetoes Home- stead Bill, 189. Calhoun, John C, 61 ; dream of, 1()4 ; irreverence of, 206. California, cost'of, 129, 145. Capital two kinds, 156. Caucus rule, 102. Centralization, 299. Civil Service, 171 ; Reform, 310. Comin-omise, Missouri, 63; re- pealed, 133; Tariff, 93. Constructionists, Strict, 37 ; in- consistent, 39. Cooper, Peter, 281. Credit, American, 99. Curtiss, Judge, quoted on An- drew Jackson, 83. Dallas, G. M., 118 ; casting vote, 119. Decision, Dred Scott, 173. Democratic Party origin, 11, 12 ; poor man's friend, 22; on Kansas, 135; Connive at Filibustering, 137, 140 ; dis- criminates agaiu.stthe indus- tries of the land when oppor- tunity serves, favors tl-a liquor interest, 205 ; founj wanting, 341 ; distrust, 332 -. donations to the South, 221, 222 Eaton, Dorman B. , 310. Eaton, Senator, 335. Ellis Judge, on assumed boun- dary, 125, Energy displayed, 238. Englanil's policy in relation to niacliiiicry, .54. EverettjEdward, on Cheap Post- age, 115. Faults, summary of, 176. Federalists, 178 ; 245. Figure Heads, 210, 215. Filibustering, 137, 140. Financiering, fancy, 305 ; sue-. cessful, 307. Free Trade, 27, 277, 365. Fremont, J. C, 108. Fugitive Slave Law, 133. r.;in:,x. Ckjjkt, " CiTizKN," 14; 'M. Clatlsloiio, \V. E. , views of the U. S. Cimslitiitiou. ;«. Cmnt, Cioii., riesiik'nt, '27'J. IJreelov, lloiace, Ciuulidiite, 271. Greenbackers, 21K). Hamilton, Alkxanokk, Sec. Trcas., 10; on implied pow- ers, etc., ;^7. llairison, W. H., President, •.).'>, Hiiyne, Senator, opinion on slaves, etc., 51). Homestead Law, 182, 185, 190. Humane sentiments absent,194. Illegal Voting, 292, 298. Illiterates, ^28. Invoices, double, 110. Irishman, the, 63; niistakes,10n; despised, 219 ; deceived, 221. Jacobin Cluks, 11. Jav's Treaty, 15. Jackson, Andrew, a candidate, 71 ; theories chaniied, 72 ; they are carried into effect, 77;' the idol, 78-, vetoes U. S. Bank, 82 ; influence, 168. Jefferson, Thomas, Sec. of Sfcite, 12, 14 ; on NVashin5;ton's ei- rors, 16; symjiathy, etc., 20 ; British ministers' treatment of, 24 ; resolutions of, 98, .S4; effort to use banks politically, 44 ; embargo, 46 ; its failure, 48 ; ]ieace jxilicy, 51 ; on po- litical inspiration, 106; au- thority of name, 168. Johnson Andrew, vetoes civil rights, etc.. 226; plans, 241; Tylerized, 242 ; his policy of restoration, 243. Johnson, Reverdy, refuses to plead, 226. Kansas, difficulties of, 134. Knox, Henry, Sec. of war, 10. Kremer letter, 69. Laborers, ignorant, imported, 63. T,amnr, L., Q C. 240. Law Hi'Kistrv, 293. Lee, Kobert K. , 237 ; 240. Lin.'oln, Abraham, 7, 108; 190 240. Liquor Interest, the, 205; 314. Lousiana, the cost of, 129 ; it* value, 130. MANi'FACTUKiNGjimpulsc given to. 51, 111 ; 265. Manufacturers', benevolences, 280. McDuffie, Geo., Senator, opinion on slave labor, 57. Marcy, W. L., his aphorism, 14; 170. Marshall, Chief Justice, iu- fhience of, 78; 172. Moneyed Power, 42 ; 250. Morison, Chairman etc., 152. Navy, our first, 50. Nicknames, prejndice of 249 ; silk stocking gentry, 250 ; Lo- cofoco, Bourbon, 251; black republican 251, 252; copper- heads, 254. Nullifiers, 112; in congress, 175. OsTEND, Manifesto the, 128. Pendleton, Senator, .310, 312. "Pets," the (banks), S.7. Platform statements, 255. Policies, righted, summary of, 243, 245. Postage, cheap, 113, 116. Pretenses, false, 282, 286. Progress, true, 165 ; industrial, 303. Qualifications, voting, 327. Reconstriction, 242. Republican party, 136 ; origin, 180. Rebuffs received hy emigrants 223 224. Rest, secular day of, 317. Riot in N. Y. city, 173, 175. INDEX. 387 dEYMOUR Horatio, Ev-Gov. 329. Sljiter Sanuiel, introduces ina- cliinery, etc., 54. Slater John F. , 281. Slavery in Politics, 63, 133. Specie payments, 2ti4 ; 2(36 ; 267. " Spoil.s," the, 73, 373. Stevens X. H., 240. Suiuiier Prof. , quoted on Aliens etc., 47 ; on tiie banks, 84. Suniniarv of Rejected Policies, 343-345. Swartwout, defaulter, 95. Tact in Management, 233. Tariff, our First, 53; an equal- izer of tlie cost of production, 55; efforts against, 91; of '42, of '46, 118 ; 146, 147; com- mission, 150. Tavlor, Gen. Zachary, in Texas, 125; President, 137. Teller's, Senator, report, 225. Temperance Question, 318, 358. Texas, cost of, 127-129. Theories, Democratic, 337. Trading, Political, 271, 274. Trist, N. P., statement, 126. Tweed Ring, the, 207 ; coiiiite- nauced, 208. Van Buken, Martin, views^ 65 ; as a j)olitician, 73 ; re- proof of, 88 ; opinions on pol- itical tactics, 103; on sons and fathers, 107. Yon Hoist, quoted, 18, 41, 60'. voter's responsibility, 213. WAsniNnTON, Georoe, Presi- dent, 10; policy of, 12. Walker's, Rohert J., report, 100. Windom, Sec. Treas., 276, 300. Whig party, 08 ; 179 ; 247. Whig Congress, action of. 111. World, the, governed too much, 17. Workingman's Capital, 156, 157. Young Men, 319 ; living issue at hand, 321 ; their responsi- bility, 325. APPENDIX. Aphorisms, 19, 74, 170. Base Changed, 287-291. Brag, Political, 143, 143. Brokers, Hordes of, 94. Clubs, Jacobin, 10, 245. Copperheads, 254, 365. Liquor Interest, 314-317 ; 376. Ku-Klux, 335. Obstruction policy, 269 ; 366. Public Schools, danger of, 378. Reciprocity treaties, 357, 356. Senate Committees, 68. • Surplus, 369. Trick, The, 117. Vices copied, 109. POLITICAL ECONOMY ..n,o. coth. 305 Pages, FOR AMERICAN YOUTH, p-ce, $..«o. By J. HARRIS PATTON, M.A., Ph.D. The title of tliis book explains its prominent features. Tiie aim has been to avoid prolixity, to be concise, but clear, and to present the t-sseutial phases of the study in such maimer as to interest the student who may be willing to make the proper exertion to understand the subject. The pruiiilnent I'lmraftcrlKtlfS of thin volume are the IblloMliie: ist. Historical tacts are adduced in order that the pupil may under- stand the reasons for the policy of the Nation as manifested in its laws pertaining to linancial measures. 2d. Due prominence is given to the fact that we support two kinds of government, State and National, the funds of which are derived from two diflerent sources. 3d. The Home I^Iark'et is found in practice, to be vastly more im- portant to the ."Vmerican people than the Foreign — the latter being in value only one twentieth of the former. 4th. The surplus of our productions is found to be abundantly suf- ficient to exchange for the commodities that we may need, and cannot produce ourselves. 5th. Reciprocity with certain countries is recognized as consistent with imposing duties upon the products oi competing mechanical industries. 6th. The cost of the raw material, in comparison with the expense of the labor bestowed upon the manufactured article, is found to be comparatively small. 7th. 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And, what is particularly gratifying, he does ample justice to the religious elements that enter into the making of the American people." — Francis L. Patton, D.D., President 0/ Princeton College. FORDS, HOWARD, & HULBERT 47 E. TENTH STREET, NEW YORK NATURAL RESOURCES OF THE UNITED STATES. By J. HARRIS PATTON, M.A., Ph.D. 8vo, Cloth, $3.00. Sent by mail ou receipt of price, post-paid. In announcing this work the publishers would state that the subject has never before been so fully presented, since hitherto only the precious metals, coal, iron, and petroleum, have received the attention of writers. " In so far as the object is attainable within the scope of a single tolerably thick volume, it has been accomplished. The book affords a sufficiently comprehensive and clear account of the matters treated." — A^ew Fork Triiujie. 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