3 1822 01242 9296 i k "* < . s? ..... 130 Receives his Commission ..... ... 131 Takes Command of the Army at Cambridge .... 132 Ascertains the State of the Army ....... 133 Convenes a Council of War ....... 133 Deficiency of Supplies and Want of System .... 135 New Arrangement of the Army ...... 136 Congress jealous of Military Power ...... 137 Difficult Task of the Commander-in-chief ..... 138 Corresponds with numerous Public Bodies . * . . . 139 His Firmness .......... 140 Remonstrates against . General Gage's Treatment of Prisoners . 141 Rifle Companies join the Army . A siK &i bxt ! K*. . 143 Expedition against Quebec ........ 143 Deficiency of Powder in Camp . . . .^ \i<; * 145 Committee of Congress visit the Army ...... 146 Articles of War revised . . . % ..... 147 Maritime Affairs .......... 148 Burning of Falmouth ....... . . 150 General Howe succeeds General Gage ..... 150 Slow Progress of Enlistments . . . . . . . 151 State of the Army at the End of the Year .... 153 Mrs. Washington arrives at Head-Quarters .... 153 Acts of Hospitality and Charity ...... . 154 CHAPTER VIII. Secret Enterprise of General Howe . . . . . 156 Washington proposes an Attack on Boston .... 157 Want of Powder and Arms ........ 158 Sentiments respecting the Conduct of the British Ministry . 160 Dorchester Heights taken ........ 161 Preparations to make an Assault on Boston .... 161 Boston evacuated by the British ....... 162 Congress award a Vote of Thanks and a Medal to Washington 163 American Troops march for New York ...... 164 Military Works inspected ........ 165 Affairs of Canada .... 165 xii CONTENTS. Page Washington visits Congress at Philadelphia .... 166 Recommends the Assumption of Independence .... 167 Plots of the Tories 168 British Fleet arrives at New York 169 Declaration of Independence . . t '< ~ 169 Intercourse between Washington and Lord Howe . . . 171 Strength of the American Army A * >v ^ . . 175 Dissensions among the Troops 175 British Troops land on Long Island 176 Battle of Long Island . . . . '** '.* * . .177 Retreat from Brooklyn 178 Remarks on the Battle ..... . "* . . 179 Policy and Design of Washington 180 Effects of the recent Defeat . .%'*. . .181 Necessity of a permanent Standing Army 182 CHAPTER IX. General Howe's Plans . . . *.-.. . .184 British Troops land on New York Island . t * *<-, . 185 New York evacuated 186 Skirmish near Haerlem and Death of Colonel Knowlton . . 187 General Howe's Letter to the Ministry . . . 188 Errors of the British Ministers 189 Change in the Military System recommended .... 191 New Army organized 192 Injurious Effects of an irregular System of Bounties . . . 193 Army marches to White Plains . . r.- :;-,-;?. . -* * {' 195 Battle of Chatterton's Hill 196 Expected Attack on the Camp 196 British retreat 197 Washington crosses the Hudson 198 Capture of Fort Washington 199 Retreat through New Jersey ....... 201 Army crosses the Delaware . . * 202 Conduct and Character of General Lee 202 Strength of the Army 204 Washington's Firmness and Spirit under Reverses . . . 205 Urges an Increase of the Army . 207 Invested by Congress with Dictatorial Powers .... 207 Applies himself with Vigor to recruiting the Army . . . 209 His Rule for the Selection of Officers 210 Battle of Trenton 211 Recrosses the Delaware 213 Battle of Princeton ( 315 Retires to Winter Quarters at Morristown 217 Effects of the late Operations . . . . . . 217 CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. Page Position of the Army ......... 219 General Howe's Proclamation and its Effects .... 219 Washington's Counter Proclamation ...... 220 Appointment of Officers ..... . 221 Exchange of Prisoners ...... ... 222 Washington disapproves Retaliation ...... 223 Sufferings of the Prisoners in New York ..... 224 Conduct of General Howe ........ 226 Skirmishing between the two Armies ...... 227 Movements of the American Army . ..... 229 Washington's first Meeting with Lafayette ..... 230 British land at the Head of Elk ....... 232 Battle of the Brandywine ........ 233 Motives for fighting the Battle ....... 235 Washington retreats to Philadelphia ...... 236 Recrosses the Schuylkill ........ 236 Particulars of the late Movements ....... 237 Battle of Germantown ........ .238 Effects of the Battle . ...... 240 Operations on the Delaware ....... 241 Skirmishes at Whitemarsh ........ 242 His Delicacy in the Exercise of Military Power . . . 243 Encampment at Valley Forge ........ 245 Spurious Letters published in the Name of Washington . . 246 Conway's Cabal .......... 247 Origin of the Cabal ......... 247 Favored by a Party in Congress ...... . 249 Magnanimous Conduct of Lafayette . . . . % i- 4, 251 Letter to the President of Congress . ,.-.. . . . 253 Objects of those concerned in the Cabal ..... 254 CHAPTER XI. Distresses of the Army at Valley Forge 255 A new System for the Army 257 Half-pay to Officers for Life proposed ..... 258 Congress reluctant to grant Half-pay 261 Jealousy of the Army in Congress 262 Difficulties attending the Command of the Army .... 263 Washington disapproves Lord North's Conciliatory Bills . . 265 Rejoicings in Camp on the Ratification of the Treaty with France 267 British hold Possession of Philadelphia 268 Strength of the two Armies 268 6* ^ T CONTENTS. Page CouncU of War decides against offensive Operations Lafayette's Affair at Barren Hill ^ Philadelphia evacuated ~] Washington crosses the Delaware and seeks an Engagement . *tA 274 Battle of Monmouth British retire to Middletown * Loss in the Action *' ' Trial of General Lee ^J Arrival of Count d'Estaing with a French Fleet *<* Expedition against the Enemy at Rhode Island . . . .279 Designs of the British General 281 Mistaken Policy of the Enemy ^ Army retires to Winter Quarters 283 Exchange of Prisoners 28^ Jealousies and Party Dissensions in Congress .... 285 Apathy of the separate States , -. -. .- . < - 287 Project for conquering Canada . . -'- ' 287 Opposed by Washington . ,! >.-.< -" . 288 He attends Congress 290 Views of the French Government in Regard to Canada . . 290 CHAPTER XII. Plans for the Campaign . . . ,. . . . 292 Organization of the Army . . . , . . .> . . . . 294 Bounties to the Troops 294 Expedition against the Indians . . . . . . 295 Predatory Attack on Virginia 296 British take Possession of Stony Point 297 Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk .... 298 Storming of Stony Point 299 Paulus Hook surprised and assaulted 301 Works at West Point constructed . . -. - . . 301 Concerted Plan of Action between Washington and Count d'Estaing 303 French Minister's Opinion of Washington 304 Rhode Island evacuated 304 Army goes into Winter Quarters 305 Descent upon Staten Island ........ 305 Depreciation of the Currency 306 Paper Money made a legal Tender 307 Arrival of Lafayette from France 308 Action at Springfield in New Jersey 309 French Fleet and Army arrive at Newport .... 310 Plan of combined Operations 311 British General prepares to attack the French at Newport . 311 Conference between Washington and Rochambeau . . . 312 CONTENTS. xv Page Treason of Arnold 313 Capture of Major Andre" . . < 314 Arnold escapes to the Enemy 315 Execution of Andre .316 Plan for attacking the Enemy ' 319 Winter Quarters 319 CHAPTER XIII. Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops . . . 320 Supplies from France . . . 322 Powers of Congress doubtful and inefficient .... 324 Caution of Congress in exercising their Powers .... 325 French Fleet sails for the Chesapeake . . . . 326 Lafayette sent with a Detachment to Virginia . . . . 327 Washington visits the French Army at Newport . . . 328 Letter to the Manager of his Plantations 330 Condition of the Army 331 Conference between Washington and Rochambeau . . . 332 Circular Letter to the Governors of the States .... 333 Washington's Designs respecting the Campaign .... 334 Large Extent of his Command 334 Junction of the American and French Armies .... 335 Preparations for an Attack on New York 335 Success of Lafayette in Virginia 337 Combined Armies march for Virginia 338 The two Commanders arrive at Williamsburg .... 339 French Fleet under Count de Grasse enters the Chesapeake . 339 Siege of Yorktown 340 Capitulation 341 Congress pass a Vote of Thanks to the Officers and Troops . 343 Washington proposes an Expedition against Charleston . . 343 Winter Quarters 344 Washington arrives at Philadelphia 345 CHAPTER XIV. Preparations for another Campaign 346 New Requisitions voted by Congress 347 Lafayette returns to France 350 Affair of Captains Huddy and Asgill 350 Discontent of the Troops 353 Proposal to Washington to become a King . . . . 354 His Reply 355 Negotiations for Peace 356 xvi CONTENTS. Page Departure of the French Troops Dissatisfaction and Complaints of the Army .... 357 Officers send a Memorial to Congress ..'.. Newburg Addresses ' Washington's Opinion of them Tranquillity restored by his Prudence j News of Peace Circular Letter to the States j Washington's Tour to the Northward ..... Attends Congress at Princeton 367 Disbanding of the Army Farewell Address to the Army British leave New York, and Washington marches into the City 370 His last Meeting with the Officers ' Resigns his Commission to Congress Becomes a Private Citizen at Mount Vernon .... 373 CHAPTER XV. Devotes himself to his Private Affairs 374 Refuses to receive Remuneration for his Services . . . 375 Hospitality at Mount Vernon 377 Tour to the Western Country 378 His Efforts in Favor of Internal Navigation .... 379 Recommends Surveys of the Western Rivers .... 381 Visit of Lafayette to Mount Vernon 381 Companies for Internal Navigation organized .... 382 Declines receiving a Donation from Virginia .... 383 Contributes to the Support of Education 384 Appointed Chancellor of William and Mary College . . 384 Favors a Plan for civilizing the Indians 385 His farming Operations 386 Occupied in planting his Grounds at Mount Vernon . . . 387 His Gardens and Orchards ....... 387 His numerous Avocations 388 Visitors at Mount Vernon 389 His daily Habits 389 Houdon's Statue 390 Washington's Sentiments on the State of Public Affairs . . 392 Apprehensions from the Intrigues of designing Men . . 394 Jealousies of the States 395 Commissioners meet at Annapolis 396 Washington appointed a Delegate to the General Convention . 397 His Objections to accepting the Appointment .... 397 Society of the Cincinnati 398 Resolves to attend the Convention . . 400 CONTENTS. xvli Page His Preparations for acting in the Convention .... 401 Elected President of that Body * . . . . 402 His Opinion of the Constitution' . . . * . . 403 The Public Mind designates him for the first President . . 405 His Reluctance to engage again in Public Life . . . 405 Chosen President of the United States '' 406 CHAPTER XVI. Leaves Mount Vernon to enter upon his Public Duties . . 407 Journey to the Seat of Congress . . . . 407 His public Entry into New York . . . . . . . 408 Takes the Oath of Office 408 Inaugural Speech ..!. 409 Examines the Reports of the Heads of Departments * . v 410 His Private Afl&irs 411 Directions to the Manager of his Farms ..... 412 Rules for receiving and entertaining Company . . . . 412 Ceremonies and Social Visits ....... 413 Seized with a dangerous Illness ....... 414 Death of his Mother . . 414 Economy of his Household . . .'.H ,v . * ... 415 Executive Departments formed . . . *:'/'., . . 415 His Opinion of the Supreme Court . . A * - v ' * ' ; -. 417 Rules for the Appointment of Civil Officers . v^u;.-* i 4 '1 8 Numerous Applications for Office <...-. \..<4 j i- . 419 Three Things to be regarded in Appointments . 4 v 419 CHAPTER XVII. Tour through the Eastern States 421 Letter from Mrs. Washington 422 Measures recommended to Congress 423 Support of Public Credit ... ^ .... 424 Funding System .... * 425 Debts of the several States . . . . 4 ' ' . . . 427 Reasons for Funding the State Debts ..... 427 Advantages of the Funding System , > ; . 5 . . . 428 District of Columbia 428 Visit to Rhode Island and Mount Vernon 429 Foreign Relations of the United States . . . . u., 429 Foreign Influence operating on the Indians ..... 431 Washington's Policy in Regard to the Indians . . -* ; 'i . . 431 Congress assemble at Philadelphia Ml iV bi. r -iKff:v- fi . 433 National Bank . 432 xviu CONTENTS. Page Approved by Washington ........ 433 Tour through the Southern States 434 Law for apportioning Representatives ...... 434 Local Jealousies 435 Political Parties 436 Differences between Hamilton and Jefferson .... 437 Washington endeavors to produce a Reconciliation ... 438 CHAPTER XVIII. Washington urged by his Friends to remain in Office another Term 442 Chosen a second Time President of the United States . . 445 French Revolution 445 The President resolves to maintain a strict Neutrality . . 447 Questions relative to France submitted to the Cabinet . . 447 Proclamation of Neutrality 448 Party Strifes increased by the Proclamation 449 Washington assailed by the Party in Opposition ... 449 Conduct of the French Minister Genet 450 Democratic Societies . . - 452 Washington's Opinion of them 452 His Opinion as to instructing Representatives .... 453 Relations with England 453 President's Speech to Congress 454 Commercial Intercourse with Foreign Nations .... 455 Fox's Eulogy and Erskine's Letter 455 Madison's Commercial Resolutions 457 Congress put the Country in a State of Defence . . . 458 Acrimony of Parties 458 Western Insurrection 459 Requisitions for Militia 460 President joins the Army 461 Insurrection suppressed . , 461 CHAPTER XIX. Treaty with Great Britain 463 President resolves to ratify it 463 Senate advises the Ratification 464 Popular Excitement caused by the Treaty 465 Treaty signed by the President 466 Party Violence turned against Washington 467 Effects of the Treaty 457 Randolph's Resignation and Vindication 468 British Treaty opposed in the House of Representatives . . 470 CONTENTS. xix Page Power of forming Treaties 470 President refuses the Request of the House to furnish Papers 471 Endeavors to procure the Release of Lafayette .... 471 Writes to the Emperor of Germany 472 French Minister objects to the British Treaty .... 473 Washington's Farewell Address ....... 474 Meets Congress for the last Time 475 Anecdote 477 His Journey to Mount Vernon 477 Review of Washington's Administration 477 Jefferson's Conduct towards Washington 478 Devotes himself again to his private Affairs .... 481 His daily Occupations 481 Conduct of the French Directory 482 Congress prepare for War 483 Washington appointed to the Command of the Army . . 483 Engaged in the Affairs of the Army 485 Disputes with France adjusted 486 Washington's last Illness 486 His Death 487 Proceedings of Congress on that Occasion 488 His Character .... 490 APPENDIX. No. I. Origin and Genealogy of the Washington Family . 497 No. II. Rules of Behavior 513 No. HI. General Washington's Expenses while acting as Com- mander-in-chief of the American Armies . . 516 No. IV. Religious Opinions and Habits of Washington . . 518 No. V. Washington's Farewell Address .... 525 No. VI. Last Illness and Death of Washington . . . 531 No. VII. Proceedings of Congress in Consequence of the Death of Washington 539 No. VIII. Character of Washington 544 No. IX. Washington's Will 545 LIST OF THE PLATES. MOUNT VERNON FRONTISPIECE. PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON, BY PEALE PAGE 1 BATTLE AT BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT 64 PORTRAIT OF MRS. WASHINGTON, BY WOOLASTON .... 98 HEAD-QUARTERS AT CAMBRIDGE . 132 PLAN OF BOSTON AND ENVIRONS 156 HE AD- QUARTERS AT MORRISTOWN . . 220 BATTLE OF THE BRANDYWINE 233 BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN 238 ENCAMPMENT AT VALLEY FORGE 255 HE AD- QUARTERS AT NEWBURG 320 PLAN OF FARMS AT MOUNT VERNON 386 PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON, BY STUART 442 FACSIMILE OF WASHINGTON'S HANDWRITING . . 494 TWOT THE OHTOTTT ATTtlKTF A IT IN THf ARUU LIFE OF CHAPTER I. Origin of the Washington Family. John and Lawrence Washington emi- grate to America. Birth of George Washington. His early Education. His Fondness for mathematical Studies and athletic Amusements, and his methodical Habits. A Project formed for his entering the British Navy as a Midshipman. He becomes a practical Surveyor. Engages in the Em- ployment of Lord Fairfax. Continues the Business of Surveying for three Years. Appointed Adjutant of one of the Districts in Virginia. Voyage to Barbadoes with his Brother. THE name of WASHINGTON, as applied to a family, is CHAPTER proved from authentic records to have been first known about the middle of the thirteenth century. There was w2'"ington e previously a manor of that name in the County of Dur- ham, in England, the proprietor of which, according to a custom not unusual in those days, took the name of his estate. From this gentleman, who was originally called William de Hertburn, have descended the branches of the Washington family, which have since spread themselves over various parts of Great Britain and America. Few individuals of the family have attained to such eminence in the eye of the public, as to give perpetuity to the memory of their deeds or their character ; yet, in the local histories of England, the name is frequently mention- ed with respect, and as denoting persons of consideration, wealth, and influence. Among them were scholars, divines, and lawyers, well known to their contemporaries. Several received the honors of knighthood. Sir Henry Washington 1 A LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Washington of Sulgrave. CHAPTER is renowned for his bravery and address in sustaining the siege of Worcester against the Parliamentary forces dur- ing the civil wars, and is commended by Clarendon for his good conduct at the taking of Bristol. For the most part it would appear, however, from such facts as can now be ascertained, that the heads of families were substantial proprietors of lands, residing on their estates, and holding a reputable station in the higher class of agriculturists. Proofs of their opulence may still be seen in the monu- ments erected in churches, and the records of the transfer of property. In the year 1538, the manor of Sulgrave, in Northamp- tonshire, was granted to Lawrence Washington, of Gray's Inn, and for some time Mayor of Northampton. He was probably born at Warton, in Lancashire, where his father lived. The grandson of this first proprietor of Sulgrave, who was of the same name, had many children, two of whom, that is, John and Lawrence Washington, being the second and fourth sons, emigrated to Virginia about the year 1657, and settled at Bridge's Creek, on the Potomac River, in the County of Westmoreland. The eldest brother, Sir William Washington, married a half-sister of George Vil- liers, Duke of Buckingham. Lawrence had been a student at Oxford. John had resided on an estate at South Cave in Yorkshire, which gave rise to an erroneous tradition among his descendants, that their ancestor came from the North of England. The two brothers bought lands in Virginia, and became successful planters. John Washington, not long after coming to America, was employed in a military command against the Indians, and rose to the rank of Colonel. The parish in which he lived was also named after him. He married Anne Pope, by whom he had two sons, Lawrence and John, and a daugh- ter. The elder son, Lawrence, married Mildred Warner, of Gloucester County, and had three children, John, Augus- tine, and Mildred. Augustine Washington, the second son, was twice marri- ed. His first wife was Jane Butler, by whom he had three John Wash- ington. Anpnstine Washington. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 sons and a daughter ; Butler, who died in infancy, Law- CHAPTER rence, Augustine, and Jane, the last of whom died likewise when a child. By his second wife, Mary Ball, to whom he was married on the 6th of March, 1730, he had six children, GEORGE, Betty, Samuel, John Augustine, Charles, and Mildred. GEORGE WASHINGTON was born in West- Birth of George moreland County, Virginia, on the 22d of February, 1732, Washington, being the eldest son by the second marriage, great grand- son of John Washington, who emigrated to America, and the sixth in descent from the first Lawrence Washington of Sul grave.* At the time of George Washington's birth, his father resided near the banks of the Potomac in Westmoreland County ; but he removed not long afterwards to an estate owned by him in Stafford County, on the east side of the Rappahannoc River, opposite Fredericksburg. Here he liv- Death of his ed till his death, which happened, after a sudden and short illness, on the 12th of April, 1743, at the age of forty- nine. He was buried at Bridge's Creek, in the tomb of his ancestors. Little is known of his character or his acts. It appears by his will, however, that he possessed a large and valuable property in lands ; and, as this had been acquired chiefly by his own industry and enterprise, it may be in- ferred, that, in the concerns of business, he was methodical, skilful, honorable, and energetic. His occupation was that of a planter, which, from the first settlement of the coun- try, had been the pursuit of nearly all the principal gentle- men of Virginia. Each of his sons inherited from him a separate plantation. His father's To the eldest, Lawrence, he bequeathed an estate near Hunting Creek, afterwards Mount Vernon, which then con- sisted of twenty-five hundred acres ; and also other lands, and shares in iron-works situated in Virginia and Maryland, which were productive. The second son had for his part an estate in Westmoreland. To George were left the lands and mansion where his father lived at the time of his de- * See an account of the Washington Family in the Appendix, No. I. 4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER cease ; and to each of the other sons an estate of six or seven hundred acres. The youngest daughter died when an infant, and for the only remaining one .a suitable provis- ion was made in the will. It is thus seen, that Augustine Washington, although suddenly cut off in the vigor of man- hood, left all his children in a state of comparative inde- pendence. Confiding in the prudence of the mother, he directed that the proceeds of all the property of her chil- dren should be at her disposal, till they should respectively come of age. me mother. This weighty charge of five young children, the eldest of whom was eleven years old, the superintendence of their education, and the management of complicated affairs, de- manded no common share of resolution, resource of mind, and strength of character. In these important duties Mrs. Washington acquitted herself with great fidelity to her trust, and with entire success. Her good sense, assiduity, tenderness, and vigilance overcame every obstacle ; and, as the richest reward of a mother's solicitude and toil, she had the happiness to see all her children come forward with a fair promise into life, filling the sphere allotted to them in a manner equally honorable to themselves, and to the parent who had been the only guide of their principles, conduct, and habits. She lived to witness the noble career of her eldest son, till by his own rare merits he was raised to the head of a nation, and applauded and revered by the whole world. It has been said, that there never was a great man, the elements of whose greatness might not be traced to the original characteristics or early influence of his moth- er. If this be true, how much do mankind owe to the mother of Washington. state or edo- Under the colonial governments, particularly in the south- cation in the . * colonies. ern provinces, the means of education were circumscribed. The thinness of population, and the broad line which sepa- rated the rich from the poor, prevented the establishment of schools on such a basis as would open the door of instruc- tion to all classes, and thus prepare the way for higher seminaries of learning. Young men destined for the learned LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 professions, whose parents could afford the expense, were CHAPTER occasionally sent to England. But the planters generally l ' sought no other education for their sons, than such as would fit them to be practical men of business. In a few cases, this was derived from a private tutor ; in others, from a teacher of* the common schools, whose qualifications would naturally be limited to the demands of his employers, and who was seldom competent to impart more than the sim- plest elements of knowledge. When he had inculcated the mysteries of reading, writing, arithmetic, and keeping accounts, his skill was exhausted, and the duties of his vocation were fulfilled. If his pupils aspired to higher at- tainments, they were compelled to leave their master be- hind, and find their way without a guide. To a school of this description was George Washington His early . i . . . . studies and indebted for all the aids his mind received in its early dis- hawts. cipline and culture. How far he profited by these slender advantages, or was distinguished for his application and love of study, can only be conjectured from the results. Tradi- tion reports, that he was inquisitive, docile, and diligent ; but it adds, that his military propensities and passion for active sports displayed themselves in his boyhood ; that he formed his schoolmates into companies, who paraded, march- ed, and fought mimic battles, in which he was always the commander of one of the parties. He had a fondness for the athletic amusements of running, jumping, wrestling, tossing bars, and other feats of agility and bodily exercise. Indeed it is well known, that these practices were con- tinued by him after he had arrived at the age of mature life. It has also been said, that while at school his pro- bity and demeanor were such, as to win the deference of the other boys, who were accustomed to make him the arbiter of their disputes, and never failed to be satisfied with his judgment. Such are some of the incidents of his juvenile years, remembered and related by his contempo- raries after he had risen to greatness. There are not wanting evidences of his early proficiency His early 1 proficiency. in some branches of study. His manuscript schoolbooks, A* 6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER from the time he was thirteen years old, have been pre- L served. He had already mastered the difficult parts of arithmetic, and these books begin with geometry. But there is one, of a previous date, which deserves notice, as giving an insight into the original cast of his mind, and the subjects to which his education was directed. It is singular, that a boy of thirteen should occupy himself in studying the dry and intricate forms of business, which are rarely attended to till the affairs of life call them into use, and even then rather as an act of necessity than of pleasure. But many pages of the manuscript in question are taken up with copies of what he calls Forms of Writ- ing, such as notes of hand, bills of exchange, receipts, bonds, indentures, bills of sale, land warrants, leases, deeds, and wills, written out with care, the prominent words in large and varied characters in imitation of a clerk's hand. Then follow selections in rhyme, more distinguished for the sentiments they contain, and the religious tone that pervades them, than for their poetical beauties. Raiea of Be- But the most remarkable part of the book is that, in havior. which is compiled a 'system of maxims, and regulations of conduct, drawn from miscellaneous sources, and arrang- ed under the head of Rules of Behavior in Company and Conversation. Some of these are unimportant, and suited only to form the habits, of a child; others are of a higher import, fitted to soften and polish the manners, to keep alive the best affections of the heart, to impress the obli- gation of the moral virtues, to teach what is due to others in the social relations, and above all to inculcate the prac- tice of a perfect self-control. * In stu(i ying the character of Washington it is obvious, that this code of rules had an influence upon his whole life. His temperament was ardent, his passions strong, and, amidst the multiplied scenes of temptation and ex- citement through which he passed, it was his constant * A selection from these Rides of Behavior may be found in the Appendix, No. II. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7' effort and ultimate triumph to check the one and subdue CHAPTER the other. His intercourse with men, private and public, l ' in every walk and station, was marked with a consis- tency, a fitness to occasions, a dignity, decorum, conde- scension, and mildness, a respect for the claims of others, and a delicate perception of the nicer shades of civility, which were not more the dictates of his native good sense and incomparable judgment, than the fruits of a long and unwearied discipline. He left school in the autumn preceding his sixteenth Leaves school. birthday. The last two years had been devoted to the study of geometry, trigonometry, and surveying, for which he had a decided partiality. It is probable, also, that his friends, discovering this inclination, encouraged him in yielding to it, with the view of qualifying him for the profession of a surveyor, which was then a lucrative employment, and led to opportunities of selecting valuable new lands. During the last summer he was at school, we find him surveying the fields around the schoolhouse and in the adjoining plantations, of which the boundaries, angles, and measurements, the plots and calculations, are entered with formality and precision in his books. Nor was his skill confined to the more simple processes Hisskiiiin mathemat- of the art. He used logarithms, and proved the accuracy i c - of his work by different methods. The manuscripts fill several quires of paper, and are remarkable for the care with which they were kept, the neatness and uniformity of the handwriting, the beauty of the diagrams, and a precise method and arrangement in copying out tables and columns of figures. These particulars will not be thought too trivial to Habits ot method. be mentioned, when it is known, that he retained simi- lar habits through life. His business papers, daybooks, legers, and letter books, in which before the revolution no one wrote but himself, exhibit specimens of the same studious care and exactness. Every fact occupies a clear and distinct place, the handwriting is round and regular, without interlineations, blots, or blemishes ; and, if mis- 8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER takes occurred, the faulty words were so skilfully erased L and corrected, as to render the defect invisible except to a scrutinizing eye. The constructing of tables, diagrams, and other figures relating to numbers or classification, was an exercise in which he seems at all times to have taken much delight. If any of his farms were to be divided into new lots, a plan was first drawn on paper; if he meditated a rotation of crops, or a change in the mode of culture, the various items of expense, labor, pro- ducts, and profits were reduced to tabular forms ; and in his written instructions to his managers, which were an- nually repeated, the same method was pursued. While at the head of the army this habit was of espe- cial service to him. The names and rank of the officers, the returns of the adjutants, commissaries, and quarter- masters, were compressed by him into systematic tables, so contrived as to fix strongly in his mind the most essen- tial parts, without being encumbered with details. When the army was to march, or perform any movements re- quiring combination and concert, a scheme was first de- lineated ; and at the beginning of an active campaign, or , in the preparation for a detached enterprise, the line of battle was projected and sketched on paper, each officer being assigned to his post, with the names of the regi- ments and strength of the forces he was to command. During the presidency it was likewise his custom to subject the treasury reports and accompanying documents to the process of tabular condensation, with a vast expen- diture of labor and patience ; but it enabled him to grasp and retain in their order a series of ^isolated facts, and the results of a complicated mass of figures, which could never have been mastered so effectually by any other mode of approaching them. Such were some of the bene- fits of those parts of his education, to which he was led by the natural bent of his mind. Except the above branches of the mathematics, his acquirements did not extend beyond the subjects usually taught to boys of his age at the common schools. It is Educated only at the common ichools. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 even doubtful whether he received any instruction in the CHAPTER principles of language. His earliest compositions were of- "' ten faulty in grammatical construction. By practice, read- ing, and study, he gradually overcame this defect, till at length he wrote with accuracy, purity of idiom, and a striking appropriateness of phraseology and clearness of style. In ^he choice of his words, to express precisely and forcibly his meaning, he was always scrupulous. In this respect his language may be said to have reflected the image of hi^ mind, in which candor, sincerity, and directness were prevailing traits. No aid was derived from any other than his native Acquainted f wit}l no tongue. He never even commenced the study of the an- foreign . tongue. cient classics. After the French officers had joined the American army in the revolution, and particularly while the forces under Count de Rochambeau were in the coun- try, he bestowed some degree of attention on that lan- guage ; but at no time could he write or converse in it, or indeed translate any paper. While at school a project was entertained by his friends, Proposal for him to which, if it had been matured, would have changed his enter the c navy. own destiny, and perhaps have produced an important ' influence upon that of his country.. His eldest brother, Lawrence, had been an officer in the late war, and served at the siege of Carthagena and in the West Indies. Being a well informed and accomplished gentleman, he had ac- quired the esteem and confidence of General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon, the commanders of the expedition, with whom he afterwards kept up a friendly correspon- dence. Having observed the military turn of his young brother, and looking upon the British navy as the most direct road to distinction in that line, he obtained for George a midshipman's warrant, in the year 1746, when he was fourteen years old. This step was taken with his acquiescence, if not at his request, and he prepared with a buoyant spirit for his departure ; but, as the time ap- proached, the solicitude of his mother interposed with an authority, to which nature gave a claim. 2 10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. This step opposed by his mo- ther. William lairfex. At this critical juncture, Mr. Jackson, a friend of the family, wrote to Lawrence Washington as follows./ "I am afraid Mrs. Washington will not keep up to her first res- olution. She seems to dislike George's going to sea, and says several persons have told her it was a bad scheme. She offers several trifling objections, such as fond, un- thinking mothers habitually suggest; and I find that one word against his going has more weight than ten for it." She persisted in opposing the plan, and it was given up. Nor ought this decision to be ascribed to obstinacy, or maternal weakness. This was her eldest son, whose char- acter and manners must already have exhibited a promise, full of solace and hope to a widowed mother, on whom alone devolved the charge of four younger children. To see him separated from her at so tender an age, exposed to the perils of accident and the world's rough usage, with- out a parent's voice to counsel or a parent's hand to guide, and to enter on a theatre of action, which would for ever remove him from her presence, was a trial of her fortitude and sense of duty, which she could not be expected to hazard without reluctance and concern. Soon after leaving school he went to reside with his brother Lawrence, at his seat on the Potomac River, which had been called Mount Vernon, hi compliment to the admiral of that name. The winter was passed in his favorite study of the mathematics, and in the exercise of practical surveying, merely with the view of becoming fa- miliar with the application of principles and the use of instruments. At this time he was introduced to Lord Fairfax, and other members of the Fairfax family, estab- lished in that part of Virginia. Lawrence Washington had married a daughter of Wil- liam Fairfax, a gentleman of consideration on account of his wealth, character, and political station, being many years a member and for some time president of his Ma- jesty's Council in the Colony. His seat was at Belvoir, a short distance from Mount Vernon. He had an inter- esting family of several sons and daughters, intelligent LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11 and cultivated, with whom George associated on terms CHAPTER of intimacy, and formed attachments that were ever after *' valuable to him. In the father he found a friend and adviser, as 'well as a man skilled in affairs, of wide ex- perience, and of an enlightened understanding. To his fortunate acquaintance with this family he was mainly indebted for the opportunities of performing those acts, which laid the foundation of his subsequent successes and advancement. Lord Fairfax, a distant relative of William Fairfax, was Lord a man of an eccentric turn of mind, of great private worth, generous, and hospitable. He had been accustom- ed to the best society to which his rank entitled him in England. While at the University of Oxford he had a fondness for literature, and his taste and skill in that line may be inferred from his having written some of the papers in the Spectator. Possessing by inheritance a vast tract of country, situate between the Potomac and Rappahannoc Rivers, and stretching across the Allegany Mountains, he made a voyage to Virginia to examine this domain. So well pleased was he with the climate and mode of life that he resolved, after going back to England and arranging his affairs, to return and spend his idays in the midst of this wild territory. At the time of which we are now speaking, he had just arrived to execute his purpose, and was residing with his relative at Belvoir. This was his home for several years; but he at length removed over the Blue Ridge, built a house in the Shenandoah valley, called Greenway Court, and cultivated a large farm. Here he lived in comparative seclusion, often amusing himself with hunting, but chiefly devoted to the care of his estate, to acts of benevolence among his tenants, and to such public duties as devolved upon him, in the narrow sphere he had chosen; a friend of liberty, honored for his up- rightness, esteemed for the amenity of his manners and his practical virtues. He died at the advanced age of m'nety-two, near the close of the American revolution. IJ! LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 16. 1748. OHAPT8R William Fairfax was born in England. He joined the ' _ army in early life, and served in Spain; went next to the East Indies, and afterwards took part in an -expedi- tion against the Island of New Providence. He was suc- cessively governor of that Island, and chief justice of the Bahamas; and was thence transferred at his request to an office in New England. While there he yielded to the solicitation of Lord Fairfax to take the agency of his affairs in Virginia, and had been several years in that employment, when the latter assumed the charge into his own hands. The immense tracts of wild lands, belonging to Lord Fairfax in the rich valleys of the Allegany Mountains, had not been surveyed. Settlers were finding' their way up the streams, selecting the fertile places, and securing - an occupancy without warrant or license. To enable the proprietor to claim his quitrents and give legal titles, it was necessary that those lands should be divided into lots and accurately measured. So favorable an opinion had he formed of the abilities and attainments of young Washington, that he intrusted to him this responsible ser- vice ; and he set off on his first surveying expedition in March, just a mouth from the day he was sixteen years old, accompanied by George Fairfax, the eldest son of William Fairfax. The enterprise was arduous, requiring discretion and skill, and attended with privations and fatigues to which he had not been accustomed. After crossing the first range of the Aliegam'es, the party entered a wilderness. From that time their nights were passed under the open sky, or in tents or rude cabins affording but a treacher- ous shelter against the inclemency of the weather. The winds sometimes beat upon them, and 'prostrated them to the ground. Winter still lingered on the summits of the mountains; the rivers, swollen by melting snows and re- cent rains, were impassable at the usual fords, except by swimming the horses; the roads and paths through the woods were obstructed by swamps, rocks, and precipices. Appointed surveyor of Lord Fif- iHx'i lamli. M.umtrr.uv r. 17.] The lands surveyed by him lay on the South Branch of the Potomac, seventy miles above its junction with the other branch of that river. The task was executed in such a manner, as to give entire satisfaction to his employer, confirm the good opin- ion of his friends, and establish his reputation as a sur- veyor. On other accounts it was beneficial to him. It inspired a confidence in himself, kindled fresh hopes, and prepared the way for new successes. He had moreover acquired a knowledge "of parts of the country hitherto little known, which were to be the scene of his first military operations; and had witnessed modes of life, with which it was necessary for him to become familiar in fulfilling the high trusts that awaited him. During this expedition he was also present at an Indian war- dance, and had his first interview with a race, on whose condition in peace and war he was to have a wider in- fluence than any other man, Having received a commission, or appointment, as a public surveyor, which gave authority to his surveys and enabled him to enter them in the county offices, he devoted three years to this pursuit, without any intervals of relaxation except the winter months. Portions of each year were pass- ed among the Alleganies, where he surveyed lands on branches of the Potomac River, which penetrated far in a southern direction among the lofty ridges and spurs of those mountains. The exposures and hardships of these ex- peditions could be endured only for a few weeks together. As a relief, he would come down into the settled parts, and survey private tracts and farms, thus applying himself to the uninterrupted exercise of his profession. There being few surveyors at that time in Virginia, and the demand for them large, the pay allowed for their ser- vices was proportionably high. By diligence and habits of despatch, the employment was lucrative ; and, what was more important, his probity and talents for business were at a very early age made known to gentlemen, whose standing in society rendered their friendship and interest CHAPTER 1749. rihMl >i> i public sur- vey ar. I .-.; ;..: 14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. 1751. Military In- spector with the rank of Major. Fondness for military studies and exercises. Sails with his brother for Barba- Ooes. a substantial benefit. During these three years his home was with his brother at Mount Vernon, as being nearer the scene of his labors than his mother's residence ; but he often visited her, and assisted in the superintendence of her affairs. At the age of nineteen his character had made so favor- able an impression, that he was appointed to an office of considerable distinction and responsibility by the govern- ment of Virginia. The frontiers were threatened with In- dian depredations and French encroachments, and, as a precautionary measure, it was resolved to put the militia in a condition for defence. To carry this into effect, the province was divided into districts, having in each an of- ficer called an adjutant-general with the rank of "major, whose duty it was to assemble and exercise the militia, inspect their arms, and enforce all the regulations for dis- cipline prescribed by the laws. George Washington was commissioned to take charge of one of these districts. The post was probably obtained through the influence of his brother and William Fairfax, the former a delegate in the House of Burgesses, the latter a member of the gov- ernor's Council. The pay was one hundred and fifty pounds a year. His military propensities had not subsided. They rather increased with his years. In Virginia were many officers, besides his brother, who had served in the recent war. Under their tuition he studied tactics, learned the manual exercise, and became expert in the use of the sword. He read the principal books on the military art, and joined practice to theory as far as circumstances would permit. This new station, therefore, was in accordance with his inclinations, and he entered upon it with alacrity and zeal. But he had scarcely engaged in this service, when he was called to perform another duty, deeply interesting in its claims on his sensibility and fraternal affection. Law- rence Washington, originally of a slender constitution, had been for some time suffering under a pulmonary attack, which was now thought to be approaching a dangerous JET. 19.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 crisis. The physicians recommended a voyage to the West CHAPTER Indies, and the experiment of a warmer climate. The ' necessity of having some friend near him, and his attach- 1 7 5 1 ment to George were reasons for desiring his company. They sailed for Barbadoes in the month of September, 1751, and landed on that island after a passage of five weeks. The change of air, the hospitality of the inhabitants, the Returns to * J ' Virginia. novelty of the scene, and the assiduous attentions of his brother, revived the spirits of the patient, and seemed at first to renovate his strength. But the hope was delusive, and the old symptoms returned. The trial of a few weeks produced no essential alteration for the better ; and he deter- mined to proceed to Bermuda in the spring, and that in the mean time his brother should go back to Virginia, and ac- company his wife to that island. Accordingly, George took passage in a vessel bound to the Chesapeake, and, after encountering a most tempestuous voyage, reached home in February, having been absent somewhat more than four months. He had been but a short time in Barbadoes. when he was Has } he . smallpox in seized with the smallpox. The disease was severe, but, Barbadoes. with the aid of good medical attendance, he was able to go abroad in three weeks. The journal kept by him during the two voyages, and at Barbadoes, fragments of which have been preserved, shows the same habits of minute observa- tion and power of deducing general results from small par- ticulars, which distinguished him on all occasions. At sea he daily copied the log-book, noted the course of the winds, the state of the weather, the progress of the ship, and inci- dental occurrences, applying to navigation the knowledge he had gained of a kindred art. In the Island of Barbadoes, every thing attracted his notice ; the soil, agricultural pro- ducts, modes of culture, fruits, commerce, military force, fortifications, manners of the inhabitants, municipal regula- tions, and government ; on all of which he wrote down summary remarks in his journal.* * The following is an extract from his journal, written at the time of his leaving the Island. " The Governor of Barbadoes seems to keep LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [.Ex. 20. The first letter from his brother at Bermuda gave an encouraging account of his health, and expressed a wish that his wife should join him there;' but it was followed foy another, of a different tenor, which prevented her depar- lure. Finding no essential relief, he came home in the ~ - summer, and sank rapidly into his grave, at the age of thirty-four, leaving a wife, an infant daughter, and a large circle of friends, to deplore a loss keenly felt by them all. Few men have been more beloved for their amiable quali- ties, or admired for those higher traits of character, which give dignity to virtue, and a charm to accomplishments of mind and manners, settle* the BV this melancholy event, new duties and responsibilities affairs of his J J r brother's devolved upon George. Large estates were left by the estate. * deceased brother, the immediate care of which demanded his oversight. He had likewise been appointed one of the executors of the will, in which was an eventual interest of considerable magnitude pertaining to himself. The estate at Mount Vernon was bequeathed to the surviving daugh- ter ; and, in case of her demise without issue, this estate a proper state, lives very retired and at little expense, and is a gentle- man of good sense. As he avoids the errors of his predecessor, he gives no handle for complaint ; but, at the same time, by declining much familiarity, he is not over-zealously beloved. Hospitality and a genteel behavior are shown to every gentleman stranger by the gentlemen in- habitants. Taverns they have none, except in the towns ; so that trav- ellers are obliged to go to private houses. The people are said to live to a great age where they are not intemperate. They are, however, very unhappy in regard to their officers' fees, which are not paid by any law. They complain particularly of the provost-marshal, or sheriff- general, of the island, patented at home and rented at eight hundred pounds a year. Every other officer is exorbitant in his demands. There are few, who may be called middling people. They are very rich or very poor ; for by a law of the island every gentleman is obliged to keep a white person for every ten acres, capable of acting in the militia, and consequently the persons so kept cannot but be very poor. They are well disciplined, and appointed to their several stations ; so that in any alarm every man may be at his post in less than two hours. They have large intrenchments cast up wherever it is possible to land, and, as nature has greatly assisted, the island may not improperly be said to be one entire fortification." ET. 20.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J7 and other lands were to descend to George, with the reser- CHAPTER vation of the use of the same to the wife during her lifetime. *' Although he was the youngest executor, yet his acquaint- 175 2. ance with his brother's concerns, and the confidence always reposed in him by the deceased, were grounds for placing the business principally in his hands. His time and thoughts, for several months, were taken up with these affairs, compli- cated in their nature, and requiring delicacy and caution in their management. His private employments, however, did not draw him His duties . as adjutant- away from his public duties as adjutant-general. Indeed general, the sphere of that office was enlarged. Soon after Governor Dinwiddie came to Virginia, the colony was portioned into four grand military divisions. Major Washington's appoint- ment was then renewed, and the northern division was allotted to him. It included several counties, each of which was to be visited at stated times by the adjutant, in order to train and instruct the militia officers, review the com- panies on parade, inspect the arms and accoutrements, and establish a uniform system of manoeuvres and discipline. These exercises, so congenial to his taste, were equally advantageous to himself and to the subordinate officers, who could not fail to be animated by his example, activity, and enthusiasm. B* 18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 21. CHAPTER II. The French make Encroachments on the Western Frontiers of Virginia. Claims of the French and English to the Western Territory considered. Major Washington is sent by the Governor of Virginia to warn the Intru- ders to retire. Crosses the Allegany Mountains. Meets Indians on the Ohio River, who accompany him to the French Garrison. Indian Speech. Interviews with the French Commander. Perilous Adventures during his Journey, and in crossing the Allegany River. Returns to Williams- burg and reports to the Governor. His Journal published. He is ap- pointed to the Command of Troops to repel the Invasion of the Frontiers. Governor Dinwiddie. CHAPTER II. 1753. THE time was now at hand, when the higher destinies of Washington were to unfold themselves. Intelligence came from the frontiers, that the French had crossed the Encroach. Lakes from Canada in force, and were about to establish ments of the .. - . _ ,. , ... , . _ French and posts and erect fortifications on the waters of the Ohio. It Indians. was rumored, also, that, alarmed for their safety, the friendly Indians were beginning to waver in their fidelity ; and the hostile tribes, encouraged by the presence and support of the French, exhibited symptoms of open war. The crisis, in the opinion of Governor Dinwiddie and his Council, called for an immediate inquiry. A messenger had already been sent over the mountains, in the character of a trader, with presents of powder, lead, and guns for the Indians, instruct- ed to ascertain their temper, penetrate their designs, and, above all, to trace out the artifices and movements of the French. This messenger, either intimidated or deceived by the savages, executed his mission imperfectly. He went as far as the Ohio River, met some of the friendly sachems, deliv- ered his presents, stayed a few days with them, and then returned. He brought back various reports concerning the French, narrated to him by the Indians, who had been in their camp at Lake Erie, and who magnified their strength and formidable appearance, telling him, that they took every Englishman prisoner, whom they found beyond the Allega- J2T.21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 X > nies, because all that country belonged to the French King, CHAPTER and no Englishman had a right to trade with the Indians in the King's territory. 1753. In the mean time the British ministry, anticipating from Governor of * Virginia the political aspect of affairs a rupture with France, de- ? r ^f spatched orders to the governor of Virginia to build two forts near the Ohio River, for the purpose of securing possession, driving off intruders, and retaining the alliance of the In- dians, or holding them in check. Thirty pieces of light cannon and eighty barrels of powder were sent out from Engfand for the use of the forts. These orders came too late. Before they arrived, the Designs of * the French. governor of Canada had been diligently employed for a whole season in pushing forward troops across the Lakes, with munitions of war and other supplies, and a footing had already been gained in the heart of the disputed territory. Bodies of armed men had likewise ascended the Mississippi from New Orleans to act in concert, and established them- selves on the southern waters of the Ohio. The object was to form a line of military posts from Louisiana to Canada, and thus confine the western limits of the English colonies within the Allegany Mountains. Thus far had the French advanced, before the British government began any active measures to counteract them. A question here occurs, of much historical interest, but Questions as 7 to the title of too wide a compass to be discussed in this place. What ofthe French or English to right had England or France to the territory in dispute ? { c ^" d t s he Although each party set up many pretensions, it would be Aiiegames. difficult in reviewing them to strike the balance, because, when compared, it could not be shown, that even a plau- sible argument existed in favor of either side. England rested her claims on Indian treaties, and the French fortified theirs by still higher authority, the treaties of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix-la-Chapelle, and by the fact of prior dis- covery. It was always the policy of the English to keep up a English good understanding with the Six Nations, a powerful con- federacy bordering on Lake Ontario. By their position they 20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 21. French claim. CHAPTER formed a barrier against the French in Canada; and, as " they had no good will towards their Indian neighbors on 1753. the other side of the Lakes, who adhered to the French, it was found practicable, by repeated presents and a good deal of management, to retain their friendship. These tribes pretended, that at some remote period they had conquered all the region west of the mountains, as far as the Missis- sippi River. On the strength of this assumption, they made treaties with the English, ceding to them the lands within that space, and confirming the title by such forms as^were prescribed to them. This was the basis of the English claim. But the Indians dwelling on the lands, and whose ancestors from time immemorial had dwelt there, neither participated in these treaties nor assented to them. On the contrary, they declared themselves the only rightful owners, and denied the authority of the Six Nations to meddle in the matter. The French insisted on the right of discovery and occu- pancy. Father Marquette, La Salle, and others, they said, had descended the Mississippi, and settlements had been made south of Lake Michigan and on the Illinois River, years before any Englishman had set his foot westward of the great mountains ; and European treaties, in which England was a party, had repeatedly recognised the title of France to all her actual possessions in America. So far the ground was tenable. But a position was assumed, as a concomitant or consequence, of a more dubious character. The French maintained it to be an axiom in the law of nations, that the discovery of a river gave the discoverer a right to all the country watered by the streams flowing into it. Hence the passing of Father Marquette down the Mississippi in a canoe, invested his sovereign with a title to the immense valley bounded by the Appalachian Moun- tains on one side, and the Rocky Mountains on the other. However gravely such a hypothesis may be advanced, however ingeniously defended, its fallacy is too obvious to be pointed out. ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 From these hints it is clear, that neither of the contend- CHAPTER ing parties had any just claim to the lands, about which n ' they were beginning to kindle the flames of war. They 1753. were both intruders upon the soil of the native occupants. The native occupants Of these proprietors, it was not pretended, that any purchase J^ 1 {"" had been made or attempted. It was not strange, that they tbe soil - should look with astonishment upon so singular a transac- tion, as that of two nations, in distant parts of the world unknown to them, entering into a quarrel about the right of seizing their property. When Mr. Gist went into that coun- try, on a tour of observation for the Ohio Company, two sachems sent a messenger to ask him "where the Indians' lands lay, for the French claimed all the land on one side of the Ohio River, and the English on the other. This pertinent inquiry contains a forcible statement of the whole merits of the case, far outweighing all the treaties referred to, whether made in Europe or America, Such were some of the original grounds of the contest, in original grounds of which nearly all Europe was involved, and which terminat- the war. ed in severing from France the larger portion of her posses- sions on the western continent. The result is well known. The terms of the peace, so humiliating to the national pride of France, were endured no longer than till an opportunity offered of retaliation and recompense. This presented it- self much sooner than could have been foreseen, in the war of the American revolution ; and it may safely be said, that the first blow struck on the Ohio was the be- ginning of the series of events, which ended thirty years afterwards in establishing the independence of the English Colonies. We shall hence find Washington acting a prom- inent part in this great drama from its very commence- ment to its close, gaining strength and rising higher and higher at every stage, the defender of his country's cause, equal to all occasions, successful, and triumphant. As a first step towards executing the orders of the min- Washington . . . sent as a isters, Governor Dinwiddie resolved to send a commissioner commission- ' er to the in due form, and invested with suitable powers, to confer F renctl - with the officer commanding the French forces, and in- 22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 21. II. 1753, His instruc- tions. CHAPTER quire by what authority he presumed to invade the King's dominions, and what were his designs. The commission was delicate and hazardous, requiring discretion, ability, experience in the modes of travelling in the woods, and a knowledge of Indian manners. These requisites were believed to be combined in Major Washington, and the important service was intrusted to him, although as yet but twenty-one years old. He was instructed to proceed without delay to the Ohio River, convene some of the Indian chiefs at a place called Logstown, make known to them the objects of his visit, and, after having ascertained where the French were sta- tioned, to request an escort of warriors to be his guides and safeguard the rest of the journey. When arrived at the principal French post, he was to present his credentials and a letter from the governor of Virginia to the com- mandant, and in the name of his Britannic Majesty to demand an answer. He was furthermore to inquire dili- gently, and by cautious means, into the number of the French troops that had crossed the Lakes, the reinforce- ments expected from Canada, how many forts they had erected and at what places, how they were garrisoned and appointed, and their distances from each other ; and, in short, to procure all the intelligence possible respecting the condition and objects of the intruders. Fortified with written instructions to this effect, with credentials and a passport to which the great seal of the colony was affixed, he departed from Williamsburg, the seat of government in Virginia, on the 31st of October, 1753. The distance before him to the extreme point 01 his destination, by the route he would pursue, was about five hundred and sixty miles, in great part over lofty and rugged mountains, and more than half of the way through the heart of a wilderness, where no traces of civilization as yet appeared. Passing through the towns of Fredericksburg, Alexan- dria, and Winchester, he arrived at Will's Creek in fourteen days. John Davidson had joined him as Indian interpre- ITis depar- ture. JErr. 21.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 ter; and Jacob Vanbraam, a Dutchman by birth, and for- CHAPTER merly an officer in the army, was employed to assist in IL his intercourse with the French, being acquainted with 1753. their language. At Will's Creek he found Mr. Gist, a person long accustomed to the woods, having several times penetrated far into the interior, and lately begun a settle- ment in the valley between the last ridge of the Alle- ganies and the Monongahela River. Mr. Gist consented to go with him as a guide. Four other men, two of them Indian traders, were added as attendants. The party was now increased to eight persons. With Crosses the * Allegany horses, tents, baggage, and provisions, suited to the expe- Mountain., dition, they left the extreme verge of civilization at Will's Creek, and entered the forests. The inclemency of the season, the Alleganies covered with snow and the valleys flooded by the swelling waters, the rough passages over the mountains and the difficulties in crossing the streams by frail rafts, fording, or swimming, were obstacles that could be overcome but slowly and with patience. They at length reached the Fork of the Ohio, where the Monon- gahela and Allegany unite to form that river. The place was critically examined by Major Washington, and he was impressed with the advantages it afforded as a military post, both for defence and a depository of supplies, in case of hostilities in that quarter ; and it was by his advice, that a fortification was shortly afterwards begun there, which became celebrated in two wars. Hastening onward to Logstown, about twenty miles be- Meets the low the Fork, he called together some of the Indian chiefs, Logstown. and delivered to them the governor's message, soliciting a guard to the French encampments. The principal sachem was Tanacharison, otherwise called the Half-King. He was friendly to the English, or rather he was unfriendly to the French ; not that he loved one more than the other, but he valued his rights and independence. In the sim- plicity of his heart, he supposed the English sought only an intercourse of trade, an exchange of arms, powder, and goods, for skins and furs, which would be beneficial to 24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 21. CHAPTER the Indians. When the French came with arms in their " hands, took possession of the country, and built forts, his 1753. suspicions were awakened, and he saw no other method of defeating their designs, than by adhering to the Eng- lish. Tanacharison, as a deputy from several tribes, had been to the head-quarters of the French commandant, and made a speech to him, the substance of which he related to Major Washington. Indian " Fathers," said he, " I am come to tell you your own speech. speeches ; what your own mouths have declared. Fath- ers, you in former days set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another ; and that if any such person should be found to be a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rqd, which you must scourge them with ; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others. " Now, fathers, it is you who are the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by force. " Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch to that place ; for be it known to you, fath- ers, that this is our land and not yours. " Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peace- able manner, like our brothers the English, we would not have been against your trading with us as they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we cannot submit to. " Fathers, both you and the English are white ; we live in a country between ; therefore, the land belongs to neither one nor the other. But the Great Being above allowed it to be a place of residence for us ; so, fathers, JEr. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the CHAPTER English ; for I will keep you at arm's length. I lay this n * down as a trial for both, to see which will have the great- 1753. est regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with us. Our brothers, the English, have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you ; for I am not afraid to discharge you off this land." * These are the sentiments of a patriot and a hero, but the highminded savage was not aware, that, as far as he and his race were concerned, there was no difference be- tween his professed friends and open enemies. He had never studied in the school of politics, which finds an ex- cuse for rapacity and injustice in the law of nations, nor learned that it was the prerogative of civilization to prey upon the ignorant and the defenceless. The sachems at length met in' council, and Major Wash- Indian J . escort ington addressed to them a speech, explaining the objects promised, of his mission, and the wishes of the governor. He then Nov - 26 - * At a conference held at Carlisle, in Pennsylvania, October, 1753, between deputies from the government of that province, of whom Frank- lin was one, and others from the western Indians, it appeared that two messages had been sent to the French before the above speech. Mona- catoocha, otherwise called Scarrooyady, who was the principal speaker, said, that when the Indians heard of the approach of the French from Canada, a council was held at Logstown, and they despatched a mes- senger, who met them at the Niagara River, and warned them in a formal manner not to advance any farther. This had no effect. Again, as soon as it was known that the French had entered the Ohio coun- try, a second messenger met them near Venango, who complained of their coming with an armed force into the country, without first explain- ing then* object and motives to the Indians. A haughty answer was returned, and Tanacharison was then sent to the French fort with the last warning. Monacatoocha recited the speech, which Tanacharison was instructed to make, and it is recorded in the Minutes of the Conference. It is remarkable that it agrees very exactly, both in its substance and figurative language, with the speech as related to Major Washington at Logstown, thus affording a proof of the precision with which the Indians transacted affairs of this sort, and of the retentiveness of their memory. Monacatoocha gave as a reason for their manner of proceeding, that the Great Being, who resides above, had ordered them to send three messages of peace before they made war. 4 c 26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 21. II. 1753 Journey to the French fort. CHAPTER gave them a string of wampum, the Indian token of friend- ship and alliance. They consulted together, and deputed Tanacharison to reply in the name of the whole. His language was pacific, and the escort was promised ; but, the young warriors being out on a hunting party, three or four days were consumed in waiting for their return. As his business was pressing, Major Washington could delay no longer, and he finally set off, accompanied by four In- dians only, Tanacharison being of the number. The distance to the station of the French commandant was one hundred and twenty miles. The journey was performed without any important incident, except at Ve- nango, one of the French outposts, where various strata- gems were used to detain the Indians. He was civilly treated, however, by Captain Joncaire, the principal officer, who told him where the head-quarters were established. Rain and snow fell continually, and, after incredible toils from exposure and the badness of the travelling through an illimitable forest, intersected with deep streams and morasses, he was rejoiced to find himself at the end of his journey, forty-one days from the time he left Williams- burg. M. de St. Pierre, the commandant, was an elderly per- mandant m ~ son ' a knight of the military Order of St. Louis, and cour- Dec. 12. teous in his manners. At the first interview he promised immediate attention to the letter from Governor Dinwid- die, and every thing was provided for the convenience and comfort of Major Washington and his party while they remained at the fort. At the next meeting the com- mission and letter were produced, read, translated, and de- liberately explained. The commandant counselled with his officers, and in two days an answer was returned. The governor's letter asserted, that the lands on the Ohio belonged to the crown of Great Britain, expressed surprise at the encroachments of the French, demanded by whose authority an armed force had crossed the Lakes, and urged a speedy and peaceful departure. M. de St. Pierre replied in the style of a soldier, saying it did not Interviews with the ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 belong to him to discuss treaties, that such a message CHAPTER should have been sent to the Marquis Duquesne, Governor "' of Canada, by whose instructions he acted, and whose or- 1753. ders he should be careful to obey, and that the summons to retire could not be, complied with. The tone was re- t spectfulj but uncomplying and determined. While the French officers were holding consultations, Examines and getting the despatch ready. Major Washington took an opportunity to look around and examine the fort. His attendants were instructed to do the same. He was thus enabled to bring away an accurate description of its form, size, construction, cannon, and barracks. His men count- ed the canoes in the river, and such as were partly fin- ished. The fort was situate on a branch of French Creek, about fifteen miles south of Lake Erie. A plan of it, drawn by Major Washington, was sent to the British gov- ernment. The snow was falling so fast, that he ordered back his Politely entertained. horses to Venango, resolved to go down himself by water, a canoe having been offered to him for that purpose. He had been entertained with great politeness ; nor did the complaisance of M. de St. Pierre exhaust itself in mere forms of civility. The canoe, by his order, was plenti- fully stocked with provisions, liquors, and every other sup- ply that could be wanted. But the same artifices were practised and expedients Artifices to . , __ , detain the tried, as at Venango, to lure away the Indians, and keep Indians, them behind. Many temptations were held out, presents given, and others promised. The Half-King was a man of consequence, whose friendship was not to be lost, if it could possibly be retained. He persisted in his reserve, however, and now offered a second time to the French commandant the speech-belt, or wampum, as indicating that the alliance between them was broken off. The lat- ter refused to accept it, and soothed the savage with soft words and fair professions, saying it was his wish to live in amity and peace with the Indians, and to trade with them, and that he would immediately send goods to their LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 21. CHAPTER II. 1753. Passage by water to Veiling o. Continues the journey on foot. towns. These attempts to inveigle the Half-King and his companions were discovered by Major Washington, who complained of the delay, and insinuated the cause. M. de St. Pierre was urbane, as usual, seemed ignorant of all that passed, could not tell why the Indians stayed, and declared nothing should be wanting on his part to fulfil Major Washington's desires. Finally, after much perplexi- ty and trouble, the whole party embarked in a canoe. The passage down was fatiguing, slow, and perilous. Rocks, shallows, drifting trees, and currents kept them in constant alarm. " Many times," says Major Washington in his Journal, " all hands were obliged to get out, and remain in the water half an hour or more in getting over the shoals. At one place the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by water ; and we were obliged to carry our canoe across a neck of land a quarter of a mile over." In six days they landed at Venango, a distance of one hundred and thirty miles by the winding of the stream. The horses were found here, but in so emaciated and pitiable a condition, that it was doubtful whether they could perform the journey. The baggage and provisions were all to be transported on their backs. To lighten their burden, as much as possible, Major Washington, clad in an Indian walking-dress, determined to proceed on foot, with Mr. Gist and Mr. Vanbraam, putting the horses un- der the direction of the drivers. After three days' travel, the horses becoming more feeble, and the cold and snow hourly increasing, this mode of journeying proved so tardy and discouraging, that another was resorted to. Mr. Van- braam took charge of the horses, with orders to go on as fast as he could. Major Washington, with a knapsack on his back, containing his papers and food, and with a gun in his hand, left the party, accompanied only by Mr. Gist, equipped in the same manner. They turned out of the path, and directed their course through the woods so as to strike the Allegany River, and cross it near Shan- nopins Town, two or three miles above the Fork of the Ohio. The next day an adventure occurred, which is ^T. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 well narrated by Mr. Gist in a diary written by him at CHAPTER the time. " We rose early in the morning, and set out about two 1753. o'clock, and got to the Murdering Town on the southeast joined by an Indian, fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met with an Indian, h ? se ' designs are whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's, at Venango, SU8 P ected - when on our journey up to the French fort. This fel- low called me by my Indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. He asked us several questions, as, how we came to travel on foot, when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and when they would be there. Major Washington insisted on travelling by the nearest way to the Forks of the Allegany. We asked the Indian if he could go with us, and show us the nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad, and ready to go with us ; upon which we set out, and the Indian took the Major's pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and the Indian steered too much northeastwardly. The Major de- sired to encamp ; upon which the Indian asked to carry his gun, but he refused ; and then the Indian grew churl- ish, and pressed us to keep on, telling us there were Ottawa Indians in those woods, and they would scalp us, if we lay out ; but go to his cabin, and we should be safe. " I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know I mistrusted him. But he soon mis- trusted him as much 'as I did. The Indian said he could hear a gun from his cabin, and steered us more north- wardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops might be heard from his cabin. We went two miles further. Then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the Indian to stop at the next water ; but, before we came to water, we came to a clear meadow. It was very light, and snow was on the ground. The Indian made a stop, and turned about. The Major saw him point his gun towards us, and he fired. Said the Major, ' Are you shot ? ' ' No,' said I ; upon which c* 30 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [.fir. 21. CHAPTER the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak, and began loading his gun, but we were soon with him. I 1753. would have killed him, but the Major would not suffer me. We let him charge his gun. We found he put in a ball ; then we took care of him. Either the Major or I always stood by the guns. We made him make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, ' As you will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we must travel all night ; ' upon which I said to the Indian, ' I suppose you were lost, and fired your gun.' He said he knew the way to his cabin, and it was but a little way. ' Well,' said I, ' do you go home ; and, as we are tired, we will follow your track in the morning, and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning.' He was glad to get away. I followed him, and listened, until he was fairly out of the way ; and then we went about half a mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, fixed our course, and travelled all night. In the morn- ing we were on the head of Piny Creek." Whether it was the intention of the Indian to kill either of them can only be conjectured. The circum- stances were extremely suspicious. Major Washington hints at this incident in his Journal. " We fell in with a party of French Indians," says he, " who had lain in wait for us. One of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but fortunately missed. We took the fel- low in custody, and kept him till nine o'clock at night ; then let him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night without making any stop, that we might get the start so far as to be out of the reach of their pur- suit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light." No more was Arrives at seen or heard of them. The next night, at dusk, the the Allegany River. travellers came to the Allegany River, a little above Shan- nopins, where they expected to cross over on the ice ; but in this they were disappointed, the river being frozen only a few yards on each side, and a great body of bro- ken ice driving rapidly down the current. JET. 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 Weary and exhausted they were compelled to pass the CHAPTER night on the bank of the river, exposed to the rigor of IL the weather, making their beds on the snow, with no l?53. other covering than their blankets. When the morning came, their invention was the only resource for providing the means of gaining the opposite shore. "There was no way of getting over," says Major Wash- Perils in crossing the ington, "but on a raft; which we set about with but one riyer - poor hatchet, and finished just after sunsetting. This was a whole day's work. We next got it launched, and went on board of it ; then set off. But before we were half way over, we were jammed in the ice in such a manner, that we expected every moment our raft would sink, and ourselves perish. I put out my settingpole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by ; when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water. But I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the raft logs. Notwithstanding .all our efforts we could not get the raft to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft, and make to it." This providential escape from most imminent danger, was not the end of their calamities. They were thrown upon a desert island ; the weather was intensely cold ; Mr. Gist's hands and feet were frozen; and their sufferings through the night were extreme. A gleam of hope ap- peared with the dawn of morning. Between the island and the eastern bank of the river, the ice had congealed so hard as to bear their weight. They crossed over with- Reaches a J trading post. out accident, and the same day reached a trading post re- cently established by Mr. Frazier, near the spot where eighteen months afterwards was fought the memorable battle of the Monongahela. Here they rested two or three days, both to recruit themselves and to procure horses. Meantime Major Wash- interview g t with Queen ington paid a complimentary visit to dueen Aliquippa, an Aiiqnippa. Indian princess, who resided at the confluence of the. Mo- nongahela and Youghiogany Rivers. She had expressed LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [Set. 21. CHAPTER II. 1753. Arrive* at Williams- burg. 1754. Governor Dinwiddie resolves to repel the French. Major Washington appointed to command the troop*. dissatisfaction, that he had neglected this mark of respect on his way out. An apology, seconded by the more sub- stantial token of a present, soothed her wounded dignity, and secured a gracious reception. Nothing was heard of Vanbraam and his party. Anxi- ous to hasten back, and report to the governor the result of his mission, Major Washington did not wait for them. With Mr. Gist he recrossed the Alleganies to Will's Creek, and thence proceeded with despatch to Williamsburg, where he arrived on the 16th of January, having been absent eleven weeks. The intentions and movements of the French being now understood, Governor Dinwiddie thought the occasion de- manded prompt and energetic action. He called his Coun- cil together, and laid before them Major Washington's journal, and the letter of the French commandant. It was agreed, that the instructions heretofore received from the ministry imposed it as a duty, in case of an invasion of the King's dominions, to repel it by a resort to arms. There was no longer any doubt, that the state of things, anticipated by the -ministers, had actually come to pass. It was now time to prepare for the exigency. At the last meeting of the House of Burgesses, the governor had failed in his endeavors to rouse the representatives of the people to a sense of danger, and no funds had been pro- vided for establishing a military force. Without waiting for the burgesses to convene, the Coun- cil advised the immediate enlistment of two hundred men, with directions to march to the Ohio, and build one or two forts there, before the French should be able to de- scend the river in the spring, as they had threatened to do. An order was issued for raising two companies, of one hundred men each, in the northern counties by vol- untary enlistments, or, if that method should prove im- practicable, by drafts from the militia. The conduct of Major Washington had hitherto been marked with so much prudence, resolution, and capacity, that he was appointed S.T. 22.] L I F E O F W A S H I N G T O N. 33 to the chief command of these troops, apparently by the CHAPTER unanimous voice of the Council. IL To make an impression on the minds of the people, 1754. and if possible to work them up to some degree of en- ins journal published. thusiasm, and excite their indignation against the invaders, Governor Dinwiddie caused Major Washington's journal to be published. It was copied into nearly all the newspa- pers of the other colonies. In London it was reprinted, under the auspices of the government, and accounted a document of much importance, as unfolding the views of the French, and announcing the first positive proof o their hostile acts in the disputed territory. Nothing more was expected from the small military prep- arations set on foot by the governor and Council, than to take a position on the Ohio before the French should come down the river, and unite with the parties from New Orleans. The command of one of the two compa- nies was given to Captain Trent, who, being acquainted with the frontiers, was sent forward to enlist his men among the traders and back settlers, and ordered to com- mence with all speed the building of a fort at the Fork of the Ohio, in conformity with the recommendation of Major Washington, who had examined that place, as we have seen, with a view to its military advantages. At the same time, Major Washington was stationed at stationed at . Alexandria. Alexandria, as a convenient situation for the rendezvous February. of his men, and for superintending the transportation of supplies and the cannon intended to be mounted in the fort. Lord Fairfax, holding the office of county-lieutenant, which gave him authority over the militia in his neigh- borhood, was active in procuring enlistments and render- ing other services to his young friend. The governor's instructions to the officers bore a warlike aspect. They were to drive away, kill, and destroy, or seize as pris- oners, all persons not the subjects of the King of Great Britain r who should attempt to settle or take possession of the lands on the Ohio River or any of its tributaries. These arrangements being made, Governor Dinwiddie 5 34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 22. CHAPTER II. 1754. The gover- nor endeav- ors to rouse the other colonies. Messengers sent to the southern In- dians. Assembly divided as to the propriety of military operations. summoned the legislature to meet at an early day, in or- der to take into consideration the critical state of affairs, and provide for the safety of the Dominion, as Virginia was at that time denominated. He also wrote letters to the governors of the other provinces, calling on them for aid, and drawing a vivid picture of the common danger, with moving appeals to their patriotism and sense of duty to their sovereign. New York and the New England colonies he desired to send troops towards Canada, and make a feint in that direction, which should prevent the reinforcements at duebec from marching to the Ohio. These appeals were of little avail; the governors had received no instructions; funds for military objects were not at their disposal ; and the assemblies were slow to impose taxes even for the support of their own govern- ments. Some persons doubted the authority of the gov- ernor of Virginia to meddle in so grave a matter; others were not convinced, that the French had encroached up- on the King's lands; and others regarded it as a national concern, in which the colonies had no right to interfere without direct orders and assistance from the King. If treaties have been violated, said they, it is not for us to avenge the insult, and precipitate a war by our zeal and rashness. In short, the call was premature, and there was little hope of cooperation from the other colonies. Messengers were despatched to the southern Indians, the Catawbas and Cherokees, inviting them to join in repelling a com- mon enemy, who had already engaged in their behalf the powerful nations of Chippewas and Ottowas. Reliance was also placed on the friendship of the Twigtwees, Del- awares, and other tribes beyond the Ohio. When the assembly met, a difference of opinion pre- vailed, as to the measures that ought to be pursued; but ten thousand pounds were finally voted for the defence of the colony, cloaked under the title of an act "for the encouragement and protection of the settlers on the Mis- sissippi." The governor's equanimity was severely tried. ^Er. 23.] L I F E O F W A S H I N G T O N. 35 The King's prerogative and his own dignity he thought CHAPTER were not treated with due respect. So obtuse were some ! of the burgesses, that they could not perceive the justice 1754 - of the King's claims to the lands in question, and they had the boldness to let their doubts be known in a full assembly. "You may well conceive," said the governor in writing to a friend, " how I fired at this ; that an Eng- lish legislature should presume to doubt the right of his Majesty to the interior parts of this continent, the back of his dominions." And, alluding to one of the members, he added, " How this French spirit could possess a person of his high distinction and sense, I know not." Another point was still more annoying to him. The Assembly appointed commissioners to superintend the appropriation of the funds. This act he took as a slight to himself, since by virtue of his office the disposal of money for public uses ought to rest exclusively with the governor. Such was his view of the matter, and he declared that nothing but the extreme urgency of the case should have induced him to sign the bill. To the Earl of Holdernesse he complained of the way- Governor's , , . /. i ' ii complaints. ward temper and strange doings of the Assembly. " I am sorry to find them," said he, " very much in a republican way of thinking ; and, indeed, they do not act in a pro- per constitutional way, but make encroachments on the prerogative of the crown, in which some former governors have submitted too much to them j and, I fear, without a very particular instruction, it will be difficult to bring them to order." Notwithstanding these grievances, the governor's zeal for the public good rose above his personal feelings, and he applied himself ardently to the work he had undertaken. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. r. 22. CHAPTER III. CHAPTER III. 1754. aed ' Bounty Itinds grant- ed Military Preparations. Washington appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. March- es to the Allegany Mountains. Joined by Parties of Indians. Skirmish with a French Detachment under Jumonville. The Chief Command de- volves on Colonel Washington. His generous Sentiments respecting the Terms of Service. Fort Necessity. Battle of the Great Meadows. Resigns his commission. Engages in the expedition under General Brad- dock. Difficulties encountered by the Army in its March. Battle of the Monongahela. Its disastrous Results. Bravery and good Conduct of Colonel Washington in that Action. His prudent Advice to General Braddock. With the means now provided by the legislature, the military establishment was increased to six companies, un- der the command of Colonel Joshua Fry. He was an Englishman by birth, educated at Oxford, skilled in the mathematical sciences, and much esteemed for his amiable qualities and gentlemanly character. Major Washington was made second in command, with the rank of lieutenant- colonel. Subordinate officers were commissioned, and, to quicken the military zeal of the people, and give alacrity to the recruiting service, Governor Dinwiddie issued a proc- lamation granting two hundred thousand acres of land on the Ohio River, to be divided among the troops, who should engage in the proposed expedition, and releasing the same from quitrents for . fifteen years. One thousand acres were ordered to be laid off, contiguous to the fort at the Fork of the Ohio, for the use of the soldiers doing duty there, to be called the garrison lands. The reasons assigned by the governor to the ministers for making this grant were, that he hoped the soldiers would become permanent settlers, and that it was better to secure the lands by such a bounty, than to allow the French to take quiet possession of as many millions of acres as he had granted thousands. His proclamation was sanctioned by the King, but it was not well received in JT. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 another quarter. The Assembly of Pennsylvania took CHAPTER alarm at the freedom, with which lands, situate as they said in that province, were given away. Governor Ham- 1754. ilton wrote an expostulatory letter. It was a perplexing case ; but Governor Dinwiddie escaped from the difficulty March 21. by replying, that the claims of Pennsylvania were at least doubtful, the boundary line not having been run, that the object in view equally concerned both provinces, that his grant did not necessarily imply future jurisdiction, and that, if the Pennsylvania claim should be established, the quitrents might eventually be paid to the proprietary in- stead of the crown. Fresh encouragement was inspired by a letter from the independent ... companies Earl of Holdernesse, authorizing Governor Dinwiddie to call jailed to Virginia. to his aid two independent companies from New York, and one from South Carolina. These were colonial troops, raised and supported at the King's charge, and command- ed by officers with royal commissions. They could be marched to any part of the continent. None of these companies had ever been stationed in Virginia. Expresses were immediately despatched to the governors of the above colonies, requesting them to order forward the companies . without delay. News came from North Carolina, also, that the Assem- North caro- bly had voted twelve thousand pounds for defence, and money and raises troops that a respectable force would soon be in the field to ioin for defence, but the other their neighbors in the common cause. Thus far the pros- colonies are backward. pect was flattering. The sympathy of the other colonies, however, did not manifest itself in any direct efforts. The Assembly of Maryland brought in a money bill, which was rejected by the governor, under pretence, that the mode proposed for levying the taxes was an encroachment upon the prerogative. Indeed, the apparition of the pre- rogative never failed to stare the colonial governors in the face, whenever any measure salutary to the people was to be approved by them. It may be, that the bold experi- ments and aspiring demands of the assemblies sometimes required this cautionary check. 38 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [^Ex. 22, CHAPTER The spirit of liberty, even at that day, was restless In - under the burden of charters and usages, and was every- 1754. where struggling to throw it off, or at least to diminish its weight. The prerogative was the potent charm, by which the governors endeavored to allay this spirit, when they found arguments and personal influence unavailing. Digpntes In Pennsylvania, more exposed to the invasion than Vir- between the , , governor ffinia, the legislature were so busy in carrying on the and Assem- bly of penn- quarrel, which continued for years between themselves and sylvania. J the governor, that they had little leisure for other busi- ness. Here again was a prerogative, but not enforced in' the name of the King, and hence perhaps the more odi- ous to the people. The descendants of William Penn, called the proprieta- ries, owned large tracts of land in the province. The Assembly insisted, and very justly, that these lands, being equally benefited, ought to bear an equal portion of the tax for defence. They reported money bills upon that principle ; the governor refused his signature, maintaining the proprietary prerogative. The bills fell to the ground, and nothing was done. In his letter of explanation, Gov- ernor Hamilton regretted the failure of the bills, but laid the blame at the door of the Quakers, who, he said, had scruples about arming. march'to Although thus feebly sustained by their neighbors, the Virginians did not abate their exertions. The enlistments went on with considerable success. Colonel Washington continued his head-quarters at Alexandria till the begin- ning of April. Two companies had been collected at that place, with which he marched to Will's Creek, where he arrived on the 20th, having been joined on the way by another company under Captain Stephen. The march was slow and fatiguing, on account of the roughness of the roads, and the difficulty of procuring wagons to convey the baggage. It was necessary to put the militia law in execution, which authorized impressments ; but measures of this sort are always disliked by the people, and orders are tardily obeyed or evaded. The artillery and some of the heavier articles went by water up the Potomac. T. 22.] L I F E O F W A S H I N G T O N. 39 A party of Captain Trent's men had already gone to the Ohio, and begun to build a fort. Just before Colonel Washington reached Will's Creek, a rumor came from the interior, that these men were taken by the French ; and two days afterwards the alarming intelligence was con- firmed by the ensign of Captain Trent's company. He reported, that, while they were at work, forty-one in num- ber, a body of French troops descended the river from Venango, consisting of one thousand men, with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty batteaux, and three hundred canoes, under the command of Captain Contrecreur, and summon- ed them to surrender, threatening to take forcible posses- sion of the fort, if this summons were not immediately obeyed. No alternative remained, and, the captain and lieutenant being absent, Ensign Ward acceded to articles of capitulation, and gave up the fort, but was permitted to retire with his men. He came to Will's Creek, and brought the news of the disaster. His statement, how- ever, as to the numbers of the French, their cannon and boats, turned out to be very much exaggerated. This was the first open act of hostility in the memorable war of seven years that followed. The French enlarged and completed the fort, which they called Fort Duquesne, in compliment to the governor of Canada. To the little army under Colonel Washington, as yet amounting to no more than three small companies, this was a critical moment. They occupied an outpost, be.- yond which there was no barrier to oppose the formidable French force on the Ohio. Even a detachment, well armed and disciplined, might surround and cut them off. Colonel Fry had not joined them, and the whole respon- sibility rested on the Lieutenant-Colonel. He instantly sent expresses to the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, setting forth his weak and exposed condi- tion, and calling for reinforcements. He then held a council of war. Notwithstanding the dangers that threat- ened on every side, it was resolved to push boldly into the wilderness, to clear and prepare the road as they ad- CHAPTER In ' 1754 - April n. The army moves for- ward into the wilder- ness - 40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1754 Difficulties of the inarch. Conveyance by water imp ble. May 20. CHAPTER vanced, and, if possible, to penetrate to the Monongahela i- a t the mouth of Red-stone Creek, and erect there a forti- fication. The soldiers would thus be employed, their ap- prehensions quieted, the bane of idleness avoided, and a way opened for the more expeditious march of the troops in the rear. So many obstacles intervened, that the progress was slow. Trees were to be felled, bridges made, marshes fill- ed up, and rocks removed. In the midst of these diffi- culties the provisions failed, the commissaries having neg- lected to fulfil their engagements, and there was great distress for want of bread. At the Youghiogany, where they were detained in con- irap7acuca- stmcting a bridge, Colonel Washington was told by the traders and Indians, that except at one place a passage might be had by water down that river. To ascertain this point, extremely advantageous if true, he embarked in a canoe with five men on a tour of discovery, leaving the army under the command of a subordinate officer. His hopes were disappointed. After navigating the river in his canoe near thirty miles, encountering rocks and shoals, he passed between two mountains, and came to a fall that arrested his course, and rendered any further at- tempt impracticable. He returned, and the project of a conveyance by water was given up.* * In his journal, as published by the French government, Colonel Washington gives the following account of this tour of discovery. " On the 20th of May I embarked in a canoe, with Lieutenant West, three soldiers, and an Indian. Having followed the river for about half a mile we were obliged to go ashore, where we found a trader, who seemed to discourage my attempting to seek a passage by water, which caused me to change my intention of having canoes made. I ordered the troops to wade the river, as the waters had now sufficiently sub- sided. I continued to descend the river, but, finding our canoe too small for six persons, we stopped to construct a bark, with which and the canoe we reached Turkey Foot just as the night began. Eight or ten miles further onward we encountered several difficulties, which were of little consequence. At this point we stopped some time to examine the position, and found it well suited for a fort, being at the mouth of three branches or small rivers, and having a gravelly foundation. JEr. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 | He had scarcely rejoined the army, when a message CHAPTER was brought to him from his old friend Tanacharison, or I1L the Half-King, then with his people near the Monongahela 1754. River, which warned him to be on his guard, as a party Message * from the In- of French had been out two days, and were then march- dians that a party of ins: towards him determined to attack the first English chta <-" approach- they should meet. His account was confirmed by another, in s- which stated the French to be only fifteen miles distant. Not knowing their number, or at what moment they Armyad- * vances to might approach, he hastened to a place called the Great jJladows' Meadows, cleared away the bushes, threw up an entrench- May 25. ment, and prepared, as he expressed it, " a charming field for an encounter." He then mounted some of the soldiers on wagon-horses, and sent them out to reconnoitre. They came back without having seen any traces of the enemy ; but the camp was alarmed in the night, the sen- " We went down about two miles to examine the course of the river, which is straight, with many currents, and full of rocks and rapids. We crossed it, though the water was high, which induced me to be- lieve the canoes would easily pass, but this was not effected without difficulty. Besides these rapids we met with others, but, the water being more shallow and the current smoother, we passed them easily. We then found the water very deep, and mountains rising on both sides. After proceeding about ten miles, we came to a fall in the river, which arrested our progress, and compelled us to go ashore and desist from any further attempt." Memoire contenant le Pricis des Fails, &c. p. 121. The full title of the book, which is here quoted, is as follows ; . " MEMOIRE contenant le Precis des Faits, avec leurs Pieces Justificatives, pour servir de Rtponse aux OBSERVATIONS envoyees, par les Ministres d'Jlngleterre, dans les Cours de V Europe. Jl Paris ; de Vlmprimerie Royale. 1756." Four or five years had been consumed in unavailing attempts at a negotiation between England and France, with the osten- sible design on both sides to effect a reconciliation of difficulties, but neither party in reality was solicitous to avoid a war. At length hos- tilities were commenced in time of peace, and each nation charged the other with being the aggressor. Two French vessels on their way to Canada were taken by the British Admiral Boscawen, and, to justify this procedure, the " Observations " above mentioned were published, in which the position was maintained, that the French had actually begun the war, by their encroachments with a military force on the Ohio fron- tiers. To repel this charge, the French government circulated among 6 42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 22. CHAPTER tries fired, and all hands were kept under arms till morn- in. j n g. ]\i r . Gist came to the camp, also, and reported that 1754. a French detachment, consisting of fifty men, had been at his settlement the day before, and that he had observ- ed their tracks within five miles of the Great Meadows. The approach of the French, with hostile designs, was now deemed certain ; and the best preparation was made to receive them, which circumstances would permit. In the mean time, about nine o'clock at night, another ex- press came from the Half-King, who was then with a party of his warriors about six miles from the camp, stating that he had seen the tracks of two Frenchmen, and that A party pro- fa e w hole detachment was near that place. Colonel Wash- ceeus in nnch fthe m S ton immediately put himself at the head of forty men, camp> leaving the rest to guard the camp, and set off to join the Half-King. The night was dark, the rain fell in torrents, the paths through the woods were narrow and intricate, and the soldiers often lost their way, groping in the bushes, and clambering over rocks and fallen trees. the courts of Europe the Memoire, whose title is here given, the object of which was to prove, that the British had been the first to transgress. This Memoire is curious, as containing many official and other docu- ments relating to the question at issue, which are nowhere else to be found, and particularly selections from the manuscripts of General Brad- dock and of Washington, which the French had captured at the disas- trous battle of the Monongahela. Among other things are Braddock's instructions, several of his letters to the ministry, and extracts purport- ing to be from a journal kept by Washington during his preceding campaign. With what fidelity these were published cannot now be known, but as it was the object of the Memoire to prove a contested point, it may be presumed, that such parts of the papers only were brought forward, as would make for that end. Coming out as they did, however, under the name and sanction of the government, there can be no room for doubt, that the official papers at least were given with accuracy. These papers were originally published by the French government in a duodecimo volume. A copy was soon afterwards found in a French prize, that was brought to New York. It was there translated into English, and printed the year after its appearance in Paris. The trans- lation was hastily executed, and is worthy of little credit, being equally uncouth in its style, and faulty in its attempts to convey the sense of the original. -Er. 22.] LIFEOFWASHINGTON. 43 The whole night was passed in the march, and they CHAPTER got to the Indian encampment just before sunrise. A !___ council was held with Tanacharison and his chief war- 1754 riors, and it was agreed that they should march in con- cert against the French. Two Indians went out to ascertain the position of the enemy, which was discovered to be in an obscure retreat, surrounded by rocks, half a mile from the road. The plan of the attack was then formed. Colonel Washington and his men were to ad- vance on the right, and the Indians on the left. The march was pursued in single file, according to the Indian manner, till they came so near as to be discovered by the French, who instantly seized their arms, and put themselves in an attitude of defence. At this moment the firing commenced on both sides, skirmish with the A smart skirmish ensued, which was kept up for a quar- French. ter of an hour, when the French ceased to resist. M. JJlmonviiie. de Jumonville, the commander of the French party, and ten of his men, were killed. Twenty-two were taken prisoners, one of whom was wounded. A Canadian made his escape during the action. One of Colonel Washing- ton's men was killed, and two or three wounded. No harm happened to the Indians, as the enemy's fire was directed chiefly against the English. This event occurred on the 28th of May. The prisoners were conducted to the Great Meadows, and thence under a guard to Gov- ernor Dinwiddie. No transaction in the life of Washington has been so Errors &r i i. i i i i i the French much misrepresented, or so little understood, as this skir- writers cor- rected, mish with Jumonville. It being the first conflict of arms in the war, a notoriety was given to it, particularly in Eu- rope, altogether disproportioned to its importance. War had not yet been declared between Great Britain and France, and indeed the diplomatists on both sides were making great professions of friendship. It was the policy of each nation to exaggerate the proceedings of the other on their colonial frontiers, and to make them a handle for recrimi- nation and complaints, by throwing upon the adverse party 44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [IE*. 22. CHAPTER the blame of committing the first acts of aggression. IIL Hence when the intelligence of the skirmish with Ju- 1754. monville got to Paris, it was officially published by the government, in connexion with a memoir and various pa- pers, and his death was called a murder. It was said, that, while bearing a summons as a civil messenger with- out any hostile intentions, he was waylaid and assassin- ated. The report was industriously circulated, and gained credence with the multitude. M. Thomas, a poet and scholar of repute, seized the occasion to write an epic, en- titled " Jumonville" in which he tasked his invention to draw a tragical picture of the fate of his hero. The fab- ric of the story and the incidents were alike fictitious. But the tale passed from fiction to history, and to this day it is repeated by the French historians, who in other re- spects render justice to the character of Washington, and who can find no other apology for this act, than his youth and inexperience, and the ferocity of his men. The mistakes of the French writers were not unknown to Washington; but, conscious of having acted in strict conformity with his orders and military usage, he took no pains to correct them, except in a single letter to a friend, written several years afterwards, which related mostly to the errors in the French account of the subsequent action of the Great Meadows. Unfortunately all his correspon- dence, and the other papers which he wrote during this campaign, were lost the next year at the battle of the Monongahela; and he was thus deprived of the only au- thentic materials, that could be used for explanation and defence. The most important of these papers have recently been found, and they afford not only a complete vindica- tion of the conduct of Colonel Washington in this aifair, but show that it met with the unqualified approbation of the governor and legislature of Virginia, and of the Brit- ish ministry.* * In the public offices at London, I examined the official communi- cations from Governor Dinwiddie, giving a full account of the events Jh-. 22.] L I F E O F W A S H I N G T O N. 45 It is true that Jumonville was the bearer of a summons ; CHAPTER but this was unknown to Colonel Washington, nor did the _ IIL mode in which the former approached the English camp 1754. indicate that he came on an errand of peace. He was at Jumoimiie , comes nut the head of an armed force, he sent out spies in advance, withahos- ' tile iuteii- concealed himself and his party two days in an obscure Uon< place near the camp, and despatched messengers with intel- ligence to his commander at the fort. These were strong evidences of a hostile intention ; and, had Colonel Wash- ington not regarded them in that light, he would have been justly censurable for ignorance or neglect of duty. The summons itself was by no means conciliatory, Thesnm- * inoiiN not and if Colonel Washington had actually known, that the conciliatory. French officer had such a paper in his pocket, he could not properly do otherwise than he did, under the circum- stances in which M. de Jumonville chose to place himself. It warned the English to retire below the Alleganies, and threatened compulsory measures if it should not be obeyed. The presumption was, that the summons was only a feint, in case the party should be captured, and that Jumonville was to remain concealed, and wait for reinforcements, af- ter he had reconnoitred the English camp, and ascertained its strength. If such were not the object, the conse- quences are justly chargeable on the indiscretion of M. de Jumonville in the extraordinary mode of conducting his enterprise.* of that period. By the politeness of an individual in England, who had in his possession the letter books and private papers of Governor Din- widdie, I was permitted to inspect those papers, and to have copies taken. Among them were the original letters of Colonel Washington, written at the time, respecting the skirmish with Jumonville, and the principal incidents of the campaign. * In Horace Walpole's Memoirs of George the Second is the following passage. " In the express which Major Washington despatched on his preceding little victory, (the skirmish with Jumonville,) he concluded with these words, ' I heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound.' On hearing of this the King said sensibly, ' He would not say so, if he had been used to hear many.' However, this brave braggart learned to blush for his rhodo- montade, and, desiring to serve General Braddock as aid-de-camp, E 46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 22. CHAPTER III. 1754. Complaints of the offi- cers, and Washing- ton's re- in arKs on them. Endeavors to calm their feel- ings. The labors and dangers of the field were not the only troubles, with which Colonel Washington at this time had to contend. By an ill timed parsimony, the pay of the officers was reduced so low, as to create murmurs and discontent throughout the camp. Complaints grew loud and vehement, accompanied with threats to resign and leave the army to its fate. Under this pressure the char- acter of Washington shone with the same purity and lus- tre, that often distinguished it afterwards on similar trying occasions. In his letters to the governor he assumed a firm and manly tone, demanded for himself and his asso- ciates an allowance equal to that received by the King's troops, and deprecated the idea of being placed upon a footing, which should imply an inferiority in rank, or in the value of their services. While he took this high stand, in defending the just claims of the officers, he endeavored to calm their feel- ings, and reconcile them to their condition, by appeals to their honor and the obligations of duty. " I have com- municated your sentiments Jo the other officers," said he acquitted himself nobly." Vol. I. p. 347. The original despatch com- municated by Major Washington to Governor Dinwiddie, narrating the particulars of the rencounter with Jumonville, contains nothing about the "whistling of bullets." See Washington's Writings, Vol. II. p. 32. Nor is this sentiment uttered in any of his letters, that have been pre- served. Yet this anecdote would seem not to be wholly without foun- dation, if we may rely on a statement of Gordon, in which he says ; "A gentleman, who had heard the Reverend Mr. Davies relate, that Colonel Washington had mentioned, he knew of no music so pleasing as the whistling of bullets, being alone in conversation with him at Cambridge, asked him whether it was as he had related. The General answered, ' If I said so, it was when I was young.' " Gordon's History, VoL II. p. 203. The Memoirs of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford, quoted above, are understood to have been written near the time of the events, but they were not published till after his death. The Editor remarks, in a note on the word braggart, " It is wonderful, that Lord Orford should have allowed this expression to remain, after he had lived to witness and admire the subsequent career of that great man General Washington." It may be added, that it was not by his own desire, but at the solicitation of General Braddock, that Washington joined him as aid-de-camp. JET. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 to the governor, "and, as far as I could put on the hy- CHAPTER pocrite, set forth the advantages that may accrue, and ad- in ' vised them to accept the terms, as a refusal might reflect 1754. dishonor upon their character, leaving it to the world to assign what reason it pleases for their quitting the ser- vice." And again ; " I considered, the pernicious conse- quences that would attend a disunion, and was therefore too much attached to my country's interests to suffer it to ripen." In this, way he concealed his uneasiness, and tranquillized the minds of his officers, although he felt the wrongs they suffered, and approved the spirit that would not tamely submit to them. As to himself, it was not so much the smallness of the pay, that gave him concern, as the indignity and injustice of having his services estimated at a lower rate, than in the British establishment, when in reality no service could be more severe and hazardous, or less promising of glory, than the one in which he was engaged. "Now if we could be fortunate enough," said he, "to drive the French from the Ohio, as far as your Honor would please to have them sent, in any short time, our pay will not be suffi- cient to discharge our first expenses. I would not have you imagine from this, that I have said all these things to have our pay increased, but to justify myself, and to show you that our complaints are not frivolous, but found- ed on strict reason. For my own part, it is a matter almost indifferent, whether I serve for full pay, or as a generous volunteer. Indeed, did my circumstances cor- respond with my inclinations, I should not hesitate a mo- ment to prefer the latter; for the motives that have led me here are pure and noble. I had no view of acquisi- tion, but that of honor, by serving my King and country." In this declaration, uttered in the sincerity of his heart, we perceive the principles, the eminent virtues, that dic- tated every act of his public life. Colonel Fry having died suddenly at Will's Creek, Appointed . ' Colonel of while on his way to 10111 the army, the chief command the Virginia regiment. devolved on Colonel Washington. Recruits were brought 48 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 22. CHAPTER forward by Major Muse. The North Carolina troops, to ?H: the number of about three hundred and fifty, led by Col- 1764> onel Innes, arrived at Winchester. The governor was then in that town, holding a council with Indians, and he appointed Innes commander of the expedition, but con- firmed Colonel Washington's command of the Virginia regiment. colonel The appointment of Innes was an unpopular measure .in Virginia, as he was from another colony ; and the gov- ernor was accused of partiality for an old friend and coun- tryman, both he and Innes being Scotchmen by birth. No ill consequences ensued. Neither Colonel Innes nor his troops advanced beyond Winchester. To promote en- listments the men were extravagantly paid ; and, when the money raised by the Assembly of North Carolina for their support was expended, they dispersed of their own accord. An Independent Company from South Carolina, Macks'" consisting of one hundred men under Captain Mackay, arrived at the Great Meadows. Two companies from New York landed at Alexandria, and marched to the interior, but not in time to overtake or succor the army in advance. Detachment It was foreseen by Colonel Washington, that, when the of the French J expected. French at Fort Duquesne should get the news of Ju- monville's defeat, a strong detachment would be sent out against him. As a preparation for this event, he set all his men at work to enlarge the entrenchment at the Great Meadows, and erect palisades. To the structure thus hastily thrown up he gave the name of Fort Necessity. ^ ne Indians, wno leaned to the English interest, fled before the French and flocked to the camp, bringing along their wives and children, and putting them under his protection. Among them came Tanacharison and his people, Queen Aliquippa and her son, and other persons of distinction, till between forty and fifty families gath- ered around him, and laid his magazine of supplies under a heavy contribution. It may be said, once for all, that the burden of supporting these sons of the forest during E.T. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 this campaign, and the perplexities of managing them, CHAPTER were by no means counterbalanced by any advantage de- m ' rived from their aid. As spies and scouts they were of 1754. some service : in the field they did nothing. The forces at the Great Meadows, including Captain Difficulties Mackay's company, had now increased to about four hun- tainMa3y. dred men. But a new difficulty arose, which threatened disagreeable consequences. Captain Mackay had a royal commission, which in his opinion put him above the au- thority of Colonel Washington, who was a colonial officer, commissioned by the governor of Virginia. He was a man of mild and gentlemanly manners, and no personal differ- ences interrupted the harmony between them ; but still he declined receiving the orders of the colonel, and his com- pany occupied a separate encampment. At this crisis, when an attack was daily expected, and when a 'perfect union of design and action was essential, such a state of things was so unpropitious, that Colonel Washington wrote earnestly to the governor to settle the controversy by a positive order under his own hand. The governor hesi- tated, because he was not sure, that Captain Mackay's pretensions were inconsistent with the rule adopted by the ministry, namely, that all officers with King's com- missions should take rank of those commissioned in the colonies. To avoid altercation, and prevent the contagious example Army ad- of disobedience from infecting the troops, Colonel Wash- Fort sity. ington resolved to advance with a large part of his army, and, if not obstructed by the enemy, to go on by the shortest route to the Monongahela River. Captain Mac- kay's company was left at Fort Necessity, as a guard to that post. The road was to be cleared and levelled for artillery carriages; and the process was so laborious, that it took two weeks to effect a passage through the gorge of the mountains to Gist's settlement, a distance of only thirteen miles. The Indians were troublesome with then- speeches, councils, and importunities for presents, particu- larly a party from the interior, who feigned friendship, but 7 * f 50 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [.T. 22. CHAPTER who were discovered to be spies from the French. Due In - vigilance was practised, and scouts were kept abroad, even 1754. as far as the neighborhood of Fort Duquesne, so that the first motions of the enemy might be detected. A council of It was at length told by French deserters and Indians, that Fort Duquesne was reinforced by troops from Canada, and that a strong detachment would shortly march against the English. A council of war being called, it was at first thought best to make a stand, and wait the approach of the enemy at Gist's plantation. An intrenchment for defence was begun, Captain Mackay was requested to come forward with his company, and the scouting parties were ordered to return to the camp. Captain Mackay promptly joined the advanced division ; and another council decid- ed, that the enemy's force was so large, as to leave no reasonable hope of a successful resistance, and that a re- treat was necessary. Amy ** i n the face of many obstacles this determination was treats to the * Great Mead- executed. The horses were few and weak, and a severe service was imposed on the men, who were obliged to bear heavy burdens, and drag nine swivels over a broken road. Colonel Washington set a worthy example to his officers, by lading his horse with public stores, going on foot, and paying the soldiers a reward for carrying his baggage. In two days they all got back to the Great Meadows. It was not the intention at first to halt at this place, but the men had become so much fatigued from great labor, and a deficiency of provisions, that they could draw the swivels no further, nor carry the baggage on their backs. They had been eight days without bread, and at the Great Meadows they found only a few bags of flour. It was thought advisable to wait here, therefore, and fortify themselves in the best manner they could, till they should receive supplies and reinforcements. They had heard of the arrival at Alex- andria of two Independent Companies from New York twenty days before, and it was presumed they must by this time have reached Will's Creek. An express was jE-r. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 sent to hasten them on, with as much despatch as pos- CHAPTER sible. "' Meantime Colonel Washington set his men to felling J754. trees, and carrying logs to the fort, with a view to raise FortNecei- a breastwork, and enlarge and strengthen the fortification in the best manner, that circumstances would permit. The space of ground, called the Great Meadows, is a level bottom, through which passes a small creek, and is sur- rounded by hills of a moderate and gradual ascent. This bottom, or glade, is entirely level, covered with long grass and small bushes, and varies in width. At the point where the fort stood, it is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, from the base of one hill to that of the op- posite. The position of the fort was well chosen, being about one hundred yards from the upland, or wooded ground, on the one side, and one hundred and fifty on the other, and so situated on the margin of the creek, as to afford an easy access to water. At one point the high ground comes within sixty yards of the fort, and this was the nearest distance to which an enemy could approach under the shelter of trees. The outlines of the fort were still visible, when the spot was visited by the writer in 1830, occupying an irregular square, the dimen- sions of which wre about one hundred feet on each side. One of the angles was prolonged further than the others, for the purpose of reaching the water in the creek. On the west side, next to the nearest wood, were three en- trances, protected by short breastworks, or bastions. The remains of a ditch, stretching round the south and west sides, were also distinctly seen. The site of this fort, named Fort Necessity from the circumstances attending its erection and original use, is three or four hundred yards south of what is now called the National Road, four miles from the foot of Laurel Hill, and fifty miles from Cum- berland at Will's Creek. On the 3d of July early in the morning an alarm was Battle of the Great Mead- received from a sentinel, who had been wounded by the w - enemy ; and at nine o'clock intelligence came, that the July 3 " 52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 22. 1754. CHAPTER whole body of the enemy, amounting, as was reported, In - to nine hundred men, was only four miles off. At eleven o'clock they approached the fort, and began to fire, at the distance of six hundred yards, but without effect. Colonel Washington had drawn up his men on the open arid level ground outside of the trenches, waiting for the attack, which he presumed would be made as soon as the enemy's forces emerged from the woods ; and he ordered his men to reserve their fire, till they should be near enough to do execution. The distant firing was suppos- ed to be a stratagem to draw Washington's men into the woods, and thus to take them at a disadvantage. He suspected the design, and maintained his post till he found the French did not incline to leave the woods, and attack the fort by an assault, as he supposed they would, con- sidering their superiority of numbers. He then drew his men back within the trenches, and gave them orders to fire according to their discretion, as suitable opportunities might present themselves. The French and Indians re- mained on the side of the rising ground, which was near- est to the fort, and, sheltered by the trees, kept up a brisk fire of musketry, but never appeared in the open plain below. The rain fell heavily through the day, the trenches were filled with water, and many of the arms of Colonel Washington's men were out of order, and used with difficulty. In this way the battle continued from eleven o'clock in the morning till eight at night, when the French call- ed and requested a parley. Suspecting this to be a feint to procure the admission of an officer into the fort, that he might discover their condition, Colonel Washington at first declined listening to the proposal, but when the call was repeated, with the additional request that an officer might be sent to them, engaging at the same time their parole for his safety, he sent out Captain Vanbraam, the only person under his command, that could speak French, except the Chevalier de Peyrouny, an ensign in the Vir- ginia regiment, who was dangerously wounded, and dis- Proposal to capitulate. Mr. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 abled from rendering any service on this occasion. Van- CHAPTER braam returned, and brought with him from M. de Vil- _ 7 o liers, the French commander, proposed articles of capit- 1754 - ulation. These he read and pretended to interpret, and some changes having been made by mutual agreement, both parties signed them about midnight. By the terms of the ' capitulation, the whole garrison Terms of * capitulation. was to retire, and return without molestation to the in- j u j y 4. habited parts of the country ; and the French commander promised, that no embarrassment should be interposed, ei- ther by his own men or the savages. The English were to take away every thing in their possession, except their artillery, and to march out of the fort the next morning with the honors of war, their drums beating and colors flying. As the French had killed all the horses and cat- tle, Colonel Washington had no means of transporting his heavy baggage and stores ; and it was conceded to him, that his men might conceal their effects, and that a guard might be left to protect them, till horses could be sent up to take them away. Colonel Washington agreed to re- store the prisoners, who had been taken at the skirmish with Jumonville ; and, as a surety for this article, two hostages, Captain Vanbraam and Captain Stobo, were de- livered up to the French, and were to be retained till the prisoners should return. It was moreover agreed, that the party capitulating should not attempt to build any more establishments at that place, or beyond the moun- tains, for the space of a year. Early the next morning Colonel Washington began to A *. tiTe * march from the fort in good order, but he had proceeded Creek ' only a short distance, when a body of one hundred In- dians, being a reinforcement to the French, came upon him, and could hardly be restrained from attacking his men. They pilfered the baggage and did other mischief. He marched forward, however, with as much speed as possible, in the weakened and encumbered condition of his army, there being no other mode of conveying the wound- ed men and the baggage, than on the soldiers' backs. F * 54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [fix. 22. CHAPTER As the provisions were nearly exhausted, no time was to "' be lost; and, leaving much of the baggage behind, he 1754< hastened to Will's Creek, where all the necessary sup- plies were in store. Thence Colonel Washington and Captain Mackay proceeded to Williamsburg, and commu- nicated in person to Governor Dinwiddie the events of the campaign. Number of The exact number of men engaged in the action can- men engaged m the tattle. no t be ascertained. According to a return made out by Colonel Washington himself, the Virginia regiment con- sisted of three hundred and five, including officers, of whom twelve were killed and forty-three wounded. Cap- tain Mackay's company was supposed to contain about one hundred, but the number of killed and wounded is not known. The Independent Companies from New York did not reach the army before the action, vote of The conduct of the commander and of the troops was thanks by r f highly approved by the governor and Council, and received merited applause from the public. As soon as the House of Burgesses assembled, they passed a vote of thanks to Colonel Washington and his officers "for their bravery and gallant defence of their country." A pistole was granted from the public treasury to each of the soldiers. * * It was fortunate that the disagreement between Colonel Washing- ton and Captain Mackay, respecting the right of cfommand, did not produce any personal ill feeling, nor interfere with their public duty. It is also pleasing to observe, that their friendship continued through life, although they never again saw each other. Thirty-eight years after the battle of the Great Meadows, that is, in 1792, a gentleman in Scotland wrote to Washington, making inquiries about Captain Mac- kay. Washington replied ; " In 1755, he left the service, sold out, and went to Georgia. I heard nothing of him from that time till about five or six years ago, when he went by water from Georgia to Rhode Is- land on account of his health. On his return to Georgia by land, he was seized either by the complaint for which he had gone to Rhode Island, or by some other disorder, and died at Alexandria; not at my house, as your letter mentions. I was not informed of his being at Alexandria until after his death, which was a circumstance that I re- gretted much, not only on account of the regard which 1 had for him, from our former acquaintance, but because I understood that he was JEi. 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 Thus commenced the military career of Washington, CHAPTER and thus ended his first campaign. Although as yet a youth, with small experience, unskilled in war, and rely- 1754 - ing on his own resources, he had behaved with the prudence, address, courage, and firmness of a veteran com- mander. Rigid in discipline, but sharing the hardships and solicitous for the welfare of his soldiers, he had . secured their obedience and won their esteem amidst privations, sufferings, and perils, that have seldom been surpassed. Notwithstanding the late discomfiture, Governor Dinwid- Governor resolves to die's ardor did not abate. It was indeed a foible with prosecute the war. him, that his zeal outstripped his knowledge and discre- tion. Wholly ignorant of military affairs, he undertook to organize the army, prescribe rules, issue orders, form plans of operation, and manage the details. Hence frequent blunders and confusion. Colonel Washington rejoined his regiment, which had marched by way of Winchester to Alexandria. He there received orders to fill up the com- August, panics by enlistments, and lead them without delay to Will's Creek, where Colonel Innes was employed in build- ing Fort Cumberland, with the remnant of the North Carolina troops, and the three independent companies, that had come to Virginia from South Carolina and New York. It was the governor's project, that the united forces should immediately cross the Alleganies, and drive the French from Fort Duquesne, or build another fort beyond the mountains. Astonished that such a scheme should be contemplated, Disapproves at a season of the year when the mountains would be nor'fs- rendered impassable by the snows and rigor of the cli- mate, and with an army destitute of supplies, feeble in then on his way to pay me a visit, and had expressed an anxious de- sire to see me hefore he died. I do not know whether Captain Mac- kay left any family or not ; for, from the time of his quitting the service until his death, as I observed before, I knew nothing of him. I have, however, been informed, that he was possessed of a handsome prop- erty in Georgia." 56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 22. 1754. Governor's plans oppos- ed by the Assembly. CHAPTER numbers, and worn down by fatigue, Colonel Washington *" wrote a letter of strong remonstrance to a member of the governor's Council, representing the absurdity and even impossibility of such an enterprise. His regiment was re- duced by death, wounds, and sickness. He was ordered to obtain recruits, but not a farthing of money had been provided. He was ordered to march, but his men had neither arms, tents, ammunition, clothing, nor provisions, suflicient to enable them to take the field, and no means existed for procuring them. It is enough to say, that the scheme was abandoned. The governor was destined to struggle with difficulties, and to have his hopes defeated. The Assembly were so perverse, as not to yield to all his demands, and he never ceased to complain of their " republican way of thinking," and to deplore their want of respect for the authority of his office and the prerogative of the crown. He had lately prorogued them, as a punishment for their obstina- cy, and written to the ministry, that the representatives of the people seemed to him infatuated, and that he was satisfied " the progress of the French would never be ef- fectually opposed, but by means of an act of Parliament to compel the colonies to contribute to the common cause independently of assemblies." When the burgesses came together again, however, he was consoled by their good nature in granting twenty thousand pounds for the public service ; and he soon received ten thousand pounds in spe- cie from the government in England for the same object. Thus encouraged he formed new plans, and as the gift of ten thousand pounds was under his control, he could appropriate it as he pleased. He enlarged the army to ten companies, of one hundred men each, and put the whole upon the establishment of independent companies, by which the highest officers in the Virginia regiment would be cap- tains, and even these inferior to officers of the same rank holding King's commissions. The effect was to reduce Colonel Washington to the rank of captain, and put him under officers whom he had commanded. Such a degra- Army en- larged. JET 22.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 dation, of course, was not to be submitted to by a high- CHAPTER minded man. He resigned his commission, and retired from the army. 1754. Governor Sharpe, of Maryland, soon after received an Requested * to rejoin the appointment from the King as commander-in-chief of the UJj^' g' u forces employed to act against the French. Knowing Colonel Washington's character, and the importance of his aid, Governor Sharpe solicited him, by a letter from himself and another from one of his officers, to resume his station. It was intimated, that he might hold his former commission. " This idea," said Washington in re- ply, " has filled me with surprise ; for, if you think me NOV. is. capable of holding a commission, that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and believe me to be more empty than the commission itself." He promptly declined the invitation, and added ; "I shall have the consolation of knowing, that I have opened the way, when the smallness of our numbers exposed us to the attacks of a superior enemy ; and that I have had the thanks of my country for the services I have rendered." Thus sustained within himself, neither seeking redress nor venting complaints, he passed the winter in retirement. He acknowledged his partiality, however, for the profes- sion of arms, and his ambition to acquire experience and skill in the military art. Nor did he wait long for an op- portunity to gratify his wishes. Early in the spring, General Braddock landed in Vir- Accepts nie appointment ginia, with two regiments of regular troops from Great d ~{ i o" Britain, which it was supposed would bear down all op- BrSck. position, and drive back the intruding French to Canada. March is. The people were elated with joy, and already the war on the frontier seemed hastening to an end. Colonel Washington acceded to a request from General Braddock to take part in the campaign as one of his military fam- ily, in which he would retain his former rank, and the objections on that score would be obviated. 8 58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 23. CHAPTER HI. 1755. Hi reasons Cor rejoining the army. General Braddock and several governors meet at Alexandria. April 13. Braddock marches to the Interior. April 20. His views on the subject were explained, with a be- coming frankness and elevation of mind, in a letter to a friend. " I may be allowed," said he, " to claim some merit, if it is considered that the sole motive, which in- vites me to the field, is the laudable desire of serving my country, not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going as a volunteer without expectation of reward or prospect of obtaining a command, as I am confidently as- sured it is not in General Braddock's power to give me a commission that I would accept." Again, " If there is any merit in my case, I am unwilling to hazard it among my friends, without this exposition of facts, as they might con- ceive that some advantageous offers had engaged my ser- vices, when, in reality, it is otherwise, for I expect to be a considerable loser in my private affairs by going. It is true I have been importuned to make this campaign by General Braddock, as a member of his family, he conceiv- ing, I suppose, that the small knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of the country and the Indians is worthy of his notice, and may be useful to him in the progress of the expedition." Influenced by these honor- able and generous motives, he accepted the offer, and pre- pared to engage in the service as a volunteer. Several companies of Braddock's two regiments were cantoned at Alexandria, at which place the commander himself met the governors of five colonies, in order to concert a general scheme of military operations. Colonel Washington was introduced to these gentlemen; and the manner in which he was received by them gave a flatter- ing testimony of the consideration, which his name and character had already inspired. With the deportment and civilities of Governor Shirley he was particularly pleased. General Braddock marched to the interior, and was overtaken by Colonel Washington at Winchester, when the latter assumed the station and duties of aid-de-camp. The troops followed in divisions by different routes, and all as- sembled at Will's Creek. Here the general was disap- JET. 23.] LIFf OF WASHINGTON. 59 pointed, vexed, and thrown into paroxysms of ill humor, CHAPTER at not finding in readiness the horses and wagons, which IIL had been promised, and on which he depended for trans- 1755 porting the baggage, tents, provisions, and artillery beyond that post. The contractors had proved faithless, either from neglect or inability. The embarrassment was at last removed by the patriotic Patriotic zeal and activity of Franklin. Being postmaster-general of the provinces, he visited the commander during his march, with the view of devising some plan to facilitate the trans- mission of the mail to and from the army. On certain conditions he agreed to procure one hundred and fifty wagons, and the requisite number of horses. By prompt exertions, and by his influence among the farmers of Penn- sylvania, he obtained them all and sent them to Will's Creek. This act was praised by General Braddock in a letter to the ministry : but he passed a severe censure up- on the authorities of the country by adding, " that it was the only instance of address and integrity, which he had seen in the provinces." It is true, that by this timely aid alone his army was enabled to move. General Brad- dock had good grounds of complaint, if we may judge from some of his letters afterwards published. The con- tractors deceived and disappointed him in nearly every instance, and paralyzed his most strenuous efforts to pro- ceed with the army. This, to be sure, was not the fault of the country, but it would seem to have been the duty of the adjoining colonies to take care, that supplies were promptly forwarded through some channel or other, and not to leave the expedition at the mercy of faithless and peculating contractors. It is evident, that the sense of the people was but little wakened to the necessity, or im- portance, of these enterprises against the French, and that they looked upon them rather as the results of political objects in Great Britain, than as immediately concerning themselves. The perpetual broils with their governors, also, had created a willingness to thwart any schemes pro- 60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 23. CHAPTER posed by these staunch and obstinate defenders of the pre- m * rogative and of prescriptive abuses.* 1755. While these preparations were in progress, Colonel Washington Washington was sent on a mission to Williamsburg to f.amsburg.' " procure money for the military chest. The trust was ex- May 30. ecu ted with despatch and success. On returning to camp he found that a detachment of five hundred men had marched in advance ; and all the troops were immediate- ly put in motion, except a small party left as a guard at Fort Cumberland'. The scene was new to the gener- al and his officers, and obstacles presented themselves at every step, which they had not anticipated. The rough- ness of the road made it impossible for the usual number of horses to drag the wagons, loaded as they were, not only with the supplies and munitions, but with superflu- ous baggage, and the camp equipage of the officers ; and they were obliged to double the teams, thus detaining the whole train of wagons, till those in front were forced along by this tedious process. His opinion It was soon apparent, that, with these hindrances, the in a council of war. season might be consumed in crossing the mountains. A council of war was resorted to ; but before it met, the general privately asked the opinion of Colonel Washing- ton. " I urged him," said he, " in the warmest terms I was able, to push forward, if he even did it with a small but chosen band, with such artillery and light stores as were necessary, leaving the heavy artillery and baggage with the rear division to follow by slow and easy marches, which they might do safely while we were advancing in front." His reason for' pressing this measure was, that, from the best advices, an accession of force was shortly expected at Fort Duquesne, and that it was of the utmost moment to make the attack before such an event should * The merit of procuring the wagons and horses, here mentioned, was wholly due to the personal exertions of Franklin, and not to any agency or previous intention of the Pennsylvania Assembly. When he returned to Philadelphia, however, the Assembly being in session, they passed a vote of thanks for his services. JET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ' 61 occur. It was moreover important to divide the army, CHAPTER because the narrowness of the road, and the difficulty of , getting the wagons along, caused it to be stretched into 1765. a line four miles in length, by which the soldiers were v so much scattered, that they might be attacked and routed at any point, even by small parties, before a proper force could be brought to their support. These suggestions prevailed in the council, and were HIS advice approved by the general. The army was separated into two divisions. Braddock led the advanced division of twelve hundred men lightly equipped, taking only such carriages and articles as were absolutely essential. Colo- nel Dunbar, with the residue of the army, about six hun- dred, remained in the rear. At this time Colonel Washington was seized with a seized with / i-i i a v '' ent raffing fever, which was so violent as to alarm the physi- fever which } detains him cian ; and, as an act of humanity, the general ordered him severe days. to proceed no further, till the danger was over ; with a June i4 solemn pledge, that he should be brought up to the front of the army before it should reach the French fort. Con- signed to a wagon, and to the physician's care, he contin- ued with the rear division nearly two weeks, when he # was enabled to be moved forward by slow stages, but not without much pain from weakness and the jolting of the vehicle. He overtook the general at the mouth of the Youghiogany River, fifteen miles from Fort Duquesne, the j u i y s. evening before the battle of the Monongahela. The officers and soldiers were now in the highest spir- March of the troops. its, and firm in the conviction, that they should within a few hours victoriously enter the walls of Fort Duquesne. The steep and rugged grounds, on the north side of the Monongahela, prevented the army from marching in that direction, and it was necessary in approaching the fort, now about fifteen miles distant, to ford the river twice, and march a part of the way on the south side. Early on the morning of the 9th, all things were in readiness, and the whole train passed through the river a little below the mouth of the Youghiogany, and proceeded in perfect G 2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [&T. 23. CHAPTER order along the southern margin of the Monongahela. m - Washington was often heard to say during his lifetime, 1755 - that the most beautiful spectacle he had ever beheld was the display of the British troops on this eventful morning. Every man was neatly dressed in full uniform, the sol- diers were arranged in columns and marched in exact or- der, the sun gleamed from their burnished arms, the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the deep forest over- shadowed them with solemn grandeur on their left. Offi- cers and men were equally inspirited with cheering hopes and confident anticipations. Battle of the In this manner they marched forward till about noon, Mnnonga- . heia. when they arrived at the second crossing-place, ten miles July 9. f rom p ort Duquesne. They halted but a little time, and then began to ford the river and regain its northern bank. As soon as they had crossed, they came upon a level plain, elevated only a few feet above the surface of the river, and extending northward nearly half a mile from its margin. Then commenced a gradual ascent at an an- gle of about three degrees, which terminated in hills of a considerable height at no great distance beyond. The road from the fording-place to Fort Duquesne led across the plain and up this ascent, and thence proceeded through an uneven country, at that time covered with wood. By the order of march, a body of three hundred men, under Colonel Gage, made the advanced party, which was immediately followed by another of two hundred. Next came the general with the columns of artillery, the main body of the army, and the baggage. At one o'clock, the whole had crossed the river, and almost at this moment a sharp firing was heard upon the advanc- ed parties, who were now ascending the hill, and had proceeded about a hundred yards from the termination of the plain. A heavy discharge of musketry was poured in upon their front, which was the first intelligence they had of the proximity of an enemy, and this was suddenly followed by another on the right flank. They were filled with the greater consternation, as no enemy was in sight, ;ET. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 and the firing seemed to proceed from an invisible foe. CHAPTER They fired in their turn, however, but quite at random ^ 1IL and obviously without eifect. 1755. The general hastened forward to the relief of the ad- vanced parties ; but, before he could reach the spot which they occupied, they gave way and fell back upon the ar- tillery and the other columns of the army, causing extreme confusion, and striking the whole mass with such a panic, that no order could afterwards be restored. The general and the officers behaved with the utmost courage, and used every effort to rally the men, and bring them to or- der, but all in vain. In this state they continued nearly three hours, huddling together in confused bodies, firing irregularly, shooting down their own officers and men, and doing no perceptible harm to the enemy. The Virginia provincials were the only troops, who seemed to retain their senses, and they behaved with a bravery and reso- lution worthy of a better fate. They adopted the Indian mode, and fought each man for himself behind a tree. This was prohibited by the general, who endeavored to form his men into platoons and columns, as if they had been manoBuvring on the plains of Flanders. Meantime the French and Indians, concealed, in the ravines and be- hind trees, kept up a deadly and unceasing discharge of musketry, singling out their objects, taking deliberate aim, and producing a carnage almost unparalleled in the annals of modern warfare. More than half of the whole army, which had crossed the river in so proud an array only three hours before, were killed or wounded. The gen- eral himself received a mortal wound, and many of his best officers fell by his side. During the whole of the action, as reported by an offi- conduct of Washington cer who witnessed his conduct, Colonel Washington be- in the battle, haved with " the greatest courage and resolution." Cap- tains Orme and Morris, the two other aids-de-camp, were wounded and disabled, and the duty of distributing the general's orders devolved on him alone. He rode in every direction, and was a conspicuous mark for the enemy's LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE.T. 23. 1755. Numbers killed and wounded. CHAPTER sharp-shooters. " By the all powerful dispensations of in - Providence," said he, in a letter to his brother, " I have jj een protected beyond all human probability or expecta- tion ; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet I escaped unhurt, although death was levelling my companions on every side of me." So bloody a contest has rarely been witnessed. The number of officers in the engagement was eighty-six, of. whom twenty-six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. The killed and wounded of the privates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen. On the other hand, the en- emy's loss was small. Their force amounted at least to eight hundred and fifty men, of whom six hundred were Indians. According to the returns, not more than forty were killed. They fought in deep ravines, concealed by the bushes, and the balls of the English passed over their heads. The remnant of Braddock's army being put to flight, and having recrossed the river, Colonel Washington hast- ened to meet Colonel Dunbar, and order up horses and wagons for the wounded. Three days were occupied in retreating to Gist's plantation. The enemy did not pur- sue them. Satiated with carnage and plunder, the In- dians could not be tempted from the battle-field, and the French were too few to act without their aid. The un- fortunate general, dying of his wounds, was transported first in a tumbril, then on a horse, and at last was car- ried by the soldiers. He expired the fourth day after the battle, and was buried in the road near Fort Necessity. .. * A new panic seized the troops ; disorder and confusion reigned ; the artillery was destroyed ; the public stores and heavy baggage were burnt, no one could tell by whose orders ; nor were discipline and tranquillity restor- ed, till the straggling and bewildered companies arrived at Fort Cumberland. Colonel Washington, no longer con- nected with the service, and debilitated by his late ill- ness, stayed there a few days to regain strength, and then returned to Mount Vernon. The rem- nant of the army retreats. Death of General Brad dock. July 13. Vol. II. p. 90. f .II'I,Y_9 TTieJorm t^'tJtf Gmun the public. Still holding the office of adjutant-general of 1755. the militia, he circulated orders for them to assemble at Mouw*ver- certain times and places to be exercised and reviewed. non< So much were the inhabitants alarmed at the recent suc- cesses of the enemy, that their martial spirit received a new impulse, and volunteer companies began to be organ- ized. Their ardor was stimulated from the pulpit, and it was in a sermon to one of these companies, that the ac- complished and eloquent Samuel Davies pronounced the celebrated encomium in a single sentence, which has often been quoted as prophetic. After praising the zeal and courage, which had been shown by the Virginia troops, the preacher added ; " As a remarkable instance of this, Prediction I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel career. Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some impor- tant service to his country." This was but the echo of the general voice, and it is a proof of the high estimation in which th character of Washington was at this time held by his countrymen, and of the hopes it had raised. Another and more substantial proof soon followed. The Rewarded IT- by the Vir- virgima legislature voted forty thousand pounds for the f" sixteen com- 1V - panics. Three hundred pounds were likewise granted to 1755. Colonel Washington, and proportional sums to the other officers and privates, "for their gallant behavior and losses " at the battle of the Monongahela. His friendg While the bill was pending, his friends in the Assembly press him to ' TIT M- i i continue in wro te to him, urging his attendance at Williamsburg, and the public service. expressing their wishes, that he might be appointed to the command of the army under its new organization. Inter- est was made for another person, which was known to be countenanced by the governor's predilections. To these Augusts, letters, and particularly to one from his elder brother, then a member of the Assembly, he replied in language worthy of himself, dignified, disinterested, firm. He said that he had served two campaigns, besides performing a perilous journey, had suffered much in his health and affairs, had been deprived of his commission in a way to wound his feelings, had gone out and fought as a volunteer, and that the result of the whole was vexation and disappoint- ment. He added, however, " I am always willing and ready to render my country any services that I am capa- ble of, but never upon the terms I have done." He did not absolutely refuse to accept the command, if it should be offered, but said he would not seek what he did not covet, nor be thought to solicit what he would receive only as voluntarily bestowed by his countrymen. Stand- ing on this high ground, he prescribed several conditions as essential ; among others, a voice in choosing his offi- cers, a better system of military regulations, more prompt- ness in paying the troops, and a thorough reform, inducing activity and method, in all the departments for procuring supplies. Accepts the No one, probably, was more surprised than himself, command of . the Virginia that all his requisitions should be complied with. The troops. * August H. appointment was confirmed in the fullest latitude of his demands, with the additional privilege of an aid-de-camp and secretary. He had been at home but four weeks, when he was called to Williamsburg to receive his in- ^Er. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 structions and make arrangements for organizing the new CHAPTER army. Public opinion had subdued the governor's partial- IV> ity for another candidate, and he acquiesced with apparent 1755. satisfaction. In a letter to the ministry, he spoke of Colo- nel Washington as "a man of great merit and resolution/' adding, " I am convinced, if General Braddock had sur- vived, he would have recommended him to the royal favor, which I beg your interest in recommending." How far the minister's interest was effectual is uncertain; but no royal favor to Washington ever crossed the Atlantic. Being now established in a command of high responsi- Head- bility, he applied himself to the discharge of its duties Winchester. with his accustomed energy and circumspection. Lieu- tenant-Colonel Adam Stephen and Major Andrew Lewis were the field-officers next in rank. His head-quarters were fixed at Winchester. After putting affairs in train, sending out recruiting officers, and reporting to the gov- ernor the state of the old regiment and estimates for the new, he performed a tour of inspection among the moun- Performs a tains, visiting all the outposts along the frontier from Fort spectioi. Cumberland to Fort Dinwiddie on Jackson's River, giving the necessary orders, and obtaining, from personal obser- vation, a knowledge of every thing within the compass of his command. Scarcely was this service completed, when an express overtook him, on his way to Williamsburg, bringing intelligence that the Indians had broken into the back settlements, committed ravages and murders, and spread terror on every side. He hastened back to head- i by an ex- quarters, called in the recruits, summoned the militia to PSS. assemble, and ordered out such a force as he could mus- ter to repel the ruthless invaders. The check was timely and effectual, but not such as to quiet the fears of the inhabitants, who flocked in families from their homes ; and so great was the panic, that many of them continued their flight till they had crossed the Blue Ridge. On this occasion the patience and sensibility of the Defects of , ...... the militia commander, as well as his discretion and address, were system. put to a severe trial. On one hand, he witnessed with 70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [!T. 23. 1755. These de- fects repre- governor. CHAPTER an aching heart the dangers, wants, and distresses of the 1V - inhabitants ; on the other, he experienced all the evils of insubordination among the troops, perverseness in the mi- litia, inactivity in the officers, disregard of orders, and reluctance in the civil authorities to render a proper sup- port. And what added to his mortification was, that the laws gave him ho power to correct these evils, either by enforcing discipline, or compelling the indolent and re- fractory to do their duty. The army regulations had been reformed, but they were still deficient in the essential ar- ticles for preventing desertions, punishing offences, and se- curing obedience. The militia system was suited only to times of peace. It provided for calling out men to re- pel invasion ; but the powers granted for effecting it were so limited, as to be almost inoperative. These defects, and their fatal consequences, were re- . . i /-. i i TIT i presented in strong language by Colonel Washington, in ... his official communications to the governor and to the Speaker of the Assembly. All ears seemed dull to his remonstrances and closed to his counsels ; such, to use his own words, was the fear of displeasing the people, who were " so tenacious of their liberty, as not to in- vest a power where interest and policy so unanswerably demanded it." By dint of perseverance, however, by at- tending in person at the seat of government and convers- ing with individual members, by persuasion and argument, by force of truth and reason, he at last prevailed. A bill was carried through the House, in which were included all the articles required, providing for the punishment of mutiny, desertion, and disobedience, for holding courts- martial, and for maintaining order and discipline. This success relieved him from a weight, which had hung heavily upon his thoughts. It was also a gratifying tes- timony of the respect entertained for his opinions and judgment. He returned to his station with a renovated spirit. It was too late in the season to meditate a cam- paign, or offensive operations. To fill up the army, re- duce it to method, train the men, strengthen and secure A new law providing a remedy. JEr. 23.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 the outposts, construct new forts, and provide supplies CHAPTER for the winter, were the objects demanding his attention. IV - These tasks were executed with unremitted assiduity. 1755. When his presence could be dispensed with at head- quarters, he visited the places of rendezvous and the prin- cipal posts, exercising, by his orders and personal oversight, a general superintendence, and thus promoting unity, sys- tem, and efficiency in every part. There was a circumstance at this time connected with Difficulties his command, which caused discontent both to himself command at Fort Cum- and to his officers. At Fort Cumberland was a Captain beriana. Dagworthy, commissioned by Governor Sharpe, who had under him a small company of Maryland troops. This person had held a royal commission in the last war, upon which he now plumed himself, refusing obedience to any provincial officer, however high in rank. Hence, when- ever Colonel Washington was at Fort Cumberland, the Maryland captain would pay no regard to his orders. The example was mischievous, and kept the garrison in perpetual feuds and insubordination. The affair was laid in due form before Governor Dinwiddie, and his positive order in the case was requested. Not caring to venture his authority in deciding a doubtful question, the gov- ernor refrained from interference, but at the same time told Colonel Washington that the pretensions of Dagwor- thy were frivolous; and he seemed not a little incensed, that a captain with thirty men should presume to dispute the rank of the commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces, who had been commissioned under his own hand. In short, he intimated to Colonel Washington, that Dagwor- thy might be arrested, according to military usage, taking care, nevertheless, to give no order on the subject. This vacillation of the governor only increased the em- barrassment. In the first place, the fort was in Maryland, and Dagworthy acted under the governor of that colony, who was known to encourage his claim. Again, in Gen- eral Braddock's time, Dagworthy, on the ground of his old commission, had been put above provincial officers of LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Application to General Shirley. Journey to Boston. CHAPTER higher rank. With these precedents before him, Colonel 1V - Washington did not choose to hazard an arrest, for which 1755 - he might himself be called to account. He was prompt, however, in his determination, either to resign nis com- mission, as he had formerly done for a similar reason, or to have this difficulty removed. As a last resort, it was proposed to refer the matter to General Shirley, now the commander-in-chief of his Ma- jesty's armies in America ; and it was the request of the officers, that the petition should be presented by Col- onel Washington in person. The proposal was approved by the governor, who consented to his absence, and fur- nished him with letters to the General and other persons of distinction. Despatching orders to Colonel Stephen, who was left with the command of the Virginia troops, he made no delay in preparing for his departure. He commenced his tour on the 4th of February, 1756. General Shirley was at Boston. A journey of five hundred miles was to be performed in the depth of winter. Attended by his aid- de-camp, Captain Mercer, and by Captain Stewart, he travelled the whole way on horseback, pursuing the route through Philadelphia, New York, New London, and Rhode Island. He stopped several days in the principal cities, where his character, and the curiosity to see a person so renowned for his bravery and miraculous escape at Brad- dock's defeat, procured for him much notice. He was politely received by General Shirley, who acceded to his petition in its fullest extent, giving a pointed order in writing, that Dagworthy should be subject to his com- mand. The journey was advantageous in other respects. The plan of operations for the coming campaign was ex- plained to him by the General; and he formed acquaint- ances and acquired knowledge eminently useful to him at a future day. He was absent from Virginia seven weeks. While in New York, he was lodged and kindly enter- tained at the house of Mr. Beverley Robinson, between General Shirley grants his request. ^T. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 whom and himself an intimacy of friendship subsisted, CHAPTER which indeed continued without change, till severed by _... Iv ' their opposite fortunes twenty years afterwards in the 1756. revolution. It happened that Miss Mary Phillips, a sister byBel^iey of Mrs. Robinson, and a young lady of rare accomplish- Sew yo"k? ments, was an inmate in the family. The charms of this lady made a deep impression upon the heart of the Virginia Colonel. He Avent to Boston, returned, and was again welcomed to the hospitality of Mr. Robinson. He lingered there, till duty called him away ; but he was careful to intrust his secret to a confidential friend, whose letters kept him informed of every important event. In a few months intelligence came, that a rival was in the field, and that the consequences could not be answered for, if he delayed to renew his visits to New York. Whether time, the bustle of a camp, or the scenes of war, had moderated his admiration, or whether he de- spaired of success, is not known. He never saw the lady again, till she was married to that same rival, Captain Morris, his former associate in arms, and one of Braddock's aids-de-camp. He had before felt the influence of the tender passion. At the age of seventeen he was smitten by the graces of a fair one, whom he called a "Lowland beauty," and whose praises he recorded in glowing strains, while wan- dering with his surveyor's compass among the Allegany Mountains. On that occasion he wrote desponding letters to a friend, and indited plaintive verses, but never ven- tured to reveal his emotions to the lady, who was un- consciously the cause of his pains. As the Assembly was to convene lust at the time of Repairs to Williams- his return, he hastened to Williamsburg, in order to ma- burg and matures a ture a plan for employing the army during the summer. ^ f r ^ he The idea of offensive operations was abandoned at the A prii. outset. Neither artillery, engineers, nor the means of transportation necessary for such an object, could be pro- cured. Pennsylvania and Mary-land, aroused at last from their apathy, 'had appropriated money for defence ; but, 10 H 74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [/r. 24. CHAPTER not inclined to unite with Virginia or each other in any lv - concerted measures, they were contented to expend their 1756. substance in fortifying their own borders. If a more lib- eral policy had predominated, if these colonies had smoth- ered their local jealousies and looked only to their com- mon interests, they might by a single combined effort have driven the French from the Ohio, and rested in quiet the remainder of the war. There being no hope of such a result, it was foreseen by the Virginians, that the most strenuous exertions would be requisite to defend the long line of their frontiers against the inroads of the savages. Annyang- The Assembly readily came to a determination, there- mented. fore, to augment the army to fifteen hundred men. A bill was enacted for drafting militia to supply the defi- ciency of recruits, and commissioners were appointed to superintend the business, of whom the Speaker was chair- man. These drafted men were to serve till December, to be incorporated into the army, and subjected to the mili- tary code. By an express clause in the law, they could not be marched out of the province. Returns Colonel Washington repaired to his head-quarters at quarters. Winchester. A few men only were stationed there, the regiment being mostly dispersed at different posts in the interior, so situated as to afford the best protection to the inhabitants. The enemy were on the alert. Scarcely a day passed without new accounts of Indian depredations and massacres. The scouting parties and even the forts were attacked, and many of the soldiers and some of the bravest officers killed. So bold were the savages, that they committed robberies and murders within twenty miles of Winchester, and serious apprehensions were entertained for the safety of that place. The feelings of the com- mander, deeply affected by the scenes he witnessed, and his inability to extend relief, are vividly portrayed in a letter to the governor. !he CI ,T4 f " Your Honor ma y see >" said he > " to what unhappy !r n et d c8orthe strait s the distressed inhabitants and myself are reduced. l am t0 little ac( l uam t ed > Si r, with pathetic language to 21.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 attempt a description of the people's distresses, though I CHAPTER have a generous soul, sensible of wrongs, and swelling for redress. But what can I do ? I see their situation, 1756. know their danger, and participate their sufferings, with- out having it in my power to give them further relief, than uncertain promises. In short, I see inevitable de- struction in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous meas- ures are taken by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants, that are now in forts, must unavoidably fall, while the remainder are fly- ing before the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy sit- uation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous abuse cast upon the officers in gen- eral, which is reflecting upon me in particular, for suffer- ing misconduct of such extraordinary kinds, and the dis- tant prospect, if any, of gaining honor and reputation in the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which I never ex- pect to reap either honor or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here ! The supplicating tears of the wo- men, and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." These agonizing sensations were heightened by a cir- False ro- cumstance here alluded to, the more painful because he panning the army. conceived it to be the offspring of injustice and ingrati- tude, and a reflection upon his honor and fidelity as an officer. Rumors were circulated to the disparagement of the army, charging the officers with gross irregularities and neglect of duty, and indirectly throwing the blame upon the commander. A malicious person filled a gazette with tales of this sort, which seemed for the moment to 76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 24. CHAPTER receive public countenance. Conscious of having acted with the utmost vigilance, knowing the falsehood and 1756. wickedness of these slanders, and indignant at so base a manoeuvre to stain his character, it was his first impulse to retire from a station, in which patriotism, the purest intentions, hardships, and sacrifices, were rewarded only with calumny and reproach. Advice or This intimation was viewed by his friends in the House hi friends . . not to be of Burgesses and the Council with much concern, as their moved by jhesecaium- letters testified. Mingling approbation with remonstrance, May. and praise with advice, they made such representations, as it was not easy for him to disregard. " You cannot but know," said Landon Carter, " that nothing but want of power in your country* has prevented it from adding every honor and reward, that perfect merit could have entitled itself to. How are we grieved to hear Colonel George Washington hinting to his country, that he is wil- ling to retire ! Give me leave, as your intimate friend, to persuade you to forget, that any thing has been said to your dishonor ; and recollect, that it could not have come from any man that knew you. And, as it may have been the artifice of one in no esteem among your countrymen, to raise in you such unjust suspicions, as would induce you to desert the cause, that his own preferment might meet with no obstacle, I am confident you will endeavor to give us the good effects, not only of duty, but of great cheerfulness and satisfaction, in such a service. No, Sir, rather let Braddock's bed be your aim, than any thing that might discolor those laurels, which I promise myself are kept in store for you." Another friend wrote ; " From my constant attendance in the House, I can with great truth say, I never heard your conduct questioned. When- ever you are mentioned, it is with the greatest respect. Your orders and instructions appear in a light worthy of the most experienced officer. I can assure you, that a * Meaning by country the popular branch of the legislature, or the people of Virginia generally. JE T . 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 very great majority of the House prefer you to any other CHAPTER person." Colonel Fairfax, his early patron, and a member of the 1756. governor's Council, wrote in terms still more soothing. " Your endeavors in the service and defence of your coun- try must redound to your honor ; therefore do not let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your mind in the attempts you may pursue. Your good health" and fortune are the toast of every table. Among the Romans, such a general acclamation and public regard, shown to any of their chieftains, were always esteemed a high honor, and grate- fully accepted." The Speaker of the House of Burgesses expressed similar sentiments, in language equally flattering and kind. " Our hopes, dear George, are all fixed on you for bringing our affairs to a happy issue. Consider of what fatal consequences to your country your resigning the com- mand at this time may be ; more especially as there is no doubt most of the officers would follow your example'. I hope you will allow your ruling passion, the love of your, country, to stifle your resentment, at least till the arrival of Lord Loudoun, or the meeting of the Assembly, when you may be sure of having justice done. Who those of your pretended friends are, who give credit to the mali- cious reflections in that scandalous libel, I assure you I am ignorant, and do declare, that I never heard any man of honor or reputation speak the least disrespectfully of you, or censure your conduct, and there is no well wisher to his country, that would not be greatly concerned to hear of your resigning." The same solicitude was manifested by many persons The plot in different parts of the province. A voice so loud and so unanimous he could not refuse to obey. By degrees the plot was unravelled. The governor, being a Scotchman, was surrounded by a knot of his Caledonian friends, who wished to profit by this alliance, and obtain for them- selves a larger share of consideration, than they could command in the present order of things. The discontent- ed, and such as thought their merits undervalued, natu- H* 78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. \En. 24. 1756. A defensive campaign. CHAPTER rally fell into this faction. To create dissatisfaction in IV - the army, and cause the officers to resign from disgust, would not only distract the counsels of the ruling party, but make room for new promotions. Colonel limes, the governor's favorite, would ascend to the chief command, and the subordinate places would be reserved for his ad- herents. Hence false rumors were set afloat, and the pen of detraction was busy to disseminate them. The artifice was easily seen through, and its aims were defeated, by the leaders on the patriotic side, who looked to Colonel Washington as a pillar of support to their cause. The campaign, being a defensive one, presented no op- portunities for acquiring glory ; but the demands on the resources and address of the commander were not the less pressing. The scene varied little from that of the pre- ceding year, except that the difficulties were more nu- merous and complicated. There were the same unceasing incursions of the savages, but more sanguinary and terri- fying, the same tardiness in the enlistments, the same troubles with the militia, the same neglect in supplying the wants of the army ; and on every side were heard murmurs of discontent from the soldiers, and cries of dis- tress from the inhabitants. And what increased these vexations was, that the gov- ernor, tenacious of his authority, intrusted as little power as possible to the head of the army. Totally unskilled in military affairs, and residing two hundred miles from the scene of action, he yet undertook to regulate the prin- cipal operations, sending expresses back and forth, and issuing vague and contradictory orders, seldom adapted to circumstances, frequently impracticable. This absurd in- terference was borne with becoming patience and forti- tude by the Commander-in-chief; but not without keen remonstrance to the Speaker of the Assembly and other friends, against being made responsible for military events, while the power to control them was withheld, or so heavily clogged as to paralyze its action. The patriotic party in the legislature sympathized with him, and would Governor'! course indii creet and vexatious. Ah-. 24.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 gladly have procured redress, had not the governor pos- CHAPTER sessed prerogatives, which they could not encroach upon, IV ' T and which he seemed ambitious to exercise; the more so, 1756. perhaps, as the leaders of the majority, learning his foible in this respect, had thwarted many of his schemes, and especially had assumed to themselves the appropriation of the public moneys, which by ancient usage had been un- der the direction of the Governor and Council. The summer and autumn were passed in skirmishes Employ- 11 TT IT/- -11 -IT mentofthe with the Indians, repairing the old forts, and building army, new ones. By the advice of Colonel Washington a large fort was begun at Winchester, as a depository for the military stores, and a rallying point for the settlers and troops, should they be driven from the frontiers. It was called Fort Loudoun, in honor of the Earl of Loudoun, For: * Loudouu. who had now succeeded General Shirley in the American command. Another enterprise of greater magnitude was likewise Aiineof forts, as a set on foot by order of the Assembly ; which was a line b "rier to ' ' ' the frontier. of forts extending through the ranges of the Allegany Mountains from the Potomac River to the borders of North Carolina, a distance of more than three hundred miles, thus forming a barrier to the whole frontier. The scheme was not liked by the governor. Colonel Washing- ton disapproved it. He objected* that the forts would be too far asunder to support each other, that the Indians might pass between them unmolested, that they would be expensive, and cause the troops to be so much dis- persed as to prevent their being brought together on an emergency, thus tempting the enemy to come out in large parties and attack the weaker points. He believed, that three or four strong garrisons would constitute a better de- fence. In conformity with his instructions, however, he drew up a plan embracing a chain of twenty-three forts, and fixing their several positions. He sent out parties to execute the works, and visited them himself from time to time. On one occasion he made a tour throughout the whole line to the southern limits bf Virginia, exposed to 80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JSx. 24. 1756. Fort cum- CHAPTER imminent danger from the savages, who hovered around Iv - the small forts, and lay in wait to intercept and murder a u wn o came in their way. J n the midst of these toils, another source of vexation occurred in the affair of Fort Cumberland. As this was now an outpost accessible to the enemy, easily assailed from the hills surrounding it, and containing a large quan- tity of stores, which required a guard of one hundred and fifty men, who might suddenly be cut off, Colonel Wash- ington advised the removal of the stores to a safer posi- tion. The post was, moreover, in Maryland, and ought to be supported, if kept up at all, at the expense of that colony. For some reason not explained, the governor had set his heart on retaining Fort Cumberland. He said it was a King's fort, and he wrote to Lord Loudoun in such terms, as to draw from him, not only a peremptory order to keep the fort, but an implied censure on the designs and conduct of Colonel Washington in regard to it. So far did the governor suffer his warmth and obstinacy to carry him, that he ordered Fort Cumberland to be strength- ened by calling in the smaller garrisons, and even drawing away the troops from Winchester, thus deranging the plan of operations, which the Assembly had authorized, and which the whole army had been employed during the season to effect. Jt is no wonder j that the commander's patience and equanimity began to forsake him. In a letter to the Speaker, he said ; " The late order reverses, confuses, and incommodes every thing ; to say nothing of the extraor- dinary expense of carriage, disappointments, losses, and al- terations, which must fall heavy on the country. Whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant ; but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the fron- tiers are disregarded, as idle and frivolous ; my proposi- tions and measures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest endeavors for the service of my country are per- verted to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubt- ful, and uncertain ; to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. Dec. 19. ^Ex. 24.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 Left to act and proceed at hazard, accountable for the CHAPTER consequences, and blamed without the benefit of defence, Iv ' if you can think my situation capable of exciting the 1756. smallest degree of envy, or affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hidden from you, and you entertain no- tions very different from the reality of the case. How- ever, I am determined to bear up under all these embar- rassments some time longer, in hope of a better regulation on the arrival of Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia." The Speaker replied ; " I am truly concerned at the uneasiness you are under in your present situation, and the more so, as I am sensible you have too much reason for it. The present unhappy state of our country must fill the mind of every well wisher to it with dismal and gloomy apprehensions ; and without some speedy alteration in our counsels, which may God send, the fate of it must soon be determined." The year was now drawing to a close. As the Earl Ban of Loudoun. of Loudoun was expected soon in Virginia, Colonel Wash- ington resolved to await his arrival, and lay before him a general exposition of the state of affairs, and if possible to have the Virginia troops put upon the regular establish- ment under the direction of his Lordship, as the only mode by which the command of them could be useful to his country, or honorable to himself. In anticipation of this event he drew up an able and luminous state- ment, which he transmitted to Lord Loudoun, then with the armies at the north. The paper begins with a modest apology for intruding state of upon his Lordship's notice, which is followed by a brief before the I r .;tr I OI sketch of the history of the war in Virginia, and of the Loudoun. part acted in it by the author. With the discrimination of an acute observer and an experienced officer, he traced a narrative of events, exposed the errors that had been committed and their consequences, both in the civil and military departments, explained their causes, and suggested remedies for the future. The communication was favor- ably received, and acknowledged in a complimentary reply. 11 82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 25. CHAPTER IV. 1757. Washington attends a meeting of governors and officers at Philadel- phia. March. Recom- mends an expedition against Fort Duquesne. Returns to Winchester. Lord Loudoun did not execute his first purpose of going to Virginia, but summoned a meeting of several governors and principal officers at Philadelphia, to consult on a com- prehensive plan for the next campaign. Colonel Washing- ton attended the meeting, where he met with a nattering reception from the Commander-in-chief, who solicited and duly valued his counsels. The result, hoAvever, was only a partial fulfilment of his hopes. In the grand scheme of operations it was decided, that the main efforts should be made on the Lakes and Canada borders, where the ene- my's forces were embodied, and that the middle and southern colonies should continue in a defensive posture. He had the satisfaction to find, nevertheless, that his ad- vice was followed in regard to local arrangements. The Virginia troops were withdrawn from Fort Cumberland, which was left to the charge of Maryland. Colonel Stan- wix was stationed in the interior of Pennsylvania, with five companies from the Royal American Regiments ; and, although the Virginia commander was unsuccessful in his endeavors to be placed upon the British establishment, yet, in conformity with his wishes, he was to act in concert with that officer, and be in some sort under his orders. He strenuously recommended an expedition against Fort Duquesne, believing it might be effected with a cer- tainty of success, since the French must necessarily leave that garrison in a weak condition, in order to concentrate their force at the north to meet the formidable prepara- tions making against them in that quarter. The wisdom of this advice was afterwards manifest to all ; and, had it been seasonably heeded, it would have saved the expense of another campaign, besides preventing the ravages and murders committed in the mean time on the border set- tlers. In these views, if not in others, he had the hearty concurrence of Governor Dinwiddie. From the conference at Philadelphia he returned to his usual station at Winchester. The remainder of the season was passed in a routine of duties so nearly resembling those of the two preceding years, as to afford little nov- jEx.25.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 IV. 1757. elty or interest for a separate recital. Emboldened by CHAPTER successes, the Indians continued their hostilities, attacking the outposts, and killing the defenceless inhabitants. In short, the service had nothing in it to reward generous sacrifices, or gratify a noble ambition. As a school of ex- perience it ultimately proved advantageous to him. It was his good fortune, likewise, to gain honor and reputa- tion even in so barren a field, by retaining the confidence of his fellow citizens, and fulfilling the expectations of his friends in the legislature, who had pressed upon him the command, and urged his holding it. * * During the summer of 1757, Colonel Washington was in some sort under the command of Colonel Stanwix, but to what extent he did not know, as he had received no instructions on that head, and the Gov- ernor continued to issue his orders as formerly. At length the Governor wrote as follows ; " Colonel Stanwix being appointed Commander-in- chief [of the middle and southern provinces], you must submit to his orders, without regard to any you may receive from me ; he, being near the place, can direct affairs better than I can." This was peculiarly agreeable to the Commander of the Virginia regiment; for Colonel Stan- wix was a military man, and a gentleman of an elevated and liberal spirit. His letters bear a high testimony to his good sense, as well as to the delicacy of his feelings, the amenity of his temper, and the generosity of his character. Notwithstanding the above direction, the Governor did not cease to write, give commands, require returns, and utter complaints as usual, thereby increasing the endless perplexities and bewildering doubts, with which Colonel Washington was harassed in all his plans and operations. He had requested leave of absence from Governor Dinwiddie for a few days to attend to certain private affairs, of a very pressing nature, at Mount Vernon. He afterwards repeated this request, and, as he seemed to be under two commanders, he thought it expedient to con- sult them both. The Governor answered ; "As to the settlement of your brother's estate, your absence on that account from Fort Loudoun must be suspended, till our affairs give a better prospect." Colonel Stanwix replied to the same request ; " More than two weeks ago I answered your letter, in which you mentioned its being convenient to your private affairs to attend to them for a fortnight. In that an- swer. I expressed my concern, that you should think such a tiling ne- cessary to mention to me, as I am sure you would not choose to be out of call, should the service require your immediate attendance ; and I hope you will always take that liberty upon yourself, which I hope you will now do." 84 LIFE OT WASHINGTON. [JEr. 25. CHAPTER IV. 1757. Retires to Mount Ver- Don, ill of a fever. But the fatigue of body and mind, which he suffered from the severity of his labors, gradually undermined his strength, and his physician yisisted on his retiring from the army. He went to Mount Vernon, where his disease settled into a fever, and reduced him so low, that he was confined four months, till the 1st of March, 1758, before he was able to resume his command. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, CHAPTER V. Governor Dinwiddie sails for England. An Expedition against Fort Du- quesne planned by the British Ministry, to be under the Command of General Forbes. The Virginia Army augmented, and united with the Regular Troops in this Enterprise. Colonel Washington marches to Fort Cumberland. Acts in Concert with Colonel Bouquet. Joins the main Army at Raystown under General Forbes. Forms a Plan of March suit- ed to the Mountains and Woods. Commands the advanced Division of the Army. Capture of Fort Duquesne. He returns to Virginia, resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life. GOVERNOR DINWIDDIE sailed for England in the month of January. His departure was not regretted. However amiable in his social relations, however zealous in the discharge of his public trusts, he failed to win the hearts, or command the respect, of the people. Least of all was he qualified to transact military affairs. His whole course of conduct was marked with a confusion, uncertainty, and waywardness, which caused infinite perplexity to the com- mander of the Virginia troops. Every one regarded the change as salutary to the interests of the colony. His place was filled for a short time by John Blair, President of the Council, till the arrival of Francis Fauquier, the next governor. The Earl of Loudoun had been commis- sioned as successor to Governor Dinwiddie, but his mili- tary occupations at the north prevented his entering upon the duties of the office. A brighter prospect now opened to Colonel Washing- ton. As soon as his health was restored, he went back to the army ; and from that time met with a hearty coop- eration in all his measures. He was happy to find, also, that his early and constant wishes were at last to be realized by a combined expedition to the Ohio. New energy had been recently infused in the British councils by the accession of Mr. Pitt to the ministry. That states- man, always guided by an enlarged policy, always friend- CHAPTER V. 1758. Governor Dinwiddie sails Tor England. January. Washing- ton's health is restored, and he returns to the army. April 1. flg LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 26. CHAPTER ly to the colonies, and understanding their condition and v - importance much better than his predecessors, resolved on 1758. a vigorous prosecution of the war in America. One of his first acts was a plan for the campaign of 1758, in which offensive operations were to be pursued throughout General the frontiers. General Forbes was appointed to take coin- poin b ted a t p o rnand* of an expedition against Fort Duquesne. To pre- aTeTpeV pare the way, Mr. Pitt, knowing the temper of the peo- Fort D 8 .- " pie, and profiting by the mistakes heretofore committed. quesne. 3 J . wrote a circular letter to the colonies most nearly con- cerned, and requested their united aid on such terms, as were acceded to with alacrity, and carried into effect with promptitude and spirit. He proposed that all the colonial troops should be supplied with arms, ammunition, tents, and provisions, at the King's charge ; leaving to the col- onies no other expense, than that of levying, clothing, and paying the men. It was moreover stipulated, that the provincial officers, when joined with the King's troops, should hold rank according to their commissions. Had this wise and equitable policy been put in practice three years before, it would have given a very different aspect to the war in America, by diminishing the heavy bur- dens of the people, promoting harmony and good feeling, producing contentment among the troops, and drawing out the resources and strength of the country in a more effectual manner. ^^ Virginia Assembly met, and immediately compli- e d with the requisitions of the minister, augmenting their army to two thousand men, offering a bounty for enlist- ments, and placing the whole under the general direc- tion of the commander of his Majesty's forces, for the ex- press purpose of marching against Fort Duquesne. They were divided into two regiments. The first was under Colonel Washington, who was likewise commander-in-chief of all' the Virginia troops as before. At the head of the second regiment was Colonel Byrd. As General Forbes was detained at Philadelphia several weeks, Colonel Bou- quet was stationed in the central parts of Pennsylvania JEr. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 with the advanced division of regular troops, to which the CHAPTER provincials joined themselves as fast as they were ready. v ' To fix on a uniform plan of action, and make the neces- 1758. sary arrangements, Colonel Washington had an interview at Conococheague with that officer, and with Sir John St. Clair, quartermaster-general of the combined army. He also visited Williamsburg, to advise with the President and Council respecting many essential points ; for he was not only obliged to perform his military duties, but to suggest to the civil authorities the proper modes of pro- ceeding in relation to the army, and press upon them con- tinually the execution of the laws, and the fulfilment of the pledges contained in the recent acts of the Assembly. The arrival of Governor Fauquier had a favorable influ- Arrival of ence ; as he warmly espoused the interests of the colony, Fauquier. and showed a friendly regard for the commander of its troops, as well as a just deference to his opinions. For some time Colonel Washington was actively em- ployed at Winchester, in collecting and training the newly enlisted men, calling in the parties from the small forts and supplying their places with drafted militia, engaging wagons and horses, and putting all things in readiness to march. There was much delay, and the soldiers began to be disorderly from inaction, and the inhabitants of the vicinity to murmur at the pressure laid upon them for pro- visions and other supplies. A party of Cherokee Indians, who had been tempted to join the expedition, with the prospect of rich presents from the King's stores, came for- ward so early, that they grew weary, discontented, and troublesome, and finally most of them went off in a fit of ill humor. It was a day of joy to him, therefore, when he receiv- orde ed orders to march the Virginia regiments from Winches- march to ter to Fort Cumberland. This was effected by detach- ments, which at the same time covered the convoys of Jnly wagons and packhorses. The whole arrived at Fort Cumberland early in July, except a small guard left at Fort Loudoun to protect and prosecute the works at that LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 26. CHAPTER V. 1758. Clothes his soldiers in the Indian dress. July 3. Disapprores the plan of General Forbes lor constructing a new road over the Al- leganies. place. Lieutenant-Colonel Stephen had proceeded by an- other route through a part of Pennsylvania, with six com- panies of the first regiment, and joined Colonel Bouquet at Raystown, thirty miles from Fort Cumberland, and the head-quarters of the combined army. Both regiments, in- cluding officers and privates, amounted to about eighteen hundred men. The illness of General Forbes detained him long on the way from Philadelphia. During this time Colonel Washington continued at Fort Cumberland, and his troops were employed, some as scouting parties, and others in opening a new road to Raystown and repairing the old one towards the Great Meadows. He resorted to an expedient, which proved highly ben- eficial to the service. " My men are bare of regimental clothing," said he, in a letter to Colonel Bouquet, " and I have no prospect of a supply. So far from regretting this want during the present campaign, if I were left to pur- sue my own inclinations, I would not only order the men to adopt the Indian dress, but cause the officers to do it also, and be the first to set the example myself. Nothing but the uncertainty of obtaining the general approbation causes me to hesitate a moment to leave my regimentals at this place, and proceed as light as any Indian in the woods. It is an unbecoming dress, I own ; but conven- ience, rather than show, I think should be consulted." He equipped in an Indian dress two companies, which had been ordered to advance to the main body ; and it was so much approved by Colonel Bouquet, that he encouraged the army to adopt it. " The dress," he replied, " takes very well here. We see nothing but shirts and blankets. It should be our pattern in this expedition." Its lightness and convenience were suited to the heat of summer, and it saved expense and trouble. He had been but a few days at Fort Cumberland, when he learned with great surprise, that General Forbes was hesitating as to the route he should pursue in crossing the mountains to Fort Duquesne. The road, over which General Braddock marched, was the only one that had JET. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. been cut through the wilderness for the passage of wag- ons and artillery ; and, as its construction had cost im- mense toil, it seemed incredible that any other route should be attempted, or even thought of, so late in the season. His sentiments being asked, he expressed them in the most unreserved manner, and with a cogency of argument, that could have been set aside only by a determination on the part of the general, arising from motives foreign to the absolute merits of the case. Colonel Bouquet, who participated in the general's views, desired a consultation with Washington on the subject. " Nothing," said he, " can exceed your generous dispositions for the service. I see, with the utmost satisfaction, that you are above the influences of prejudice, and ready to go heartily where reason and judgment shall direct. I wish sincerely that we may all entertain one and the same opinion ; therefore I desire to have an interview with you at the houses built half way between our camps." This proposal was acced- ed to, and the matter was deliberately discussed. It was represented by Colonel Washington, that a great deal of pains had been taken formerly by the Ohio Com- pany, with the aid of traders and Indians, to ascertain the most practicable route to the western country ; that the one from Will's Creek was selected as far preferable to any other ; that a road had accordingly been made, over which General Braddock's army had passed ; and that this road required but slight repairs to put it in good condition. Even if another route could be found, he thought the ex- periment a hazardous one at so advanced a stage in the season, as it would retard the operations, and, he feared, inevitably defeat the objects of the campaign, and defer the capture of Fort Duquesne to another year. Such a result would dishearten the colonies, which had made ex- traordinary efforts to raise men and money for the present enterprise, with the full expectation of its success ; it would moreover embolden the southern Indians, already disaffect- ed, who would seize the opportunity to commit new hos- tilities, thereby distressing the inhabitants, strengthening the 12 i* CHAPTER v ' 1758. Arguments against the project of & pew road. August 2- 90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [-fir. 26. CHAPTER V. 1758. Opposes the scheme of marching the army in two divi- sions. His fears for the fate of the expedi- tion. enemy, and adding to the difficulty of a future conquest. But, admitting it possible, that a new road could be made from Raystown through Pennsylvania, yet no advantage could be derived from it, that did not actually exist in an equal or greater degree in Braddock's Road. Forage for the horses was abundant in the meadows bordering the Jatter; the streams were fordable, and the defiles easy to be passed. These reasons, so obvious and forcible, did not change the purpose of the General, who, it was believed, had been influenced by the Pennsylvanians to construct a new road, which would be a lasting benefit to that province, by opening a more direct channel of intercourse with the West. Colonel Bouquet, of course, adhered to the views of his general. There was another project, which Colonel Washington disapproved, and which his advice prevailed to counteract. The General proposed to march the army in two divisions, one by Braddock's Road, the other directly from Rays- town, making the road as it advanced. To this scheme he strenuously objected. Dividing the army would weak- en it, and the routes were so far apart, without any means of communication between the two, that one division could not succor the other in case of an attack ; and it was certain the enemy would take advantage of such an oversight. Again, if the division marching first should escort the convoy and be driven back, there would be a perilous risk of losing the stores and artillery, and of bringing total ruin upon the expedition. In short, every mischief, that could befall a divided army, acting against the concentrated force of an enemy, was to be appre- hended. The project was laid aside. His opinion was likewise desired, as to the best mode of advancing by deposits. He made an estimate, on the supposition of marching by Braddock's Road, in which it was shown, that the whole army might be at Fort Du- quesne in thirty-four days, and have then on hand a supply of provisions for eighty-seven days. Perceiving ^T. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 Colonel Bouquet's bias in favor of the General's ideas, he CHAPTER could scarcely hope his suggestions would be received. v ' So strong were his fears for the fate of the expedition, 1758. that he wrote in moving terms to Major Halket, his for- mer associate in Braddock's army, and now one of Gen- eral Forbes's family. "I am just returned," said he, "from a conference with Letter to Colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed, I think I may say ket. unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to the Ohio, Au e U8t2 - through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have scarce time left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed to be the best pas- sage through the mountains. " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the General, all is lost, all is lost indeed, our enterprise will be ruined, and we shall be stopped at the Laurel Hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, except of the kind that covers the mountains. The southern Indians will turn against us, and these colonies will be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. These must be the consequences of a miscarriage ; and a miscarriage is the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this new route. I have given my reasons at large to Colonel Bouquet. He desired that I would do so, that he might forward them to the General. Should this happen, you will be able to judge of their weight. " I am uninfluenced by prejudice, having no hopes or fears but for the general good. Of this you may be as- sured, and that my sincere sentiments are spoken on this occasion." These representations were vain. Colonel Bouquet was Progress of i i i f i t the wmy. ordered to send forward parties to work upon the new road. Six weeks had been expended in this arduous la- bor, when General Forbes reached the camp at Raystown, about the middle of September. Forty-five miles only had been gained by the advanced party, then constructing a fort at Loyal Hanna, the main army still being at Rays- 92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. r. 26. v. 1758. Sept. 1. CHAPTER town, and the larger part of the Virginia troops at Fort Cumberland. At that moment the whole army might have been before the walls of Fort Duquesne, if they had marched as advised by Washington. An easy victory would have ensued ; for it was ascertained, that the French at that time, including Indians, numbered not more than eight hundred men. Under General Forbes six thousand were in the field. In reporting these facts to the Speaker of the Virginia Assembly, Colonel Washington said ; " See, therefore, how our time has been misspent. Behold how the golden op- portunity has been lost, perhaps never more to be regained ! How is it to be accounted for ? Can General Forbes have orders for this ? Impossible. Will, then, our injured coun- try pass by such abuses? I hope not. Rather let a full representation of the matter go to his Majesty. Let him know how grossly his glory and interest, and the public money, are prostituted." About this time occurred the ill concerted and unfortunate adventure under Major Grant, who was suffered to push forward to the very doors of the enemy a light detachment, which was attacked, cut up, and routed, and he and his principal officers were taken prisoners. These proceedings, and the counsels by which General - Forbes seemed to be guided, were so unsatisfactory to the Virginia House of Burgesses, and gave so discouraging a presage of the future, that they resolved to recall their troops, and place them on their own frontier. But, when it was known, from subsequent intelligence, that the ex- pedition was in progress, and foreseen that its failure might be ascribed to the withdrawing of the Virginia regiments, and perhaps be actually caused by such a measure, they revoked their resolves, and extended the term of service to the end of the year. General Forbes had no sooner taken the command in person at Raystown, than he called to head-quarters Col- onel Washington, who was followed by those companies of his regiments, which had been posted at Fort Cumber- Major Grant's un- fortunate enterprise. JET. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 land. Notwithstanding the strenuous opposition he had CHAPTER manifested to the plans of operation, as an act of duty, v> while they were in suspense, he suppressed his feelings 1758. and subdued his reluctance, from the same motive, the moment they were decided upon, and he then engaged heartily in promoting their execution. If he was mortified , at the little attention hitherto paid to his advice, he was compensated by the deference now shown to his opinions and judgment. He attended the councils of war, and Washington attends a was consulted upon every important measure by the gen- ^ I r nc i |j 1 f eral, at whose request he drew up a line of march and ^l^oT order of battle, by which the army could advance with march - facility and safety through the woods. The fate of Brad- dock, and its causes, were too deeply impressed on Gen- eral Forbes's mind to be forgotten or disregarded. Unac- customed to this mode of warfare, more wise and less confident than his predecessor, he was glad to seek the aid of one, whose knowledge and experience would be available, where valor might waste its efforts in vain, and discipline and strength be ensnared by the artifices of a crafty foe. Several weeks previously, when the first detachments Requests to be put in the began to march, Colonel Washington requested to be put advance, in the advance. Alluding to the troops, which were to compose the first party, he wrote to Colonel Bouquet ; "I pray your interest, most sincerely, with the General, to get myself and my regiment included in the number. If any argument is needed to obtain this favor, I hope without vanity I may be allowed to say, that, from long intimacy with these woods, and frequent scouting in them, my men are at least as well acquainted with all the passes and difficulties as any troops that will be employed." The request was now complied with. He received Gen- eral Forbes's orders to march with his regiment ; and at Loyal Hanna he was placed at the head of a division, or brigade, amounting to one thousand men, who were to move in front of the main army, and to act as pioneers in clearing the road, keeping out scouts and patrolling L.IFE OF WASHISGTOS. [JDr,L to prevent a surprise, and Unuwing up mtrench- at proper stations as a security to the deposits of While in this command, he bad die temporary ,f --! , . oi ong^Knrg, The month of November bad set in, lit'ifin General Forbes, with die artillery and main body of the army, ar- rived at Loyal Banna. The rood was extremely bad, and dimfirtties without number luleijMwd at every step to cause delays, discouragement, and suffering. The season of frost had come, and die snmnrifs of the hills were whitened with snow. It was no wonder that die spirits of die soldiers should nag, scantily clothed and fed, as they were, and encountering hardships from want, expo- MW* 20u HB00AMMlt MuWM^ JB0V ItBUH ^KftV IBtBCflL ttUOOttH- pathless and rn^ed wilds, still interrened between the army and Fort Dnqnesne, A council of war was held, and it was decided to be unadvisable, if not impracticable, to prosecute the campaign any further till the next sea- son, and that a winter encampment among the mountains, or a retreat to die frontier settlements, was the only alter- native that remained. Thus far all the anticipations of Washington had been realized. A mem accident, however, which happened just at dns crisis, turned the scale of fortune, and brought hope out of despair. Three prisoners were taken, who gave such * report of die weak state of die garrison at Fort Do- onesne, that die council reversed their decision, and re- solved to hazard an effort, which held out a possibility of success, and in any event could be scarcely more rninorts dMn die alternative first proposed. Henceforward the march was punned without tents or heavy baggage, and wira only a light train of artillery. The troops, animated by die example of die officers, performed their tasks widi renovated ardor and alacrity, Washington resumed his MunMd in front, attending personally to the cutting of die road, establishing deposits of provisions, and preparing die way lor the main army. Jr. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. $5 No material event occurred till the 25th of N when General Forbes took possession of Fort or rather the place where it had stood. The enemy, re- duced in number to about five hundred men, and deserted by the Indians, had abandoned the fort the day before, ' ) ^^ Hll.-illl set fire to it, and gone down the Ohio in boats. Thus Nnv & ended an expedition, in which more than six thousand men had been empli months. Rejoiced that their toils w. forgot their sufferings ; and the people of the middle provinces, who had murmur- ed loudly at the dil/i: in which the campaign had been carried ;itod with the issue in t.his consummation of their wishes. The continued nl' General F< haps operated u.. was esteemed a \w> po< nent mil; Y\ ur;i ih>\\ n with infirmities, which had beem iaonHwd by tfo i. .>f the campaign, he died a few weeks ^henmfe at Philadelphia. The 1:. i It impossible, that smiip.m- t.he French should attempt to had lost before i: that a small garrison should he >n of the post, as to 1 and win their alliance. Tw* 1 '..' : -: i)(-t.'li-.!n'i. foi i.;:- S: der of the general, but a. ie remoi commander, who thought they had performed their full share of duty. General Forbes said he had no auth. to leave my ftf ; . ;\ .ig's forces for that purp the place was then understood to be within the jimsdic- tion of Virginia. This latter circun the 1MBML Wky lito tMfik of defe.'. : :..- .<. .'. to the Pen; The l^rench name of the fort was changed to Pnrt Pift. in honor of the minis): counsel^ >on for capturing it had been under- taken. On his return, Colon t-.l >A ashington stopped at Loyal Hanna, w! . ie a circ^lw letter to the 96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 26. CHAPTER frontier inhabitants, requesting them to take out provis- ions to the men at the fort, who would be in great dis- J758. tress if not immediately supplied, and promising a liberal compensation for every thing that should thus be furnish- ed. He then proceeded by way of Mount Vernon to Williamsburg. The remainder of his troops marched to Winchester, where they went into winter quarters. Resigns his For some months it had been his determination, if this and retires' campaign should prove successful, to retire from his com- from the . , < , army. mand at its close. By gaining possession 01 the Ohio, the great object of the war in the middle colonies was ac- complished ; and, as he had abandoned the idea of mak- ing- any further attempts to be united to the British estab- lishment, there was no prospect of rising higher in the military line ; so that neither his duty as a citizen, nor his ambition as a soldier, operated any longer to retain him in the service. The one had been faithfully discharged ; the other had yielded to the force of circumstances, and to the visions of the tranquil enjoyments of private life, which now opened upon his mind. After settling all his public accounts, therefore, he resigned his commission the last week in December, having been actively and almost uninterruptedly engaged in the service of his country more than five years. Address to On this occasion he received from the officers, who had him by the officers. served under him, a testimony of their attachment, which must have been as grateful to his feelings, as it was hon- x orable to his character. They sent him an address, writ- ten in camp, expressive of the satisfaction they had deriv- ed from his conduct as commander, the sincerity of his friendship, and his affable demeanor ; and of the high opinion they entertained of his military talents, patriotism, and private virtues. nis military " Nor was this opinion confined to the officers of his services and . character, regiment. It was common in Virginia ; and had been adopted by the British officers with whom he served. The duties he performed, though not splendid, were ar- duous ; and were executed with zeal and with judgment. JET. 26.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1758. The exact discipline he established in his regiment, when CHAPTER the temper of Virginia was extremely hostile to discipline, does credit to his military character ; and the gallantry the troops displayed, whenever called into action, mani- fests the spirit infused into them by their commander. The difficulties of his situation, while unable to cover the frontier from the French and Indians, who were spreading death and desolation in every quarter, were incalculably great ; and no better evidence of his exertions, under these distressing circumstances, can be given, than the undimin- ished confidence still placed in him by those, whom he was unable to protect. The efforts to which he inces- santly stimulated his country for the purpose of obtaining possession of the Ohio ; the system for the conduct of the war, which he continually recommended ; the vigorous and active measures always urged upon those by whom he was commanded ; manifest an ardent and enterprising mind, tempered by judgment, and quickly improved by experience." * The events of this war had a more important influ- " ence on the life and character of Washington, than might preparing . . him for fu- at first be supposed. They proved to him and to the ture events. world his mental resources, courage, fortitude, and power over the will and actions of others. They were in fact a school of practical knowledge and discipline, qualifying him for the great work in which he was to be engaged at a future day. The duties of his station at the head of the Virginia troops, and the difficulties he had to con- tend with during an active warfare of five years, bore a strong resemblance to those, that devolved on him as Commander-in-chief of the American armies in the Revo- lution. They differed in magnitude, and in the ends to be attained ; but it will be seen, as we proceed, that they were analogous in many striking particulars, and that the former were an essential preparation for the latter. * Marshall's Life of Washington, 2d ed., Vol. I. p. 27. 13 K LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [.Ex. 26. CHAPTER VL 1759. CHAPTER VI. Washington's Marriage. For many Years a Member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. His Pursuits and Habits as a Planter. A Vestryman in the Church, and active in Parish Affairs. His Opinion of the Stamp Act. Takes an early and decided Stand against the Course pursued by the British Government towards the Colonies. Joins heartily in all the Meas- ures of Opposition. His Services in procuring the Lands promised to the Officers and Soldiers in the French War. Performs a Tour to the Ohio and Kenhawa Rivers for the purpose of selecting those Lands. Takes an active Part at different Times in the Proceedings of the Virginia Le- gislature in defending the Rights of the Colonies. His Opinions on this Subject. Chosen to command several Independent Companies of Militia. A Delegate to the first and second Virginia Conventions. A Member of the Continental Congress. IN the course of the preceding year, Colonel Washing- ton had paid his addresses successfully to Mrs. Martha Oustis, to whom he was married on the 6th of January, 1759. This lady was three months younger than him- ggif^ w id ow O f John Parke Custis, and distinguished alike for her beauty, accomplishments, and wealth. She was the daughter of John Dandridge. At the time of her second marriage she had two children, a son and daugh- ter, the former six years old, the latter four. Mr. Custis had left large landed estates in New Kent County, and forty-five thousand pounds sterling in money. One third part of this property she held in her own right, the other two thirds being equally divided between her children. B y this marria e an accession of more than one hun- dred thousand dollars was made to Colonel Washington's fortune, which was already considerable in the estate at Mount Vernon, and other lands which he had selected during his surveying expeditions and obtained at different times. To the management of his extensive private af- fairs his thoughts were now turned. He also took upon himself the guardianship of Mrs. Washington's two chil- dren, and the care of their property, which trust he dis- KISHKSSMi OF G.W.I JET. 26.] L I F E O i W A S H I N G T O N. 99 charged with all the faithfulness and assiduity of a father, CHAPTER till the son became of age, and till the daughter died in her nineteenth year. This union was in every respect 1759. felicitous. It continued forty years. To her intimate ac- character of i f ** TIT- i Mrs. Wash- quamtances and to the nation, the character of Mrs. Wash- ington. ington was ever a theme of praise. Affable and courteous, exemplary in her deportment, remarkable for her deeds of charity and piety, unostentatious and without vanity, she adorned by her domestic virtues the sphere of private life, and filled with dignity every station in which she was placed.* While engaged in the last campaign, Colonel Washing- Elected a i i i i t i TT f number of ton had been elected a representative to the House of the House of Burgesses. Burgesses, in Virginia, from Frederic County. Having de- termined to quit the military line, and being yet inclined to serve his country in a civil capacity, this choice of the people was peculiarly gratifying to him. As this was the first time he had been proposed for the popular suffrages, his friends urged him to leave the army for a few days, and repair to Winchester, where the election was to be held. But, regarding his duties in the field as outweigh- ing every other consideration, he remained at his post, and the election was carried without his personal solicitation or influence. There were four candidates, and he was chosen by a large majority over all his competitors. The success was beyond his most sanguine anticipations. One of his friends wrote to him immediately after the polls were closed ; " The punctual discharge of every trust, your humane and equitable treatment of each individual, and your ardent zeal for the common cause, have gained your point with credit ; as your friends could, with the greatest warmth and truth, urge the worth of those noble endowments and principles, as well as your superior inter- est both here and in the House." Considering the com- mand, which he had been obliged to exercise in Frederic County for near five years, and the restraints which the * A Memoir of this lady, written by her grandson, G. W. P. Custis, is contained in the first volume of the American Portrait Gallery. 100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Er. 27. CHAPTER exigency of circumstances required him occasionally to put vl - upon the inhabitants, this result was deemed a triumphant 1759. proof of his abilities, address, and power to win the affec- tions and confidence of the people. compliment He did not establish himself at Mount Vernon, till ujToThim by three months after his marriage, but continued at Wil- Burgees. liamsburg, or in the vicinity of that place, probably ar- ranging the affairs of Mrs. Washington's estate. At the same time there was a session of the House of Burgesses, which he attended. It was during this session, that an incident occurred, which has been graphically described by Mr. Wirt. " By a vote of the House, the Speaker, Mr. Robinson, was directed to return their thanks to Col- onel Washington, on behalf of the colony, for the distin- guished military services which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Colonel Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to this order, and following the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, dis- charged the duty with great dignity, but with such warmth of coloring and strength of expression, as entirely con- founded the young hero. He rose to express his acknowl- edgments for the honor; but such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled for a second ; when the Speaker relieved him by a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis the Fourteenth in his proudest and happiest moment. ' Sit down, Mr. Washington,' said he with a conciliating smile ; 1 your modesty equals your valor ; and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess.' " * A member of From this time till the beginning of - the revolution, a the House of . /././. itr i Burgesses fir- period of fifteen years, Washington was constantly a mem- teen years. ber of the House of Burgesses, being returned by a large majority of votes at every election. For seven years he represented, jointly with another delegate, the County of Frederic, and afterwards the County of Fairfax, in which * Life of Patrick Henry, 3d edition, p. 45. iEr. 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 he resided. There were commonly two sessions in a CHAPTER year, and sometimes three. It appears, from a record left . in his handwriting, that he gave his attendance punctu- 1759 ally, and from the beginning to the end of almost every 17 g 4 session. It was a maxim with him through life, to ex- ecute punctually and thoroughly every charge which he undertook. His influence in public bodies was produced more by His influence . . . in public the soundness of his judgment, his quick perceptions, and bodies. his directness and undeviating sincerity, than by eloquence or art in recommending his opinions. He seldom spoke, never harangued, and it is not known that he ever made a set speech, or entered into a stormy debate. But his attention was at all times awake. He studied profoundly the prominent topics of discussion, and, whenever occasion required, was prepared to deliver his sentiments clearly, and to act with decision and firmness. His practice may be inferred from the counsel he gave to a nephew, who had just taken his seat for the first time in the As- sembly. " The only advice I will offer," said he, "if you have a mind to command the attention of the House, is to speak seldom but on important subjects, except such as particularly relate to your constituents ; and, in the for- mer case, make yourself perfectly master of the subject. Never exceed a decent warmth, and submit your senti- ments with diffidence. A dictatorial style, though it may carry conviction, is always accompanied with disgust." After suitable preparations had been made, he retired Retires to Mount with Mrs. Washington to the charming retreat at Mount vemon. Vernon, resolved to devote his remaining years to the pur- Apni ' suit of agriculture, with no higher aims than to increase his fortune, cultivate the social virtues, fulfil his duties as a citizen, and sustain in its elevated dignity and worth the character of a country gentleman. For this sphere he was extremely well fitted, both by his tastes and his habits of business. In all the scenes of his public career, even when his renown was the highest, and he was the K* 102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [Mi. 27-38. CHAPTER most actively engaged in great affairs, there was no sub- ject upon which his mind dwelt with so lively an inter- 1759 est and pleasure as on that of agriculture. Nor was there to 1764 ever a moment, when his thoughts would not recur to his tranquil home at Mount Vernon, as the seat of his purest happiness, or when he would not have returned to it with unfeigned delight. occupied as The occupation of a Virginia planter before the Rev- olution afforded little variety of incidents. Few modes of existence could be more monotonous. The staple pro- duct, particularly in the lower counties, was tobacco, to the culture of which Washington chiefly directed his care. This he exported to London for a market, making the shipments in his own name, and putting the tobacco on board vessels, which came up the Potomac River to his mansion at Mount Vernon, or to such other points as were most convenient. He had also correspondents in Bristol and Liverpool, to whom he sometimes consigned tobacco. Articles of In those days, it was the practice of the Virginia plan- common use imported ters to import directly from London all the articles of from Lon- * don - common use. Twice a year Washington forwarded lists of such articles to his agent, comprising not only the necessa- ries and conveniences for household purposes, ploughs, hoes, spades, scythes, and other implements of agriculture, saddles, bridles, and harness for his horses, but likewise every article of wearing apparel for himself and the dif- ferent members of his family, specifying the names of each, and the ages of Mrs. Washington's two children, as well as the size, description, and quality of the several articles. * He required his agent to send him, in addition to a general bill of the whole, the original vouchers of * From an order, which he sent to a tailor in London, we learn the size of his person. He describes himself as "six feet high and proportionably made ; if any thing rather slender for a person of that height;" and adds that his limbs were long. At this time he was thirty-one years old. In exact measure, his height was six feet and three inches. ^T. 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 the shopkeepers and mechanics, from whom purchases CHAPTER had been made. So particular was he in these concerns, VL that for many years he recorded with his own hand, in 1759 books prepared for the piypose, all the long lists of orders, J? and copies of the multifarious receipts from the different merchants and tradesmen, who had supplied the goods. In this way he kept a perfect oversight of the business, ascertained the prices, could detect any imposition, mis- management, or carelessness, and tell when any advan- tage was taken of him even in the smallest matter, of which, when discovered, he did not fail to remind his correspondents the next time he wrote. During the whole of this period, in short, his industry Habits of was equal to his enterprise in business. His daybooks, legers, and letter books were all kept by himself; nor does it appear, that he was in the habit, on any occasion, of resorting to the aid of a clerk or secretary. He usually drew up his contracts, deeds, and other papers, requiring legal knowledge and accuracy. It was a rule with him, in private as well as public transactions, not to rely on others for what he could do himself. Although his pursuits were those of a retired farmer, Hospitality f i ""d social yet he was by no means secluded from social intercourse intercourse, with persons of intelligence and refinement. During the periods of his attending the House of Burgesses at Wil- liamsburg, he met on terms of intimacy the eminent men of Virginia, who, in imitation of the governors (some- times noblemen, and always from the higher ranks of English society), lived in a style of magnificence, which has long since passed away, and given place to the re- publican simplicity of modern times. He was a frequent visiter at Annapolis, the seat of government in Maryland, renowned as the resort of the polite, wealthy, and fash- ionable. At Mount Vernon he returned the civilities he had received, and practised, on a large and generous scale, the hospitality for which the southern planters have ever been distinguished. When he was at home, a day sel- dom passed without the company of friends or strangers 104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 27 - 32. CHAPTER VI, 1759 to 1764. George Mason. Lord Fairfax. Washing- ton's relish for amuse- ments. His favorite exercise. at his house. In his diaries the names of these visiters are often mentioned, and we find among them the gov- ernors of Virginia and Maryland, and nearly all the cele- brated men of the southern and middle colonies, who were at that time and afterwards conspicuous in the his- tory of the country. One of his nearest neighbors was George Mason, of Gunston Hall, a man possessing remarkable intellectual powers, deeply conversant with political science, and thor- oughly versed in the topics of dispute then existing be- tween England and America. Lord Fairfax was also a constant guest at Mount Vernon, who, although eccentric in his habits, possessed a cultivated mind, social qualities, and a perfect knowledge of the world. To these may be added a large circle of relatives and acquaintances, who sought his society, and to whom his house was always open. Washington had a relish for amusements. In his earlier years, as we have seen, he was fond of athletic sports, and the feats of agility and strength. When he was at Williamsburg or Annapolis, he commonly attended the theatrical exhibitions, such as were presented on the American boards at that day. But his chief diversion was the chase. At the proper season, it was not unusual for him to go out two or three times in a week with horses, dogs, and horns, in pursuit of foxes, accompanied by a small party of gentlemen, either his neighbors, or such visiters as happened to be at Mount Vernon. If we may judge by his own account, however, he could seldom boast of brilliant success in these excursions. He was not disheartened by disappointment; and when the foxes eluded his pursuit, he consoled himself with the reflection, that the main end in view, excitement and recreation, had been gained. Another favorite exercise was fowling. His youthful rambles in the woods, on his surveying expeditions, had made him familiar with the use of his gun. Game of various kinds abounded on his plantations, particularly the . 27-32.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 1759 Anecdote. species of wild duck, which at certain seasons resorts in CHAPTER great numbers to the waters of the Chesapeake, and is so VL much esteemed for its superior quality. He was expert in the art of duck-shooting, and often practised it. Connected with this subject, an anecdote is related of him, illustrative of his resolution and courage. A person of lawless habits and reckless character had frequently entered upon the grounds near Mount Vernon, and shot ducks and other game. More than once he had been warned to desist, and not to return. It was his custom to. cross the Potomac in a canoe, and ascend the creeks to some obscure place, where he could be concealed from observation. One day, hearing the discharge of a musket, Washington mounted his horse, and rode in the direction of the sound. The intruder discovered his approach, and had just time to gain the canoe and push it from the shore, when Washington emerged from the bushes at the distance of a few yards. The man raised his gun, cocked it, pointed it at him, and took deliberate aim ; but, with- out a moment's hesitation, he rode into the water, seized the prow of the canoe, drew it to land, disarmed his an- tagonist, and inflicted on him a chastisement, which he never again chose to run the hazard of encountering. But neither his private occupations, nor his important Acts of use- fulness to hia duties as one of the legislators of the province, prevented Washington from taking an active part in many concerns of less moment, wherein he could be useful to his friends or the community. He assumed trusts at the solicitation of others, which sometimes involved much labor and re- sponsibility, and in which he had no personal interest ; and cheerfully rendered his services as an arbitrator in settling disputes. Such was the confidence in his candor and judgment, and such his known desire to promote peace and concord, that he was often called upon to per- form offices of this kind ; and it was rare that his decision was unsatisfactory ; for, however the parties might differ in opinion, they were persuaded that their cause could not be submitted to a more impartial or competent judge. 14 and friends. 10(5 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 33. CHAPTER His usefulness extended to every object within the sphere v*- of his influence. In the affairs of Traro Parish, to which 1765. Mount Vernon belonged, he took a lively concern and ex- Active m ercised a salutary control. He was a vestryman of that the affairs of , , . ' , f his parish, parish. On one occasion he gamed a triumph 01 some moment, which Mr. Massey, the clergyman, who lived to an advanced age, used to mention as an instance of his address. The old church was falling to ruin, and it was resolved that another should be built. Several meetings were held, and a warm dispute arose respecting its loca- tion, the old one being remote from the centre, and in- conveniently situated for many of the parishioners. A meeting for settling the question was finally held. George Mason, who led the party that adhered to the ancient site, made an eloquent harangue, in which he appealed with great eifect to the sensibilities of the people, conjur- ing them not to desert the spot consecrated by the bones of their ancestors and the most hallowed associations. Mr. Massey said every one present seemed moved by this dis- course, and, for the moment, he thought there would not be a dissenting voice. Washington then rose and drew from his pocket a roll of paper, containing an exact survey of Truro Parish, on which was marked the site of the old church, the proposed site of the new one, and the place where each parishioner resided. He spread this map be- fore the audience, explained it in a few words, and then added, that it was for them to determine, whether they would be carried away by an impulse of feeling, or act upon the obvious principles of reason and justice. The argument, thus confirmed by ocular demonstration, was conclusive, and the church was erected on the new site. rionTtr At the close of the French war, he had an arduous ut l yac- mil " servi ce to perform, as one of the commissioners for settling the military accounts of the colony, which were compli- cated and of large extent. His intimate knowledge of the subject, and the sympathy he felt for his companions in arms, and all who had aided the cause of their coun- try, were motives for throwing this task chiefly upon him, and he executed it faithfully. counts. T. 35.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 British writers have asserted, and perhaps believed, that CHAPTER Washington's sentiments did not harmonize with those of VL the leaders, who resisted the aggressions of the mother l 767 - country at the beginning of the great struggle for inde- Takes an early and pendence, and that he was brought tardily into the meas- decisive part 3 against Brit- ures of opposition. This opinion probably arose from the istiaggres- circumstance of his name not being mentioned among the conspicuous actors, and was strengthened by the spurious letters ascribed to him in the first part of the war, of which more will be said hereafter. These letters were first published in England, and so artfully written, that they might easily mislead those, who were willing to be deceived on the side of their prejudices and wishes. It is nevertheless true, that no man in America took a more early, open, and decided part in asserting and defending the rights of the colonies, and opposing the pretensions set up by the British government. In the Virginia legis- lature he went heart and hand with Henry, Randolph, Lee, Wythe, and the other prominent leaders of the time. His opinions and his principles were consistent through- out. That he looked for a conciliation, till the conven- ing of the first Congress, and perhaps till the petition of that Congress had been rejected by the King, there is no doubt ; and so did Franklin, Jay, Jefferson, John Adams, and probably all the other master spirits, who gave the tone to public sentiment and action. His disapprobation of the Stamp Act was expressed in Disapproves i./. i -TT * ' i the Stamp unqualified terms. He spoke of it, in a letter written at Act. the time, as an " unconstitutional method of taxation," and " a direful attack on the liberties of the colonists." And subsequently he said, " The repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought much to be rejoiced at ; for, had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon en- forcing it, the consequences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is generally apprehended, both to the mother country and her colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every British subject, and have mine cordially." 108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 37. 1769. Sump Act followed by others equally ob- jectionable. Agreement* not to im- port British goods. He was present in the Virginia legislature, when Patrick Henry offered his celebrated resolutions on this subject. I have found no record of his vote ; but it may be pre- sumed, from his well known sentiments, and from his frankness in avowing them, that he stood in the ranks of the patriotic party, to which he ever afterwards rendered his most zealous support. Although the Stamp Act was repealed, yet the abettors of that act, so odious to the colonies, were not influenced in yielding the point by any regard to the absolute mer- its of the question, but by motives of expediency for the moment, being resolved to seize the first opportunity to renew the measure, and prosecute their scheme for rais- ing a revenue in America by taxing the people without their consent. They asserted the unlimited control of Parliament over every part of the British dominions ; and the doctrine, hitherto considered as one of the vital ele- ments of the British constitution, and the main pillar of British freedom, that no subject of the realm could be taxed except by himself or his representatives, was vir- tually declared inapplicable to the colonies. It was no wonder that a people, habituated to self-government and nurtured in the atmosphere of liberty from the very origin of their political existence, should revolt at such an as- sumption, and be roused to a defence of their rights. The act of Parliament imposing duties on tea. paper, glass, and painters' colors, imported into the colonies, was in reality a repetition of the Stamp Act in another form. It was thus understood by the people, and produced uni- versal indignation and alarm. Spirited resolves were im- mediately adopted in Massachusetts and other colonies, ex- pressing a determination not to submit to this act. Arti- cles of agreement were at the same time entered into, called Associations, by which those who subscribed them were bound not to purchase or use the manufactures of England, and other goods imported from that country, ex- cept in cases of the most urgent necessity. It was thought this measure, if effectually pursued, would cramp the ^Er. 37.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 British commerce, and distress the manufacturers and mer- CHAPTER chants to such an extent, as to open the eyes of the gov- VL ernment to the impolicy, if not to the iniquity, of the 1769. course they had begun. The spirit of discontent and opposition diffused itself the agree- rapidly in all the provinces. In the month of April, 1769, menu not just before the assembling of the Virginia legislature, Col- oods - onel Washington received sundry papers, containing the resolves and proceedings of the merchants of Philadelphia. These papers he communicated to his neighbor and friend, George Mason, accompanied by a letter, in which he de- clared his own opinions in a tone of energy and decision, that could leave no room to doubt, as to his sense of the matter, and the ground he was prepared to take. "At a time," said he, " when our lordly masters in April s. Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly neces- sary that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. But the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effectually, is the point in question. " That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use arms in defence of so valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I would beg leave to add, should be the last resource, the dernier resort. We have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to Parliament. How far, then, their at- tention to our rights and privileges is to be awakened or alarmed, by starving their trade and manufactures, remains to be tried. " The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution." These sentiments were cordially reciprocated by Mr. Ma- Presents ar- *. ,. . ' tides of As- son, who agreed that steps ought immediately to be taken sociationto the House of to bring about a concert of action between Virginia and Burgesses. the northern colonies. This gentleman, who afterwards HO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 37. CHAPTER drafted the first constitution of Virginia, and was a skilful VIt writer, drew up a series of articles in the form of an As- 1769. S ociation. The Burgesses met in May, and, as Mr. Mason was not then one of their number, Washington took charge of the paper, with the view of laying it before the Assembly. As soon as the Burgesses had come to- gether, and gone through with the forms of opening the session, they proceeded to consider the late doings of Parliament, and passed several bold and pointed resolves, denying the authority of Parliament to impose taxes and enact laws hostile to the ancient liberties of the colonists. The governor, Lord Botetourt, deservedly popular for his amiable manners and the real interest he felt in the wel- fare of the people, and at heart opposed to the ministerial pretensions, could not, in justice to his sovereign and the trust reposed in him, silently witness these symptoms of Assembly disaffection and disobedience. He went the next day to dissolved. the Capitol, summoned the Burgesses to meet him in the council chamber, and there dissolved the Assembly. Not intimidated by this exercise of the prerogative, although a virtual reprimand, they forthwith repaired in a body to Non-im- a private house, and unanimously adopted the non-impor- portation aao ee t'e"d eut tat i n agreement, which had been prepared by George May is. Mason, and presented by Washington. Every member subscribed his name to it, and it was then printed and dispersed in the country for the signatures of the people. ^Xe 1 8 ' Washington was scrupulous in observing this agreement; men? 8 "*" ^^ wnen ne sent his customary annual orders to London for goods to be used in his family, he strictly enjoined his correspondents to forward none of the enumerated ar- ticles, unless the offensive acts of Parliament should in the mean time be repealed. l^mTofthe In tne mi dst of his public engagements, another affair, prtitetadi. extremely vexatious in its details, employed much of his attention. The claims of the officers and soldiers to lands, granted by Governor Dinwiddie as a reward for their ser- vices at the beginning of the French war, met with innu- merable obstacles for a long time, first from the ministry Mi. 38.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. HI in England, and next from the authorities in Virginia. By CHAPTER his unwearied exertions, however, and by these alone, Vl ' and mostly at his own expense, the matter was at last 1770. adjusted. Nor did he remit his efforts, till every officer and private soldier had received his due proportion. Where deaths had occurred, the heirs were sought out, and their claims verified and allowed. Even Vanbraam, who was believed to have deceived him at the capitulation of the Great Meadows, and who went as a hostage to Canada, thence to England, and never returned to America, was not forgotten in the distribution. His share was reserved, and he was informed that it was at his disposal. While this business was in progress, Washington re- Resolve* to solved to visit the western lands in person, and select for western lands. the surveys such tracts as would have an intrinsic value, both in regard to their location and quality. This was the more important, as it was necessary to take the land in large tracts, and then divide it according to a pre- scribed ratio. In the autumn of 1770, accompanied by his friend, Tour to the Dr. Craik, who had been his companion in arms at the Q' t 5 battles of the Great Meadows and of the Monongahela, he performed a tour of nine weeks for this purpose. Proceed- ing to Pittsburg on horseback, he there embarked in a canoe, and descended the Ohio River to the Great Ken- hawa, a distance of two hundred and sixty-five miles. At that time there were no inhabitants on the Ohio Proceeds below Pittsburg, except the natives of the forest. A few oh7o n Riv e er traders had wandered into those regions, and land specu- lators had sent out emissaries to explore the country, but no permanent settlements had been formed. He was at- tended down the river by William Crawford, a person ac- customed to the woods, and a part of the way by Colonel Croghan, distinguished for his knowledge of Indian affairs. The voyage was fatiguing and somewhat hazardous, as they were exposed without shelter to the inclemencies of the weather, and no one of the party was experienced in the navigation of the stream. At night they landed and 112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEa. 38. CHAPTER VI. 1770. Arrives at the Great Kenhawa. Oct. 31. Dec. 1. Washington well pre- pared for the approaching cri.-is. encamped. Occasionally they walked through the woods, leaving the canoe in charge of the oarsmen. They were thus enabled to inspect the lands, and form a judgment of the soil. Washington was also gratified to meet sev- eral of his former Indian friends, who, hearing of his journey, came to see him at difierent places. Among others, he recognised a chief, who had gone with him to the fort on French Creek, sixteen years before. They all greeted him with much ceremonious respect, making speeches according to their manner, welcoming him to their country, exhibiting their usual tokens of friendship and hospitality, and expressing a desire to maintain a pa- cific intercourse with their white neighbors of Virginia. After arriving at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, he ascended that river about fourteen miles, and examined the lands in the vicinity. He had an opportunity, like- wise, to practise his favorite amusement of hunting. Buf- faloes, deer, turkeys, ducks, and other wild game, were found in great abundance. Pleased with the situation, as- pect, and resources of the country, he selected various tracts of land, which were ultimately surveyed and ap- propriated to fulfil the pledges to the army. Having accomplished his object, he returned up the Ohio, and thence to Mount Vernon. Some months afterwards he assented to a proposal from Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, to join him in an excursion to the western country, and the preparations were partly made ; but family afflictions occurring at the time, in the death of Mrs. Washington's only daughter, prevented him from executing the design. The crisis was now approaching, which was to call Washington from his retreat, and to engage him in the widest sphere of public action. The complaints, remon- strances, and lofty spirit of the colonists had wrought no other impression on the British ministry, than to confirm them in their delusions, and stimulate them to new acts of encroachment and severity, mistaking the calls of jus- tice for the clamor of factious discontent, and eager to . 41.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 complete by the arm of power the work, which they had begun with rashness and pursued with obstinacy. Al- though apparently shrouded in the shades of Mount Vernon, Washington was a close observer of every movement, and perfectly master of the history and principles of the controversy. Associating, as he did, with the eminent men of his day, and exercising without intermission the civil functions of a legislator, every topic had been brought under his notice and minutely examined. We have seen the part he had already acted ; and, such were his cau- tion, the rectitude of his motives, his power of discrimi- nation, and his unerring judgment, that he was never known to desert a cause he had once embraced, or change an opinion, which, from a full knowledge of facts, he had deliberately formed. The dissolution of the Assembly by Lord Botetourt had no other effect than to elicit a signal proof of the sen- timents of the people, and their acquiescence in the acts of their representatives. At the new election every mem- ber was returned, who had sat in the former Assembly. In the mean time Lord Botetourt died, and the Earl of Dunmore succeeded him as governor of Virginia. The temper shown by the Burgesses, at their first meeting after he took possession of the government, was not such as to make him desirous of their aid, so long as he could dispense with it, and he prorogued them by proclamations from time to time till the 4th of March, 1773. This Assembly is memorable for having brought forward the resolves, instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending the same to the legislatures of the other colonies, thereby establishing channels of intelligence and a bond of union, which proved of the utmost importance to the general cause. Washington was present, and gave his hearty support to these resolves. The next session, which took place in May, 1774, was productive of still more decisive measures. Soon after the members had come together, news reached Williamsburg of the act of Parliament for shutting up the port of Bos- 15 L* CHAPTER VI. 1773. Earl of Dunmore. Committees of corre- spondence instituted. News of the Boston Fort Bill. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 42. 1774. Day of fasting ap- pointed. May 24. A general congress proposed. May 25. CHAPTER ton, and inflicting other disabilities on the inhabitants of VI - that town, which was to take effect on the 1st of June. The sympathy and patriotic feelings of the Burgesses were strongly excited ; and they forthwith passed an order, deprecating this ministerial procedure, as a hostile invasion, and setting apart the 1st of June to be observed " as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore the Divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity, which threatened destruction to their civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." The governor was alarmed at these symptoms, and dissolved the House the next morning. Not to be diverted from their purpose, however, the delegates repaired immediately to the Raleigh Tavern, eighty-nine in number, organized themselves into a com- mittee, and drew up and signed an Association, in which, after expressing in strong language their dissatisfaction with the late doings of the British Parliament, and their opinion that the vital interests of all the colonies were equally concerned, they advised the Committee of Corre- spondence to communicate with the Committees of the other colonies, on the expediency of appointing deputies to meet in a general congress. Although the idea of a congress was in the minds of many persons throughout the continent, had been suggested by Franklin the year before, and proposed in town meetings at Boston and New York, yet this was the first public assembly by which it was formally recommended. As the governor had dissolved the legislature, and no other business seemed necessary to be done, many of the delegates returned to their homes. Such as stayed behind, attended the religious services on the day appointed for the fast. Washington writes in his Diary, that he " went to church, and fasted all day." While they were waiting to perform this duty, letters were received from Boston, giving an account of a town jEx.42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 meeting in that place, and a resolution to call on the in- CHAPTER habitants of the colonies generally to enter into an agree- ment, that they would hold no further commercial inter- 1774. course with Great Britain, either by imports or exports. Delegates ' send a circu- Twenty-five of the late delegates were still in Williams- '" letter to their constit- burg, among whom was Washington ; and, on the 29th uents - of May, they met to consider the subject. On one essen- tial point they differed in opinion ; and, as their number was small, they thought it not proper to determine upon any public act, which should go abroad as the presumed sense of the colony. They did no more, therefore, than state the matter clearly in a circular letter, and recom- mend a meeting of deputies at Williamsburg on the 1st of August, for the purpose of a more full and deliberate discussion. The circular was printed, and distributed in the several counties. The members, who dissented from the proposition in concerning . . the prohibi- its comprehensive form, were not satisfied as to the pro- tion or ex- hibition of exports. All agreed, that the non-importation compact should be strictly adhered to, and even enlarged, so as to include every article except such as were indis- pensable for common use, and could be obtained only from Great Britain. Exports stood on a different footing. Large debts were due to merchants in England, which could be paid in no other way than by exporting produce from the colonies. To withhold this produce was in effect a refusal to pay a just debt. Washington was strenuous on this head, and insisted, that, whatever might be done prospectively, honor and justice required a faithful dis- charge of all obligations previously contracted. The reply was, that the colonists, after all, were the greatest suffer- ers, that the English merchants could not expect an ex- emption from the calamities brought upon the nation by the weakness or wickedness of their rulers, and that the debts would in the end be paid. He was not convinced by this reasoning. At any rate, he was not willing to make it the basis of action, till other less objectionable methods should be found unavailing. 116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 42. CHAPTER VI. 1774. Fairfax County Re- solves. July. Bryan Fair- fax. Washing- ton's senti- ments as to the colonial grievances. July 20. In conformity to the advice of the circular letter, meet- ings were held in the several counties, resolutions were adopted, and delegates appointed to meet in convention at Williamsburg on the 1st of August. In Fairfax County, Washington presided as chairman of the meetings, and was one of a committee to prepare a series of resolves expressive of the sense of the people. The resolves them- selves, twenty-four in all, were drafted by George Ma- son ; and they constitute one of the ablest and most lumi- nous expositions of the points at issue between Great Brit- ain and the colonies, which are to be found among the public documents of that period. Embracing the great principles and facts, clothed in a nervous and appropriate style, they are equally marked with dignity, firmness, in- telligence, and wisdom. They are moreover of special interest as containing the opinions of Washington at a critical time, when he was soon to be raised by his coun- trymen to a station of the highest trust and responsibility.* One of his friends, Mr. Bryan Fairfax, who attended the first meeting, but who could not accede to all the resolves, explained his objections and difficulties in writ- ing. The following extracts from Washington's letters, in reply, exhibit his views, and the spirit by which he was animated. " That I differ very widely from you," said he, " in re- spect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so much and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge ; and that this difference in opinion probably proceeds from the different constructions we put upon the conduct and intention of the ministry, may also be true ; but, as I see nothing, on the one hand, to induce a be- lief, that the Parliament would embrace a favorable op- portunity of repealing acts, which they go on with great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their tyrannical sys- tem ; and, on the other, I observe, or think 1 observe, that * These Resolves are contained in Washingtorfs Writings, Vol. II. Appendix, p. 488. . 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 government is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law CHAPTER and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and lib- VL erties, how can I expect any redress from a measure, which 1774. has been ineffectually tried already ? For, Sir, what is it we are contending against ? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea because burdensome ? No, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed ; and to this end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner, as subjects could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of Com- mons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essen- tial and valuable part of our constitution. If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxation that we now do, and, as I before said, all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly ? And what reason have we to believe, that they would make a second at- tempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible ? " In short, what further proofs are wanting to satisfy Designs or any one of the designs of the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation? What hope have we, then, from petitioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter ? Shall we, after this, whine and cry for re- lief, when we have already tried it in vain ? Or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism ? "If I were in any doubt, as to the right which the Right of tax- Parliament of Great Britain had to tax us without our consent, I should most heartily coincide with you in opin- ion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper meth- od to apply for relief; because we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the law of nature and by our constitution, we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think it criminal ation. 118 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 42. 1774. Means of redress. CHAPTER to go further than this, under such an idea ; but I have none such. I think the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours ; and, this being already urged to them in a firm, but de- cent manner, by all the colonies, what reason is there to expect any thing from their justice ? "As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I own to you, Sir, I think the whole might as well have been expunged. I expect nothing from the measure, nor should my voice have sanctioned it, if the non-importation scheme was intended to be retarded by it ; for I am convinced, as much as I am of my existence, that there is no relief for us but in their distress ; and I think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us to deny our- selves every thing, but the bare necessaries of life, to accomplish this end. This we have a right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do otherwise, till it has first reduced us to the most abject state of slavery. The stopping of our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter method than the other to effect this purpose ; but, if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but the last neces- sity can justify the> non-payment of it ; and, therefore, I have great doubts upon this head, and wish to see the other method first tried, which is legal and will facilitate these payments. " Satisfied, then, that the acts of the British Parliament are no longer governed by the principles of justice, that they are trampling upon the valuable rights of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and by the constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced beyond the small- est doubt, that these measures are the result of delibera- tion, and attempted to be carried into execution by the hand of power, is it a time to trifle, or risk our cause upon petitions, which with difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by with the utmost contempt ? Or should we, because heretofore unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling to enter into disputes with the mother Petitions re- jected and unavailing. for. 42.] LIFEOFWASHINGTON. 119 country, go on to bear more, and forbear to enumerate CHAPTER our just causes of complaint ? For my own part, I shall VL not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain 1774. and the colonies should be drawn ; but I am clearly of opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the dispute had been left to posterity to determine ; but the crisis is arrived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every imposition, that can be heaped upon us, till custom and use shall make us tame and abject slaves." The Convention met at Williamsburg on the day pro- convention posed. Washington was a member from Fairfax County, wniiams- burg. One of the principal acts of this Convention was to adopt Au a new Association, more extensive in its prohibitions than the former, and fixing on certain times when all further intercourse with British merchants, both by imports and exports, was to be suspended, unless the offensive acts of Parliament should previously be repealed. In its general features, this Association was nearly the same as the Fairfax County Resolves. After sitting six days, appoint- ing Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Wash- ington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton delegates to the general Congress, and furnishing them with instructions, the Convention dissolved. The day appointed throughout the colonies for the Meeting of meeting of the first Congress, at Philadelphia, was the 5th unenui of September. Two of Washington's associates, Mr. Henry and Mr. Pendleton, stopped on their way at Mount Ver- non, whence they all pursued their journey together, and were present at the opening of the Congress. The pro- ceedings of this assembly need not here be recounted. As the debates were never made public, the part perform- ed by each individual cannot now be known. It has only been ascertained, that Dickinson drafted the petition to the King and the address to the inhabitants of Quebec, Jay the address to the people of Great Britain, and Lee the memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonies ; 120 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 42. CHAPTER state papers of great historical value, which extorted a VL eulogy from Chatham, and which will ever be regarded 1774. as among the ablest specimens of practical talent and po- litical v/isdom. Letter to While attending the Congress, Washington received a Mackenzie, letter from his friend, Captain Mackenzie, of the British Oct. 9. army, then stationed at Boston, in which the writer spoke of the rebellious conduct of the Bostonians, the trouble they had given General Gage, their military preparations, and their secret aim at independence. In his answer, af- ter regretting that his friend should be engaged in such a service, he added ; conduct of " I do not mean by this to insinuate, that an officer is the people of . . I-T 11 i Massachu- not to discharge his duty, even when chance, not choice. setts de- , . fended. has placed him in a disagreeable situation ; but I con- ceive, when you condemn the conduct of the Massachusetts people, you reason from effects, not causes ; otherwise you would not wonder at a people, who are every day receiv- ing fresh proofs of a systematic assertion of arbitrary power, deeply planned to overturn the laws and constitu- tion of their country, and to violate the most essential and valuable rights of mankind, being irritated and with diffi- culty restrained from acts of the greatest violence and intemperance. "Although you are taught to believe, that the people of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for independen- cy, and what not, give me leave, my good friend, to tell you, that you are abused, grossly abused. This I advance with a degree of confidence and boldness, which may claim your belief, having better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments of the people you are among, from the leaders of them, in opposition to the present measures of the administration, than you have from those whose busi- ness it is, not to disclose truths, but to misrepresent facts in order to justify as much as possible to the world their own conduct. Give me leave to add, and I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not the wish or interest of that government, or any other upon this continent. JEr. 42.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 separately or collectively, to set up for independence; but CHAPTER this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them VI ' will ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and 1774. privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free state, and without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure. " These, Sir, being certain consequences, which must consequen- naturally result from the late acts of Parliament relative actsofpar- * liament. to America in general, and the government of Massachu- setts Bay in particular, is it to be wondered at, I repeat, that men, who wish to avert the impending blow", should attempt to oppose it in its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it cannot be averted ? Surely I may be allowed to answer in the negative ; and again give me leave to add as my opinion, that more blood will be spilled on this occasion, if the ministry are determined to push matters to extremity, than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the annals of North America, and such a vital wound will be given to the peace of this great country, as time itself cannot cure, or eradicate the re- membrance of." What is here said, in regard to independence, is con- state of firmed by the address of the first Congress to the people ceming inde- pendence, of Great Britain. '' You have been told, that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of inde- pendency. Be assured, that these are not facts, but cal- umnies." That such were at this time the sentiments of the leaders in America, there can be no reasonable doubt ; being accordant with all their public acts and private declarations. Considering the temper of the British min- istry, and the length to which their blindness and ob- stinacy had already carried them, a resort to arms was probably anticipated. But it was certainly the opinion of Washington, and, opinion of it is believed, of all his principal coadjutors, in the earlier stages of the contest, that a course of measures so obvi- ously impolitic and unjust, and so hostile to the interests of England herself, would not be persevered in, and that 16 M 122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. VI. 1774. Anecdote of Washington in the first Congress. CHAPTER a reconciliation would ultimately be effected on such terms as the colonists would accept ; that is, by desisting from oppressive claims, and restoring things to their original position. It was his opinion, nevertheless, that the colo- nists were bound, in duty to themselves and posterity, to vindicate and maintain their ancient liberties, their rights as men and British subjects, and that they ought to be prepared, with all their resources and strength, to meet the issue to which stern necessity might impel them. On this ground he stood firm, never wavering for a mo- ment, looking steadily at the object in view, and regard- ing the struggles and hazards in attaining it as dust in the balance. * Mr. Wirt relates an anecdote of him, which shows in what estimation he was held by the members of the first Congress. Soon after Patrick Henry returned home, being asked ".whom he thought the greatest man in Congress," * It is not easy to determine at what precise date the idea of inde- pendence was first entertained by the principal persons in America. English writers, arguing from the conduct of the colonists, have com- monly charged them with secretly harboring such designs at a very early period. This is not probable. The spirit and form of their insti- tutions, it is true, led them to act frequently as an independent people, and to set up high claims in regard to their rights and privileges ; but there is no sufficient evidence to prove, that any province, or any num- ber of prominent individuals, entertained serious thoughts of separating entirely from the mother country, till very near the actual commence- ment of the war of the revolution. It was the belief, before the meeting of the Congress, particularly of the more cautious and moderate, that petitions to the King and Parlia- ment, by a body of representatives assembled from all parts of the colo- nies, would be respected, and in the end procure redress. They, on the contrary, who, like Washington, had no confidence in the success of this measure, looked forward to the probable appeal to arms, but still without any other anticipations, than, by a resolute vindication of their rights, to effect a change in the conduct and policy of the British gov- ernment, and restore the colonies to their former condition. It was not till these petitions were rejected with a show of indifference, if not of contempt, that the eyes of all were opened to the necessity of un- conditional submission, or united resistance. From that time the word independence was boldly pronounced, and soon became a familiar sound to the ears of the whole people. JET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 he replied, "If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge of CHAPTER South Carolina is by far the greatest orator ; but, if you VL speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel 1775. Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." * This opinion was verified by every act of his life. His knowledge, on the subjects to which he gave his attention, was most thorough and exact; and all the world has agreed, that no other man has given such proofs of the soundness of his judgment. The business of the Congress being over, Washington Returns to - _. . . , . the occupa- went back to the occupations of his farm. Little leisure uoiwofhis A . . farm. was left him, however, for these favorite pursuits. It had Oct 27 long been a custom in Virginia to form independent com- panies for military discipline. These companies chose their own officers, adopted uniforms, and provided them- selves with colors, arms, and drums, being governed by the general regulations of the militia laws. Companies of this description had recently been encouraged by Governor Dunmore, who had an Indian war upon his hands, and was fitting out a formidable expedition to the West. Their martial spirit was quickened, when it was per- chosen to ,,,.'. i i i / command ceived that their services might be wanted in a cause of volunteer . companies. vastly greater moment. As the first military character in the province, Colonel Washington was much consulted by the officers, and his counsels were implicitly followed. He had hardly returned from the Congress, when he was solicited by the independent company of Prince William County to take command of them as field-officer. ' Other companies tendered him the same honor ; and it seemed to be the unanimous expectation of the people, that, in the event of a war, he would be placed at the head of the Virginia forces. He yielded to the solicitations of the companies, reviewed them at the different points of rendezvous, animated them by his example ; and his ad- vice and instructions were received by them as orders, which they were bound to obey. * Life of Patrick Henry, 3d edition, p. 113. 124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 43. CHAPTER VI. 1775. Attends the second Vir- ginia Con- vention. On a com- mittee for reporting a plan of defence. The second Virginia Convention met at Richmond on the 20th of March, 1775. Washington attended as a dele- gate. The proceedings of the general Congress were first taken up, examined, discussed, and approved. Patrick Henry then introduced resolutions to establish a more effi- cient system of embodying, arming, and disciplining the militia. This proposition was startling to some of the members, who thought so bold a step premature, till the result of the last petition to the King should be more fully known. It was carried by a majority, however, who, like Washington, after the experiments already tried, had no faith in the success of petitions. A committee, of which Washington was a member, was accordingly selected to report a plan. Deference would naturally be paid to his superior knowledge and experience in military affairs, and it may be presumed that the scheme was chiefly modelled by him. In defending the above resolutions, Patrick Henry made the celebrated speech, in which he said ; " We must fight ! I repeat it, Sir, we must fight ! An appeal to arms and the God of hosts is all that is left us ! " The Convention next took notice of the internal state of the province. To remedy the wants, which the peo- ple would suffer from the cessation of imports, it was proposed to devise a plan for the encouragement of arts and manufactures. Washington was likewise on the com- mittee for digesting and preparing this plan. Various ar- ticles were enumerated, most essential for use, which it was believed might be manufactured in the colony, and methods were indicated for accomplishing so desirable an end. The people were advised to form themselves into societies and committees for mutual intelligence and aid, to offer premiums, and to promote the culture of wool, cotton, flax, and hemp. The members of the Convention agreed, that they would use home manufactures in pre- ference to any others, and recommended this patriotic practice to their constituents. The former delegates were rechosen to represent Vir- ginia in the next Continental Congress. On the day this S.T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 choice was made, Washington wrote to his brother, ap- CHAPTER proving his zeal in training an independent company, and VI ' adding ;' "I shall very cheerfully accept the honor of com- 177 5. manding it, if occasion require it to be drawn out, as it Rechosena . , ./. -, f . delegate to is my full intention to devote my life and fortune in the the second ' continental cause we are engaged in, if needful." The time of need congress, soon arrived. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. r. 43. CHAPTER VII. CHAPTER vn. 1775. Meeting of the second Continental Congress. May 10. Crisis of af- fairs. Meeting of the second Congress. Washington chosen Commander-in-chief of the Continental Army. Repairs to Cambridge, and takes the Com- mand. State of the Army. His Intercourse with Congress. Numer- ous Affairs devolve on him. Correspondence with General Gage. The Expedition to Quebec. Councils of war respecting an Assault on Bos- ton. Organization of a new Continental Army. Difficulties in procur- ing Recruits. Militia called out. Maritime Affairs. Armed Vessels. General Howe takes Command of the British Army. Condition of the American Army at the End of the Year. Washington's Arrangement of his private Affairs. WHEN the second Congress assembled, on the 10th of May, 1775, the relations between the colonies and Great Britain had assumed an aspect no longer doubtful. The petition of the former Congress, though received by the King, had been treated with silent neglect, and had pro- duced no change of measures or purpose. The tone of the ministry and proceedings of Parliament indicated a fixed determination to persevere in their oppressive demands, and to achieve by force what they could not effect by the menaces of power, or the terror of the civil arm. Hostili- ties had in fact commenced. The tragical day at Lexing- ton and Concord had occurred. The inexcusable rashness of General Gage, in sending troops into the country on an errand of plunder and bloodshed, had roused the indigna- tion of the inhabitants ; and the yeomanry of New Eng- land were flying to their arms and rallying around the standard of American liberty. An army, respectable for numbers, strong in spirit and the justice of their cause, had collected in the vicinity of Boston, prepared for com- bat, and resolved to resist any further encroachments of the now declared enemies to their country. Such was the crisis, which presented itself to the Con- gress when they met, and which called for the exercise of all their wisdom and firmness. Notwithstanding the ^ET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 127 hope, perhaps belief, entertained by many, that a reconcili- CHAPTER ation would still take place on honorable and satisfactory . VIL terms, yet all perceived the necessity of prompt and de- 1775. cided action. To shrink at this moment, to temporize and delay, would be a confession of weakness, an evidence of irresolution, which might prove of incalculable injury, both by damping the ardor of the Americans, and by strength- ening the confidence of their foes. Whatever difference of opinion there might be on other points, every member felt, that the hour of preparation was come, and that an organized system must be instituted, which would draw out and concentrate the military resources of the country. While Congress were deliberating on this subject, Wash- washing- . , 1 ' 1 , tOI1 ' S SeDti - ington wrote a letter to a friend in England, in which, menu, after speaking of the battle of Lexington, he says ; " This May si. may serve to convince Lord Sandwich, and others of the same sentiment, that Americans will fight for their liber- ties and property, however pusillanimous in his Lordship's eyes they may appear in other respects. Unhappy it is, though, to reflect, that a brother's sword has been sheath- ed in a brother's breast, and that the once happy and peaceful plains of America are either to be drenched in blood, or inhabited by slaves. Sad alternative ! But can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice ? " Congress first proceeded to consider the state of the congress provides for country, and to provide for defence. Committees were the defence . of the coun- appointed to prepare reports, and it is a proof of the esti- "7- mation in which the practical talents and experience of Washington were held, that he was chairman of all these committees ; first, for recommending what posts should be occupied in the province of New York ; secondly, for de- vising ways and means of procuring ammunition and mil- itary stores ; thirdly, for making an estimate of money necessary to be raised ; fourthly, for preparing rules and regulations for the government of the army. By voting unanimously, that " these colonies be immediately put into a state of defence," Congress virtually assumed a control over the military operations of the whole, and the basis of 128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^Er. 43. CHAPTER their plans was laid accordingly. From that time the forces VIL under the direction of Congress were called the Continen- 1775. tal Army. They also resolved to raise ten companies of riflemen in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, which were to march and join the army near Boston as soon as possible, and to be paid by the continent. Difficulties These preliminary arrangements being finished, the next the selection thing was to appoint a Commander-in-chief of the Ameri- of a Com- rr . mander-in- ca n armies. This was a task of more delicacy and diffi- chief. culty than might at first be supposed. Many considera- tions were to be weighed, besides the personal qualifica- tions of any individual for that high station, either as to character, abilities, or military skill. In the first place, it was essential that he should be acceptable to all the col- onies, and particularly to such, as, from their position or extent, would be compelled to take the largest share in the war. Otherwise local jealousies and discontents might spring up, which would defeat the best laid schemes, and possibly ruin the cause. Next, there were officers in the country, older in years than Colonel Washington, who had acquired a reputation in the last war, and whose services would be necessary. To pass over such, as should be thought by themselves or their friends to have higher claims, on the score of former rank and standing, a point in which military men are always so sensitive, might be a hazardous experiment. Besides, the troops already in the field were wholly from the New England provinces, and it was uncertain how far they would be reconciled to a commander from the south, witfi whom no one among them had a personal acquaintance, and who could not be supposed to understand their habits, feelings, and prepos- sessions. General Ward, who had hitherto been at the head of the army by the appointment of Massachusetts, and whose command was cheerfully acquiesced in by the other New England colonies, was an officer of experience and ability, and it was questionable in what light an at- tempt to supersede him might be viewed. yEr. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 These difficulties were deeply felt by the members of CHAPTER Congress, and examined in all their bearings. Nor had they come together without previously pondering the sub- 1775. ject, and ascertaining, as far as they could, the views of Political mo- men of influence in different places. From the first Con- choice, gress they had gone home with most favorable impres- sions of the character and talents of Colonel Washington. All the world acknowledged his military accomplishments, intellectual resources, courage, coolness, and control over the minds of others. Five years' experience, in a respon- sible and arduous service, had afforded ample proofs of these qualities. It was fortunate, also, that political mo- tives conspired to fix the choice on him in preference to any other person. Virginia was powerful in wealth and numbers, and doubly so in its men of brilliant parts, who had espoused the cause of the continent with a spirit and resolution, which had nowhere else been surpassed. To take the commander of the American armies from that province was a dictate of policy, which the wise and pru- dent would not overlook, and none but the narrow mind- ed could disapprove. It should be said, to the credit of the New England Part taken , - by the New delegates, that they were among the foremost to propose, England , , i . /. ^. i delegates. and the most zealous to promote, the appointment of Col- onel Washington. As the contest had begun in Massa- chusetts, the inhabitants of which had been the chief suf- ferers, and as the existing army was mostly raised there, it could not have been thought an extravagant assumption, had that colony aspired to the honor of furnishing a Com- mander-in-chief. But, happily for America, the patriots of that day rose far above the sordid aims of selfishness and party rivalships. While the discussions were going on in Congress re- Washington specting military preparations, Mr. John Adams, one of the command delegates from Massachusetts, moved that the army, then can A" besieging the British troops in Boston, should be adopted by Congress as a Continental army ; and, in the course of his observations enforcing this motion, he said it was his 17 N 130 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET 43. CHAPTER VII. 1775. June 15. His reply to Congress. June 16. Sentiments contained in a letter to his wife. Jane 38. intention to propose for the office of Commander-in-chief a gentleman from Virginia, who was at that time a member of their own body. His remarks were so pointed, that all present perceived them to apply to Colonel Washington, who, upon hearing this reference to himself, retired from his seat and withdrew. When the day for the appoint- ment arrived, the nomination was made by Mr. Thomas Johnson, of Maryland. The choice was by ballot, and, on inspecting the votes, it was found that Colonel Wash- ington was unanimously elected. As soon as the result was ascertained, the House adjourned. On the convening of Congress the next morning, the president communicated to him officially the notice of his appointment, and he rose in his place and signified his acceptance in a brief and appropriate reply. After expressing his thanks for the signal honor done him by Congress, and his concern, " from the conscious- ness that his abilities and military experience might not be equal to the extensive and important trust," he added ; " Lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gen- tleman in the room, that I this day declare with the ut- most sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the com- mand I am honored with." Before the election it had been voted, that five hundred dollars a month should be allowed for the pay and expenses of the general. On this point he said, " I beg leave to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my ex- penses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge ; and that is all I desire." In a letter to his wife on this occasion, his sentiments are uttered with the same frankness, the same self-distrust, and under circumstances which proved them to have flow- ed from his heart. JEi. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13] " You may believe me," said he, " when I assure you, CHAPTER in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this vn ' appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to 1775. avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home, than I have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. But, as it has been a kind of destiny, that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that I was appre- hensive I could not avoid this appointment, as I did not pretend to intimate when I should return. That was the case. It was utterly out of my power to refuse this ap- pointment, without exposing my character to such cen- sures, as would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have les- sened me considerably in my own esteem. I shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Providence, which has here- tofore preserved and been bountiful to me." The appointment was made on the 15th of June. Pour Receives MS days afterwards he received his commission from the from the I'll -i-ii president of president of Congress, in which he was declared to be congress. Commander-in-chief of all the forces then raised, or that June 19. should be raised, in the united colonies, or that should voluntarily offer their service for the defence of American Liberty. The members of Congress pledged themselves by a unanimous resolve, to maintain, assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the same cause. Four major-generals and eight brigadiers were likewise ap- pointed for the Continental army. To the former rank were chosen Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip Schuyler, and June 22. Israel Putnam ; to the latter, Seth Pomroy, Richard Mont- gomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathanael Greene. To 132 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEtr. 43- CHAPTER these was added Horatio Gates, as adjutant-general, with VII> the rank of brigadier. 1775. The situation of affairs required the commander's pres- Proceedsto ence as soon as possible at Cambridge, where the army was stationed. Every necessary arrangement with Con- gress was in a short time completed, and he left Phila- delphia on the 21st of June, accompanied by General Lee and General Schuyler, and escorted by a volunteer troop of light-horse from the city, which continued with him to New York. He had reviewed in Philadelphia, at the request of the officers, several militia companies of infantry, rangers, riflemen, and light-horse. Wherever he appeared, the people manifested great enthusiasm, and eagerness to show him all the respect to which his new rank entitled him. The Provincial Congress of New York was then Arrives in sitting ; and, when it was known that General Washing- New York. ton was on the road, a committee from that body was June 25. deputed to meet him at Newark, and attend him across Hudson's River. On his arrival, addresses of congratula- tion and civility passed between him and the New York Congress, instructions The particulars of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached to General schuyier. hi m there, and increased his anxiety to hasten forward to the army. General Schuyler was to remain in New York, as commander of the military operations in that quarter. This was a delicate position, as the British Governor Tryon was then in the city, a ship of war in the harbor keeping the inhabitants in awe, and throughout the pro- vince were many powerful and avowed friends of the royal cause. But great confidence was placed in the fi- delity, discretion, and firmness of General Schuyler. After giving him instructions suitable to the exigencies of the case, General Washington again pursued his journey, es- nrmv'at 6 corte( l D 7 volunteer military companies. In this manner Cambridge, he travelled to Springfield, where he was met by a com- July 2. mittee from the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, who were instructed to provide escorts, and to attend him in person, through the remainder of the route. He arrived JE T . 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 in Cambridge on the 2d of July, and took command of CHAPTER the army the next day. ' The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, then sitting I 775 - at Watertown near Cambridge, received him with great Addressed by the Pro- cordiality, and presented to him an address, proffering ^"^^""j every aid in their power to make his command agreeable, sachusetts. and to strengthen his efforts in the common cause. The July 4 - testimonies of respect and satisfaction, as well from indi- viduals as public bodies, which he had everywhere re- ceived, were of the most nattering kind, and demonstrated that the people were not less unanimous in approving the choice of Congress, than the members of that assembly had been in making it. The army greeted him with equal warmth, and hitherto every indication tended to inspire a just confidence in himself, and the best hopes for the future. His first care was to ascertain the numbers, position, Ascertains the state of and arrangements of the troops, to inspect the posts they fe army, occupied, and to gain a knowledge of the strength and plans of the enemy. The British general was himself stationed in Boston, with the light-horse and a few other troops ; the bulk, of his army lay on Bunker's Hill, busy in throwing up intrenchments ; and the remainder were on the neck of land between Boston and Roxbury, which had been strongly fortified. The Americans were so posted as to form a complete line of siege around Boston and Charlestown, extending nearly twelve miles from Mystic River to Dorchester. Intrenchments and redoubts had been begun at different points in this line, and these works were still in progress. The regiments from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and part of those from Con- necticut, occupied Winter Hill and Prospect Hill ; several of the Massachusetts regiments were at Cambridge, and others from Connecticut and Massachusetts covered the high grounds in Roxbury. Having acquainted himself with this state of affairs, convenes a General Washington convened a council of war. It was war. the opinion of the council, that, according to the best July 9. 134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Er. 43. VII. 1775. Resolved to hold the army in its present po- sition. CHAPTER information that could be obtained, the enemy's available force in Boston amounted to eleven thousand five hun- dred men, including the regular troops, Tories, and such sailors as might be spared from the fleet. It was also advised, without a dissenting voice, that the posts now occupied should be held and defended, and that twenty- two thousand men were necessary to give proper security to so long an extent of lines. A place of rendezvous, in case the army should be attacked and routed, was like- wise agreed upon. The difficulty was perceived of sustaining posts so widely separated, almost under the guns of the enemy, and ex- posed at many points to sudden assaults ; and the question of removing farther into the country to a stronger position was discussed. But this was thought to be neither po- litic in itself, nor without hazard in the execution. It would discourage the men, elate the enemy, and have an ill effect upon the minds of the people. T^his considera- tion, added to the uncertainty of finding a better place at which to make a stand, and to the great labor and charge already bestowed on the works for defence, was regarded as conclusive against a change. The American army, including the sick and absent, amounted to about seventeen thousand men ; but the number present, fit for duty, was only fourteen thousand five hundred. This was so far short of the number want- ed, that the council recommended an immediate applica- tion to the New England governments to make up the deficiency by new recruits. * * The warlike preparations of the British authorities in Massachu- setts, from the time that the Boston Port Bill went into effect, had alarmed the people of that province ; and on the 26th of October, 1774, the Provincial Congress resolved on measures of defence. After recit- ing in a preamble the causes of such a step, among which was the collecting of a formidable body of troops in the metropolis, with the ex- press design of executing acts of the British Parliament subversive of the constitution and liberties of the province, they recommended to the militia to form themselves into companies of minute-men, who should be equipped and prepared to march at the shortest notice. These Strength of the army. fa. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135 It will easily be supposed, that an army, collected as CHAPTER this had been on the spur of the moment from different provinces and under different regulations, would be defec- 1775. tive in many essential parts. There were few tents and Deficiency 1 of supplies stores, no supply of clothing, no military chest, no gen- a" d want of system. eral organization. The regiments acted under their re- spective commanders, who were united only by mutual consent, bound together by no military law, and except those from Massachusetts, yielding obedience to General Ward rather from courtesy and the necessity of the case, than from any recognition of his superior authority. The troops of each province were regulated by their own mil- minute-men were to consist of one quarter of the whole militia, to be enlisted under the direction of the field-officers, and divided into com- panies, consisting of at least fifty men each. The privates were to choose their captains and subalterns, and these officers were to form the companies into battalions, and choose the field-officers to command the same. Hence the minute-men became a body distinct from the rest of the militia, and, by being more devoted to military exercises, they acquired skill in the use of arms. More attention than formerly was likewise bestowed on the training and drilling of the militia. But it was not till April 22d, 1775, three days after the affair of Lexington and Concord, that any movement was made towards em- bodying a regular army. On that day the Massachusetts Congress resolved unanimously, that it was necessary for the defence of the colony, that an army of thirty thousand men should be immediately raised and established. It was at the same time resolved, that thir- teen thousand six hundred should be raised in Massachusetts, and a committee was appointed to devise a plan for the establishment of the army. The remainder of the thirty thousand it was expected would be furnished by the other New England provinces, and for this object letters were addressed to Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. In the mean time, the news of the Lexington battle had gone abroad, and the militia from various parts in Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire began to assemble around Boston. Within three days, several companies from New Hampshire had arrived at Medford and taken their station in that place. The Massachusetts militia convened at Cambridge. The plan of the new army was soon arranged, General Ward was placed at its head, and recruiting orders were sent out. The other three colonies agreed to furnish their proportion of troops, who were raised and sent forward with as much expedition as possible. 136 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jE T . 43. CHAPTER itia laws. These were various and discordant ; and hence vn - no general system could prevail. Discipline was lax ; dis- 1775. orders frequent, want of am- But the most alarming want was that of ammunition, munition. . respecting which the omcers themselves seem to have been deceived, till General Washington discovered, to his great astonishment, that there was not powder enough in the whole camp for nine cartridges to a man. Appoint- Out of these materials, and in the midst of these em- inent of offi- _ ' cers not sat- barrassments, it was General Washington's first task to isfactory. form, commission, and systematize an army. Another circumstance caused great perplexity from the beginning. The appointment of general omcers by Congress had given much dissatisfaction. The pretensions to rank, on the score of former services, had not been well adjusted. The subordinate omcers and private soldiers mingled their sym- pathies and complaints, and threatened to leave the army unless these grievances should be redressed. Symptoms of discontent appeared in every quarter, and threatened to destroy the little that remained of method and discipline. The ferment was gradually allayed by the prudence ot Washington, who referred the matter to Congress, and proceeded steadily to mature his plans. He arranged the army into six brigades, of six regi J ments each, in such a manner, that the troops from the same colony should be brought together, as far as practi- cable, and act under a commander from that colony. Of the whole he made three grand divisions, each consisting of two brigades or twelve regiments. The division form- ing the left wing was stationed at Winter Hill, and com- manded by Major-General Lee ; the centre division was at Cambridge, under Major-General Putnam ; and the right wing at Roxbury, under Major-General Ward. The head- quarters of the Commander-in-chief were with the centre at Cambridge. ThuS Was P lanted the original germ of the Continental ed anew. army, to foster the growth and strength of which required the utmost care and address. All the officers were com- jET. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 137 missioned anew by Congress, although no changes of rank CHAPTER were attempted, and no appointments made, except of VIL the major and brigadier generals. By degrees the system 1775. worked itself into a tolerable method ; but, after all, it was full of imperfections, which no art or skill could rem- edy. The soldiers had been enlisted by their respective governments for a definite time and object, and they looked upon this contract as one which they were bound to ful- fil, but not such as could put them under any other power. Each individual regarded himself as a party concerned, and claimed his rights as a citizen. Hence, when the rules and regulations of the Conti- ThesoWiera nental army, which had been prescribed by Congress, luctamiy to " * ' the new ar- were presented to them, many would not accede, because rangemem. they did not enlist on such teri^s, and they were appre- hensive some new obligations might devolve on them by giving their assent. Having left their homes to fight for liberty, they chose to assert it first in their own behalf. However repugnant this temper was to the existence of an army, the commander yielded to his good sense, and resorted to no other force than that of argument arid facts, judiciously set forth from time to time in the general or- ders ; tenacious of his authority no farther than the public good exacted, and forbearing to oppose prejudices, which could not be softened by persuasion nor subdued by se- verity. He left it optional with the men to subscribe the articles or not, making it a necessary condition only with the new recruits, who enlisted into the Continental ranks. In addition to the management and direction of the congress i / i i i i 1 1 i i jealous of armies in the field, which is all that is usually expected military from a commander-in-chief, a most responsible service of a different kind was thrown upon General Washington. Congress, as the civil head of the confederacy, was as yet feeble in its powers, imperfectly organized, distrustful of its control over the public will, and wholly unversed in military concerns. Nor did unanimity reign among its members. On the great point of resistance, till wrongs should be redressed, there was but one voice. As ,to the 18 o* 138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 43. CHAPTER VII. 1775. Washington unmoved by the suspi- cions of Congress. His task in directing the military af- fairs of the country. means of attaining this end, a wide difference prevailed. Some were timid, fixing their hopes upon a speedy recon- ciliation ; others doubted the ability of the country to sus- tain a contest ; others were influenced by local interests ; while others again were resolute, and allowed all thoughts of future consequences to be swallowed up in the single consideration of the justice of their cause. The majority were of this last description. Yet even these men, daunt- less in spirit, and willing to risk every thing on their own account, were haunted by a spectre, which gave them great uneasiness. History had told them of the danger of military power, the ambition of aspiring leaders, and the chains that had been forged and riveted on an unsuspi- cious people by standing armies. These lessons made a deep impression, and infused a distrust incompatible with enlarged schemes or energetic action. Thus it was, that the same ardor of patriotism, which impelled them to en- counter every hazard, operated as a check to the only measures by which their object could be gained. These misgivings were early discovered by Washington. He respected the motive, although he could not but la- ment its effects. Conscious, on his own part, of the high- est purity of purpose, and harboring no latent thought, which was not directed to the best good of his country, if he felt wounded at this suspicion, he did not suffer it to appear in his conduct, nor to alter his opinion of the watchful guardians of the people's liberty. Example, he wisely thought, would be more regarded than complaint, more persuasive than words. If ability and courage are necessary in a commander, he soon saw, that, in his case at least, patience, forbearance, and fortitude, were not less so. A regular army and a military system were to be creat- ed, and on such principles as would insure their stability and continuance. This great work was to be executed mainly by the Commander-in-chief. Congress might ap- prove, sanction, and aid ; but it was his task to invent, combine, organize, establish, and sustain. To this end he iEx. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 kept up an unremitted correspondence with Congress dur- CHAPTER ing the whole war. His letters were read to the House X?L in full session, and almost every important resolution re- 1775 - specting the army was adopted on his suggestion or rec- ommendation, and emanated from his mind. He was thus literally the centre of motion to this immense and com- plicated machine, not more in directing its operations, than in providing for its existence, and preserving from de- rangement and ruin its various parts. His perplexities were often increased by the distance at which he was stationed from Congress, the tardy movements of that body, and the long time it took to obtain the results of their deliberations. By a constant watchfulness and fore- thought, and by anticipating the future in his communi- cations, he contrived to lessen this inconvenience as far as it could be done. Besides his unceasing intercourse with Congress, he was corresponds . . with numer- obliaed to correspond with the heads of the provincial ous public , bodies. governments, and afterwards with the governors and legis- latures of the States, with conventions, committees, and civil magistrates. In these were really vested the execu- tive powers of the confederated government. Congress recommended, advised, resolved ; they voted men and sup- plies, assigning due proportions to the respective States ; here their authority ceased. The rest was left to the will of the people, exercised through their representatives in the State legislatures. These bodies required the perpetual promptings of the Commander-in-chief, with forcible rep- resentations of the weakness and wants of the army, and appeals to all the motives which could stimulate patriot- ism or touch the springs of interest. One advantage, how- ever, attended these harassing relations, which might com- pensate for so extraordinary a weight of care and respon- sibility. They brought him into more direct contact with the sources of power, and enabled him to extend his in- fluence, and the fruits of his wisdom, into channels where they were most needed, and would produce the best ef- 140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 43. the stat s es f CHAPTER fects ; thus enlarging the compass of his own considera- - V1L tion, and promoting public harmony and union. 1775. jj e na( j not been i on g j n C amp, when he was called His firmness U pon to exercise his firmness in a manner, that for a mo- in resisting * ment threatened disagreeable consequences. The enemy's arme d vessels were hovering on the coast, seizing small craft, and menacing towns on the seaboard. The inhab- itants were alarmed, and claimed protection. The legis- lature of Massachusetts and the governor of Connecticut applied to Washington with a formal request, that he would detach troops from the army for that purpose. To refuse this request was delicate ; to grant it, dangerous. In the former case, it would excite the clamors of the people and the dissatisfaction of their rulers ; in the latter, it would weaken the army so much, as to leave the camp exposed to a successful assault, and the country around Boston to insult and ravage. The army itself might be dispersed, and the hopes of the continent blighted in the bud. He did not hesitate. He declined, and stated his reasons in language so judicious and forcible, as to avoid giving of- fence, and to blunt the edge of disappointment. This precedent was followed throughout the war. It was es- tablished as a rule, that attacks of the enemy at isolated points along the coast must be repelled by the militia in the vicinity, except when the Continental army was in a condition to make detachments without jeoparding the general cause. Tnere was a project on foot for an expedition from Maine against Nova Scotia, which some members of the Massachusetts legislature were disposed to aid. Washing- ton discouraged it as inexpedient, if not improper. He said the inhabitants of Nova Scotia had committed no hos- tilities, and that such an enterprise would be a measure of conquest rather than defence, which he conceived to be contrary to the principles upon which the colonies had hitherto acted. They had taken up arms to defend their liberties, and not to disturb the quiet of their neighbors. August 11. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 In such a step, also, there would be a risk of making CHAPTER enemies of those, who were willing to be friends.* VIL General Gage commanded the British troops in Boston. 1775. Prisoners had fallen into his hands on the eventful day General Gage's treat- at Bunker's Hill, and he had seized other persons accus- mem of pris- on era in ed of disaffection to the King. These he had thrown Boston. indiscriminately into prison, no distinction being made between officers, soldiers, and citizens. The report went abroad that they were treated with great severity. Jus- tice to his country, and the calls of humanity, made it incumbent on Washington to remonstrate against such con- duct. He wrote to the British general. The occasion awakened recollections of more than common interest. Just twenty years had elapsed since he and Gage fought side by side on the bloody battle-field of the Monongahela. * There was also a plan for engaging the eastern Indians in the Continental service, and agents were sent among them for that pur- pose, but with very little success. During the former wars in America between the English and French, it had been customary on each side to solicit aid from the Indians, and employ them as auxiliaries. Such had been the uniform practice from the first settlement of the country, and it was to be presumed that the same system would be pursued in the Revolution. Considering the ferocity of these people, and the wild and savage manner in which they engaged in all the enterprises of war, it is no wonder that the policy of seeking their alliance, or even permitting their aid, should be regarded by every friend of humanity with unqualified reprobation. Writers of all parties have united in con- demning a practice, so unjustifiable in itself, and so hostile to the prin- ciples of civilization, while at the same time belligerents of all parties have continued to follow it, even down to the late war between Eng- land and the United States. It has been usual in America to represent the English as much the most censurable on this score in the revolutionary war, and if we esti- mate the amount of deserved censure by the effects produced, this opin- ion is no doubt correct. But such is not the equitable mode of judging on the subject, since the principle and intention are chiefly concerned, and not the policy of the measure, nor the success of its execution. Taken on this ground, historical justice must award to the Americans a due share of the blame. Before the rencontre at Lexington and Concord, the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts had enlisted in their service a company of minute-men among the Stockbridge Indians resid- ing in that colony. 142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 43. CHAPTER VII. 1775. Washing- ton remon- strates. August 11. Retaliation meditated, but not car- ried into ef- fect. An intimacy then subsisted between them, which was cherished afterwards by a friendly correspondence. Far different was the relation in which they now stood to each other, at the head of contending armies ; the one obeying the commands of his sovereign, the other uphold- ing the cause of an oppressed people. Their letters were significant of the change. The re- monstrance of Washington, clothed in dignified but point- ed language, represented the impolicy as well as cruelty of ill treatment to prisoners, since it would impose upon him the necessity of retaliating, and there would be no end to the horrors of war, if such a system were pursued. General Gage denied the charge of harsh usage, and took credit to himself for his clemency in sparing persons, " whose lives by the law of the land were destined to the cord." As to difference of rank, he professed not to know any, which was not derived from the King. These principles set at nought all the rules of honor- able warfare, and indicated that the highest officers in the American army, if captured, would be treated as culprits. The only apparent remedy was retaliation. The prison- ers in Washington's possession were immediately ordered into the country, and he gave directions that they should receive in every respect the same treatment, as was known to be practised on the unfortunate sufferers in Boston. Such was his first impulse ; but, however justified by the laws of war, he could not reconcile to himself an act, which should inflict punishment on innocent men for the folly or obduracy of a commander. The order was counter- manded, while the prisoners were on the road to North- ampton, the place of their destination ; and Colonel Reed, one of his aids-de-camp, wrote to the committee of the town, directing that the prisoners should be at liberty to go abroad on their parole. He added ; " The General further requests, that every other indulgence and civility consistent with their security may be shown to them, as long as they demean themselves with decency and good manners. As they have committed no hostility against JEr. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 the people of this country, they have a just claim to mild CHAPTER treatment ; and the General does not doubt, that your V1L conduct towards them will be such, as to compel their 1775. grateful acknowledgments, that Americans are as merciful as they are brave." In replying to General Gage's letter, Washington said : Reply to General " You affect, Sir, to despise all rank not derived from the Gage's let- ter. same source as your own. I cannot conceive one more August 20. honorable, than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. Far from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would apprehend and respect it." The indiscretion and weakness of the British general's conduct admit of no defence ; yet it should be remembered, that he was taught by his superiors to look upon the asserters of liberty in America as rebels, and to treat them as such. Little can be said, however, in praise of his political sagacity, knowledge of human nature, or enlargement of mind. The army was soon augmented by the companies of companies of riflemen riflemen from Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, which join the ar- had been raised in compliance with a resolution of the y-M mi /*n i September. Continental Congress. The companies were filled up with surprising quickness, and on their arrival in camp the numbers of several of them exceeded the prescribed limit. Within two months from the time the orders were sent out, they had been enlisted and equipped, and had marched from four to seven hundred miles to the army at Cam- bridge. General Washington had the satisfaction to find, also, Reinforce- , . f. .,.,.. 1-1111 mentsofmi- tnat the reinforcements of militia, which he had request- HUB, ed from the New England governments to strengthen his camp, came in as expeditiously as could be desired. Before these accessions to his force, he had meditated Expedition u u i_ i i f C against Que- an enterprise, which held out a fair promise of success, bee. General Schuyler had been ordered by Congress to the command of the northern department on Lake Champlain, with instructions to take possession of St. John's, Mont- 144 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [Sit. 43. CHAPTER real, and other parts of Canada, if it should be found practicable and not displeasing to the inhabitants. This 1775. step, it was foreseen, would draw General Carleton from Quebec, with all the troops he could collect, to defend the invaded frontiers. That city and fortress would thus be left an easy conquest ; as there was no probability that they could be reinforced from England before the winter would set in, and close the river with ice. If the main object of taking Quebec should not be attained, the at- tempt would at least call back General Carleton for its protection, and open the southern borders of Canada to the incursions of the American troops. General Schuyler ap- proved the enterprise, and agreed to act in concert. Troops de- The plan was carefully matured, and put into immedi- tached under r Arnold. ate execution. General Washington detached eleven hun- sept 14. dred men, including three rifle companies, with orders to march into Canada, through the wilderness, by way of the Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers, and then to act as circumstances might dictate. The command of the expe- dition, regarded by Washington as "of the utmost con- sequence to the interest and liberties of America," was intrusted to Colonel Arnold. This officer had lately re- turned from Lake Champlain, where he had performed a conspicuous part with Ethan Allen in the capture of Ti- conderoga and Crown Point. His reputation for courage, energy, and military talents already stood high. Arnold'* in- The instructions he received from the Commander-in- structions. chief were humane, politic, and peremptory. He was for- bidden on any pretence to disturb the quiet or offend the prejudices of the Canadians, and ordered to respect their religious observances, to pay them liberally for such arti- cles as he should want, and to punish with rigor, any im- proper acts of the soldiers towards them. He was to seek and annoy the British forces in Canada, but not to molest the people, or do any thing to alienate their good will from the American cause. Difficulties To detail the fortunes, sufferings, romantic incidents, and result of , theexpedi- and various results of this expedition, is not consistent with lion. MT. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 145 our present design. It is enough to say, that it was con- CHAPTER VIT ceived on just principles, well conducted, and partially ' successful. It was weakened on the route by the defec- 1775. tion and return of a colonel, with a large detachment, who assigned as a reason the want of provisions. In a little more than two months from the time he left Cam- bridge, Arnold was encamped on the Plains of Abraham under the walls of Quebec, his effective strength being five hundred and fifty men. He summoned the town to surrender, but his force was too small to warrant an as- sault. The other aim of the undertaking was effected. It caused a diversion of the enemy favorable to the opera- tions of General Montgomery, who, at the head of the American army, entered Canada from Lake Champlain, took Montreal, and ultimately formed a junction with Ar- nold near Quebec. .The conduct of Arnold, in the management of the ex- Arnold's . -' . . conduct ap- pedition, was approved by the Commander-in-chief, and proved, applauded by the country. He had overcome obstacles of the most formidable kind, sustained the fortitude of his men when sinking under incredible hardships from cold, hunger, and fatigue, and proved the confidence in his re- sources and activity not to have been misplaced. The deficiency of powder in the camp at Cambridge Deficiency of . . T . powder in continued to be a cause of extreme anxiety to Washing- camp, ton. Small quantities were collected, but in no propor- tion to the demand. What added to his concern was, that the enemy might discover his weakness on this ac- count, and march out to attack him. In such an event, the whole army must inevitably be routed and dispersed. Secrecy was indispensable ; and consequently the people at large. were as ignorant of his condition, as the enemy within their lines. Murmurs began to be audible that the army was inactive, and that a superiority of numbers might justify an attempt against the town. The subject was referred to a council of general officers, who unani- mously opposed such an experiment. A report next gain- ed credit, that tenderness for the inhabitants of the town, 19 p Oct. 18. 146 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 43. 1775. Cannonades and skir- CHAPTER and reluctance to burn their houses and property, were ^ motives for this forbearance. Congress, either participat- ing this sentiment, or willing to hazard the consequences, hinted their wishes to the general by suggesting, that, "if he thought it practicable to defeat the enemy and gain possession of the town, it would be advisable to make the attack upon the first favorable occasion, and before the arrival of reinforcements, which Congress apprehended might soon be expected." Another council was called, a month after the above, to consider this suggestion, and again there was a unanimous voice against it. Whatever Washington's own opinion may have been, he was con- strained to acquiesce in silence ; for it would have been highly imprudent to undertake such an enterprise, while all the officers were opposed to it, and his actual condition demanded concealment from the public. Occasional cannonades and skirmishes took place at the advanced points on the lines, but the enemy showed no disposition to leave their intrenchments. In fact, they never meditated an attack, unless reinforcements should ar- rive. General Gage wrote to Lord Dartmouth, that such an attempt, if successful, would be fruitless, as there were neither horses nor carriages for transportation, and no other end could be answered than to drive the Americans from one strong-hold to another. The time was drawing near when it would be neces- sary to form a new army. The Connecticut and Rhode Island troops were engaged to serve only till the beginning of December, and none beyond the end of that month. The attention of Congress had been called to the subject, and a committee of three members was appointed to re- pair to the camp, and meet delegates from the New England colonies, for the purpose of devising the most effectual means of continuing, regulating, and supporting the Continental army. Franklin, Lynch, and Harrison were the committee, and they -joined the delegates at Wash- ington's head-quacters on the 18th of October. Committee of Congress go to the camp. ^Ex. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 As the persons constituting this convention were un- CHAPTER skilled in military affairs, the plan proposed by General Washington, which had been discussed and matured by a 1775. council of officers, was in the main adopted. It was con- Plan of a new army. ceived, that, to give proper security, the American army ought to be numerically twice as large as that of the enemy in Boston. Twenty-six regiments, therefore, were assigned for the new organization, besides riflemen and ar- tillery, each regiment being divided into eight companies. The whole number of men would then by estimate amount to twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two. Many of those already on the ground, whose term of service was soon to expire, it was hoped would reenlist, and the deficiency was to be supplied by recruits from the coun- try. The delegates supposed that thirty-two thousand men might be raised in the four New England colonies for one year, the period fixed by Congress for all the enlistments. After the convention was dissolved, the committee from Articles or . . . . war revised, Congress continued to sit, and took various other subjects and other re- gulations es- into consideration. The articles of war underwent a re- tabiished. vision, and several changes were introduced, which ex- perience had proved to be necessary. Regulations for disposing of prizes captured at sea, for the exchange of prisoners, the employment of Indians, and many local de- tails relating to the army, came under notice, and certain definite rules were agreed upon. When the committee re- turned to Congress, their proceedings were approved and confirmed. This conference was of great service to the Commander- in-chief. It afforded an opportunity of expressing his sen- timents with more freedom and fulness, than he could do by written communications. A system was likewise form- ed for future operations in which he could confide, as both Congress and the eastern colonies were bound to sup- port the measures agreed upon by their representatives. The next step was to organize the army according to the new arrangement, to appoint the colonels and inferior 148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1775. New army to be organ ized. Maritime affairs. CHAPTER officers of the several regiments, and issue recruiting or- _ ders. This was an affair of great delicacy and embarrass- ment. It was in the highest degree important to retain as many of the men as possible, who were now in the ranks ; and it was soon discovered, that very few would remain, unless they could know beforehand what officers they were to serve under, and could have all their par- tialities gratified. Local considerations threw many ob- stacles in the way. Care must be taken, that each colony should have its due proportion of officers, according to the number of men it was expected to furnish ; and that their rank should be so adjusted as to suit the caprices of some, and the extravagant claims of others. The task was formidable, but it was at last accomplished, and the recruiting began. In addition to the concerns of the army, Washington was obliged to bestow much time and attention on mari- time affairs. No public vessels as yet belonged to the continent, nor had Congress made any provision for a na- val warfare. While the British troops and the inhabitants of Boston were shut up within the limits of that town, and excluded from a direct -intercourse with the country, it was necessary that all their supplies should come to them by water ; and the large number of vessels employed in this service suggested the idea of fitting out cruisers in the ports along the coast to capture them. Having no instructions to this effect, yet believing it compatible with the general design of annoying and distressing the enemy, Washington took on himself the responsibility of equipping and sending out armed vessels. Agents were employed in Salem, Beverly, Marblehead, and Plymouth, to procure and fit them out, and they were manned by officers and sailors from the army. His instructions to the captains were precise and guarded; and, that he might seem to act under the authority of his commission, he ordered them to "take command of a detachment of the army, with which they were to proceed on board, cruise against such vessels as were found in the service of the enemy, fir. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 149 and .seize all such as were laden with soldiers, arms, am- CHAPTER VI T munition, or provisions." In a few weeks six armed schooners were under sail, 1775. cruising in the waters of Massachusetts Bay. Several Armed schooners captures were made, and particularly a valuable one by fitted out as * cruisers. Captain' Manly, consisting of munitions of war. But, on the whole, the first enterprises were not crowned with signal success. Some of the officers proved incompetent, the men mutinied, and the management of the business in its details caused infinite trouble. The system was improved by degrees, other vessels were fitted out, and Congress provided prize-courts and regulations, which re- sulted at length in the establishment of a Continental Navy. But General Washington was not relieved from this charge, till after the enemy evacuated Boston. One incident illustrative of his character should be here unjustifiable descent up- mentioned. Two armed vessels were despatched to the on the island . of St. John's. River St. Lawrence, with orders to intercept two brig- October. antines, which it had been understood were to sail from England to Quebec with arms and ammunition. Failing in this object, the captains made a descent upon the Is- land of St. John's, pillaged the inhabitants, and brought some of them away prisoners. Whether this act was consistent or not with the customary rules of warfare, it was severely reprimanded by Washington, who imme- diately set the prisoners at liberty, treated them with the greatest kindness, restored all the property that had been taken, and provided the best means in his power to send them back to their homes. * * Mr. Callbeck, President of the Council, and then acting as governor, was among the prisoners who were brought to the camp at Cambridge. In a letter, written by Governor Callbeck at the time of his departure, he said ; " 1 should ill deserve the generous treatment, which your Ex- cellency has been pleased to show me, had I not gratitude to acknow- ledge so great a favor. I cannot ascribe any part of it to my own merit, but must impute the whole to the philanthropy and humane dispo- sition, that so truly characterize General Washington. Be so obliging, therefore, as to accept the only return in my power, that of my most grateful thanks." p* 150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [iEx. 43. CHAPTER The burning of Falmouth, an act of personal malice vn - and cruel wantonness on the part of a British naval offi- 1775. C er, and the threats of the enemy that the same fate The burning should fall upon other seaport towns, produced consterna- of Falmouth. . , . /-MI TIT i tion, and the most pressing requests to General Washmg- October 18. ton^ for assistance in powder, arms, and troops. Again he was compelled, by the necessities of his own situation, to withhold the relief so strenuously solicited. His sym- pathies were keenly affected by their sufferings, and his popularity was jeoparded by the refusal ; yet in this case, as in all others, a stern sense of duty subdued his pri- vate feelings and fortified his judgment, r.enerai When the news of the battle of Bunker's Hill reached Gage re- called. the British cabinet, General Gage was recalled, " in order to give his Majesty exact information of every thing, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and experience of the service enabled him to furnish." In the dearly bought victory at Bunker's Hill he had made a discovery, which seems to have been not less astonishing to himself, than mortifying to the ministers. " The trials we have had," said he, in a letter to Lord Dartmouth, " show the rebels are not the despicable rabble too many have supposed them to be." In the opinion of the ministers this intel- ligence showed likewise, that General Gage had been duped by ill advisers or his own. ignorance, and that, either from obstinacy, want of address, or incapacity, he was not competent to the station he occupied. On the 1st of October he was superseded in the command by General Howe. Genemi The abilities of this officer were perhaps superior to Howe takes thTiwtish* t ^ lose f his predecessor, but they did not grow by expe- """y- rience in the public estimation. He possessed the advan- T 1- tage, however, of not having mingled in the exciting events, in which General Gage had acted such a part as to bring down upon him the ill will and reproaches of the people. General Howe was a brother of Lord Howe, who had been slain at Ticonderoga in the last war, and whose memory was ever cherished with warm affection JEr. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 by the colonists. Hence he had nothing to contend against CHAPTER but the physical force, determined spirit, and political skill VI1 ' of the Americans. Prejudices were in his favor, and no I 775 - antipathies existed. Unluckily he imbibed the idea, that he was quelling a rebellion, and that a scrupulous regard to the rules of honorable warfare was not exacted in such a contest. It would be hard to blame him, perhaps, on this score, since he was only conforming to the spirit of his instructions ; yet a little more discernment in penetrat- ing the actual state of things around him, a little more discretion and sagacity in adapting his conduct to circum- stances, would have shown his character in a better light without diminishing the value of his services in the cause he was set to maintain. The enlistments in the new army went on slowly, siowpro- The dissatisfaction and cabals of the officers, the exacting enlistments i r- ., for the new temper and undisciplined habits of the men, occasioned army, endless perplexities. General Washington felt intense anx- iety. His patience and fortitude were tried in the sever- est manner. A month's experiment had obtained only five thousand recruits. At one time he was flattered with promises, at another almost every gleam of hope was ex- tinguished, till at length, when the term of service of the Connecticut troops was about to expire, it was ascertained that they would go off in a body, and leave a fearful blank in an army already deficient in numbers and weak- ened by internal disorders. He appealed to every motive, which could stimulate their patriotism, pride, or sense of honor, but all in vain ; and it was with the greatest diffi- culty, that he could persuade them to stay ten days lon- ger, till the militia could be assembled to supply their place. Orders were issued for calling in the militia. By a orders issu- prudent foresight he had suggested to Congress the neces- ing m the - , . . . . militia. sity of being intrusted with this authority, and it was , . , . December. granted in general terms. < But here again a new trouble arose. The same spectre of military domination, which had from the first struck so much dread into the minds LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER' of many persons, and had limited the existence of the vn> present army to one year, was still busy in spreading its 1775. terrors, and tormenting its adversaries. If the Commander- in-chief could call out the whole force of the country at his option, where would be the bounds of his power, where the checks to soaring ambition, where the safe- guard of the people's liberties ? Such questions were ask- ed in a tone of triumphant confidence, implying that they could not be answered. Happily Congress put an end to them by a simple expedient. They amended their re- solve, by making it incumbent on the Commander-in-chief to gain the consent of the executive authority of each colony, before he summoned its militia. In fact he had hitherto proceeded in this way, and probably always would have done so ; but this form of the resolve allay- ed the fears of the alarmists, and was equally effectual.* When General Washington complained to Governor ry conduct of the con- Trumbull of the extraordinary conduct of the Connecti- necticut troops. cu t troops, the latter replied ; " There is great difficulty December 2. to support liberty, to exercise government, and maintain subordination, and at the same time to prevent the opera- tion of licentious and levelling principles, which many very easily imbibe. The pulse of a New England man beats high for liberty ; his engagement in the service he thinks purely voluntary ; therefore, when the time of en- listment is out, he thinks himself not holden without fur- ther engagement. This was the case in the last war. I greatly fear its operation amongst the soldiers of the other colonies, as I am sensible this is the genius and spirit of our people." Another consideration had great weight, per- haps greater than all the rest. The men expected a * An incident is related as having vention for forming the Constitution, his experience during the war. A clause into the constitution, limiting men. Washington observed, that he a clause, if it were so amended as presume to invade the United States occurred while he was in the Con- which was probably suggested by member proposed to introduce a a standing army to Jive thousand should have no objection to such to provide, that no enemy should with more than three thousand. ^E-r. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 bounty. A soldier's pay did not satisfy them, as they CHAPTER could obtain better wages in other employments, without VIL . the fatigue and privations of a camp. Congress had de- * ' 7 5 ' clared against bounties, and they could not be offered, unless the colonies should choose to do it individually on their own account. At the end of the year, when the old army was dis- state of the army at the solved, the whole number of the new establishment was end f the year. nine thousand six hundred and fifty. More than a thou- sand of these men were absent on furloughs, which it had been- necessary to grant as a condition of reenlist- ment. This result was peculiarly discouraging. "It is easier to conceive than describe," said General Washing- ton, " the situation of my mind for some time past, and my feelings under our present circumstances. Search the volumes of history through, and I much question whether a case similar to ours is to be found ; namely, to maintain a post against the flower of the British troops for six months together, without powder, and then to have one army disbanded and another to be raised within the same distance of a reinforced enemy." His immediate safety, however, was secured by the addition of five thousand militia, who soon came in, and were to remain till the middle of January. And the advanced state of the sea- son rendered it improbable that the enemy would under- take sudden enterprises. ' *> When General Washington accepted the appointment of Mrs. wash- Congress, he supposed it would v be in his power to visit him at heaj- quarters. his family in the winter, and attend for a short space to his private affairs. This was found impracticable, or at least inconsistent with the duties of his charge ; and Mrs. Washington joined him at head-quarters in December, where she remained till the next spring. This was her practice during the war. She passed the winters with her husband in camp, and returned at the opening of the campaigns to Mount Vernon. His large estates were consigned to the care of a su- perintendent, Mr. Lund Washington, in whom he had 20 154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 43. CHAPTER confidence, and who executed the trust with diligence VI1 ' and fidelity. Notwithstanding the multitude of public con- 1775< cerns, which at all times pressed heavily, and which he H fla- private never neglected, the thoughts of General Washington con- stantly reverted to his farms. In the midst of the most stirring and eventful scenes of the war, he kept up an unremitted correspondence with his manager, in which he entered into details, gave minute instructions, and exact- ed in return frequent and full reports of the particulars relating to the culture of his lands, their products, the condition of the laborers, and every transaction of busi- ness. From the beginning to the end of the Revolution, Lund Washington wrote to the General as often at least as two or three times a month, and commonly" every week, detailing minutely all the events that occurred on the plantations, his purchases, sales, and payments of money, the kinds and quantity of produce, occupations of the laborers, and whatever else could tend to explain the precise condition and progress of the business in his hands. These letters were regularly answered by the General, even when the weight and embarrassment of public du- ties pressed most heavily upon him, and full instructions were returned for regulating the plans and conduct of the manager. Hardly any copies of this description of letters were recorded, if retained, and the originals have been lost or destroyed. But Lund Washington's letters are preserv- ed, and they give evidence of the extraordinary attention bestowed by the Commander-in-chief on his domestic af- fairs, though several hundred miles from home, and bear- ing a burden of public cares, which alone was enough to distract and exhaust the firmest mind. An extract from one of- his letters on these topics will show a trait of character, and the footing on which he left his household at Mount Vernon. Letter to his " Let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the manager, di- * reeling acts poor, be kept up. Let no one so hungry away. If any of hospital- / . . ty. of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply Dec, 26. their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in \ Mr. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 idleness ; and I have no objection to your giving my CHAPTER money in charity, to the amount of forty or fifty pounds _ vn ' a year, when you think it well bestowed. What I mean 1775. by having no objection is, that it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither my- self nor wife is now in the way to do these good offices. In all other respects, I recommend it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the greatest economy and fru- gality; as I suppose you know, that I do not get a far- thing for my services here, more than my expenses. It becomes necessary, therefore, for me to be saving at home." 156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [5/r. 43. CHAPTER VIII. 1775. Secret enter- prise of Gen- eral Howe. General Lee Kent to take the com- mand in New York. January 8. CHAPTER VIII. Plans for an Attack on Boston. Condition of the Army. Dorchester Heights fortified. Evacuation of Boston. Troops march to New York. Washington repairs to Congress. His Views in Regard to the State of the Country. Machinations of the Tories, and Measures taken to defeat them. Declaration of Independence. Arrival of Lord Howe, with Proposals for a Reconciliation with the Colonies. Mode of address- ing Letters to Washington attempted by the British Admiral and Gen- eral. Strength and Condition of the two Armies. Battle of Long Isl- and. Remarks on the Battle. Impression made by it on the American Army and Public. TOWARDS the end of December it was ascertained, that General Howe was fitting out a part of his fleet in the harbor of Boston for some secret enterprise. Its destina- tion could only be conjectured ; but the season of the year and other circumstances induced a belief, that an operation at the ' south was in view. Fears were enter- tained for New York, then in a defenceless condition, feeble from the timid counsels of its provincial Congress, awed by a British man-of-war, and distracted by the arti- fices of Governor Tryon, whose presence and address had kept together on Long Island a formidable body of To- ries, some concealed, others undisguised. No efforts were to be spared to prevent the enemy from gaining possession of so important a post as New York, which, with Hudson's River, opened a direct channel to Canada, through which an invading army might pass, to the great injury of the interior country, if not to the dis- comfiture of the army in the northern department. In the present state of General Washington's forces, he could not send a detachment from camp. As the most promis- ing scheme that offered, General Lee was despatched, with instructions from the Commander-in-chief to raise volunteers in Connecticut, hasten forward to New York, call to his aid other troops from New Jersey, put the city Mr. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 in the best posture of defence which his means would CHAPTER permit, disarm the Tories and other persons inimical to VIIL the rights and liberties of America, and guard the forti- 1776. fications on Hudson's River. The duty was delicate in itself, and difficult in the General Lee's opera- exedltion, requiring energy and firmness, tempered with ttonsmNew a moderation seldom conspicuous in the character of Gen- eral Lee. In this instance, however, he was judicious and successful. A committee from Congress met him at New York, by whose prudence his exuberant ardor was restrained, and who, by bracing up the civil authorities with a little more courage, brought about a cooperation favorable to vigorous measures. The alarm for the safety of New York was premature. The fleet from Boston, having on board several regiments under the command of General Clinton, sailed to North Carolina, in the prosecu- tion of a plan previously formed in the British cabinet, at the recommendation of Governor Martin, for making a descent upon that colony. Meantime General Washington became more and more An attack on _. , Boston re- impatient to make an attack on Boston. He summoned commended, a council of officers on the 16th of January, to whom proved by a J council of with strong arguments he urged the necessity of such an w "- attempt before the enemy should be reinforced, and re- January ie. quested their opinion. They agreed that the attack ought not to be deferred a moment after there should be a fair hope of its succeeding ; but, with the force then in the field, they believed it impracticable. That his feelings were keenly affected by his situation, is apparent from the tone of a letter written at the time. "Could I have foreseen the difficulties," said he, "which have come upon us ; could I have known that such backwardness would have been discovered by the old soldiers to the service, all the generals upon earth should not have con- vinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston till this time." He alludes here to the soldiers of the first army, who had refused to enlist, and gone home, in much greater numbers than he had anticipated. Q 158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43. CHAPTER VIII. 1776. Call for thirteen re- giments of militia. News of the repulse at Quebec. Want of powder and arms. The new regiments were increasing very taxdily. The time for which the five thousand militia engaged to serve had expired, and a few only could be prevailed upon to stay longer. Another call for militia was indispensable. Seven regiments were apportioned to Massachusetts, four to Connecticut, and two to New Hampshire. By the time these should come in, it was hoped the ice on the waters around Boston would be frozen hard enough to facilitate an assault on the town. Just at this moment arrived the news of the repulse at Quebec, and the death of General Montgomery, with an urgent request from General Schuyler, that three thou- sand men should be immediately sent into Canada, as the smallest force necessary to retrieve the loss, and to sustain the cause in that colony. Such a detachment from Washington's army was impossible, without ruin to himself ; but, ever prompt to provide for exigencies and to act for the general good, he instantly applied to the gov- ernments of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hamp- shire to furnish each a regiment, which should continue in service one year, and march forthwith to Canada. To relieve these colonies from an increased burden, he allowed the three regiments to be taken from his last requisition, reserving ten for the main army. The proposal was well received, and the troops were raised and marched to Can- ada during the winter. Besides the want of powder, which had at no time been supplied in any adequate quantity, the deficiency of arms threatened serious consequences. There were nearly two thousand men in camp without firelocks. Every ex- pedient was tried to procure them, but with little effect. The New England governments had none to furnish. The militia, reluctant to part with their arms, carried them away when they returned home. Officers were sent into the country with money to purchase them. A few were obtained in this way, but not enough to arm all the men. Despondency was seldom known, perhaps never, to un- settle the constancy or self-command of Washington. He JE.T. 43.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 159 seemed to gather new strength by resisting the pressure CHAPTER of difficulties thickening around him. Borne up by a vm ' , conscious integrity, weighing well every act of his life, 1776. convinced of the justice of his cause, and habitually trust- Prospects of ing in the direction of an overruling Providence, his far- discourag- reaching mind looked steadily to the end, and he went onward, resolute in purpose, strong in hope. The events of the last six months, however, and the position in which he was now placed, could not but awaken anxious fore- bodings, and touch his sensibility. He saw his own rep- utation and the vital interests of his country in jeopardy. The means of rescuing the one from unmerited censure, and securing the other on a solid basis, were feeble, re- mote, uncertain. The following is his language on the occasion, contained in a letter to a friend. "I know the unhappy predicament in which I stand; , ' I know that much is expected of me ; I know, that, with- out men, without arms, without ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done ; and, what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by declaring my wants, which I am determined not to do, farther than unavoid- able necessity brings every man acquainted with them. My situation is so irksome to me at times, that, if I did not consult the public good more than my own tranquil- lity, I should long ere this have put every thing on the cast of a die. So far from my having an army of twenty thousand men well armed, I have been here with less than half that number, including sick, furloughed, and on command, and those neither armed nor clothed as they should be. In short, my situation has been such, that I have been obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers." As a contrast to this representation, proving the buoy- ancy of his mind and his determined spirit under the heaviest depression, another passage is here quoted from the same letter. 160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 44- CHAPTER VIII. 1776. His senti- ments re- specting the conduct of the British ministry. Proposes an assault on Boston. " With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the measures, which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair ; and, if every man was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived by artful dec- larations, nor specious pretences ; nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; but, in open, undisguised, and manly terms, proclaim our wrongs, and our resolution to be redressed. I would tell them, that we had borne much, that we had long and ardently sought for recon- ciliation upon honorable terms, that it had been denied us, that all our attempts after peace had proved abortive, and had been grossly misrepresented, that we had done every thing which could be expected from the best of subjects, that the spirit of freedom rises too high in us to submit to slavery. This I would tell them not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness." By degrees the affairs of the army assumed a more favorable aspect. Owing to the mildness of the winter, little ice was formed till the middle of February, when it was sufficiently strong to enable the troops to march over it from Roxbury and Dorchester. The Commander- in-chief proposed to take advantage of this opportunity, and make an immediate assault on Boston. His opinion was overruled by a council of officers, much to his dis- appointment and chagrin. " Though we had been waiting all the year," said he, " for this favorable event, the en- terprise was thought too dangerous. Perhaps it was; perhaps the irksomeness of my situation led me to under- take more than could be warranted by prudence. I did not think so, and I am sure yet, that the enterprise, if it had been undertaken with resolution, must have succeed- ed ; without it, any would fail." It was resolved, however, that active operations should commence, and that posses- JEft. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 sion should be taken of Dorchester Heights, which might CHAPTER possibly bring out the enemy to an engagement in that quarter, and thus, by dividing the forces in Boston, lead 1776. to a general attack. Speedy arrangements were made for executing this Dorchester plan, and the essential part of it was effected by a body en. of troops, who marched in the night under the command M * * of General Thomas, gained the summit of the Heights without being discovered, and by great activity erected before morning such works, as would secure them against the enemy's shot. To divert the attention of General Howe, an incessant cannonade and bombardment upon the town had been kept up the two preceding nights, and during the same night, from Lechmere's Point, Cobble Hill, and Roxbury. As Dorchester Heights commanded the harbor, and also Preparations Nook's Hill, from which the town could easily be annoyed the town. by cannon and mortars, it was expected that the enemy would attempt to dislodge the American detachment, and that the scenes of Bunker's Hill would again be acted over. In anticipation of such an event, Washington pre- pared to assault the town at the same time on the oppo- site side. For this service four thousand chosen men were set apart, and put in two divisions, one under Gen- eral Sullivan, the other under General Greene, the whole being commanded by General Putnam. At a concerted signal they were to embark in boats, near the mouth of Charles River, attended by three floating batteries, under the fire of which they were to land in the town, and then act according to circumstances and instructions given by signals. In the event there was no occasion for this attempt. General Howe deter- It was not the policy of General Howe, nor consistent mines to ' suspend of- with his designs, to bring on a general engagement. He fensive oper- ations. remained in Boston at his own discretion, it having been recommended to him by the ministry, several months be- fore, to leave that place and repair to a southern port. Although he thought there were solid reasons against such 21 <** 162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 44. CHAPTER a step, yet he did not choose to sacrifice his men, or run VIIL hazards, while so much rested on his responsibility. But 1776. when the admiral told him, that, unless the Americans were dislodged from Dorchester Heights, the King's ships could not remain in the harbor, he consented to detach three thousand men under Lord Percy for that purpose. The execution of the plan was defeated by a furious storm, which came on while the troops were embarking. The next day he determined to suspend offensive opera- tions and to evacuate the town. me town Washington had regarded this result as probable, and, spared from . ... _. , TT ravage by having no other motive for tempting General Howe to an the tacit un- /// derstandmg engagement, than that of forcing him from the town, it of the two command- wa s of course accordant with his principles and his wishes, that it should be done without bloodshed. His only aim, therefore, was to keep his posts strongly guarded, and his troops ready for action. Humanity and policy required, also, that the town should be saved, if possible, from the ravage and destruction to which it must inevitably be exposed by an assault. Apprehending such an issue, af- ter the Americans had planted themselves on Dorchester Heights, the inhabitants obtained from General Howe a declaration, that the town should not be destroyed, unless the King's troops were molested during their embarkation. An informal message to this effect was forwarded to Wash- ington by the selectmen of the town, but he declined taking any notice of it, as not being authenticated by the name of the British commander. This proceeding was enough, however, to produce a tacit understanding be- tween the parties, and the troops were allowed to depart without molestation. The town was left uninjured, ex- cept from the natural effects of having been so long occu- pied by soldiers, and the disorders attending so hasty an embarkation. Boston evac- Boston was evacuated on the 17th of March, and sev- uated by arm BritUh era ^ re g^ ments commanded by General Putnam immediately March 17 entere d it, and took possession of all the posts. It was found to be very strongly fortified. General Washington JE.T. 44.] LIFEOFWASHINGTON. 163 himself went into the town the next day, and was received CHAPTER with enthusiasm by the inhabitants. The legislature of Massachusetts took an early opportunity to present to him 1776. an address, expressive of their respect and attachment, their obligations for the great services he had rendered to his country, and their thanks for the deference he had inva- riably shown to the civil authorities. In reply he recip- rocated their kind sentiments, congratulated them on the recent event, particularly as having been effected without the effusion of blood, but intimated, as to his own agency, that he had only done his duty, " wishing for no other reward, than that arising from a conscientious discharge of his important trust, and that his services, might contri- bute to the establishment of freedom and peace, upon a permanent foundation, and merit the applause of his coun- trymen and every virtuous citizen." Congress were not backward in rendering a due tribute congress to their Commander-in-chief. A unanimous vote of thanks of thanks . , and a medal was conveyed to him in a letter, drafted by a committee to washing- ton, expressly appointed for the occasion, and signed by the President. A gold medal was ordered to be struck, com- memorative of the evacuation of Boston, and as an hon- orable token of the public approbation of his conduct. * General Howe, with his army in seventy-eight ships and transports, sailed for Halifax. His effective force, * The medal, which was struck in Paris, from a die cut by Duvivier, contains on the obverse a head of Washington in profile, exhibiting an excellent likeness, and around it the inscription ; GEORGIO WASHINGTON SVPREMO DVGI EXERCITVVM ADSERTORI LIBERTATIS COMITIA AMERICANA. On the reverse is the town of Boston in the distance, with a fleet in view, under sail. Washington and his officers are on horseback in the foreground, and he is pointing to the ships as they depart from the harbor. The inscription is HOSTIBVS PRIMO FVGATIS BOSTONIVM RECVPERATVM XVII MARTII MDCCLXXVI. 164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. CHAPTER VIII. 1776. fieneral Howe sails with bis army to Hal- ifax. American troops march for New York. March 18. Putnam takes com- mand in New York. including seamen, was about eleven thousand men. More than a thousand refugees left Boston in his fleet.* By the adjutant's return, Washington's army, officers and men, amounted to twenty-one thousand eight hundred, of which number two thousand seven hundred were sick. The en- listments had been more successful latterly than at first. There were also six thousand eight hundred militia, most of whom had been suddenly called in from the neighboring towns, to strengthen the lines in case of an attack on Boston. It was reported, while the troops were preparing to em- bark, that they were destined for Halifax ; but, suspecting this to be given out by the British commander, as a feint to cover his real designs, and anxious for the safety of New York, General Washington called for two thousand militia from Connecticut, and one thousand from New Jersey, to be thrown into that city without delay, which, added to the force already on the spot, might oppose the landing of the enemy till his own troops could arrive. The day after the evacuation, he ordered five Continental regiments, the battalion of riflemen, and two companies of artillery to march under General Heath. They went by land to Norwich, and thence by water through the Sound. The whole army, except five regiments detained for the defence of Boston under General Ward, followed in divisions, pursuing the same route. Putnam was sent forward to take the command in New York ; Lee having been appointed by Congress to the southern department, * The following statement of the number and character of the refu- gees, that left Boston with General Howe, is taken from the official return, made to the government, and now deposited in the public offices in London. Members of the council, commissioners, custom-house offi- cers, and other persons who had been in some official station, one hundred and two ; clergy, eighteen ; persons from the country, one hun- dred and five; merchants and other inhabitants of Boston, two hundred and thirteen ; farmers, traders, and mechanics, three hundred and eighty- two; total, nine hundred and twenty -four. All these returned their names on their arrival in Halifax. About two hundred others did not return their names. ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 165 and having hastened thither to watch the motions of CHAPTER General Clinton, who it was expected would make a de- scent somewhere on the coast at the south. 1776. The British fleet lingered ten days in Nantasket Road, Washington proceeds to and Washington could not venture to leave his post, nor New York and takes indeed to order away all his army, till assured that the the com- mand. fleet had actually put to sea. When this was ascertain- April 13. ed, he set off for New York, passing through Providence, Norwich, and New London. At Norwich he had an in- terview with Governor Trumbull, who came there to meet him. On the 13th of April he arrived in New York. The divisions of the army, moving more slowly, did not unite in that place till some days later. It was soon evident, that General Howe had gone in inspects the . . works and another direction, and that no immediate danger was to prepares other means be apprehended from the enemy. The British armed ves- of defence, sels, hitherto remaining in the harbor, retired down to Sandy Hook, twenty-five miles from the city. The mili- tia from Connecticut and New Jersey were discharged. The first task of the Commander was to inspect the works begun by General Lee, direct their completion, and prepare other means of defence. Affairs in Canada became every day more gloomy. The Affairs of J Canada be- unfortunate repulse at Gluebec, the want of an efficient come more gloomy. commander after the fall of the gallant Montgomery, the severity of the winter, and the deficiency of supplies, all contributed to dishearten the troops, diminish their strength, destroy discipline, and engender confusion. Reinforcements from England would certainly be in the River St. Law- rence, as soon as the ice should break up. Congress, just- ly fearing the consequences, requested Washington first to detach four regiments, and then six others, to act in the northern department. He approved this measure from the conviction, that the public interests would thus be served ; since no support could be obtained in Canada, except what was sent there, whereas at New York the militia on an emergency might be summoned from the surround- ing country. 166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 44. CHAPTER VIII. 1776. Washington visits Con- gress at Phil- adelphia. May 22. Approves the vote of the Virginia Convention for indepen- dence. May 31. The presence of General Washington being thought es- sential at Congress, for the purpose of advising with them on the state of affairs, and concerting arrangements for the campaign, he repaired to Philadelphia, leaving the ar- my in the command of General Putnam. On his way he examined Staten Island, and the opposite Jersey shore, with the view of determining the proper places for works of defence. He was absent fifteen days. He seems to have been disappointed and concerned at discovering di- visions in Congress, which portended no good to the com- mon cause. It was known, from the late proceedings in Parliament, that commissioners were coming out with pro- posals of accommodation. In a letter to his brother, writ- ten at Philadelphia, he speaks as follows. " I am very glad to find, that the Virginia Convention have passed so noble a vote, and with so much unanim- ity. Things have come to such a pass now, as to con- vince us, that we have nothing more to expect from the justice of Great Britain ; also, that she is capable of the most delusive arts ; for I am satisfied, that no commis- sioners were ever designed, except Hessians and other for- eigners ; and that the idea was only to deceive and throw us off our guard. The first has been too effectually ac- complished, as many members of Congress, in short, the representation of whole provinces, are still feeding them- selves upon the dainty food of reconciliation ; and, though they will not allow, that the expectation of it has any influence upon their judgment with respect to their prep- arations for defence, it is but too obvious, that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog to their proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be otherwise ; for no man, that entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense and run the same hazards to prepare for the worst event, as he who believes, that he must conquer, or submit to unconditional terms, and the concomitants, such as confiscation, hang- ing, and the like." ^Er. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 The allusion, at the beginning of this paragraph, is to CHAPTER a recent vote of the Virginia Convention, recommending VI "' to Congress to declare the United Colonies free and inde- 1776. pendent States. The opinion, that it was time for this convinced 1-1 that the " decisive step to be taken, had been firmly rooted in the sumption of indepen- mind of Washington ever since he first saw the King's denceisthe only course speech at the opening of Parliament, and understood from that the co1 - onies can it the temper with which the British government was de- [U^ 1 / termined, at all events, to push its claims upon the col- onies. From that moment his last hope of reconciliation vanished. He was convinced, that submission on terms too humiliating to be admitted, or a hard struggle, was the only alternative. From that moment, therefore, he believed the colonies ought to stand on the broad ground of independence. They could lose nothing by assuming such a position ; they had been driven to it by their ad- versaries ; whether from weak counsels, obstinacy, or wil- ful oppression, it was useless to inquire ; and, if they must yield at last, it was better to fall nobly contending for freedom and justice, than to sink back into servitude, branded with the reproach of degrading concessions. Such being his sentiments, he was rejoiced at the spirit mani- fested in so powerful a colony as Virginia, setting an ex- ample which others were ready to follow, and leading to a union which would fix the thoughts and hearts of the people on a single object, encourage the desponding, strengthen the military arm, and give a new impulse to the whole country. Notwithstanding the hesitancy of some of the members Large major- ., . . . ity of Con- of Congress, there was still a large majority for vigorous gressforvig- ... orous action. action ; and, while he was there, they resolved to reinforce the army at New York with thirteen thousand eight hun- dred militia, drawn from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey ; and a flying camp, of ten thou- sand more, from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware. On his return to New York, he lost no time in making Rtum s to New York. preparations to receive the enemy, whose fleet was now expected soon to approach the coast. Besides the burden e7 ' 168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [/r. 44. CHAPTER of his command, he was harassed with other difficulties. VI1L Long Island, Staten Island, many parts of the interior, 1776. and even the city itself, swarmed with disaffected persons, or Tories, who were plotting clandestine and dangerous piou of the schemes. Governor Tryon, the centre of motion to this fraternity, continued on board a vessel at the Hook, and had his emissaries abroad in every direction. The Pro- vincial Congress, either distrustful of its powers, or too much contaminated with the leaven of disaffection in some of its members, was tardy to propose, and more -tardy to execute, any plans for eradicating the mischief. Wash- ington expostulated, reasoned, urged, till at length a se- cret committee was appointed to take up and examine suspected persons. condition of This was a wide stretch of power, defensible only from the Tories as , . r - . to their po- the necessity, of the case. A covert enemy is the worst tion. of all, as he forfeits honor and betrays friendship. That he is abetting what he thinks a good cause, is a poor plea for such treachery. Spies in all countries are pun- ished with death. An enemy in disguise is a spy. Dif- ference of opinion is not criminal, and there were doubt- less many innocent Tories, who were loyalists in faith, but remained quiet. Yet, it is a question, how long such persons can be allowed to stand neuter in times of revo- lution. They may go away ; but while their lives and property are protected by the actual government, they owe allegiance to it, and are bound to render positive service for its support. Such was the condition of the Tories. They were either criminal as enemies, tolerated as neu- trals, or obliged to act as friends. At the beginning of the contest, the first class was much the most numerous, and there can be no controversy as to the kind of treat- ment demanded in their case. Power of ap- Aware of the delicacy of this subject, Congress early prehending J J Tories de- passed a resolution, by which the power of apprehending the civil au- Tories was put into the hands of the civil authority of thormes. * each colony. This was a wise and politic regulation. Much abuse and injustice might have followed, if the JEr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 Continental officers had been permitted to arrest persons CHAPTER upon suspicion ; whereas the local civil authorities, with ' a full knowledge of characters and circumstances, might 1776. proceed with proper discrimination, and avoid confounding the innocent with the guilty. That there might not be a want of power to execute this business effectually, the conventions, assemblies, and committees were authorized to employ a military force from the Continental army, which, in such cases, was bound to act under their or- ders. Many Tories were apprehended in New York and on Long Island ; some were imprisoned, others disarmed. A deep plot, originating with Governor Tryon, was de- scheme of / i i i if 1 XT' t ' le Tories feated by a timely and fortunate discovery. His agents to seize 3 Washington. were iound enlisting men in the American camp, and enticing them with rewards. The infection spread to a considerable extent, and even reached the General's guard, some of whom enlisted. A soldier of the guard was proved guilty by a court-martial, and executed. It was a part of the plot to seize General Washington and con- vey him to the enemy. On the 28th of June, a part of the British fleet from British fleet arrives at Halifax arrived at the Hook. The remainder followed New York, within a week, and General Howe established his head- June 28. quarters at Staten Island. An immediate attack was ex- pected ; but such was not the purpose of General Howe. A fleet from England was on its way to join him, under the command of his brother, Lord Howe, the bearer of proposals from the ministry for an accommodation, the effect of which was to be tried before hostilities should be renewed. Whilst the enemy was thus gathering strength at the Declaration door of New York, and in sight of the American troops, dence read" General Washington received from Conerress the Decla- July 9. ration of Independence. At six o'clock in the evening, the regiments were paraded, and the Declaration was read aloud in the hearing of them all. It was greeted with the most hearty demonstrations of joy and applause. " The General hopes," said the orders of the day, " that 22 R 170 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [/ET. 44. CHAPTER this important event will serve as a fresh incentive to VIIL every officer and soldier to act with fidelity and courage, 1 ' 7 6 ' as knowing, that now the peace and safety of his country depend, under God, solely on the success of our arms, and that he is now in the service of a state possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit, and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." The United Col- onies of North America were declared to be Free and In- dependent States, and from that day the word colonies is not known in their history. ships As the Americans had no armed vessels in the harbor. sail up Hud- son's River. General Howe ventured upon the experiment of sending July 12. two ships, one of forty and the other of twenty guns, with three tenders, up Hudson's River. Taking advan- tage of a brisk and favorable breeze, they passed the batteries at New York and Paulus Hook without being checked, or apparently injured, the men on the decks being protected by ramparts of sand-bags. The vessels as- cended to a part of the river, called Tappan Sea, where the breadth of the water secured them against molestation from the land. General George Clinton then had com- mand of the New York militia. He called out three regi- ments, and stationed them at different points on the banks of the river, particularly in the Highlands, to defend those passes and prevent the enemy from penetrating beyond them. But in reality the British general's only objects were, to cut oif the communication by water between Washington's army and Canada, and between the city and country, thereby obstructing supplies ; to give countenance to the Tories; and to take soundings in the river. The vessels were absent from the fleet five weeks, during which time one of the tenders was burnt by a fire-ship sent among them by a party of Americans. Lord Howe Lord Howe ioined his brother at Staten Island before arrives at staten is- the middle of July. While at sea, he had written a land, and " proposes circular letter to the late royal governors in the colonies, terms of con- J presuming them to be still in power, accompanied by a Declaration setting forth his authority as commissioner . 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 171 from the King, and the terms proposed for a reconciliation. These papers were put on shore by a flag at Amboy, whence they came to the hands of General Washington, who enclosed them to the President of Congress. The terms amounted to nothing more than a promise of pardon and favor to those, who should return to their allegiance and assist in restoring public tranquillity. The papers were ordered to be published by Congress, that the peo- ple might know, as stated in the order, what they had to expect from the court of Great Britain, and " be con- vinced that the valor alone of their country was to save its liberties." Lord Howe's arrival at so late a day, being after the declaration of independence, was regarded by him as a circumstance unfavorable to the success of his mission ; but the truth is, the ..proposition he brought out would not at any time have been listened to, as affording a reasonable ground of reconciliation. It left untouched all the original causes of complaint. To suppose the min- istry had any other hope of this measure, than what was derived from the prowess of their formidable army and fleet, would be a severe reflection upon their common in- telligence and wisdom. The Americans believed it to be an attempt to amuse, deceive, and disunite them ; and, by a natural reaction, it tended to increase their efforts and bind them more closely together. The day before the above papers were landed at Amboy, Lord Howe despatched a letter to General Washington by a flag, which was detained in the harbor by the guard- boats, till the General's orders should be known. He had previously determined to decline receiving any letter from the British commanders, not directed to him in his public character. Colonel Reed, adjutant-general of the army, went down to meet the flag, with instructions to that effect. The officer, who had charge of the flag, showed him a letter directed " To George Washington, Esq.", which he said was from Lord Howe. It was, of course, declined. The officer expressed regret, said the letter was important, and rather of a civil than military nature, and CHAPTER VIII. 1776. Intercourse between Washington and Lord Howe. Lord Howe's letter re- fused. July 14. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. CHAPTER VIII. 1776. Colonel Paterson's interview with Wash- ington. July 20. All letters declined, not superscribed with a prop- er address. at last inquired in what manner Mr. Washington chose to be addressed. Colonel Reed replied, that his station was well known, and that no doubts could properly exist on that point. They separated, and the flag returned with the letter to the fleet. In mentioning this incident to Congress, Washington said, " I would not upon any occa- sion sacrifice essentials to punctilio ; but in this instance, the opinion of others concurring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my country and my appointment, to insist upon that respect, which, in any other than a public view, I would willingly have waved." The course he had taken was highly approved by Congress, and a re- solve was passed, that in future no letters should be re- ceived from the enemy, by commanders in the American army, which should not be directed to them in the char- acters they sustained. As occasional intercourse between the chiefs of the two armies was necessary, for the purpose of treating about the exchange of prisoners and other matters, General Howe wrote to Washington a few days afterwards, repeat- ing the same superscription. This letter was likewise re- fused. He then sent Colonel Paterson, adjutant-general of the British army, who was admitted to an interview with the American commander, and produced a letter di- rected " To George Washington, Esq. fyc. <$fc. 6fc." Col- onel Paterson used the title of " Excellency " in addressing him, and said, " that General Howe much regretted the difficulties, which had arisen respecting the address of the letter to General Washington ; that it was deemed consis- tent with propriety, and founded upon precedents of the like nature by ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, when disputes or difficulties of rank had arisen ; that Lord Howe and General Howe did not mean to derogate from the respect or rank of General Washington ; and that they held his person and character in the highest esteem." Washington replied, " that a letter directed to a person in a public character should have some description or in- dication of it, otherwise it would appear a mere private JEr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 1776. letter ; and that he should absolutely decline any letter CHAPTER directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station." After a good deal of conversation on this subject, and also on the particulars supposed to be con- tained in the letter, Colonel Paterson was introduced to several of the general officers of the American army, and then took his leave. In giving an account of this con- ference to the ministry, General Howe observed, " The interview was more polite than interesting ; however, it induced me to change my superscription for the attainment of an end so desirable ; and in this view I flatter myself it will not be disapproved." From that time all letters addressed by the British commanders to General Wash- ington bore his proper titles. * * On the 30th of July, Colonel Palfrey, paymaster-general of the array, went on board Lord Howe's ship with another gentleman, to negotiate an exchange of prisoners, who had been taken at sea in a vessel called the Yankee Hero. In a letter to the President of Con- gress, Colonel Palfrey said ; " We were treated with the utmost politeness and civility by Lord Howe. He spoke with the highest respect of General Washington, and lamented the nice distinctions, which, he said, prevented his addressing him by letter ; and said he wished to convey his sentiments to him in any mode of address, that might prevent his being blamed by the King, his master. In all his discourse he called him General Wash- ington, and frequently said, the States of America. He said the Con- gress had greatly hurt his feelings by reminding him, in one of their publications, of the esteem and respect they had for the memory of his brother, and drawing by manifest inference a contrast between the survivors and the deceased ; that no man could feel more sensibly the respect shown to their family, than his Lordship and the General ; that they should always esteem America for it, and particularly Mas- sachusetts Bay ; and added, ' I hope America will one day or other be convinced, that, in our affection for that country, we also are HOWES.' His Lordship, when speaking of his brother, was greatly affected, and I could perceive a tear standing in his eye. "He hinted an inclination, that I should take the letter to General Washington, with the addition of 'fyc. fyc. $-c.,' which he said would imply every thing that we could desire, and at the same time savr him from censure. I gave him to understand, that, as it had been before refused under the same circumstances, I could not with pro- priety receive it, especially as it was against the express direction of 174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. Fortifica- tions on New York Island. CHAPTER General Howe remained two months at Staten Island, V1IL waiting for reinforcements, before he commenced the op- 1776. erations of the campaign. This period was employed by Washington in strengthening his works on New York Island. A fort was begun at the north part of the isl- and, on a hill not far from the east bank of the Hudson, which was called Fort Washington ; and another nearly opposite to it on the other side of the river, in New Jer- sey, at first called Fort Constitution, and afterwards Fort Lee. Between these forts the river's channel was ob- structed by hulks of vessels and chevaux-de-frise. Batter- ies were erected on the margins of the North and East Rivers, redoubts were thrown up at different places, the grounds near Kingsbridge were fortified, and the whole island was put in as good a state of defence, as the time and circumstances would permit. Plans were concerted for attacking the enemy on Staten Island by parties from the Jersey shore ; but the want of boats and other obsta- cles rendered these plans abortive. A general attack was thought unadvisable, as putting too much at hazard, while the enemy occupied an island protected on every side by their fleet. By the middle of August the British reinforcements, had all arrived. General Howe's strength then consisted of his own army from Halifax, additional troops from England, Hessians, several regiments from the West Indies and the Floridas, the detachments on board Sir Peter Parker's squadron, under Clinton and Cornwallis, returned from their signal repulse at Sullivan's Island, and such men as Lord Dunmore had brought with him from Yirginia. The aggregate of these forces was probably somewhat above twenty-four thousand men. It has been estimated as high Congress. When we parted, he desired his compliments to General Washington." The brother, here alluded to, was the gallant Lord Howe, who was killed near Ticonderoga in the year 1758. The province of Massachu- setts Bay appropriated money for erecting a monument to him in Westminster Abbey. Strength of the British army. JEt. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 as thirty thousand. The fleet was numerous and well CHAPTER equipped : and the whole armament, for both the land and X^H: . sea service, was supplied with all kinds of military stores. 1776> To meet these formidable preparations, General Wash- f^ e ^ r ? f ington's army, according to a return made out on the 3d can army. of August, including officers and men of every descrip- Augusts. tion, amounted nominally to twenty thousand five hun- dred and thirty-seven. Of these, three thousand six hun- dred and sixty-eight were sick, ninety-seven absent on furlough, and two thousand nine hundred and forty-six on command, leaving only eleven thousand one hundred, be- sides officers, present fit for duty. Many of these were militia, suddenly called from their homes, unaccustomed to arms and to the exposure and hardships of a camp. The season of the year and the want of tents occasioned much sickness. Even this small army was greatly divid- ed, being stationed at many points, from Brooklyn to Kingsbridge, over a space of more than fifteen miles in extent. At this critical time there began to be collisions in the Dissensions _, -if among the army, threatening serious consequences. Collected irom troops, and various parts of the country, and coming together with mander's at- local partialities, the officers yielded to a spirit of jealousy, check them, and even gave vent to disrespectful language, which pro- duced irritation and discord. The example was naturally followed by the soldiers. To check at the outset a symp- tom so dangerous, the Commander-in-chief resorted to per- suasion and reprimand. In the orders of the day he said ; " The General most earnestly entreats the officers and sol- diers to consider the consequences ; that they can no way assist our enemies more effectually, than by making divis- ions among ourselves ; that the honor and success of the army, and the safety of our bleeding country, depend up- on harmony and good agreement with each other; that the provinces are all united to oppose the common ene- my, and all distinctions sunk in the name of an Ameri- can. To make this name honorable, and to preserve the liberty of our country, ought to be our only emulation ; 176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 44. CHAPTER VIII. 1776. An attack expected. Militia call- ed out. British troops land on Long Isl- and. August 22. and he will be the best soldier and the best patriot, who contributes most to this glorious work, whatever his sta- tion, or from whatever part of the continent he may come. Let all distinctions of nations, countries, and provinces, therefore, be lost in the generous contest, who shall be- have with the most courage against the enemy, and the most kindness and good humor to each other. If there be any officers or soldiers so lost to virtue and a love of their country, as to continue in such practices after this order, the General assures them, and is authorized by Congress to declare to the whole army, that such persons shall be severely punished and dismissed from the service with disgrace." This timely and energetic appeal did not pass unheeded, but it was long before entire harmony sub- sisted among all parts of the army. Nor indeed was it ever so firmly established, that caution was not necessa- ry to keep the troops of each State as much as possible together, and under general officers from the State to which they belonged. An attack from the enemy was daily expected. As the waters around New York were accessible to the fleet and small craft, General Howe could land at such places as he chose, and every point was therefore to be guarded. Meantime the American army gradually gained strength. The Convention of New York called out the militia of four counties. About three thousand assembled, and formed an encampment under General George Clinton near Kings- bridge. Three thousand came from Connecticut. Two bat- talions of riflemen from Pennsylvania, one from Maryland, and a regiment from Delaware, likewise joined the army. Intelligence at length arrived, that the British troops were landing on Long Island, between the Narrows and Sandy Hook. It was then apparent, that they designed to approach the city across Long Island, and not to at- tempt an immediate bombardment. Anticipating this move- ment, Washington had at an early day posted a body of troops at Brooklyn, on a part of Long Island opposite to the city of New York, and separated from it by the East jET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 177 River. This position was well secured on the land side CHAPTER by a chain of intrenchments and redoubts, running along VIIL the high grounds from Wallabout Bay to Gowan's Cove; 1776. these works having been constructed under the eye of General Greene. It was defended on the water side by Defences on batteries at Red Hook, Governor's Island, and other points. Between Brooklyn, and the place where the enemy land- ed, was a range of hills covered with a thick wood, and crossed by three roads. The precaution had been taken to throw up breastworks at the principal passes on these hills, where three or four regiments were stationed. General Greene at first commanded on Long Island, but falling ill with a fever, he was succeeded for a short time by Gen- eral Sullivan. The command at length devolved on Gen- eral Putnam. The British army occupied the plain on the other side Battle of of the hills, extending in a line from the Narrows to Flat- bush. General Grant commanded the left wing near the coast, De Heister the centre, composed of Hessians, and Clinton the right. About three o'clock in the morning, on the 27th of August, a report was brought to the camp, that the British were in motion on the road leading along the coast from the Narrows. A detachment under Lord Lord stir- ling. Stirling was immediately ordered out to meet them. Gen- eral Sullivan was sent to the heights above Flatbush, on the middle road. One regiment only was at this post; and a little to the north of it, on the Bedford road, were two others. Meantime General Clinton, with Earl Percy and Cornwallis, led the right wing of the British army by a circuit into the Jamaica road, which was not guard- ed, and gained the rear of the Americans under Sullivan. Before this was accomplished, reinforcements had been sent from the camp to support both Sullivan and Stirling. The attack was begun at an early hour by Grant and De Heister, but was kept up with little spirit, as they were not to advance till Clinton should reach the left flank or rear of the Americans. As soon as it was known, by the sound of the guns, that this was effected, they 23 178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 44. \ CHAPTER pushed vigorously forward, and the action became gener- _ V1IL al and warm in every part. The troops under Lord Stir- 177G. ling^ consisting of the Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Dela- ware regiments, fought with signal bravery, contesting every foot of ground against a greatly superior force, till Lord Cornwallis, with a detachment from Clinton's divis- ion, came upon their rear, brought them between two fires, and compelled them to retreat within their lines General Sui- across a creek and marsh near Gowan's Cove. General livan. Sullivan, with the regiments on the heights above Flat- bush, being attacked by De Heister on one side and Clin- ton on the other, after making an obstinate resistance for three hours, was obliged to surrender. As the grounds were broken and covered with wood, the action in this part was conducted by a succession of skirmishes, and many of the troops forced their way through the enemy and returned to Brooklyn. After the battle was over, General Howe encamped his army in front of the Ameri- can lines, intending to carry them by regular approaches with the cooperation of his fleet. Disastrous The issue of the day was disastrous to the Americans. issue of the . * da y- Their loss was between eleven and twelve hundred men, more than a thousand of whom were captured. General Sullivan and Lord Stirling were among the prisoners. The whole number engaged was about five thousand, who were opposed by at least fifteen thousand of the en- emy, well provided with artillery. That so many escap- ed, was owing to the nature of the ground, and to the action having been fought in detached parties, some of which were several miles distant from each other. The courage and good conduct of the troops, particularly those under Lord Stirling, were universally acknowledged. Brook!' n 0m 'During the action General Washington crossed over to Brooklyn. He is said to have witnessed the rout and August 30. , slaughter of his troops with the keenest anguish, as it was impossible to detach others to their relief without ex- posing the camp to imminent danger. A heavy rain the next day kept the main body of the enemy in their tents. JET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ,179 Light parties came out, and there was occasional skir- CH/PTER mishing near the lines. A strong head wind prevented __, '.._ the ships from ascending the harbor. The loss sustained / 776 - in the late action, the injury which the arms and am- / munition had received by the rains, the great force of / the enemy, and the probability that the ships would take advantage of the first favorable wind, sail into the East River, and thus cut off the only channel of retreat, ren/ dered it obvious, that any further attempt to maintain the post at Brooklyn would be hazardous in the extreme. It was known, also, that some of the British ships had pqss- ed round Long Island, and were now in Flushing Bty ; and there were indications, that it was General Hove's design to transport a part of his army across the Sound, and form an encampment above Kingsbridge. This would put New York Island in jeopardy, and the forces at Brook- lyn would be essential for its defence. A council cf war was called. No time was lost in deliberation. It was resolved to withdraw the troops from Long Island. Boats were collected and other preparations were made without delay. On the morning of the 30th, the whole army, amounting to nine thousand men, the military stores, near- ly all the provisions, and the artillery, except a few heavy cannon, were safely landed in New York. With such secrecy, silence, and order, was every thing conducted, that the last boat was crossing the river, before the re- treat was discovered by the enemy, although parties were stationed within six hundred yards of the lines. This retreat, in its plan, execution, and success, has been regarded as one of the most remarkable military events in history, and as reflecting the highest credit on the talents and skill of the commander. So intense was the anxiety of Washington, so unceasing his exertions, that for forty- eight hours he did not close his eyes, and rarely dis- mounted from his horse. There have been various strictures on this battle, both Remarks on the battle of in regard to the action itself, and to the policy of Wash- Long island. ington in attempting to oppose the enemy at all on Long 181 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jEx. 44. Island. The strange oversight in leaving the Jamaica road unguarded, and the neglect in procuring early and con- 177t - stant intelligence of the movements of the British army, ^ were the immediate causes of the deplorable events of the day. These faults, however, such as they were, rested with the officers on the Island. General Washington had given express instructions, that the strictest vigilance should be observed in every part of the outer lines. It was un- fortunate that the illness of General Greene deprived the commander on the spot of his counsel, he being thorough- ly acquainted with the grounds and the roads ; whereas General Putnam took the' command only four days before the action, and of course had not been able from personal inspection to gain the requisite knowledge. The want of vedettes was another unfortunate circumstance. To com- municate intelligence with sufficient celerity over so wide a space, without light-horse, was impracticable. At this time, however, not a single company of cavalry had been attached to the American army. Policy and As to the other point, the propriety of maintaining a design of * Washington stand on Long Island, it must be considered, that the in conduct- enemy was to be met somewhere, that the works at Brooklyn offered a fair prospect of defence for a consid- erable time at least, that the abandonment of the Island would open a free passage to General Howe to the very borders of New York, separated only by the East River, and that to retreat, without even a show of resistance, as the first operation of the campaign, would be unsatis- factory to Congress, the country, and the army. Besides, it was not the purpose of Washington to entice the enemy to a general action, or allow himself to be drawn into one, if it could possibly be avoided. Such an experiment, with his raw troops and militia, against a force superior in numbers, and still more so in experience and disci- pline, aided by a powerful fleet, he well knew would be the height of rashness, and might end in the total ruin of the American cause. Wisdom and 'prudence dictated a different course. To wear away the campaign by keeping i: 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 the enemy employed in small encounters, dividing their CHAPTER attention, and interposing obstacles to their progress, was all that could be done or undertaken with any reasonable 1776. hope of success. Such a system would diminish the re- sources of the enemy, habituate his own soldiers to the practices of war, give the country an opportunity to gath- er strength by union and time, and thus prepare the way for more decisive efforts at a future day. This policy, so sound in its principles, and so triumphant in its final results, was not relished by the shortsighted multitude, eager to hear of battles and victories, and ready to ascribe the disappointment of their wishes to the fault of the General. The murmurs and complaints of such persons, though so loudly and widely expressed that they might be taken as denoting the public sentiment, were borne with fortitude by Washington ; nor did he suffer himself to be turned by them from what he believed to be his duty in watching over the vital interests of his country. The recent defeat produced a most unfavorable im- Effect of the A , -i i -i -, i , -n recent defeat pression upon the army, which is described as follows on the army, in a letter from General Washington to the President of September 2. Congress. " Our situation is truly distressing. The check our de- tachment sustained on the 27th ultimo has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, in- tractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regi- ments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. This circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when front- ed by a well appointed enemy, superior in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable ; but, when their example has infected another part of the army, when their want of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, have produced a like conduct but too common to the whole, and an entire 182 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Br. 44. CHAPTER disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the vni - well-doing of an army, and which had been inculcated 1776. before, as well as the nature of our military establish- ment would admit of, our condition becomes still more a emv's lines. When he was discovered, General Howe Engagement * near the detached two battalions of light infantry, and a regiment ^ d of Highlanders, to meet and drive him back. To these ^^^ were afterwards added a battalion of Hessian grenadiers, a Sept. 16. company of chasseurs, and two fieldpieces. On the ap- pearance of these troops in the open grounds between the two camps, General Washington rode to the outposts, that he might be at hand to make such arrangements as cir- cumstances should require. He had hardly reached the lines, when he heard a firing, which proceeded from an encounter between Colonel Knowlton and one of the Brit- ish parties. The rangers returned, and said that the body of the enemy, as they thought, amounted to three hun- dred men. Knowlton was immediately reinforced by three companies from Weedon's Virginia regiment under Major Leitch, and ordered to gain their rear, while their atten- tion was diverted by making a disposition to attack them in front. The plan was successful. As the party ap- proached in front, the enemy rushed down the hill to take advantage of a fence and -bushes, and commenced firing, but at too great a distance to be effectual. Mean- time Colonel Knowlton attacked on the other side, though rather in the flank than rear, and advanced with spirit. A sharp conflict ensued. Major Leitch, who led the at- Major tack, was carried off mortally wounded, three balls having been shot through his body ; and in a short time Colo- nel Knowlton fell. The action was resolutely kept up by the remaining officers and the men, till other detach- ments arrived to their support ; and they charged the en- emy with such firmness and intrepidity, as to drive them from the wood to the plain, when General Washington ordered a retreat, apprehending, what proved to be the case, that a large body was on its way from the British camp. The engagement, from first to last, continued four hours, although the sharp fighting was of short duration. 188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 44. CHAPTER IX. 1776. Events of the day im- portant. The two ar- mies remain inactive. General Howe's let- ter to the ministry. Sept. 25. General Howe reported eight officers and seventy privates wounded, and fourteen men killed. The American loss was fifteen killed, and about forty-five wounded. Colonel Knowlton was a gallant and meritorious offi- cer, and his death was much lamented. The events of the day were important, not so much on account of their magnitude, as of their influence on the army. The re- treating, flying, and discomfitures, which had happened since the British landed on Long Island, contributed great- ly to dispirit the troops, and to destroy their confidence in themselves and in their officers. The good conduct and success of this day were a proof, on the one hand, that the enemy was not invincible, and on the other, that the courage, so nobly exhibited at Lexington and Bunker's Hill the year before, still existed in the American ranks. The lines were too formidable on Haerlem Heights to tempt the British commander to try the experiment of an assault. His army lay inactive on the plains below more than three weeks. General Washington employed the time in strengthening his works, and preparing at all points for defence. His lines in front extended from Haer- lem River to the Hudson, quite across the Island, which at this place is somewhat more than a mile wide. Gen- eral Greene commanded on the Jersey side, with his head- quarters at Fort Lee; 'and General Heath at Kingsbridge, beyond which, on a hill towards the Hudson, a fort was erected, called Fort Independence. General Howe was raised to the honor of knighthood by his sovereign, after the news of the battle of Long Island reached England. But his good fortune did not inspire him with confidence. Notwithstanding his supe- rior force, the expectation of a speedy addition to it from Europe, and his successes hitherto in driving the Ameri- cans before him, he seems not to have looked forward with sanguine hopes to the issue of the campaign. In a letter to the ministry he said ; " The enemy is too strongly posted to be attacked in front, and innumerable difficulties are in our way of turning him on either side, JEr. 44.] LIFEOFWASHINGTON. 189 though his army is much dispirited from the late success CHAPTER of his Majesty's arms ; yet have 1 not the smallest pros- IX ' pect of finishing the combat this campaign, nor until the 1776. rebels see preparations in the spring, that may preclude all thoughts of further resistance. To this end I would propose eight or ten line-of-battle ships to be with us in February, with- a number of supernumerary seamen for manning boats, having fully experienced the want of them in every movement we have made. We must also have recruits from Europe, not finding the Americans dis- posed to serve with arms, notwithstanding the hopes held out to me upon my arrival in this port." This last point was a source of great delusion to the Errors ofthe British ministers almost to the end of the war. They isters. flattered themselves with the belief, that a large part of their army might be recruited among the loyalists in America. Clothes and equipments were abundantly sup- plied for this purpose, and extravagant bounties were of- fered. The generals on the spot, being soon undeceived, remonstrated against so- fallacious a dependence ; but the ministers closed their ears to such counsel, and persever- ed. Plans- were repeatedly formed by the generals, and approved by the cabinet, on the basis of a certain num- ber of troops ; but, when the time of execution came, the men sent from Europe fell far short of the number promised, and the commander was instructed to make up the deficiency with American recruits. If the inquiry were pursued, it would be found that the ill success of the British arms, and the defeated expectations of the government, are often to be traced to this cause alone. Hence both Howe and Clinton, the principal commanders in America during the most active period of the war, be- came dissatisfied, requested their recall long before it was granted, and finally went home to receive the censures of their countrymen and the neglect of the court. The subject, which now engaged the most anxious situation thoughts of Washington, was the situation and prospects pectfertb* of the army. We have seen that the establishment form- army. ] 90 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. . 44. 1776. Letter to sept. 24. CHAPTER ed at Cambridge was to continue for one year, and the time of its dissolution was near at hand. He had often called the attention of Congress to this important subject, and pressed upon them the necessity of some radical al- terations in the system hitherto pursued. By the expe- rience of the past year all his first impressions had been confirmed, and all his fears realized, in regard to the mischievous policy of short enlistments, and of relying on militia to act against veteran troops. Disobedience of or- ders, shameful desertions, running away from the enemy, plundering, and every kind of irregularity in the camp, had been the fatal consequences. " To bring men to a proper degree of subordination," said he, "is not the work of a day, a month, or even a year ; and, unhappily for us and the cause we are engag- ed in, the little discipline I have been laboring to estab- lish in the army under my immediate command is in a manner done 'away, by having such a mixture of troops, as have been called together within these few months. Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regulations of war are for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called, for of these we have two sorts, the six-months' men, and those sent in as a temporary aid,) do not think themselves subject to them, and therefore take liberties, which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy ; jealousy begets dissatisfaction ; and this by degrees ripens into mutiny, keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered state, rendering the time of those, who wish to see regularity and good order prevail, more unhappy than words can describe. Besides this, such repeated changes take place, that all arrangement is set at nought, and the constant fluctuation of things de- ranges every plan as fast as it is adopted." At the close of the long and able letter to Congress, from which this extract is taken, his feelings under the trials he suffered, and in contemplating the future, are impressively described. " There is no situation upon earth less enviable, or more jET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191 distressing, than that person's, who is at the head of troops CHAPTER regardless of order and discipline, and unprovided with IX ' almost every necessary. In a word, the difficulties, which 1776. have for ever surrounded me since I have been in the A thorough change in service, and kept my mind constantly upon the stretch ; the military ' system rec- the wounds, which my feelings as an officer have re- ommended. ceived by a thousand things, that have happened contrary to my expectations and wishes ; the effect of my own conduct, and present appearance of things, so little pleas- ing to myself, as to render it a matter of no surprise to me if I should stand capitally censured by Congress ; added to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such discordant parts, and under such a variety of intricate and perplexing circumstances ; in- duce not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it will be impossible, unless there is a thor- ough change in our military system, for me to conduct matters in such a manner as to give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for." Moved by his representations and appeals, as well as congress . [ J L resolves to by their own sense of the necessity of the case, Congress organize ,h e army anew. determined to re-organize the army, on a plan conformable in its essential features to the suggestions of the Com- mander-in-chief. Not that the jealousy of a standing army had subsided, but the declaration of independence had pat the war upon a footing different from that, on which it was before supposed to stand ; and they, who for a long time cherished a lingering hope of reconciliation, were at length convinced, that the struggle would not soon ter- minate, and that it must be met by all the means, which the wisdom, patriotism, and resources of the country could supply. As it was a contest of strength, a military force, coherent in its parts and durable in its character, was the first requisite. To the resolute and discerning this had been obvious from the moment the sword was drawn. The events of a year had impressed it on the minds of all. The new army was to consist of eighty-eight battalions, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 44. 1776. Construc- tion of the new army. CHAPTER apportioned in quotas to the several States according to IX ' their ability. The largest quota was fifteen battalions, which number was assigned respectively to Virginia and Massachusetts. The men were to serve during the war, this great point being at last gained. To encourage en- listments, a bounty of twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land was offered to each non-commissioned officer and private ; and lands in certain quantities and propor- tions were likewise promised to the commissioned officers. The business of enlisting the troops to fill up the quotas, and of providing them with arms and clothing, devolved upon the several States to which they belonged. The expense of clothing was to be deducted from the soldiers' pay. Colonels and all lower officers were to be appointed by the States, but commissioned by Congress. The rules for the government and discipline of the army were at the same time revised and greatly amended. Thus 'matured, the plan was sent to the Commander- in-chief, and was soon followed by a committee from Con- gress, instructed to inquire into the state of the army. From this committee the views of Congress were more fully ascertained ; but General Washington perceived de- fects in the scheme, which he feared would retard, if not defeat, its operation. The pay of the officers had not been increased ; and he was persuaded, that officers of character could not be induced to retain their commis- sions on the old pay. The mode of appointing them was defective, it being left to the State governments, which would act slowly, without adequate knowledge, and often under influences not salutary to the interests of the army. The pay of the privates was also insufficient. Congress partially remedied these defects in conformity to his ad- vice, by raising the officers' pay, giving a suit of clothes annually to each private, and requesting the States to send commissioners to the army, with full powers to ar- range with the Commander-in-chief the appointment of all the officers. With the jealousy of State sovereignty, and the fear of a standing army, this was all that could be Original plan of the new army modified and improved. JET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193 obtained from the representatives of the States. And per- CHAPTER haps it was enough, considering their want of power to Ix ' execute their resolves, and the necessity of being cautious 1776. to pass such only as the people would approve and obey. The above plan was modified before it went into effect, by allowing men to enlist for three years; these men not receiving the bounty in land. Hence the army from that time was composed of two kinds of troops, those en- gaged for the war, and those for three years. At length, also, the States being negligent and tardy in providing for the appointment of officers, Congress authorized Gen- eral Washington to fill up the vacancies. A circular letter was written by the President of Con- injurious effects of an gress to the States, urging them to complete their quotas ^f 6 ^" without delay. The proper steps were immediately taken ; bounties, but an evil soon crept into the system, which produced much mischief throughout the war. To hasten enlist- ments, some of the States offered bounties in addition to those given by Congress ; and in many cases the towns, to which quotas were assigned by the State governments, raised the bounties still higher, differing from each other in the amount. Again, when the militia were called out on a sudden emergency, it was usual to offer them extra- ordinary rewards for a short term of service. This prac- tice was injurious on many accounts. It kept back men from enlisting by the hope of higher bounties ; and, when they were brought together in the field, although the Continental pay was uniform, yet many were receiving more from incidental bounties, and in various proportions, which created murmurings and jealousies between indi- viduals, companies, and regiments. Nor was there the salutary check of interest to operate as a restraint upon the States. The war was a common charge, and, when money or credit could be applied to meet the present exigency, it was a small sacrifice to be bountiful in ac- cumulating a debt, which the continent was pledged to pay. There could be no other remedy than a supreme power in Congress, which did not exist ; and the evil was 25 T 194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 44. CHAPTER at all times a source of irregularities in the military ar- Ix rangements, and of vexation to the Commander-in-chief. 1776. The arduous duties of General Washington's immediate Arduous dn- command were now increased by the task of organizing ties of the J . commander- a new army, and holding conferences with commissioners in-chief. J ' from the States for the appointment of officers, in the midst of an active campaign, while the enemy were press- ing upon him with a force vastly superior in discipline, at times superior in numbers, and abundantly supplied with provisions, clothing, tents, and all the munitions of war. British Sir William Howe was soon in motion. Having pre- troops ad- . . . vanceimo pared his plans lor gaming the rear of the American the country. army, by which he hoped either to cut oil its commu- OctoberlZ. ..... , . . nication with the country, or bring on a general action, he first sent two ships, a frigate, and tenders up the Hudson. These vessels passed the batteries, and ran through the obstructions in the river, without receiving any apparent damage ; and thus secured a free passage to the Highlands, thereby preventing any supplies from com- ing to the American army by water. This experiment having succeeded even better than he had expected, the British commander, on the 12th of October, embarked his troops on the East River on board flat-boats, sloops, and schooners, passed through Hell Gate into the Sound, and landed the same day at Frog's Point. Two brigades of British troops, and one of Hessians, amounting to five thousand men, were left under Earl Percy at Haerlem to cover the city of New York. General Howe remained five days at Frog's Point, waiting, as he says, for stores, provisions, and three battalions from Staten Island ; but, according to the American accounts, the strong defences, guarded by detachments from Washington's army, and the destruction of the causeway connecting the Point with the main land, discouraged him from attempting to march into the country at that place. He reembarked, landed again at Pell's Point, and advanced to the high grounds between East Chester and New Rochelle. Four days later he was joined by General Knyphausen with the second jE T . 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 division of Hessians, and a regiment of Waldeckers, just CHAPTER "* I V arrived from Europe. General Washington took measures to counteract these 177C. movements and the designs of them. He arranged his American . army pre- army in four divisions, commanded respectively by Major- pa^s to > J J ) eave ]y ew Generals Lee, Heath, Sullivan, and Lincoln. The last York island, was not a Continental officer, but had recently come for- October ie. ward with a body of Massachusetts militia. It was de- cided in a council of war, that the army should leave New York Island, and be extended into the country, so as to outflank General Howe's columns. At the same time it was agreed, " that Fort Washington should be re- tained as long as possible." Two thousand men were left for that object. One of the four divisions crossed Kingsbridge, and Army marches to threw up breastworks at Valentine's Hill. The others ^ue followed and formed a line of detached camps, with in- trenchments, on the heights stretching along the west side of the River Brunx, from Valentine's Hill to White Plains. This disposition was necessary in order to protect the baggage, stores, and cannon, which were removed with great difficulty for the want of wagons and horses. General Washington proceeded with the advanced divis- ion to White Plains, where he fortified a camp in such a manner, as to afford security to the whole army, and where he intended to hazard a general engagement, if pushed by the enemy. The camp was on elevated ground, camp at defended in front by two lines of intrenchments nearly Plains, parallel to each other, and between four and five hun- dred yards apart. The right wing rested on the Brunx, which, by making a short bend, encompassed the flank and part of the rear. The left wing reached to a pond, or small lake, of some extent, by which it was effectu- ally secured. As Sir William Howe marched his army directly for- British arm> ,.,.,, ... . , marches to ward in solid columns, without detaching any consider- white Plains able parties towards New York and the Hudson, it was evident he intended to seek an opportunity to force a 196 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. [JCx. 44. CHAPTER general action. As soon as the baggage and stores were brought up, therefore, Washington drew all his troops into 1776. the camp at White Plains. In the interim, parties of Americans attacked the enemy's outposts at different points, and spirited skirmishes took place. Banker Before noon, on the 28th of October, the British army Olmtterton's , . x Hui. came in view, and displayed itself on the sides of the hills in front of Washington's lines, and within two miles October as. f his camp. A commanding height, called Chatterton's Hill, stood half a mile to the south of the American right flank, and was separated from it by the Brunx, and low marshy ground. A militia regiment had been posted there, which was joined in the morning by Colonel Has- let, with his Delaware regiment, and afterwards by a bat- talion of Maryland troops, and others, mostly militia, to the number of about sixteen hundred, the whole being under the command of General M c Dougall. The Brit- ish commander made it his first object to dislodge these troops. For this purpose a battalion of Hessians, a brig- ade of British commanded by General Leslie, and the Hessian grenadiers under Colonel Donop, were ordered to cross the Brunx and attack in front ; while Colonel Rahl, with . another brigade of Hessians, should cross farther down the river and advance by a circuitous march upon the American right flank. They forded the Brunx, and formed in good order on the other side under the fire of their cannon, though not without being galled by the troops at the summit of the hill. They then ascended the heights, and, after a short but severe action, drove the Americans from their works ; but, contented with gaining the post, and fearing they might be cut off by venturing too far from the main body, they desisted from pursuit. The American loss has been variously represented. Ac- cording to a return made by General Howe himself, the prisoners were four officers and thirty-five privates. The number killed was not known. facHlfthe 1 ' * l Was ex l >ecte( l that this advantage would be followed camp. by an immediate attack on the camp. Such indeed was JEn. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 197 the first intention of General Howe, and his troops lay CHAPTER on their arms all that night. In writing to Congress the next morning, General Washington's secretary said; "Af- 1776 - ter gaining the hill (upon which they are intrenching), and leaving a sufficient number of men and artillery to prevent our repossessing it, they proceeded to advance by our left; and, as far as I can discover, their posts or en- campments now form nearly a semicircle. It is evident their design is to get in our rear according to their orig- inal plan. Every measure is taking to prevent them ; but the removal of our baggage is attended with infinite diffi- culty and delays. Our post, from its situation, is not so advantageous as could be wished, and was only intended as temporary and occasional, till the stores belonging to the army, which had been deposited here, could be re- moved. The enemy coming on so suddenly has distress- ed us much. They are now close at hand, and most probably will in a little time commence their second at- tack ; we expect it every hour ; perhaps it is beginning ; I have just heard the report of some cannon." Nothing more occurred, however, than slight skirmishes between the advanced parties. On reconnoitring the camp, Gen- eral Howe thought it too strong for an assault, and re- solved to wait for a reinforcement from Earl Percy, then at Haerlem. This arrived in two days, and the 31st of October was fixed on for the attack ; but a heavy rain caused it again to be deferred. The same night General Washington drew all his troops Army takes i i -ii -, i'ii another po- to another position on the hills in his rear, which the sition. delays of his opponent had allowed him time to fortify, October si. and which could be more easily defended than his first camp. So judiciously was this movement planned and conducted, that it was carried into effect without loss or molestation, and even without being discovered by the British army. The idea of a battle was now abandoned by General Howe ; he despaired of being able to dislodge the Americans from this strong position ; and it was soon The British ascertained, that he was withdrawing his army towards the Hudson and Kingsbridge. # 198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [.Ex. 44. CHAPTER As this might be a feint to entice the American forces IX from the hilly country, Washington remained in his new 177G - camp for a few days, till it was found that the enemy New ar- were actually retracing their steps. It was then foreseen, rangements * of the army, that their first grand manceuvre would be to invest Fort Washington ; and their next to pass the Hudson, and car- ry the war into New Jersey, and perhaps make a push for Philadelphia. To meet these changes in the best man- ner he could, he ordered all the troops belonging to the States west of the Hudson, five thousand in number, to cross the river at King's Ferry, all the crossing places be- low being obstructed by British vessels. The rest of the army, composed of New York and eastern troops, was separated into two divisions. One of these, under Gen- Generai eral Heath, was stationed on both sides of the river in Heath. the Highlands, to defend those passes. The other, amount- ing to about four thousand in^n, of whom many were militia, whose times of service were soon to expire, was left in the camp near White Plains, commanded by Gen- GeneraiLee. eral Lee, with discretionary instructions to continue on that side of the Hudson, or to follow the Commander-in- chief into New Jersey, as he should judge expedient when the designs of the enemy were unfolded. Having given these orders, General Washington inspected the posts at Washington the Highlands, and then repaired to HUckinsac, at which crosses the .Hudson. place the troops that had crossed the river assembled, af- ter a circuitous march of more than sixty miles. General General Howe moved his whole army to the neigh- Howe ar- Karsbrid-e k r hood of Kingsbridgc. At his approach the Americans retired from Fort Independence, destroyed the bridge over NOV. 12. Haerlem River, and withdrew to the lines near Fort Wash- ington. Thirty flat-boats had passed up the Hudson un- discovered in the night, and entered Haerlem River, which, joined to others brought in from the East River, afforded ample means to the British army for crossing to New York Island. It was resolved to make the assault on the fort from four different points. The British adjutant- general was sent to Colonel Magaw, the commander in JEr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199 the fort, with a summons to surrender, which Colonel CHAPTER Magaw rejected, saying he would defend himself to the last extremity. 1776. The next morning, November 16th. General Knyphau- capture of , T f TT /. Forl wash- sen advanced with a body of Hessians to the north of ington. the fort, and commenced the attack. Earl Percy nearly NOV. is. at the same time assailed the outer lines on the south ; and two parties landed at some distance from each other, after crossing Haerlem River, and forced their way up the steep and rugged ascents on that side. The lines in every part were defended with great resolution and ob- stinacy; but, after a resistance of fonr or five hours, the men were driven into the fort, and Colonel Magaw was compelled to surrender the whole garrison prisoners of war. The American loss was about fifty killed, and two thousand eight hundred and eighteen prisoners, including officers and privates. The number of men originally left with Colonel Magaw was only two thousand ; but, when the attack was threatened, General Greene sent over re- inforcements from Fort Lee. This was the severest blow which the American arms Particulars ,-.., -. . . of the cap- had vet sustained, and it happened at a most unpropitious ture of Fort Washington. time. That there was a great fault somewhere, has never been disputed. To whom it belongs, has been made a question. The project of holding the post, after the Brit- ish began to retreat from White Plains, was General Greene's ; and, as he had commanded at the station several weeks, he was presumed to be perfectly acquainted with the condition of the garrison and its means of defence, and deference was paid to his judgment. Eight days be- fore the attack, Washington wrote to General Greene ; " If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to attempt to hold a post, from which the expected benefit cannot be had? I am therefore inclined to think, that' it will not be prudent to hazard the stores and men at Mount Washington : but, as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give such orders, 200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. 1776, CHAPTER as to evacuating Mount Washington, as you may judge IX - best." Nothing more decisive could be said without giv- ing a positive order, which he was always reluctant to do, when he had confidence in an officer on a separate command. His opinion, that the troops ought to be with- drawn, is clearly intimated. General Greene replied ; " I cannot help thinking the garrison is of advantage ; and I cannot conceive it to be in any great danger. The men can be brought off at any time, but the stores may not be so easily removed. Yet I think they may be got off, if matters grow desperate." To this opinion General Greene adhered to the last. The evening before the as- sault, General Washington went from Hackinsac to Fort Lee ; and while crossing the river, with the view of vis- iting the garrison, he met Generals Greene and Putnam returning, who told him " the troops were in high spirits, and would make a good defence." He went back with them to Fort Lee. The summons to surrender had al- ready been received by Colonel Magaw ; the attack was expected the next morning, and it was now too late to withdraw the troops. In a letter to his brother, written from Hackinsac three days after the surrender, General Washington said ; " This post, after the last ships went past it, was held contrary to my wishes and opinion, as I conceived it to be a haz- ardous one ; but, it having been determined on by a full council of general officers, and a resolution of Congress having been received, strongly expressive of their desire, that the channel of the river, which we had been laboring to stop for a long time at that place, might be obstructed, if possible, and knowing that this could not be done, un- less there were batteries to protect the obstruction, I did not c'are to give an absolute order for withdrawing the garrison, till I could get round and see the situation of things, and then it became too late, as the fort was in- vested. Upon the passing of the last ships, I had given it as my opinion to General Greene, under whose care it was, that it would be best to evacuate the place ; but, as Washing- ton's letter to his bro- ther. Nov. 19. JET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 the order was discretionary, and his opinion differed from CHAPTER mine, it unhappily was delayed too long." 1X ' From these facts it seems plain, that the loss of the 1776. garrison, in the manner it occurred, was the consequence of an erroneous judgment on the part of General Greene. How far the Commander-in-chief should have overruled his opinion, or whether, under the circumstances of the case, he ought to have given a peremptory order, it may perhaps be less easy to decide. Sir William Howe followed up his successes. A de- Fort Lee evacuated. tachment of six thousand men, led by Earl Cornwallis, landed on the Jersey side, six or seven miles above Fort Lee, gained the high grounds with artillery, and marched down between the Hudson and Hackinsac Rivers. The whole body of troops with Washington not being equal to this force, he withdrew the garrison from Fort Lee to the main army at Hackinsac, leaving behind the heavy can- non, many tents, and a large quantity of baggage, provision, and other stores, which the rapid advance of the enemy made it impossible to secure. Being now in a level coun- try, where defence was difficult, pent up between rivers, and pressed by a force double his own, no resource re- mained but a rapid retreat. The Jersey shore, from New York to Brunswic, was open to the British vessels, and a landing might be effected at any place without oppo- sition. It was necessary, therefore, that he should move towards the Delaware, pursuing a route near the Rariton River, that he might be in the way to prevent General Howe from throwing in a strong detachment between him and Philadelphia. While on the march, he wrote earnest letters to the Retreat governor of New Jersey and to Congress, describing his situation, and requesting the support of all the militia from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, that could be called into the service. When he arrived at Brunswic, the army then with him amounted to less than four thousand. He was closely pursued by Cornwallis ; but the retreat was ef- fected, without loss, to Trenton, where he crossed the 26 202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 44. CHAPTER Delaware, and took a stand on the western side of that ** river, securing the boats, and guarding the crossing-places 1776. f rom Coryell's Ferry to Bristol. At this time the number Army cross- of his men, fit for duty, was about three thousand. The es the Dela- ware, enemy did not attempt to pass the river. For the present, December 7. General Howe was contented with having overrun New Jersey j and he covered his acquisition by a chain of can- tonments at Pennington, Trenton, Bordentown, and Bur- lington. In these positions, the two armies continued with little change for nearly three weeks. Enlistment The troops, constituting the Flying Camp heretofore of prisoners disapproved mentioned, were all enlisted in the middle States, and en- by Washing- ton, gaged for a year. Their term of service expired during the march, and none, except a small part of those from Pennsylvania, could be prevailed on to stay longer. The Board of War suggested a plan for enlisting prisoners, and appealed to the example of the enemy. General Wash- ington opposed the measure, as not accordant with the rules of honorable warfare, and said he should remonstrate on the subject to Sir William Howe. He moreover thought it impolitic. In times of danger, such recruits would al- ways be the most backward, fearing the punishment they would receive if captured, and communicating their fears to the other soldiers. Prisoners would likewise be tempted to enlist with the intention to desert and carry intelligence to the enemy, for which they would be largely rewarded. Under no circumstances, therefore, could confidence be placed in such men; and the chance was, that they would do much harm, conductor From the time the army separated at White Plains, General Lee * u" r d e hiscap ~ General Lee had acted a very extraordinary part. Wash- ington requested him, in a letter written at Hackinsac, to lead his division into New Jersey, and join the army on its march. This was soon followed by a positive order, which was often repeated. General Lee sent back various excuses, lingered on the east side of the Hudson, endeav- ored to draw away two thousand of General Heath's men from the Highlands, contrary to the instructions given by -Ex. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 General Washington to the latter ; and, after crossing CHAPTER with apparent reluctance into Jersey, his progress was so DC ' slow, that, in three weeks from the time he first received 177 6. orders to march, he had only reached Morristown. The truth is, that he had schemes of his own, which he was disposed to effect at the hazard of disobeying the Com- mander-in-chief. In the first place, he hoped to make a brilliant stroke upon New York, when it should be ex- hausted of troops for the expedition towards the Delaware ; and next, after crossing the Hudson, he still fostered the design of performing some signal exploit by attacking the enemy in their rear. But his ambitious projects and hopes were suddenly cut short. While on his march, not far from Baskingridge, he lodged one night at a private house three miles from his army, with a small guard. A Tory in the neighborhood gave notice of his situation to the enemy, and early in the morning the house was surround- Dec. is. ed by a party of light-horse, commanded by Colonel Har- court, who took him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph to the British camp. This event created a strong sensation of surprise and suspicions regret throughout the country. The military talents, ex- motives of * * General Lee. perience, and activity of General Lee had inspired univer- sal confidence, and raised high expectations in the minds of the people. He had served in America during the last war, and afterwards with distinguished reputation in dif- ferent parts of Europe. His recent enterprise and suc- cesses at the south had confirmed the good opinion before entertained of his abilities and skill. His capture, there- fore, considering the circumstances, appeared inexplicable. Public sentiment, ever prone to extremes, took a direction unfavorable to his character. As no plausible reason could be assigned for his conduct in exposing himself so incau- tiously, it was surmised that he was a voluntary prisoner, and sought this method of joining the enemy without incurring the odium of desertion. But there was no just ground for such a suspicion. As a soldier, he was true to the interests of his adopted country ; as a friend to 204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jE T . 44. CHAPTER American freedom, his sincerity may be questioned. Har- K ' boring the most bitter resentment against the British 1776. King and ministry, for reasons not fully understood, he wished to see them humbled ; and this motive alone would have impelled him to embrace any cause tending to such a result. character of Violent in his temper, hasty in his resolves, reckless General Lee. . J in adventure, possessing an inordinate self-confidence and unbounded ambition, he looked upon the American war as presenting an opportunity for gratifying at the same time his animosity and his passion for glory. He entered heartily into the measures of opposition to the British arms, and in the first year of the contest rendered im- portant services ; but, believing himself superior to every other officer in the American ranks, impatient of control even by Congress or the Commander-in-chief, and always pressing on the verge of disobedience, his arrogance had risen to a pitch, that must soon have led to mischievous consequences to himself, and perhaps to the country, if he had escaped the misfortune of captivity. He was a man of genius, well educated, and a skilful writer ; but eccentric in his habits, unsettled in his principles, often offensive in his manners, showing little deference to the opinions and feelings of others, and little regard to the usages of society, strength of The command of Lee's division devolved on General the army. Sullivan, who marched with it as soon as possible to the main army. Four regiments under General Gates also arrived, from Ticonderoga, being relieved at that place by the retreat of General Carleton to Canada for winter- quarters. These were all the regular forces, which Gen- eral Washington could draw to his support. Heath was ordered to advance with a part of his division from the Highlands ; but the taking of Rhode Island by the British, and the threatening appearance of the enemy's vessels in the Sound, made it imprudent to weaken that post, or to call away any of the eastern . troops, and the order was countermanded. Three regiments on their march from -Er. 44.] " LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 Ticonderoga were ordered to halt at Morristown, that, in CHAPTER conjunction with a body of militia there assembled, they might inspirit the inhabitants and protect the country in 1776 - that quarter. As soon as the ice should become sufficiently strong, it congress ad- T-w 1 J UrnS tO was expected the enemy would pass the Delaware, and Baltimore, bring all their force to bear upon Philadelphia. Antici- pating this event, Congress adjourned to Baltimore. Gen- eral Putnam took the command of the militia in Phila- General pm- nam. delphia, being instructed to throw up a line of intrench- ments and redoubts from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, and prepare for an obstinate defence. This was the gloomiest period of the war. The cam- Gloomy i-ii, T i state of af- paign had been little else, than a series of disasters and tmn. retreats. The enemy had gained possession of Rhode Isl- and, Long Island, the city of New York, Staten Island, and nearly the whole of the Jerseys, and seemed on the point of extending their conquests into Pennsylvania. By the fatal scheme of short enlistments, and by sickness, the effective force with General Washington had dwin- dled away, till it hardly deserved the name of an army. A proclamation was published jointly by Lord Howe and General Howe, offering pardon in the King's name to all, who should take the oath of allegiance, and come under his protection within sixty days. Many persons, among whom were men of wealth and consideration, accepted these terms, and went over to the enemy. Others, es- pecially in New Jersey, took the oath, but remained at their homes. In short, so great was the panic and so dark the prospect, that a general despondency pervaded the continent. In the midst of these scenes of trial and discourage- washing- ment, Washington stood firm. Whatever his apprehen- ness'and" 1 " ... . . . spirit under sions may have been, no misgivings were manifest in his MS reverses, conduct or his counsels. From his letters, written at this time on the western bank of the Delaware, it does not appear that he yielded for a moment to a sense of imme- diate danger, or to a doubt of ultimate success. On the u LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ Mr. 44. CHAPTER contrary, they breathe the same determined spirit, and are Ix marked by the same confidence, calmness, and forethought, 1776. -which distinguish them on all other occasions. When asked what he would do, if Philadelphia should be taken, he is reported to have said ; " We will retreat beyond the Susquehanna River ; and thence, if necessary, to the Al- legany Mountains." Knowing, as he did, the temper of the people, the deep rooted cause of the controversy, and the actual resources of the confederacy, he was not dis- heartened by temporary misfortunes, being persuaded that perseverance would at last overcome every obstacle. While even the shadow of an army could be kept in the field, the war must be carried on at an enormous expense by the British government, which the wealthiest nation could not long sustain. Deeply impressed with this conviction, and making it both the groundwork of his policy and his rule of action, he applied all his energies to a renovation of the army, boldly exposing to Congress the errors of their former sys- tems, and earnestly exhorting them to a more effectual exercise of their authority in giving support and vigor to the military establishment. On the 20th of December he wrote as follows to the President of Congress. Letter or ex- " My feelings as an officer and a man have been such hortation to congress. as to force me to say, that no person ever had a greater Dec. 20. choice of difficulties to contend with than I have. It is needless to add, that short enlistments, and a mistaken dependence upon militia, have been the origin of all our misfortunes, and the great accumulation of our debt. We find, Sir, that the enemy are daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snowball, by rolling, will increase, unless some means can be devised to check effectually the progress of the enemy's arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while, also, and the militia of those States, which have been fre- quently called upon, will not turn out at all ; or, if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing. Instance New Jersey ! Witness Penn- ^Er. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 sylvania ! ' Could any thing but the River Delaware have CHAPTER saved Philadelphia? Can any thing (the exigency of the ** case indeed may justify it) be more destructive to the re- 1776. cruiting service, than giving ten dollars' bounty for six weeks' service of the militia who come in, you cannot tell how, go, you cannot tell when, and act, you cannot tell where, consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at last at a critical moment ? " These, Sir, are the men I am to depend upon ten urges an m- ' . crease of the days hence ; this is the basis on which your cause will army. and must for ever depend, till you get a large standing army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy. I therefore beg leave to give it as my humble opinion, that eighty- eight battalions are by no means equal to the opposition you are to make, and that a moment's time is not to be lost in raising a greater number, not less, in my opinion and the opinion of my officers, than a hundred and ten. It may be urged, that it will be found difficult enough to complete the first number. This may be true, and yet the officers of a hundred and ten battalions will recruit many more men, than those of eighty-eight. In my judg- ment this is not a time to stand upon expense ; our funds are not the only object of consideration. The State of New York have added one battalion (I wish they had made it two) to their quota. If any good officers will offer to raise men upon Continental pay and establishment in this quarter, I shall encourage them to do so, and regiment them when they have done it. If Congress disapprove of this proceeding, they will please to signify it, as I mean it for the best. It may be thought that I am going a good deal out of the line of my duty, to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. A character to lose, an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse." This representation, and others of like import, had their congress -, jy TVT . . adopt hia due eiiect. .[Notwithstanding the extreme sensitiveness counsels, i ^ a "d inve *t hitherto shown by Congress, in regard to a military as- him with J dictatorial cendency, the present crisis was such, as to silence the powers 6 208 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. 1776. Dec. 27. CHAPTER opposition, if not to change the sentiments, of the mem- K ' bers who had looked with distrust upon every measure tending to strengthen the military arm. General Wash- ington was at once invested with extraordinary powers. By a formal resolve he was authorized to raise sixteen battalions of 'infantry, in addition to the eighty-eight al- ready voted by Congress, and appoint the officers ; to raise and equip three thousand light-horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers ; to call upon any of the States for such aids of militia as he should judge necessary ; to form magazines of provisions ; to displace and appoint all officers under the rank of brigadiers, and fill up vacancies in every part of the army ; to take whatever he should want for the use of the army, allow- ing the inhabitants a reasonable price for the same ; and to arrest and confine persons, who refused to receive the Continental currency, or who were otherwise disaffected to the American cause, and to report them for trial to the States of which they were citizens. These powers con- stituted him in all respects a military Dictator. They were to continue six months ; and in his exercise of them he fully justified the confidence of Congress, as expressed in the preamble to the resolve, in which it is said they were granted in consequence of a perfect reliance on his wisdom, vigor, and uprightness. In this case, as in all others where power was intrust- ed to him, whether acting in a military or civil capacity, he was cautious to exercise it no farther than to effect the single end for which it was designed. Fearless in the discharge of duty, and never shrinking from responsi- bility, he was at the same time free from the vanity, which too -often besets men in high stations, of gaining personal consequence by making himself felt as the cen- tre and moving spring of the operations over which he had control. No man was more vigilant in seeing that every thing was properly done ; but he was willing that others should be the agents, or the contrivers, and that every one should have the credit and the praise of his Cautious use of big pow- ers. ^T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 worthy deeds. In the present instance, therefore, when CHAPTER Congress or the governments of the States voluntarily re- IXj lieved him from a part of his task, which they sometimes 1776. did while he possessed the dictatorship, so far was he from thinking it an encroachment on his authority or an interference, that he expressed satisfaction and thanks.* To the main point, however, of reforming and recruit- Applies wm- selfwith ing the army, he gave his immediate and earnest atten- v er to re. * ' . cmiting the tion. In advancing this object, he employed the powers arn| y- with which he was invested to their fullest extent. The mode of appointing officers was one of the most serious defects in the system recently established by Congress. Some of the States had neglected to complete their ap- * After he had been invested with the above dictatorial office, the Council of Safety of New York apologized to him for certain measures they had taken in regard to the troops of that State, which they after- wards discovered to have been an invasion of the powers properly be- longing to the Commander-in-chief. Washington replied ; " I should be unhappy in the belief, that any part of my letter to you could be con- strued into the slightest hint, that you wish to interfere in the military line. Heaven knows that I greatly want the aid of every good man, and that there are not such enviable pleasures attending my situation, as to make me too jealous of its prerogatives. Rather than complain of your late efforts in the military way, you deserve the thanks of us all, and I feel myself happy in this opportunity of returning you mine in the greatest truth and sincerity," The resolves of Congress, conferring the above powers, were trans- mitted to Washington by the Committee, who remained in Philadelphia when the Congress adjourned to Baltimore, namely, Robert Morris, Clymer, and Walton. In their letter they said ; " We find by these resolves, that your Excellency's hands will be strengthened with very ample powers; and a new reformation of the army seems to have its origin therein. Happy it is for this country, that the General of their forces can safely be intrusted with the most unlimited power, and neither personal security, liberty, nor property, be in the least degree endangered thereby." To no one, who has been conspicuous in history, could the words of Ennius, as quoted by Cicero in illustration of the character of Fabius Maximus, be more appropriately applied than to Washington. " Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem ; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem ; Ergo magisque magisque viri nunc gloria claret." 27 v 210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 44. CHAPTER pointments ; and generally these were made with so little IX ' judgment, and with such a disregard of military rules, 1776. that officers without worth or experience had been put over the heads of those, who were accustomed to service, and had given proofs of their valor and ability. By his power to displace, and to fill up vacancies, Washington rectified these errors as far as prudence would permit. The appointments for the sixteen additional battalions of infantry, and the new regiments of light-horse, artillery, and engineers, being wholly in his hands, he took care to provide for meritorious officers, who had been over- looked by the States ; thus removing their disgust, secur- ing a valuable accession to the army, and inducing many privates to reenlist, who had participated in the dissatis- faction of their officers. His rule in this respect is indi- cated in a letter of instructions to Colonel Baylor, who was to command a regiment of light-horse. ni rule for " As nothing contributes so much to the constitution of the selection -, . ,,->,,, i c rr- of officers, a good regiment, said he, " as a good corps 01 omcers, and no method is so likely to obtain these, as leaving the choice in a great measure to the gentleman, who is to reap the honors or share the disgrace of their behavior, I shall vest you with the power of nominating the officers of your regiment, except the field-officers ; claiming to myself a negative upon a part or the whole, if I have reason to suspect an improper choice. I earnestly recommend to you to be circumspect in your choice of officers. Take none but gentlemen ; let no local attachments influence you ; do not suffer your good nature, when an application is made, to say yes, when you ought to say no ; remember that it is a public, not a private cause, that is to be in- jured or benefited by your choice ; recollect, also, that no instance has yet happened of good or bad behavior in a corps in our service, that has not originated with the officers. Do not take old men, nor yet fill your corps with boys, especially for captains." pians an at- Before these measures for arranging the army were ma- tack on th6 ' enemy at lured, other events of great importance occurred, wnicn Trenton. S.T. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 gave a new face to affairs. From the moment Washing- CHAPTER ton crossed the Delaware, his thoughts were turned upon IX ' devising some method to retrieve his losses, or at least to 1770. impede the progress and derange the plans of the enemy. For several days it was uncertain what course General Howe would pursue. The river continued free from ice longer than was expected. He kept his detachments can- toned at the places where they had first been lodged, the strongest being at Brunswic, ready to move in any direc- tion at a short notice. Meantime the American force gained accessions by Lee's division, the regiments from Ticonderoga, and the militia from Philadelphia and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania, who turned out with spirit and in considerable numbers. These latter troops were in two bodies, one at Bristol under General Cadwalader, the other nearly opposite the town of Trenton, commanded by General Ewing. The Continental regiments were still retained in their original position higher up the river. At length General Washington resolved to hazard the Position of bold experiment of recrossing the Delaware, and attacking mies. the enemy on their own ground. At Trenton were three regiments of Hessians, amounting to about fifteen hun- dred men, and a troop of British light-horse. Small de- tachments were stationed at Bordentown, Burlington, Black Horse, and Mount Holly. These latter posts were to be assaulted by Cadwalader, who was to cross near Bristol, while Washington should cross above Trenton, and Ewing a little below, and unite in the attack upon the Hessians in that place. The night of the 25th of December was fixed on for making the attempt. At dusk, the Continental troops selected for the ser- Battle or vice, and commanded by General Washington in person, amounting to two thousand four hundred men, with twenty pieces of artillery, began to cross at M c Konkey's Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, and it was supposed they would all be passed over by twelve o'clock ; but the floating ice retarded the boats so much, that it was almost four o'clock in the morning before the whole body, with the 212 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [Mr. 44. CHAPTER artillery, was landed on the opposite bank of the river 1X * ready to march. The troops were then formed in two 1776. divisions. One of these, commanded by General Sullivan, marched in the road near the river ; and the other, led by General Greene, moved down a road farther to the left, called the Pennington road. General Washington was with this division. The roads entered the town at different points, and as the distance by each was nearly the same, it was intended that the attacks should begin simultaneously. At eight o'clock the left division fell in with the enemy's advanced guard, and almost at the same instant a firing was heard on the right, which show- ed that the other division had arrived. They both pushed forward into the town, meeting with little opposition, ex- cept from two or three pieces of artillery, which were soon taken. The Hessians, being driven from the town and hard pressed, made a show of retreating towards Princeton, but were checked by a body of troops sent to intercept them. Finding themselves surrounded, and seeing no other way of escape, they all surrendered pris- oners of war. The number of prisoners was twenty-three officers and eight hundred and eighty-six privates. Others were found concealed in houses, making in the whole about a thou- sand. The British light-horse, and four or five hundred Hessians, escaped at the beginning of the action over the bridge across the Assanpink, and fled to Bordentown. Six brass fieldpieces and a thousand stand of arms were the trophies of victory. Colonel Rahl, the Hessian com- mander and a gallant officer, was mortally wounded. Six other officers and between twenty and thirty men were killed. The American loss was two privates killed and two others frozen to death. Captain William Washington, distinguished as an officer of cavalry at a later period of the war, and Lieutenant Monroe, afterwards President of the United States, were wounded in a brave and suc- cessful assault upon the enemy's artillery. The fact, that two men died by suffering from cold, is a proof of the Prisoners captured at Trenton. JET. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 213 intense severity of the weather. It snowed and hailed CHAPTER during the whole march. nafc; a " The ice had formed so fast in the river below Tren- 1776. ton, that it was impracticable for the troops under Cad- Recrosseg ' . the Dela- walader and Ewing to pass over at the times agreed ware to ws upon. Cadwalader succeeded in landing a battalion of infantry ; but the ice on the margin of the stream was in such a condition, as to render it impossible to land the artillery, and they all returned. If Ewing had crossed, as was proposed, and taken possession of the bridge on the south side of the town, the party that fled would have been intercepted and captured. And there was the fairest prospect that Cadwalader would have been equally fortunate against the detachments below, or have driven them towards Trenton, where they would have met a victorious army. This part of the plan having failed, and the enemy being in force at Princeton and Brunswic, it was thought advisable by General Washington not to hazard any thing further, especially as his men were ex- hausted with fatigue. He recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners the same day, and gained his encampment on the other side. The British and Hessian troops posted at Bordentown, Passes over ' the Dela- and in the vicinity of that place, immediately retreated warengain, and takes up to Princeton, so that the whole line of the enemy's can- MS quarters J at Trenton. tonments along the Delaware was broken up and driven Dec. 30. back. As soon as his troops were refreshed, General Washington again passed over the Delaware, and took up his quarters at Trenton, resolved to pursue the enemy, or adopt such other measures as his situation would jus- tify. Meanwhile General Cadwalader succeeded in cross- ing over with eighteen hundred Pennsylvania militia, who were followed by as many more under General Mifflin, all of whom formed a junction with the main army at Trenton. At this critical moment the term of service of several The term or " -i i T i ' ft 11 service of regiments expired, the dissolution of the old army occur- many of the ' troops es- rmg on the last day of the year ; and, worn down with p>res. 214 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. CHAPTER IX. 1777. Lord Corn- wall is ar- rives at Trenton. January 2. Washington resolves to march to Princeton. the extraordinary hardships of the campaign, the men seemed at first determined to go off in a body, and re- turn to their homes. By much persuasion, however, and the exertions of their officers, seconded by a bounty of ten dollars to each man, more than half of them agreed to remain six weeks longer. It was not presumed that Sir William Howe would long permit the Americans quietly to possess the advantages they had gained, or delay to retaliate for the disasters his army had suffered. He was now in New York ; and, when the intelligence of the late events reached that city, he ordered Lord Cornwallis, then on the eve of embark- ing for Europe, to suspend his departure, and take the command in the Jerseys. This officer hastened to Prince- ton, followed by additional forces from Brunswic. In the morning of the 2d of January, it was ascertained that the enemy's battalions were marching towards Trenton, and General Washington prepared to meet an attack. To harass them on their march, and retard their progress, he sent out strong parties on the road to Princeton, with or- ders to skirmish at every advantageous position. These orders were faithfully obeyed, and the head of the ene- my's columns did not reach Trenton till four o'clock in the afternoon. The American army then retired to the high ground beyond the Assanpink. The bridge was de- fended by artillery, and a sharp cannonade was kept up, particularly at that point, and at the fords above the bridge, which the enemy attempted to pass. At dusk the firing ceased, and Lord Cornwallis encamped his troops near the village, intending to renew the combat in the morning, when his reinforcements should arrive. The Americans encamped on the ground they occupied after crossing the Assanpink, and the fires kindled by the two armies were in full view of each other. To all appearance a general action must be fought the next day, and this with fearful odds, as the British were superior in numbers, and immeasurably so in the disci- pline and experience of their men ; for more than half JEr. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 215 of the American army consisted of militia, who had never CHAPTER seen a battle, and had been but a few days in the service. IX> At the beginning of the evening General Washington 1777 - assembled his officers in council and a bold resolution was adopted. From the number of Lord Cornwallis's troops it was rightly conjectured, that he could not have left many in the rear ; and it was decided to move by a concealed march on the east side of the Assanpink to Princeton. If no obstacles were met with on the way, it was possible that the army might push onward to Brunswic, surprise the enemy there, and capture the stores, before Lord Cornwallis could return. To secure his baggage and prevent it from encumbering the army, General Washington ordered it to be silently removed to Burlington, and at twelve o'clock at night commenced his march. That the suspicion of the enemy might not be awakened, the fires were kept burning, and the guards were ordered to remain at the bridge and the fords, till the approach of daylight, when they were to follow. Men were employed during the night digging an in- trenchment so near the enemy's sentries, that they could be heard at their work. Pursuing a circuitous route, General Washington reached Battle or TW T i / m T- Y Princeton. Princeton a little after sunrise. Three British regiments were found there, being the seventeenth, fortieth, and fifty-fifth, commanded by Colonel Mawhood, two of which were designed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis that morning at Tre.nton. These two were already on their march. The American vanguard first engaged the seventeenth, and a short but very severe conflict ensued. The regi- ment was thrown into disorder, and the fragments dis- persed. Some accounts say, that they broke through the American ranks ; others that they fled. At any rate, after a brave resistance, they escaped from the field, and re- gained the road to Trenton. The rencounter was likewise sustained with spirit by the fifty-fifth regiment, which finally retreated towards Brunswic, as did also the for- tieth, which took little part in the action. The British January 3. 216 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 44. 1777. Results of the battle. General Mercer. Cornwallis returns from Trenton. Washington marches to Fluckemin. loss was more than one hundred killed, and about three hundred prisoners. But the victory was by no means a bloodless one to the Americans. General Mercer was mortally wounded ; and Colonel Haslet, Colonel Potter, and other officers of subordinate rank, were killed. General Mercer was a Scotchman by birth, and in his youth had been in the battle of Culloden. He served in America with distinc- tion during the last French war, and afterwards settled in Virginia. He was a brave and worthy man, an inti- mate friend of the Commander-in-chief, much respected for his talents, military character, and private worth, and his death was deeply lamented. Colonel Haslet had dis- tinguished himself for bravery and good conduct in the battles of Long Island and Chatterton's Hill, and in sev- eral hazardous enterprises. Throughout the action, Gen- eral Washington exposed his person in the hottest parts of the combat, giving orders and animating the troops. At the request of the prisoners, Captain Leslie, a British officer much beloved by them, and killed in the action, was buried with military honors in the American camp. When daylight appeared, and it was discovered that the Americans were gone, Lord Cornwallis easily penetrated the plans of Washington, and his conjecture was confirmed by the firing heard in the direction of Princeton. Alarmed for the safety of Brunswic, he immediately retreated, and his van had almost reached Princeton, when the rear of the American army left it. Washington pursued the two fugitive regiments as far as Kingston, where he turned short to the left, and arrived the same evening at Plucke- ftiin, having twice crossed the Millstone River, and caused the bridge at Kingston to be taken up, in order to retard the march of the enemy. Considering the exhausted state of his men, who had not slept for thirty-six hours, and the near approach of Cornwallis with a superior army of fresh troops, he thought it prudent to abandon his design upon Brunswic, contenting himself with his success at Princeton, and with having drawn the enemy from all their posts on the Delaware. -fiT.44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217 At Pluckemin he remained no longer than to give his v CHAPTER troops rest and refreshment, and then advanced to Morris- town, where his winter-quarters were finally established. 1777. This was not in all respects so favorable a situation as Retires to winter-qua^ he desired : but it was in a mountainous region, difficult tew at Mor- ristown. of access to the enemy, and surrounded by a fertile coun- try affording abundant supplies. He did not sit down idle, however, nor trust to the barriers of nature for his protection. Unprovided as his men were with almost ev- ery thing necessary for a winter campaign, he sent out detachments to assail and harass General Howe's troops'; and with such vigor and address were these expeditions conducted, that in a short time not a single British or Hessian regiment remained in the Jerseys, except at Bruns- wic and Amboy, between which places and New York was an open communication by water. Such were the splendid results of General Washington's Eflfector J * the late plans and operations from the time he determined to re- operations, cross the Delaware. When his army was thought to be on the verge of annihilation, and the whole world re- garded American liberty as struggling in the last stage of its existence, he commenced and pursued an offensive warfare against a hitherto victorious army, strong in num- bers and confident in its strength, and, within the brief space of three weeks, dislodged it from every post it had taken along the Delaware River, relieved Philadelphia from danger, and recovered almost the whole province of New Jersey. The glory of these achievements was ren- dered doubly conspicuous by their immediate effects. The despondency, which had weighed heavily upon the minds of the people, was dispelled as by a charm, the martial spirit was revived, and a new animation infused into the public counsels. The classical and eloquent Italian historian of the war, Tribute of praise to Charles Botta, after describing these transactions, adds ; Washington. " Achievements so astonishing gained for the American commander a very great reputation, and v were regarded with wonder by all nations, as well as by the Americans. 28 w 218 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [En. 44. 1777. CHAPTER Every one applauded the prudence, the firmness, and the Vf ' daring of General Washington. All declared him the savior of his country ; all proclaimed him equal to the most renowned commanders of antiquity, and especially distinguished him by the name of the AMERICAN FABIUS. His name was in the mouths of all men, and celebrated by the pens of the most eminent writers. The greatest personages in Europe bestowed upon him praise and con- gratulation. Thus the American General wanted neither a noble cause to defend, nor an opportunity for acquiring glory, nor the genius to avail himself of it, nor a whole generation of men competent and well disposed to render him homage." * * Storia della Guerra dell' Independenza degli Stati Uniti d' America, Tom. II. Lib. 7. 44.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219 CHAPTER X. General Washington's Proclamation. His Preparations for the next Cam- paign. Exchange of Prisoners. Condition of the American Prisoners in New York. Military Operations in New Jersey. The Army crosses the Delaware and encamps near Germantown. Washington's first In- terview with Lafayette. Sir William Howe lands at the Head of Elk. Battle of the Brandywine. New Powers conferred on Washington by Congress. Battle of Germantown. Skirmishes at Whitemarsh. Suf- ferings of the Army. Winter Encampment at Valley Forge. Spurious Letters written and circulated in the Name of Washington. Con way's Cabal. Persons concerned in it. Honorable and generous Conduct of Lafayette in Relation to this Affair. 1777. HEAD-QUARTERS being at Morristown, the central or main division of the army was encamped for the winter near that place in huts temporarily constructed for the purpose. Cantonments were likewise established at vari- Position of ous points from Princeton on the right, where General Putnam commanded, to the Highlands on the left, which post continued under the charge of General Heath. Skir- mishes often happened between the American advanced troops and the enemy's foraging parties. For six months, however, no enterprise of magnitude was undertaken on either side. Sir William Howe's proclamation, as we have seen, had General produced considerable effect in the Jerseys. Not only the prociama- disaffected, but many well disposed citizens, finding them- etrects. selves in the power of the enemy, had sought protection for their families and their property by taking an oath of allegiance to the King. Their hopes had been fatally dis- appointed. With such license had the British and Hessian troops overrun the country, that they plundered, burnt, and destroyed whatever came in their way, and in some instances committed the greatest outrages upon the inhabitants, with- out discriminating between friends and foes. In one re- 220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 44. CHAPTER spect this conduct was serviceable to the cause of the pa- . x ' triots. It roused the indignation of the people, and, goad- 177 7 ed by the deep feeling of their wrongs, the militia flew to arms with an alacrity and determination not surpassed on any former occasion. A large number of substantial farmers, however, more pacific in their dispositions, who had taken advantage of the proclamation, professed scru- ples in regard to their oath. They looked upon their pledge as binding them at least to a passive neutrality, washing- To remove this difficulty, and draw a proper line of ton'scounter ..... / i -i --.-.' , ,- . prociama- distinction between friends and enemies, General Wash- tion. ington issued a counter proclamation, commanding all per- January 25. _. , , . . ., . . sons, who had received protections irom the British com- missioners, to repair to head-quarters or to some general officer of the army, to deliver up such protections, and take an oath of allegiance to the United States ; t " nevertheless granting full liberty to all such, as preferred the interests and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and hap- piness of their country, forthwith to withdraw themselves and their families within the enemy's lines." Thirty days were allowed for complying with this order, at the end of which period, those, who had neglected or refused to comply, were to be deemed as adherents to the King of Great Britain, and treated as enemies to the American States. Prociama- Strange as it may be thought, the publishing of this lion disap- J . proved by , proclamation was considered an undue exercise of power. some per- sons. Even in Congress it was censured by some of the mem- bers. The legislature of New Jersey more than hinted, that it was an encroachment on their prerogatives. An oath of allegiance to the United States was said to be absurd before the confederation was formed, and the pow- er of requiring such an oath was claimed exclusively for each State. Hence the opposition arose, not from an im- partial view of the abstract merits of the act, but from the jealousy of State sovereignty. Fully convinced, how- ever, of the necessity, reasonableness, and equity of the measure, Washington adhered to it, and instructed his * -^.'. MT. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 officers accordingly, willing, as in all other cases, to risk CHAPTER his own popularity in promoting the public interests. * His first care, after putting the troops in winter-quarters, 1777. was drawn to the completion of the army for the next condition of campaign ; and he wrote circular letters to the governors of the middle and eastern States, urging them in the strongest terms to adopt prompt and effectual methods for raising recruits and filling up their regiments. His effi- cient strength through the winter was so small, that pru- dence required him to use the expedient, to which he was often driven, of magnifying his numbers to the pub- lic, lest the enemy, becoming acquainted with his weak- ness, should make a sudden and rapid movement upon him, and obtain an easy victory. This deception, so es- sential to his safety, operated unfavorably ; since it gave the impression that his army was much larger than it really was, and diminished the efforts of the States to provide seasonable reinforcements. It was only in the midst of a campaign, when the enemy were in motion, that the people thought of danger ; and then it was often too late to make proper exertions for increasing the army. To stimulate the activity of the States, by forcible and An addition- . . al number of reiterated representations to the governors and legislatures, general otn- ' cere appoint- by argument, persuasion, and appeals to every motive of ed. pride,' honor, and patriotism, was the task which he was obliged to repeat every winter ; and this was a source of unceasing anxiety from the time the troops went into quarters, till they again took the field to combat the en- emy. Congress, embarrassed by the novelty of their du- ties and the indefinite nature of their powers, deliberated with caution, and were seldom ready to act in military affairs, till incited by the counsels or earnest entreaties of the Commander-in-chief. For several months he had urg- ed upon them the necessity of a larger number of gen- eral officers in the army, and in February five additional major-generals and ten brigadiers were appointed. On this subject he always spoke with delicacy in his objection- , , . . . able mode of letters, rarely expressing an opinion as to the qualmca- appointing w* 222 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [& T . 45. CHAPTER tions of individuals, and avoiding equally the appearance x of partiality and of a wish to interfere in any degree with 1777. the appointing power. Various considerations produced de- lays and sometimes contentions in Congress respecting military appointments. Local predilections interposed the chief obstacles. The claims of the respective States were to be regarded, according to which the general officers were to be taken from each in proportion to the number . of troops it furnished. By this rule the best officers in the country could not be selected, if it happened that more than one or two resided in the same State. More- over there were frequent disagreements among the dele- gates of a particular State, in regard to the comparative merits of the candidates of such State, especially when the pretensions of each were supported by the influence of friends or parties. This mode of appointing officers not only brought some into the service, who were incompe- tent to their high station, but created dissensions"' in Ihe army about rank, and added to the many troubles that harassed the Commander-in-chief. Exchange of Soon after General Howe arrived at Staten Island from prisoners. Halifax, a correspondence was opened between him and General Washington respecting the exchange of prisoners ; and it was mutually agreed, that officers should be given for officers of equal rank, soldier for soldier, and citizen for citizen. Exchanges were effected upon this basis till the capture of General Lee. The British commander chose to consider that officer in the light of a deserter from the King's service, although he had resigned his commission before he joined the American army ; and, in conformity with this view of his character, he was kept in more rig- orous confinement than other prisoners of war. It was also understood, that he was to be tried by a court-martial. When these facts came to the knowledge of Congress, they thought it necessary, in support of their own digni- ty, and for the protection of their officers who might fall into the enemy's hands^ to adopt energetic and decisive measures, and immediately resolved on severe retaliation. &x. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. They decreed, that Colonel Campbell, a British prisoner CHAPTER in Massachusetts, and five Hessian field-officers taken at x Trenton, should be subjected to precisely the same treat- 1777. ment as General Lee. The consequence was, that Col- onel Campbell was confined in a common jail, and the Hessian officers, who had been sent to Virginia, were de- prived of the privileges usually granted to prisoners of war. General Washington at once saw the injurious tendency Washington /. , . , T /. ,. T disapproves oi this hasty and premature act ot retaliation, and remon- retaliation, stratea strenuously against it. " In point of policy," said March i. he, in a letter to the President of Congress, " under the present situation of our affairs, this doctrine cannot be supported. The balance of prisoners is greatly against us ; and a general regard to the happiness of the whole should mark our conduct. Can we imagine, that our en- emies will not mete the same punishments, the same in- dignities, the same cruelties, to those belonging to us, in their possession, that we impose on theirs in our power ? Why should we suppose them to possess more humanity than we have ourselves ? Or why should an ineffectual attempt to relieve the distresses of one brave, unfortunate man, involve many more in the same calamities ? How- ever disagreeable the fact may be, the enemy at this time have in their power, and subject to their call, near three hundred officers belonging to the army of the United States. In this number there are some of high rank ; and most of them are men of bravery and merit. The quota of theirs in our hands bears no proportion, being not more than fifty at most. Under these circumstances, we should certainly do no act to draw upon the gentlemen belong- ing to us, and who have already suffered a long captivi- ty, greater punishments than they have experienced and now experience. If we should, what will their feelings be, and those of their numerous and extensive connex- ions ? Suppose the treatment prescribed for the Hessians should be pursued, will it not establish what the enemy have been aiming to effect by every artifice and the gross- est misrepresentations, I mean, an opinion of our enmity 224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER X. 1777. Sufferings of the pris- oners in New York. April 9. towards them, and of the cruel conduct they experience when they fall into our hands, a prejudice which we on our part have heretofore thought it politic to suppress, and to root out by evdry act of lenity and kindness ? It certainly will. The Hessians would hear of the punish- ment with all the circumstances of heightened exaggera- tion, would feel the injury, without investigating the cause, or reasoning upon the justice or necessity of it. The mischiefs, which may and must inevitably flow from the execution of the resolves, appear to be endless and innumerable." On the other hand the American prisoners, who had been taken at Fort Washington and confined in New York during the winter, had endured such sufferings as to excite universal indignation, and reflect reproach on the British commander. This is not the place to investigate the causes ; but the fact is indisputable. A large propor- tion of them sunk under their sufferings and died ; and, when others were sent out for exchange in the spring, they were so much emaciated and broken down, so totally unfit for service, that General Washington refused to re- turn for them an equal number of healthy British or Hessian prisoners. Sir William Howe said this refusal was a violation of the rule for exchange, which had been agreed upon between them ; and, although he could not deny the facts, yet he declared the prisoners had been treated as well as his circumstances would permit, and been provided with every thing necessary for their com- fort. General Washington replied ; " You must be sensible, that our engagement, as well as all others of the kind, though in the letter it expresses only an equality of rank and number, as the rule of ex- change, yet necessarily implies a regard to the general principles of mutual compensation and advantage. This is inherent in its nature, is the voice of reason ; and no stipulation, as to the condition in which prisoners should be returned, was requisite. Humanity dictated, that their treatment should be such, as their health and comfort .Ex. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 demanded ; and, where her laws have been duly re- CHAPTER spected, their condition has been generally good. Nor x is this the language of humanity alone; justice declares 1777. the same. The object of every cartel, or similar agree- ment, is the benefit of the prisoners themselves, and that of the contending powers. On this footing, it equally exacts, that they should be well treated, as well as that they should be exchanged. The reverse is, therefore, an evident infraction, and ought to subject the party, on whom it is chargeable, to all the damage and ill conse- quences resulting from it. Nor can it be expected, that those unfitted for future service by acts of severity, in direct violation of a compact, are proper subjects for an exchange. In such case, to return others not in the same predicament, would be to give without receiving an equiv- alent ; and would afford 'the greatest encouragement to cruelty and inhumanity. The argument, drawn from the mere circumstance of the prisoners having been received, is of no validity. Though, from their wretched situation, they could not, at that time, be deemed proper for an exchange, yet our humanity required, that they should be permitted to return among us. " It may, perhaps, be fairly doubted, whether an appre- hension of their death, or that of a great part of them, did not contribute somewhat to their being sent out when they were. Such an event, whilst they remained with you, would have been truly interesting ; because it would have destroyed every shadow of claim for a return of the prisoners in our hands ; and therefore policy, concur- ring with humanity, dictated that the measure should be adopted. Happy had it been, if the expedient had been thought of before these ill-fated men were reduced to such extremity. It is confessed, however, on all sides, that, after their delivery, they still continued your pris- oners, and would be so till regularly exchanged. " I acknowledge, that I should, and I have been al- ways willing, notwithstanding this concession, to account for every man, who was in a proper condition and fit 29 226 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 45 . Conduct of General Howe. CHAPTER to be exchanged at the time he came out, so far as the x ' proportion of prisoners with us would extend. With what 1777. propriety, or upon what foundation of justice, can more be demanded? This has been proposed, or, what is the same, was most clearly implied in the first article or ob- jection made by Lieutenant-Colonel Harrison, and illiber- ally rejected since, ' as inconsistent with any degree of reason or common sense.' Painful as it is, I am com- pelled to consider it as a fact not to be questioned, that the usage of our prisoners, whilst in your possession, of the privates at least, was such as could not be justified. This was proclaimed by the concurrent testimony of all who came out ; their appearance sanctioned the assertion ; and melancholy experience, in the speedy death of a large part of them, stamped it with infallible certainty." These difficulties interrupted for some time the exchange of prisoners. It should nevertheless be said, to the credit of Sir William Howe, that the retaliatory act of Congress did not influence his conduct towards the American pris- oners; and it should also be added, that a want of hu- manity was never alleged to be a trait of his character. The sufferings of the unfortunate men in New York were probably to be attributed more to his inattention, than to any direct order; but this apology, if indeed it can be called an apology, is far from amounting to a jus- tification. He wrote a state of the affair to the British government, particularly respecting General Lee; and the ministry decided that he should thenceforward be retained as a prisoner of war, although they had previously transmit- ted an order requiring him to be sent to England. This change of purpose was dictated by policy, General Howe having intimated that any evil, which might befall the Hessian officers in consequence of the detention of Gen- eral Lee, would have a bad effect on the troops of that nation serving in America. The winter passed away, and the spring was far ad- vanced before the British commander gave any indications of his designs for the campaign. His reinforcements from JET. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 227 Europe arrived later, and in smaller numbers, than he an- CHAPTER ticipated; and he was obliged to curtail the plans, which he had suggested to- the ministry the preceding autumn. 1777. That he might noj; seem to be idle, he sent up the Military Sound a detachment of two thousand men under Gover- Danbury nor Tryon, who landed in Connecticut, marched into the country, and destroyed the public stores at Danbury. Apnl They were bravely met by the militia and a few Con- tinental troops, who harassed them on their march, and pursued them back to their boats. In the rencounters with the enemy on their retreat, General Wooster and General Arnold were wounded. The former died of his wounds. At length General Howe enlarged his force at Brans- British force 11 , ., , , . , n increased in wic, and began to build a bridge there, so constructed as New Jersey. to be laid on flat-boats, which it was supposed he intend- ed to transport over land to the Delaware, and use in crossing that river. Meantime General Washington col- lected at Morristown the troops, which had been enlisted into the new army in Virginia and the middle States, and ordered those from the eastward to assemble at Peekskill on the Hudson. The want of arms, hitherto severely felt, was opportunely supplied by the arrival of two vessels from France, containing twenty-four thousand * muskets. Near the end of May he drew his main army to a skirmishing very strong position at Middlebrook, only nine miles from twoarmiel 8 Brunswic, and prepared to contest the passage of the ene- June . my, should they attempt to move towards the Delaware. On the 13th of June, the British army marched from Brunswic, commanded by Sir William Howe in person, and stretched itself several miles into the country, well fortified on the right at Brunswic, and secured in front by the Rariton, and on the left by the Millstone. This position was occupied six days. The object of this ma- noBuvre was to bring on a general action. Washington was too cautious, however, to be tempted into such a snare at a great disadvantage with his raw troops, but he determined to defend his ground in any event. Not 228 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [Mr. 45. CHAPTER choosing to run the hazard of an attack, General Howe returned with his whole army to Brunswic, and in a short 1777. time evacuated that place and retreated to Amboy. Three regiments, detached under General Greene, fell upon his rear, pursued him as far as Piscataway, and did consider- able execution. Washington then advanced towards the enemy with his main force to Quibbletown. Finding him thus drawn from his strong post, Sir William Howe marched suddenly into the country with all his troops seven or eight miles to Westfield, evidently seeking to turn the American left, and gain the high grounds. To counteract this attempt, Washington retired again to Mid- dlebrook ; and the only result of these movements was some smart skirmishing between the advanced parties of the two armies, with little loss on either side. Thus foiled in all his manoeuvres for bringing on a general engagement, Sir William Howe crossed over to Staten Island, using for that purpose the floating bridge constructed at Brunswic, and entirely evacuated the Jerseys. Designs of The very next day Washington received the first intel- llie enemy .. ... uncertain, ligeiice, that Burgoyne was approaching Ticonderoga with a formidable army. For some time it had also been re- ported by spies and deserters, that a fleet of large vessels and transports was preparing in the harbor of New York, with the apparent object of an expedition by water. At first it was not doubted, that this armament was destin- ed against Philadelphia. But the news from the north cast a cloud of uncertainty over all the enemy's schemes. It now seemed more probable, that concerted operations between Howe and Burgoyne were in view, and that the former would speedily ascend the Hudson to form a junc- tion with the latter. The fitting out of the fleet, it was supposed, might have the double aim of a feint to de- . ceive the Americans into a belief that some distant oper- ation by sea was intended, and of actually preparing to transport troops up the Hudson. It was likewise conjec- tured, that an attack on New England was meditated, with the view of creating a diversion in favor of Bur- .E-r.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229 goyne ; and this was in fact a part of Howe's original CHAPTER plan, which he abandoned in consequence of the deficien- x " cy of his reinforcements from Europe. 1777. This state of things was peculiarly embarrassing to Wash- Burgoyne'g Tin -i f i expedition. mgton. While it was necessary for him to watch every point, it was still more so, that he should be at hand to meet the blow wherever it should be struck. The great object, at which the British had been aiming from the beginning of the war, namely, a possession of Hudson's River and the communication with Canada, thus separat- ing the eastern and southern States, was so important, that he could not doubt this to be the special intent of Bur- goyne's expedition ; and yet he had seen so many evi- dences of General Howe's designs upon Philadelphia, that he was unable to relinquish his conviction of their reality. The immediate danger, however, was on the Hudson, to guard against which he despatched two regiments to Peeks- kill, and prepared to follow with his whole army. This movement required caution and delay ; for, should The army .,.,,.,, /. , ft moves to the he withdraw his iorce too soon irom the centre 01 Jersey, Hudson, and Sir William Howe might land his troops at South Am- totheDeia- f -ware. boy, and march to Philadelphia before he could be over- taken. But, when it was known, that the enemy had actually embarked on board the fleet, Washington moved slowly towards the Highlands by way of Morristown and Ramapo, advancing as far as the Clove, and at the same time detaching Lord Stirling with a division to Peekskill. At this juncture the fleet dropped down to the Hook and went to sea. Waiting no longer than to be convinced of the absolute departure of the fleet, he immediately be- gan to retrace his steps. The two divisions under Sulli- . van and Stirling, which had crossed the Hudson to Peeks- kill, were recalled, and the army pursued various routes to the banks of the Delaware. There he resolved to stay till he should receive further intelligence of the British fleet ; for it was still possible that it might return to New York and ascend the Hudson. News soon came, however, that it had been seen at x 230 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [VEr. 45. CHAPTER X. 1777. Army marches to German- town. Washing- ton's first meeting with Lafay- ette. I Lafayette's appointment to a com- mand in the American army, July 31. the Capes of the Delaware, and its destination was then thought to be no longer doubtful. The army marched to Germantown, where it would be in readiness to defend the city of Philadelphia, and the- General himself hastened forward to Chester. He there learned that the fleet had left the Capes and steered eastward. All his calculations were again baffled ; for it was naturally inferred from the course taken by the fleet, that General Howe would either go directly back to New York, or to some place on the coast of New England, and cooperate with Burgoyne. Till this point was settled by certain information, nothing could be done. The army continued at Germantown, prepared to march at a moment's warning, except Sullivan's divis- ion and some other regiments, which were ordered to take post in New Jersey. During this suspense General Washington passed two or three days in Philadelphia, holding conferences with committees and members of Congress. It was here that he had his first interview with the Marquis de Lafayette. The enthusiastic zeal with which that young nobleman had embraced the American cause, his romantic adven- tures in leaving his own country and crossing the Atlan- tic, and the incidents which befell him on his arrival, are well known ; and the part he acted during the war, his influence in gaining effectual aid from the French government, his deep and lasting attachment to Washing- ton, the ardor and consistency with which he adhered to the interests of his adopted country to the end of his life, and the affection which the people of that country have ever manifested for his person and character, all con- spire to make the day on which he entered the service one of the most remarkable in the revolution. When Lafayette arrived in Philadelphia, he put his let- ters into the hands of Mr. Lovell, Chairman of the Com- mittee of Foreign Affairs. He called the next day at the Hall of Congress, and Mr. Lovell came out to him and said, that so many foreigners had offered themselves for employment, that Congress was embarrassed with their S.T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231 applications, and he was sorry to inform him there was CHAPTER very little hope of his success. Lafayette suspected his x ' papers had not been read, and he immediately sat down 1777. and wrote a note to the President of Congress, in which he desired to be permitted to serve in the American army on two conditions ; first, that he should receive no pay ; secondly, that he should act as a volunteer. These terms were so different from those demanded by other foreign- ers, and presented so few obstacles on the ground of an interference with American officers, that they were at once accepted. His rank, zeal, perseverance, and disinterested- ness overcame every objection, and he was appointed a major-general in the American army, more than a month before he had reached the age of twenty. Washington was expected shortly in Philadelphia, and Terms of in tercourse the young general concluded to await his arrival before between J & Washingtou he went to head-quarters. The first introduction was at andLa&y- etie. a dinner party, where several members of Congress were present. When they were about to separate, Washington took Lafayette aside, spoke to him very kindly, compli- mented him upon the noble spirit he had shown, and the sacrifices he had made, in favor of the American cause, and then told him that he should be pleased if he would make the quarters of the Commander-in-chief his home, es- tablish himself there whenever he thought proper, and con- sider himself at all times as one of his family ; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he could not promise him the luxuries of a court, or even the conveniences, which his former habits might have rendered essential to his com- fort, but, since he had become an American soldier, he would doubtless contrive to accommodate himself to the character he had assumed, and submit with a good grace to the customs, manners, and privations of a republican army. If Lafayette was made happy by his success with Congress, his joy was redoubled by this flattering proof of friendship and regard on the part of the Commander- in-chief. His horses and equipage were immediately sent to camp ; and ever afterwards, even when he had the 232 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 45. CHAPTER command of a division, he kept up his intimacy at head- x quarters, and enjoyed all the advantages of a member of 177 7 the General's family. The day after the dinner, Wash- ington inspected the fortifications in the Delaware River, and invited Lafayette to accompany him. Army For several days nothing was heard of the fleet, till it marches to . Wilmington, was seen again near the coast about sixteen leagues south of the Capes of Delaware. This was a proof, that it was really bound to the southward ; and, as ten days passed without any other intelligence, the opinion began to pre- vail, that it was gone to Charleston. So thoroughly was this belief impressed upon Washington and his oflicers, that a council decided it to be expedient to march to- wards the Hudson, and either act against Burgoyne, or attack New York. This decision was approved by Con- gress ; but, the very day on which the army was to march, an express arrived with intelligence, that the fleet was coming up the Chesapeake Bay, and had already ascend- ed two hundred miles from its mouth. All uncertainty was now at an end. No one doubted the designs of Sir William Howe against Philadelphia, though, as Washing- ton said, the route he had chosen was " a very strange one." The detachments were recalled from New Jersey, where Sullivan had employed them in an unsuccessful en- terprise against Staten Island, and the whole army march- ed to Wilmington. British land The reconnoitring parties soon reported the enemy to at the Head of Elk. have landed below the Head of Elk. The American August 25. troops were posted at Red Clay Creek, a few miles be- yond Wilmington, the pickets being advanced to Chris- tiana Bridge. There was constant skirmishing between the light parties of the opposing armies, in which the Americans behaved with spirit, gained some advantages, and took about sixty prisoners. When General Howe had landed all his men, artillery, and baggage, his movements indicated an intention to outflank the American right ; and Washington retired from his position at Red Clay Creek, crossed the Brandywine, and took possession of the JE-r. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 high ground near Chad's Ford. His right wing, so post- CHAPTER ed as to guard the fords above, was commanded by Gen- x> eral Sullivan ; and the Pennsylvania militia, under Gen- l ' 7 ' ' era! Armstrong, was stationed on the left about two miles Delow. At the same time the British advanced to Kennet Square, Battle of the ' Brandy- Seven miles from Chad's Ford. At daybreak, on the morn- wine. ing of the llth of September, Sir William Howe put his sept. 11. army in motion in two divisions ; one, under Knyphausen, taking the direct road to Chad's Ford ; the other, led by Lord Cornwallis, moving along the Lancaster road, which ran for several miles nearly parallel with the Brandywine River. Sir William Howe was with this division. As soon as Knyphausen's advanced parties approached near Chad's Ford, they were attacked by General Maxwell with a body of light troops, and .a very sharp rencounter ensu- ed ; but the enemy's columns pressed forward, and Max- well was compelled to retire. From this time Knyphau- sen kept up a heavy fire of artillery, which was returned across the river ; but he made no serious attempt to pass the ford. Parties went over and skirmished, and there was brisk firing at different points, without much execu- tion on either side. It was the plan of the Hessian gen- eral to amuse the Americans in front, till Cornwallis should have time to gain their right flank and rear. This design - was early suspected by Washington, and Movements J ' ofCornwaJ- he waited with extreme anxiety for intelligence from the iw. patroles, who had been sent to watch the roads leading to the fords, which were all guarded as high up as the fork of the Brandywine, six or seven miles above Chad's Ford. At length, between eleven and twelve o'clock, a message came from General Sullivan, stating that a large body of the enemy had been discovered marching towards the upper fords. Washington ordered Sullivan to push over the river and meet that division, while he cross- ed and attacked Knyphausen in front. Before- this order could be executed, counter information was received. This contradiction and uncertainty caused the order to be sus- 30 x* 234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jE T . 45. CHAPTER pended. A little after two o'clock, however, all doubt * was removed. Having taken a wide circuit of seventeen 1777. miles and crossed two branches of the Brandy wine above the fork, Cornwallis had gained the heights near Birming- ham meeting-house, within two miles of Sullivan's right flank. Sullivan marched with the three divisions under his command, being his own, Stephen's, and Stirling's, and began to form his troops for action ; but, before the arrangement could be completed, Cornwallis opened the attack with such impetuosity, that after a short resistance the right of the American line was broken, the remain- der thrown into confusion, and the whole forced to a precipitate retreat. Some of them rallied, and took an- other stand, where they maintained a short and spirited conflict, till again driven by a greatly superior force from their ground. Result of the The firing in this quarter was the signal for Knyphau- sen to cross the river, and assault the American intrench- ments at Chad's Ford. He was met by General Wayne, who defended the post with his usual gallantry ; but, at the head of a single division only, he was in no condition to withstand half the British army. General Greene with another division had removed to a central point between Chad's Ford and Sullivan's scene of action, where he could give support to either party as circumstances might require. Covering Sullivan's retreat, and seizing a pass about a mile from Dilworth, he checked the pursuit of the enemy, and sustained a warm engagement till dark. The firing then ceased. The British remained on the field of battle, and the Americans retreated in much disorder by different routes to Chester, where they all arrived in the course of the night. * * Deborre, a French general of thirty-five years' service, commanded , in Sullivan's division the brigade, which first broke and gave way. Congress voted an inquiry into his conduct, at which he took umbrage and resigned his commission. In his letter to Congress, he complained of hard usage, averring that he did all in his power to rally his men, being wounded in the attempt, and said, if the American troops would &T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235 The numbers engaged in this action have never been CHAPTER accurately ascertained. Chief Justice Marshall estimates the British army, when it landed, at eighteen thousand 1777. men, healthy and well supplied with all the implements Numbers of war. He supposes the American army, including mili- the action. tia, amounted to fifteen thousand ; but, from sickness and other causes, he thinks the effective strength on the day of battle was not more than eleven thousand. Sir Wil- liam Howe reported his loss to be ninety killed, four hun- dred and eighty-eight wounded, and six missing. He stated that about three hundred Americans were killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred - taken. This could be only a conjectural estimate, since General Wash- ington made no return of his loss to Congress ; such a return being impracticable in the disconnected and moving condition of his army. The Marquis de Lafayette, while Lafayette dismounted and endeavoring to rally the troops, was wounded in the leg, which caused him to retire from ac- tive service for two months. The expediency of fighting this battle with a force so Motives for u C 1 v J u u fighting the much inferior, and under many disadvantages, has been battle, questioned by foreign writers. If the subject be viewed in a military light only, there may perhaps be just grounds for criticism. But it should be differently regarded. Gen- eral Washington knew the expectation of the country and of Congress ; and he was persuaded, that a defeat would be less injurious in its effects on the public mind, than the permitting of the enemy to march to Philadelphia without opposition. He doubtless hoped to make a better resistance ; which he would have done, if he had not been deceived by contradictory intelligence in the time of battle, against which no foresight could guard. Al- though some of his troops behaved ill, yet others, 'and run away, it was unjust to censure him for the consequences. There was some truth perhaps in this remonstrance; but Deborre, by his ig- norance of the character and habits of the American people, had ren- dered himself very unpopular in the army, and Congress accepted his resignation without reluctance. 236 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 45. CHAPTER X. 1777. Washington retreats to Philadel- phia. Sept. 12. invested with new powers. Recrosses the Schuyl- kill, and re- tires to the Yellow Springs. Sept. 16. the larger part, fought with signal bravery, and inspired him and themselves with a confidence, which could have been produced only by the trial. ' The day after the action he retreated to Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown. So far from being dis- mayed by the late disaster, Congress were inspirited to new exertions, and resolved to strengthen the army and bring together all the means of defence in their power. Fifteen hundred Continental troops were ordered down from General Putnam's command on the Hudson, and the militia in Pennsylvania and the adjoining States were summoned to join the main army with all possible de- spatch. Anticipating the necessity of removing from Phil- adelphia, Congress again invested General Washington with extraordinary powers. He was authorized to suspend officers, who should misbehave, and fill up vacancies ; to take provisions and other articles for the subsistence and comfort of the army within seventy miles of head-quarters, paying or giving certificates for the same ; and to remove, or secure for the benefit of the owners, all goods and effects, which might be serviceable to the enemy. This last clause was of special importance ; as a great number of disaffected persons in and around Philadelphia would take no paina to withdraw their property, preferring that it should fall into the hands and contribute to the sup- plies - of the enemy. After allowing his men one day for rest and refresh- ment, Washington returned across the Schuylldll, and took the Lancaster road leading to the left of the British army, fully determined to offer battle. This bold step, taken before the enemy had left the field of action at the Brandywine, was a proof that the late repulse had in no degree unsettled his own resolution, or damped the ardor of his troops. The two armies met twenty-three miles from Philadelphia, and an engagement was actually begun between the advanced parties, when a heavy rain came on and rendered both armies totally unfit to pursue the contest. Washington retired to the Yellow Springs, but JEt.45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 237 was not followed by the British ; and he finally^ passed CHAPTER over the Schuylkill at Parker's Ford. The account of ** these movements is best related in his own words. 1777. " The enemy," he says, " by a variety of perplexing Particulars i f i i i 11 of the late manosuvres through a country trom which 1 could not movements, derive the least intelligence (being to a man disaffected), Sept. as. contrived to pass the Schuylkill last night at the Fatland and other fords in the neighborhood of it. They marched immediately towards Philadelphia, and I imagine their ad- vanced parties will be near that city to-night. They had so far got the start before I received certain intelligence that any considerable number had crossed, that I found it in vain to think of overtaking their rear, with troops harassed as ours had been with constant marching since the battle of Brandy wine. " When 1 last recrossed the Schuylkill, it was with a firm intent of giving the enemy battle wherever I should meet them ; and accordingly I advanced as far as the Warren Tavern upon the Lancaster road, near which place the iwo armies were upon the point of coming to a gen- eral engagement, but were prevented by a most violent flood of rain, which continued all the day and following night. When it held up, we had the mortification to find that our ammunition, which had been completed to forty rounds a man, was entirely ruined ; and in that situation we had nothing left for it, bat to find out a strong piece of ground, which we could easily maintain till we could get the arms put in order, and a recruit of ammunition. Before this could be fully effected, the enemy marched from their position near the White Horse Tavern, down the road leading to the Swedes' Ford. I immediately crossed the Schuylkill above them, and threw myself full in their front, hoping to meet them on their passage, or soon after they had passed the river. The day before yesterday they were again in motion, and marched rapidly up the road leading towards Reading. This induced me to believe that they had two objects in view ; one to get round the right of the army, the other perhaps to detach 238 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER X. 1777. Congress ad- journ to Lancaster and York- town. Battle of German- town. October 4. parties to Reading, where we had considerable quantities of military stores. To frustrate those intentions, I moved the army up on this side of the river to this place, de- termined to keep pace with them ; but early this morn- ing I received intelligence, that they had crossed the fords below. Why I did not follow immediately, I have men- tioned in the former part of my letter ; but the strongest reason against being able to make a forced march is the want of shoes. Messieurs Carroll, Chase, and Penn, who were some days with the army, can inform Congress in how deplorable a situation the troops are, for want of that necessary article. At least one thousand men are barefooted, and have performed the marches in that con- dition." Congress adjourned first to Lancaster, and then to York- town in Pennsylvania, where they continued eight months, till Philadelphia was evacuated by the enemy. Immedi- ately after the British entered the city, Lord Howe went out of the Chesapeake with his fleet and came round into the Delaware, intending to force the strong defence^ in that river, and ascend to Philadelphia. To aid in this undertaking a detachment of British troops was stationed on the left bank of the river in New Jersey. The larger part of the army was encamped at Germantown, the re- mainder being in the city. In this divided state of Sir William Howe's forces, Washington conceived the plan of attacking him by sur- prise. The British encampment extended across the vil- lage of Germantown, and at right angles with the main road. The American army was near Skippack Creek, about fourteen miles distant. At seven o'clock, in the evening of the 3d of October, the march began, and by the order of battle the troops were to approach the enemy by four routes, it being expected that the whole would arrive nearly at the same time. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were to enter the town by the road leading to the enemy's centre ; while Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was to take the /Er. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 road on the right near the Schuylkill, and gain their left CHAPTER and rear. The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked x ' by M n Dougall's brigade, were to make a circuit on the I 777 - American left, and attack the British right wing, while the Maryland and Jersey militia, under Small wood and Forman, were to move down by a road still farther to the left, and fall upon their right flank and rear. The plan was extremely well concerted, and the surprise was complete. The attack commenced between daybreak and sunrise. At first the action was very warm in the centre, and afterwards on the American left, and every thing seemed to promise success; but the Americans were ulti- mately obliged to retreat, and leave the enemy in posses- sion of the ground. Washington speaks of this event as follows, in a letter to his brother. " After the enemy had crossed the Schuylkill, we took washing. the first favorable opportunity of attacking them. This count of the was attempted by a night's march of fourteen miles to surprise them, which we effectually did, so far as to reach their guards before they had notice of our coming ; and, if it had not been for a thick fog, which rendered it so dark at times that we were not able to distinguish friend from foe at the distance of thirty yards, we should, I believe, have made a decisive and glorious day of it. But Providence designed it otherwise ; for, after we had driven the enemy a mile or two, after they were in the utmost confusion, and flying before us in most places, after we were upon the point, as it appeared to everybody, of grasping a complete victory, our own troops took fright and fled with precipitation and disorder. How to account for this, I know not ; unless, as I before observed, the fog represented their own friends to them for a reinforce- ment of the enemy, as we attacked in different quarters at tho same time, and were about closing the wings of our army when this happened. One thing, indeed, con- tributed not a little to our misfortune, and that was a want of ammunition on the right wing, which began the engagement, and in the course of two hours and forty 240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1777. Loss in the action. CHAPTER minutes, which time it lasted, had, many of them, ex- pended the forty rounds, that they took into the field. After the engagement we removed to a place about twen- ty miles from the enemy, to collect our forces together, to take care of our wounded, get furnished with necessa- ries again, and be in a better posture, either for offensive or defensive operations. We are now advancing towards the enemy again, being at this time within twelve miles of them. " Our loss in the late action was, in killed, wounded, and missing, about one thousand men, but, of the miss- ing, many, I dare say, took advantage of the times, and deserted. General Nash of North Carolina was wounded, and died two or three days after. Many valuable offi- cers of ours were also wounded, and some killed. In a word, it was a bloody day. Would to Heaven I could add, that it had been a more fortunate one for us." General Howe reported his loss to be seventy-one kill- ed, four hundred and fifty wounded, and fourteen miss- ing. The American loss, as stated by Dr. Gordon on the authority of the Board of War, was one hundred and fifty killed, five hundred and twenty-one wounded, and about four hundred prisoners. In the midst of the action, six companies of the fortieth British regiment, commanded by Colonel Mulgrave, took possession of Chew's House, a strong stone building, which they barricaded and defended with so much obstinacy, as to retard for some time the ad- vance of the second line of the Americans, intended to support the centre ; and, during this delay, Sullivan's di- vision, which had been closely engaged in front, having mostly expended its ammunition, began to retreat, and, falling back upon the second line, threw it into disorder. This circumstance, added to the dense fog, is supposed to have contributed much to the unfortunate issue of the day. But the battle of Germantown was not without its good effects. It revived the hopes of the country by proving. that, notwithstanding the recent successes of the enemy, Affair at Chew's House. Effects of the battle. -Ex. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 241 neither the spirit, resolution, and valor of the troops, nor the energy and confidence of the Commander, had suffer- ed any diminution. They were as prompt and eager to meet their adversaries in battle, as at the beginning of the campaign. Considered in its political relations, the event was not less important. When the American Com- missioners in Paris had their first interview with Count de Vergennes to converse on a treaty of alliance, after complimenting them on the favorable prospects in Ameri- ca, and the conduct of the American troops, he added, " that nothing struck him so much as General Washing- ton's attacking and giving battle to General Howe's ar- my ; that to bring an army, raised within a year, to this, promised every thing." It has been commonly supposed, that Burgoyne's defeat was the turning point with the French government in joining the United States against England, and probably it was ; but the above fact, re- corded by one of the Commissioners at the time, shows that the operations of Washington's army ha4 their due weight in the scale. The British fleet having entered the Delaware, every exertion was made to remove the obstructions in the river, and drive the Americans from their fortified posts. By the activity of the small naval armament under Commo- dore Hazelwood, and the brave defence of Red Bank and Fort Mifflin. these efforts were resisted for more than six 7 i weeks, when a vastly superior force, both by land and water, compelled an evacuation of those places, and open- ed a passage for the enemy's shipping to Philadelphia. Washington returned to his former station after the bat- tle of Germantown, and in a few days encamped in a strong position at Whitemarsh, fourteen miles from Phila- delphia. General Greene was ordered with a detachment into New Jersey to operate against Cornwallis, who had passed over with a large body of troops to aid in re- ducing Fort Mercer at Red' Bank. The Marquis de La- fayette was a volunteer under Greene, and distinguished himself in a skirmish with the enemy at Gloucester Point, 31 Y CHAPTER X. 1777. Operations in the Delft- ware. Detachment sent to New Jersey under General Greene. November. 242 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 45. CHAPTER although his wound was not yet entirely healed. No * event of importance occurred. The British recrossed the 1777. river to Philadelphia, and Greene joined the main army at Whitemarsh. A reinforcement likewise arrived from the north, consisting of Morgan's rifle corps and part of the New Hampshire and Massachusetts troops ; the sur- render of Burgoyne, and the relinquishment by the British of their temporary acquisitions in the Highlands, rendering their services no longer necessary in that quarter. skirmish Sir William Howe, having received an accession to his at White- marsh, strength by several regiments from New York, thought a December s. good opportunity presented itself for trying his fortune in another battle, if he could find the Americans in such a condition as to attack them to advantage. He 'marched out of the city with twelve thousand men, in the evening of the 4th of December, and the next morning took post at Chesnut Hill, about three miles from the right of the American encampment. Washington sent out light troops to skirmish, but resolved to wait for the general attack on the ground he had chosen. This was an adventure, which General Howe was not inclined to hazard. After manoeuvring three days in the front and on the flanks of the American lines, seeking for an advantage which his opponent was careful not to give, he retreated sud- denly to Philadelphia, having lost in the different ren- counters twenty men killed, sixty-three wounded, and thirty-three missing. Preparations The season being far advanced, and the troops worn for winter quartere. down by the hard service of the campaign, it was thought necessary to make immediate preparations for winter quar- ters. Many of the soldiers were suffering extremely for the want of clothes and shoes ; and even the supplies of provision and forage were obtained with difficulty. So great was the disaffection of the inhabitants, particularly after the British entered Philadelphia, that the larger por- tion of them refused to sell their produce to the American contractors, some perhaps through fear of the enemy, oth- ers from a sincere attachment to the royal cause ; and J:T. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 243 even the well affected were unwilling to part with their CHAPTER property upon so feeble a security as the certificates given on the authority of Congress. With his usual deli- 1777. cacy and caution, Washington was reluctant to exercise the powers with which he was intrusted to obtain sup- plies from the people by forcible means. The soundest policy forbade this practice, as long as it could possibly be avoided. It alienated friends, and added a new mo- tive for disaffection. " I confess," said he, in writing to the President of washing- ton's den- Congress, "I have felt myself greatly embarrassed with cacy in the 3 J . exercise of respect to a vigorous exercise of military power. An ill- military placed humanity, perhaps, and a reluctance to give dis- Dec* 15* tress, may have restrained me too far; but these were not all. I have been well aware of the prevalent jealousy of military power, and that this has been considered as an evil much to be apprehended, even by the best and most sensible among us. Under this idea, I have been cautious, and wished to avoid as much as possible any act that might increase it. However, Congress may be assured, that no exertions of mine, as far as circum- stances will admit, shall be wanting to provide our own troops with supplies on the one hand, and to prevent the enemy from getting them on the other. At the same time they must be apprized, that many obstacles have arisen to render the former more precarious and difficult than they usually were, from the change in the com- missary's department, at a very critical and interesting period. I should be happy, if the civil authority in the several States, through the recommendations of Congress, or their own mere will, seeing the necessity of supporting the army, would always adopt the most spirited measures, suited to the end. The people at large are governed much by custom. To acts of legislation or civil authority they have ever been taught to yield a willing obedience, without reasoning about their propriety ; on those of mili- tary power, whether immediate or derived originally from another source, they have ever looked with a jealous or suspicious eye." 244 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 45. CHAPTER X. 1777. Coercive measures for procur- ing supplies impolitic. Different opinions of the officers respecting winter quarten. And again, " It will never answer to procure supplies of clothing or provision by coercive measures. The small seizures made of the former a few days ago, in conse- quence of the most pressing and absolute necessity, when that, or to dissolve, was the alternative, excited the great- est alarm and uneasiness even among our best and warm- est friends. Such procedures may give a momentary relief; but, if repeated, will prove of the most pernicious consequence. Besides spreading disaffection, jealousy, and fear among the people, they never fail, even in the most veteran troops under the most rigid and exact discipline, to raise in the soldiery a disposition to licentiousness, to plunder and robbery, difficult to suppress afterwards, and which has proved not only ruinous to the inhabitants, but, in many instances, to armies themselves. I regret the occasion that compelled us to the measure the other day ; and shall consider it among the greatest of our misfortunes, if we should be under the necessity of prac- tising it again." These sentiments were not more the dictates of pol- icy, than of wisdom and humanity. He adhered to them through the war, and in no case resorted to coercive measures for procuring supplies, till every other method had proved unavailing. And, in the deference he paid to the rights of property, he was equally scrupulous, whether it belonged to persons suspected of disaffection, or to avowed and active friends. While the former com- mitted no positive acts of hostility, but remained quietly at their homes, he considered them amenable to the civil authorities alone for their opinions and conduct, and not within the pale of military coercion. The officers' differed widely in regard to the best mode of disposing of the army for the winter. Some advised that it should be quartered at Wilmington ; others recom- mended the valley of Tredyfin, a few miles west of the Schuylkill, as the place of cantonment ; while others pre- ferred a line of detached posts extending from Lancaster to Reading. The matter was largely discussed in a coun- JEr. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245 cil of war, and elaborate arguments in writing were given CHAPTER for each of these dispositions. x The opinions of the officers were so various and con- 1777. tradictory, that the Commander was finally obliged to act Encamp- . mentatVal. according to his own judgment, and on his own responsi- le y For ge. bility. He decided to establish a fortified encampment Dec. is. at Valley Forge, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. The ground was covered with woods, and bounded on one side by the Schuylkill, and on the others by ridges of hills. He examined the site in person, and designated the particular parts in which each regiment was to be quartered. The army marched to this place, and, on the 18th of December, orders were issued for building huts. Trees were felled for this purpose, and the huts were constructed with logs, the dimensions of each being six- teen feet by fourteen. One hut was assigned to twelve privates, and one to a smaller number of officers, accord- ing to their rank. A general officer was the sole tenant of a hut. These structures were arranged in parallel lines where the shape of the ground would admit, and, when the encampment was completed, it had the appear- ance of a town with streets and avenues. Troops from the same State inhabited the same street or quarter. The whole encampment was surrounded on the land side by intrenchments ; and a bridge was thrown across the river to open a communication with the country in that direc- tion. Here the army remained till the following June. A detachment was also stationed at Wilmington, to pro- tect the State of Delaware from the incursions of the enemy's foraging parties. The command of the American armies, and the respon- sibilities attending that high office, were not the only causes of vexation, which at this time harassed the mind of Washington. Attempts were made by his public ad- versaries, and by secret foes wearing the mask of friend- ship, to destroy his influence and ruin his character. A pamphlet was published in London, containing a se- ries of letters, purporting to have been written by him in ft 246 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [Mr. 45. CHAPTER the summer of 1776, and with his signature attached to them. It was stated in the preface, that, when Fort Lee 1777. W as evacuated, General Washington's servant was left be- spurious iet- hind indisposed; that in his possession was a small port- ed in p "he JS manteau belonging to the General, in which, among other Washington, things of trifling value, were the drafts of several private letters to Mrs. Washington, Mr. Lund Washington, and Mr. Custis ; and that these had been transmitted to Eng- land by an officer into whose hands they had fallen. This fiction was contrived to deceive the public into a belief of the genuineness of the letters, although in reality not one of General Washington's servants, nor a single arti- cle of his baggage, was taken by the enemy in the whole course of the war. But the tenor of the letters was the most insidious part of the fabrication. Washington is rep- resented as expressing sentiments totally at variance with his conduct, and as deprecating the misguided zeal and rashness of Congress in declaring independence, and push- ing the opposition to Great Britain to so perilous an ex- tremity. The letters were reprinted in New York, and industriously circulated in various forms through the agen- cy of disaffected persons. The disguise was too flimsy to cover so nefarious a purpose. Whatever credit they may have gained in England, they could have no influ- ence on his countrymen, who understood his character. Author of The author of these spurious epistles was never public- these letters * unknown. \y known. They were written with considerable art, and by a person acquainted with many particulars of General Washington's family concerns. It is probable, also, that parts of intercepted letters actually written by him were interwoven. He never thought the subject worthy of his notice, till near the end of his presidency, when a new edi- tion of these same forgeries was palmed upon the public to gratify the spleen of a malignant party spirit, and to effect a purpose even more infamous than the one contemplated by their original author. He then declared them, in a letter to the Secretary of State, to be spurious and false. conway's Whilst the enemies of his country were thus employed Cabal. /Er. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 in scattering the seeds of detraction and . falsehood, the CHAPTER agents of faction were secretly at work, both in the army x ' and in Congress, to disparage and undermine his reputa- 1777. tion. This conspiracy has been called Conwa-y's Cabal, from the name of the individual who acted the most con- spicuous part. The other prominent leaders were General in the cabal. Gates and General Mifflin. The causes and origin of the disaffection of these officers to the Commander-in-chief have not been explained. When they joined the service, at the beginning of the war, they professed to be his friends, and probably were such. It was mainly at his instance, that General Gates received his first appointment. Being an Englishman by birth, some of the members of Congress had scruples on the subject, thinking their cause would be safest in the charge of native Americans, both on account of their influence over the people, and of the ardor and sincerity of their patriotism. These scruples were waved, however, in favor of Gates and Charles Lee, and in each case at the solicitation of Washington, who had confidence in their attachment to 'American liberty, and believed important aid might be derived from their military skill and experience. The first symptoms of discontent are supposed to have supposed been manifested at Cambridge. Gates was adjutant-general c"b g aH of the army, with the rank of brigadier. Mifflin went there as aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief, by whom, under the authority of Congress, he was appointed quar- termaster-general, with the rank of colonel. After the or- ganization of the first Continental army, Gates applied for the command of a brigade, and Mifflin of a regiment. These requests were declined by Washington, on the ground, in the first place, that the duties of their offices required their whole attention, and, in the next, that such an indulgence would interfere with the just claims of other officers. This refusal is thought to have given an offence, that was not forgotten. It is certain, that, after the army marched from Cambridge, General Gates made interest with C and his fears for the unhappy consequences that might flow from his conduct. " I need not tell you," said he, " how Dec. so. sorry I am at what has happened ; it is a necessary result of my tender and respectful friendship for you, which is as true and candid as the other sentiments of my heart, and much stronger than so new an acquaintance might seem to admit. But another reason for my concern is my ardent and perhaps enthusiastic wish for the happi- * Before Lafayette commenced his journey to Albany, he rode to Yorktown, for the purpose of making arrangements with the Board of War. As soon as he arrived, he called on General Gates, whom he found surrounded by his friends seated at a dinner-table. They greet- ed him with much cordiality. He joined them at the table, the wine passed round, and several toasts were given. Determined not to act under disguise, and to take the first opportunity of letting his senti- ments be known, he called to them, just as they were about to rise, and observed that one toast had been omitted, which he would propose. The glasses were filled, and he gave as a toast, " The Commander-in- chief of the American armies." It is needless to say, that it was coldly received ; and it is possible, that this early and bold avowal of his pre- dilections had some influence in damping the ardor, with which the leaders of the faction had planned this abortive Canada expedition. Conway was appointed second in command ; but Lafayette insisted that the Baron- de Kalb, in whom he had confidence, should be one of the officers, which was granted, but not without evident reluctance. Baron de Kalb, being higher in rank than Conway, was thus the second in command, and Conway the third. 252 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [fix. 45. 1777. Washington takes no CHAPTER ness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that Amer- * ica can defend herself, if proper measures are taken ; but I begin to fear that she may be lost by herself and her own sons." And again in conclusion he added ; " My desire of deserving your approbation is strong ; and, when- ever you shall employ me, you can be certain of my try- ing every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now bound to your fate, and I shall follow it and sustain it, as well by my sword as by all the means in my power." To this pledge he was ever true. * Standing firm in his integrity, Washington took no ,..-,. pains to counteract these machinations of his enemies, counteract ,.,..' the schemes and, .whatever may have been his regret and indignation of his ene- J mies - at such evidences of ingratitude and perfidy, he did not allow them to disturb his equanimity, or to turn him in the least degree from his lofty purpose of serving his country in the sphere allotted to him with the disinterest- edness, diligence, and ardor, that characterized his public life in every vicissitude of events. In a letter to Presi- dent Laurens, who had enclosed to him an anonymous communication of a very insidious tendency, which he * The following extract from a letter written by Lafayette to Baron Steuben, while the faction was at its height, affords an additional proof of hia warm and generous friendship for Washington. It was dated at Albany, on the 12th. of March, 1778. Baron Steuben had recently arrived in the country. "Permit me," said Lafayette, "to express my satisfaction at your having seen General Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found, except among the enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for any man of a noble spirit to refrain from loving the ex- cellent qualities of his heart. I think I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea which I have formed of him. His hon- esty, his frankness, his sensibility, his virtue, to the full extent in which this word can be understood, are above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his military talents ; but, according to my imper- fect knowledge of these matters, his advice in council has always appeared to me the best, although his modesty prevents him sometimes from sustaining it; and his predictions have generally been fulfilled. I am the more happy in giving you this opinion of my friend, with all the sincerity which I feel, because some persons may perhaps attempt to deceive you on this point." JET. 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253 had received, and which the writer designed for Congress, CHAPTER Washington wrote as follows. x "I cannot sufficiently express the- obligation I feel to 1778. you, for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion Letter to the President of m which I am so deeply interested. I was not unap- congress, prized, that a malignant faction had been for some time January 31. forming to my prejudice ; which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the impor- tant purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences, which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. "As I have no other view than to promote the pub- lic good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. The anonymous paper handed to you exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many or who may be privy to the contents. " My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that mo- tives of policy deprive me of the defence I might other- wise make against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, with- out disclosing secrets, which it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station ? Merit and talents, with which I can have no pretensions of ri- valship, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would permit ; yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error." 254 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2E.T. 45. CHAPTER To what extent the members of Congress were con- x ' cerned in this affair, it would be difficult now to decide. 1778. Names have been mentioned, but without such a clear objects of statement of facts as to fix a direct charge upon any those con- .,..,. cerned in the individual. The proceedings of Congress show, that the faction had supporters in that body ; but who they were, or what precise objects they had in view, cannot now be ascertained from the testimony hitherto made public. The first aim of the cabal was, no doubt, to disgust Wash- ington and cause him to resign. It is probable, that Gates's immediate coadjutors in the army looked to him as the successor, and that Gates flattered himself with this illusive dream. The dissatisfied members of Con- gress, it is more likely, had their eyes upon Charles Lee, who was soon to be exchanged. conwayre- Conway was the victim of his ambition and intrigues. error, and Being wounded by an American officer in a duel, he returns to France. wrote to General Washington while he thought himself near his end, expressing sorrow for his past conduct. " My career will soo"n be over," said he ; " therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are in my eyes' the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." This confession, dictated at a solemn moment by a corroding conscience, although it may be deemed an apology for personal injuries, cannot atone for the guilt of Having endeavored, in a time of public danger and distress, to kindle the flame of discord in a country, whose liberties he had offered to vindicate, and whose cause he was pre- tending to serve. He unexpectedly recovered of his wound, and returned to France, leaving a name which few will envy, and an example which no one will be am- bitious to imitate, who reflects how soon a crime may be followed by a just retribution. i . 45.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255 CHAPTER XI. Sufferings of the Army at Valley Forge. New Arrangements concerted with a Committee of Congress. Half-pay granted to the Officers for a Term of Years. Proceedings in Regard to Lord North's conciliatory Bills. Arrival of the French Treaties of Alliance and Commerce. Compar- ative Strength of the British and American Armies. Discussions re- specting an Attack on Philadelphia. Plans of the Enemy. Evacuation of Philadelphia. The Army crosses the Delaware. Battle of Mon- mouth. Arrest and Trial of General Lee. Arrival of the French Fleet under Count d'Estaing. Plans for combined Operations between the Fleet and the American Army. Failure of an Attempt against the En- emy at Rhode Island. Cantonments of the Army for the Winter. Ex- change of Prisoners. Congress. Project of an Expedition to Canada. THE winter at Valley Forge is memorable in the his- tory of the war. Owing to changes in the quartermas- ter's and commissary's departments, according to a scheme planned by Congress contrary to the judgment of Wash- ington, the army had been wretchedly supplied, and at no time were the sufferings of the troops so great, as they were for a few weeks after they went into winter quarters. Hardly were the huts begun, when information was re- ceived, that a party of the enemy had left Philadelphia, with the apparent design of foraging and drawing subsist- ence from the country. Several regiments were ordered to be in readiness to march, when it was discovered that they had no provisions, and that a dangerous mutiny was on the point of breaking out. The only remedy was to send parties abroad to collect, wherever they could find it, as much provision as would satisfy the pressing wants of the soldiers. The same wants recurred at different times through the winter. On one occasion General Washington wrote ; " For some days there has been little less than a famine in camp. A part of the army "have been a week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four days. Na- CHAPTER XI. 1778. Distresses of the army at Valley Forge. Sufferings for the want of supplies. 256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [yEr. 45. CHAPTER ked and starving as they are, we cannot enough admire XL the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiery, that 1778. they have not been ere this excited by their sufferings to a general mutiny and dispersion. Strong symptoms, however, of discontent have appeared in particular in- stances; and nothing but the most active efforts every- where can long avert so shocking a catastrophe." Such was the scarcity of blankets, that many of the men were obliged to sit up all night by the fires, without covering to protect them while taking the common refreshment of sleep ; and in numerous instances they were so scantily clad, that they could not leave their huts. Although the officers were better provided, yet none was exempt from exposures, privations, and hardships.* Sieclm" Notwithstanding this deplorable condition of the army, ?nac"ivu ft of tnere were not wanting those, who complained of its in- die army, activity, and insisted on a winter campaign. When the encampment was begun at Valley Forge, the whole num- ber of men in the field was eleven thousand and ninety- eight, of whom two thousand eight hundred and ninety- eight were unfit for duty, "being barefoot and otherwise naked." In making this statement to Congress, and al- luding to a memorial of the legislature of Pennsylvania, Washington said ; " We find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter quarters or not, reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow; and moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages I have described ours to be, which are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover * Mrs. Washington joined her husband at Valley Forge in Febru- ary. Writing a month afterwards to Mrs. Mercy Warren, the histo- rian of the revolution, she saidf " The General's apartment is very small ; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at first." ^x.46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 257, from depredation and waste the States of Pennsylvania CHAPTER and New Jersey. But what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is, that these very gentlemen, 1778. who were well apprized of the nakedness of the troops from ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers worse clad than others, and who advised me near a month ago to postpone the execution of a plan I was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Congress, for seiz- ing clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten days agreeably to a decree of the State (not one article of which, by the by, is yet come to hand), should think a winter's campaign, and the covering of these States from the invasion of an ene- my, so easy and practicable a business. I can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less dis- tressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blan- kets. However, although they seem to have little feel- ing for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel super- abundantly for them, and, from my soul, I pity those miseries, which it is neither in my power to relieve nor prevent." After the immediate wants of the army in camp were .,,/., , , . , . ,' . . tern for the provided for, he next employed his thoughts in devising army. a new and improved system for the future. The expe- rience of three campaigns had proved the ^necessity of radical and extensive changes in the plans hitherto pur- sued, both in regard to the organization and discipline of the army, and to the methods of obtaining supplies. He deemed the subject to be of the utmost importance, and one upon the due adjustment of which would depend not only the efficiency, but even the existence, of a Conti- nental military force. That he might act upon the sound- est principles, and with all the aids that could be collect- ed from the knowledge and reflections of others, he re- quested the general officers to state their sentiments in writing. The result was a series of elaborate essays, con- 33 ^2* 258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XI. 1778. Congress send a com- mittee to the army. January 10. Half-pay to the officers for life pro- posed. taining such facts, discussions, and opinions, as the judg- ment and military skill of the writers enabled them to present. Moved by the earnest solicitations of Washington, Con- gress at the same time took the subject into considera- tion. Their debates finally terminated in the appointment of a committee of five members of their body, who were instructed to repair to the camp at Valley Forge, and in- vested with ample powers to confer with the Commander, and digest in concert with him such a system as would correct existing abuses, lead to salutary reforms, and put the army on the footing he desired. When the commit- tee arrived in camp, he laid before them a memoir, drawn up with great care, representing in detail the defects of previous arrangements, and containing an outline of a new and improved system.* The committee continued in camp three months, and then returned to Congress and present- ed a report, which was in the main adopted. On one point, however, which Washington considered not more equitable in itself, than essential to the continu- ance of an army, there was great difference of opinion among the members of Congress. Hitherto there had been no provision made for the officers after the war should end, and no other inducement offered to them than their * The author of the Life of Hamilton has claimed for him a larger share in this important memoir than can justly he conceded. He says, " it is manifestly the work of Colonel Hamilton." This inference is drawn from the circumstance, that a draft exists in his handwriting. But it was in fact the work of many hands. There are few points in the paper itself, which are not contained or intimated in some of the communications of the general officers. As one of General Washing- ton's aids, it was natural that Colonel Hamilton should be employed to arrange and condense the materials into the proper form of a report, especially as no one connected with the General's family was better qualified to execute the task, both from his knowledge of the subject and his ability. This is the only sense in which it can be considered as his work. Indeed, whoever is accustomed to consult the manuscripts of public documents will often be led into error, if he ascribes the authorship of every paper to the person in whose handwriting it may be found. This remark has particular force, when applied to the im- JE T . 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 259 common wages while in actual service. Numerous com- CHAPTER plaints and resignations convinced Washington, that this XI ' motive, even when strengthened by ambition and patriot- 1778. ism, was not enough. He proposed half-pay for life, after the close of the war, or some other permanent provision. " If my opinion be asked," said he in a letter to Con- Arguments ' for a half- gress, " with respect to the necessity of making this pro- pay estab- vision for the officers, I am ready to declare, that I do most religiously believe the salvation of the cause depends upon it, and, without it, your officers will moulder to nothing, or be composed of low and illiterate men, void of capacity for this or any other business. To prove this, I can with truth aver, that scarce a day passes without the offer of two or three commissions ; and my advices from the eastward and southward are, that numbers who had gone home on furlough mean not to return, but are establishing themselves in more lucrative employments. Let Congress determine what will be the consequence of this spirit. " Personally, as an officer, I have no interest in their decision, because I have declared, and I 'now repeat it, that I never will receive the smallest benefit from the half-pay establishment ; but, as a man who fights under the weight of proscription, and as a citizen, who wishes portant papers to which Washington affixed his name. They were always the result of patient thought and investigation on his own part, aided by such light as he could collect from others, in whose intelli- gence and judgment he could confide. Whatever pen he may have employed to embody these results, it may be laid down as a rule, to which there is no exception, that the writer aimed to express as clear- ly and compactly as he could what he knew to be the sentiments of Washington. This fact alone can account for the extraordinary uni- formity in style, modes of expression, and turns of thought, whicli pre- vails throughout the immense body of Washington's letters, from his earliest youth to the end of his life. It will seldom be accurate to say, in regard to any of his papers, that the person, in whose hand- writing they may be found, was their author; nor indeed is it believed that there is in history an instance of a public man, who was in the genuine sense of the term more emphatically the author of the papers, which received the sanction of his name. 260 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^T. 46. CHAPTER to see the liberty of his country established upon a per- XI> manent foundation, and whose property depends upon the 1778. success of our arms, I am deeply interested. But, all this apart, and justice out of the question, upon the single ground of economy and public saving, I will maintain the utility of it ; for I have not the least doubt, that, until officers consider their commissions in an honorable and interested point of view, and are afraid to endanger them by negligence and inattention, no order, regularity, or care, either of the men or public property, will prevail." Finding that the proposition was opposed in Congress, upon principles which seemed to him erroneous and im- politic, he wrote to one of the members in terms still more earnest. " The officers will not be persuaded," he observed, " to sacrifice all views of present interest, and encounter the numerous vicissitudes of war, in the defence of their country, unless she will be generous enough on her part to make a decent provision for their future support. I do not pronounce absolutely, that we shall have no army if the establishment fails, but the army which we may have will be without discipline, without energy, incapable of acting with vigor, and destitute of those cements neces- sary to promise success on the one hand, or to withstand the shocks of adversity on the other. It is indeed hard to say how extensive the evil may be, if the measure should be rejected, or much longer delayed. I find it a very arduous task to keep the officers in tolerable humor, and to protract such a combination for quitting the ser- vice, as might possibly undo us for ever. " The difference between our service and that of the enemy is very striking. With us, from the peculiar, un-. happy situation of things, the officer, a few instances ex- cepted, must break in upon his private fortune for pres- ent support, without a prospect of future relief. With them, even companies are esteemed so honorable and so valuable, that they have sold of late from fifteen to twenty- two hundred pounds sterling ; and I am credibly inform- JT. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 ed, that four thousand guineas have been given for a CHAPTER troop of dragoons. You will readily determine how this difference will operate; what effects it must produce. Men 1778. may speculate as they will ; they may talk of patriotism ; they may draw a few examples, from ancient story, of great achievements performed by its influence ; but who- ever builds upon them, as a sufficient basis for conduct- ing a long and bloody war, will find himself deceived in the end. We must take the passions of men as nature has given them, and those principles as a guide, which are generally the rule of action. I do not mean to ex- clude altogether the idea of patriotism. I know it exists, and I know it has done much in the present contest. But I will venture to assert, that a great and lasting war can never be supported on this principle alone. It must be aided by a prospect of interest, or some reward. For a time it may, of itself, push men to action, to bear much, to encounter difficulties ; but it will not endure unassisted by interest." These representations, so judicious and forcible, could congress re luctanl to not fail to have some influence even on the minds of s>th5if- pay for lift. those, who were the most decided in their hostility to the measure. But they did not produce entire conviction, and the subject met with difficulties and delays. One party thought, or professed to think, that Congress had no power to act in such a matter, and proposed to refer it to the State legislatures ; another was haunted with the fear of a standing army, a privileged class, and a pension list ; and another could see no difference between the sacrifices of the officers, in defending their country, and of private citizens, whose property was plundered, ravaged, and destroyed by the enemy. After much dis- cussion, the plan of half-pay for life was carried, but by so small a majority that the vote was reconsidered, and a compromise was effected. By the ultimate decision, the officers were to receive half-pay for the term of seven years, and a gratuity of eighty dollars was to be given to each non-commissioned officer and soldier, who should continue in the service to the end of the war. 262 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE T . 46. CHAPTER While this subject was under discussion, Washington saw with deep concern the jealousy of the army, which 1778. W as manifested in Congress, and its unhappy influence jealousy of on their deliberations. In other countries this prejudice the army in.. . ,. v. ... .. , congress. exists against standing armies only in times of peace, and this because the troops are a distinct body from the citi- zens, having few interests in common with them, and little other means of support than what flows from their military employment. But " it is our policy," said he, " to be prejudiced against them in time of war, though they are citizens, having all the ties and interests of citizens, and in most cases property totally unconnected with the military line." So heavily did this subject weigh upon his mind, that he unburdened himself freely in a letter to a member of Congress, and used all his endeavors to promote harmony, union, and a national feeling among those on whom the .safety of the republic depended, whether acting in a civil or military capacity. "If we would pursue a right system of policy," he observed, " in my opinion, there should be none of these distinctions. We should all, Congress and army, be con- sidered as one people, embarked in one cause, in one interest; acting on the same principle, and to the same end. The distinction, the jealousies set up, or perhaps only incautiously let out, can answer not a single good purpose. They are impolitic in the extreme. Among in- dividuals the most certain way to make a man your ene- my is to tell him you esteem him such. So with public bodies ; and the very jealousy, which the narrow politics of some may affect to entertain of the army, in order to a due subordination to the supreme civil authority, is a likely means to produce a contrary effect ; to incline it to the pursuit of those measures, which they may wish it to avoid. It is unjust, because no order of men in the Hardships of Thirteen States has paid a more sacred regard to the the troops. proceedings of Congress than the army; for without arro- gance or the smallest deviation from truth it may be said, that no history now extant can furnish an instance of an JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 263 army's suffering such uncommon hardships as ours has CHAPTER done, and bearing them with the same patience and for- XL titude. To see men, without clothes to cover their na- 1778. kedness, without blankets to lie on, without shoes (for the want of which their marches might be traced by the blood from their feet), and almost as often without pro- visions as with them, marching through the frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up their winter quarters within a day's march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover them till they could be built, and submitting without a murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience, which in my opinion can scarce be paralleled." Bound by strong ties of attachment to the army, on Difficulties the good or ill fortunes of which his own reputation so the com- mandofthe much depended, he spared no efforts to redress its gnev- army, ances, maintain its rights, and mitigate its sufferings ; but he was prompt and inflexible in checking the least dis- position to encroach on the civil power, or to claim privileges, however reasonable in themselves, which the peculiar circumstances of the country rendered it hazardous or inexpedient to grant. Considering the materials of the army, composed of freemen brought together and held together almost without the aid of law or of authority in any supreme head, unaccustomed to a soldier's life, im- patient under discipline, and constantly exposed to extraor- dinary privations and distresses, it may truly be said, that no commander ever had a more difficult task to perform in discharging the duties of his station ; and this in ad- dition to the labor and responsibility of suggesting to Congress the important measures, which they were to adopt in regard to military affairs, the vexation of seeing his plans thwarted by prejudice and party dissensions, and the anxiety he never ceased to feel on account of the divided counsels, apathy, antipathies, and- local predilec- tions, which were manifested both in Congress and in the State legislatures. About the middle of April arrived in New York a draft Lord North's of what were called Lord North's Conciliatory Bills, con- MU. mtory 264 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 40. 1778. Terms or conciliation able. CHAPTER taining a new project by him submitted to Parliament for settling the differences between Great Britain and the United States. This movement was prompted by the apprehension, that France would soon acknowledge the independence of the latter, and join in the war against England. Governor Try on, to whom the draft of the bills was sent, had it immediately reprinted in New York, and took measures to disperse copies of it as extensively as possible in the country, which, he said, was done in obedience to " his Majesty's command." Copies were en- closed by him to General Washington, with a polite re- quest that he would aid in circulating them, " that the people at large might be acquainted with the favorable disposition of Great Britain towards the American colo- nies." Washington sent them to Congress. As to the tenor of the bills, it is enough to say, that the terms held out were such as would undoubtedly have been accepted in the first stages of the controversy. Important changes had since occurred. The Americans had declared themselves an independent nation. They had shed their blood, expended their means, and endured the miseries of a three years' war, in defence of the rights they claimed, and the character they had assumed. It was no part of the British ministry's plan to treat with the American States as an independent power. They were to go back to their old condition as colonies, be favored with certain privileges, and, relieved from the burden of self-government, to trust their liberties again to the parental guardianship of the mother country. Till the remembrance of the past should be obliterated, these proffers were not likely to gain the confidence or change the sentiments of those, who had taken the lead in oppo- sition after a thorough knowledge of the causes, and of the grounds on which they stood, and who had already risked much and labored hard to secure the political ex- istence and prosperity of their country, by establishing them on the firm basis of union and freedom. Yet it was feared there were some, who, weary of the JE-r.46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 265 war, or disheartened at the prospect of its continuance, CHAPTER might be soothed with the voice of conciliation, and thus XI ' become cold supporters of the popular cause, if not de- 1778. cided advocates for peace on the terms proposed. To Washington . . ,. , . , x f i disapproves prevent this consequence, as lar as the weight 01 his u eowsiiia. . tory bills, iudsment would go, Washington expressed his own opin- and they are > f rejected by ions in very decided language to a member of Congress congress, only two days after he learned the contents of the con- ciliatory bills. " Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, can possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. The injuries we have received from the British nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the animosities, that would ever at- tend a union with them ; besides the importance, the ad- vantages, which we should derive from an unrestricted commerce ; our fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our character as men, are opposed to a coalition with them as subjects, but in case of the last extremity. Were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our relief; or, at most, they would do it with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions most probably that would be hard, if not dishonorable to us." Fortunately, the subject appeared in the same light to Congress. As soon as the drafts of Lord North's bills were received, they were referred to a committee ; upon whose report a short discussion ensued ; and it was unanimously resolved, that the terms offered April 22. were totally inadequate, and that no advances on the part of the British government for a peace would be met, un- less, as a preliminary step, they either withdrew their armies and fleets, or acknowledged unequivocally the inde- pendence of the United States. At the same time the bills were published in connexion with the proceedings of Congress, and circulated throughout the country. The three commissioners, Lord Carlisle, Governor John- 34 B2 266 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^Ex. 46. CHAPTER stone, and William Eden, sent over from England to XL negotiate the business of conciliation, did not arrive in 1778. Philadelphia till six weeks after the drafts of the bills British com- were published by Governor Tryon. Two of the commis- niMioners. * * sioners, Johnstone and Eden, were the bearers of private letters of introduction to General Washington from his friends in England, and also of many other letters ' to gen- tlemen of high political standing. To all appearance the olive branch was fairly held out. The secretary to the commission was Dr. Ferguson, the celebrated professor of moral philosophy in Edinburgh. On the first landing of the commissioners, they despatched their letters to Wash- ington's camp, and requested a passport for Dr. Ferguson to go to Yorktown, where Congress was then sitting, and present in person the papers they had brought. This matter being wholly of a civil nature, he did not think himself authorized to give such a passport, without the direction of Congress, and he forwarded to them the ap- plication. Impatient at the delay, or fearing a positive refusal from Congress to receive the papers, the commis- sioners immediately sent them through tbe usual medium of a flag to the President. The reception they met with may be imagined from the manner in which Lord North's bills had been disposed of. The door to any kind of compromise on the principles laid down in those bills had been effectually closed, and Congress adhered to their first resolution. * The commissioners remained several months * Mr. Adolphus, in his History of England, (VoL III. 4th ed. p. 89) says, "Application was made to General Washington for a passport for Dr. Ferguson, to convey overtures to Congress, but this favor was harsh- ly refused, and the letters of the commissioners forwarded by the common military posts." And then he speaks of the " wanton inso- lence of this proceeding." Such coarseness of language and illiberality of sentiment would seem unworthy of notice, if they were not from a respectable source. In truth the passport was not refused, but Gen- eral Washington thought it not consistent with his duty to grant it, without the previous approbation of Congress. Before an answer could possibly be received, the commissioners sent out their despatches by a flag, unaccompanied by their secretary. It is needless to say, that ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. in the country, made various attempts to gain their object, CHAPTER as well by art and address as by official intercourse, and XL at last went back to England baffled and disappointed, 1778. if indeed they ever had any real hope of success, which, may be doubted. Meantime an important event occurred, which diffused Treaty with . France re- universal ioy in America. The King of France recogms- ceived by J J . D Congress. ed the independence of the United States in a formal May 2. treaty of amity and commerce, and in a treaty of defen- sive alliance, both signed in Paris on the 6th of February, \ by M. Gerard on the part of France, and by the Ameri- can commissioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee. It was of course expected, that this procedure would bring on a war between England and France, and the parties mu- tually agreed not to lay down their arms till the inde- pendence of the United States should be assured by a treaty at the termination of the war. The messenger, who brought the news of this auspicious event, and who was likewise the bearer of the treaties, arrived in York- town on the 2d of May, ten days after Congress had passed their resolves respecting Lord North's bills. This last fact is worthy of remark, as it shows that the trans- actions in France, being then unknown, had no influence in producing those resolves. The treaties were immediate- ly ratified by Congress. The army participated in the rejoicings everywhere man- Rejoicings fit- i f ' n cam p n nested on this occasion. A day was set apart for a pub- theratmca- i i i , i -i , tion of the lie celebration in camp. It began in the morning with eaty. religious services, and a discourse to each of the brigades by one of its chaplains. Then followed military parades, marchings, and firings of cannon and musketry, according to a plan announced in the general orders. The appear- ance was brilliant and the effect imposing. The whole this writer is astonished at the blindness and obstinacy of the Ameri- cans, in not acceding to the terms of the commissioners, which, in his opinion, "proffered more real freedom, than, under all circumstan- ces, could be expected to flow from an acquiescence in their unsup- ported independence." 268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 46. 1778. British hold possession of Philadel- phia. CHAPTER ceremony was conducted with perfect regularity, and was XL closed with an entertainment, patriotic toasts, music, and other demonstrations of joy. The British kept possession of Philadelphia through the winter and the spring following ; and, although Washing- ton's camp was within twenty miles of the city, yet no enterprise was undertaken to molest him in his quarters. Foraging parties went out and committed depredations up- on the inhabitants ; but they were watched by the Ameri- cans, who sometimes met them in fierce and bloody ren- counters. When it was told to Dr. Franklin in Paris, that General Howe had taken Philadelphia, he sagacious- ly replied ; " Say rather, that Philadelphia has taken Gen- eral Howe." This prediction, if such it may be called, was verified, in the end. The conquest gained at the expense of a campaign, and with a considerable loss of men, actually availed nothing. Philadelphia, fortified on the land side and guarded by a formidable fleet in the river, afforded to the British army a resting-place for eight months. This was the whole fruit of the bloodshed and victory. New York would have afforded the same, with- out the trouble of a campaign, and at much less cost. The number of troops for the Continental army, ac- cording to the new establishment agreed upon by the committee of Congress at Valley Forge, was to be about forty thousand besides artillery and horse. When a coun- cil of war was called, on the 8th of May, to consider what measures should be adopted for future operations, it was found, that the army, including the detachments on the North River and at other places, did not then exceed fifteen thousand men, nor was it supposed that it could soon be raised higher than twenty thousand effective men. The number at Valley Forge was eleven thousand eight hundred. The British army in New York and Philadelphia, as since ascertained from the adjutant's re- turns, amounted to nearly thirty thousand, of which num- ber nineteen thousand five hundred were in Philadelphia, and ten thousand four hundred in New York. There JT 40.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 269 were besides three thousand seven hundred at Rhode CHAPTER Island ; making the whole British army in the middle : and eastern States upwards of thirty-three thousand. These numbers are much larger than was imagined by council of '-' war decides the council of war. They estimated the enemy's force Sf^ 1 ^. in Philadelphia at ten thousand, in New York at four " tions - thousand, and in Rhode Island at two thousand, besides May a. cavalry and artillery. Upon this basis the question was discussed, whether it was expedient to take the field and act on the defensive, or wait till the plans of the enemy should become more obvious, and then be guided by cir- cumstances. There was great unanimity in the decision. To take the city by storm was impracticable without a vastly superior force 5 and equally so to carry it by siege or blockade, strongly fortified as it was by nature and artificial works, and by vessels of war. Militia might be called out, but it was uncertain in what numbers ; and, however numerous, they could not be depended on for such an enterprise. In every view of the subject, there- fore, weighty objections presented themselves against any scheme of offensive operations. It was not long before affairs began to put on a new Enemy pre- aspect. From the intelligence communicated by spies, MtePUi*. it i i i delphia. and from various indications, it was suspected, that the enemy were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia. Sir Wil- liam Howe, weary of a service in which he found him- self gradually losing the confidence of his employers and supplying his enemies with weapons to assail his reputa- tion, and thinking his honors dearly bought at such a price, had asked to be recalled, and his request was grant- ed by the King. He was succeeded, in the command of his Majesty's forces in America, by Sir Henry Clinton, who had been made knight of the order of the Bath during the past year. The treaties between France and the United States were regarded by the court of Great Britain as a declaration of war on the part of France, and caused a change in the plans of the ministry for conduct- ing the contest in America. It was resolved to make B2* 270 , LIFE OF WASHINGTON! [>ET. 46. CHAPTER a sudden descent upon some of the French possessions XL in the West Indies. To aid in executing this project, 1778. Si r Henry Clinton was ordered to send five thousand men from his army ; and also three thousand more to Florida ; and to withdraw the remainder to New York. Another reason for this last movement was the probabili- ty, that a French fleet would soon appear at the mouth of the Delaware, and thus -blockade the shipping in that river, and put in jeopardy the army, diminished as it would be by the departure of the above detachments. British Gen- Sir Henry Clinton first intended to proceed by water eral's de- signs, with his whole army to New York; but this was found impracticable for want of transports. He therefore ship- ped his cavalry, part of the German troops, the American loyalists, his provision train and heavy baggage, on board such vessels as were in the river, and prepared to march through New Jersey with the main body of his army. Lafayette's While these preparations were making with as much affair at Bar- ..* _, . . . , ' _ , . renHiii. secrecy as possible by the British commander, Washing- May 20. ton sent out from Valley Forge a detachment of two thousand men under the Marquis de Lafayette, the ob- ject of which was to cover the country between the Delaware and Schuylkill, to interrupt the communication with Philadelphia, to obstruct the incursions of the ene- my's parties, and gain intelligence of their motions and designs. Lafayette marched to Barren Hill, and, while stationed there, a large part of the British army came out by a forced march in the night, with the intention of attacking him by surprise, and cutting off his detach- ment. Owing to the negligence, disobedience, or treach- ery of a picket guard, Lafayette was nearly surrounded by the enemy before he was informed of their approach ; but by a very skilful manoeuvre, quickly conceived and performed in a masterly manner, he gained a ford and drew off his whole detachment across the Schuylkill, with the loss of only nine men killed and taken. The enemy retreated to Philadelphia. To obstruct the progress of the British troops, in case JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 271 they should take the route over land to New York, Gen- CHAPTER eral Maxwell was ordered to cross the Delaware with a XL brigade, and to act in concert with General Dickinson, 1778. who commanded the New Jersey militia. It being more various . opinions of and more evident, that Sir Henry Clinton was preparing the officers ft, as to the to move by land, the opinion of the general officers was mode of operation. required, as to the operations in consequence of that event. The principal point to be considered was, whether the army should pursue the British, fall upon their rear, and bring on an engagement. Opinions were various ; but nearly all the officers were opposed to an attack, on account of the superiority of the enemy in force and discipline. General Lee, who had been exchanged, and had recently joined the army, argued vehemently against such a step. Some of the officers agreed with him ; others, who were unwil- ling to advise a general action, thought that the enemy should at any rate be harassed in their march, and that an engagement, though not to be sought, should not be avoided if circumstances rendered it expedient. The news of the evacuation of Philadelphia, which took Philadelphia place in the morning of the 18th of June, was received while the subject was still under discussion. General Arnold, who had not yet entirely recovered from the wound he received at Saratoga, was ordered to march with a small detachment into the city, and to retain the command there. General Lee and General Wayne, each at the head of a division, took the road to Coryell's Ferry, with orders to halt on the first strong ground after passing the river. Washington followed, and in six days the whole army had crossed the Delaware, and arrived at Hopewell, five miles from Princeton. Detachments in the mean time had been sent to impede the enemy's march. Morgan's corps of six hundred men was ordered to gain their right flank, Maxwell's brigade to hang on their left, and General Scott, with fifteen hundred chosen troops, to gall their left flank and rear. To these were joined the New Jersey militia under General Dickinson, and a party of volunteers from Pennsylvania commanded by General Cadwalader. 272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 40. CHAPTER XI. 1778. British march across New Jersey. June 24. After the British had crossed the river and landed at Gloucester Point, they marched by the way of Haddon- field and Mount Holly, and moved on slowly till they came to Crosswicks and Allen Town. Being encumbered with a long train of wagons and bat-horses, and confined to a single road, their line extended nearly twelve miles. It was necessary, also, to stop and build bridges over every stream and the marshy ground, as the bridges had all been destroyed by the Americans. These interruptions retarded their progress. Nor was it till he reached Allen Town, that Sir Henry Clinton decided what direction he should take from that place. It was his first purpose to proceed to the Rariton, and embark his troops at Brunswic or South Amboy for New York. But, finding Wash- ington almost in his front, and deeming it imprudent to hazard a battle while his army was so much encumbered, and on such ground as his antagonist might choose, he turned to the right, and took the road leading to Mon- mouth and Sandy Hook. At this time Washington's army had advanced to Kingston. In a council of war, convened at Hopewell, the question was again discussed, as to the mode of at- tacking the enemy. Sir Henry Clinton's force was sup- posed to consist of nine or ten thousand effective men.* The Continental troops under Washington amounted to a little over twelve thousand ; and there were about thirteen hundred miltia. General Lee still persisted in the same sentiments as at first; and, as he was now next in rank to the Commander-in-chief, and an officer of long expe- rience, his opinions and arguments had great weight in * This was the estimate, but the number must have been consid- erably larger. The number of British troops in Philadelphia was up- wards of nineteen thousand, making a difference from the estimate of more than nine thousand. There were not transports enough in Phila- delphia to accommodate this number, nor does Sir Henry Clinton in his despatches mention having sent such a body of troops by water. Nor had they gone to the West Indies. The troops for that station sailed afterwards from New York. JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273 the council. He seemed averse to any kind of interfer- CHAPTER ence with the enemy ; but he acceded to a proposal, in XL which he was joined by five others, that fifteen hundred 1778. men should be sent to hang on their rear. Six general officers, namely, Greene, Lafayette, Steuben, Wayne, Du- portail, and Paterson, were for sending twenty-five hundred men, or at least two thousand, which should be followed by the main army at such a distance as to afford support, if it should be necessary. It was clearly the wish of these officers to draw the enemy into a general engage- ment, if it could be done under favorable circumstances. Indeed Greene, Lafayette, and Wayne declared their sen- timents to this effect in writing. Thus embarrassed with the divided opinions of his offi- Washington cers, Washington had a delicate part to act. There can gagement. be no doubt, however, that hjs own judgment strongly inclined him to seek an engagement, from the time he left Valley Forge. The reputation of the army, and the expectation of the country, in his view required it ; and he believed the chances of success at least sufficient to authorize the attempt. After the council at Hopewell, therefore, he asked no further advice, but proceeded on his individual responsibility. He immediately ordered a detachment of one thousand men under General Wayne to join the troops already near the enemy, and gave to General Lafayette the command of all the advanced par- ties, amounting now to about three thousand eight hundred men, including militia. In his instructions to Lafayette he said : " You are to instructions " .... to Lafayette. use the most effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank, and giving every degree of annoyance. For these purposes you will attack them as occasion may require by detachment, and, if a proper opening should be given, by operating against them with your whole command." Foreseeing that these orders, executed with the spirit and ardor which characterized Lafayette, -would soon lead to an action with a large part of the enemy's force, Wash- 35 274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 46. CHAPTER XI. 1778. General Lee takes com- mand of the advanced division. Jane 26. Battle of Monmouth. June 28. ington prepared to sustain the advanced division, keeping within a distance proper for that purpose. General Lee's seniority of rank entitled him to the command of all the advanced detachments ; but disapprov- ing the plans of the Commander-in-chief and believing they would fail, he voluntarily yielded his claims to La- fayette. After this arrangement had been made with Wash- ington's consent, and Lafayette had marched towards the enemy, Lee changed his mind and applied to be reinstated. As Lafayette could not with any degree of justice or propriety be recalled, Washington resorted to an expedient, which he hoped would preserve harmony, although it might not be entirely satisfactory to either of .the parties. He put Lee at the head of two additional brigades, with orders to join the advanced detachments, when he would of course have the command of the whole ; but directed him at the same time to give Lafayette notice of his approach, and to afford him all the assistance in his power for prosecuting any enterprise, which he might already have undertaken or planned. He wrote also to Lafayette, explaining the dilemma into which he was thrown by the vacillating conduct of General Lee, and expressing a con- viction that he would cheerfully acquiesce in a measure, which the exigency of the occasion rendered necessary. While the main army moved forward to Cranberry, and the advanced parties were hovering around the enemy's flanks and rear, Sir Henry Clinton changed the disposition of his line, placing the baggage train in front, and his best troops in the rear. With his army thus arranged, he encamped in a strong position near Monmouth Court- House, secured on nearly all sides by woods and marshy grounds. This was his situation on the morning of the 28th of June. Washington was at this time six or seven miles distant, and, receiving intelligence at five o'clock, that the enemy's front had begun to march, he instantly put the army in motion, and sent orders to General Lee by one of his aids to move on and commence the at- tack, " unless there should be very powerful reasons to the JEr. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 contrary," acquainting him at the same time, that he CHAPTER should come up as soon as possible to his support. XL After marching about five miles, he was surprised and 1778. mortified to learn, that the whole of Lee's division, amount- General Lee .... . retreats. ing to five thousand men, was by his orders retreating, Avithout having made any opposition except one fire from a party, which had been charged by the enemy's cavalry. The situation was the more .critical and alarming, as Gen- eral Lee had given no notice of his retreat, but was marching his troops into the face of the rear division, thus running the hazard of throwing all parts of the army into confusion at the moment when the enemy were pressing upon him with unimpeded force.* Washington rode immediately to the rear of the re- treating division, where he found General Lee, and, ac- costing him with a warmth in his language and manner, which showed his disappointment and displeasure, he or- dered the troops to be formed and brought into action. Lee promptly obeyed, and with some difficulty the order of battle was restored in time to check the advance of the enemy before the other division came up. A disposition of the left wing and second line of the Particular. , . ... of the ac- army was then made on an eminence, and partly in a uon. wood, covered by a morass in front. This wing was commanded by Lord Stirling, who placed some batteries * Lee had manoeuvred near the enemy for some time with the ap- parent intention of attacking them. While thus engaged, a party of British troops moved towards his right flank, and so placed itself that Lafayette thought a fair opportunity offered for cutting it off. He rode quickly up to Lee, and asked him if an attack could not be advantageously made in that quarter. "Sir," replied Lee, " you do not know British soldiers ; we cannot stand against them ; we shall certainly be driven back at first, and we must be cautious." Lafayette answered, that it might be so, but British soldiers had been beaten, and it was to be presumed they might be beaten again, and at any rate he was for making the trial. Soon afterwards one of Washing- ton's aids arrived for intelligence, and, as he was returning, Lafayette desired him to say to the General, that his presence at the scene of action was extremely important Before this message reached him, the retreat had begun. 276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 46. CHAPTER of cannon in such a manner as to play upon the enemy XL with great effect, and, aided by parties of infantry, to 1778. put a stop to their advance in that direction. General Greene commanded the right wing, and on the march he had been ordered to file off and take a road, which would bring him upon the enemy's flank. On hearing of the retreat he marched up and took a very advantageous po- sition on the right. Being warmly opposed in front, the enemy attempted next to turn the American left flank, but were repulsed and driven back ; and a similar move- ment to the right was equally unsuccessful, as they were bravely met by the troops with artillery under General Greene. In the mean time General Wayne advanced with a body of infantry, and kept up so hot and well- directed a fire upon the enemy's front, that they retired behind a marshy ravine to the ground which they had occupied at the beginning of the engagement. British In this situation both their flanks were secured by retire to jj j^u i j -L u j Middietown. woods and morasses, and they could be approached in front only through a narrow pass. Two bodies of troops were ordered to move round and gain their right and left, while the artillery should gall them in front. Before these movements could be effected, night came on and put an end to the action. Intending to renew the contest in the morning, Washington directed all the troops to lie upon their arms in the places where they happened to be stationed at dark. Wrapped in his cloak, he passed the night on the field of battle in the midst of his sol- diers. But, when the morning dawned, no enemy was to be seen. Sir Henry Clinton had silently withdrawn his troops during the night, and followed his baggage train on the road leading to Middietown. As he would have gained commanding ground, where he might choose his own position, before he could be overtaken, and as the troops had suffered exceedingly from the intense heat of the weather and fatigue, it was not thought expedient to continue the pursuit. This battle, though it can hardly be said to have re- T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 277 suited in a victory, was nevertheless honorable to the CHAPTER American arms, and, after the inauspicious retreat of the XL first division, was fought with skill and bravery. It was 1778 - probably in all respects as successful as Washington had hoped. Congress passed a unanimous vote of thanks to the Commander and the army. Four British officers and two hundred and forty-five LOSS in the battle. privates were left dead on the field, and were buried by the Americans. It appeared that others were likewise buried by the enemy, making the whole number of killed nearly three hundred. The American loss was sixty-nine killed. Several soldiers on both sides are said to have died in consequence of the extreme heat of the day, and it is probable that the number of Americans reported as killed does not include all that died from this cause. But the loss of Sir Henry Clinton in battle made but British loss in the march a small part of the diminution of his army while march- through * New Jersey. ing through Jersey. One hundred were taken prisoners, and more than six hundred deserters arrived in Philadel- phia within three weeks from the time he left it, being drawn thither chiefly by the attachments they had formed during eight months' residence in the city. Others also escaped into the country while on the march ; so that the army, when it reached New York, had suffered a reduc- tion of at least twelve hundred men. After the action, Sir Henry Clinton proceeded to Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe's fleet, having come round from the Delaware, was in readiness to convey the troops to New York. Washington marched to Hudson's River, cross- ed at King's Ferry, and encamped near White Plains. The pride of General Lee was wounded by the Ian- Trial of guage, which Washington used when he met him re- treating. The day after the action, Lee wrote a letter to Washington, containing expressions, which no officer could with propriety address to his superior. This was answered in a tone, that rather tended to increase than soothe his irritation, and he replied in terms still more offensive. In a subsequent note, written the same day, c2 278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON . 46. XI. 1778. CHAPTER he requested that his case might be referred to a court- martial. He was accordingly put in arrest, under three charges ; first, disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy, agreeably to repeated instructions ; secondly, mis- behavior before the enemy, in making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat ; thirdly, disrespect to the Commander-in-chief in two letters written after the action. A court-martial was summoned, which sat from time to time for three weeks while the army was on its march ; and finally declared their opinion, that General Lee was guilty of all the charges, and sentenced him to be sus- pended from all command in the army of the United States for the term of twelve months. In the written opinion of the court, the second charge was modified by omitting the word " shameful " ; but in all other respects the charges were allowed to be sustained by the testi- mony. Congress approved the sentence. General Lee left the army, and never joined it again. He died four years afterwards in Philadelphia. * Before the army crossed the Hudson, General Washing- * Soon after General Lee rejoined the army at Valley Forge, a curious incident occurred. By an order of Congress, General Wash- ington ^was required to administer the oath of allegiance to the general officers. The major-generals stood around Washington, and took hold . of a Bible together according to the usual custom ; but, just as he be- gan to administer the oath, Lee deliberately withdrew his hand twice. This movement was so singular, and was performed in so odd a man- ner, that the officers smiled, and Washington inquired the meaning of his hesitancy. Lee replied, "As to King George, I am ready enough to absolve myself from all allegiance to him, but I have some scruples about the Prince of Wales." The strangeness of this reply was such, that the officers burst into a broad laugh, and even Washington could not refrain from a smile. The ceremony was of course interrupted. It was renewed as soon as a composure was restored proper for the sol- emnity of the occasion, and Lee took the oath with the other officers. Connected with the subsequent conduct of General Lee, this incident was thought by some, who were acquainted with it, to have a deeper meaning than at first appeared, and to indicate a less ardent and fixed patriotism towards the United States, than was consistent with the rank and professions of ihe second officer in the command of the American forces. JET.46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 279 ton heard of the arrival of Count d'Estaing on the coast CHAPTER with a French fleet, consisting of twelve ships of the line ... and four frigates. The admiral touched at the Capes of 1778. the Delaware, where he was informed of the evacuation Arrival of Count d'Es- of Philadelphia, and, after despatching up the river one taing. of his frigates, on board of which was M. Gerard, the first minister from France to the United States, he sailed for Sandy Hook. No time was lost by General Wash- July 14 , ington in sending him a letter of congratulation, and pro- posing to cooperate with him in carrying any plans into execution, which might be concerted for attacking the enemy. Colonel Laurens, one of his aids-de-camp, was the bearer of this letter, to whom the Count was re- ferred for such information as he might wish to obtain. When it was known that the fleet had arrived at the Hook, Colonel Hamilton, another confidential aid, was sent on board accompanied by four skilful pilots, and instructed to explain the General's views fully to Count d'Estaing. If it should be found practicable for the French ves- French fleet sels to pass the bar, and engage the British fleet then at thebarar" anchor within the Hook, it was supposed a simultaneous attack on the land side might be made to advantage; and indeed not without a prospect of very fortunate results, if the French should be able by a naval victory to enter the harbor and ascend to the city. These hopes were soon dissipated by the unanimous opinion of the pilots, that there was not sufficient depth of water to admit Count d'Estaing's heavy ships over the bar, and by their refusal to take the responsibility of attempting to conduct them through the channel. The only enterprise, that now remained, was an attack Expedition on the enemy at Rhode Island, where six thousand British enemy at . , __ , Rhode Isl- troops were stationed, chiefly in garrison at Newport, and and. protected by a few small vessels, batteries, and strong intrenchments. The French squadron departed for" that place, without being molested by Lord Howe, whose force was not such as to encourage him to go out and give battle.- Anticipating the French admiral's determination, 280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. T. 46 1778. CHAPTER Washington prepared to lend all the aid in his power to ! make it effectual. General Sullivan was already in Provi- dence, at the head of a considerable body of Continental troops ; and he was ordered to apply to the States of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, for militia enough to augment his force to at least five thousand men. A detachment of two brigades marched from the main army under Lafayette, who was followed by General Greene. The events of this expedition do not fall within the limits of the present narrative. Various causes con- tributed to its failure, by defeating the combined action of the land and naval forces. Count d'Estaing's fleet, af- ter leaving Newport, was so much crippled by a tremen- dous storm, and a partial engagement at sea, that he put in to the harbor of Boston to refit, where he remained till November. The disagreements, which unhappily existed between the American and French officers at Rhode Island, gave the deepest concern to Washington. In a letter to La- fayette, who had communicated the particulars, he la- mented it as a misfortune, which might end in a serious injury to the public interest ; and he endeavored to as- suage the rising animosity of the parties by counsels equally creditable to his feelings as a man and to his patriotism. " I feel every thing," said he, " that hurts the sensi- bility of a gentleman, and consequently upon the present occasion I feel for you and for our good and great allies the French. I feel myself hurt, also, at every illiberal and unthinking reflection, which may have been cast upon the Count d'Estaing, or the conduct of the fleet under his command ; and lastly, I feel for my country. Let me entreat you, therefore, my dear Marquis, to take no ex- ception at unmeaning expressions, uttered perhaps without consideration, and in the first transport of disappointed hope. Everybody, Sir, who reasons, will acknowledge the advantages which we have derived from the French fleet, and the zeal of the commander of it; but, in a Washington laments the differences between the American and French officers. Sept. 1. ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 281 free and republican government, you cannot restrain the CHAPTER voice of the multitude. Every man will speak as he XI> thinks, or, more properly, without thinking, and conse- 177 8 quently will judge of effects without attending to the causes. The censures, which have been levelled at the officers of the French fleet, would more than probably have fallen in a much higher degree upon a fleet of our own, if we had one in the same situation. It is the na- ture of man to be displeased with every thing that dis- appoints a favorite hope or flattering project ; and it is the folly of too many of them to condemn without in- vestigating circumstances. "Let me beseech you therefore, my good Sir, to afford a healing hand to the wound, that unintentionally has been made. America esteems your virtues and your ser- vices, and admires the principles upon which you act. Your countrymen in our army look up to you as their patron. The Count and his officers consider you as a man high in rank, and high in estimation here and also in France; and I, your friend, have no doubt but you will use your utmost endeavors to restore harmony, that the honor, glory, and mutual interest of the two nations may be promoted and cemented in the firmest manner." To Count d'Estaing he wrote in language not less deli- cate and conciliatory, nor less fitted to remove unfavora- ble impressions. In compliance with the order from the ministry given Designs or early in the season, Sir Henry Clinton detached five thou- general, sand men to the West Indies and three thousand to Flori- da ; but there was much delay in fitting out these ex- peditions, and the troops did not actually sail till near the end of October. Lord Howe's fleet in the mean time had been reinforced by a squadron from Europe. As neither the orders nor the plans of the British general were known, it was conjectured that he might have in view a stroke upon Count d'Estaing's fleet in Boston harbor, and perhaps an attack upon that town. It is probable, also, that General Clinton gave a currency to 36 c2* 282 LITE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 46. CHAPTER rumors of this sort, for the purpose of diverting the at- "' tention of the Americans from his real objects. A report 1778. gained credit, believed to have come from good authority, that New York was to be evacuated. Washington sus- pected the true origin of this rumor, and could not per- suade himself that an eastern expedition was intended ; yet the public impression and the conviction of some of his officers were so strong, as to its reality, that he took measures to guard against it. Washington He established his head-quarters at Fredericksburg, prepares to guard the thirty miles from West Point, near the borders of Con- eastern states. necticut, and sent forward a division under General Gates to Danbury. The roads were repaired as far as Hartford, to facilitate the march of the troops, and three brigades were despatched to that place. General Gates went to Boston, and took command of the eastern department, as successor to General Heath. These operations kept the army employed on the east side of the Hudson more than four months, till it was finally ascertained that the enemy had no designs in that direction. Events in Sir Henry Clinton took care to profit by this diversion of the American army. Foraging parties passed over to New Jersey, and ravaged the country. One of these par- ties attacked Baylor's dragoons in the night, at a short distance from Tappan, rushing upon them with the bay- onet and committing indiscriminate slaughter. A similar assault was made upon Pulaski's legion at Egg Harbor. Both these adventures were attended with such acts of cruelty on the part of the enemy, as are seldom practised Mistaken in civilized warfare. And they were not less impolitic policy of the . . , . . enemy. than cruel, being regarded with universal indignation and horror by the people, and exciting a spirit of hatred and revenge, which would necessarily react in one form or another upon their foes. In fact this point of policy was strangely misunderstood by the British, or more strangely perverted, at every stage of the contest. They had many friends in the country, whom it was their interest to re- tain, and they professed a desire to conciliate others ; yet T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283 they burned and destroyed towns, villages, and detached CHAPTER farm houses, plundered the inhabitants without distinction, and brought down the savages with the tomahawk and 1778> scalping-knife upon the defenceless frontier settlements, marking their course in every direction with murder, deso- lation, and ruin. The ministry approved and encouraged these atrocities, flattering themselves that the people would sink under their sufferings, bewail their unhappy condition, become tired of the war, and compel their leaders to seek an accommodation. The effect was directly the contrary in every instance. The people knew their rights, and had the common feelings of humanity ; and, when the former were wantonly invaded and the latter outraged, it was natural that their passions should be inflamed, and that they who were at first pacifically inclined should be roused to resistance and retaliation. If the British cabinet had aimed to defeat its own objects, and to consolidate the American people into a united phalanx of opposi- tion, it could not have chosen or pursued more effectual methods. The campaign being closed, General Washington pre- Army go into winter pared to put the army into winter quarters. Nine brig- quarters, ades were stationed on the west side of Hudson's River, December, exclusive of the garrison at West Point. One of these was near Smith's Clove, where it could serve as a rein- forcement to West Point, should this be necessary : one at Elizabethtown ; and the other seven at Middlebrook, which place was likewise selected for head-quarters. Six brigades were cantoned on the east side of the Hudson and at West Point, as follows ; one at West Point, two at the Continental Village, a post between Fishkill and West Point, and three in the vicinity of Danbury in Con- necticut. The artillery was at Pluckemin. A line of cantonments was thus formed around New York from Long Island Sound to the Delaware, so disposed as to afford security to the country, and to reinforce each other in case of an excursion of the enemy to any particular point. The other important objects intended by this dis- 284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jx. 46. CHAPTER position were the comfort, discipline, and easy subsistence of the troops. General Putnam commanded at Danbury, 1778. and General M c Dougall in the Highlands. In the expec- tation that the British detachments, which sailed from New York, might act in the winter against South Caro- lina and Georgia, General Lincoln was sent by order of Congress to take the command of the southern de- partment. The four regiments of cavalry were widely separated ; one being at Winchester in Virginia, another at Frederic in Maryland, a third at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, and a fourth at Durham in Connecticut. These cantonments were chosen apparently with a view to the convenience of procuring forage. Exchange of The exchange of prisoners continued to be a trouble- some and perplexing subject. Arrangements had been made with Sir William Howe, before he left Philadelphia, by which exchanges to a certain extent had been effected. But new difficulties arose in regard to what were called the Convention Troops. Although Congress had ratified the convention of Saratoga, yet for various reasons they did not permit Burgoyne's army to embark for Europe convention according to the terms of that convention. Washington had no concern with this affair, except to execute the orders of Congress. These troops being thus retained in the country, it was finally agreed, on the part of the British commander, that they should be exchanged for American prisoners in his hands. But the conditions pre- scribed by Congress were such, that it was a long time before the object was attained. They proposed that offi- cers of equal rank should first be exchanged ; next, su- perior officers for an equivalent number of inferior ; and if, after all the officers of the enemy should be exchang- ed, there should still be a surplus of American officers among the prisoners, they were to be exchanged for an equivalent number of privates of the convention troops. obstacles to This principle was objected to by Sir Henry Clinton the exchange , , _, ., . or prisoners, on two grounds ; first, it separated the officers from the . 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 285 1778. corps to which they were attached ; and, secondly, it gave CHAPTER an advantage to the Americans, inasmuch as their officers XI ' could go immediately into active service, whereas the Brit- ish officers must remain idle till the privates constituting the corps to which they belonged should be released. Con- gress did not choose to relax from their resolves, and the business of exchange was a perpetual source of vexation. In short, the interests of the two parties were so much at variance, that it was not easy to reconcile them. The difficulty of procuring soldiers in Europe, and the great expense of bringing them over and maintaining them, ren- dered every man of vastly more importance to the British army, than in the American ranks, which could be filled up with militia when the occasion required. Hence the British general was always extremely solicitous to procure the exchange of his private soldiers, and Congress equally averse to gratifying him in this point. There was an- other reason, which operated with considerable weight on both sides. The British prisoners were mostly German troops, who had no affection for the cause in which they were engaged, and who, while in the country under a loose system of military discipline, had many facilities and temptations to desert. There was another cause of anxiety in the breast of Washington, which began now to be felt more seriously than at any former period of the war. The men of tal- ents and influence, who had taken the lead and combined their strength in raising the standard of independence, had gradually withdrawn from Congress, till that body was left small in number, and comparatively feeble in counsels and resource. For the year past, the number of delegates present had seldom averaged over thirty, and sometimes it was under twenty-five. Whole States were frequently unrepresented ; and indeed it was seldom, that every State was so fully represented as to entitle it to a vote. And at no time were private jealousies and party feuds more rife or mischievous in their effects. These symptoms were alarming to every true friend of his coun- dissensiom in Congress. 286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [fir. 46. CHAPTER try, who reflected on their tendency, and they filled the XL mind of Washington with deep concern. To those, in 1778. w hom he had confidence, he laid open his fears, and en- deavored to awaken a sense of the public danger. His sentiments and his apprehensions are forcibly expressed in a letter to Mr. Benjamin Harrison of Virginia. Necessity of " It appears as clear to me." he said, " as ever the sun patriotic zeaiand did in its meridian brightness, that America never stood effort. in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons than at this period ; and, if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation, my mis- conception of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me, that the States, separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns, and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the general council, for the good of the common weal. In a word, I think our political sys- tem may be compared to the mechanism of a clock, and that we should derive a lesson from it ; for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaller wheels in order, if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neglected. The ablest " How far the latter is the case, it does not become men wanted in congrew. me to pronounce ; but, as there can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's country, I shall offer it as mine, that each State would not only choose, but absolutely compel their ablest men to attend Congress ; and that they would instruct them to go into a thorough investi- gation of the causes, that have produced so many disagree- able effects in the army and country ; in a word, that public abuses should be corrected. Without this, it does not in my judgment require the spirit of divination to foretell the consequences of the present administration ; jior to how little purpose the States individually are framing constitutions, providing laws, and filling offices with the abilities of then: ablest men. These, if the great whole is mismanaged, must sink in the general wreck, which will carry with it the remorse of thinking that we are lost by our own folly and negligence, or by the desire JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 287 perhaps of living , in ease and tranquillity during the ex- CHAPTER pected accomplishment of so great a revolution, in the ef- ' fecting of which, the greatest abilities, and the most honest 1778. men, our American world affords, ought to be employed. "It is much to be feared, my dear Sir, that the States, Apathy or . , the separata in their separate capacities, have very inadequate ideas of states. the present danger. Many persons removed far distant from the scene of action, and seeing and hearing such publications only, as flatter their wishes, conceive that the contest is at an end, and that to regulate the government and police of their own State is all that remains to be done ; but it is devoutly to be wished that a sad reverse of this may not fall upon them like a thunder-clap, that is little expected. I do not mean to designate particular States. I wish to cast no reflections upon any one. The public believe (and, if they do believe it, the fact might almost as well be so), that the States at this time are badly represented, and that the great and important con- cerns of the nation are horribly conducted, for want either of abilities or application in the members, or through the discord and party views of some individuals. That they should be so, is to be lamented more at this time than formerly, as we are far advanced in the dispute, and, in the opinion of many, drawing to a happy period ; we have the eyes of Europe upon us, and I am persuaded many political spies to watch, who discover our situation and give information of our weaknesses and wants." The conquest of Canada was always a favorite project Project for conquering with Congress ; and at this time, when the British forces Canada, were divided by being employed against the French in the West Indies, it was thought that a good opportunity offered itself for turning the arms of the United States against that province. After the termination of the affair at Long Island, the Marquis de Lafayette went to Phila- delphia, and obtained a furlough from Congress, with the intention of returning to France on a short visit. In con- cert with him a plan was formed of an attack on Canada, which was to be the principal object of the ensuing cam- 288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 46. CHAPTER XL 1778. Plan of a combined attack on Canada. Opposed by Wash- ington. Political reasons for not attack- Ing Canada. paign, and the basis of which was a cooperation with a French fleet and army. Lafayette was to have full in- structions for arranging the matter with the court of Ver- sailles, aided by the counsel and support of Dr. Franklin, then the American plenipotentiary in France. The plan was on a very large scale. Attacks were to be made by the American army at three points far distant from each other, namely, Detroit, Niagara, and by way of the Connecticut River ; while a French fleet should as- cend the St. Lawrence, with four or five thousand troops, and act against Quebec. The scheme was discussed, matured, and approve'd with much unanimity in Congress, and then sent to Washington with the request that he would communicate his sentiments. He replied in a long despatch, entering minutely into the subject, and showing that the plan was impracticable ; that it required resources in troops and money, which were not to be had ; that it would involve Congress in engagements to their ally, which it would be impossible to fulfil ; and that it was in itself so extensive and complicated, as to hold out no reasonable hope of success, even with all the requisite means of pursuing it. Such was his opinion in a military view. But the sub- ject presented itself to him in another aspect, in which he thought it deserved special consideration. Canada for- merly belonged to France, and had been severed from her in a manner, which, if not humiliating to her pride, con- tributed nothing to her glory. Would she not be eager to recover this lost province ? If it should be conquered with her aid, would she not claim it at the peace as rightfully belonging to her, and be able to advance plau- sible reasons for such a demand ? Would not the acqui- sition itself hold out a strong temptation ? The territory abounded in supplies for the use of her Islands, it opened a wide field of commerce with the Indian nations, it would give her the command of posts on this continent independent of the precarious good will of an ally, it would put her in a condition to engross the whole trade of Jr. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289 Newfoundland, and above all, it would afford her facilities CHAPTER for awing and controlling the United States, " the natural XI ' and most formidable rival of every maritime power in 1778. Europe." He added, " France, acknowledged for some time past the most powerful monarchy in Europe by land, able now to dispute the empire of the sea with Great Britain, and, if joined with Spain, I may say, certainly superior, possessed of New Orleans on our right, Canada on our left, and seconded by the numerous tribes of In- dians in our rear from one extremity to the other, a peo- ple so generally friendly to her, and whom she knows so well how to conciliate, would, it is much to be appre- hended, have it in her power to give law to these States." These sentiments, he said, did not grow out of any Canada, if distrust of the good faith of France in the alliance she would re-' . . vert to had formed. On the contrary, he was willing to enter- France at a J ' treaty of tain and cherish the most favorable impressions, in regard P*<*- to her motives and aims. " But," he added again, " it is a maxim founded on the universal experience of mankind, that no nation is to be trusted farther than it is bound by its interest ; and no prudent statesman or politician Avill venture to depart from it. In our circumstances we ought to be particularly cautious ; for we have not yet attained sufficient vigor and maturity to recover from the shock of any false step, into which we may unwarily fall. If France should even engage in the scheme, in the first instance, with the purest intentions, there is the greatest danger, that, in the progress of the business, in- vited to it by circumstances, and perhaps urged on by the solicitations and wishes of the Canadians, she would alter her views." In short, allowing all his apprehen- sions to be unfounded, he was still reluctant to multiply national obligations, or to give to any foreign power claims of merit for services performed beyond what was absolutely indispensable. The observations and reasonings of the Commander-in- objection , /. f . _. . , not satisftc- chiet were so iar operative on Congress, as to induce them tory to con- fTGSSt at once to narrow their scheme, though not entirely to 37 c2 290 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 46. CHAPTER XI. 1778. Washington attends Con- gress. Views of the French government in regard to Canada. give it up. They participated in the general opinion, that the war with France would necessarily employ the British fleet and troops in other parts of the world, and that they would "soon evacuate the towns on the seacoast of the United States. In this event, they thought an expedition against Canada should still be the object of the campaign, and that preparations should accordingly be made. They requested General Washington to write to Dr. Franklin, and the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at Boston, ready to depart for Europe, and state to them such details as might be laid before the French court', in order that eventual measures might be taken for cooperation in case an armament should be sent to Que- bec from France. The plan in this shape, however, was not more satisfactory to him, than in its original form. He saw no reason for supposing the British would evacu- ate the States, and he believed a system of operations built upon that basis would fail. At any rate he was not prepared to hazard the responsibility of drawing the French government into a measure so full of uncertainty, and de- pending on so many contingencies. The army being now in winter quarters, and his pres- ence With it not being essential, he suggested the ex- pediency of a personal interview with the members of Congress, in which his sentiments could he more fully explained than by writing. This proposition was approv- ed. He arrived in Philadelphia on the 24th of Decem-r ber, and, after several discussions between him and a committee of Congress, the Canada scheme was wholly laid aside. It is a remarkable fact, as connected with the above suspicions on political grounds, that the French govern- ment was decidedly opposed to an expedition against Canada. The French minister in the United States was instructed, before he left France, not to favor any projects of conquest ; and it was the policy of the court of Ver- sailles, that Canada and Nova Scotia should remain in the power of Great Britain. The reasons for this policy may ^T. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 not be obvious ; but the fact is unquestionable. It is to CHAPTER be considered, however, that /France had by treaty pledged herself to carry on the war, till the independence of the 1778. United States should be secured ; but she had not en- gaged to fight for conquests, nor for the extension of the territories of the United States beyond their original limits. Such an engagement would have bound her to continue the war indefinitely, with no other object . than to gratify the ambition or enmity of her ally, while every motive of interest and of national honor might prompt her to seek for peace. It was evident, too, that the pride of England, humbled by conceding the independence of her revolted colonies, would never brook the severance of her other provinces by the direct agency of France. All conquests thus made, therefore, would perplex the negotiations for peace, and might involve France in a protracted war, without the least prospect of advantage to herself. Hence' she resolved to adhere strictly to her pledge in the treaty of alliance. But, although the French minister in Ameri- ca was instructed not to hold out encouragement of co- operation in plans of conquest, yet he was at the same time directed not to throw any obstacles in the way ; thus leaving the United States to decide and act for them- selves. Should- they gain conquests by their own strength, these might reasonably be claimed by them in a treaty of peace, without embarrassing the relations between France and England. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 46. CHAPTER XII. Conferences with a Committee of Congress, and Plans for the next Cam- paign. Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians. The Enemy com- mence a predatory Warfare. The Burning of New Haven, Fairfield, and Norwalk. Stony Point stormed and taken. Successful Enterprise against Paulus Hook. Washington's Interviews with the French Min- ister. Plans proposed for cooperating with Count d'Estaing. The Army goes into Winter Quarters. Depreciation of the Currency, and its Effects. Arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, with the Intelligence that a French Armament was on its Way to the United States. The Army takes a Position near Hudson's River. The French Squadron arrives at Newport. Count de Rochambeau's Instructions. French Fleet block- aded. Interview between General Washington and the French Com- , mander at Hartford. The Treason of Arnold. Plans for attacking New York. CHAPTER GENERAL Washington remained in Philadelphia about XIL five weeks, holding conferences with a committee of Con- 1779. gress, and making arrangements for the campaign of 1779. piana for the He suggested three plans, with remarks on the mode of campaign. " executing them, and the probable result of each. The first plan had in view an attempt to drive the enemy from, their posts on the seacoast ; the second, an attack on Niagara, and an offensive position in that quarter ; and, by the third, it was proposed to hold the army en- tirely on the defensive, except such operations as would be necessary to chastise the Indians, who had committed depredations on the frontiers during the past year, and who, emboldened by success, might be expected to repeat their ravages. Defensive After mature deliberation, and taking into the account ed. a the exhausted state of the country in regard both to pe- cuniary resources and supplies for an army, it was decided to adopt the third plan as the best suited to circumstan- ces, the least expensive, and perhaps the most beneficial in its ultimate effects. - It would afford an opportunity to JET. 46.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 retrench the heavy charges of the war, and to pursue a CHAPTER system of economy imperiously demanded by the financial embarrassments in which Congress had become involved, 1779*. and thus enable them to do something for the relief of public credit, and for restoring the value of the currency, which was fast sinking into disrepute, unsettling prices, and threatening ruin to almost every branch of industry. It would also give repose to the country, and, by leaving a larger number of laborers to cultivate the soil, contri- bute to increase the supplies so much wanted for the comfort of the people, as well as for the subsistence of the army. This plan had its disadvantages. The inactivity in Disadvan- ' tagesofthe military operations might be thought to imply weakness, P lan C the and thus injure the credit of the nation with, foreign pow- ers, dispirit the people at home, give confidence to the disaffected, and afford leisure for the factious and discon- tented to foment divisions. These inconveniences were, nevertheless, in the opinion of General Washington, more than balanced by other considerations ; and he recommend- ed the defensive system, preferring what he deemed the greatest public good to the glory that might be acquired by large military enterprises, even with a fair prospect of success. After the alliance with France, and especially after the indications given by Spain of an approaching war between that power 'and England, he had no doubt that the independence of the United States would be se- cured at the peace, whenever it should happen. It was evident, moreover, that England, being thus employed by her European foes, could not enlarge her army to a for- midable extent in America. In his view, therefore, it was not expedient to exhaust- the country and multiply the calamities of war by extraordinary exactions for mili- tary undertakings, which, although they might annoy the enemy, and perhaps drive them from one post to an- other, could not hasten the desired end, depending as it now did mainly on events beyond the control of the United States. By an ambitious chieftain, aiming only 294 LITE OF WASHINGTON. [JEa. 46- CHAPTER to aggrandize himself and establish his power, the sub- ject might have been regarded in a different light; but 1779- the designs and actions of Washington centred in nobler objects, the freedom, tranquillity, and happiness of his country, in which ,he was to participate equally with every other citizen, neither seeking nor expecting any other pre- eminence than that of having been an instrument in the hand of Providence for effecting so great a good in so just a cause, nor any other reward than the conscious- ness of having done his duty, and the enjoyment in common with his countrymen of the benefits flowing from his services. organization Having completed all the necessary arrangements with of the army. * Congress, he returned to head-quarters at Middlebrook/ The infantry of the Continental army was organized for the campaign in eighty-eight battalions, apportioned to the several States according to the ratio hitherto assumed. There were four regiments of cavalry and forty-nine com- panies of artillery. Bounties to As the term of service, for which a large number of the troops. 111 i i -i / the troops had been engaged, would expire in a few weeks, the business of recruiting was begun without de- lay. The irregular, and in some cases enormous, bounties given by the States had operated in such a manner, as almost to defeat any attempt to enlist soldiers in camp. Even those, who intended to reenlist, were lured away by the prospect of State bounties, and were thus absent from the army till they could go home and come back with the new recruits. This evil was partially remedied by a resolve of Congress, making it the business of each State to fill up its quota and pay the bounties, giving credit to such State for the Continental bounty of every soldier enlisted in its quota. Whether the soldier was enlisted in camp or at home, the same rule applied, so that it equalized the bounties throughout the line of a particular State. But the States themselves gave various bounties, causing an inequality among the different lines ; and for this there was no remedy, except a uniform sys- lEn. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.. 295 tern in all the States, which was never pursued. The CHAPTER XII Continental bounty was raised to two hundred dollars, . besides land and clothing ; and in several instances the 1779. State bounty was much larger. The value of labor had risen so much during the war, partly from an increased demand, and partly from the depreciation of the currency, that a soldier could obtain, in almost any other service, higher wages than the amount of his pay and bounty in the army. The objects of the campaign not requiring so large a Baron Stcuben. number of men in the field as on former occasions, it was intended to bestow the more attention upon their dis- cipline and practical skill. Baron Steuben, trained in the wars and under the eye of Frederic the Great, had been appointed inspector-general of the army the year before. He wrote a system of tactics, which was published, adopt- ed, and put in practice. His services were of great impor- tance, both as an experienced officer, and as a successful teacher of his system, by which the discipline of the army was much improved, and the discordant exercises and evolutions of the troops from different States were reduced to method and uniformity. The winter and the spring passed away without the British re - x _''"' ma.'m in occurrence of any remarkable event. The British re- New York, mained within their lines at New York, showing no dis- position for hazardous adventures, and apparently making no preparation for any enterprise of magnitude into the country. General Washington in the mean time turned his Expedition , . . , . " ' against the thoughts to the fitting out of an expedition against the Indians. Indians. The confederated Indians of the Six Nations, except the Oneidas and a few of the Mohawks, influenced by Sir John Johnson and British agents from Canada, became hostile to the United States,, although at first they pretended to a sort of neutrality. Joined by a band of Tories, and persons of abandoned principles collected from various parts, they fell upon the frontier settlements, and waged the most cruel and destructive war against the 296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 47. Success of the expedi- tion. CHAPTER defenceless and unoffending inhabitants. The massacres xn ' at Cherry Valley and Wyoming had filled every breast 1779. with horror, and humanity cried aloud for vengeance on the perpetrators of such deeds of atrocity. To break up these hordes of banditti, or at all events to drive them back and lay waste their territories, was the object of the expedition. Four thousand Continental troops were detached for the purpose, who were joined by militia from the State of New York and independent companies from Pennsyl- vania. The command of the whole was given to General Sullivan. Three thousand men rendezvoused at Wyoming, where General Sullivan first established his head-quarters, and from which place he proceeded up the Susquehanna River into the Indian country. At the same time Gen- eral James Clinton advanced with another division from the Mohawk River, by way of Otsego Lake and the east branch of the Susquehanna, and formed a junction with Sullivan near the fork, where the two main branches of the river unite. The army, then amounting to about five thousand men, including militia, marched into the wilder- ness towards the Indian settlements. It was met and op- posed by a body of Tories and Indians, who were soon routed and driven' back. There was no other encounter, except slight skirmishes with small parties. Sullivan pur- sued a circuitous route as far as the Genessee River, de- stroying all the villages, houses, corn, and provisions, which fell in his way. Every habitation was deserted, the In- dians having retired with their families to the neighbor- hood of Niagara, where they were protected and supplied by a British garrison. The purpose of the expedition be- ing attained, the army retraced' its steps down the Susque- hanna, to Wyoming, and arrived there after an absence of a little more than two months. Sir Henry Clinton early in the spring sent a detach- ment of two thousand five hundred men to Yirginia, commanded by General Mathews. They landed at Ports- mouth, sacked the town, marched to Suffolk, destroyed Predatory attack on Virginia. . 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. a magazine of provisions in that place, burnt the village and several detached private houses, and seized large quantities of tobacco. Many vessels were likewise captur- ed, others were burnt and sunk, and much plunder was taken. With this booty they returned to New York. The enterprise was executed in conformity with orders from the ministry, who, after the ill success of their commis- sioners, had adopted the policy of a predatory warfare on the seacoast, with the design of destroying the towns, ships, and magazines, conceiving, as expressed by Lord George Germain, " that a war of this sort, carried on with spirit and humanity, would probably induce the rebellious provinces to return to their allegiance, or at least prevent their sending out that swarm of privateers, the success of which had encouraged them to persevere in their revolt." When the squadron returned from Virginia, it was im- mediately joined by other vessels having on board a large body of troops, all of which sailed up Hudson's River. This expedition was conducted by Sir Henry Clinton in person, and his first object was to take the posts at Stony Point and Verplanck's Point, situate on opposite sides of the Hudson, where the Americans had thrown up works to protect King's Ferry, the main channel of communica- tion between the eastern and middle States. Should cir- cumstances favor so bold an experiment, he intended next to endeavor to force his way into the Highlands, make himself master of the fortifications and strong pass- es, and thus secure the command of the Hudson. Being informed of the preparations in New York, and penetrating the designs of the British commander, Wash- ington was at hand in time to prevent the execution of the second part of the scheme. By rapid marches he drew his troops from their cantonments in New Jersey, and placed them in such positions as to discourage Sir Henry Clinton from attempting any thing further, than the capture of the two posts above mentioned, which were in no condition to resist a formidable fleet and an 38 CHAPTER XII. 1779. British take possession of Stony Point. June 1. Washington prevents the further ad- vance of the enemy. 298 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [. T . 47. CHAPTER army of more than six thousand men. After this event, XI1 ' which happened on the 1st of June, Clinton withdrew 1779. j^ f orces down the river, and at length to New York, leaving a strong garrison at each .of the posts, with or- ders to extend and complete the works begun by the Americans ; and also directing such a number of armed vessels and boats to remain there, as would be necessary to furnish supplies and contribute to their defence. Head-qnar- General Washington removed his head-quarters to New tere removed - . to New Windsor, a few miles above West Point, distributing his Windsor. army chiefly in and near the Highlands, but stationing a force on each side of the river below, sufficient to check any sudden incursion of the enemy. Burning of The system of devastation and plunder was vigorously New Haven, J * l J Fairfieid, pursued. About the beginning of July a detachment of and Nor- r * walk. two thousand six hundred men, under Governor Tryon, sailed from New York into Long Island Sound. They first landed at New Haven, plundered the inhabitants in- discriminately, , and burnt the stores on the wharfs. This being done, they embarked, and landed at Fairfieid and Norwalk, which towns were reduced to ashes. Dwelling- houses, shops, churches, school houses, and the shipping in the harbors, were destroyed. The soldiers pillaged without restraint, committing acts of violence, and exhib- iting the horrors of war in some of their most revolting forms. It does not appear that there were troops, maga- zines, or public property in either of the towns. The waste and distress fell on individuals, who were pursu- ing the ordinary occupations of life. The people rallied in self-defence, and a few were killed ; but the enemy retired to their vessels before the militia could assemble in large numbers. Washington The British commander hoped that this invasion of Luack e ltony Connecticut would draw away the American army from the Highlands to a position where he might bring on an engagement under favorable circumstances. Washington's habitual caution guarded him against allowing such an ad- vantage. On the contrary, while the enemy's forces were ^T. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 299 thus divided, he resolved to attack the strong post at CHAPTER Stony Point. " The necessity of doing something to satisfy the expectations of the people and reconcile them 1779. to the defensive plan, which he was obliged to pursue, the value of the acquisition in itself, with respect to the men, artillery, and stores, which composed the garrison, the effect it would have upon the successive operations of the campaign, and the check it would give to the depreda- tions of the enemy," were, as he said, the motives which prompted him to this undertaking. He reconnoitred the post himself, and instructed Major Henry Lee, who was stationed near it with a party of cavalry, to gain all the information in his power as to the condition of the works and the strength of the garrison. The enterprise was intrusted to General Wayne, who General commanded a body of light infantry in advance of the main army, where he was placed to watch the move- ments of the enemy, to prevent their landing, and to at- tack separate parties whenever opportunities should offer. Having procured all the requisite information, and deter- mined to make the assault, Washington communicated general instructions to Wayne in writing and conversation, leaving the rest to the well tried bravery and skill of that gallant officer. The night of the 15th July was fixed on for the attack, storming of After a march of fourteen miles during the afternoon, the party arrived within a mile and a half of the enemy at eight o'clock in the evening. The works were then re- connoitred by the commander and the principal officers, arid at half past eleven the whole moved forward in two columns to the assault. The van of the right column consisted of one hundred and fifty volunteers with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets, preceded by twenty picked men to remove the abatis and other obstructions. One hundred volunteers, preceded likewise by twenty men, composed the van of the left. Positive orders were given not to fire, but to rely wholly on the bayonet, which orders were faithfully obeyed. A deep morass in front of 300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [j T . 47. CHAPTER the enemy's works, and a double row of abatis, retarded XIL their progress ; but these obstacles were soon overcome 1779. by the ardor of the troops, and the assault began about twenty minutes after twelve. From that time they pushed forward in the face of a tremendous fire of musketry and of cannon loaded with grapeshot, and both columns met in the centre of the enemy's works, each arriving nearly at the same instant. General Wayne, who advanced with the right column, received a slight wound in the head, and was supported into the works by his aids-de-camp. fheassauit The assault was successful in all its parts. The num- ber of prisoners was five hundred and forty-three, and the number killed on the side of the enemy was sixty-three. Of the assailing party fifteen were killed, and eighty-three wounded. . Several cannons and mortars of various sizes, a large number of muskets, shells, shot, and tents, and a proportional quantity of stores, were taken. The action is allowed to have been one of the most brilliant of the revolution. Congress passed resolves complimentary to the officers and privates, granting specific rewards, and di- recting the value of all the military stores taken in the garrison to be divided among the troops' in proportion to the pay of the officers and men. Three different medals were ordered to be struck, emblematical of the action, and awarded respectively to General Wayne, Colonel Fleu- ry, and Colonel Stewart. Congress also passed a vote of thanks to General Washington "for the vigilance, wisdom, and magnanimity, with which he had conducted the military operations of the States," and especially as mani- fested in his orders for the late attack. Proposed It was his first intention, if the storming of Stony attack upon verpianck's Point should prove successful, to make an immediate at- Point. tempt against Verpianck's Point, on the opposite side of the river. For this purpose he had requested General Wayne to forward the intelligence to head-quarters through the hands of General M c Dougall, who commanded at West Point, and who would be in readiness to send down a detachment by the way of Peekskill to attack Yerplanck's JEr 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 301 Point on the land side, while it was cannonaded from CHAPTER TT1T Stony Point across the river. By some misunderstanding, ! the messenger neglected to call at West Point, and 1779 - thus several hours were lost before General M c Dougall received the intelligence. To this delay has been as- cribed the failure of the undertaking against Verplanck's Point. From the letters of General M c Dougall and other officers written at the time, however, it is evident that the want of horses and conveniences for the transporta- tion of artillery was such, as to render it impossible in any event to arrive at Verplanck's Point with the ade- quate means of assault, before the enemy had assembled a sufficient force to give entire security to the garrison. When Washington examined Stony Point after the stony Point , evacuated. capture, he resolved to evacuate the post, remove the cannon and stores, and destroy the works. Being accessi- ble by the enemy's vessels of war, a larger number of men would be required for the defence than could prop- erly be spared from the main army ; and at the same time it might be necessary to hazard a general action, which was by no means to be desired on such terms as would be imposed, and for such an object. Every thing was brought off, except one heavy cannon. The enemy afterwards reoccupied the post, and repaired the works. About a month after the storming of Stony Point, pau.nsHook . ..,.*. n t surprised by another enterprise similar in its character, arid not less Major Lee. daring, was executed by Major Henry Lee. At the head August 19. of three hundred men, and a troop of dismounted dra- goons, he surprised the enemy's post at Paulus Hook, opposite to New York, and took one hundred and fifty- nine prisoners, having two only of his party killed and three wounded. The plan originated with Major Lee, and great praise was bestowed upon him for the address and bravery with which it was executed. A medal of gold, commemorative of the event, was ordered by Con- gress to be struck and presented to him. No other events of much importance happened in the works at army under Washington's immediate command during the conducted. 302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE T . 47. 'CHAPTER campaign. The British troops remained inactive at New York, and the Americans held their ground in the High- 1779. lands. In the course of this year the works at West Point and in its vicinity were chiefly constructed. A part of the time two thousand five hundred men were on fatigue duty every day. Before the end of July the head-quarters of the Commander-in-chief were removed to West Point, where he continued for the rest of the season. As few incidents of a personal nature intervene to vary the monotony of military operations, and of the great public affairs which occupied the thoughts of Washington, it may not be amiss to insert here a letter inviting a friend to dine with him at head-quarters. It gives an idea of the manner in which he lived, and shows that he could sometimes be playful, even when oppressed with public cares, and in the midst of the harassing duties of his command. The letter is addressed to Dr. Cochran, surgeon-general in the army, and dated at West Point on the 16th of August. " Dear Doctor, Letter to Dr. "I have asked Mrs. Cochran and Mrs. Livingston to Cochran. . . dine with me to-morrow ; but am I not in honor bound to apprize them of their fare ? As I hate deception, even where the imagination only is concerned, I will. It is needless to premise, that my table is large enough to hold the ladies. Of this they had ocular proof yesterday. To say how it is usually covered, is rather more essential ; and this shall be the purport of my letter. " Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the head of the table ; a piece of roast beef adorns the foot ; and a dish of beans, or greens, almost imperceptible, decorates the centre. When the cook has a mind to cut a figure, which I presume will be the case to-morrow, we have two beefsteak pies, or dishes of crabs, in addition, one on each side of the centre dish, dividing the space and reducing the distance between dish and dish to about JEr. 47.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 six feet, which without them would be nearly twelve CHAPTER feet apart. Of late he has had the surprising sagacity to XIL discover, that apples will make pies ; and it is a question, 1779. if, in the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of apples, instead of having both of beefsteaks. If the ladies can put up with such entertainment, and will sub- mit to partake of it on plates, once tin but now iron (not become so by the labor of scouring), I shall be happy to see them ; and am, dear Doctor, yours." Sir Henry Clinton, disappointed in not receiving addi- British Gen- tions to his army from Europe, began to be weary of ^ 8 a ^ at " his situation, and to despair of effecting any thing that ^ thCar0 ' would either redound to the glory of the British arms, or answer the expectations of his employers. On the 21st of August he said, in a letter to Lord George Germain, " I now find myself obliged by many cogent reasons to abandon every view of making an effort in this quarter. The precautions, which General Washington has had leisure to take, make me hopeless of bringing him to a general action, and the season dissuades me strongly from losing time in the attempt." He informs the minister, that his thoughts are turned to the south, that he shall put New York in a complete state of defence, withdraw his troops from the posts on the Hudson, and sail for South Carolina with a large part of his army as soon as the season will permit him to act in that climate. After Count d'Estaing left the harbor of Boston, he concerted proceeded to the West Indies, where he operated during tion between 3 the French the winter, took St. Vincent and Grenada, and had a squadron and Amen- naval engagement with Admiral Byron's fleet. It was can forces, expected, that he would return to the United States in the course of the summer, and M. Gerard, the French minister in Philadelphia, held several conferences with a committee of Congress respecting a concerted plan of action between the French squadron and the American forces. For the same object M. Gerard went to camp, and held interviews with the Commander-in-chief, to whom Congress delegated the power of arranging and executing 304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEi. 47. CHAPTER the whole business in such a manner as his judgment . xn ' and prudence should dictate. Various plans were suggest- 1779. e( j an( j p ar tly matured; but, as the unfortunate repulse of the French and American troops in their assault on Sa- vannah, and the subsequent departure of Count d'Estaing from the coast, prevented their being carried into execu- tion, they need not be explained in this place. French The intercourse with Washington on this occasion left minister's _ opinion of favorable impressions on the mind of the French minister. Washington. In a letter to Count de Vergennes, written from camp, he said ; " I have had many conversations with General Washington, some of which have continued for three hours. It is impossible for me briefly to communicate the fund of intelligence, which I have derived from him ; but I shall do it in my letters as occasions shall present them- selves. I will now say only, that I have formed as high an opinion of the powers of his mind, his moderation, his patriotism, and his virtues, as I had before from com- mon report conceived of his military talents, and of the incalculable services he has rendered to his country." The same sentiments were often repeated by the successor of M. Gerard, and contributed to establish the unbounded confidence, which the French government placed in the American commander during the war. Rhode is- Although the plans of cooperation failed, yet they were land evacu- 7 J ated. serviceable in embarrassing the schemes of the enemy. As soon as it was known that Count d'Estaing had ar- rived in Georgia, Sir Henry Clinton naturally supposed that he would proceed northward, and unite with Wash- ington in a combined attack on New York. Alarmed for his safety in such an event, he caused Rhode Island to be evacuated, and drew to New York the garrison, which had been stationed nearly three years at that place, consisting at times of about six thousand men. October 21. Stony Point and Yerplanck's Point were likewise evacu- ated. The appearance of Count d'Estaing's fleet on the coast retarded Sir Henry Clinton's southern expedition till near the end of December, when, having received rein- JEr. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON./ 305 forcements from Europe, he embarked about seven thou- CHAPTER sand troops, and sailed for South Carolina, under the con- '_ voy of Admiral Arbuthnot. 1780> The campaign being now at an end, the army was Army retires again put into winter quarters, the main body in the quarters, neighborhood of Morristown, strong detachments at West Point and other posts near the Hudson, and the cavalry in Connecticut. The head-quarters were at Morristown. The ill success of the allied arms at Savannah, and the indications of Sir Henry Clinton's designs against South Carolina, were reasons for sending more troops to General Lincoln's army ; and, before the middle of December, two of the North Carolina regiments and the whole of the Virginia line marched to the south. The winter set in with so much severity, that the supplies for the arm y channels of transportation were closed, and the troops levied on the J r inhabitants. were reduced to the greatest distress for the want of provisions. In this extremity, it was necessary to < levy supplies upon the inhabitants, and send out officers to collect them. By their instructions, these officers were first to call on the magistrates, and solicit their aid in procuring provisions of grain and cattle, and in apportion- ing to each person such a quantity as he could spare without injury to his family. Certificates were then to be given, specifying the quantity, leaving it optional with the owner to fix the price by a fair valuation on the spot, or to receive the market price at the time the certificates should be paid. If this plan proved unsuccessful, the officers were to proceed according to the usual method of military impressments. There was no occasion, however, for this latter measure. By the zeal and activity of the magistrates, cooperating with the good disposition of the inhabitants, a sufficient quantity of voluntary supplies was soon brought to the camp. A descent upon Staten Island by a party under Lord Descent Stirling, a retaliatory incursion of the enemy into New island. Jersey at Elizabethtown, and a skirmish near White Plains, were the only military events during the winter. 39 2* 306 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 48. CHAPTER XII. 1780. Nominal strength of the army. Deprecia- tion of the currency. System of specific sup- plies ineffec- tual. The army for the campaign in 1780 was nominally fix- ed by Congress at thirty-five thousand two hundred and eleven men. Each State was required to furnish its quota by the first day of April. No definite plan was adopted for the campaign, as the operations must depend on circum- stances and the strength and condition of the enemy. One of the greatest evils, which now afflicted the coun- try, and which threatened the most alarming consequen- ces, was the depreciation of the currency. Destitute of pecuniary resources, and without the power of imposing direct taxes, Congress had, early in the war, resorted to the expedient of paper money. For a time, while the quantity was comparatively small, its credit was good ; but in March, 1780, the enormous amount of two hundred millions of dollars had been issued, no part of which had been redeemed. At this time forty paper dollars were worth only one in specie. Prices rose as the money sank in value, and every branch of trade was unsettled and deranged. The effect was peculiarly oppressiye on the troops, and was a principal reason for the exorbitant bounties allowed to them in the latter years of the war. The separate States likewise issued paper- money, which increased the evil, without affording any adequate relief. The only remedy was taxation ; but this was seldom pur- sued with vigor, owing, in part, to the distracted state of the times and the exhausted condition of the country, and in part also to State jealousy. As each State felt its burdens to be heavy, it was cautious how it added to them in a greater proportion than its neighbors ; and thus all were reluctant to act, till impelled by the pressure of necessity. So low had the credit of the currency fallen, that the commissaries found it extremely difficult, and in some ca- ses impossible to purchase supplies for the army. Congress adopted a new method, by requiring each State to furnish a certain quantity of beef, pork, flour, corn, forage, and other articles, which were to be deposited in such places as the Commander-in-chief should determine. The States JEt. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307 were to be credited for the amount at a fixed valuation CHAPTER in specie. The system turned out to be impracticable. The multitude of hands into which the business . was 1780. thrown, the want of proper authority to compel its prompt execution, the distance of several of the States from the army, and the consequent difficulties of transpor- tation, all conspired to make it the most expensive, the most uncertain, and the least effectual method that could be devised. It added greatly to the embarrassments of the military affairs, and to the labor and perplexities of the Commander-in-chief, till it was abandoned. To keep up the credit of the currency, Congress recom- Paper mo- ney made a mended to the States to pass laws making paper money legal tender. a legal tender at its nominal value for the discharge of debts, which had been contracted to be paid in gold or silver. Such laws were enacted, and many debtors took advantage of them. When the army was at Morristown, a man of respectable standing lived in the neighborhood, who was assiduous in his civilities to Washington, which were kindly received and reciprocated. Unluckily this man paid his debts in the depreciated currency. Some time afterwards he called at head-quarters, and was intro- duced as usual to the General's apartment, where he was then conversing with some of his officers. He bestowed very little attention upon the visitor. The same thing occurred a second time, when he was more reserved than before. This was so different from his customary manner, that Lafayette, who was present on both occa- sions, could not help remarking it, and he said, after the man was gone ; " General, this man seems to be much devoted to you, and yet you have scarcely noticed him." Washington replied, smiling ; "I know I have not been cordial ; I tried hard to be civil, and attempted to speak to him two or three times, but that Continental money stopped my mouth." He considered these Jaws unjust in principle, and iniquitous in their effects. He was himself a loser to a considerable amount by their operation. At the beginning of April, when the States were to 308 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 48- CHAPTER XII. 1780. Committee of Congress attend the army. April. Lafayette ar- rives with intelligence that naval and land forces were coming from France. have completed their quotas of troops, the whole number under Washington's immediate command was no more than ten thousand four hundred rank and file. This num- ber was soon diminished by sending the remainder of the Maryland line and the Delaware regiment to the southern army. The British force at New York amount- ed to seventeen thousand three hundred effective men. From that time the army of the north consisted of such troops only, as were raised in the New England States, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. To hasten and give effect to the arrangements for the campaign, and draw more expeditiously from the States their quotas of soldiers and supplies, General Washington requested a com- mittee of Congress to attend the army, with power to act in the name of that body for definite objects. The committee remained in camp between two and three months. General Schuyler, then a member of Congress, was one of the committee, and his experience, sound judg- ment, and energetic character, enabled him to render es- sential services in that capacity. Before the end of April, the Marquis de Lafayette arriv- ed at Boston from France, with the cheering intelligence that the French government had fitted out* an armament of naval and land forces, which might soon be expected in the United States. He proceeded immediately to Washington's head-quarters, and thence to Congress. Al- though many of the .Americans had hoped that their arms would be strengthened by the troops of their allies, yet no indications had hitherto been given, which encour- aged them to believe that any aid of this sort would be rendered. The experiment was also thought by some to be hazardous. The prejudice against French soldiers, which had been implanted and nurtured by the colonial wars, it was feared might lead to serious consequences, if French troops should be landed in the United States, and brought to act in concert with the American army. So strongly was Count de Vergennes influenced by this apprehension, that he opposed the sending of troops to JET. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 309 America, and advised that the efforts of France in sue- CHAPTER coring her ally should be expended in naval equipments, XIL - which he believed would be more effectual in annoy- 17 80. ing and weakening the common enemy. In this opinion, however, the other members of the cabinet did not con- cur, and it was resolved to send out a fleet with a body of troops to operate on land. Lafayette was principally instrumental in effecting this decision. It was a point upon which he had set his heart before he left Ameri- ca, and it may be presumed that he previously ascertain- ed the sentiments of Washington. At any rate, his ob- servation while in the country had convinced him, that French troops would be well received ; and he had the address to bring the majority of the ministry to the same way of thinking.* In the month of June, General Knyphausen crossed Action at over with such a force as he could spare from New York, .mNewJer- sey. and made an incursion into New Jersey. He was met by detachments from the American army, and some smart skirmishing ensued, particularly at Springfield, where the encounter lasted several hours. The enemy were driven back, and they retired to Staten Island. The object of this adventure could not easily be as- British gi- certained. General Washington at first supposed it to be fromscmtif - . .... Carolina. a feint to amuse him in that quarter, while a more for- * Not content with soliciting for a detachment of French troops to act in America, Lafayette requested large supplies of clothing, guns, and ammunition for the American army itself ; and they were prom- ised, although by some bad management afterwards they were not sent, or at least only in part. Such was the importunity of Lafa) r ette, and the disinterested enthusiasm with which he represented the wants and claims of his republican friends, that the old Count de Maurepas, who was then prime minister, said one day in the Council, "It is for- tunate for the King, that Lafayette does not take it into his head to strip Versailles of its furniture, to send to his dear Americans ; as his Majesty would be unable to refuse it" In addition to his requests from the government, he purchased on his own account and brought to America a quantity of swords and military equipage, which he present- ed to the officers of the Light Infantry, whom he commanded during the campaign. 310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 48. French fleet arrives at CHAPTER midable force should be suddenly pushed up the Hudson XIL to attack the posts in the Highlands. This opinion was 1780. countenanced by the arrival, just at that time, of Sir Henry Clinton from his successful expedition against Charleston. No such attempt being made, however, the only effect was to draw General Washington's army near- er the Hudson, where he took a position in which he could act in defence of New Jersey or the Highlands, as occasion might require. News at length came, that the French fleet had entered the harbor of Newport, in Rhode Island, on the 10th of July 10. July. The armament consisted - of seven or eight ships of the line, two frigates, two bombs, and upwards of five thousand troops. The fleet was commanded, by the Chevalier de Ternay, and the army by the Count de Rochambeau. This was called the first division. Anoth- er, being detained for the want of transports, was left at Brest almost ready to sail, which it was said would soon follow, instructions The instructions from the ministry to Count de Ro- from the French min- chambeau were extremely judicious, and contrived in every istry to J > chTmbe^u" P art to secure harmony between the American and French armies. The general and the troops were to be in all cases under the command of General Washington. When the two armies were united, the French troops were to be considered as auxiliaries, and to yield precedence by taking the left. American officers were to command French officers of equal rank, and holding commissions of the same dates; and, in all military acts and capitula- tions, the American generals were to be named first and to sign first. These instructions, expressed in clear and positive terms, were made known to General Washington by Lafayette before the troops landed. A copy in detail was likewise sent, to him by Count de Rochambeau. They produced all the happy effects, which could have been anticipated. Perfect harmony subsisted not only between the armies, but between the people and the French troops, from their first arrival in the country till JEr. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 311 their final departure. The Continental officers, by the CHAPTER VTJ recommendation of General Washington, wore cockades ' of black and white intermixed, as a compliment to the 1780. French troops, and a symbol of friendship ; the former color being that of the American cockade, and the latter that of the French. A plan of combined operations against the enemy in rianofcom- New York was drawn up by General Washington, and uousbe- 7 tweenthe forwarded to Count de Rochambeau by the hands of Ajne i; ican . ' and French Lafayette, who went to Newport for the purpose of mak- armies, ing explanations, and concerting arrangements with the French general and admiral. This plan had for its ba- sis the naval superiority of the French over the English, by which the fleet of the latter might be attacked to ad- vantage, or at least blocked up in the harbor of New York. At the present time, however, this was not the case. The arrival of Admiral Graves, with six ships of the line, had increased the British naval force considera- bly beyond that of the Chevalier de Ternay ; and it was agreed that nothing could be done, till he should be rein- forced by the second division from France, or by the squadron of the Count de Guichen, which was expected from the West Indies. Forewarned by the British ministry of the destination British gen- of the French armament, Sir Henry Clinton made sea- to attack . the French sonable preparations to meet it, and requested Admiral at Newport. Arbuthnot to be ready with his fleet. After considerable delay he embarked six thousand troops at Frog's Neck, intending to proceed through the Sound and cooperate with the fleet in an attack on the French at Newport. In the mean time Count de Rochambeau, aided by Gen- eral Heath, then present with the French army, called in the militia of the neighboring country, and increased the force at Newport so much, that Sir Henry Clinton, de- spairing of success, landed his men at Whitestone, on Long Island, and returned to New York, without effect- ing any part of his object. Another reason for his sudden return was, that Washington had drawn his army across LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [.Ex. 48. CHAPTER the Hudson, and taken a position on the east side of that XI1 - river, from which he might attack the city daring the 1780. absence of so large a portion of the troops. It was Sir Henry Clinton's first hope, that, by the aid of the fleet, he should be able to complete his expedition against New- port, and come back to New York before Washington could assume an attitude which would menace the city ; but in this he was disappointed. French Having a decided naval superiority, however, Admiral Kkaded Arbuthnot blockaded the French squadron in the harbor at Newport. /.-.y T^M i T -i i IT of Newport, and Count de Rochambeau's army was oblig- ed to remain there for its protection. This state of things continued through the season, and no military enterprise was undertaken. The second French division was block- aded at Brest, and never came to America ; and the Count de Guichen sailed from the West Indies to France without touching in any part of the United States. Both parties, therefore, stood on the defensive, watching each other's motions, and depending on the operations of the British and French fleets. General Washington recrossed the Hudson, and encamped below Orangetown, or Tappan, on the borders of New Jersey, which station he held till winter, conference In this interval of leisure, a conference between the between . Washington commanders of the two allied armies was suggested by andRocham- fceau. Count de Rochambeau, and readily assented to by Gen- Sept. 21. 'eral Washington. They met at Hartford in Connecticut, on the 21st of September. During the absence of Gen- eral Washington, the army was left under the command of General Greene. The interview was more interesting and serviceable in cementing a personal friendship and promoting amicable relations between the parties, than im- portant in establishing an ulterior system of action. Noth- ing indeed could be positively agreed upon, since a naval superiority was absolutely essential to any enterprise by land, and this superiority did not exist. All the plans that were brought into view, therefore, rested on contin- gencies, and in the end these were unfavorable to a com- bined operation. JET. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313 At this time General Arnold held the command at West CHAPTER Point and other fortified posts in the Highlands. No offi- X1L cer in the American army had acquired higher renown 1780. for military talents, activity, and courage. He had sig- General Ar- nold com- nalized himself at the taking of Ticonderoga, by his ex- mandsat * Wet Point. pedition through the wilderness to Quebec, in a naval engagement on Lake Champlain, in a rencontre with the enemy at Danbury, and above all in the decisive action at Saratoga. When the British evacuated Philadelphia, he was appointed to the command in that city, being disabled by his wounds for immediate active service. Arrogant, fond of display, and extravagant in his style of living, he was soon involved in difficulties, which led to his ruin. His debts accumulated, and, to relieve himself from embarrassment and indulge his passion for parade, he resorted to practices discreditable to him as an officer and a man. Heavy charges were exhibited against him by the President and Council of Pennsylvania, which were referred to a court-martial. After a thorough inves- tigation, the court sentenced him to receive a public rep- rimand from the Commander-in-chief. He had previously presented to Congress large claims against the United States on account of money, which he said he had ex- pended for the public service in Canada. These claims were examined, and in part disallowed. In the opinion of many, they were such as to authorize a suspicion of his integrity, if not to afford evidence of deliberate fraud. These censures, added to the desperate state of his Treason of private affairs, were more than the pride of Arnold could bear. At once to take revenge, and to retrieve his for- tunes, he resolved to become a traitor to his country,, and seek employment in the ranks of the enemy. This purpose was so far fixed in his mind fifteen months be- fore its consummation, that he then began, and continued afterwards, a secret correspondence with Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army. The more easily to effect his* designs, he sought and obtained the com- mand at West Point, where he arrived the first week in 40 F2 314 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XII. 1780. Meeting be- tween Ar- nold and Andre. Sept. 21. Capture of Major An- dre. Sept. 23. August. From that time it was his aim, by a plan con- certed with the British general, to deliver West Point and the other posts of the Highlands into the hands of the enemy. The absence of Washington from the army, on his visit to Hartford, was thought to afford a fit occasion for bringing the affair to a crisis. The Vulture sloop of war ascended the Hudson, and anchored in Haverstraw Bay, six or seven miles below King's Ferry. It was con- trived that a meeting should take place between Arnold and Andre, for the purpose of making arrangements. Andre went ashore from the Vulture in the night on the west side of the river, where Arnold was waiting to re- ceive him. They remained together in that place till the dawn of day, when, their business not being finished, Arnold persuaded him to go to the house of Joshua H. Smith, at. some distance from the river, where he was concealed during the day. Arnold left him in the morn- ing and went to West Point. It was Andre's expecta- tion and wish to return to the Vulture ; but, this not being practicable, he left Smith's house in the dusk of the evening on horseback, and crossed the river at King's Ferry with a written pass signed by Arnold, in which the bearer was called John Anderson. Before leaving Smith's house he exchanged his regimentals for a citizen's dress, over which he wore a dark, loose great-coat. The next day while riding alone towards New York, he was suddenly stopped in the road by three armed militia-men, Paul ding, Williams, and Van Wart, about half a mile north of Tarrytown. They searched him, and found papers secreted in his boots. From this discovery they inferred that he was a spy ; and, taking him back to the nearest American outpost at North Castle, they delivered him over to Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who was stationed there with a party of dragoons. Jameson examined the papers, and knew them to be in the hand- writing of Arnold. They were of a very extraordinary character, containing an exact account of the state of lEi. 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315 things at West Point, and of the strength of the garrison, CHAPTER with remarks on the different works, and a report of a council of war recently held at the head-quarters of the . 1780. array. Jameson was amazed and bewildered. He sent a messenger to Arnold with a letter, stating that a prisoner, who called himself John Anderson, had been brought to him and was then in custody, and that papers had been found upon his person, which seemed to him of a dan- gerous tendency. At the same time he despatched an express to General Washington, then supposed to be on the road returning from Hartford. This express was the bearer of the papers, which had been taken from Andre's boots. The next morning Andre was sent, under the charge Andre of Major Tallmadge, to Colonel Sheldon's quarters at New General Washington. Salem for greater security./ Being now convinced that Sept. 24. there was no hope of escape, he wrote a letter to General Washington revealing his name and true character. Till this time no one about him knew who he was, or that he held a military rank. He submitted the letter to Major Tallmadge and other officers, who read it with astonishment. Having finished his interview with the French com- Arnold es- , ..-_- , . capes to the manders, Washington returned from Hartford by the up- enemy, per route through Fishkill. Consequently the express, sept. 25. who was sent with the papers, and who took the lower route, by which Washington had gone to Hartford, did not meet him, but came back to North Castle. In the mean time Washington, pursued his journey by the way of Fishkill to West Point. Two or three hours before he reached Arnold's house, which was on the side of the river opposite to West Point and at a considerable dis- tance below, the messenger arrived there with the letter from Jameson, by which Arnold was informed of the cap- ture of Andre. He read it with some degree of agitation, and, pretending that he was suddenly called to West Point, mounted a horse standing at the door, rode to the river, entered his barge, and ordered the men to row down 316 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 48. CHAPTER XII. 1780. Andre con- demned as a spy by a board of officers. Sept. 29. Andr6 exe- cuted. October 2. British gen- eral endeav- ors to pro- cure Andre's release. the stream. When the barge approached King's Ferry, he held up a white handkerchief, and the officer who commanded at Verplanck's Point, supposing it to be a flag- boat, allowed it to pass without inspection. Arnold pro- ceeded directly to the Vulture, which was still at anchor in the Tiver near the place where Andre had left it. Washington arrived at Arnold's house, and went over to West Point, without hearing any thing of Arnold. On his return, however, in the afternoon he received the abovementioned letter from Andre, and the papers found in his boots, which had been forwarded from North Cas- tle. The plot was now unravelled. The first thing to be done was to secure the posts. Orders were imme- diately despatched to all the principal officers, and every precaution was taken. Andre was first removed to West Point, and thence to the head-quarters of the army at Tappan. A board of officers was summoned, and directed to inquire into the case of Major Andre, report the facts, and give their opin- ion, both in regard to the nature of his offence, and to the punishment that ought to be awarded. Various pa- pers were laid before the board, and Andre himself was questioned, and desired to make such statements and explanations as he chose. After a full investigation the board reported, that the prisoner came on shore in the night, to hold a private and secret interview with General Arnold; that he changed his dress within the American lines, and passed the guards in a disguised habit and un- der a feigned name ; that he was taken in the same disguised habit, having in his possession several papers, which contained intelligence for the enemy ; and that he ought to btf considered as a spy, and, according to the law and usage of nations, to suffer death. General Wash- ington approved this decision ; and Major Andre was exe- cuted at Tappan on the 2d of October. While Andre's case was pending, Sir Henry Clinton used every effort in his power to rescue him from his fate. He wrote to General Washington, and endeavored JEr 48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 317 to show, that he could not be regarded as a spy, inasmuch CHAPTER as he came on shore at the request of an American gen- eral, and afterwards acted by his direction. Connected 1780. with all the circumstances, this argument could have no weight. That he was drawn into a snare by a traitor did not make him the less a spy. As the guilt of Arnold was the cause of all the evils that followed, an exchange of him for Andre would have been accepted ; but no such proposal was intimated by the British general ; and perhaps it could not be done consistently with honor 1 and the course already pursued. From the moment of his cap- ture till that of his execution, the conduct of Andre was marked with a candor, self-possession, and dignity, which betokened a brave and noble spirit. There was no strong- er trait in the character of Washington than humanity ; the misfortunes and sufferings of others touched him keenly ; and his feelings were deeply moved at the part he was compelled to act in consenting to the death of Andre ; yet justice to the office he held, and to the cause for which his countrymen were shedding their blood, left him no alternative. * * A full and detailed account of the particulars relating to this sub- ject is contained in SPARKS'S Life and Treason of Arnold, being the third volume of the Library of American Biography. Immediately after the capture of Andre*, rumors went abroad, that other officers of high rank in the American army were implicated with Arnold. It was proved afterwards, that these rumors were set afloat by the enemy, for the purpose of exciting distrust and discord in the American camp. Till this fact was established, however, General Washington felt extreme anxiety, and omitted no effort to ascertain the truth. Secret agents were sent into New York to make inquiries and procure intelligence. The intercourse was managed chiefly by Major Henry Lee, who was stationed with his dragoons on the lines, and whose ability and address, as well as his energy and promptitude, peculiarly qualified him for such a service. A project was likewise set on foot for seizing the person of Arnold. The romantic adventures of Sergeant Champe, while engaged in this enterprise, as related in Lee's Memoirs, are well known. There is an error of some importance, how- ever, in that narrative. Its chief interest arises from the supposed cir- cumstance, that Champe was employed to bring away Arnold for the LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 48. CHAPTER xn. 1780. Gloomy state of af- fairs at the BOUtll. General Greene. Congress adopt Wash ington's advice in regard to the army. While these operations were going on at the north, all the intelligence from the south gave evidence, that affairs in that quarter were assuming a gloomy aspect. The British forces, with Lord Cornwallis at their head, were overrunning the Carolinas ; and preparations were making in New York to detach a squadron with troops to fall upon Virginia. The defeat of General Gates near Camden, in South Carolina, was a heavy blow upon the Americans, and left them in a state from which it was feared they would not soon recover. Congress requested General Washington to appoint an officer to succeed Gates in the command of the southern army. With his usual determination and judgment he selected General Greene, who repaired to the theatre of action, in which he was so eminently distinguished during the -subsequent years of the war. Gaining an increased confidence in the Commander-in- chief, which a long experience of his wisdom and disin- terestedness authorized, Congress at length adopted the important measures, in regard to the army, which he had earnestly and repeatedly advised and enforced. They de- creed that all the troops, thenceforward to be raised, should be enlisted to serve during the war ; and that all the officers, who continued in the service to the end of the war, should be entitled to half-pay for life. Wash- ington ever believed, that, if this system had been pur- sued from the beginning, it would have shortened the war, or at least have caused a great diminution in the ex- pense. Unfortunately the States did not comply with the former part of the requisition, but adhered to the old method of filling up their quotas with men raised for three purpose of saving Andre ; whereas Champe did not go into New York till eighteen days after Andre's execution. Lee's narrative was written many years after the events, and, from the confusion of dates into which he has fallen, it seems probable that 'his memory failed him, and that he ascribed the adventures of two individuals to Sergeant Champe. See Writings of Washington, Vol. VII. p. 548 ; and Life and Trea- son of Arnold, p. 267. jEr.48.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 319 years and for shorter terms. The extreme difficulty of CHAPTER procuring recruits was the reason assigned for persevering . in this practice. Lafayette commanded six battalions of light infantry, f f . or t j stationed in advance' of the main army. He projected a enemy, descent upon Staten Island, but was prevented from exe- November, cuting it by the want -of boats. A plan was likewise formed for a general attack on the north part of New York Island. The enemy's posts were reconnoitred, ex- tensive preparations were made, and a large foraging party was sent into - Westchester County to mask the design, and draw the attention of the enemy that way. But the sudden appearance of several armed vessels in the river caused the enterprise to be deferred and finally abandoned. The foraging expedition, conducted by General Stark, was successful. The army went into winter quarters at the end of No- Army goes J . into winter vember ; the Pennsylvania line near Momstown, the New quarters. Jersey regiments at Pompton, and the eastern troops in the Highlands. The head-quarters of the Commander-in- chief were at New Windsor. The French army remained at Newport, except the Duke de Lauzun's legion, which was cantoned at Lebanon in Connecticut. 320 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [JEr. 49. CHAPTER XIII. CHAPTER XIII. 1781. Mutiny of the Penn- sylvania troops. January 1. Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey Troops. Agency of Wash- ington in procuring Supplies from France. Limited Powers of Con- gress. Operations of the Enemy in the Chesapeake. Detachment to Virginia under Lafayette. General Washington visits Count de Ro- chambeau at Newport. Condition of the Army. Interview between the American and French Commanders at Weathersfield. Plan of Operations. A Combined Attack on New York proposed. Junction between the American and French Armies. Intelligence from Count de Grasse in the West Indies changes the Objects of the Campaign. Successful Operations of Lafayette against Cornwallis. The combined Annies cross the Hudson and march to Virginia. The Fleet of Count de Grasse enters the Chesapeake. Siege of Yorktown. Capitulation. The American Army returns to Hudson's River; the French remains in Virginia. THE year 1781 opened with an event, which filled the country with alarm, and threatened dangerous consequen- ces. On the 1st of January a mutiny broke out among the Pennsylvania troops, stationed near Morristown, and about thirteen hundred men paraded under arms, refused obedience to their officers, killed one captain, mortally wounded another, and committed various outrages. The mutineers marched in a body towards Princeton with six fieldpieces, avowing their intention to proceed to Phila- delphia, and demand from Congress a redress of their grievances. They complained that their pay was in ar- rears, that they were obliged to receive it in a depreciated currency, that many of the soldiers were detained beyond the term of their enlistment, and that they had suffered every hardship for the want of money, provisions, and clothing. By the prudence and good management of Gen- eral Wayne, who took care to supply them with pro- visions on their march, they were kept from plundering the inhabitants and other excesses. He sent the intelli- gence of the revolt by an express to General Washing- JT. 49.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ton, who, considering the number of the mutineers and CHAPTER the apparent justice of their complaints, recommended to him not to use force, which might inflame their passions, 1781. increase opposition, keep alive resentment, and tempt them to turn about and go to the enemy, who would not fail to hold out alluring offers. He advised General Wayne to draw from them a statement of their grievances, and promise to represent the case faithfully to -Congress and the State of Pennsylvania, and endeavor to obtain re- dress. These judicious counsels had the effect desired. A Mutiny gup- committee of Congress, joined by the President of Penn- sylvania, met the revolters at Trenton, and made propo- sals to them, which were accepted, and they gave up their arms. An ambiguity in the written terms of enlist- ment was one of the principal causes of dissatisfaction. The agreement on the part of the soldiers was, to serve for three years or during the war. By the interpretation, which the officers gave to these expressions, they bound the soldiers to serve to the end of the war ; whereas the soldiers insisted that they engaged for three years only, or during the war if it should come to an end before the three years had elapsed. Accordingly they demanded a discharge at the expiration of that period. This con- struction being allowed, it was the means of disbanding a large part of the Pennsylvania line for the winter, but it was recruited again in the spring to its original com- plement. The revolters were indignant at the suspicion of their going to the enemy, and scorned the idea, as they expressed it, of turning Arnolds. Two emissaries sent among them with overtures from Sir Henry Clinton were given up, tried by a court-martial, and executed. Not knowing how far this example might infect the Mutiny of troops generally, the sufferings of all of whom were not Jersey * ' troop*. less than those of the Pennsylvania line, General Wash- ington took speedy measures to prevent the repetition of such a scene as had just occurred. He ordered a thou- sand trusty men to be selected from the regiments in the 41 322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [j T . 49. CHAPTER Highlands, and held in readiness to march, with four xm ' days' provisions, at the shortest notice. The wisdom of 1781 - this precaution was soon put to the proof; for news came, that the New Jersey troops, stationed at Pompton and Chatham, were in a state of mutiny, having risen in arms against their officers, and threatened to march to Trenton, where the legislature of the State was then in session, and demand redress at the point of the bayonet. The case required promptness and energy. Six hundred men were put under the command of General Howe, with orders to march and crush the revolt by force, unless the men should yield unconditional submission and return to their duty. These orders were faithfully executed. Taken by surprise, the mutineers were compelled to parade without their arms, make concessions to their officers, and promise obedience. To impress them with the enormity of their guilt, and deter them and others from future acts of the kind, two of the ringleaders were tried by a field court-martial and shot. By this summary proceeding the spirit of mutiny in the army was subdued. washing- In the midst of these distracting events Washington ton's aid in . , , - .,-,,. procuring was employed, at the request of Congress, in affording money and . supplies important counsels to Colonel John Laurens, who had from France. . . been appointed on a mission to France, for the purpose of obtaining a loan and military supplies. Such was the - deranged state of the currency, so low had the resources of the country been drained, and so feeble was the power of drawing them out, that, in the opinion of all, the military efforts of the United States could not be exerted with a vigor suited to the exigency of the occasion, nor even with any thing more than a languishing inactivity, unless sustained by succors from their allies both in money and supplies for the army. The sentiments of Washington, communicating the fruits of his knowledge, experience, and judgment, with the weight of his name, \ere thought essential to produce a just impression on January is. the French cabinet. He wrote a letter to Colonel Lau- rens, remarkable for its appropriateness and ability, con- . 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 323 1781. taining a clear and forcible representation of facts, with CHAPTER arguments in support of the application of Congress, which was first presented by that commissioner to Dr. Franklin, and afterwards laid before the ministry and the King. The influence of this letter, in procuring the aids solicit- ed from the French government, may be inferred from the circumstance of a recent loan being accompanied with the suggestion, that the money to be appropriated for the army should be left at the disposal of General Washington.* * In a letter to Lafayette, dated at Versailles, March 10th, 1781, Count de Vergennes wrote as follows. " The King has just deter- mined on the succors of different kinds, with which the Americans are to be furnished for the ensuing campaign. I shall not give you a detailed account of them, as I am transmitting one to the Chev- alier de la Luzerne, who, I have no doubt, will communicate it to you. I have reason to believe, that General Washington will be satisfied with our efforts for the support of the American cause, and that, on his part, he will do every thing in his power to render them available. I beg that you will assure him of the entire confidence, which we place in his zeal, patriotism, and talents, and that we shall sincerely rejoice when he shall have acquired the glory of having de- livered his country and secured her liberties." Among the succors here mentioned for the year 1781, which were granted before the arrival of Colonel Laurens in France, was a sub- sidy to the United States of six millions of livres. The French ministry, designing this money for a special succor to the army, proposed, that, after a certain portion had been paid for military articles purchased in Europe, the remainder should be at the dispos- al of General Washington, and disbursed in such a manner as he should think best for the general good. This idea was expressed to Dr. Franklin, and he communicated it to Congress. The jealousy and fears of that body were immediately alarmed. They were not satisfied that the head of the army should possess such an agent, in addition to his military power. M. de la Luzerne was at first a little concerned at this uneasiness, as it was mingled with latent suspicions of the design of the French court, in making this dispo- sition of the money ; but luckily he discovered in Count de Ver- gennes's letter to him, that General Washington, "or some other person," was indicated. He immediately removed the anxieties of Congress by communicating this fact, and informing them that the money was within their control. Not long afterwards he saw Gen- eral Washington, who thanked him cordially for his interference, and for thus relieving him from a very responsible task, which he had no desire to perform, and which would excite the jealousy of his enemies. 324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 49. CHAPTER The existence of an army, and the prosecution of war, _ XIIL depend on the power of the civil head of a nation, as 1781. we \i as on its resources. So loose were the ties by which Powers of the confederacy was bound together, so limited was thd Congress _ * doubtful and control exercised by Congress over the States, and so little inefficient. J inclined were the parts to unite in a consolidated whole. February 28. that, from imbecility on the one hand and public apathy on the other, Washington became more and more fearful of the consequences. "The great business of war," said he, "can never be well conducted, if it can be conduct- ed at all, while the powers of Congress are only recom- mendatory. While one State yields obedience, and anoth- er refuses it, while a third mutilates and adopts the measure in part only, and all vary in time and manner, it is scarcely possible that our affairs should prosper, or that any thing but disappointment can follow the best concerted plans. * The willing States are almost ruined by their exertions ; distrust and jealousy ensue. Hence proceed neglect and ill-timed compliances, one State wait- ing to see what another will do. This thwarts all our measures after a heavy though ineffectual expense is in- curred." And he adds, on the point of vesting Congress with competent powers ; " Our independence, our respec- tability and consequence in Europe, our greatness as a nation hereafter, depend upon it. The fear of giving sufficient powers to Congress, for the purposes I have mentioned, is futile. A nominal head, which at present is but another name for Congress, will no longer do. That honorable body, after hearing, the interests and views of the several States fairly discussed and explain- ed by their representatives, must dictate, and not merely recommend and leave it to the States to do afterwards as they please, which, as I have observed before, is in many cases to do nothing at all." These sentiments he often repeated in letters to his friends, but more as an expres- sion of his wishes than in the confidence of hope. The time for establishing a firm and united government had not come. Nor indeed was it to be expected that the .Ex. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 325 States, jealous of their rights, and each possessing within CHAPTER itself the substance and the forms of a separate common- . XIIL wealth, would resign without great caution these positive 1781. advantages for the doubtful security of a new and un- tried system. It is remarkable, however, that Congress assumed and caution of ~ Congress in exercised certain powers implying the highest prerogatives *^ r cisin e of sovereignty, while they neglected to use others of a powers, subordinate kind, which were less likely to be abused, and were even more necessary to move the great machine of government. They made war, declared independence, formed treaties of alliance, sent ministers to foreign courts, emitted a paper currency and pledged the credit of all the States for its redemption, and on more than one oc- casion conferred dictatorial powers on the commander of their armies. These acts of supreme power they hazard- ed without scruple or hesitation, without consulting their constituents or the fear of displeasing them ; but they ventured only to recommend to the States to 'raise troops, levy taxes, clothe and feed their naked and starving sol- diers, and to execute the laws for the purposes of inter- nal government ; shrinking from the responsibility of en- forcing their decrees, or even of advising compulsory measures. This seeming contradiction is not inexplicable. Their course was prudent, perhaps necessary. The first series of acts here enumerated did not bear immediately upon the people. Alliances might be entered into, a foreign minister might come or go, an army might be voted or the credit of the nation pledged, and no individual would feel any present inconvenience ; whereas, if a man was .required to be a soldier, to pay a tax, or give up part of his substance, he would begin to think of himself, talk of his rights, complain of hardships, and question the authority that demanded obedience. The difficulty of ex- acting such obedience by force, and the danger of the attempt, are equally obvious. The British general seems not to have meditated any 326 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 49. CHAPTER XIII. 1781. British gen- eral sends a detachment to Virginia under Ar- nold. Part of the French fleet sails for the Chesapeake. February. offensive operations in the northern States for the coming campaign. His attention was chiefly directed to the south, where such detachments as could be spared from his army at New York were to cooperate with Lord Corn- wallis. Sixteen hundred men, with a proportionate num- ber of armed vessels, were sent into the Chesapeake under the command of Arnold, who was eager to prove his zeal for the cause of his new friends by the mischief he could do to those, whom he had deserted and sought to be- tray.* Before his arrival in the Chesapeake, General Leslie had left Virginia and sailed for Charleston ; so that Arnold received the undivided honor of his exploits, and, what he valued more highly, a liberal share of the booty that fell into his hands. He burnt Richmond, seized private property, and committed depredations in sundry places. About the middle 1 of January the British fleet block- ading the harbor of Newport was so much shattered and dispersed by a violent storm, that the scale of superiority turned in favor of the French squadron. The Chevalier de Ternay had recently died, and M. Destouches, who succeeded him in the command, reconnoitred the enemy's fleet after the storm, and, finding it well secured in Gar- diner's Bay, at the east end of Lorag Island, he was not inclined to seek an engagement. Taking advantage of the opportunity, however, he detached a ship of the line and tw6 frigates under M. de Tilly to the Chesapeake, with the design to blockade Arnold's squadron, and to act against him in concert with the American troops on land. As soon as General Washington heard of the dam- age suffered by the British ships, he wrote to Count de Rochambeau, recommending that M. Destouches should proceed immediately to Virginia with his whole fleet and a thousand troops from the French army. This advice was not received till after the departure of M. de Tilly from Newport, when it was too late to comply with it, as the British fleet in the mean time had gained strength, and made it hazardous for M. Destouches to leave the harbor. 2ET.49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 M. de Tilly's expedition was only in part successful. CHAPTER He entered the Chesapeake, but Arnold drew his vessels xm ' so high up the Elizabeth River, -that they could not be 1781. reached by the French line-of-battle ship : and one of the French fleet ... j./r. returns to frigates ran aground, and was set afloat again with dim- Newport, culty. As M. de Tilly could not remain long in the Chesapeake without the hazard of being blockaded by a British force, he put to sea and arrived at Newport after February u. an absence of fifteen days. '''// Although the British had repaired their damaged vessels, Navai ac- tion between yet by the lunction of M. de Tilly an equality was re- the British 3 ' J . . and French stored to the French ; and M. Destouches, in conformity fleets. to the recommendation of General Washington, resolved March 16- on an expedition to Virginia with his whole naval force, to which Count de Rochambeau added eleven hundred troops, commanded by Baron de Viomenil. The French were pursued by Admiral Arbuthnot with all his blockad- ing squadron, and overtaken near the capes of Virginia, where an action ensued, which terminated with nearly equal honor to both parties. The object of the expedi- tion was thus defeated, unless it was a part of M. Des- touches's purpose to bring on a naval engagement, which is not improbable. The fleet returned to Newport with- out attempting to enter the Chesapeake. The moment Washington received the intelligence, that Lafayette M. de Tilly had sailed to the southward, he detached detachment twelve hundred men from his army to proceed by land to the Chesapeake and cooperate with the French against Arnold. At the head of this detachment he placed the Marquis de Lafayette, being influenced in his choice both by a political motive, and by his confidence in the abil- ity and bravery of that officer. The appointment was complimentary to the allies, and it was thought that har- mony would be more surely preserved by a commander, who was beloved by the American troops, and respected for his rank and character by his own countrymen. La- fayette marched from Hudson's River on the 20th of February. On his arrival in Virginia, his seniority of 328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE T . 49. CHAPTER rank would give him the command of all the Continental XIIL troops in that State, and of all the militia drawn into 1781. the service to oppose the enemy in the waters of the Chesapeake. Hitherto Baron Steuben had conducted the operations against Arnold in Virginia, having been de- tained for that purpose when on his way to join Gen- eral Greene. AVashington To mature the plans for the campaign, and to commu- chambeauat nicate with the French commanders, on points that could not be safely intrusted to writing, General Washington made a journey to Newport. He left head-quarters on the 2d of March, and was absent nearly three weeks. He arrived a day or two before M. Destouches's depar- ture on the expedition above mentioned. The citizens of Newport received him with a public address, expressive of their attachment, their gratitude for his services, and the joy they felt at seeing him among them. In his re- ply, he took care to reciprocate and confirm the sentiments, which they had declared in regard to the allies. " The conduct of the French army and fleet," said he, " of which the inhabitants testify so grateful and so affectionate a sense, at the same time that it evinces the wisdom of the commanders and the discipline of the troops, is a new proof of the magnanimity of the nation. It is a further demonstration of that generous zeal and concern for the happiness of America, which brought them to our assistance, a happy presage of future harmony, a pleasing evidence that an intercourse between the two nations will more and more cement the union, by the solid and lasting ties of mutual affection." In short, the meeting between the commanders of the allied armies was in all respects satisfactory to both parties; but the pro- jects of the enemy were so uncertain, and future opera- tions depended so much on contingent and unforeseen events, that nothing more could be agreed upon, than general arrangements for acting in concert at such times and places as circumstances should require. Although the design of the British general was not JET. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 then known, it appeared afterward that he aimed to trans- CHAPTER fer the seat of war to the Chesapeake, and if possible to Pennsylvania.* This scheme was urged by Lord Corn- 1781. wallis, who was of the opinion that it ought to be pursued British gen- eral traus- even at the expense of abandoning New York. To aid fers the seat r of war to in effecting it, Sir Henry Clinton sent another detach- the Chest - peake. merit to Virginia, consisting of two thousand men, under General Phillips, who was ordered to cooperate with Ar- nold, and ultimately with Lord Cornwallis, it being presum- ed that Cornwallis would make his way through North Carolina, and be able to succor these troops in Virginia, and probably to join them with his army. The first object of Lafayette's expedition was to act * The secret designs of the British commanders could not, of course, be understood, except as they were unfolded by events. But General Washington was always well informed of all the principal transactions within the enemy's lines, and was thereby enabled to judge very accu- rately of the force and situation of the opposing army, and to anticipate any important operation that was about to be undertaken. Throughout the war he had spies in New York, who were unacquainted with each other, and whose intelligence came through different channels. By comparing their accounts he was commonly well informed of all the enemy's movements, and was able to judge with considerable accuracy what plans they had in contemplation. One individual was occupied in this way nearly the whole war. His letters were full, and the informa- tion he communicated was usually correct He was on terms of inti- macy with the British officers, and frequently obtained his intelligence from the highest sources. His letters were sent by way of Long Is- land, and thence across the Sound to Connecticut. At one period he had an agent in Bergen, through whose hands his letters passed. The principal officers near the lines were also intrusted with the business of procuring intelligence, and employed spies for that purpose, whose reports were transmitted to the Commander-in-chief. Various devices were practised for concealment. A cipher was used in part, but the most effectual mode was to write with an invisible ink, which could be made to appear only by rubbing over the surface of the paper a chem- ical fluid, prepared in a particular manner. The spies were supplied with this ink and fluid. A short letter would be written on some trivial subject with common ink, and the remainder of the sheet would be filled with invisible characters. Fictitious names were used for the sig- natures and superscriptions. With these precautions, the risk of detec- tion was very small, even if the letter was intercepted. 42 H2 330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [yEr. 49. CHAPTER in conjunction with the French fleet ; but, as no part of XI "' the fleet entered the Chesapeake, he was disappointed in 1781 - that purpose. His troops advanced no farther than Anna- object or polis, although he went forward himself to William sburg. Lafayette's * expedition. Having ascertained that an English squadron had entered the Chesapeake, instead of the French, he immediately prepared to return with his detachment to the main army near the Hudson. He proceeded by water to the Head April s. of Elk, where he received additional instructions from General Washington, directing him to march to the south, and either meet the enemy in Virginia, or continue on- ward to the southern army, as should be advised by General Greene. sentiments The enemy ascended the Chesapeake Bay and its prin- ton respect- cipal rivers, with their small armed vessels, plundering ing the con.- r ' duct of his an( j laying waste the property of the inhabitants. One of manager, J r r j when the en- these vessels came up the Potomac to Mount Vernon ; and eniy landed t ' ie manager of the estate, with the hope of saving the houses from being pillaged and burnt, yielded to the de- mands of the officers in a manner, which excited the regret and displeasure of Washington. In reply to his manager, who had informed him of the particulars, he said ; " I am very sorry to hear of your loss j I am a little sorry to hear of my own ; but that which gives me most concern is, that you should go on board the enemy's vessels, and furnish them with refreshments. It would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that, in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burned my house and laid the plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered your- self as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshments to them with a view to prevent a conflagration. It was not in your pow- er, I acknowledge, to prevent them from sending a flag on shore, and you did right to meet it ; but you should, in the same instant that the business of it was unfolded, have declared explicitly, that it was improper for you to JEr. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331 yield to the request ; after which, if they had proceeded CHAPTER to help themselves by force, you could but have submit- X!IL ted ; and, being unprovided for defence, this was to be ] 7 8 ' preferred to a feeble opposition, which only serves as a pretext to burn and destroy." The reader need not be reminded of the accordance of these sentiments with the noble disinterestedness, which regulated his conduct through the whole of his public life. An extract from his diary, written on the 1st of May, will exhibit in a striking manner the condition of the ar- my at that time, and the prospects of the campaign. " To have a clearer understanding of the entries, which condition of the army. may follow, it would be proper to recite in detail our wants and our prospects ; but this alone would be a work of much time and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sum of them, which I shall do in a few words. Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the different States ; instead of having our arsenals well sup- plied with military stores, they are poorly provided and the workmen all leaving them ; instead of having the various articles of field-equipage in readiness to be deliv- ered, the quartermaster-general, as the dernier resort, accord- ing to his account, is but now applying to the several States to provide these things for their troops respectively ; instead of having a regular system of transportation es- tablished upon credit, or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent expenses of it, we have neither the one nor the other, and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by military impress, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alienating their affections ; instead of having the regi- ments completed to the new establishment, which ought to have been done agreeably to the requisitions of Con- gress, scarce any State in the Union has at this hour an eighth part of its quota in the field, and little prospect that I can see of ever getting more than half; in a word, instead of having every thing in readiness to take the field, 332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 49- CHAPTER we have nothing ; and, instead of having the prospect of XI1L a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewil- 1781. dered and gloomy defensive one, unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops, and money from our generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." Arrival or Happily the train of affairs took a more favorable turn Count de Barras. than he anticipated. In a short time he received the May e. ' cheering intelligence, that Count de Barras had arrived in Boston harbor with a French frigate, that other vessels and a reinforcement of troops from France might soon be looked for, and that a fleet under the Count de Grasse would sail from the West Indies to the United States in July or August. Another meeting between the comman- coniereiice ders of the allied armies was thus rendered necessary. It between the American took place at Weathersficld, in Connecticut, on the 22d aud French commanders of May. Count de Barras. having succeeded M. Des- at Weath- ' ersaeid. touches in the command of the French squadron, was May 22. detained at Newport by the appearance of a British fleet off the harbor ; but the Marquis de Chastellux, a major- general in the army, accompanied Count de Rochambeau. On the part of the Americans were the Commander-in- chief, General Knox, and General Duportail. objects of The two principal objects brought under consideration the confer- ence, were ; first, a southern expedition to act against the ene- my in Virginia ; secondly, a combined attack on New York. The French commander leaned to the former ; but he yielded to the stronger reasons for the latter, which was decidedly preferred by General Washington. A move- ment to the south must be wholly by land, the French fleet being inferior to that of Admiral Arbuthnot, by which it was blockaded, and of course not in a condi- tion to go to sea. The difficulty and expense of transpor- tation, the season of the year in which the troops would reach Virginia, being the hottest part of summer, and the waste of men always attending a long march, were for- midable objections to the first plan. It was believed, also, that the enemy's force in New York had been so JEr. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333 much weakened by detachments, that Sir Henry Clinton CHAPTER would be compelled either to sacrifice that place and its dependencies, or recall part of his troops from the south 1781. to defend them. It was therefore agreed, that Count de Rochambeau circular let- should march as soon as possible from Newport, and form governors of T the eastern a junction with the American army near Hudson's River, states. Before leaving Weathersfield, a circular letter was written May 24. by General Washington to the governors of the eastern States, acquainting them with the result of the confer- ence, and urging them to fill up their quotas of Conti- nental troops with all possible despatch, and to hold a certain number of militia in readiness to march at a week's notice. If men could not be obtained for three years, or during the war, he recommended that they should be enlisted for the campaign only, deeming the exigency to be of the greatest importance, both in a military point of view and in its political bearings ; for the zeal of the Americans, and their willingness to make sacrifices for the common cause, would be estimated by the manner in which they should now second the efforts of their allies, and contribute to give effect to their prof- fered services. A body of militia was likewise to be called to Newport, for the defence of the French fleet in the harbor after the departure of the troops. The two commanders returned to their respective armies, and pre- pared to put their plan in execution. It may here be observed, that, after the treaty of alii- Apathy of the people. ance, the people of the United States, feeling secure of v their independence by the powerful aid of France, be- came more and more remiss in complying with the requi- sitions of Congress. The eastern and middle States in particular, after the French troops had arrived in the country, and the theatre of war had been transferred by the enemy to the south, relapsed into a state of com- parative inactivity and indifference ; the more observable on account of the contrast it presented with the ardor, energy, and promptitude which had previously character- 334 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [/Ex. 49. CHAPTER ized them. To shake off this lethargy, or at least to XIIL counteract its influence and stimulate them to furnish the 1781. supplies absolutely necessary for the army, Washington resorted to every expedient, which he thought would operate on their public spirit and immediate interests, washing- Hence he had determined, nearly a year before this respecting time, to give out and cause it to be believed, that New paign. York was the point of attack at which he aimed with all the force and means that could be collected. Speak- ing on this subject at a later date, he said, " It never was in contemplation to attack New York, unless the garrison should first have been so far disgarnished to carry on the southern operations, as to render our success in the siege of that place as infallible as any future mili- tary event can ever be made. For, I repeat it, and dwell upon it again and again, some splendid advantage (whether upon a larger or smaller scale was almost immaterial) was so essentially necessary to revive the expiring hopes and languid exertions of the country, at the crisis in question, that I never would have consented to embark in any enterprise, wherein, from the most rational plan and ac- curate calculations, the favorable issue should not have appeared as clear to my view as a ray of light. The failure of an attempt against the posts of the enemy could, in no other possible situation during the war, have been so fatal to our cause." The main object was to strengthen the army, and obtain supplies. The mode of applying them might be regulated according to circum- stances. The attention of the Commander-in-chief was but partially taken up with the affairs under his own eye. He held a constant correspondence with General Greene' and Lafayette, who kept him informed of the operations at the south, and asked his advice and direction on points of difficulty and importance. The western posts beyond the Alleganies were also under his command, and re- quired much of his care. Incursions of the enemy from Canada kept the northern frontier in a state of alarm, JET. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 335 and a considerable portion of the New York troops was CHAPTER called away for the protection of that quarter. XIIL The wants of the army, especially in the article of 1781. bread, were at this time relieved by the generous and Robert Morris. spirited exertions of Robert Morris, recently appointed Superintendent of Finance by Congress. He procured from contractors two thousand barrels of flour, promising hard money, and pledging his own credit for its pay- ment. The act was voluntary, and the relief seasonable. It was one of the many valuable services, which that distinguished patriot rendered to his country. General Washington drew the several parts of his army Junction of ,, ,, . . the Ameri- out 01 their quarters, and took his first position near can ana Peekskill, but soon advanced towards New York, and mies. encamped on the 4th of July near Dobbs's Ferry, and July e. about twelve miles from Kingsbridge. On the 6th he was joined by Count de Rochambeau with the French army, which had marched in four divisions from Provi- dence by way of Hartford. The Americans encamped in two lines, with their right resting on the Hudson. The French occupied the left, in a single line extending to the river Brunx. Preparations were made for an attack on the north part Preparations of New York Island a short time before the junction of on New the two armies. General Lincoln descended the Hudson with a detachment of eight hundred men in boats for this purpose, landed above Haerlem River, and took pos- session of the high ground near Kingsbridge. At the same time the Duke de Lauzun was to advance from East Chester with his legion, and fall upon Delancey's corps of refugees at Morrisania. Unforeseen causes pre- vented the attack, and Lauzun did not arrive in season to effect his part of the enterprise. After some skirmish- ing the enemy's outposts were withdrawn to the other side of Haerlem River. General Washington came forward j u i y 21. with the main army as far as Valentine's Hill, four miles from Kingsbridge, to support General Lincoln in case it should be necessary. The troops lay upon their arms 336 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 49. CHAPTER XTII. 1781. Enemy's works re- connoitred. Count de Grasse. Agreed that the combin- ed armies should march to Virginia. during the night, and the next day retired to the en- campment near Dobbs's Ferry. At this place the two armies continued six weeks. A plan of a general attack was formed, and the two com- manders reconnoitred the enemy's works, first by passing over the Hudson and viewing them across the river from the elevated grounds between Dobbs's Ferry and Fort Lee, and next at Kingsbridge and other places in its vi- cinity. But the recruits came in so tardily from the States, that the army was never in a condition to au- thorize an undertaking of such magnitude without the cooperation of a French fleet superior to the British ; more especially as a reinforcement of about three thou- sand Hessian recruits arrived in New Y(jrk from Europe. A despatch had early been sent to Count de Grasse in the West Indies, advising him to sail directly to Sandy Hook, and thus secure a naval superiority. On this con- tingency depended the execution of the plan. While these operations were in progress, a French frigate arrived at Newport with a letter from Count de Grasse, dated at Cape Francois in St. Domingo, stating that he should shortly sail from that place with his whole fleet and three thousand two hundred land troops for the Chesapeake. This letter was received by General Wash- ington on the 14th of August. It produced an immedi- ate change in the objects of the campaign. The engage- ments of Count de Grasse in the West Indies were such, that he could not promise to remain on the coast beyond the middle of October. It being doubtful whether, with all the force that could be collected, and with the fairest prospect of ultimate success, the siege of New York could be brought to an issue by that time, it was resolved at once to abandon that project, and proceed to Virginia with the whole of the French troops, and such a part of the American army as could be spared from the defence of the posts on Hudson's River and in the Highlands. In this decision Count de Rochambeau cordially united, and the march to the south began without delay. En. 41).] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 337 Cornwallis had advanced from North Carolina, formed CHAPTER "5f TTT a junction with the British detachment in the Chesa- .. peake, and overrun the lower counties of Virginia ; but he was checked by the active exertions and skilful man- success or Lafayette ill oeuvres of Lafayette, whose generalship and prudent con- Virginia. duct merited the greatest applause. This was peculiarly gratifying to Washington, who, in case of failure, might have been censured for intrusting to so young an officer the hazardous experiment of encountering one of the most experienced and accomplished generals of the age. " Be assured, my dear Marquis," said Washington in writing jm y 30. to him, " your conduct meets my warmest approbation, as it must that of everybody. Should it ever be said, that my attachment to you betrayed me into partiality, you have only to appeal to facts to refute any such charge." Count de Yergennes bore similar testimony. In a letter to Lafayette he said ; " I have followed you step by step through your whole campaign in Virginia, and should of- ten have trembled for you, if I had not been confident in your wisdom. It requires no common ability and skill to enable a man to sustain himself as you have done, and during so long a time, before such a general as Lord Cornwallis, who is lauded for his talents in war and this too, with such a great disproportion in your forces." The minister of war was also commanded by the King to ex- press the royal approbation in the warmest terms, and to assure Lafayette of his being raised to the rank of field- marshal in the French army, when his services should be no longer required in the United States.* It was the first object of Washington and Rochambeau * An incident at the beginning of the campaign, alike honorable to the character of Lafayette and expressive of his disinterested zeal, should not be overlooked in this place, nor ever be forgotten by an American. When his detachment arrived at Baltimore, on its march from the Head of Elk to the south, the men were suffering for the want of suitable clothes. The military chest was exhausted. He pro- cured from the merchants in Baltimore, on his personal credit, a suf- ficient quantity of cloth to supply the want, and enable the soldiers 43 i2 338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE-r. 49. CHAPTER to act against Cornwallis in Virginia. Should that gen- XIIL eral retreat to North Carolina, it was then intended to , 1781. pursue him with a part of the combined army, and to The two ar- embark the remainder on board the French fleet, and pro- rl!r"ig"te. ceed with it to Charleston, which was at that time held by the British. The two armies crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, and marched by different routes to Tren- ton, and thence through Philadelphia to the Head of Elk. The stores and baggage, with one regiment, passed down the Delaware by water to Christiana Creek. Sir Henry Clinton was of course ignorant of the expected approach of Count de Grasse to the Chesapeake, and much finesse was used to misguide and bewilder him in regard to the design of these movements ; it being apprehended, that, suspecting the real object, he might send reinforcements to Virginia before the arrival of the French fleet. Accord- ingly fictitious letters were written and put in the way to pursue their march. On this subject he wrote to Washington as / follows. " The merchants of Baltimore have lent me a sum of about two thousand pounds, which will procure some shirts, linen over-alls, shoes, and a few hats. The ladies will make up the shirts, and the over-alls will be made by the detachment, so that our soldiers have a chance of being a little more comfortable. The money is lent upon my credit, and I become security for the payment in two years' time, when, by the French laws, I may better dispose of my estate. But before that time I am to use my influence with the French court, in order to have as soon as possible this sum of money added to any loan Congress will have been able to obtain from them." Alluding to this generous act, Washington said, in a letter to him ; " The measures you had taken to obtain, on your own credit, a supply of clothing and necessaries for the detachment, must entitle you to all their gratitude and affection ; and will, at the same time that it endears your name, if possible, still more to this country, be an everlasting monument of your ardent zeal and attachment to its cause, and the establishment of its independence. For my own part, my dear Marquis, although I stood in need of no new proofs of your exertions and sacrifices in the cause of America, I will confess to you, that I shall not be able to express the pleasing sensations I have ex- perienced at your unparalleled and repeated instances of generosity and zeal for the service on every occasion. Suffer me only to pursue you with my sincerest wishes, that your success and glory may al- ways be equal to your merits." MT. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. of being intercepted, and .a deceptive provision of ovens, CHAPTER forage, and boats was made in New Jersey, by which XIIL the British general would be led to suppose, that an at- 1781. tack was intended from that quarter. These stratagems were successful to the extent anticipated ; and the troops had made considerable progress in their march, before Sir Henry Clinton was fully aware of their destination. General Heath was left in the command on Hudson's General Heath. River. The moving army was put under the charge of General Lincoln. The soldiers, being mostly from the eastern and middle States, marched with reluctance to the southward, and showed strong symptoms of discontent when they passed through Philadelphia. This had been foreseen by General Washington, and he urged the Su- perintendent of Finance to advance to them a month's pay in hard money. But there was no such money in the treasury. Mr. Morris succeeded, however, in borrow- ing for this jurpose twenty thousand hard dollars from the French commander, which he promised to return within thirty days. General Washington and Count de Rochambeau pre- The two ceded the army ; and the former, after stopping for a short arrive at time in Philadelphia, hastened forward to Mount Vernon, burg, which lay in his route. This casual visit was the first sept. 14. he had paid to his home since he left it to attend the second Continental Congress, a period of six years and five months ; so entirely had he sacrificed his time, per- sonal interests, and local attachments to the service of his country. Nor did he now remain any longer than to await the arrival of Count de Rochambeau, whom he had left at Baltimore. The two generals then made all haste to the head-quarters of Lafayette's army near Williamsburg, which they reached on the 14th of September. In the mean time Count de Grasse, with his whole French fleet, /,. .- /., . ,. fit- under Count fleet, consisting ot twenty-six ships of the line and sev- de Grasse, eral frigates entered the Chesapeake, after a partial engage- Chesapeake, ment with Admiral Graves off the Capes. He had also been joined by the Count de Barras, with the French LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 49. CHAPTER XIII. 1781. Sept. 17. Cornwallis takes post at York- town and Gloucester. Siege of Yorktown. October. squadron from Newport. Three thousand men from the West Indies, commanded by the Marquis de St. Simon, had already landed, and united with Lafayette. Trans- ports were immediately despatched up the Chesapeake, to bring down the French and, American troops from the Head of Elk and Annapolis. For the purpose of concert- ing measures for a cooperation between the naval and land forces, the two commanders held a conference with Count de Grasse on board the Ville de Paris at Cape Henry. Lord Cornwallis, expecting aid from Sir Henry Clinton, and hoping the British force at sea would be superior to the French, had taken possession of Yorktown and Glou- cester, two places separated by York River, and nearly opposite to each other. The main part of his army was at Yorktown, around which he threw up strong works of defence, and prepared to sustain a siege. To this ex- tremity he was at length reduced. All the troops being assembled, the American and French generals marched from the encampment near Williamsburg, and completely invested Yorktown on the 30th of September. The Americans were stationed on the right, and the French on the left, in a semicircular line, each wing resting on York River. The post at Gloucester was invested by Lauzun's legion, marines from the fleet, and Virginia mi- litia, under the command of M. de Choisy, a brigadier- general in the French service. The siege was carried on by the usual process of opening parallels, erecting batteries, firing shot, throwing shells, and storming redoubts. The enemy were neither idle nor inefficient in their efforts for defence and an- noyance. The principal event was the storming of two redoubts at the same time ; one by a party of the Amer- ican light infantry, the other by a detachment of French grenadiers and chasseurs ; the former headed by Lafayette, the latter by the Baron de Viomenil. They were both successful. The assailants entered the redoubts with the bayonet, in a brave and spirited manner, under a heavy fire from the enemy. The advanced corps of the Amer- -Er. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ican party was led by Colonel Hamilton, " whose well- CHAPTER known talents and gallantry," said Lafayette in his re- xm ' port, "were most conspicuous and serviceable." Colonels 1781. Laurens, Gimat, and Barber were also distinguished in this assault. The besiegers pushed forward their trenches, and kept cessation of ,. 1-1 -11 1 *t i f hostilities. up an incessant fire from their batteries, till the 17th of October, when, about ten o'clock in the morning, the en- emy beat a parley, and Lord' Cornwallis sent out a note to General Washington proposing a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, and the appointment of commis- sioners on each side to settle the terms for surrendering the posts of Yorktown and Gloucester. In reply General Washington requested, that, as a preliminary step, his Lordship would communicate in writing the terms on which he proposed to surrender. This was complied with, and hostilities ceased. The basis of a capitulation, furnished by the British Basis O f a . . '. ' -. capitulation general, was, that the garrisons should be prisoners 01 proposed by . , the British war, with the customary honors ; that the British and Ger- general. man troops' should be sent to Europe, under an engage- ment not to serve against France or America till released or exchanged ; that all arms and public stores should be given up ; that the officers and soldiers should retain their private property ; and that the interest of several individ- uals in a civil capacity should be attended to. This last clause was designed to protect the traders and other Amer- icans, who had joined the enemy. Some of these points not being admissible, General Terms pre- . scribed by Washington transmitted an answer the next day, in which Washington- he sketched the outlines of a capitulation, and informed Lord Cornwallis, that he was ready to appoint commis- sioners to digest the articles. All the troops in the gar- risons were to be prisoners of war, and marched into such parts of the country as could most conveniently pro- vide for their subsistence ; the artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores, with the shipping, boats, and all their furniture and apparel, were to be delivered i2* 342 , LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE-r. 49- CHAPTER up; the officers retaining their side-arms, and both the xm ' officers and soldiers preserving their baggage and effects, 1781. except such property as had been taken in the country, which was to be reclaimed. The surrendering army was to receive the same honors as had been granted by the Articles British to the garrison of Charleston. Upon these general agreed to and signed, terms a treaty was finally adjusted; the commissioners October 19. being Colonel Laurens and the Viscount de Noailles on the part of the Americans and French, and Colonel Dun- das and Major Ross on that of the British. The articles of capitulation were signed on the 19th of October, and in the afternoon of that day the garrisons marched out and surrendered their arms. Traders and The traders within the enemy's lines were not regarded others with- . . iii the ene- as prisoners, and they were allowed a certain time to my's lines. dispose of their property or romore it ; but no provision was made for other persons in a civil capacity within the enemy's lines. At the request of Lord Cornwallis, however, the Bonetta sloop of war was left at his dispo- sal for the purpose of sending an aid-de-camp with de- spatches to Sir Henry Clinton ; and in this vessel, which was suffered to depart without examination, all persons of the above description took- passage for New York ; and thus the British commander was enabled to maintain his good faith towards those, who had joined him in the country, without including them in the terms of capitu- lation. The Bonetta, with her crew, guns, and stores, was to return and be given up. Number of The whole number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, prisoners. . . was somewhat over seven thousand men ; and the British loss during the siege was between five and six hundred. The combined army employed in the siege consisted of about seven thousand American regular troops, upwards of five thousand French, and four thousand "militia. The loss in killed and wounded was about three hundred. The land forces surrendered to General Washington, and became prisoners to Congress ; but the seamen, ships, and naval equipments, were assigned to the French admiral. JET. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 343 The success was more complete, and -more speedily CHAPTER attained, than had been anticipated. The capture of Cormvallis, with so large a part of the British army in 1781. America, occasioned great rejoicings throughout the- coun- congress try, as affording a decisive presage of the favorable ter- SnSuuTks to , the officers mmation 01 the war. Congress passed a special vote of and troops, thanks to each of the commanders, and to the officers and troops. Two stands of colors, taken from the enemy at the capitulation, were given to General Washington, and two pieces of field-ordnance to Count de Rocham- beau and Count de Grasse respectively, as tokens of the national gratitude for their services. Congress moreover resolved to commemorate so glorious an event by causing a marble column to be erected at Yorktown, adorned with emblems of the alliance between France and the United States, and an inscription containing a narrative of the principal incidents of the siege and surrender. General Washington, believing a most favorable op- Washington portunity now presented itself for following up this sue- expedition , T against cess by an expedition against Charleston, wrote a letter Charleston. / to Count de Grasse the day after the capitulation, request- ing him to join in it with his fleet. He also went on board the admiral's ship, as well to pay his respects and offer his thanks for what had already been done, as to explain and enforce the practicability and importance, of this plan. By the instructions from his court, and by his engagements to the Spaniards, Count de Grasse was bound to return to the West Indies without delay, and thus it was not in his power to accede to the proposal. It was then suggested, that he should transport a body of troops to Wilmington, in North Carolina, and land them there while on his voyage. To this he at first made no objection; but, when he ascertained that there would be a difficulty in landing the men without running the risk * of dividing his fleet, or perhaps of being driven off the coast with the troops on board) he declined the under- taking. Lafayette was to command this expedition ; and the purposfe of it was to take a British post at Wilming- 344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 49 CHAPTER XIII. 1781. Marquis de St. Simon. Troops re- tire to their winter can- tonments. Prisoners. Death of Mr. Custis. ton, and then march into the interior and unite with the southern army under General Greene. The troops commanded by the Marquis de St. Simon were embarked, and Count de Grasse set sail for the West Indies. Before his departure, General Washington presented him with two beautiful horses, as a testimony of personal consideration and esteem. As nothing further could be effected by the allied forces during the campaign, a detachment of two thou- sand men, comprising the Continental troops from Penn- sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, was put under General St. Clair, with orders to reinforce General Greene at the south. The troops belonging eastward of Pennsylvania were transported by water to the Head of Elk, whence they marched to their winter cantonments in New Jersey and near Hudson's River. The French army remained in Virginia till the following summer, the head-quarters of Count de Rochambeau being at Williamsburg. The prisoners were marched to Winchester in Virginia, and Fredericktown in Maryland ; and a part of them sub- sequently to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. Lord Cornwallis, and the other principal officers, went by sea to New York on parole. All these affairs being arranged, General Washington left Yorktown on the 5th of November. The same day he arrived at Eltham, where he was present at the death of Mr. Custis, the only son of Mrs. Washington. He stayed there a few days to mingle his grief with that of the afflicted widow and mother. The occasion was not less trying to his sympathy than to his sensibility, for he had watched over the childhood and youth of the de- ceased with a paternal solicitude, and afterwards associat- ed with him as a companion, who possessed his confi- dence and esteem. Mr. Custis was a member of the Virginia legislature, and much respected for his public and private character. He died at the age of twenty- eight, leaving four infant children, the two youngest of whom, a son and daughter, were adopted by General Ah-. 49.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 345 Washington, and they resided in his family till the end CHAPTER of his life. XIIL From Eltham he proceeded by the way of Mount Ver- 1781. non to Philadelphia, receiving and answering various pub- Washington lie addresses while on his journey. The day after his arrival he attended Congress, being introduced into the Nov . 37. hall by two members, and greeted with a congratulatory address by the President. He was requested to remain for some time in Philadelphia, both that he might enjoy a respite from the fatigues of war, and that Congress might avail themselves of his aid, in making preparations for vigorous and timely efforts to draw every advantage from the recent triumph of the allied arms. 44 346 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 49. CHAPTER XIV. Preparations for another Campaign recommended and enforced by General "Washington and approved by Congress. Lafayette returns to France. The Affair of Captain Asgill. Backwardness of the States in recruit- ing the Army. Proposal to General Washington to assume Supreme Power, and his Reply. Sir Guy Carlcton gives Notice, that Negotia- tions for Peace had begun. The French Troops march from Virginia, join General Washington, and afterwards embark at Boston. Dissatis- faction of the Army. The Officers send a Memorial to Congress. The anonymous Addresses at Newburg. Intelligence arrives, that a Treaty of Peace had been signed at Paris. General Washington's Sentiments concerning the civil Government of the Union. His Cir- cular Letter to the States. He makes a Tour to the North. Repairs to Congress at the Request of that Body. His Farewell Address to the Army. The British evacuate New York. Washington resigns his Commission, and retires to private Life at Mount Vernon. FROM the state of affairs at this time, both in Europe and America, it was evident that the war could not be of much longer duration. Considering the temper hitherto manifested by the British cabinet, however, and the spirit with which a large majority of the nation had sustained the ministerial measures, it was generally supposed that another campaign would be tried. This was Washing- ton's belief; and, in his communications to Congress and to persons of influence in various parts of the country, he- urged the importance of being fully prepared. This he regarded as the wisest policy in any event. If the war continued, the preparations would be necessary ; if it ceased, they would have a favorable effect on the nego- tiations for peace. He was apprehensive, that the people, from a mistaken Mons recom- idea of the magnitude of the late success in Virginia, mended. would deceive themselves with delusive hopes, and grow remiss in their efforts. " To prevent so great an evil," said he, " shall be my study and endeavor ; and I cannot CHAPTER XIV. 1782. Another campaign expected. Vigorous prepara- Mi. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 347 but flatter myself, that the States, rather than relax in CHAPTER their exertions, will be stimulated to the most vigorous XIV ' preparations for another active, glorious, and decisive cam- 1782. paign, which, if properly prosecuted, will, I trust, under the smiles of Heaven, lead us to the end of this long and tedious war, and set us down in the full security of the ; great object of our toils, the establishment of peace, lib- erty, and independence. Whatever may be the policy of European courts during this winter, their negotiations will prove too precarious a dependence for us to trust to. Our wisdom should dictate a serious preparation for war, and, in that state, we shall find ourselves in a situation secure against every event." These sentiments met the full concurrence of Congress, congress vote new They resolved to keep up the same military establishment requisitions of troops and as the year before ; and to call on the States to complete supplies. their quotas of troops at an early day. They voted new requisitions of money and supplies. These resolves were adopted with a promptness, zeal, and unanimity, which had rarely been shown on former occasions. To aid in carrying them into effect, it was deemed advisable for the Commander-in-chief to write two circular letters to the governors ,of all the States. The first, relating to finance, was dated on the 22d of January, 1782, and contained arguments for raising money adequate to the public exigencies, particularly the payment and clothing of the troops. The second, dated a week later, exhibited the numbers and condition of the army then in the field, and urged the completing of the quotas according to the requisition of Congress. " To bring the war to a speedy and happy conclusion," circular * letter to the said he, " must be the fervent wish of every lover of his states. country ; and sure I am, that no means are so likely to January 22. effect these as vigorous preparations for another campaign. Whether, then, we consult our true interest, substantial economy, or sound policy, we shall find, that relaxation and languor are of all things to be avoided. Conduct of that kind on our part will produce fresh hopes and new 348 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 50. CHAPTER XIV. 1782. Necessity * of vigorous efforts to recruit the army. January 31. Reasons for prompt exertions to prepare for another campaign. exertions on that of the enemy ; whereby the war, which has already held out beyond the general expectation, may be protracted to such a length, that the people, groaning under the burden of it, and despairing of success, may think any change a change for the better." " However, at this advanced stage of the war, it might seem to be an insult to the understanding to suppose a long train of reasoning necessary to prove, that a respect- able force in the field is essential to the establishment of our liberties and independence j yet, as I am apprehen- sive the prosperous issue of the combined operation in Virginia may have (as is too common in such cases) the pernicious tendency of lulling the country into a lethargy of inactivity and security ; and, as I feel my own repu- tation, as well as the interest, the honor, the glory, and happiness of my country, intimately connected with the event, I will ask the indulgence to speak more freely on those accounts, and to make some of the observations, which the present moment seems to suggest. " The broken and perplexed state of the enemy's- af- fairs, and the successes of the last campaign on our part, ought to be a powerful incitement to vigorous prepara- tions for the next. Unless we strenuously exert ourselves to profit by these successes, we shall not only lose all the solid advantages that might be derived from them, but we shall become contemptible in our own eyes, in 'the eyes of our enemy, in the opinion of posterity, and even in the estimation of the whole world, which will consider us as a nation unworthy of prosperity, because we know not how to make a right use of it. " Although we cannot, by the best concerted plans, absolutely command success, although the race - is not al- ways to the swift nor the battle to the strong, yet with- out presumptuously waiting for miracles to be wrought in our favor, it is our indispensable duty,- with the deepest gratitude to Heaven for the past, and humble confidence in its smiles on our future operations, to make use of all the means in our power for our defence and security. JET. 50.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 349 This period is particularly important, because no circum- CHAPTER If TV stances since the commencement of the war have been so . favorable to the recruiting service as the present, and 1782. because it is to be presumed, from the increase of popu- lation and the brilliant prospects before us, that it is ac- tually in our power to complete the army before the opening of the campaign. , However flattering these pros- pects may be, much still remains to be done, which can- not probably be effected unless the army is recruited to its establishment ; arid consequently the continuance or termination of the war seems principally to rest on the vigor and decision of the States in this interesting point. And, finally, it is our first object of policy, under every supposable or possible case, to have a powerful army early in the field ; for we must suppose the enemy are either disposed to prosecute the war, or to enter into a negotiation for peace. There is no other alternative. On the former supposition, a respectable army becomes neces- sary to counteract the enemy, and to prevent the accumu- lating expenses of a lingering war ; on the latter, nothing but a decidedly superior force can enable us boldly to claim our rights and dictate the law at the pacification. So that, whatever the disposition of the enemy may be, it is evidently our only interest and economy to act liber- ally, and exert ourselves greatly during the present winter to cut off at once all the expenses of the war by putting a period to it. " And soon might that day arrive, and we might hope to enjoy all the blessings of peace, if we could see again the same animation in the cause of our country inspiring every breast, the same passion for freedom and military glory impelling our youths to the field, and the same dis- interested patriotism pervading every rank of men, that was conspicuous at the commencement of this glorious revolution ; and I am persuaded, that only some great oc- casion was wanting, such as the present moment exhibits, to rekindle the latent sparks of that patriotic fire into a generous flame, to rouse again the unconquerable spirit of K2 350 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^ T . 50. CHAPTER liberty, which has sometimes seemed to slumber for a XIV * while, into the full vigor of action." Such were his endeavors to stir up the principal persons French loan, in the several States to what he believed would be the last great effort for the establishment of independence and an honorable peace. Other methods were also used to provide means for prosecuting the war. Succors con- tinued to be received from France, and, by the persever- ing application of Franklin to the French court, a loan of six millions of livres, payable in monthly instalments, was promised for the coming year. After the capitulation at Yorktown, there being no prospect of further active ser- Lafayette vice till the next campaign, the Marquis de Lafayette returns to . . * France. obtained permission from Congress to return on a visit to his native country. Besides passing resolves complimen- tary to his character, zeal, and military conduct, Congress made him the bearer of a letter to the King of France, in which he was commended to the notice of his sove- reign in very warm terms. Much reliance was placed on the representations he would make concerning the state of affairs in America, and on his influence to procure the desired assistance from the French government. The min- isters from the United States in Europe were likewise instructed to confer with the Marquis de Lafayette, and avail themselves of his knowledge and counsels.* Affair of About the middle of April, General Washington left Hud: restored to the army. Nor did he delay to fulfil the pledge he had made, writing to Congress with an earnest- ness and force of argument, which showed him to be 364 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 51. News of peace ar- rives. CHAPTER moved not less by his feelings, than by a sense of duty XIV .. in asserting the rights and just claims of those, who, to 1783. use his own W ords, "had so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered and fought under his direction," and urging a speedy decision in their favor. His representa- tions and appeals were not disregarded. The subject was again considered in Congress, and the requisite num- ber of States voted for the commutation of half-pay, and for the other provisions solicited by the officers in their memorial.* In a few days the joyful news arrived, that a prelim- inary treaty of peace had been signed at Paris. The intelligence was brought in a French vessel from Cadiz, with a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette, who was then at that place preparing for an expedition to the West Indies under Count d'Estaing. Shortly afterwards Sir Guy Carleton communicated the same, as from official authority, and announced a cessation of hostilities. A pro- clamation to this effect was made to the American army on the 19th of April, precisely eight years from the day on which the first blood was shed in this memorable con- test at Lexington. Although the military labors of General Washington were now drawing to a close, in the attainment of the great object to which he had devoted himself with an ardor, constancy, endurance, and singleness of purpose, that had never been surpassed by any commander, yet his anxiety for the future was scarcely diminished. The love of liberty, which had prompted him to such trials and disinterested exertions in the cause .of his country, was equally alive to the success of that cause in building up the fabric of freedom on a firm and durable basis. * The anonymous addresses were from the pen of Major John Arm- strong, at that time an aid-de-camp to General Gates. They were written at the request of several officers, who believed that the tardy proceedings of Congress, and the reluctance of that body to recognise the claims of the public creditors, called for a more decided expres- sion of the sentiments of the army. Jh-. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 365 In a letter to Colonel Hamilton, who was then a dele- CHAPTER gate in Congress from the State of New York, he said; XIV ' " My wish to see the union of these States established 1783. upon liberal and permanent principles, and inclination to washing- .... , ,. ton's re- contribute my mite in pointing out the defects of the marks on . the state of present constitution, are equally great. All my private the country, letters have teemed with these sentiments, and, whenever March si. this topic has been the subject of conversation, I have endeavored to diffuse and enforce them ; but how far any further essay by me might be productive of the wished- for end, or appear to arrogate more than belongs to me, depends so much upon popular opinion, and the temper and dispositions of the people, that it is not easy to de- cide. I shall be obliged to you, however, for the thoughts, which you have promised me on this subject, and as soon as you can make it convenient. No man in the United States is or can be more deeply impressed with the ne- cessity of a reform in our present confederation than myself. No man perhaps has felt the bad effects of it more sensibly ; for to the defects thereof, and want of power in Congress, may justly be ascribed the prolonga- tion of the war, and consequently the expenses occasioned by it. More than half the perplexities I have experienced in the course of my command, and almost the whole of the difficulties and distress of the army, have had their origin here. But still, the prejudices of some, the designs of others, and the mere machinery of the majority, make address and management necessary to give weight to opinions, which are to combat the doctrines of those dif- ferent classes of men in the field of politics." To Lafayette he wrote ; " We are now an independent Letter to people, and have yet to learn political tactics. We are placed among the nations of the earth, and have a char- April s ' acter to establish ; but how we shall acquit ourselves time must discover. The probability is (at least I fear it), that local or State politics will interfere too much with the more liberal and extensive plan of government, which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, 366 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. |>ET. 51. 1783. Plan for a peace estab- lishment. CHAPTER would dictate ; and that we shall be guilty of /nany blun- XIV * ders in treading this boundless theatre, before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art ; in a word, that the experience, which is purchased at the price of diffi- culties and distress, will alone convince us, that the honor, power, and true interest of this country must be measured by a Continental scale, and that every departure there- from weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a new constitution, that will give consistency, sta- bility, and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great council of the nation for general purposes, is a duty incumbent upon every man, who wishes well to his country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of life." The preparation of a plan for a peace establishment, which had been solicited by Congress, and some prelimi- nary arrangements with the British commander in regard to the evacuation of New York, occupied him several weeks. For these latter objects he had a personal con- ference with Sir Guy Carleton at Orangetown. The circular letter, which he wrote to the governors of the States, as his last official communication, and which was designed to be laid before the several legislatures, is remarkable for its ability, the deep interest it manifests for the officers and soldiers, who had fought the battles of -their country, the soundness of its principles, and the wisdom of its counsels. Four great points he aims to enforce as essential in guiding the deliberations of every public body, and as claiming the serious attention of eve- ry citizen, namely, an indissoluble union of the States; a sacred regard to public justice ; the adoption of a proper military peace establishment ; and a pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the States, which should induce them to forget local prejudices, and incline them to mutual concessions for the advantage of the community. These he calls the pillars by which alone independence and national character can be supported. On each of these Circular let- ter to the States. June 8. JET. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. % 367 topics he remarks at considerable length, with a felicity CHAPTER of style and cogency of reasoning in all respects worthy . of the subject. No public -address could have been better 1783 adapted to the state of the times ; and coming from such a source, its influence on the minds of the people must have been effectual and most salutary. Many of the troops went home on furlough; and Gen- Tour to the eral Washington, having little to do in camp till the arri- val of the definitive treaty, resolved to employ the interval in making a tour to the northward, for the double purpose of gratifying his curiosity in visiting the scenes of the late military operations in that quarter, and of ascertaining from observation the natural resources of the country. In company with Governor Clinton he ascended the Hudson to Albany, and proceeded thence over the battle-fields of Saratoga, as far as Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Turn- ing then to the Mohawk River, he extended his journey westward to Fort Schuyler. He was absent from New- burg nineteen days. Ever regarding the condition and affairs of his country on a comprehensive scale, and fixing his thoughts on. its importance as a nation, he saw, while on this tour, the immense advantages that would result from a water communication between the Hudson and the great lakes, and believed in its practicability. His hopes and his anticipations have since been realized in the magnificent work, opening a passage for boats by a canal from the Hudson to Lake Erie, and effected by the enterprise and wealth of the State of New York. When he returned to Newburg, he found a letter from Attends the President of Congress, asking his attendance on that Princeton, assembly, then in session at Princeton. The object of this request was, to consult him on the arrangements for peace, and other public concerns. While he was making preparations to leave camp, Congress conferred on him new honors. It was voted unanimously, that an eques- trian statue of General Washington should be erected at the place where the residence of Congress should be estab- lished, and that it should be executed by the best artist 368 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JE T . 51. CHAPTER in Europe, under the superintendence of the Minister of Llv ' the United States at the Court of Versailles.* 1783> Leaving the army under the immediate command of Addressed General Knox, the officers higher in rank having gone by the Presi- . . , .. dent of con- home by permission, Washington obeyed the summons of Congress, and went to Princeton, where he was intro- duced into the assembly while in session by two of the members appointed for the purpose. He was then ad- dressed by the President, who congratulated him on the success of the war, in which he had acted so conspicu- ous and important a part. " In other nations," said the President, " many have performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks of the public. But to you, Sir, peculiar praise is due. Your services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the freedom and 1 independence of your country. They deserve the grateful acknowledgments of a free and independent na- tion." To this address Washington replied in the pres- ence of Congress, and then retired. A house was pro- vided for him at Rocky Hill, three or four miles from Princeton, where he resided, holding conferences from time * The following is the description of this statue, as contained in the Journals of Congress. " Resolved, that the statue be of bronze ; the General to be represented in a Roman dress, holding a truncheon in his right hand, and his head encircled with a laurel wreath ; the statue to be supported by a marble pedestal, on which are to be represented, in basso-rtlievo, the following principal events of the war, in which General Washington commanded in person ; namely, the evacuation of Boston ; the capture of the Hessians at Trenton ; the battle of Prince- ton ; the action of Monmouth ; and the surrender of York. On the up- per part of the front of the pedestal to be engraved as follows ; ' The United States in Congress assembled, ordered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Washington, the illus- trious Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States of America during the war, which vindicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty, and independence.'" The intention of this resolve was not fulfilled. But Congress have recently voted a colossal statue in marble, which is to be executed by Greenough, the distinguished American artist at Florence. It is to occupy the centre of the great rotunda in the Cap- itol at the seat of the national legislature. Vol.V.t>58. JSATTLH ^Er. 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 369 to time with committees and rrfembers of Congress, and CHAPTER giving counsel on such subjects as were referred to his consideration. 1783. A large part -of the officers and soldiers had been per- Disbanding ii. ,, ~ of the army. initted during the summer to retire irom the army on iur- lough, and Congress issued a proclamation, on the 18th of October, discharging them from further service, and all others who had been engaged to serve during the war. The army was thus in effect disbanded. A small force only was retained, consisting of such troops as had been enlisted for a definite time, till the peace establishment should be organized. This proclamation was followed by General Washing- washing. ton's farewell address to the army, a performance not less weif address n . , , . , . to the army. admirable in its principles and its objects, than his circu- lar letter to the States. To his cordial and affectionate thanks for the devotedness of the officers and soldiers to him through the war, and for the manner in which they had discharged their duty, he adds seasonable advice as to their conduct in resuming the character of private citi- zens, and in contributing to the support of civil govern- ment. " Let it be known and remembered," said he, " that the reputation of the federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence ; and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still incite the men, who composed them, to honorable actions ; under the persua- sion, that the private virtues of economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enter- prise were in the field. Every one may rest assured, that much, very much, of the future happiness of the officers and men will depend upon the wise and manly conduct, which shall be adopted by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community. And, although the General has so frequently given it as his opinion in the most public and explicit manner, that, un- less the principles of the Federal Government were proper- ly supported, ancf the powers of the Union increased, the 47 M2 370 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [Mr. 51. CHAPTER XIV. 1783. Sir Gay Carleton re- ceives or- ders to evac- uate New York. Washington takes pos- session of New York. Nov. 25. honor, dignity, and justice of the nation would be lost for ever; yet he cannot help repeating, on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his last injunc- tion to every officer and every soldier, who may view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow citizens towards effecting, these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends." At length Sir Guy Carleton received orders from the ministry to evacuate New York, and gave notice to Gen- eral Washington that he should soon be ready for that event. Delay had been occasioned by the want of trans- ports in sufficient numbers to send to Nova Scotia the refugees, who had sought protection in New York during the war, and the large amount of goods, stores, and mili- tary supplies, which had accumulated in that city. Many of these persons would gladly have remained in the coun- try, having property which they desired to recover, and relatives and friends whom they were reluctant to aban- don ; but they were exiled by the laws of the States, and could not be admitted to the privileges of a residence till these laws were repealed. Washington repaired to West Point, to which place General Knox had drawn the troops, that still remained in the service. Arrangements were made with Governor Clinton, the chief magistrate of the State of New York, by which the city was to be delivered into his charge. A detachment of troops marched, from West Point to Haerlem, and was joined there by General Washington and Governor Clinton. In the morning of the 25th of No- vember, they advanced to the upper part of the city, where they continued till one o'clock, when the British parties retired from the posts in that quarter, and were followed by the American infantry and aftillery, preceded by a corps of dragoons. Meantime the British troops em- barked. Possession being thus taken of the city, the mili- tary officers, and the civil officers of the State, made a public entry. The General and Governor rode at the JE T . 51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 371 head of the procession on horseback. Then came in CHAPTER regular succession the lieutenant-governor and members . '_ of the council, General Knox and the officers of the army, 1783. the speaker of the assembly and citizens. They were escorted by a body of Westchester light-horse, as a com- pliment to the Governor and civil authority ; the Conti- nental military jurisdiction being supposed to have ceased, or at least to have been suspended in deference to the civil power of the State. Governor Clinton gave a public entertainment, with which the transactions of the day were closed. Perfect order and quiet prevailed from the beginning to the end, and no untoward incident occurred to mar the interest of an occasion, which had been so long wished for, and was so joyfully welcomed. A trial of feeling now awaited the Commander-in-chief, Hiaiwt 7 meeting which for the moment was more severe and painful, than ^the officers. any he had been called to bear. The time had arrived, Dec. 4. when he was to bid a final adieu to his companions in arms, to many of whom he was bound by the strongest ties of friendship, and for all of whom he felt a lively gratitude and sincere regard. " This affecting interview took place on the 4th of December. At noon, the princi- pal officers of the army assembled at Frances's tavern, soon after which their beloved commander entered the room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them and said, ' With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish, that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have been glorious and honorable.' Having drunk, he added, { I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand.' General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable of utterance, grasped his hand, and embraced him. In the same affectionate manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tear of manly sen- sibility was in every eye ; and not a word was articulat- ed to interrupt the dignified silence, and the tenderness LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^-r. 51. CHAPTER of the scene. Leaving the room, he passed through the XIV- corps of light infantry, and -walked to White Hall, where 1783. a barge waited to convey him to Paulus Hook. The whole company followed in mute and t solemn procession, with dejected countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy, which no language can describe. Having entered the barge, he turned to the company, and, wav- ing his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They paid him the same affectionate compliment ; and, after the barge had left them, returned in the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled." * Resigns his Congress had adjourned from Princeton to Annapolis in commission to congress. Maryland. Washington travelled slowly to that place, Dec. 25. greeted everywhere on the road by the acclamations of his fellow citizens, and the most gratifying tpkens of their love and respect. As he passed along, public addresses were presented to him by the legislatures of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, the Philosophical Society and University in Philadelphia, citizens of towns in their corporate capacity, religious societies, and various incorpo- rated associations. Arrived at the seat of Congress, he ' informed the President, that he was ready to resign the commission, with which he had been honored in the ser- vice of his country. This ceremony was performed in the Hall of Congress on the 23d of December, all the members and a large concourse of spectators being pres- ent. At the close of his address on this occasion, he said ; " Having now finished the Avork assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action ; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose or- ders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." He then advanced and gave his commission into the hands of the President, who replied to his address. The ceremony being ended, he withdrew from the assembly, divested of his official character, and sustaining no other rank than that of a private citizen. * MARSHALL'S Life of Washington, 2d ed., Vol. II. p. 57. jEr.51.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373 The next morning he left Annapolis and reached Mount CHAPTER Vernon the same day, having been absent in the com- v ' mand of the army somewhat more than eight years and 178 3. a half, during which period he had never been at his Retires to private life own house except accidentally while on his way with "Jj;" 1111 ' Count de Rochambeau to Yorktown, and in returning from that expedition.* * For an account of General Washington's expenses during the time he had command of the army, see APPENDIX, No. III. 374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 51. 1784. Devotes himself to his private affairs. CHAPTER XV. He declines receiving pecuniary Compensation for his public Services. His Feelings on being relieved from the Burden of Office. Devotes him- self to Agriculture. Makes a Tour to the Western Country. His ex- tensive Flans for internal Navigation. These Plans adopted by the State of Virginia. Visit of the Marquis de Lafayette to America. Washing- ton refuses to accept a Donation from the State of Virginia. His liberal Acts for the Encouragement of Education Approves the Countess of Huntington's Scheme for civilizing and Christianizing the Indians. His Operations in Farming and Horticulture Visiters at Mount Vernon. His Habits. Houdon's Statue. Condition of the Country and Defects of the Confederacy. Washington's Sentiments thereon. First Steps towards effecting a Reform. Convention at Annapolis. Proposal for a general Convention, and Washington appointed a Delegate from Virginia. His Reasons for wishing to decline. Society of the Cincinnati. Washington accepts the Appointment as Delegate. Attends the Conven- tion, is chosen its President, and affixes his Name to the New Constitu- tion. His Opinion of the Constitution. It is adopted by the People. Washington chosen the first President of the United States. GENERAL WASHINGTON believed his career as a public man to be now at an end. He seems indeed to have formed a resolution never again to leave his retirement, unless called out by some great exigency in the affairs of his country, which at that time he neither foresaw nor expected. However much he might have been gratified with the honors bestowed upon him by his countrymen, with the success of his long and unwearied services, and the applause of the whole civilized world, it was never- theless with a heartfelt delight which none of these could give, that he returned to the quiet scenes and congenial employments of private life. For we may here repeat what has been said in a former part of this narrative, that no occupations interested him so much, or engaged his thoughts so constantly, as those of the practical agri- culturist. He was fond of adorning and improving his grounds as an amusement, and was devoted to the culti- JET. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 375 vation of his farms, upon a thorough, economical, and sys- CHAPTER tematic plan, both as a means of increasing his property, xv> and as being suited to his tastes and early habits. 1784. His first care, after establishing himself at Mount Ver- non, was to examine minutely into the state of his private affairs, which had become deranged by his long absence and the disorders of the times. His fortune was ample for a republican citizen, and a man who derived neither consequence nor pleasure from display, but it had neces- sarily suffered a diminution during the war. Adhering rigidly to the resolution he had formed, when he accepted the command of the army, not to receive any remunera- tion from the public, either in the shape of pay or other pecuniary reward, he now considered it a duty to repair the losses he had sustained, as well by economy in his style of living, as by all the usual efforts to increase the > productiveness of his estates. Some of his countrymen, estimating his services to the Refuses to ... ,. . ...... receive re- pubuc at their just value, and knowing the injury his pri- numeration vate affairs had suffered in consequence of them, hoped to c services. change his purpose of refusing pecuniary compensation. A few days before he resigned his commission, the Su- preme Executive Council of Pennsylvania sent the follow- ing instructions on this subject to the delegates in Congress from that State. " Though his Excellency General Washington proposes in a short time to retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his character so splendid and venerable, that, it is highly probable, the admiration and esteem of the world may make his life in a very considerable de- gree public, as numbers will be desirous of seeing the great and good man, who has so eminently contributed to the happiness of a- nation. His very services to his country may therefore subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude to interpose. " We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and generosity of his soul. He thinks himself amply re- warded for all his labors and cares, by the love and 376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 52. CHAPTER prosperity of his fellow citizens. It is true, no rewards they can bestow can be equal to his merits. But they ought not to suffer those merits to be burdensome to him. We are convinced that the people of Pennsylvania would regret such a consequence. " We are aware of the delicacy, with which this subject must be treated. But, relying upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it may engage their early attention." These instructions were received by the delegates, and a copy was forwarded to General Washington after he had arrived at Mount Vernon. It was not thought advisable to lay them before Congress, or take any steps in fulfil- ling them, without his previous knowledge and approba- tion. In this case, as in every other, he acted consistently with his character. He promptly declined the intended favor. All proceedings on the subject were accordingly* stopped. There can be no doubt, that the sentiments of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania would have been responded to by the whole nation, and that a liberal grant from Congress would everywhere have met with a cordial assent. The feelings of Washington, on being relieved from the solicitude and burdens of office, were forcibly ex- pressed in letters to his friends. " At length," said he, February i. in writing to Lafayette, " I am become a private citizen, on the banks of the Potomac ; and, under the shadow of my own vine and my own figtree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of public life^ I am sol- acing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. I have not only retired from all public employments, but His feelings on being re- lieved from* the burdens of office. Kr. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 377 I am retiring within myself, and shall he ahle to view CHAPTER the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with ' a heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of nojie, I am deter- 1784. mined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order for my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers." To General Knox he wrote; "I am just beginning to Letter to experience that ease and freedom from public cares, which, Knox. however desirable, takes some time to realize ; for, strange February 20. as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was not till lately I could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day ; and of my surprise at find- ing, after revolving many things in. my mind, that I was no longer a public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed, and from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an eager eye the mean- ders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way ; and into which none but the all-power- ful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have pre- vented his falling." The time and thoughts of Washington were now con- Hospitality fined to his farms, and to such acts of hospitality as were vemon. demanded by the numerous visits from strangers and 4iis acquaintances, who were drawn to Mount Vernon by mo- tives of curiosity, admiration, and respect. However oner- ous these visits might be, on some occasions, his house was open to all that came, and his personal civilities were so rendered as to strengthen the affections of his friends, and win the esteem of those, who had known him only by his fame, and revered him for his public character. And it is but just to say, that in all these duties Mrs. Washington performed her part with such discretion, assi- duity, and courtesy, without ostentation on the one hand 48 2* 378 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1784 Makes a tour to the Western country. CHAPTER or constraint on the other, as, at the same time that it proved the goodness of her heart and her power to please, insured the comfort and enjoyment of her guests, and con- vinced them of the domestic harmony and happiness, that reigned in the mansion at Mount Vernon. In the month of September, 1784, Washington made a tour to the Western country, for the purpose of inspect- ing the lands he owned beyond the Allegany Mountains, and also of ascertaining the practicability of opening a communication between the head waters of the rivers run- ning eastward into the Atlantic, and those that flow west- ward to the Ohio. The extent of this journey was six hundred and eighty miles, the whole of which he travel- led on horseback, using pack-horses for the conveyance of a tent, the necessary baggage, and such supplies as could not be procured in the wild and unsettled regions through which he was to pass. He crossed the mountains by the usual route of Braddock's Road, and spent sev- eral days in surveying and inspecting his lands on the Monongahela River, a part of which was occupied by set- tlers. His first intention was to descend the Ohio, as he had done in the year 1770, to the Great Kenhawa, where he owned a large tract of wild land ; but the hos- tile temper of the Indians rendering this expedition haz- ardous, and the motive not being strong enough to induce him to run risks, he advanced westward no farther than the Monongahela. Returning by a circuitous route, he parsed through the heart of the wilderness, first ascending the Monongahela River, and thence traversing the coun- try far to the south between the ridges of the Allegany Mountains, with the special view of deciding the question in his own mind, whether the Potomac and James Rivers could be connected by internal navigation with the west- ern waters. He conversed on the subject with every in- telligent person he met, and kept a journal in which he recorded the results of his observations and inquiries. His thoughts had been turned to this enterprise before the revolution ; and, since the peace, he had used un- JEi. r,2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 379 wearied diligence by an extensive correspondence to pro- CHAPTER cure facts respecting the rivers falling into the Ohio from xv ' the west, and into the great Lakes, and also the distances 1784. from various navigable points in those rivers and lakes to Letter to th legislature of the head waters of the streams flowing towards the Atlan- Virginia on internal tic. Soon after returning from his western tour, he com- navigation, municated to the governor of Virginia the fruits of his investigations in a letter, one of the ablest, most saga- cious, and most important productions of his pen. Pre- senting first a clear state of the question, and showing the practicability of facilitating the intercourse of trade between the east and the west by improving and ex- tending the water communications, he then proceeds by a train of unanswerable argument and illustration to explain the immense advantages, that would arise from such a measure, in strengthening the union of the States, multi- plying the resources of trade, and promoting the prosperity of the country. " I need not remark to you," said he, " that the flanks Armenia and rear of the United States are possessed by other pow- animer- course with ers, and formidable ones too ; nor how necessary it is to the western States. apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union October 10. together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it, which lies immediately west of us, with the middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people ? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Span- iards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, in- stead of throwing stumblingblocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance ? What, when they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens); will be the 'consequence of their having formed close connexions with both or either of those powers, in a commercial way ? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. 380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [.Ex. 52. CHAPTER XV. 1784. " The western States (I speak now from my own ob- servation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards, very impolitical- ly I think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way ; and they looked that way for no other reason, than be- cause they could glide gently down the stream ; without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform it in ; and be- cause they have no other means of corning to us but by long land transportations and unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers ; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the Spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us ; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it. " A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of Great Britain, on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that country, and embrace the present mo- ment to establish it. It only wants a beginning. The western inhabitants would do their part towards its execu- tion. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of foreign- ers, or be made dependent upon them ; which would JET. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 381 eventually either bring on a separation of them from us, CHAPTER or a war between the United States and one or the other xv> of those powers, most probably with the Spaniards." 1784. At this time the State of Virginia, being large and surveys of the western powerful, stretching on one side to the Atlantic ocean rivers rec- omincndeu. and on the other to the western waters, and having in its bosom two noble rivers descending from the summits of the Alleganies, he thought the most favorably situated for beginning the great work. He recommended, there- fore, as a preliminary step, that commissioners should be appointed to survey the Potomac and James Rivers from tide-water to their sources, and the portages between them and the principal western streams, following these streams to their junction with the Ohio, measuring with accuracy the distances, noting the obstructions to be re- moved, and estimating the probable expense. "He also advised a similar survey of the rivers west of the Ohio as far as Detroit. " These things being done," said he, '' I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, and finally, if reason and nature, thus aided, do not dictate what is right and proper to be done." The governor laid this letter before the legis- lature. It was the first suggestion of the great system of internal improvements, which has since been pursued in the United States. A short time before his journey to the west, Wash- visit of La- ington had the satisfaction of receiving at Mount Vernon Mount ? the Marquis de Lafayette, for whom he cherished the warmest friendship, heightened by gratitude for the dis- interestedness and ardor with which he had espoused the cause of American freedom, and the signal services he had rendered. Two or three months were passed by Lafayette in the middle and eastern States, and in No- vember he arrived at Richmond in Virginia. Washington met him at that place, where they were both received with public honors by the legislature then in session. They returned together to Mount Vernon ; and, when Lafayette's visit was concluded, Washington accompanied him on his way to Annapolis. 382 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Er. 52. CHAPTER In a letter to Lafayette's wife he said ; " We restore xv . the Marquis to you in good health, crowned with wreaths 1784. O f i ove an d respect from every part of the Union." The Departure of parting of the two friends was affecting, and showed the Lafcyette. r strength of the ties by which they were united. As soon Dec. s. as he reached home, Washington wrote to him as fol- lows. " In the moment of our separation, upon the road as I travelled, and every hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connexion, and your merits have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages .separated, whether that was the last sight I ever should have of you ? And, though I wished to say No, my fears an- swered Yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more j that I was now descending the hill I had been fifty- two years climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good constitution, I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again." This melancholy presage was fulfilled. They never met afterwards. But their at- tachment remained indissoluble, and Washington lived to sympathize in the misfortunes of his friend, and to have the consolation of using all the means in his power to rescue him from the sufferings he so long endured in a cruel imprisonment, companies The hopes of General Washington, in regard to his for internal _-''. . ... naTigation favorite scheme of internal navigation, were more than organized. realized. The legislature of Virginia, after duly consider- ing his letter to the governor, not only appointed the commission for surveys, but organized two companies, called the Potomac Company and the James River Com- pany, for the purpose of carrying the plan into effect. They moreover complimented him without a dissenting voice, by a donation of fifty shares in the former com- pany, and one hundred shares in the latter ; the fifty ^T. 52.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 383 shares being estimated at ten thousand dollars, and the CHAP-TEH others at five thousand pounds sterling. Aware of his xv ' delicacy on the subject of receiving money from the pub- 1785. lie, the legislature contrived to frame the preamble of the act in such language, as, it was hoped, would remove his scruples. " It is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the unexampled merits of George Washington towards his country ; and it is their wish in particular, that those great works for its improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made monuments also of the gratitude of his country." If he was highly gratified, as he must have been, with Washington this public testimony of affection and respect, he was cemngado- 11 i i i ivr i i i i nation from scarcely less embarrassed by it. Not that he hesitated, Virginia. as to the course he should pursue, but the grant had been made in so liberal a manner, and from motives so pure, that he feared a refusal might be regarded in an unfavorable light, as evincing either ingratitude to his friends, or a disposition to gain applause by a show of disinterestedness, unusual if not unnecessary. He stated his difficulties freely in private letters to the governor, and to some of the principal members of the legislature ; declaring, at the same time, that he could not, consist- ently with his principles, accept the proffered gift in such a way, that he should derive from it any emolument to himself. A positive decision was not required till the next session of the legislature, when he wrote officially to the governor declining the grant ; but, lest the opera- tions of the companies should be retarded by withdrawing , the subscriptions for the shares, which had been made by the treasurer on his account, he suggested, that, if the Assembly should think proper to submit to him the appropriation of them for some object of a public nature, he would accept the trust. His proposition was cheerfully 384 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 53. CHAPTER XV. 1785. Contributes to the sup- port of edu- cation. Appointed chancellor of William and Mary College. acceded to ; and, by an act of the Assembly, the shares were assigned to such public objects, as he should direct during his life, or by his last will and testament. The purpose, which he first had in view, was the en- couragement of education, and this purpose was ultimately accomplished. Some time before his death, he made over the shares in the James River Company to an institution in Rockbridge County, then called Liberty Hall Academy. The name has since been changed to Washington College. The fifty shares in the Potomac Company he bequeathed in perpetuity for the endowment of a university in the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the govern- ment ; and, if such a seminary should not be established by the government, the fund was to increase till it should be adequate, with such other resources as might be ob- tained, for the accomplishment of the design. The es- tablishing of a national university was always one of his favorite schemes. He recommended it in his messages to Congress, and often in his letters spoke of the advan- tages, which would be derived from it to the nation.* It may here be added, that he was a zealous advocate for schools and literary institutions of every kind, and sought to promote them, whenever an opportunity offered, by his public addresses and by private benefactions. In this spirit he accepted the chancellorship of William and Mary College, being earnestly solicited by the trustees. In his answer to them, accepting the appointment, he said ; " I rely fully in your strenuous endeavors for placing the system on such a basis, as will render it most beneficial to the State and the republic of letters, as well as to the more extensive interests of humanity and religion." The * The donation to Washington College has been productive, and the proceeds arising from it have contributed essential aid to that institu- tion. No part of the other fund has been as yet employed for liter- ary purposes. The Potomac Company seems to have been merged in the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company. The shares appropriated by Washington's will are doubtless held in trust by the latter company for their destined object. iEr. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 385 chancellor's duty consisted chiefly in suggesting and ap- CHAPTER proving measures for the management of the college, and xv ' in recommending professors and teachers to fill vacancies 1785. in the departments of instruction. The acts of charity by which he contributed from his Donation for private means to foster education were not few nor small, tion or imii- During many years, he gave fifty pounds annually for the sionaries should establish themselves. A scheme, prompt- 1785. e( j by motives so pure, and founded on so rational a basis, gained at once the approbation and countenance of Washington. He wrote to the President of Congress, and to the governors of some of the States, expressing favor- able sentiments of Lady Huntington's application. Politi- cal and local reasons interfered to defeat the plan. In the first place, it was thought doubtful whether a colony of foreigners settled on the western frontier, near the En- glish on one side and the Spaniards on the other, would in the end prove conducive to the public tranquillity. And, in the next place, the States individually had ceded all their wild lands to the Union, and Congress were not certain that they possessed power to grant any portion of the new territory for such an object. Hence the pro- ject was laid aside, although Washington offered to fa- cilitate it as far as he could on a smaller scale, by allow- ing settlers to occupy his own lands, and be employed according to Lady Huntington's views. His farming In the spring of 1785, he was engaged for several operations. ...... , ,, ,,- ., weeks in planting his grounds at Mount Vernon with trees and shrubs. To this interesting branch of husbandry he had devoted considerable attention before the war, and during that period he had endeavored to carry out his plans of improvement. In some of his letters from camp, he gave minute directions to his manager for removing and planting trees ; but want of skill and other causes prevented these directions from being complied with, ex- cept in a very imperfect manner. The first year after the war, he applied himself mainly to farming operations, with the view of restoring his neglected fields and com- mencing a regular system of practical agriculture. He gradually abandoned the cultivation of tobacco, which exhausted his lands, and substituted wheat and grass, as better suited to the soil, and in the aggregate more profit- able. He began a new method of rotation of crops, in which he studied the particular qualities of the soil in *<**. '" < * : S\J >&K/4^*.s 386 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ CHAPTBR a tract of wild lands upon which her emigrants and mis- xv> sionaries should establish themselves. A scheme, prompt- 1785. " e( j by motives so pure, and founded on so rational a basis, gained at once the approbation and countenance of Washington. He wrote to the President of Congress, and to the governors of some of the States, expressing favor- able sentiments of Lady Huntington's application. Politi- cal and local reasons interfered to defeat the plan. In the first place, it was thought doubtful whether a colony of foreigners settled on the western frontier, near the En- glish on one side and the Spaniards on the other, would in the end prove conducive to the public tranquillity. And, in the next place, the States individually had ceded all their wild lands to the Union, and Congress were not certain that they possessed power to grant any portion of the new territory for such an object. Hence the pro- ject was laid aside, although Washington offered to fa- cilitate it as far as he could on a smaller scale, by allow- ing settlers to occupy his own lands, and be employed according to Lady Huntington's views. HIS farming In the spring of 1785, he was engaged for several operations. ...... , ,,_ -.,- . , weeks in planting his grounds at Mount Vernon with trees and shrubs. To this interesting branch of husbandry he had devoted considerable attention before the war, and during that period he had endeavored to carry out his plans of improvement. In some of his letters from camp, he gave minute directions to his manager for removing and planting trees ; but want of skill and other causes prevented these directions from being complied with, ex- cept in a very imperfect manner. The first year after the war, he applied himself mainly to farming operations, with the view of restoring his neglected fields and com- mencing a regular system of practical agriculture. He gradually abandoned the cultivation of tobacco, which exhausted his lands, and substituted wheat and grass, as better suited to the soil, and in the aggregate more profit- able. He began a new method of rotation of crops, in which he studied the particular qualities of the soil in XT. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 387 the different parts of his farms, causing wheat, maize, po- CHAPTEK tatoes, oats, grass, and other crops to succeed each other . xv " in the same field at stated times. So exact was he m 1785. this method, that he drew out a scheme in which all his fields were numbered, and the crops assigned to them for several years in advance. It proved so successful, that he pursued it to the end of his life, with occasional slight deviations by way of experiment. Having thus arranged and systematized his agricultural occupied in , . . . ., , planting his operations, he now set himself at work in earnest to ex- grounds ai i f i -IT -, Mount Ver- ecute his purpose 01 planting and adorning the grounds . around the mansion-house. In the direction of the left wing, and at a considerable distance, was a vegetable garden ; and on the right, at an equal distance, was another garden for ornamental shrubs, plants, and flowers. Between these gardens, in front of the house, was a spa- cious lawn, surrounded by serpentine walks. Beyond the gardens and lawn were the orchards. Very early in the spring he began with the lawn, selecting the choicest trees from the woods on his estates, and transferring them to the borders of the serpentine walks, arranging them in such a manner as to produce symmetry and beauty in the general effect, intermingling in just pro- portions forest tress, evergreens, and flowering shrubs. He attended personally to the selection, removal, and planting of every tree ; and his Diary, which is very particular from day to day through the whole process, proves that he engaged in it with intense interest, and anxiously watched each tree and shoot till it showed signs of re- newed growth. Such trees as were not found on his own lands, he obtained from other parts of the country, and at length his design was completed according to his wishes. The orchards, gardens, and green-houses were next re- Hispardens plenished with all the varieties of rare fruit-trees, vege- chMd tables, shrubs, and flowering plants, which he could pro- cure. This was less easily accomplished ; but, horticulture being with him a favorite pursuit, he continued during 388 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Er. 53. 1785, His numer- ous avoca- tions. CHAPTER his life to make new accessions of fruits and plants, both xv ' native and exotic. Pruning trees was one of his amuse- ments ; and in the proper season he might be seen almost daily in his grounds and gardens with a pruning-hook or other horticultural implements in his hands. Skilful gar- deners were sought by him from Europe, whose knowl- edge and experience enabled him to execute his plans. Although relieved from public cares, he soon discovered, that the prospect, which he had so fondly cherished, of enjoying the repose of retirement, was much brighter than the reality. Writing to General Knox, he said, "It is not the letters from my friends, which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. It is references to old matters, with which I -have nothing to do ; applications which oftentimes cannot be complied with ; inquiries which would require the pen of a historian to satisfy ; letters of compliment, as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to ; and the commonplace business, which employs my pen and my time, often disagreeably. Indeed these, with company, deprive me of exercise, and, unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences." The applications, of which he complains, were chiefly from officers or other persons, who had been connected with the army, and who wished to obtain from him certificates of character, or of services rendered during the war, or some other statement from his pen, for the purpose of substantiating claims upon the government. His real at- tachment to all who had served faithfully in the army, as well as his humanity, prompted him to comply with these requests ; but in many cases they were unreasonable, and in all troublesome, as they required an examination of his voluminous papers, and a recurrence to facts which often could not be easily ascertained. And then his cor- respondence on topics of public interest, friendship, and civility, with persons in Europe and America, was very extensive. Add to this, his private affairs, the keeping of accounts, and his letters of business. For more than two T. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 years after the close of the war he had no clerk or secre- CHAPTER "VV tary, and he was therefore incessantly emp!6yed in writ- , ing. At length this labor was in some degree lessened 1785. by the aid of Mr. Lear, who became his secretary, and . resided in his family many years on terms of intimate friendship. The multitude of visiters at Mount Vernon increased, visiters at Mount Ver- They came from the Old World and the New. Among non. them were foreigners of distinction, particularly from France and other countries on the continent of Europe, bringing letters of introduction from the Marquis de La- fayette, Count de Rochambeau, Count d'Estaing, and some of the other general officers, who had served in America. The celebrated authoress and champion of lib- erty, Catherine Macaulay Graham, professed to have cross- ed the Atlantic for the sole purpose of testifying in per- son her admiration of the character and deeds of Wash- ington. His own countrymen, in every part of the Union, as may well be supposed, were not less earnest in their good will, or less ready to prove their respect and attach- ment. Some came to keep alive friendship, some to ask counsel on public affairs, and many to gratify a natural and ardent curiosity. This throng of visiters necessarily demanded much of his time ; but in other respects the task of receiving them was made easy by the admirable economy of the household under the management of Mrs. Washington. His habits were uniform, and nearly the same as they HU daily had been previously to the war. He rose before the sun, and employed himself in his study, writing letters or read- ing, till the hour of breakfast. When breakfast was over, his horse was ready at the door, and he rode to his farms and gave directions for the day to the managers and la- borers. Horses were likewise prepared for his guests, whenever they chose to accompany him, or to amuse themselves by excursions into the country. Returning from his fields, and despatching such business as happen- ed to be on hand, he went again to his study, and con- o2* 390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 53. CHAPTER tinued there till three o'clock, when he was summoned to dinner. The remainder of the day and the evening 1785. were devoted to company, or to recreation in the family circle. At ten he retired to rest. From these habits he seldom deviated, unless compelled to do so by particular circumstances. Houdon's The State of Virginia having resolved to erect a statue statue of . D Washington, in honor of General Washington, the governor was author- ized to employ an artist in Europe to execute it. Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jefferson, then in Paris, were commis- sioned to select the artist and make the contract. They chose M. Houdon, who was accounted one of the first statuaries of his time. It was the intention, that the statue should bear an exact resemblance to the original. M. Houdon engaged in the undertaking with great en- thusiasm, and came to America in the same vessel, that conveyed Dr. Franklin home from his long and brilliant mission to France. He was at Mount Vernon three weeks, in the Month of October, 1785, and modelled a bust of General Washington, as exact in all its lineaments as his skill could make it. The statue is a precise copy of the model, and is undoubtedly the best representation of the original that exists.* * Three statues of Washington have been executed, by three of the most eminent artists in modern times ; the first by Houdon, the second by Canova, and the third by Chantrey. The statue by Houdon stands in the Capitol at Richmond, and is believed to be as perfect a resem- blance of the original, both in the features and the figure, as the sculp- tor's art will admit. The costume is modern, being that in which General Washington was accustomed to appear as Commander-in- chief. Critics have objected to this style* of dress, as neither classical, graceful, nor suited to the dignity of the art. However this may be, it will always give pleasure as presenting an exact representation, and as calling up historical associations. Canova's statue was made for the State of North Carolina. It is in a sitting posture, with a Roman costume. The artist aimed to exhibit his conception of the character, rather than the bodily resemblance, of Washington. This splendid specimen of art has been mutilated, and nearly destroyed, by a fire which consumed the Capitol at Raleigh. Chantrey's statue was pro- cured by a private subscription, and is placed in the Statehouse at ^Ex.53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 However much Washington was devoted to his private CHAPTER " pursuits, so congenial to his taste and so exacting in their claims on his attention, yet neither his zeal for the pub- lie good, nor the importunity of his correspondents, would allow his thoughts to be withdrawn from the political condition of his country. His opinions were asked and his advice was sought by the patriotic leaders in the pub- lic councils, and by such eminent persons as had been his coadjutors in the great work of independence, who now looked with concern upon the system of national govern- ment, which was confessedly inadequate to stand by its own strength, much less to sustain the Union of the States. This union had hitherto been preserved by the pressure of war. It was rather the last resort of a stern necessity, than the spontaneous choice of all the thirteen republics. Peace had taken away its main props, and was fast dis- solving the slender bands by which it was bound togeth- er. Congress was its centre of action ; and this body, imperfectly organized, possessing little real authority, never confident in what it possessed, and often distracted by party discords, had become almost powerless. The confederation had proved itself to be defective in "5CV 1785 - Boston. The costume is a military cloak, which displays the figure to advantage. The effect is imposing and good ; but, instead of con- fining himself to a close delineation of the features, the sculptor, like Canova, has allowed some latitude to his genius in expressing his idea of the character of his subject. The Washington Monu- ment at Baltimore, in memory of the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY, is a tribute worthy of the name, and most honorable to the liberality and public spirit by which it was erected. Innumerable casts have been taken from moulds formed upon Hou- don's bust. It is rare, however, to find an accurate one. The moulds have been so often repeated from imperfect casts, with the attempts of bungling fabricators to correct or improve them, that the features have become changed and distorted, till very little of the original likeness remains, and all the spirit is gone. The busts com- monly sold in Italy are from a different artist, probably some one who came to America after Houdon. Their resemblance to Wash- ington is scarcely perceptible. The best casts from Houdon's bust are those executed by Deville, in the Strand, London. 392 [Mi. 53. CHAPTER XV. 1785. Defects of the confed- eration. Washing- ton's senti- ments on the state of public affairs. October 7. many points absolutely essential to the prosperity of a national government, if not to its very existence. The most remarkable of these defects was the want of power to regulate commerce, and to provide for the payment of debts contracted by the confederacy. Without such power it was impossible to execute treaties, fulfil foreign en- gagements, or cause the nation to be respected abroad j and equally so, to render justice to public creditors at home, and to appease the clamor of discontent and dis- affection, which so glaring a breach of public faith would naturally raise. It was evident to all, that an alarming crisis was near at hand, scarcely less to be dreaded than the war from which the country had just emerged, unless a timely and effectual remedy could be provided. Washington's sentiments were often, freely, arid feelingly expressed. " That we have it in our power," said he, " to become one of the most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy towards one an- other, and keep good faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are ample and increasing, none can deny ; but, while they are grudgingly applied, or not ap- plied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith, and shall sink, in the eyes of Europe, into contempt. It has long been a speculative question among philosophers and wise men, whether foreign commerce is of real advantage to any country ; that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by the convenience and wealth which it brings. But the decision of this question is of very little importance to us. We have abundant reason to be con- vinced, that the spirit of trade, which pervades these States, is not to be restrained. It behoves us then to establish just principles ; and this cannot, any more than other matters of national concern, be done by thirteen heads, differently constructed and organized. The neces- sity, therefore, of a controlling power is obvious ; and why it should be withheld is beyond my comprehension." AT. 53.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 393 Again, in writing to Mr. Jay ; " To be fearful of in- CHAPTER vesting Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample ' authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very 1785. climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Con- Powers of /. -I ,-1 11- i Congress in- gress exert them for the detriment of the public, with- sufficient. out injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents ? By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citi- zens ? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the indi- vidual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of los- ing their popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion, that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and com- mand obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions ar a perfect nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, dis- united States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word through- out the land. If you tell the legislatures they have vio- lated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done? Things cannot go on in the same train for ever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any rev- olution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contin- gencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. " What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing. I am told, that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without hor- ror. From thinking proceeds speaking ; thence to acting 50 398 LIFE OF WASHIN-GTON. 54 1786, Society of the Cincin- nati. on a public theatre, after a public declaration to the con- trary j and it will, I fear, have a tendency to sweep me back into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease are so much desired by me, and so essentially neces- sary." There can be no doubt, that, when he resigned his commission in the army, he firmly believed nothing could again occur to draw him from the retirement, to which he returned with such unfeigned satisfaction, and which no other consideration than the superior claims of his country could induce him to forego. On the present occasion he was not convinced, that his services would be more valuable than those of other citizens, whose ability and knowledge of public affairs, as his modesty would persuade him, better qualified them for the task of de- vising and maturing a system of civil government. There was another objection, also, which seemed to bear with considerable weight on his mind. At the close of the war, some of the officers had formed themselves into an association, called the Society of the Cincinnati, the object of which was to establish a bond of union and fel- lowship between the officers, who had served together during the war, and were then about to be separated, and particularly to raise a permanent fund for the relief of unfortunate members, their widows, and orphans. Al- though Washington was not concerned in forming this society, yet he was well pleased with its benevolent de- sign, and consented to be its president. Unexpectedly to him, however, and to all others connected with it, a very general dissatisfaction arose throughout the country, in re- gard to some of the principles upon which the society was founded. It was to be hereditary in the families of the members ; it had a badge, or order, offensive in repub- lican eyes, as imitating the European orders of knight- hood ; it admitted foreign officers, who had served in America, and their descendants ; it provided for an indefi- nite accumulation of funds, which were to be disposed of at the discretion of the members. Discontents grew into clamorous censures. Pamphlets were written against the r. 54.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 society, and it was denounced as antirepublican, and a CHAPTER dangerous political engine. At the first general meeting, xv ' which was held at Philadelphia in May, 1784, Washing- 1786. ton exerted himself successfully to have the most objec- tionable features altered, and the articles of association were new modelled conformably to his suggestions. After these changes the alarmists were less vehement in their attacks ; but they were not silenced, and the society con- tinued to be looked upon with jealousy and disappro- bation. A second general meeting was to take place in Phila- Washington delphia at the time appointed for the assembling of the presidency of the so- convention. Before receiving notice that he was chosen ciety. a delegate, Washington had written a circular letter to the branches of the Society in the different States, declaring his intention to resign the presidency, and giving reasons why it would be inconvenient for him to attend the gen- eral meeting. He thought himself thus placed in a deli- cate situation. Were he to be present at the convention, the members of the Cincinnati Society might suppose they had just grounds for suspecting his sincerity, or even of charging him with having deserted the officers, who had so nobly supported "him during the war, and always mani- fested towards him uncommon respect and attachment. Having a grateful sense of their affection, and reciprocating in reality all their kind feelings, he was reluctant to put himself in a condition, by which their favorable senti- ments would be altered, or their sensibility in any degree wounded. Again, some of his friends in various parts of the coun- His friends j i i t t ' t ' i i doubt the try expressed themselves doubtmarly in their letters, as to propriety or - ' 3 . his attending the propriety of his going to the convention, and some theconven- advised against it. Many thought the scheme illegal, since there was no provision in the articles of the con- federation for such a mode of revision, and it had not been proposed by Congress. It was feared, therefore, that the doings of the convention would end in a failure, and perhaps in the disgrace of the delegates. They, who 400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2Ex. 54. CHAPTER were perplexed with apprehensions of this sort, were un- xv ' willing that the brilliant reputation of Washington should 1786. b e p u t to the hazard of being tarnished by an abortive experiment, and believed the interests of the country re- quired it to be held in reserve for a more fitting op- portunity. obstacles re- These obstacles, formidable for a time, were at last re- moved. moved. Congress took the subject into consideration, and recommended to the States to send delegates to the con- vention for the purposes mentioned in the Annapolis re- port. Thus the measure was sanctioned by law. Congress likewise appointed the second Monday in May, as the day for the delegates to assemble at Philadelphia. The time was fixed with reference to the meeting of the Cincinnati, which was to be a week earlier, whereby General Wash- ington would be enabled to join his brethren of that fra- ternity, should he think proper, and explain his motives for declining to be again elected president. He resolves After these proceedings, and after it was found that the to attend the convention, more enlightened part of the community very generally approved the scheme of the convention, his friends every- where urged him to accept the appointment as one of the delegates from Yirginia, and he acceded to their wishes. Another circumstance had much influence in bringing him to this decision. It began to be whispered, that the per- sons opposed to the convention were at heart monarchists, and that they were glad to see the distractions of the country increasing, till the people should be weary of them, and discover their only hope of security to consist in a strong government as it was generally called, or, in other words, a constitutional monarchy ; for no one was ever supposed to dream of a despotic power in America. It has been said and believed, that a small party, in de- spair of better things, actually meditated such a project, and turned their eyes to some of the royal families in Europe for a sovereign suited to control the 'jarring ele- ments of republicanism in the United States. However this may be, it is certain that no imagined remedy could ^T. 55.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 have been more severely reprobated by Washington. We CHAPTER have seen with what a stern rebuke the proposal to'be a xv ' king was met by him, even when he literally had the 1787, power of the nation in his hands. From the beginning of the revolution to the end of his life, he was an uncom- promising advocate for a republican system. In the ab- stract he regarded it as the best ; and he had faith enough in the virtue of the people, and in the efficacy of their former habits, to convince him that it might be success- fully established. At all events he was for having the experiment thoroughly tried ; and his whole conduct proves, that, in regard to himself, he was ready to risk his repu- tation, his property, and his life, if necessary, in a cause so momentous to the welfare of his country and to the social progress of mankind. He did not go to the convention unprepared for the nisprepara- , i , TT . , , , ,. tion for act- great work there to be undertaken. His knowledge of ing in the -, , . -i / ! i convention. the institutions of his own country and of its political forms, both in their general character and minute and affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long experience, was probably as complete as that of any other man. But he was not satisfied with this alone. He read the history and examined the principles of the ancient and modern confederacies. There is a paper in his handwriting, which contajns an abstract of each, and in which are noted in a methodical order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority they possessed, their modes of operation, and their defects. The confederacies analyzed in this paper are the Lycian, Amphictyonic, Achaean, Helvetic, Belgic, and Germanic. He also read the standard works on gen- eral politics and the science of government, abridging parts of them, according to his usual practice, that he might impress the essential points more deeply on his mind. He was apprehensive, that the delegates might come to- gether fettered with instructions, which would embarrass and retard, if not defeat, the salutary end proposed. " My wish is," said he, " that the convention may adopt no temporizing expedients, but probe the defects of the 51 P2* 402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. {JE-r.55. CHAPTER constitution to the bottom, and provide a radical cure. xv> whether they are agreed to or not. A conduct of this 1787. j m( j w jQ stamp wisdom and dignity on their proceedings, and hold up a light, which sooner or later will have its influence." Such were the preparations, and such the sentiments, with which he went to the convention. Elected pres- His arrival at Philadelphia was attended with public couvemiou. honors. At Chester he was met by General Mifflin, Speak- Mayi4. el of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and several officers and gentlemen of distinction, who proceeded with him from that place. At Gray's Ferry a company of light- horse took charge of him and escorted him into the city. His first visit was to Dr. Franklin, at that time President of Pennsylvania. All the States were represented in the convention, except Rhode Island ; and, when the body was organized for business, General Washington was elect- ed by a unanimous vote to the president's chair. The convention was in session four months, and the diligence of the members is proved by the fact, -that they sat from five to seven hours a day. The result was the Constitu- tion of the United States, which was proposed to be sub- stituted for the Articles of Confederation. On the 17th of September, 1787, the constitution was signed by all the members present, except three, and forwarded with a letter to Congress. By that assembly it was sent to the State legislatures, for the purpose of being submitted in each State to a convention of delegates chosen by the people, in conformity with a resolve of the general con- vention. constitution The constitution, as it came from the hands of its Jstatw. "' framers, was regarded by no one as theoretically perfect. To form a compact, which should unite thirteen indepen- dent republics into a consolidated government possessing a control over the whole, was not a work of easy attain- ment, even if there had been a uniformity in the pre- viously established systems of the several States. The difficulty was increased by the wide differences in their situation, extent, habits, wealth, and particular interests. JT. 55.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 403 Rights and privileges were to be surrendered, not al- CHAPTER ways in proportion to the advantages which seemed to be promised as an equivalent. In short, the constitution 1787. was an amicable compromise, the result of mutual de- erence and concession. Dr. Franklin said, in a short opinions or Franklin and speech near the close of the convention ; " I consent to Washington. this constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good." And . Washington wrote not long afterwards j " There are some things in the new form, I will readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation ; but I did then conceive, and do now most firmly believe, that in the aggregate it is the best constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, and that this, or a dissolution, awaits our choice, and is the only alternative." Again ; " It appears to me little short of a miracle, that the delegates from so many States, different from each other in their manners, circumstances, and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so little liable to well-founded objections. Nor am I yet such an enthusiastic, partial, or undiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real though not radical defects." Similar sentiments were doubtless entertained by all the constitution ... - . . _-, the best that prominent friends to the constitution. Faulty as it was, could then be made. they looked upon it as the best that could be made, in the existing state of things, and as such they wished it to be fairly tried. It was moreover remarkable, that what one called a defect, another thought its most valuable part, so that in detail it was almost wholly condemned and approved. This was a proof, that there was nothing in it essentially bad, and that it approached very nearly to a just medium. If we judge from the tenor of Wash- ington's letters, after it was sent out to the world, he watched its fate with anxious solicitude, and was animated with joy at the favor it gradually gained with the public and its ultimate triumph. It was universally agreed, that LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 56. CHAPTER his name affixed to the constitution carried with it a most xv ' effective influence on the minds of the people. 1788. The legislatures of all the States, which had been rep- convcn- resented in the general convention, directed State conven- tions of the states for tions to be assembled, consisting of delegates chosen by adopting the constitution. fa e people for the express purpose of deciding on the adoption of the constitution. The ratification of nine States was necessary to give it validity and effect. The conventions in the several States met at different times, and it was nearly a year before the requisite number had passed a decision. In the mean time, both the friends and opponents of the constitution were extremely active. The weight of opinion, however, was found everywhere to preponderate on the side of the constitution. In some of the States it was adopted unanimously, and in nearly all of them the majority was much larger than its most zealous advocates had ventured to hope. Amendments were recommended in some instances, but in none was the ratification clogged by positive conditions of this sort. The same spirit of compromise and mutual concession seemed to prevail, that had been manifested in the gener- al convention. In fine, though the opposition was strong, and upheld by a few of the ablest and best men in the country, yet the popular voice was so decidedly express- ed on the other side, as to afford the most encouraging presages of the successful operation of the new form of government. constitution Each State convention transmitted to Congress a testi- the requisite monial of its ratification, signed by all its members. When number of . . i V .,,. , states. these testimonials had been received from the requisite number of States, an act was passed by Congress ap- pointing a day for the people throughout the Union, to choose electors of a President of the United States, ac- cording to the constitution, and another day for the electors to meet and vote for the person of their choice. The former election was to take place on the first Wednesday in February, 1789, and the latter on the first Wednesday in March following. JET. 56.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 405 / It was no sooner ascertained, that the constitution would CHAPTER probably be adopted, than the eyes of the nation were xv * turned upon Washington, as the individual to be select- 1788. ed for that office, the highest, most honorable, and most The public I mind turned responsible, that could be conferred by the suffrages of a upon wash- ' ington for free people. His reluctance to being farther engaged in tneflwt president. public life was well known, but every one knew also, that he never refused to obey the call of his country, or to make personal sacrifices for the public good. This was a ground of hope and of confidence. In him the whole people would be united. As to other candidates, there would, be differences of opinion, rivalships, and, it was feared, unhappy divisions, that might mar the work so suc- cessfully begun, and perhaps end in its overthrow and ruin. The interest felt in the subject, therefore, was in- tense ; and at no period, even during the struggle of the revolution, was the strong support of Washington more ne- cessary, than at this crisis. The public sentiment was too openly and loudly pro- claimed to be concealed from him. Indeed those of his compatriots and associates, whose intimacy entitled them to use such a freedom, began early to prepare him for the result, by such arguments and advice, as they knew would be candidly considered, and be the best suited to act upon his mind. Some time before the election, in reply to a letter in which the subject had been brought pointedly before him by a gentleman, then a member of Congress, he wrote as follows. " Should the contingency you suggest take place, and iiis reiuc- 111 > i/T-i tance to en- Should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be gagemram . in public overcome by a deference to the reasons and opinions of life. my friends, might I not, after the declarations I have sept. 22. made, (and Heaven knows they were made in the sin- cerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition ? Nay, farther, would there not be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? Now justice to myself and 406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [5/r. 57. CHAPTER tranquillity of conscience require, that I should act a part, xv ' if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. 1789. Nor w jn y OU conceive me to be too solicitous for repu- tation. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if I know myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. " While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my God, my country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamor and unjust censure, which might be expected from some, whose personal en- mity might be occasioned by their hostility to the govern- ment. I am conscious, that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever 1 shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced sea- son of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amuse- ments, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; but a belief, that some other person, who had less pretence, and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself." Suffice it to say, that his scruples yielded to the earnest solicitations of his friends, to mature reflection, and to the counsels of his unerring judgment. The day of elec- tion came, and GEORGE WASHINGTON was chosen, by the unanimous vote of the electors, and probably without a dissenting voice in the whole nation, the first President of the United States. Chosen president of the United States. fir. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 407 CHAPTER XVI. He receives official Notice of being chosen President. His Journey to the Seat of Government at New York. His Oath of Office and Inaugural Speech. Acquaints himself with the State of public Affairs. His At- tention to his private Pursuits. His Manner of receiving Visits and en- tertaining Company. Afflicted with a severe Illness. Death of his Mother. Executive Departments formed, and the Officers appointed. Judiciary System organized. Washington's Opinion of the Supreme Court. His Rule in Appointments to Office. IT being known that the choice of the people had fallen on General Washington for President, he made preparations to begin the duties of the office as soon as his election should be notified to him by the proper au- thority. The 4th of March was assigned as the day for the meeting of Congress, but a quorum did not come together till a month later. The votes of the electors were then opened and counted ; and a special messenger was despatched to Mount Vernon with a letter from the President of the Senate to General Washington, conveying official intelligence of his election. John Adams was at the same time declared to be chosen Vice-President of the United States. Two days after receiving the noti- fication, Washington left home for New York, which was then the seat of Congress. His feelings on this occasion are indicated in the fol- lowing extract from his Diary, written on the day of his departure. " About ten o'clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity j and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and pamful sensa- tions than I have words to express, set out for New York in company with Mr. Thomson and Colonel Hum- phreys, with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations." The whole journey was a 1789. Leaves Mount Ver- non to enter upon his public du- ties. April 16. Journey to the neat of Congress. 408 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XVI. 1789. His public entry into New York. April 23. Takes the oath of office. April 30. kind of triumphal procession. He had hardly left his own house, when he was met by a company of gentlemen from Alexandria, who proceeded with him to that town, where an entertainment was provided for him, and where he received and answered a public address. The people gathered to see him as he passed along the road. When he approached the several towns, the most respectable citizens came out to meet and welcome him ; he was escorted from place to place by companies of militia ; and in the principal cities his presence was announced by the firing of cannon, ringing of bells, and military display. A committee of Congress, consisting of three members of the Senate and five of the House of Representatives, was appointed to meet him in New Jersey and attend him to the city of New York. To Elizabethtown Point came many other persons of distinction, and the heads of the several departments of government. He was there re- ceived in a barge, splendidly fitted up for the occasion, and rowed by thirteen pilots in white uniforms. This was followed by vessels and boats, fancifully decorated, and crowded with spectators. When the President's barge came near to the city, a salute of thirteen guns was fired from the vessels in the harbor, and from the Battery. At the landing he was again saluted by a discharge of ar- tillery, and was joined by the governor and other officers of the State, and the corporation of the city. A proces- sion was then formed, headed by a long military train, which was followed by the principal officers of the State and city, the clergy, foreign ministers, and a great con- course of citizens. The procession advanced to the house prepared for the reception of the President. The day was passed in festivity and joy, and in the evening the city was brilliantly illuminated. The first public act 6f the President was that of tak- ing the oath of office. It was decided by Congress, that this should be done with some ceremony. In the morn- ing of the day appointed, April 30th, at nine o'clock, religious services suited to the occasion were performed 2ET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 409 in all the churches of the city. At twelve the troops CHAPTER paraded before the President's door, and soon afterwards XVL came the committees of Congress and the heads of de- 1789. partments in carriages, to attend him to the Federal Hall, where the two houses of Congress were assembled. The procession moved forward with the troops in front, next the committees and heads of departments, then the Presi- dent in a coach alone, followed by the foreign ministers, civil officers of the State, and citizens. Arrived at the Hall, he ascended to the senate-chamber, and passed thence to a balcony in front of the house, where the oath was administered to him in presence of the people by Chancellor Livingston. The President returned to the senate-chamber, in the midst of loud acclamations from the surrounding throng of spectators, and delivered to the two branches of Congress his Inaugural Speech. He then went on foot to St. Paul's Church, where prayers were read by the bishop, and the ceremonies were closed. Tokens of joy were everywhere exhibited, as on the day of his arrival, and at night there was a display of illu- minations and fireworks. Under auspices thus favorable, Washington entered again upon the career of public life, surrounded and sus- tained by the eminent leaders, who had acted with him in establishing the liberties of his country, and cheered with the conviction of having received the voluntary suf- frage and possessing the good wishes of every American citizen. Yet he was aware, that the task he had under- taken was one of no common responsibility or easy exe- cution. The hopes, and expectations of his countrymen, he knew, were in proportion to the unanimity with which they had crowned him with honors, and laid the burden of their public cares on his shoulders. A new system of government was to be put in action, upon which de- pended the destiny of his country, and with the good or ill success of which his future reputation would be identified. In his inaugural speech, after expressing his deep sense Hisinaugu- 52 ft 2 1 speech. 410 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^Er. 57^ CHAPTER of the magnitude of the trust confided to him, the strug- XVL gles his mind had undergone in deciding to accept it, 1789. ari( j a consciousness of his deficiencies, he added; "In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be aifected. All I dare hope is, that, if in accepting this task I have been too much swayed by a, grateful remembrance - of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapaci- ty, as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated." With these sentiments, and with fervent sup- plications to the Almighty Being, whose guidance and overruling Providence he acknowledged in all the events of his life, he commenced the arduous duties of chief Refuses com- magistrate of the nation. In conformity with the rule to pensationfor !-,,,,,., -t, -, , which he had hitherto adhered, he gave notice to Con- gress, that he should accept no other compensation for his services, than such as would be necessary to defray the expenses of his household and other charges incident to his public station. Examines As the various departments of government under the of e the P heada new system could not be instituted, till Congress had passed laws for their organization and support, the busi- ness belonging to these departments continued to be trans- acted by the officers, who had previously been charged with it. Mr. Jay acted as secretary of foreign affairs, and General Knox as secretary of war. The treasury was under the control of a board of commissioners. The Pres- ident requested from each of them an elaborate report, that he might become acquainted with the actual state of the government in all its foreign and domestic relations. These reports he read and condensed with his own hand, particularly that from the treasury board, till he made him- JET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 411 self master of their contents. In regard to foreign affairs, CHAPTER ^C VI he pursued a still more laborious process. With pen in ' hand he perused from beginning to end the official cor- 1789. respondence, deposited in the public archives, from the date of the treaty of peace at the termination of the war till the time he entered upon the Presidency. These vo- luminous papers he abridged and studied, according to his usual practice, with the view of fixing in his mind every important point that had been discussed, as well as the history of what had been done. Among the private reasons, which had disinclined him im private affairs. to leave his retirement at Mount Vernon, were his grow- ing attachment to agriculture, and his desire to pursue the system adopted for the cultivation of his farms. Since the war he had devoted himself with equal de- light and constancy to this pursuit, and brought his plans into a train, which promised the most satisfactory results. He had procured from Europe the works of the best writers on the subject, which he read with diligence and reflection, drawing from them such scientific principles and practical hints, as he could advantageously use in improving his modes of agriculture. He was resolved to mature his designs, and in the intervals of public duties to bestow a part of his leisure upon that object. With his chief manager at Mount Vernon he left full and mi- nute directions in writing, and exacted from him a week- ly report, in which were registered the transactions of each day on all the farms, such as the number of labor- ers employed, their health or sickness, the kind and quantity of work executed, the progress in planting, sow- ing, or harvesting the fields, the appearance of the crops at various stages of their growth, the effects of the weather on them, and the condition of the horses, cattle, and other live stock. By these details he was made per- fectly acquainted with all that was done, and could give his orders with almost as much precision as if he had been on the spot. Once a week regularly, and sometimes twice, he wrote 412 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 57. CHAPTER to the manager, remarking on his report of the preceding XVI ' week, and adding new directions. These letters frequently 1789. extended to two or three sheets, and were always written Directions with his own hand. Such was his laborious exactness. to the man- .. JET. 57.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 425 nearly twelve millions of dollars, and was due to France, CHAPTER the Hollanders, and a very small part to Spain. The XVI1- domestic debt, due to individuals in the United States for 1789. loans to the government and supplies furnished to the Foreign and 11- mi 11 domestic army, was about forty-two millions. These debts had debt*, been contracted by Congress, arid were acknowledged to be a national charge. There was another description of debts, amounting by estimate to about twenty-five millions of dollars, which rested on a different footing. The States individually had constructed works of defence within their respective limits, advanced pay and bounties to Continental troops and militia, and supplied provisions, clothing, and munitions of war. The secretary proposed, that all the domestic debts, including those of the particular States, should be funded, and that the nation should become responsible for their payment to the full amount. The report was able, perspicuous, and comprehensive, Hamilton's plan for embracing a complete view of the subject, and containing funding the . domestic arguments of great cogency in support of the plan sug- debt, gested. As to the foreign debt, there was no question in the mind of any one, that it ought to be discharged according to the strict letter of the contracts, but in re- gard to the domestic debts a difference of opinion pre- vailed. The secretary endeavored to prove, that no dis- tinction should be admitted, that the expenditures had all been made for national objects, and that in equity the public faith was solemnly pledged for their reimbursement. The obligation was increased by their being " the price of liberty," without which the nation itself could never have attained an independent existence. He argued that the policy of the measure was not less obvious than its justice, that public credit was essential to the support of government under any form, and that this could be main- tained only by good faith in all transactions, and by hon- orably fulfilling engagements. Who would confide in a government, that had refused to pay its debts, or re- spect a nation that had shown a disregard to the prin- 54 R2* 426 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 58. CHAPTER ciples, which constitute the cement of every well ordered VI! * community ? When the report was considered in Congress, it gave femoppoY- 8 " r * se to warm an( i protracted debates. The opponents of <** the secretary's plan were not without plausible reasons. As to the debt contracted by Congress, it was said that the usual maxims could not properly be applied. The evidences of this debt consisted in a paper currency and certificates, which, as there was no gold or silver, the creditors were from the necessity of the case obliged to take. This paper had in most cases passed through many hands, and was immensely depreciated below its nominal value. The original creditors, therefore, and the subse- quent holders, had lost in proportion to the scale of de- preciation. Hence the proposal to assume the whole debt, as it stood on the face of the paper, and pay it to the present holders, was said to be inequitable, inasmuch as these had purchased it at the depreciated value, and had no claim to be remunerated for the losses of the previous holders. Madison's - Mr. Madison proposed a discrimination, by which the purchasers should be paid a certain portion, and the origi- nal holders the remainder. This was objected to as un- just and impracticable. By the form and tenor of the certificates, the debt was made payable to the original creditor or bearer. On these terms they had been sold, and the sellers had relinquished all their claims to the purchasers for what was deemed an equivalent. When the transfers were made, it was understood by both par- ties to be on this principle, and the purchaser took the risk of eventual payment. It was clear, also, that it would be impossible to make the discrimination, except to a limited extent and in a partial manner, since the nu- merous transfers of the original creditors could not be as- certained and examined ; and even at best no provision was offered for the losses of the intermediate holders by the gradual depreciation. After a long debate in the House of Representatives this scheme was rejected. JEr. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 427 Next came up the State debts ; and the proposition to CHAPTER assume them created still greater divisions and heats in ' Congress, and much excitement abroad. It brought into 1790. action all the local prejudices and high-toned doctrines of Debts of the several State rights arid State sovereignty, which had been so states. heavy a stumblingblock in the way of union and con- cord from the beginning of the Revolution. The debts of the respective States were very unequal in amount. This led to an investigation of the services rendered by each, and to invidious comparisons. The project was op- posed as unconstitutional and unjust. Congress, it was said, had no power to take this burden upon the nation. Such an assumption of power was moreover an encroach- ment upon the sovereignty of the States, tending to di- minish their importance, and lead to a consolidation de- structive of the republican system. Each State was re- sponsible for the debts it had contracted, and there was no reason for taxing those States, which owed little, to pay a portion of the large debt of others. It was argued in reply, that, as the expenditures had Reasons for ^ J , . funding the all been for the common cause of the nation, they came state debts, strictly within the legitimate control of Congress ; and also, as the constitution had transferred to the national legislature the entire power of raising funds from duties on imports and the sales of public lands, the principal sources of revenue, it was just that the debts should be paid out of these funds. The States could pay them only by excise duties, or direct taxes, which would be odious to the people and difficult to collect. In any event there must be long delays, and much uncertainty as to the result. The creditors had a right to claim more prompt payment, and better security from the nation. At last the secretary's plan for funding all the domes- Funding 8 ys- tic debts was carried by a small majority in both houses of Congress. In regard to the State debts, however, the original proposition was modified. The specific sum of twenty-one millions and a half of dollars was assumed, and apportioned among the States in a proximate ratio to 428 LIFE OF VV A S H IN GTOiN. [VEr. 58. CHAPTER the amount of the debts of each. An act was passed by vn ' which the whole of the domestic debt became a loan to 1790. the nation. It was made redeemable at various times, and at various rates of interest. Advantages One of the principal arguments for funding the debt, of the fund- ing system, in addition to that of its equity, was the advantage that would be derived from it as an active capital for imme- diate use. Sustained by the credit of the nation, bearing interest and redeemable at certain times, the paper securi- ties of the government would have a permanent value in the market, and thus be a spur to enterprise, and increase the prosperity of the country in its agriculture, manufac- tures, and commerce. All that was anticipated from the funding system, in these respects, was realized. Political- ly considered, however, it had an unhappy influence. It widened the breach of parties, produced irritations, and excited animosities. Nor was it to be expected that the adversaries of the plan, and these a large minority, would readily change their opinion after the strenuous opposition they had shown, or cease from their hostility. The Presi- dent expressed no sentiments on the subject while it was under debate in Congress, but he approved the act for funding the public debt, and was undoubtedly, from con- viction, a decided friend to the measure. Another important point, upon which Congress under the old Confederation had been for a long time divided, was settled in the course of this session. Local interests, and other considerations, made it difficult to agree on the place for the permanent seat of government. It was at length determined, that it should be removed for ten years to Philadelphia, and then be established at some place on the Potomac River. Ultimately the position was selected, which has since been called the District of Co- lumbia ; and the territory was surveyed, the city planned, and the public buildings commenced under the direction of Washington, this duty devolving on him as President. For three or four years it occupied a great deal of his attention ; and, in compliance with the laws, he appointed District of Columbia. JT. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429 commissioners for managing the business, with whom he CHAPTER carried on a voluminous correspondence, giving personal . ' directions, and requiring exact accounts of all proceed- 1790 ings. Rhode Island having adopted the constitution, and ac- President . , , . . . visits Rhode ceded to the Union, the President made a visit to that island. State immediately after the session of Congress. In his eastern tour he had avoided going to Rhode Island, be- cause it had not then joined the Union under the new government. Another severe disease, and constant application to busi- visits Mount rr Vernon. ness, had much impaired his health ; and he determined to take advantage of the recess of Congress, throw off for September. a brief space the burden of public cares, and seek repose and recreation in his own quiet home at Mount Vernon. He always returned to that spot with delight ; and it was now doubly dear to him, as it promised rest from labor, refreshment to his weary spirit and debilitated body, and a few days of leisure to ride over his farms, view his gardens, orchards, and fields, and observe the progress of his agricultural operations. The foreign relations of the United States, at the be- Foreign reia- , . f , , . tions of the ginning of the new government, though not complicated, united were nevertheless in an unsettled condition. With France there was a good understanding, the treaties of alliance and commerce having been scrupulously fulfilled on both sides. The revolutionary disorders, however, soon broke out, and produced disagreements, alienation, and trouble. With Morocco a sort of informal treaty existed, and Morocco. Washington wrote two letters to the Emperor, who had received American vessels into his ports, and promised his aid to conciliate the Barbary powers. This promise was unavailing. The Algerines had seized vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, and held the officers and sailors in bondage for several years. The government stood in a more delicate relation to England. England, than to any other power. The old feuds and bitter feelings of the war subsided slowly. All attempts 430 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [jE T . 58. CHAPTER to bring about a treaty of commerce between the two XVI1 ' countries had failed. The British cabinet, probably dis- 1790. trusting the stability of the Union under the old Confed- eration, had shown no disposition to enter into a treaty of this sort, and had never sent a minister to the United States. The military posts on the frontiers had not been, given up, as was stipulated in the treaty of peace. The reason assigned, that some of the States had refused to pay the debts due to British subjects, which they were likewise bound to do by the treaty, was plausible, and perhaps well founded. Congress had but a limited power to enforce a compliance with treaties ; and it was natural in such a case, that other nations should be tardy in making them. This state of things being altered by the constitution, President Washington thought it desirable to ascertain the views and intentions of the British govern- ment, in regard to complying with the treaty of peace, and to future intercourse. To attain this end he com- missioned Gouverneur Morris as a private agent to hold conversations with the British ministers, deeming it of great importance, as he sa^d, that errors should be avoid- ed in the system of policy respecting Great Britain. Spain. Affairs with Spain were yet more unpromising. At the outset of the Revolution, his Catholic Majesty, yield- ing to the solicitations of France, seemed to abet the American cause ; but he soon changed his mind, refused to join with France in acknowledging the independence of the United States, even when he declared war against England, and gave his sanction to the treaty of peace with no good will. He feared the effect, and not with- out reason, which the example of the northern republicans might have upon his colonies in South' America. A ne- gotiation had been going on, tedious as it was unprofit- able, down to the time of Washington's election to the Presidency, but no apparent progress had been made. The Floridas and Louisiana belonged to Spain. The navigation of the Mississippi was the great point of con- troversy. This was essential to the settlers in the West, JEr. 58.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 and was becoming every day more and more so on ac- CHAPTER count of the rapid increase of the population. Spain XV11> persisted in withholding all rights and privileges in that 1790. navigation from citizens of the United States. There were various grounds of policy for this refusal, but probably the most operative was a secret hope, that the western inhabitants, weary of these obstacles to their commerce, and dissatisfied with the national government for not re- moving them, might sooner or later dissever themselves from the Union, and form a separate republic, which would easily fall under the control of Spain. Other circumstances, growing out of the relations with Forei-m ... . influence England and Spam, were extremely injurious to the in- operating } . on the In- tereStS of the country. During the war, the Indians on diaus. the borders of the United States had almost everywhere been allied with the enemy. When peace came, it found them in the attitude of hostility, their savage spirit roused, and their vindictive tempers eager for slaughter and re- venge ; and the United States were left to appease and conciliate them as they could. In any case this would have been an arduous task, but the difficulty was soon perceived to be increased by a foreign influence, keeping alive their enmity, and stimulating them to acts of out- rage. British agents and traders on the northern frontier furnished the Indians with arms, ammunition, and clothing. In Florida the Spaniards tampered with the Creeks and other Southern Indians, and kept them at variance with their white neighbors. These acts were not acknowledg- ed, possibly not authorized, by the English and Spanish governments, but they were certainly not restrained, and they were repeated long after full representations had been made. The effect was a protracted and expensive war. Wash- wahin s - ington's policy in regard to the Indians was always pa- ta^^dlo cific and humane. He considered them as children, who should be treated with tenderness and forbearance. He aimed to conciliate them by good usage, to obtain their lands by fair 'purchase and punctual payments, to make 432 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 58. CHAPTER treaties with them on terms of equity and reciprocal ad- . ' vantage, and strictly to redeem every pledge. In these J790. respects he looked upon the Indian tribes as holding the same rank and the same rights as civilized nations. But their faithlessness, ravages, and murders were not to be tolerated, from whatever causes they arose. After failing in every attempt at a pacification, he was convinced that war was the only alternative. It continued four or five years, with many vicissitudes of misfortune and disaster, the defeats of Harmar and St. Clair, unsuccessful cam- paigns, and much waste of blood and treasure, till Gen- eral Wayne put an end to it, first by a battle, and then by a treaty of peace. This war lasted through a large part of Washington's administration. It was a source of regret and pain to him, on account both of its cause, the necessity of subduing by force the turbulence of an igno- rant and deluded race of men, and of the heavy charge it imposed on the nation for maintaining an army. Congress commenced their third session at Philadelphia, and the President returned from Mount Yernon to that city, where he afterwards resided till the term of his of- fice expired. The debates of this session were scarcely less vehement, or less deeply tinged with party antipathies, than those of the preceding. Two important measures were brought forward, discussed, and adopted ; a na- tional bank, and a tax on ardent spirits distilled in the United States. The Secretary of the Treasury had previously recom- mended a national bank, as of great utility in administer- ing the finances of the country, and facilitating the oper- ations for the support of public credit. He now called the attention of Congress to the subject by a special re- port, in which his views were explained with the same perspicuity and vigor of argument, which marked every thing that came from his pen. The project met with a strong opposition. It was attacked chiefly on the ground of its being unconstitutional. Much was said of the ex- press, incidental, and implied powers conferred on Con- Congress assemble at Philadel- phia. December 6. National Bank. JEi. 59.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433 gress by the constitution ; and it was averred, that none CHAPTER of these, nor all of them together, authorized the incor- xvn - porating of a bank. Its policy was questioned, and the 1 7 9 1 . utility of banking systems denied. To this it was answer- ed, that such incidental powers must necessarily belong to every form of government, as will enable it to carry into effect the positive and vested powers, and to employ all the usual means for that purpose ; and that a construc- tion of the constitution according to this fundamental principle fairly included the means afforded by a bank, to which almost all commercial nations had resorted, and the advantages of which had been proved by long experience. The arguments were somewhat metaphysical and at- tenuated on both sides ; and indeed the attempt to define what is intended or implied by a written instrument, on points about which it says nothing, must naturally lead to abstractions little suited to enlighten or convince. No other rule of interpretation would seem to be applicable in practice, than that a proposed measure shall contribute to the public good, and not contravene any express power. The contest ended in the establishment of a bank, with a capital of ten millions of dollars, of which eight millions were to be held by individuals, and the residue by the government. On this subject the cabinet was divided, Jefferson and Washington Randolph being opposed to the bank as unconstitutional, the act for ' a national and Hamilton and Knox of a contrary opinion. The bank - President requested from each a statement of his reasons in writing, and he is understood to have reflected deeply, and deliberated even with more than his usual caution, before he affixed his signature to the act. The object of the tax on distilled spirits was to pro- vide a fund for paying the interest on a portion of the domestic debt. The duties on imports were said to be strained as far as they would bear, without injury to commerce, and perhaps to the revenue by holding out a temptation to smuggling and, as a new tax must be 55 s2 tilled spirit* 434 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [ CHAPTER laid somewhere, the Secretary of the Treasury thought it XV1L could fall on no commodity less objectionable than ardent i79l. spirits distilled in the country. The tax was opposed as impolitic and unequal in its application. It was branded as an odious excise, hostile to liberty, the collecting of which would inflame the people, and lead to evasions and perhaps to resistance. It was unequal, because dis- tilling was practised mostly in the West, and a few lim- ited districts in other parts. This argument was more specious than sound, since the consumers would actual- ly pay the tax; but it was vehemently urged by some of the representatives. The bill was carried, and was more remarkable for its consequences, than for its char- acteristics as a legislative act, in whatever light it may be viewed. president's The President had fixed on the next recess of Con- tour through the southern gress for a tour through the southern States. He set on States. about the middle of March, and was gone three months, performing in that time a journey of eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles with the same horses. His route was through Richmond, Wilmington, and Charleston, as far as Savannah ; whence he returned by way of Augusta, Columbia, and the interior of North Carolina and Virginia. Before leaving home, he had ascertained with great accu- racy the distances between one place and another, settled the precise day upon which he should arrive at each, and the length of time he should stop. Not a single accident occurred ; and with such exactness and method had his calculations been made, that his original plan was exe- cuted in every particular, except that he stayed one day more in one place than he intended, and one day less in another. He everywhere received the same proofs of re- spect and attachment, which had been manifested in his travels through the middle and eastern States. Law for the The principal laws passed at the next session were those apportion- . . ... mentor for apportioning the representatives, establishing a unilorm niilitia system, and increasing the army. The constitution had prescribed, that the representatives in the national r. 59] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435 legislature should be apportioned among the several States CHAPTER according to the respective numbers of their population, ' but that the whole number of representatives should not 1791 - exceed one for every thirty thousand. When the new apportionment bill was proposed, it was found that no ratio could be chosen, which would not leave large frac- tions to some of the States. For instance, if thirty thou- sand were taken as the ratio, there would be an unrepre- sented surplus of fifteen or twenty thousand, more or less, in some of the States. To remedy this imperfection, a bill was introduced and passed, which fixed the ratio at thirty thousand. The total population was divided by this ratio, which gave one hundred and twenty as the whole number of representatives. But this included the sum of all the fractions ; and, after apportioning to each State one representative for every thirty thousand, the re- siduary members, to make the whole number of one hun- dred and twenty, were distributed among the States in which the fractions were the largest. The President de- cided, that this bill did not conform to the constitution, it being obvious that the ratio was meant to apply to the States individually, and not to the aggregate amount of population in them all. He therefore returned the bill to Congress, with his reasons for not affixing his signature. A new bill was then framed and approved, fixing the ratio at thirty-three thousand, and throwing out the frac- tions. The subject derived an importance from the spirit of Local jeai- party, and local jealousies, which entered into the discus- sion. Many of the members were strenuous for as large a representation as possible, by which the rights of the States would be better preserved, and a check afforded to the undue increase of executive power. The bill for the increase of the army was opposed on the same grounds. It would enlarge the executive patronage, which might ultimately be adverse to liberty, and a greater evil than the Indian war, for the prosecution of which the army was wanted. 436 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1791. Political parties in the United States. Dissensions ol parties re- gretted by Washington. It became evident, indeed, from many indications, both in Congress and abroad, that the advocates for different measures were fast arranging themselves into two distinct parties, the administration and its friends on one side, and its opponents on the other. In the first place, they who had opposed the constitution would naturally have their prejudices arrayed against it when put in practice, and be ready to find fault with any system by which this was effected. Again, all those who had watched with solicitude over the rights of the States, and believed these in danger, would be prepared to see the fulfilment of their predictions in the acts of the general government, however administered. If to these we add the bias of personal feelings, the influence of the passions, an un- limited freedom of speech, and the tendency of opposition to beget opposition, we shall have abundant materials for creating parties and aliment for their support. And, as parties gain strength by union, it was easy for these ele- ments, at first discordant, gradually to assimilate. Nor need we question the motives of any individual or class of men. It is fair to presume, that, at this stage of our political progress, there was as much patriotism and sin- cerity on both sides as at any other period. It is true, that, when a man gives himself up to a party, he is apt to forget his country ; yet in all free communities there must be parties, and every man must belong to one or another, so that his motives should be judged by his con- duct and character, rather than by the side he takes. The necessity of parties is not identical with their abuse. The former is the safeguard of liberty, the latter its bane. If the people would enjoy the one, they must be en- lightened enough to perceive and virtuous enough to cor- rect the other. But this is not the place to examine into the origin or principles of the two great parties, which at that time began to divide the country, and which have continued ever since, with such modifications as have sprung from events and circumstances. It needs only to be said, that JET. GO.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 437 they were viewed with deep regret by Washington, and CHAPTER with a painful apprehension of their effects. Conscious XV1L of acting with the single aim of administering the gov- 1792. ernment for the best interests and happiness of the peo- ple, he was mortified to find his endeavors thwarted at every step by party discords and personal enmities among those, who controlled public opinion by their standing and talents, and on whose aid he relied. It was not in Con- gress alone, that these jarrings occurred. They crept in- to the cabinet, disturbing its harmony, and dividing its counsels. He had for some time been aware of a radical difference Difference e ' t in r-, between of opinion between the Secretary of State and the Secre- Hamilton and Jeffer- tary of the Treasury, on some of the most important 8 n- maasures of the administration. The causes were deeply seated. Hamilton regarded the Constitution as affording inadequate powers to the general government, and be- lieved its weakness to be its greatest defect. Hence he thought its success could be hoped for only by construing and administering it in such a manner, as would add the greatest degree of strength to the executive. Jefferson's sentiments and fears ran in an opposite direction. To him it appeared, that there was too much power in the head, that the exercise of the executive authority ought to be restrained, and that the rights of States and the liberty of the people were in jeopardy. The funding system, the assumption of the State debts, the bank, and the tax on domestic spirits, were all at variance with his principles. These measures originated with Hamilton, and consti- tuted the prominent features of the administration. The ability with which they had been planned, and their success, contributed to elevate their author in the public estimation, which, to say the least, could not be supposed to gratify the feelings of his colleague, especially as he looked upon the measures themselves to be wrong and fraught with mischief; nor could it be expected, that the two secretaries would harmonize in devising the means of carrying them into execution. It should be stated, s2* 438 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1792. Washington endeavors to heal the breach be- tween the secretaries. Letter to Jefferson. CHAPTER nevertheless, that Jefferson discharged the duties of his XVIL office to the entire satisfaction of the President. Though differing in opinion from the majority of the cabinet, he did not allow his private views to influence his conduct as a member of that council, or as holding a responsible station in the government. Nothing more, perhaps, could reasonably be required of him, under the circumstances in which he was placed ; yet, as it regarded the success of the administration, a reluctant performance of duty was far from being the same thing as the cordial and vigorous support of a willing mind. In all respects, therefore, these disagreements were unpropitious, embarrassing to the President, and injurious to the public welfare. The deep anxiety he felt on this subject, his ardent desire to heal the breach, and the means he took to ac- complish it, will appear in the following extract from a letter, which he wrote to Jefferson. " How unfortunate, and how much to be regretted is it, that, while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The latter, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two ; and, without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together ; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; and in my opinion the fairest prospect of happi- ness and prosperity, that ever was presented to man, will be lost perhaps for ever. " My earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore, is, that, instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, . 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 439 there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and CHAPTER temporizing yieldings on all sides. Under the exercise of xvn ' these, matters will go on smoothly, and, if possible, more 1792. prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub ; the wheels of government will clog ; our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting. " 1 do not mean to apply this advice, or these obser- vations, to any particular person or character. I have given them in the same general terms to other officers of the government; because the disagreements, which have arisen from difference of opinions, and the attacks, which have been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences at home and abroad." He wrote likewise to Hamilton, nearly at the same Letter to 11 i -i-i-ii T^./. Hamilton. time and almost in the same words, and added ; " Dif- ferences in political opinions are as unavoidable, as, to a certain point, they may perhaps be necessary ; but it is exceedingly to be regretted, that subjects cannot be discussed with temper on the one hand, or decisions sub- mitted to without having the motives, which led to them, improperly implicated on the other ; and this regret bor- ders on chagrin, when we find that men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same general objects in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not exercise more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of one another. When matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is, that both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, and that a mid- dle course would be found the best, until experience shall have decided on the right way, or (which is not to be expected, because it is denied to mortals,) there shall be some infallible rule by which we could forejudge events." 440 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^Ex. CO CHAPTER XVIL 1792. Recom- mends con- ciiiationaud harmony. October 18. Differences In another letter to Jefferson, after again recommending mutual forbearance and conciliation, he said ; " A measure o f thj s sort would produce harmony arid consequent good in our public councils. The contrary will inevitably in- _ troduce confusion and serious mischiefs; and for what? Because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt dif- ferent means to attain the same ends. For I will frankly and solemly declare, that I believe the views of both of you to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide, with respect to the salutariness of the mea- sures, which are the subjects of dispute. Why, then, when some of the best citizens in the United States, men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other of the questions, which have caused these agitations, should either of you be so tena- cious of your opinions, as to make no allowances for those of the other? I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish, that the cup, which has been presented to us, may not be snatch- ed from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line may be marked out by which both of you could walk." Unhappily this line was never found. The two sec- retaries continued to diverge from each other, both in their political course and their private feelings, till their differences settled into a personal enmity, which neither the advice of friends could modify, nor time eradicate. This was the more lamented by Washington, as, accord- ing to his own declaration and the whole tenor of his intercourse, he had a sincere attachment to both of them and confidence in their patriotic intentions, and as he foresaw the fatal consequences, which might result from ^T. 60.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 441 a heated strife between men whose talents and political CHAPTER ' consideration gave them so commanding an influence over , VII> the public will.* 1792. * The letters of Hamilton and Jefferson on this subject, and the merits of their controversy as explained by themselves, may be seen in Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 515. 56 442 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . GO. CHAPTER XVIII. Washington is elected President for a Second Term. Takes the Oath of Office. Relations between the United States and France. Opinions of the Cabinet. Proclamation of Neutrality. Party Divisions and Ex- citements. Genet received as Minister from France. His extraordi- nary Conduct. Democratic Societies. Washington's Opinion of these Societies, and on the Subject of instructing Representatives. Relations with England. British Orders in Violation of Neutral Rights. Meet- ing of Congress. The President recommends Measures of Defence. Character of Washington by Mr. Fox. Letter from Lord Erskine. Commercial Affairs. Mr. Madison's Commercial Resolutions. Mr. Jay appointed Envoy Extraordinary to negotiate a Treaty with Eng- land. Military Preparations. Insurrection in Pennsylvania. Meas- ures adopted by the President for suppressing 'it. Plan for redeeming the Public Debt. CHAPTER WHEN the President's term of office, as prescribed by XVIIL the Constitution, was drawing to a close, no little anxie- 1792. ty was felt and expressed, as to his willingness again to Members of receive the suffrages of the people. The reluctance with the cabinet request which he had consented to the first election was so great, Washington to remain in that it was feared he could not be prevailed upon to re- office anotli- . r _ r erterm. main longer in public life. From his friends in different parts of the country he received early communications on the subject, urging him not to decide hastily, and, if pos- sible, to reconcile himself to a second election. Three members of the cabinet, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Ran- dolph, each wrote to him a long letter, containing reasons why it was of the utmost importance to his own reputa- tion and to the public interests, that, for the present at least, he should not retire. Each of these gentlemen drew a picture of the condi- tion of the country, its future prospects, and the state of parties ; and, although they differed radically concerning some of the principal measures of the administration, they agreed in opinion, that the character, influence, and steady Vy.f- QJ-5 V'xV ^ET. CO.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 443 hand of Washington were necessary to secure the stabili- CHAPTER ty of government, if not to preserve the nation from __^ I1L anarchy. Their language is strong, and shows the anx- 1792. ious concern with which the crisis was viewed by men of all parties. " The confidence of the whole Union," said Jefferson, Jeflfereon's ... , . . . .,, opinions and "is centred in you. Your being at the helm will be advice. more than an answer to every argument, which can be May 23. used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. North and south will hang togeth- er, if they have you to hang on ; and, if the first cor- rective of a numerous representation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the States. I am perfectly aware of the oppression under which your present office lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in forming your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate ; and it is to motives like these, and not to personal anxieties of mine or others, who have no right to call on you for sacrifices, that I appeal from your former determination and urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the aspect of things. Should an honest majority result from the new and enlarged repre- sentation, should those acquiesce, whose principles or in- terests they may control, your wishes for retirement would be gratified with less danger, as soon as that shall be manifest, without awaiting the completion of the second period of four years. One or two sessions will determine the crisis ; and 1 cannot but hope, that you can resolve to add one or two more to the many years you have already sacrificed to the good of mankind." 444 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XVIII. July 30. Hamilton was equally strenuous and decided. "It is clear," said he, "that if you continue in office, nothing ' materially mischievous is to be apprehended; if you quit, adv7ce. ton>s muc h is to be dreaded ; that the same motives, which induced you to accept originally, ought to decide you to continue till matters have assumed a more determinate aspect ; that indeed it would have been better, as it re- gards your own character, that you had never consented to come forward, than now to leave the business unfin- ished and in danger of being undone ; that, in the event of storms arising, there would be an imputation either of want of foresight or want of firmness ; and, in fine, that on public and personal accounts, on patriotic and pruden- tial considerations, the clear path to be pursued by you will be again to obey the voice of your country. I trust, and I pray God, that you will determine to make a fur- ther sacrifice of your tranquillity and happiness to the public good." Randolph spoke with the same urgency. " The fuel, which has been already gathered for combustion," he observed, "wants no addition. But how awfully might it be increased, were the violence, which is now suspend- ed by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation. The constitution would never have been adopted, but from a knowledge that you had once sanctioned it, and an expectation that you would execute it. It is in a state of probation. The most inauspicious struggles are past, but the public deliberations need sta- bility. You alone can give them stability. You suffered yourself to yield when the voice of your country sum- moned you to the administration. Should a civil war arise, you cannot stay at home. And how much easier will it be to disperse the factions, which are rushing to this catastrophe, than to subdue them after they shall ap- pear in arms ? It is the fixed opinion of the world, that you surrender nothing incomplete." * Randolph's advice. August 5. * See these letters in Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 504 &T. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 445 Sentiments like these, uttered by his confidential ad- CHAPTER risers, whose political opinions he knew were at variance XV11L with each other, could not fail to make a deep impres- 1793. siori, and the more so as they were reiterated from every Washington i chosen 1'res- quarter. He seems to have resolved at one time to fol- idem for a second lerm. low his inclination, and retire at the end of his first term of service. This is evident from his having prepared a farewell address to the people, designed for the occasion of his taking leave of them. But he never made a pub- lic declaration to that effect, and he was finally chosen for a second period of four years by the unanimous vote March 4. of the electors. On the 4th of March, 1793, he took the oath of office in the senate-chamber, in presence of the members of the cabinet, various public officers, foreign ministers, and such other persons as could be accom- modated. In addition to the Indian war, the contests of parties, French Rev- . ... olution. and other internal troubles with which the administration was embarrassed, the foreign relations of the United States were every day becoming peculiarly delicate and inauspi- cious. Scarcely had the President entered upon his new term of office, when the intelligence was received, that France had declared war against England and Holland. The French revolution, in its earliest stages, was hailed by almost every one in the United States as a joyful event, and as affording a presage of the happiest results to the cause of freedom and the welfare of mankind. Such would naturally be the first impulse of a people, who had recently been engaged in a similar struggle, encouraged by the good wishes and strengthened by the assistance of the French nation. Washington partook of this general sentiment. The sanguinary acts that followed, and the ferocious sentiments temper shown by the leaders, left but little ground for Buuare- . specting the hope ; yet there were causes still, which induced many French Rev- ,. } olution. to cling to the interests of France, and approve the revo- lution, although they looked with horror upon the means employed to carry it forward. It was believed to be a T2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [./Ex. 61. American minister in France. CHAPTER warfare of the oppressed against their oppressors, in which m _ justice was asserting her rights, and rescuing from thral- 1793. dom the victims, who had been so long borne down by the yoke of bondage, and scourged by the rod of despo- tism. A new era was supposed to have arisen, when liberty was about to go forth successful in conquest, breaking down the strong-holds of tyranny, and building up her temples of peace and concord on their ruins. Ar- dent minds were easily captivated by this illusion, espe- cially when it harmonized with their opinions on other subjects. Their impressions also derived force from the prejudices against England, deeply rooted and of long standing, which the conduct of the British cabinet since the peace had not contributed to remove. Gouverneur Morris had been sent to France as minister plenipotentiary from the United States. A friendly inter- course had been kept up between the two countries, on the basis of the treaties of alliance and commerce ; but, after the downfall of the King, and amidst the distrac- tions succeeding that event, the minister's situation was embarrassing. It was the opinion of Washington, in which his cabinet agreed with him, that every nation had a right to govern itself as it chose, and that other na- tions were bound to recognise and respect the existing authority, whatever form it might assume. Mr. Morris was furnished with instructions according to this view of the subject. But the difficulty for a time consisted in ascertaining whether there was any actual government resting on the will of the nation. His prudence in this respect, and his caution not to commit his country rashly, gave umbrage to the nominal rulers, or rather the leaders of the contending factions, who complained, and expressed dissatisfaction, that the United States manifested so little sympathy with their earliest friends and allies, the vindi- cators of liberty and the rights of man. Such was the state of things when war was declared against England. It was perceived, that this aspect of affairs would have a direct influence on the foreign relations of the United Kfr. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 447 States, and that it would require the greatest circumspec- CHAPTER tion to prevent the country from being embroiled with the . x m ' belligerent powers, particularly England and France. When 17 ^3. the President first heard the news of the declaration of Washington resolves to war, he was at Mount Vernon ; and he wrote immediately maintain a strict neu- to the Secretary of State, avowing his determination to tralitv - maintain a strict neutrality between the hostile parties. Vessels in tlfe ports of the United States were understood to be already designated as privateers, and h? desired that measures to put a stop to all such proceedings should be adopted without delay. On his return to Philadelphia, he summoned a meeting Questions ~ , , . , . . , relative to of the cabinet, submitting to each member at the same France sub- . mitted to time a series of questions, which he requested might be the cabinet, considered as preparatory to the meeting. The substance Apm is. of these questions was, whether a proclamation of neu- trality should be issued ; whether a minister from the French republic should be received, and, if so ; whether it should be absolutely or with qualifications ; whether, in the present condition of France, the United States were bound by good faith to execute the treaties between the two nations, or whether these ought to be suspended till the government should be established ; and whether the guarantee in the treaty of alliance was applicable to a defensive war only, or to a war either defensive or offensive. These points involved very important consid- erations. If the treaty was binding in the case of an offensive war, then a state of neutrality could not be as- sumed in regard to France ; and, if it was applicable to a defensive war only, the intricate question was still to be settled, whether the war on the part of the French was offensive or defensive, or of a mixed and equivocal character, and how far the guarantee ought to be applied under such circumstances. The cabinet decided unanimously, that a proclamation opinions ot should be issued, " forbidding the citizens of the United States to take part in any hostilities on the seas, either with or against the belligerent powers, and warning them 448 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [2E-r. 61. CHAPTER against carrying to any such powers any of those articles I!I : deemed contraband according to the modern usages of 1793. nations, and enjoining them from all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation towards those at war." It was also agreed, with the same unan- imity, that a minister from the French republic should be received. On the subject of qualifying his reception, the members of the cabinet were divided in opinion, Jefferson and Randolph being opposed to any qualification implying that the relations between the two countries were chang- ed, and Hamilton and Knox being in favor of it, because they believed there was in reality no fixed government in France, and they feared that a recognition of the ex- isting authority might involve the United States in diffi- culties with that nation and with other powers. President As to the question of guarantee, the two former thought sena'melus 6 it not necessary to come to any formal decision, while member of the two latter argued that the treaty of alliance was the cabinet . . n ., in writing, plainly defensive, and that the guarantee could not ap- ply to a war, which had been begun by France. The President required the opinions and arguments of each member of the cabinet in writing ; and, after deliberately weighing them, he decided, that a minister should be received on the same terms as formerly, and that the obligations of the treaties ought to remain in full force, leaving the subject of guarantee for future consideration, aided by a better knowledge of the condition and pros- pects of France. Prociama- The proclamation of neutrality was signed on the 22d traiity. ne ' of April, and immediately published. This measure, in April 22. regard both to its character and its consequences, was one of the most important of Washington's administration. It was the basis of a system, by which the intercourse with foreign nations was regulated, and which was rigidly adhered to. In fact it was the only step, that could have saved the United States from being drawn into the vortex of the European wars, which raged with so much vio- lence for a long time afterwards. Its wisdom and its JET. Gl.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 449 good effects are now so obvious, on a calm review of past CHAPTER events, that one is astonished at the opposition it met xvm ' with, and the strifes it enkindled, even after making due 1793. allowance for the passions and prejudices, which had hith- erto been at work in producing discord and divisions. But so it was, that this act, emanating from the purest Party strifes e 11 ._ i f -i increased by motives, founded on the clearest principles of justice, de- the procia- , . mation. signed to keep the nation in peace and advance its pros- perity, was distorted into an instrument for effecting party objects, and made a rallying point whence to assail the administration and embarrass its movements. It was de- nounced as violating the treaty with France, and as indi- cating an open hostility to that country and partiality for England. In short, it became the dividing line between the two great parties, which had been growing up from the time the constitution was framed, and which consol- idated themselves under the names of the Federal and Democratic parties, the former adhering to the adminis- tration, the latter opposing it. Foreign affairs were min- gled with domestic politics. The friends of neutrality were stigmatized as partisans of England ; while they, in their turn, charged their opponents with being devoted to France, abetting the horrors of the revolution, and striving to lead the country into a war, in which nothing could be gained and much might be lost. Thus each side con- tributed its share to add fuel to the flame. Washington for a time was allowed to keep aloof from Washington TT--I 11 i i 1-11 assailed by the contest. His character, revered by the people, shield- the party opposed to ed by their affections, and equally above reproach and theadmm- l J r istration. suspicion, was too elevated a mark for the shafts of malev- olence. But a crisis had now arrived, when the sacred- ness of virtue, and the services of a life spent in promoting the public weal, could no longer secure him from the assaults of party animosity. The enemies of the adminis- tration perceived, that the attempt to execute their plans would be vain, unless they could first weaken his influ- ence by diminishing his popularity. The task was hard and repelling ; and it may reasonably be presumed, that 57 u2 450 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Genet, min- ister from the French republic. CHAPTER a supposed political necessity, rather than cordial good- ' vm ' will, led them to engage in so ungrateful a work. It was 93. pursued with a perseverance, and sometimes with an acri- mony, for which the best of causes could hardly afford an apology ; but, however much it might disturb his re- pose or embarrass his public measures, it could neither shake his firmness, nor turn him from his steady purpose of sacrificing every other consideration to the interests of his country. In the midst of these ferments, M. Genet came to the United States as minister from the French republic. He landed at Charleston, in South Carolina, and travelled thence through the country to Philadelphia. He was re- ceived everywhere with such enthusiasm and extravagant marks of attention, as to deceive him into a belief, that the great body of the American people heartily espoused the cause of the French revolution, and was ready to join the citizens of the new republic in carrying the banner of liberty and equality to the ends of the earth. Being of an ardent temperament, and emboldened by these in- dications, the citizen minister, as he was called, at once commenced a career, as unjustifiable as it was extraordi- nary. Even before he left Charleston he gave orders for fitting out and arming vessels in that port to cruise as privateers, and commit hostilities on the commerce of na- tions at peace with the United States. Notwithstanding this act of presumption and rashness, which was known before he reached Philadelphia, he was received by the President with frankness, and with all the respect due to the representative of a foreign power. Genet declared, that his government was strongly at- tached to the United States, and had no desire to engage them in the war ; but his secret instructions, which he afterwards published, were of a different complexion, and proved very clearly, that the designs of his employers were contrary to the professions of their minister. Indeed his whole conduct, from beginning to end, could have no other tendency, than to bring the United States into an French J2x. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 immediate conflict with all the powers at war with France. CHAPTER The privateers commissioned by him came into the Amer- xvm ' ican ports with prizes. This produced remonstrances from 1793. the British minister, and a demand of restitution. The subject accordingly came before the cabinet. In regard illegal i capture*. to the lawfulness of the seizures, there was but one opin- ion. It was decided, that, since every nation had exclu- sive jurisdiction within its own territory, the act of fitting out armed vessels under the authority of a foreign pow- er was an encroachment on national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights, which the government was bound to prevent. A declaration was accordingly made, that no privateers, Privateers ~, .,. , i i / i i prohibited fitted out m this manner, should find an asylum in the from the ports of the ports of the United States : and the customhouse officers united States. were instructed to keep a careful watch, and report every vessel which contravened the laws of neutrality. The question of restitution involved intricate points of mari- time law, and opinions on this subject varied. It was unanimously agreed, however, that the original owners might justly claim indemnification, and that, if the prop- erty was not restored by the captors, the value of it ought to be paid by the government. The French minister protested against these decisions, Extraordina- became angry and violent, wrote offensive letters to the theFrench o f n -i if T-i i T minister. oecretary of otate, and seemed to forget alike the dignity of his station and his character as a man. He still con- tinued to encourage armed vessels to sail from American ports under the French flag. By the firmness of the executive a check was put to this effrontery. Measures were taken to prevent by force the departure of such vessels. The madness of the minister was increased by the obstacles he encountered. Finding himself baffled in all his schemes, he resorted to menaces, accused the Pres- ident of having usurped the powers of Congress, and more than insinuated that he would appeal to the people for redress. This insult, aggravated by his previous conduct, could neither be tolerated nor passed over in silence. It 452 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 1- CHAPTER was obvious, indeed, that nothing could be hoped from XVUI - any further intercourse with so wrongheaded a man. A 1793. statement of the particulars was drawn up, and forwarded to the French government, with a request that he might be recalled. A more remarkable chapter can hardly be found in the history of diplomacy, than might be furnish- ed from the records of this mission of Genet. It is a memorable instance of the infatuation to which a man of respectable talents and private character may be driven by political frenzy. Democratic Among the pernicious effects of Genet's embassy was the establishment of associations in different parts of the country, called Democratic Societies, upon the model of the Jacobin clubs in France. The first society of this sort was instituted in Philadelphia, under the direction of Genet himself. Others soon followed. Their objects and influence are described by Washington. Washing- " That these societies," he observes, " were instituted ton's opinion <*' i / / of these so- by the artful and designing members, (many of their body I have no doubt mean well, but know little of the real plan,) primarily to sow among the people the seeds of jealousy and distrust of the government, by destroying all confidence in the administration of it, and that these doctrines have been budding and blowing ever since, is not new to any one, who is acquainted with the char- acter of their leaders, and has been attentive to their manoeuvres. " Can any thing be more absurd, more arrogant, or more pernicious to the peace of society, than for self- created bodies, forming themselves into permanent censors, and under the shade of night in a conclave resolving that acts of Congress, which have undergone the most deliberate and solemn discussion by the representatives of the people, chosen for the express purpose and bringing with them from the different parts of the Union the sense of their constituents, endeavoring, as far as the nature of the thing will admit, to form their will into laws for the government of the whole ; I say, under these circumstan- S.T. 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 453 ces, for a self-created permanent body (for no one denies CHAPTER the right of the people to meet occasionally to petition for, or remonstrate against, any act of the legislature) to 1793. declare that this act is unconstitutional, and that act is pregnant with mischiefs, and that all, who vote contrary to their dogmas, are actuated by selfish motives or under foreign influence, nay, are traitors to their country ? Is such a stretch of arrogant presumption to be reconciled with laudable motives, especially when we see the same set of men endeavoring to destroy all confidence in the administration, by arraigning all its acts, without knowing on what ground or with what information it proceeds ? " He had declared similar opinions some years before, washing- TT . . . -, .... ton's opinion when it was a practice in Virginia to form societies for as to in- structing discussing political topics, examining public measures, and represeu- instructing delegates to the legislature. He expressed strong disapprobation of these societies in letters to a nephew, who belonged to one of them. Nor was he in any case friendly to positive instructions from electors, believing that the representative, who is of course acquaint- ed with the sentiments of his constituents among whom he resides, should be left to act according to the judgment he shall form, after being enlightened by the arguments and collected wisdom of a deliberative assembly. The relations with England were even more perplexed, Relations than those with France. A diplomatic intercourse had land. been commenced after the Constitution was adopted. Mr. Hammond resided in Philadelphia as minister from the British government, and Mr. Thomas Pinckney represented the United States as minister plenipotentiary at the court of St. James. No progress had been made, however, in negotiating a treaty of commerce, or removing the causes of complaint. The catalogue of grievances had rather grown longer than shorter. The posts on the frontier were still held, contrary to the treaty of peace, and in- terferences with the Indians continued. Vessels had been searched and seamen impressed by British officers within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States ; and 454 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 61. CHAPTER the Bermuda privateers had committed depredations upon xvm ' American vessels not only with impunity, but with the J793. open sanction of the admiralty court in those islands. British With the design of distressing France, by cutting off orders in J council. her supplies, two orders were issued by the British cab- inet, one in June and the other in November, which oper- ated with peculiar force upon American commerce. By the first order, British cruisers were instructed to stop all ships loaded with corn, flour, or meal, bound to any French port, and send them to some convenient port, where the cargoes might be purchased in behalf of his Majesty's government. By the second, ships of war and privateers were required to detain all vessels laden with goods produced in any colony belonging to France, or with provisions for any such colony, and bring them to legal adjudication in the British courts of admiralty. These orders were considered as a direct and flagrant violation of neutral rights, and the American government remon- strated against them as unjust in principle and extremely injurious in their effects. When Congress assembled, the state of affairs, both ex- ternal and internal, was largely explained in the Presi- s. dent's speech, and in a separate message accompanied with many documents. In these were comprised the rea- sons for the course he had pursued, respecting foreign powers, and suggestions for additional legislative enact- ments to protect the rights of American citizens, and maintain the dignity of the country. While he sought peace, and urged a faithful discharge of every duty to- wards others, he recommended, that prompt measures should be taken, not only for defence, but for enforcing just claims. " There is a rank due to the United States among nations," said he, " which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we de- sire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instru- ments of our prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war." These communications were President's speech to Congress. jE T . 61.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 455 well received by the two houses. Indeed both parties in CHAPTER Congress found so much to condemn in the conduct of the belligerent powers towards neutrals, that on this point 1793. they seemed for a moment to forget their dissensions j and, although the proclamation of neutrality continued to be made a theme of declamation and abuse by violent partisans and the presses hostile to the administration, it met with no marks of disapprobation from Congress.* Near the beginning of the session an important, report commercial . intercourse. was made by the Secretary of State, respecting the com- mercial intercourse of the United States with other na- * It was in allusion to the President's communications to Congress at the opening of this session, that Mr. Fox made the following re- marks in the British Parliament, January 31st, 1794. " And here, Sir, I cannot help alluding to the President of the Unit- ed States, General Washington, a character whose conduct has been so different from that, which has been pursued by the ministers of this country. How infinitely wiser must appear the spirit and principles manifested in his late address to Congress, than the policy of modern European courts! Illustrious man, deriving honor less from the splen- dor of his situation than from the dignity of his mind; before whom all borrowed greatness sinks into insignificance, and all the potentates of Europe (excepting the members of our own royal family) become little and contemptible! He has had no occasion to have recourse to any tricks of policy or arts of alarm; his authority has been suffi- ciently supported by the same means by which it was acquired, and his conduct has uniformly been characterized by wisdom, moderation, and firmness. Feeling gratitude to France for the assistance received from her in that great contest, which secured the independence of America, he did not choose to give up the system of neutrality. Hav- ing once laid down that line of conduct, which both gratitude and policy pointed out as most proper to be pursued, not all the insults and provocation of the French minister, Genet, could turn him from his purpose. Intrusted with the welfare of a great people, he did not allow the misconduct of another, with respect to himself, for one mo- ment to withdraw his attention from their interest. He had no fear of the Jacobins, he felt no alarm from their principles, and considered no precaution as necessary in order to stop their progress. " The people over, whom he presided he knew to be acquainted with their rights and their duties. He trusted to their own good sense to defeat the effect of those arts, which might be employed to inflame or mislead their minds ; and was sensible, that a government could be in no danger, while it retained the attachment and confidence of its 456 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 61. CHAPTER tions, particularly in regard to its privileges and restrictions, and the means for improving commerce and navigation. The report was able, elaborate, and comprehensive, pre- senting a view of the trade between the United States and the principal countries of Europe. Two methods were suggested by the secretary for modifying or removing restrictions ; first, by amicable ar- rangements with foreign powers ; secondly, by counter- vailing acts of the legislature. He preferred the former, if it should be found practicable, and gave his reasons. The subject of navigation was also discussed, and a sys- tem of maritime defence recommended. 1793, Two meth- ods for im- proving commerce. subjects ; attachment, in this instance, not blindly adopted ; confidence not implicitly given, but arising from the conviction of its excellence, and the experience of its blessings. I cannot, indeed, help admiring the wisdom and fortune of this great man. By the phrase ' fortune ' I mean not in the smallest degree to derogate from his merit But, notwithstanding his extraordinary talents and exalted integrity, it must be considered as singularly fortunate, that he should have experienced a lot, which so seldom falls to the portion of humanity, and have pass- ed through such a variety of scenes without stain and without reproach. It must, indeed, create astonishment, that, placed in circumstances so critical, and filling for a series of years a station so conspicuous, his character should never once have been called in question ; that he should in no one instance have been accused either of improper in- solence, or of mean submission, in his transactions with foreign na- tions. For him it has been reserved to run the race of glory, without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career." To this eulogy of Mr. Fox, may properly be appended the compli- mentary letter of Mr. Erskine, afterwards Lord Erskine, to General Washington, though written a year later. It accompanied a book on the causes and consequences of the war with France. " London, IS March, 1795. SIR, " I have taken the liberty to introduce your august and immortal name in a short sentence, which will be found in the book I send you. I have a large acquaintance among the most valuable and ex- alted classes of men ; but you are the only human being for whom I ever felt an awful reverence. I sincerely pray God to grant a long and serene evening to a life so gloriously devoted to the universal happiness of the world. T. ERSKINE." /Er. G2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457 Shortly after making this report, Mr. Jefferson retired CHAPTER from the office of Secretary of State, in conformity with XVIIL an intimation he had given some months before; having 1794. been prevailed upon by the President, apparently against Jefferson re- A tires from his own inclination, to remain till the end of the year, the office of Secretary of He was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, whose place State - as Attorney-General was supplied by William Bradford of Pennsylvania. * The secretary's report gave rise to Mr. Madison's cele- Madison's . , , . . , 111 commercial brated commercial resolutions, which were long debated resolutions. in the House of Representatives with a degree of ani- mation, and even of asperity, that had not been exceeded since the adoption of the funding system. These reso- lutions embraced the general principles of the report, but they aimed at a discrimination in the commercial inter- course with foreign countries, which was viewed in very different lights by the two parties in Congress. They imposed restrictions and additional duties on the manu- factures and navigation of nations, which had no commer- cial treaties with the United States, and a reduction of duties on the tonnage of vessels belonging to nations with which such treaties existed. In this scheme the friends of the administration saw, or imagined they saw, hostility to England and undue favor to France, neither warranted by policy, nor consistent with neutrality ; while the other party regarded it as equitable in itself, and as absolutely necessary to protect the commerce of the country from insulting aggression and plunder. Mr. Madison's plan was modified in its progress; but a resolution, retaining the principle of commercial restrictions, finally passed the House of Representatives. It was rejected in the Senate by the casting vote of thef' Vice-President. While these discussions were going on with much heat John jy r*. i i i -r\ -i nominated in Uongress, a measure was resorted to by the President, as envoy which produced considerable effect on the results. Ad- BritaTn*. vices from the American minister in London rendered it probable, that the British cabinet were disposed to settle the differences between the two countries on amicable 58 w2 458 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [-Ex. 62. CHAPTER XVIII. 1794. Congress pass acts for putting the country in a state of defence. Washington unbiassed by the acri- mony of parties. terms. At all events the indications were such, that Washington, firm to his purpose of neutrality and peace, resolved to make the experiment. Accordingly, on the 16th of April, he nominated Mr. Jay to the Senate, as an envoy extraordinary to the court of Great Britain. " My objects are," said he, in a letter to the Secretary of State, "to prevent a war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strong representations of the injuries, which- this country has sustained from Great Britain in various ways, to put it in a complete state of military defence, and to provide eventually for the execution of such meas- ures as seem to be now pending in Congress, if nego- tiation in a reasonable time proves unsuccessful." The nomination was confirmed in the Senate by a majority of more than two to one ; but it was strenuously opposed by the principal members of the democratic party, par- ticularly Mr. Monroe, and was disapproved by the same party in the House of Representatives. As a war seemed inevitable, if Mr. Jay's mission should terminate unfavorably, Congress passed acts for putting the country in a state of defence. The principal harbors were to be fortified, and eighty thousand militia to be held in readiness for immediate service. The importation of arms was permitted free of duty, and the President was au- thorized to purchase galleys, and lay an embargo, if he should think the public interest required it. Additional taxes were levied to meet the expense. Congress adjourned, after a long and boisterous ses- sion, which had contributed not a little to increase the acrimony of parties, multiply the causes of dissension, and inflame the minds of the people. The administration, however, stood firm ; and neither the policy nor the opin- ions of Washington were in any degree changed. In fact, having no personal objects to gain, thinking and acting only for his country, divested of partiality arid prejudice as far as it was possible for any man to be, and invari- ably taking counsel of his conscience and judgment, he stood aloof from the commotions of party and the con- E-r. G2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 459 tagious influence of party spirit. Justice to all nations, CHAPTER peace with all, and a preparation for war as the best XVI1L safeguard of peace, were the rules of his policy, and his 1794. constant aim. In the course of the preceding winter, M. Fauchet Fauchetar -,.,_, . . f. r, rivea as min- arrived in the United States as minister irom Jb ranee, isterfrom France. At the request of the French government, Mr. Morris was recalled, and James Monroe was appointed as his suc- cessor. This selection afforded a strong proof of the im- partiality of the President, and of his ardent desire to conciliate differences at home, and preserve amity with foreign nations. Mr. Monroe, being a leader among the opponents to the administration, had shown himself a zealous advocate for France. Soon after Congress adjourned, the President's attention western f. . . insurrection was called to another subject, of very serious import, both as it regarded the authority of the laws, and the stability of the union. The act of Congress imposing a tax on distilled spirits had, from its first operation, excit- ed much uneasiness in various parts of the country, and in some districts it had been evaded and openly resisted. The inspectors of the revenue appointed by the govern- ment were insulted, threatened, and even prevented by force from discharging their duty. To so great a length had these outrages gone in some places, as early as Sep- tember, 1792, that a proclamation was published by the President, admonishing all persons to refrain from combi- nations and proceedings, which obstructed the execution of the laws, and requiring the magistrates and courts to ex- ert the powers vested in them for bringing to justice the offenders. Bills of indictment were found against some of these persons, and the marshal attempted to serve the pro- cesses issued by the court. He was met by a body of armed men, seized, detained, and harshly treated. The, malecontents proceeded from one degree of excess to an- other, holding seditious meetings, arming themselves, abus- ing the officers of the government, and bidding defiance to the laws, till they assumed the attitude of insurrec- tion, and prepared for an organized resistance. 460 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 62. CHAPTER XVIII. 1794. Preparations for suppress- ing the in- surrection. Proclama- tion. August?. Requisitions for militia. The moderation and forbearance, which, according to his usual practice, the President had exercised towards these deluded people for more than two years, served only to increase their violence, and encourage their de- termined spirit of hostility. He could no longer hesitate, as to the course he ought to pursue. He resolved to em- ploy the means intrusted to him by the laws, and sup- press the insurrection by a military force. As a prepara- tory step, he issued a proclamation, dated on the 7th of August, in which, after briefly narrating the criminal transactions of the insurgents, and what had been done by the government to allay their discontents and turn them from their treasonable practices, he declared his de- termination to execute the laws by calling the militia to his aid, and commanded the insurgents and all persons concerned in abetting their acts to disperse and retire peaceably to their abodes before the first day of Sep- tember. Having sent out this proclamation, as a preliminary measure exacted by the laws, he next made a requisition for militia on the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The insurgents chiefly resided in the western counties of Pennsylvania. It was supposed there were among them about sixteen thousand men capa- ble of bearing arms, and that they could bring at least seven thousand into active service. The number of mili- tia at first ordered out was twelve thousand, and it was subsequently increased to fifteen thousand. The Governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey took the field at the head of the troops from their respective States, and the com- mand of the whole was conferred on Governor Lee of Virginia.* The place of rendezvous for the Pennsylvania and New Jersey troops was Bedford. Those from Virginia * The rank of the principal officers, as stated in Washington's Diary, was as follows; first, Governor Lee, commander-in-chief; sec- ond, Governor Mifflin ; third, Governor Howell ; fourth, General Daniel Morgan. The comparative rank of the brigadiers is not mentioned. General Hand was appointed adjutant-general. ^Er. 62.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 461 and Maryland assembled at Cumberland, the site of Old CHAPTER Fort Cumberland, at the junction of Will's Creek with the XVIIL Potomac River. From every quarter the militia came 1794. forward with alacrity, and the best disposition was shown by officers and privates to execute the orders of the gov- ernment. The President, accompanied by the Secretary of War, President J J ' joins the inspected the army at the two places of rendezvous, "my. He went, by way of Harrisburg and Carlisle, first to October. Cumberland, and thence to Bedford, these places being about thirty miles apart. He gave directions for each division to march across the Allegany Mountains, meet on the other side, and act against the insurgents as cir- cumstances should require. Ascertaining from personal examination that every thing was in readiness, and leav- ing written instructions with General Lee, he returned to Philadelphia. Congress was soon to meet, and it was important for him to be there at that time. He was ab- sent four weeks. When he left home he intended to cross the mountains insurrection and lead the army in person, if this should seem expedi- ent ; but the intelligence he received on the way, and the spirit which animated the troops, convinced him that the insurgents would make no formidable resistance to such a force, and that his further attendance on the expe- dition was not necessary. The Secretary of War went on with the army to Pittsburg. The result was even more fortunate than could have been expected. No re- sistance was attempted, and no blood was shed. To pre- serve quiet, and secure what had been gained, a body of troops continued for some time in the disaffected country under the command of General Morgan. In the President's speech to Congress, after mentioning speech to somewhat in detail the course he had taken to suppress the insurrection, he recommended further provisions for defence, particularly a reform of the militia system, and also advised that some plan should be adopted for redeem- ing the public debt, which now amounted to about \v2* 462 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. ca CHAPTER seventy-six millions of dollars. While this last subject _ xvm * was under discussion in Congress, the Secretary of the 1794. Treasury reported a scheme, which he had matured on the basis of the laws previously enacted for regulating the fiscal operations of the government. A sinking fund had already been established by setting apart for that purpose a 'portion of certain specified taxes; and he pro- posed that this fund should be enlarged by increasing the duties on imports, tonnage, and distilled spirits, by the money accruing from the sales of public lands, the divi- dends on bank stock, and the surplus revenue remaining after the annual appropriations had been expended, and that the fund, thus increased, should be applied to the redemption of the debt. This report occasioned much debate, but the secretary's plan was substantially approv- ed, and an act conformable to it was passed. Before the end of the session, Hamilton resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury. The vacancy was filled by Oliver Wolcott, who was strongly recommended by Hamilton, and whose character was well known and . highly respected by the President. General Knox likewise retired from the war department, and was succeeded by Timothy Pickering, at that time Postmaster-general, whose services in the revolution had qualified him in an emi- nent degree for executing the duties of Secretary of War. Hamilton's resignation. nation. . 63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 463 CHAPTER XIX. The British Treaty ratified ,, by the Senate. Popular Excitement respect- ing it. The Treaty confirmed by the Signature of the President. Resignation of Mr. Randolph, Circumstances attending it. The Pres- ident refuses to furnish Papers to the House of Representatives in rela- tion to the British Treaty. Captivity of Lafayette, and Means used by Washington to procure his Liberation. Difficulties with France in Re- gard to the British Treaty. Recall of Mr. Monroe. Washington's Farewell Address. His last Speech to Congress. Inauguration of his Successor. Testimony of Respect shown to him by the Citizens of Philadelphia. He retires to Mount Vernon. Review of his Admin- istration. Remarks on Mr. Jefferson's Conduct towards Washington. Troubles with France. Preparations for War. Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the Provisional Army of the United States. Organization and Arrangement of the Army. His last Illness and Death. TI*E treaty with Great Britain, negotiated by Mr. Jay, CHAPTER arrived at the seat of government in March, shortly after XI3C ! the session of Congress was closed. The Constitution 1795. had provided, that all treaties should lie ratified by the Treaty with Great Britain Senate, and the President summoned that body to meet arrives. in June, for the purpose of considering it. In the interval, he examined and studied the treaty Washington with the closest attention. It was not altogether such ratify the as he wished, perhaps not such as he had hoped. Points were left untouched, which he would gladly have seen introduced and definitively settled ; others were so arrang- ed, that he feared they would not prove a sufficient guard against future difficulties between the two nations. But he had perfect confidence in the ability, knowledge, and patriotism of Mr. Jay. He was convinced, that more fa- vorable terms could not be obtained, and that the only alternative was this treaty or none. Some valuable privi- leges were secured, nothing had been sacrificed, the na- tional honor was maintained, and a pledge of amity was held out. If the treaty was rejected, a war would 464 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEr. 63- CHAPTER certainly follow, the calamities of which, in the actual XIX " state of Europe, would be incalculable, and no one could 1795. predict when they would end, or to what they would lead. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, and believ- ing peace the greatest blessing his country could possess, he resolved, in case the treaty should be approved by the Senate, to affix to it his signature. ' senate ad- The Senate assembled in June, and, after two weeks' vise the rati- . . . ticationof discussion, advised the ratification. One article, however, the treaty. was excepted. By this article it was stipulated, that a direct trade between the United States and the British West India Islands should be allowed to American vessels not exceeding the burden of seventy tons, laden with the produce of the States or of the Islands ; but that mo- lasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton should not be transported in American vessels, either from the United States or the Islands, to any part of the world. As cot- ton was then becoming a product of much importance in the southern States, and had begun to be exported, this restriction was deemed inadmissible ; and the ratification of the Senate was to be valid only on condition that an article should be introduced, cancelling the one in which the restriction was contained. Nor was there a unanimity even with this limitation. A bare constitutional majority, that is, exactly two thirds of the members, voted in favor of the treaty. President As this was a novel case, the President was somewhat embarrassed , . .. . / -ITTI withtnecon- at a loss to determine how to dispose 01 it. Whether ditional arti- i- the act of the Senate could be regarded as a ratifica- tion of the treaty, before this new article should be ap- proved by the British government, and whether his signa- ture could properly be affixed to it previously to that event, were questions which he took time to consider. A new obstacle was thrown in the way by intelligence from Europe, that the British cabinet had renewed the order for seizing provisions in vessels bound to French ports. As this order might imply a construction of the treaty, which could never be admitted in the United jE-r.63.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 465 States, it was necessary still further to suspend his de- CHAPTER cision. Viewing the subject in all its relations, however, XIX , he inclined to the opinion, that it was best to ratify the 1795. treaty with the condition prescribed by the Senate, and at the same time to accompany it with a memorial or remonstrance to the British government against the provi- sion order. Meantime the treaty was published. At first an imper- Popular ex- citement feet abstract only appeared; but a complete copy was auseng with the request the convention, he knew this was the understanding of to furnish papers. the framers of the Constitution : that the subject was ful- March 30. ly discussed ; that there were reasons for believing the state conventions understood it in the same way ; that this construction had hitherto been acquiesced in by the House of Representatives ; and that a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of his office, required him to resist the principle contended for by the house. If allowed to be put in practice, it would destroy the confi- dence of foreign powers in the executive, derange the government, and lead to the most mischievous consequen- ces, when it would be too late to apply a remedy. The members, who voted for the resolution, were not Debates in conse- prepared for this refusal : nor did they conceal their dis- . ue " ce of 1 the Presi- appointment and dissatisfaction. The message gave rise ^'* re ' to a debate, which continued for many days, and in which the merits of the treaty, and the constitutional powers of the several departments of the government, were elaborate- ly discussed. Passion, party zeal, eloquence, and argument were all brought to bear on the subject ; and the speech- es show, that both sides of the question were maintain- ed with unusual ability and force of reasoning. In the end, a majority of the members who were opposed to the treaty yielded to the exigency of the case, and, probably more from expediency than conviction, united in passing the laws necessary for its fulfilment. Among the events, which contributed to harass the wwhington i -i /- r- i . ,. ende vors to mind and weigh upon the spirits of Washington, none af- procure the ' release' of fected him more keenly than the captivity of Lafayette. Lafayette. Gratitude for the services rendered by Lafayette to the United States in times of distress and peril, a respect for his character, founded on a long and intimate acquaintance, and a knowledge of his pure and disinterested principles, 472 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JET. 64. 1796. Writes to the Mar- chi ones a de Lafayette. Write* to the Emperor of Germany. George Washington Lafayette. had created an ardent attachment, of which many proofs have been exhibited in this narrative, and many others might be added. In proportion to the strength of this attachment was his affliction at the sufferings of his friend. After receiving the intelligence of his capture, Wash- ington wrote letters to the Marchioness de Lafayette, ex- pressive of his sympathy, and affording all the consola- tion in his power. His regret was the greater, because, being at the head of the nation, the family of Lafayette, and the friends of humanity in Europe, expected much from his aid ; while in reality he could do nothing more, except by his personal influence, than any other indi- vidual. Lafayette was a prisoner, first in the Prussian dominions, and next in the Austrian. There was no diplomatic intercourse between those countries and the United States. Hence the American government, without authority to make a demand or power to enforce it, either directly or through the agency of other governments, could take no decisive steps for his release. Instructions were sent, and often repeated, to the Amer- ican ministers at foreign courts, directing them to use all their efforts in his favor. These instructions were faith- fully obeyed. Nothing more could be done. The media- tion of the British cabinet was sought, but not obtained. That he might leave no means untried, Washington at last wrote a letter to the Emperor of Germany, stating his friendship for Lafayette, suggesting in delicate terms that his sufferings had perhaps been as great as the na- ture of his case demanded, and requesting that he might be permitted to come to the United States under such restrictions as his Majesty, the Emperor, might think it expedient to prescribe. What influence this letter may have had on the mind of the Emperor, or on the fate of Lafayette, is not known. When restored to liberty, he was delivered over, by order of the Austrian government, to the American consul at Hamburg. When the wife and daughters of Lafayette left France, to join him in the prison of Olmutz, his son, George -Ex. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 473 Washington Lafayette, came to the United States. He CHAPTER was affectionately received into the family of President XIX ' Washington, where he resided nearly two years, till he 1796. returned to Europe on hearing of the liberation of his father. Not Ions: after the treaty was conditionally ratified by French min- . , . , . ister object* the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the French to the Brit- ish treaty. minister, M. Adet, the successor of M. Fauchet. He ob- jected to some parts of it, as at variance with the treaty subsisting between France and the United States. His objections were answered by the Secretary of State, and such explanations were given as showed, that the treaty could in no degree injure the interests of France, and that the government of the United States was resolved faith- fully to fulfil their compact with that nation, according to the strict principles of neutrality, which it was bound to observe in regard to the belligerent powers of Europe. But the rulers of the French republic had viewed with jealousy Mr. Jay's negotiation, as diminishing their hope of a war between Great Britain and the United States ; and it is not surprising, that they should be quick to find out points in the treaty, which, by their construction, might be turned to the disadvantage of France. Foresee- ing this result, and anxious to remove every ground of dissatisfaction, Washington caused very full instructions to be sent to Mr. Monroe, that he might be able to ex- plain the articles of the treaty, as understood by the American government, and also their designs and conduct in making it. From the tenor of Mr. Monroe's letters, and from the Monroe's proceedings of the French Directory, the President was France. m led to believe, that the minister had been backward in using his instructions, and in furnishing the required ex- planations. It was known, likewise, that he was hostile to the treaty ; and of course, with the best disposition to do his duty, he could hardly enter into the views of the government with the zeal, and represent them with the force of conviction, which the importance of the occasion 60 *2* 474 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 64. CHAPTER demanded. The only remedy was to send out another XIX. minister. It was resolved, therefore, to recall Mr. Monroe, 1796. an( j ma ke a new appointment. This resolution was unan- imously approved by the cabinet. Mr. Monroe was ac- cordingly recalled, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was sent to supply his place. Thomas Some months previously, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had Pinckney. * been permitted to return home, having discharged the duties of his office in England, and on a mission for ne- gotiating a treaty at Madrid, to the entire satisfaction of Rams King. the executive and of his country. Rufus King, who had been a senator from the beginning of the new govern- ment, was appointed as his successor at the court of Great Britain. Washington When the second period of four years, for which Wash- resolves to retire from mston had been elected to the Presidency, was approach- office at the . a f f -, expiration of mg its termination, many of his friends, concerned at the his second term. present state of the country, and fearing the consequences of the heats and divisions that would arise in choosing his successor, pressed him earnestly to make a still further sacrifice of his inclination to the public good. But his purpose was fixed, and not to be changed. He believed that he had done enough, and that he might now, with- out any dereliction of duty, resign the helm of govern- ment into other hands. Having determined to retire, he thought proper to make this determination known in a formal manner, and at so early a day, as to enable his fellow citizens to turn their thoughts to other candidates, and prepare for a new election. washing- Accordingly his Farewell Address to the people of the weii S Ad- re ~ United States was published on the 15th of September, nearly six months before his term of office expired. In sept. is. are em k 0( ii e( l the results of his long experience in public affairs, and a system of policy, which in his opinion was the best suited to insure to his country the blessings of union, peace, and prosperity, and the respect of other nations. For the vigor of its language, the sound- ness of its maxims, the wisdom of its counsels, and its JET. 64.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 475 pure and elevated sentiments, this performance is unrival- CHAPTER led ; and the lapse of forty years has rather increased . . than diminished the admiration with which it was uni- 1796. versally received. The sensation, which it produced in every class of the community, was as strong as it has been permanent. Even the fierce spirit of party could not resist the impulse, nor weaken its force. The State legislatures, when they assembled, and other public bodies, voted addresses and thanks to the President, expressing a cordial approbation of his conduct during the eight years in which he had filled the office of chief magistrate, and their deep regret that the 'nation was to be deprived of his services. In some of the States, the Farewell Ad- dress was printed and published with the laws by order of the legislatures, as an evidence of the value they at- tached to its political precepts, and of their affection for its author.* The two houses of Congress came together in Decem- Meets con- . grexs for the ber, and Washington met them for the last time. As he last time, had usually done in his former speeches, he first presented December 7. a clear and comprehensive view of the condition of the country, and the executive proceedings within the last year, and then recommended to their consideration certain measures, which he deemed important. Among these were the gradual increase of the navy, a provision for the encouragement of agriculture and manufactures, the establishment of a national university, and the institution of a military academy. The relations with France were made the subject of a separate message. At the end of his speech he said ; " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government com- * Other particulars respecting the Farewell Address are contained in the APPENDIX, No. V. See also Washington's Writings, Vol. XII. pp. 214, 382. 476 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [v CHAPTER menced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate XIX> you and my country, on the success of the experiment, J797. nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ; and that the government, which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties, may be perpetual." John Adams Little wa& done during the session. Public attention thepresi- was engrossed with the pending election. The votes of dency. the electors were returned to Congress, and in February they were opened and counted in the presence of both houses. It appeared that John Adams was chosen Presi- dent, and Thomas Jefferson Vice-President, the former having the highest number of votes, and the latter the next highest. The strength of the parties was tried in this contest. Mr. Adams was supported by the friends of the administration, or the federal party, and Mr. Jefferson by its opponents, or the democratic party. inaugnra- On the 4th of March the President elect took the oath President of office and assumed its duties. The ceremony was performed in the hall of the House of Representatives, and in the same manner as had been practised on for- , mer occasions. Washington was present as a spectator, happy in resigning the burden of his office, and gratified to see it confided to one, whose long and patriotic servi- ces in the cause of his country rendered him worthy of so high a trust. Washington The citizens of Philadelphia celebrated the day by a Mount to testimony of respect for the man, whom they, in common with the whole nation, loved and revered. A splendid entertainment was prepared, which was designed for him as the principal guest, and to which were invited foreign ministers, the heads of the departments, officers of rank, and other distinguished persons. A spacious rotunda was fitted up for the occasion, in which were elegant decora- tions, emblematical paintings, fanciful devices, and a land- JET. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 477 scape representing Mount Vernon and the scenery around CHAPTER it, all conspiring to revive associations connected with the XIX ' life of Washington. 1797. The following anecdote was communicated by the late Anecdote. Bishop White. " On the day before President Washing- ton retired from office, a large company dined with him. Among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During the dinner much hilarity prevailed ; but, on the removal of the cloth, it was put an end to by the President, certainly without design. Having filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile, as nearly as can be recollected in the following words ; ' Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' There was an end of all pleasantry. He, who gives this relation, accidentally directed his eye to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her cheeks." Being once more a private citizen, and having already His journey made preparation for his departure, he proceeded imme- vemon. diately with his family to Mount Vernon. In passing along the road he was welcomed with the same hearty demonstrations of attachment, as when clothed with the dignity and power of office. Before he reached Baltimore, he was met by a military escort and a large concourse of the inhabitants, who accompanied him into the city ; and it was not till he had actually arrived at his own man- sion, in the tranquil retreat of Mount Vernon, that he could say he was no longer a public man. In reviewing the administration of Washington, now Review of that the effervescence of party is subsided, and in tracing ton's admi . . istration. its enects on the formation and progress of the govern- ment, there can hardly be a difference of opinion. No one can doubt its wisdom or its success. Whether an- other system, more conformable to the views of those who opposed his principal measures, might not have operated 478 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 65. CHAPTER equally well, is not a question which needs to be dis- XIX * cussed. When a great and permanent good has been 1797. (j one) with the purest motives on the part of the actor, it is not necessary, in forming a just estimate of this good, to inquire by what other means the same end might have been attained. Notwithstanding the innumerable embarrassments, which attended the first operations of the new government, the nation was never more prosperous than while Washington was at its head. Credit was restored, and established on a sound basis ; the public debt was secured, and its ul- timate payment provided for ; commerce had increased beyond any former example ; the amount of tonnage in the ports of the United States had nearly doubled ; the imports and exports had augmented in a considerably larger ratio ; and the revenue was much more abundant than had been expected. The war with the Indians was conducted to a successful issue ; and a peace was con- cluded, which promised quiet to the frontier inhabitants, and advantages to the uncivilized tribes. Treaties had been made with foreign powers, in which long standing disputes were amicably settled, contending claims adjust- ed, and important privileges gained to the United States. The relations with France alone remained in a state of incertitude and perplexity ; and this was owing to the condition of affairs in Europe, and not to any thing that had grown out of the acts or policy of the American government. Much having been said and published respecting Mr. Jefferson's conduct towards Washington, after the former retired from the office of Secretary of State, it may have been expected that some additional facts would appear in this narrative. Such an expectation, however, I have no means of gratifying. Among Washington's papers I have found nothing, which can afford any new elucidation. It has been supposed, that, after his death, certain papers were abstracted from his manuscripts, which contained matters unfavorable to Mr. Jefferson. He was in the habit Jefferson's conduct towards Washington. jE T . 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 479 of writing his diary in small books, and some of these CHAPTER books, written during the period in question, are missing. XIX * It may be observed also, that, for the last three or four 1797. years of his life, there is no record of a correspondence between him and Mr. Jefferson, nor any papers of impor- tance in which the name of the latter is more than in- cidentally alluded to. When I mentioned the subject to Judge Washington, he replied cautiously, that he had never charged any person with having abstracted papers. Indeed, the nature of the case scarcely admitted of posi- tive proof. But, without discussing the question, or exam- ining the conjectural evidence which has been adduced, I will only remark, that I am convinced the suspicion of papers having been taken away, for the purpose alleged, must rest on a very slight foundation. There can be no doubt, however, that Washington's Washington feelings were wounded by some parts of Mr. Jefferson's witiTsome conduct, as well as by conversations which were reported Jefferson's 1 conduct. to him as having been held at Monticello. He had re- posed unlimited confidence in Mr. Jefferson, and shown towards him at all times a sincere and unwavering at- tachment ; and he was not prepared to receive the returns of ingratitude and disrespect, which these conversations seemed to imply. The famous letter to Mazzei, however it may be explained, could not have been read by Wash- ington without pain. The unqualified censure of the ad- ministration, which it contained, necessarily included him as the head of the administration. After he retired from the Presidency, an insidious letter was sent to him through the postoffice, the object of which was to draw from him political remarks and opinions. It was accidentally dis- covered, that this letter was subscribed with a fictitious signature, and that it came from a person, who resided near Mr. Jefferson, associated intimately with him, and participated in his political sentiments. It was not ascer- tained, nor perhaps fully believed, that Mr. Jefferson was accessory to this proceeding ; but the circumstances were such, as to make a strong impression upon the mind of 480 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JEx. 65. 1797. Jefferson's situation at the head of a party. Jefferson's testimony in praise of Washington. Washington. It is also remarkable, that, while Mr. Jef- ferson was Vice-President, although he passed near Mount Vernon in his journeys between Monticello and Philadel- phia, to attend Congress at two regular sessions and one extra session before Washington's death, he never paid him a visit nor saw him after they separated at the time of Mr. Adams's inauguration. A decisive judgment on this subject ought not be form- ed, however, without considering the position in which Mr. Jefferson was placed, and his own testimony. As the head of a party opposed to the administration, he was the centre of action to that party ; and he would neces- sarily be led to remark on public transactions, and to ex- press his disapprobation of them. At such times, his con- versation may have been misinterpreted by his watchful opponents as applying to Washington, when in reality he had in view only the system of measures to which he gave his support. If it is difficult in this case to separate the measures from the man, and the censure of the one from that of the other, it must be remembered, that the difficulty is inherent in the case itself, and that there was no other way by which Mr. Jefferson could escape from it, entertaining such opinions as he did, than by abstain- ing altogether from speaking on public affairs. This for- bearance was not to be expected, nor was it to be re- quired of him, more than of any other person. Again, Mr. Jefferson has affirmed that no correspondence took place between him and Washington, during the in- terval in which none has been found among the papers of the latter ; that he always believed him to be firmly attached to the republican principles of the constitution, and determined to sustain them at all hazards ; and that neither in the letter to Mazzei, nor on any other occa- sion, did he intend to include Washington among those, whom he charged with moulding the government into monarchical and aristocratical forms. The substance of this declaration is often repeated in his published letters. In one of these, describing the character of Washington, ZEr. C5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 481 he says ; " His integrity was most pure, his justice the CHAPTER most inflexible I have ever known ; no motives of inter- XLy ' est or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able 1797. to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in every sense of the words, a wise, a good, and a great man." These considerations seem to show at least, that, whatever may have been Mr. Jefferson's feelings, or the part he acted, in times of warm political strife, a calm review of the past, at a later period, brought him to a just estimate of the character and conduct of Washington. But, after all, it is not easy to be convinced, even by his own state- ments, that he is not in some degree chargeable with de- linquency towards him during the latter years of his life. Being established again at Mount Vernon, and freed Washington from public toils and cares, Washington returned to the Jirtohi m same habits of life, and the same pursuits, which he had fairs, always practised at that place. It required neither time nor new incitements to revive a taste for occupations, which had ever afforded him more real enjoyment than any others. Although he had been able to exercise a par- tial supervision over his private affairs, yet he found, that, after an absence of eight years, much was to be done to repair his houses, restore his farms to the condition in which he had left them, and complete his favorite sys- tem of agriculture. To these employments he devoted himself with as lively an interest, as if nothing had oc- curred to interrupt them. In writing to a friend, a few weeks after he arrived at HIS daily Mount Vernon, he said that he began his daily course with the rising of the sun, and first made preparations for the business of the day. "By the time I have accom- plished these matters," he adds, " breakfast is ready. This being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss to see strange faces come as they say out of respect to me. And how different is this from having a few social friends at a cheerful board. The usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring 61 Y2 482 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [-Ex. 65. Conduct of Ihe French Directory. CHAPTER me within the dawn of candlelight ; previous to which, XIX ' if not prevented by company, I resolve, that, as soon as 1797. the glimmering taper supplies the place of the great lu- minary, I will retire to' my writing-table, and acknowl- edge the letters I have received. Having given you this history of a day, it will serve for a year." And in this manner a year passed away, and with no other variety than that of the change of visiters, who came from all parts to pay their respects or gratify their curiosity. But, in the midst of these scenes, it once more became his duty to yield to the claim of his country. The French Directory had rejected the overtures for a reconciliation, and committsd outrages and insults against the United States, which no independent nation could bear. Mr. Pinckney, the American plenipotentiary, had been treated with indignity, first by a refusal to receive him as min- ister, and next by an order to leave the territories of the Republic. At the same time, depredations were made upon American commerce by French cruisers, in violation of the treaty which had subsisted between the two na- tions. President Adams summoned Congress, submitted the subject to them, and recommended preparations for military defence. That no method might be left unat- tempted for bringing about a reconciliation and insuring peace, two envoys extraordinary, John Marshall and El- bridge Gerry, were sent out to join Mr. Pinckney. The three envoys proceeded to Paris, but their mission was unsuccessful. It seems that the rulers of France had been deceived into a belief, that the people of the United States would not sustain their government m a war against that coun- try. The opposition shown to the British treaty had con- tributed to foster this delusion; and indeed the conduct of the French ministers in the United States, from the time Genet arrived at Charleston, had clearly indicated a design to separate the people from the government. Such was the confidence of the Executive Directory in this hope, and such their ignorance of the American character, raise pre- France. ^T. 65.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 483 that they had the effrontery to demand money of the CHAPTER envoys as a preliminary to any negotiation for settling the differences between the two nations. This demand 1798. was made under the pretence of a redress of grievances, in consequence, as it was alleged, of the unfavorable opera- tion of the British treaty, and of the system of neutrality adopted by the American government. So degrading a proposal could not of course be regarded in any other light than as an insult. Nothing now remained to be done but to prepare for congress i i T> i i prepare for war. Congress authorized the .President to enlist ten thou- war. sand men, as a provisional army, and to call them into actual service, if war should be declared against the Unit- ed States, or whenever in his opinion there should be danger of an invasion. As soon as it was foreseen, that a resort to arms might Washington 11 i TIT- i solicited to be necessary, all eyes were turned upon Washington as take com- mand of the the individual to be placed at the head of the army, provisional army. The weight of his name was of the utmost importance to produce unanimity in the leaders, and secure the con- fidence and support of the people. "You ought to be May 19. aware," said Hamilton, in writing to him, " that, in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your coun- try ; and, though all who are attached to you will from attachment, as well as public considerations, deplore an occasion, which should once more tear you from that re- pose to which you have so good a right, yet it is the opinion of all those with whom I converse, that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice." The President also wrote to him ; " We must have your name, if you will pern.it us to June 22. use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." This letter was written before any appoint- ments had been made. The following is an extract from Washington's reply. " From a view of the past and the present, and from 484 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [>ET. 66. 1798. Letter to President Adams. July 4. Washington appointed to tke com- mand of the army. the prospect of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of actual inva- sion by a formidable force, I certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my ser- vices should be required by my country to assist in re- pelling it. And, if there be good cause, which must be better known to the government than to private citizens, to expect such an event, delay in preparing for it might be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by pru- dence. The uncertainty, however, of the event, in my mind, creates my embarrassment ; for I cannot fairly bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of trea- ties and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the sense of the people in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes." Before receiving this reply, the President had nomin- ated him to the Senate as Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. The nomination was unani- mously confirmed on the 3d of July, the day after it was made. The Secretary of War was despatched in person to Mount Yernon, as the bearer of the commission. Wash- ington accepted the appointment, with two reservations ; first, that the principal officers should be such as he ap- proved ; secondly, that he should not be called into the field, till the army was 'in a condition to require his pres- ence, or till it became necessary by the urgency of cir- cumstances. He added, however, that he did not mean to withhold any assistance he could afford in arranging and organizing the army ; arid, in conformity with the rule he had always followed, he declined receiving any part of the emoluments annexed to his appointment, until he should be in a situation to incur expense. There was much embarrassment in appointing the prin- cipal officers. Some of those, who had served in the rev- JET. 66.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 485 olution, were prominent candidates for appointments in the CHAPTER new army. It became a question, whether their former XIX ' rank should be taken into account. If this were decided 1798. in the affirmative, it would deprive the army of the ser- Emban-ass- . meui in se- vices of men, whose talents, activity, and influence were leciiugthe principal of the greatest moment, but who would not accept sub- oincers. ordinate places. It was the opinion of Washington, that, since the old army had long been disbanded, and a new one was now to be formed upon different principles and for a different object, no regard ought to be paid to for- mer rank, but that the best men should be selected, and so arranged as most effectually to promote the public good. This opinion prevailed. The inspector-general was to be the second in com- General officers mand, and there were to be likewise two major-generals, appointed. For these offices Washington proposed Alexander Hamil- ton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, and Henry Knox, who were to rank in the order in which their names here stand. They were thus appointed. The President was not satisfied with the arrangement. His choice for the inspector-general rested upon Knox, but he acquiesced in the decision of Washington. Unfortunately General Knox was displeased with the arrangement, and declined accept- ing his commission. He believed that his former services gave him higher claims, than could be advanced for the two younger officers who were placed over him. From this time to the end of his life a great part of wasuing- Washirigton's attention was taken up with the affairs of taken ip le __.. with the the new army. His correspondence with the Secretary of affa i re of War, the major-generals, and other officers, was unremit- ted and very full, entering into details and communicating instructions, which derived value from his long experience and perfect knowledge of the subject. His letters during this period, if not the most interesting to many readers, will ever be regarded as models of their kind, and as af- fording evidence that the vigor and fertility of his mind had not decreased with declining years. He passed a 486 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 67. CHAPTER month at Philadelphia, where he was assiduously em- XIX ' ployed with Generals Hamilton and Pinckney in making 1799. arrangements for raising and organizing the army. After November, the plan was finished, he applied himself, with all the ardor of his younger days, to effect its execution. Disputes He never seriously believed, that the French would go ^justed!" 166 to the extremity of invading the United States. But it had always been a maxim with him, that a timely prep- aration for war afforded the surest means of preserving peace ; and on this occasion he acted with as much promptitude and energy, as if the invaders had been actu- ally on the coast. His opinion proved to be correct, and his prediction was verified. When it was discovered, that a war with the United States would not be against the government alone, but that the whole people would rise to resist aggression and maintain their rights and dignity as a nation, the French rulers relaxed into a more pacific temper. Intimations were given by them of a willingness to cooperate in effecting a friendly and equitable adjust- ment of existing differences. Listening to these overtures, the President again appointed three envoys extraordinary, and invested them with full powers to negotiate with the French government. When they arrived in Paris, they found Bonaparte at the head of affairs, who, having taken no part in the preceding disputes, and perceiving no ad- vantage in continuing them, readily assented to an accom- modation. No event was more desired by Washington, but he did not live to participate in the joy with which the intelligence was received by his countrymen. washing- Since his retirement from the Presidency, his health iitaws! 181 had been remarkably good ; and, although age had not come without its infirmities, yet he was able to endure fa- tigue and make exertions of body and mind with scarcely less ease and activity, than he had done in the prime of his strength. On the 12th of December he spent several hours on horseback, riding to his farms, and giving di- rections to his managers. He returned late in the after- &T. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 487 noon, wet and chilled with the rain and sleet, to which CHAPTER he had been exposed while riding home. The water had . XIX * penetrated to his neck, and snow was lodged in the locks 1799. of his hair. A heavy fall of snow the next day pre- vented his going abroad, except for a short time near his house. A sore throat and hoarseness convinced him, that he had taken cold ; but he seemed to apprehend no danger from it. He passed the evening with the family, read the newspapers, and conversed cheerfully till his usual hour for going to rest. In the night he had an ague, and before the dawn of day the next morning, which was Saturday, the 14th, the soreness in his throat had become so severe, that he breathed and spoke with difficulty. At his request he was bled by one of his overseers, and in the mean time a messenger went for Dr. Craik, who lived nine miles off, at Alexandria. As no relief was obtained by bleeding, and the symptoms were such as to alarm the family, an- other messenger was despatched for Dr. Brown, who re- sided nearer Mount Vernon. These physicians arrived in the morning, and Dr. Dick in the course of the day. All the remedies, which their united counsel could devise, were used without effect. His suffering was acute and unabated through the day, His death, but he bore it with perfect composure and resignation. Dec. 14. Towards evening he said to Dr. Craik; "I die hard, but I am not afraid to die. I believed from my first attack, that I should not survive it. My breath cannot last long." From that time he said little, except to thank the phy- sicians for their kindness, and request they would give themselves no more trouble, but let him die quietly. No- thing further was done, and he sank gradually till between ten and eleven o'clock at night, when he expired, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and in the full possession of his mental faculties ; exhibiting in this short and painful illness, and in his death, the same example of patience, fortitude, and submission to the Divine will, which he had shown in all the acts of his life. On Wednesday, 488 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [JT. 67. hu death. CHAPTER the 18th of December, his remains were deposited in the . X1X ' family tomb at Mount Vernon.* 1799. Congress was at this time in session at Philadelphia; proceedings and. when the news of the melancholy event arrived at of Congress thVnews'of t ^ ie seat ^ overnment j bth houses immediately adjourn- e( j f or the remainder of the day. The next morning, as soon as the House of Representatives had convened, Mr. Marshall, afterwards Chief Justice, rose in his place, and addressed the Speaker in an eloquent and pathetic speech, briefly recounting the public acts of Washington. "Let us, then," said he, at the conclusion, " pay the last trib- ute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the Grand Council of the nation display those sentiments, which the nation feels." He then offered three resolu- tions, previously prepared by General Henry Lee, which were accepted. By these it was proposed, that the house should in a body wait on the President to express their condolence ; that the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in black, and the members and officers of the house be dressed in black, during the session ; and that a com- mittee, in conjunction with a committee from the Senate, should be appointed " to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honor to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens." The Senate testified their respect and sorrow by simi- lar proceedings. A joint committee of the two houses was appointed, who reported resolutions recommending, that a marble monument should be erected to commem- orate the great events in the military and political life of Washington; that an oration, suited to the occasion, should be pronounced in the presence of both houses of Congress ; that the people of the United States should wear crape on the left arm thirty days as a badge of mourning ; and that the President, in the name of Con- congress * A particular account of the last illness and death of Washington is contained in the Appendix, No. VI. JEr. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 489 gress, should be requested to write a letter of condolence CHAPTER to Mrs. Washington. These resolutions were unanimously XIX> adopted. The funeral ceremonies were appropriate and 1799. solemn. A procession, consisting of the members of the Dec. zs. two houses, public officers, and a large assemblage of citi- zens, moved from the hall of Congress to the German Lutheran Church, where a discourse was delivered by General Lee, then a representative in Congress.* But no formal act of the national legislature was requir- Mourning i f -it universal ed to stir up the hearts 01 the people, or to remind them throughout the nation. of the loss they had sustained in the death of a man, whom they had so long been accustomed to love and revere, and the remembrance of whose deeds and virtues was so closely connected with that of their former perils, and of the causes of their present prosperity and happi- ness. The mourning was universal. It was manifested by every token, which could indicate the public sentiment and feeling. Orators, divines, journalists, and writers of every class, responded to the general voice in all parts of the country, and employed their talents to solemnize the event, and to honor the memory of him, who, more than any other man, of ancient or modern renown, may claim to be called THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.! * See Appendix, No. VII. f Bonaparte rendered unusual honors to the name of Washington, not long after the event of his death was made known in France. By what motives he was prompted, it is needless to inquire. At any rate, both the act itself and his manner of performing it are somewhat re- markable, when regarded in connexion with his subsequent career. He was then First Consul. On the 9th of February, he issued the follow- ing order of the day to the army. " Washington is dead. This great man fought against tyranny ; he established the liberty of his country. His memory will always be dear to the French people, as it will be to all free men of the two worlds ; and especially to French soldiers, who, like him and the American soldiers, have combated for liberty and equality." The First Consul likewise ordered, that, during ten days, black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags throughout the Republic. On the same day a splendid ceremony took place in the Champ de Mars, and the trophies brought by the army from Egypt were displayed with great pomp. Immediately after this ceremony was over, a funeral oration in honor of Washington, (Eloge 62 490 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [En. 67. CHAPTER The person of Washington was commanding, graceful, XIX ' and fitly proportioned ; his stature six feet, his chest broad 1799. and full, his limbs long and somewhat slender, but well character of shaped and muscular. His features were regular and Washington. symmetrical, his eyes of a light blue color, and his whole countenance, in its quiet state, was grave, placid, and benignant. When alone, or not engaged in conversation, he appeared sedate and thoughtful ; but, when his atten- tion was excited, his eye kindled quickly and his face beamed with animation and intelligence. He was not fluent in speech, but what he said was apposite, and lis- tened to with the more interest as being known to come from the heart. He seldom attempted sallies of wit or humor, but no man received more pleasure from an ex- hibition of them by others ; and, although contented in seclusion, he .sought his chief happiness in society, and participated with delight in all its rational and innocent amusements. Without austerity on the one hand, or an appearance of condescending familiarity on the other, he was affable, courteous, and cheerful ; but it has often been remarked, that there was a dignity in his person and manner, not easy to be denned, which impressed every one that saw him for the first time with an instinctive deference and awe. This may have arisen in part from a conviction of his superiority, as well as from the effect produced by his external form and deportment. Funtbre de Washington) was pronounced by M. de Fontaines, in the Hotel des Invalides, then called the Temple of Mars. The First Con- sul, and all the civil and military authorities of the capital, were present It may here be mentioned, that Washington was never a Marshal of France, as has been said and often repeated. Another tribute was paid to his memory, which is worthy of being recorded. About the time that the news of his death arrived in Eng- land, the British fleet, which had recently chased the French fleet into the harbor of Brest, was lying at Torbay, and consisted of nearly sixty ships of the line. Lord Bridport, who had the command, on hear- ing the intelligence, lowered his flag half-mast. His example was followed by the whole fleet. This fact was communicated to me by an American gentleman, who was on board one of the ships at the time. JET. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 491 The character of his mind was unfolded in the public CHAPTER and private acts of his life ; and the proofs of his great- XIX * ness are seen almost as much in the one as the other. 1799. The same qualities, which raised him to the ascendency intellectual . , traits and he possessed over the will of a nation as the commander haw*, of armies and chief magistrate, caused him to be loved and respected as an individual. Wisdom, judgment, pru- dence, and firmness were his predominant traits. No man ever saw more clearly the relative importance of things and actions, or divested himself more entirely of the bias of personal interest, partiality, and prejudice, in discrimi- nating between the true and the false, the right and the wrong, in all questions and subjects that were presented to him. He deliberated slowly, but decided surely ; and, when his decision was once formed, he seldom reversed it, and never relaxed from the execution of a measure till it was completed. Courage, physical and moral, was a part of his nature ; and, whether in battle or in the midst of popular excitement, he was fearless of danger and regardless of consequences to himself. His ambition was of that noble kind, which aims to excel in whatever it undertakes, and to acquire a power over the hearts of men by promoting their happiness and winning their affections. Sensitive to the approbation of others and solicitous to deserve it, he made no concessions to gain their applause, either by flattering their vanity or yielding to their caprices. Cautious without timidity, bold without rashness, cool in counsel, deliberate but firm in action, clear in foresight, patient under reverses, steady, persevering, and self-possessed, he met and conquered every obstacle that obstructed his path to honor, renown, and success. More confident in the uprightness of his inten- tions, than in his resources, he sought knowledge and advice from other men. He chose his counsellors with unerring sagacity ; and his quick perception of the sound- ness of an opinion, and of the strong points in an argu- ment, enabled him to draw to his aid the best fruits of their talents, and the light of their collected wisdom. 492 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 67. His moral qualities were in perfect harmony with those of his intellect. Duty was the ruling principle of his 1799. conduct; and the rare endowments of his understanding ms moral were not more constantly tasked to devise the best meth- qualities. ods of effecting an object, than they were to guard the sanctity of conscience. No instance can be adduced, in which he was actuated by a sinister motive, or endeavor- - ed to attain an end by unworthy means. Truth, integ- rity, and justice were deeply rooted in his mind j and nothing could rouse his indignation so soon, or so utter- ly destroy his confidence, as the discovery of the want of these virtues in any one whom he had trusted. Weak- nesses, follies, indiscretions, he could forgive ; but subter- fuge and dishonesty he never forgot, rarely pardoned. He was candid and sincere, true to his friends, and faithful to all, neither practising dissimulation, descending to arti- fice, nor holding out expectations which he did not intend should be realized. His passions were strong, and some- times they broke out with vehemence, but he had the power of checking them in an instant. Perhaps self- control was the most remarkable trait of his character. It was in part the effect of discipline ; yet he seems by nature to have possessed this power to a degree, which has been denied to other men. A Christian in faith and practice, he was habitually devout. His reverence for religion is seen in his exam- ple, his public communications, and his private writings. He uniformly ascribed his successes to the beneficent agency of the Supreme Being. Charitable and humane, he was liberal to the poor, and kind to those in distress. As a husband, son, and brother, he was tender and affec- 7 ' tionate. Without vanity, ostentation, or pride, he never spoke of himself or his actions, unless required by cir- cumstances which concerned the public interests. As he was free from envy, so he had the good fortune to escape the envy of others, by standing on an elevation which none could hope to attain. If he had one passion more strong than another, it was love of his country. The Reverence for religion. voi.v.p. HI'.. I \ Slephen e^^^ Mll.lllw.l.,.1 ffP (jteaie u' i ,, ^. Tonnan W JflBougan*^ JT. 67.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 493 purity and ardor of his patriotism were commensurate CHAPTER with the greatness of its object. Love of country in XIX * him was invested with the sacred obligation of a duty; 1799 - and from the faithful discharge of this duty he never swerved for a moment, 'either in thought or deed, through the whole period of his eventful career. Such are some of the traits in the character of Wash- conclusion, ington, which have acquired for him the love and venera- tion of mankind. If they are not marked with the bril- liancy, extravagance, and eccentricity, which in other men have excited the astonishment of the world, so neith- er are they tarnished by the follies nor disgraced by the crimes of those men. It is the happy combination of rare talents and qualities, the harmonious union of the intellectual and moral powers, rather than the dazzling splendor of any one trait, which constitute the grandeur of his character. If the title of great man ought to be reserved for him, who cannot be charged with an .indis- cretion or a vice, who spent his life in establishing the independence, the glory, and durable prosperity of his country, who succeeded in all that he undertook, and whose successes were never won at the expense of honor, justice, integrity, or by the sacrifice of a single principle, this title will not be denied to Washington. $ e>*^ APPENDIX. APPENDIX. No. I. p. 3. ORIGIN AND GENEALOGY OF THE WASHINGTON FAMILY. THERE was a tradition in the branch of the Washington fam- APPENDIX, ily to which General Washington belonged, that their ancestors emigrated to America from Yorkshire in the North of England. Origin of the _ ,. . Washington No facts had been collected, however, to confirm this tradition, family. nor did General Washington himself pretend to have any certain knowledge on the subject. Soon after he became President of the United States, Sir Isaac Heard, then Garter King of Arms in London, wrote to him, stating that from curiosity he had been at considerable pains to investigate this matter, and had made some progress, but that he was still in doubt as to several points, and he requested such particulars as could be furnished by the family in America. To gratify this request, as far as it was in his power, Wash- ington applied to several aged persons for their reminiscences, procured copies and abstracts of wills, and collected such other materials as could be found, from which he drew up a paper and forwarded it to the Garter King of Arms. This paper was the basis of an imperfect genealogical table, which was constructed and sent to Mount Vernon ; but an inflammation of the eyes, which seems to have afflicted Sir Isaac Heard for several years before his death, prevented his pursuing the inquiry ; and it does not appear that Washington obtained any other facts than those contained in the paper above mentioned. Sir Isaac Heard ascer- tained, however, that the two brothers, who were the first of the family that came to America, were not from Yorkshire, but from Northamptonshire, and he traced their ancestors to Lancashire. While I was in England, searching for the materials which have been used to fill out and illustrate various parts of Wash- 63 z2* 498 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. William de Hertburn. APPENDIX, ington's writings, I embraced the opportunity to make further No ' * inquiries respecting the origin and history of the family. At the Herald's College I was politely allowed access to all the manu- scripts of Sir Isaac Heard on this subject ; and, with the aid of these and of the voluminous county histories in the public libra- ries, I was enabled to collect a few facts, which may be thought worthy of being preserved in connexion with the life of one, who has added so much lustre to the name. In the County of Durham is a parish called Washington, and the earliest period, in which any person is known, or supposed, to have been called by that name, was towards the close of the twelfth century. The following is Hutchinson's account of this parish. " The manor is mentioned in the Boldon Book,* wherein it is said WILLIAM DE HERTBURN held the same, except the church and the lands thereto appertaining, in exchange for the vill of Hertburn, rendering four pounds, serving in the great chase with two greyhounds, and paying one mark to the palatine aid, when such happened to be raised. At the time of making Bishop Hat- field's survey,t the resident family had assumed a local name, and WILLIAM DE WESSYNGTON, knight, then held the manor and vill. On the inquisition taken at his death, in the twenty-second year of that prelate,| ^ a PP ears that in his service he was to provide three greyhounds for the chase, and, if he took any game in his way to the forest, it should be for the Bishop's use, but what he got on his return was to be taken for his own benefit. In Bishop Langley's time, we find Washington was become the estate of the Blackstons." |j The same particulars are stated by Shurtees, who adds the following. " It seems probable, that either William de Hertburn, or his immediate descendants, assumed the local name ; for William de Wessyngton occurs as a witness in charters of Bishops Robert de Stitchell,|f and de Insula.** William de Wessyngton, chevalier, " * So called from the parish of Boldon (near Washington), where it was written in 1180, it being a record of survey." " t About A. D. 1345, when Hatfield was made Bishop." \ About 1367." " Langley was made Bishop in 1406, and died in 1437." || HUTCHINSON'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 489. TF Robert de Stitchell was made Bishop of Durham in 1261, and died in 1274. HUTCHINSON'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 214. ** Robert de Insula, made Bishop in 1274, died 1283. Ibid. p. 223. William de Wessyngton, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 499 had license to settle the manor on himself, his wife Katherine, APPENDIX, and his own rjght heirs, in 1350, and died in 1367, seized of No ' L the whole manor and vill, by the abovementioned free rent of four pounds, leaving William his son and heir, who held by the same tenure under Hatfield's survey. Before 1400 the direct line expired in another William, whose only daughter, Dionisia, married Sir Willianv Tempest of Studley."* From these authorities it appears, that Hertburn was the original name of the Washington family, that the latter name probably was assumed by William de Hertburn between the years 1261 and 1274, and that the manor was held in the male line till about the year 1400, or one hundred and thirty years. During this period the name seems to have been usually written Wessyngton, though it is sometimes found Wessington. In its subsequent changes it was probably written variously at different times, and by different branches of the family. At the Herald's College, in the " VISITA- TION BOOK " (so called) of Northamptonshire for the year 1618, I found the autographs of Alban Wasshington and Robert Was- shington. These persons were uncles to John and Lawrence Washington, who emigrated to Virginia. Notwithstanding that the manor was no longer held by a person John de of the same name, yet the family extended itself; and one of the t0 n e . SS>D * number, called John de Wessyngton, attained to considerable emi- nence as a scholar and divine, being elected Prior of Durham on the 5th of November, 1416. " This learned Prior," says Hutchinson, " wrote many tracts, particularly one, De Juribus et Possessionibus EcclcsicB Dunelm'i, wherein he proves, that the Priors of Durham were always in- vested with the dignity of Abbots. There are some of his man- uscripts in the Dean and Chapter's library. The account of the paintings in the windows, and of the ornaments and ceremonies of the church, now extant, is by some attributed to him. He re- newed the dispute with the bishop touching the profession of the monks, which was determined in the Prior's favor, and presided at the general chapter held for the order of St. Benedict, at North- ampton, in the year 1426. In his time several licenses were ob- tained for acquiring lands for the monastery. Prior Wessyngton presided thirty years, and departed this life in the year 1446. He was buried before the door of the north aisle, near to St. Bene- dict's altar. On his tombstone was an inscription in brass, now totally lost."t * SHURTEES'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 40. t HUTCHINSON'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 96. 498 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, ington's writings, I embraced the opportunity to make further No ' *' inquiries respecting the origin and history of the family. At the Herald's College I was politely allowed access to all the manu- scripts of Sir Isaac Heard on this subject ; and, with the aid of these and of the voluminous county histories in the public libra- ries, I was enabled to collect a few facts, which may be thought worthy of being preserved in connexion with the life of one, who has added so much lustre to the name. In the County of Durham is a parish called Washington, and the earliest period, in which any person is known, or supposed, to have been called by that name, was towards the close of the twelfth century. The following is Hutchinson's account of this parish. William de "The manor is mentioned in the Boldon Book* wherein it is Heriburn. said WILLIAM DE HERTBURN held the same, except the church and the lands thereto appertaining, in exchange for the vill of Hertburn, rendering four pounds, serving in the great chase with two greyhounds, and paying one mark to the palatine aid, when such happened to be raised. At the time of making Bishop Hat- field's survey,! the resident family had assumed a local name, and William de WILLIAM DE WESSYNGTON, knight, then held the manor and vill. Wessyngton. _ On the inquisition taken at his death, in the twenty-second year of that prelate,^ ^ appears that in his service he was to provide three greyhounds for the chase, and, if he took any game in his way to the forest, it should be for the Bishop's use, but what he got on his return was to be taken for his own benefit. In Bishop Langley's time, we find Washington was become the estate of the Blackstons." || The same particulars are stated by Shurtees, who adds the following. " It seems probable, that either William de Hertburn, or his immediate descendants, assumed the local name ; for William de Wessyngton occurs as a witness in charters of Bishops Robert de Stitchell,fi and de Insula.** William de Wessyngton, chevalier, " * So called from the parish of Boldon (near Washington), where it was written in 1180, it being a record of survey." " t About A. D. 1345, when Hatfield was made Bishop." " { About 1367." " Langley was made Bishop in 1406, and died in 1437." || HDTCHINSON'S Historij of Durham, Vol. II. p. 489. IT Robert de Stitchell was made Bishop of Durham in 1261, and died in 1274. HUTCHINSON'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 214. ** Robert de Insula, made Bishop in 1274, died 1283. Ibid. p. 223. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 499 had license to settle the manor on himself, his wife Katherine, APPENDIX, and his own right heirs, in 1350, and died in 1367, seized of No " * the whole manor and vill, by the abovementioned free rent of four pounds, leaving; William his son and heir, who held by the same tenure under Hatfield's survey. Before 1400 the direct line expired in another William, whose only daughter, Dionisia, married Sir William, Tempest of Studley."* From these authorities it appears, that Hertburn was the original name of the Washington family, that the latter name probably was assumed by William de Hertburn between the years 1261 and 1274, and that the manor was held in the male line till about the year 1400, or one hundred and thirty years. During this period the name seems to have been usually written Wessyngton, though it is sometimes found Wessington. In its subsequent changes it was probably written variously at different times, and by different branches of the family. At the Herald's College, in the " VISITA- TION BOOK " (so called) of Northamptonshire for the year 1618, I found the autographs of Alban Wasshington and Robert Was- shington. These persons were uncles to John and Lawrence Washington, who emigrated to Virginia. Notwithstanding that the manor was no longer held by a person j hn de of the same name, yet the family extended itself; and one of the ton. SS) " S number, called John de Wessyngton, attained to considerable emi- nence as a scholar and divine, being elected Prior of Durham on the 5th of November, 1416. " This learned Prior," says Hutchinson, " wrote many tracts, particularly one, De Juribus et Possessionibus Ecclcsice Dunelm'i, wherein he proves, that the Priors of Durham were always in- vested with the dignity of Abbots. There are some of his man- uscripts in the Dean and Chapter's library. The account of the paintings in the windows, and of the ornaments and ceremonies of the church, now extant, is by some attributed to him. He re- newed the dispute with the bishop touching the profession of the monks, which was determined in the Prior's favor, and presided at the general chapter held for the order of St. Benedict, at North- ampton, in the year 1426. In his time several licenses were ob- tained for acquiring lands for the monastery. Prior Wessyngton presided thirty years, and departed this life in the year 1446. He was buried before the door of the north aisle, near to St. Bene- dict's altar. On his tombstone was an inscription in brass, now totally lost."t * SHURTEES'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 40. t HUTCHINSON'S History of Durham, Vol. II. p. 96. 500 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, No. I. Branches of the Wash- ington fara- By. Joseph Washington. Concerning the times in which the several branches of the fam- ily separated from the original stock, and the directions in which they spread, very little is known. During the century following Prior Wessyngton's death, we can trace them in Northumberland, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, and per- haps in other parts of England. If we may judge from the records of the transfers of estates and monumental inscriptions contained in the county histories, many, who bore the name, were persons of wealth and consideration. Their armorial bearings were varied, but whether to distinguish different branches of the family, or for other reasons, neither my knowledge of their history, nor my skill in heraldry, enables me to decide.* The prior of Durham was not the only man of learning among them. Joseph Washington, an eminent lawyer of Gray's Inn, Thoresby says, " is to be remembered among the authors." He wrote the first volume of " Modern Reports " ; " Observations upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Kings of England," published in 1689 ; " Abridgment of the Statutes to 1687 " ; a translation of part of " Lucian's Dialogues " ; and other tracts.t He was buried * The following extract from Edmondson's Heraldry will show some of the varieties, as adopted by the Washingtons, in several counties. WASHINGTON ARMS. "1. Gules on a fess argent, three mullets pierced of the field. " 2. In Buckinghamshire, Kent, Warwickshire, and Northamptonshire, ar- gent, two bars gules in chief, three mullets of the second. Crest, a raven with wings indorsed proper, issuing out of a ducal coronet or. " 3. Gules, two bars in chief, three martlets of the second. " 4. In Lancashire ; barry of four argent and gules on a chief of the sec- ond, three mullets of the first. " 5. In Yorkshire ; vert, a lion rampant argent, within a bordure gobonated argent and azure." The second variety here described was the one used by General Wash- ington, being probably the original arms of the family. t THORESBY'S History of Leeds, p. 97. Toland says, that he was the translator of Milton's Defensio pro Populo Anglicano, in reply to Salmasius. Life of Milton, p. 84. The translator's name is not prefixed to the first edi- tion; but the publisher states in an advertisement, "that the person, who took the pains to translate it, did it partly for his own private entertainment, and partly to gratify one or two of his friends, without any design of mak- ing it public, and is since deceased." This edition was printed in the year 1692, and it is probable, that Joseph Washington had died not long before that time. The translation is the same, that is usually printed with Milton's prose writings. The interest he took in this performance indicates the tenor of his political sentiments, as well as the fact mentioned by Hunter, that he was an intimate friend of the celebrated Lord Somers. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 501 in the Benchers' Vault of the Inner Temple. He was of the Ad- APPENDIX wick family, son of Robert Washington, a wealthy merchant, who lived and died at Anstrope Hall, near Leeds. Anthony Wood says, in his " History of the University of Richard Oxford," that it was allowed by the venerable association, that several persons " might have liberty when they pleased to be created doctors of divinity ; but they refused then and the next year to accept that favor." Among the persons, who declined this honor, was Richard Washington of University College.* And Mr. Hunter cites Wood, as giving an account of a remarkable collection of arms and pictures in the apartments of Philip Wash- ington, of the same college, who died in 1635.t In the history of the civil wars, another of the family, named Sir Henry . :/ Washington. Henry Washington, is renowned for the resolute and spirited man- ner, in which he defended the city of Worcester against the forces of the Parliament in 1646. " Lord Astley, who had succeeded Colonel Sandys as Governor of Worcester, being taken prisoner and confined at Warwick, Sir Henry Washington was made Governor and Colonel in his absence. In the Herald's College it appears, that the last entry of this gen- tleman's family was made there in the year 1618, at which time the name of Henry Washington, son and heir of William Wash- ington of Packington, in the county of Leicester, occurs ; who, on the following grounds, is conjectured to have been afterwards the Governor of Worcester. First, the name of Henry does not occur at all in any other pedigree of Washington. Secondly, his mother was half-sister to the famous George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, which accounts for his great attachment to the King. An uncle of this Henry Washington, mentioned in the entry of the College of Arms above cited, is supposed to have been the ancestor of the renowned General George Washington." | In the Appendix to the second volume of Nash's History of Worcestershire, there is a highly interesting narrative of the siege of Worcester, drawn from the diary of a gentleman, who was in the city during the whole siege. The conduct of the Governor appears throughout to the greatest advantage. His spirit and firmness will be evident from his first letter to General Fairfax, who demanded a surrender on the 16th of May, eleven days after the King had escaped in disguise from Oxford. * Fasti Oxonienses, p. 57. t HUNTER'S History and Topography of the Deanery of Doncaster, Vol. I. p. 363. t GREENE'S History of Worcestershire, Vol. II. Append, p. 154. 502 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, "It is acknowledged by your books, and by report out of your No - * own quarters," said Governor Washington, in reply to Fairfax, " that the King is in some of your armies. That granted, it may be easy for you to procure his Majesty's commands for the disposal of this garrison. Till then, I shall make good the trust reposed in me. As for conditions, if I shall be necessitated, I shall make the best I can. The worst I know, and fear not ; if I had, the profession of a soldier had not been begun, nor so long continued, by your Excellency's humble servant." The King's fortunes were now desperate ; but the siege was maintained even against all hope, for nearly three months, when honorable conditions were granted. That this Sir Henry Washington was the same person, whose name is conjectured above to be entered in the last Visitation Book in the Herald's College, the circumstantial evidence is strong. In Baker's pedigree of this branch of the family, Henry Washington is stated to have been eight years old in 1618. But in the original book at the College I found the entry to be three years. The error was probably occasioned by a misprint of a figure. According to the original entry, therefore, he would have been thirty-one years old at the siege of Worcester, in 1646. He was nephew to John and Lawrence Washington, who emigrated to America about eleven years after the siege of Worcester, and of course first cousin to General George Washington's grandfather.* Waahingtons The ancestors of General Washington in a direct line are traced hire. to Whitfield and Warton in the County of Lancaster. Whitaker, in his History of Northamptonshire, says of the parish church at Warton ; " The tower appears to be contemporary with the resto- ration of the church, and on the north side of the door are the arms of Washington, an old family of considerable property within the parish ; whence it may be inferred, that one of the name either built the steeple at his own expense, or was at least a considerable benefactor to the work." Baker gives a pedigree of the family in Lancaster County for three generations. At what time the migra- * This Henry Washington is doubtless the same mentioned by Clarendon, as having distinguished himself at the taking of Bristol, in 1643, three years before the siege of Worcester. " Though the division," says Clarendon, " led on by Lord Grandison was beaten off, Lord Grandison himself being hurt ; and the other, led on by Colonel Bellasis, likewise had no better for- tune ; yet Colonel Washington, with a less party, finding a place in the curtain, between the places assailed by the other two, weaker than the rest, entered, and quickly made room for the horse to follow." History of tht Rebellion, Book VII. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 503 tion of some of the members to the south took place is uncertain. APPENDIX The earliest notice we have on the subject is in 1532, when Law- rence Washington, son of John Washington of Warton, was mayor of Northampton. His mother was a daughter of Robert Kilson of Warton, and sister to Sir Thomas Kilson, alderman of London. From this date the genealogy is unbroken. Upon the surrender of the monasteries in 1538, the manor of Sulgrave near North- ampton, which belonged to the Priory of St. Andrew, was given up to the crown ; and the next year this manor, and other lands in the vicinity, were granted to Lawrence Washington. Among the manuscripts of Sir Isaac Heard I found a letter to him from Mr. Wykam, dated at Sulgrave, August 15th, 1793, from which the following extract is taken. " There is in our parish church on a stone slab a brass plate, Lawrence ......... rr , 7 Washington, with this inscription m the old black character. 'Here lyetn ofSuigrave. buried the bodys of Lawrence Wasshington, Gent, and Anne his wyf, by whome he had issue four sons and seven daughters ; which Lawrence dyed y e day of An. 15 ; and Anne deceased 6th day of October, An. Dm. 1564.' On the same stone is also a shield much defaced, and effigies in brass of the four sons and seven daughters. Over the four sons is a figure larger than the rest, which is supposed to be the father's effigy. There was for- merly one over the seven daughters ; but this is gone. The arms of the Wasshington family (so spelled on six of the seven) were copied from some painted glass of the old manor-house in this village." The death of this Lawrence Washington, according to Baker, Robert occurred on the 19th of February, 1584. The manor of Sulgrave Washin s ton - descended to his eldest son, Robert. It was long held in the family, and thence derived the name of Washington's Manor. The first Lawrence Washington of Sulgrave had eleven children, four sons and seven daughters. His eldest son Robert was twice married, and had sixteen children, ten sons and six daughters. Lawrence, the eldest son of Robert Washington, had fourteen children, seven sons and seven daughters. The eldest son was Sir William Washington of Packington, who married the half-sister gj r wmiam of George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, as stated above, and was Washin 8on- the father (as is supposed) of Sir Henry Washington, the defender of Worcester. The second and fourth of these sons were John and Lawrence Washington, who emigrated to Virginia about the year 1657. They were great-grandsons of the first Lawrence of Sulgrave ; and John was the great-grandfather of General Wash- 504 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, ington. These particulars may be seen more at large in Baker's No ' * pedigree of the family inserted hereafter. The second son of the first Lawrence Washington of Sulorrave o O was Sir Lawrence Washington of Garsdon, County of Wilts. His Elizabeth granddaughter, Elizabeth Washington, who appears to have been an only child and heiress, married Robert Shirley, Baron Ferrers of Chartley, afterwards Earl Ferrers and Viscount Tamworth. She died in 1693. The family names were united, and Wash- ington Shirley, a son of Robert, was the second Earl Ferrers. Some of the other Earls since that time have borne the same name. The history of the American branch of the family, as far as it is known, is contained in President Washington's letter to Sir Isaac Heard, in reply to his inquiries on the subject. GEORGE WASHINGTON TO SIR ISAAC HEARD. Philadelphia, 2 May, 1792. " SIR, Letter to sir " Your letter of the 7th of December was put into my hands Isaac Heard. , ,_ . T ... by Mr. Thornton, and I must request that you will accept my acknowledgments, as well for the polite manner in which you express your wishes for my happiness, as for the trouble you have taken in making genealogical collections relative to the family of Washington. " This is a subject to which I confess I have paid very little attention. My time has been so much occupied in the busy and active scenes of life from an early period of it, that but a small portion could have been devoted to researches of this nature, even if my inclination or particular circumstances should have prompt- ed to the inquiry. I am therefore apprehensive, that it will not be in my power, circumstanced as I am at present, to furnish you with materials to fill up the sketch, which you have sent me, in so accurate a manner as you could wish. We have no office of record in this country, in which exact genealogical documents are preserved ; and very few cases, I believe, occur, where a recur- i;ence to pedigrees for any considerable distance back has been found necessary to establish such points, as may frequently arise in older countries. " On comparing the tables, which you sent, with such docu- ments as are in my possession, and which I could readily obtain from another branch of the family with whom I am in the habit LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 505 of correspondence, I find it to be just. I have often heard others APPENDIX of the family, older than myself, say, that our ancestor, who first No - ' settled in this country, came from some one of the northern coun- ties of England ; but whether from Lancashire, Yorkshire, or one still more northerly, I do not precisely remember. " The arms enclosed in your letter are the same, that are held by the family here ; though I have also seen, and have used, as you may perceive by the seal to this packet, a flying griffin for the crest. " If you can derive any information from the enclosed lineage, which will enable you to complete your table, I shall be well pleased in having been the means of assisting you in those re- searches', which you have had the politeness to undertake, and shall be glad to be informed of the result, and of the ancient ped- igree of the family, some of whom I find intermixed with that of Ferrers. " Lawrence Washington, from whose Will you enclosed an abstract, was my grandfather. The other abstracts, which you sent, do not, I believe, relate to the family of Washington in Virginia; but of this I cannot speak positively. " With due consideration, I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, " GEORGE WASHINGTON." PARTICULARS RESPECTING THE WASHINGTON FAMILY, ENCLOSED IN THE ABOVE LETTER. " In the year 1657, or thereabouts, and during the usurpation Washington of Oliver Cromwell, John and Lawrence Washington, brothers, Virginia? emigrated from the North of England,* and settled at Bridge's Creek, on the Potomac River, in the County of Westmoreland. But from whom they descended, the subscriber is possessed of no document to ascertain. " John Washington was employed as general against the Indi- ans in Maryland, and, as a reward for his services, was made a colonel ; and the parish wherein he lived was called after him. He married Anne Pope, and left issue two sons, Lawrence and John, and one daughter, Anne, 1 who married Major Francis Wright. Y ' _ * This tradition probably arose from the circumstance, that John Washing- ton owned an estate at South Cave, in the East Riding of the County of York, where he resided before he came to America. 64 AS 506 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, The time of his death the subscriber is not able to ascertain ; but it appears that he was interred in a vault, which had been erected Washington at Bridge's Creek. family in Virginia. " Lawrence Washington, his eldest son, married Mildred Warner, daughter of Colonel Augustine Warner, of Gloucester County, by whom he had two sons, John and Augustine, and one daughter, named Mildred. He died in 1697, and was interred in the family vault at Bridge's Creek. " John Washington, the eldest son of Lawrence and Mildred, married Catharine Whiting, of Gloucester County, where he settled, died, and was buried. He had two sons, Warner and Henry ; and three daughters, Mildred, Elizabeth, and Catharine, all of whom are dead. " Warner Washington married first Elizabeth Macon, daughter of Colonel William Macon of New Kent County, by whom he had one son, who is now living, and bears the name of Warner. His second wife was Hannah, youngest daughter of the Honorable William Fairfax, by whom he left two sons, and five daughters, as follows; namely, Mildred, Hannah, Catharine, Elizabeth, Louisa, Fairfax, and Whiting. The three oldest of the daughters are mar- ried; Mildred to Throckmorton, Hannah to Whit- ing, and Catharine to Nelson. After his second marriage, he removed from Gloucester, and settled in Frederic County, where he died in 1791. " Warner Washington, his son, married Whiting of Gloucester, by whom he has many sons and daughters; the eldest is called Warner, and is now nearly, if not quite, of age " Henry, the other son of John and Catharine Washington, married the daughter of Colonel Thacker, of Middlesex County, and died many years ago, leaving one son, Thacker, and two or three daughters. " Thacker Washington married the daughter of Sir John Pey- ton, of Gloucester County, and lives on the family estate, left to his grandfather John, at Machodac, in the County of Westmore- land. He has several children. " Mildred, daughter of John and Catharine, of Gloucester, was twice married, but never had a child. Elizabeth never was mar- ried. Catharine married Fielding Lewis, by whom she had a son and daughter. John, the eldest, is now living. Frances died without issue. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 507 " Augustine, son of Lawrence and Mildred Washington, mar- APPENDIX ried Jane Butler, the daughter of Caleb Butler of Westmoreland, No ' L April 20th, 1715. by whooi he had three sons, Butler (who died Washington J , family iu young), Lawrence, and Augustine, and one daughter, Jane, who Virginia, died when a child. Jane, wife of Augustine, died November 24th, 1728, and was buried in the family vault at Bridge's Creek. " Augustine then married Mary Ball, March 6th, 1730, by whom he had issue George [the writer], born February llth (old style) 1732 ; Betty, born June 20th, 1733 ; Samuel, born November ICth, 1734, John Augustine, born January 13th, 1735; Charles, May 1st, 1738 ; and Mildred, June 21st, 1739, who died October 28th, 1740. Augustine departed this life, April 12th, 1743, aged 49 years, and was interred at Bridge's Creek, in the vault of his ancestors. " Lawrence, son of Augustine and Jane Washington, married July 19th, 1743, Anne, eldest daughter of the Honorable William Fairfax, of Fairfax County, by whom he had issue Jane, born Sep- tember 27th, 1744, who died in January, 1745; Fairfax, born August 22d, 1747, who died in October, 1747; Mildred, born September 28th, 1748, who died in 1749; Sarah, born November 7th, 1750, who died in 175-. In 1752, Lawrence himself died, aged about 34, and was interred in a vault, which he had caused to be erected at Mount Vernon, in Fairfax County, where he settled, after he returned from the Carthagena expedition. " Augustine, son of Augustine and Jane Washington, married Anne, daughter and co-heiress of William Aylett, of Westmoreland County, by whom he had many children, all of whom died in their nonage and single, except Elizabeth, who married Alexander Spots- wood of Spotsylvania County, grandson of General Spotswood, Governor of Virginia, by whom she has a number of children ; Anne, who married Burdet Ashton, of Westmoreland, by whom she had one or two children, and died young ; and William, who married his cousin Jane, daughter of John Augustine Washington, by whom he has four children. Augustine lived at the ancient mansion seat, in Westmoreland County, where he died, and was interred in the family vault. " George, eldest son of Augustine Washington by the second marriage, was born in Westmoreland County, and married, January 6th, 1759, Martha Custis, widow of Daniel Parke Custis, and daughter of John Dandridge, both of New Kent County ; has no issue. " Betty, daughter of Augustine and Mary Washington, became 508 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, the second wife of Fielding Lewis, by whom she had a number of No- L children, many of whom died young ; but five sons and a daughter Washington are yet living. Virginia! " Samuel, son of Augustine and Mary, was five times married. 1. To Jane, daughter of Colonel John Champe. 2. To Mildred, daughter of Colonel John Thornton. 3. To Lucy, daughter of Nathaniel Chapman. 4. To Anne, daughter of Colonel William Steptoe, and widow of Willoughby Alleton. 5. To a Widow Perrin. Samuel, by his second wife, Mildred, had issue one son, Thornton, who was twice married, and left three sons. He died in or about the year . By his fourth wife, Anne, he had three sons, Fer- dinand, George Steptoe, and Lawrence Augustine, and a daughter Harriot. Ferdinand was married, but died soon after, leaving no issue. The other two sons and daughter are living and single. Samuel had children by his other wives, but they all died in their infancy. He departed this life himself, in the year 1781, at Hare- wood, in the County of Berkeley, where he was buried. " John Augustine, son of Augustine and Mary, married Hannah Bushrod, daughter of Colonel John Bushrod, of Westmoreland County, by whom he has left two sons, Bushrod and Corbin, and two daughters, Jane and Mildred. He had several other children, but they died young. Jane, his eldest child, married (as has been before observed) William Washington, son of Augustine and Anne Washington, and died in 1791, leaving four children. " Bushrod married, in 1785, Anne Blackburn, daughter of Col- onel Thomas Blackburn, of Prince William County, but has no issue. Corbin married a daughter of the Honorable Richard Henry Lee, by whom he has three sons. Mildred married Thomas Lee, son of the said Richard Henry Lee. John Augustine died in February, '1787, at his estate on Nomony, in Westmoreland County, and was there buried. " Charles Washington, son of Augustine and Mary, married Mildred Thornton, daughter of Colonel Francis Thornton, of Spot- sylvania County, by whom he has four children, George Augustine, Frances, Mildred, and Samuel. George Augustine married Fran- ces Bassett, daughter of Colonel Burwell Bassett, of New Kent, by whom he has had four children; three of whom are living, namely, Anna Maria, George Fayette, and Charles Augustine. Frances married Colonel Burgess Ball, by whom she has had several children. Mildred and Samuel are unmarried. " Mildred Washington, daughter of Lawrence and Mildred, and sister to John and Augustine Washington, married Gregory, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 509 by whom she had three daughters, Frances, Mildred, and Eliza- APPENDIX, beth, who married three brothers, Colonel Francis Thornton, Col- onel John Thornton, and Reuben Thornton, all of Spotsylvania Washington County. She had for her second husband Colonel Henry Willis, Virginia. and, by him, the present Colonel Lewis Willis of Fredericksburg. " The above is the best account the subscriber is able at present to give, absent as he is, and at so great a distance, from Virginia, and under circumstances too, which allow no time for inquiry of the family of Washington, from which he is lineally descended. " The descendants of the first named Lawrence, and the second John, are also numerous; but, for the reasons before mentioned, and from not having the same knowledge of them, and being more- over more remote from their places of residence, and, in truth, not having inquired much into the names or connexion of the lateral branches of the family, I am unable to give a satisfactory account of them. But, if it be in any degree necessary or satisfactory to Sir Isaac Heard, Garter Principal King of Arms, I will, upon inti- mation thereof, set on foot an inquiry, and will at the same time endeavor to be more particular with respect to the births, names, ages, and burials of those of the branch to which the subscriber belongs. " GEORGE WASHINGTON." After Sir Isaac Heard received this letter, he constructed from it a table, which he forwarded to President Washington, requesting him to supply other dates and descriptions. But there is no evi- dence of any additional facts having been obtained. It was the chief object of Sir Isaac Heard, however, to ascertain whether John and Lawrence Washington, who emigrated to Virginia, were of the Sulgrave family, and brothers to Sir William Washington of Packington. This was his impression, but he was not fully satisfied with the proof. It has since been confirmed by Baker, in his History of Northamptonshire. I shall here subjoin Baker's genealogical table of the family before the emigration of the two brothers, and Sir Isaac Heard's table of the American branch in continuation. To these will be added the genealogy of the Washington family of Adwick, taken from Hunter's History of Doncaster. It is not known what de- gree of affinity there was between the heads of the two families, but it is probable that there are many descendants from both in America. A3* 510 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Pedigree. n >, u - . 5oS- Oil If 1 J | * S" . ~s ! 5 = _2 1 o "- " ^- '- "^ J | * '". 1 S 3 S ^ od s - J '>~'|o C |^ ~s <^ a c o "5 i M be ^ * j^ ^. o o < z *~S I-* U U O . ^ = 1s - 2 "^ ^1 ,S = o" 5 ^ ^r rH B ^5 o I] ^__ _ r- > oT ^**^ . alJ-C "> "g B" : 5 Sld " w 1 5 ^ N -s PI Ti u S * -||S|| *~7 s s ^ a IT .Cy. _ - ?(0 r* CJ 5 S c^_ O-" > c B w jjj 5 o is J, 5 - D cc > i rf '^ n' ' J Sol^ _J| S 5 = |1^ |c-S|" c| | | i! Io53 -sll^lss!" Si's iS 1 1 "o^l 3 g H * 2 H ^-o "^ S ** CD"- .22o ;'-3 row, = d. of jent. 1 of Barwic wife ROBERT= el WASH- Of INGTON. -0 C H 15- "3 2-3^ 2 => B L-^j^H Lfe^^^sfHSa r pr - "" - . fc g^ L 10 .r: Beg ""* -C QJ P o ^ a _*j *j O ^ H O CS^3 2 . Ililll! . H.IS ^ O *5 a !TFiELD,= 2. ROBERT >. Lane. ; 1 of Warton, iert 2. THOMAS iter WASHINGTON. of O* K O O U ^ ^3^g*S!B3 !llllli fe -5,2 a g _g O3* Ki! ii B J "3 ei ^ o ^S S vr N, of Northampton, = ex, esq., Mayor of 1 i45, grantee of Sul- 58-9) ob. 19 Feb. w "1 - r w "3 S a o > O 'x "O O "2 z * c ^"S " O Q * g %- Q y ^"Sr-l ^"S^ 032 3 ^ ^" af'i S O S" "3 C e3 5 ^ 3 * S es *^ te 0*0 5 . . ||S. 2 1-g" g ifl " 'n> ^s:S8 s 1 i a S - ^ 3 Ifa fe =2 -^ ^ "^ c ' 1,1 ergs gg ** * * 'S t. * jf " . o . tT^ on a ^v|5 " Kg '^ 5 *~> H %M B OJ3 p^ J- ^. O ' 'c**^^^ o I *o "* J* a c 3 ii an o ? i3 " :- n S" S J l^ So ^ osS ton S^.tal" G C ^ C 3 ^ ^ o rt e a oo Z s5'- oto SB** ._. ^-uW_^rt ^>S^"aa ^ 8 Kg" glt^ "^S^ii >* 3 ^* ^ Ci. H ^3 4-3 i *" . c ^5 -i 55 ^^^ ^"3 i^>G N>t0 S=>Z" "^"[2^0 i zSiz^Si 5 r 'j ra^ 1 ^* ,220^1 j| |g gs^r ^^2 a'Sr' '^ cgMa'S .w 'j 'iu o-J?'? LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 511 cs?&t:t8 ?25-=ga = 5" J * : ( >-" > - E . SSSae' I B d b . - -g j :JE ri K ^ ;pj a o o| 3 -< o> * o to o ;, -x 2 z < z 5 i s --i! ' 3 ;?> s 3| - S = ^ B . I ^ o to II - l IS v Z B-E U A gs II ij (5 CO - ' x SoS daU. ng, =G 2 a* *'* 0*30 > 8 ^ : fs*? APPENDIX, No. I. Pedigree. 512 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. -3 J, ,i ^ -3 ~^r g~: '-KS a p S 1 * O S > ! 5 * ^ S <_ *J ** * *O ^ * s ^S . : * . .J" - ~ .25 ITtW"" S u , r s 5 j 3. -lift !!|l ii^ , L. a s o S - ~ &W H*a 1 s H * ^^ ^ V2 *- S - it. 1 S5<: S 1 Ec^ t. P 5 H . B S ,3 O i i C sT o u ,0 3 ^ tO C 2 oo a^- pe o ^ > = "H lil *1 ^' 5 > S i 11^ ~S| rt ^5 BJ ^ """ "? "^ ^ ^ ^ >1 ^ r o-= 6< 5 J * s'll'2 L 2sf||l|^ | g-y < 2 o^5 = !ips | s 1 . 1 ? '*!. fe wS gj.S'o a? "g -s . . on "oSoo* x^ o N * Z S tc o K j z a 1-1 " - " S ^ >, jl ^ ? S H'-S 6 S "f55 5 1 r-=g i Pllll F|11l||?l .S i -< *l OsS-S fi N ^i; a2 ~ 4 p! |OC^ c g g^H II ss s^S 1 S 2 < u cT*s " *s i ^ ^ ** sT^ 2 -|<|^L| = ll r ||pii 3e|.|2i ^lx !E ^ S ^^ isaj 3| 2^ a a B. - -* 2" ^ V .r a o s O .= ! >,o 15 = - >> - *~2 .- " S -aStfl - < o^. r -9-e g ~fcl3 ?s II p* g Kj fe(^ WS S S O tT 2 fcn t* B O , 3 ~ ^.0 S ^^'S'o ^ "5*0 i"g ziiy si?" :: H 1" H n 5 c ^ Cs w ?" 3 ^ oc ^ O^jq^ S; 5rH^ -^^ i _;-, O f * ^2 "^ C" "t 1 !. .=- S i P 3 3a g|== g^g-BH 1 c to CO .2 S G ^ 5 t_ B E O S3 af I o x OS -t) '??" n 'S'c' N . 6 .3-^ 6J jr5 . a 3 ^ < 3 > O "^~ 2 S * P ^ g C fl > 'gS fa -'|1 ""JaB fi ^ M '? S C tf ^ n BE u O li |il lll?i *" Si w -5"^ S ii U- 1 g^ Ss PEDIGRE! JAMES WASHINGT It RICHARD WASHIN Adwick, esq., son f treasurer of the la diers, 22 Jac. I. n 1 |j:|l| " S * "^."^ i|| pi A <"5 3t_3-S* n RICHARD WASHIN of Adwick, bapt. living 1703. GODFREY WASHII son, coroner for tli died about 1770. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 513 No. II. p. 6. RULES OF BEHAVIOR.* 1. Every action in company ought to be with some sign of re- APPENDIX, spect to those present. 2. In the presence of others, sing not to yourself with a hum- Rules of Behavior ming noise, nor drum with your fingers or feet. 3. Sleep not when others speak, sit not when others stand, speak not when you should hold your peace, walk not when others stop. 4. Turn not your back to others, especially in speaking ; jog not the table or desk on which another reads or writes; lean not on any one. 5. Be no flatterer ; neither play with any one, that delights not to be played with. 6. Read no letters, books, or papers in company ; but, when there is a necessity for doing it, you must ask leave. Come not near the books or writings of any one so as to read them, unless desired, nor give your opinion of them unasked ; also, look not nigh when another is writing a letter. 7. Let your countenance be pleasant, but in serious matters somewhat grave. 8. Show not yourself glad at the misfortune of another, though he were your enemy. 9. When you meet with one of greater quality than yourself, stop and retire, especially if it be at a door or any strait place, to give way for him to pass. 10. They that are in dignity, or in office, have in all places precedency ; but, whilst they are young, they ought to respect those that are their equals in birth, or other qualities, though they have no public charge. 11." It is good manners to prefer them to whom we speak before ourselves, especially if they be above us, with whom in no sort we ought to begin. 12. Let your discourse with men of business be short and com- prehensive. * These Rules are taken from a manuscript hook in Washington's hand* writing, which was written when he was thirteen years old. The source from which they were- derived is not mentioned. 65 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13. In visiting the sick, do not presently play the physician, if you be not knowing therein. 14. In writing, or speaking, give to every person his due title, according to his degree and the custom of the place. 15. Strive not with your superiors in^ argument, but always submit your judgment to others with modesty. 16. Undertake not to teach your equal in the art himself pro- fesses; it savors of arrogancy. 17. When a man does all he can, though it succeeds not well, blame not him that did it. 18. Being to advise or reprehend any one, consider whether it ought to be in public or in private, presently or at some other time, in what terms to do it ; and, in reproving, show no signs of choler, but do it with sweetness and mildness. 19. Take all admonitions thankfully, in what time or place soever given ; but afterwards, not being culpable, take a time or place convenient to let him know it that gave them. 20. Mock not nor jest at any thing of importance; break no jests that are sharp-biting, and, if you deliver any thing witty and pleasant, abstain from laughing thereat yourself. 21. Wherein you reprove another, be unblamable yourself; for example is more prevalent than precepts. 22. Use no reproachful language against any one, neither curse, nor revile. 23. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the disparagement of any. 24. Jn your apparel, be modest, and endeavor to accommodate nature, rather than to procure admiration ; keep to the fashion of your equals, such as are civil and orderly with respect to times and places. 25. Play not the peacock, looking everywhere about you to see if you be well decked, if your shoes fit well, if your stockings sit neatly, and clothes handsomely. 26. Associate yourself with men of good quality, if you esteem your own reputation ; for it is better to be alone, than in bad company. 27. Let your conversation be without malice or envy, for it is a sign of a tractable and commendable nature ; and, in all causes of passion, admit reason to govern. 28. Be not immodest in urging your friend to discover a secret. 29. Utter not base and frivolous things amongst grave and learn- ed men ; nor very difficult questions or subjects among the igno- rant ; nor things hard to be believed. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5] 5 30. Speak not of doleful things in time of mirth, nor at the APPENDIX table ; speak not of melancholy things, as death and wounds, and No - n> if others mention them, change, if you can. the discourse. Tell Rules of . J Behavior. not your dreams, but to your intimate friend. 31. Break not a jest where none takes pleasure in mirth ; laugh not aloud, nor at all without occasion. Deride no man's misfor- tune, though there seem to be some cause. 32. Speak not injurious words, neither in jest nor earnest ; scoff at none, although they give occasion. 33. Be not forward, but friendly and courteous ; the first to salute, hear, and answer ; and be not pensive, when it is a time to converse. 34. Detract not from others, neither be excessive in commending. 35. Go not thither, where you know not whether you shall be welcome or not. Give not advice without being asked, and, when desired, do it briefly. 36. If two contend together, take not the part of either uncon- strained, and be not obstinate in your own opinion ; in things in- different, be of the major side. 37. Reprehend not the imperfections of others, for that belongs to parents, masters, and superiors. 38. Gaze not on the marks or blemishes of others, and ask not how they came. What you may speak in secret to your friend, deliver not before others. 39. Speak not in an unknown tongue in company, but in your own language, and that as those of quality do, and not as the vulgar ; sublime matters treat seriously. 40. Think before you speak, pronounce not imperfectly, nor bring out your words too hastily, but orderly and distinctly. 41. When another speaks, be attentive yourself, and disturb not the audience. If any hesitate in his words, help him not, nor prompt him, without being desired ; interrupt him not, nor answer him, till his speech be ended. 42. Treat with men at fit times about business ; and whisper not in the company of others. 43. Make no comparisons ; and, if any of the company be com- mended for any brave act of virtue, commend not another for the same. 44. Be not apt to relate news, if you know not the truth thereof. In discoursing of things you have heard, name not your author always. A secret discover not. 45. Be not curious to know the affairs of others, neither ap- proach to those that speak in private. 516 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, 46. Undertake not what you cannot perform, but be careful to Ko - IL keep your promise. Rules of 47. When you deliver a matter, do it without passion, and with Behavior. ,. . , ^, , . discretion, however mean the person be you do it to. 48. When your superiors talk to anybody, hearken not, neither speak, nor laugh. 49. In disputes, be not so desirous to overcome, as not to give liberty to each one to deliver his opinion ; and submit to the judg- ment of the major part, especially if they are judges of the dispute. 50. Be not tedious in discourse ; make not many digressions, nor repeat often the same manner of discourse. 51. Speak not evil of the absent, for it is unjust. 52. Make no show of taking great delight in your victuals ; feed not with greediness ; cut your bread with a knife ; lean not on the table ; neither find fault with what you eat. 53. Be not angry at table, whatever happens, and, if you have reason to be so, show it not ; put on a cheerful countenance, especially if there be strangers, for good humor makes one dish of meat a feast. 54. Set not yourself at the upper end of the table ; but, if it be your due, or that the master of the house will have it so, contend not, lest you should trouble the company. 55. When you speak of God, or his attributes, let it be seriously in reverence. Honor and obey your natural parents, although they be poor. 56. Let your recreations be manful, not sinful. 57. Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of ce- lestial fire, called conscience. No. III. p. 373. GENERAL WASHINGTON'S EXPENSES WHILE ACTING AS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE AMERICAN ARMIES. Washing- According to his declaration when he accepted his commission, penses X dur- General Washington never received any pecuniary compensation oiution. ReV f r his services. He kept exact accounts of all his expenditures ; and, after the cessation of hostilities, he drew up with his own LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 517 hand a detailed statement of these accounts, extending to more APPENDIX, than sixty folio pages. This statement, with the original vouchers, No. in. was deposited in the Treasury Department, where it is still pre- Washing- served. A fac-simile of the whole paper has been published ; and penses dur- it affords a memorable proof of the strict regard, which he paid to oiution. the public interest in the minutest particulars. The following abstract and remarks are taken from the original, dated July 1st, 1783, as exhibited in his own handwriting, and expressed in law- ful money, or the old currency of Massachusetts and Virginia. Household expenses, exclusive of the provisions had from the commissaries and contractors, and liquors, &c. from them and others, . . . . . &387 14 4 Expended for secret intelligence. . . . 3982 10 Expended in reconnoitring and travelling, . . 1874 8 8 Miscellaneous charges, .... 2952 10 1 One hundred and sixty thousand and seventy-four dollars, extended in lawful money, according to the scale of depreciation, . . . . .6114140 Expenditures of eight years 16311 17 1 Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses in coming to and returning from his winter quarters, the money to de- fray which being taken from his private purse and brought with her from Virginia. . . . 1064 1 Expenditure from July 1st to the time of resigning his commission, .... 1930 13 8 Total, Virginia currency, 19306 11 9 Or sterling, 14479 18 9| Or dollars, at 4s. 6d. sterling each, $ 64,355-30 In addition to this amount he charged to the government 288, lawful money, as the interest on 599 19 11, which was the bal- ance due to him on the 31st of December, 1776, the amount having been supplied from his private funds for public objects dur- ing the preceding year. On this item, and the one respecting Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses, he made the following re- marks at the foot of the account. " Although I kept memoranda of these expenditures, I did not introduce them into my public accounts as they occurred. The reason was, it appeared at first view in the commencement of them to have the complexion of a private charge. I had my doubts, therefore, of the propriety of making it. But, as the peculiar cir- cumstances attending my command, and the embarrassed situation of our public affairs, obliged me (to the no small detriment of my 518 LIFEOFWASHINGTON. APPENDIX, private interest) to postpone the visit I every year contemplated to No- 1IL make ray family between the close of one campaign and the open- ing of another ; and as this expense was incidental thereto, and consequent of my self-denial, I have, as of right I think I ought, with due consideration, adjudged the charge as just with respect to the public, as it is convenient with respect to myself. " And I make it with the less reluctance, as I find, upon the final adjustment of these accounts (which have, as will appear, been long unsettled), that I am a considerable loser; my disburse- ments falling a good deal short of my receipts and the money I had upon hand of my own. For, besides the sum I carried with me to Cambridge in 1775, and which exceeded the aforementioned balance of ,599 19 11,1 received moneys afterwards on private account in 1777 and since, which, except small sums that I had occasion now and then to apply to private uses, were all expended in the public service ; and which, through hurry, I suppose, and the perplexity of business, (for I know not how else to account for the deficiency,) I have omitted to charge, whilst every debit against me is here credited." No. IV. p. 413. RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND HABITS OF WASHINGTON. Religious Such persons as have attentively perused Washington's writings hawu of" 1 ma y think any remarks on this subject superfluous. In certain Washington. q uar t ergj nevertheless, there have been discussions tending to throw doubts over the religious belief of Washington ; whether from ig- norance of his character and writings, or from causes less cred- itable, it is needless to inquire. A formal attempt to confute insinuations of this kind would foe allowing them a weight, which they cannot claim, till supported by positive testimony, or till it is shown by at least a shadow of proof, that they have some founda- tion other than conjecture and inference. This has never been done, and nothing is hazarded in saying that it never will be done. A hundred years have elapsed since the childhood of Washing- ton ; and so little is known of his early life, from written materials, that we cannot speak with confidence respecting his first religious impressions. It has always been the prevalent tradition, however, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 519 in the neighborhood of his birthplace, that he wa* 1 educated under APPENDIX, influences, that could not fail to fix in his mind the principles of No - Iv - the Christian religion, and a sacred regard for the precepts it Religious inculcates. This is in part confirmed by his manuscripts, con- habitTof taining articles and extracts copied out by himself in his boyhood, Washin e ton - which prove that his thoughts at that time had a religious ten- dency. One of these pieces, being a series of verses On Christ- mas Day, begins thus ; " Assist me, Muse divine, to sing the morn, On which the Savior of mankind was born." A boy of thirteen would scarcely employ himself in transcribing pieces of this description, whose mind had not already received a decided bias from the instructions of pious parents or teachers. It should be observed, also, that in his first military campaigns he was careful to have religious service regularly performed in camp. Even in the midst of the active scenes at the Great Meadows this was the daily practice. During the French war, when the government of Virginia neglected to provide chaplains for the army, he remonstrated against such an impropriety, and urged his request till they were appointed. In the general orders be reproved and forbade the vicious habits and profane swearing of the soldiers. The following is an extract from these orders. " Colonel Washington has observed, that the men of his regi- ment are very profane and reprobate. He takes this opportunity to inform them of his great displeasure at such practices, and assures them, that, if they do not leave them off, they shall be severely punished. The officers are desired, if they hear any man swear, or make use of an oath or execration, to order the offender twenty-five lashes immediately, without a court-martial. For the second offence, he shall be more severely punished." Similar orders were repeated, when the occasion required ; and they afford a convincing proof of the high religious motives by which he was actuated in his command. After the French war, while in retirement at Mount Vernon, he took a lively interest in church affairs, regularly attending public worship, and being at different times a vestryman in two parishes.* The House of Burgesses, of which he was a mem- * The following list of votes for vestrymen in Fairfax Parish, and Truro Parish, is copied from a paper in Washington's handwriting, and shows that he was chosen a vestryman in each of those parishes. How long he con- tinued in that station, I have no means of determining. The place of wor- 520 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, her, passed an order (May 24th, 1774), in reference to the act of No- IV ' Parliament for shutting up the Port of Boston, that " the 1st day Religious of June should be set apart as a day of fasting, humiliation, and opinions and * J = . habits of prayer, devoutly to implore the divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity, which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of civil war." On the day appointed, he writes in his diary ; " Went to church, and fasted oil day," thus conforming not only to the spirit, but to the strict letter of the order. This diary was kept for many years with much particu- larity. A Sunday rarely occurs, in which it is not recorded that he went to church. If there was an omission, it was caused by the weather, or badness of the roads ; the nearest church, as stated in the note, being seven miles from his residence. While attending the first Congress, he adhered to the same practice. For a full knowledge of his religious opinions and habits during the revolution and afterwards, and of the importance he attached to the principles and observances of religion, the reader is referred to his published letters, addresses, and other writings.* After an attentive perusal of them, no doubt can be left in any candid mind. To say that he was not a Christian, or at least that he did not believe himself to be a Christian, would be to impeach his sincerity and honesty. Of all men in the world, Washington was certainly the last, whom any one would charge with dissimulation or indirectness ; and, if he was so scrupulous in avoiding even a shadow of these faults in every known act of his life, however unimportant, is it likely, is it credible, that, in ship in Fairfax Parish was at Alexandria ; in Truro Parish, at Pohick ; the former ten, the latter seven miles from Mount Vernon. " Vestry chosen for Fairfax Parish, 28th March, 1765; With the number of votes for each. John West . . . .340 Charles Alexander . . 309 William Payne . . .304 John Dalton ... 281 George Washington . . 274 Charles Broadwater . . 2<)0 George Johnston . . . 254 Townsend Dade . . 252 Richard Sanford . . .247 William Adams ... 244 John Posey . . . .222 Daniel French . 221 Vestry chosen for Truro Parish, 22rf July, 1765 ; With the number of votes for each. George Mason . . . 282 Edward Payne ... 277 George Washington . . 259 John Posey . . . 259 Daniel McCarty . . . 246 George William Fairfax . 235 Alexander Henderson . . 231 William Gardner . . 218 Tomison Ellzey . . . 209 Thomas W. Coffer . . 189 William Lynton . . .173 Thomas Ford ... 170 * Numerous extracts illustrating this subject are brought together in Wash- ington's Writings, Vol. XII. pp. 401-405. See also in the same volume (p. 408) an interesting letter from Bishop White to the Reverend B. C. C. Parker on the same subject. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 521 a matter of the highest and most serious importance, he should APPENDIX, practise through a long series of years, a deliberate deception upon his friends and the public ? It is neither credible nor Religious ... opinions and possible. habits of I shall here insert a letter on this subject, written to me by a lady who lived twenty years in Washington's family, and who was his adopted daughter, and the granddaughter of Mrs. Washington. The testimony it affords, and the hints it contains respecting the domestic habits of Washington, are interesting and valuable. " Woodlawn, 26 February, 1833. " SIR, " I received your favor of the 20th instant last evening, and hasten to give you the information, which you desire. " Truro Parish is the one in which Mount Vernon, Pohick Church, and Woodlawn are situated. Fairfax Parish is now Alex- andria. Before the Federal District was ceded to Congress, Alex- andria was in Fairfax County. General Washington had a pew in Pohick Church, and one in Christ Church at Alexandria. He was very instrumental in establishing Pohick Church, and I be- lieve subscribed largely. His pew was near the pulpit. I have a perfect recollection of being there, before his election to the presidency, with him and my grandmother. It was a* beautiful church, and had a large, respectable, and wealthy congregation, who were regular attendants. " He attended the church at Alexandria, when the weather and roads permitted a ride of ten miles. In New York and Philadelphia he never omitted attendance at church in the morn- ing, unless detained by indisposition. The afternoon was spent in his own room at home ; the evening with his family, and without company. Sometimes an old and intimate friend called to see us for an hour or two ; but visiting and visitors were pro- hibited for that day. No one in church attended to the services with more reverential respect. My grandmother, who was emi- nently pious, never deviated from her early habits. She always knelt. The General, as was then the custom, stood during the devotional parts of the service. On communion Sundays, he left the church with me, after the blessing, and returned home, and we sent the carriage back for my grandmother. " It was his custom to retire to his library at nine or ten o'clock, where he remained an hour before he went to his cham- ber. He always rose before the sun, and remained in his library 66 B3* 522 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, until called to breakfast. I never witnessed his private devotions. No ' Iv> I never inquired about them. I should have thought it the great- Religious est heresy to doubt his firm belief in Christianity. His life, his opinions and . . . . . . TT habits of writings, prove that he was a Christian. He was not one of those, ng on ' who act or pray, ' that they may be seen of men.' He com- muned with his God in secret. " My mother resided two years at Mount Vernon, after her marriage with John Parke Custis, the only son of Mrs. Wash- ington. I have heard her say, that General Washington always received the sacrament with my grandmother before the revolution. When my aunt, Miss Custis, died suddenly at Mount Vernon, before they could realize the event, he knelt by her and prayed most fervently, most affectingly, for her recovery. Of this I was assured by Judge Washington's mother, and other witnesses. " He was a silent, thoughtful man. He spoke little generally ; never of himself. I never heard him relate a single act of his life during the war. I have often seen him perfectly abstracted, his lips moving, but no sound was perceptible. I have sometimes made him laugh most heartily from sympathy with my joyous and extravagant spirits. I was, probably, one of the last persons on earth to whom he would have addressed serious conversation, particularly when he knew that I had the most perfect model of female excellence ever with me as my monitress, who acted the part of a tender and devoted parent, loving me as only a mother can love, and never extenuating or approving in me what she disapproved in others. She never omitted her private devotions, or her public duties ; and she and her husband were so perfectly united and happy, that he must have been a Christian. She had no doubts, no fears for him. After forty years of devoted affec- tion and uninterrupted happiness, she resigned him without a murmur into the arms of his Savior and his God, with the as- sured hope of his eternal felicity. Is it necessary that any one should certify, ' General Washington avowed himself to me a be- liever in Christianity ? ' As well may we question his patriotism, his heroic, disinterested devotion to his country. His mottos were, ' Deeds, not Words ' ; and, ' For God and my Country.' " With sentiments of esteem, I am, &c." It seems proper to subjoin to this letter what was told to me by Mr. Robert Lewis, at Fredericksburg, in the year 1827. Being a nephew of Washington, and his private secretary during the first part of his presidency, Mr. Lewis lived with him on terms LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 523 of intimacy, and had the best opportunity for observing his habits. APPENDIX, Mr. Lewis said he had accidentally witnessed his private devo- tions in his library both morning and evening : that on those oc- Religious opinions and casions he had seen him in a kneeling posture with a J3ible open habits of before him, and that he believed such to have been his daily practice. Mr. Lewis is since dead, but he was a gentleman es- teemed for his private worth and respectability. I relate the an- ecdote as he told it to me, understanding at the time that he was willing it should be made public on his authority. He add- ed, that it was the President's custom to go to his library in the morning at four o'clock, and that, after his devotions, he usually spent his time till breakfast in writing letters. The circumstance of his withdrawing himself from the commun- ion service, at a certain period of his life, has been remarked as singular. This may be admitted, and regretted, both on account of his example, and the value of his opinion as to the importance and practical tendency of this rite. It does not follow, however, that he was an unbeliever, unless the same charge is proved to rest against the numerous class of persons, who believe themselves to be sincere Christians, but who have scruples in regard to the ordinance of the communion. Whatever his motives may have been, it does not appear that they were ever explained. Nor is it known, or to be presumed, that any occasion offered. It is probable, that, after he took command of the army, finding his thoughts and attention necessarily engrossed by the business that devolved upon him, in which frequently little distinction could be observed between Sunday and other days, he may have be- lieved it improper publicly to partake of an ordinance, which, according to the ideas he entertained of it, imposed severe re- strictions on outward conduct, and a sacred pledge to perform duties impracticable in his situation. Such an impression would be natural to a serious mind ; and, although it might be founded on erroneous views of the nature of the ordinance, it would not have the less weight with a man of a delicate conscience and habitual reverence for religion. There is proof, however, that, on one occasion at least during the war, he partook of the communion ; but this was at a season when the army was in camp, and the activity of business was in some degree suspended. An anecdote contained in Dr. Hosack's Life of De Witt Clinton, and related in the words of the Rev- erend Samuel H. Cox, who communicated it to the author, estab- lishes this fact. 524 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, " I have the following anecdote," says Dr. Cox, " from unques- No- IVj tionable authority. It has never, I think, been given to the public; but I received it from a venerable clergyman, who had it from the lips of the reverend Dr. Jones himself. To all Christians, and ^ o a jj Americans, it cannot fail to be acceptable. " While the American army, under the command of Washing- ton lay encamped at Morristown, New Jersey, it occurred that the service of the communion (then observed semi-annually only) was to be administered in the Presbyterian church of that village. In the morning of the previous week, the General, after his accus- tomed inspection of the camp, visited the house of the Reverend Dr. Jones, then pastor of the church, and, after the usual prelimi- naries, thus accosted him. ' Doctor, I understand that the Lord's Supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday ; I would learn if it accords with the canon of your church to admit communi- cants of another denomination ? ' The Doctor rejoined ; ' Most certainly ; ours is not the Presbyterian table, General, but the Lord's table ; and we hence give the Lord's invitation to all his followers, of whatever name.' The General replied, ' I am glad of it ; that is as it ought to be ; but, as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I pro- pose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the Church of England, I have no exclusive partialities.' The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath." The situation in which Washington stood, while President of the United States, made it necessary that he should use much circumspection in whatever came from him touching theological subjects. He received addresses from many Christian congrega- tions or, societies, including nearly every denomination in the country, complimentary to his character, and expressing gratitude for his long and eminent public services. In his replies, it would have been equally discourteous and impolitic to employ language indicating a decided preference for the peculiar tenets or forms of any particular church. He took a wiser course ; the only one, indeed, which with propriety could be taken. He approved the general objects, and commended the zeal, of all the religious con- gregations or societies by which he was addressed, spoke of their beneficial effects in promoting the welfare of mankind, declared his cordial wishes for their success, and often concluded with his prayers for the future happiness of the individuals belonging to them, both in this world and the world to come. All the answers LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 525 of this kind breathe a Christian spirit, and they may justly be APPENDIX, regarded as implying the author's acknowledgment of the truth No - IV - arid authority of the Christian religion. Religious . opinions and After a long and minute examination of the writings of Wash- habits of ... . . Washington. mgton, public and private, in print and in manuscript, I can affirm, that I have never seen a single hint, or expression, from which it could be inferred, that he had any doubt of the Christian rev- elation, or that he thought with indifference or unconcern of that subject. On the contrary, whenever he approaches it, and indeed whenever he alludes in any manner to religion, it is done with seriousness and reverence. The foregoing observations have been made, not by way of argument, but merely as a statement of facts ; for I must end, as I began, by saying, that I conceive any attempt at argument in so plain a case would be misapplied. If a man, who spoke, wrote, and acted as a Christian through a long life, who gave numerous proofs of his believing himself to be such, and who was never known to say, write, or do a thing contrary to his professions, if such a man is not to be ranked among the believers of Chris- tianity, it would be impossible to establish the point by any train of reasoning. How far he examined the grounds of his faith is uncertain, but probably as far as the large portion of Christians, who do not make theology a special study ; and we have a right to presume, that a mind like his would not receive an opinion without a satisfactory reason. He was educated in the Episcopal Church, to which he always adhered ; and my conviction is, that he believed in the fundamental doctrines of Christianity as usu- ally taught in that Church, according to his understanding of them ; but without a particle of intolerance, or disrespect for the faith and modes of worship adopted by Christians of other denominations. No. V. p. 475. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. The curiosity, which has been expressed respecting the author- r are weii ship of the FAREWELL ADDRESS, would seem to require some no- Addresa - tice of the subject in this work ; although the question, as to the manner in which that address originated, is one of small moment, since its real importance consists in its being known to contain 526 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, the sentiments of Washington, uttered on a solemn occasion, and " v ' designed for the benefit of his countrymen. Whether every idea Farewell embodied in it arose spontaneously from his own mind, or whether Address. J every word was first traced by his pen, or whether he acted as every wise man would naturally act under the same circum- stances, and sought counsel from other sources claiming respect and confidence, or in what degree he pursued either or all of these methods, are points so unimportant, compared with the ob- ject and matter of the whole, as to be scarcely worth considering. Nor is it intended here to do any thing more than to state a few facts, leaving the reader to draw his own inferences. When Washington accepted the Presidency, to which he had been called by the unanimous voice of the people, it was not his , intention to remain in the office more than one term. Towards the close of that term, he wrote a letter on the subject to Mr. Madison, whom he had been in the habit of frequently consulting, and of whose ability, integrity, and practical wisdom, he enter- tained the highest opinion. In this letter he stated briefly, but ably, some of the particulars, which he supposed should be in- troduced into a valedictory address, which it might be proper for him to publish on retiring from office. In compliance with this request, Mr. Madison sketched a draft, embodying the principal parts of Washington's letter, and suggesting a few additions. But the state of public affairs, and the loud call of his fellow- citizens from every part of the Union, prevailed on Washington to yield to a second choice, and remain in the presidency another term of four years. Hence no use was made of this draft. He firmly resolved, however, in any event, to retire from public life at the end of this second period ; and, as the time approached, he began to revolve in his mind an address to the people, which should communicate his determination, and convey to them such sentiments or advice, as the occasion might properly call forth, or as his long experience and services authorized him to give. There is proof, that the subject occupied his thoughts nearly a year be- fore his term of office expired. In the mean time, the spirit of party, that bane of the private affections as well as of public con- cord, caused him to be estranged personally and politically in some degree from Mr. Madison, and to seek other counsellors. Among these, none possessed a higher place in his confidence than Hamilton ; of the talents, patriotism, honor, and honesty of none had he a more thorough conviction, and for none a more profound respect. A colossal pillar of his administration, Hamil- LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 527 ton had stood by him in every hour of trial, equally firm and true APPENDIX, in his friendship, and powerful in his support. To whom could No ' v - Washington more safely apply for the fruits of a wise and disci- Farewell plined mind? From whom could he hope for better counsel, or a more sacred regard to so confidential a trust? The following note from Hamilton to Washington was proba- bly the first written communication that passed between them on this subject. " New York, May IQth, 1796. Sir ; When last in Philadel- phia, you mentioned to me your wish, that I should re-dress a certain paper, which you had prepared. As it is important, that a thing of this kind should be done with great care, and much at leisure, touched and retouched, I submit a wish, that, as soon as you have given it the body you mean it to have, it may be sent to me." This note is dated more than four months before the FAREWELL ADDRESS was published, and it appears that a draft of some sort had already been "prepared" by Washington. It also appears, that Hamilton had been invited, and was well disposed, to lend his assistance in giving it completeness and finish. What were the contents of the draft here alluded to, or whether it was the one afterwards sent to Hamilton, there are now no means of ascertaining. It is certain, however, that it was Wash- ington's original idea to embody in the address the substance and the form of Mr. Madison's draft, and to make such additions as events and the change of circumstances seemed to require. A paper of this description has been preserved, in which is first inserted Mr. Madison's draft, and then a series of memoranda, or loose hints, evidently designed to be wrought into the address.* Whether these hints constitute the paper first sent to Hamilton, or to what extent they were previously enlarged and arranged, cannot now be told. It may be remarked, however, that they in- clude nearly all the elements of the principal points of the address, as it was finally published. After the draft had been transmitted to Hamilton, he discouraged the idea of incorporating Mr. Madison's draft, in its distinct form, on account of the apparent incongruity of the thing, and because he thought some of its sentiments not suited to the objects proposed in this last address. He accord- ingly sketched two plans, or drafts, one on the basis of an incor- * This paper, and also Washington's letter to Mr. Madison, and Mr. Madison's draft, may be seen in Washington's Writings, Vol. XII. pp. 387, 391. 528 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, poration, the other on that of an original form, submitting it to No- v ' the judgment of Washington to decide which was the preferable Farewell method. He chose the latter. Several letters passed between them. Suggestions were made on both sides, some of which were approved and adopted, others disapproved and rejected. The drafts were sent back and forth from the one to the other. The work was nearly four months in hand ; and was executed with a deliberation and solicitude, which prove the deep sense, that each entertained of its importance, and of the advantages to be de- rived from it to the country. Mr. Jay's testimony ought not to be omitted in this place, as he was likewise a party concerned. " Some time before the address appeared," he says, " Colonel Hamilton informed me, that he had received a letter from Presi- dent Washington, and with it the draft of a Farewell Address, which the President had prepared, and on which he requested our opinion. He then proposed that we should fix on a day for an interview at my house on the subject. A day was accordingly appointed, and on that day Colonel Hamilton attended. He ob- served to me in words to this effect; that, after having read and examined the draft, it appeared to him to be susceptible of im- provement; that he thought the easiest and best way was to leave the draft untouched, and in its fair state, and to write the whole over with such amendments, alterations, and corrections as he thought were advisable ; and that he had done so. He then proposed to read it and to make it the subject of our considera- tion. This being agreed to, he read it, and we proceeded de- liberately to discuss and consider it, paragraph by paragraph, until the whole met with our mutual approbation. Some amend- ments were made during the interview, but none of much im- portance. " Although this business had not been hastily despatched, yet, aware of the consequence of such a paper, I suggested the giving it a further critical examination; but he declined it, saying he was pressed for time, and was anxious to return the draft to the President without delay. " It afterwards occurred to me, that a certain proposition was expressed in terms too general and unqualified ; and I hinted it in a letter to the President. As the business took the course above mentioned, a recurrence to the draft was unnecessary, and it was not read. There was this advantage in the course pur- sued: the President's draft remained (as delicacy required) fair and not obscured by interlineations. By comparing it with the LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 529 paper sent with it, he would immediately observe the particular APPENDIX, emendations and corrections that were proposed, and would find No> V- them standing in their intended places. Hence he was enabled Farewell Address to review, and to decide on the whole matter, with much greater clearness and facility, than if he had received them in separate and detached notes, and with detailed references to the pages and lines, where they were advised to be introduced." * It is here to be observed, that Mr. Jay does not profess to have seen Washington's first draft, and of course he could not know what alterations and amendments had been made by Hamilton in transcribing it. He evidently received the impression, how- ever, that the transcript was, in its matter, essentially the same as the original. The copy, from which the final draft was printed, is now in existence. It was given by Washington himself to Mr. Claypoole, the printer. This manuscript, by the permission of Mr. Claypoole, I have examined, and it is wholly in the handwriting of Wash- ington. It bears all the marks of a most rigid and laborious revision. It is thus described by Mr. Claypoole. " The manu- script copy consists of thirty-two pages of quarto letter-paper, sew- ed together as a book, and with many alterations ; as in some places whole paragraphs are erased, and others substituted ; in others, many lines struck out; in others, sentences and words erased, and others interlined in their stead. The tenth, eleventh, and sixteenth pages are almost entirely expunged, saving only a few lines ; and one half of the thirty-first page is also effaced." t The above statement I believe to include all that is known with certainty on this subject. It proves that an original draft was sent by Washington to Hamilton ; that the latter bestowed great pains in correcting and improving it; that, during this pro- cess, several communications passed between them ; and that the final draft was printed from a copy, containing numerous altera- tions in the matter and style, which were unquestionably made by Washington. The precise paragraphs, words, or thoughts, which originated with either, cannot now be known. If a draft could be found in the handwriting of Hamilton, nearly resembling the printed address, it would go but a short way in solving this ques- tion. Papers may or may not have been destroyed. It is im- * Letter to Richard Peters, published in the Memoirs of the Historical So- ciety of Pennsylvania, Vol. I. p. 249. t Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Vol. I. p. 257. 67 C 3 530 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, possible to prove either the one or the other ; and till this can No - v - be done, it is equally impossible to decide what part was con- Fareweii tributed by each of the writers. In a case of so confidential a nature, and in which his honor was so much concerned, it may be supposed that Hamilton would not preserve every communica- tion he received. It could only be, by a knowledge of the con- versation between Washington and Hamilton before the first draft was sent to the latter, and by comparing all the papers that ever existed on the subject, that a positive conclusion could justly or safely be drawn. My opinion is, that the Address, in the shape it now bears, is much indebted for its language and style to the careful revision and skilful pen of Hamilton ; that he suggested some of the topics and amplified others ; and that he undertook this task not more as an act of friendship, than from a sincere desire, that a paper of this kind should go before the public in a form, which would give it great and lasting utility. But I do not think that his aid, however valuable, was such as to detract from the substantial merit of Washington, or to divest him of a fair claim to the au- thorship of the address. If we chose to pursue the inquiry, and accumulate probabilities, the result would not be more satisfactory. Every one, who shall peruse the volumes of Washington's writings, will be satisfied that there is not an idea or sentiment in the FAREWELL ADDRESS, which may not be found, more or less extended, in different parts of them ; nor, after such a perusal, can any one doubt his ability to com- pose such a paper. As a mere literary performance, though ex- cellent, it is neither extraordinary, nor in any degree superior to many others known to be written by each of the parties. It would add little to the great reputation of Washington, or of Hamilton, if the one or the other could be proved to be its sole and unaided author. It derives its value, and is destined to im- mortality, chiefly from the circumstance of its containing wise, pure, and noble sentiments, sanctioned by the name of Washing- ton at the moment when he was retiring from a long public career, in which he had been devoted to the service of his coun- try with a disinterestedness, self-sacrifice, perseverance, and suc- cess, commanding the admiration and applause of mankind. Take away this name and this circumstance, and its powerful charm would be broken ; it would be called able and good, an honorable testimony of the ability and patriotism of the writer, without exciting eager curiosity as to its origin, or the precise manner in which it was produced. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 531 \ No. VI. p. 488. LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH OF WASHINGTON.* Mount Vcrnon, Saturday, December 14th, 1799. This day APPENDIX, being marked by an event, which will be memorable in the his- No - V1 - tory of America, and perhaps of the world, I shall give a particular Last illness c . i i T an d death of statement ot it, to which 1 was an eyewitness. Washington. On Thursday, December 12th, the General rode out to his farms about ten o'clock, and did not return home till past three. Soon after he went out, the weather became very bad, rain, hail, snow falling alternately, with a cold wind. When he came in, I carried some letters to him to frank, intending to send them to the post- office in the evening. He franked the letters, but said the weather was too bad to send a servant to the office that evening. I ob- served to him, that I was afraid he had got wet. He said, No, his great-coat had kept him dry. But his neck appeared to be wet, and the snow was hanging upon his hair. He came to dinner (which had been waiting for him) without changing his dress. In the evening he appeared as well as usual. A heavy fall of snow took place on Friday, which prevented the General from riding out as usual. He had taken cold, undoubt- edly from being so much exposed the day before, and complained of a sore throat. He, however, went out in the afternoon into the ground between the house and the river to mark some trees, which were to be cut down in the improvement of that spot. He had a hoarseness, which increased in the evening ; but he made light of~it. In the evening the papers were brought from the post-office, and he sat in the parlor with Mrs. Washington and myself read- ing them, till about nine o'clock, when Mrs. Washington went up into Mrs. Lewis's room, who was confined, and left the General and myself reading the papers. He was very cheerful, and when he met with any thing interesting or entertaining, he read it aloud as well as his hoarseness would permit. He requested me to read to him the Debates of the Virginia Assembly, on the election of a * Mr. Tobias Lear, a gentleman of education and talents, resided several years with Washington, first as his secretary, and afterwards as superintend- ent of his private affairs. He was present during Washington's last illness, and wrote down a narrative of the occurrences immediately after his death. The narrative is here printed as transcribed from Mr. Lear's original manu- script. 532 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, Senator and Governor ; and, on hearing Mr. Madison's observations No " VI ' respecting Mr. Monroe, he appeared much affected, and spoke Last mness with some degree of asperity on the subject, which I endeavored and death of = . . Washington, to moderate, as I always did on such occasions. On his retiring, I observed to him, that he had better take something to remove his cold. He answered, " No, you know I never take any thing for a cold. Let it go as it came." Between two and three o'clock, on Saturday morning, he awoke Mrs. Washington, and told her that he was very unwell, and had had an ague. She observed, that he could scarcely speak, and breath- ed with difficulty, and would have got up to call a servant. But he would not permit her, lest she should take a cold. As soon as the day appeared, the woman (Caroline) went into the room to make a fire, and Mrs. Washington sent her immediately to call me. I got up, put on my clothes as quickly as possible, and went to his chamber. Mrs. Washington was then up, and related to me his being ill as before stated. I found the General breathing with difficulty, and hardly able to utter a word intelligibly. He desired Mr. Rawlins (one of the overseers) might be sent for to bleed him before the doctor could arrive. I despatched a, servant instantly for Rawlins, and another for Dr. Craik, and returned again to the General's chamber, where I found him in the same situation as I had left him. A mixture of molasses, vinegar, and butter was prepared to try its effects in the throat ; but he could not swallow a drop. When- ever he attempted it, he appeared to be distressed, convulsed, and almost suffocated. Rawlins came in soon after sunrise, and pre- pared to bleed him. When the arm was ready, the General, observ- ing that Rawlins appeared to be agitated, said, as well as he could speak, " Don't be afraid." And when the incision was made, he observed, " The orifice is not large enough." However, the blood ran pretty freely. Mrs. Washington, not knowing whether bleed- ing was proper or not in the General's situation, begged that much might not be taken from him, lest it should be injurious, and desired me to stop it ; but, when I was about to untie the string, the Gen- eral put up his hand to prevent it, and, as soon as he could speak, he said, " More, more." Mrs. Washington being still very uneasy, lest too much blood should be taken, it was stopped after taking about half a pint. Finding that no relief was obtained from bleed- ing, and that nothing would go down the throat, I proposed bathing it externally with sal volatile, which was done, and in the opera- tion, which was with the hand, and in the gentlest manner, he LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 533 observed, " It is very sore." A piece of flannel dipped in sal APPENDIX, volatile was put around his neck, and his feet bathed in warm y - VL water, but without affording any relief. Last illness In the mean time, before Dr. Craik arrived, Mrs. Washington Washington. desired me to send for Dr. Brown of Port Tobacco, whom Dr. Craik had recommended to be called, if any case should ever occur, that was seriously alarming. I despatched a messenger im- mediately for Dr. Brown between eight and nine o'clock. Dr. Craik came in soon after, and, upon examining the General, he put a blister of cantharides on the throat, took some more blood from him, and had a gargle of vinegar and sage tea prepared ; and ordered some vinegar and hot water for him to inhale the steam of it, which he did ; but in attempting to use the gargle he was almost suffocated. When the gargle came from the throat, some phlegm followed, and he attempted to cough, which the doctor encouraged him to do as much as possible ; but he could only attempt it. About eleven o'clock, Dr. Craik requested that Dr. Dick might be sent for, as he feared Dr. Brown would not come in time. A messenger was accordingly despatched for him. About this time the General was bled again. No effect, however, was produced by it, and he re- mained in the same state, unable to swallow any thing. Dr. Dick came about three o'clock, and Dr. Brown arrived soon after. Upon Dr. Dick's seeing the General, and consulting a few minutes with Dr. Craik, he was bled again. The blood came very slow, was thick, and did not produce any symptoms of faint- ing. Dr. Brown came into the chamber soon after, and upon feeling the General's pulse, the physicians went out together. Dr. Craik returned soon after. The General could now swallow a little. Calomel and tartar emetic were administered, but without any effect. About half past four o'clock he desired me to call Mrs. Wash- ington to his bedside, when he requested her to go down into his room, and take from his desk two wills, which she would find there, and bring them to him, which she did. Upon looking at them he gave her one, which he observed was useless, as being superseded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and took the other and put it into her closet. After this was done, I returned to his bedside and took his hand. He said to me ; "I find I am going. My breath cannot last long. I believed from the first, that the disorder would prove fatal. Do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers. Arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know D3 534 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, more about them than any one else, and let Mr. Rawlins finish No - VI - recording my other letters, which he has begun." I told him this Last niness should be done. He then asked, if I recollected any thino- which and death of . . , ,. , . , Washington, it was essential tor him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. I told him, that I could recollect nothing, but that I hoped he was not so near his end. He observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. In the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress, from the difficulty of breathing, and frequently changed his posture in the bed. On these occasions I lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him, and turn him with as much ease as possible. He appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions, and often said, "I am afraid I shall fatigue you too much"; and upon my assuring him, that I could feel nothing but a wish to give him ease, he replied, " Well, it is a debt we must pay to each other, and I hope, when you want aid of this kind, you will find it." He asked when Mr. Lewis and Washington Custis would return. (They were then in New Kent.) I told him about the 20th of the month. About five o'clock Dr. Craik came again into the room, and, upon going to the bedside the General said to him ; " Doctor, I die hard, but I am not afraid to go. I believed, from my first attack, that I should not survive it. My breath cannot last long." The Doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word. He retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. Between five and six o'clock Dr. Dick and Dr. Brown came into the room, and with Dr. Craik went to the bed, when Dr. Craik asked him if he could sit up in the bed. He held out his hand, and I raised him up. He then said to the physicians ; " I feel myself going; I thank you for your attentions; but I pray you to take no more trouble about me. Let me go off quietly. I cannot last long." They found that all which had been done was without effect. He lay down again, and all retired except Dr. Craik. He continued in the same situation, uneasy and restless, but with- out complaining ; frequently asking what hour it was. When I helped him to move at this time, he did not speak, but looked at me with strong expressions of gratitude. About eight o'clock the physicians came again into the room, and applied blisters and cataplasms of wheat bran to his legs and feet, after which they went out, except Dr. Craik, without a ray of hope. I went out about this time, and wrote a line to Mr. Law and LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 535 Mr. Peter, requesting them to come with their wives (Mrs. Wash- APPENDIX, ington's granddaughters) as soon as possible to Mount Vernon. About ten o'clock he made several attempts to speak to me Last illness ,-, .,_. .,_. . and death of belore he could enect it. At length he said ; " 1 am just going. Washington. Have me decently buried ; and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after I am dead." I bowed assent, for I could not speak. He then looked at me again and said ; " Do you understand me ?" I replied, " Yes." " 'T is well," said he. About ten minutes before he expired (which was between ten and eleven o'clock), his breathing became easier. He lay quietly ; he withdrew his hand from mine, and felt his own pulse. - I saw his countenance change. I spoke to Dr. Craik, who sat by the fire. He came to the bedside. The General's hand fell from his wrist. I took it in mine, and pressed it to my bosom. Dr. Craik put his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh. While we were fixed in silent grief, Mrs. Washington, who was sitting at the foot of the bed, asked with a firm and collected voice ; " Is he gone ? " I could not speak, but held up my hand as a signal, that he was no more. " 'T is well," said she, in the same voice, " all is now over ; I shall soon follow him : I have no more trials to pass through." OCCURRENCES NOT NOTED IN THE PRECEDING NARRATIVE. The General's servant, Christopher, was in the room during the day ; and in the afternoon the General directed him to sit down, as he had been standing almost the whole day. He did so. About eight o'clock in the morning, he expressed a desire to get up. His clothes were put on, and he was led to a chair by the fire. He found no relief from that position, and lay down again about ten o'clock. About five in the afternoon, he was helped up again, and, after sitting about half an hour, he desired to be undressed and put in bed, which was done. During his whole illness he spoke but seldom, and with great difficulty and distress ; and in so low and broken a voice, as at times hardly to be understood. His patience, fortitude, and resig- nation never forsook him for a moment. In all his distress he uttered not a sigh nor a complaint ; always endeavoring, from a sense of duty as it appeared, to take what was offered him, and to do as he was desired by the physicians. At the time of his decease, Dr. Craik and myself were in the 536 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, situation before mentioned. Mrs. Washington was sitting near No ' VI ' the foot of the bed. Christopher was standing near the bedside. Last illness Caroline, Molly, and Charlotte were in the room, standing near and death of J> Washington, the door. Mrs. Forbes, the housekeeper, was frequently in the room during the day and evening. As soon as Dr. Craik could speak, after the distressing scene was closed, he desired one of the servants to ask the gentlemen below to come up stairs. When they came to the bedside, I kissed the cold hand, which I had held to my bosom, laid it down, and went to the other end of the room, where I was for some time lost in profound grief, until aroused by Christopher desiring me to take care of the General's keys, and other things, which were taken out of his pockets, and which Mrs. Washington directed him to give to me. I wrapped them in the General's handkerchief, and took them to my room. About twelve o'clock the corpse was brought down stairs, and laid out in the large room.* Washing- Sunday, December 15th. Mrs. Washington sent for me in the morning, and desired that I would send up to Alexandria and have a coffin made, which I did. Mrs. Stuart was sent for in the morning. About ten o'clock, Mr. Thomas Peter came down ; and about two, Mr. and Mrs. Law, to whom I had written on Saturday evening. Dr. Thornton came down with Mr. Law. Dr. Craik stayed all day and night. In the evening I consulted with Mr. Law, Mr. Peter, and Dr. Craik on fixing a day for depositing the body in the vault. I wished the ceremony to be postponed till the last of the week, to give time to some of the General's relations to be here ; but Dr. Craik and Dr. Thornton gave it decidedly as their opinion, that, considering the disorder of which the General died, being of an inflammatory nature, it would not be proper to keep the body so long, and therefore Wednesday was fixed upon for the funeral. Monday, December 16th. I directed the people to open the family vault, clear away the rubbish about it, and make every thing decent ; ordered a door to be made to the vault, instead of closing * The following certificate, in the handwriting of Dr. Craik, is appended to the above portion of Mr. Lear's narrative. " Sunday, December 15th. The foregoing statement, so far as I can recol- lect, is correct. "Jxs. CRAIK." LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 537 it again with brick, as had been the custom. Engaged Mr. Inglis APPENDIX, and Mr. Munn to have a mahogany coffin made, lined with lead. No - VI> Dr. Craik, Mr. Peter, and Dr. Thornton left us after breakfast. Washing- Mrs. Stuart and her daughters came in the afternoon. Mr. Ander- son went to Alexandria to get a number of things preparatory for the funeral. Mourning was ordered for the family, domestics, and overseers. Having received information from Alexandria, that the militia, freemasons, &c., were determined to show their respect for the General's memory, by attending his body to the grave, I directed provision to be prepared for a large number of people, as some refreshment would be expected by them. Mr. Robert Hamilton wrote to me a letter, informing me that a schooner of his would be off Mount Vernon to fire minute guns, while the body was car- rying to the grave. I gave notice of the time fixed for the funeral to the following persons by Mrs. Washington's desire ; namely, Mr. Mason and family, Mr. Peake and family, Mr. Nickols and family, Mr. M c Carty and family, Miss M c Carty, Mr. and Mrs. M c Clana- han, Lord Fairfax and family, Mr. Triplet and family, Mr. Ander- son and family, Mr. Diggs, Mr. Cockburn and family, Mr. Massey and family, and Mr. R. West. Wrote also the Rev. Mr. Davis to read the service. Tuesday, December Ylth. Every preparation for the mournful ceremony was making. Mr. Stewart, adjutant of the Alexandria regiment, came to view the ground for the procession. About one o'clock the coffin was brought from Alexandria. Mr. Grater accompanied it with a shroud. The body was laid in the coffin. The mahogany coffin was lined with lead, soldered at the joints, with a cover of lead to be soldered on after the body should be in the vault. The coffin was put into a case, lined and covered with black cloth. Wednesday, December ISth. About eleven o'clock numbers of people began to assemble to attend the funeral, which was intended to have been at twelve o'clock ; but, as a great part of the troops expected could not get down in time, it did not take place till three. Eleven pieces of artillery were brought from Alexandria ; and a schooner, belonging to Mr. R. Hamilton, came down and lay off Mount Vernon to fire minute guns. About three o'clock the procession began to move. The ar- rangements of the procession were made by Colonels Little, Simms, Deneale, and Dr. Dick. The pall-holders were Colonels Little, 68 538 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, Simms,. Payne, Gilpin, Ramsey, and Marsteler. Colonel Black- No ' VI- burn preceded the corpse. Colonel Deneale marched with the Washing- military. The procession moved out through the gate at the left ton's fimeral. . wing of the house, and proceeded round in front of the lawn, and down to the vault on the right wing of the house. The procession as follows ; The Troops, horse and foot. The Clergy, namely, the Reverend Messrs. Davis, Muir, MoflTatt, and Addison. The General's horse, with his saddle, holsters, and pistols, led by two grooms, Cyrus and Wilson, in black. The Body, borne by the Freemasons and Officers. Principal Mourners, namely, Mrs. Stuart and Mrs. Law, Misses Nancy and Sally Stuart, Miss Fairfax and Miss Dennison, Mr. Law and Mr. Peter, Mr. Lear and Dr. Craik, Lord Fairfax and Ferdinando Fairfax. Lodge, No. 23. Corporation of Alexandria. All other persons ; preceded by Mr. Anderson and the Overseers. When the body arrived at the vault, the Rev. Mr. Davis read the service, and pronounced a short address. The Masons performed their ceremonies, and the body was deposited in the vault. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 539 No. VII. p. 489. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON. SPEECH OP JOHN MARSHALL IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE HOUSE, DECEMBER 19TH, 1799.* MR. SPEAKER, The melancholy event, which was yesterday announced with APPENDIX, doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is No> V1I< no more ! The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America : the Proceedings , of Congress. man on whom in times of danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. If, Sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selected as its instru- ments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the un- common worth, and such the extraordinary incidents, which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a public manifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal. More than any other individual, and as much as to one indi- vidual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide- spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier in the citizen. When the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolv- ing, we have seen him the chief of those patriots, who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate, those blessings which our Revolution had promised to bestow. In obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit * The intelligence of the death of Washington had been received the pre- ceding day, and the House immediately adjourned. The next morning Mr. Marshall addressed this speech to the House. 540 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tem- ' 1 ' pestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination pur- Proceedings sue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honor, and our independence. Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his reelection with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by withdrawing from his station to the peaceful walks of private life. However the public confidence may change, and the public af- fections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. Let us, then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold in my hand some resolutions, which I take the liberty of offering to the house. I Resolved, That this house will wait on the President, in con- dolence of this mournful event. Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house wear black during the session. Resolved, That a committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honor to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens. LETTER FROM THE SENATE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 December, 1799. SIR, The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave to ex- press to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of General George Washington. This event, so distressing to all our fellow citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, Sir, to mingle our tears with LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 541 yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a APPENDIX, man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our No - V1L country mourns a father. The Almighty Disposer of human events Proceedings has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It be- comes us to submit with reverence to him " who maketh darkness his pavilion." With patriotic pride we review the life of our Washington, and compare him with those of other countries who have been pre- eminent in fame. Ancient and modern times are diminished be- fore him. Greatness and guilt have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It reproved the in- temperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendor of vic- tory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honor ; he has deposited it safely, where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where malice cannot blast it. Favored of Heaven, he depart- ed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. Magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example ; his spirit is in Heaven. Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic gen- eral, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. Let them teach their children never to forget, that the fruits of his labors and his example are their inheritance. THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. 23 December, 1799. GENTLEMEN OP THE SENATE, I receive with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this mel- ancholy event, you will permit me to say, that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest dis- tress and most trying perplexities. I have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. E3 542 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, Among all our original associates in that memorable league of Vo ' VIL this continent, in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will Proceedings of a free nation in America, he was the only one remaining in of Congress. , , . , . , . . . the general government. Although with a constitution more en- feebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to pre- pare for retirement, I feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages and classes, to mingle their sorrows with mine, on this common calamity to the world. The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries, who have been most celebrated and ex- alted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent lu- minary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds, who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory; for his fellow citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Provi- dence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians. JOHN ADAMS. JOINT RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS. December 23d Resolved, by the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the Capitol of the city of Washington, and that the family of General Washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it, and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 543 And be it further resolved, That there be a funeral procession APPENDIX, from Congress Hall, to the German Lutheran Church, in memory No - VI1 - of General George Washington, on Thursday the 26th instant, Proceedings and that an oration be prepared at the request of Congress, to be delivered before both Houses that day ; and that the President of the Senate, and Speaker, of the House of Representatives, be desired to request one of the members of Congress to prepare and deliver the same. And be it further resolved, That it be recommended to the peo- ple of the United States, to wear crape on their left arm, as mourn- ing, for thirty days. And be it further resolved, That the President of the United States be jequested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound re- spect Congress will ever bear for her person and character, of their condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence ; and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of Gen- eral Washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the United States the recommendation contained in the third resolution. December SQth. Resolved, That it be recommended to the peo- ple of the United States to assemble, on the twenty-second day of February next, in such numbers and manner as may be con- venient, publicly to testify their grief for the death of General George Washington, by suitable eulogies, orations, and discourses, or by public prayers. And it is further resolved, That the President be requested to issue a proclamation, for the purpose of carrying the foregoing resolution into effect. 544 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. No. VIII. CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON; DESIGNED FOR A MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTION.* APPENDIX, WASHINGTON, NO- vin. The Defender of his Country, the Founder of Liberty, Monumental The Friend of Man " inscription. History and Tradition are explored in vain For a Parallel to his Character. In the Annals of modern Greatness, He stands alone, And the noblest Names of Antiquity Lose their Lustre in his Presence. Born the Benefactor of Mankind, He united all the Qualities necessary To an Illustrious Career. Nature made him Great, He made himself Virtuous. Called by his Country to the Defence of her Liberties, He triumphantly vindicated the Rights of Humanity, And on the Pillars of National Independence Laid the Foundations of a Great Republic. Twice invested with Supreme Magistracy By the Unanimous Voice of a Free People, He surpassed in the Cabinet The Glories of the Field, And, voluntarily resigning the Sceptre and the Sword, Retired to the Shades of Private Life. A Spectacle so new and so sublime Was contemplated with the profoundest Admiration; And the Name of WASHINGTON, Adding new Lustre to Humanity, Resounded to the remotest Regions of the Earth. Magnanimous in Youth, Glorious through Life, Great in Death, His highest Ambition the Happiness of Mankind, His noblest Victory the Conquest of himself, Bequeathing to Posterity the Inheritance of his Fame, And building his Monument in the Hearts of his Countrymen, He lived the Ornament of the Eighteenth Century, He died regretted by a mourning World. * The author of this composition is not known. It has been transcribed from a manuscript copy, written on the back of a picture-frame, in which is set a miniature likeness of Washington, and which hangs in one of the rooms of the mansion at Mount Vernon, having been left there some time after Washington's death. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 545 No. IX. WASHINGTON'S WILL. IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. I, GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the APPENDIX United States, and lately President of the same, do make, ordain, Nt> - 1X - and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand, Washing- < i i i ton's Will. and every page thereof subscribed with my name, to be my last WILL and TESTAMENT, revoking all others. Imprimis. All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the legacies, herein after bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed. Item. To my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, I give and bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved lot in the town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameron streets, I give to her and her heirs for ever ; as I also do my household and kitchen furniture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may think proper. Item. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves whom I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable conse- quences to the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor ; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some, who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others, who, on account of their infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, that all, who come under the first and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live ; and that such of the latter descrip- * In the original manuscript, GEORGE WASHINGTON'S name was written at the bottom of every page. 69 E3* 546 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, tion as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwilling No ' lx - to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall Washing- arrive at the age of twenty-five years: and. in cases where no record ton's Will. can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judg- ment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or mis- tresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transporta- tion out of the said Commonwealth, of any slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence whatsoever. And I do, moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm ; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it ; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my mulatto man, William, calling himself William Lee, I give immediate freedom, or, if he should prefer it, (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active employment,) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so ; in either case, however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars, daring his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first ; and this I give him, as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war. Item. To the trustees (governors, or by whatsoever other name they may be designated) of the Academy in the town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a free school, established at, and annexed to, the said Academy, for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons, as are unable to accomplish it with their own means, and who, in the judgment of the trustees of the said sem- inary, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 547 twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity ; the dividends only APPENDIX, of which are to be drawn for and applied, by the said trustees for No * lx * the time being, for the uses above mentioned ; the stock to remain Washing- entire and untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof, should render a removal of this fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above. And to prevent miscon- ception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence whereof an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid towards the support of this institution. Item. Whereas by a law of the Commonwealth of Virginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof was pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services I had rendered the public during the Revolution, and partly, I believe, in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive from the extension of its inland navigation under legislative patronage, to present me with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated Company, established for the pur- pose of extending the navigation of James River from the tide water to the mountains ; and also with fifty shares, of 100 sterling each, in the corporation of another Company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the River Potomac from the tide water to Fort Cumberland; the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from, viz. not to receive pecuniary compensa- tion for any services I could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain for its rights, and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union ; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation, that, if it should be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares to public uses, 1 would receive them on those terms with due sensibility ; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honorable manner ; I proceed after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare ; that, as it has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often 548 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate No- lx - ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting too frequently, not Washing- only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly ton's Will. J ... . ,., . * to republican government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome ; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency, to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation), my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure, than the establishment of a UNIVERSITY in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof may be sent for the completion of their education, in all the branches of polite litera- ture, in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the princi- ples of politics and good government, and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment, by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned, and which, when carried to ex- cess, are never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country. Under these impressions, so fully dilated, Item. I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac company, (under the aforesaid acts of the Legislature of Virginia,) towards the endowment of a University, to be established within the limits of the district of Columbia, under the auspices of the general government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it; and, until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in the Bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being, under the direction of Congress, provided that honorable body should patronize the meas- ure; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock are to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained ; of which I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, even if no aid LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 549 or encouragement is given by the legislative authority, or from APPENDIX, any other source. No * IX - Item. The hundred shares, which I hold in the James River wwhing- , lon'tWilL Company, 1 have given, and now confirm in perpetuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the County of Rock bridge, in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Item. I release, exonerate, and discharge the estate of my deceased brother, Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money which is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton, (lying in the county of Berkeley,) who assigned the same to him, the said Samuel, who by agreement was to pay me therefor. And whereas, by some contract (the purport of which was never commu- nicated to me) between the said Samuel and his son, Thornton Washington, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance having passed from me, either to the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or the said Thornton, and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has been alienated ; it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the premises ; and these are, to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Thornton Washington (who is also dead) devised the same, or to his heirs for ever, if he died intestate ; exonerating the estate of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel, from payment of the purchase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton, would amount to more than a thousand pounds. And whereas two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, namely, George Steptoe Washington and Lawrence Augustine Washington, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were committed, brought under my protection, and, in conse- quence, have occasioned advances on my part, for their education at college and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars, over and above the sums furnished by their estate, which sum it may be inconvenient for them or their father's estate to refund ; I do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate from the payment thereof, my intention being, that all accounts between them and me, and their father's estate and me, shall stand balanced. Item. The balance due to me from the estate of Bartholomew Dandridge, deceased, (my wife's brother,) and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred and twenty-five pounds, (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son, John Dandridge, who was the acting executor of his father's will,) 550 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, I release and acquit from the payment thereof. And the negroes, ' then thirty-three in number, formerly belonging to the said estate, ton*g h w?u. who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on my account, in the year (blank), and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge, with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same for the time past, or to come, during her natural life ; at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom ; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer ; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age, and then be free. And, to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concerning the same. And I further direct, that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negroes, according to the tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece, Betty Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and desire, that my executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. Item. To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, and his heirs, (if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting,) a lot in the town of Manchester, (opposite to Richmond,) No. 265, drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half-acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased William Byrd, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon, trustees of the said John Hood, numbered 139, in the town of Edinburgh, in the County of Prince George, State of Virginia. Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington* I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate to my civil * As General Washington never had any children, he gave the larger part of his property to his nephews and nieces, and the children of Mrs Wash- ington's son by her first marriage. The principal heir was Bushrod Wash- ington, son of his brother, John Augustine Washington. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 551 and military administration of the affairs of this country. 1 leave to APPENDIX, him also such of my private papers as are worth preserving ; and at No - IX - the decease of my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain Washing- thera, I give and bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of * every kind. Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the State of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late governor of New York, in the State of New York, my share of land and interest in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of Gloucester, with- holding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration money should be paid, and having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the County of Loudoun, it is my will and direction, that whensoever the con- tracts are fully and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made, agreeably to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock; the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, are to inure to my said wife during her life ; but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general distribution hereafter directed. Item. To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the "Box made of the Oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace, after the battle of Falkirk," presented to me by his Lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country, who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy or not to select the man, who might comport with his Lordship's opinion in this respect, is not for me to say; but, conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Goldsmiths' Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and, at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me, I do give and bequeath the same to his Lordship ; and, in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honor of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favorable sentiments with which he accompanied it. Item. To my brother, Charles Washington, I give and bequeath 552 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, the gold-headed cane left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. I add _^' IX> nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his Washing- issue. To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and Robert Washington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them ; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one of the spyglasses, which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend, Dr. Craik, I give my bureau (or, as the cabinet-makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stuart I give my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Reverend, now Bryan, Lord Fair- fax, I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, present- ed to me by the Right Reverend Tliomas Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man. To General de Lafayette I give a pair of finely-wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. To my sisters-in-law, Hannah Washington and Mildred Washington, to my friends, Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington, of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear I give the use of the farm, which he now holds in virtue of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife, (for and during their natural lives,) free from rent during his life ; at the expiration of which, it is to be disposed of as is herein- after directed. To Sally B. Haynie, (a distant relation of mine,) I give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me; each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my nephews, William Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Washington, I give one of the swords, or couteaux, of which I may die possess- ed; and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self-defence, or in defence of their country and its rights ; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof. And now, having gone through these specific devises, with LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 553 explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and APPENDIX, design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important No - IX - parts of my estate, in manner following ; FIRST. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were bachelors, and he had kindly undertaken to super- intend my estate during my military services in the former war between Great Britain and France, that, if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon, then less extensive in domain than at present, should become his property,) I give and bequeath all that part thereof, which is comprehended within the following limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near my Mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunting Creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knoll opposite to an old road, which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy-Hole Farm ; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed; thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of the tract between Thompson Mason and myself; thence with that line easterly (now double ditching, with a post-and-rail fence thereon) to the run of Little Hunting Creek ; thence with that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late Humphrey Peaks, and me, to the tide water of the said creek ; thence by that water to Potomac River; thence with the river to the mouth of Dogue Creek ; and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford; containing upwards of four thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the mansion-house, and all other buildings and improvements thereon. SECOND. In consideration of the consanguinity between them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself, as on ac- count of the affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late Revolution, afterwards devoting his time to the superintendence of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public employ- ments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful; for these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Washington and Lawrence Augus- tine Washington, and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting 70 F3 554 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, Creek, lying on the River Potomac, including the farm of three No ' IX * hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear, as noticed before, Wahing- and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and twenty-seven ton's Will. '., ., . / , . acres, be it more or less ; which said estate it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between them, according to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious and disinterested men ; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. In the mean time, if the ter- mination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. THIRD. And whereas it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grand- children of my wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them ; more especially by the two whom we have raised from their earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Parke Cus- tis and George "Washington Parke Custis; and whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to provide for them both has been increased ; wherefore I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis, and Eleanor Parke Lewis, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon estate, not already devised to my nephew, Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, viz. All the land north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the other part of the tract to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the knoll ; thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between Mr. Mason and me) ; thence with that line westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my Mill ; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned. To which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby; together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improvements on the premises, making together about two thousand acres, be it more or less. FOURTH. Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of my wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 555 FIFTH. All the rest and residue of my estate real and per- APPENDIX; sonal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever con- NO. ix. sisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found, (a schedule of Washing- which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed,) I desire may be sold by my execu- tors, at such times, in such manner, and on such credits, (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the specific property cannot be made without,) as in their judgment shall be most con- ducive to the interest of the parties concerned ; and the moneys arising therefrom to be divided into twenty-three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. To William Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs of Ann Ashton, sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four parts ; that is, one part to each of them. To Fielding Lewis, George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis, and Betty Carter, sons and daughters of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, I give and bequeath five other parts ; one to each of them. To George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence, Augustine Washington, Harriot Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, sons and daughters of my deceased brother Samuel Washington, I give and bequeath other four parts ; one to each of them. To Corbin Wash- ington, and the heirs of Jane Washington, son and daughter of my deceased brother, John Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath two parts ; one to each of them. To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball, and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my brother Charles Washington, I give and bequeath three parts ; one part to each of them. And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Au- gustine Washington, and Maria Washington, sons and daughter of my deceased nephew, George Augustine Washington, I give one other part ; that is, to each a third of that part. To Elizabeth Parks Law, Martha Parke Peter, and Eleanor Parke Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts ; that is, a part to each of them. And to my nephews, Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson of my wife, I give and bequeath one other part; that is, a third thereof to each of them. And, if it should so happen, that any of the persons whose names are here enumerated (unknown to me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of such deceased person shall, not- withstanding, derive all the benefits of the bequest, in the same manner as if he or she was actually living at the time. And, by way of advice, I recommend it to my executors not to be precipitate in 556 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, disposing of the landed property, (herein directed to be sold,) if from No - IX - temporary causes the sale thereof should be dull ; experience having Waging. fully evinced, that the price of land, especially above the falls of the on' Will. * river and on the western waters, has been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the legatees (under this clause of my will), as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my stock in the Potomac Company, in preference to the amount of what it might sell for ; being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the money can be applied, will be so productive as the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation, (and thus, from the nature of things, it must be, ere long,) and more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Enclosure, on the ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations (now in the old vault), and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration. LASTLY, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, my nephews, William Augustine Washington, Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington, and Lawrence Letcis, and my ward, George Washington Parke Custis (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years), execu- trix and executors of this my will and testament ; in the construction of which it will be readily perceived, that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draft ; and that, although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incorrect ; but, having endeavoured to be plain and explicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes will arise concerning them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from the want of legal expressions, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devises to be conso- nant with law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understand- ton's Will. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 557 ing ; two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of APPENDIX, one, and the third by those two; which three men, thus chosen, No ' IX * shall, unfettered by law or legal constructions, declare their sense ... , , . . . , of the testator s intention ; and such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Court of the United States. In witness of all and of each of the things herein contained, I have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,* and of the Independence of the United States the twenty-fourth. GEORGE WASHINGTON. SCHEDULE OF PROPERTY Comprehended in the foregoing Will, which is directed to be sold ; and some of it conditionally is sold ; with descriptive and explan- atory Notes relative thereto. IN VIRGINIA. Loudoun County, Difficult Run, Loudoun and Fauquier, Ashby's Bent, Chattin's Run, Berkeley, South Fork of Bullskin, Head of Evans's M., In Wormeley's Line, Frederic, bought from Mercer, Hampshire, on Potomac River, above B., Gloucester, on North River, Nansemond, near Suffolk, one third of 1119 acres, Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend thereof, Ohio River, Round Bottom, Little Kenhawa, Sixteen miles lower down, Opposite Big Bent, Price, Acres. Dollars. Dollars. 300 6,666 a 2481 10 24,810 ) 885 8 7,080 5 ' 1600 453 183 2236 20 44,720 c 571 20 11,420 d 240 15 3,600 r. 400 about 3,600 f 373 8 2,984 g about 20,000 h 587 2314 2448 4395 9744 10 97,440 t * It appears that the testator omitted the word " nine." F3* 558 APPENDIX, NO. ix Great Kenhawa, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Washing- ton's Will. Near the mouth, west, East side, above, Mouth of Cole River, Opposite thereto, Burning Spring, Acres. Price. 10990 7276 2000 Dollars. 2950 125 3075 MARYLAND. Charles County, 600 6 Montgomery County, 519 12 PENNSYLVANIA. Great Meadows, 234 6 Mohawk River, NEW YORK. about 1000 6 200,000 k 3,600 I 6,228 m 1,404 n 6,000 o NORTHWEST TERRITORY. On Little Miami, 839 Ditto, 977 Ditto, 1235 3051 5 15,255 p KENTUCKY. Rough Creek, 3000 Ditto, adjoining, 2000 5000 2 10,000 LOTS. CITY OF WASHINGTON. Two near the Capitol, Square 634, cost 963 dollars, and with buildings, 15,000 r Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, the last three water lots on the Eastern Branch, in Square 667, containing together 34,438 square feet, at 12 cents, 4,132 s ALEXANDRIA. Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half an acre, laid out into building lots, three or four of which are let on ground rent, at three dollars per foot, 4,000 t LIFE OF WASHINGTON. WINCHESTER. A lot in the town, of half an acre, an,d another on the common, of abcut six acres, supposed, BATH, OR WARM SPRINGS. Two well-situated and handsome buildings, to the amount of ,150, Dollars. 400 800 APPENDIX. No. IX. Washing- ton'i Will. STOCK. United States 6 per cent. Ditto, deferred, Ditto, 3 per cent. 1,873 2,946 3,746 2,500 6,246 Potomac Company, 24 shares, cost each .100 sterling, 10,666 James River Company, 5 shares, each cost 100 dollars, 500 y Bank of Columbia, 170 shares, 40 dollars each, 6,800 i Bank of Alexandria, 1,000) Z Besides 20 shares in the free school. 5. STOCK LIVING. One covering horse, 5 carriage horses, 4 riding horses, 6 brood mares, 20 working horses and mares, 2 covering jacks and 3 young ones, 10 she-asses, 42 working mules, 15 younger ones, 329 head of horned cattle, 640 head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the precise number unknown. ff* My manager has estimated this live stock at ,7000; but I shall set it down, in order to make a round sum, at 15,653 Aggregate amount, $ 530,000 NOTES. (a) THIS tract, for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation than the quality of its soil ; though that is good for farming, with a considerable propor- tion of ground that might very easily be improved into meadow. It lies on the great road from the city of Washington, Alexandria, and Georgetown, to Lees- burgh and Winchester, at Difficult Bridge, nineteen miles from Alexandria, less from the city of Georgetown, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of Potomac. There is a valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is conditionally sold for the sum annexed in the schedule. 560 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. APPENDIX, (b) What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts are, No. IX. I know not : but, compared with those above the Ridge, and others below them, ,, r . . the value annexed will appear moderate: a less one would not obtain them Washing- ton's Will. from me. (c) The surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation, or properties of any sort, sells currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. The lowest price is affixed to these. (d) The observations made in the last note apply equally to this tract ; being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, although it lies in another county. (c) This tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It lies on Potomac River, about twelve miles above the town of Bath, or Warm Springs, and is in the shape of a horseshoe ; the river running almost around it. Two hundred acres of it are rich low grounds, with a great abundance of the largest and finest walnut trees ; which, with the produce of the soil, might (by means of the im- proved navigation of the Potomac) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty miles only by land. (/) This tract is of second-rate Gloucester low ground. It has no improve- ments thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in fish and oysters. It was received in payment of a debt (carrying interest), and valued in the year 1789, by an impartial gentleman, at 800. N. B. it has lately been sold, and there is due thereon a balance, equal to what is annexed in the schedule. (g) These 373 acres are the third part of an undivided purchase made by the deceased Fielding Lewis, Thomas Walker, and myself, on full conviction that they would become valuable. The land lies on the road from Suffolk and Nor- folk, touches (if I am not mistaken) some part of the navigable water of Nanse- mond River. The rich Dismal Swamp is capable of great improvement, and from its situation must become extremely valuable. (A) This is an undivided interest, which I hold in the Great Dismal Swamp Company, containing about 4000 acres, with my part of the plantation and stock thereon, belonging to th'e Company in the said swamp. (z) These several tracts of land are of the first quality, on the Ohio River, in the parts where they are situated; being almost, if not altogether, river bottoms. The smallest of these tracts is actually sold at ten dollars an acre, but the con- sideration therefor not received. The rest are equally valuable, and sold as high ; especially that which lies just below the Little Kenhawa, and is opposite to a thick settlement on the west side of the river. The four tracts have an aggregate breadth upon the river of sixteen miles, and are bounded thereby for that distance. (k) These tracts are situated on the Great Kenhawa River, and the first four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. It is acknowledged by all who have seen them, (and of the tract containing 10,990 acres, which I have been on myself, I can assert,) that there is no richer or more valuable land in all that region. They are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the schedule, that is, 200,000 dollars ; and, if the terms of that sale are not complied with, they will command considerably more. The tract, of which the 125 acres is a moie- ty, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myself, for and on account of a bituminous spring which it contains, of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguish. (I) I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once been on it. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5g] It was received (many years since) in discharge of a debt to me from Daniel APPENDIX Jenifer Adams, at the value annexed thereto, and must be worth more. It is No. IX. very level ; lies near the river Potomac. (m) This tract lies about thirty miles above the city of Washington, not far W n a h w ?Ji. from Kittoctan. It is good farming land ; and, by those who are well acquaint- ed with it, I am informed that it would sell at twelve or fifteen dollars per acre. (n) This land is valuable on account of its local situation, and other proper- ties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's Road from Fort Cum- ' berland to Pittsburg, and, besides a fertile soil, possesses a large quantity of natural meadow, fit for the scythe. It is distinguished by the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action with the French in 1754 was fought. (o) This is the moiety of about 2000 acres, which remains unsold of G071 acres on the Mohawk River, (Montgomery County,) in a patent granted to Daniel Coxe, in the township of Coxborough and Carolina, as will appear by deed from Marinus Willett and wife to George Clinton, late governor of New York, and myself. The latter sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what remains unsold will fetch that or more. (p) The quality of these lands, and their situations, may be known by the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the mouth of the Little Miami ; another seven, and the third ten miles up the same. I have been informed, that they will command more than they are estimated at. (q) For the description of these tracts in detail, see General Spotswood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Besides the general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous, (and settlers are moving that way very fast,) will be found very valuable, as the Rough Creek, a branch of Green Riv- er, affords ample water for furnaces and forges. LOTS. CITY OF WASHINGTON. (r) The two lots near the Capitol, in square 634, cost me 963 dollars only. But in this price I was favored, on condition that I should build two brick houses, three stories high each. Without this reduction, the selling prices of those lots would have cost me about 1350 dollars. These lots, with the build- ings thereon, when completed, will stand me in 15,000 dollars at least. (s) Lots Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eastern Branch, are advantageously situated on the water; and, although many lots, much less convenient, have sold a great deal higher, I will rate these at 12 cents the square foot only. ALEXANDRIA. (f) For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused 3500 dollars. It has since been laid out into proper sized lots for building on ; three or four of which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a foot on the street, and this price is asked for both fronts on Pitt and Prince streets. WINCHESTER. (u) As neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price ; but, as both are well situated, it is presumed that the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable valuation. 71 562 Washing- ton's win. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . \ * BATH. () The lots in Bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recollection, between fifty and sixty pounds, twenty years ago ; and the buildings thereon, one hundred and fifty pounds more. Whether property there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the houses are, I am ignorant ; but suppose they are not valued too high. STOCK. (M>) These are the sums which are actually funded j and though no more in the aggregate than 7566 dollars, stand me in at least ten thousand pounds, Vir- ginia money ; being the amount of bonded and other debts duo to me, and dis- charged during the war, when money had depreciated in that rate, yj* and was so settled by public authority. (x) The value annexed to these shares is what they have actually cost me, and is the price affixed by law; and, although the present selling price is under par, my advice to the legatees (for whose benefit they are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money,) is, that each should take and hold one ; there being a moral certainty of a great and increasing profit arising from them in the course of a few years. (y) It is supposed that the shares in the James River Company must be pro- ductive. But of this I can give no decided opinion, for want of more accurate information. (z) These are the nominal prices of the shares in the Banks of Alexandria and Columbia ; the selling prices vary according to circumstances ; but, as the stocks usually divide from eight to ten per cent per annum, they must be worth the former, at least, so long as the banks are conceived to be secure, although from circumstances they may sometimes be below it. The value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than quantity of the different species of it, and this again upon the demand, and judgment or fancy of purchasers. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799. THE END. * y>' ?~ V V*tog v-. ?yov;wyy^vvw >w vv vw% 3?.^W :low. ^^: vyV^ !!;^WV ..## &. ' x o- ~ " ^ "^ ^ ~ w v w ' w w ^; ^ v &m HIBIi Hill Hi II 3SR'M* f Califotni a Library j-, cromoed bel ThisbookjiDUE^e phone , 3lO/8^- 91 v ^ A ^ ^/TL/i/ x ^ w^^ iWw*tf8' '^i:; /wyywvwvv- .-.XWSWSf"' 1 ' WWi! ^ap VWW^ ^IVK'A^J^I^IS n to* m *-^\ III! Illl! II' 1 I" 1 " "' * AA 000858727 1 y*vi V " X S fcyflA^- tvi r, Uliiiik v*'. v V * * V ,. V VWv. W I '^W, v - O- " ' : v " n jfe>^ >>> 1 -> -"' ^ j-