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 The Romans Questions 
 
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Of 
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 On the whole, with the proper qualifications, 
 Plutarch's Romane Questions may fairly be said 
 to be the earliest formal treatise written on 
 the subject of folk-lore. The problems which 
 Plutarch proposes for solution are mainly such 
 as the modern science of folk-lore undertakes 
 to solve ; and though Plutarch was not the 
 first to propound them, he was the first to 
 make a collection and selection of them and 
 give them a place of their own in literature. 
 On the other hand, though Plutarch's questions 
 are in the spirit of modern scientific inquiry, 
 his answers or rather the answers which he 
 sets forth, for they are not always or usually 
 his own are conceived in a diff'erent strain. 
 They are all built on the assumption that the 
 customs which they are intended to explain 
 were consciously and deliberately instituted by 
 men who possessed at least as much culture 
 
 186105 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 and wisdom as Plutarch himself, or the other 
 philosophers who busied themselves with this 
 branch of antiquities. This assumption, how- 
 ever, that the primitive Italians or the pro- 
 ethnic Aryans shared the same (erroneous) 
 scientific and philosophical views as the savants 
 of Plutarch's day, is an unverified and impro- 
 bable hypothesis. The Aryans were in the 
 Stone Age, and had advanced only to such 
 rudimentary agriculture as is possible for a 
 nomad people. If, therefore, we are to explain 
 their customs, we must keep within the narrow 
 circle which bounds the thought and imagina- 
 tion of other peoples in the same stage of 
 development. Plutarch, however, in effect asks 
 himself, "If I had instituted these customs, 
 what would my motives have been?" and in 
 reply to his own question he shows what very 
 learned reasons might have moved him ; and 
 also, quite unconsciously, what very amiable 
 feelings would in reality have governed him ; 
 for, if he ascribes to the authors of these 
 customs the learning of all the many books 
 which he had read, he also credits them with 
 a kindliness of character which belonged to 
 himself alone. Thus, to go no further than 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 the first of the Romane Questions^ viz., What 
 is the reafon that new-ioedded wives are hidden 
 to touch fire and water'} Plutarch first gives 
 four high philosophical reasons, which he may- 
 have borrowed, but concludes with one which 
 we may be sure is his own : "Or laft of all 
 [is it] becaufe man and wife ought not to 
 forfake and abandon one another, but to take 
 part of all fortunes \ though they had no other 
 good in the world common between them, but 
 fire and water only ? " 
 
 That this, like the rest of Plutarch's reasons, 
 is fanciful, may not be denied, but would not 
 be worth mentioning, were it not that here 
 we have, implicit, the reason why no modern 
 translation could ever vie with Philemon 
 Holland's version of the Romane Questions. It 
 is not merely because Philemon's antiquated 
 English harmonises with Plutarch's antiquated 
 speculation, and by that harmony disposes the 
 reader's mind favourably towards it ; but in 
 Philemon's day, England, like the other coun- 
 tries of Western Europe, was discovering that 
 all that is worth knowing is in Greek. The 
 universal respect felt for Greek in those days, 
 even by schoolmasters (Holland was himself 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 Head-master of Coventry Free School), is still 
 apparent to those who read this translation. 
 But things are now so changed that the English 
 language of to-day cannot provide a seemly 
 garb for Plutarch's ancient reasonings. To say 
 in modern EngUsh that " five is the odd number 
 most connected with marriage," is to expose 
 the Pythagorean doctrine of numbers to modern 
 ridicule. But when Philemon says, "Now 
 among al odde numbers it seemeth that Cinque 
 is most nuptial," even the irreverent modem 
 cannot fail to feel that Cinque was an emi- 
 nently respectable character, whose views were 
 strictly honourable and a bright example to 
 other odde numbers. Again, Philemon's in- 
 sertion of the words "it seemeth" makes for 
 reverence. The insertion is not apologetic ; 
 nor does it intimate that the translator hesitates 
 to subscribe to so strange a statement. Rather, 
 it summons the reader to give closer attention 
 to the words which are about to follow words 
 of wisdom such as is to be foimd nowhere else 
 but only in the fountain of all knowledge, Greek. 
 Insertions and amplifications are indeed charac- 
 teristic of Philemon as a translator. But, though 
 his style is florid, it is lucid ; his ampUfications 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 IX 
 
 make the meaning clearer to the English reader, 
 and, as a rule, only state explicitly what is really 
 implied in the original. Sometimes {e.g., towards 
 the end of R. Q. 6) he does enlarge on the text 
 beyond all measure ; sometimes, again, defective 
 scholarship leads him to ascribe things to Plu- 
 tarch which Plutarch never said {e.g., in R. Q. 5, 
 ravra. r^o'ffov r/va, rolg *EX>.7jv/xo/'5 soixsv does not 
 mean " this may feeme in fome fort to have 
 beene derived from the Greeks"); and some- 
 times he is mistaken as to the meaning of a 
 word {e.g., hoxog in R. Q. 5). On the other 
 hand, where the text is corrupt, he sees and 
 says what the meaning really is; and Hearne's 
 verdict that Holland had "an admirable knack 
 in translating books" does not go beyond the 
 mark. Indeed, it does not do justice to Phile- 
 mon, for it hardly prepares us to learn that, in 
 the infancy of the study of Greek in England, 
 Philemon threw off, among other trifles, trans- 
 lations of all the Moralia of Plutarch, the whole 
 of Livy, the enormous Natural History of Pliny, 
 Suetonius, Ammianus Marcellinus, the Cyropcedia 
 of Xenophon, and Camden's Britannia. Southey 
 is more just to the assiduous labours of a life of 
 study carried to the age of eighty-five, when he 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 calls Philemon "the best of the Hollands." 
 But the most discerning criticism of Holland, 
 as " translator generall in his age " (Fuller), is 
 contained in Owen's epigram on Holland's trans- 
 lation of the Natural History^ that he was both 
 plenior and planior than Plinius. 
 
 To judge from the Romane Questions^ Phile- 
 mon must have used as l^s text the edition of 
 1560-70, Venet., for he evidently avails him- 
 self of Xylander's emendations of the Aldine 
 editio princeps, 1509-19. One cannot, how- 
 ever, be quite certain on this point, for the title- 
 page of Holland's translation of the Moralia 
 runs : " The Philosophic, commonly called the 
 Morals, written by the learned philosopher 
 Plutarch of Chaeronea, translated out of Greek 
 into English, and conferred with Latin and 
 French." Now the Latin translation must 
 have been Xylander's; and the only edition 
 of the text used by Holland may have been 
 that of H. Stephens, with which Xylander's 
 Latin translation and notes were published. 
 The French with which Philemon conferred 
 was of course that of Jacques Amyot, who had 
 abeady translated Plutarch's Lives in 1559, 
 and followed up that translation with one of 
 
PREFACE. xi 
 
 the Moralia in 1574. Philemon's translation 
 of the Morals appeared in 1603 ("revised and 
 corrected" in 1657). 
 
 The Morals in general and the Romane Ques- 
 tions in particular have received little attention 
 from commentators. The only notes I have 
 succeeded in getting hold of, besides those of 
 Xylander and Reiske (complete edition of Plu- 
 tarch, Lips., 1774-82), are some by Boxhorn (in 
 the fifth volume of the Thesaurus of Graevius, 
 1696), which includes one sensible remark 
 (quoted p. xxxii. below), and those by Wytten- 
 bach (Oxford, 182 1), which, if I had looked 
 at them before instead of after writing my 
 Introduction, would have provided me with a 
 good many classical references that, as it is, I 
 have had to put together myself. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. The Subject of the "Eomane Questions" 
 
 AND OF THIS INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The "fashions and customes of Rome," which 
 prompted Plutarch's questions, are directly or 
 indirectly associated with the worship of the 
 gods, while the solutions which he suggests 
 contain occasionally myths. It is not, however, 
 all Roman gods, cults, and myths that are dis- 
 cussed by Plutarch : he limits himself, on the 
 whole, to those which are purely Roman, or 
 rather purely Italian. This limitation is not 
 accidental, and it is significant. It does not 
 indeed appear that Plutarch designed to confine 
 himself thus : the fact seems rather to be that, 
 long before his time, the Romans had borrowed 
 the myths, the ritual, and the gods of Greece, 
 and that Plutarch, as a Greek, found nothing 
 strange or unintelligible in the resemblances 
 
 xiii 
 
xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which the Roman ritual of his day bore to the 
 religion of his native land. It was the points 
 of difference which caught his attention. 
 
 And here we must note a further limitation 
 of the subject of the Romane Questions and of 
 this Introduction. Surprise and inquiry are 
 excited not by the familiar, but by the unusual ; 
 so Plutarch's attention was arrested not by 
 customs which, though purely Italian, were 
 universal in Italy, e.g., the practice of covering 
 the head during worship, but by fashions for 
 which he could find no analogy or parallel 
 in the stage of religion with which alone he 
 was acquainted. In such isolated customs, out 
 of harmony with their surroundings, modem 
 science sees " survivals " from an earlier stage 
 of culture ; and it is as survivals that they will 
 be treated in this Introduction. Now, the stage 
 of religion with which Plutarch was famihar, 
 and in which he could find no analogies for 
 those " fashions and customes," was polytheism ; 
 and if those practices are survivals, they must 
 be survivals from a stage of religion earlier than 
 polytheism. 
 
 Here, however, a difficulty meets us. If the 
 teaching of the Solar Mythologists be true, the 
 
INTRODUCTION. xv 
 
 Aryans, having a mythology, were already poly- 
 theists : mucli more, therefore, must the Italians 
 have been polytheists from the beginning. I 
 am sorry to say that I cannot meet this diffi- 
 culty : I can only frankly warn the reader that 
 it exists. But in an Introduction which pro- 
 fesses to confine itself to myths and cults 
 which are purely Italian, it is impossible to 
 discuss Solar Mythology, for the simple reason 
 that there is no such thing in existence as an 
 Italian solar myth, or indeed Nature-myth of 
 any kind. The only story which is seriously 
 claimed as a Nature-myth is that of Hercules and 
 Cacus. Cacus, a monster or giant, stole some 
 cows from Hercules, and hid them in his cave. 
 Hercules discovered them, according to some 
 accounts, by the aid of Caca, the sister of Cacus, 
 according to other accounts, by the lowing which 
 the cows in the cave set up when Hercules 
 went by with the rest of his oxen. Hercules 
 forced his way into the cave, and, in spite of the 
 fire and flames which Cacus spat at him, killed 
 the monster with his club. Then Hercules, in 
 commemoration of the discovery of his cattle, 
 erected an altar to Jupiter the Discoverer (Jupiter 
 Inventor). Now a similar story, it would appear, 
 
xvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 is to be found in the Vedas. Vritra, a three- 
 headed snake, steals cows from Indra, who dis- 
 covers them in a cave by their lowing, and kills 
 Vritra with a club. And the Vaidic story must 
 be a Nature-myth, because the Vedas expressly 
 explain that the cows are clouds, the lowing is 
 thunder, the club is the lightning, and Indra, on 
 this occasion, the blue sky. But why is the 
 interpretation given by the Vaidic philosophers 
 to be accepted without examination, when we 
 reject the teaching of the Stoics, who interpreted 
 Rhea as matter, and Zeus, Posidon, and Hades 
 as fire, water, and air respectively, in accord- 
 ance with the Stoic philosophy of the universe? 
 I submit it as a possibility, worth consideration 
 at least, that we have here an ordinary folk- 
 tale : the trick of using the bulls to make the 
 cows reveal their hiding-place is like the trick 
 in the folk-tale about the groom of Darius who 
 caused his master's horse to neigh and so secured 
 the Persian empire to Darius. The story may 
 have been told of some clever fellow (not neces- 
 sarily or probably of a god) in pro-ethnic Aryan 
 times, or it may have been hit on by Hindoo 
 and Italian story-tellers independently. Once 
 invented, however, it was used by each of these 
 
INTRODUCTION. xvii 
 
 two peoples in a cliaracteristic manner. The 
 learned Koman, whose object was to explain the 
 origin of the customs, cults, institutions, &c., of 
 Eome, seized on it as the obvious explanation of 
 two facts which required explanation, viz., first, 
 how the altar to Jupiter Inventor came into 
 existence ; and second, why the offering made 
 in gratitude for the recovery of lost property, 
 was an ox. The learned Hindoo, on the other 
 hand, had the satisfaction of showing that even 
 the stories with which (alone or chiefly) the 
 common people were acquainted bore unsuspected 
 witness to the truth of the religion he taught. 
 But to return to our interpretation of the 
 " fashions and customes " of Eome as survivals 
 of a stage of religion earlier than polytheism. 
 
 A second difficulty remains. Distinguished 
 writers on the philosophy of religion hold that 
 polytheism is not developed out of fetichism 
 or animism, but is primitive and underived 
 from any earlier stage. The survivals, then, 
 which Plutarch records, could not point to the 
 existence of an earlier stage. Here, again, it 
 is not for me to handle such high themes as 
 the philosophy of religion. I am bound down 
 to the humbler task of noting the simple fact 
 
xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that, until borrowed from Hellas, polytheism 
 was unkno-vvn lq Italy. 
 
 This is a very bare statement so naked as 
 almost to amount to a literary impropriety. I 
 must, therefore, take three sections to clothe it. 
 
 II. Italian Gods. 
 
 That some of the great gods of Rome were 
 but Greek gods borrowed is universally ad- 
 mitted (see e.g. Mommsen's History of Rome^ 
 i. 1 86 ff.f or Ihne, i. 119). Even so strong a 
 supporter of the theory of a Graeco-Italian 
 period as Roscher admits unreservedly that 
 the mythology, worship, and the very name of 
 Apollo were borrowed in early but still historic 
 times {Lexikon, i. 446). When, then, we find 
 Plutarch putting the question why the temples 
 of ^sculapius and Vulcan were built outside 
 Rome {Eomane Questions^ 94 and 47), we at 
 once surmise that these were imported gods, 
 whose worship was indeed sanctioned and 
 ordained by the Roman State but was not 
 admitted within the sacred circle of the pomoe- 
 rium, reserved for the temples of indigenous 
 Roman gods. In the case of -^culapius we 
 
INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 have historical proof that his was an imported 
 worship ; in consequence of a pestilence in 
 Rome in B.C. 293 the god was fetched from 
 Epidaurus, and the temple in question was 
 erected two years afterwards.* We do not 
 happen to have any similar historical record of 
 the introduction of Yulcan's worship, but the 
 name of the god, be it Cretan or Etruscan, is 
 foreign, f 
 
 Having eliminated these and other loan-gods, 
 we find that the genuine Italian deities which 
 remain fall into two classes. The one class con- 
 sists of such abstractions as Forculus, the spirit 
 of doors ; Cardea, that of hinges ; Limentinus, 
 that of the threshold, &c., which can scarcely 
 be dignified by the name of gods, but are rather 
 spirits, and amply warrant Chantepie de la 
 Saussaye's remark that Roman religion was still 
 steeped in animism. J The other class includes 
 
 * Livy, X. 47, 7, Ep. 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2 ; Strabo, 
 xii. p. 567 ; Ovid, F., i. 291 ; M., xv. 622 ; Oros, iii. 
 22; Lactant., Inst, II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, 
 C. D., iii. 17 ; Aurel. Vict., De V. Ill, 25 ; Dion., v. 
 13; Pliny, i\r. ^., 29, 16. 
 
 t Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan 
 Peoples, p. 162. 
 
 + Reiigionsgeschichte, ii. 203. 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 such gods as Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Diana, Venus, 
 Hercules, &c. It is necessary to note, however* 
 that the worship even of these gods can be 
 proved to have been considerably Hellenised in 
 historic times : * some of their ritual and all 
 their mythology was borrowed from Greece, as 
 we shall subsequently see. And when the loan- 
 myths and loan-cults have been removed, the 
 genuine Italian gods stand forth essentially and 
 fundamentally different from those of Greece, t 
 Here, too, we may note that if comparative 
 mythologists adhere to their principle of not 
 identifying the gods of different nations, unless 
 their names can be shown by comparative philo- 
 logy to be identical, they must admit that Mars 
 and Ares, Venus and Aphrodite, Diana and 
 Artemis, Juno and Hera, and all the other pairs 
 of deities which the ancients identified, are, 
 with the sole exception of Jupiter and Zeus 
 and of Vesta and Hestia, not of cognate but of 
 diverse origin. In fine, the differences between 
 Greek and Italian gods are fundamental and 
 original : the resemblances can be shown to be 
 due to borrowing in historic times. 
 
 * Meyer, Indogermanische My then, it p. 6 1 2. 
 
 t Marquardt, Edmische Staatsverwaltung^, iii. p. 2. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxi 
 
 There is, however, one of the great Roman 
 gods who was never identified with any Hellenic 
 deity, Janus. Now, although Janus ranks with 
 Jupiter and Mars in the Roman system as an 
 indubitable god, yet in origin and function he 
 is not to be distinguished from those inferior, 
 animistic powers to whom the title of spirit is 
 the highest that can be assigned. Janus is the 
 spirit that resides in or presides over door- 
 openings (ianuSf ianua\ just as Forculus has 
 to do with doors (fores), Limentinus with the 
 threshold (Umen), and Cardea with the hinges 
 (car do). He is also the " spirit of opening," * 
 who was to be invoked at the commencement 
 of every act. Plutarch's questions why he 
 should be represented with two heads, and why 
 the year should begin with the month named 
 after him, January (R. Q., 22 and 19), are thus 
 at once explained: "The double-head looking 
 both ways was connected with the gate that 
 opened both ways ;" and in January, "after the 
 rest of the middle of winter, the cycle of the 
 labours of the field began afresh." f 
 
 That the door or the threshold is the seat of 
 
 * Mommsen, History of Rome, i. 173. 
 t Ibid. ; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. lanus. 
 
xxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 a tutelary spirit or genius is a belief familiar 
 enough in folk-lore : the door must not be 
 banged,* nor wood chopped on the threshold,! 
 for fear of disturbing him. He is apt to dis- 
 appear, taking the luck of the house with him, 
 if a cat is maliciously buried under the door- 
 sill, t or if human hair is so buried. The im- 
 portance of the door as a possible entrance for 
 evil spirits, or exit for lucky ones, is manifest 
 in many customs, e.g.y nailing a horse-shoe on 
 the door or sticking a knife into the door, and 
 in such beliefs as that when a door opens 
 (apparently) of itself, a spirit is entering. 
 
 Whether the Italian spirit of the doorway, 
 who in origin is indistinguishable from the 
 similar though nameless spirits to be found else- 
 where, was capable by his own unaided efforts 
 of raising himself to the rank of a god, is matter 
 for speculation. What is clear is that he had 
 not the chance : the introduction of Greek poly- 
 theism into Italy promoted him without exertion 
 on his part. 
 
 * Rochholz, DetUscher Glaube, ii. 136. 
 
 t Wuttke, Deutscker Vdksaberglaube^, 57. 
 
 t Ibid., 177, 388. 
 
 ibid., 395 ; cf. Pliny, N. H., 28, 86. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxiii 
 
 As, thus far, I have assumed a distinction 
 between "gods" and "spirits," and have also 
 assumed that a belief in the latter may exist 
 without polytheism and precede it, it will be 
 well here to state explicitly the distinction. 
 And that I may not be suspected of drawing 
 the distinction so as to suit my own ends, I 
 shall here borrow from a standard work, Chan- 
 tepie de la Saussaye's ReligionsgescMchte (i. 90). 
 De la Saussaye notes five characteristics involved 
 in the conception of "gods." First, they are 
 related to one another as members of a family 
 or community, and as subject to one god, who is 
 either lord of all, or at any rate primus inter 
 pares. Second, with the growth of art, they 
 are represented plastically and are made in the 
 image of man. Third, as ethics advance, moral 
 benefits are associated with their worship. 
 Hence, in the fourth place, the gods are con- 
 ceived as personal, individual beings, ideally 
 good and beautiful. Finally, the human intellect 
 demands that the relations of the gods to one 
 another and to Nature should be co-ordinated 
 into a system, and so theogonies and cosmogonies 
 are invented. 
 
 Now, if these be the marks whereby gods are 
 
xxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 distinguished from spirits, I submit that, before 
 the introduction of Greek gods and cults, the 
 Romans had not advanced as far as polytheism, 
 but were still in the purely animistic stage. 
 Here again, to avoid the temptation of inter- 
 preting the evidence unduly in favour of the 
 conclusion to which it seems to me to point, I 
 will confine myself to quotations. Ihne (Hist 
 of Borne, i. 1 1 8) says that to the Romans, before 
 the period of Hellenic influence, " the gods were 
 only mysterious spiritual beings, without human 
 forms, without human feelings and impulses, 
 without human virtues or weaknesses. . . . 
 Though the divine beings were conceived as 
 male or female, they did not join in marriage 
 or beget children. . . . No genuine Roman 
 legend tells of any race of nobles sprung from 
 gods." Again, "The original Roman worship 
 had no images of the gods or houses set apart 
 for them" (Mommsen, i. 183). "A simple 
 spear, even a rough stone, sufficed as a symbol " 
 (Ihne, 119). Roman religion had nothing to 
 do with morality : "it was designed for use in 
 practical life" (Ibid. 120). "The religion of 
 Rome had nothing of its own peculiar growth 
 even remotely parallel to the religion of Apollo 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxv 
 
 investing earthly morality with its halo of glory" 
 (Mommsen, 172). Mommsen's observation that 
 "the hero-worship of the Greeks was wholly 
 foreign to the Eomans " (174) is explained by 
 the fact that a hero is a being of human origin 
 raised by good deeds to the rank of a god, and 
 the Eomans had no gods. Myths about the 
 love-adventures of the gods and theogonies were 
 unknown to early Kome.* An Italian cosmo- 
 gony has not yet been discovered, and even the 
 wide-spread belief in the union of Father Sky 
 and Mother Earth had not been evolved in 
 Italy. 
 
 In fine " the beings which the Eomans wor- 
 shipped were rather numina than personal gods."f 
 Even the spirits whom we can trace back under 
 definite names to the purely Italian period, such 
 as Jupiter, Juno, Vesta, Mars, are not individual, 
 personal beings. Each of these names is the 
 name of a class of spirits. "Each community 
 of course had its own Mars, and deemed him to 
 be the strongest and holiest of all " (Mommsen, 
 i. 175). Each household had its own Vesta. 
 There were many Jupiters, many Junos. In 
 England, in the same way, the name of Puck, 
 
 * Marquardt, iii. 6. t De la Saussaye, ii, 203. 
 
xxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 who is a definite individual personality in one 
 stage of our fairy mythology, was originally a 
 class-name of the spirits whom, as Burton says 
 in his Anatomy y " we commonly call poukes." 
 
 I will conclude this section with quotations 
 from two distinguished authorities on Mythology, 
 who would both dissent from the views which 
 have been advanced above, but whose words 
 seem to me to bear unintentional testimony in 
 favour of those views. E. H. Meyer, in his 
 Indogermanisclie Mythen (ii. 612), says, "Roman 
 religion seldom displays more than the elementai'y 
 rudimentSy or rather let us say the last remnants 
 of mythology," and "whereas the cult of the 
 greater gods is known to us in a form greatly 
 affected by Hellenism, . . . the local gods 
 usually scarcely rise above the rank of spirits 
 {sich meistens kaum- iiber daemonischen Rang 
 erhehen)." Preller, in his Romische Mythologie 
 (i. 48), says, " The Romans' belief in gods would 
 be termed more xi^ily pandaemonism thou poly- 
 theism. . . . One is involuntarily reminded of 
 those Pelasgians of Dodona who, according to 
 Herodotus, assigned neither names nor epithets 
 to their gods. . . . Indeed, most of the names 
 of the oldest Roman gods have such a shifting. 
 
INTRODUCTION, xxvii 
 
 indefinite meaning, that they can scarcely be 
 regarded as proper names, as the names of 
 persons." 
 
 III. Italian Cults. 
 
 The Italians borrowed cults as well as gods 
 from Greece, but "these external additions 
 gathered round the kernel of the Roman religion 
 without afifecting or transforming its inmost 
 core" (Ihne, i. 119). The distinguishing charac- 
 teristic of the religion of Rome is that " it was 
 designed for use in practical life" (Ibid. 120), 
 ** The god of the Italian was above all things an 
 instrument for helping him to the attainment of 
 very solid earthly objects " (Mommsen, i. 181). 
 In fact, the Italian god was a fetich, i.e., a 
 magical implement; and in this sense of the 
 word it is true that "the Romans saw every- 
 where and in all things the agency and the 
 direction of the gods" (Ihne, i. 118). Every 
 act of life was entangled in a complicated net- 
 work of ritual.* Every part of the house, the 
 door, doorway, threshold, hinges, every process 
 of farming, sowing, manuring, &c., every act of 
 life from birth to burial, had its own particular 
 * Marquardt, p. 7. 
 
xxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 spirit ; and the object of the Roman with refer- 
 ence to each particular spirit was " to manage, 
 and even in case of need to over-reach or to 
 constrain him" (Mommsen, i 177). Preller in 
 his Romische Mythologie characterises the re- 
 ligion of Rome as, above all things, "a cultus- 
 religion." We may add that in Rome, as in 
 China, Assyria, and Babylonia, the cult was 
 nothing but organised magic,* the superstitious 
 customs, charms, and incantations familiar to 
 the folk-lorist in all countries were organised by 
 the practical Roman and were state-established by 
 him. In fine, the Romans " in their gods wor- 
 shipped the abstract natural forces, to whose 
 power man is conscious that he is subject every 
 instant, but wliich he can win over and render 
 subservient to his purposes by scrupulously 
 obeying the external injunctions which the 
 State issues for the worship of the gods." f 
 
 A fundamental difference between the Greek 
 and Roman religions manifests itself in the matter 
 of magic. Magic was foreign to the Greeks, and 
 was dishked by them : when it appears in their 
 mythology, it is practised by foreigners e.g., 
 Medea, Circe, Hecate and is "barbarous." In 
 
 * De la Saussaye, i. 53. t Marquardt, p. 6. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxix 
 
 fact, magic belongs to the animistic stage, and 
 is opposed to the higher tendencies of poly- 
 theism. The forces of Nature, conceived as 
 numina rather than as moral ideals, may well 
 be influenced by magic to the advantage of the 
 savage ; but to control a deity by means other 
 than prayer and good life is antitheistic. 
 
 Finally, it is not accidental or unmeaning that, 
 on the one hand, the Greeks had oracles while 
 the Italians had none ; and on the other hand, 
 that in China and Babylon (which resemble 
 Rome in other pertinent points) divination played 
 as large and as official a part as at Eome. An 
 oracle is the voice of a god ; whereas divination 
 is simply sympathetic magic inverted.* 
 
 IV. Italian Myths. 
 
 In sect. I it has been said that the Italians 
 had no Nature-myths. The reason why they 
 had none should now be clear : the Italians had 
 no Nature-gods. The sky-spirit, Jupiter, was 
 undoubtedly distinguished from the vault of 
 heaven by the primitive Italians, but he was not 
 generically different from the spirits of vegeta- 
 
 * Folk-Lore, vol. ii. p. 235. 
 
 d 
 
XXX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tion, of sowing, of manuring, &c., and he seems to 
 have been even of inferior dignity to the spirit of 
 doorways.* The earth, on the other hand, does 
 not seem to have been conceived of as a spirit 
 even, much less as a goddess ; but, if worshipped 
 at all, was worshipped as a fetich.! Hence, the 
 absence from Italy of any trace of the myth of 
 the origin of all living creatures from a union 
 between the earth and the sky. 
 
 Indeed, if by a myth we mean a tale told 
 about gods or heroes, there are no Italian myths. J 
 Myths attached to Greek loan-gods were bor- 
 rowed with the gods from Greece. Myths in 
 
 * Marquardt, p. 25. 
 
 t " Chez le8 Chinois Ti est bien et uniquement la 
 terra . . . qui n'a aucun personality, aucun aspect an- 
 thropologique." De Rialle, Mythologie Compar^Cy i. 235. 
 As in Rome, so in China, though the sky advanced to 
 the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich. 
 
 :|: Preller, R. M., i. i and 2, points out that Italian 
 mythology is "quite different" from the Greek; that it 
 is only in " a certain sense " that there can be said to be 
 a Roman mythology; that it is a very different thing 
 from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and Scandi- 
 navian mythology ; that the Romans had not advanced 
 far in personifying and individualising their gods, 
 and consequently could not develop much mythology. 
 Finally, Italian religion was "far less widely removed" 
 from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion and 
 mythology were. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxi 
 
 which Italian gods figure were borrowed or 
 invented when the Itahan gods were identified 
 with Greek gods. Thus the Golden Age myth, 
 for instance, can be referred to the time (a.u.c. 
 257) when Saturnus was identified with Kronos.* 
 And of course, all the myths in which ^neas 
 appears, and the whole mythical connection 
 between Rome and Greece or Troy, are late.f 
 Evander,! again, who figures in various passages 
 of the liomane Questions, owes his existence 
 wholly and solely to the attempt to connect 
 Rome with Greece. 
 
 If, on the other hand, under the head of 
 myth we include "the popular explanation of 
 observed facts," then early Roman history, as 
 Ihne says (i. 17), "is really nothing more than 
 a string of tales, in which an attempt is made 
 to explain old names, religious ceremonies and 
 monuments, political institutions and antiquities, 
 and to account for their origin." Some ex- 
 amples of this may be drawn from the Romane 
 Questions. Marriage by capture has left traces 
 
 * Livy, ii. 21 ; Dion., vi. i. 
 
 t Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, i. 482^. 
 
 X According to Schwegler, Rom. Gesch., i. SS^S^S^ 
 ECapSpos is simply Greek for Faunus = Favinus, "the 
 benevolent " or " good " god. Cf. Fauna = Bona Dea. 
 
xxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 behind it in the wedding customs of many 
 countries, and the meaning of these survivals 
 is usually wholly forgotten. But the historic 
 consciousness of the Romans was so far alive 
 to the actual facts of the case that the mock 
 capture was explained as the commemoration 
 of an actual historical rape the Rape of the 
 Sabines. Thus were explained the lifting of 
 the bride over the threshold (Q. R. 19), the use 
 of a javelin point to divide the bride's hair (Ibid. 
 87), the hymeneal cry Talassio (Ibid. 31), and 
 the fact that maids might not (though widows 
 might) marry on festival days (Ibid. 105). The 
 first of these customs is probably a survival from 
 marriage by capture, and the last is indirectly 
 connected Avith it. In Rome,* as in many other 
 places,! the lamentations of the bride who was 
 actually captured survived in the formal, ex- 
 travagant lamentations of the bride who, in 
 quieter times, was more peacefully won; and 
 these cries would have been of bad omen on 
 a day dedicated to the worship of the gods. 
 
 * **Rapi . . . similatur virgo ex gremio matris . . . 
 cnm ad virutn trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter 
 Romulo cessit." Festus, s.v. rapt. 
 
 t E.g., among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mord- 
 wins, Vedic Hindoos, and Bohemians. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii 
 
 Lamentation seems not to have been required 
 of widows. The use of an iron javelin point 
 is probably due to the dangers which, in the 
 opinion of primitive man, attend on those about 
 to marry, and require to be averted by the use 
 of iron,* from the head f especially. The origin 
 of the cry Talassio is beyond recovery. X 
 
 But though the chief branch of Italian folk- 
 tales consisted of popular explanations of ob- 
 served facts, we can detect traces of those other 
 folk-tales which from the beginning must have 
 been designed simply and solely to gratify man's 
 inherent desire for tales of adventure and the 
 marvellous. Here it must suffice to point to 
 two of the Romane Questions. In the fourth 
 question we have a tale told of successful trickery 
 on the part of Servius Tullius, which may well 
 
 * For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off 
 evil spirits from a wedding, see Schroeder, Hochzeits- 
 brduche dcr Ester, 99-102. 
 
 t For the sacredness of the head especially, see the 
 Golden Bough, i. 187-193. 
 
 X The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also 
 iu Livy, i. 9 ; Serv. ad ^n., vi. 55 ; and in Varro, 
 quoted by Festus, p. 351. The word occurs in Martial, 
 i. 35. 6 and 7 ; iii. 93. 25 ; xii. 42. 4, 95. 5 (Friedlander 
 says nothing), and Catullus, Ixi. 134 (Robinson Ellis has 
 nothing to say). 
 
xxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 have formed part of some story of a Master 
 Thief ; and in RoTimne Questions 36, the nightly 
 visits of Fortuna through the window to her 
 lover, Servius Tullius, at once remind us of the 
 " soul-maidens " and " swan-maidens," who visit, 
 and eventually desert, their human lover tlirough 
 the window or the keyhole* the orthodox 
 means of entrance and exit for spirits from the 
 time of Homer at least 
 
 rV. The Soul. 
 
 The customs and beliefs, the superstitious 
 practices and supernatural beings, of modem 
 European folk-lore are sometimes explained as 
 the wrecks and remnants of the Pagan poly- 
 theism which preceded Christianity. And if 
 the Aryan peoples were from thej very begin- 
 ning polytheists; if the Hellenes and the 
 Hindoos, the Teutons and the Scandinavians, 
 brought their myths and their cults with them 
 from the original Aryan home, then this expla- 
 nation seems more reasonable than that which 
 
 * Hartley, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 279-281, for 
 examples. The tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, P., vL 
 577. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxv 
 
 proceeds on a mere conjecture, a pure assump- 
 tion that the Aryan religion was animistic ere 
 it was polytheistic ; for then we are obliged 
 to relegate Aryan animism almost to the aeon 
 "of chaos and eternal night," at any rate, to 
 an abysm of time which is such that neither 
 linguistic palaeontology nor any other science 
 
 has dared 
 
 " to venture down 
 The dark descent and up to reascend." 
 
 But if the proposition submitted in the pre- 
 vious sections be sound, if in early but still 
 historic times Italian rehgion was still in a 
 stage anterior to polytheism, then Aryan 
 animism is no longer a mere assumption, and 
 need no longer be thrust back into pro-ethnic 
 times. Early Italian customs and beliefs will 
 not be the debris of a previous polytheism, and it 
 will therefore be unreasonable to explain their 
 counterparts in modern folk-lore as mutilated 
 myths or as the cult of gods degraded but wor- 
 shipped stiU. 
 
 Plutarch, in the fifth of his Romane Ques- 
 tions (p. 8 below), propounds an interesting 
 jDroblem : WMj are they who have heene falfly 
 reported dead in a flrange^ countrey^ although 
 
xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 they returne home alive, not received nor faff red 
 to enter directly at the dores, but forced to climhe 
 up to the tiles of the house, and fo to get down 
 from the roufe into the houfe ? This remarkable 
 custom continued to be practised long after 
 its origin and object had been forgotten ; for 
 Plutarch relates a tale which is obviously a 
 popular explanation, invented to account for 
 a practice the rationale of which had become 
 unintelligible.* Hard, however, as Plutarch's 
 question appears at first sight, it may by the 
 aid of modern folk-lore and savage custom be 
 explained. We have to note, in the first place, 
 that the mode of entry prescribed for the re- 
 turned traveller is not spontaneously adopted 
 by him ; and presumably, therefore, is not pre- 
 scribed in his interest: it is enforced by his 
 relatives, and probably for their own protection. 
 In the next place, though the traveller himself 
 
 * It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago 
 Boxhorn, in commenting on this passage of Plutarch, 
 laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of 
 folk-lore : "Mortales cum inquirerent in caussas rerum, 
 nee invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt comment!. 
 Sic ut fabulae proponerentur tanquam caussse rerum, cum 
 res ipsae essent caussae fabularum." See his edition of 
 the Roman Questions, printed in vol. v. of the Thesaurus 
 of Gwevius (Lugd., Batavor, 1696). 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxvii 
 
 knows, of course, that he has not returned 
 from that bourne from which no traveller re- 
 turns, his relatives have no such assurance : 
 it may be, indeed, that he did not die whilst 
 away, as they were informed or led to believe ; 
 but, on the other hand, he may be "the ghost 
 of their dear friend dead," seeking to obtain an 
 entrance into his old home. The reasonable 
 course for them to pursue, therefore, is to treat 
 him as though he were a ghost : if he is no 
 ghost, it will do him no harm; if he is, they 
 will have protected themselves. 
 
 Thus far our explanation is hypothetical : 
 to verify the hypothesis it is necessary to show 
 that the dead are or were as a matter of fact 
 treated as the Roman custom prescribes that the 
 soi disant living man shall be treated. That the 
 spirits of the dead are considered unwelcome 
 visitors both in modern folk-lore and by savage 
 man, has been insisted on most recently by 
 Mr. G. L. Gomme.* I will, therefore, only add 
 
 * Ethnology in Folk- Lore, pp. 120 /. Mr. Gomme, 
 however, argues that the fear of dead kindred was bor- 
 rowed by the Aryans from the non-Aryan inhabitants 
 of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic Aryans, 
 as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their 
 development, a fear of dead kindred? 
 
 UNIVERSITY ] 
 
xxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 one or two instances of the precautions taken 
 to prevent the return of the deceased to his 
 home.* The first thing is to get the soul out 
 of the house ; this may be effected by sweeping 
 out the house and by flapping dusters about, 
 care being taken to shake and turn upside down 
 all vessels, meal-boxes, &c., in which the soul 
 might take refuge. Then the coffin must be 
 carried foot foremost through the door ; for if 
 the corpse's face be turned to the house, the 
 ghost can return. In Siam they run the corpse 
 three times round the house, apparently on the 
 same principle as, in the game of blind-man's 
 buff, the blind-man is spun round in order to 
 make him lose his bearings. In Bohemia they 
 turn the coffin about cross-wise, outside the 
 house -door, to prevent the dead man from 
 coming back. 
 
 More pertinent for our present purpose are 
 the precautions taken to prevent the dead from 
 obtaining access to the house through the door. 
 The safest course is to carry the corpse out, not 
 
 * My authorities for the customs quoted in the next 
 few pages are (unless special references are given) 
 Wuttke, Deutsche Volksaberglaube, 725-756 ; Roch- 
 holz, Deutscher Olauhe und Branch, ii. pp. 170-173 ; 
 and De Rialle, Mythologie Comparie, i. p. 125, 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxix 
 
 through the door, for that gives the dead man 
 the right of way which it is sought to bar, but 
 through some opening which is specially made 
 for the purpose and can be permanently closed. 
 Thus the Hottentots make a breach through the 
 wall for the purpose. The ancient Norsemen 
 did the same."^ The Teutons, in pre-Christian 
 times, dug a hole under the threshold and 
 pulled the corpse through with a rope. In 
 Christian times they only treated the bodies of 
 criminals and suicides in this way, though in 
 the thirteenth century Brother Berthhold of 
 Kegensburg recommended it in the case of here- 
 tics and usurers. 
 
 When circumstances make it difficult or im- 
 possible to construct a special exit of this kind 
 for the corpse, then some other means is found 
 to avoid carrying the corpse through the door. 
 The Eskimo take the body through a window ; 
 and a window was in 1858 used in Sonneberg 
 in the case of a hanged man ; while even now 
 in East Prussia, if several children have died 
 one after another, the corpse of the next to die 
 is conveyed through the window. 
 
 Eventually it comes to be considered suffi- 
 * Weinhold, Altnord. Lehen, 476. 
 
xl INTRODUCTION, 
 
 cient if a special means of egress is provided, 
 not for the corpse, which is not likely to 
 "walk," but for the spirit, which may want 
 to return. Thus in China, at the moment of 
 death, a small hole is made through the roof ; 
 while the custom of opening the window, to 
 allow the soul of the dying man to depart, is 
 universal in Germany and not unknown in 
 England. 
 
 Finally, all that is considered necessary to 
 bar the right of way to the dead man's spirit 
 is to close the house-door immediately after the 
 departure of the corpse, and keep it closed until 
 the return of the funeral party. 
 
 K the explanation which has now been given 
 of Plutarch's fifth question be correct, we must 
 ascribe to the early Italians beliefs and customs 
 similar to or identical with those quoted above 
 from modern folk-lore ; and it will not be ille- 
 gitimate to seek further parallels to Italian 
 religion from the same source. Thus, in 
 Romane Questions, 51, Plutarch inquires why 
 the Lares Prsestites are represented as clad in 
 dog-skins and as having a dog by their side.* 
 
 * The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the 
 gens Ceesia. See Cohen, Mid. Cons., pi. viii., Ccesia. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 l^ow, it is universally admitted that the Lar 
 Familiaris of the Romans is the same as the 
 house-spirit of the Teutons, and that both are 
 the spirits of a deceased ancestor, the founder 
 of the family and its spirit guardian. In the 
 absence of any presumption to the contrary, 
 we may conclude that the Lares Prsestites were 
 also spirits of deceased ancestors. The dog 
 which accompanies the Lares was explained by 
 the ancients as a symbolic representation of the 
 fidelity and watch-dog functions of the Lares. "^ 
 So, too, the priests of ancient Egypt said that 
 the animal forms in which their gods were 
 represented were merely symbolical, f But it 
 may safely be laid down as a law in the evolu- 
 tion of rehgion that beast-worship is primitive, 
 and that the theory of symbolism is but a via 
 media whereby more elevated conceptions of 
 deity are reconciled with the older and more 
 savage worship. Analogy, then, is all in favour 
 of the supposition that the Lares Praestites were 
 originally conceived not in human shape, but 
 in the form of dogs. What we require to con- 
 firm the analogy is evidence that the dead 
 
 * Ovid, P., V. 129-147- 
 t De la Saussaye, Eeligionsgeschichte, i. 281. 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 if possible, evidence that guardian spirits 
 sometimes appear in the shape of a dog. As 
 a matter of fact, the belief that a dead man's 
 spirit may manifest itself in the likeness of a 
 black dog still survives in Germany.* As for 
 the guardian spirit, I would suggest that the 
 Mauthe dog of Peel Castle is a house-spirit; 
 for as the hearth was the peculiar seat of the 
 Lar Familiaris and of the H{ising or Herdgota, 
 and as the English house-spirit 
 
 " Stretch'd out all the chimney's length 
 Basks at the fire ; " 
 
 so the Mauthe dog, "as soon as candles were 
 lighted, came and lay down before the fire." f 
 From this point of view we may consider that 
 the black dog, which in modem folk-lore comes 
 and Hes down or howls before a house, in token 
 that one of the inmates is about to die, was 
 originally a spirit summoning the inmate to join 
 the dead. This belief, it may further be con- 
 jectured, has been incorporated into Hindoo 
 mythology, where a dog acts as the messenger 
 of the death-god, Yama ; and probably the Greek 
 
 * Wuttke, 755. 
 t Waldron's Isle of Man, p. 103. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 dog, Cerberus, was taken up into the literary 
 mythology of Hellas from the same folk-belief. 
 
 Finally, we may here notice the fifty-second 
 of Plutarch's Questions, wherein he wonders 
 why a dog was sacrificed to Genita Mana, and 
 a prayer made to her that none born in the 
 house should become Manes. Genita Mana 
 was, as her name plainly indicates, a spirit of 
 birth and of death; and the prayer was such 
 as might properly be offered to her. The sacri- 
 fice may be explained on the principle laid 
 down by Professor Robertson Smith,* that an 
 animal sacrificed to a deity was itself originally 
 the deity. That one and the same spirit should 
 have to do with " the child from the womb and 
 the ghost from the tomb," points to the existence 
 of a belief among the Romans similar to one 
 held by the Algonkins. "Algonkin women 
 who wished to become mothers flocked to the 
 side of a dying person, in the hope of receiving 
 and being impregnated by the passing soul." f 
 
 Let us now turn to another point in which 
 early Italian beliefs and modern folk-lore mutu- 
 ally illustrate each other. On the origin of 
 
 * Encyc. Britan., art. "Sacrifice." 
 t Frazer, 0. B., i. 239. 
 
xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fairies various theories have been held, and 
 without denying that fairies are sometimes the 
 representatives of earlier gods, sometimes of 
 still earlier satyrs, fauns, nymphs, and wild 
 men of the wood, we may recognise that they 
 are sometimes spirits of the departed. In the 
 first place, as the Italians called the dead "the 
 good," manes J so in England and in Ireland 
 fairies are "the good people."* Next, fairies 
 are small ; and the savage conceives the soul 
 of man as a smaller man. It is, according to 
 Hurons, "a complete little model of the man 
 himself," like the man, but smaller, of course, 
 because, as the Australian blacks explain, it is 
 within the man's breast. t According to Kaffir 
 ideas, the world of manes is exactly like that 
 of the living, only much smaller, and the dead 
 are themselves but mannikins.J Again, the 
 Teutonic house-spirit on the one hand is admit- 
 tedly a deceased ancestor, and on the other is 
 an indubitable fairy. Further, fairies are some- 
 times explicitly stated in folk-tales to be de- 
 ceased spirits. 
 
 * Daoine Shie or Sluagh Maith. 
 t Frazer, i. 122. X De Rialle, i. 190. 
 
 See The Secret Commonwealth by Mr. Robert Kirk, 
 Minister of Aberfoyle, 1691. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlv 
 
 Now, one of most marked differences between 
 the Greek and the Eoman modes of worship was 
 that the Greeks worshipped with their heads 
 uncovered, the Eomans with heads covered, 
 velato capite. Eoman antiquaries explained 
 the practice as due to fear lest the worshipper 
 should see anything of evil omen during his 
 prayer. But I submit that we must connect 
 it with the folk-belief that fairies resent being 
 seen by mortals. " They are fairies ; he that 
 speaks to them shall die." If fairies were 
 originally departed souls, the fear and the 
 danger of seeing them is at once explained. 
 On the other hand, the Eoman custom of 
 worshipping velato capite dates from a time 
 before the introduction of polytheism, and 
 must therefore have been attached originally 
 to the worship of some beings other than gods. 
 It is at least plausible, therefore, to conjecture 
 that it was a precaution adopted in the worship 
 of deceased ancestors and of spirits, which, 
 like Genita Mana, are best explained as spirits 
 of the departed. The conjecture is somewhat 
 confirmed by the fact that the Eomans veiled 
 their heads at the funeral of father or mother 
 {R. Q. 14). 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 V. Genii. 
 
 No form of religion is easily or at once rooted 
 out, even by a new religion. A modus vivendi 
 has to be found between the old faith and the 
 new. The animal, which was once itself wor- 
 shipped, is tolerated merely as the symbol of 
 some divine attribute. The nixies continue 
 to ply their old calling under the new name 
 of Old Nick. The sacrifices to the dead, con- 
 demned by the Indiculus Superstitionum, are 
 subsequently licensed by the Church as the 
 Feast of All Souls.* Hence it comes about 
 that what means one thing to the apostle of 
 the new religion is long understood as some- 
 thing very difierent by the reluctant convert. 
 The devil of folk-lore has attributes quite diffe- 
 rent from those assigned to him in any scheme 
 of Christian theology. 
 
 If, therefore, polytheism was, as I have sug- 
 gested, an importation into Italy, forced by the 
 State on a people not yet prepared for anything 
 higher than animism and ancestor-worship, we 
 should expect to find the borrowed worship of 
 * See Saupe's edition of the Indiculus, p. 9. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 a Greek loan-god sometimes concealing a native 
 Italian cult of very dissimilar nature. Instances 
 of the kind are forthcoming, and this section 
 will be devoted to some of them. 
 
 The spirits which after the death of the body 
 were termed manes by the Eomans, were during 
 its life called genii (or in the case of women 
 Junones). The belief in genii was not bor- 
 rowed from Greece. How primitive it is may 
 be seen from two facts. First, it is itself the 
 essence of animism, for not only had every man 
 a genius, but every place and every thing had, 
 in the belief of the Romans, a soul, to which 
 the same name, genius, was given. "^ I^ext, the 
 genius was, I submit, the " external soul," which, 
 as Mr. Frazer has shown, appears in the folk- 
 tales of every Aryan nation, and in the religions 
 of many savage peoples. The genius of a man 
 did not reside inside the man. Amongst the 
 Romans, as amongst the Zulus, it resided in a 
 serpent. As, according to the Banks Islanders, 
 " the life of the man is bound up with the life of 
 his tamanin," f so with the Romans, the man's 
 
 * Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, c. Symm., ii. 
 
 444. 
 
 t Frazer, ii. 332. 
 
xlviii INTROD UCTION. 
 
 health depended on his genius.* When the 
 serpent which was the genius of the father of 
 the Gracchi was killed, Tiberius died ; t and, as 
 all Romans were liable to the same mischance, 
 these snakes were carefully protected from all 
 harm, were reared in the house and the bed- 
 chamber, and consequently grew so numerous, 
 that Pliny says, had their numbers not been 
 kept down by occasional conflagrations, they 
 would have crowded out the human inhabitants 
 of Rome. J 
 
 This belief in the genius, however etherealised 
 and spiritualised the form in which it appears 
 in Horace or was held by highly-educated 
 Romans, continued even in Imperial times 
 amongst all other classes as primitive as it 
 was tenacious. Its hold over the ordinary 
 Italian mind was much greater than the Hel- 
 lenised gods ever secured ; for, in order to 
 make them even comprehensible, the average 
 Italian had to suppose that these fashionable. 
 State-ordained gods were really worked by genii 
 just as it is self-evident to the savage that, 
 
 * Preller, R. M.\ ii. 198. 
 
 t Cic. de Div., i. 18, 36; Plut. Ti. Gracch., i. A similar 
 story is related of D. Laelius, Jul. Op. seq. 58. 
 t H. N., xxix. 72. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 if a locomotive engine moves, it is because it 
 has horses inside. This, I suggest, is the ex- 
 planation, in accord with the principle laid 
 down at the beginning of this section, which 
 must be given of the remarkable fact that, 
 beginning from B.C. 58,* and in ever-increas- 
 ing numbers afterwards, inscriptions are found 
 which ascribe a genius to Apollo, Asclepius, 
 Mars, Juno, Jupiter, &c. 
 
 In this case Italian animism has held its 
 own, not unsuccessfully, against imported poly- 
 theism. Our second instance, however, will 
 show it less successful. When polytheism was 
 spreading from Hellas over Italy, there would 
 be no difficulty in adding the myths and cult 
 of the Greek god Zeus bodily on to the worship 
 of the Italian sky-spirit Jupiter. Nor would 
 the process be much harder even when the 
 Greek god and the Italian spirit were of totally 
 different origin (as e.g. Hermes and Mercury, 
 Kronos and Saturn), provided that some point 
 of resemblance, in attribute or function, could 
 be discovered between them. It was only one, 
 and the least important of Hermes' functions, 
 to protect traders, but it was quite enough to 
 * 0. 1. L., i. 603. 
 
1 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lead to the identification of the Greek god with 
 the Italian spirit of gain {Mercuritts, from merces). 
 The case of Heracles, however, presented more 
 difficulty; he was a hero, and the very con- 
 ception of a hero was new to the Italians. 
 Being new, it was, not unnaturally, misunder- 
 stood. The nearest parallel which Italian 
 religion offered to a being who was in a way 
 a man and yet was also a sort of god was the 
 genius, who also was in a way the man himself, 
 and yet was worshipped like a god. Heracles, 
 therefore, was identified with the genius, his 
 name was Latinised into the form Hercules 
 (cf. JSsculapitis, from Asclepios)^ and the cults 
 of the two were amalgamated. This amalgamar 
 tion is the source and the explanation of some 
 of Plutarch's Roman Questions. Plutarch was 
 puzzled by the fact that on the one hand some 
 elements in the cult of Hercules had counter- 
 parts in the worship of the Greek god, while 
 on the other hand there were elements which 
 received no explanation from a comparison of 
 the cult of the Greek Heracles. Thus Plutarch 
 is surprised to find an altar common to Hercules 
 and to the Muses (R. Q. 59) ; but this is simply 
 a loan from the ritual of the Greek Heracles, 
 
INTRODUCTION. \{ 
 
 Musagetes. On the other hand, as Plutarch 
 informs us (R. Q. 60), there was an altar of 
 Hercules from which women were excluded. 
 This is a non-Greek element in the cult of 
 Hercules, with which we may safely compare 
 the fact, that whereas a man might swear " by 
 his Hercules," a woman might not. Here the 
 imported god has taken the place of the native 
 genius both in the oath and at the altar; for 
 the reason w^hy the oath "me hercule" was 
 restricted to men is that, until Hercules and 
 the genius were identified, a man swore by his 
 genius and a woman by her Juno. Again, in 
 the time before Italy was invaded by the gods 
 of Greece, in the time when temples were as 
 yet unknown, the genius was worshipped and 
 invoked, like other spirits, in the open air ; and 
 (Bven after the Italians had learned from the 
 Greeks that the gods were shaped in the like- 
 ness of men, and, like men, must have houses, 
 an oath was felt to be more sacred and more 
 binding if taken in the open air in the old 
 fashion, than if sworn in the new way under 
 a roof.* Eventually, however, the old custom 
 
 * We have no direct evidence of this, but we may 
 infer it from the analogous case of Dius Fidius : " Qui 
 
Hi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 died out, and in Plutarch's day it was only 
 children who were told that they must go out 
 of doors if they wanted to swear " by Hercules " 
 (R. Q. 28). Plutarch's attention was also arrested 
 by the custom of giving tithes to Hercules (B. Q, 
 18). The practice is undoubtedly purely and 
 characteristically Italian; but there is no evi- 
 dence to show whether it was ever the custom 
 to offer tithes to the genius. Another point, 
 however, which is noted by Plutarch (R. Q. 90) 
 in the cult of Hercules, may be more satis- 
 factorily explained. When sacrifice was being 
 offered to Hercules, no dog was suffered to be 
 seene, within the purprise and precinct of the 
 place where the sacrifice is celebrated. Now, if 
 Hercules represents the genius, and if the dog 
 was the shape in which a departed spirit ap- 
 pears, then the danger lest the genius should 
 be tempted away by the Manes is great enough 
 to account for the prohibition. 
 
 per Dium Fidinm iurare vult, prodire solet in com- 
 pluvium." Non. Marc, p. 494, quoting Varro. The 
 temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in 
 the roof (" perforatum tectum," Varro, L. L. v. 66), under 
 which one might swear. Probably the temples of Her- 
 cules were similarly provided ; certainly those of Ter- 
 minus were (" exiguum templi tecta foramen habent." 
 Ov. F. ii. 672). 
 
UNIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. liii 
 
 This identification of Heracles with the 
 genius shows in a striking way how far the 
 Italians were from having reached the belief 
 in personal individual gods at the time when 
 Greek religion found its way into Italy, and 
 how artificially Greek polytheism was super- 
 imposed on native beliefs. There were as many 
 genii virorum as there were living men, and 
 yet they were identified with Heracles.* To 
 the Italian convert, doubtless, it seemed nothing 
 strange that every man should have his Hercules ; 
 while his Greek teacher probably never fully 
 realised the catechumen's point of view. 
 
 The case is parallel to that of Hestia and 
 Vesta. Both before and after the appearance 
 in Italy of the anthropomorphised Hestia, every 
 Koman household revered its own "hearth- 
 spirit;" yet this class of spirits came to be 
 identified with the personal individual goddess 
 
 * Reifferscheid, in the Annali delV Instituto for 1867, 
 p. 352 ff., identifies Hercules with the genius Jovis. 
 But, in the first place, this seems to me the wrong 
 inference from his own facts, which all have exclusively 
 to do with the genii virorum. Next, the genius Jovis is 
 not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before Reiffer- 
 scheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. i, "der romische 
 Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der 
 Manner." R. G., i. 367 n. 
 
liv INTRODUCTION, 
 
 from Greece. Doubtless, also, in course of time 
 Romans who shook off animism and became 
 true polytheists explained the relation between 
 their " hearth-spirits " and the State-goddess by- 
 regarding the former as so many manifestations 
 of the latter. But it is, I submit, a mistake 
 on the part of modem mythologists to accept 
 this piece of late theology as primitive unless, 
 indeed, we are also prepared to say that the 
 Lares were regarded as so many manifestations 
 of one Lar, or all the many Manes as manifesta- 
 tions of one dead man. The genii virorunif at 
 any rate, were not, in the first instance, so many 
 manifestations of Hercules: on the contrary, 
 they existed (in Italy), to begin with, and 
 Heracles afi'orded them a collective name and a 
 Greek cult. 
 
 In the same way, I submit, the original 
 Italian Juno was no Nature-deity, no moon- 
 goddess the name was that of a class of spirits, 
 like the correlative term genii virorum. There 
 were many Junones, as there were many fauns 
 in Italy, many satyrs and nymphs in Greece, 
 many Pucks and fairies in England. When the 
 Italians learnt that Hera was the goddess under 
 whose protection the Greek women were, they 
 
INTRODUCTION. Iv 
 
 naturally thought of the Juno who was the 
 guardian-spirit of each Italian woman, and 
 applied to Juno the cult and myths that be- 
 longed to Hera. Hence the answer to Plutarch's 
 question, why were the months sacred to Juno ? 
 (R. Q. 77). Because they were sacred to Hera. 
 But there were other spirits whom Italian 
 women invoked besides their Junones, such as 
 Juga, who yoked man and wife, Matrona, Pro- 
 nuba, Domiduca, Unxia, Cinxia, Fluonia, Lucina, 
 and other departmental spirits or indigetes, whose 
 names appear in the Indigitamenta. These 
 spirits, when once Juno had become a personal 
 individual deity, came to be explained as special 
 manifestations of the goddess, who was con- 
 sequently called Juno Juga, Juno Matrona, &c.''^ 
 
 * Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon 
 are not satisfactory. He assumes without proof that 
 Juno was always Lucina (whereas Lucina was an inde- 
 pendent spirit worshipped in woods, Lexikon, pp. 583 and 
 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is the spirit 
 that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that 
 the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, 
 as Birt says, lacks proof), that the name Juno indicates 
 a light-giving deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, 
 it does not imply the giving of light any more than 
 deus does, which is applied to the di manes, the di indi- 
 getes, dea bona, dea dia, &c.). The arguments drawn by 
 Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy, because 
 
Ivi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 VI. Di Indigetes. 
 
 Before Greek gods and myths were known to 
 them, the Italians worshipped not only Lares, 
 Manes, Genii, and Junones, but also the spirits 
 known as Di Indigetes. These spirits were not 
 conceived in human or in animal form. They 
 had not human parts or passions. They did 
 not form a community. They had no common 
 abode. There is nothing in ItaUan religion 
 corresponding to the Olympus of Greek my- 
 thology. They did not marry or give in 
 marriage. Above all, what distinguishes them 
 both from Greek gods and from the tree-spirits, 
 which also were worshipped by the Italians, is 
 that they were rather numina or forces than 
 beings. They were the forces which regulated 
 and controlled all human actions, psychological 
 and physiological, and through which all the 
 work of man's hands could alone be brought to 
 a favourable issue. When, however, we come 
 to examine these numinaj we find that the name 
 
 borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, 
 the hypothesis of a Graeco- Italian period, on which 
 Koscher relies to prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, 
 is now discredited. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ivii 
 
 of the Indiges is simply the name of the action 
 which he controls : the Indiges of sowing is 
 Saturnus; of remembering, Minerva; of suck- 
 ling, Rumina, and so on. It is a canon of 
 savage logic that he who possesses the name of 
 a person or thing has that person or thing in his 
 power ; hence the Roman's belief that he could 
 control any process, psychical or physical, if 
 only he could put a name to it. This primitive 
 form of magic was organised by the Roman 
 State. The pontiffs were intrusted with the 
 duty of drawing up catalogues {indigitamenta) 
 of all the stages and processes of a man's life, 
 from his begetting and birth to his death and 
 burial ; and as the State was but a community 
 of farmers, similar catalogues were made of all 
 the agricultural operations by which crops are 
 raised. To be effectual, it was necessary that 
 these lists should be complete. As the Roman 
 could avert or remedy any evil by simply naming 
 the proper spirit, it was essential that his roll of 
 spirits should have no omissions. Then, if he 
 were in doubt what spirit to name, he could 
 make assurance doubly sure by naming all. 
 
 Let it not be imagined that this State-organised 
 magic, though it appear to us inconsistent with 
 
Iviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 civilisation, is mere matter of inference, or be- 
 longs purely to pre-historic times. Not only 
 did it survive the introduction of polytheism, 
 it was a firm article of Roman faith in the most 
 glorious days of the Republic, and until B.C. 211 
 or later, the belief was so living as to give birth 
 continually to fresh spirits, as fresh departments 
 of human activity were opened up.* Nor did 
 it cease then. It changed, but it did not die. 
 In the worship of such abstractions as Fortuna, 
 Spes, Juventas, Concordia, Pietas, Libertas, 
 Felicitas, Annona, &c., we have evidence that 
 abstract names exercised as great a hold over the 
 minds of Romans of the Empire as they had 
 over the earliest Italians. 
 
 On some indigdes Greek cults and myths were 
 grafted, and these numinay which were in truth 
 but nominaf henceforth lived as gods. Mercurius 
 was declared to be Hermes. Minerva, the spirit 
 of memory, was seen to be Athene, the goddess 
 of wisdom. Satumus was identified with Kronos, 
 
 * In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Li v. v. 
 32. 6, 50. 6, 52. 1 1) ; in 21 1 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus 
 s.v.) ; in or after 269 a spirit of silver coin, Argentinua 
 (August., C. D. iv. 21 and 28) ; but no spirit was forth- 
 coming for gold coin, which was first struck in b.c, 217. 
 See further Roscher's Lexikon, s.v. Indigitamenta. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lix 
 
 and was henceforth worshipped in the Greek 
 fashion with uncovered head (R. Q. 13). Opis 
 was identified with Demeter, Venus with Aphro- 
 dite, and Libitina, the numen of funerals, was 
 interpreted, by a pedantic etymological confusion 
 with Libentina, as a bye-name of the new goddess 
 {R. Q. 23). The indiges Liber "^ was recognised 
 in Dionysius Eleutherios {R. Q. 104). 
 
 In all these cases the identification proceeded 
 on a fancied resemblance in name or an actual 
 similarity of function. There seems to be only 
 one instance of identification based on similarity 
 of cult, that of the Koman Matuta and the 
 Greek Leucothea. According to Plutarch {R. Q. 
 16) maid-servants were excluded from the 
 temples of both, except when the Dames of 
 Rome, bringing in thither one alone and no more 
 with them, fall to cuffing and boxing her about 
 the eares and cheeks. Here the servant is the 
 scapegoat, to whom are transferred the evils 
 which may or might afflict the free women of 
 the community, and the beating is done for 
 purification. It is just conceivable that the 
 Greek cult may have been borrowed by the 
 
 * So called "quod inarem effuso semine liberat." 
 Augustin, C. D. vii. 2. 
 
Ix INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Romans; but the use of a scapegoat and of 
 beating in this way is so wide -spread over all 
 the world, and so deeply seated in European 
 folk-lore, that it is difficult to imagine it was 
 unknown to the Romans. As a matter of fact, 
 even in the Roman Questions^ without going 
 further, we have indications that both practices 
 were known in Italy. In /?. Q. 20 a myth is 
 given, the earlier form of which is to be found 
 in Macrobius (S. i. 12), who states that the 
 Bona Dea was on a day scourged with myrtles. 
 On the principle that customs often give rise to 
 myths but cannot be originated by them, we 
 may infer that the representative, or else the 
 worshippers of the Bona Dea, were purified by 
 scourging. Still less can it be doubted after 
 Mannhardt's exhaustive investigation (Myth. 
 Forsch.j pp. 72 ff.)f that the Luperci, described 
 in B. Q. 68, drove out the evil spirits of disease, 
 sterility, &c., by the blows from their scourges. 
 Again, the expulsion of evil tends in many 
 places to become periodic; a day or season is 
 devoted annually to the driving out of all devils 
 and evil spirits, after which the community is 
 expected to live sober and clean. The com- 
 munity, not unnaturally, indulges in a kind of 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixi 
 
 carnival immediately before this season, and 
 allows itself all sorts of license : slaves behave 
 as though they were masters, men dress up in 
 women's clothes, &c. This, presumably, is the 
 explanation of the fact related by Plutarch 
 (R. Q. 55), that upon the Ides of Januarie, the 
 minstrels at Rome who plaied upon the hautboies, 
 loere permitted to goe up and downe the city 
 disguised in womerHs apparell. "^ 
 
 Though the influence of Hellenic religion 
 failed to transform the many other indigetes 
 into gods, still it affected their cult in other 
 ways. For one thing, it provided them now 
 for the first time with temples or chapels. 
 This innovation was doubtless found strange by 
 the folk to whom the fashionable ideas from 
 Hellas penetrated slow and late. In the case 
 of Carmenta it must have seemed particularly 
 strange. Carmenta was one of the several 
 indigetes whose power was manifested in the 
 
 * Finally, with regard to Matuta, the very remarkable 
 fact recorded in Romane Questions, 17, that people prayed 
 to her not for any blessings to their own children, but for 
 their nephews only (brothers' or sisters' children), im- 
 mediately suggests that we have here an indication that 
 the Nair type of family was once known in Italy. But 
 the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much value. 
 
 / 
 
Ixii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 various processes of gestation ; * and she was 
 invoked as Porrima (Prorsa or Antevorta) or 
 Postverta, according as the child came into the 
 world head or foot foremost. From the mention 
 of a saxum Carmentce^j near which was the 
 porta Carmentalis, and near which the temple 
 in question was erected, we may venture to 
 infer that tliis rock was originally the local 
 habitation of the spirit. Why then needed she 
 to have a temple built? This was a point 
 which, to the popular mind, required explanar 
 tion ; and a popular explanation was accordingly 
 forthcoming, which has fortunately been pre- 
 served to us by Plutarch. It starts from a 
 folk-etymology or confusion between the name 
 Carmenta and the word earpentay meaning 
 "coaches," and may be read at length in 
 R. Q. 56. 
 
 There remains one other indiges who is men- 
 tioned in the Roniane Questions Rumina {R. 
 Q. 57) the numen of suckling. As the temple 
 
 * She occurs in the following series : Fluvionia, 
 Mena, Vitumnus, Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, 
 Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which see S. August, 
 C. D. vii. 3 ; TertulL, De An. 37, and Ad Nat. ii. 11. 
 
 + Liv. V. 47 ; Dion. Hal. i. 32 ; Serv. on JEvl viiL 337 ; 
 W. Becker, Handh. d. rim. Altert., L 137. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii 
 
 of Carmenta was erected near the saxum Car- 
 mentce, so the sacellum of Rumina was built 
 near the ficus Ruminalis ; and as we may con- 
 jecture that the rock was in the nature of a 
 fetich, so we may infer that Eumina was a tree- 
 spirit. It is easy to understand why a fig-tree 
 was chosen as the abode of the spirit of suck- 
 ling ; the sap of this tree resembles milk and was 
 known to the Romans as lac. The fact reported 
 by Plutarch,* that milk, not wine, was offered 
 in the cult of Eumina, is quite in accord with 
 the principles of sympathetic magic. 
 
 The worship of this spirit bears every mark 
 of hoar antiquity, and it was worked into the 
 legend of the foundation of Rome by the device 
 of making the wolf suckle the twins under the 
 ficus Ruminalis. 
 
 VII. Tree and Field Cults. 
 
 Whenever two peoples come into contact with 
 each other for the first time, a comparison of 
 religions is set up ; and one of the first-fruits of 
 this earliest exercise of the comparative study 
 of religions is that identification of gods and 
 
 * Derived probably from Varro, R. R. II. xi. 5. 
 
Ixiv* INTRODUCTION. 
 
 borrowing of cults and myths to which the term 
 "syncretism" is applied. The part played by 
 syncretism in the history of Itahan reUgion is of 
 singular importance : the Italian's misty, vapor- 
 ous belief in abstract, impersonal spirits was 
 precipitated into premature polytheism by the 
 introduction of the anthropomorphic gods of 
 Greece. Fortunately, the process being prema- 
 ture, was, and to the end remained, incomplete ; 
 and we are therefore able to employ the sur- 
 vivals from the older form of belief so as to 
 form some idea of the original Italian religion. 
 To the last, many spirits resisted the indivi- 
 duaHsing process, which is the essence and con- 
 dition of polytheism : the Lares and the Manes 
 not only never became gods, but none of them 
 was dignified by a proper name, or attained even 
 80 much individuality as Puck or Robin Good- 
 fellow. Nor can such general abstract appel- 
 lations as Bona Dea, Dea Dia, be regarded as 
 personal names, i.e., as the names of definite, 
 individual, personal beings : they have not the 
 personality of Venus or Vulcan, and yet they 
 were the beings whom the people at large wor- 
 shipped in preference to the State-gods, whose 
 cult and myths were fashionably Hellenised. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixv 
 
 She who, under the influence of Greek reU- 
 gion, became the goddess Diana, was originally a 
 tree-spirit, having no personal name, but known 
 only by an appellation as general and abstract 
 as that of Bona Dea. The proof that the quali- 
 ties and attributes of the Greek goddess Artemis 
 were attached by syncretism to the Italian tree- 
 spirit is brought to light by two of Plutarch's 
 penetrating questions {R. Q. 3 and 4), why harts' 
 horns are set up in all the temples of Diana 
 save that on Mount Aventine, in which are 
 ox-horns ? and why men are excluded from one 
 particular temple of the same goddess? These 
 differences in cult obviously point to the worship 
 of different goddesses under the same name ; 
 and, as a matter of fact, we know first that 
 harts were sacred to the Greek goddess, Arte- 
 mis, whereas the genuine Italian Diana was 
 the goddess of oxen ; next, we know that the 
 identification of Artemis and Diana was effected 
 by Servius Tullius.* To understand the ex- 
 clusion of men from the temple in the Patri- 
 cian Street, however, we must inquire into the 
 nature of the Italian Diana. With this object, 
 
 * Livy, i. 45. 3 ; Dionys., iv. 25 ; Aur. Vict., Be Vir. 
 JR., vii. 9. 
 
Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 we may either assume that the pro-ethnic Aryans 
 were polytheists, and that therefore the primi- 
 tive Italians also worshipped Nature-gods ; in 
 which case, starting from the etymology of the 
 word Diana (from the root div, "shine"), we 
 must either at once make Diana a moon-goddess,* 
 and thus account for the fact that she was a 
 goddess of child-birth, and therefore men were 
 excluded from her temple. But this seems im- 
 probable even to a writer in Roscher's Lexikon 
 (Birt), who very properly notes (p. 1007) that 
 "it is doubtful whether the belief that the 
 moon influenced child-birth can be shown to be 
 Italian." Birt, therefore, interprets the name 
 to mean " the bright goddess," i.e., the goddess 
 of bright daylight, and boldly writes it down 
 as a matter of course that the first attribute of 
 a daylight or sky goddess is her close relation 
 to vegetable nature, especially woods and forests. 
 Those who find this mortal leap beyond their 
 power to follow, and who prefer to argue to the 
 original nature of the goddess from what we 
 know of her cult as a matter of fact, rather than 
 from hypotheses as to the Nature -myths of the 
 primitive Aryans, will note first that her name 
 * As Preller does, R, M?^ i. 313. 
 
INTRODUCTION. kvii 
 
 is as purely general and abstract as that of the 
 Dea Dia or the Bona Dea, and means simply a 
 bright spirit, or possibly simply a spirit. Next, 
 wherever Diana was worshipped in Italy, she 
 was originally worshipped in woods and groves, 
 e.g., in the forests on Mount Tifata, Mount 
 Algidus at Anagnia, Corne, and Aricia. Indeed, 
 in Aricia the place of her worship was simply 
 called Nemus, and the goddess herself plain 
 Nemorensis. In the next place, her worship is 
 frequently associated with that of Silvanus,* 
 who is plainly a wood- spirit, and who is also a' 
 patron-spirit of domestic cattle.f From this we 
 may venture to class her with the "agrestes 
 f eminse quas silvaticas vocant " of Burchard of 
 Worms : | she is a wood-spirit who became a 
 goddess because of her likeness to the Greek 
 Artemis. Her connection with child-birth does 
 not indicate that she was a moon-goddess. 
 Roman women in primitive times, like Swedish 
 women, ^'twined their arms about a tree to 
 ensure easy delivery in the pangs of child-birth ; 
 
 * e.g., a I. L. vi. 656, 658, &c. 
 
 t C. I. X., vii. 451. 
 
 X Grimm, D. M.\ iii. 104 ; cf. Gummere, Germanic 
 Origins, 383. " Special influence over cattle is ascribed 
 to wood-spirits " {Golden Bough, i. 105). 
 
Ixviii INTROD UCTION. 
 
 and we remember how, in our English ballads, 
 women, in like time of need, ' set their backs 
 against an oak.' " * Finally, the annual wash- 
 ing and cleansing of the head, which Plutarch 
 mentions in R. Q. loo, was done on a day 
 sacred to Diana, probably because, on the one 
 hand, women felt that they were under her pro- 
 tection specially, while, on the other, so great 
 is the sanctity of the head amongst primitive 
 peoples,! that washing it is not to be under- 
 taken lightly : " the guardian spirit of the head 
 does not like to have the hair washed too often, 
 it might injure or incommode him." J / 
 
 * Gummere, p. 387 ; ef. Bugge, Studien, p. 393^. 
 
 + Odden Bough, i. 187/. 
 
 X Ibid., 188. The date of the rite was 13th August 
 cf. Auson., De Fer. Rom., 6 ; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The 
 asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple findsl 
 a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology, "-^dem 
 Dianse dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelaB sint cervi, 
 a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos" (Festus, p. 
 343a, 7, 8.V. Servorum dies). Birt (Roscher's Lexikon, i. 
 1008) seems to take this explanation seriously ; but the 
 temple on the Aventine was precisely the temple in which 
 the goddess of cervi was not worshipped. Possibly the 
 risfht of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of 
 the political changes brought about by the formation of 
 the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious 
 centre of the Latin alliance, " Commune Latinorum 
 Dianse templum " Varro, L. L. v. 43). Hence, then, 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixix 
 
 The Romane Questions afford another instance 
 in which syncretism has obscured the original 
 nature of an ItaHan field-spirit, and in which 
 the cult of the Hellenised deity still betrays the 
 primitive object of worship. In the pages of 
 Yirgil, Mars has so completely assumed the guise 
 of the Greek Ares, that if we had only the 
 verses and the mythology of the court-poet to 
 instruct us, we could never even suspect that 
 Mars had other functions than those of a war- 
 god. When, however, we turn from myth to 
 cult, and are confronted by the ceremony of 
 the October horse, described in R. Q. 97, we 
 find, that though Mars was sung as "Lenker 
 der Schlachten," he was worshipped as the 
 spirit that makes the corn to grow. At Eome 
 the corn-spirit was represented as a horse, as 
 it still is amongst the peasants of Europe, not 
 only near Stuttgart, but in our own country, in 
 Hertfordshire and in Shropshire. The fructify- 
 ing power of the spirit is supposed in modern 
 folk-lore and in Africa, as it was at Eome, to 
 reside specially in the animal's tail, which there- 
 
 the folk-story that Servius Tullius, " natus servus " 
 (Festus, I.e.), built the temple and gave it the right of 
 asylum. 
 
Ixx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fore was preserved over the hearth of the king's 
 house, in order to secure a good harvest next 
 year. The antiquity of this custom at Rome, 
 and the fact that it dates from long before the 
 Romans knew anything of the Greek Ares, 
 are shown by the fight for the horse's head 
 waged between the inhabitants of the two wards, 
 the Via Sacra and the Subura, a fight which 
 shows that the ceremonial goes back to a time 
 when the Subura and Rome were separate and 
 independent villages. 
 
 In connection with the killing of the corn- 
 spirit, we may note a passage of the Romane 
 Questions (63) wliich has not yet taken its 
 place in modern works on the subject. Speak- 
 ing of the rex sacrorum, Plutarch says, ** Neere 
 unto Comitiunij they ufe to have a folemn 
 facrifice for the good efbate of the citie ; which, 
 fo foone as ever this king hath performed, he 
 taketh his legs and runnes out of the place as 
 faft as ever he can." Necessary as it was, ac- 
 cording to primitive notions, that the vegetation- 
 spirit should be, as it were, decanted into a new 
 vessel, when the animal in which he was for 
 the time residing was threatened with infir- 
 mity and decay, still the killing of the sacred 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 
 
 animal was a dangerous and semi-sacrilegious act. 
 Hence in Greece, the man who killed the ox in 
 the sacrifice known as the houjphonia ran away 
 as soon as he had felled the animal, and was 
 subsequently tried for murder, but was acquitted 
 on the ground that the axe was the real mur- 
 derer ', and so the axe was found guilty and 
 cast into the sea. The Eoman regifugium is 
 obviously a fragment of a similar rite. The 
 folk-explanation treated it as a symbol com- 
 memorative of the expulsion of the Tarquinii. 
 
 VIII. Man-Worship. 
 
 The rules of life prescribed for the priest of 
 Jupiter, the Flamen Dialis, are given in part by 
 Plutarch (Q. R. 40, 44, 50, 109, no, in, 112, 
 and 113),* and are a signal instance of the 
 necessity of explaining Koman cults, not by 
 reference to the artificial mythology of the Yedas 
 or to the civilised myths of Greece, but to the 
 customs of peoples who are still steeped in ani- 
 mism. That a spirit may take up its abode as a 
 Dryad in a tree or in an animal, as in the beasts 
 worshipped by the ancient Egyptians, or may 
 * For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331. 
 
Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 temporarily take possession of a human being, 
 as Apollo possessed the Pythian priestess, is 
 easily comprehended. But that a spirit should 
 permanently dwell in a man, and that the man 
 should exercise all the powers and receive all the 
 worship that belong to the spirit, would be 
 almost incredible were it not for the numerous 
 instances of such worship collected by the 
 erudition of Mr. Frazer.* In Japan the sun- 
 goddess dwelt in the Mikado ; in Lower Guinea 
 and among the Zapotecs of South Mexico the 
 sun-spirit takes human form. In Cambodia the 
 spirit of fire and the spirit of water manifest 
 themselves in the (human) kings of fire and 
 water. Rain-kings are found on the Congo, 
 the Upper Nile, and among Abyssinian tribes. 
 The weather-spirit is worshipped in the kings 
 of Loango, Mombaza, Quiteva, the Banjars, and 
 the Muyscas. In the South Sea Islands, gene- 
 rally, " every god can take possession of a man 
 and speak through him." f 
 
 In the next place, these divine kings or priests 
 are all charged with a force which enables them 
 to control the course of Nature. Lest, therefore, 
 this force should be inadvertently and uninten- 
 
 * Golden Bough, i. 37 /. f Ibid., i 39. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii 
 
 tionally discharged, with results disastrous to 
 the recipient of the shock or to the universe at 
 large, the divine priest or king must be insulated. 
 And this insulation is effected by taboos : every 
 action is taboo to him which might bring him 
 into dangerous contact with others."^ 
 
 When, therefore, we learn that the Flamen 
 Dialis was subject to a very large number of 
 taboos, all of which find analogies, while some 
 find their exact counterparts, in the taboos laid 
 on the divine priests and kings previously 
 mentioned ; and when we further discover that 
 Preller,t on totally different grounds, considered 
 the Flamen to have been " the Hving counter- 
 part" of Jupiter, it seems not unreasonable to 
 regard the Flamen Dialis as the human embodi- 
 ment of the sky-spirit. 
 
 The Flamen, according to Plutarch (R. Q. 
 40), was forbidden to anoint his body in the 
 open air, i.e. sub Jove; and of the Mikado we 
 are told. "Much less will they suffer that he 
 should expose his sacred person to the open 
 air." J The Flamen was forbidden to touch 
 
 * Golden Bough, ch. ii. t Hom. MytTiol^, i. 201. 
 
 + Ksempfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Frazer, 
 i. no. 
 
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 meal or raw meat, i.e., meal or meat which 
 might be consumed by others ; so, too, the 
 vessels used by the Mikado were "generally 
 broke, for fear they should come into the hands 
 of laymen; for they believe religiously that if 
 any layman should presume to eat his food out 
 of these sacred dishes, it would swell and inj&ame 
 his mouth and throat." * 
 
 For the many other taboos imposed on the 
 Flamen, I must refer to Mr. Frazer's great work.t 
 I will here only mention one, which is not 
 explicitly explained in the Golden Bough. If 
 the Flamen's wife died, he had to resign (Q. R. 
 50). Now, it is obvious from this that a 
 widowed Flamen was somehow dangerous or 
 in danger, and that the danger was one which 
 re-marriage would not avert. I submit, there- 
 fore, that a widowed Flamen was considered in 
 danger of sudden death, and that this danger (a 
 danger to the community, which might thus 
 lose the sky-spirit) consisted in the probability 
 that the soul of the departed wife might tempt 
 
 * Ksempfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Fraser, 
 i, no. 
 
 + With Q. R., Ill, cf. Golden Bough, I 207 ; with 
 Q. R, 112, cf. G. B., I 183 ; and generally see I 117. 
 
UNIVE 
 Pa 
 
 or THF ^ \ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. Ixxv 
 
 away the soul of the living Flamen. In Burmah, 
 proper precautions are taken to prevent a baby's 
 soul from following that of its dead mother, or 
 the soul of a bereaved husband or wife from 
 rejoining the lost one, or to prevent the soul of 
 a dead child " from luring away the soul of its 
 playmate to the spirit-land."* But accidents 
 will happen, and it is so important for an 
 agricultural community to have the sky-spirit 
 under direct control, that the Romans were 
 doubtless well advised in running no risks, and 
 in transferring the spirit into another Flamen. 
 
 IX. Taboos. 
 
 In fairy tales it is not surprising that the 
 hero should be forbidden to see his wife on 
 certain days, or whilst she is washing, or at 
 night, and that he should be required to take 
 precautions lest he should take her unawares 
 in one of the forbidden moments, t But it is 
 surprising to find that the prosaic Roman 
 punctiliously observed fairy etiquette in these 
 
 * O. B., I 130. 
 
 + For instances see Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, 
 pp. 272-274. 
 
Ixxvi IN TROD UCTION. 
 
 matters, and habitually behaved like an in- 
 habitant of fairy-land. See R. Q. 9 and 65. 
 It is also surprising to discover that in Italy, 
 where, owing to "the vigorous development of 
 the marital authority, regardless of the natural 
 rights of persons as such," the wife's " moral sub- 
 jection became transformed into legal slavery," * 
 the wife was " exempted from the tasks of corn- 
 grinding and cooking," because, according to 
 Mommsen, those tasks were memal.f The 
 exemption is mentioned by Plutarch in R. Q. 
 85 ; but we must take leave to question Mom- 
 msen's explanation. The exemption is not an 
 exemption, but a prohibition : it is identical 
 with the taboo laid on the Flamen Dialis 
 {R. Q. 109), and has the same object. Doubt- 
 less if a Roman ate food touched by a woman, 
 "it would swell and inflame his mouth or 
 throat," or have some disastrous effect. For 
 that even indirect contact with women at certain 
 periods, e.g. child-birth, &c., is highly dangerous, 
 is a belief found amongst the Australian blacks 
 and tlie Eskimo, the Indians of North America, 
 and the Kafirs of South Africa. An Australian 
 blackfellow, having been brought accidentally 
 * Momms., R. ff., i. 25. f Ibid., i. 6a 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii 
 
 into this dangerous contact, died of terror within 
 a fortnight.* It is not strange, therefore, that 
 the Komans, returning home after absence, 
 if their wives loere at home^ ufed to fend a 
 mejfenger unto them before, for to give warning 
 and advertifement of their comming. And we 
 can understand that the primitive public for 
 whom the fairy tales in question were com- 
 posed found the incident of the violated taboo 
 as thrilling and as full of "actuality" as a 
 modern reader finds the latest sensational novel. 
 The belief that a mother and her new-born 
 babe are peculiarly at the mercy of malevolent 
 spirits is world-wide. In the fairy tales of 
 Christian Europe the period of danger is termi- 
 
 * 0. B., i. 1 70. I may point out that in some parts 
 of Europe these taboos still survive. For six weeks after 
 delivery, the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange 
 house, or go shopping, or draw water from a well, or 
 walk over a sowed field (Grimm, D. M.\ iii. pp. 435, 
 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a 
 new-born child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it 
 as dangerous {Ibid., p. 488, No. 28). For the death- 
 dealing qualities of women, cf. Burchard von Worms, 
 Samlung der Becrete, Coin, 1548, p. 201a (quoted by 
 Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the 
 Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the 
 house for six weeks (Reclus, Primitive Folk, 36) ; she is 
 also tabooed by the Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills 
 {Ibid., 192). 
 
 g 
 
Ixxviii INTROD UCTION. 
 
 nated by baptism, until which time various pre- 
 cautions, such as burning a light in the chamber, 
 must be observed.* In ancient Italy the danger 
 ended when the child received its name, which, 
 as Plutarch (R. Q, 103) informs us, was on the 
 ninth day after birth in the case of boys, on the 
 eighth in the case of girls. Until that day a 
 candle was to be kept lighted, and the spirit 
 Candelifera was to be invoked. On that day the 
 child was purified (which indicates an original 
 taboo), and received the bulla, mentioned by 
 Plutarch (R. Q. 102), to preserve him hence- 
 forth from evil spirits and the evil eye. 
 Whether the btdla derived its virtue from the 
 substances which were enclosed in it, as in a 
 box, or from its moon shape, is uncertain. If 
 the latter be the true explanation, we may 
 compare the fact recorded by Plutarch (R. Q. 
 76), that thofe who are defcended of the moft 
 noble and auncient houfes of Rome carried little 
 moones upon their shoes. The daughters of Sion 
 also wore as amulets "round tires like the 
 moon " (Isaiah, iii. 1 8). The moon-spirit sends 
 disease or takes possession of the person who is 
 "lunatick" or "moon-struck." But the spirit 
 Hartland, S. of F. T., p. 93/. for instances. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxix 
 
 may be deluded, and will enter any moon- 
 shaped object which the person attacked is 
 wearing. The Chaldaeans diverted the spirit 
 of disease from the sick man by providing an 
 image in the likeness of the spirit to attract 
 the plague.* 
 
 X. Sympathetic Magic. 
 
 The traveller who has little or no acquaintance 
 with the language of the land in which he is, 
 resorts naturally to the language of gesture, and 
 mimics the thing which he wishes to have done. 
 Primitive man communicates his wishes to 
 Nature in exactly the same way : if he wishes 
 to have game caught in the trap which he sets, 
 he first pretends to fall into it himself. He has 
 not learnt to " interrogate " Nature in her own 
 language by means of experiment and crucial 
 instances, but he has a presentiment of the 
 
 * "Make of it an image in his likeness {i.e., of 
 Namtar, the plague) ; apply (the image) to the living 
 flesh of his body {i.e., of the sick man). May the 
 malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the 
 image" (Lenormant, Chaldcean Magic, p. 51). The 
 Buddhists of Ceylon cure disease in exactly the same 
 way (J. Roberts, Oriental Illustrations of Scripture, 
 p. 171). 
 
Ixxx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 method of Concomitant Variations and of the 
 Substitution of Similars. If a thing is itself 
 beyond his reach, he substitutes its counterpart, 
 its image or its name, or something related to 
 it or connected with it, in confidence that any 
 changes he may work in the one will be accom- 
 panied by concomitant variations in the other. 
 Hence the reluctance shown by many savages to 
 allow their likenesses to be taken or their names 
 to be known, as with the name or the likeness 
 the man himself would pass into the power of 
 the stranger.* So the Romans, as Plutarch in- 
 forms us (E. Q. 6i), kept the name of their 
 tutelar god secret, for the same reason, as 
 Plutarch acutely observes, as other nations kept 
 the images of their gods chained ; t and for the 
 
 * Cf. C. F. Gordon Gumming, Two Happy Years in 
 Ceylon, i. p. 278, " The astrologer is called in to preside 
 at baby's 'rice feast,' when some grains of rice are 
 first placed in its mouth. He selects for the little one 
 a name which is compounded from the name of the 
 ruling planet of that moment. This name he tells only 
 to the father, who whispers it low in baby's ear no one 
 else must know it, and, like the Chinese infantile name,* 
 this ' rice name ' is never used lest sorcerers should hear 
 it and be able to work malignant spells." 
 
 t For instances see Folk Lore, iii. 137. The Romans 
 themselves fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5 ; 
 Stat. Silv., I 6. 4 ; Arnob., iv. 24 ; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5). 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi 
 
 same reason, we may add, as the Romans forbade 
 the living counterpart of the sky-spirit to leave 
 the city, viz., lest he should pass out of their 
 control. 
 
 In the same spirit, the Romans would not 
 allow a table to be completely stripped of food 
 (M. Q. 64) or a light to be extinguished (75) : 
 the action might produce permanent effects. 
 The same feeling prevailed or prevails with 
 regard to the table in Chemnitz, though it is 
 regarded as a sign of death if a light goes out of 
 its own accord.* 
 
 The practice of allowing the spoils taken from 
 an enemy to rust a practice which Plutarch (37) 
 cannot comprehend was doubtless a piece of 
 sympathetic magic : as the armour rusted, the 
 enemy's power of armed resistance would 
 diminish. 
 
 Another interesting instance of sympathetic 
 magic lurks in i2. Q. 32. The images which, 
 as Plutarch says, were thrown into the river, 
 represented a spirit of vegetation or a corn- 
 spirit; and the object of plunging them into 
 the river was thereby to secure that the crops 
 
 * Chemnitzer Eockenphilosophie, 16 and 325 (Grimm, 
 D. M.*f iii. 435 and 445). 
 
Ixxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 should be correspondingly drenched with rain.* 
 This rite also illustrates the origin of a concep- 
 tion which has its roots in sympathetic magic 
 and yet exerts considerable influence in the civi- 
 lised world the conception of " legal fictions." 
 The images, undoubtedly, were substitutes for 
 human beings who were (as representing the 
 corn-spirit) drowned in the Tiber. Human 
 sacrifice, though exceptional, was not unknown 
 at Rome in historic times, as appears from R. Q. 
 83 ; and the substitution of animals or of in- 
 animate objects for human beings is not peculiar 
 to Rome, but is the usual means by which the 
 transition from the more to the less barbarous 
 
 * The classical references are : Festus, p. 143 and 
 385; Dionys., i. 38; Ov., P., i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62/.; 
 Varro, 2/. L., vii. 44; Paul. Diac, p. 15; Lact., I. i. 
 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and ii. 47; Prudent. C. Sym- 
 mach., ii. 295 ; Cicero jyro Roscio Am., 35. 100; Catull., 
 xrii. 8. 23; Non. Marc, p. 3586. ; Liv. i, 21, iv. 12. 
 The modern literature : first and foremost and final, 
 Mannhardt, Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 265 ff., whose ex- 
 planation is adopted in Roscher's Lexikon ; further, 
 Preller, Rom. M.^, ii. i3Sjr- ; Marquardt, 190 jf. ; Grimm, 
 D. M., 733, n. 4. The meaning of the word Argei has 
 received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number 
 of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of 
 the twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain 
 for its crops. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii 
 
 custom is effected. But the Romans, who were 
 practical and logical to the extreme, who reduced 
 magic to a system whereby they regulated their 
 daily life, consistently enough also utilised sym- 
 pathetic magic as a legal instrument. For it 
 would be a great mistake to infer from the 
 ridicule poured by Cicero (Pro Murena, xii. 62) 
 on the fictions of Roman law, that those sym- 
 bolisms were puerile mummeries designed to 
 benefit the legal profession at the expense of 
 its clients. The clod of earth which was 
 brought into court was no mere symbol, but 
 gave to those who held it exactly the same 
 control over the estate from which it came, as 
 the image of a god gives to its possessor, or as 
 the hair or clothing of a person who is to be 
 bewitched gives to the worker of the spell. 
 
 A form of sympathetic magic which is prac- 
 tised by agricultural peoples all over the world 
 is a " sacred marriage," whereby two spirits or 
 their images, or their living .representatives, are 
 united, in order that their union may be sym- 
 pathetically followed by fertility in flock and 
 field. The ceremony of the " sacred marriage " 
 frequently survives when its purpose has been 
 forgotten, and then a popular explanation is 
 
Ixxxiv INTROD UCTION, 
 
 invented for and by the folk. The myth of 
 Acca Larentia, given by Plutarch, R. Q. 35, 
 seems to me a piece of folk-lore of this kind. 
 To begin with, it is not uncommon to find in 
 Greek and Asiatic cults, for instance,* a woman 
 shut up with a god in his temple. And the 
 result of this union is an increase in the agricul- 
 tural wealth or fertility of the community. The 
 same result appears in the "rationalised" ex- 
 planation of the "sacred marriage" of Acca 
 Larentia and Hercules, given by Plutarch. 
 Further, an exactly similar tale is told of 
 Hercules and Flora, t whose name shows that 
 she is a spirit of flowering and blossoming 
 vegetation, whilst her cult points to a realistic 
 sacred marriage in which she took part. J 
 Again, Acca Larentia and Flora were evidently 
 felt to be spirits of the same class as the Dea 
 Dia, for sacrifices were offered to them as part 
 
 * See Rhein. Museum, 1867, p. 129, 
 
 t Macrob., i. 10, 11 /. ; Gell., N. A, viL (vi.) 7 ; Plut., 
 Rcym.y 4. 5 ; Lactant., i. 20. 5. 
 
 X "Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante mere- 
 trices, qiisB tunc (t. e,, at the Floralia) miraarum fungun- 
 tur oflficio " (Lact. Lc). Cf. Val. Max., 2. 10. 8 ; Senec., 
 Ep., 97. 7; Mart., i praf.; Ov., P., iv. 946, v. 183; 
 TertuU., De Sped., 17; Min. Felix, 25. 8; Augustin, 
 a D., ii. 27. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv 
 
 of the worship of the Dea Dia; and the Dea 
 Dia was a corn-spirit, as is plainly shown by 
 the Acta Arvalium Fratrum* At the same 
 time, though Acca Larentia, Flora, and the Dea 
 Dia were all spirits of the same class, it is clear 
 that they were distinguished from each other, 
 for the Arval Brothers sacrificed to each of them 
 separately and under distinct names. Finally, 
 whether Acca Larentia had originally anything 
 to do with the Lares seems doubtful,! and in 
 spite of the fact that, in later times at any rate, 
 she was called " the mother of the Lares," one 
 cannot build much on the etymology which 
 makes " Acca " mean " mother." J Certain it 
 is, however, that the Arval Brothers, in wor- 
 shipping the Dea Dia, began their famous and 
 
 * The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, vittis 
 spiceis coronati, 0. I. L., vi. 2104* 16. They preserved 
 a sheaf of corn (corn-baby, mother, &c.) from the pre- 
 vious year's harvest ; this is the fruges aridas of C. I. X., 
 Z.C. 6. They consecrated the old corn, the green corn 
 of the new year, and a loaf, fruges aridas et virides 
 contigermit et panes laureates, I.e. ; and they sacrament- 
 ally " ate the god," fruges libatas. 
 
 t Mommsen, Die echte und die falsche Acca Larmtia, 
 
 3 A. 3- 
 X Jordan, Krit. Beitr., 75, compares Italian aUa, 
 
 " mother "and Greek olkku) ? 
 
Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 very ancient song with an invocation of the 
 Lares.* It is plain, therefore, that there was 
 from pre-historic times a tendency to associate 
 the worship of the kindly Lares with that of 
 spirits of the class to which the Dea Dia and 
 Acca Larentia belonged. But the feast of the 
 Larentalia (or Larentinalia), to which Plutarch 
 alludes in M. Q. 34, was evidently a piece of 
 ancestor-worship, and may therefore have been 
 part of the worship of the Lares from the 
 beginning. If this really be so, Acca Larentia 
 will be a soul promoted to the rank of a spirit 
 of vegetation. 
 
 The theory of sympathetic magic may per- 
 haps afford the solution of Plutarch's problem 
 (97), why they that would live chaste were 
 forbidden to eat pulse. Plutarch suggests that 
 as far as beans are concerned the reason may 
 be that the Pythagoreans abominated them. 
 This "symbol" of the Pythagoreans is well- 
 known. Milton was inspired by it to put the 
 
 case 
 
 If all the world 
 Should in a fit of temp'rance feed on pulse," 
 
 and, according to Neanthes, quoted by lam- 
 * "E nos Lases iuvate " = Age nos, Lares, iuTate. 
 
INTROD UCTION. Ixxxvii 
 
 blichus in his life of Pythagoras, the prohibition 
 extended even to treading down the growing 
 bean ; for, he informs ns, Pythagoras inculcated 
 the virtue of chastity so successfully that when 
 ten of his disciples, being attacked, might have 
 escaped by crossing a bean-field, they died to a 
 man rather than tread down the beans : and 
 when another disciple, who was shortly after- 
 wards captured and brought before Dionysius, 
 was bidden by that tyrant to explain the strange 
 conduct of his fellows, he replied, " They suffered 
 themselves to be put to death rather than tread 
 beans under foot ; and I will rather tread beans 
 under foot than reveal the reason." 
 
 This is sufficiently mysterious; and the 
 Pythagorean symbol can scarcely be said to 
 explain the Italian prohibition. But though 
 Plutarch has committed the error of defining 
 ignotum per ignoUus, he has nevertheless been 
 led by a sound instinct, in comparing the two 
 things together. Mr. Frazer (in FolJc-Lore, i. 
 145 ff.) has abundantly shown that many of the 
 symbols of Pythagoras are but maxims of folk- 
 lore which have gathered round the name of 
 that mysterious philosopher. It would be 
 nothing strange, then, if a piece of Itahan folk- 
 
Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lore should be fathered on Pythagoras, for Magna 
 Graecia was the home of Pythagoreanism. 
 
 Now the folk has at all times been fond of 
 discovermg resemblances between plants and 
 other objects, as the common names of flowers, 
 &c., sufficiently show. Further, according to 
 popular notions, these resemblances do not exist 
 for nothing : between the plant and the object 
 it resembles there exists an occult but potent 
 relation. The " Doctrine of Signatures " was a 
 quasi-scientific organisation of this branch of 
 folk-lore. "Turmeric has a brilliant yellow 
 colour, which indicates that it has the power of 
 curing jaundice ; for the same reason, poppies 
 must relieve diseases of the head," to take a 
 couple of instances from the Pharmacologia of 
 Dr. Paris (p. 43). The ancient Romans who 
 substituted an offering of poppy-heads for a 
 sacrifice of human beings were not practising 
 a childish cheat on the gods : on all sound 
 principles of folk-lore they were offering a per- 
 fectly valid equivalent. 
 
 When then we find Porphyry, in his life of 
 Pythagoras ( 43), saying that Pythagoras bade 
 his followers "abstain from beans as from 
 human flesh," we may reasonably infer that 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix 
 
 beans were regarded, in the folk-lore of the 
 day, as resembling some part of the human 
 body, and as having a mysterious affinity with 
 it. This conjecture receives some support from 
 the fact that, whereas Porphyry explains all 
 the other "symbols" as allegorical statements 
 of various moral and civic duties, he explains 
 this by a piece of folk-lore of the same kind 
 as the modern popular belief that a hair kept 
 in water will turn into an eel. The exact part 
 of the body to which beans were supposed to 
 bear a resemblance may be difficult at this 
 distance of time to determine. The passage in 
 Porphyry gives some hints.* 
 
 A more interesting fact is that, according to 
 Herodotus, ii. 37, the Egyptians had the same 
 aversion to eating beans, and that Egyptian 
 priests might not even look at a bean, so unclean 
 
 * The classical references on this subject of beans 
 are : Diog. Laert., viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, 
 iJTOi 8ti aidoiois elalv bfioioi), Gellius, N. J., iv. II ; Cic, 
 de Div., i. 30, ii. 58 ; Pliny N. H., xviii. 12 ; Didymus 
 in Geopon., ii. 58 ; Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hyp., iii. 224 ; 
 Iambi., Vit. Pyth., 109 and Protrept. extr. Symb.y 37 ; 
 Anon. (e.Photio), Vit. Pyth., 7 ; Pseudo-Orig., Philos. ii. ; 
 ApoUon. Dysc, Mirah. Hist, c. 46 ; Eudocia, p. 368 ; 
 Suidas, s. v. Ilvfi^. Uvday. ; Eustath., N., p. 948. 
 
xc INTRODUCTION. 
 
 was it considered. From this passage it is 
 usually inferred that Pythagoras obtained this 
 piece of his doctrine from the Egyptians; and 
 V. D. Link (Die Urwelt, 225) sought to sup- 
 port the inference by the suggestion that the 
 prohibition originally had reference to the sacred 
 Egyptian bean, and was subsequently extended 
 to the common bean {fciba vulgaris). Pursuing 
 this line of thought, we are at once struck by the 
 fact that the sacred Egyptian bean (ndumhium 
 speciosum) is a lotus ; and the lotus, both as a 
 plant and as a symbol,* carries our thoughts to 
 India. We thus seem to see a piece of folk-lore 
 migrating, along with the plant to which it was 
 attached, from India to Egypt, from Egypt to 
 Europe. 
 
 But when did this interesting migration take 
 place ? The prohibition was known pretty early 
 in Sicily, for it makes its appearance in the 
 fragments of Empedocles, who was born at 
 Agrigentum, B.C. 490. We can, however, trace 
 it back much earlier in Italy. There it dates 
 from pre-historic times, for it was one of the 
 taboos laid upon the flamen Dialis. And the 
 
 * For its meaning as a Bymbol, see Westropp, Primitive 
 Symbolism, p. 28. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xci 
 
 idea that beans were human flesh is implied in 
 the part which they played in the funeral 
 ceremonies of the primitive ItaKans. That part 
 is remarkably interesting. Plutarch tells us 
 that "the folemne fuppers and bankets at 
 funerals for the dead were ufually ferved with 
 pulfe above all other viands." This is a strange 
 contrast to the aversion shown otherwise for 
 eating beans, and it cries aloud for explanation. 
 Mr. E. S. Hartland, in Folk Lore, III. ii., has 
 put forward the theory that the practice of sin- 
 eating is the transformed survival of a savage 
 custom of eating deceased kinsmen. Even those 
 who dissent from his conclusion will not be able 
 to deny that the custom does exist among 
 savages, and that the object of cannibalism is to 
 secure to the eater the courage, cunning, strength, 
 &c., of the person eaten ; nor will it be denied 
 that on the first movement from savagery a 
 tendency would manifest itself to substitute for 
 the corpse anything which, according to the 
 canons of savage logic, might be regarded as an 
 equivalent substitute. The Italians, regarding 
 beans as human flesh, might, we may conjecture, 
 substitute beans ; as the Bavarian peasant substi- 
 tutes Leichen-nudeln. Before, however, we can 
 
xcii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 regard this as anything more than a guess, we 
 want proof that the Italians did really look upon 
 the beans which they ate at funeral feasts as 
 representative of the deceased. That proof is 
 forthcoming, I submit, in the belief mentioned 
 by Pliny {N. H.y xviii. 30. 2) that "the spirit 
 of the deceased was in the bean" (mortuorum 
 animoB aint in ea, i.e., in the faba). And inas- 
 much as the law forbade them that would be 
 chaste to eat pulse, it seems probable that the 
 object of eating beans at funeral banquets was 
 to convey the propagating powers of the deceased 
 to his kinsmen. 
 
 If then the superstition about the bean was 
 borrowed by the Italians, it must have been 
 borrowed in primitive times ; and we must think 
 that the belief reached the Italians at the same 
 time as the cultivation of the bean itself spread 
 from its original (unknown) home. But, if we 
 may trust comparative philology, the bean was 
 probably known to the European Aryans before 
 they divided into separate peoples, such as 
 Slavs, Italians, &c. And thus we can catch 
 glimpses of this piece of folk-lore on its travels 
 in pro-ethnic times. But this, I confess, I find 
 it rather hard to believe. Of course, if there 
 
INTRODUCTION. xciii 
 
 were channels of communication by which the 
 plant itself could travel in that "time long 
 past," then by those same channels the super- 
 stition might be conveyed. But on the other 
 hand, if one people could see a resemblance 
 between the bean and some part of the human 
 body, so might another. We do not imagine 
 that because some of the taboos laid on the 
 Mikado were the same as some laid on the 
 flamen Dialis, they were therefore borrowed. 
 Why, then, should we resort to the hypothesis 
 of borrowing to account for the fact the flamen 
 of pre-historic times was forbidden, exactly in 
 the same way as the priests of ancient Egypt, to 
 see or name a bean ? 
 
 Folk-lorists will naturally inquire whether 
 any traces of the conceptions and customs we 
 have been examining can be found in fairy-tales. 
 
 I may therefore conclude by pointing out that 
 
 in a Lithuanian tale, published and translated 
 
 into German in the lAtauische VolksUeder und 
 
 Mdrchen of A. Leskien and K. Brugman (p. 202 
 
 and p. 471), the bean has the same "signature" 
 
 as it had in ancient Italy. Another story in the 
 
 same collection (pp. 363-371 and 490-494) 
 
 should also be noticed here : a maiden is given 
 
 h 
 
xciv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the heart of a dead man to eat, and two hours 
 afterwards she bore a son, who could speak and 
 run the moment he was bom. 
 
 XI. Aryan Marriage. 
 
 In the Romane Questions * Plutarch has pre- 
 served for us various marriage customs, which 
 raise the whole question, not perhaps of human 
 marriage, but certainly of Aryan marriage. Has 
 monandry always been the prevailing form 
 among the Aryan-speaking peoples? Among 
 those peoples has the family, as far as we can 
 see or guess, from the beginning been patriarchal 
 and agnatic ? 
 
 As a starting-point for the discussion of this 
 question, two propositions may be laid down as 
 broadly true. The first is, that at some period 
 or other, all Aryans have been in the habit of 
 obtaining their wives (or some of their wives) 
 by capture and by purchase. This fact may 
 ultimately imply scarcity of native women, 
 female infanticide, polyandry, and kinship 
 through the female line; or it may prove to 
 be perfectly compatible with a patriarchal and 
 
 * R. Q., I, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xcv 
 
 agnatic system. But it is a fact, and a fact of 
 the first importance for this discussion. The 
 second proposition that may safely be made 
 is, that in historical times at least, the patri- 
 archal form of family has always been the 
 prevailing form amongst Aryan nations. The 
 exceptions may be real, or they may be due to 
 faulty observation ; they may be of the highest 
 importance, as being the sole indications of a 
 prior and very different form of family life, or 
 they may be merely local, transient departures 
 from the normal patriarchal form, and so be 
 insignificant or deceptive ; but in any case, they 
 are relatively so few as to leave it a practically 
 true statement to say that the patriarchal family 
 has been normal among the Aryans in historic 
 times. 
 
 The evidence of the existence of marriage 
 by capture is furnished by folk-lore. It is not 
 necessary, nor is this the place to review that 
 evidence; but the survivals of this form of 
 marriage which are recorded in the Romane 
 Questions must be mentioned. The Romans, 
 Plutarch says {R. Q., 29), " would not permit 
 the new loedded bride to paffe of herfelf over the 
 door-fill or threfholdj whenjhe is brought home to 
 
xcvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 her liufhancPs Iwufe, hut they that accompanie her 
 muft lift her up between them from the ground, 
 and fo rxmvey her in." * That the Romans 
 themselves were dimly conscious of the real 
 origin of this custom is implied in the first 
 solution suggested by Plutarch, viz., that the 
 ceremony was "in remembrance of those first 
 wives whom they ravished perforce from the 
 Sabines ; " and Rossbach, in his great work on 
 Roman marriage, t sees in the custom a sur- 
 vival fix)m times when the bride, captured by 
 force, was conveyed against her will into the 
 house (or den) of her captor. Parallels to the 
 Roman custom are to be found elsewhere. 
 Among the modern Greeks the bride is lifted 
 over the threshold, as it would be most unlucky 
 if she touched it in crossing. J It is the most 
 important wedding-guest among the Servians, 
 the bride's nearest relation in Lorraine, |j who 
 carries her in his arms from the waggon into her 
 new home. Among the North Frisians the 
 
 * The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., 
 Ed.y viii. 29; iFid., Orig., ix. 8; Plaut., Cas., IV. iv. 
 I ; Catull., Ixi. 159 ; Lucan, Phars., ii. 358. 
 
 + Ueber die rbmische Ehe, p. 360. 
 
 + Reinsberg-Duringsfeld, Hochzeitshuch, p. 57. 
 
 Ibid., 84. II Ibid., 251. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xcvii 
 
 " bride-lifter " (bridlefstr) is a regular wedding- 
 official.* The ceremony seems to have been 
 known to the ancient Hindoos also.t The 
 Finnish-Ugrians, whether they borrowed or 
 lent, or independently developed the custom, 
 uniformly practise it.^ It is further note- 
 worthy that the Finnish-Ugrians agree with 
 the Romans, the Hindoos, and the Russians in 
 this, viz., that the bride is not only carried over 
 the threshold by some of the bridal party (not 
 by the bridegroom) but is then caused by them 
 " to sit upon a fliece of wooll." The meaning 
 and object of this strange proceeding were quite 
 unknown to the Romans, who practised it in 
 Plutarch's time, as they are to the Finnish- 
 Ugrians and Russians who still observe the 
 custom. Rossbach rightly compares the ancient 
 Roman custom of making the flamen and flami- 
 nica, when married per farreationem, sit upon the 
 fleece of the sheep that was slaughtered during 
 the wedding ceremonies j|| he then refers to the 
 
 * Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauev?, i. 410. 
 t Haas in Weber's Ind. Stud., v. 324, 359, 373. 
 X V. Schroeder, Hochzeitsbrduche der Esten, pp. ?>?> ff. 
 Plutarch, ii!. Q., 31. Of. Festus, "In pelle lanata 
 nova nupta considere solet." 
 II Serv. ad ^n., iv. 374. 
 
xcviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Roman practice of sitting for a short time after 
 prayer in silent meditation, and this he thinks 
 explains the custom in question. But surely it 
 leaves unexplained just that which requires ex- 
 planation. Granted, that the Romans showed 
 more reverence than, say the Scots whom Dr. 
 Boyd can remember; still, are we to imagine 
 them so rapt into " the mind's internal heaven " 
 that they could sit down in the grease and the 
 gore of a freshly-slaughtered sheep's fell, " nor 
 heed nor see what things these be " ? Why did 
 they not sit down somewhere else ? 
 
 A possible answer to this question may be 
 found in the follo^ving considerations. Many 
 savages consider themselves peculiarly liable 
 on their wedding-day to the attacks of evil 
 spirits. The Hindoos and the Finnish- Ugrians 
 unanimously regard the seating of the bride on 
 the fleece as the right time for exorcising evil 
 spirits and purifying the bride : the Hindoos 
 recite an incantation, the Esthonians clash 
 daggers over her head, for iron is generally 
 dreaded by spirits. It is, therefore, an easy 
 inference that the fleece itself had purificatory 
 powers ; and, as a matter of fact, we find that 
 the Greeks, at any rate, regarded a sheepskin 
 
INTRODUCTION. xdx 
 
 in this light, for in the preliminary ceremonies 
 of the Eleusinia was a purificatory rite which 
 was known as the Zeus-fleece.* In the collec- 
 tion of the Hotel Lambert f is a red-figured 
 vase bearing a representation of this rite, in 
 which the person purified is represented as 
 crouching on the fleece. 
 
 In days when marriage by capture was real, 
 and not merely symbolical, it was highly im- 
 portant that a strange woman should, immedi- 
 ately on entering the house, be, so to speak, 
 spiritually disinfected, lest she should introduce 
 unwelcome spirits into her new home ; or, in the 
 intimate relations which were to subsist between 
 her and her captor, | should bring him into the 
 power of strange and hostile gods. Hence the 
 close adhesion of the ceremony of the fleece, 
 
 * Ai6s KCfSiop, Suidas, s.v. 
 
 t De Witte, Bescr. des Antiq. de VHdtel Lambert, p. 
 68, pi. 22 (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, Diet., s.v., 
 and in Duruy, Hist, des Grees, i. 786). The right inter- 
 pretation of this scene was first given by Lenormant, 
 Contemporary Review, 1880, p. 137. 
 
 J The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, 
 placed himself under the protection of a series of Di 
 Indigetes, e.g., Subigus, Prema, Pertunda (S. August., 
 C. D., vi. 9). 
 
c INTRODUCTION. 
 
 long after its meaning was forgotten, to that of 
 lifting the bride over the threshold. 
 
 But it was necessary not merely to detach 
 the strange woman from her own gods, she 
 must also be introduced to the gods of her 
 new home. This introduction survived in the 
 Roman custom, whereby new wedded wives are 
 hidden to touch fire and water (R. Q. i).* 
 That this custom goes back to the time when 
 wives were captured is indicated by the words 
 " are bidden : " the force which was at first 
 necessarily used survives in this gentle com- 
 pulsion. Parallels to this custom are forth- 
 coming: the Hindoo bride, according to the 
 Kau9ikasiitra (77. 16), was led thrice roimd 
 the hearth in the bridegroom's house. Exactly 
 the same ceremony not only was practised by 
 the ancient Teutons, but is still observed in 
 some places in North Germany and in West- 
 phalia.! The Esthonians and Wotjaks still 
 honour the custom. J The first thing a Servian 
 
 * The Latin phrase is "Aqua et igni accipi." The 
 custom is testified to by Dion. Hal., ii. 30 ; Varro, L. L., 
 V. 61 ; Serv. ad jn., iv. 167 ; Ov., F., iv. 787 ; Fest. 
 B.V. Scaev., Dig., 24. i. 66; Stat., SUv. I. ii. 3; Val. Fl., 
 Argon., viii 244. 
 
 + Weinhold, l 375 and 408. t Schroeder, 128/. 
 
INTRODUCTION. ci 
 
 bride has to do on entering her new home is to 
 mend the fire,"^ and in ancient Greece she was 
 taken at once to the hearth. It need hardly 
 be said that the hearth is the abode of the 
 house-spirit and the centre of the family wor- 
 ship. At Kome, we find from Festus,t the 
 bride was also sprinkled with water. In Sar- 
 dinia,! her mother-in-law empties a glass of 
 water over her. Amongst the ancient Hindoos 
 this was the bridegroom's duty ; with the 
 Servians it is the function of the Djewer. \\ 
 That this sprinkling was originally an intro- 
 duction of the strange woman to the local water- 
 spirit seems indicated by the fact that amongst 
 the Servians the sprinkUng is performed at 
 the well, in the Unterkrain at the burn,^ in 
 Albania *'^ at the village-spring, while in modern 
 Greece the bride casts ofFerings into the spring, tf 
 The conventionally extravagant lamentation 
 which was required of the Roman bride J J is 
 
 * Reinsb.-Duringsfeld, 84. 
 
 f "Aqua aspergebatur nova nupta," s.v. Facem in 
 nuptiis. 
 
 X Reinsb.-Duringsfeld, 59. Haas, 358. 
 
 II Reinsb.-Duringsfeld, 73. H Ibid., 92. 
 
 ** Ibid., 63. ft Ibid., 59. 
 
 XX- Cat., Ixi, 81-86, no, 119 ; Claud., Fescenn., 106 ; De 
 Rapt. Pros., ii. 335. 
 
 or THF ^ -^ 
 
 IVERSITY 
 
cii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 regarded by Rossbach (p. 329) as a survival 
 of marriage by capture, and may be paralleled 
 amongst many Aryan nations : with the Hindoos 
 it was part of the officially prescribed pro- 
 gramme ; * in the Oberpf alz it is obligatory ; 
 in Bohemia and in Russia it is required by 
 public opinion, t 
 
 The evidence of folk-lore (so far as it is called 
 for by the Romane Questions) that the Aryans 
 obtained wives by capturing the women of other 
 households or family groups than their own, has 
 now been stated. It does not suffice to show 
 that an Aryan was forbidden to marry a woman 
 of his own household; but a -w^der survey of 
 early Aryan wedding-customs would bring out 
 this important fact, that however other parts 
 of the ceremony vary, there is one which is 
 always present, and which may be regarded as 
 essential that is the domum dediLctiOy the bring- 
 ing-home of the bride ; and from this fact we 
 may fairly draw the conclusion that normally, 
 and so strong is custom probably uniformly, 
 the bride and the bridegroom belonged to dif- 
 ferent households, and that the bride came to 
 live in the home of the bridegroom. 
 
 * Haas, 327. t Schroeder, 87. 
 
INTRODUCTION. ciii 
 
 Marriage by purchase does not happen to be 
 mentioned in the Romane Questions, nor is it 
 necessary to prove what is universally admitted. 
 All that need be remarked here is that purchase 
 was not necessarily preceded by a state of things 
 in which capture prevailed; frequently it may 
 have been a peaceable remedy for the grievances 
 caused by capture, but quite as often it may 
 have been practised side by side with capture 
 from the beginning. Further, the purchase, 
 like the capture, of wives implies that husband 
 and wife belonged to different households ; and 
 purchase indicates that the wife thus bought 
 was the property of the husband, or at least 
 that she was subject to him. 
 
 Let us now turn to the evidence showing that 
 the family was patriarchal and agnatic. The 
 evidence is furnished by the comparative study 
 of law, especially the law regulating the order 
 in which the relatives of a dead man shall 
 succeed to his property. The order of suc- 
 cession prescribed by the earliest legal codes is 
 strikingly similar among all the Aryan peoples ; 
 first, the deceased's male descendants to the 
 third generation (his sons, grandsons, and great- 
 grandsons) ; next, the male descendants of the 
 
civ INTRODUCTION. 
 
 deceased's father to the tliird generation (i.e., 
 the deceased's brothers, nephews, and grand- 
 nephews) ; then the male descendants of the 
 deceased's grandfather to the third generation 
 (t.e., his uncles, cousins, and their children); 
 and finally, the male descendants of his great- 
 grandfather to the third generation (i.e., his 
 great-uncles, his first cousins once removed, and 
 his second cousins once removed). Beyond 
 these degrees, kin was not counted; and if no 
 heir were forthcoming within them, the pro- 
 perty went, amongst the Hindoos, to those of 
 the same name as the deceased; amongst the 
 Romans, to the members of his gens; in Crete, 
 to the village community. What is the origin 
 of this unanimous and well-marked distinction 
 between the Near and the Remote Kin ? Why 
 were the anchisteis, "the nearest relations," as 
 the Greeks technically named them, so sharply 
 distinguished from the others ? 
 
 To begin with, it is clear that the distinction, 
 being common to all the Aryans, was not deve- 
 loped subsequently to their dispersion, but is pre- 
 historic indeed, pro-ethnic. Hence it follows 
 that the distinction was not the work of any 
 legislator or of any individual; it could not 
 
INTRODUCTION. cv 
 
 have been a law enacted by a lawgiver and 
 enforced by the State under pains and penalties, 
 for the simple reason that the Aryans, previous 
 to their dispersion, were not organised into a 
 State, and had no government to issue or exe- 
 cute laws. But before Law, Custom was, and 
 " Kin and Custom go together and imply each 
 other, as do Law and State. Law is the enact- 
 ment of the State Custom is the habit of the 
 Kin. And as Custom precedes Law, so the 
 State is preceded by kin or sib associations. 
 The earliest form of the State is modelled on 
 that of the sib associations out of which it is 
 developed, and the first laws promulgated by 
 the State are but the old customs committed 
 to writing." * 
 
 Li what pro- ethnic Aryan custom, then, are 
 we to seek the origin of the clear and deep-cut 
 line between the Near and the Kemote Kin? 
 The answer is furnished by what is known 
 among the Slavonians as the house commu- 
 nity, and to Anglo-Indian lawyers as " the joint 
 undivided family." As it exists now in India, 
 the joint undivided family consists, or may 
 
 * F. B. Jevons, Kin and Custom, in the " Journal of 
 Philology," xvi, pp. Sy ff. 
 
cvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 consist, of the sons, grandsons, and great-grand- 
 sons of a man (deceased), who, on the death of 
 their common ancestor, do not separate, but 
 continue to live on the undivided estate and 
 worship their deceased ancestor as their house- 
 spirit. The family, as defined by the Judicial 
 Committee of the Privy Council,* is "joint in 
 food, worship, and estate." 
 
 Now, the relatives whom the earliest Aryan 
 codes, the laws of the Twelve Tables, the laws 
 of Solon, of Menu, the Gortyn Code, &c., 
 specify as a man's heirs-at-law are in every case 
 precisely those relatives who belonged, or might 
 at some time have belonged, to the same joint 
 undivided family as the deceased. It is worth 
 while to note that at different times a man 
 might belong to four different joint imdivided 
 families : he might be bom into a family which 
 still united in worshipping the spirit of his 
 great-grandfather : and thus his cousins, his first 
 cousins once removed, and his second cousins 
 once removed, would dwell in the same house- 
 hold with him. His grandfather might then 
 die and become a house-spirit : in that event, 
 his grand-uncle (and descendants) would have 
 * Moore, Indian Appeals, ii. 75. 
 
INTRODUCTION. cvii 
 
 to set up a family of his own, for they only can 
 belong to a joint undivided family who are 
 descended from a common house-father. Now, 
 my grand-uncle, being the brother of my grand- 
 father, is not descended from my grandfather, 
 therefore cannot worship his spirit, therefore 
 cannot belong to the joint undivided family 
 which worships my grandfather's spirit. On 
 the other hand, the family, of which my (de- 
 ceased) grandfather is the house-spirit, includes 
 my grandfather's descendants to the third genera- 
 tion, i.e., includes not only my cousins, but also 
 their sons. This (cousins' sons) is the limit of 
 the second joint undivided family to which it is 
 possible for a man to belong. Thirdly, when my 
 father becomes a house-spirit, and is worshipped 
 by his children's children, I dwell in the same 
 household as my nephews and grand-nephews. 
 Finally, when I am gathered to my fathers, I 
 dwell, in the spirit, with my sons, grandsons, 
 and great-grandsons. 
 
 Here we obviously have the key to the order 
 of succession prescribed by the earliest Aryan 
 codes : my own descendants (if any) are called 
 first, because they constitute the joint un- 
 divided family, with which, at the time of 
 
cviii INTRODUCTION, 
 
 dying, I am presumably dwelling. My father's 
 descendants come next, because that was the 
 family I had previously belonged to ; and on the 
 same principle my grandfather's descendants, 
 and then those of my great-grandfather were 
 called. 
 
 So long as the joint undivided family was 
 a living institution, so long there was no need 
 (as there was no thought) of specifying who a 
 man's heirs were, and so long a man could be in 
 no doubt as to who his Near Kin were they 
 were those who had been brought up in the 
 same family as himself. It was only when this 
 unwieldy form of family came to be disintegrated 
 by the advance of civilisation that it became 
 necessary to specify the order of succession, and 
 to determine who were a man's Near Kin ; and, 
 as we have seen, the earliest laws on this subject 
 are but the old customs reduced to writing. 
 
 Two facts of importance in the history of 
 Aryan marriage have now been shown. The 
 first, inferred from the domum deductio and 
 from the existence of marriage by capture and 
 by purchase, is that amongst the undispersed 
 Aryans a man customarily abstained from marry- 
 ing a woman belonging to his own family group. 
 
INTRODUCTION. cix 
 
 The second is that the family groups in which 
 the Aryans lived, if not originally, certainly for 
 some time before their dispersion, were joint 
 undivided families. The Aryan was averse to 
 marrying women of his I^ear Kin : the difficult 
 question now arises, whether he was equally 
 averse to marrying into lus Remote Kin ? The 
 "prohibited degrees" of historic times do not 
 help us much in answering this question. The 
 Athenians had lost the Aryan aversion to 
 marriages within the near kin : they married 
 their cousins, and even half-sisters. There 
 is no evidence to show that the Romans ever 
 abstained from marrying their Remote Kin. 
 Rossbach maintains that the prohibition ex- 
 tended only to first cousins; Klenze, Walter, 
 Burchardy, Gdttling, and Gerlach make it go as 
 far as the extreme limit of the Near Kin, i.e., to 
 second cousins once removed no writer on 
 Roman law or marriage supports a wider prohi- 
 bition ; and the jus oscuU * (which, by the way, 
 was accorded by men to men as well as by 
 women to men) extended only to the near kin. 
 The Hindoos, again, were averse to marriage 
 between any persons of the same name. 
 * For which see R Q. 6. 
 
ex INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Does the Hindoo system come down from 
 pro-ethnic times, or is it a development peculiar 
 among Aryan nations to the Hindoos? Many 
 savages have a much wider circle of prohibited 
 degrees than civilised peoples possess, and 
 amongst civilised peoples themselves the numl^er 
 of prohibited degrees has even in historic times 
 diminished. We thus seem to get a sort of law 
 of diminishing degrees, which would point to 
 the Hindoo system as that which was known 
 to the pro- ethnic Aryans. But though some 
 savages have more prohibited degrees than 
 civilised men have, other savages have few or 
 none. The downward movement, therefore, 
 from the maximum to the minimum number 
 of prohibited degrees which is observable in 
 historic times must have been preceded in pre- 
 historic ages by an upward movement from the 
 minimum to the maximum ; and, as far as the 
 evidence at present goes, though the upward 
 movement may, in pro-ethnic times, have pro- 
 ceeded as far as the Remote Kin, it may equally 
 well only have reached to the limits of the Kear 
 Kin; while, after the Aryan dispersion, the 
 movement may have continued upwards amongst 
 the Hindoos, downwards amongst the Athenians, 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxi 
 
 and, for a long time, have ceased to move in any 
 direction amongst the conservative Romans. 
 
 A more important point to notice is that, if 
 we believe the Hindoo system to date from pro- 
 ethnic times, we must also assume that the 
 Hindoo system of naming is pro-ethnic, i.e., we 
 must assume that each Aryan had two names, 
 one distinguishing him personally from other 
 people, the other indicating what kin he be- 
 longed to ; and in this event, the Xear and the 
 Remote Kin must, in pro-ethnic times, have 
 had a common name. There is, however, very 
 little evidence to show that this was the case : 
 gentile names are found among the Hindoos and 
 the Romans alone of Aryan peoples. It is, of 
 course, possible that, before the dispersion, the 
 Aryans had gentile names, and that, after the 
 dispersion, all the Aryans, with the exception of 
 the Romans and the Hindoos, lost them entirely. 
 On the other hand, if there was a time when 
 gentile names had not yet been invented, if 
 they have had a history and growth, we must 
 consider it as at least possible that gentile names 
 had not been evolved at the time of the dis- 
 persion, and were only developed subsequently 
 by the Romans and Hindoos. 
 
cxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Whether the undispersed Aryans had gentile 
 names, and at the same time an aversion to 
 marriages between persons of the same name, is 
 a question on which it were vain to pronounce 
 confidently. We may more safely consider 
 both these equally possible alternatives, together 
 with the consequences which flow from each. 
 Let us assume that marriage was, amongst the 
 Aryans as amongst the Hindoos, prohibited 
 between persons of the same gentile name : is 
 there anything in the social organisation pre- 
 supposed by this prohibition incompatible with 
 the patriarchal system? According to Mr. D. 
 M'Lennan there is: not only are there "numerous 
 societies of which the patriarchal theory does 
 not even attempt to give any account," but " in 
 the societies upon contemplation of which it 
 was formed, a most serious difficulty for it is 
 presented by the tribes, which consist of several 
 clans, each clan considered separate in blood 
 from all the others. The patriarchal theory, 
 of course, involves that the clans are all of 
 the same blood." * Mr. M'Lennan's difficulty 
 seems to be this : where inheritance (of family 
 name, property, sacra, &c.) is confined to the 
 * In Chambers's Encyclopcedia, 8.v. "Family." 
 
INTRODUCTION. c xii 
 
 male line, the descendants of a common ancestor 
 must all have the same family or gentile name ; 
 persons having different names cannot be de- 
 scended from the same ancestor that is to say, 
 different gentes or clans cannot have a common 
 origin. A tribe, therefore, which consists of 
 several clans cannot consist of descendants of a 
 common ancestor. Yet, these clans believe they 
 have an ancestor, however remote, in common. 
 If their belief is incorrect (if the gentes have 
 not a common origin), how did the error arise ? 
 If, on the other hand, the different gentes of the 
 same tribe have a common origin, how came 
 they to have different names ? 
 
 The source of this difficulty plainly is the 
 assumption that the original ancestor of the 
 tribe had a family name, which was inherited 
 by all his descendants. It is impossible to dis- 
 prove or to prove this assumption. We may, 
 however, note that the Teutons (according to 
 Dr. Taylor *) rejoiced in only one name a-piece. 
 An Athenian added to his own name his father's. 
 And to set assumption against assumption 
 we may conjecture that as patronymics are 
 formed from personal names, so gentile names 
 * In Chambers's Encylopcedia, s.v. " Names." 
 
cxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 were developed out of patronymics. At lirst, 
 a man's sons bore nothing in their names to 
 indicate from what father they were sprung. 
 In course of time the sons of Anchises were 
 known as Anchisiadse; and as long as the 
 family group consisted only of parents and 
 children, this system of nomenclature would 
 suffice. It might even continue into times 
 when the family group included three genera- 
 tions : lulus, as well as his father, iEneas, 
 might be an Anchisiades. And here we may 
 note that if all the members of a joint un- 
 divided family bore the surname Anchisiades, 
 an aversion to marriage in the near kin would 
 forbid the marriage of any two Anchisiadae. 
 When, however, owing to natural growth, the 
 joint undivided family of Anchises becomes 
 so large that it is necessary for his younger 
 (married) sons to go out into the world and 
 start joint undivided families of their own, 
 leaving .^Eneas and his children in possession of 
 the old home, it is obvious that persons who 
 once had belonged to 'the same joint undivided 
 family, and therefore had possessed the same 
 family name, and had been prohibited to inter- 
 marry, would now belong to different families, 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxv 
 
 and (being named after the respective house- 
 fathers of the newly formed families) would 
 have different patronymics, and would be allowed 
 to marry persons whom previously they were 
 forbidden to wed. In these circumstances an 
 extension both of prohibited degrees and of the 
 family name might very naturally be the ulti- 
 mate result. lulus, who for years had wor- 
 shipped Anchises as house-spirit, and had con- 
 sequently been an Anchisiades, might, when 
 ^neas became his house-spirit, come to be 
 known as an ^nseades, but on the other hand 
 the old patronymic might stick to him and to 
 his children for ever. In the same way, the 
 aversion to marrying women who belonged to 
 the same joint undivided family might cease 
 when they ceased to belong to the same family, 
 but it might continue. Hence a continual ten- 
 dency to extend the family name, and to enlarge 
 the number of prohibited degrees. 
 
 The transition from the system of naming by 
 patronymics to that of gentile names would not 
 be made in a day or in a generation, and during 
 the transition the usage would fluctuate : the 
 descendants of ^neas might choose to be known 
 as ^nseadse rather than as the sons of Anchises, 
 
cxvi INTROD UCTION. 
 
 while the children of ^Eneas' brothers might 
 retain the name of Anchisiadae, because their 
 fathers were less distinguished than their grand- 
 father. The period of this fluctuation in usage 
 may be assumed to have been long enough to 
 allow of the requisite diversity of gentile names, 
 while the fact that the number of gente* is 
 always fixed, however far back they can be 
 historically traced, shows that the fluctuation at 
 last hardened into unyielding custom. 
 
 It was pointed otit in the last paragraph but 
 one that second cousins once removed (the great- 
 grandchildren of a common house-father) might 
 at one time belong to the same joint undivided 
 family, and subsequently to different families, 
 and that they might wish to continue, after 
 their separation, to consider each other as 
 relatives. Language afforded them no means of 
 indicating their relationship, for there was no 
 word in the original Aryan language for "cousin," 
 much less for "second cousin." And before 
 patronymics had been stereotyped into gentile 
 names, it might seem that the Aryan system of 
 naming at that time afforded no means of binding 
 these relatives together either. But a certain 
 Athenian custom may perhaps be taken, both 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxvii 
 
 as evidence of the existence of the desire in 
 question, and as an indication of the means 
 taken for gratifying it. At Athens it was the 
 custom to name a child after its grandfather; 
 and if we assume this practice to have obtained 
 in Aryan times, we have here a ready means for 
 indicating the fact that second cousins are re- 
 lated without the aid of a gentile name ; for if I 
 and my first cousin are both named after our 
 common grandfather, then our children (who 
 are second cousins once removed) will have the 
 same patronymic, and therefore will be related, 
 and thence again prohibited to marry. This 
 may be illustrated by an imaginary pedigree, 
 which will also serve to show how when once 
 patronymics, such as "John's son," became stereo- 
 typed into true family or gentile names, such as 
 "Johnson" all the gentes of a tribe might be 
 descended from a common ancestor. Thus : 
 
CXVlll 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 
 
 -. 
 
 e3 
 
 E-i 
 
 
 H3 
 
 -J 
 
 -E-j 
 
 n 
 
 s 
 
 -il 
 
 a 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 J 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxix 
 
 We may now sum up. The oldest form of 
 family organisation historically traceable amongst 
 the Aryans is that of the joint undivided 
 family. The pro- ethnic Aryans were probably 
 averse to marriages between members of the 
 same joint undivided family. They may also 
 have been averse to marriages between second 
 cousins once removed, even when those second 
 cousins had ceased to dwell in the same joint 
 household. If so, then, as language afforded 
 no term even for " cousins," the memory of the 
 relationship may have been kept up in one of 
 three ways. As the members of a genos at 
 Athens had no common family name, and as 
 they were notoriously related, not by blood, but 
 merely by the possession of a joint-worship, so 
 amongst the Aryans a joint- worship may have 
 served as the mark of kinship (as it does among 
 the Hindoos still). Or the remote kin may have 
 been enabled to claim kindred by means of a 
 patronymic system, which survived at Athens. 
 Or, third, gentile names may have been devel- 
 oped out of patronymics even in pro-ethnic 
 times, in which case marriage would be pro- 
 hibited, as amongst the Hindoos, between all 
 persons of the same family name. 
 
cxx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 But there is nothing in this patriarchal 
 organisation of the family and of the tribe 
 which compels us to assume that it was evolved 
 out of some earlier non-patriarchal form of 
 family. The warrant for such an assumption, 
 if to be found, niust be sought elsewhere. Let 
 us seek. Analogy will not help us. The patri- 
 archal system may, elsewhere in the world, have 
 been evolved out of the matriarchate; but, as 
 the late Mr. M'Lennan warned us, we may not 
 assume that marriage has everywhere had the 
 same history. The widest survey of the various 
 forms of himian marriage (Westermarck's) that 
 has yet been made warrants no presumption in 
 favour of the priority of the matriarchate. If 
 the matriarchate was a pro-ethnic Aryan insti- 
 tution, it is on Aryan ground that traces of it 
 must be discovered. Such traces are said to 
 be discernible. 
 
 There are traces amongst some Aryan peoples 
 of the levirate. The levirate is said to indi- 
 cate polyandry, and polyandry to presuppose the 
 matriarchate. This is a perfectly legitimate line 
 of argument, but before resorting to polyandry 
 for an explanation of the Aryan levirate, it 
 is worth while to inquire whether there is 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxxi 
 
 anything in known Aryan customs capable of 
 supplying an explanation. According to Aryan 
 custom, the estate of a man who leaves no son 
 passes to the next of kin, i.e., his brother, or it 
 may be a more distant relative. If the deceased 
 leaves no son, but a daughter, then according to 
 Athenian law, according to the Gortyn Code, and 
 probably also according to Aryan custom, the 
 next of kin (whether brother or not) must not 
 only take the estate, but also marry the heiress, 
 if any (whether wife or daughter of the de- 
 ceased). According to the Gortyn Code, if the 
 next of kin is married, he must put away his 
 wife ; if the heiress is already married, she must 
 leave her husband. Now, if the obligation to 
 raise up seed to the deceased extended only to 
 his brothers, the Tibetan form of polyandry 
 would afford an explanation which, whether 
 correct or not, would, at any rate, account for 
 all the facts. But inasmuch as the obligation 
 is binding on all the near kin, and extends 
 to the daughter as well as the wife of the 
 deceased, it cannot be explained by the hypo- 
 thesis of the Tibetan form of polyandry or 
 any other form short of incest in every degree 
 possible, not only amongst the members of the 
 
cxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 same joint undivided family, but also with 
 the women who have married out of that family 
 into some other. In truth, so far from mutter- 
 recht being the source of the Aryan custom, that 
 custom bears on its face the marks of the rudest 
 and most savage application of the agnatic 
 theory. The provisions of the Gortyn Code 
 which require that the next of kin shall marry 
 the heiress, even if the marriage necessitate 
 divorce on both sides, show that the mother 
 was held absolutely incapable of transmitting 
 rights only a kinsman could do that. A 
 devotion to the principle of agnation so strong 
 as to over-ride the innate Aryan aversion to 
 endogamous marriages, so strong even in the 
 days of civilised Athens as to ajfford the Orestes 
 of ^schylus with the defence that the mother 
 whom he had killed was not of his blood, cannot 
 be explained as a survival from times when kin- 
 ship was counted exclusively through the female 
 line. The savage practice must have its roots 
 in some equally crude and savage theory. "What 
 the Aryan theory was we can hardly hope to 
 discover, but we may conjecture that it was at 
 least as barbarous as that which leads savages 
 to eat their dead kinsmen, and European peas- 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxxiii 
 
 ants to eat corpse -cakes, in the belief that 
 thereby "the virtues and advantages of the 
 departed . . . and the living strength of the 
 deceased passed over . . . into the kinsman 
 who consumed them, and so were retained within 
 the kindred " (Mr. E. S. Hartland in Folk Lore, 
 III. ii. 149). The Leichen-nudeln of the Bavarian 
 peasant, or the beans of the primitive Italian 
 funeral feasts, would, when eaten, qualify the 
 next of kin to wed the heiress and to raise up 
 seed to the dead kinsman. 
 
 Before leaving the subject of the levirate we 
 may note that the joint undivided family 
 survived in historic times at Athens and in 
 Sparta, and that in both places brothers lived 
 on the joint-estate as well after the death as 
 during the life of their father. In Sparta, if 
 one only of the brothers had a son, that son 
 was naturally heir to the joint-estate, and was 
 considered the son of all. Amongst the Hindoos, 
 too, Vasishtha says (xvii. 10), " If amongst many 
 brothers who are begotten by one father, one 
 have a son, they all have offspring through that 
 son" {cf. Vishnu, xv. 42).* Now, a casual 
 
 * This custom also crops out in fairy tales. See Mr. J. 
 Jacob's Indian Fai/ry Tales, p. 28. 
 
cxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 observer, ignorant of the nature and constitu- 
 tion of the joint undivided family, might 
 thus easily draw the mistaken inference that the 
 wife of one brother was common to them all ; 
 and this may be the origin of Caesar's statement 
 with regard to the polyandry of the ancient 
 Britons, and of Polybius' with regard to the 
 Spartans. Or, again, it is possible that the joint 
 undivided family may in these instances have 
 given rise to this form of polyandry. It is 
 thus not safe to infer that where polyandry is, 
 the matriarchate must previously have been. 
 
 There remains the argument from totems. 
 Unfortunately their very existence in Europe 
 is questioned, and this is not the place to dis- 
 cuss the question. It is safer not to meddle in 
 European totems at present. Their appearance 
 in Greek mythology, however, may fittingly here 
 be made the subject of a brief allusion. The 
 value, to the anthropologist, of ancient Roman 
 customs and beliefs is that they show us the 
 Italians at a much lower stage of civilisation 
 than that in which the Yedas show us the 
 Hindoos or the Homeric poems the Greeks. 
 They show us an Aryan people having no 
 mythology, and they warrant the inference that 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxxv 
 
 myths were unknown to the pro-ethnic Aryans. 
 The Greek mytha about the amours of Zeus m 
 animal form cannot go hack, therefore, to Aryan 
 times. They may he the peculiar invention of 
 the early Greeks, or it may he that the families 
 which claimed to he descended from animals 
 were pre-Hellenic, and that, when they joined 
 the immigrating Greeks, they learnt the worship 
 of Zeus, and were aided in their conversion by 
 identifying Zeus with their animal ancestor. 
 
 Against the instances of polyandry and the 
 survivals of totemism, which may or may not 
 show that the matriarchate was known to Aryan 
 peoples, we may fairly set the evidence of com- 
 parative philology. The original Aryan language 
 possessed terms for grandfather, father, son, and 
 grandson ; and these are just the direct ascend- 
 ants and descendants who could compose a joint 
 undivided family. There was a word for the 
 paternal uncle, whom the children brought up 
 in such a family would know ; there is none for 
 the maternal uncle, with whom they would not 
 dwell. There were special designations for 
 husband's father, husband's mother, husband's 
 brother, husband's sister, and even for husband's 
 brothers' wives ^just the words which would 
 
cxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 be required if the wife left her own family to 
 dwell in that of her husband. There were none 
 for wife's father, mother, &c., which would be 
 required if the husband became a member of his 
 wife's family. And this which is inconsistent 
 with the matriarchal system is in accord with 
 the evidence afforded by wedding customs, viz., 
 that the wife left father and mother, and was 
 brought, by the domum deduction to her husband's 
 home. 
 
 Still, it would be as unjustifiable to say that 
 the matriarchate could never have established 
 itself on Aryan ground, as it is to say that the 
 agnatic family must have been developed out 
 of the system of " maternal rights " and " female 
 descent." Tlie list of prohibited degrees varies 
 among early Aryan peoples from the minimum 
 possible for a civilised people (as at Athens) to 
 the maximum possible even for savages (as 
 amongst the Hindoos). There may have been a 
 similar variation in the organisation of the family. 
 Nor can we say with confidence that the pro- 
 ethnic Aryans were more uniform than their 
 descendants. The different languages evolved 
 out of the common Aryan tongue existed as 
 dialects from the beginning, and in the begin- 
 
INTROD UCTION. cxxvii 
 
 ning there may have been differences in social 
 organisation. But whereas we can certainly 
 trace the joint undivided family and the 
 principle of agnation as far back as modern 
 science enables us to trace the Aryans at aU, 
 the evidence for the existence of the matriarchate 
 at any time amongst any Aryan people is inferior 
 both in amount and in value. 
 
 XII. Conclusion. 
 
 After writing a hundred pages as though one 
 knew something, it is a relief to confess one's 
 ignorance. So I shall do myself the pleasure 
 of concluding with a list of Romane Questions 
 which are too hard for me. Why they kept 
 the temple of the goddejje Horta open alwaies 
 I own to me is a mystery yet. I cannot even 
 conjecture what is the reafon that Quintus 
 Metellus forbad to ohferve aufpices after the 
 moneth Sextilis, nor why they thought Am/pices 
 ought to have their lanterns and lampes alwaies 
 open, nor why ohfserve they the vultures moft 
 of any other fowles in taking of prefages. 
 White, as a mourning colour, which is pre- 
 scribed in R. Q. 26, may be paralleled in 
 
cxxviii INTROD UCTION. 
 
 the customs of Gambreion, in Asia Minor, 
 and in Argos, but the explanation is beyond 
 me. The origin of the proverb Sardi vetmles, 
 and of the interesting custom associated with 
 it (R. Q, 53), can scarcely be said to be ex- 
 plained either by Festus (p. 322) or by Cicero 
 (Vn. Fam.j 24). Nor do I know why boys 
 were named on the ninth, whereas girls were 
 named on the eighth day of birth. And why 
 did the Romans of old time invariably, when 
 they went out to supper, take with them their 
 young fonneSy even when they were hut in their 
 very infancie and childhood ? 
 
ROMANE QVESTIONS, 
 
 THAT IS TO SAY, 
 
 AN ENQUIRIE INTO THE 
 
 CAUSES OF MANIE FASHIONS 
 AND CUSTOMES OF ROME. 
 
 A Treatifejitfor them who are converfant 
 in the reading 
 
 of Romane hiftories and antiquities^ giving 
 a light 
 
 to many places otherwife oh/cure and hard 
 
 to be underftood. 
 
^kive:'" ' ' 
 
 ROMANE QVESTIONS, 
 
 fFhat is the reafon that new wedded wives are 
 bidden to touch Jire and water ? 
 
 S it becaufe that among the elements 
 and principles, whereof are com- 
 pofed naturall bodies, the one of 
 thefe twaine, to wit, fire is the 
 male, and water the female, of which, that infu- 
 feth the beginning of motion, and this afFoordeth 
 the propertie of the fubje6t and matter ? 
 
 2. Or rather, for that, as the fire purgeth, 
 and water waftieth -, fo a wife ought to continue 
 pure, chafte and cleane all her life. 
 
 3. Or is it in this regard, that as fire without 
 humidity, yeeldeth no nouriihment, but is dry 3 
 and moifture without heat is idle, fruitleffe and 
 
 barren 3 
 
4 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 barren -, even fo the male is feeble, and the 
 female likewife, when they be apart and fevered 
 a funder : but the conjun6tion of two maried 
 folke yeeldeth unto both, their cohabitation and 
 perfedion of living together. 
 
 4. Or lafl: of all, becaufe man and wife ought 
 not to forfake and abandon one another, but to 
 take part of all fortunes j though they had no 
 other good in the world common betweene them, 
 but fire and water onely. 
 
 2. 
 
 How is it, that they ufe to light at weddings Jive 
 torches, and neither more nor lejfe, which 
 they call Wax-lights. 
 
 1. "Whether is it as Farro faith, becaufe the 
 Praetours or generals of armies ufe three, and 
 the Aediles two: therefore it is not meet that 
 they fliould have more than the Praetours and 
 Aediles together: confidering that new maried 
 folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire? 
 
 2. Or, becaufe having ufe of many numbers, 
 the odde number feemed unto them as in all 
 other refpedts better, and more perfe6t than the 
 
 even: 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 5 
 
 even : lb it was fitter and more agreeable for 
 mariage : for the even number implieth a kinde 
 of difcord and divifion, in refpeft of the equall 
 parts in it, meet for iiding, quarrell, and con- 
 tention : whereas the odde number cannot be 
 divided fo juft and equally, but there will re- 
 maine fomewhat Hill in common for to be 
 parted. Now among al odde numbers, it 
 feemeth that Cinque is moll nuptial, & beft 
 befeeming mariage j for that Trey is the firft 
 odde number, & Deuz the firft even 3 of which 
 twaine, five is compounded, as of the male and 
 the female. 
 
 3. Or is it rather, becaufe light is a figne of 
 being and of life : and a woman may beare at 
 the moft five children at one burden j and fo 
 they ufed to cary five tapers or waxe candels ? 
 
 4. Or laftly, for that they thought, that thofe 
 who were maried had need of five gods and 
 goddeffes : namely, Jupiter * genial, Juno genial, 
 Fenus, Suade, and above all Diana ; whom (laft 
 named) women in their labour and travell of 
 childe-birth, are wont to call upon for helpe. 
 
 * Or, nuptial!. 
 
 3- 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 What is the caufe that there being many Temples 
 of Diana in Rome, into that onely which 
 Jlandeth in the Patrician Jireet, men enter 
 not. 
 
 I. Is it not becaufe of a tale which is told in 
 this maner : In old time a certeine woman being 
 come thither for to adore and worfhip this god- 
 defle, chaunced there to bee abufed and fuffer 
 violence in her honor : and he who forced her, 
 was tome in pieces by hounds : upon which 
 accident, ever after, a certeine fuperftitious feare 
 poflefled mens heads, that they would not pre- 
 fume to goe into the faid temple. 
 
 Wherefore is it, that in other temples of Diana 
 men are woont ordinarily to fet itp and 
 faften Harts homes ; onely in that which is 
 upon mount Aventine j the homes of oxen 
 and other heefes are to hefeen. 
 
 May it not be, that this is refpe6tive to the 
 remembrance of an ancient occurrent that fome- 
 
 time 
 
ROM AN B QUESTIONS. 7 
 
 time befell ? For reported it is that long fince 
 in the Sabines countrey, one Antion Coratius 
 had a cow, which grew to be exceeding faire and 
 woonderfuU bigge withall above any other : and 
 a certeine wizard or foothfaier came unto him 
 and faid : How predellined it was that the citie 
 which facrificed that cow unto Diana in the 
 mount Aventine, fhould become moft puiflant 
 and rule all Italy : This Coratius therefore 
 came to Rome of a deliberate purpofe to facrifice 
 the faid cow accordingly : but a certaine hous- 
 hold fervant that he had, gave notice fecretly 
 unto king Servius Tullius of this predi6tion 
 delivered by the abovefaid foothfaier : whereupon 
 Servius acquainted the prieft of Diana, Cornelius^ 
 with the matter : and therefore when Antion 
 Coratius prefented himfelfe for to performe his 
 facrifice, Cornelius advertifed him, firft to goe 
 downe into the river, there to wafh j for that the 
 cuftome and maner of thofe that facrificed was fo 
 to doe : now whiles Antion was gone to walh 
 himfelfe in the river, Servius fl:eps into his place, 
 prevented his returne, facrificed the cow unto 
 the goddeffe, and nailed up the homes when he 
 
 had 
 
8 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 had fo done, within her temple. Jula thus 
 relateth this hiftorie, and Varro likewife, faving 
 that Farro expreflely fetteth not downe the 
 name of Antion, neither doth he write that 
 it was Cornelius the prieft, but the fexton onely 
 of the church that thus beguiled the Sabine. 
 
 S- 
 
 IVIiy are they who have leene fal/ly reported 
 dead in a Jlrange countrey, although they 
 retume home alive, not received nor fuf- 
 fred to enter dire&ly at the dores, but forced 
 to climbe up to the tiles of the houfe, and fo 
 to get downe from the roufo into the houfo ? 
 
 Varro rendreth a reafon heereof, which I 
 take to be altogether fabulous : for hee writeth, 
 that during the Silician warre, there was a great 
 battell fought upon the fea, and immediately upon 
 it, there ranne a rumour of many that they were 
 dead in this fight j who notwithflanding, they 
 returned home fafe, died all within a little while 
 after: howbeit, one there was among the reft, 
 who when he would have entred into his owne 
 houfe, found the dore of the owne accord faft 
 
 ihut 
 
ROMANB QUESTIONS. 9 
 
 fhut up againft him 5 and for all the forcible 
 meanes that was made to open the fame, yet it 
 would not prevaile : whereupon this man taking 
 up his lodging without, juft before his dore, as 
 he llept in the night, had a vifion which adver- 
 tifed and taught him how he Ihould from the 
 roofe of the houfe let himfelfe downe by a 
 rope, and fo get in : now when he had fo 
 done, he became fortunate ever after, all the 
 reft of his life -, and hee lived to be a very aged 
 man : and heereof arofe the forefaid cuftome, 
 which alwaies afterwards was kept and obferved. 
 But haply this fafhion may feeme in fome 
 fort to have beene derived from the Greeks : for 
 in Greece they thought not thofe pure and 
 cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to 
 be enterredj or whofe fepulchre and funerals 
 were folemnized or prepared : neither were fuch 
 allowed to frequent the company of others, nor 
 fuffred to come neere unto their facrifices. And 
 there goeth a report of a certaine man named 
 Arijiinus, one of thofe who had beene pofTefled 
 with this fuperftition, how he fent unto the 
 oracle of Apollo at Delphos, for to make fup- 
 
 plication 
 
lo ROM AN B QUESTIONS. 
 
 plication and praier unto the god, for to bee 
 delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that 
 troubled him by occafion of the faid cuftome or 
 law then in force: and that the propheteffe 
 Pythia returned this anfwer : 
 
 Looke whatfoever women doe 
 
 in childbed newly laid, 
 Unto their tales, which they brought foorth, 
 
 the veriefame I fay 
 See that be done to thee againe : 
 
 and after that be fur e. 
 Unto the bleffed gods with hands 
 
 tofacrifice, mofl pure. 
 
 Which oracle thus delivered, Ariftinus having 
 well pondered and confidered, committed him- 
 felfe as an infant new borne unto women for to 
 be wafhed, to be wrapped in fwadling clothes, 
 and to be fuckled with the breft-head : after 
 which, all fuch others, whom we call Hyftero- 
 potmous, that is to fay, thofe whofe graves were 
 made, as if they had beene dead, did the fem- 
 blable. Howbeit, fome doe fay, that before 
 Ariftinus was borne, thefe ceremonies were 
 obferved about thofe Hiftropotmi, and that this 
 
 was 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. ii 
 
 was a right auncient cuftome kept in the fem- 
 blable cafe : and therefore no marvell it is, that 
 the Romans alfo thought, that fuch as were fup- 
 pofed to have beene once buried, and raunged 
 with the dead in another world, ought not to 
 enter in at the fame porch, out of which they 
 goe, when they purpofe to facrifice unto the 
 gods, or at which they reenter when they re- 
 turne from facrifice : but would have them from 
 above to defcend through the tiles of the roufe 
 into the clofe houfe, with the aire open over their 
 heads : for all their purifications ordinarily they 
 performed without the houfe abroad in the aire. 
 
 WTiy doe women kijfe the lips of their kinsfolks ? 
 
 Is it as mofl. men thinke, for that women 
 being forbidden to drinke wine, the manner was 
 brought up : That whenfoever they met their 
 kinsfolke, they fhould kiffe their lips, to the end 
 they might not be unknowen, but convi6ted if 
 they had drunke wine? or rather for another 
 reafon, which Ariftotle the philofopher hath 
 
 alledged ? 
 
12 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 alledged ? for as touching that occalion, which 
 is fo famous and commonly voiced in every 
 mans mouth, yea, and reported of divers and 
 fundrie places 5 it was no doubt the hardy 
 attempt executed by the dames of Troie, and 
 that upon the coafts of Italy ; for when the men 
 upon their arrivall were landed j the women in 
 the meanewhile fet fire upon their fhips, for 
 very delire that they had to fee an end once, 
 one way or other of their long voiage, & to be 
 delivered fr5 their tedious travel at fea : but 
 fearing the fury of their men, when they (hould 
 return e, they went forth to meet their kinsfolke 
 and friends upon the way, and welcomed them 
 with amiable embracing & fweet kifles of their 
 lips : by which means having appeafed their 
 angrie mood, and recovered their favours, they 
 continued ever after, the cuftome of kind greet- 
 ing and loving falutation in this manner. 
 
 Or was not this a priviledge granted unto 
 women for their greater honour and credit; 
 namely, to be knowen and feen for to have 
 many of their race and kinred, and thofe of 
 good worth and reputation ? 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANB QUESTIONS. 13 
 
 Or becaufe it was not lawfull to efpoufe 
 women of their blood and kinred, therefore 
 permitted they were to entertaine them kindly 
 and familiarly with a kiffe, fo they proceeded no 
 farther 3 infomuch as this was the onely marke 
 and token left of their confanguinitie. For 
 before time, they might not marrie women of 
 their owne bloody no more than in thefe dales 
 their aunts by the mothers lide, or their Mers : 
 and long it was ere men were permitted to 
 contra6t marriage with their coufin germains -, 
 and that upon fuch an occaiion as this. There 
 was a certaine man of poore ellate and fmall 
 living, howbeit otherwife of good and honeft 
 cariage, and of all others that managed the pub- 
 like affairs of State moll popular and gracious 
 with the commons : who was fuppofed to keepe 
 as his efpoufed wife a kinfwoman of his and 
 couiin germain, an inheritreffe ; by whom he had 
 great wealth, and became verie rich : for which 
 he was accufed judicially before the people 3 
 but upon a fpeciall favour that they bare unto 
 him, they would not enquire into the caufe in 
 queftion5 but not onely fupprefled his bill of 
 
 enditement. 
 
14 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 enditement, and let her go as quit of all crime, 
 but alfo even they, ena6ted a ftatute j by vertue 
 whereof, lawfull it was for all men from that 
 time forward to marrie, as far as to their coulin 
 germains, but in any higher or nearer degree of 
 confanguinitie, they were exprefly forbidden. 
 
 Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the hufland 
 to receive a gift of his wife, or for the wife 
 of her hufband. 
 
 May it not be, for that, as Solon ordained that 
 the donations and bequefts, made by thofe that 
 die {hall Hand good, unleflfe they be fuch as a 
 man hath granted upon neceflitie, or by the 
 inducement and flatterie of his wife : in which 
 provifo, he excepted neceflitie, as forcing and 
 conftraining the will ; and likewife pleafure, as 
 deceiving the judgement j even fo have men 
 fufpe6ted the mutuall gifts pafling between the 
 hulband and the wife, and thought them to be 
 of the fame nature. 
 
 Or was it not thought, that giving of prefents 
 
 was 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 15 
 
 was of all other the leaft & worll ligne of amity 
 and goodwill (for even ftrangers and fuch as 
 beare no love at all ufe in that fort to be giving) 
 and in that regard they would banifli out of 
 marriage fuch kind of pleafing and curring 
 favour ; to the end that the mutuall love and 
 aflfe6tion between the parties lliould be free and 
 without refpe6t: of falarie and gaine, even for 
 it felfe and nothing elfe in the world. 
 
 Or becaufe women commonly admit and en- 
 tertaine ftraungers, as corrupted by receiving of 
 prefents and gifts at their hands, it was thought 
 to Hand more with honour and reputation, that 
 wives Qiould love their owne hufhands, though 
 they gave them nothing by way of gift. 
 
 Or rather, for that it was meet and requifit, 
 that the goods of the hulband fliould be common 
 to the wife, and to the wife likewife of the 
 hulband : for the partie who receiveth a thing 
 in gift, doth learne to repute that which was not 
 given, to be none of his owne, but belonging to 
 another : fo that man and wife in giving never 
 fo little one to another, defpoil and defraud 
 themfelves of all that is befide. 
 
 8. 
 
i6 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 8. 
 
 What might be the caufe that they were forbidden 
 to receive any gift either of * Sonne in law, 
 or t Father in law ? 
 
 Of Sonne in law, for feare left the gift might 
 be thought by the meanes of the Father to pafle 
 about the returne unto the wife : and of the 
 Father in law, becaufe it was fuppofed meet and 
 juft, that he who gave not, Ihould not likewife 
 receive ought. + 
 
 9- 
 
 What fhould be the reafon that the Romans when 
 they returned from fome voyage out of a 
 farre and forraine countrey, or onely from 
 their ferme into the citie ; if their wives 
 were at home, ufed to fend a meffenger unto 
 them before, for to give warning and adver- 
 tifement of their comming ? 
 
 Either it was becaufe this is a token of one 
 that beleeveth and is verily perfwaded that his 
 
 * Daughters hufband. f Wives father. 
 
 + This may feeme to have fome reference to the former 
 queftion. 
 
 wife 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 17 
 
 wife intendeth no lewdneffe, nor is otherwife 
 bufied than well : whereas to come upon her at 
 unwares and on a fodain, is a kind of forlaying 
 and furprize. Or for that they make hafle to 
 fend them good newes of their comming, as 
 being afTared that they have a longing defire, and 
 doe expe6t fuch tidings. 
 
 Or rather becaufe themfelves would be glad to 
 heare from them fome good newes, to wit, 
 whether they Ihall find them in good health 
 when they come, and attending afFedionately 
 and with great devotion, their returne. 
 
 Or elfe becaufe women ordinarily, when their 
 hulbands be away and from home, have many 
 petie bufinefles and houfe affaires : and other 
 whiles there fall out fome little jarres and quar- 
 rels within doores with their fervants, men or 
 maidens : to the end therefore all fuch troubles 
 and inconveniences might be overblowen, and 
 that they might give unto their hulbands a 
 loving and amiable welcome home, they have 
 intelHgence given unto them before hand of their 
 arrivall and approch. 
 
 10. 
 
i8 ROMANB QUESTIONS. 
 
 lO. 
 
 IVhat is the caufe that when they adore and 
 worjliip the gods, they cover their heads : but 
 contrariwife when they meet with any hon- 
 ourable or worJJiipfull perfons, if their heads 
 haplie were then covered with their cover, 
 they dif cover the fame, and are hare headed. 
 
 For it feemeth that this faihion maketh the 
 former doubt and braunch of the queftion more 
 difficult to be aiToiled : and if that which is 
 reported of Aeneas be truej namely, that as 
 Diomedes pafled along by him whiles he facri- 
 ficed, he covered his head, and fo performed his 
 facrifice } there is good reafon and confequence, 
 that if men be covered before their enemies, 
 they ihould be bare when they encounter either 
 their friends, or men of woorth and honour: 
 for this maner of being covered before the gods, 
 is not properly refpe6live unto them, but occa- 
 lioned by accident, and hath, fince that example 
 of Aeneas, beene obferved and continued. 
 
 But if we muft fay fomewhat elfe belide, 
 confider whether it be not fufficient to enquire 
 
 onely 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 19 
 
 onely of this point j namely, why they cover 
 their heads when they worfliip the gods, feeing 
 the other confequently dependeth heereupon : 
 for they ftand bare before men of dignitie and 
 authoritie, not to doe them any more honor 
 thereby, but contrariwife to diminifh their envie, 
 for feare they might be thought to require as 
 much reverence and the fame honor as is ex- 
 hibited to the gods, or fufFer themfelves, and 
 take pleafure to bee obferved and reverenced 
 equally with them : as for the gods they adored 
 them after this fort ; either by way of lowlinefle 
 and humbling themfelves before their majeftie, 
 in covering and hiding their heads j or rather 
 becaufe they feared left as they made their 
 praiers, there fhould come unto their hearing, 
 from without, any linifter voice or inaufpicate 
 and ominous ofTe : and to prevent fuch an objeft 
 they drew their hood over their eares : And how 
 true it is that they had a carefull eie and regard 
 to meet with all fuch accidents, it may appeere 
 by this, that when they went to any oracle for 
 to be refolved by anfwer from thence upon a 
 fcrupulous doubt, they caufed a great noife to 
 
 be 
 
20 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 be made all aJt)out them, with ringing of pannes 
 or brafen bafons. 
 
 Or it may well be, (as Cajlor faith, comparing 
 in concordance the Romane fafhions with the 
 rites of the Pythagoreans) for that the Daemon 
 or good angell within us, hath need of the gods 
 helpe without, and maketh fupplication with 
 covering the head, giving thus much covertly to 
 underftand thereby, that the foule is likewife 
 covered and hidden by the bodie. 
 
 II. 
 
 JfHiy facr\fice they unto Satume hare-headed. 
 
 Is it becaufe Aeneas firft brought up this 
 faihion of covering the head at facrificej and 
 the facrilice to Saturnus is much more auncient 
 than his time ? 
 
 Or, for that they ufed to be covered unto the 
 celeftiall gods : but as for Satume he is reputed 
 a Subterranean or terreftriall god ? 
 
 Or, in this refpeft, that there is nothing hidden, 
 covered, or ihadowed in Trueth? For among 
 the Romans, Saturne was held to be the father 
 of Veritie. 
 
 12. 
 
R OMA NE Q UESTIONS. 2 1 
 
 12. 
 
 IFhy doe they repute Saturne the father of 
 Trueth. 
 
 Is it for that (as fome Philofophers deeme) 
 they are of opinion that * Saturne is t Time ? and 
 Time you know well findeth out and revealeth 
 the Truth. 
 
 Or, becaufe as the Poets fable, men lived 
 under Saturnes reigne in the golden age : and if 
 the life of man was then moft juft and righteous, 
 it followeth confequently that there was much 
 trueth in the world. 
 
 ^3- 
 
 What is the reafon that they facrificed likewife 
 unto the god whom they tearmed Honor, 
 with hare head ? now a man may interpret 
 Honor to he as much as Glory and Reputa- 
 tion. 
 
 It is haply becaufe Honor and glory is a thing 
 evident, notorious, and expofed to the know- 
 
 * Kpdvos. t Xpdvos. 
 
 ledge 
 
22 ROM AN E QUESTIONS, 
 
 ledge of the whole world : and by the fame 
 reafon that they veile bonet before men of wor- 
 fliip, dignitie, and honor, they adore alfo the 
 deitie that beareth the name of Honor, with the 
 head bare. 
 
 14. 
 
 irhat may be the caufe, that fonnes cary their 
 Fathers and Mothers foorth to he enterred, 
 with their heads hooded and covered: but 
 daughters bare headed, tvith their haires 
 detrejfed and hanging downe loqfe. 
 
 Is it for that Fathers ought to be honored as 
 gods by their male children, but lamented and 
 bewailed as dead men by their daughters, and 
 therefore the law having given and graunted unto 
 either fex that which is proper, hath of both 
 together made that which is befeeming and 
 convenient. 
 
 Or, it is in this regard, that unto forrow and 
 heavinefs, that is beft befeeming which is extra - 
 ordinarie and unufuall : now more ordinarie it is 
 with women to go abroad with their heads 
 
 veiled 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 23 
 
 veiled and covered : and likewife with men, to 
 be difcovered and bare headed. For even among 
 the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any 
 publike calamitie, the manner and cuftome is, 
 that the women fhould cut of the hayres of their 
 head, and the men weare them long 3 for that 
 otherwife it is ufuall that men Ihould poll their 
 heads, and women keepe their haire long. And 
 to prove that fonnes were wont to be covered j 
 in fuch a cafe, and for the faid caufe, a man may 
 alledge that which Farro hath written ; namely, 
 that in the folemnitie of funerals, and about the 
 tombs of their fathers, they carry themfelves 
 with as much reverence and devotion as in the 
 temples of the gods : in fuch fort, as when they 
 have burnt the corps in the funeral fire, fo foone 
 as ever they meet with a bone, they pronounce, 
 that he who is dead, is now become a god. On 
 the contrary fide, women were no wife per- 
 mitted to vaile and cover their heads. And we 
 find upon record, that the firft man who put 
 away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carlilius, 
 becaufe ihe bare him no children 5 the fecond, 
 Sulpitius Gallus, for that he faw her to caft a 
 
 robe 
 
24 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 robe over her head : and the third Pullius 
 SemproniuSy for {landing to behold the folemnitie 
 of the funerall games. 
 
 15. 
 
 How it commetk to pajfe^ that confidering the 
 Romans ejleemed Terminus a god, and there- 
 fore in honour of him celebrated a feajl 
 called thereupon Terminalia, yet they never 
 killed any leajl infacrifice vnto him ? 
 
 It is becaufe Romulus did appoint no bonds 
 and limits of his countrey, to the end that he 
 might lawfully fet out and take in where pleafed 
 him, and repute all that land his owne fo far as, 
 (according to that faying of the Lacedaemonian) 
 his fpeare or javelin would reach ? But Numa 
 Pompilius a. juft man and politick withall, one 
 who knew well how to govern, and that by the 
 rule of Philofophie, caufed his territorie to be 
 confined betweene him and his neighbour nations, 
 and called thofe frontier bonds by the name of 
 Terminus as the fuperintendent, over-feer and 
 keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours ; 
 
 and 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 25 
 
 and therefore he fuppofed, that this Terminus 
 ought to be preferved pure and cleane from all 
 blood, and impollute with any nourder. 
 
 16. 
 
 What is the reafon that it is not lawfull for any 
 maid fervants to enter into the temple of the 
 goddejfe * Leucothea ? and the Dames of 
 Rome, bringing in thither one alone and no 
 more with them, fall to cuffing and boxing 
 her about the eares and cheeks. 
 
 As for the wench that is thus buffeted, it is a 
 lufficient figne and argument, that fuch as ihe, 
 are not permitted to come thither : now for all 
 others they keepe them out in regard of a 
 certaine poeticall fable reported in this wife : 
 that ladie Ino being in times paft jealous of her 
 hufband, and fufpeding him with a maid fer- 
 vant of hers, fell mad, and was enraged againft 
 her owne fonne: this fervant the Greeks fay, 
 was an Aetolian borne, and had to name Anti- 
 phera : and therefore it is that heere among us 
 
 * Or Matuta. 
 
 in 
 
26 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 in the citie of Chceronea, before the temple or 
 chappell of Matuta, the fexton taking a whip in 
 his hand crieth with a loud voice: No man 
 fervant or maid fervant be fo bardie as to come 
 in heerej no Aetolian hee or (hee prefume to 
 enter into this place. 
 
 17. 
 
 IVhat is the caufe that to this goddeJp;,folke pray 
 not for any hlejjings to their owne children, 
 but for their nephews onely, to wit, their 
 brothers orjijiers children 9 
 
 Mat it not be that Ino being a ladie that 
 loved her lifter wonderous well, in fo much as 
 fhe fuckled at her owne breaft a fonne of hers : 
 but was infortunate in her owne children ? 
 
 Or rather, becaufe the faid cuftome is other- 
 wife very good and civill, inducing and moving 
 folks hearts to carie love and afFedion to their 
 kinreds. 
 
 18. 
 
UNIVERSITY 
 
 Of 
 
 -^ -J 
 
 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 27 
 
 18. 
 
 For what caufe, were many rich men wont to con- 
 fecrate and give unto Hercules the Difme or 
 tenth of all their goods ? 
 
 Why may it not be upon this occafion, that 
 Hercules himfelfe being upon a time at * Rome, 
 facrifice the tenth cow of all the drove which he 
 had taken from Gerion ? 
 
 Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans 
 from the tax and tribute of the Difmes which 
 they were wont to pay out of their goods unto 
 the Tufkans. 
 
 Or in cafe this may not go current for an 
 authenticall hiflorie, and worthie of credit ; what 
 and if we fay that unto Hercules as to fome 
 great bellie god, and one who loved good cheere, 
 they offered and facrificed plenteoully and in 
 great liberalitie ? 
 
 Or rather, for that by this meanes they would 
 take downe and diminifh a Httle, their exceffive 
 riches which ordinarily is an eie-fore and odious 
 
 * By Prolepsis, meaning the place where afterwards 
 Rome ftood. 
 
 unto 
 
28 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 unto the citizens of a popular ftate, as if they 
 meant to abate and bring low (as it were) that 
 plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie, 
 which being growen to the height is daungerous : 
 fuppodng by fuch cutting off, and abridging of 
 fuperfluities, to do honour and fervice moft 
 plealing unto Hercules, as who joied highly in 
 frugalitie: for that in his life time he flood 
 contented with a little, and regarded no deli- 
 cacie or exceffe whatfoever. 
 
 19. 
 
 Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth 
 Januarie ? 
 
 For in old time the moneth of March was 
 reckoned firft, as a man may colled by many 
 other conjeftures, and by this fpecially, that the 
 lift moneth in order after March was called 
 Quintilis, and the lixt moneth Sextilis, and all 
 the reft confequently one after another until you 
 come to the laft, which they named December, 
 becaufe it was the tenth in number after March : 
 which giveth occafion unto fome for to thinke 
 
 & 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 29 
 
 & fay, that the Romans (in thofe dales) deter- 
 mined and accomplifhed their compleat yeere, 
 not in twelve moneths but in ten : namely, by 
 adding unto everie one of thofe ten moneths 
 certain dales over and above thlrtie. Others 
 write, that December Indeed was the tenth 
 moneth after March; but Januarie was the 
 eleventh, and Februarie the twelfth : in which 
 moneth they ufed certaine expiatorie and pur- 
 gatorie facrifices, yea, and offered oblations unto 
 the dead (as it were) to make an end of the 
 yere. Howbeit afterwards they tranfpofed this 
 order, and ranged Januarie in the firft place, for 
 that upon the firft day thereof, which they call 
 the Calends of Januarie ; the firft Confuls that 
 ever bare rule in Rome were enftalled, imme- 
 diatly upon the depofition and expulfion of the 
 kings out of the citie. But there feemeth to be 
 more probability & likelihood of truth in their 
 fpeech, who fay, that Romulus being a martiall 
 prince, and one that loved warre and feats of 
 armes, as being reputed the fonne of Mars, fet 
 before all other moneths, that which caried the 
 name of his father: howbeit Numa who fuc- 
 
 ceeded 
 
30 ROMAN E QUESTIONS, 
 
 ceeded next after him, being a man of peace, 
 and who endevored to withdraw the hearts and 
 minds of his fubje6ts and citizens from warre to 
 agriculture, gave the prerogative of the firft place 
 unto Januarie, and honoured yanus moft, as one 
 who had beene more given to politick govern- 
 ment, and to the hulbandrie of ground, than to 
 the exercife of warre and armes. 
 
 Confider moreover, whether Numa chofe not 
 this moneth for to begin the yeere withall, as 
 beft forting with nature in regard of us j for other- 
 wife in generall, there is no one thing of all thofe 
 that by nature turne about circularly, that can 
 be faid firft or laft, but according to the feverall 
 inftitutions and ordinances of men, fome begin 
 the time at this point, others at that. And 
 verely they that make the Winter folftice or 
 hibernall Tropick the beginning of their yeere, 
 do the beft of all others: for that the Sunne 
 ceafing then to pafle farther, beginneth to returne 
 and take his way againe toward us : for it feem- 
 eth, that both according to the courfe of nature, 
 and alfo in regard of us, this feafon is moft 
 befitting to begin the yeere : for that it in- 
 
 creafeth 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 31 
 
 creafeth unto us the time of daie light, and 
 diminiiheth the darknefle of night, and caufeth 
 that noble ilarre or planet to approch neerer and 
 come toward us, the lord governour and ruler 
 of all fubftance tranfitorie and fluxible matter 
 whatfoever. 
 
 20. 
 
 ir/iy do women when they drejfe up and adorne 
 the chappeU or Jhrine of their feminine 
 goddeffe, whom they call Bona, never bring 
 home for that purpofe any branches of Myrtle 
 tree : and yet otherwife have a delight to 
 employ all forts of leaves and flowers ? 
 
 May it not be, for that, as fome fabulous 
 writers tell the tale, there was one * Flavins a 
 foothfaier had a wife, who ufed fecretely to 
 drinke wine, and when fhe was furprifed and 
 taken in the manner by her hulband, fhe was 
 well beaten by him with myrtle rods : and for 
 that caufe they bring thither no boughs of 
 myrtle: marry they offer libations unto this 
 goddeffe of wine, but forfooth they call it Milke. 
 
 Or is it not for this caufe, that thofe who are 
 * Or Phaulius. 
 
 to 
 
32 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine fer- 
 vice, ought to be pure and cleane from all 
 pollutions, but efpecially from that of Venus or 
 lechery? For not onely they put out of the 
 roome where the fervice is performed unto 
 the faid goddefle Bonay all men, but alfo what- 
 foever is befides of mafculine fexj which is 
 the reafon that they fo deteft the myrtle tree, 
 as being confecrated unto Venus, infomuch as it 
 ftiould feeme they called in old time that Venus, 
 Myrtea, which now goeth under the name, of 
 Murcia. 
 
 21. 
 
 What is the reafon that the Latines doe fo much 
 honour and reverence the Woodpecker, and 
 forheare altogether to do that bird any 
 harme ? 
 
 Is it for that Picus was reported in old time 
 by the enchantments and forceries of his wife, 
 to have changed his owne nature, and to be 
 metamorphozed into a Woodpecker 3 under 
 which forme he gave out oracles, and delivered 
 anfweres unto thofe who propounded unto him 
 any demaunds ? 
 
 Or 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 33 
 
 Or rather^ becaufe this feemeth a meere fable, 
 and incredible tale : there is another ftorie re- 
 ported, which carieth more probabilitie with it, 
 and foundeth neerer unto trueth. That when 
 Romulus and Remus were call foorth and ex- 
 pofed to death ; not onely a female woolfe gave 
 them her teats to fucke, but alfo a certeine 
 Woodpecker flew unto them, and brought them 
 food in her bill, and fo fedde them : and there- 
 fore haply it is, that ordinarily in thefe daies wee 
 may fee, as Nigidius hath well obferved -, what 
 places foever at the foot of an hill covered and 
 fhadowed with oakes or other trees a Wood- 
 pecker haunteth, thither cuftomably you Ihall 
 have a woolfe to repaire. 
 
 Or peradventure, feeing their maner is to con- 
 fecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or 
 other, they reputed this Woodpecker facred unto 
 Mars, becaufe it is a couragious and hardy bird, 
 having a bill fo llrong, that he is able to over- 
 throw an oke therewith, after he hath jobbed 
 and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow 
 and heart thereof. 
 
 22. 
 
34 ROMAN E QUESTIONS, 
 
 22. 
 
 How is it that they imagine Janus to have had two 
 faces, in which maner they ufe both to paint 
 and alfo to cajl him in mold. 
 
 Is it for that he being a Graecian borne, came 
 from PerrhoeL'ia, as we finde written in hiflories -, 
 and palling forward into Italy, dwelt in that coun- 
 trey among the Barbarous people, who there lived, 
 whofe language and maner of life he changed ? 
 
 Or rather becaufe he taught and perfwaded 
 them to live together after a civill and honed 
 fort, in hufbandry and tilling the ground j 
 whereas before time their manners were rude, 
 and their fafhions favage without law or juftice 
 altogether. 
 
 23. 
 
 What is the caufe that they ufe to fell at Rome 
 all things perteining to the furniture of 
 Funerals, within the temple of the goddefje 
 hihitinsL, fuppo/ing her to be Venus. 
 
 This may feeme to be one of the fage and 
 philofophicall inventions of king Numa, to the 
 end that men fliould learne not to abhorre fuch 
 
 things. 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 35 
 
 things, nor to fxie from them, as if they did 
 pollute and defile them ? 
 
 Or elfe this reafon may be rendred, that it 
 ferveth for a good record and memorial!, to put 
 us in minde, that whatfoever had a beginning by 
 generation, fhall likewife come to an end by 
 death J as if one and the fame goddeffe were 
 fuperintendent and governefle of nativitie and 
 death : for even in the city of Delphos there is a 
 pretie image of Venus, furnamed EpitymUa-, 
 that is to fay fepulchrall : before which they ufe 
 to raife and call foorth the ghofls of fuch as are 
 departed, for to receive the libaments and facred 
 liquors powred foorth unto them. 
 
 24. 
 
 Why have the Romans in every moneth three 
 beginnings as it were, to wit, certeine princi- 
 pall and prejixed or preordeined * daies, and 
 regard not the fame intervall or fpace of 
 daies hetweene ? 
 
 Is it becaufe as Juha writeth in his chronicles, 
 that the chiefe magiftrates were wont upon the 
 * That is to fay, Kalends, Nones, & Ides. 
 
 firft 
 
36 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 firft day of the moneth to call and fummon the 
 people J whereupon it tooke the name of Cal- 
 ends : and then to denounce unto them that the 
 Nones fliould be the fift day after j and as for the 
 Ides they held it to be an holy and facred day ? 
 
 Or for that they meafuring and determining 
 the time according to the differences of the 
 moone, they obferved in her every moneth three 
 principall changes and diverfities : the firft, when 
 Ihe is altogether hidden, namely during her con- 
 junftion with the funne; the fecond when fhe 
 is fomewhat remooved from the beames of the 
 funne, & beginneth to fhew herfelfe croiflant in 
 the evening toward the Weft whereas the funne 
 fetteth ; the third, when ihe is at the full : now 
 that occultation and hiding of hers in the firft 
 place, they named Calends, for that in their 
 tongue whatfoever is fecret & hidden, they fay 
 it is [C/aw] and to hide or keepe clofe, they 
 expreffe by this word [Ce/are;] and the firft 
 day of the moones illumination, which wee 
 heere in Greece tearme Noumenia, that is to 
 fay, the new-moone, they called by a moft juft 
 name Nonce, for that which is new and yoong, 
 
 they 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 37 
 
 they tearme Novum, in manner as wee doe b*. 
 As for the Ides, they tooke their name of this 
 word /3o;, that fignifieth beautie^ for that the 
 moone being then at the full, is in the very 
 perfedion of her beautie : or haply they derived 
 this denomination of Dios, as attributing it to 
 Jupiter : but in this we are not to fearch out 
 exa6tly the juft number of daies, nor upon a 
 fmall default to flander and condemne this 
 maner of reckoning, feeing that even at this 
 day, when the fcience of Aftrologie is growen 
 to fo great an increment, the inequalitie of the 
 motion, and courfe of the moone furpaffeth all 
 experience of Mathematicians, and cannot be 
 reduced to any certeine rule of reafon. 
 
 What is the caufe that they repute the morrowes 
 after Calends, Nones, and Ides, difajlerous 
 or difmall dates, either for to fet forward 
 upon any journey or voiage, or to march 
 with an army into the f eld ? 
 
 Is it becaufe as many thinke, and as Titus 
 Livius hath recorded in his llorie j the Tribunes 
 
 militarie. 
 
38 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 militarie, at what time as they had confular and 
 foveraigne authoritie, went into the field with 
 the Romane armie the morrow after the Ides of 
 the moneth Quintilis, which was the fame that 
 July now is, and were difcomfited in a battell 
 by the Gaules, neere unto the river Allia : and 
 cofequently upon that overthrow, loft the very 
 city it felfe of Rome : by which occafion the 
 morrow after the Ides, being held and reputed 
 for a finifter and unluckie dayj fuperftition 
 entring into mens heads, proceeded farther (as 
 ihe loveth alwaies fo to doe) and brought in the 
 cuftome for to hold the morrow after the Nones, 
 yea, and the morrow after the Calends, as un- 
 fortunate, and to be as religioufly obferved in 
 femblable cafes. 
 
 But againft this there may be oppofed many 
 objeAions: for firft and formoft, they loft that 
 battell upon another day, and calling it Allienjis, 
 by the name of the river AlLia, where it was 
 ftrucken, they have it in abomination for that 
 caufe. Againe, whereas there be many daies 
 reputed difmal and unfortunate, they doe not 
 obferve fo precifely and with fo religious feare, 
 
 other 
 
ROMAN B QUESTIONS. 39 
 
 other daies of like denomination in every moneth, 
 but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein 
 fuch and fuch a difafter, hapned : and that the 
 infortunitie of one day fhould draw a fuperftitious 
 feare fimply upon all the morrowes after Calends, 
 Nones, and Ides, carieth no congruitie at all, nor 
 apparence of reafon. 
 
 Confider moreover and fee, whether, as of 
 moneths they ufed to confecrate the firft to the 
 gods celeftiall j the fecond to the terreftriall, or 
 infernall, wherein they performe certeine ex- 
 piatorie ceremonies and facrifices of purification, 
 and prefenting offrings and fervices to the dead : 
 fo of the daies in the moneth, thofe which are 
 chiefe and principall, as hath beene faid, they 
 would not have to be kept as facred and fefliVall 
 holidaiesj but fuch as follow after, as being 
 dedicated unto the fpirits, called Daemons, and 
 thofe that are departed j they alfo have efteemed 
 cofequently as unhappy, & altogether unmeet 
 either for to execute or to take in hand any 
 bufineffe: for the Greeks adoring and ferving 
 the gods upon their new moones and firft daies of 
 the moneth, have attributed the fecond daies 
 
 unto 
 
40 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 unto the demi-gods and Damons: like as at 
 their feafts alfo they drinke the fecond cup unto 
 their demi-gods, and demi-goddefles. In fumme. 
 Time is a kinde of number, and the beginning of 
 number is (I wot not what,) fome divine thing, 
 for it is Unitie : and that which commeth next 
 after it is Deuz or two, cleane oppofite unto the 
 faid beginning, and is the firft of all even num- 
 bers : as for the even number it is defe6tive, 
 unperfed, and indefinit, whereas contrariwife, 
 the uneven or odde number it felfe is finite, com- 
 plet, and abfolBte : and for this caufe like as the 
 Nones fucceed the Calends five daies after j fo 
 the Ides follow the Nones nine daies after them j 
 for the uneven and odde numbers doe determine 
 thofe beginnings, or principall daies ; but thofe 
 which prefently enfue after the faid principall 
 daies being even, are neither ranged in any order, 
 nor have power and puiffance : and therefore 
 men doe not enterprife any great worke, nor fet 
 foorth voiage or journey upon fuch daies : and 
 heereto wee may to good purpofe annex that 
 pretie fpeech of Themiftocles : For when the 
 morrow (quoth he) upon a time quarrelled with 
 
 the 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 41 
 
 the feftivall day which went next before it, fay- 
 ing, that herfelfe was bufied and tooke a great 
 deale of pains, preparing & providing with much 
 travel thofe goods which the feaft enjoied at her 
 eafe, with all repofe, reft, and leifure : the 
 Feftivall day made this anfwer : Thou faidft true 
 indeed ; but if I were not, where wouldft thou 
 be? This tale Tkemijlocles devifed, and deliv- 
 ered unto the Athenian captaines, who came 
 after him j giving them thereby to underftand, 
 that neither they nor any ads of theirs would 
 ever have beene feene, unlefTe hee before them 
 had laved the citie of Athens. Forafmuch then, 
 as every enterprife and voiage of importance hath 
 need of provilion, and fome preparatives } and 
 for that the Romans in old time upon their 
 feftivall daies, difpenfed nothing, nor took care 
 for any provilion 3 being wholy given and de- 
 voted at fuch times to the fervice & worfhip of 
 God, doing that, and nothing elfe ; like as even 
 yet at this day, when the priefts begin to facri- 
 fice, they pronounce with a loud voice before all 
 the companie there aflembled Hoc age, that is 
 to fay, Minde this, and doe no other thing: 
 
 verie 
 
42 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 verie like it is, and ftandeth to great reaibn, that 
 they ufed not to put themfelves upon the way 
 for any long voiage, nor tooke in hand any great 
 affaire or bufineffe prefently after a feflivall day, 
 but kept within houfe all the morrow after, to 
 thinke upon their occafions, and to provide all 
 things neceffarie for journey or exploit : or we 
 may conje6hire, that as at this very day the 
 Romans after they have adored the gods, and 
 made their praiers unto them within their 
 temples, are woont to ftay there a time, and fit 
 them downe 5 even fo they thought it not reafon- 
 able to call their great affaires fo, as that they 
 Ihould immediately follow upon any of their 
 feftivall daies j but they allowed fome refpit and 
 time betweene, as knowing full well, that bufi- 
 neffes carie with them alwaies many troubles 
 and hinderances, beyond the opinion, expe6ta- 
 tion, and will of thofe who take them in 
 hand. 
 
 26. 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 43 
 
 26. 
 
 What is the caufe that women at Rome, when 
 they mourne for the dead, put on white roles, 
 and likewife weare white cawles, coifes and 
 kerchiefs vpon their heads. 
 
 May it not be that for to oppofe themfelves 
 againft hell and the darkenefTe thereof, they 
 conforme their raiment and attire to that colour 
 which is cleere and bright ? 
 
 Or doe they it not rather for this : that like 
 as they clad and burie the dead corps in white 
 clothes, they fuppofe, that thofe who are next 
 of kin, and come neereft about them, ought 
 alfo to weare their liverie ? Now the bodie 
 they doe in this wife decke, becaufe they can- 
 not adorne the foule fo j and it they are wiUing 
 to accompanie as lightfome, pure and net, as 
 being now at the laft delivered and fet free, 
 and which hath performed a great a variable 
 combat. 
 
 Or rather, we may gueffe thus much thereby : 
 that in fuch cafes, that which is mofl: fimple and 
 leaft coftly, is beft befeeming^ whereas clothes 
 
 of 
 
44 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 of any other colour died, do commonly bewray 
 either fuperfluitie or curiofitie : for we may fay 
 even afwell of blacke, as of purple : Thefe robes 
 are deceitfuU : thefe colours alio are counterfeit. 
 And as touching that which is of it felfe blacke, 
 if it have not that tindure by diers art, furely it 
 is fo coloured by nature, as being mixed and 
 compounded with obfcuritie : and therefore there 
 is no colour els but white, which is pure, un- 
 mixt, and not ftained and fullied with any 
 tindure, and that which is inimitable j in which 
 regard, more meet and agreeable unto thofe 
 who are interred, conlidering that the dead 
 is now become (imple, pure, excempt from all 
 mixtion, and in very trueth, nothing els but 
 delivered from the bodie, as a llaine and 
 infedion hardly fcowred out and rid away. 
 Semblably, in the citie of Argos, whenfoever 
 they mourned, the maner was to weare white 
 garments, walhed (as Socrates faid) in faire 
 and cleere water. 
 
 a;. 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 45 
 
 27. 
 
 ffTiat is the reafon that they ejleeme all the walks 
 of the citiefacred and inviolable, but not the 
 gates. 
 
 Is it (as Farro faith) becaufe we ought to 
 thinke the walles holie, to the end that we may 
 fight valiantly, and die generoufly in the defence 
 of them ? for it feemeth that this was the caufe, 
 why Romulus killed his owne brother Remus, 
 for that he prefumed to leape over an holy and 
 inviolable place : whereas contrariwife, it was 
 not poffible to confecrate and hallow the gates, 
 thorow which there muft needs be tranfported 
 many things neceffary, and namely, the bodies 
 of the dead. And therefore, they who begin to 
 found a citie, environ and compaffe firft with a 
 plough all that pourprife and precin6t wherein 
 they meant to build, drawing the faid plough 
 with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one 
 yoke : afterwards, when they have traced out 
 all the faid place where the walles fhould Hand, 
 they meafure out as much ground as will ferve 
 
 for 
 
46 ROMAN E QUESTIONS, 
 
 for the gates, but take out the plough-ihare, and 
 fo pafle over that fpace with the bare plough, as 
 if they meant thereby, that all the furrow which 
 they caft up and eared, fhould be facred and 
 inviolable. 
 
 28. 
 
 What is the reafon, that when their children are 
 to fweare by Hercules, they will not let 
 them do it within doores, hut caufe them to 
 go forth of the houfe, and take their oath 
 abroad 9 
 
 Is it becaufe (as fome would have it) that 
 
 they thinke Hercules is not delighted with 
 
 keeping clofe within houfe and fitting idely, 
 
 but taketh pleafure to live abroad and lie 
 
 without? 
 
 Or rather, for that of all the gods, Hercules 
 is not (as one would fay) home-bred, but a 
 ftranger, come amongft them from afarre ? For 
 even fo they would not fweare by Bacchus, 
 under the roofe of the houfe, but went forth to 
 do it J becaufe he alfo is but a ftranger among 
 the gods. 
 
 Or 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 47 
 
 Or haply, this is no more but a word in game 
 and fport, given unto children : and belides (to 
 fay a trueth) it may be a meanes to withholde 
 and reftraine them from fwearing fo readily 
 and raflily, as Phavorinus faith : for this device 
 caufeth a certeine premeditate preparation, and 
 giveth them (whiles they goe out of the houfe) 
 leafure and time to conlider better of the matter. 
 And a man may conje6ture alfo with Phavo- 
 rinus, and fay with him : That this fafhion was 
 not common to other gods, but proper to Her- 
 cules : for that we finde it written, that he was 
 fo religious, fo refpedive and precife in his oath, 
 that in all his life time he never fware but once, 
 and that was onely to Phileus the fonne of 
 Augias. And therefore, the prophetifTe at 
 Delphos, named Pythia, anfwered thus upon a 
 time to the Lacedaemonians : 
 
 When all thefe oaths you once f orf end, 
 Yourjlate {he fure) Jliall dayly mend. 
 
 29. 
 
48 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 29. 
 
 fFhat Oiould he the reafon, that they would not 
 permit the new wedded bride to pajje of her- 
 felfe over the doore-Jill or threJhoLd, whenjhe 
 is brought home to her hn/band's houfe, but 
 they that accompanie her, viujl lift her up 
 betweene them from the ground, and fo con- 
 vey her in. 
 
 Is it in remembrance of thofe firft wives 
 whom they ravifhed perforce from the Sabines, 
 who entred not into their houfes of themfelves 
 with their good will, but were carried in by 
 them, in this maner ? 
 
 Or is it perhaps, becaufe they would be 
 thought to goe againft their willes into that 
 place where they were to lofe their maiden- 
 head? 
 
 Or haply it may be, that a wedded wife 
 ought not to goe foorth of her doores, and 
 abandon her houfe, but perforce, like as (he 
 went firft into it by force. For in our countrey 
 of Bceotia, the maner is, to burne before the 
 doore where a new married wife is to dwell, the 
 axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which fhe 
 
 rode 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 49 
 
 rode when fhe was brought to her hulbands houfe. 
 By which ceremonie, thus much fhe is given to 
 underlland, that will flie nill Ihe, there (he muft 
 now tarrie, confidering that it which brought her 
 thither, is now gone quite and confumed. 
 
 30. 
 
 Wherefore do they at Rome, when they bring a 
 new efpoufed bride home to the houfe of her 
 hvfband, force her to fay thefe words vnto 
 her fpoufe : Where you are Cajus, I will be 
 Caja ? 
 
 Is it to teflifie by thefe words, that fhe en- 
 treth immediately to communicate with him in 
 all goods, and to be a governefle and com- 
 maunder in the houfe as well as he? for it 
 implieth as much, as if fhe fhould fay ; where 
 you are lord and mafler, I will be lady and 
 miftres. Now thefe names they ufed as being 
 common, and fuch as came firft to hand, and 
 for no other reafon elfe: like as the Civill 
 lawiers ufe ordinarily thefe names, Cajus^ SeiuSy 
 Lucius, and Titius : the Philofophers in their 
 fchooles, Dion and Theon. 
 
 Or 
 
 D 
 
50 ROMANE QUESTIONS, 
 
 Or peradventure it is in regard of Caia 
 Ccecilia a beautifull and vertuous lady, who in 
 times paft, efpoufed one of the fonnes of king 
 Tarquinius : of which dame there is yet to be 
 feene even at this day one image of brafle, 
 within the temple of the god SanBus : and 
 there likewife in old time, her flippers, her 
 diftaffe and fpindels laid up for to bee feene: 
 the one to fignifie that {he kept the houfe well, 
 and went not ordinarily abroad j the other to 
 fliew how (he bufied herfelfe at home. 
 
 31. 
 
 How commeth it, that they ufe to chaunt ordin- 
 arily at IVeddings, this word fo much 
 divulged, Talaflio ? 
 
 Is it not of Talqfia, the Greeke word, which 
 fignifieth yarne : for the bafket wherein women 
 ufe to put in their rolles of carded wooll, they 
 name Talofos in Greeke, and Calathus in Latine ? 
 Certes they that lead the bride home, caufe her 
 to fit upon a fliece of wooll, then bringeth flie 
 foorth a diftaffe and a fpindle, and with wooll all 
 
 to 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 51 
 
 to hangeth and decketh the dore of her hulbands 
 houfe. 
 
 Or rather^ if it be true which hiftorians report ; 
 There was fometime a certeine yoong gentle- 
 man, very vahant and a6tive in feats of armes, 
 and otherwife of excellent parts and Angular wel 
 conditioned, whofe name was Taiafius : and 
 when they ravilhed and caried away the daugh- 
 ters of the Sabines who were come to Rome, for 
 to behold the folemnitie of their feftivall games 
 and plaies : certaine meane perfons, fuch yet as 
 belonged to the traine & retinue of Taiafius 
 aforefaid, had chofen foorth & were carying 
 away, one damofel above the reft moft beautiful 
 of vifage, and for their fafety and fecuritie as they 
 pafled along the ftreets, cried out aloud Talajio, 
 Talqfio, that is to fay, for Taiafius, for Taiafius ; 
 to the end that no man fhould be fo hardy as to 
 approch nere unto them, nor attempt to have 
 away the maiden from them, giving it out, that 
 they caried her for to be the wife of Taiafius ; 
 and others meeting them upon the way, joined 
 with them in company for the honour of Tala- 
 fius, and as they followed after, highly praifed 
 
 their 
 
52 ROM AN E QUESTIONS, 
 
 their good choice which they had made, praying 
 the gods to give both him and her joy of their 
 marriage, and contentment to their hearts delire. 
 Now for that this marriage prooved happy and 
 blefled, they were woont ever after in their 
 wedding fongs to rechant and refound this name, 
 TalcLfiuSy like as the maner is among the Greeks 
 to fing in fuch carrols, Hymenceus. 
 
 32. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that in the moneth of Maj/, 
 they ufe at Rome to cqft over their woodden 
 bridge into the river, certaine images of men, 
 which they call Argeos ? 
 
 Is it in memoriallof the Barbarians who fome- 
 times inhabited thefe parts, and did fo by the 
 Greeks, murdering them in that maner as many 
 of them as they could take? But Hercules who 
 was highly efteemed among them for his vertue, 
 abolifhed this cruell fafhion of killing of ftrangers, 
 and taught them this cuflome to counterfet their 
 auncient fuperflitions, and to fling thefe images 
 in (lead of them : now in old time our anceftors 
 
 ufed 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 53 
 
 ufed to name all Greeks of what countrey foever 
 they were, Argeos : unlefle haply a duan would 
 fay, that the Arcadians reputing the Argives to 
 be their enemies, for that they were their neigh- 
 bour borderers, fuch as fled with Evander out of 
 Arcadia^ and came to inhabit thefe quarters, 
 reteined ftill the old hatred and ranckor, which 
 time out of minde had taken root, and beene 
 fetled in their hearts againft the faid Argives. 
 
 33- 
 
 What is the caufe that the Romans in old time 
 never went foorth out of their houfes to 
 fupper, but they carted with them their 
 yoong fonnes, even when they were but in 
 their very infancie and childhood. 
 
 Was not this for the very fame reafon that 
 Lycurgus inftituted and ordeined, that yoong 
 children Ihould ordinarily be brought into their 
 halles where they ufed to eat in publicke, called 
 Phiditia, to the end that they might be inured 
 and acquainted betimes, not to ufe the pleafures 
 of eating and drinking immoderately, as brutifli 
 
 and 
 
54 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 and ravenous beafts are wont to doe ; conlidering 
 that they had their elders to overfee them, yea, 
 and to controll their demeanour: and in this 
 regard haply alfo, that their fathers themfelves 
 fhould in their carriage be more fober, honeft, 
 and fnigall, in the prefence of their children: 
 for looke where old folke are ihamelefle, 
 there it can not chufe but (as Plato faith) chil- 
 dren and youth will be mod gracelefle and 
 impudent. 
 
 34. 
 
 IVhat might the reafon he, that whereas all other 
 Romans made their qffrings, ceremonies, and 
 
 facrifices for the dead, in the moneth of 
 February : Decimus Brutus as Cicero faith, 
 was wont to doe the fame in the moneth of 
 December: now this Brutus wcls he who 
 
 firji invaded the countrey of Portugall, and 
 with an armie paffed over the river of Lethe, 
 that is to fay, oblivion. 
 
 May it not be, that as the moft part of men ufed 
 not to performe any fuch fervices for the dead, 
 but toward the end of the moneth, and a little 
 
 before 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 55 
 
 before the Ihutting in of the evening j even fo 
 it feemeth to carie good reafon, to honour the 
 dead at the end of the yeere ; and you wot well 
 that December was the laft moneth of all the 
 yeere. 
 
 Or rather, it is becaufe this was an honour 
 exhibited to the deities terreftriall: and it 
 feemeth that the proper feafon to reverence 
 and worfhip thefe earthly gods, is when the 
 fruits of the earth be fully gathered and 
 laid up. 
 
 Or haply, for that the hufband men began at 
 this time to breake up their grounds againft 
 their feedneffe: it was meet and requifite to 
 have in remembrance thofe gods which are 
 under the ground. 
 
 Or haply, becaufe this moneth is dedicate and 
 confecrated by the Romans to Saturne ; for they 
 counted Saturne one of the gods beneath, and 
 none of them above: and withall, confider- 
 ing the greateft and mofl folemne feaft, which 
 they call Saturnalia, is holden in this moneth, 
 at what time as they feeme to have their 
 mofl frequent meeting, and make bed cheere, 
 
 he 
 
56 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 he thought it meet and reafonable that the 
 dead alfo fhould enjoy Ibme little portion 
 thereof. 
 
 Or it may be faid, that it is altogether untrue 
 that Decimus Brutus alone facrificed for the 
 dead in this moneth : for certeine it is that there 
 was a certeine divine fervice performed to Acca 
 Larentia, and folemne efFulions and libaments of 
 wine and milke were powred upon her fepulchre 
 in the moneth of December. 
 
 35- 
 
 Why honoured the Romans this Acca Larentia fo 
 highly y conjidering Jhe was no better than a 
 Jlrumpet or courtifan ? 
 
 For you muft thinke, that the hiftories make 
 mention of another Acca Larentia, the nurfe of 
 RomuluSy unto whom they do honour in the 
 moneth of Aprill. As for this courtizan La- 
 rentia, ihe was (as men fay) furnamed Fabula, 
 and came to be fo famous and renowmed by 
 fuch an occafion as this. A certeine fexton of 
 Hercules his temple, having little els to doe, and 
 
 living 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 57 
 
 living at eafe (as commonly fuch fellowes doe) 
 ufed for the moft part to fpend all the day in 
 playing at dice and with cokall bones : and one 
 day above the reft, it fortuned, that meeting 
 with none of his mates and play-fellowes who 
 were woont to beare him company at fuch 
 games, and not knowing what to do nor how 
 to paffe the time away, he thought with him- 
 felfe to challenge the god whofe fervant he was, 
 to play at dice with him, upon thefe conditions : 
 That if himfelfe woon the game, Hercules 
 fhould be a meanes for him of fome good lucke 
 and happy fortune j but in cafe he loft the 
 game, he ihould provide for Hercules a good 
 fupper, and withall, a pretie wench and a faire, 
 to be his bedfellow: thefe conditions being 
 agreed upon and fet downe, he caft the dice, 
 one chance for himfelfe, and another for the 
 god ; but his hap was to be the lofer : where- 
 upon minding to ftand unto his challenge, and 
 to accomplilh that which he had promifed, he 
 prepared a rich fupper for Hercules his god, and 
 withall, fent for this Acca Larentia, a profefTed 
 courtifan and common harlot, whom he feafted 
 
 alfo 
 
58 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 alfo with him, and after fupper bellowed her in 
 a bed within the very temple, Ihut the doores 
 faft upon, and fo went his way. Now the tale 
 goes forfooth, that in the night, Hercules com- 
 panied with her, not after the maner of men, 
 but charged her, that the next morning betimes 
 Ihe fhould go into the market-place, and looke 
 what man Ihe lirft met withall, him flie (hould 
 enterteine in all kindnefle, and make her friend 
 efpecially. Then Larentia gat up betimes in the 
 morning accordingly, and chanced to encounter 
 a certeine rich man and a dale bacheler, who 
 was now pad his middle age, and his name was 
 Taruntius ; with him ihe became fo familiarly 
 acquainted, that fo long as he lived, ihe had the 
 command of his whole houfe j and at his death, 
 was by his laft will and teftament inftituted 
 inheritrefle of all that he had. This Larentia 
 likewife afterward departed this life, and left 
 all her riches unto the citie of Rome; where- 
 upon this honour abovefaid was done unto 
 her. 
 
 36- 
 
ROMANS QUESTIONS. 59 
 
 36. 
 
 What is the caufe, that they name one gate of 
 the citie Feneftra, which is as much to fay, 
 as window; neere unto which adjoineth the 
 bed-chamber of Fortune 9 
 
 Is it for that king Servius a moft fortunate 
 prince, was thought & named to lie with Fortune, 
 who was woont to come unto him by the win- 
 dow? or is this but a devifed tale ? But in 
 trueth, after that king Tarquinius Prifcus was 
 deceafed, his wife Tanaquillis being a wife 
 ladie, and endued with a roiall mind, putting 
 forth her head, and bending forward her bodie 
 out of her chamber window, made a fpeech 
 unto the people, perfwading them to eleft 
 Servius for their king. And this is the reafon 
 that afterwards the place reteined this name, 
 Feneftra. 
 
 37- 
 
6o ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 37- 
 
 What is the reafon, that of all thofe things which 
 he dedicated and confecrated to the gods, the 
 cuftome is at Rome, that onely the fpoiles 
 of enemies conquered in the warreSt are 
 negleSied and fuffered to run to decay in 
 procejfe of time : neither is there any rever- 
 ence done unto them, nor repaired be they 
 at any time, when they wax olde 9 
 
 Whether is it, becaufe they (fuppofing their 
 glory to fade and paffe away together with thefe 
 firft fpoiles) feeke evermore new meanes to 
 winne fome frelh marks and monuments of 
 their vertue, and to leave them fame behinde 
 them. 
 
 Or rather, for that feeing time doth wafte and 
 confume thefe figns and tokens of the enmity 
 which they had with their enemies, it were an 
 odious thing for them, and very invidious, if they 
 fhould refrefli and renew the remembrance there- 
 of: for even thofe among the Greeks, who firft 
 ere6ted their trophes or pillars of brafle and ftone, 
 were not commended for fo doing. 
 
 38. 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 6i 
 
 38. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that Quintus Metellus the 
 high priejl, and reputed lejides a wife man 
 and a politike, forlad to olferve aufpices, or 
 to take pre/ages ly Jiight of birds, after the 
 moneth Sextilis, now called Augufl. 
 
 Is it for that, as we are woont to attend upon 
 lach obfervations about noone or in the begin- 
 ning of the day, at the entrance alfo and toward 
 the middle of the moneth : but we take heed 
 and beware of the daies dechnation, as inaufpi- 
 cate and unmeet for fuch purpofes^ even fo 
 Metellus fuppofed, that the time after eight 
 moneths was (as it were) the evening of the 
 yeere, and the latter end of it, declining now 
 and wearing toward an end. 
 
 Or haply^ becaufe we are to make ufe of thefe 
 birds, and to obferve their flight for prefage, 
 whiles they are entire, perfe6t and nothing de- 
 feftive, fuch as they are before Summer time. 
 But about Autumne fome of them moult, grow 
 to be fickly and weake j others are over young 
 and too fmall 3 and fome againe appeare not at 
 
 all. 
 
62 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 all, but like paflengers are gone at fuch a time 
 into another countrey. 
 
 39- 
 
 What is the caufe, that it was not lawfull for 
 them who were not preft foldiors by oth and 
 enrolled, although upon fome other occafions 
 they converfed in the campe, to ftrike or 
 wound an enemie? And verety Cato him- 
 felfe the elder of that name Jignijied thus 
 much in a letter wiffive which he wrote unto 
 his fonne : wherein heflraitly charged him, 
 that if he had accomplifhed the full time of 
 his fervice, and that his captain had given 
 him his conge and dif charge, he fhould im- 
 mediately retume : or in cafe he had leifer 
 ftayftill in the campe, that he fhould ohtaine 
 of his captaine permiffion and licence to hurt 
 and kill his enemie. 
 
 Is it becaufe there is nothing elfe but neceffitie. 
 alone, doeth warrantize the killing of a man : 
 and he who unlawfully and without exprefle 
 commaundement of a fuperiour (unconftrained) 
 doth it, is a meere homicide and manflaier. And 
 therefore Cyrus commended Chryfantas, for that 
 
 being 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 63 
 
 being upon the verie point of killing his enemie, 
 as having lifted up his cemiter for to give him a 
 deadly wound, prefently upon the found of the 
 retreat by the trumpet, let the man go, and 
 would not fmite him, as if he had beene for- 
 bidden fo to do. 
 
 Or may it not be, for that he who prefenteth 
 himfelfe to fight with his enemie, in cafe he 
 Ihrink, and make not good his ground, ought 
 not to go away cleere withal, but to be held 
 faulty and to fuffer punifhment : for he doth 
 nothing fo good fervice that hath either killed 
 or wounded an enemie, as harme and domage, 
 who reculeth backe or fiieth away : now he 
 who is difcharged from warfare, and hath leave 
 to depart, is no more obliged and bound to 
 militarie lawes : but he that hath demaunded 
 permiffion to do that fervice which fworne and 
 enrolled fouldiers performe, putteth himfelfe 
 againe under the fubje6lion of the law and his 
 owne captaine. 
 
 40. 
 
64 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 40. 
 
 How is it, that the prieft of Jupiter, is not per- 
 mitted to annoint himfelfe abroad in the open 
 aire ? 
 
 Is it for that in old time it was not held 
 honeft and lawfuU for children to do off their 
 clothes before their fathers; nor the fonne in 
 law in the prefence of his wives father j neither 
 ufed they the ftouph or bath together : now is 
 Jupiter reputed the priells or F/amines father : 
 and that which is done in the open aire, feemeth 
 efpecially to be in the verie eie and fight of 
 Jupiter ? 
 
 Or rather, like as it was thought a great 
 finne and exceeding irreverence, for a man to 
 turne himfelfe out of his apparrell naked, in any 
 church, chappell, or religious and facred place ; 
 even fo they carried a great refpedt unto the 
 aire and open fkie, as being full of gods, demi- 
 gods, and faints. And this is the verie caufe, 
 why we doe many of our neceffarie bufineffes 
 within doores, enclofed and covered with the 
 roofe of our houfes, and fo remooved from the 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 65 
 
 eies as it were of the deitie. Moreover, fome 
 things there be that by law are commaunded 
 and enjoined unto the prieft onelyj and others 
 againe unto all men, by the prieft : as for ex- 
 ample, heere with us in Boeotia ; to be crowned 
 with chaplets of flowers upon the head ; to let 
 the haire grow long 3 to weare a fword, and 
 not to fet foot within the limits of Phocis, per- 
 taine all to the othce and dutie of the captaine 
 generall and chiefe ruler : but to taft of no new 
 fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be paftj 
 nor to cut and prune a vine but before the 
 Aequinox of the Spring, be intimated and de- 
 clared unto all by the faid ruler or captaine 
 generall: for thofe be the verie feafons to do 
 both the one & the other. In like cafe, it 
 fhould feeme in my judgement that among the 
 Romans it properly belonged to the prieft ; not 
 to mount on horfeback^ not to be above three 
 nights out of the citie ; not to put off" his cap, 
 whereupon he was called in the Roman lan- 
 guage, Flamen. But there be many other 
 offices and duties, notified and declared unto 
 all men by the prieft, among which this is one, 
 
 not 
 
66 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the 
 open aire : For this manner of anointing drie 
 without the bath, the Romans mightily fufpe6ted 
 and were afraid of: and even at this day they 
 are of opinion, that there was no fuch caufe in 
 the world that brought the Greeks under the 
 yoke of fervitude and bondage, and made them 
 fo tender and effeminate, as their halles and 
 pubhke places where their yong men wreftled 
 & exercifed their bodies naked: as being the 
 meanes that brought into their cities, much 
 lofle of time, engendred idlenefle, bred lazie 
 flouth, and miniftred occafion & opportunity of 
 lewdnefle and vilany j as namely, to make love 
 unto faire boies, and to fpoile and marre the 
 bodies of young men with fleeping, with walk- 
 ing at a certeine meafure, with ftirring accord- 
 ing to motions, keeping artificiall compafle, and 
 with obferving rules of exquilit diet. Through 
 which falhions, they fee not, how (ere they be 
 aware) they be fallen from exercifes of armes, 
 and have cleane forgotten all militarie difcipline : 
 loving rather to be held and efteemed good 
 wrelllers, fine dauncers, conceited pleafants, and 
 
 faire 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 67 
 
 faire minions, than hardie footmen, or valiant 
 men of armes. And verely it is an hard matter 
 to avoid and decline thefe inconveniences, for 
 them that ufe to difcover their bodies naked 
 before all the world in the broad aire : but thofe 
 who annoint themfelves clofely within doores, 
 and looke to their bodies at home are neither 
 faulty nor ofFenfive. 
 
 41. 
 
 liThat is the reafon that the auncient coine and 
 mony in old time, caried the Jlampe of one 
 Jide of lanus with two faces : and on the 
 other fide, the prow or the poope of a hoat 
 engraved therein. 
 
 Was it not as many men do fay, for to 
 honour the memorie of Saturne, who pafled into 
 Italy by water in fuch a vefTel? But a man 
 may fay thus much as well of many others : for 
 Janus, Evander, and Aeneas, came thither like- 
 wife by fea ; and therefore a man may perad- 
 venture gelTe with better reafon ; that whereas 
 fome things ferve as goodly ornaments for cities, 
 others as neceffarie implements : among thofe 
 
 which 
 
68 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 which are decent and feemely ornaments, the 
 principall is good government and difcipline, and 
 among fuch as be neceflary, is reckoned, plentie 
 and abundance of viduals : now for that Janus 
 inftituted good government, in ordeining hol- 
 fome lawes, and reducing their manner of life 
 to civilitie, which before was rude and brutifli, 
 and for that the river being navigable, furniflied 
 them with ftore of all neceflary commodities, 
 whereby fome were brought thither by fea, 
 others from the landj the coine caried for the 
 marke of a law-giver, the head with two faces, 
 like as we have already faid, becaufe of that 
 change of life which he brought in j and of the 
 river, a ferrie boate or barge : and yet there was 
 another kinde of money currant among them, 
 which had the figure portraied upon it, of a 
 beefe, of a flieepe, and of a fwine ; for that their 
 riches they raifed efpecially from fuch cattle, and 
 all their wealth and fubftance confided in them. 
 And heereupon it commeth, that many of their 
 auncient names, were Ovilij, Bululci and Porcij, 
 that is to fay, Sheepe-reeves, and Neat-herds, and 
 Swineherds according as Fenefiella doth report. 
 
 42. 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 69 
 
 42. 
 
 IFhat is the caufe that they make the temple of 
 Saturne, the chamber of the citie, for to 
 keepe therein the publicke treafure of gold 
 and Jilver : as alfo their arches, for the 
 cuftodie of all their writings, rolles, con- 
 traSis and evidences whatfoever. 
 
 Is it by occafion of that opinion fo commonly- 
 received, and the fpeech fo univerfally currant 
 in every mans mouth, that during the raigne 
 of Saturne, there was no avarice nor injuflice 
 in the worlds but loialtie, truth, faith, and 
 righteoufneffe caried the whole fway among 
 men. 
 
 Or for that he was the god who found out 
 fruits, brought in agriculture, and taught hufban- 
 dry firfl; for the hooke or fickle in his hand 
 fignifieth fo much, and not as Antimachus wrote, 
 following therein and beleeving Hefiodus : 
 
 Rough Saturne with his hairy jkinne, 
 
 againfl all law and right, 
 Of Aemonsf onne, fir Ouranus, 
 
 or Ccelu^fometime hight, 
 
 Thofe 
 
70 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 Thofe privy members which him gat, 
 
 with hooke a-Jlant off-cut. 
 And then anon in fathers place 
 
 ofreigne, himfelfe did put. 
 
 Now the abundance of the fruits which the 
 earth yeeldeth, and the vent or difpofition of 
 them, is the very mother that bringeth foorth 
 plentie of monie : and therefore it is that this 
 fame god they make the author and mainteiner 
 of their fehcitie : in teftimonie whereof, thofe 
 aflemblies which are holden every ninth day in 
 the comon place of the city, called Nundince, 
 that is to fay, Faires or markets, they efteeme 
 confecrated to Satume : for the ftore & foifon of 
 fruits is that which openeth the trade & com- 
 erce of buying and felling. Or, becaufe thefe 
 reafons feeme to be very antique j what and if 
 we fay that the firft man who made (of Saturns 
 temple at Rome) the treafurie or chamber of the 
 citie was Valerius Poplicola, after that the kings 
 were driven out of Rome, and it feemeth to ftand 
 to good reafon that he made choife thereof, 
 becaufe he thought it a fafe and fecure place, 
 eminent and confpicuous in all mens eies, 
 
 and 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 71 
 
 and by confequence hard to be furprifed and 
 forced. 
 
 43. 
 
 IFhat is the caufe that thofe who come as em- 
 bajjadours to Rome, from any parts what- 
 foever, go Jirjl into the temple of Saturne, 
 and there before the Quejiors or Treafurers 
 of the citie, enter their names in their 
 regifters. 
 
 Is it for that Saturne himfelfe was a ftrangfer 
 in Italy, and therefore all ftrangers are welcome 
 unto him ? 
 
 Or may not this quellion be folved by the 
 reading of hillories? for in old time thefe 
 Queflors or publick Treafurers, were wont to 
 fend unto embaffadors certeine prefents, which 
 were called Lautia : and if it fortuned that fuch 
 embaffadors were ficke, they tooke the charge 
 of them for their cure ; and if they chanced to 
 to die, they enterred them likewife at the cities 
 charges. But now in refped of the great refort 
 of embaffadors from oat of all countries, they 
 have cut off this expenfe : howbeit the auncient 
 
 cuftome 
 
72 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 cuftome yet remaineth, namely, to prefent them- 
 felves to the faid officers of the treafure, and to 
 be regiflred in their booke. 
 
 44. 
 
 Why is it not lawfullfor Jupiters prieji to 
 fweare 9 
 
 Is it becaufe an oth miniftered unto free 
 borne men, is as it were the racke and torture 
 tendred unto them? for certeine it is, that the 
 foule as well as the bodie of the prieft, ought to 
 continue free, and not be forced by any torture 
 whatfoever. 
 
 Or, for that it is not meet to diilruft or dis- 
 credit him in fmall matters, who is beleeved in 
 great and divine things ? 
 
 Or rather becaufe every oth ended with the 
 deteftation and maledidtion of perjurie: and 
 conlidering that all maledidions be odious and 
 abominable 3 therefore it is not thought good 
 that any other priefts whatfoever, fhould curfe 
 or pronounce any maledidion : and in this re- 
 
 fped 
 
ROMANB QUESTIONS. 7^ 
 
 fped was the prieftrefle of Minerva in Athens 
 highly commended, for that flie would never 
 curfe Alcibiades, notwithflanding the people 
 commanded her fo to doe : For I am (quoth 
 ihe) ordeined a prieftrelTe to pray for men, and 
 not to curfe them. 
 
 Or laft of all, was it becaufe the perill of 
 perjurie would reach in common to the whole 
 common wealth, if a wicked, godlelTe and for- 
 fworne perfon, fhould have the charge and fuper- 
 intendance of the praiers, vowes, and facrifices 
 made in the behalfe of the citie. 
 
 45. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that upon the fejlivall day in 
 the honour of Venus, which folemnitie they 
 call Veneralia, they ufe to powre foorth a 
 great quantitie of wine out of the temple of 
 Venus. 
 
 Is it as fome fay upon this occafion, that 
 Mexentius fometime captaine generall of the 
 Tufcans, fent certeine embafladors unto Aeneas, 
 with commiflion to offer peace unto him, upon 
 
 this 
 
74 ROMANB QUESTIONS. 
 
 this condition, that he might receive all the 
 wine of that * yeeres vintage. But when Aeneas 
 refufed fo to doe, Mezentius (for to encourage 
 his fouldiers the Tufkans to fight manfully) pro- 
 mifed to bellow wine upon them when he had 
 woon the field : but Aeneas underflanding of 
 this promife of his, confecrated and dedicated 
 all the faid wine unto the gods : and in trueth, 
 when he had obteined the vidorie, all the wine 
 of that yeere, when it was gotten and gathered 
 together, he powred forth before the temple of 
 Venus. 
 
 Or, what if one fhould fay, that this doth 
 fymbolize thus much : That men ought to be 
 fober upon feftivall daies, and not to celebrate 
 fuch folemnities with drunkenneffe j as if the 
 gods take more pleafure to fee them fhed wine 
 upon the ground, than to powre overmuch 
 thereof downe their throats ? 
 
 * lirheiov divov, or, a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely, 
 as fome interpret it 
 
 4<5. 
 
ROMANS QUESTIONS. 75 
 
 4<5- 
 
 IFhat is the caufe that in ancient time they kept 
 the temple of the goddejfe Horta, open 
 alwaies. 
 
 Whether was it (as Antijiius Laheo hath 
 left in writing) for that, feeing Hortari in the 
 Latine tongue fignifieth to incite and exhort, 
 they thought that the goddeffe called Horta, 
 which ftirreth and provoketh men unto the 
 enterprife and execution of good exploits, ought 
 to be evermore in a6tion, not to make delaies, 
 nor to be fhut up and locked within dores, ne 
 yet to fit ftill and do nothing ? 
 
 Or rather, becaufe as they name her now a 
 daies Hora, with the former fy liable long, who 
 is a certeine induftrious, vigilant and bulie god- 
 deffe, carefull in many things : therefore being 
 as fhe is, fo circumfpe6t and fo watchful!, they 
 thought fhe fhould be never idle, nor rechleffe 
 of mens affaires. 
 
 Or els, this name Hora (as many others be- 
 (ides) is a meere Greeke word, and fignifieth a 
 deitie or divine power, that hath an eie to over- 
 
 looke. 
 
76 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 looke, to view and controll all things j and 
 therefore lince flie never lleepeth, nor laieth her 
 eies together, but is alwaies broad awake, there- 
 fore her church or chapel was alwaies (landing 
 open. 
 
 But if it be fo as Laleo faith, that this word 
 Hora is rightly derived of the Greeke verbe 
 oofiav or 'ira^oofMoiv, which fignifieth to incite or 
 provoke 3 confider better, whether this word 
 Orator alfo, that is to fay, one who ftirrith up, 
 exhorteth, encourageth, and advifeth the people, 
 as a prompt and ready counfeller, be not derived 
 likewife in the fame fort, and not of aoa or 
 (iiX^I, that is to fay, praier and fupplication, as 
 fome would have it. 
 
 47. 
 
 Wherefore founded Romulus the temple of 
 Vulcane without the citie of Rome ? 
 
 Is it for the jealoufie (which as fables do 
 report) Vulcane had of Mars, becaufe of his wife 
 Venus : and fo Romulus being reputed the fonne 
 of Mars, would not vouchfafe him to inhabit and 
 
 dwell 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. yy 
 
 dwell in the fame citie with him ? or is this a 
 meere foolerie and fenfelefle conceit ? 
 
 But this temple was built at the firfl, to be a 
 chamber and parlour of privie counfell for him 
 and Tatius who reigned with him ; to the end 
 that meeting and fitting there in confultation 
 together with the Senatours, in a place remote 
 from all troubles and hinderances, they might 
 deliberate as touching the affaires of State with 
 eafe and quietnelTe. 
 
 Or rather, becaufe Rome from the very firft 
 foundation was fubje6t to fire by cafualtie, hee 
 thought good to honour this god of fire in fome 
 fort, but yet to place him without the walles of 
 the citie. 
 
 48. 
 
 What is the reafon, that upon their fejlivall day 
 called Confualia, they adorned with garlands 
 of flowers as well their ajfes as horfes, and 
 gave them rejl and repofefor the time ? 
 
 Is it for that this folemnitie was holden in the 
 honour of Neptune furnamed Equejlris, that is to 
 
 fay. 
 
78 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 fay, the horfeman ? and the afle hath his part of 
 this joyfall feaft, for the horfes fake ? 
 
 Or, becaufe that after navigation and trans- 
 porting of commodities by fea was now found 
 out and Ihewed to the world, there grew by 
 that meanes (in fome fort) better relt and more 
 eafe to poore labouring beafts of draught and 
 carriage. 
 
 49- 
 
 How commeth it to paffe, that thofe whojloodfor 
 any office and magi/lracie, were woont ly an 
 old cujlome (as Cato hath written) to pre- 
 Jent them/elves unto the people in a Jingle 
 robe or loofe gowne, without any coat at all 
 under it ? 
 
 Was it for feare left they fhould carrie under 
 their robes any money in their bofomes, for to 
 corrupt, bribe, and buy (as it were) the voices 
 and futFrages of the people ? 
 
 Or was it becaufe they deemed men woorthy 
 to beare publicke office and to governe, not by 
 their birth and parentage, by their wealth and 
 riches, ne yet by their lliew and outward reputa- 
 tion. 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 79 
 
 tion, but by their wounds and fcarres to be feene 
 upon their bodies. To the end therefore, that 
 fuch fcarres might be better expofed to their 
 light whom they met or talked withall, they 
 went in this maner downe to the place of elec- 
 tion, without inward coats in their plaine 
 gownes. 
 
 Or haply, becaufe they would feeme by this 
 nuditie and nakednefle of theirs, in humilitie to 
 debafe themfelves, the fooner thereby to curry 
 favor, and win the good grace of the commons, 
 even as well as by taking them by the right 
 hand, by fuppliant craving, and by humble 
 fubmiffion on their very knees. 
 
 What is the caufe that the Flamen or priejl oj 
 Jupiter, when his wife was once dead, ufed 
 to give up his Priefthood or Sacerdotall 
 dignitie, according as Ateius hath recorded 
 in his hijiorie. 
 
 Was it for that he who once had wedded 
 a wife, and afterwards buried her, was more 
 
 infortunate. 
 
8o ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 infortunate, than he who never had any ? for the 
 houfe of him who hath maried a wife, is entire 
 and perfed, but his houfe who once had one, 
 and now hath none, is not onely unperfe6t, but 
 alfo maimed and lame ? 
 
 Or might it not bee that the priefts wife was 
 confecrated alfo to divine fervice together with 
 her hufbandj for many rites and ceremonies 
 there were, which he alone could not performe, 
 if his wife were not prefent : and to efpoufe a 
 new wife immediately upon the dcceafe of the 
 other, were not peradventure poHible, nor other- 
 wife would well (land with decent and civill 
 honefty : wherupon neither in times paft was it 
 lawful for him, nor at this day as it fhould feem, 
 is he permitted to put away his wife : and yet in 
 our age Domitian at the requeft of one, gave 
 licence fo to doe : at this diflblution and breach 
 of wedlocke, other priefts were prefent and affis- 
 tant, where there pafTed among them many 
 ftrange, hideous, horrible, and monftrous cere- 
 monies. 
 
 But haply a man would lefle wonder at this, 
 if ever he knew and underftood before, that 
 
 when 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. Si 
 
 when one of the Cenfors died, the other of 
 neceflity muft likewife quit & refigne up his 
 office. Howbeit, when Livius Drufus was de- 
 parted this life, his companion in office Aemylius 
 Scaurus, would not give over and renounce his 
 place, untill fuch time as certeine Tribunes of 
 the people, for his contumacie commanded, that 
 he fhould be had away to prifon. 
 
 51- 
 
 What was the reafon that the idols Lares, which 
 otherwife properly he called Praellites, had 
 the images of a dogge Jlanding hard by them, 
 and the Lares them/elves were portraied 
 clad in dogges Jkinnes ? 
 
 Is it becaufe this word Prcejlites lignifieth as 
 much as wfosffrwrsg, that is to fay, Prefidents, or 
 (landing before as keepers : and verily fuch Pre- 
 lidents ought to be good houfe-keepers, and 
 terrible unto all ftrangers, like as a dogge is 5 
 but gentle and loving to thofe of the houfe. 
 
 Or rather, that which fome of the Romans 
 write is true, like as Chryfippus alfo the philo- 
 
 fopher 
 
82 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 fopher is of opinion ; namely, that there be 
 certeine evill fpirits which goe about walking 
 up and downe in the world j and thefe be the 
 butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy 
 to punilh unjull and wicked men : and even fo 
 thefe Lares are held to be maligne fpirits, & no 
 better than divels, fpying into mens lives, and 
 prying into their families j which is the caufe 
 that they now be arraied in fuch fkinnes, and a 
 dogge they have fitting hard by them, whereby 
 thus much in efFe6t is given to underftand, that 
 quicke fented they are, and of great power both 
 to hunt out, and alfo to chaftice lend perfons. 
 
 5a- 
 
 JVIiat is the caufe that the Romans facrifice a 
 dogge unto the goddejje called Genita-Mana, 
 and withall make one prater unto her, that 
 none home in the houfe might ever come to 
 good ? 
 
 Is it for that this Genita-Mana is counted a 
 DcBmon or goddeffe that hath the procuration 
 and charge both of the generation and alfo of the 
 
 birth 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 83 
 
 birth of things corruptible ? for furely the word 
 impheth as much, as a certeine fluxion and gene- 
 ration, or rather a generation fluent or fluxible : 
 and like as the Greeks facrificed unto Proferpina, 
 a dog, fo do the Romans unto that Genita, for 
 thofe who are borne in the houfe. Socrates alfo 
 faith, that the Argives facrificed a dogge unto 
 Ilithya, for the more eafie and fafe deliverance 
 of child-birth. Furthermore, as touching that 
 Praier, that nothing borne within the houfe might 
 ever proove good, it is not haply meant of any 
 perfons, man or woman, but of dogges rather 
 which were whelped there 3 which ought to be, 
 not kinde and gentle, but curft and terrible. 
 
 Or peradventure, for that they * that die 
 (after an elegant maner of fpeech) be named 
 Good or quiet : under thefe words they covertly 
 pray, that none borne in the houfe might die. 
 And this need not to feeme a ftrange kinde of 
 fpeech ; for Ariftotle writeth, that in a certeine 
 treatie of peace betweene the Arcadians & 
 Lacedemonians, this article was comprifed in 
 the capitulations : That they fhould make none 
 
 of 
 
84 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 *of the Tegeates, Good, for the aid they fent, 
 or favour that they bare unto the Lacedaemo- 
 nians j by which was meant, that they fhould 
 put none of them to death. 
 
 53' 
 
 What is the reafon, that in a folemne procejjion 
 exhibited at the Capitoline plates, they pro- 
 clame (even at this day) ly the voice of an 
 herald, port-fale of the Sardians ? and before 
 all this folemnitie and pompe, there is by 
 waye of mockerie and to make a laughing 
 Jiocke, an olde man led in a Jhew, with a 
 Jewell or brooch pendant about his necke, 
 fuch Of noble mens children are woont to 
 weare, and which they call Bulla ? 
 
 Is it for that the Veientians, who in times 
 paft being a puiflant State in Tufcane, made 
 warre a long time with Romulus: whofe citie 
 being the laft that he woonne by force, he made 
 fale of many prifoners and captives, together 
 with their king, mocking him for his ftupiditie 
 and grofle follie. Now for that the Tufcans in 
 
 ancient 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 85 
 
 ancient time were defcended from the Lydians, 
 and the capitall citie of Lydia is Sardis, there- 
 fore they proclamed the fale of the Veientian 
 prifoners under the name of the Sardians 3 and 
 even to this day in fcorne and mockerie, they 
 reteine ftill the fame cuflome. 
 
 54. 
 
 Whence came it, that they call the Jhamhles or 
 lutcherie at Rome where Jiejh is to hefolde, 
 Macellum ? 
 
 Is it for that this word Macellum, by cor- 
 ruption of language is derived of Mdysiooi;, that in 
 the Greek tonge (ignifieth a cooke ? Hke as many 
 other words by ufage and cuftome are come to 
 be received j for the letter C. hath great affinitie 
 with G. in the Romane tongue : and long it 
 was ere they had the ufe of G. which letter 
 Spurius Carhillius lirfl invented. Moreover, 
 they that malfle and Hammer in their fpeech, 
 pronounce ordinarily L. inftead of R. 
 
 Or this queftion may be refolved better by the 
 knowledge of the Romane hiftorie : for we reade 
 
 therein. 
 
86 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 therein, that there was fometime a violent perfon 
 and a notorious thiefe at Rome, named Maccllus, 
 who after he had committed many outrages and 
 robberies, was with niuch ado in the end taken 
 and punifhed : and of his goods which were for- 
 feit to the State, there was built a publike 
 fhambles or market place to fell flelli-meats in, 
 which of his name was called Macellum. 
 
 55- 
 
 IVhy upon the Ides of Januarie, the minjlrels at 
 Rome who plaied upon the hautboies, were 
 permitted to goe up and downe the city dis- 
 guifed in womens apparell ? 
 
 Arose tliis faihion upon that occafion which 
 is reported? namely, that king Numa had 
 granted unto them many immunities and honor- 
 able priviledges in his time, for the great de- 
 votion that hee had in the fervice of the gods r 
 and for that afterwards, the Tribunes mihtarie 
 who governed the citie in Confular authority, 
 tooke the fame from them, they went their way 
 difcontented, and departed quite from the citie 
 
 of 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 87 
 
 of Rome: but foone after, the people had a 
 mifle of them, and belides, the priefts made it a 
 matter of confcience, for that in all the facrifices 
 thorowout the citie, there was no found of flute 
 or hautboies. Now when they would not re- 
 turne againe (being fent for) but made their 
 abode in the citie Tilur ; there was a certeine 
 afranchifed bondllave who fecretly undertooke 
 unto the magiftrates, to finde fome meanes for to 
 fetch them home. So he caufed a fumptuous 
 feaft to be made, as if he meant to celebrate 
 fome folemne facrilice, and invited to it the 
 pipers and plaiers of the hautboies aforefaid : 
 and at this feaft he tooke order there Ihould be 
 divers women alfo ; and all night long there was 
 nothing but piping, playing, linging and dancing : 
 but all of a fudden this mafter of the feaft caufed 
 a rumor to be raifed, that his lord and mafter 
 was come to take him in the maner j whereupon 
 making femblant that he was much troubled and 
 affrighted, he perfwaded the minftrels to mount 
 with all fpeed into clofe coatches, covered all 
 over with ikinnes, and fo to be carried to Tibur. 
 But this was a deceitfull praAife of hisj for he 
 
 caufed 
 
88 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 caufed the coatches to be turned about another 
 way, and unawares to them j who partly for the 
 darkenefTe of the night, and in part becaufe they 
 were drowlie and the wine in their heads, tooke 
 no heed of the way, he brought all to Rome 
 betimes in the morning by the breake of day 
 difguifed as they were, many of them in light 
 coloured gownes like women, which (for that 
 they had over-watched and over-drunke them- 
 felves) they had put on, and knew nor therof. 
 Then being (by the magiftrates) overcome with 
 faire words, and reconciled againe to the citie, 
 they held ever after this cuftome every yeere 
 upon fuch a day : To go up and downe the citie 
 thus foolifhly difguifed. 
 
 What is the reafon, that it is commonly received, 
 that certein matrons of the city at the Jirji 
 founded and luilt the temple of Carmenta, 
 and to this day honour it highly with great 
 reverence ? 
 
 For it is faid, that upon a time the Senat had 
 forbidden the dames and wives of the city to 
 
 ride 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 89 
 
 ride in coatches : whereupon they tooke fuch a 
 ftoraacke and were fo defpighteous, that to be 
 revenged of their hulbands, they confpired alto- 
 gether not to conceive or be with child by them, 
 nor to bring them any more babes : and in this 
 minde they periifted Hill, untill their hulbands 
 began to bethinke them felves better of the 
 matter, and let them have their will to ride in 
 their coatches againe as before time : and then 
 they began to breede and beare children a frelh : 
 and thofe who fooneft conceived and bare moft 
 and with greateft eafe, founded then the temple 
 of Carmenta. And as I fuppofe this Carmenta 
 was the mother of Evander, who came with him 
 into Italy 3 whofe right name indeed was Themis, 
 or as fome fay Nicojlrata : now for that fhe 
 rendred propheticall anfweres and oracles in 
 verfe, the Latins furnamed her Carmenta: for 
 verfes in their tongue they call Carmina. Others 
 are of opinion, that Carmenta was one of the 
 Dellinies, which is the caufe that fuch matrons 
 and mothers facrifice unto her. And the Ety- 
 mologie of this name Carmenta, is as much as 
 Carens mente, that is to fay, befide her right wits 
 
 or 
 
 OF THF 
 
 IVEPSITY 
 
90 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 or beftraught, by reafon that her fenfes were fo 
 raviflied and tranfported : fo that her verfes gave 
 her not the name Carinenta, but contrariwife, 
 her verfes were called Carmina of her, becaufe 
 when fhe was thus raviihed and caried befide 
 herfelfe, fhe chanted certeine oracles and pro- 
 phefies in verfe. 
 
 57- 
 
 IFhai is the caiife that the women whofacrifice 
 unto the goddejfe Rumina, doe powre and 
 cajl Jiore of m'llke upon their facrifice, but 
 no wine at all do they bring thither for to be 
 drunke ? 
 
 Is it, for that the Latins in their tongue 
 call a pap, Ruma ? And well it may fo be, 
 for that the wilde figge tree neere unto which 
 the fhe wolfe gave fucke with her teats unto 
 Romulus, was in that refpe6t called Ficus Rum- 
 inalis. Like as therefore we name in our 
 Greeke language thofe milch nourfes that fuckle 
 yoong infants at their brefts, Thelona, being a 
 word derived of Thele, which fignifieth a pap j 
 
 even 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. ^ 91 
 
 even fo this goddefle Rumina, which is as much 
 to fay, as Nurfe, and one that taketh the care 
 and charge of nourifhing and rearing up of 
 infants, admitteth not in her facrifices any wine ; 
 for that it is hurtfull to the nouriture of little 
 babes and fucklings. 
 
 58. 
 
 What is the reafon that of the Romane Senatours, 
 fome are called Jimply, Patres ; others with 
 an addition, Patres confcripti ? 
 
 Is it for that they firft, who were inftituted 
 and ordeined by Romulus, were named Patres 
 ^ Pairitii, that is to fay. Gentlemen or Nobly 
 borne, fuch as we in Greece, tearme Eupat- 
 rides ? 
 
 Or rather they were fo called, becaufe they 
 could avouch and fhew their fathers j but fuch 
 as were adjoined afterwards by way of fupply, 
 and enrolled out of the Commoners houfes, were 
 Patres confcripti, thereupon ? 
 
 59- 
 
92 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 59- 
 
 Wherefore was there one altar common to 
 Hercules and the Mufes ? 
 
 May it not be, that for Hercules taught 
 Evander the letters, according as Juha writetli ? 
 Certes, in thofe daies it was accounted an hon- 
 hourable office for men to teach their kinfefolke 
 and friends to fpell letters, and to reade. For 
 a long time after it, and but of late daies it 
 was, that they began to teach for hire and for 
 money : and the firfl that ever was knowen to 
 keepe a publicke fchoole for reading, was one 
 named Spurius CarhiUus, the freed fervant of 
 that CarhiUus who firft put away his wife. 
 
 60. 
 
 What is the reqfon, that there being two altars 
 dedicated unto Hercules, women are not par- 
 takers of the greater, nor taji one whit of 
 that which is offered orfacr\ficed thereupon ? 
 
 Is it, becaufe as the report goes Carmenta 
 came not foone enough to be affiftant unto the 
 facrifice : no more did the family of the Pinarij, 
 
 whereupon 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 93 
 
 whereupon they tooke that name ? for in regard 
 that they came tardie, admitted they were not 
 to the feaft with others who made good cheere ; 
 and therefore got the name Pinarij, as if one 
 would fay, pined or famifhed ? 
 
 Or rather it may allude unto the tale that 
 goeth of the fhirt empoifoned with the blood of 
 Neffus the Centaure, which ladie Deianira gave 
 unto Hercules. 
 
 61. 
 
 How commeth it to pajfe, that it is exprejly forlid- 
 den at Rome, either to name or to demaund 
 ought as touching the Tutelar god, who hath 
 in particular recommendation and patronage, 
 the fafetie and prefervation of the citie of 
 Rome : norfo much as to enquire whether the 
 faid deitie he male or female ? And verely this 
 prohibition proceedeth from a fuperfiitious 
 feare that they have ; for that they fay that 
 Valerius Soranus died an ill death, becaufe 
 he prefumed to utter and publifhfo much. 
 
 Is it in regard of a certaine reafon that fome 
 latin hiftorians do alledge^ namely, that there 
 be certaine evocations and enchantings of the 
 
 gods 
 
94 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 gods by fpels and charmes, through the power 
 whereof they are of opinion, that they might be 
 able to call forth and draw away the Tutelar gods 
 of their enemies, and to caufe them to come and 
 dwell with them : and therefore the Romans be 
 afraid left they may do as much for them ? For, 
 like as in times paft the Tyrians, as we find upon 
 record, when their citie was befieged, enchained 
 the images of their gods to their ihrines, for 
 feare they would abandon their citie and be gone j 
 and as others demanded pledges and fureties that 
 they fhould come againe to their place, whenfo- 
 ever they fent them to any bath to be waftied, or 
 let them go to any expiation to be clenfed j even 
 fo the Romans thought, that to be altogether un- 
 knowen and not once named, was the beft meanes, 
 and fureft way to keepe with their Tutelar god. 
 Or rather, as Homer verie well wrote ; 
 
 The earth to men all, 
 is common great and/mall : 
 
 That thereby men Ihould worfhip all the gods, 
 and honour the earth ; feeing flie is common to 
 them all : even fo the ancient Romans have con- 
 cealed 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 95 
 
 cealed and fupprefle the god or angell which hath 
 the particular gard of their citie^ to the end that 
 their citizens ihould adore, not him alone but all 
 others likewife. 
 
 62. 
 
 fVhat is the caufe that among thofe priejts whom 
 they name Fseci2i\es,Jignifying as much as in 
 greeke ei^i^vo'Troloi, that is to fay, Officers going 
 between to make treatie of peace; or (f-7rovdocf)6^ot, 
 that is to fay, Agents for truce and leagues, 
 he whom they call Pater Patratus is efteemed 
 the chief eft f Now Pater Patratus is he, whofe 
 father is yet living, who hath children of his 
 owne : and in truth this chiefe Fcecial or Her- 
 ault hath fiill at this day a certain preroga- 
 tive, ^fpecial credit above the refl. For the 
 emperours themfelves, and generall captains, 
 if they have any perfons about them who in 
 regard of the prime of youth, or of their beau- 
 tifull bodies had need of afaithfull, diligent, 
 and trujiie guard, commit them ordinarily into 
 the hands offuch as thefe,forfafe cuflodie. 
 
 Is it not, for that thefe Patres Patrati, for 
 reverent feare of their fathers of one fide, and 
 for modeft fhames to fcandalize or offend their 
 
 children 
 
96 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 children on the other fide, are enforced to be 
 wife and difcreet ? 
 
 Or may it not be, in regard of that caufe 
 which their verie denomination doth minifter and 
 declare : for this word Patratus fignifieth as 
 much as compleat, entire and accomplifhed, as if 
 he were one more perfe6l and abfolute every way 
 than the reft, as being fo happie, as to have his 
 owne father living, and be a father alfo himfelfe. 
 
 Or is it not, for that the man who hath the fuper- 
 intendence of treaties of peace, and of othes, ought 
 to fee as Homer faith, d/xoc <7r^66Ct) xai st/ou, that is 
 to fay, before and behind. And in all reafon 
 fuch an one is he Hke to be, who hath a child for 
 whom, and a father with whom he may confult. 
 
 63- 
 
 What is the reafon, that the officer at Rome 
 called Rex facrorum, that is to fay, the king 
 offacrifices, is debarred both from exercifing 
 any magiflracie, and alfo to make a fpeech 
 unto the people in publike place 9 
 
 Is it for that in old time, the kings themfelves 
 in perfon performed the moft part of facred rites, 
 
 and 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 97 
 
 and thofe that were greater, yea and together 
 with the priefts offered facrifices j but by reafon 
 that they grew infolent, proud, and arrogant, fo 
 as they became intollerable, moll of the Greeke 
 nations, deprived them of this authoritie, and 
 left unto them the preheminence onely to offer 
 publike facrifice unto the gods : but the Romans 
 having cleane chafed and expelled their kings, 
 eftablilhed in their Head another under officer 
 whom they called King, unto whom they 
 granted the overlight and charge of facrifices 
 onely, but permitted him not to exercife or 
 execute any office of State, nor to intermedle 
 in publick affaires 5 to the end it fhould be 
 knowen to the whole world, that they would not 
 fuffer any perfon to raigne at Rome, but onely 
 over the ceremonies of facrifices, nor endure the 
 verie name of Roialtie, but in refpeft of the 
 gods. And to this purpofe upon the verie 
 common place neere unto Comitium ; they ufe to 
 have a folemn facrifice for the good eflate of the 
 citiej which fo foone as ever this king hath 
 performed, he taketh his legs and runnes out of 
 the place, as faft as ever he can. 
 
 64. 
 
 G 
 
98 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 64. 
 
 Jf^y fuffer not they the table to he taken cleane 
 away, and voided quite , hut ivill havefome- 
 what alwaies remaining upon it 9 
 
 Give they not heereby covertly to under- 
 lland, that wee ought of that which is prefent 
 to referve evermore fomething for the time to 
 come, and on this day to remember the mor- 
 row. 
 
 Or thought they it not a point of civill 
 honefty and elegance, to reprefle and keepe 
 downe their appetite when they have before 
 them enough ftill to content and fatisfie it to 
 the full 3 for leife will they defire that which 
 they have not, when they accuftome therafelves 
 to abfteine from that which they have. 
 
 Or is not this a cuftome of courtefie and 
 humanitie to their domefticall fervants, who are 
 not fo well pleafed to take their viduals fimply, 
 as to partake the fame, fuppofing that by this 
 meanes in fome fort they doe participate with 
 their mailers at the table. 
 
 Or rather is it not, becaufe we ought to fuffer 
 
 no 
 
ROM AN B QUESTIONS, 99 
 
 no facred thing to be emptie ; and the boord 
 you wot well is held facred. 
 
 65. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that the Bridegrome commeth 
 the Jirjl time to lie with his new wedded 
 bride, not with any light but in the darke P 
 
 Is it becaufe he is yet abafhed, as taking her 
 to be a ftranger and not his owne^ before he 
 hath companied carnally with her ? 
 
 Or for that he would then acquaint himfelfe, 
 to come even unto his owne efpoufed wife with 
 ihamefacedneffe and modeftie ? 
 
 Or rather, like as Solon in his Statutes or- 
 deined, that the new married wife fhould eat 
 of a quince before fhe enter into the bride bed- 
 chamber, to the end that this firfl encounter 
 and embracing, fhould not be odious or unplea- 
 fant to her hulband ? even fo the Romane law- 
 giver would hide in the obfcuritie of darkenefle, 
 the deformities and imperfedions in the perfon 
 of the bride, if there were any. 
 
 Or haply this was inftituted to fhew how 
 
 fmful 
 
lOO ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 linfull and damnable all unlawful! companie of 
 man and. woman together is, feeing that which 
 is lawful! and allowed, is not witliout fome 
 blemifh and note of Ihame. 
 
 66, 
 
 Why is one of the races where horfes ufe to 
 rumie, called the Cirque or Flarainius. 
 
 Is it for that in old time an ancient Romane 
 named Flaminius gave unto the citie, a certeine 
 piece of ground, they emploied the rent and 
 revenues thereof in runnings of horfes, and 
 chariots: and for tliat there was a furpluflage 
 remaining of the faid lands, they bellowed the 
 fame in paving that high way or caufey, called 
 Via Flaminia, that is to fay, Flaminia ftreet ? 
 
 67. 
 
 Why are the Sergeants or officers who carle the 
 knitches of rods before the magijlrates of 
 Rome, called Li6tores. 
 
 Is it becaufe thefe were they who bound 
 malefa6tors, and who followed after Romulus, 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. loi 
 
 as his guard, with cords and leather thongs 
 about them in their bofomes ? And verily the 
 common people of Rome when they would fay to 
 binde or tie faft, ufe the word Alligare, and fuch 
 as fpeake more pure and proper Latin, Ligare. 
 
 Or is it, for that now the letter Cis interje6ted 
 within this word, which before time was Litores, 
 as one would fay Asirovpyoi, that is to fay, officers 
 of pubhke charge j for no man there is in a 
 maner, ignorant, that even at this day in many 
 cities of Greece, the common-wealth or publicke 
 ftate is written in their lawes by the name of 
 
 68. 
 
 Wherefore doe the Luperci at Rome facrifice a 
 Dogge 9 Now thefe Luperci are certeine 
 perfons who upon a fejlivall day called 
 Lupercalia, runne through the citie all naked, 
 fave that they have aprons onely lefore their 
 privy parts, carying leather whippes in their 
 hands, wherewith they Jlappe and fcourge 
 whomfoever they meet in thejlreets. 
 
 Is all this ceremoniall a6lion of theirs a 
 purification of the citie? whereupon they call 
 
 the 
 
102 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 the moneth wherein this is done Fehruarius, 
 yea, and the very day it felfe Felraten, like as 
 the maner of fquitching with a leather fcourge 
 Felruare, which verbe fignifieth as much as to 
 purge or purifie ? 
 
 And verily the Greeks, in maner all, were 
 wont in times paft, and fo they continue even 
 at this day, in all their expiations, to kill a 
 dogge for facrifice. Unto Hecate alfo they bring 
 foorth among other expiatorie oblations, cer- 
 teine little dogges or whelpes; fuch alfo as 
 have neede of clenfing and purifying, they 
 wipe and fcoure all over with whelpes skinnes, 
 which maner of purification they tearme Peris- 
 cylacifmos. 
 
 Or rather is it for that Lupus fignifieth a 
 woolfe, & Lupercalia, or Lyccea, is the feaft of 
 wolves: now a dogge naturally, being an 
 enemie to woolves, therefore at fuch feafts they 
 facrificed a dogge. 
 
 Or peradventure, becaufe dogges barke and 
 bay at thefe Luperci, troubling and difquieting 
 them as they runne up and downe the city in 
 maner aforefaid. 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 103 
 
 Or elfe laft of all, for that this feaft and facri- 
 fice is folemnized in the honor of god Pan ; who 
 as you wot well is pleafed well enough with a 
 dogge, in regard of his flocks of goates. 
 
 69. 
 
 What is the caufe that in auncient time, at the 
 feaji called Septimontium, they ohferved 
 precifely not to ufe any coaches drawen with 
 Jleeds, no more than thofe doe at this day, 
 who are ohfervant of old injlitutions and doe 
 not defpife them. Now this Septimontium 
 is a fejlivall folemnity, celahrated in memo- 
 riall of a feventh mountaine, that was ad- 
 joined and taken into the pourprife of Rome 
 citie, which by this meanes came to have 
 feven hilles enclofed within the precinSi 
 thereof? 
 
 Whether was it as fome Romans doe 
 imagine, for that the^crty- was not as yet con-, 
 jun6t and compofed of all her parts ? Or if 
 this may feeme an impertinent conje6ture, and 
 nothing to the purpofe : may it not be in this 
 refpe6t, that they thought they had atchieved, a 
 
 great 
 
104 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 great piece of worke, when they had thus 
 amplified and enlarged the compafle of the 
 citie, thinking that now it needed not to pro- 
 ceed any further in greatnefle and capacitie: 
 in confideration whereof, they repofed them- 
 felves, and caufed likewife their labouring beafts 
 of draught and cariage to reft, whofe helpe 
 they had ufed in finifhing of the faid enclo- 
 fure, willing that they alfo Ihould enjoy in 
 common with them, the benefit of that folemne 
 feaft.] 
 
 Or elfe we may fuppofe by this, bow defirous 
 they were that their citizens fhould folemnize 
 and honour with their perfonall prefence all 
 feafts of the citie, but efpecially that which was 
 ordeined and inftituted for the peopling and 
 augmenting thereof: for which caufe they were 
 not permitted upon the day of the dedication, 
 and feftival memorial of it, to put any horfes in 
 geeres or harnefle for to draw: for that they 
 were not at fuch a time to ride forth of the 
 citie. 
 
 70. 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 105 
 
 70. 
 
 If^hy call they thofe who are deprehended or taken 
 in theft, pilferie or fuch like fervile tres- 
 pajfes, Furciferos, as one would fay, Fork 
 hearers. 
 
 Is not this alfo an evident argument of the 
 great diligence and carefall regard that was in 
 their ancients? For when the maifter of the 
 family had furprifed one of his fervants or llaves, 
 committing a lewd and wicked pranck, he com- 
 maunded him to take up and carrie upon his 
 necke betweene his ilioulders a forked piece of 
 wood, fuch as they ufe to put under the fpire of 
 a chariot or waine, and fo to go withall in the 
 open view of the world throughout the ftreet, 
 yea and the parifh where he dwelt, to the end 
 that every man from thence forth fhould take 
 heed of him. This piece of wood we in Greeke 
 call CTT^^iyfia, and the Romanes in the Latin 
 tongue Furca, that is to fay, a forked prop or 
 fupporter: and therefore he that is forced to 
 carie fuch an one, is by reproch termed Fur- 
 cifer. 
 
 7T. 
 
io6 ROMANE QUESTIONS, 
 
 7^' 
 
 Wherefore ufe the Romans to tie a wifp of hey 
 unto the homes of kine, and other beefes, 
 that are woont to hoak and be curfl with 
 their heads, that by the meanes thereof 
 folke might take heed of them, and looke 
 better to themfelves when they come in their 
 way ? 
 
 Is it not for that beefes, horfes, afles, yea and 
 men become fierce, infolent, and dangerous, if 
 they be highly kept and pampered to the full ? 
 according as Sophocles faid: 
 
 Like as the colt or jade doth winfe and kick. 
 In cafe hefnd his provender to prick : 
 Evenfo dofl thou : for lo, thy paunch is full 
 Thy cheeks be puft, like tofome greedie gull. 
 
 And thereupon the Romans gave out, that 
 Marcus Craffus caried hey on his home: for 
 howfoever they would feeme to let flie and 
 carpe at others, who dealt in the afiaires of 
 State, and government, yet beware they would 
 how they commerfed with him as being a 
 
 daungerous 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 107 
 
 daungerous man^ and one who caried a reveng- 
 ing mind to as many as medled with him. 
 Howbeit it was faid afterwards againe on the 
 other fide, that Ccefar had plucked the hey from 
 Crajfus his home : for he was the lirft man 
 that oppofed himfelfe, and made head againft 
 him in the management of the State, and in 
 one word fet not a ftraw by him. 
 
 72- 
 
 What was the caufe that they thought thofe priejls 
 ivho ohferved lird-Jiight,fuch as in old time 
 they called Arufpices, and now a dales 
 Augures, ought to have their lanterns and 
 lamps alwaies open, and not to put any lid 
 or cover over them ? 
 
 May it not be, that like as the old Pytha- 
 gorean Philofophers by fmall matters lignified 
 and implied things of great confequence, as 
 namely, when they forbad their difciples to fit 
 upon the meafure Chaenixj and to flirre fire, 
 or rake the hearth with a fword^ euen fo the 
 ancient Romans ufed many aenigmes, that is to 
 
 fay. 
 
io8 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 fay, outward fignes and figures betokening forae 
 hidden and fecret myfteriesj efpecially with 
 their priefts in holy and facred things, like as 
 this is of the lampe or lanterne, which lymbo- 
 lizeth in fome fort the bodie that containeth our 
 foule. For the foule within refembleth the 
 light, and it behooveth that the intelligent and 
 reafonable part thereof fhould be alwaies open, 
 evermore intentive and feeing, and at no time 
 enclofed and fhut up, nor blowen upon by 
 wind. For looke when the winds be aloft, 
 fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie, neither 
 can they yeeld alfured prefages, by reafon of 
 their variable and wandering inftabilitie : and 
 therefore by this ceremoniall cuftome they teach 
 thofe who do divine and fortell by the flight of 
 birds, not to go forth for to take their aufpices 
 and obfervations when the wind is up, but 
 when the aire is ftill, and fo calme, that 
 a man may carie a lanterne open and un- 
 covered. 
 
 73. 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 109 
 
 73. 
 
 IFhy were thefe Southfaiers or Augures for- 
 hidden to go abroad, for to ohferve the flight 
 of birds, in cafe they had any fore or ulcer 
 upon their bodies ? 
 
 Was not this alfo a fignificant token to put 
 them in minde, that they ought not to deale in 
 the divine fervice of the gods, nor meddle with 
 holy and facred things if there were any fecret 
 matter that gnawed their minds, or fo long as 
 any private ulcer or paffion fetled in their hearts : 
 but to be void of fadneffe and griefe, to be found 
 and lincere, and not diftra6ted by any trouble 
 whatfoever ? 
 
 Or, becaufe it flandeth to good reafon ; that 
 if it be not lawful! nor allowable for them to 
 offer unto the gods for an oaft or facrifice any 
 beaft that is fcabbed, or hath a fore upon it, nor 
 to take prefage by the flight of fuch birds as are 
 maungie, they ought more ftriftly and precifely 
 to looke into their owne perfons in this behalfe, 
 and not to prefume for to obferve celeftiall prog- 
 noftications and fignes from the gods, unlelfe 
 
 they 
 
no ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 they be themfelves pure and holy, undefiled, 
 and not" defe6tive in their owne felves : for furely 
 an ulcer feemeth to be in maner of a mutilation 
 and pollution of the bodie. 
 
 74. 
 
 Why did king Servius TuWus found and build 
 a temple of little Fortune which they called 
 in Latine Brevis fortunae, that is tofoy^of 
 Short fortune 9 
 
 Was it not thinke you in refped of his owne 
 felfe, who being at the firft of a fmall and bafe 
 condition, as being borne of a captive woman, 
 by the favour of Fortune grew to fo great an 
 eftate that he was king of Rome ? 
 
 Or for that this change in him fheweth rather 
 the might and greatneffe, than the debilitie and 
 fmallneffe of Fortune. We are to fay, that this 
 king Servius deified Fortune, & attributed unto 
 her more divine power than any other, as having 
 entituled and impofed her name alnioft upon 
 eveiy adion : for not onely he ereded temples 
 unto Fortune, by the name of Puiffant, of 
 
 Diverting 
 
ROMAN E QUESTIONS. in 
 
 Diverting ill lucke, of Sweet, Favourable to the 
 lirft borne and malculine ; but alfo there is one 
 tenaple befides, of private or proper Fortune j 
 another of Fortune returned; a third of confi- 
 dent Fortune and hoping well; and a fourth 
 of Fortune the virgine. And what (hould a man 
 reckon up other furnames of hers, feeing there 
 is a temple dedicated (forfooth) to glewing For- 
 tune, whom they called Fifcata; as if we were 
 given thereby to underftand, that we are caught 
 by her afarre off, and even tied (as it were) with 
 bird-lime to bufinefie and affaires. 
 
 But confider this moreover, that he having 
 knowen by experience what great power fhe 
 hath in humane things, how little foever fhe 
 feeme to be, and how often a fmall matter in 
 hapning or not hapning hath given occafion to 
 fome, either to milTe of great exploits, or to 
 atcheive as great enterprifes, whether in this 
 refpeft, he built not a temple to little Fortune, 
 teaching men thereby to be alwaies fludious, 
 carefuU and diligent, and not to defpife any 
 occurrences how fmall foever they be. 
 
 75- 
 
112 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 IS- 
 
 What is the caufe that they never putfoorth the 
 light of a lampe, lutfuffered it to goe out of 
 the owne accord 9 
 
 Was it not (thinke you) uppon a certeine 
 reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire, 
 as being either coufen germaine, or brother unto 
 that inextinguible and immortall fire. 
 
 Or rather, was it not for fome other fecret 
 advertilinent, to teach us not to violate or kill 
 any thing whatlbever that hath life, if it hurt 
 not us firft ; as if fire were a living creature : for 
 need it hath of nouriftiment and moveth of 
 it felfe : and if a man doe fquench it, furely it 
 uttereth a kinde of voice and fcricke, as if a man 
 killed it. 
 
 Or certeinly this falhion and cuftome received 
 fo ufually, {heweth us that we ought not to marre 
 or fpoile, either fire or water or any other thing 
 necefTarie, after we our felves have done with it, 
 and have had fufficient ufe thereof, but to fuffer 
 it to ferve other mens turnes who have need, 
 after that we ourfelves have no imploiment for it. 
 
 ^6. 
 
ROMANS QUESTIONS. 113 
 
 76. 
 
 How commeth it to pajfe that thofe who are 
 defended of the mofl ?ioble and auncient 
 houfes of Rome, caried little moones upon 
 their JJioes. 
 
 Is this (as Caflor faith) a ligne of the habita- 
 tion which is reported to be within the bodie of 
 the moone ? 
 
 Or for that after death, our fpirits and ghofls 
 fhall have the moone under them ? 
 
 Or rather, becaufe this was a marke or badge 
 proper unto thofe who were reputed moft an- 
 cient, as were the Arcadians defcended from 
 Evander, who upon this occalion were called 
 Profeleni, as one would fay, borne before the 
 moone ? 
 
 Or, becaufe this cuftome as many others, 
 admonilheth thofe who are lifted up too high, 
 and take fo great pride in themfelves, of the 
 incertitude and inftabilitie of this life, and of 
 humane affaires, even by the example of the 
 moone, 
 
 TFho at thefrjl doth new and yoong appeere, 
 Where as leforefhe made nofhew at all; 
 
 And 
 
114 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 Andfo her light increafethfaire and cleere, 
 Untill her face he round and full withall : 
 But then anonjhe doth begin to fall, 
 And backward wane from all this leautie gay, 
 Untill againefhe vanifJi cleane away. 
 
 Or was not this an holfome leffon and in- 
 ftrudion of obedience, to teach and advife men 
 to obey their fuperiors, & not to thinke much 
 for to be under others : but like as the moone is 
 willing to give eare (as it were) and apply her 
 felfe to her better, content to be ranged in a 
 fecond place, and as Parmenides faith. 
 
 Having aneie and due regard 
 
 Alwaies the bright Sun beames toward ; 
 
 even fo they ought to reft in a fecond degree, to 
 follow after, and be under the condud and 
 diredion of another, who fitteth in the firft place, 
 and of his power, authority and honor, in ferae 
 meafure to enjoy a part. 
 
 77. 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 115 
 
 77. 
 
 If^i/ think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter^ 
 and the moneths to Juno ? 
 
 May it not be for that of Gods invilible and 
 who are no otherwife feene but by the eies of 
 our underftanding : thofe that reigne as princes 
 be Jupiter and Juno; but of the vifible, the 
 Sun and Moone ? Now the Sun is he who 
 caufeth the yeere, and the Moone maketh the 
 moneth. Neither are we to thinke, that thefe 
 be onely and limply the figures and images of 
 them : but beleeve we muft, that the materiall 
 Sun which we behold, is Jupiter, and this 
 materiall Moone, Juno. And the reafon why 
 they call her Juno, (which word is as much to 
 fay as yoong or new) is in regarde of the courfe 
 of the Moone : and otherwhiles they furname 
 her alfo Juno-Lucina, that is to fay 3 light or 
 Ihining : being of opinion that fhe helpeth 
 women in travell of child-birth, like as the 
 Moone doth, according to thefe verfes : 
 
 By Jtarres that turnefull round in Azurjkie : 
 By Moone who helps child-births right fpeedily. 
 
 For 
 
ii6 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 For it feemeth that women at the full of the 
 moone be moft eafily delivered of childbirth. 
 
 78. 
 
 Jf^hat is the caufe that in olferving hird-Jlighty 
 that which is prefented on the * left hand is 
 reputed lucky and prof per ous ? 
 
 Is not this altogether untrue, and are not 
 many men in an errour by ignorance of the 
 equivocation of the word Sinijlruniy & their 
 maner of Dialed j for that which we in Greeke 
 call ap/tfre5ov, that is to fay, on the auke or left 
 hand, they fay in Latin, Sinijlrum ; and that 
 which fignifieth to permit, or let be, they exprefle 
 by the verbe Sinere, and when they will a man to 
 let a thing alone, they fay unto him. Sine; 
 whereupon it may feeme that this word Sinis- 
 trum is derived. That prefaging bird then, 
 which permitteth and fuffreth an a6tion to be 
 done, being as it were Sinijierion ; the vulgar 
 fort fuppofe (though not aright) to be Sinijlrum, 
 that is to fay, on the left hand, and fo they 
 tearme it. 
 
 * ipKTTepbs, siniftra. 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 117 
 
 Or may it not be rather as Dionyjius faith, 
 for that when Afcanius the fonne of Aeneas 
 wanne a field againft Mezentius as the two 
 armies flood arranged one affronting the other 
 in battel ray, it thundred on his left hand ; and 
 becaufe thereupon he obteined the vidory, they 
 deemed even then, that this thunder was a 
 token prefaging good, and for that caufe ob- 
 ferved it, ever after fo to fall out. Others 
 thinke that this prefage and foretoken of good 
 lucke hapned unto Aeneas : and verily at the 
 battell of LeuBres, the Thebanes began to 
 breake the ranks of their enemies, and to dif- 
 comfit them with the left wing of their battel, 
 and thereby in the end atchieved a brave vi6torie ; 
 whereupon ever after in all their confli6ts, they 
 gave preference and the honour of leading and 
 giving the firfl charge, to the left wing. 
 
 Or rather, is it not as Jula writeth, becaufe 
 that when we looke toward the funne rifing, 
 the North fide is on our left hand, and fome 
 will fay, that the North is the right fide and 
 upper part of the whole world. 
 
 But confider I pray you, whether the left 
 
 hand 
 
ii8 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 hand being the weaker of the twaine, the pre- 
 fages comming on that fide, doe not fortifie and 
 fupport the defed of puiflance which it hath, 
 and fo make it as it were even and equall to 
 the other ? 
 
 Or rather confidering that earthly and mortall 
 things they fuppofing to be oppofite unto thole 
 that be heavenly and immortall, did not imagine 
 confequently, that whatfoever was on the left 
 in regard of us, the gods fent from their right 
 fide. 
 
 IVherefore was it lawfulL at Rome, when a noble 
 perfonage who fometime had entred trium- 
 phant into the city, was dead, and his corps 
 burnt fas the maner was) in a Jiinerall 
 Jlre, to take up the reliques of his bones, to 
 carie the fame into the city, and there to 
 Jirew them, according as Pyrrho the Ly- 
 parean hath left in writing. 
 
 Was not this to honour the memorie of the 
 dead? for the like honourable priviledge they 
 had graunted unto other valiant warriors and 
 brave captaines j namely, that not onely them- 
 
 felves 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS, 119 
 
 felves, but alfo their pofteritie defcending line- 
 ally from them, might be enterred in their 
 common market place of the city, as for ex- 
 ample unto Valerius and Falricius : and it is 
 faid, that for to continue this prerogative in 
 force, when any of their pofteritie afterwards 
 were departed this life, and their bodies brought 
 into the market place accordingly, the maner 
 was, to put a burning torch under them, and 
 doe no more but prefently to take it away 
 againe ; by which ceremonie, they reteined ftill 
 the due honour without envie, and confirmed 
 it onely to be lawfuU if they would take the 
 benefit thereof. 
 
 80. 
 
 TFhat is the caufe that when they feajled at the 
 common charges, any generall captaine who 
 made his entrie into the citie with triumph, 
 they never admitted the Confuls to thefeajl ; 
 hut that which more is, fent unto them 
 I ef ore-hand mejfengers of purpofe, requejiing 
 them not to come unto the f upper ? 
 
 Was it for that they thought it meet and con- 
 venient to yeeld unto the triumpher, both the 
 
 higheft 
 
I20 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 highefl place to fit in, and the moft coftly cup to 
 drinke out of, as alfo the honour to be attended 
 upon with a traine home to his houfe after 
 fupper? which prerogatives no other might 
 enjoy but the Confuls onely, if they had beene 
 prefent in the place. 
 
 8i. 
 
 fFhj/ is it that the Tribune of the commons onely, 
 weareth no emlrodered purple role, conjider- 
 ing that all other magijlrates befides doe 
 weare the fame. 
 
 Is it not, for that they (to fpeak properly) are 
 no magiftrates ? for in truth they have no ufhers 
 or vergers to carie before them the knitches 
 of rods, which are the enfignes of magiftracie ; 
 neither fit they in the chaire of eftate called 
 Sella curulis, to determine caufes judicially, or 
 give audience unto the people j nor enter into 
 the adminifliration of their office at the begin- 
 ning of the yeere, as all other magiftrates doe : 
 neither are they put downe and depofed after 
 the eleftion of a Diaatour: but whereas the 
 full power and authoritie of all other magiftrates 
 
 of 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 121 
 
 of State, he transferreth from them upon him- 
 felfe: the Tribunes onely of the people con- 
 tinue flill, and furceafe not to execute their 
 funftion, as having another place and degree by 
 themfelves in the common-weale : and Hke as 
 fome oratours and lawiers doe hold, that excep- 
 tion in law is no a6lion, confidering it doth 
 cleane contrary to a6tion ; for that adion in- 
 tendeth, commenfeth, and beginneth a procefTe 
 or fute^ but exception or inhibition, diflblveth, 
 undooeth, and aboliiheth the fame : femblably, 
 they thinke alfo, that the Tribunate was an 
 empeachment, inhibition, and rellraint of a 
 magiftracie, rather than a magiftracie it felfe : 
 for all the authority and power of the Tribune, 
 lay in oppofing himfelfe, and croffing the juris- 
 di6tion of other magiftrates, and in diminifhing 
 or repreffing their exceffive and licentious power. 
 Or haply all thefe reafons and fuch like, are 
 but words, and devifed imaginations to main- 
 teine difcourfe : but to fay a trueth, this Tribune- 
 fliip having taken originally the firft beginning 
 from the common people, is great and mighty in 
 regard that it is popular 3 and that the Tribunes 
 
 themfelves 
 
122 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 themfelves are not proud nor highly conceited of 
 themfelves above others, but equall in apparell, 
 in port, fare, and maner of life, to any other 
 citizens of the common fort: for the dignity 
 of pompe and outward Ihew, apperteineth to a 
 Confull or a Praetour : as for the Tribune of the 
 people, he ought to be humble and lowly, and 
 as M. Curio was woont to fayj ready to put 
 his hand under every mans foot j not to carie a 
 loftie, grave, and flately countenance, nor to bee 
 hard of accefle, nor ftrange to be fpoken with, 
 or dealt withall by the multitude ; but howfo- 
 ever he behave himfelfe to others, he ought 
 to the fimple and common people, above the 
 reft, for to be affable, gentle, and tradable : and 
 heereupon the maner is, that the dore of his 
 houfe ihould never be kept fhut, but ftand open 
 both day and night, as a fafe harbour, fure 
 haven, and place of refuge, for all thofe who 
 are diftrefled and in need : and verilie the more 
 fubmifle that he is in outward appeerance, the 
 more groweth hee and encreafeth in puifTance j 
 for they repute him as a ftrong hold for common 
 recourfe and retrait, unto al comers, no lefle than 
 
 an 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 123 
 
 an altar or priviledged fan6luary. Moreover, as 
 touching the honour that he holdeth by his 
 place, they count him holy, facred, and invio- 
 lable, infomuch as if he doe but goe foorth 
 of his houfe abroad into the citie, and walke in 
 the ftreet,* the maner was of all, to clenfe and 
 fan6tifie the body, as if it were fleined and 
 polluted. 
 
 82. 
 
 JVhat is the reafon that before the Prcetors, 
 generall Captaines and head Magijlrates, 
 there he caried hundeis of roddes, together 
 with hatchets or axes fajined unto them ? 
 
 Is it to fignilie, that the anger of the magi- 
 ftrate ought not to be prompt to execution, nor 
 loofe and at libertie ? 
 
 Or, becaufe that to undoe and unbinde the 
 faid bundels, yeeldeth fome time and fpace for 
 choler to coole, and ire to affwage, which is the 
 caufe otherwhiles that they change their mindes, 
 and doe not proceed to puniihment ? 
 
 Now forafmuch as among the faults that men 
 
 * I fufpect this place to be corrupt in the original!. 
 
 commit. 
 
124 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 commit, fome are curable, others remedilefle: 
 the roddes are to reforme thofe who may be 
 amended ; but the hatchets to cut them off who 
 are incorrigible. 
 
 83- 
 
 IVhat is the caufe that the Romanes having 
 intelligence given vnto them, that the Bleton- 
 efians, a barbarous nation ^ had facrificed 
 unto their gods, a man ; fent for the magis- 
 trates peremptorily, as intending to punijh 
 them : but after they once underftood, that 
 they had fo done according to an ancient 
 law of their countrey, they let them go 
 againe without any hurt done unto them; 
 charging them onely, that from thence foorth 
 they fJiould not obey fuch a law ; and yet 
 they themf elves, not many yeeres before, had 
 caufedfor to be buried quiche in the place, 
 called the Beajl Market, two men and two 
 women, that is to fay, two Greekes, and 
 two Gallo-Greekes or Galatians ? For this 
 feemeth to be verie abfurd, that they them- 
 f elves fkould do thofe things, which they 
 reprooved in others as damnable. 
 
 May it not be that they judged it an exe- 
 crable fuperftition, to lacrifice a man or woman 
 
 unto 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 125 
 
 unto the gods, marie unto divels they held it 
 neceffarie ? 
 
 Or was it not for that they thought thofe 
 people, who did it by a law or cuftome, 
 offended highly: but they themfelves were 
 dire6ted thereto by expreffe commaundement 
 out of the bookes of Sibylla. For reported it 
 is, that one of their votaries or Veftall nunnes 
 named HelHa, riding on horfe-backe, was fmitten 
 by a thunderbolt or blaft of lightning 5 and that 
 the horfe was found lying along all bare bellied, 
 and her felfe likewife naked, with her fmocke 
 and petticote turned up above her privie parts, 
 as if flie had done it of purpofe : her Ihooes, her 
 rings, her coife and head attire call here and 
 there apart from other things, and withall Ril- 
 ing the toong out of her head. This ftrange 
 occurrent, the foothfayers out of their learning 
 interpreted to fignifie, that fome great ihame 
 did betide the facred virgins, that fhould be 
 divulged and notorioufly knowen 3 yea, and that 
 the fame infamie fhould reach alfo as far, as 
 unto fome of the degree of gentlemen or knights 
 of Rome. Upon this there was a fervant belong- 
 ing 
 
126 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 ing unto a certeine Barbarian horfeman, who 
 dete6ted three Veftal virgins to have at one time 
 forfeited their honor, & been naught of their 
 bodies, to wit, Aemilia, Licinia, & Martia ; and 
 that they had companied too familiarly with 
 men a long time j and one of their names was 
 EutetiuSy a Barbarian knight, and mailer to the 
 faid enformer. So thefe veftall Votaries were 
 punifhed after they had beene convi6ted by 
 order of law, and found guiltie : but after that 
 this feemed a fearfuU and horrible accident : 
 ordeined it was by the Senate, that the priefts 
 Ihould perufe over the bookes of Silyllaes pro- 
 phefies, wherein were found (by report) thofe 
 very oracles which denounced and foretold this 
 ftrange occurrent, and that it portended fome 
 great loffe and calamitie unto the common- 
 wealth : for the avoiding and diverting whereof, 
 they gave commaundement to abandon unto 
 (1 wot not what) maligne and divelifli ftrange 
 fpirits, two Greekes, and two Galatians like- 
 wife j and fo by burying them quicke in that 
 verie place, to procure propitiation at Gods 
 hands. 
 
 84. 
 
ROMANS QUESTIONS. 127 
 
 84. 
 IV/iy began they their day at midnight ? 
 
 Was it not, for that all policie at the firft 
 had the beginning of militarie difcipline ? and 
 in war, and all expeditions the moft part of 
 woorthy exploits are enterprifed ordinarily in 
 the night before the day appeare ? 
 
 Or becaufe the execution of deffeignes, how- 
 foever it begin at the funne rifing^ yet the 
 preparation thereto is made before day-light : 
 for there had need to be fome preparatives, 
 before a worke be taken in handj and not at 
 the verie time of execution, according as My/on 
 (by report) anfwered unto Chilo, one of the 
 feven fages, when as in the winter time he was 
 making of a van. 
 
 Or haply, for that like as we fee, that many 
 men at noone make an end of their bufineffe of 
 great importance, and of State affaires ; even fo, 
 they fuppofed that they were to begin the fame 
 at mid-night. For better proofe whereof a 
 man may frame an argument hereupon, that 
 the Roman chiefe ruler never made league, nor 
 
 concluded 
 
128 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 concluded any capitulations and covenants of 
 peace after mid- day. 
 
 Or rather this may be, becaufe it is not poili- 
 ble to fet downe determinately, the beginning 
 and end of the day, by the riling and fetting of 
 the funne : for if we do as the vulgar fort, who 
 diftinguilh day and night by the fight and view 
 of eie, taking the day then to begin when 
 the funne arifethj and the night likewife to 
 begin when the funne is gone downe, and 
 hidden under our horizon, we Ihall never have 
 the juft Aequinox, that is to fay, the day and 
 night equall : for even that verie night which we 
 fhall efteeme moll equall to the day, will proove 
 Ihorter than the day, by as much as the body or 
 biggenelTe of the funne containeth. Againe, if 
 we doe as the Mathematicians, who to remedie 
 this abfurditie and inconvenience, fet downe the 
 confines and limits of day and night, at the verie 
 inltant point when the funne feemeth to touch 
 the circle of the horizon with his center j this 
 were to overthrow all evidence : for fall out it 
 will, that while there is a great part of the 
 funnes light yet under the earth (although the 
 
 funne 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 129 
 
 funne do fhine upon us) we will not confeffe 
 that it is day, but fay, that it is night ftill. 
 Seeing then it is fo hard a matter to make the 
 beginning of day and night, at the rifing or 
 going downe of the funne, for the abfurdities 
 abovefaid, it remaineth that of neceffitie we 
 take the beginning of the day to be, when the 
 funne is in the mids of the heaven above head, 
 or under our feet, that is to fay, either noon-tide 
 or mid-night. But of twaine, better it is to 
 begin when he is in the middle point under us, 
 which is juft midnight, for that he returneth 
 then toward us into the Eaftj whereas contrari- 
 wife after mid-day he goeth from us Weftward. 
 
 85- 
 
 What was the caufe that in times pajl they would 
 not fuffer their wives, either to grinde come, 
 or to lay their hands to drejfe meat in the 
 kitchin ? 
 
 Was it in memoriall of that accord and 
 league which they made with the Sabines ? for 
 after that they had ravilhed & carried away their 
 
 daughters. 
 
I30 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 daughters, there arofe fharpe warres betweene 
 them : but peace enfued thereupon in the end ; 
 in the capitulations whereof, this one article was 
 expreflj fet downe, that the Roman hulband 
 might not force his wife, either to turne the 
 querne for to grinde corne, nor to exercife any 
 point of cookerie. 
 
 86. 
 
 Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth 
 of May f 
 
 Is it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and 
 June? whereof the one is confecrated unto 
 Venus y and the other to Juno, who are both 
 of them the goddefles which have the care and 
 charge of wedding and marriages, and therefore 
 thinke it good either to go fomewhat before, or 
 elfe to flay a while after. 
 
 Or it may be that in this moneth they cele- 
 brate the greateft expiatorie facrifice of all others 
 in the yeere? for even at this day they fling 
 from off the bridge into the river, the images 
 and pourtraitures of men, whereas in old time 
 
 they 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 131 
 
 they threw downe men themfelves alive ? And 
 this is the reafon of the cuftome now a dales, that 
 the prieftreffe of J^uno named Flamina, fhould be 
 alwaies fad and heavie, as it were a mourner, and 
 never walh nor dreffe and trim her felfe. 
 
 Or what and if we fay, it is becaufe many of 
 the Latine nations offered oblations unto the 
 dead in this moneth : and peradventure they do 
 fo, becaufe in this verie moneth they worfhip 
 Mercurie : and in truth it beareth the name of 
 Maja, Mercuries mother. 
 
 But may it not be rather, for that as fome do 
 fay, this moneth taketh that name of Majores, 
 that is to fay, ancients : like as June is termed 
 fo of Juniores, that is to fay yonkers. Now 
 this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to 
 contract marriage than old age : like as Euripides 
 faith verie well : 
 
 As for old age it Venus lids farewell, 
 
 And with oldfolke, Venus is not pleafd well. 
 
 The Romans therefore maried not in May, but 
 ftaied for June which immediatly foUoweth 
 after May. 
 
 87. 
 
132 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 87. 
 
 IFhat is the reafon that they divide and part the 
 haire of the new brides head, with the point 
 of a javelin ? 
 
 Is not this a verie figne, that the firft wives 
 whom the Romans efpoufed, were compelled to 
 manage, and conquered by force and armes. 
 
 Or are not their wives hereby given to un- 
 derftand, that they are efpoufed to hulbands, 
 martial 1 men and foldiersj and therefore they 
 fhould lay away all delicate, wanton, and coftly 
 imbelifhment of the bodie, and acquaint them- 
 felves with limple and plaine attire 3 like as 
 Lycurgus for the fame reafon would that the 
 dores, windowes, and roofes of houfes Ihould 
 be framed with the faw and the axe onely, 
 without ufe of any other toole or inftrument, 
 mtending thereby to chafe out of the com- 
 mon-weale all curiofitie and waflfuU fuper- 
 fluitie. 
 
 Or doth not this parting of the haires, give 
 covertly to underftand, a divifion and feparation, 
 as if mariage & the bond of wedlock, were not 
 
 to 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 133 
 
 to be broken but by the fword and warlike 
 force ? 
 
 Or may not this lignifie thus much, that they 
 referred the moft part of ceremonies concerning 
 mariage unto Juno : now it is plaine that the 
 javelin is confecrated unto Juno, infomuch as 
 moft part of her images and ftatues are por- 
 traied refting and leaning upon a launce or 
 or javelin. And for this caufe the goddefle is 
 furnamed Quiritis, for they called in old time 
 a fpeare Quiris, upon which occafion Mars alfo 
 (as they fay) is named Quiris. 
 
 88. 
 
 What is the reafon that the monie emploied 
 upon plaies and publike Jhewes is called 
 among them, Lucar ? 
 
 May it not well be that there were many 
 groves about the citie confecrated unto the gods, 
 which they named Lucos : the revenues whereof 
 they beftowed upon the fetting forth of fuch 
 folemnities ? 
 
 89. 
 
134 ROUANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 89. 
 
 IFhy call they Quirinalia, the Feajl offooles t 
 
 Whether it is becaufe (as Juba writeth) 
 they attribute this day unto thofe who knew 
 not their owne Hnage and tribe ? or unto fuch 
 as have not facrificed, as others have done 
 according to their tribes, at the feaft called 
 Fornacalia. Were it that they were hindred by 
 other affaires, or had occalion to be forth of the 
 citie, or were aUogether ignorant, and therefore 
 this day was affigned for them, to performe the 
 faid feaft. 
 
 90. 
 
 JVhat is the caufe, that when they facrifice unto 
 Hercules, they name no other God hut him, 
 nor Suffer a dog to be feene, within the 
 purprife and precinB of the place where 
 the Sacrifice is celebrated, according as 
 Varro hath left in writing f 
 
 Is not this the reafon of naming no god in 
 their facrifice, for that they efteeme him but a 
 
 demigod 3 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS, 135 
 
 demigod; and fome there be who hold, that 
 whiles he lived heere upon the earth, Evander 
 ere6ted an altar unto him, and offered facrifice 
 thereupon. Now of all other beafts he could 
 worft abide a dog, and hated him moft : for 
 this creature put him to more trouble all his 
 life time, than any other: witneffe hereof, the 
 three headed dog Cerberus, and above all others, 
 when Oeonus the fonne of Licymnius was llaine 
 * by a dog, he was enforced by the Hippocoon- 
 tides to give the battell, in which he loft many 
 of his friends, and among the reft his owne 
 brother Iphicles. 
 
 91. 
 
 Wherefore was it not lawfullfor the Patricians 
 or nobles of Rome to dwell upon the mount 
 Capitollf 
 
 Might it not be in regard of M. Manlius, 
 who dwelling there attempted and plotted to 
 be king of Rome, and to ufurpe tyranniej in 
 hatred and deteftation of whom, it is faid, that 
 
 * Or about a dog by the Hippocoontides. 
 
 ever 
 
136 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 ever after thofe of the houfe of Manlij, might 
 not have Marcus for their fore-name ? 
 
 Or rather was not this an old feare that the 
 Romans had (time out of mind) ? For albeit 
 Valerius Poplicola was a perfonage verie popular 
 and well afFe6ted unto the common people j yet 
 never ceafed the great and mightie men of the 
 citie to fufpe6t and traduce him, nor the meane 
 commoners and multitude to feare him, untill 
 fuch time as himfelfe caufed his owne houfe 
 to be demolifhed and pulled down, becaufe it 
 feemed to overlooke and commaund the com- 
 mon market place of the citie. 
 
 92. 
 
 IFhat is the reafon, that he whofaved the life of 
 a citizen in the warres, was rewarded with a 
 coronet made of oake Iraunches f 
 
 Was it not for that in everie place and 
 readily, they might meet with an oake, as they 
 marched in their warlike expeditions. 
 
 Or rather, becaufe this maner of garland is 
 
 dedicated 
 
^^'3 HP A.?f^ 
 or rH 
 
 IINIVFRSITY 
 
 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 137 
 
 dedicated unto Jupiter and Juno, who are re- 
 puted prote6tors of cities ? 
 
 Or might not this be an ancient cuftome pro- 
 ceeding from the Arcadians, who have a kind of 
 confanguinitie with oakes, for that they report 
 of themfelves, that they were the firll men that 
 iffued out of the earth, like as the oake of all 
 other trees. 
 
 93- 
 
 Why ohferve they the Vultures or Geirs, mojl 
 of any other fowles, in taking of pre/ages hy 
 lird-fiight ? 
 
 Is it not becaufe at the foundation of Rome, 
 there appeared twelve of them unto Romulus ? 
 Or becaufe, this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar j 
 for it is not fo ealie a matter to meete with an 
 aide of Vultures -, but all on a fudden they come 
 out of fome ftrange countrey, and therefore the 
 light of them doth prognofticke and prefage 
 much. 
 
 Or elfe haply the Romains learned this of 
 Hercules, if that be true which Herodotus repor- 
 
 teth : 
 
138 ROMANB QUESTIONS. 
 
 teth: namely, that Hercules tooke great con- 
 tentment, when in the enterprife of any exploit 
 of his, there appeared Vultures unto him : for 
 that he was of opinion, that the Vulture of all 
 birds of prey was the jufteft : for firft and for- 
 moft never toucheth he ought that hath life, 
 neither killeth hee any living creature, like as 
 eagles, falcons, hauks, and other fowles do, that 
 prey by night, but feedeth upon dead carrions : 
 over and befides, he forbeareth to fet upon his 
 owne kind : for never was there man yet who 
 faw a Vulture eat the flefli of any fowle, like as 
 eagles and other birds of prey do, which chafe, 
 purfue and plucke in pieces thofe efpecially of 
 the fame kind, to wit, other fowle. And verily 
 as Aeschylus the poet writeth : 
 
 How can that bird, which bird doth eat, 
 Be counted cleanly, pure and neat. 
 
 And as for men, it is the moft innocent bird, 
 and doth leaft hurt unto them of all other : for 
 it deflroieth no fruit nor plant whatfoever, 
 neither doth it harme to any tame creature. 
 And if the tale be true that the Aegyptians doe 
 
 tell, 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 139 
 
 telij that all the kinde of thefe birds be females ; 
 that they conceive and be with yoong, by re- 
 ceiving the Eaft-wind blowing upon them, like 
 as fome trees by the Weftern wind, it is verie 
 profitable that the lignes and prognoflicks 
 drawen from them, be more fure and certaine, 
 than from any others, conlidering that of all, 
 belides their violence in treading and breeding 
 time 5 their eagernefle in flight when they pur- 
 fue their prey ; their flying away from fome, 
 and chafing of others, muft needs caufe much 
 trouble and uncertaintie in their prognoftications. 
 
 94. 
 
 Whyjlands the temple of Aefculapius without 
 the citie of Rome ? 
 
 Is it becaufe they thought the abode without 
 the citie more holefome, than that within ? For 
 in this regard the Greekes ordinarily built the 
 temples of Aefculapius upon high ground, where- 
 in the aire is more pure and cleere. 
 
 Or in this refped, that this god Aefculapius 
 was fent for out of the citie Epidaurus. And 
 
 true 
 
140 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 true it is that the Epidaurians founded his 
 temple 5 not within the walles of their city, but 
 a good way from it. 
 
 Or laftly, for that the ferpent when it was 
 landed out of the galley in the Ifle, and then 
 vanifhed out of fight, feemed thereby to tell 
 them where he would that they (hould build 
 the place of his abode. 
 
 95- 
 
 fThy doth the law forbid them that are to live 
 chajle, the eating ofpulfef 
 
 As touching beanes, is it not in refped of 
 thofe very reafons for which it is faid : That 
 the Pythagoreans counted them abominable? 
 And as for the richling and rich peafe, where- 
 of the one in Greeke is called XaSuPo; and the 
 other hs^/v'^oi, which words feeme to be de- 
 rived of Erebus, that fignifieth the darkneffe 
 of hell, and of Lethe, which is as much as 
 oblivion, and one befides of the rivers infernal!, 
 it carieth fome reafon that they ihould be ab- 
 horred therfore. 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 141 
 
 Or it may be, for that the folemne fuppers 
 and bankets at funerals for the dead, were 
 ufually ferved with pulfe above all other 
 viands. 
 
 Or rather, for that thofe who are delirous 
 to be chafte, and to live an holy life, ought 
 to keepe their bodies pure and flender) but 
 fo it is that pulfe be flateous and windy, 
 breeding fuperfluous excrements in the body, 
 which had need of great purging and evacua- 
 tion. 
 
 Or laftly, becaufe they pricke and provoke 
 the flelhly luft, for that they be full of ventofi- 
 ties. 
 
 96. 
 
 What is the reafon that the Romans punijh the 
 holy Veftall Virgins (who have Suffered 
 their bodies to be ahufed and defiledj ly no 
 other meanes, than by interring them quiche 
 under the ground ? 
 
 Is this the caufe, for that the maner is to 
 burne the bodies of them that be dead : and to 
 
 burie 
 
142 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 burie (by the meanes of fire) their bodies who 
 have not devoutly and religioufly kept or pre- 
 ferved the divine fire, feemed not jufl nor 
 reafonable ? 
 
 Or haply, becaufe they thought it was not 
 lawful! to kill any perfon who had bene con- 
 fecrated with the moft holy and religious cere- 
 monies in the world j nor to lay violent hands 
 upon a woman confecrated : and therefore they 
 devifed this invention of fufFering them to die 
 of their owne felves ; namely, to let them 
 downe into a little vaulted chamber under the 
 earth, where they left with them a lampe burn- 
 ing, and fome bread, with a little water and 
 milke : and having fo done, call earth and 
 covered them aloft. And yet for all this, can 
 they not be exempt from a fuperilitious feare 
 of them thus interred : for even to this day, the 
 priefts going over this place, performe (I wot 
 not what) anniverfary fervices and rites, for to 
 appeafe and pacific their ghofts. 
 
 97" 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 143 
 
 97- 
 
 If^ai is the caufe that upon the thirteenth day 
 of December, which in Latine they call the 
 Ides of December, there is exhibited a game 
 of chariots running for the prize, and the 
 horfe drawing on the right hand that win- 
 neth the viSiorie, is facrificed and confecrated 
 unto Mars, and at the time thereof, there 
 comes one behinde, that cutteth off his taile, 
 which he carrieth immediatly into the temple 
 called Regia, and therewith imbrueth the 
 altar with blood : and for the head of the 
 faid horfe, one troupe there is comming out of 
 the flreet called Via facra, and another from 
 that which they name Suburra, who encounter 
 and trie out by fight whofhall have it? 
 
 May not the reafon be (as fome doe alledge) 
 that they have an opinion, how the citie of 
 Troy was fometime woon by the meanes of a 
 woodden horfe 5 and therefore in the memoriall 
 thereof, they thus puniihed a poore horfe ? 
 
 As men from blood of noble Troy defc ended 
 And by the way with Latins iffiie blended. 
 
 Or becaufe an horfe is a couragious, martiall 
 and warlike beaft j and ordinarily, men ufe to 
 
 prefent 
 
144 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 prefent unto the gods thofe facrifices which are 
 moft agreeable unto them, and fort heft with 
 them : and in that refped, they facrifice that 
 horfe which wan the prize, unto Mars, becaufe 
 ftrength and vi6torie are well befeeming him. 
 
 Or rather becaufe the worke of God is firme and 
 liable : thofe alfo be vi6torious who keepe their 
 ranke and vanquifli them, who make not good 
 their ground but fly away. This beaft therefore 
 is punifhed for running fo fwift, as if celeritie were 
 the maintenance of cowardife : to give us thereby 
 covertly to underftand, that there is no hope of 
 fafetie for them who feeke to efcape by flight. 
 
 98. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that thejirjl worke which, the 
 Cenfors go in hand with, when they he 
 enftalled in the poffeff^nn of their magis- 
 tracie, is to take order upon a certaine price 
 for the keeping and feeding of the facred 
 geefe, and to caufe the painted Jiatues and 
 images of the gods to be refrefhed f 
 
 Whether is it becaufe they would begin 
 at the fmallefl things, and those which are of 
 leaft difpenfe and difficultie ? 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 145 
 
 Or in commemoration of an ancient benefit 
 received by the meanes of thefe creatures, in the 
 time of the Gaules warre : for that the geefe 
 were they who in the night feafon defcried the 
 Barbarians as the fkaled and mounted the wall 
 that environed the Capitol fort (where as the dogs 
 llept) and with their gagling raifed the watch ? 
 
 Or becaufe, the Cenfors being guardians of 
 the greateft affaires, and having that charge and 
 office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and care- 
 full to preferve religion 5 to keepe temples 
 and publicke edifices 5 to looke into the manners 
 and behaviour of men in their order of life j 
 they fet in the firfl; place the confideration and 
 regard of the mofl watchfull creature that is: 
 and in Ihewing what care they take of thefe 
 geefe, they incite and provoke by that example 
 their citizens, not to be negligent and retchlelTe 
 of holy things. Moreover, for refrefhing the 
 colour of thofe images and ftatues, it is a necefs- 
 arie piece of worke ; for the lively red vermilion, 
 wherewith they were woont in times paft to 
 colour the faid images, foone fadeth and pafleth 
 away. 
 
 99' 
 
146 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 99. 
 
 JVhat is the caufe that among other priejls, when 
 one is condemned and lanijiied, they degrade 
 and deprive him of his priejihood, and choofe 
 another in his place: onely an Augur, 
 though he he conviSied and condemned for 
 the greateji crimes in the world, yet they 
 never deprive in that fort fo long as he 
 livethf Now thofepriefls they call Augurs, 
 who ohferve the flights of birds, and fore- 
 fhewed things thereby. 
 
 Is it as fome do fay, becaufe they would not 
 have one that is no prieft, to know the lecret 
 myfteries of their religion and their facred 
 rites .'' 
 
 Or becaufe the Augur being obliged and 
 bound by great oaths, never to reveale the 
 fecrets pertaining to religion, they would not 
 feeme to free and abfolve him from his oath by 
 degrading him, and making him a private 
 perfon. 
 
 Or rather, for that this word Augur, is not fo 
 much a name of honor and magiftracie, as of 
 arte and knowledge. And all one it were, as if 
 
 they 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 147 
 
 they fhould feeme to difable a mulician for 
 being any more a mufician ; or a phyfician, that 
 he ftiould bee a phyfician no longer 3 or pro- 
 hibit a prophet or foothfayer, to be a prophet or 
 foothfayer : for even fo they, not able to deprive 
 him of his fufficiency, nor to take away his 
 ikill, although they bereave him of his name and 
 title, do not fubordaine another in his place: 
 and by good reafon, becaufe they would keepe 
 the juft number of the ancient inllitution. 
 
 ICO. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that upon the thirteenth day 
 of Auguft, which now is called the Ides 
 of Augujl, and lefore time the Ides of 
 Sextilis, all fervants as well maids, as men 
 make holy-day and women that are wives 
 love then efpecially to wafh and cleanfe 
 their heads ? 
 
 Might not this be a caufe, for that king 
 Servius upon fuch a day was borne of a captive 
 woman, and therefore (laves and bond-fervants on 
 that day have libertie to play and difport them- 
 felves? And as for wafhing the headj haply 
 
 at 
 
148 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 at the firft the wenches began fo to do in regard 
 of that feftivall day, and fo the cuftome pafled 
 alfo unto their miftreifes and other women free 
 borne ? 
 
 lOI. 
 
 IVhy do the Romanes adorne their children with 
 jewels pendant at their necks, which they call 
 Bullae? 
 
 Peradventure to honor the memorie of 
 thofe firft wives of theirs, whom they ravifhed : 
 in favour of whom they ordained many other 
 prerogatives for the children which they had by 
 them, and namely this among the reft ? 
 
 Or it may be, for to grace the prowefle of 
 Tarquinius? For reported it is that being but 
 a verie child, in a great battell which was 
 fought againft the Latines and Tulkanes to- 
 gether, hee rode into the verie throng of his 
 enemies, and engaged himfelfe fo farre, that 
 being difmounted and unhorfed j yet notwith- 
 ftanding he manfully withftood thofe who hotly 
 charged upon him, and encouraged the Romanes 
 to ftand to it, in fuch fort as the enemies by them 
 
 were 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 149 
 
 were put to plaine flight, with the loffe of 16000. 
 men whom they left dead in the place: and 
 for a reward of this vertue and valour, received 
 fuch a Jewell to hang about his necke, which 
 was given unto him by the king his father. 
 
 Or elfe, becaufe in old time it was not re- 
 puted a ihamfull and villanous thing, to love 
 yoong boyes wantonly, for their beauty in the 
 flowre of their age, if they were flaves borne, 
 as the Comedies even at this day do teftifie: 
 but they forbare moll precifely, to touch any of 
 them who were free-borne or of gentle blood 
 defcended. To the end therefore man might 
 not pretend ignorance in fuch a cafe, as if they 
 knew not of what condition any boyes were, 
 if they mette with them naked, they caufed 
 them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie 
 about their neckes. 
 
 Or peradventure, this might be alfo as a pre- 
 fervative unto them of their honor, continence 
 and chaftitie, as one would fay, a bridle to re- 
 ftraine wantonneffe and incontinencie, as being 
 put in mind thereby to be abafhed to play mens 
 parts, before they had laid off the marks and 
 
 fignes 
 
ISO ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 lignes of childhood. For there is no apparance 
 or probabilitie, of that which Farro alledgeth, 
 faying : That becaufe the Aeolians in their 
 Dialed do call /SouXtj, that is to fay, Counfell, 
 PoXKcc, therefore fuch children for a figne and 
 prefage of wifdome and good counfell, carried 
 this Jewell, which they named Bulla. 
 
 But fee whether it might not be in regard 
 of the moone that they weare this device ? for 
 the figure of the moone when fhee is at the 
 full, is not round as a bal or boule, but rather 
 fiat in maner of a lentill or refembling a diih 
 or plate J not onely on that fide which ap- 
 peareth unto us, but alfo (as Empedocles faith) 
 on that part which is under it. 
 
 102. 
 
 Wherefore gave they fore-names to little infants, 
 if they were boies upon the ninth day after 
 their birth, but if they were girls, when they 
 were eight daies olde f 
 
 May there not be a naturall reafon rendred 
 hereof, that they ftiould impofe the names 
 
 fooner 
 
ROMANB QUESTIONS. 151 
 
 fooner upon daughters than fonnes : for that 
 females grow apace, are quickly ripe, and come 
 betimes unto their perfe6tion in comparifon of 
 males j but as touching thofe precife daies, they 
 take them that immediatly follow the feventh : 
 for that the feventh day after children be borne 
 is very dangerous, as well for other occalions, 
 as in regard of the navill-ftring : for that in 
 many it will unknit and be loofe againe upon 
 the feventh day, and fo long as it continueth fo 
 refolved and open, an infant refembleth a plant 
 rather than any animall creature ? 
 
 Or like as the Pythagoreans were of opinion, 
 that of numbers the even was female and the 
 odde, male J for that it is generative, and is 
 more ftrong than the even number, becaufe it is 
 compound : and if a man divide thefe numbers 
 into unities, the even number Iheweth a void 
 place betweene, whereas the odde, hath the 
 middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof: 
 even fo in this refpe6t: they are of opinion, 
 that the even number eight, refembleth rather 
 the female and the even number nine, the 
 male. 
 
 Or 
 
152 ROMANE QUESTIONS. 
 
 Or rather it is becaufe of all numbers, nine 
 is the firft fquare comming of three, which is 
 an odde and perfe6t number: and eight the 
 firft cubick, to wit foure-fquare on every fide 
 like a die proceeding from two, an even number : 
 now a man ought to be quadrat odde (as we 
 fay) and lingular, yea and perfeft : and a woman 
 (no lefTe than a die) fure and ftedfaft, a keeper 
 of home, and not eafily removed. Heereunto 
 we mult adjoyne thus much more alfo, that 
 eight is a number cubick, ariling from two as 
 the bafe and foot : and nine is a fquare quad- 
 rangle having three for the bafe : and therefore 
 it feemeth, that where women have two names, 
 men have three. 
 
 103. 
 
 JVhat is the reafon, that thofe children who have 
 no certeine father, they were woont to tearme 
 Spurios ? 
 
 For we may not thinke as the Greeks holde, 
 and as oratours give out in their pleas, that this 
 word Spurius, is derived of Spora, that is to 
 
 fay. 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 153 
 
 fay, naturall feed, for that fuch children arei 
 begotten by the feed of many men mingled and 
 confounded together. 
 
 But furely this Spurius, is one of the ordinary 
 fore-names that the Romans take, fuch as Sextus, 
 Decimus, and Caius. Now thefe fore-names they 
 never ufe to write out at full with all their 
 letters, but marke them fometime with one 
 letter alone, as for example, Titus, Lucius, and 
 Marciusj with T, L, M ; or with twaine, as 
 Spurius and Cneus, with Sp. and Cn. or at moft 
 with three as Sextus & Servius, with Sex. and 
 Ser. Spurius then is one of their fore-names 
 which is noted with two letters S. and P. which 
 lignifieth afmuch, as Sine Patre, that is to fay, 
 without a father j for S. ftandeth for Siiie, that 
 is to fay, without 5 and P. for patre, that is to 
 fay a father. And heereupon grew the error, 
 for that Sine patre, and Spurius be written both 
 with the fame letters fhort, Sp. And yet I will 
 not fticke to give you another reafon, though 
 it be fomewhat fabulous, and carieth a greater 
 abfurdity with it: forfooth they fay that the 
 Sabines in olde time named in their language 
 
 the 
 
154 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 the nature or privities of a woman, Sporios . 
 and thereupon afterwards as it were by way 
 of reproch, they called him Spurius, who had to 
 his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully 
 efpoufed. 
 
 104. 
 
 Why is Bacchus called with them, Liber Pater ? 
 
 Is it for that he is the authour and father of 
 all liberty unto them who have taken their wine 
 well J for mofl men become audacious and are 
 full of bolde and franke broad fpeech, when 
 they be drunke or cup-lhotten ? 
 
 Or becaufe he it is that miniftred libations 
 firft, that is to fay, thofe efFufions and ofFrings of 
 wine that are given to the gods ? 
 
 Or rather (as Alexander faid) becaufe the 
 Greeks called Bacchus, Dionyfos Eleuthereus, 
 that is to fay, Bacchus the Deliverer : and they 
 might call him fo, of a city in Bosotia, named 
 Eleutherce. 
 
 ^05- 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 155 
 
 105. 
 
 Wherefore was it not the cujlome among the 
 Romans, that maidens Jhould he wedded 
 upon any daies of their publicke feajls ; hut 
 widdowes might he remarried upon thofe 
 daies ? 
 
 Was it for that (as Varro faith) virgins be 
 * ill-apaid and heavie when they be iirft wedded j 
 but fuch as were wives before, tbe glad and 
 joyfull when they marrie againe ? And upon a 
 feflivall holiday there fhould be nothing done 
 with an ill will or upon conllraint. 
 
 Or rather, becaufe it is for the credit and 
 honour of young damofels, to be maried in the 
 view of the whole world 3 but for widowes it is 
 a difhonour and fhame unto them, to be feene 
 of many for to be wedded a fecond time : for 
 the firft marriage is lovely and delireable j the 
 fecond, odious and abominable : for women, if 
 they proceed to marrie with other men whiles 
 their former hulbands be living, are alhamed 
 
 * Or, feele paine : alluding haply Ad rupturam 
 Hytnenis. 
 
 t Or take delight and pleafure. 
 
 thereof i 
 
156 ROM AN B QUESTIONS. 
 
 thereof 3 and if they be dead, they are in mourn- 
 ing ftate of widowhood : and therefore they 
 chufe rather to be married clofely and fecretly 
 in all iilence, than to be accompanied with a 
 long traine and folemnity, and to have much 
 adoe and great ftirring at their marriage. Now 
 it is well knowen that feflivall holidaies divert 
 and diftrad the multitude divers waies, fome to 
 this game and paftime, others to that j fo as they 
 have no leifure to go and lee weddings. 
 
 Or laft of all, becaufe it was a day of publicke 
 folemnitie, when they firft raviflied the Sabines 
 daughters : an attempt that drew upon them, 
 bloudy warre, and therefore they thought it 
 ominous and prefaging evill, to fuffer their 
 virgins to wed upon fuch holidaies. 
 
 1 06. 
 
 IVhy doe the Romans honour and worjhip For- 
 tune, ly the name of Primigenia, which a 
 man may interpret Firjl begotten or Jirjl 
 borne f 
 
 Is it for that (as fome fay) Servius being 
 by chance borne of a maid-fervant and a cap- 
 tive. 
 
ROMANS QUESTIONS. 157 
 
 tive, had Fortune fo favourable unto him, 
 that he reigned nobly and glorioufly, king 
 at Rome ? For moft Romans are of this 
 opinion. 
 
 Or rather, becaufe Fortune gave unto the 
 city of Rome her firft originall and beginning of 
 fo mightie an empire. 
 
 Or lieth not herein fome deeper caufe, which 
 we are to fetch out of the fecrets of Nature and 
 Philofophic) namely, that Fortune is the prin- 
 ciple of all things, infomuch, as Nature con- 
 lifteth by Fortune 5 namely, when to fome 
 things concurring cafually and by chance, there 
 is fome order and difpofe adjoined. 
 
 J07. 
 
 What is the reafon that the Romans call thofe 
 who a6l comedies and other theatricall plaies, 
 Hiftriones ? 
 
 Is it for that caufe, which as Claudius Rufus 
 hath left in writing ? for he reporteth that many 
 yeeres ago, and namely, in thofe daies when 
 
 Cajus 
 
158 ROMANE QUESTIONS.] 
 
 Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Confuls, 
 there raigned a great peftilence at Rome, fuch a 
 mortalitie as comfumed all the ftage plaiers 
 indifferently one with another. Whereupon at 
 their inftant praier and requeft, there repaired 
 out of Tufcane to Rome, many excellent and 
 Angular adtours in this kinde : among whom, he 
 who was of greateft reputation, and had caried 
 the name longeft in all theaters, for his rare 
 gift and dexteritie that way, was called Hijier ; 
 of whofe name all other afterwards were tearmed 
 Hijiriones. 
 
 1 08. 
 
 IVhy efpoufed not the Romans in mariage 
 thofe women who were neere of kin unto 
 them? 
 
 Was it becaule they were defirous to amplilie 
 and encreafe their alliances, and acquire more 
 kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage 
 to others, and by taking to wife others than 
 their owne kinred ? 
 
 Or for that they feared in fuch wedlock 
 
 the 
 
ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 159 
 
 the jarres and quarrels of thofe who be 
 of kin, which are able to extinguifti and 
 abolifh even the verie lawes and rights of 
 nature ? 
 
 Or elfe, feeing as they did, how women by 
 reafon of their weaknefle and infirmitie ftand 
 in need of many helpers, they would not have 
 men to contra6t mariage, nor dwell in one houfe 
 with thofe who were neere in blood to them, to 
 the end, that if the hufband fhould offer wrong 
 and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might 
 fuccour and aflift her. 
 
 109. 
 
 IVhy is it not lawfull for Jupiters priejl, whom 
 they name Flamen Dialis to handle or once 
 touch meale or leaven. 
 
 For meale, is it not becaufe it is an un- 
 perfeft and raw kind of nourilhment? for 
 neither continueth it the fame that it was, to 
 wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it fhould 
 be, namely bread : but hath lofl that nature 
 which it had before of feed, and withall hath 
 
 not 
 
i6o ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 not gotten the ufe of food and nourifhment. 
 And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale 
 (by a Metaphor or borrowed fpeech) Myle- 
 phaton, which is as much to fay, as killed and 
 marred by the mill in grinding : and as for 
 leaven, both it felfe is engendered of a certaine 
 corruption of meale, and alfo corrupteth (in a 
 maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherein it 
 is mixed : for the faid dough becommeth leffe 
 firme and fall than it was before, it hangeth 
 not together 3 and in one word the leaven of 
 the pafte feemeth to be a verie putrifadion and 
 rottenneffe thereof. And verely if there be 
 too much of the leaven put to the dough, it 
 maketh it fo Iharpe and foure that it cannot 
 be eaten, and in verie truth fpoileth the meale 
 quite. 
 
 no. 
 
 Wherefore is the faid priejl likewife forbidden 
 to touch rawflejh ? 
 
 Is it by this cuftome to withdraw him farre 
 from eating of raw things ? 
 
 Or 
 
ROMANB QUESTIONS. i6i 
 
 Or is it for the fame caufe that he abhorreth 
 and detefleth meale ? for neither is it any more 
 a living animall, nor come yet to be meat : for 
 by boiling and rolling it groweth to fuch an 
 alteration, as changeth the verie forme thereof: 
 whereas raw fiefh and newly killed is neither 
 pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous 
 to fee to ; and beiides, it hath (I wot not 
 what) refemblance to an ougly fore or filthie 
 ulcer. 
 
 JVhat is the reafon that the Romans have ex- 
 pre/ly commaunded the fame priejl or 
 Flamen of Jupiter, not onely to touch a 
 dogge or a goat, hut not fo much as to name 
 either of them ? 
 
 To fpeake of the Goat firft, is it not for 
 deteflation of his exceflive luft and lecheriej 
 and befides for his ranke and filthie favour? 
 or becaufe they are afraid of him, as of a difeafed 
 creature and fubjed to maladies ? for furely, 
 here feemeth not to be a beaft in the world fo 
 
 much 
 
 L 
 
i62 ROMANE QUESTIONS, 
 
 much given to the falling ficknefle, as it is j nor 
 infeaeth fo foone thofe that either eat of the 
 flefh or once touch it, when it is furprifed with 
 this evill. The caufe whereof fome fay to be 
 the ftreightnefTe of thofe conduits and paflages 
 by which the fpirits go and come, which often- 
 times happen to be intercepted and flopped. 
 And this they conje6ture by the fmall and 
 ilender voice that this beaft hath ; & the better 
 to confirme the fame, we do fee ordinarily, 
 that men likewife who be fubject to this 
 malady, grow in the end to have fuch a voice 
 as in fome fort refembleth the bleating of goats. 
 Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is 
 not fo lecherous, nor fmelleth altogether fo 
 ftrong and fo ranke as doth the Goatj and 
 yet fome there be who fay, that a Dog 
 might not be permitted to come within the 
 caftle of Athens, nor to enter into the Ifle 
 of DeloSj becaufe forfooth he lineth bitches 
 openly in the light of everie man, as if 
 bulls, boares, and ftalions had their fecret 
 chambers, to do their kind with females, and 
 did not leape and cover them in the broad field 
 
 and 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 163 
 
 and open yard, without being abaihed at the 
 matter. 
 
 But ignorant they are of the true caufe in- 
 deed : which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell, 
 and quarelfome, given to arre and warre upon 
 a verie fmall occafion : in which refpe6t men 
 banilh them from fanduaries, holy churches, 
 and priviledged places, giving thereby unto 
 poore afflifted fuppliants, free accefle unto them 
 for their fafe and fure refuge. And even fo 
 verie probable it is, that this Flamen or prieft 
 of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an 
 holy, facred, and living image for to flie unto, 
 fliould be acceflible and ealie to be approached 
 unto by humble futers, and fuch as ftand in 
 need of him, without any thing in the way 
 to empeach, to put backe, or to affright them : 
 which was the caufe that he had a little bed 
 or pallet made for him, in the verie porch 
 or entrie of his houfe^ and that fervant or 
 Have, who could find meanes to come and fall 
 downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees 
 was for that day freed from the whip, and 
 paft danger of all other punifhment : fay he 
 
i64 ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 were a prifoner with irons, and bolts at his 
 feet that could make fhift to approch neere 
 unto this prieft, he was let loofe, and his gives 
 and fetters were throwen out of the houfe, not 
 at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe 
 thereof. 
 
 But to what purpofe ferved all this, and what 
 good would this have done, that he ihould 
 Ihew himfelfe fo gentle, fo affable, and humane, 
 if he had a curft dog about him to keepe his 
 doore, and to affright, chafe and fcarre all thofe 
 away who had recourfe unto him for luccour. 
 And yet fo it is, that our ancients reputed not a 
 dog to be altogether a clean creature : for firft 
 and formofl we doe not find that he is confe- 
 crated or dedicated unto any of the celeftial 
 gods J but being fent unto terreflrial & infernall 
 Proferpina into the quarrefires and crofTe high 
 waies to make her a fupper, he feemeth to ferve 
 for an expiatorie facrifice to divert and turne 
 away fome calamitie, or to cleanfe fome filthie 
 ordure, rather than otherwife : to fay nothing, 
 that in Lacedcemon, they cut and flit dogs down 
 along the mids, and fo facrifice them to Mars 
 
 the 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 165 
 
 the moft bloody god of all others. And the 
 Romanes themfelves upon the feaft Lupercalia, 
 which they celebrate in the luftrall moneth of 
 Purification, called February, offer up a dog for 
 a facrifice : and therefore it is no abfurditie to 
 thinke, that thofe who have taken upon them to 
 ferve the mofl foveraigne and purefl god of all 
 others, were not without good caufe forbidden to 
 have a dog with them in the houfe, nor to 
 be acqainted and familiar with him. 
 
 112. 
 
 For what caufe was not the fame prieji of Jupiter 
 permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or 
 to paffe thorow a way covered over head 
 with a vine growing to a tree, and fpr coding 
 her branches from itf 
 
 Is not this like unto thefe precepts of Phytha- 
 goras : Eat not your meat from a chaire : Sit 
 not upon a meafure called Choenix : Neither 
 ftep thou over a broome or *befoome. For 
 
 ' * adpop. 
 
 furely 
 
i66 ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 
 
 furely none of the Pythagoreans feared any 
 of thefe things, or made fcruple to doe, as thefe 
 words in outward fhew, and in their litterall 
 fenfe do pretend : but under fuch fpeeches they 
 did covertly and figuratively forbid fomewhat 
 elfe : even fo this precept : Go not under a vine, 
 is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this 
 much ; that it is not lawfull for the faid Prieft 
 to be drunke^ for fuch as over drinke them- 
 felves, have the wine above their heads, and 
 under it they are deprelTed and weighed downe, 
 whereas men and priefts efpecially ought to 
 be evermore fuperiors and commanders of this 
 pleafure, and in no wife to be fubjed unto it. 
 And thus much of the vine. 
 
 As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant 
 that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for 
 mans ufe : and moreover is fo weake, as by 
 reafon of that feeblenefTe it is not able to fus- 
 taine it felfe, but had need of other trees 
 to fupport and beare it up: and befides, with 
 the coole fhadowe that it yeelds, and the greene 
 leaves alwaies to be feene, it dazeleth, and as it 
 were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke 
 
 upon 
 
ROMANE QUESTIONS. 167 
 
 upon it : for which caufes^ men thought that 
 they ought not to nourifh or entertaine it about 
 an houfe, becaufe it bringeth no profit 3 nor 
 fufFer it to clafpe about any thing, confidering it 
 is fo hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe 
 upon them, whiles it fticketh fafl: in the ground : 
 and therefore banifhed it is from the temples and 
 facrifices of the celeftiall gods, and their priefls 
 are debarred from ufing it : neither fhall a man 
 ever fee in the facrifices or divine worfhip of 
 y^uno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any 
 wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at 
 the facrifices and fervices of Bacchus, which are 
 performed in the night and darkneffe, it is 
 ufed. 
 
 Or may not this be a covert and figurative 
 prohibition, of fuch blind dances and fooleries 
 in the night, as thefe be, which are pra6tifed by 
 the prieflis of Bacchus ? for thofe women which 
 are tranfported with thefe furious motions of 
 Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and 
 catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, 
 or elfe chew it betweene their teeth j in fo 
 much as they fpeake not altogether abfurdly, 
 
 who 
 
i68 ROMANS QUESTIONS. 
 
 who fay, that this ivie hath in it a certaine fpirit 
 that ftirreth and mooveth to madneflej turneth 
 mens mindes to furie 3 driveth them to extalies j 
 troubleth and tormenteth them 5 and in one 
 word raaketh them dnmke withoute wine, and 
 doth great pleafure unto them, who are other- 
 wife difpofed and enclined of themfelves to fuch 
 fanaticall ravilhraents of their wit and under- 
 ftanding. 
 
 IVhat is the reafon that thefe Priejls and Flamins 
 of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take 
 upon them, or to fue for any government of 
 State, hut in regard that they be not capable 
 of fuch dignities, for honour fake and in 
 fome fort to make fome recompenfe for 
 that defeSi, they have an ufher or verger 
 before them carrying a knitch of rods, 
 yea and a curall chaire of ejlate to fit 
 upon ? 
 
 Is it for the fame caufe, that as in fome cities 
 of Greece, the facerdotall dignitie was equivalent 
 to the royall majeftie of a king, fo they would 
 
 not 
 
ROMAN B QUESTIONS. 169 
 
 not chufe for their priefts, meane perfons and 
 fuch as came next to hand. 
 
 Or rather, becaufe Priefts having their func- 
 tions determinate and certaine, and the kings, 
 undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not pos- 
 fible, that when the occafions and times of both 
 concurred together at one inftant, one and the 
 fame perfon lliould be fufficient for both : for 
 it could not otherwife be, but many times when 
 both charges prelfed upon him and urged him 
 at ones, he jQiould pretermit the one or the 
 other, and by that meanes one while offend and 
 fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile 
 do hurt unto citizens and fubje6ts. 
 
 Or elfe, confidering, that in governments 
 among men, they faw that there was other- 
 whiles no leffe neceffitie than authority j and 
 that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates 
 faid of a phylician, who feeth many evill things^, 
 yea and handleth many alfo) from the harmes of 
 other men, reapeth griefe and forrow of his 
 owne : they thought it not in policy good, that 
 any one fhould facrifice unto the gods, or have 
 the charge and fuperintendence of facred things j 
 
 who 
 
I70 ROMANB QUESTIONS. 
 
 who had been either prefent or prelident at the 
 judgements and condemnations to death of his 
 owne citizens 3 yea and otherwhiles of his owne 
 kinsfolke and allies, hke as it befell fometime to 
 Brutus. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by Ballantyne, Hanson &. Ca 
 Edinburgh attd London 
 
BIBLIOTHEQUE DE CARABAS, 
 
 Crown 8vo Volumes^ Printed on Hand-made Paper, 
 
 with Wide Margins and Uncut Edges, done 
 
 up in Japanese Vellum Wrappers. 
 
 Issued under the general Editorship of 
 Mr. ANDREW LANG. 
 
 THESE VOLUMES WILL NEVER BE REPRINTED. 
 
 I. CUPID AND PSYCHE; The Most Pleasant and 
 Delectable Tale of the Marriage of Cupid and Psyche. 
 Done into English by William Adlington, of Uni- 
 versity College in Oxford. With a Discourse on the 
 Fable by Andrew Lang, late of Merton College in 
 Oxford. Frontispiece by W. B. Richmond, and Verses 
 by the Editor, May Kendall, J. W. Mackail, 
 F. Locker-Lampson, and W. H. Pollock. (Ixxxvi. 
 66 pp.) 1887. Out of print. 
 
 II, EUTERPE : The Second Book of the Famous History 
 of Herodotus. Englished by B. R. 1584. Edited by 
 Andrew Lang, with Introductory Essays on the Reli- 
 gion and the Good Faith of Herodotus. Frontispiece 
 
by A. W. ToMSON ; and Verses by the Editor and 
 Graham R. Tomson. (xlviil 174 pp.) 1888. los. 
 Out of print. 
 
 " Mr Lang deserves no small thanks from all who love 
 the quaint and delightful stories of Kings and their tombs, 
 of gods and their temples, told to Herodotus by the priests 
 of Egypt, and by him to the world." T/i^ Spectator. 
 
 It is not necessary to quote or point out the best of 
 the many good things which will be found in ' B. R.'s' 
 translation of ' Euterpe.' To begin it is to read it to the 
 end." The Saturday Review. 
 
 III. THE FABLES OF BIDPAI ; or, The MoraU 
 Philosophie of Doni : Drawne out of the auncient 
 writers, a work first compiled in the Indian tongue. 
 Englished out of Italian by Thomas North, Brother 
 to the Right Honorable Sir Roger North, Knight, 
 Lord North of Kyrtheling, 1570. Now again edited 
 and induced by Joseph Jacobs, together with a 
 Chronologico - Biographical Chart of the translations 
 and adaptations of the Sanskrit Original, and an 
 Analytical Concordance of the Stories. With a ftdl- 
 page Illustration by Edward Burne Jones, A.R.A., 
 Frontispiece from a i6th century MS. of the Anvari 
 Suhaili, and facsimiles of Woodcuts in the Italian 
 Doni of 1532. (Ixxxii. 264 pp.) 1888. The few 
 remaining copies, I2j. 
 
 "We have nothing but praise to bestow upon this 
 reprint, which forms the latest volume of Mr. Nutt's 
 delightful ' Biblioth^que de Carabas.' . . . With its 
 scholarly disquisition and its lovely paper and type, the 
 book makes an appeal which will, in many quarters at 
 least, be irresistible." A^c^/t-j and Queries. 
 
IV- V. THE FABLES OF JESOP, as first printed by 
 W. Caxton in 1484. Now again edited and induced 
 by J. Jacobs. With Introductory Verse by Mr. 
 Andrew Lang. 2 Vols. 1890. ;^i, is. 
 
 VI. THE ATTIS OF CAIUS VALERIUS 
 CATULLUS. Translated into English Verse, with 
 Dissertations on the Myth of Attis, on the Origin of 
 Tree - Worship, and on the Galliambic Metre. By 
 Grant Allen, B.A., formerly Postmaster of Merton 
 College, Oxford, (xvi. 154 pp.) 1892. 7^. 6d. 
 
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