949.5 
 
 Leader 
 
 An Address to the Merchants, 
 
 Manufacturers, and landed 
 
 Proprietors of Ireland
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 AN 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Merchants, Manufacturers, and 
 
 Landed Proprietors 
 
 O F 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 IN WHICH 
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF AN UNION 
 
 ON THEIR 
 
 RESPECTIVE PURSUITS IS EXAMINED. 
 
 AND IN WHICH 
 
 THE REAL RECIPROCAL INTERESTS OF GREAT 
 
 BRITAIN AND IRELAND ARE CANDIDLY 
 
 AND IMPARTIALLY DISCUSSED. 
 
 BY NICHOLAS PHILPO'T LEADER^ ESQ; 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PRINTED FOR JAMES MOORE, NO. 45, COLLEGE-GREEN. 
 I800.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THOSE who cannot be convinced of any thing 
 by argument, willfneer at my officious and imperti- 
 nent zeal in obtruding myfelf on the attention of the 
 public. But if by looking at my country boldly in the 
 face, at all its inter efts and all its dangers, I canml 
 prevent one honeft legijlator 'wavering from the line of 
 virtuous duty, the reflexion of contributing, even in 
 afmall degree, to the prefervaticn and the comforts 
 of the induftrious part of the community, will amply 
 compenfate for what I have the vanity to hope the 
 reader will not Jind trite and common-placed obfer- 
 vations. 
 
 114O803
 
 TO THE 
 
 Merchants and Country Gentlemen, 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 1 O agitate the public mind by inflammatory 
 inveclive, or carry into public or private life a 
 fretful and vindictive acrimony towards thofe 
 who happen to be in power, would be at all times, 
 but more particularly at the prefent, repug- 
 nant to my natural difpofition, and my love for 
 the greateft of all earthly bleffings, domeftic 
 peace and national fecurity. However from the 
 unbending zeal and unceafing perfeverance, wfth 
 which the fervants of the cr&wn have endeavour- 
 ed to reftore a tried, convicted and condemned 
 delinquent to the confidence of their fellow fub- 
 jects, it is moft evident that they can forefee nei- 
 ther inconvenience to themfelves, nor danger to 
 B their
 
 their country, from the clofeft inveftigatlon of the 
 principles by which they may be fuppofed to be 
 actuated^ or the means which they have ufed to 
 effect fo defirable an object. The fupporters of 
 the Union have at leaft one merit, in which they 
 certainly have a confpicuous advantage over all 
 their opponents, in their unwearied exertions to 
 recruit their levies their eagernefs to defend 
 and to propagate their principles and in their 
 attempts to demonftrate their fmcerity if not 
 by the foundnefs of their caufe, at leaft by (hew- 
 ing the world that in their endeavours to carry 
 their favourite meafure into execution, they were 
 neither deficient in courage nor confiftency. 
 
 All circumftances taken together, the infatua- 
 tion of the executive governments of both coun- 
 tries towards Ireland is the moft fingular and ex- 
 travaganthad there been a change in his Majef- 
 ty's councils, and had the new men on whom he 
 was pleafed to repofe his confidence, projected 
 the renovation or the new conftruction of the 
 common wealth though there are many amongfl 
 you who might poflibly have trembled at their 
 boldnefs, there is not one at leaft who could have 
 been furprized at their inconfiftency. But alas ! 
 how ftrangely have thefe minifters perverted in 
 themfelves and in thofe who attend to them, all 
 the amiable and honourable characteriftics of the 
 human heart have they not for thefe laft ten 
 years been in a ftate of permanent infurreaion 
 
 againft
 
 againd every man who profelfed a fpeculative opi- 
 nion or hazarded a fentiment in favor of the 
 flighted innovation ! and how have the events of 
 the day appeared to demonflrate the propriety of 
 the conduct which they have purfued have they 
 not broken the mod endearing friendfhips to wage 
 eternal war againd fpeculative project*? Have 
 they not obtained accumulated honors, and the 
 mod lucrative employments in both countries, 
 for their fuppofed abhorrence of all kinds pf in- 
 novation r And have they not fecured the confi- 
 dence both of fovereign and of fubject, for their 
 holy and pious zeal to demondrate, that a fingle 
 departure from the \vifdom of our ancedors would 
 lead to the annihilation of all regular govern- 
 ment, and that out of the deftruction of eda- 
 blifhed inditution -thofe Theban and Thracian 
 orgies acted with fo much fuccefs in another 
 country were fure to arjle the r e were the advan- 
 tages which they obtained -and thefe the prin- 
 ciples which they uniformly profefled. That thefe 
 men lliould on a fudden become principal per- 
 formers in the fcene reprefenting before us, mud 
 fill the enlightened and benevolent mind with the 
 mod afflicting fenfations, and furnifh a complete 
 triumph to thofe who might otherwife be fuppof- 
 ed to infult them without caufe, or cenfure them 
 without proof.-r-When you, the indudrious and 
 independent part of the community, who feel 
 and have felt the actual arrangement of the date 
 B 2 to
 
 to be of the greatefl poflible eflimation, obferve 
 this conduct in the fuppofed fupporters of the ef- 
 tabliflied order of your own country, and contem- 
 plate the frantic freaks and the odious difregard 
 of theinterefls of the human fpecies, on the part 
 of thofe in another country who have afpired to 
 be claffed among the benefactors of mankind 
 you feem to me to have no other alternative than 
 to uphold, if you can uphold, the Conflitution 
 of our fathers, if not, to feclude yourfelves 
 from a world of vice, wickednefs and confufion, 
 the victims of an ufelefs lamentation and unavail- 
 ing forrow. 
 
 Indeed the queflion, Union or no Union, is an 
 awful and interefling one to every Irifhmari, or 
 there is none awful and interefling at this fide of 
 the grave. It is better, therefore, to be con- 
 demned for too tremulous zeal, than to be ruined 
 by too confident fecurity. The relative interefls 
 of nations widely differ from the fquabbling poli- 
 tics of parties, and it would ill become us tq be 
 indolent and lazy in the care .of them, or from a 
 noblenefs of mind and franknefs of character, to 
 wave all unworthy fufpicions. If the fafety of 
 the (late is at flake, we cannot exceed in forefight 
 or precaution ; and as our conduct on fuch oc- 
 cafions ought to be influenced by arguments 
 alone, drawn fro'm truth and reafon, fo thefe 
 arguments ought to be examined in proportion 
 to the importance of the fubject. When we fairly 
 
 and
 
 and honeftly conceive an injury is intended, our 
 duty to oppofe it, to ufe ,a geometrical expref- 
 fion, mould be in a compound ratio of the degree 
 of appearance, and the greatnefs of the evil 
 which is threatened. What renders the re-intro* 
 dudion of this meafure peculiarly calamitous is, 
 that the very befl men in the country are afraid, 
 in the prefent cruel and critical fituation of af- 
 fairs, to difcufs it fairly and frankly, even in the 
 bofom of their private families. It is very evi- 
 dent, however, that there can be no caufe for 
 this extreme prudence ; for you mud either fup^ 
 pofe, what you will not willingly credit, that the 
 deliberations and the actions of your rulers are 
 founded on a ftrange compound of crimes and 
 follies, or elfe you muft conclude, that though 
 you are engaged in a mofl eventful war, and 
 fcarce efcaped from the horrors of civil conflict, 
 yet that no increafed danger, no poflible inter- 
 ruption to narional tranquillity, can arife from 
 difcufling, nay even from carrying the meafure 
 into complete execution. The queftion between 
 us is fimply this Are we to have a country which 
 we can call our own, in which we can depofit 
 our own hopes, as well as thofe of our pofterity, 
 without being expofed to muffled confpiracy and 
 eternal war, and are we, without any opportu- 
 nity of improving our condition, retrieving our 
 misfortunes, recruiting our finances, perpetua- 
 ting our polity, and affecting the regeneration of 
 
 our
 
 6 
 
 our common country, on principles itricUy con- 
 ftitutional, if our rulers throw afide the gri- 
 mace of hypocrify, and affume the attributes and 
 character of ftatelmen. The queftion is not, whe- 
 ther there are abufes in the Hate ; but the quel* 
 tion is, are we to have at a (late all ? The queilion 
 is not, whether thofe in power are virtuous and 
 wife, but the question is, wh^ri.jrwe are to have 
 an opportunity of calling virtue and wifdom to 
 our aid, in other times and in a more favoured 
 opportunity ? And if, in the words of an elo-- 
 quent writer, commerce and the arts are to be 
 facrificed in the experiment, to try how a country 
 may (land by the fubverfion of eftablifhed infti-- 
 tutions, what fort of a thing muft a nation 
 be, ofgrofs, ftupid, ferocious, and at the- fame 
 time, poor and fordid barbarians, deftitufe of 
 honour and manly pride, pofieffing nothing at 
 prefent, and hoping for nothing hereafter. 
 
 Say or think what they will, thefe rulers can. 
 net feparate their fortunes from our own. If they 
 are the promoters of great national misfortunes, 
 they and their children will in the courfe of na- 
 ture and of time, be involved in the confequences 
 which thofe calamities may occafion. It can be 
 of little life to obtain power and emolument by 
 the fale of national honour and individual cha- 
 racter, if they cannot include a fecure and quiet 
 enjoyment to themfelves and their pofterity of the 
 purchafe they have made. To fecure their here- 
 ditary
 
 ditary patrimony and the earnings of their indivi- 
 dual induftry by \vifdom and by virtue, is far 
 preferable than to grafp at any honors \vhich the 
 crov/n can confer, or the wealth which" the trea- 
 fury can beflow, and hold them with a troubled 
 conscience and the tenure of the fword. The ru- 
 mour of the day certainly is, that an Union is to 
 be carried at all events and under all inconveni- 
 ences, but as I cannot readily accede to every 
 vulgar rerort, fo I mvift be excufed for conceiving 
 it poffible that any meafure could be pafled againft 
 the councils of the wife, the arguments of the 
 moderate and the inlreaties of the humane it is 
 therefore that I think it of the lad importance to 
 fhew, that eviiry frefh occurrence abroad and at 
 home, fmce the queftion was laft difcuffed, affords 
 the ftrongeft arguments againft the project, and 
 that there is not the fmalleft ground for changing 
 the opinion which we gave at the commencement 
 of the former year, that an Union was calculated 
 to ftrike a fatal blow againft the property and 
 the perfons of all the various inhabitants of this 
 great and profperous town, and of confequence to 
 have a baneful and deadly influence on the whole 
 community. For of all the proportions which 
 have ever been attempted to be maintained that 
 which is intended to demonftrate that a mea- 
 fure which is calculated to injure a great and 
 profperous metropolis, and which whilft it is ope- 
 rating that injury, is infenfibly contracting the 
 
 means
 
 8 
 
 means by which great cities may be raifed can 
 be difadvantageoustotheparticular member, with- 
 out being difadvantageous alfo to the community 
 at large, feems to me the moft monflrous that 
 ever was impofed on the credulity of the moft 
 diftempered imagination. 
 
 " That the intereft of the City of Dublin mould 
 1 ever be abftracled from the general intereft of Ire- 
 land, is to me as extraordinary as that any honeft 
 reflecting Irifhman could ever be induced to ap- 
 ; plaud the wifdom of the meafure. It has been 
 O f ftrongly relied on in various publications, that the 
 partial evil to Dublin by an Union, will be fully 
 compenfated by the general good. The firft fub- 
 je&for argument now is, that a Union is not on- 
 ly calculated to deprefs this city ; but that it is 
 calculated to deprefs and prevent the exaltation of 
 any other part of the nation to the extent it might 
 otherwife be advanced a great metropolis inftead 
 of being the effect may be confidered to be the 
 caufe of the improvement and cultivation of the 
 country. There are fome countries more than 
 others in which (from exifting circumftances arif- 
 ing out of ancient inftitutions or inveterate ha- 
 bits,) it is peculiarly neceflary to avoid any expe- 
 riment which might impede the growth of their 
 great cities and of all the countries in Europe, 
 Ireland is that country which ought to be moft 
 cautious. It-is to be remembered that even under 
 the exifting connexion there is a calamitous pro- 
 
 penfity
 
 penfity in our great proprietors to emigrate to 
 England ; and until it can be (hewn that the una- 
 voidable abfence of three or four hundred of the 
 firft families and fortunes in Ireland muft necefla- 
 rily diminifh the evil, I have a right to aflume 
 that an Union is not only calculated to create but 
 to encourage emigration. Great proprietors ne- 
 ver are conftant refidents in the country parts of 
 any nation, and very rarely, great cultivators. 
 There is no proportion in Ireland between the 
 great proprietors and thofe of moderate fortunes. 
 We have not the means of afcertaining the precife 
 proportion ; but that an immenfe proportion of 
 the landed property of the country is in the 
 hands of great proprietors is univerfally allowed 
 if the landed property of Ireland was general- 
 ly diffufed among fmall proprietors or men of 
 middling condition, the prefent argument would 
 loofe confiderably in its weight : for fmall pro- 
 prietors who know every part of their territory 
 view it with all the affection which property natu- 
 rally infpires, they cannot be allured to abandon 
 the cheering and invigorating induftry of the 
 country for the {loth and lazinefs of towns 
 they are of all improvers the moft intelligent, 
 the moft induftrious and the moft fuccefsful, and 
 the moft likely to veil the rents arifmg out of 
 their fully improved lands in fome branches of 
 manufactures. But great proprietors from their 
 education and their habits, are rarely addicted to 
 C great
 
 10 
 
 great induftry. Their motive is to make their 
 lives pleafant without caring to make them ufe- 
 ful. They have no bounds to expence, becaufe they 
 have no bounds to their vanity, or the value they 
 fet upon their comforts or their luxuries : they 
 cannot live out of large and populous cities, be- 
 caufe thefe cities are the feat of polifhed fociety 
 the nature of men is intricate and the objects of 
 fociety of the greateflpoflible complexity. If in 
 the infirmity of that nature we often convert the 
 moil imaginary evils into infuperable calamities \ 
 are we to entertain no apprehenfions from real 
 evils themfelves ? That many great proprietors 
 by refiding in another nation fhew that they can- 
 not enjoy the pleafure of polifhed fociety in their 
 own, isafufficient misfortune mail we then adopt 
 a meafure particularly calculated to encreafe the 
 number of abfentees, as well as to render thofe 
 difpofed to remain difgufted and difcontented 
 with their country is it ferioufly to be contend- 
 ed that the abfolute unavoidable neceffity of tranf- 
 porting three or four hundred perfons of the 
 greateft fortunes and not the leaft cultivated man- 
 ners, will not narrow the fphere of polifhed fo- 
 ciety, or mall it be afierted that fuch a tranfpor- 
 tationis not likely to make their old intimates of 
 equal fortunes conceive at leaft they havejuftain- 
 ed a lofs, and encourage perfons who might not 
 otherwife form an idea of the kind, to imagine 
 that thofe who have abandoned Dublin have 
 
 found
 
 II 
 
 found in London a more pleafant and agreeable 
 fociety ? Here then we leave the individuals fent 
 to tranfaft the bufmefs of the nation and the mo- 
 ney they draw for their fupport out of the quef- 
 tion. Is there no danger to be apprehended from 
 folly, from fafhion, from ignorance, from exam- 
 ple on minds retrained by no tie and prescribed 
 by no regulation ? Is it to be gravely contended, 
 that the different modes of thinking prevalent 
 amongft men, the infinite and obfcure combina- 
 tion of their ideas which often originate in prin- 
 ciples falfe in themfelves, but dear to them who 
 adopt them, are to have no influence in unnerv- 
 ing the arm of the fpeculatifl fhall it be faid 
 that new inftitutions are not likely to create new 
 prejudices j or is it gravely to be maintained 
 that when a provincial dependency is fubflituted 
 for national government, that the ties and princi- 
 ples which bind us to our country, and which 
 are fo interwoven with long habits of thinking 
 ourfelves at leafl a feparate and independent peo- 
 ple, that the one cannot be deftroyed without 
 the complete deftru&ion of the other, will not 
 not neceffarily be torn up and eradicated from the 
 human heart ! 
 
 Is it then prudent to give the great proprietors 
 of Ireland caufe for feeling and perceiving that 
 they have not the adv-antage of polifhed fociety to 
 the extent they had before the Union ? Nay, is 
 
 C 2 ft
 
 12 
 
 it wife, by every years experience, to fhew them 
 that the ftate of fociety in Ireland is growing 
 worfe and worfe. To oppofe the meafure, in 
 mercy to this clafs of our countrymen, would be 
 to take a confined and narrow view of the quef- 
 tion. Thofe who would take the trouble to num- 
 ber the great proprietors who conftantly or occa- 
 fionally refide in Dublin, who would count the 
 number of hands which are employed in admi- 
 niftering to their wants and fupplying them with 
 luxuries or comforts, fo as to eftimate the num- 
 bers who may be thrown out of employment by 
 by thefe proprietors changing their rcfidence to 
 England, thofe who can eftimate the reaction 
 of thefe ills, occafioned by the depreflion of this 
 town on the country, by which its inhabitants 
 are fupplied with the means of fubfiftence, can 
 alone properly eftimate the mifery and mifchief 
 which muft be occafioned by this meafure. To 
 take any individual of large fortune, and enu- 
 merate his dependents, and then calculate the va- 
 rious means by which various individuals derive 
 their fubfiftence through him, is a familiar illuf- 
 tration of this argument ; but the evils from the 
 abfence of a number of thefe individuals on the 
 great manufacturing houfes, are not eafily or 
 readily perceived. All the dependant branches 
 fall with the fupporting trunk. The drain of the 
 capital of thefe proprietors will try the bone 
 
 and
 
 IIS 
 
 and fearch the marrow of every manufacturer, 
 whofe misfortunes will recoil on a large portion 
 of the labouring clafs of the community ; for as 
 the calamity defcends through the fubordinate 
 clafs, the victims will become more numerous, 
 though lefs diftinguifhed, until the whole com- 
 munity finks unde the preflure of thofe inevita- 
 ble misfortunes. 
 
 A rebellion madly commenced, and a war 
 rafhly undertaken, may have occafioned great 
 temporary inconveniences : but a train of fortu- 
 nate occurrences may reftore complete peace, and 
 and the victory of a day may compenfate the de- 
 feat of years. For inflance, Sparta, which was 
 fo often harrafled by the arms of neighbouring 
 powers, was always feen to rife more formidable 
 from oppreffion, and the celebrated defeat of 
 Cannae, only infpired the Romans with greater 
 courage. But the flighted error in civil polity, 
 are capable of producing the moft deftruclive 
 and permanent evils. Slighter caufes than the re- 
 volution in their governments have occafioned 
 the downfall of cities and the ruin of ftates. How 
 the morals of the people can be ameliorated, and 
 their manners improved, by depriving them of 
 an intercourfe with the higher orders of the (late ; 
 how the domeflic trade of a nation can be en- 
 creafed by fending its greateft and richeft confu- 
 rners to a diftant country, and how a nation at 
 
 large
 
 large can be enriched by remitting its wealth to 
 fupport the number fhe has made it neaifciry to 
 emigrate are yet to be proved ? No, no, de- 
 pend upon it that in political economy, the metro- 
 polis of a country, is to the country at. large 
 what in the admirable economy of human life, 
 the heart is to the reft of the human fyftem. That 
 as the latter by its alternate contraction and dila- 
 tion and by being that part of the fyftem from" 
 whence all the arteries arife, and in which all 
 the veins terminate, is the chief inftrument of 
 the circulation of the blood and the principle of 
 life fo the former by prefenting a ready market 
 the moft improved produce of every kind in the 
 nation, and by returning in exchange the mod 
 Improved manufactures, gives life, energy and 
 motion to the whole community. 
 
 It is not very difficult to forefee the objections 
 which may be made by thofe who may be un- 
 willing to acknowledge the truths which are here 
 attempted to be enforced they will fir ft contend 
 that the argument drawn from emigration is 
 founded on afiertion and therefore ought to fall 
 to the ground- you are the jurors impannelled 
 to find the verdict. Secondly, though for the 
 purpofe of argument they will admit the fact of 
 encreafed emigration, yet they will contend that 
 Dublin might be injured and the reft of the coun- 
 try might be ferved ; and that if there are emi- 
 grants of one kind from Ireland, there will be 
 
 others
 
 ethers of a different kind from England, and 
 that the great increafe of manufactures and the 
 tranfportation of capitals will more than fupera- 
 bundantly counteract the mifchief refulting out 
 of the remittance "of the rents of land. This is 
 the language holden by fome of the merchants 
 of Ireland. What fay they, are your great proprie- 
 tors to us : with expences greater than their in- 
 comes, how often do they ruin the tradefmen 
 whom they mould cherilh. In their refpeclive ef- 
 tates, theie proprietors do no good : in the capital 
 they do much mifchief and it is thus that thofe 
 who are under the delufion of the fpring and elaf- 
 ticity to be derived from an Union to commer. 
 cial intercourfe are enraptured with the ideas of 
 exchanging the great and inactive for the mer. 
 chant and the induftrious. It is a very common 
 mode of arguing this queftion to write hiftories 
 on the caprice of commerce, and the fearching 
 eye which me has for an advantageous fituation 
 it is faid that Briftol has declined in trade and that 
 Liverpool has raifed itfelf on the ruins of Briftol. 
 without the flighted inconvenience to England : 
 and that therefore the trade of Dublin might be 
 removed to Cork without any injury whatever to 
 Ireland. But as it cannot be (hewn that the decline 
 of Briftol was occafioned by great operating caufes 
 of national ruin, there is no analogy whatever be- 
 tween the two cafes. But how is Cork to be exalted 
 in afar greater proportion thanDublin isdeprefled 
 
 ona
 
 i6 
 
 one would imagine from the noife made in the 
 world of the great advantage of the meafure to 
 Cork, that there was fome incomprehenfible fpell 
 by which the produce of thefe iflands might be 
 inftantaneoufly rolled to Eaft and Weft, and by 
 the means of which the great articles of the com- 
 merce of thefe countries might be conveniently 
 lodged in the (lores of the merchants of Lon- 
 don ? Indeed I do not recollect among the pro- 
 mifed advantages to Cork, that a portion of the 
 trade to the Eaft has been included : though the 
 Directors of the Eaft India Company have fpent 
 millions in making the port and city of London 
 the depot of Eaft India produce, though London 
 is admirably calculated for re-exporting the pro- 
 duce of both Eaft and Weft Indies to the conti- 
 nent and Northern parts of Europe, and is fpe- 
 eifically mentioned in the lately renewed charter 
 as the only port for the trade to the Eaft yet it 
 is fomewhat fmgular indeed that the advantage of 
 that trade is not mentioued among the other be- 
 nefits which Cork is to derive from this meafure. 
 Then we come to the trade to the Weft Indies : in 
 this Cork is to carry every thing before it. But 
 how is the trade to the Weft Indies carried on at 
 prefent ? The merchant of Cork receives the 
 contract for provifions, he executes that contract : 
 and whatever profit he makes, is an increafe to his 
 capital, and is afterwards employed in extending 
 his mercantile purfuits. The money he gives for 
 
 thofc
 
 '7 
 
 thofe provifions, and his own profit, center in the 
 country ; but let us have the Union, and what 
 will be our boafled advantages. A partner or a 
 clerk in an Englifh houfe will be fent over to buy 
 the provifions himfelf, cure them and fhip them, 
 fet off at the end of the feafon, and thus deprive 
 the regular merchant and the country of the fair 
 profit which now remains in it after the contract 
 is executed. 
 
 But fay the advocates for the Union, that is a 
 mod wretched mode of confidering the bufmefs, 
 It is the capital which will be tranfported that 
 will effect fuch miracles at Cork. I do not feel 
 pleafant in troubling you with that very trite ar- 
 gument of Mr. Pitt's, that let the fituation of Ire- 
 land be ever fo much more convenient for an in- 
 tercourfe with the Weft Indies, yet certainly that 
 a circuitous navigation through the Irifh ports to 
 England, could by no means be fo beneficial as a 
 direct navigation to the Englifh ports ; nor could 
 the direct navigation to England be performed to 
 greater advantage by the Iriih than the Englifh 
 merchants j and even if it could, the direct na- 
 vigation is at this hour in the power of fhe Iriih. 
 But it may be faid, that although true it is that 
 Cork might not be an emporium for England, yet 
 fhe may be a depot from whence the Britifli 
 merchant may fupply his other markets. Is fuch 
 nonfenfe to be tolerated, as that every EngliiTi 
 fliip which is to fail for the Baltic or the Levant, 
 D aad
 
 and whofe cargo is compofed of iRnumerabff 
 commodities, muft come round to Cork to take 
 in Weft India produce. O ! but ftill great capital 
 is to go to Cork to be put into the trade to the 
 Weft Indies. Are \ve to clofe our eyes and re- 
 main totally ignorant of the occurrences of the 
 world. During the war it is poflible that we may 
 almoft confider this trade a monopoly. But the 
 Union is to be permanent, the war only tempo- 
 rary. Even in war we have found that the 
 French, through the medium of neutral bottoms, 
 have been able to fend in a large fupply of fugar 
 to Hamburgh, and difturb very much the fale of 
 Britim Weft India produce on the continent. 
 But I think it ftands allowed on all hands, that 
 our trade to the Weft Indies muft conliderably 
 diminifh every hour from the time peace is con- 
 cluded. The very valuable and fertile ifland of 
 St. Domingo will give the French not only enough 
 to fupply their own wants, but to vie with us in 
 the different markets of the world. If the trade 
 to the Weft Indies could be encreafed by our en- 
 creafing the number of our Weft India iflands, 
 we might drawfome confolation from our acqui- 
 fitions during the prefent war. But what avail 
 our captures when a confiderable part of Jamaica 
 that might be cultivated, has never yet been 
 turned to advantage. The great difficulty of car- 
 riage renders it impomble to make fugars or rum 
 at a greater diftance from the fea than ten or 
 
 twelve
 
 twelve miles. None of our iflands have great ri- 
 vers running through them on \vhofe banks th^fe 
 commodities might be produced. Light articles 
 may be brought from the remoter! parts, but thofe 
 heavy articles muft be cultivated near the fea coaft. 
 The want of thofe rivers deprives the planters of 
 thefe mills which are of the greateft advantage in 
 the cultivation of the cains, and for which wind- 
 mills, cattle mills, &c. are a precarious and moft 
 expenfive fubftitute. But in St. Domingo there 
 are large rivers which render this ifland mod va- 
 luable indeed. It can have its banks cultivated : 
 it can fend its produce down thefe rivers for ex- 
 portation, and it is therefore thatwehave reafon to 
 apprehend, that in time of peace, the French will 
 engrofs a large portion of that trade, of which at 
 prefent we certainly have a fpecies of monopoly. 
 The wants of mankind are limited. Befidcs, if 
 all the accounts from Egypt are not extremely 
 exaggerated, it is furely not impoffible but that it 
 might fupply the eaftern part of Europe with 
 many articles fimilar to thofe of the Weft India 
 -produce. It is to be remembered, that the trade 
 of the world is forced at prefent from its natural 
 channel. By having the dominion of the feas, 
 we have a great comparative advantage over our 
 enemies. But in peace the trade of the worldmuft 
 defcend to its proper level ; and as the Englifh 
 merchant can now, when his trade to the Weft 
 Indies is poffibly at its greateft height, carry it 
 D 2 on
 
 20 
 
 on without ever cafting his eyes on Cork ; it is 
 
 fcai'ce probable that he would difcover this want 
 
 of fituation, when his trade was in a ftate of di- 
 
 minution. For unlefs we can imagine the French 
 
 iflands, when peace arrives, what they never 
 
 were before, worfe governed than the Englifh 
 
 colonies, and unlefs we can entertain the idea, 
 
 that France herfelf is not well fituated for fo- . 
 
 reign commerce, and taxed far beyond England, 
 
 we muft neceffarily admit that the competition 
 
 of the merchants of that country will confiderably 
 
 diminifh the Britifh trade to the Weft Indies, 
 
 From all thefe circumftances, I think we are 
 
 warranted in concluding that the trade to the 
 
 Weft Indies is rather calculated to diminifh gra- 
 
 dually, than to encreafe rapidly : and that the 
 
 emigration of capitalifts from England to Ireland, 
 
 to carry on this trade, is one of the wildeft chi- 
 
 meras that ever entered the head of man. We 
 
 have now (hewn that Dublin may moft likely be 
 
 ruined, that Cork cannot be ferved. It is now 
 
 incumbent on us to prove that no other part of 
 
 the kingdom can commercially be benefited- 
 
 > r > We are agreed on all fides that an increafe of 
 
 I capital is eflential to an increafe in the productive 
 
 *t powers of labour. The difference between us now 
 
 ir is-, whether there is any thing in Union calculat- 
 
 ic- ed to open new fources of trade, from the fav- 
 
 I ings of which we may encreafe our own capital, 
 
 *>e- or whether there is any thing in an Union, fuppo- 
 
 y an UNIOK,
 
 21 
 
 fmg it to take place, that rnuft neceflfarily occu- 
 fion a tranfportation of capital to any part of Ire- 
 land. As for the trade of the world (except 
 the Eaft Indies), we have the fame liberty as 
 any other nation whatever; and as for the 
 trade to the Britifh market, -we have as much 
 of it as is necetfary for our purpofes; Under all 
 the circumftances of England and of Europe, it is 
 clear to my underftanding, that if an Union could 
 occafion the tranfportation of capital to be vefted 
 in any bufmefs in any part of Ireland, that the 
 meaiufe never would fee adopted. Sunk .as 
 England "is, in debt, and with immenfe drains 
 from her national capital, the revulfion of capi- 
 tal from one trade to be put in another, much 
 more from country to country, could lead be ad- 
 mitted in times of peril and emergency. The re- 
 moval of capital from one bufmefs to another, is 
 attended with great temporary lofs. If the ex- 
 iftence of England depends on the filent and ftea- 
 dy operation of induftry through all its regular 
 and ordinary channels, is it likely that the pre^ 
 fent minifter, who muft reckon on laying on new 
 taxes every year, would throw obflacles in his 
 own way, or impede the progrefs of a machine, 
 on the regular evolutions of which, the fafety of 
 the empire at this moment depends. An Union 
 is not only recommended on account of the inef- 
 timable, but the immediate advantages which it 
 muft extend to Ireland. Now fuppofmg it mod 
 
 true,
 
 22" 
 
 true, that the liberality of England, in permitting 
 the tranfportation of her capital, arifes from the 
 certainty of being able to controul its application ; 
 and fecondly, from her having the means at any 
 time, by a vote of the legiflature, to tax that ca- 
 pital when 1 it becomes productive ; yet what eco- 
 nomift \Vill contend, that it will not be many 
 years after it is tranfported, and funk in machi- 
 nery, buildings, &c. before it can give the indivi- 
 duals who fend it, much lefs the itate \vhich fanc- 
 tions its being fent, an accruing profit or advan- 
 tage I afk therefore any man to put his hand on 
 his heart, and anfwer yes or no ; does he in his 
 confcience believe that after the horrid fcenes 
 which have happened in Ireland the notorious 
 difaffection of many, the indignation of all at an 
 Union ; the unfettled (late of human affairs over 
 the world, and the certainty of this capital fup- 
 pofmg it transferred, not producing for years, 
 that Mr. Pitt would not be a vile and unprinci- 
 pled enemy to England, ground down by a 
 difaftrous war, if he fuffered an Union to be car- 
 ried into execution, if the capital of England was 
 neceflarily to be tranfported to this country. We 
 want no fuperior difcernment to fee through thefe 
 clumfy frauds, we require not to contemplate the 
 obflinacy with which the meafure is perfevered 
 in, we need only require to obferve the fitua- 
 tion of England herfelf to have our minds per- 
 fectly enlightened on this part of the fubjed and 
 
 yet
 
 yet it is " Britifh capital," to ufe the words of a 
 learned En-^ifh prelate " which will convert our 
 bogs into fields covered with fmiling harvefts, 
 which will cover our barren mountains \vith cat- 
 tle, which will work our mines and colleries, 
 and unite the mo ft diilant parts of the country 
 with canals, which will extend the old fources of 
 wealth and ftrike out new ones and render the 
 people of Ireland, now poor and difcontented, 
 rich, induftrious and happy.*' 
 
 lieu quant difficile eft crlnicn von prodcre vultu. 
 
 OVID. 
 
 Let us now confider this fubject in another 
 in another point of view unlefs it is conceded 
 that in England every branch of manufacture is 
 improved to an extreme degree ; every field pro- 
 perly cultivated and every man fufficiently com- 
 fortable and happy it cannot be denied but that 
 every guinea which is tranfported to this part of 
 the incorporate kingdom is a proportionate lofs to 
 the induftrious Englilh if this argument is well 
 founded it is mod evident that thofe who in 
 England fupport an Union, go much further to 
 advance the interefts of Ireland, than the mod 
 over-heated Iriih patriots ever thought of pro- 
 ceeding. The former from neceffity are contented 
 to ameliorate the condition of the Irifli by dimi- 
 nifhing the comforts of the Engliih. Whereas the 
 latter certainly only profdled to improve Ireland 
 
 bv
 
 H 
 
 by making the means of their country fubfer- 
 vient to that end. 
 
 But why have the great mafs of the peo- 
 ple of England been indifferent on this occafion. 
 Have they been chara&erifed by an eafy and com- 
 plying nature \vhere the interefts of the two coun- 
 tries were fuppofed to clafh ? Their indifference 
 mult arife from one another of thefe caufes. Either 
 becaufe their country has no capital to fpare from 
 its own induftry, and if it had Ireland is one of 
 the lafl countries in Europe to which it would 
 find its way, or becaufe there are the fame em- 
 ployments for capital in England that there could 
 be in Ireland, and as both iflands are to be 
 fubje&ed to the fame fuperintending legiflature, 
 Capitalifls may as well be fubject to that control 
 in their own nation, parifh or city, as go travel* 
 ing through the empire for a new advantageous 
 fituation and become outcafls for the paltry gain 
 of one or two per cent., and that all things be- 
 ing otherwife equal, the partiality for their na- 
 tive foil muft naturally prevail. That in any cafe 
 no danger can be apprehended from the meafure. 
 Believe me that men will reafon ferioufly and 
 think cautioufly before they will tranfport the 
 hopes of themfelves and their pofterity. Can you 
 fuppofe when the rancarous and uncouth hoftility 
 of two orders of people or the various orders of 
 the ftate is made the moft plaufible argument for 
 an .Union that a man of large commercial pro- 
 perty
 
 perty will not turn away with difguft from a coun- 
 try which could have given an opportunity for 
 fuch a mode of reafoning. Is it likely when 
 he finds that the inhabitants of this country, ne- 
 ver did and are never likely to agree among them- 
 felves, that he will conclude they muft be ena- 
 moured with the perfon or the property of the per- 
 fon the government of whofe country is too ge- 
 nerally conceived to be the caufe of all their 
 unfortunate diflenfions. There is one feeling 
 for which he will give every Irimman credit, be- 
 caufe it is a natural one, becaufe he experiences 
 it himfelf, the love of country : though God 
 knows we have a clumfy and an awkward mode 
 of exhibiting that attachment/ He will recollect 
 that it is juft as difficult to eradicate the love of 
 country, or of the little platoon or fubdivifion to 
 which we belong, as to blot the country itfelf out 
 of the fyftem of nature, it is impoflible. He 
 knows that the Highlander and Welchman feel this 
 partial affection, though every principle of inter- 
 eft, though every fenfe of general policy, mod 
 ftroiigly counteract it, and though in fact 
 it is furprifmg how Scotland and Wales could 
 ever have had a feparate intereft or diftinct 
 exiftence from England. Depend on it, he will 
 confider what the feelings of the Irifli may 
 be, when year after year their country will fuf- 
 fer more than the pang of inftant death, in a 
 painful and protracted diflblution when nation- 
 E al
 
 26 
 
 al intereft, to fay nothing of a fenfe of wrongs 
 more operative than intereft itfelf, takes fail hold 
 of the focial affe&ions, and reviews and calls into 
 action the fublime and eternal feelings, which na- 
 ture herfelf has imprinted on the human heart, 
 which will increafe with extenfion, and expand 
 with the progrefs of time, as fentiments of a fub- 
 lime and immortal nature. 
 
 If in urging thefe arguments I am fo unfortu- 
 nate as to be efleemed tedious let it be remem- 
 bered that in the eyes of every reflecting indepen. 
 dent man, there are no other as far as relate to the 
 expediency or inexpediency of this meafure en- 
 titled to fo great eftimation I mail not trouble 
 you with what may be efteemed falfe pride, or 
 with what would expofe me to the laughter and 
 contempt of every Unionift, arguments drawn 
 from the moral advantages of a refident Legifla- 
 ture a Legiflature which by the by has been re- 
 duced and induflrioufly brought into any odium 
 which may attach to it s to furnifh the argument 
 now drawn from its corrupted ftate, and which it 
 is idle in my mind to prefume, would not turn its 
 eyes to the amelioration of the country at large, if 
 this meafure was buried in eternal oblivion ! 
 
 But though the filence of the Englifh nation 
 may forfooth arife from their unprecedented and 
 unbounded liberality to Ireland, the filence of a 
 particular part of that people cannot be eafily 
 
 miftaken
 
 27 
 
 miftaken I fpeak not now of perfons who though 
 they are very ufeful to the minifler, yet who feldom 
 feel, that to enjoy at the expence of the communi- 
 ty is often a falfe calculation, becaufe the refult 
 may at length be difguft and deteflation. I fpeak 
 ofthefe Thorntons, thefe Giles, and thefe Thelluf- 
 fons, thefe mafly pillars of unvefted capital, of 
 thefe great barometers of national ruin or prof- 
 perity, which would fmk to the point of mifery 
 and defpair, if they could difcover any fecret 
 paflage by which the capital of England could 
 difcharge itfelf to recruit or invigorate any country 
 but their own. Thefe men, evidently obferve in 
 an Union the deep filent flow of a fleady flreani 
 of wealth fetting in from Ireland ; or elfe their 
 moans, their clamours and their complaints would 
 foment and embitter the mafs of difcontent, and 
 fpread alarm and difmay through the whole ifland 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 So far have I endeavoured by a grave fore- 
 fight to diffipate the illufions of fancy and 
 of error. If there is any thing in my argu- 
 ment, this meafure cannot be beneficial to 
 both countries, though it may be to one of them, 
 If Capital muft neceflarily be tranfported to Ire- 
 land, it muft ferve Ireland : if that be not the con" 
 fequence, what can me gain by it ? It is therefore, 
 evident to my underflanding that, in proportion 
 as we fee this meafure preferred to the exclufion 
 of meafures which may advance the interefls of 
 the Empire in general, without trenching on thofe 
 
 of
 
 28 
 
 of Ireland in particular, inthat proportion we ought 
 to diftruft and difregard the promifes which are 
 made, and the arguments which are advanced. 
 
 As to Scotland, after the comparifon which has 
 been drawn between that country: and this, in the 
 incomparable fpeech of that man (need I name the 
 Speaker of the Irifh Commons,) to whom and to 
 whofe children, feeling as I do on this quefiion 
 I think that Ireland cannot be too grateful for 
 his conduct through this bufmefs, it is almoft un- 
 necefiary to write upon that fubject. All we can 
 concede is that Scotland might have been more in- 
 jured by attempting to remain feparate, than fhe has 
 been, even by the Union. Scotland is an abfolute 
 lofer by fo much of her capital as is annually 
 fpent in England, whether it is remitted to pay 
 her fhare of taxes, or to abfentees. That fome 
 hundreds of Scotchmen annually are preferred to 
 elevated fituations by the Englifh government, is 
 not to be drawn as an argument of the advantage 
 of the meafure to Scotland at large. Scotland 
 lofes lefs, however, than any other country 
 could lofe under fimilar circumftances. The 
 predilection the Scotch have for their country is 
 notorious to all. Every guinea which can be 
 gleaned in other countries by parfimony, by in- 
 duftry, by venality, is fure to be remitted to their 
 own, to improve patrimony, to purchafe new 
 eftates, orto be vefled in native manufactures. But 
 Ireland muft not only be a lofer, by fo much of 
 
 her
 
 29 
 
 her capital as is fent to her abfentees, by taxes 
 fent to keep down 'the intereft of her old debt, 
 which will be merged into that of England, and 
 by new taxes laid on every year to fupply the 
 wants of the empire ; but me muft be a greater 
 lofer than Scotland, by the hereditary difguft 
 and alienation of mind of her men of large for- 
 tunes to their native country. For inftance, 
 there is the marquis of Lanfdown, a great ftatef- 
 man, who knows full well that England never 
 can give up Ireland on any condition, mort of 
 her own complete ruin. A great obferver of na- 
 tions and of mankind, a man not contracted in 
 his views, and certainly not the creature of un- 
 worthy prejudices ; and yet I fee that the paper of 
 the day, though the Union is likely to take place, 
 contains an advertifement for the fale of fome of 
 his Irifh property : Though this nobleman feels, 
 I am peffuaded, from the high honour and 
 integrity of his agent, that that part of his eftate 
 which lies in the weft of Ireland, is as well, if 
 not better managed, than that of any other ab- 
 fentee. Whatever refpeft I bear him, I own I 
 cannot reconcile his defire to fell at this moment, 
 with his expectation that his Irifh eftate would 
 rife confiderably in value by an Union. But why 
 mould I refer to any individual ? I fhould be glad 
 to know who that abfentee is, who is fond of fuf- 
 fering his rents to accumulate, for the purpofe of 
 extending his fortune by purchafmg in Ireland. 
 
 It
 
 3 
 
 It is no anfwer to this argument, that the 
 Union would cure this alienated mind, and render 
 property more fecure. Is not Ireland as fecure 
 as any ifland in the Weft Indies ? Is jt not a 
 much greater object for the guardian vigilance 
 of England, than Martinique or Jamaica ? Is the 
 Irifh peafant more ferocious than the Indian with 
 his fcalping knife, the Carib, or the Maroon .? 
 And yet, taking a fair eftimate as far as the very 
 different natures of thefe things will admit, calcu- 
 lating their relative produce, and afcertaining their 
 relative value, fure I am that an Irifh eftate might 
 be hawked in London among the Irifh abfentees for 
 ever and remain unfold, when a plantation eftate 
 would find a purchafer in half an hour. This 
 is the effect of that alienated affection, which an 
 Union will encreafe, it cannot diminifh it. 
 That no ^ ut *ke ^^ s ^ ca pi ta * to Ireland will not be fo 
 part of deplorable in its immediate, as in its confequen- 
 c ^^" be _tial difadvantages. The wealth of Ireland which 
 nefited, will be tranfmitted to England, will have as lit- 
 every 131 ^ e cnance of flowing back, as money fent from 
 trade and Ireland to the fartheft extremities of the globe, 
 "re'of I^_This wealth will not only have an annual tendency 
 ti*e to re-animate fuch manufactures in England as 
 muft'be"" mc: y require an infufion of new life, but it will 
 GRADU- open new fources of induftry in England. Inftead 
 dovvIb Ut ^ re-tranfportation, even of our own wealth, 
 an UN i- from England to Ireland, or an order from the 
 abfentees to have the money which they could 
 
 fave
 
 3 1 
 
 fave from their income, lent at interefl, or pur 
 out in trade in Ireland ; that money will be 
 veiled in Britifh commerce. It will enable the 
 Britifh merchant to export the furplus of his ma- 
 nufactures to Ireland, after fupplying his other 
 cuftomers, daily and hourly having lefs ability to 
 exclude the manufacturers of Britifh growth, on 
 account of the unceafing drain from her national 
 capital. It is thus that the Britifh merchant will 
 not only draw the capital, but he will likewife 
 fend us home out of that very capital, the manu- 
 factures which he would be a madman to eftablifh 
 in a country, whofe domeftic market was becom- 
 ing worfe and worfe, and which from the dimi- 
 nifhed home confumption, could not be fold near 
 as cheap as the furplus foreign produce, after 
 all the neceifary expences attendant on exporta- 
 tion. The anfwer to this is, there will be pro- 
 tecting duties. But when the advantages of fmug- 
 gling the articles thus protected, is greater to the 
 Englifli manufacturers, than the revenue derived 
 from thofe duties is advantageous to the govern- 
 ment which lays them on, and particularly when 
 the officers who will collecl: thefe duties will be ap- 
 pointed by that very government, even though 
 we were to rely on the purity of thofe who project 
 an Union NOW, yet we cannot anfwer for thofe 
 who may fucceed them HEREAFTER. 
 
 Whilft the two countries remain diftinci; and 
 independent, their refpe&ive capitals perform-
 
 ing all the fweet and endearing offices of huma- 
 nity, may be compared to refervoirs annually fed 
 by running flreams and fprings, not equally vigo- 
 rous, but equally perennial : with conduits from 
 thefe refervoirs running through every part, re- 
 frefhing what is parched, and fructifying what is 
 barren, until the waters they contain at length burn: 
 open the valves, fcorn fubjeclion, fpread over 
 the refpeftive furfaces, affifting the bounties of 
 nature, and the energies of man, and then they 
 either meet with fome channel, previoufly form- 
 ed, and invigorate the old fteady ftream of 
 wealth pailing to its deftined termination ; or if 
 they do not fall into a regular current, they open 
 fome new meandering paflage, and feem to feel a 
 pious gratitude in returning with encreafed force, 
 and pouring their little raite into the grand flock 
 referved for the relief of human mifery. 
 
 Alas ! how fimple is the procefs of nature, 
 when undifturbed by the meddling ignorance of 
 man. How foon can madnefs and cruelty create 
 flerility and defolation fee all the conduits of this 
 country torn up -fee every part of the banks in- 
 tended to confine thefe waters from flowing into a 
 foreign land, every where gaped and interfered 
 fee them performing in that foreign land, thofe 
 offices of benevolence which they had once dif- 
 charged in their own, until at length they find 
 their way to the common depofit, and then a new 
 paffage is opened to any country, rather than the 
 
 one
 
 33 
 
 one from which they have been taken ; for that, 
 alas ! in the long and melancholy period of this 
 operation, has become a Defert fo naufeous and 
 difgufting, as to be fcarce fit for the refidence of 
 man. 
 
 Thofe therefore who feel for multitudes of their 
 countrymen, and for future generations, are 
 bound to remonftrate againfl a meafure of fo 
 deadly and deplorable a tendency. Let us look at 
 commerce in every page of hiftory, we find her in 
 perpetual fluctuation . Can we fee her removing 
 from Venice, from Florence, and Pifa, to the 
 Netherlands, and from the Netherlands to Eng- 
 land herfelf ? Can we fee the old republics and 
 free cities of Italy, the firfl revivers of commerce 
 in the fouth, as the Hans towns were in the north, 
 declining, with the folitary and accidental excep- 
 tion of Leghorn and Hamburgh ? Can we recol- 
 lect the feveral cities of Phoenicia, which were 
 formerly great ? Can we fee Portugal grafping at 
 the commerce of Venice, and then Lifbon herfelf 
 refigning all her trade to Amfterdam ? Can we 
 fee our own, great flaple trade, ftolen as it were 
 from the great towns of Holland ? Can we, I 
 fay, recollect the caprice of commerce, her 
 fluctuations, and the deadly blow which the 
 fmalleft inattention to her intereft has always in- 
 flicted, and not endeavour to grafp the arm of 
 fpeculation, and decline a poifonous draught, tho' 
 it were made palatable by the fweeteft ingre- 
 JF dients ?
 
 54 
 
 dients ? Indeed, it is not fituation, nor fertility of 
 foil, which can alone lecure to a country a great 
 home or foreign trade. Of this, the Dutch, 
 among the moderns, were a ftriking and remark- 
 able proof. What wealth had not Holland 
 amaffed among her marmes I What poverty does 
 not ftill prevail in Scotland, though' with great 
 comparative advantages of foil and fituation ! 
 Here I clofe the argument on the commercial part 
 of this queflion. I have felt as I have proceeded, 
 that the fubjeft was far beyond my ftrength, my 
 knowledge,, and my talents, but it was far infe- 
 rior to my zeal. 
 
 If in thefe hypothefes I am as right in your opi- 
 nions as I conceive myfelf to be, I folemnly de- 
 clare, that I cannot forefee how any efforts of in- 
 dividuals, of aflbciated bodies of merchants, or 
 even of the imperial legiflature itfelf, can give 
 the thoufands and hundreds of thoufands of in- 
 dividuals, who will be wounded by this meafure r 
 an opportunity of fupporting themfelves and their 
 families. Is the information which we daily re- 
 ceive from every part of the country, calculated 
 to encourage further fpeculations on this fubjecl ? 
 In the manufacturing parts of the kingdom, the 
 numbers thrown out of employ are already alarm- 
 ing. Do we not obferve the general compara- 
 tive lofs of confidence and credit recoil even on 
 Cork itfelf ; and can it be imagined in the 
 prefent actual ftate of the commercial world, that 
 
 any
 
 35 
 
 .any meafure which may interrupt .confidence, or 
 deprefs the nation, will not vibrate through its 
 remoteft extremities, until failure follows failure, 
 and until the whole of our rafhnefs and our folly 
 Is difcovered in the encreafe of the poor, the de- 
 ficiency of revenue, and the general oppreffion 
 and mifery of the people. 
 
 Thofe are not fancy pictures. The propofal of 
 fuch meafure in the heft days of national exalta- 
 tion and commercial fplendor, may be attended 
 with the moft alarming confequences. But to pro- 
 pofe it in a devaftating war, whofe confequences 
 no human wifdom can forefee, to attempt it at a 
 period when the whole commercial world has 
 been maken to its centre, when many individu- 
 als in both nations, w r ith the moft folid capitals, 
 are compelled to flop payment, from the general 
 ftagnation of trade, from the return of bills, and 
 from fudden demands being made, which they 
 cannot anfwer at once, argues a courage little 
 fliort of defpair. Our country has indeed been in a 
 moft diftracled fituadon, but for its misfortunes, 
 an Union is not the remedy. The war becomes 
 thro* Europe more than ever the caufe of inte^- 
 nal calamities, and peace is the only effectual cure. 
 That man muft have moved in a narrow circle, 
 who has not been able to difcern, that with the 
 widely clafhing views, the different interefts, and 
 the wild and quixotic fpeculations prevalent in 
 the Irifh mind, fo far from an Union having 
 F 2 any
 
 36 
 
 qualities calculated to hufh the warring elements 
 of faction and of paffion into repofe, that nothing 
 can fofteri the reciprocal indignation of difcor- 
 dant factions, but prudent management, an effi- 
 cient refident government, and a general peace. 
 But though for the purpofe of argument it may 
 now be conceded, that no commercial advantage 
 can be derived from an Union, yet it maybe con- 
 tended, that the benefits to refult from this mea- 
 fure, in fecuring our connexion with England, 
 and increafing the {lability of the empire, are fo 
 very great, that it is neither wife nor prudent to 
 oppofe it. That benevolence which would vo- 
 luntarily facrifice its own advantages to advance 
 the profperity of another, has never been, and is 
 not now, the characteriftic of any country ; and 
 the moft obvious anfwer to an argument of this 
 kind is, that let our good wifhes for the empire be 
 ever fo great, the particular profperity of our 
 own country mufl ever predominate. 
 Prefcnt ^ ut a g a ^ n ^ tne body of Unionifts in both 
 connex- countries, I take as a prefiding principle, the 
 
 ion main- . , f ... . . .. 
 
 tained. principle or alliance or reciprocal allegiance to a 
 common king, againft that of Union : and con- 
 tend, that by acting on this principle, we are 
 more likely to give (lability to empire, than by 
 proceeding on any other principle whatever.- 
 It is only, by the moft ingenious fophiftry, that 
 Union and dominion are not fhewn to be com- 
 pletely analogous. There can be no doubt but 
 
 that
 
 37 
 
 that by an Union, as complete a legiflative fupre- 
 macy may be maintained over Ireland, as oppofed 
 to England when the reprefentatives of the Eng- 
 lilh nation feel an inclination or an inter eft in ex- 
 ercifmg that fupremacy, as could proceed from 
 naked uncontrouled dominion. It is clear 
 in the event of an Union, that fuch a generous 
 attention to the interefts of Ireland as the nature 
 of the cafe will admit, muft proceed more from 
 the prudential and honourable motives of the 
 Britifli members, than from any poflibility of 
 their being controuled by perfons naturally'allied 
 or peculiarly interefted in the property of this 
 part of the empire. The argument drawn from 
 the Irifh members having a right to legiflate for 
 England, has no weight ; they can never be a 
 majority. So that when the Unionifts contend 
 that our having a refident legiflature, without any 
 intereft in our profperity, and under a compleat 
 fubferviency to that power with which we are 
 called on to unite, is our irremediable evil, they 
 then very fagacioufly endeavour to mew, that an 
 Union with that very power, which occafioned 
 the native legiflature not having that lively in- 
 tereft in our profperity, is for all our misfortunes 
 the fafeft and moft certain remedy. In other 
 words, the greater the injury we receive, the 
 greater the confidence we mould beftow on the 
 power who inflicts it if it is true therefore, that 
 as the countries Hand connected at prefent, there are 
 
 fome
 
 33 
 
 fome evils, it is no lefs true that in the event of 
 an Union there would be pofitive evils alfo, and 
 on the great view of prefent connexion and of an 
 Union, the pofitive prefiding evils being equal 
 all things being equal in this refpeft, the collate- 
 ral argument is hollow againft the meafure. 
 
 Between Union and dominion there is no ef- 
 fential difference. In a clofe and fleady alliance 
 there may be all the advantages which we are told 
 will flow from an Union, without any of the dif- 
 advantages which are afcribed to that meafure. 
 What rights, what advantages are there which 
 we did not polfefs under the Conftitution of Ire- 
 land which we could poflefs by incorporation? The 
 conftitutjons are identically the fame. If your 
 legiflature is corrupt, a fpotlefs purity is not the 
 charaderiftic of an Englifh Houfe of Commons. 
 The governing part of mankind in every coun- 
 try, are not exempt from this imputation. If we 
 are to credit the new revolutionifls in France, 
 corruption had pervaded every department in the 
 itate, even before its government had a feven 
 years duration. If for the purpofe of putting 
 down rebellion, the mod valuable part of the 
 conftitution has been fur rendered for the prefer- 
 vation of the whole, is it to be credited, that 
 fo long as the caufes which create the necefiity 
 of keeping up a flrong military government fub- 
 fiit, that government will not be maintained ? 
 Are we fo blind as not to forefee that the fame 
 
 means
 
 39 
 
 means which were ufed to preferve the connex- 
 ion when it was effayed, would not be had re- 
 courfe to, to preferve the incorporation if it was 
 endangered ? Is it fair to draw arguments from 
 thofe extremes ; and if the complaint of the day 
 is, that we have no actual national government, 
 that it is the Englifh minifler who dictates every 
 thing, that we have a government only in name ; 
 how can that complaint be removed, by (hewing 
 that in theory and in reality, we have loft all na- 
 tional government of every kind ? To thofe who 
 did not complain before, Union is infult ; to thofe 
 who did complain before, it is an aggravation of 
 the evil. Indeed the events of the world do not 
 weaken the obfervation of an eloquent writer, 
 when he fays, that though a man of warm fpecu- 
 lative benevolence may wifh his fociety otherwife 
 conflituted than he finds it, yet that a good and a 
 true politician will always confider how he (hall 
 make the moil of -the exifting materials of his 
 country. A difpofition to preferve, and an abi- 
 lity to improve, would be my ftandard of a ftatef- 
 man ; every thing elfe is vulgar in the conception, 
 and perilous in the execution. I fo far agree 
 with Mr. Burke in condemning no form of Go- 
 vernment on abftract principles but I own I 
 would rather eftimate all Governments by the 
 bleffings which they adminifler and the protecti- 
 on they afford, than by forms of any kind- 
 Sure I am that when that eloquent writer whofe 
 
 words
 
 40 
 
 words I have now quoted, fays " that a difpofiti- 
 on to preferve and an ability to improve would 
 be his ftandard of a ftatefman," that he might ve- 
 ry well have enforced his fentiment, by mewing 
 on the authority of all hiftory, that the evils 
 which have been occafioned by pulling down 
 any fyftem, which has anfwered in any tolerable 
 degree for the common purpofes of fociety, 
 have entailed more dreadful confequences than 
 the actual continuation of the evil intended to 
 be removed. Looking tnerefore at the nature 
 of things, rather than the humours of men, I 
 muft contend on every view of our relative 
 fituations, the refources, the genius and the tem- 
 per of Irimmen, on every principle of national 
 intereft, fafety and profperity, of advantage even 
 to England herfelf, that this ifland is not calcu- 
 lated to become a fhred or fcrap of Empire, that 
 the attempt to make her fo will occafion external 
 weaknefs and never ceafing confpiracy, and hav- 
 ing my mind by the Conftitution of the land, 
 by the habits of national education, by the uni- 
 form declaration of the moft virtuous and dif- 
 cerning of mankind, as well as by the dictates of 
 my own calm deliberative and unbiafied reafon, 
 impreffed with the advantage of diftinct Legifla- 
 tures I do look back to the bloodlefs revoluti- 
 on of 1782 as one of the happieft in the hiftory 
 of mankind. " Here no rage, no phrenfy pul- 
 led down more in an half hour than prudence, 
 
 deliberation,
 
 4* 
 
 deliberation and forefight could build up in an 
 hundred years." Then it was that the mod hap- 
 py Revolution was effeded, on principles the mofl 
 purely pacific ; though the pious hands which 
 carried it into execution have lately been fubjecled 
 to the fevereft chaftifement, and been rebuked 
 as ungrateful children, who took advantage of 
 the diflrefles of their parent, when they demanded 
 and obtained what never ought to have been 
 withheld, the common rights of mankind. Why 
 is it that the recollection of thefe events is dear 
 to every Irifhman ? Becaufe they faw happily 
 effe&ed without any interruption to the good 
 harmony effential to the prefervation of thefe 
 iflands, what otherwife might arife from de- 
 vaftating war. Whilft: dominion was ufurped, 
 it was unprofitable, even whilft the appearance of it 
 remained, the connection was infecure, 
 
 Happy sera ! Happy nation ! And yet how 
 happy the recollection of thefe happy times ! 
 
 No longer did the wretched inhabitant of this 
 affii&ed country, fit with his charts and compaf- 
 fes before him, navigating his way to any foreign 
 clime for in no other country was he denied the 
 privileges refufed him in his own ; no longer 
 did he fit upon the mores of his impoverimed and 
 deferted ifland, gazing on the hills of an unfriendly 
 fifter, who emancipated the African the moment 
 he put his foot upon her foil, whilft me retained 
 fo many millions of her neareft neighbours in 
 G an
 
 42 
 
 sn abject and unworthy vaflalage ; no foonei 
 did the fun of our independence appear above 
 o-ur horizon, than languid nature felt its influence 
 and utility, the mufic of the Ihuttle and the fong 
 of the ploughman were every where fubftituted 
 for the throbs of famifhed multitudes heaved un- 
 der the tyranny of corrupt power how many 
 calamities were then foothed, how many tears 
 were then wiped away ; how many fources o 
 comfort were then opened to the genius and the 
 induftry of man. I awn that it is with a mixture 
 of religious awe and pious admiration that I look 
 back upon die occurrences of thefe times when 
 the caufes of the diffenfions between the two if- 
 lands were difcuffed with fo much moderation, 
 when a laudable and generous ambition was not 
 circumfcribed within the fphere of party, and 
 when the refiilt was a-n amiable return to that mu- 
 tual benevolence and forgiving friendfhip, which 
 re-united family to family, cky to city, and nation 
 to nation, which gave a farm to the peafant, and 
 a fhop to the artift, and gave to fo many millions 
 a fcope and vegetation in the fyftem of the uni- 
 verfe, which they never before had the good 
 fortune to enjoy. Thefe were the times for na- 
 tional exultation, particularly when added to the 
 other advantages which we received from it, we 
 daily faw returning to their proper hemifphere, 
 thefe bodies which had previoufly moved in a dif- 
 tant firmament, and faw them beginning to per- 
 form
 
 43 
 
 form in the midft of their looped and ragged te- 
 nantry, the fame part which the fun acts in the 
 firmament of Heaven, cheriming, protecting, 
 foftering, illumining and retaining in their pro- 
 per fphere the planets which move around him. 
 
 I know that it is the effort of a party of 
 the day to under-rate and to under- value the oc- 
 currences of thefe times. The principle of the ar- 
 rangement was a good one, and all that can be 
 faid againft it is, that it has been abufed. There is 
 nothinghumanwhichlcouldnotcondenm with the 
 fame candour and propriety. Would I be liftened 
 to a fingle moment if I rofe in the Britifli parlia- 
 ment, and contended that becaufe the influence 
 of the crown was encreafed to an alarming de- 
 gree, therefore the revolution of 1688, by 
 which the king holds his crown and the people 
 their liberties was a weak, miferable, inefficient 
 occurrence. Yet the one would bejuft as good an 
 argument as the other. If when an innu- 
 merable body of that which was (tiled the London 
 Correfponding Society inflead of holding its laft 
 meeting, furro.unded with magiftrates and their 
 guards, having its orators dragged from their 
 tribunes, itfelf routed and difperfed, if in- 
 ftead of this this body had confpired in fecret, had 
 been exercifed in concealed places as it was charg- 
 ed with being exercifed had collected arms, and 
 proceeded to deluge England with blood would 
 it be right to charge the revolution of 1688, or 
 
 the
 
 44 
 
 the memory of Lord Somers with being the 
 caufe of the cataftrophe- yet we are called on 
 in this country to deny if we can, that the late 
 rebellion was not the fruit of the blened tree that 
 was planted in 1782 by the hands of Mr. Grat- 
 tan In the very fame breath we are called 
 onto fubftitute the Conftitudon of England for 
 that of Ireland, as if the Conftitution of England 
 had not been aifailed, before that of Ireland was 
 openly attacked Is the Iriih Government con- 
 fiderably weakened by its fuccefsful refiftance 
 to that artfully planned fyftem of affault, which 
 in its execution aftonifhed every man, except 
 thofe who owed it to the ftate to watch its pro- 
 ceedings, or to thofe (melancholy fatality, that it 
 ever fhould have been projected !) whofe bufi- 
 nefs it was to direct its operations ? Shall num- 
 bers of the bed men of Ireland who never har- 
 boured a treafonable intention, but who could 
 not contemplate the cruel and heart-rending man- 
 ner in which the public mind was teized and 
 fretted, and who could not obferve the Confli- 
 tution fapped and undermined at one fide by 
 the aifaults of power, on the other expofed to 
 annihilation by the moft infuriate excenes 
 of a maddened people, without a melancho- 
 ly bordering on defpair, be now cheered up 
 and re-animated by this fovereign reflorative ? 
 In fuch times it is indeed moft true that men of 
 this defcription are mere blanks in the fyftem of 
 
 the
 
 
 45 
 
 the univerfe. But would it not be a moft fla- 
 grant abfurdity to infer, that becaufe men. 
 looked at the paft fcenes with regret, that there- 
 fore they muft neceffarily become enamoured 
 of a meafure, which to fay no worfe of it, ap- 
 pears to have its origin in the meaneft and blind- 
 eft malice. Is it fair to infer becaufe your Con- 
 ftitution of 1782 has fo long been mouldering 
 in the grave, that even the monumental records 
 of what it was, are in danger of being effaced from 
 the page of hiftory, that therefore in a ftart of 
 phrenzy you mould be borne through all the 
 ftages of malignity, and induced to affign every 
 remaining part to a fpeedy and eternal oblivion ! 
 It is indeed an arduous undertaking to calm all 
 the little bufy and fretful paflions, that hurry 
 parti zans into enquiries pregnant with every kind 
 of danger, and into altercations out of which there 
 is no creeping without the moft deftructive cala- 
 mities. But let it be remembered that it is not 
 impoffible to employ partial evils in effecting the 
 common good : that it is not impoffible, that by 
 mutual conceffions, the jarring claims of contend- 
 ing factions might not yet be reconciled, and that 
 by mutual forbearance and a fteady Government 
 the wounds of this bleeding country might not 
 yet be (launched. 
 
 And here it is that it may properly be expected c ompe . 
 that 1 mould exprefs an opinion on the competence tence of 
 or incompetence of Parliament to effect this m d ^ t a '^ m 
 
 change, nied.
 
 46 
 
 change. I contend that every principle of the 
 Britifh Conftitution as eftablifhed in i6$8, and of 
 the Irifli Conftitution as eflablifhed in 1782, is 
 abandoned, and that every commentary which 
 has been written on thefe Conftitutions is a mock- 
 ery and infult to the underftanding, if this meafure 
 is fan&ioned and allowed ; and I likewife main- 
 tain that the doctrines on which the diflblution of 
 our legiilature is juftified, fo far from being cir- 
 cumfcribed in their application to this country, or 
 thisidentical Conftitution, tend to total fubverfion, 
 not only of all regular governments in all modes, 
 and to all the liable fecurities of eftablifhed infti- 
 tutions, but to every rule and principle of mora- 
 lity itfelf. How do thofe advocates who would 
 give the feeble efforts of weak finite mortals all the 
 properties, all the attributes which belong to the 
 godhead proceed ? they beg the queftion. When 
 they are nearly run down by mewing that Union 
 and revolution are completely analogous, and 
 cannot morally b^ juftified, they fkulk and aband- 
 on the queftion of right, and retreat behind the 
 inexpediency of the revolution which they intend, 
 and the power with which they are armed to carry 
 it into execution. Might and right are then con- 
 vertible terms. The cautious and wily Mr. Pitt, 
 aware of the danger of pufhing the argument 
 to the extreme extent, gave full fcope for his 
 great declamatory powers by the mofl mifer- 
 able diftortion of facts. He either contended 
 
 that
 
 ; 
 
 47 
 
 that the arrangement of 1782 was not final nor 
 conclufive, (though I for one have in the fix lad 
 years heard him repeatedly upbraid Mr. Fox for 
 even alluding to the affairs of a country governed 
 by its own FREE, DISTINCT, AND INDEPENDENT 
 LEGISLATURE") or he admitted the fad, and then 
 after a fweeping panegyric and a lofty flourifli on 
 the omnipotence of Parliament, there he left the 
 queflion. Thefe extreme cafes are not in the view 
 of the Britim Conftitution. Though fuch a 
 meafure may be effected by violence and power, it 
 cannot be defended on any of its principles. That 
 Conftitution was inverted with an immortal cha- 
 racter, and it modeftly prefumes that thofe \vho 
 are entrufted with its adminiflration, will imbibe 
 the fpirit of its canonized founders, look back 
 upon their anceftors, and look forward to their 
 pofterity. It does indeed forefee inftances, when it 
 may be necelfary that its rights mould be re-affert- 
 ed, fuch as at 1688 ; but it fees 110 poilible event 
 which could juftify its being buried in an eternal 
 grave. That Conftitution repofes too much on its 
 wifdom, its virtue and its humanity, to believe 
 that it ever could become a fubject for attack, and 
 it relies with the fondeft hope and the moft en- 
 dearing fimplicity, that when an aflault is made 
 on it from any quarter, it will be honourably 
 and courageoufly repulfed. This is its character, 
 this its fecurity. What are thofe weapons with 
 which it is afiaulted by unhallowed and ungrate- 
 ful
 
 ful hands. A noble lord* (of another country) has 
 facetioufly afferted, that all the arguments againft 
 the competence of Parliament have been taken 
 from the democratic fchool, and as his enthuftafm 
 kindles as he advances, he contends that this 
 happy change can alone be difliked by the mod 
 incorrigible jacobins of both nations ; and when 
 he comes to his peroration, he equally accufes thofe 
 perfons for their alacrity to deftroy, and their dif- 
 pofition to defend, and left he might not keep 
 pace with thofe who fupport the queftion in the 
 double manner to which I have already alluded ; 
 the noble Lord is more inclined to be ftigmatized 
 for abfurdity in argument, than deficiency in 
 abufe : and there he leaves the queftion. 
 
 A RIGHT REVEREND, AND CERTAINLY VERY 
 LEARNED PRELATE | took upon himfelf tO dlfcufs 
 
 the abftracl: point, whether Parliament had a right 
 to vote its own extinction ? and if that right was 
 well founded, whether it did not apply as well to 
 the Britim as the IriiTi Parliament ; and after af- 
 ferting, (what nobody can deny) that right and 
 obligation are correlative terms, and if men did 
 not know their rights, they could not underfland 
 what conftituted obligation, and then declaring 
 that it was a queftion on which unanimity could 
 not be expected, there he left the quejlion. Ano- 
 ther 
 * Lord Auckland. f Bifhop of Landaff.
 
 49 
 
 ther noble Lord*, the once viceroy of Corfica, 
 a man well verfed certainly in the formation of 
 conflitutions, but not equally happy in giving 
 them a permanent and hereditary feature, after 
 confidering with no common ability the queftion 
 of Union in the view of the relative fituations of 
 the two countries, at laft comes to the queftion of 
 competence ; and then declares that to one def- 
 cription of the people of Ireland the ultima ratio 
 regum could be the only anfvver ; and when 
 he argued the queftion with the other, he jufti- 
 fied the propriety of Parliament voting its own 
 extinction, firft on the expediency of the meafure, 
 (the queftion at iffue) and fecondly by afluming the 
 unlimited fupremacy of the Irifh Parliament (the 
 thing to be proved) and there be left the queftion. 
 The other lords j- who have printed their 
 fpeeches and tranfmitted them for re-publication 
 inlreland,have fupported theuniverfal faculties of 
 Parliament, and its competence to this fpecific 
 meafure of a Legiflative Union with another 
 country; by two forts of authority, on the opinions 
 of learned and eminent men, fuch as Lord Somers 
 and the whigs of 1688, whofe opinions by the by 
 are completely adverfe to fuch proceedings ; and 
 sdly by endeavouring to makelthe precedents tak- 
 en from other governments long deftroyed, prece- 
 dents for our fubverting our own. They attempt 
 H to 
 
 * Lord Minto. f Lords Bordingon and Grenville. "
 
 5 
 
 to convert that which at beft is only an argument 
 on the expediency of Union, into a philosophic 
 analogy, between different'governments ; and they 
 draw this extraordinary inference, that becaufe 
 the Britifli Constitution has fubverted fame minor 
 neighbouring governments, therefore the Britifh 
 Conftitution has a right to deftroy itfelf. In 
 other words, becaufe there was an Union of the 
 Heptarchy becaufe England is England ,. and 
 England has extended her government over Wales 
 and over Scotland, both of whofe Conftitutions, 
 for what I know, or for what I care, authorifed 
 thofe cntrufted with their adminiftration to deftroy 
 them at pleafure, ergo, it h a conftitutional princi- 
 ple in the Englifli (that is to fay Irifli) Govern- 
 ment that it may vote its own difiblution. This 
 is the mode of argument adopted in England, and 
 purfued in all thefpeeches and pamphlets of union, 
 ifts in Ireland. But what renders the attempt to 
 reply to thofe topics moil truly afflicting to me, is 
 the painful reflection of being prefent when moil 
 of thofe very perfonages applauded the grant of 
 4000!. per annum penfion (to that man whofe me- 
 mory I venerate now, in the fame proportion that 
 I was enraptured with his great talents then, I 
 mean Mr-Burke) for employing his imprial fan- 
 cy in laying allnature under contribution, when he 
 maintained in hrs writings, and they fupported 
 in their fpeeches, doctrines the mofl adverfe in- 
 deed to thofe which they have now ventured to 
 
 cxprefs-
 
 5 1 
 
 exprefs doftrines, which if ever countenanced, 
 will tranfinit this melancholy abfurJity to pof- 
 terity ; that though for ten years every kind of 
 innovation was rejected for fear of leading to a 
 revolution, yet that when revolution itfelf was 
 propofed, it was not only acceded to with plea- 
 fure and complacency, but juftified on principles 
 itriclly conflitutional. 
 
 O melancholy inflance of human iiiconiiflen- 
 cy ! When the profeffions, the arguments, the 
 truths maintained during a controverfy of ten 
 years are now, that a fuperior ftate feels it her 
 intereii, and fees that fhe has the power to fport 
 with the facred bleflings of a portion of mankind, 
 forgotten and denied. Let us collect all the ar- 
 guments on thecompetence of Parliament, and they 
 will be found reducible under o e of thofe heads : 
 ift, Principles of Conftitution, 2d, Precedent, 
 3d, Authority, 4th, Power. The firfl head in- 
 volves thofe points : What is the quantity of pow- 
 er ? and what is the quality of the truil confided 
 to Parliament ? The fallacy of the whole argument 
 refpecting the competence of Parliament, depends 
 on an affumption. on the part of Parliament indi- 
 vidually, of thofe rights whichbelongto the whole 
 nation collectively . I defy any perfon to fhew 
 one inflance in which any writer on the laws of 
 nations or on the conftitutions of ftates, maintains 
 that the legiflative power can change the Confti- 
 tution, except where the nation has in exprefs 
 
 tern:
 
 52 
 
 terms given it the exprefs power of change; or 
 except where the legiflative enters into a debate 
 on the propriety of making a total change in the 
 government, and the whole nation is voluntarily 
 filent upon it, in which cafe this filence is to be 
 confideredas an approbation of the acts of itsrepre. 
 fentatives. The Conftitution of a State ought to 
 be fixed, and fmce that was firft eftabliflied by the 
 nation which afterwards trufted certain perfons 
 with the legiflative power ; the fundamental laws 
 are excepted from their commiffion. Thefelegifla- 
 tors derive their power from the Conftitution, and 
 they cannot change it without deftroying the 
 foundation of their authority. 
 
 The principle of change is not that of the Bri- 
 tifti Conftitution. For the beft reafons that prin- 
 ple was reprobated at the revolution becaufe 
 the men who directed it were moderate and wife, 
 and becaufe the hiftory of the ancient repub- 
 lics particularly that of Athens (hewed them 
 that principle was contrary to the happinefs of 
 fociety, and was at length fatal to the liberty of 
 the Athenian people, of which they were fo jea- 
 lous without knowing how to enjoy it. In our 
 Conftitution the two houfes of Parliament in con- 
 cert with the King exercife the legiflative power, 
 and if there is no moral and focial obligation to 
 preferve the form of Government the two 
 houfes of Parliament might refolve to fupprefs 
 themfelv.es, and with the concurrence of the king 
 
 inveft
 
 53 
 
 invert him with the full and abfoiute Govern, 
 ment 5 as well as it might vote its own diflblution. 
 The Conftitution faw how far the principle might 
 be pufhed and it truly never recognized it -fo 
 much for principle ! 
 
 As for precedent, I have endeavoured before 
 to make a diftinftion between the govern- 
 ment of a country receiving a few members 
 within its own bofom ; and that govern- 
 ment voting its own diiiblution. There is a 
 material difference in my humble comprehenfibn 
 between the Parliament of Ireland agreeing to 
 receive a few members from the kingdom of 
 
 O 
 
 Kerry (fuppofmg it independent), and that Par- 
 liament fealing its own death warrant neither 
 the fubmiflion of Wales, the treaty with Scot- 
 land ; nor the exercife of the power on the 
 part of the Britifh Parliament, can at all influence 
 this queflion. There is a great difference between 
 extending the power of the ftate, and deftroying 
 the means by which all power may be ex- 
 tended. It is not to be contended becaufe 
 the gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons may 
 hire out the " USUFRUCT" of their voices, 
 that therefore they have a right to part with the 
 FEE and INHERITANCE ,* much lefs becaufe they 
 have the power to extend the Conftitution to 
 others, they therefore have a right to deftroy the 
 Conftitution itfelf what is moft like a conftituti- 
 onal precedent for our Legiflature exercifing a 
 
 fovereign 
 * Burke.
 
 54 
 
 ibvereign controul, is, what is vulgarly called 
 the revolution of 1688. It is contended that the 
 proceedings of thefe days were not of lefs im- 
 portance, than any Union, or any other nation- 
 al event that is either known or can be imagined ; 
 and that therefore as there is no difference be- 
 tween the greatnefs of the object to be atchieved, 
 there is no difference between the power to be ex- 
 ercifed, I affert that it was under the very fear 
 that fuch an argument might be adduced, that 
 the Commons declared an abhorrence againft in- 
 novation of any kind, left it might fhake the 
 fubmiffion of pofterity to the Conftitution: 
 They declared that the throne was abdicated 
 They maintained the principles of the Conftituti- 
 on, they did not deftroy it. So much for prece- 
 fcnt. Now as to authority, it is to thofe who 
 re-afferted the exifting Government of England 
 (of which that of Ireland is a perfect tranfcript) 
 that we muft naturally refer, and I undertake to 
 fay, that Lord Somexs and the vvhigs of 1688, 
 proceeded on this principle " that an uninter- 
 rupted inheritance furnifhed the fureft principle 
 of confervation and the fafeft principle of tranf- 
 miilion, without excluding the principle of im- 
 provement, and that the Britifh Conftitution glo- 
 ried in the idea of being tranfmitted to pofterity 
 in the fame manner in which we tranfmit pro- 
 perty and life." It was therefore that at the 
 trial of Sacbcverel, that Sir Jofeph Jekyl^ Mr. 
 
 Lechmere,
 
 55 
 
 Lecbmere, Walpole, and Sir John Holland, all dif- 
 claimed the ruinous doctrine of the power of Par- 
 liament extending to the new modelling the flate. 
 They countenanced no doctrine amounting to a 
 diflblution of the contract between the crown 
 and the people, which they contended always had 
 an exiftence. They gave no precedent to autho- 
 rife the change in the form of government ; but 
 they were uniform and confident in their endea- 
 vours to prevent the regal power being fwallowed 
 up on pretence of popular rights, or the popular 
 rights being deftroyed on pretence of legiflative 
 power. They did as Mr. Burke well exprefled 
 it (in his fpeech in the Houfe of Commons in 
 1790,) " they preventeda revolution and difclaim- 
 ed all competency to make one ; they took folid 
 Securities they fettled doubtful queftions and 
 corrected anomalies in our law, in the ftable fun- 
 damental parts they made no revolution the 
 nation kept the fame ranks the fame orders 
 the fame privileges the fame franchifes the 
 fame commons the fame corporations and the 
 fame electors, '* they neither impaired the mo- 
 narchy nor voted their diflblution ; and to ufe the 
 words of the Whigs themfelves " to innovate on 
 the Conftitution could not be allowed, nay it 
 would have been a crime the revolution did not 
 introduce any innovation, it was only the refto- 
 ralion of the ancient fundamental Conititution 
 
 of
 
 56 
 
 of the kingdom and giving it its proper force 
 and energy." 
 
 This is a painful argument to thofe who have 
 
 ever loved or admired the beft principles of our 
 mixed form of Government. Thefe are bitter fen- 
 fations to thofe who like myfelf are jufl able to 
 remember that they faw, or thought they faw in 
 the year 1782 the Sun of Irifh Independence, 
 rifing with majeily and grandeur above the hori- 
 zon, cautioufly and gradually difpelling the black 
 clouds of bigotry and prejudice ; drying up thofe 
 places which were watered with tears and wetted 
 with the blood of a divided and difcontented peo- 
 ple. Thefe are heart rending notions to thofe who 
 have been educated in the beft principles of that 
 Conftitution, who have confidered it a pledge of 
 national amity and love, and who have no reafon 
 to change the opinion of their early life, that it 
 had all the rudiments eflential to good Govern- 
 ment. Thefe are the days of recommencing afflic- 
 tion to thofe who have been compelled to narrow 
 their converfe to the intimacy of a few, whofe 
 liberality, mild and lovely, would like the " fo- 
 ber evenings ray," unite the difcordant elements 
 into peace, left the tranquillity of fociety might 
 be fhattered by the wild and undifciplined con- 
 tentions of religious and political enthufiafts, or 
 its harmony untuned by the riotous inurbanity 
 of maddened bigotry. Indeed the Unionifts 
 may if they pleafc gnaw the Conftitution as efta- 
 
 blifhed
 
 57 
 
 blifhedin 1782 with vermin whifpers, and worry 
 it with unbecoming reproaches. But that Con- 
 flitution denies that it ever gave any power to 
 thofe who Ihould be entrufted with its care, to 
 extinguifh it for ever. It fays " indeed *it is dif- 
 ficult to give limits to the mere abftract compe- 
 tence of the fupreme power, but the limits of a 
 moral competence, fubjecting occafional will to 
 permanent reafon, and to the fteady maxims of 
 faith, juftice, and fixed fundamental policy, are 
 perfectly intelligible, and perfectly binding on 
 thofe who exercifeany authority under any name, 
 or under any title in the (late. The Houfe of 
 Lords is not morally competent to diffolve itfelf, 
 nor to abdicate, if it would, its portion of 
 the Legifiature of the kingdom. By as (hong 
 or a ftronger reafon, the Houfe of Commons 
 cannot renounce its fhare of authority. The en- 
 gagement and pact of fociety which generally goes 
 by the name of the Conftitution, forbids fuch 
 innovation and fuch furrender. The conflituent 
 parts of a (late muft hold their public faith with 
 each other, and with all thofe who derive a ferious 
 intereft under their engagement, as much as the 
 whole ftate is bound to keep its faith with feparate 
 communities. Otherwife competence and power 
 would be entirely confounded, and no law left 
 but the will of a prevailing force." Thefe are 
 
 * Burke's refledions. 
 
 I my
 
 my reaibns for denying the competence of Par- 
 liament to deftroy the Constitution of Ireland,, 
 and if they are not conclufive and fatisfactory I 
 lee no caufe why the Imperial Legiflature might 
 not as well vote an Union with France, as the par- 
 liament of Ireland vote an Union wirh Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Ctofecon- Here then in my opinion, this enquiry might 
 nexion v fafely be clofed. If this meafure is on re-exa- 
 
 withEng- . , , , r . r 
 
 land thro' mination calculated to depreis your country, it 
 the medi. faeTe is no power in Parliament to effed this 
 
 urn or a 
 
 refident change, what other topics are there which require 
 
 v^rat* to k i** ve ftig ate d Y es there are great difficulties 
 
 ed and ftill to be overcome, difficulties which no feeling 
 
 improved, m j nc j can j oo j- at w ithout a tear, but which no 
 
 tried as a m 
 
 conferva- magnanimous heart could let pafs without fuitable 
 tiveprm- o bf ervat i on . Since I have ventured to exprefs an 
 
 ciple tor f 
 
 Ireland opinion on a great fubject, to a great and enlight- 
 ened public, I feel it a duty which I owe that 
 public, a duty which I owe my own character as a 
 man, not to be broken down or difcouraged by 
 any obftacles which the unhappy fituation of the 
 .world in general, or the more afflicting fituation 
 of this country in particular, may throw in the 
 way of a generous policy and an endearing mag- 
 nanimity. When therefore I attempt to explore all 
 the difficulties, all the dangers which hang over 
 this country, I think I can commence fuch a car- 
 reer with a mind at leaft untainted with malignity^ 
 with bafe factious views, or vindictive malice, but 
 
 not
 
 not without its being confiderably awed by a fear- 
 ful fenfe of the uncertainty which impends over 
 all the judgments and all the affairs of men. I 
 know that in the divided and diffracted ftate of 
 Ireland, I have no reafon to expect that I ihall 
 ever hear the grateful mufic of my country's efti- 
 mation for expreffing the honeft fentiments of my 
 heart. If on the other hand, I fhall be certain 
 of meeting the fneers of the defperate, and the 
 frowns of the powerful, I mall on the other have 
 all the confolation which arifes from the exercife 
 of a calm, unbiaifed, and deliberative reafon, dif- 
 claiming to be fed with the vifions and imagina- 
 tions of things, which even if effected, could never 
 be realized without the reciprocated retaliations 
 of blood and rapine, and without greater facrifices 
 than any country under Heaven was ever yet ne- 
 ceffitated to make. I do fay then, that under all 
 the melancholy and afflicting fcenes which we have 
 witnefled in our own country, under all the cir- 
 cumflances of Europe, under the various com. 
 mercial and political relations in which we ftand 
 to Great Britain, under every view of national 
 interefl and imperial policy, the greateft pofli- 
 blc good which can arife to Ireland, with the 
 lead poflible evil, is a connexion with England on 
 principles which England can fubfcribe to, with- 
 out the facrifice of her deareft interefts or her 
 dignity, and which Ireland can adhere to with- 
 out the furrender of her honor, A refident legif- 
 
 flature,
 
 flature and her exifling conftitution cleanfed, as 
 much as the unionifts pleafe, of thofe abufes which 
 have been admitted upon all fides fmce the com- 
 mencement of the prefent difcuffion. Thefe are 
 no times, when all confidence between all defcrip- 
 tions of perfons of all nations is cut up, for any 
 perfons of any nation to repofe an unbounded 
 confidence in the profefiions of grangers. Thefe 
 are no times for having our politics dependent on 
 every mip which fails from the port of our enemy; 
 or veering and mifting in our fpeculations, when 
 a new battalion is attached to the army of 
 England. No, no, they are times for cleaving to 
 fome vigorous and manly principles which arreft 
 our common notice, becaufe they embrace our 
 common intereft. 
 
 Every ftep I approach the principle already laid 
 down, I fee the refloration of national peace and 
 encreafed fecurity to the Britifh empire. When I 
 turn my back upon it, there is nothing ftable, 
 nothing permanent, nothing fecure. One dreary 
 dreadful vifto of national ruin prefents itfelf, 
 of clafhing claims, and quixotic fpeculations. One 
 thing certain arifmg out of the extravagant fub- 
 limities and eccentric rovings of our minds, the 
 deflruftion of this commercial country, and the 
 Slaughter of multitudes of the braveft and themofl 
 virtuous of the community. Take any other prin- 
 ciple, and we confound all meafure between means 
 and ends our headlong defires become our poli- 
 tics
 
 6i 
 
 tics and our morals. On one fide we have France 
 bridling in arms, covered over with her bracelets 
 and adulterous trinkets, breathing the mod fe- 
 ductive but deftructive promifes, and incapable 
 of realizing EVEN the pure profeflions of love 
 and affection, without almoft blotting the country 
 out of the fyftem of nature. When we tranflate 
 the words : " attempt at SEPARATION from Eng- 
 land by the afliftance of French force," we muft 
 fet down fo much for the marches and counter- 
 marches of conflicting armies, for defeats and 
 victories, fo much for the workings of ferocious 
 paflions raifed to their greateft height by mutual 
 revenge and reciprocal outrages, fo much for 
 flaughter in the field, fo much for fecret murders 
 and muffled confpiracies, fo much for famine 
 brought upon a province, fo much for the fuf- 
 penfion of every kind of trade, fo much for 
 widows and orphans, fo much for maffacres and 
 afiamuations in every place of every kind, fo 
 much for the confiscations and permutations of 
 property of thofe who oppofed that enemy, pre- 
 fuming him fuccefsful, fo much for thoufands 
 doomed to wafle away an exiftence in the dreary 
 precincts of a prifon, or to perifh on a fcaffold, 
 fuppofmg him defeated and fubdued, fo much 
 for Great Britain whilft undifputed miftrefs of 
 the feas, diminiming (if the enemy fucceeded) 
 the means of his afTault on her own territory, by 
 deftroying every thing which contributed to our 
 
 national
 
 62 
 
 national ftrength, fo much for this enemy draw- 
 ing his resources from an haraffed and impoverim- 
 ed land, in proportion to the violence and vigor 
 with which he was affailed, fo much for letting 
 loofe the daemons of rapine and luft within the 
 field of cultivated fociety, and giving to the brutal 
 ferocity of the mod ferocious its full fcope and 
 range of invention. There is no occafion to 
 heighten this picture by recurring to the conduct 
 which this enemy has purfued, to thofe countries 
 he has invaded, nor no necefiity to examine thofe 
 new principles which have emanated from minds 
 full grown and matured. Whether defeated, 
 whether fuccefsful, thefe are a few of the certain, 
 pofitive, and immediate evils, which rufh on my 
 imagination, when in one view of the queflion 
 I depart from the prefiding principle which I have 
 already ftated, clofe connexion with England, 
 through the medium of a refident legijlature^ invi- 
 gorated and improved. 
 
 iJLnefs drives 
 Impetuous en, the fcourge of Heaven uplifted 
 Lajhes the Fury forward. - 
 
 Again is it for ever to be the great misfortune 
 of our nature, not to know where to flop, or how 
 to compound with fituations ? Are we to lofe 
 all we have ever gained, becaufe we cannot ob- 
 tain all we have ever wanted ? We would do 
 well likewife to tranflate this word Union j and 
 
 if
 
 63 
 
 f I have failed in convincing your mmds,I hare at 
 eaft fatisfied my^ own, that it is a meafure on the 
 >art of a fuperior ilate, of loftinefs, confidence* 
 and rigor, when moderation, prudence and equa- 
 ity ought to be purfued. It is an abandonment 
 )f the long tried, long valued principle of holding 
 {immunities together by an evident and/olid intereft* 
 or the little wretched, fhifting politics of the 
 day. It is a feeble attempt to difturb and force na- 
 ture, and to occafion what is generally the con- 
 fequence of fuch an interruption of the ar- 
 rangement (he has made, difcontent, diftruft anct 
 confufion. I fhall not heighten the picture, be- 
 caufe I (hall entertain the fuppofition that it never 
 will be realized, and becaufe I write not for the 
 appiaufe of a giddy populace, but to the calm 
 and approving judgment of enlightened men. 
 Here then I fee nothing but mifery to the country 
 and confequently weaknefs to the Empire, when 
 I depart fiom the prefiding, immutable principle 
 which I have already laid down, clofs connection 
 r jj\th England^ through the medium of a rejident 
 Legi/lature invigorated and improved. 
 
 But let us weigh every thing with prudence and jft, B 
 with care. What is the prefent fituation of the JJ* 1 ^ 
 country? The exifting government confiderably O f ire 
 ftrengthened, ift, by proving itfelf fuperior to lanii - 
 plans madly laid, and defperately attempted; and 
 fecondly, by the ftrong continuing recollection 
 on the part of all ranks and defcriptions of peo-
 
 6 4 
 
 pie, of the dreadful evils of their letting loofe a 
 populace ; and certainly not weakened in the eyes 
 of any rational and reflecting man, by the extra- 
 ordinary fcenes which we have witnefled in ano- 
 ther country. Defended from without, by a na- 
 vy unequalled in the bed time of Britifh hiftory ; 
 and within, with a more gallant and powerful ar- 
 my, than the hiftory of Ireland can furnifh an 
 example of. The taxes not unproductive (thanks 
 to the forefight and liberality with which the new 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer has commenced his 
 career) under all the preffure of the times, and the 
 melancholy extent to which this unhappy war 
 has been protracted I do not declare that there 
 are not caufes, for dejection, for humiliation, 
 for forrow ; all I aflert is, that there are none for 
 defpair. Therefore it is that I might apply the 
 words which were ufed by De?nofthenes to induce 
 the Athenians not to fink under, but to bear up 
 againft, the prefiure of their misfortunes. We have 
 indeed reafon to rejoice that we can draw our 
 future hopes from our paft calamities, for if we 
 had acted in every thing as we ought, and the alie- 
 nation of mind and the religious and political 
 diffenfions between the inhabitants of the fame 
 country were in the fituation they now are, there 
 could have remained no hope of better days in 
 what caufes thefe diffenfions have originated 
 how they have been inflamed to their prefent de- 
 plorable and difaftrous extent or in what man- 
 
 ner
 
 ner they can be cured, are topics I thank God 
 wholly irrevelant to the prefcnt difcuffion. They 
 are for the Legiflature all I know is this, that 
 the fooner they are corrected, the fooner the 
 Government will be refpected by the country, 
 and the fooner it will be formidable to all its ene- 
 mies. To fay that thefe errors cannot be cured, 
 that the hand which inflidled the wouud cannot be 
 flretched forth to adminifler the remedy, and enfure 
 the cure, is moft extravagant indeed it argues 
 fuch an ignorance of human nature, and fuch a 
 lack of the knowledge of the hiftoryof mankind 
 not to be fatisfied, .that the moft inveterate 
 evils and the moft four and malignant prejudices 
 might be made to bend before the exertions 
 of a manly-minded legiflature, that I own I can 
 hardly think that arguments to the contrary 
 deferve to be treated with the mildnefs of rebuke. 
 But inftead of fhunning enquiry, or running 
 away from the review of the correction of thefe 
 defects, (and great God, what government is free 
 from fault) in the prefent fituation of the world, 
 if our legiflature affumed a manly front and per- 
 fevering intrepidity, fure I am that it never had 
 fo favourable an opportunity for binding up our 
 frame of polity with our deareft domeftic ties, and 
 giving both our conftitution and our property a 
 (lability which they never before poflefled. What 
 is government, and what is there in the charac- 
 ter of Irimmen, that fhould fill a ftrong Heady 
 government with fear, alarm, and apprehenfion, 
 K in
 
 66 
 
 in performing all the great duties of humanity. 
 Government, as it was once well defined by a 
 great Englifh orator, " is the feminary of the 
 foul." We are all a fet of children who mufi 
 be managed, and it will feldom happen, that 
 the pupil man, will not carry through life 
 moft of the properties of his great matter, go- 
 vernment. A captivating greatnefs of mind 
 mould be its endearing and prepofiefling charac- 
 teriftic. It mould aim at great ends by great 
 means, protect the weak, relieve the oppreffed, 
 right the injured, but on no confideration coun- 
 tenance injuftice. By the over-ruling plen 
 tude of its power it fhould reftrain the vio 
 lent, and difarm its enemies, as well by rigour 
 when oppofed to them in the field, as by an ab- 
 horrence of vice and a. marked love of virtue. 
 Indeed the natural effect of fidelity, clemency, 
 kindnefs and protection in governors, is peace 
 and amity, order and efleem, on the part of the 
 governed. 
 
 I muft fairly, how r . ?r, admit to the Union- 
 ids, all the heart-rend... tt and mebncholy truths 
 adduced r 01 . :he ftate o' _e country, andbrought 
 in illuftration of their ailments, though' I muft 
 for ever contend, that the remedy which they 
 propofe for our national evils, is neither founded 
 in long-fighted wifdom, nor confident with their 
 ipecious and querulous pretenfions to a flrong- 
 nerved humanity. I have no wifh to make the 
 
 claims
 
 6 7 
 
 claims of any body of men on the juftice of the 
 kgiflature, a ftalking-horfe to popularity. Whe- 
 ther I were difpofed to admit or deny all the 
 accufations brought, not againft individuals in- 
 deed, but againft ivhole denominations and general 
 defcriptions of men in this country, I can have no 
 hefitation in thinking, that the man who fits 
 down deliberately to tear away every plaifter 
 which has been placed upon this bleeding (late, 
 is equally deficient in wifdom and humanity. It 
 is quite alike to the community, whether this 
 conduct proceeds from malignity or ztal. It is a 
 temper which ought not to be encouraged, be- 
 caufe it is mifchievous. It would be happy for the 
 repofe of mankind, if thofe who light up the 
 flames of difcord by their fury, were the only 
 perfons who were to extinguifh them with their 
 blood. 
 
 Above the vilenefs of writing for any faction, 
 or adopting from inter eft any opinion, having 
 little to hope, and lefs to apprehend, from any 
 minifter, I muft fay, that let the Catholics of Ire- 
 land be as adverfe to our conftitution, as our fta- 
 tutes are hoftile and injurious to them, let the 
 accufations which are made againft them be juft 
 or unjuft, founded or unfounded Let their opi- 
 nions and their inclinations be like or unlike 
 thofe of other men, various, fluctating, and con- 
 tradicting, either they are or they are not fub- 
 ie&s for further legiilative indulgence. If no new 
 
 occurrences
 
 68 
 
 occurrences have pointed out the necefiityofmak- 
 ing the Catholics an efficient part of the phyfical 
 and fubftantial fupport of this ifland, both Pro- 
 teftant and Catholic muft hope that time will al- 
 lay diflenfions, which anger has inflamed, and 
 both will really confult their common iritereft, 
 by confulting the principles of common fenfe and 
 common humanity, and both will alike look 
 forward to fome happy time, when all their dif- 
 fenfions, by fome legiflative provifion would be 
 buried in an eternal grave. A co-partner(hip 
 in great national misfortunes would be at 
 beft to the Catholics a miferable exaltation : 
 To diftract the country, in looking for advan- 
 tages when the queflion was, Conflitution, or 
 no Conflitution at all, would not only be fatal 
 to their own interefts, but to thofe of the entire 
 community. But if in the prefent clam and jum- 
 ble of nations, it is dangerous and impolitic to 
 keep any defcription of men in the bofom of a 
 ftate, writhing under the impreflion of injuries, 
 ought it not be the Jegiilature of the country 
 which mould take thofe perfons under its imme- 
 diate protection and benevolence, and intereft 
 them by the dearefl ties, in the prefervation of this 
 ill-fated community. Suppofmg the Catholics 
 incorrigible enemies, or fuppofmg them friends 
 to the Conftitution, any other conduct in the le- 
 giflature would be unworthy the name and cha- 
 racter of Irifhmen. If they are incorrigible enemies 
 
 to
 
 6 9 
 
 to the Conjlitution, any drunken invalid (faid Mr. 
 Burke, in fome one of his fpeeches) is qualified 
 to hoift the flag, and deliver up the keys of the 
 fortrefs on his knees ; but it is the part of a mag- 
 nanimous general to defend his port of import- 
 ance and of truft to the very laft, even againft 
 the moft powerful enemy. If like other men, 
 they entertain different fhades of political opi- 
 nion, the affairs of religion mould not difturb the 
 fweet and endearing exercife of mutual friend- 
 Ihips, and political interefts ought not to poifon 
 and pervert the fpirit of religion upon all fides. 
 But fuppofing a cafe which from no flight obferv- 
 ation for fome years on the general conduct of 
 the Englifh Adminiftration, I think not very un- 
 likely to occur, that in either event, Union or 
 no Union, the Catholic claim would not influence 
 the queftion at all, the inference is obvious. 
 If the admiflion of the Catholics of Ireland into 
 the Englifh Government is now conceived perfect- 
 ly compatible with the fafety of the Englifh Con- 
 ftitution, though many ingenious diftin&ions have 
 been taken, and though many hair-fplitting meta- 
 phyficians have argued otherwife; yet I own I ne- 
 ver yet have feen any fair logical inference, which 
 founded on the danger of the fiate, fairly de- 
 monftrated the neceflity of excluding them from 
 a due participation of all the advantages in our 
 mixed form of polity. So far, however, from 
 conceiving that an Union can allay even the reli- 
 gious
 
 70 
 
 gious diffentions of this country, it requires no 
 fuperior difcernment to forefee, that it will ne_ 
 cefTarily confiderably inflame the exifting ani- 
 mofities ; and if it mould fo happen, that po- 
 litical antipathies fliould afiume a more dreaded 
 and determined character ; if all trade mould be 
 comparatively diminifhed, and all chance of an 
 ameliorated condition be totally taken away, I 
 cannot think that the perfon lays any great claim 
 to a prophetic character, who ventures to predict 
 fome volcanic eruption, more furious than the 
 worft of thofe which this diftra&ed land has here- 
 tofore had the afflicting misfortune to encounter. 
 I know full well, when I look into the bofom of 
 my own family, when I take the range and furvey 
 of my deareft friends ; or when I regard the ho- 
 norable motives of many ineftimable men who fup- 
 port this meafure, that there is a widely differing 
 opinion as to the effect which an Union will have 
 in fecuring the country againft the repetition of 
 thofe fcenes which we have lately witnefled. But 
 truft me, my countrymen, that the real danger 
 to eftablimed Government is lefs from its enemies 
 than itfelf. Look at the hiftory of your own 
 country, look to the hiftory of all nations and 
 all times, and you will find that the ifiue of all 
 revolutions is fo uncertain, that the fcenes that 
 too often ufher them in, are fo turbulent and fo 
 bloody, the prejudices on the fide of ancient 
 eltablifhments fo great, and the interefts involved 
 
 in
 
 7 1 
 
 in their fupport fo powerful, that while they pro- 
 vide in any tolerable meafure for the happinefs of 
 the people, they may bid defiance to all the efforts 
 of their enemies. Looking, therefore, with the 
 clofefl eye even at the worfl part of our picture, 
 our religious and political difientions, I can fee 
 nothing that mould feduce an honeft mind, nor 
 deter a manly legiflator from adhering to the great 
 protecting and prefiding which I have already laid 
 down, clofe connexion with England^ through the 
 medium of a refident legiflature invigorated 'and im- 
 proved* 
 
 We ai z now arrived at that point of the argu- Confe 
 uent, \v_.en it is neceflary to try this principle^/ 
 by the relation in which we fland to our external tried I 
 enemies . Here pofiibly it might be fufficient for JJeft! 
 the argument, to contraft the prefent fituation ofEuroj 
 France, with her fituation when this queftion was 
 lad agitated, and to infer that as the extent of 
 her conquefts, or her confidence in victory could 
 not be fo great now as they were then ; therefore 
 as we oppofed the meafure when me was flufhed 
 and animated with fuccefs, we ought not to be 
 lefs difpofed to waver in our refolution when fhe 
 has fuftained great comparative reverfes ; when 
 me appears likely to be torn to her very centre by 
 internal commotions. 
 
 In an argument of this kind, that happy occur- 
 rence, a general peace cannot be a fubjecl for any 
 fpeculation. We muft fuppofe, therefore, a con- 
 tinuation
 
 tinuation of the war, and when we fuppofe it, I 
 entreat for one to be confidered as not having the 
 principles of humanity fo blunted by all the heart- 
 rending recitals of the devaftation of our fpecies, 
 as not to pant with impatience for the happy 
 termination of this vindictive conteft. If the 
 war is to be continued, our naval and mili- 
 tary eftablimments are in an unequaled ftate 
 of vigor and preparation. If great expences 
 are required to fupport thofe eftablimments, 
 the monopoly of whatever trade there is, gives 
 us a great comparative advantage over our 
 enemies. Though the war, and the monopoly it 
 gives> do not permit thofe countries to derive 
 any thing like the advantages from its continua- 
 tion, which they mufl derive from a general 
 peace. For one, my mind has never been accuf- 
 tomed to compofmg or chanting death fongs over 
 the fall of either of thefe great empires. They 
 have both great means, great fpirits, great courage, 
 and great enthufiafm. If we look to the people of 
 all claffes and defcriptions in England ; if we 
 turn our eyes at home, there appears no lack of 
 zeal, no difpofition to forego making great facri- 
 fices, to maintain our iflands chafle and inviolate 
 from the ravages of an invading enemy. But 
 fuppofmg the ftrength or weaknefs of France can 
 or cannot influence the quefton, if France is more 
 powerful, Ireland and the empire never were 
 more formidably prepared. If France is lefs pow- 
 erful,
 
 73 
 
 erful, the inference is obvious ; there is lefs ne- 
 ceffity (even fuppofmg an Union to ftrengthen the 
 empire) for the meafure. But for the purpofe 
 of argument, we will fuppofe as fome fondly 
 imagine, that Sieves and Buonaparte are prepar- 
 ing the way for the introduction of a king : 
 or as others who are difpofed to put a mofl fa- 
 vourable conftruction on whatever happens in 
 France fuppofe, that all factions are to termi- 
 nate, all differences to fubfide, and that the 
 country is now to obtain a ftrength, energy and 
 power, to which, fmce the sera of the revolution, 
 it had not before arrived. In the former cafe 
 there would be lefs neceffity for an Union ; in the 
 latter cafe Union cannot poffibly ftrengthen our 
 connexion with England it may weaken it. Of 
 all things under heaven, my nature mod recoils 
 at the idea of any nation's repofing in an invad- 
 ing army ; or trucking and huxtering on fubjects 
 of domeftic concern with an invading enemy. 
 The principle of admitting a foreign power to in- 
 terfere in what is properly of national concern, 
 has never yet that I have known in hiftory, 
 worked well, but in a folitary inftance ; and 
 thofe who ftudy the hiftory of that time, will fee 
 at how many periods the advantages which were 
 likely to be derived from it, were held by the 
 mod uncertain tenure. I think it an ungenerous 
 and unmanly principle to entertain towards 
 eur country. AH the advantages which have 
 L ever
 
 74 
 
 ever been derived from it, have been nar- 
 row, feeble, uncertain, and precarious. But 
 when I confidcr the fubjecl I am difcuffmg, 
 I muil take human nature as I find it, influenced 
 as it is in every clime and every age, by the fafhi- 
 on, the folly, or the v.dckednefs of the \\orld. 
 As the apprehenfion that our enemies abroad co- 
 operating with the difcontented at home, is made 
 a ground for the meafure, it is incumbent on me 
 to mew, that fuch an argument an have no in- 
 fluence in determining the queilion. The fafety 
 of Ireland, "Union or no Union, is efTential to the 
 exigence of Great Britain, and as I ever have 
 and ever mud confider thofe countries when they 
 coniult their common interefts partners in the 
 feme concern, fifters of the fame houfe, and 
 portions of the fame Empire, demanding a reci- 
 procal facrifice of partial accommodations to 
 the common good, fo I muft be excufed for 
 thinking, that any protection extended by Eng- 
 land to Ireland (particularly when that protection- 
 is ttlttmately for the prefer vation of England her- 
 fetf,) does not entitle her to be requited by the 
 furrender of every thing dear, facred and valua- 
 ble to man. I love the two countries too 
 well to balance their mutual favors to each 
 other. But let it be recollected by thofe who 
 would fupport an Union, as a grateful recom- 
 pence for the gallant men who have been fent 
 over to defend this country, that Ireland has 
 
 marched
 
 75 
 
 snatched armies of men, and tranfported millions 
 of money to fupport England in every war, and 
 that (he has looked for no requital for the facri- 
 fices fhe has made let it likewife be recollected, 
 that the ftrongeft difpofition has been fhewn to 
 rife in exertion, in proportion to all the difficul- 
 ties with which the Empire has been threatened, 
 \vhen England has the good fenfe fo appreciate 
 our friendfhip with tenderne s .ana treat us with 
 humanity. 
 
 Examining therefore the relation in which we 
 ftand towards our enem'es, on manly and rational 
 grounds, I iee nothing for dejection. It is eafy 
 I admit tp'forefee extreme cafes, to calculate 
 on accidents, 'and to blazon out the pages of a 
 newfpaper or a jpamphlet, with what may hap- 
 pen. To point to Bred where fo many fhips of 
 war are lying at their anchorage, and to add to 
 this, that troops are daily embarking. To ftate 
 that what happened before might happen again, 
 and that if fifteen hundred men were landed be- 
 fore, 15, ooomaybe landed again, therefore <we ought 
 to ba-ve an Union. All I fay is, that it is idle to fup- 
 pofe that an enemy would be received with greater 
 warmth after an Union than before it. The^e- 
 fore whether there is danger or no danger, I 
 would rather animate the country thar depref, 
 it. I would lather interefl every man in the C!on- 
 ftitution, than furrender the Conftitution itfelf. 
 I would fly to that flrong hold which every Go- 
 vernment
 
 76 
 
 vernment has, \vhen it fecures the affection of a 
 nation by fimilar privileges, equal protection, 
 common intereft, and kindred blood. Thefe are 
 ties which though they " are faid to be as light 
 as air, are as ftrong as links of iron." The fpe- 
 culatifts in all countries are a mite in the hands 
 of the reft of the community. Depend on it, 
 that legiflature which proceeds on this principle 
 will have itfelf furrounded with the real phyfical 
 efficient force of the country, and, no power un- 
 der Heaven will be able to tear it from its alle- 
 giance. Under all the circumftances of Europe, 
 I fee no reafon for deferting the grand prefiding 
 principle which I have laid down clofe con- 
 nexion ivith England, through the medium of a re- 
 fident Legijlature invigorated and improved. 
 Conferva- But thofe whofe minds have always heretofore 
 ciphftrU been cramped and narrowed to a cabinet policy, 
 ed, with a now expand them to the confideration of empire, 
 the ad van- an ^ contend that this meafure is eflfentially necef- 
 **gs of f arv to give it inability and fecurity in its further 
 fire. " operations. It is melancholy as well as ridiculous 
 to obferve the fplendid panegyric which they 
 make upon the meafure, without an attempt to 
 convince the reafon, or enlighten the judgment. 
 I have already (hewn that an Union gives no en* 
 creafed ftrength whatever to Ireland, I muft now 
 mew that it is calculated to weaken even the Em- 
 pire itfelf. What are the immediate advantages 
 which it can confer on England ? None except 
 
 thofe 
 

 
 77 
 
 thofe derived from encreafed abfentees. When has 
 Parliament been deficient in its zeal to fupport 
 any common caufe in which the two countries 
 have been engaged ? Never. But Union, after 
 the great expences which may be incurred, will 
 enable the Britifh Government to diminifli the ci- 
 vil expenditure of this part of the incorporate 
 kingdom ; in other words, it will enable it to di- 
 rect a confiderable portion of that money at pre- 
 fent fpent in the civil government of Ireland 
 to the advancement of the Empire. Wretched 
 calculation ! to fubftitute great national difcon- 
 tent for a paltry faving of this kind. It will en- 
 large the bafe of Britifli taxation ; if it does, it 
 will weaken this part of the Empire what makes 
 this part of the Empire principally weak, its 
 poverty. Wealth mod frequently conflitutes 
 iirength felf-intereft operates moil flrongly on 
 the human mind ; thofe who are comfortable and 
 affluent will not only bear with more froward hu- 
 mours in the ftate, but will make greater facri- 
 fices and brave greater dangers, than the poorer 
 orders of the community. If that part of the 
 Empire is commonly lead vulnerable, that is moil 
 affluent, neither the encreafe of abfentees, nor 
 the extending the bafe of Brhifh taxation are cal- 
 culated to render us more fecure. Befidss encreat- 
 ed difcontent is only to be counteracted by en- 
 creafed force. Inflead of Ireland being a profi- 
 table accefiion to England, it may fo happen, 
 
 that
 
 .7*. 
 
 that the revenue which could be raifed in the 
 country, would be little more than fufficient for 
 its internal defence. I believe in my confcience 
 that the principal reafon why the late unhappy 
 rebellion was fo immediately fupprefled, was be- 
 caufe the people of Ireland found that their 
 condition was improving, even under the pref- 
 fure of war, and the calamitous appearance which 
 the country aifumed. If they had begun to tafle 
 the fweets of induilry in 1762, and then had 
 been gradually going back from 1782 to 1798, 
 I think there would have been reafon to apprehend 
 a more formidable refiftance- encreafed poverty 
 begets encreafed popular difcontent encreafed 
 popular difcontent requires to be over-awed by 
 encreafed military flrength encreafed military 
 ftrength can only be kept on foot by a confi- 
 derable augmentation of the national revenue. 
 So that calculating as I do on the depreflion 
 of this commercial country, and concluding 
 that its difcontent will be proportioned to 
 its depreflion, I cannot help thinking exclu- 
 five of the encreafed danger arifing out of the 
 prefent appearance of the affairs of Europe, 
 that even in a financial point of view, no 
 great benefit can be ^derived from the meafure to 
 England ; and certainly no advantage which can 
 compenfate for any further alienation of efteem 
 and affection. In proportion as we diminifh the 
 means of the country, we not only prevent the 
 farther encreafe of revenue, but we diminifh thefe 
 
 funds
 
 funds which are effential to discharging the inter- 
 efl of our preferit debt. The deficiency in the 
 revenue, which will be occafioned by the decline 
 of our foreign trade, may pofliblybe made up by 
 a fweeping land-tax. What England 'lofes one 
 way, (he will replace in another. When me 
 draws away the capital of Ireland, fhe roots up all 
 the feeds of our future -greatnefs, and encreafes 
 our weaknefs. So that if ftie gains oneway, (by 
 the emigration of great landed proprietors, and 
 by extending the bafe of her taxation) me lofes 
 in another by excluding the pombility of our 
 making fuch advances as will enable us to bear 
 greater burthens. She increafes the neceffity 
 of keeping up a greater military eftablifhment. 
 Local wealth arifes out of local caufes. Ireland, 
 therefore, may certainly be ruined, though Eng- 
 land herfelf in the great view of the queftion 
 cannot be materially ferved. As, to the argument 
 which is ftrongly urged in favour of this meafure, 
 namely, the preventing this country being in 
 time to come, (what it is afiumed, that it always 
 has been,) an arena for fac~tions,for maddened de- 
 magogues, and profligate politicians ; I really 
 think fuch an argument, when made a part of 
 an imperial queftion, ludicrous indeed. All that 
 can be faid in anfwer to fuch an accufation is, 
 that no country under heaven is free from 
 contending parties, when public difcontents 
 vent themfelves in the clamour of thefe parties, 
 
 thev
 
 8o - 
 
 they fubfide into a calm, it is only the confine- 
 ment in the bofom which gives them a fierce and 
 deadly tincture. But to make the patronage over 
 this country, among other things, a further in- 
 ducement for Britifh factions to endeavour to 
 raife themfelves to power, by their harangues and 
 artifice, is only to increafe an evil which already 
 exifts in that country, without fuppreffing or re- 
 moving any of the baleful effects which fuch an 
 evil is calculated to extend to Ireland. It is to be 
 remembered, that the legifiature of Ireland is 
 now drefied in the mokfltby dowlafs, for the very 
 purpofe of difgufting the public at its continua- 
 tion, and reconciling it to its eternal removal. 
 Yet I do truft, that to every man who hopes 
 within the parental arms of this country to find 
 a repofe for the evening of life, her freedom 
 will {till be dear. I do not defpair but that the 
 calm fteady voice of reafon will yet lull to filence 
 the vain clamours of faction, hum the rancourous 
 hillings of envy, and unbar the avenues to return- 
 ing juftice. It is therefore, that even in the 
 great view of advantage to the empire, I fee no 
 earthly reafon which can induce a comprehenfive 
 mind to abandon the great prefiding principle, to 
 which I have been fo often compelled to allude, 
 clofe connexion with England, through the medium 
 of a rcfident legiflature invigorated and im- 
 
 If
 
 8i 
 
 If I have been right in thofe commercial argu- Abfurdi- 
 ments which I have urged, if I have been correct Vf s - of - n 
 
 Umonifts 
 
 in the view of the conftitution which I have taken, ridiculed. 
 and if I have been fortunate in fo arduous a 
 fubjecl as that of examining our affairs at home, 
 and viewing our relative fituation with foreign 
 powers, to have looked at them with manly nrm- 
 nefs and independent intrepidity, God of heaven 
 and of truth, what a compound of folly and of 
 levity, are thofe arguments which are buzzed 
 about in fupport of an Union ! How admirably 
 have the two houfes of parliament in England 
 improved on every topic which was urged within 
 or without the walls of our own ! Indeed from 
 the perufal of all the fpeeches delivered in thefe 
 afiemblies, far from imagining that the Englifh 
 members had waited to be inflrucled, by the in- 
 troduction of Irimmen into the Britifh parliament, 
 in an art hitherto fuppofed to belong exclufively 
 to the Irifh themfelves, one would have fuppofed 
 that it was only neceflary that a connexion fhould 
 be formed in embryo, that thofe gentlemen might 
 be inftantaneoufly inftrucled in this art, and ena- 
 bled to difplay to the world howqualified they were 
 to improve it to the greateft poffible perfection. 
 It would in truth appear, as if thefe great 
 ftatefmen had fent over their fpeeches to Ireland, 
 to prove to the wavering Unionifts, the very pe- 
 culiar ability with which they muil neceflarily rule 
 an empire, when they could fo foon furpafs the 
 Irifh themfelves in that extraordinary accomplifh- 
 M ment,
 
 82 
 
 ment, of which they were heretofore reputed the 
 moft churlifh monopolifts. Iriftimen, fays the 
 worthy Chancellor rf the Exchequer of England, 
 the prefervation of the ineftimable bleflings of re- 
 gular government and eftablifhed inftitution,- are 
 in the a&ual fituation of your country, precarious 
 and infecure ; but an Union will perpetuate 
 them, by taking them away for ever. Irifhmen, 
 fays his worthy colleague, Mr. Dundas, you are 
 very poor, very wretched, indeed ; but an Union 
 will make you rich like the Scotch, by fqueezing 
 every guinea out of your Country. Irimmen, fays the 
 fapient metap hyfician^ Mr. Wyndharn,your manners 
 are not foftened, your minds are unreclaimed, but 
 an Union will remedy thefe evils, by tearing away 
 your Corinthian pillar of cultivated life, your arif- 
 iocracy, and by cutting you off from all mtercourfe 
 with polijhed focicty. Aye, lays Mr. Canning, 
 your eonftitution has been aflailed, and was in 
 danger of periming, but an Union will prevent 
 its ever being again attacked, by deftroying it for 
 ever. And then fays his worthy helpmate^ Lord 
 Hawkejburv-) we mall be able ta march to Paris, 
 our common ftrength will be invigorated, an 
 Union will remove all complaints, by making the 
 caufefor complaint juft'er than ever. This is a very 
 faint fpecimen of the rapid improvement made 
 by the members of the Britifh Houfe of Com- 
 mons. The advancement of the lords corref- 
 ponds with their more elevated degree. Irifh.- 
 men, fays Lord Auckland \ I was your fecretary, 
 
 I have
 
 83 
 
 I have been a kind of tutelary deity to your coun- 
 try ; and though it is true that I fucceeded very 
 badly in uniting the Dutch againft the common 
 enemy, yet my capacity certainly extends to the 
 Union of Empires. I have written various eflays 
 cm your trade ; and as I have clearly (hewn, that 
 you had no trade before 1/82, and it has been 
 rapidly increafing fmce the asra of your indepen- 
 dence, without at all injuring the trade of Eng- 
 land, an Union will encreafe that trade many 
 fold, by reducing you to nearly the fa?ne Jituation as 
 'when you had no trade whatever. And then fays the 
 modern Solon, the lawgiver to the Corlicans, 
 with a kind of rapturous exultation, fee how 
 fweetly thefe beauteous countries embrace each 
 other, and feem formed for one empire, though 
 we need only look from our windows to ohferve their 
 careffcs interrupted by thcmojl boifterousfeas. Though 
 (fays he) you have neither fleets nor armies, can 
 make no treaties, no captures by fea or land, 
 though you have no dominion over Ceylon, the 
 Cape of 'Good Hope , Martinique, or Minorca, and 
 though you are obvioufly a little fubjugated de- 
 pendency, yet an Union will give you more, and 
 do more for you than my biennial parliaments 
 or univerfal fuffrage could do for Corfica ; it will 
 give you what you have not, and it will preferve 
 what you have by taking away even to the right oj 
 framing your own laws. And then fays the lumi- 
 nous Lord Grcnvillc, (who by the by fent over 
 
 his
 
 8 4 
 
 his illuftrious relative purpofely to refreih and 
 improve the little flock of Iridi knowledge which 
 he had acquired during his viceroyfhip, that 
 he might communicate his increafed acquire- 
 ments to his lordfhip) then fays the noble lord, 
 fumming up the debate I fee it my lords, I fee 
 it all the conftitution of Ireland is in the great- 
 eft danger. And he illiterates its ivsaknefs^ by ad- 
 ?n it ting, that it crufoed a greater rebellion, than that by 
 which the Conftitution of England ivas ever yet ajj'ail- 
 cd. The Noble Lord then proceeds to lament that 
 fome of the beft blood and the greateft talents in 
 the country have caught the phrenzy of fepara- 
 tion but contends that an Union will encreafe 
 in Ireland the number of the friends to Biitifh 
 connexion, by taking the men of the great eft confe- 
 quence, and the beft fupporters of the Britifo con- 
 nexion out of the country. We know, fays the Noble 
 Lord, that the Irifh are very proud of their Inde- 
 pendence, but an Union will madden them them 
 with joy by increafing their humiliation^ and will 
 remove every kind of hoftility to England, by 
 making hsr in reality an enemy inftead of a friend. 
 
 Indeed this extraordinary and unprecedented 
 quicknefsof acquirement on the part of the Eng- 
 lifli members, proves to my humble capacity, 
 how very unneceffary it is, that the good, honejl, 
 ^ country gentleman of Ireland,, mould be put 
 
 to
 
 85 
 
 to the trouble or the danger of being broken 
 down on the rough roads of Wales, or obliged 
 to deplore when they arrived in London, that 
 they were drowned in the packet, or were kilt or 
 loft in the fnow on Penmanmoore* This happy in- 
 fiance of Britifh fagacity, and this admirable dif- 
 play of the comprehenfive mind of the Englifh 
 ftatefman which adds to its own flock of infor- 
 mation and erudition in the courfe of one little 
 week, what we poor Irijhtnen have been endea- 
 vouring to excel in, for thefe lafl 700 years, will 
 certainly prevent the Union treaty being incum- 
 bered with any difcuflion on the numbers which 
 are to be elected to the Imperial Parliament, or 
 the manner in which they are to be returned. 
 In the name of wonders, what can be expecled 
 even from the fagacity and forefight of our mofl 
 accomplijhed profeffbr in this happy acquirement 
 after the aflonifhing exhibition they have made. 
 What purpofe can it be to deprive us of the, 
 fellive pleafure, and the convivial fellowmip of 
 thofe, who though they hold places themfelves un- 
 der the crown, " declare to God, Mr. Speaker, 
 that they are wearied and fick to death of the 
 abufes in the Irifh Government, and dunned 
 with the foolifh prattle of the Independence of 
 our Conflitution ; and who therefore hail an Uni- 
 on with joy, becaufe it will reform all abufes in 
 the Conflitution, and make it really independent
 
 86 
 
 by burying it in an eternal grave ! 
 Cato ; etjocofam! 
 
 ,Thefe fpecious and plaufible abfurdities vanifli 
 before the ftroke of reafon and of truth. It 
 would be well however if this extraordinary pro- 
 penfity extended no farther. It is a continuation 
 of the fame temper which converts a majority 
 againft an Union addrefs to the crown, into a moft 
 triumphant majority in favor of an Union itfelf. 
 It is thus that not only all the rules of common 
 fenfe, but all the old habits of rniniderial pru- 
 dence, and minifterial decency are abandoned 
 in this laudable exhibition of difmterefted friendship 
 for the happinefs of Ireland. In Mr. Pitt's memo- 
 rable Propositions, when he found he had but a 
 trifling majority, he abandoned them altogether. 
 Eighty majority in the Englifh Parliament was 
 too fmallfor this minifterto goto war with Ruf- 
 fia : how many bills have I feen abandoned as 
 the opposition to them encreafed, how many va- 
 rious and contradictory amendments to motions 
 for peace have I heard made during the prefent 
 war, by the minifter himfelf to meet the fenti- 
 ment of the Engljfh nation. I itate tliefe things 
 as much to fhew the happy influence which pub- 
 lic opinion has on a refident Lcgiflature, zz 
 to fhew the old habits of minifterial decency to 
 the people of England. But when an Union is 
 propofed to the Irifli Parliament, it is rejected ? 
 It is propofed to the Irifli Nation, it is rejected ? 
 
 The
 
 87 
 
 The mmifter is obflinate. ; the nation unchanged in 
 opinion. I do declare folemnly to God, under all 
 the circumftances of Europe, I fee nothing which 
 can fave the Empire, but the calm, generous and 
 magnanimous Independence of the Irifh Houfe of 
 Commons ; feeling that our Conltitution con- 
 tains within itfelf the means of correcting both 
 its principles and its practice ; that we have in- 
 herited it from our fathers and ought to tranfmit 
 it to- our pofteaity ! 
 
 -n3i Gentlemen, 
 
 I have troubled you too long. It is high time 
 to put an end to this defultory addrefs, already 
 I fear protracted to too great an extent. 
 Which of your prejudices have I infulted? What 
 paflions have I inflamed ? Have I in thofe times 
 of national peril weakened your country, or tra- 
 duced your Confiitution by (hewing the advan- 
 tage of political juftice. Sinefumma jufntla rem- 
 publicam regi ncn poffe, was a fentirnent which I 
 early learned from an accompliflied Roman 
 orator, not deficient in a knov/ledge of hu- 
 man nature, nor unacquainted with the ma- 
 nagement of flates. Have I fet down with bafe 
 factious views and" a unifier ambition, and malted 
 under dark, daflard generalities, principles which 
 I dare not openly avow ? Have I breathed out my 
 whole foul to you on this great queftion, or have 
 I carped at, and cavilled with a meafure, becaufe 
 
 it
 
 88 
 
 it lias emanated from thofe who happen to be in 
 power ? Have I wearied you with arguments on 
 the mifery and the mifchief which mull refult 
 from this proceeding, without (hewing you a fafe 
 and honourable caufe which ought to be purfu- 
 ed ? Have I taken up the queftion with intempe- 
 rance, and difcuffed it with malignity ? Or have 
 I fhewn you that I am fo ignorant of human na- 
 ture, as not to be fatisfied with deriving from the 
 mingled frailties, and excellencies of men, thofe 
 effects which hitherto have not been produced by 
 the influence of firm and fteady "virtue ? No, Gen- 
 tlemen, I abhor violence and impatience of con- 
 tradiction it only injures a good caufe ; it can- 
 not ferve a bad one it originates in a radical de- 
 fed of judgment, and too often terminates in 
 an incorrigible intolerance of temper. I have 
 re-confidered the queftion in the manner which 
 I at lead have accuftomed myfelf to think that 
 every topic ought to be difcuffed, giving my ad- 
 verfaries full credit for the purity of their inten- 
 tion, and flruggling with all the difficulties of 
 my fituatioN, and in doing fo, I have not rufhed 
 upon the theatre of my country, yet covered 
 with the blood of unnumbered multitudes, in- 
 flaming you to frefh difturbances ; no no, I have 
 looked through the yawning chafms of your 
 ruin ; as the honeft mariner' who after he has 
 dropped a tear of unfeigned forrow over the num- 
 bers of his crew whom he has loll, in the fcowl- 
 
 ing
 
 ing temped, examines his veffel finds that it has 
 not been irretrievably wounded, trims his fails, 
 and fleers forward to fome haven of fecurity. 
 Our little country, from what motives or what 
 caufes I care not to examine, has lately occupied in 
 the fore-ground of the melancholy picture which 
 Europe has prefented, a place to which rtie was 
 not entitled by her importance nor her ftrength. 
 The melancholy confequence of fuch a proceed- 
 ing has been, that (he has been reprefented bleed- 
 ing at every pore, covered with mangled car- 
 cafes, with villages flaming in every quarter and 
 writhing under all the ravages of devaflating 
 war. It is time that we mould begin to fee all 
 the horrors and calamities which arife out of 
 doubtful and dangerous courfes. Harmony is 
 creative difcord deftructive. We have all inju- 
 ries to balance we have all paffions to reftrain ; 
 we have all froward humours to correct -we have 
 particularities which require to be indulged. 
 After all the irkfome and vexatious wanderings of 
 our nature, I would prefent to you the aufpicious 
 Angel of the Conftitution ufmg its healing and 
 meditorial fpirit, infpiring both governors and 
 governed, by a fenfe of common intereft - com- 
 mon fafety and the feeling of common huma- 
 nity, with an encreafed love of their afflicted 
 country. 
 
 Indeed, my addrefs to you is more in for- 
 
 row than in anger, and therefore poffibly a 
 
 N greater
 
 90 
 
 greater fubject for your regard. There are 
 many topics on which I would have willingly 
 treipaffed on your patience. In the few pages I 
 have troubled you with, I have endeavoured to 
 blend the two characters of moralift and politi- 
 cian ; and in humble confidence I challenge the 
 mod rigid examination of the aflertions which I 
 have made, and the arguments which I have ad- 
 vanced. I fee in this meafure of Union not one 
 benefit to be obtained, not one intereft to be ad- 
 vanced, not one prejudice to be corrected, not one 
 paffion to be allayed, not one principle of con- 
 fervation and protection. If I did, 1 tell you 
 honeftly, I would have given it through every 
 {lage a warm and difmterefled fupport, however 
 unpopular that conduct might have been. I am 
 not ignorant how much the Britiih adminiflration 
 hope to fucceed in this project. I know full well 
 that the meafure is fo popular in England, that 
 not one diurnal print, however difpofed the edi- 
 tors and the proprietors of them may be to fyirv 
 patbife in our misfortunes, and to recognize the 
 deftruclion of Britifh liberty in the meafure, will 
 venture to hazard more than fome little fqueamifh, 
 coqueting, exhilerating paragraph to their Eng- 
 lim readers, " that all the terms are agreed on, 
 and that there is no doubt but that an Union 
 will be carried into execution." I think, 
 however, that from a long obfervation on the 
 politicks of the men who compofe the prefent ad- 
 
 miniltration,
 
 9' 
 
 rniniftration, that there never was a cabinet re- 
 gnlated in its opinions fo much by '* exifting 
 circumftances," as the cabinet of the day. I 
 do not mention this by way of reproach, 
 rather the reverfe. When it is found that 
 no exertions can make this meafure popular 
 in Ireland, depend upon it that it will be 
 abandoned. No minifter ever knew his men 
 in the Houfe of Commons of England better 
 than Mr. Pitt ; and whatever character the ordi- 
 nary refolutions of that houfe for years pad to 
 Ireland might have been, 1 do in my confcience 
 believe, that a great majority of that houfe have 
 deplored fmcerely the unhappy ftate of Ireland for 
 thefe fome years paft. I know that many were 
 cheered confiderably in 1795 and 1796, when it 
 was neceffary to buzz about, that fomething 
 would be done to quiet Ireland ; and though it 
 was conjectured then that an Union was in con- 
 templation, and though the queftion has been de- 
 cided in England^ yet fure I am, that any meafure 
 repugnant to the feelings of the Irifh nation would 
 not be well received. Depend upon it that they 
 will prefer a real Union of intercft and affedion to 
 any nominal intereft whatever. It is impoffible 
 that any meafure could be more obnoxious to this 
 community. I found my opinion, not on the 
 expreffion of general fentiment, not on the mut- 
 tering diifatisfaclion in the very perfons who iup- 
 port it, not in the depreffion of public credit, 
 not in the fufpenfion of commercial enterprife, not 
 in the deflrudion of private friendfhip, not in the.
 
 92 
 
 unparalleled facrifices which have been made by 
 feveral, not in the difmiffal of the Deft fervants 
 of the crown, not in village intrigue, not in the 
 extraordinary favours conferred on the perfons 
 who have enlifted in the ranks of the Iriih fecre- 
 tary, not even on the conditional claufes intro- 
 duced into the new leafes which are now made. 
 I found that opinion upon the very addrefies 
 .themfelves, which have been prefented in fup- 
 port of the meafure. I do not fay that they are 
 not figned by honourable men- 1 do not fay that 
 any fignatures have been extorted by fear I do 
 not fay that any have been operated on by cor- 
 rupt and fecret influence -I know that the figna- 
 tures from my own county are highly refpetable 
 indeed ; but I'll make no reflections on the man? 
 ner in which they were obtained. I fay, that af- 
 ter the fcenes which have defolated Ireland, under 
 the prevailing fpirit of perfecution, and the con- 
 fequent reciprocal hatred of religious parties, that 
 if Union could be confidered to have any one 
 thing in it likely to raife the languid and droop- 
 ing head of public credit, to re-animate induftry, 
 and to put down all faction, that inflead of a few 
 folitary advertifements haunting us day after day, 
 for months together in the minifterial papers in 
 favour of the meafure, the table of the Houfe of 
 Commons would not be large enough to contain 
 all the petitions which would be fent up from 
 every part of Ireland, praying that fo happy a 
 meafure might inftantaneoufly be adopted? I 
 
 have
 
 93 
 
 have feen too frequently indeed in both countries, 
 for the purpofe of the common good, minifters 
 and thofe who would be minifters play the game 
 of faction, and fight for an addrefs for a particu- 
 lar purpofe, with as much zeal as they would 
 fight for that which was the object of the conteft 
 power itfelf. But the plain unfophifticated 
 fenfe of the nation always bore down this kind 
 of fpecious artifice. Whether it was followed, or 
 whether it was rejected, is not a matter for our 
 enquiry. But the bufy and intemperate partizan 
 was always ioft, in the expreffion of the unfmo- 
 thered fentiments of the country. If there is any 
 one thing under Heaven which fhould endear 
 you, (who fee the ruin of your fortunes in the 
 adoption of this meafure) to the Legiflature, it is 
 the dignified hope- the manly filence which you 
 have preferved. You gave an opinion before, 
 you feel it unneceflary to repeat it again. When 
 did you give that opinion ? Before you faw your 
 country difturbed ? Certainly not. You gave it un- 
 neceflary when your minds were fo tremblingly alive 
 to the horrors you had witnefied, that the fmallefl 
 allufion to them was fufficient to draw tears even 
 from the moft obdurate. When your fcaffolds 
 were yet reeking with the blood of innumerable 
 offenders ; when your fields were yet covered 
 with the unburied bodies of flaughtered multi- 
 tvdes, of all ages, of all clafles and defcriptions 
 of political opinion, loyal and difloyal, incorri- 
 gible
 
 94 
 
 gible jacobins and temperate reformers, king's 
 men and French partizans, enveloped in the 
 dreadful indifcriminating whirlwind of infurrec- 
 tion, You gave -it ; under all the agony and dif- 
 tra&ion infeparable from the remembrance of the 
 lofs of your deareft afibciates, and the plunder of 
 your mod valued relatives. You gave it as I may 
 fay, when your metropolis wasalmoft illumined, 
 with the flames of furrounding villages, lighted 
 up by fanaricifm and thofe vehement paffions 
 which are always fure to arife in the bofom even 
 of the beft men by the reverberation of out- 
 rages. Abfent as I have been from among you 
 for many years, you muft pardon me if 1 have 
 not a head to comprehend the utility of the little 
 movements of party which I daily fee, and if I 
 have not a heart capable of being influenced in 
 any refpedl by fuch confiderations. But as in 
 the pelting of the temped or the burfting of 
 the hurricane the way-worn traveller, is filled 
 with a pious rapture, when the gleam of funfhine 
 plays upon his eye and makes the horizon glad, 
 fo in a feafon of too general delinquency 
 the generous heart which can emit a fmgle throb 
 in the caufe of humanity, will be infpired with love 
 and admiration for thofe not totally callous to the 
 claims of humanity. In this eventful year, every 
 thing has not been as all we might wifh it. I have, 
 notforgojten the feafon when the prefent Viceroy 
 arrived, nor have I been a totally indifferent ob- 
 
 ferv
 
 95 
 
 ferver of the conduct he has purfued ; and I muft 
 fay, that if I could view his conduct uninfluenced 
 by, and abftracted from the prefent queftion ; if I 
 could contemplate him by prudence and by wif- 
 dom, perpetuating the calm which his manly but 
 amiable moderation had diffufed over this nar- 
 rated and difturbed land, I would have looked on 
 him in no other light than an agent fent, if I 
 might ufe the figure, by heaven itfelf, to receive 
 the effufions of a nation's gratitude, and lay 
 them at the judgment feat of the Almighty. 
 
 Gentlemen^ 
 
 In the fame temper that I eye the character of 
 individuals, I can look upon the Conftitution of 
 your fathers, and your afflicted country and act- 
 ing upon a Heady education and a fettled princi- 
 ple, I cannot join in its reformation by its fub- 
 verfion ; nor can I turn away from it with difguft, 
 becaufe it lies wounded in every part, and fcarce 
 known by the mod quick-fighted of men. As to 
 your country, it was your Conftitution made it in a 
 few years as powerful and happy as it was, and 
 if that Conftitution is annihilated your country 
 will be a joint tenant with it in a common grave. 
 The hurricane of human paffion has fwept over 
 us if we look up to that Conftitution with firm- 
 nefs and integrity, truft me, that we may look down
 
 9 6 
 
 on the follies and the crimes which defolate Europe 
 with fafety though not with complacency. Do 
 not undervalue the refources of your country. 
 Though civil war in a commercial country is al- 
 mofl an act of fuicide ; yet remember that there is a 
 great excefs of productive labour aboveyour wants. 
 If the rebellion has diflurbed the collection of re- 
 venue, and has made it neceflary to take a great 
 part of your circulating capital, to replace the 
 fixed capital which was fo unhappily deftroyed, re- 
 member that in twenty years, you have nearly 
 compleated the foundation of an opulent nation. 
 In the. increafe of buildings and machinery in 
 the improvement of the foil in the fencing your 
 little farms in the opening new roads and canals 
 and in extended trade and augmented capital. 
 
 My opinions are now before you on a fubject 
 which has deeply agitated my mind, and excited 
 my feelings, and I hope I have fhewn myfelf in- 
 capable of fubmitting my underftanding to be 
 cramped or narrowed by factious views of any kind 
 or by local interejis, if any there were to be t ad- 
 vanced by this meafure. When I took my pen 
 to addrefs you, every mean and bad propenfity 
 took immediate alarm. Rely on it faid AVARICE 
 you will be a loofer by this conduct. You know 
 not what injury it may do you faid CAUTION ; 
 or what fcrapes it may draw you into whifpered 
 COWARDICE. Depend upon it faid DISCRETION 
 
 it
 
 73 
 
 it will be faid you were actuated by the moft 
 finifter motives. 
 
 You can never after, cried HYPOCRISY, aloud 
 be received with kindnefs by thofe with whom you 
 have fo widely differed ; nor be any thing, faid 
 PRIDE, but a very contemptible fellow j nor rife, 
 quoth MEANNESS, in your profeffion. But, like 
 YORICK, when he offered half his chaife to the 
 diftreffed lady ; I have not liftened to thefe ca- 
 bals which were to no purpofe but to encompafs 
 the heart with adamant. You are now in the 
 full poffeflion of my genuine fentiments on the 
 ftate of your country, I have been reared in the 
 fchool of political candour and moderation, and 
 I hope I have made no unworthy ufe of the inftruc- 
 tions which I there received. Indeed every event 
 of the world, and every occurrence of the day 
 have confirmed me more and more in an appro- 
 bation of /the principles of temper and moderati- 
 on of every kind. 
 
 God of peace and love, look down upon this 
 diftraded land, and bid hatred, folly, madnefs, 
 and murder ceafe. 
 
 THE END.
 
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