j LIBRARY) UNIVERSITY OK CALIFORNIA F SAN DIEGO CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND DUKE OF BRUNSWICK s CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. An Historical Study, 173^1806 By LORD EDMOND FITZMAURICE WITH TWO PORTRAITS AND A MAP LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row, London, New York and Bombay. 1901 All rights reserved PREFACE THE study contained in the following pages was originally published in two articles in the Edin- burgh Review for July 1897 ^d January 1898. Lord Rosebery and Sir George Trevelyan having intimated to me their opinion that these articles might be of use to the historical student if they received a more permanent shape, the present volume appears in consequence. The portrait of the Duke on the frontispiece of this volume is by McArdell, after a picture by Ziesenis of Hanover, the original of which belonged at the time of engraving to General Conway. As Ziesenis died in 1777, the portrait shows the sitter in the early part of his career. The smaller portrait represents the Duke in later life. It was engraved by Ridley and Flood, and published in the European Magazine for 1807 without the name of the painter. The references to the ' Memoirs of Hardenberg' are to the edition in five volumes published at 2082738 vi DUKE OF BRUNSWICK Leipzig in 1877, and those to the works of Massen- bach are except where otherwise stated to the Memoirs published at Amsterdam in 1809. I desire to acknowledge the valuable assistance which I have received from Mr. W. C. Cartwright on several historical points, and from Mr. Sidney Colvin in regard to the above-mentioned portraits. E. F January 30, 1901. LIST OF PLATES H.S.H. CHARLES, HEREDITARY PRINCE OF BRUNS- WICK . Frontispiece From a picture by T. G. Ziesenis, the property of General Con-way in 1761. CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, DUKE OF BRUNS- WICK To face p. 109 Front an engraving published in the ''European Magazine ' in 1807. MAP CENTRAL EUROPE, 1786 . 26 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, DUKE OF BRUNSWICK THE numerous works recently published on the history of the French Revolution and Empire have again directed attention to the career of Charles William Ferdinand, Duke of Brunswick. In their pages his name constantly occurs, but with an ill- defined sphere and an enigmatic action which in many respects have hitherto baffled explanation. The Duke held a distinguished place in all the transactions, both of war and peace, in the period between 1758 and 1806; and this place is seen to be of even greater interest and importance in pro- portion as the events of the time are more closely examined. But the reader is often conscious of being in the face of many apparent paradoxes and contradictions in connection with the life of the Duke, and of a frequent difficulty in finding satis- factory evidence to account for the unquestioned position so long occupied by him both in the camp and the Cabinet and in public estimation ; and at <\ B 2 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, last takes revenge by calling the strategy of the Duke sinister and his character incomprehensible. 1 The nephew and favourite pupil of Frederic the Great, the military career of the Duke is chiefly associated with the disasters of Valmy and Auerstadt. In the aged commander whose hesi- tations are the object of the wrath of more serious critics than the boasters of the Potsdam parade-grounds, the reader hardly recognises the brilliant chief who shared with his uncle Ferdinand the glories of Crevelt and Minden, and dashed across Germany to the rescue of Frederic himself after Kiinersdorf. Like his royal uncle a sym- pathiser with reforming ideas one of the princely forerunners, in fact, of the French Revolution he is, nevertheless, for ever identified with the manifesto of the allied sovereigns against the Revolution : the manifesto which, rightly or wrongly, has the credit of having been the immediate cause of the downfall of the French monarchy at the hands of the exas- perated Republicans. Early in 1792 he is the object of an invitation, as will be related further on, from the advanced wing of the constitutional party in France to take the command of all her forces, with almost a certainty of having to lead them in a war against Austria ; and later in the year he is offered, and accepts, the command of the allied army which invades France in order to put down 1 Lord Rosebery, Life of Pitt, 130, 158. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 3 the Revolution. At one moment he is acclaimed as the greatest general in Europe ; at another he is denounced as the cause of all the misfortunes of his country. His life is the record of abrupt transitions. One half consists of great and continuous good fortune ; the other, of terrible and ruinous failure. Born in 1735 his sun rises in youthful splendour amid the most brilliant glories of the Seven Years' War ; it disappears in the gloom of disaster and defeat in 1806. Just before his death Kalckreuth declared him to be responsible for every coming misfortune ; yet Rtickert made his death the subject of one of those lyrics which aroused Germany against the conqueror, and Byron included him in the splendid tribute which immortalised his son, who fell at Quatre Bras. By birth the Duke was allied to the Royal House of England, and his own military fortunes were originally connected vyth the disasters which befell another member of the Hanoverian family. In the war of the Austrian Succession the conti- nental army of England and her allies was com- manded by the Duke of Cumberland, who com- bined a leonine personal courage with a total igno- rance of the art of war, made doubly dangerous by the defective vision which, on one occasion, caused him to be almost captured by some hostile cavalry mistaken by him for one of his own brigades. At B 2 4 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, the battle of Dettingen a series of lucky accidents, and a want of skill then unusual in the French commanders, alone converted into a British victory a situation which, judged from a purely military standpoint, ought to have ended in the capture of the Duke, of his royal father, and of the Secretary of State, at a moment when such a disaster might have had fatal effects not only on the fortune of the campaign, but also on the struggle for the crown with the Pretender. At Fontenoy the British arms sustained a defeat which dimmed the lustre of Blenheim and Ramillies. At home, the officers whom the Duke favoured as his chosen lieutenants proved themselves at Prestonpans and Falkirk to be unable even to cope with an almost savage and totally undisciplined foe ; and the facile glories of Culloden, where victory at length smiled on the ducal standard, were soon wiped out by renewed disasters abroad. When the Tijsaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ter- minated the war of the Austrian Succession, men were at least grateful that peace had presumably terminated the active military career of the son of George II. Unfortunately, when war again com- menced in 1756, he was once more entrusted, through paternal and royal affection, with the com- mand of the army which in 1757 was sent to defend the Electorate of Hanover and to co-operate with Frederic the Great by a diversion in Western DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 5 Germany. The usual results followed. Of the disasters of that campaign a pithy account has been left by no less a person than the King of Prussia himself. The forces under the Duke of Cumberland were steadily forced back into a corner beyond the Weser through the incapacity of the general, whose misfortune it was ' to think too late ' of the necessary precautions. 1 They were finally forced to give battle near the little village of Hastenbeck. A total defeat ensued. And yet, had the Duke of Cumber- land but known it, victory on this occasion was his. The French were the attacking party. At an early period of the action they captured the great battery which defended the centre of the position, and under cover of a deep and wooded ravine turned the Duke's left wing. But the central battery was sud- denly retaken by a dashing attack, and the French force which had turned the Duke's left found itself isolated and surrounded. It fled, losing all the artillery and standards. The French general, M. d'Estrees, had actually given the order for his whole force to retire, when it was discovered that the British leader was himself already in full retreat. The sequel was the ignominious Convention of Kloster Seven. If one of the blackest pages in our military annals, it at least rendered the future employment of the Duke of Cumberland impossible. 1 ' Penser bien tard.' Mdmoires de FrddMc, i. 488. 6 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, After Hastenbeck the British Cabinet came to the conclusion that if the year 1757 had been utterly inglorious to the British arms, at least the seeds of victory might be planted in the hour of defeat by the immediate appointment of a more competent commander. The indignant voice of the nation, exasperated by failures in every part of the world, had just called the elder Pitt to power. Under his lead was formed the great Ministry which lasted till 1761 and restored the honour and reputation of the country. Pitt recognised that for the moment it would be better to place the British contingent abroad under foreign command ; and so great was his prestige that he was able to win approval for proposals which, if put forward by others, might have been regarded as derogatory to the country- men of Marlborough. The commander selected for the combined British and Hanoverian forces was Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick- Llineburg, then thirty-seven years of age, one of the most trusted of the pupils of the great Frederic. He already held one of the highest commands in the Prussian army, and was governor of Magdeburg. When the tide of fortune at Hastenbeck was for the moment turned, says the King, ' it was owing to the courage and skill of Charles William Ferdinand, Hereditary Prince of Brunswick, who recaptured the central battery, and by this coup dessai showed DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 7 that nature destined him to be a hero. ' The Prince at this time was twenty-two years of age. He was the eldest son of the King's favourite sister, Philippina Charlotte, by her marriage with the reign ing Duke of Brunswick, and was the nephew of the newly appointed commander. One of the immediate results of the failure of the Duke of Cumberland had been the occupation by the French of the Duchy of Brunswick. The Duke and his family fled, and the Hereditary Prince was on his way to Holland through Hamburg when he met his uncle, and. was easily persuaded by him to take active service in the new army which was being assembled at Liineburg. The Hereditary Prince had received his military education under the eye of his two uncles, the King and Duke Ferdinand ; his literary education under the watchful care of his able mother, and from such famous teachers as the Abbe Jerusalem, Hirchmann, and Gartner. From his earliest years the highest hopes had been formed of his future career ; nor were they now disappointed. In the long array of battles which distinguished the campaigns of the latter part of the Seven Years' War, the Hereditary Prince, sometimes as the leader of a separate force, on other occasions as next in command to his uncle, rapidly obtained the highest reputation. The names 1 Mtmoires de Frederic, \. 489. 8 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, of the two Princes of Brunswick became a terror to the invaders of Germany, second only to that of the King himself. At Crevelt in 1758 they gained a victory which obliterated the evil memory of Hastenbeck. A defeat at Bergen in 1759 was followed by the great victory of Minden, gained on August i. The refusal of Lord George Sackville to carry out the orders of the Duke alone saved the French army from a destruction as total as at Blenheim. On the eve of this battle, otherwise so glorious to the allied arms, the Hereditary Prince was despatched to the rear of the French army with a separate corps of 10,000 men. Having routed the Due de Brissac at Koesfeld in an engagement distinct from that in which his uncle defeated the main army of the enemy, he cut off their retreat and converted it into a rout. The French were driven out of Cassel, the Bishopric of Minister and Marburg ; and only the disaster which almost at the same time had befallen General Finck at Maxen prevented Duke Ferdinand from carrying his successes still further. To remedy that disaster, which had been followed by the defeat of the King himself at Klinersdorf by the Russians, the Hereditary Prince was detached to support the King, who had mean- while rewarded his services at Minden by com- posing one of those odes with which the royal author was in the habit of punishing his friends and DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 9 allies and cheering his own spirits in even the darkest hours : Regardez-le, ma soeur, 1'amour vous y convie, Dans vos fiancs vertueux ce heros prit la vie Et ses rares talents ; Votre belle ame en lui retra^a son image, De son auguste pere il a tout le courage Et les grands sentiments. And so on in thirty-three stanzas, which the curious can read, if they so desire, in the collected works of his Prussian Majesty. 1 ' His days/ wrote the elder Pitt, ' are precious to Europe.' 2 The King relates, but in sober prose, how on his return from Eastern Germany the Hereditary Prince, after other exploits, ' flew on wings/ and, with a musket wound still open, presented himself on July 16, 1760, before the gates of Fulda at a moment when nobody expected him. The reigning Duke had on that very day prepared a ball, and now only escaped capture by flight. Pitt describes the ' glorious event of the immortal Hereditary Prince' in a letter to Lady Hester. ' Five times he pressed the French infantry at the head of Elliott's ; his horse wounded under him, and a led horse behind him killed.' 3 Nor was this, the King says, ' the last exploit of this hero/ for, undismayed by a severe check at Korbach, he quickly retrieved his reputation by a dashing success 1 CEuvres Posthumes, xiv. 233-241 ; ed. 1789. ~ Chatham Correspondence, ii. 10. :J Ibid. ii. 54. io CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, at Warburg. 1 The fury of the war seemed to concentrate itself wherever he was. It was related with enthusiasm how he had crossed the Weser in mid-winter and captured Hoya. This exploit became legendary : ' I will tell you,' he said to Massenbach many years after, ' what really happened. It was in February ; the Weser was covered with floating ice ; the night was rough ; no fisherman could be found who had the courage to put us across. I found gold, and the men then found a supply of courage. They ferried part of the regiment of Hauss and the bodyguard safely across. A violent storm then arose. The remaining companies of these regiments had to remain on the right bank. With my small body of men I continued the advance on Hoya. The French patrols had neglected their duty owing to the fearful inclemency of the weather. We came on them at the first houses of the town. Out of one of these came a Frenchman. He looked at us, and tried to escape. But I seized hold of him myself, and grasped him by the throat. " You are a lost man," I said, " if you speak a word," and I pointed my sword at his breast. " Where are your comrades ? " We marched straight forwards, and came on them so unexpectedly that they first became aware of our existence from hearing our fire. This fire settled the business. We were masters of the bridge. You know the rest. Alas ! these times are over ; and they will never return. How lucky we used to be then ! ' ' 2 The Hereditary Prince next undertook a diver- sion beyond the Rhine towards the Dutch frontier, 1 Memoir es de Frederic, ii. 159. 2 Massenbach, iii. 239, 240. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK n with a view to besieging Wesel. Opposed to him was the Marquis de Castries with 25,000 men, and this force the Prince boldly attempted to surprise at night. Then took place the famous episode of the death of the Chevalier d'Assas, of the regiment of Auvergne, who, having strayed beyond the French outposts, met the advancing British and Hanoverian forces. Declining to accept quarter, he gave the alarm, ' A moi, Auvergne ; voila les ennemis ! ' and died under a hundred wounds, notwithstanding all the efforts of the Prince, who, struck by his gallantry, desired to preserve his life. The French army was saved, and the Prince fell back, with a loss of 1,200 men, after a desperate engagement ; but his fine retreat gained the commendation of the King, and his reputation suffered no diminution. In the campaign of 1761 he was at first worsted in a skirmish at Stangerode, but shared with his uncle the credit of victory in the two days' battle of Kirch Denkern, where, almost on the very ground where Arminius defeated Varus in the Teutoburger Wald, they together inflicted a bloody repulse on the com- bined forces of the Due de Broglie and the Prince de Soubise. In the campaign of 1 762, which both parties felt was likely to prove decisive, having been placed by his uncle at the head of fifteen battalions of infantry and twenty squadrons of cavalry, he surprised the force of the Due de Levis, and nearly captured the 12 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, whole of it, the French commander only just succeed- ing in escaping in the confusion. But in a later enter- prise of the same order, against a detachment of the forces under M. de Conde and the Prince de Soubise, which turned out to be supported by the whole French army, he was seriously worsted and himself placed hors de combat through a wound, when peace came opportunely to put an end to hostilities. 1 Among the heroes of the war, friend and foe alike acclaimed the two Princes of Brunswick, especially the younger, whose exploits were of pre- cisely the character to fascinate the public mind. The contrast with the Duke of Cumberland was obvious, and the genius of Pitt in selecting fit instruments for his policy was made the object of the greater laudation because just at this moment he had been driven from power by the intrigues of Bute and the Court, from whose incapacity a repetition of the disasters of Fontenoy and Hasten- beck might well have been expected, had England again been forced to tempt the fate of arms on the Continent. The admirable courtesy of the Here- ditary Prince to the conquered, and the care he showed for the wounded as in the case of Comte de Gisors, the brilliant son of Marshal de Belle- Isle, between whose character and that of the Prince Voltaire noted a marked likeness rendered him 1 Me'moires de Frederic, ii. 251-252. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 13 almost as popular in France as at home. Not that the Prince was unduly elated by his successes or by popular applause. The occasional reverses which he had experienced had left a deep impression on his mind, and a curious power of self-introspection, which he exhibited to the discomfiture of his admirers, caused him to betray a tendency to hesitation which already alarmed them for his future career. For Duke Ferdinand and the King he had an almost superstitious reverence : Prince Henry of Prussia used afterwards sarcastically to say that he was afraid of his uncles even when they were both dead. Westphalen, the secretary of Duke Ferdinand, noticed these tendencies as early as 1762, and declared that the habits of subjection to which the Prince had accus- tomed himself had injured his power of self-reliance in a serious degree ; and Gaudi, the famous military instructor at Berlin, told Massenbach that in a great crisis the Prince might be found to lack decision. 1 These criticisms, however, did not extend beyond a limited circle, and the impression of the transcen- dent character of his abilities which his campaigns had created did not grow less when it was seen how open a predilection was shown by the King for his nephew. Capable judges also began to whisper that if the military talents of the Prince were great, they 1 Massenbach, \. II, ii. 94. Lehmann, Life of Scharnhorst, i. 305. i 4 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, were equalled, if not surpassed, by his wisdom in affairs of state. ' He has the judgment and good sense of a man of forty years,' the King told Sir A. Mitchell, ' and he has made such progress in military affairs, that I could entrust the command of my armies to him.' 1 On the conclusion of peace the Hereditary Prince visited the principal Courts of Europe, where his reputation had preceded him. At Paris his varied accomplishments made him as welcome in literary and scientific circles as his military reputation did with the army. Marmontel, Voltaire, Winckelmann, Nardini, are only a few of the names with which we find him associated on this journey. All were im- pressed with his knowledge and the brilliancy of his conversation. ' The Prince was as lucky as he was audacious in action,' says Voltaire. ' I noticed, too, the modesty with which he accepted the tribute paid to his deserved reputation.' : In England the en- thusiasm knew no bounds. When, in 1764, he arrived, the destined bridegroom of the Princess Augusta, the whole population thronged to receive the hero ; and with all the greater effusion because it was believed that the marriage was disagreeable to the King and the Ministers. Lady Chatham wrote to Pitt that 1 Mitchell MSS., British Museum. - Siecle de Louis XV, ch. xxxiii. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 15 ' they almost pulled down the house in which he was in order to see him. 1 A substantial Quaker insisted so strongly on seeing him that he was allowed to come into the room. He pulled off his hat to him, and said, " Noble friend, give me thy hand," which was given, and he kissed it. " Although I do not fight myself, I love a brave man that will fight. Thou art a valiant Prince, and art to be married to a lovely Princess ; love her, make her a good husband, and the Lord bless you both." ' 2 The public gratitude took a more substantial shape in a parliamentary vote of 8o,ooo/., an annuity of 5,ooo/., characteristically charged on the revenues of Ireland, and a public endowment of 3,ooo/., charged on those of Hanover. His manner captivated everybody : ' The Court and the Ministers, however,' says Walpole, ' cold-shouldered the Prince ; the plan was formed to dis- gust him, in order to send him away as soon as possible. He was lodged at Somerset House, and no guards were stationed there. The Lord Steward chose the company that should dine there, and every art was used to prevent his seeing Mr. Pitt or the chiefs of the Opposition. At the wedding the servants of the King and Queen were ordered not to appear in new clothes. But though these little artifices had the desired effect of affronting the Prince, they only drew mortifications on the Court. The people, enchanted with novelty and a hero, were unbounded in their exultations whenever he appeared ; and, as the behaviour of the Court got wind, took pleasure, when he attended the King to the theatres, to mark their joy at the 1 At Harwich, where he landed. - ChatJiam Correspondence, ii. 271. 16 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, presence of the Prince and the coldest neglect of their Sovereign.' l The Prince revenged himself on the Court by insisting on calling on Pitt and the leaders of the Opposition, and he was believed by a delighted mob to have turned his back on the King at the Opera. In consequence of these real or supposed amenities of royal intercourse he only remained in England thirteen days. Frederic the Great is said to have objected to his nephew's English alliance, being still exasperated at the desertion of his cause in 1762 by the King and his Ministers after the fall of Pitt ; possibly also because the old King feared the arrival in Germany of Princess Augusta, who was said ' to be lively and much inclined to meddle in the private politics of the Court.' But these apprehensions, if they existed, proved groundless ; nor was it till the next genera- tion that the union of the Prince and Princess came to be regarded as one fraught with none but un- happy results. Of two daughters of the marriage, the eldest became Duchess of Wiirtemberg, and ended miserably in Russia ; the second was the un- fortunate Queen Caroline of England, consort of the Prince Regent.- Of four sons, the eldest was well- nigh imbecile ; the second was an idiot ; the third was blind ; the fourth was the son who fell at Quatre 1 Memoirs of Reign of George ///., i. 348. - One of the reputed sayings of Queen Caroline was : ' My father was a hero. They married me to a zero.' DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 17 Bras. ' Only private persons/ the Duke once told Massenbach in a fit of confidence as he pondered over all these troubles, ' are happy in the married state. The reason is because they are free to choose. One of my class must marry according to certain conveniences, which is a most unhappy thing. The heart has nothing to do with these marriages, and the result is not only to embitter life, but also to bring the most disastrous experience on those who come after. The children are mostly cripples in mind and body.' 'As he spoke thus,' says Massenbach, ' there was a look of despair on his face, and I mentally compared his eldest son and heir with Forstenburg, his natural son.' l The Peace of Paris was followed by a long period of repose in Central Europe, broken only by the short war of the Bavarian Succession, which was terminated, after a campaign on the Bohemian and Silesian frontiers, by the Peace of Teschen in 1779. This campaign, brief as it was, greatly increased the military reputation of the Hereditary Prince. The King selected him for the practically independent command of a force entrenched in the mountains at a post near Troppau, whence the Austrian com- manders vainly attempted to dislodge him. He describes how his favourite nephew ' hunted his 1 Massenbach, i. 233. Forstenburg, who was beginning a brilliant military career, was killed during the campaign of 1793. C i8 enemies, sometimes in the direction of Graetz, some- times of Maerisch-Ostrau, sometimes of Lichten,' and defeated with heavy loss the force of General Ellrichhausen by a turning movement of great skill, proving himself, says Carlyle, altogether a Prince ' not to be pricked into gratis by Pandours.' l But even amid these successes the King complained that his favourite nephew seemed to him occasionally too ready to listen to divergent counsellors, and to follow the last opinion. 2 In 1780 the reigning Duke of Brunswick died, and the Hereditary Prince succeeded to the disjecta membra and the embarrassed finances of the Duchy. ' Those,' says von Sybel, ' who saw him at this period at his little Court were astonished to find in the champion of Krefeldt and Minden a careful manager of the State, a zealous partaker and patron of every kind of intellectual progress, and an active and unpretending administrator. He gained the greater credit by imposing no smaller privations on himself than on the State, and by keeping up a very small army, notwithstanding all his fame as a general.' 3 Feronce, the most trusted of his Ministers, holds a high place among the reforming statesmen of Germany. 1 Memoires de Frederic, ii. 485. Carlyle, Frederick the Great, ed. 1865, vi. 600. * Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, xv. 277. Lehmann, Life of Scharnhorst, i. 305. 3 Sybel, book iv. ch. I. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 19 ' He was adored by his subjects/ says Beugnot, whom Napoleon sent to Brunswick, after the Duchy had ceased to exist in 1 806 ; ' his acts of charity were not reckoned up, for it would have been an endless repetition. Intelli- gence, probity, devotion to the public good, were titles to his favour ; and at a time when the Jews were shamefully persecuted in Germany he had placed a merchant of Brunswick, named Jacobson, on his Council of State a Jew and attached to his religion, but a virtuous man and a philanthropist.' l The edict of May i, 1794, by which he intro- duced the principle of the control of all the revenues of the State, even of the domains, by the Estates, is a landmark in the parliamentary history of the Continent. A struggle with the Church over the control of education, though only partially success- ful, was the forerunner of similar and more success- ful battles elsewhere. The simplification of the machinery of administration, the division of com- monable lands, the improvement of the roads, of the administration of charities and of the condition of the poor every department, indeed, of affairs received his untiring, it may be said his almost too minute, personal attention. When, in 1790, he relieved his people from every extraordinary tax, he became the most popular prince of the Empire. Some of his reforms, indeed, fell short of a full measure of success, owing to the opposition of the 1 Beugnot vol. i. ch. x. Another Jewish adviser of the Duke was Ephraim, the Berlin banker. Hardenberg, ii. 298, 299, 357; iv. 271. C 2 20 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Estates of Brunswick, which regarded them as an inroad on their ancient privileges ; and the attempt to introduce the complete separation of secular and religious instruction had to be abandoned, owing to the ill-will and hostility of the Lutheran clergy. But, after making allowance for the partial failure of some measures too much in advance of the time, his government of the Duchy from 1780 to 1806 must always be regarded as a memorable chapter in the administrative history of Germany, and even of Europe, as plans were there first put into actual operation which set men asking why they could not be equally well introduced elsewhere, when their success was already patent to the world at large in Brunswick. The Abbe Jerusalem compared the active mind of his old pupil to a flame confined in a fireproof chamber. Nature had endowed the Duke with a fine voice, which he used with a certain vehemence in conversation. He had an admirable ear for music, of which he was passionately fond ; and when not occupied with business, he would sit up late into the night performing on the violin, on which he was no mean proficient. His glance when irritated inspired fear ; he insisted on the rapid and punctual execution of his orders, and was impatient of oppo- sition. But his manner in general was full of a personal charm and attraction, which Walpole con- DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 21 sidered was the key to his success. He was very popu- lar with his household, whom he good-humouredly allowed to tell him home truths ; an old servant at Brunswick enjoying in this respect a specially privileged position. To the pleasures of the table and gambling he was entirely indifferent. He generally drank milk ; never anything stronger than wine and water. Long dinners he particularly disliked, and on such occasions was generally observed to be moody and silent. A game of chess with an old friend was his favourite relaxation. He cared little for sport. Massenbach was of opinion that this was a misfortune, as it made him a less good judge of operations in mountainous and forest lands than he otherwise would have been. He possessed the faculty in an eminent degree of putting those who had business to transact with him at their ease in his presence, whether soldiers or civilians. He was polite almost to affectation, and had a perfect command of French. He could also converse in the local patois with the peasants on their affairs, which greatly increased his popularity ; but he cared but little for country life, and seldom visited his estates except on business. His life was divided between Brunswick and the camp, and in them his real interests were entirely centred. It was only when without occupation that he seemed to give way to his naturally impatient disposition, and he 22 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, then became dissatisfied with everybody, including himself. 1 An enumeration of the able men who commenced or made their career under his auspices is the best tribute to his ability and power of discernment. It was at Brunswick that Hardenberg entered on official life. It was there that Campe began the reform of German education. It was the Duke who selected Lessing for the post of librarian at Wolfenbiittel ; who put the Abbe Jerusalem at the head of the Collegium Carolinum, and brought Nardini from Italy to improve the musical taste of Germany. His unbiassed intelligence and fine sympathy for all the new and progressive ideas of the time rendered his Court second only to that of Berlin as the chosen resort of the savants and philosophers of France. Tall, and vigorous both in mind and body, with a dignified and pleasant expression, an open countenance, eyes of a deep blue and full of fire, which were said to resemble those of Frederic the Great, and a manner so courteous as almost at times to seem exaggerated, he reminded General Toulongeon of one of the old French nobles, with all the native grace but without the inborn prejudices of the class. 1 See the anonymous notes contributed to the last edition of the Biographie Universelle in the article on the Duke, evidently from the pen of one of his household. In the Early Married Life of Maria Josepha Holroyd a. pleasing sketch of the Court of Brunswick in 1781 will be found. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 23 Possessed of so many brilliant qualities, the Duke, by the time Frederic the Great was nearing his end, had come to be regarded as the appointed heir of the military glories and political ideas of the dynasty, dividing the honours only with Prince Henry of Prussia, the brother, and Marshal Moel- lendorf, the special adviser and personal friend of the King. But the health of the former was known to have now rendered him unwilling again to tempt fortune on the field of battle ; l and the Marshal was considerably the senior of the Duke, and too modest to be a serious rival for power. In 1785 the ambitious projects of the Emperor Joseph II. in Germany, and the disturbed condition of the Netherlands and of Holland, had given rise to the idea of the formation of a league of the minor German princes similar in character to the unions formed in earlier ages for the purpose of mutual defence. ' Nobody,' wrote the Duke of Gotha to the Duke of Saxe- Weimar, ' can be the head of the League except one person, the Duke of Brunswick. It would be an honour to serve under him.' But the Duke showed his usual deference for his uncle at Berlin by declining all advances, notwithstanding the entreaties of Hardenberg, until assured that an 1 See the passage in the Mtmoires de Fr/dJric, ii. 470 (ed. 1866), which was suppressed in the first edition. 24 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, acceptance would meet with the ' highest approval/ The Fiirstenbund of 1786, consisting of Saxony, Hanover, Brunswick, Mecklenburg, and other of the smaller States, under the hegemony of Prussia, was then formed. 1 To Brunswick, attracted by these events, went Mirabeau in the month of July of that year, charged by Calonne with a secret mission, and hoping to rehabilitate his own tarnished reputation, and even- tually to step on to the recognised ladder of public employment. We get a record of his conversations with the Duke in the famous confidential letters, the subsequent publication of which, under the pressure of financial need, forms one of the darkest chapters in his chequered career. Mirabeau was a keen observer of mankind. Nobody had a quicker eye for the detection of a sham and for the exposure of weak points than the statesman whose epigrams still adhere like blisters to the characters of so many of those with whom he came into collision at a later stage. He, at all events, was fully persuaded that in the Duke he had seen a really great man ; and his opportunities of observation were considerable. He visited the Duke at Brunswick on his way to and from Berlin, where he arrived almost at the moment 1 Ranke, Die Deutschen Mdchte und der Fiirstenbund, \. ch. 12 and 13. Sorel, U Europe et la Revolution, vol. i. p. 413. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, xv. 277-278. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 25 of the death of the King ; and the Duke himself, having been summoned to Berlin by that event, was in frequent communication with the French envoy at the capital. 1 ' The Duke,' says Mirabeau, in a sketch characteristic in more ways than one of the times, ' will certainly not be thought a common man even among men of merit His person bespeaks depth and penetration and a desire to please, tempered by fortitude nay, by sternness. He is prodigiously laborious, well informed, and perspicuous. However able his first Minister, Feronce, may be, the Duke superintends all affairs, and generally decides for himself. His correspondence is immense, and this he can only owe to his personal reputation, because he cannot be sufficiently wealthy to keep so many correspondents in pay. Few great Courts are so well informed as his. His mistress, Mile, von Hartfeld, is the most reasonable woman at Court ; and so proper is his attachment, that when he had a short time since discovered an inclination for another lady, the Duchess leagued with Mile. Hartfeld to keep her at a dis- tance. Truly an Alcibiades, he delights in the pleasures and the graces ; but these never subtract anything from his labours or his duties. When he is to act as a Prussian general, no one is so early, so active, so minute as himself. It is a mark of superior character and understanding, in my opinion, that the labour of the day can less properly be said to be sufficient for him than he is for the labour of the day : his first ambition is that of executing it well. Not intoxicated by military success, though universally pointed out as a great general (especially since the cam- paign of 1778, during which he all the winter maintained 1 In 1787 Mirabeau paid another visit to Brunswick, when engaged on the Monarchic Prussienne, but the Duke had then started on his way to Holland. 26 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, a naturally weak position at Troppau to which the King of Prussia attached a kind of vanity against every effort of the Austrians), he appears effectually to have quitted military glory to betake himself to the cares of govern- ment. He is, in a word, a man of an uncommon stamp, but too wise to be formidable to the wise. He delights greatly in France, with which he is exceedingly well acquainted, and appears to be very fond of whatever comes from that country.' * The Duke denied to Mirabeau having ever been fond of war, even when most fortunate. He pointed out how, independently even of principle, both family and personal interest must make him strongly averse to it. ' Even if,' he said, in words almost prophetic, ' it were necessary in an affair so im- portant to consult nothing beyond the contemptible gratification of self-esteem, do I not know how much war is the sport of chance ? I have formerly not been unfortunate. Hereafter I might be a better general, and yet might not have the same success.' ' 2 At the moment when these two remarkable men met, the Great Powers may be said to have been divided into the following groups. Under the Family Compact, France, Spain, and Naples were still intimately allied. The first of these Powers was also closely connected with Austria, under the arrangements made in 1756 by the Abbe de Bernis. Austria and Russia were engaged in war with 1 Mirabeau, Secret History of the Court of Berlin, i. 18-21. 2 Ibid. i. 12. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 27 Turkey, and were united by an alliance formed in 1781 for eight years, and about to be renewed for a further term. Russia, supported by Denmark, was engaged in war against Sweden, and was known to entertain acquisitive designs along her whole frontier : against Turkey, against Poland, against the Duchy of Courland, and against Finland. England had just concluded the commercial arrangements of 1786 with France, which Pitt regarded as the first step towards establishing improved political relations also. In the Nether- lands, the great English Minister desired to stay the effects of the rash reforms and meddlesome policy of the Emperor Joseph II. ; and in Holland to check the subversive plans of the party hostile to the Stadtholder. This party was supported by the intrigues of Calonne and the statesmen in France hostile to Prussia, which, owing to the marriage of the Stadtholder with the daughter of the King, had dynastic as well as political ties with Holland. In the East, Pitt desired to withstand the advance of Russia, not from any sympathy with Turkey, but on grounds of general policy. The Emperor Joseph II., contrary to the plans of his predecessors on the throne, was supporting the aggressive designs of the great Northern empire, and hoped to obtain the active support of France in so doing. 1 Between 1 S^gur, Mfrnoires et Souvenirs, iii. 553. 28 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, the interests of England and of Prussia Pitt con- sidered that there was a complete identity ; and he would gladly have extended his policy so as to have included France in a common understanding, had France been willing. In August 1786 Frederic the Great died. ( The old must give place to the young,' he had written to his sister at Brunswick six days before the end, ' in order that each generation may find a place for itself. Indeed, life is little else than witnessing the births and deaths of our countrymen. . . . My heart is always inviolably attached to you, my dear sister.' 1 In his will, in addition to other legacies, the King left to his nephew, the Duke, eight horses, amongst others the last that he had mounted 2 a tolerably- clear designation who he thought was most fit to be his military heir. Mirabeau was himself sure that the Duke was the destined successor of the King in the political control of the country also. ' It is peculiar to him, and to him alone,' he wrote, ' that, should he once grasp power, he will not afterwards let it escape him ; for a better courtier, a man of deeper views, more subtile, and at the same time more firm and more per- tinacious, does not exist. . . . Who then must be the pilot ? Evidently the Duke. Of this I have no doubt. Not in the least boastful, and most adroit, he will be the man of the situation, not immediately, perhaps, but when the necessity shall call him. ... I believe it all the more 1 Lord Dover, Life of Frederic the Great, ii. 454. ~ Mirabeau, Secret History, i. 103. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 29 because in the day of trouble the petty self-love of his rivals will only be an additional incentive to fear ; because this Prince is of all men most able to spare the self-love in question ; because he will be content to act without appear- ing to do so ; and because he will seem the servant of ser- vants ; the most courtly, the most humble, the cleverest of courtiers ; while a hand of iron will fetter all paltry views, all petty intrigues, and every faction.' l Contemptible in point of ability as was the successor to the throne of Frederic the Great, he nevertheless began by maintaining Hertzberg in power, who was regarded as representing the policy and traditions of the late King. The Duke accepted the staff of a field-marshal, and an opportunity for the display of his military abilities on a more important field and a larger scale than any yet granted to him was almost immediately afforded him. An invasion of Holland had been decided upon. The Duke had told Mira- beau that he ardently desired to see a good under- standing between France and Prussia ; but that the former had rendered it difficult by her friendship with Austria, and still more by her recent conduct in regard to Holland, the Bavarian Succession, and the East of Europe. In all these questions France had supported Austria and Russia ; and in Holland she had supported the party opposed to Prussia. His own plan would have been an alliance between France, Prussia, and England, which should com- 1 Mirabeau, \. 18, 82, 112, 131, 137, 346 ; ii. 42. 30 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, mand all other Powers to remain at peace : 'a sublime and seductive idea/ as Mirabeau acknowledged. 1 It was one he had himself, he said, been ruminating for seven years. We have already seen that such an idea was not outside the scheme of the foreign policy of Pitt. But the support given by France to the party in Holland opposed to the Stadth older encouraged that party to an open attack, and rendered useless all the plans which were floating through Mirabeau's brain. The situation was judged dangerous both in London and Berlin ; and when, finally, the Stadtholder had to fly the country, a Prussian army was sent to restore order and the authority of the House of Orange. The command of the expedition by universal accord was entrusted to the Duke. The invasion of Holland meant the possibility of a war with France. The Duke had hinted to Mirabeau that in the event of the French party in Holland proving intractable, a military occupation of the country by Prussia, with the sup- port of England, would be inevitable. ' There is little need I should remark,' Mirabeau had retorted, 'that the conquest which Louis XIV., Turenne, Conde, Luxembourg, Louvois, and two hundred thousand French could not make, will never be effected by Prussia, watched as she is by the Emperor, and now that Holland is supported by 3 Mirabeau, Secret History, i. 48, 49. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 31 France.' 1 But the result entirely belied these anticipations. The campaign was short and brilliant. English readers can follow the account of it in the letters of Lord Malmesbury, who accompanied the Prussian advance. 2 France, torn by domestic dis- cord, failed to support her friends, and the Duke returned to Germany with his military reputation enormously enhanced. But it was the opinion of competent observers that the facile glory of this campaign was one of the principal causes of the sub- sequent ruin of Prussia, by encouraging an over- weening opinion of the invincibility of the army. Not that the Duke himself was deceived by his own success. He told the younger Custine in 1792 that his army had run the most frightful risks, and that the Dutch, with the commonest prudence, might have destroyed it. On his return the Duchess observed, notwithstanding the increase of his popularity, that he seemed to be suffering from the nervous strain of these risks, and shortly after he became seriously ill. 3 As the result of these operations, and in order to confirm their fruits, England and Prussia guaranteed the Hereditary Stadtholdership to the House of Orange, and formed the Triple Alliance of 1788 1 Mirabeau, Secret History, i. 312. 2 In the Malmesbury Memoirs, vol. ii. 3 ' Mission de Custine a Brunswick-' Revue Historique, i. 177. Malmesbury, iii. 1 56. 32 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, with Holland, with a view to the general maintenance of the status quo in Europe, so gravely menaced by the ambitions of Catherine II. and Joseph II. For two years this alliance was the dominant factor in the European situation. 1 But in the eyes of Hertzberg there were limi- tations to the application of Pitt's conservative doctrines. At the time of the first Partition of Poland Frederic the Great had coveted the two districts of Dantzig and Thorn. Since the Partition they lay almost embedded in Prussian territory. Hertzberg, in order to obtain them, proposed to secure the retrocession by Austria of a portion of Galicia to Poland. Poland was thereupon to sur- render Dantzig and Thorn to Prussia. With this view he was ready to offer Poland a guarantee of her remaining territories and government. If Austria, supported by Russia, resisted this arrange- ment, which was to be recommended to Austria by the cession to her by .Turkey of the territory lost at the time of the Treaty of Belgrade, Hertzberg wished to let loose against Russia a coalition in which England, Sweden, Holland, Turkey, and Poland, were to be the contracting parties. The discontent in the Austrian Netherlands at the high- handed reforms of Joseph 1 1. -made him also devise a scheme for the recognition of their independence. 1 See Mr. Lecky's observations, History of England, v. 273. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. 33 He proposed to avoid the risk of their annexation to France by an agreement with Pitt for their ultimate annexation to Holland, and to resist the various schemes of the Emperor Joseph for the extension of the dominion of the House of Austria in Germany, either by the old and favourite plan of the exchange of the Austrian Netherlands for the High Palatinate, or otherwise. At Berlin two divergent streams of opinion in regard to the policy to be pursued by Germany towards Russia had long existed. The rise into power and importance of the great Northern State, then first recognised as a force looming up huge and portentous on the political horizon, had for the previous quarter of a century been causing serious misgivings in the minds of the statesmen of Western Europe. Shelburne, in 1782, had told Rayneval that he had wished in 1766 to hold a firm and decisive language to Russia and Prussia, and thereby prevent the dismemberment of Poland, 1 even then felt to be inevitable, unless some steps were taken to cure the anarchy of the country, which Russia laboured to maintain. ' Russia is a terrible Power,' Frederic the Great had written to Prince Henry in March 1769; 'in another half- century it will be making all Europe tremble. The issue of the Gepidae and the Huns, who destroyed the Eastern Empire, they are capable before long of impairing the 1 Life of Shelburne^ iii. 262. D 34 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Western Empire, and of filling the Austrians with senti- ments of grief and repentance that they, by their mistaken policy, have invited this barbarous nation into Germany, and have taught it the art of war. ... I foresee no other remedy than in time forming a league of the Great Powers to resist this dangerous torrent.' : But notwithstanding this deliberate expression of opinion, a different policy had prevailed ; and Frederic, not being able to dam up the torrent, chose the alternative of staying the further advance of Russia towards the Black Sea by allowing her partly to dismember Poland in 1772, on the condition that Prussia should receive a large share in the spoils. The weakness of Turkey and of Poland in 1790 was now again presenting Prussia with a choice between the two alternatives ; and, as in 1772, each policy had supporters. Pitt and Hertzberg were exerting their powerful influence in favour of restrain- ing the further advance of Russia. With most of the old soldiers of the Seven Years War there was a tradition of hostility to Russia. How strongly the current was running in this direction in Berlin can be realised when we find Lucchesini, whom Lord Malmesbury afterwards declared to have been bought by Russia, writing to Goltz in January 1791 : ' God be willing that we maintain the warlike tone which beseems us. We must absolutely revenge 1 The King to Prince Henry, March 8, 1769. Sorel, La Question

ue Historique, i. 176. E 2 52 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, King, he now drew up a plan for the invasion of France and a direct march on Paris, and consented to lead the attack in person, at the same time care- fully annotating the plan as not really his own, but that of the King, so as to justify himself before posterity. In the inner circle of his friends he did not keep back the expression of his dissatisfaction at not having been consulted on the policy of the expedition, instead of only on the military means of carrying it out. Nothing of any real advantage to Germany could result from it, in his opinion. He at once recognised the immense forces, the unknown strength, which lay behind the apparent confusion of things in France. No professional pedantry blinded him. Disorganised the French army and administration undoubtedly were, and whence they would get officers or supplies might not be clear, ' but a headlong plunge into the crater he dreaded above all things.' ' Our other complications may unravel themselves,' he wrote to the Duke of Brunswick-Oels, ' but would to Heaven we had done with these French devils ! ' And he plainly ' told Frederic William that events might occur of which the consequences would be incalculable, as the heads governing France were under the influence of an effervescence from which the most extra- ordinary results might be anticipated.' l As to the 1 Sybel, book iv. ch. i., who is quoting from the correspondence at Brunswick to which he was given access, and also refers to Schlieffen's Denkwiirdigkeiten. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 53 Bischoffswerders and the Mannsteins, and the royal entourage generally, the late King, in his opinion, would have quickly sent them all about their busi- ness. But it was to the plans of the Bischoffswerders, the Mannsteins, and the dmigrds that now, at the crisis of his career, he abandoned his own mature opinions, both on the political issues and the military methods to be adopted. 1 There are mental conformations which are rendered faulty by a marked disproportion between the ingredients of intellect and of will, of mind and of moral force. A less penetrating and perfect intelligence, under the driving power of a more powerful will, often produces greater results than a broader intelligence moved by a comparatively weak character. So now, when the decisive moment arrived, which Mirabeau had indicated must sooner or later come, when the Duke would have to decide if he would act with authority or not, it was proved that the early suspicions of Gaudi and Westphalen were true, and that, while nature had granted him every faculty of the intellect with an unstinted hand, circumstances, if not nature herself, had deprived him of the equally necessary quality of moral deter- mination. Hardenberg is said to have once implored him, if he disapproved the proposals put before him, at least to say ' No ' to them in a determined manner. 2 1 Malmesbury, iii. 166, 167. '* Hardenberg, i. 93. 54 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, It was his want of power to do this, his lack of civil as distinct from military courage, which give so Protean an aspect to his career, and account for the opposite verdicts of his contemporaries, sometimes from the same persons, according as the intellectual resources of his mind or his failure to give effect to his own conceptions were at the moment most present to the mind of the writer. Lord Malmesbury, who accompanied the expe- dition to Holland, and was afterwards specially accredited to the Court of Brunswick, describes, on one occasion, how the Duke, having laid aside all his finesse and suspicion, ' appeared in all his lustre ; ' and then soon after declares him to be ' all suspicion, cunning, and irresolution,' and ' to want mental decision ; ' adding that he failed in these respects as much as his daughter, Princess Caroline, did ' in character and tact,' which was to say a good deal. 1 Stein abuses him for his conduct in 1792 as ' selfish and insincere ; ' but in 1 804 declares him to be the one ' noble ' exception to the general mean- ness and imbecility of the lesser German royalties. 2 Massenbach at one moment compares him to the hesitating Mornay of Voltaire's ' Henriade,' who con- demns the battle, pities his master, and then follows ; at another he says he is the only man who can save 1 Malmesbury, Diary ', iii. 159, 160, 190. - Life of Stem, by Sir John Seeley, i. ch. iii. iv. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 55 Germany or is fit to command the army. 1 He extols the Duke in 1791 as the greatest general in the world ; in 1792, after a remarkable instance of hesi- tancy at Homburg, he declares that he washes his hands of him altogether. In 1 793, after the victories of Pirmasens and Kaiserslautern, he devotes page after page to panegyrics of the Duke's military skill and greatness of character. 2 In 1799 he fills the air with lamentations on the impossibility of induc- ing the Duke to act with resolution and to seize the helm of the State. In 1805 an< ^ 1806 we find him denouncing his want of strength of character ; and then, finally, after the Duke's death, declaring that he, and he only, might have been able to save the situation after the battle of Jena. The worst of it was, perhaps, that the Duke knew his own weakness. ' I cannot resist it,' he told Lord Malmesbury ; ' it is stronger than I.' 3 With advancing years the failing did not diminish. It was heightened by the sorrows of his private life, and by the apprehension, con- stantly present to his mind, that if the policy of his own little duchy did not move in the orbit fixed from Berlin he might bring political ruin on his family. It was further stimulated by an almost superstitious feeling as to the military obedience 1 Massenbach, \. 50, 134, 147, 234 ; ii. 3, 4. '-' ' Ich betrachtete Carln Wilhelm Ferdinand als den Hirt und Stolz der Preussen und den Heros des Zeitalters.' Massenbach, ii. 47. 3 Malmesbury, iii. 160. 56 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, due by him to the King, which compelled him, as he thought, though a sovereign prince, to obey, as a marshal of the Prussian army, whatever orders came from the successor of Frederic the Great, incompetent in his own well-matured judgment as he knew that successor to be, and thoroughgoing as was his own contempt for all the subordinate per- sonalities of the Berlin Court, whom he depicted to Custine either as odious or as personally ridiculous. 1 The Duke had a horror of the dmigrds> who swarmed into his camp at Koblentz. ' He could scarcely,' says an eyewitness, ' find elbow-room in the crowd of them. He paid compliment after compliment, and made obeisances to the very ground ; but his cheeks glowed, and his eyes glittered like those of a tiger.' 2 And yet from Koblentz on July 25 was issued the celebrated manifesto to the French people, which embodied all the fiercest passions of the French dmigrds, and this manifesto, alas ! was signed ' Brunswick.' It is immaterial whether the publication, coming as it did at so critical a moment, was or was not the cause of the excesses of September in Paris. This will be a matter of permanent controversy. But the misery of the thing is that the most liberal and enlightened Prince of his time, a known sympathiser 1 'Custine to Delessart, February 13, 1793,' Revue Historique, i. 173. Malmesbury Memoirs, iii. 173. 2 Massenbach, i. 33. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 57 with France and with all reasonable reforms, should, contrary to his own feelings and wishes, have allowed himself to yield to the wishes of the King, and be persuaded into attaching his name to this fatal document and subsequently to two others of the same character of which not he, but one M. Geoffroy de Limon, who was acting as secretary to the Comte de Provence and his little Cabinet of exiles, was the real author. When Bertrand de Molleville, in his ' Memoirs,' charged the Duke with having been the author of the manifesto, the Duke solemnly denied it, and asked if people wished to take him for an ' unreflecting madcap.' * Years after, when Massenbach observed on the fearful menaces which they had then hurled against France, ' Ah,' replied the Duke, ' that unlucky manifesto ! I shall repent it to the last day of my life. What would I not give never to have signed it ! ' 2 ' A great man,' said the ' Moniteur,' ' has made himself the instrument of a faction.' 'It is the dmigrds,' wrote the Italian adventurer Gorani from Paris to the Duke and the Duke got the letter ' who have deceived your Highness.' He was wrong. The Duke had yielded in despite of his own better knowledge. 3 Klopstock, with the true 1 Mallet du Pan, Memoires et Correspondance, \. 236. - Massenbach, i. 236. ' Chuquet, La Premiere Invasion Prussienne (ch. iii.), gives an account of the whole subject. 58 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, voice of genius, had already called on him, for the sake of his own reputation, to throw up the com- mand ; and Klopstock was right. But the Duke allowed himself to be persuaded into keeping it. Next to the tmigrds the Duke most of all dis- liked his Austrian allies, whom he suspected from the Emperor Francis II. downwards of ambitious designs. ' The Duke of Brunswick,' Pellenc wrote to Pitt, ' is, without fear of contradiction, the clever- est and the most deceitful man in Germany. His political principles are notorious. He detests the Court of Vienna.' ] And yet the Duke consented to command an army which was as much an Austrian as a Prussian force, and with objects as much dictated by the policy of the Court of Vienna as by that of Berlin, and supported also by the Empress Catherine. The plot in the East was thickening, and the risk of sending the bulk of the Prussian army headlong into France grew more and more obvious every day when a Russian army was evidently about to enter Poland. The Duke could not fail to notice how anxiously the Russian emis- saries at the royal headquarters were pressing for the advance upon Paris, and he knew the reason. 2 And yet he consented to lead the advance, and become responsible for it. The consequences to the history of Europe and to his own hitherto 1 Mirabeau, Correspondence, iii. 396. ' 2 Massenbach, i. 96-7, 196 ; ii. 16. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 59 unquestioned reputation will be seen in his later career, which was as much marked by misfortune as the former part of his life had been distinguished by uninterrupted success. The allied army did not reach the French frontier till the 23rd of August. The season was late for commencing operations, and the weather at once became detestable. The Austrians, as usual, arrived behind time, and not in the numbers which they had promised. The Duke soon had to complain bitterly of the inefficiency of many of the generals to whom high commands had been assigned, and of the bad marching of some of his own troops. The season was unusually wet, and dysentery of a serious character began to make ravages in the camp. Discipline became relaxed, and the effective number of the forces was thus quickly reduced. French historians have given glowing accounts of the splen- did condition of the allied army, in order to heighten the contrast with their own new and inexperienced levies ; but military eyewitnesses give a very differ- ent version of the relative condition of the opposing forces, especially as the campaign advanced and the weather, which had decidedly taken sides with the Republic, grew worse and worse, and gradually turned the country into a swamp and made the roads impassable. 1 The Duke accordingly became 1 Chuquet, Invasion Prussienne, 107-112, 215-217. Valmy, 169, 224. Retraite de Brunswick, 253. 60 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, more than ever determined not to advance upon Paris, but to hold to his own original conception of the plan of campaign, as described in conver- sation with Francois de Custine. He desired to limit it to the capture of the fortresses Longwy, Montmedy, Sedan along the line of the Meuse, to outmanoeuvre any French armies which might ad- vance to their relief, and then occupy a strong position near the frontier to form the base of the operations of the next campaign. 1 It was no part of this plan even to besiege Verdun. To plunge into the heart of France late in the autumn, with the fortresses un- captured in his rear, and the country, notwithstand- ing all the promises of the Emigres, likely to prove hostile, was, he considered, an enterprise of a most doubtful character. The King, on the other hand, could see no difficulties, and was constantly pushed on by the dmigrds, who promised that the country would rise in his favour, and that at least one of the French armies would desert. ' I do not at all under- stand the Duke,' Frederic William is reported to have said ; ' he is always in want of five hundred men. Whatever directions are given, whatever expedition is confided to him, he always alleges a deficiency of forces. If I give him two hundred thousand men, he will ask me for a second army, in order to be in a condition to act with the first. ' : 1 Massenbach, \. 44. - Mallet du Pan, Memoires, ii. 503. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 61 4 Let anybody,' Pellenc wrote to Pitt, 'judge the Duke by his conduct. To-day he is disapproving ; he is combating every plan put before him, whether for the Prussian or for the allied army ; and by these criticisms, which doubtless have an object, he pro- longs a fatal inaction.' l But though the Duke objected, he yielded. ' Posterity,' says von Sybel in the estimate he makes of the Duke at this moment, ' will not deny him the posses- sion of many of the highest qualifications for command. . . . But he loved too much to look at every side of a subject, and formed the habit, most questionable in a soldier, of recognising the relative claims of an opponent, of giving too great prominence to the difficulties of every under- taking and the weak points of every plan. As a natural consequence of this disposition, he was extremely unwilling to express an opinion, and liked better to hint at measures than openly to adopt and carry them out. Almost involun- tarily he always prepared concealed and unobserved modes of operation. When met by opposition he became inca- pable of standing his ground, even against the narrowest and most one-sided views, if they were but maintained with warmth and decision. He was angry indeed with his opponents, and doubly so with himself for not being able to maintain the right ; but he invariably yielded in every point. And what made the matter worse, he could not once for all entirely give up his own opinion ; but partly from self-love, and partly from a sense of duty, he returned ingeniously enough to the course which he had abandoned, and in this way not infrequently incurred |the suspicion of double dealing.' 2 1 Correspondence de Mirabeau, iii. 396. 2 Sybel, ii. book iv. ch. i. 62 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, These defects were closely allied to another a pedantic attention to trivial details, which he ought to have been able to overlook altogether at serious moments. It may or may not be true that on one occasion, in 1806, he spent a long time in consider- ing whether he ought to write ' Miinchenholzen ' or ' Miinchholzen ; ' or that on another in 1793, having observed that the last battalions of the rearguard were not marching with the regularity usual on the parade-ground, he made them go back and march over the ground again. What is certain is that even so friendly a critic as Boyen expressed his sorrow at the amount of time he wasted and the attention he gave when on active service to ' Kamaschendienst,' l and at his apparent unwillingness or powerlessness to rise above it. Even the fact that such stories as the above could be invented and found credence, though possibly untrue, is sufficient. Nobody had ever asked that such things should be believed either of ' Uncle Ferdinand ' or ' Uncle Fritz.' The Duke began his concessions by agreeing to besiege Verdun after the fall of Longwy. In the defence published in 1795, which he inspired, and in his conversations with Massenbach, he distinctly states that the plan of campaign adopted was not his own, but was forced on him by the King, and that the King's plan was based on the promises of 1 'Pipeclay 'or 'red tape.' Boyen, \. 151. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 63 the dmigrds, in which he did not in the least himself believe. He points out that in consequence he was never more than a nominal commander-in-chief, and was obliged in essential matters to yield to ' des volontes superieures.' The reason was, he said, that ' A king of Prussia is not a king of France a Louis XIV. who leaves to the Prince de Conde, or to Marshal Turenne, the entire disposal of events. The kings of Prussia are essentially a military family ; in them centre during a campaign all the rays of the general direction, and the influence of a commander-in-chief is reduced to a reaction against them.' l The proof of this was about to be seen. On September 5 Verdun fell, and the cry was ' Forward to Paris ! ' ' Those,' said Massenbach, ' who asserted that, immediately after the fall of that fortress, the army was to march on to the forest of Argonnes had learnt the art of war among the Iroquois. That the Duke might have acquired a greater reputation if in anger and discontent he had quitted the army which was devoted to him ; if he had abandoned a king to whom he was devoted ; and had deserted Prussia, which was to him a second fatherland all this I am prepared to argue. But a real man respects his sense of duty more than his reputation, and it may be said in general that it was the constant fate of the Duke to sacrifice his reputation, as he eventually did his life, to the House of Hohenzollern.' 2 1 Lettre sur la Vie de Dumouriez, London, 1795. Massenbach, \. 324. 2 Massenbach, i. 51-54. 64 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, It was accordingly determined to advance on Chalons, and so on Paris. The Duke, it then appears, first proposed to turn the long line of the Argonnes, into which the French army had thrown itself the so-called Thermopylae of France by a movement in the direction of Bar-le-Duc, Revigny-aux-Vaches, and Vitry-le-Francois, which would have enabled the army to debouch on to the plains to the south, where they could have used their cavalry and cut off the communication at once between Chalons and Paris and Metz and Chalons. But he allowed himself to be persuaded into abandoning this plan, because he would thereby have lost touch with the Austrians on his right. 1 Besides the route by Bar-le-Duc there were two alternative lines for a march on Chalons, and so on Paris. The first lay through the southern defiles of the Argonnes, known as Les Islettes, which Kalck- reuth and the King wished to seize at once before the French had had time to fortify them. But the adoption of this plan meant an immediate attack and a pitched battle ; and the Duke, objecting to the risk, characteristically attempted to get rid of the royal wishes by delays. In a few days he found the Islettes so strongly fortified as to justify his objections, and he then fell back on the second 1 Chuquet, Retraite de Brunswick, 252. Valmy,%7. Massenbach, \. 57. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 65 alternative route, that by the north, because it enabled him to keep in easy touch with his Austrian allies. He reckoned that, if he could turn the northern passes, the army "of Dumouriez would be forced to evacuate them and the central pass of Grandpre as well without fighting. 1 The army accordingly moved forward, and the central defiles of the Argonnes were, as proposed, turned by a well- conceived series of manoeuvres to the north, which , if slowly executed, owing to the terrible weather and the ravages of illness, were entirely successful. The weather prevented a vigorous pursuit, : 'and saved the retreating French army from destruction on the plain of Montcheutain. Dumouriez was thus able to retire to the south on Ste. Menehould, taking up a strong position with his back to the hills and forest, where he was joined by Kellermann coming from Metz, who would not have been able to do so if the Duke had moved his army round by Bar-le-Duc. The southern defiles, known as Les Islettes, lay behind the French generals, and were still occupied in force by General Dillon. The Duke then devised a second series of turning opera- tions, of which the certain result as the reader of M. Chuquet's narrative can hardly doubt would have been to dislodge the French generals from their positions. ' A single manoeuvre would have 1 Chuquet, Valmy, 90. F 66 ' CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, compelled Dumouriez to let go of the Argonnes and to retire, not without difficulty, behind the Marne.' ] But these cautious counsels did not suit the bellicose humour of the King. Unable to realise the difficul- ties caused by the condition of the army, he had been greatly irritated because the Duke had not attacked Les Islettes and hotly pursued the retreat- ing forces of Dumouriez after the capture of the passes of Croix-aux-Bois and Grandpre ; and now, deceived by some unauthentic intelligence brought in by General Kohler, he overruled the Duke's plan for a turning operation on the very day it was to commence. The Duke did not conceal his mortification. Massenbach met him just after he had received the royal command. ' I never in my life saw him,' he says, ' more discontented, or the expression of his face look stormier. His cheeks glowed and his eyes flashed. . . . But he rapidly resumed his self-command. I admired and I pitied him, for he was struggling with hostile fate.' 2 The King now insisted on moving his whole army to the left bank of the Aisne, in order to place himself between Dumouriez and Paris, and so prevent the latter escaping him, instead of operating on the right bank as proposed by the Duke, who saw the danger of separating himself from his base and 1 Chuquet, Valmy, 172, 173. * Massenbach^ i. 79, 80. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 67 food-supplies at Verdun, with both the river and the forest behind him, and therefore wished at all hazards to restore regular communications with Verdun by now capturing Les Islettes before moving on. 1 The practice of an army living on the country it invaded had not yet been introduced, and under any circumstances would have been difficult in this campaign, as the French had wasted Champagne. The question of supplies ' hung like a dead weight on our legs,' says Massenbach. 1 ' It was under these circumstances that the two armies at length stood face to face at La Lune and Valmy on September 20, the allied army being nearer Paris than the French, but at a great distance from its base and supplies, and in danger of being entirely cut off from both if defeated. Why, it has often been asked, did the Duke refuse to allow a serious attack on the hostile position ? Many answers have been given. The patriotic school of French historians have asked the world to believe that the armies of ancient Europe tied in terror before the courage and enthu- siasm of the newly organised levies ; in reply to which it has been repeatedly pointed out, not only that no real battle took place, but that the army of Dumouriez and Kellermann was largely composed 1 Massenbach, i. 115. ' Ein heilloser Marsch' is the expression Massenbach applies to the King's strategy. It may be noted that the German army fought the battle of Gravelotte in a similar position, being nearer the French capital than the army of Marshal Bazaine. 2 Ibid. i. 68. F 2 68 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, of the line regiments of the old army of France. It was not till 1794, and under the organising genius of Carnot, that the new armies sprang into exist- ence which were to overrun half Europe before the century was over. Another school of writers have declared that somewhere convincing evidence existed only they could not produce it that Dumouriez had taken advantage of the admiration for the Duke, which he shared with so many of the French generals, to open up negotiations with him, and had succeeded in bribing him with the spoils of the captured palaces of Paris into drawing off his army and retiring into Germany. 1 It is hardly necessary now to discuss these absurdities. The true explanation has already been indicated. The Duke considered that his army was in so dangerous a position, owing to the adoption of the Royal plan, that he declined to expose it to the risk of a pitched battle, though from the King to the last private they were all clamouring for it. It is impossible to deny that on this occasion at least the Duke showed great strength of will. His army was decimated by illness and his field artillery was insufficient. The position of the French army at Valmy also, as he told Massenbach two days afterwards, had reminded him of one of his early checks in the Seven Years 1 Beauchamp, Mfrnoires d\in Homme cPEtat, whose statements are repeated by Menzel in his German history. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 69 War, when he attacked the Prince de Conde under a mistaken impression that the force in front of him was only a detachment, and was in consequence badly beaten. 1 But this was but a secondary reason for his decision. The real reason was the position of his force. The passage of the army to the left bank of the Aisne was the act of the King, and in the opinion of Massenbach an act of madness. 2 ' The situation in which his army stood this was the great and real reason which induced the Duke to suspend the attack. ... He was determined not to put himself at the mercy of a reverse.' ' The enemy,' wrote Lombard, the King's private secre- tary, 'had disappointed our hopes. Dumouriez and Kellermann had proved themselves generals not to be despised. They had chosen excellent positions ; they had under their orders all that remained of the old French troops of the line ; the volunteers helped by their numbers, and were in a position to render real services when attached to the veteran troops ; their light cavalry was excellent, and quite fresh. Their army lacked nothing, and we we lacked everything. They were well fortified in their posi- tions, both front and rear, and their artillery was at least equal to ours. This was what prevented a decisive blow being struck.' 3 The affair at Valmy in itself was little more than a cannonade. The number of killed and wounded was insignificant. But the results were as important 1 See supra, p. 12, and Massenbach, i. 99-102. - Ibid. i. 78, 115. 3 Chuquet, Valmy, pp. 237-238,242-243. 70 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, as if a great engagement had been fought and lost, and the cannonade has taken a place among the fifteen decisive battles of the world. 'From this place and from this day forth,' said Goethe, who accompanied the Duke of Weimar, ' commences a new era in the world's history ; and you can all say that you were present at its birth.' 'The 2Oth of September,' said Massenbach, ' puts a new face on the world ; it is the most important day of the century.' 1 While the allied army was moving into France the complicated negotiations had been continuing, to which the second dismemberment of Poland, projected by Russia and Prussia, and the various schemes of ' compensation ' for not sharing in it put forward by Austria, had given rise. The Emperor Francis, who was already beginning to show that he intended to be the successor of Joseph II. and not of Leopold II., was pressing for an exchange of the Austrian Netherlands for Bavaria, and the cession by Prussia of the Margraviates of Anspach and Baireuth, or the acquisition of the Sundgau or of some part of Alsace, as an addition to his hereditary dominions. These proposals were viewed with alarm by the Prussian statesmen. Dumouriez had quite recently been Minister for Foreign Affairs, and both he and the Ministers in Paris were aware 1 Goethe, Campaign in France, 93 ; Massenbach, i. 94. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 71 of the mutual jealousies of the allies. He believed that he could hold out offers to Prussia of a separate peace with a reasonable prospect of success, thereby striking the first note of the policy which ended in the Treaty of Bale. Very shortly after the battle of Valmy the news of the events of September and of the proclamation of the Republic had arrived. It became evident that the main object of the expedition, the rescue of the King and Queen of France from their durance in Paris, was no longer possible. With the approach of the winter season the position of the allied army on the right bank of the Aisne, with the Argonnes and the uncaptured fortresses in their rear, was daily becoming more and more critical, and it was evidently necessary either to advance and risk a battle, or retreat. The weather was growing worse and worse, and was wasting the Prussian ranks. The moment therefore seemed to Dumouriez, who was supported with all his power by Danton, to be a favourable one for commencing negotiations. The accidental capture of the King's private secretary, Lombard, opened the way. The negotiations continued for ten days, and were prolonged by Dumouriez as long as there was any hope of severing Prussia from the Austrian alliance. When the King had definitely declined to give up his ally, and the French Government had equally definitely declined pro- 72 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, bably to Dumouriez's disappointment to make any concessions in regard to the King, the negotiations were then skilfully prolonged by the Duke, in order to gain time to withdraw his army from a situation which was now recognised to be utterly untenable, owing to the weather and the dysentery raging in his camp. The Duke showed extraordinary skill in carry- ing out the retreat which had now become necessary. The caution and circumspection which impaired his talents as the leader of a forward movement disap- peared when, as now, he was forced to act and to act quickly. 1 But, as M. Chuquet points out, it was afterwards universally recognised that the Prussian army owed their escape even more to the skill of the Duke as a diplomatist than as a general. 2 How completely he deceived Dumouriez and Westermann into thinking that he was really treating seriously, when he was only flattering them in order from day to day to gain precious time for his sickly and diminish- ing forces to move a step backward, can only be realised by the readers of the account given in the ' Retraite de Brunswick ' of this ' great enigma of the Revolution,' an enigma which had baffled every histo- rian till Sybel indicated the explanation which M. Chuquet has completed and finally established. It was not till safely back on the right bank of the 1 Chuquet, Invasion Prussienne, 123. - Chuquet, La Retraite de Brunswick, 154 DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 73 Meuse, which, had it not been for his fatal want of determination, he would never have quitted, that the Duke showed his true hand and let the French generals understand that they had been nothing but dupes. ' Brunswick, pupil of Minerva as much as of Bellona, had succeeded in saving his army.' ] But at the price of what sacrifices and of how much of his own military reputation ! Nor were the dis- asters of the year yet over, for in October Custine crossed the Rhine near Philippsburg, and by a bold dash captured Mayence and Frankfurt, thereby compelling the immediate evacuation of the remain- ing territories and fortresses still held on the Meuse by the Duke. Meanwhile Dumouriez had trans- ferred his energies to the northern frontier, had gained the great victory of Jemmappes, and was overrunning Belgium. And yet, in the teeth of these disasters, the Allied Sovereigns continued their quarrels and rivalries. The King of Prussia demanded to be allowed to take a larger compensation out of Poland, if called upon to raise more than the 20,000 men originally stipulated and to enter on a second campaign against France. The Austrian proposals in regard to compensation in Bavaria and the Franconian Principalities he absolutely declined to 1 Pirbeck, Neue Bellona, 1802, i. 161, quoted by Chuquet, Retraite de Brunswick, 182. 74 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, entertain. The Emperor Francis II. thereupon definitely threw over the last remnant of even the pretence of following in the steps of the Emperor Leopold. A change of Ministers took place at Vienna, which installed in power the unscrupulous Thugut, the statesman to whom Sybel, writing in 1867, said that France owed her victory in the Revolutionary War and Austria her position in Europe. 1 Thugut' s whole energies were at once directed to securing a ' compensation ' for his Imperial master in Germany if possible, as his pre- decessors in office had wished ; but if that proved impossible, then in Alsace ; and, failing everything else, in Poland itself. Meanwhile France was about to enter on the career of aggression and conquest which did not finally terminate till 1815. But the King of Prussia, blind to the coming danger, and having now for- gotten the original objects of the war, was all but entirely occupied in intricate negotiations for the enlargement of his own territories. He decided that the campaign of 1793 must be limited to clearing Germany of the invader, and that, above all things, his Austrian allies were to be prevented getting a firm footing in Alsace, which, if once it became theirs, might give them a preponderating power in Western Germany. The Duke, on the 1 Sybel, French Revolution, ii. book vi. ch. vi. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 75 other hand, believed that, if the war was extended to the expulsion of the French from the Nether- lands and the protection of Holland from invasion, and if the Meuse fortresses and the valley of the Sarre were conquered, Prussia would be strong enough to hold her own against Austria when the final settlement came ; and he wished to hit hard and end the war, in order to have a free hand as soon as possible in the east of Europe. As it was the evident intention of France to extend her borders, and as it was now clear that there was nothing to choose between the system of Louis XIV. and that of the Republic, he wished, notwithstanding his old French sympathies, to throw the utmost vigour into what had now become a struggle for the national defence of all Germany, as the Empire had declared war against France. He therefore intended to co-operate effectually with the Duke of Coburg in the Netherlands and with Wurmser on the Rhine. But these ideas did not suit the King and his Ministers, who wished to keep their army intact as far as possible for the conquest of Poland and a possible war with Austria, and were even inclined to negotiate with France, and to discuss territorial concessions to the Republic on the left bank of the Rhine. Within the limits dictated by this policy the cam- paign of 1793 had to be conducted by the Duke. 76 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, From a purely military point of view the circum- stances were not unfavourable. The King early in 1793 had left the headquarters of the army, and the disorganisation at headquarters in Paris greatly weakened the position of the French armies on the frontier. It was the time when Servan had quitted the War Office, and before Carnot controlled it ; when Pache and Bouchotte were at the head of that department ; when confusion and peculation reigned supreme ; when the army which had conquered at Valmy and Jemmappes had been disorganised, and the army which was to conquer at Fleurus had not yet been formed ; when Dumouriez had fled abroad ; when Biron, Custine, Liickner, Houchard, Rocham- beau, and Westermann were put on their trial and executed for imaginary offences ; when Jourdan, Hoche, and Moreau had hardly been discovered ; when the great cities of France were rising against the tyranny of the Commune of Paris and the Con- vention, and the Commune of Paris and the Con- vention were themselves engaged in internecine strife, and neither had as yet got the mastery. Already before the end of the year 1792 the Duke had retaken Frankfurt. In April 1793 the French were driven out of the Rhenish Palatinate, and fell back on the lines of Weissenburg ; Mayence was besieged and retaken on July 22. Landau alone remained in French hands, but was completely DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 77 blockaded : otherwise Germany was free of the invaders. The Austrians were equally successful in the Netherlands. The Duke now proposed to establish himself in a strong position on the heights of the Keltrich, near Pirmasens, with the main army, where he could stand between the French armies of the Moselle and the Rhine, ' so that he could roll up the former on the one side on his right wing, or turn the latter on the left wing of the lines of Weissen- burg, by passing through the valley of the Lauter.' l All these operations were carried out with complete success. The army of the Moselle was entirely defeated, the Duke himself storming the heights of the Keltrich on August 13, and inflicting a bloody defeat upon the French at Pirmasens, when they endeavoured to recapture the position. On the 27th he announced to the King that ' now was the time for vigorous action ; that the frontier would be crossed in two days' time ; and that his position was so favourable that he should risk his military repu- tation by any longer inactivity ; ' 2 and he insisted that, if no advance was to take place, he should receive written orders to that effect to justify his inaction. The King decided that it was dangerous to conquer too much, because his Cabinet feared that a great success on the western frontier would 1 Sybel, iii. book vii. ch. vi. 2 Massenbach, i. 189-191. The document is printed in Appendix I. See too, Wagner, Feldzug von 1793, 146. 78 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, facilitate the Austrian designs, and the Duke had to remain in his position near Pirmasens. Owing to the utter disorder which had ensued after their defeat on the i6th, the French army was all but broken up ; but Prussian diplomacy intervened to save it, and the Duke was forbidden to follow up his victory, on the pretext that the Austrian plan of operations had not yet arrived. On October 13 the lines of Weissenburg were taken by a joint operation, directed by Wurmser and the Duke, which could easily have brought about a complete rout of the enemy, if the Duke had not been expressly forbidden to do more than support Wurmser with 7,000 men in a turning operation, which military critics greatly admired for the skill with which it was carried out. The result of the campaign so far, however, was sufficiently ruinous to the French forces. Not a foot of German soil re- mained in their hands, except Landau ; the Duke of Coburg had driven the French out of the Netherlands, and half of France was in rebellion against the capital. The army looked forward to an invasion of France. But the army reckoned without its Sovereign. 1 The Duke had to tell the Prince of Hohenlohe that they were forbidden to take advantage of the opportunities which presented themselves. ' Think of me, Major,' he said after the battle of Pirmasens to Massenbach, 1 Sybel, iii. book viii. ch. ii. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 79 ' on this occasion and of this hour, and recollect what I have the honour to tell you. We could have con- quered France, but we are making- her powerful, and we shall all go under.' And in after-life he constantly insisted that this had been the decisive moment for action, and that it had been lost through intrigues and political considerations. 1 By the end of December 1793 the Jacobin rulers of France, who had been at the helm since the fall of the Gironde and the disappearance of the first Committee of Public Safety in July, had restored order at the War Office ; and new generals, capable of directing the armies of the Republic in the field, were rapidly brought to the front by the stress of events. The dreaded volcano, as the Duke had foreseen, was producing the progeny nursed in the crater. At the Keltrich and Pirmasens he had only had to contend with Landremont and Carlenc, but more serious adversaries were about to appear. Pichegru was placed in command of the army of the Rhine opposite to Wurmser, and Hoche of the army of the Moselle opposite to the Duke ; and, finally, in order to put an end to rivalries, the Committee of Public Safety gave the supreme command to Hoche. Meanwhile, as if in order to mark the contrast, the jealousies and political ill-will between the Courts of Berlin and Vienna daily grew worse, and were 1 Massenbach, \. 197 ; ii. 39, 183, 184, 408. 8o CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, reflected in the operations of their generals. The Duke recognised the increasing strength and vigour of the enemy, and he chose for his winter quarters a formidable position a little in the rear of that which he had hitherto so successfully occupied. Thither, by a series of feigned movements, he drew Roche and invited an attack, which developed into the great three days' battle of Kaiserslautern, fought on November 28, 29, and 30. On the second day the Duke became the attacking party. The long struggle ended in the total defeat of Hoche. As Langeron observed, the Duke had now gained one of the finest battles ever fought by the Prussian army, but no pursuit was allowed. 1 The French army was quickly reorganised, and Hoche delivered the next blow, not at the Duke, but at Wurmser, against the exposed position of whose army the Duke had repeatedly but vainly protested, as well as against the unmethodical character of his opera- tions. The Austrian army was narrowly saved from complete destruction. French writers have attributed Wurmser's escape mainly to the failure of General Donnadieu to carry out his orders, and to the thick fog which rose towards nightfall and con- fused their operations. But it was really saved by the operations of the Duke with his own army on the French left, and his splendid courage towards 1 Chuquet, Hoche et la Lulte pour F Alsace, ch. iv. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 81 the end of the action, when he left his own army and seized the command of the disorganised right wing of the army of Wurmser. ' The Duke ' (we quote M. Chuquet's account) ' throws himself in front of the Imperial troops. He rallies them ; he drags them after him, and, to quote the words of a Prussian officer, " seems the incarnate god of war." The Austrians recover confidence and courage. " The Duke," the cry goes up among the officers, " is commanding us ; all will go well ; " and the soldiers are heard exclaiming, " To the devil with Wurmser ; long live the Duke ! " Colonel Kockeritz brings up twelve pieces of artillery, and with them Colonel Klenau. " Come," the Duke calls out to Klenau, " come and share our glory or our death." " Yes," Klenau replies, " and I shall have the happiness of fighting under the eye of the greatest of generals." . . . Thanks to Brunswick, to his presence of mind and activity, the Austrian army was able again to form up behind the Lauter. The Duke was a hero on the field of battle. He then seemed to be himself again. He was once more, as in his youth, ardent, handy, quick to seize every occasion, risking his own life and hazarding it in the thickest of the fight. As one of his bitterest critics observed, he would have done well to have been always on horseback, and never to have sat down to his desk, where his mind allowed itself to be invaded and ultimately to be dominated by the scruples suggested by his excessive circumspection.' 1 But the Austrian army, though saved from destruc- tion, was none the less defeated. On December 28 the siege of Landau had to be raised, while Bruns- 1 Chuquet, Hoche et la Lutte pour F Alsace, 190, and the authori- ties he there quotes. G 82 wick drew off his army in perfect order to the neighbourhood of Mayence. Once more the Duke had to show his extraordinary ability in command- ing a retreat. ' Hoche,' says Marshal Gouvion- St.-Cyr in the account he has left of this campaign, in which he took a distinguished part himself, ' not- withstanding his recent successes, was unable to gain the day over so skilful a general as was the Duke of Brunswick.' ] Brunswick's retreat, said Langeron, who, as an dmigr^ bore the Duke no love, was ' the chef d'ceuvre of that far more able than honest general. ' 2 Meanwhile the King of Prussia, though no longer in a position to interfere with the daily direction of his army in the field, had involved his country in the negotiations which ultimately led to a separate peace between Prussia and France, On January 9, 1794, the Duke, equally disgusted with the military and the political situation, conveyed his resignation in a letter to the King, in which he openly stigmatised the whole conduct of affairs. ' Suspicion, egotism, and the spirit of cabal,' he wrote, 1 have in the two campaigns destroyed the results of every measure, and caused the failure of the projects concerted for the two armies. . . . The responsibility for the faults of others falls upon me. Prudence requires, honour 1 M&noires sur les Campagnes des Arme'es du Rhin et de Rhin- Moselle de ijgzjusqu^a la Paix de Campo-Formio. Par le Marechal Gouvion-St.-Cyr, Paris, 1829, i. 200. 2 Chuquet, Hoche et la Lutte pour FA/sace, 238. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 83 demands, resignation. When a great nation like the French is pushed on by the fear of . punishment and by enthusiasm into great actions, a single will and but one principle ought to preside over the steps of the allies ; but when, instead of this, each army acts by itself without fixed plan, without unity, without principle, and without method, the results are what have actually been seen at Dunkirk, in the raising of the siege of Maubeuge, in the sack of Lyons, in the destruction of Toulouse, and in the raising of the siege of Landau.' l ' Yonder,' said Massenbach, after taking leave of his general on the bridge at Mayence, ' goes the only man in Germany with the ability to save the country, and he refuses to do it.' 2 We have dwelt at some length on these events, as they explain why it was that the Duke's military reputation survived the campaign of 1792. The failure of that cam- paign was known to be due to the personal inter- vention of the King, and it was not want of military skill, but of moral determination, with which the Duke was reproached. Pirmasens and Kaisers- lautern were real victories, and they restored confidence. The army still believed in him. They saw him like some ancient hero of German legend, as they thought, the victim of evil enchantments ; but they believed he would yet shake himself free from the meshes which had been cast around him, and trample his enemies under foot. 1 Massenbach, i. 366. The document is printed in Appendix II. - Ibid, i. 259. G 2 84 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, ' The Duke at this time/ says Massenbach, ' was in the full vigour of life. . . . He was not only the best informed prince of his age, but his insight into affairs would have raised any private individual to an exalted station. He would never have been so unfortunate as he afterwards was if he had possessed self-confidence and had grasped the helm of the State. It must be a subject of eternal regret that he could never be induced to rise to the height of this idea. He recognised the necessity, but shrank back before the difficulties of carrying it out.' . . . ' He had only to desire it, and London, Vienna, and Berlin would have fulfilled his wishes. He had strength enough in himself to save Germany. That he would not exert that strength must be his eternal reproach.' l In conversation with Lord Malmesbury the Duke distinctly attributed to the King all the troubles and misfortunes which had occurred. He was asked, on behalf of the British Government, and with the concurrence of the King of Prussia, if he would resume the command. ' Not if the King goes,' he replied. ' It is out of the question for me once more to expose myself to all the humiliations I have had to undergo. The King loses half the day in talking and eating ; he is not aware that in war every moment is precious.' Prussia, he went on to declare, had no longer any system, and never would have one while the reign lasted. In strong language he described the vices and the weakness of the Cabinet, and the way they made their influence felt in the army. ' An army ought to be 1 Massenbach^ i. 234; ii. 114. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 85 nothing but a machine ; directly it is anything else it becomes the instrument not of the protection, but of the destruction of the State.' . . . ' The late King knew how to change all this with a glance.' l Frederic William had placed him in an ' incredible position,' for he affected to be always waiting for a plan of campaign from the Emperor, and left his generals in the dilemma thereby created. During the siege of Mayence Lucchesini had said, ' When this is over we must do as little as possible, and leave the rest to the Austrians,' and he was believed to have suggested to the King, after the victory of Pirmasens, ' that the Duke knew perfectly well how to win battles ; only he took care to do so when his Majesty was absent : ' an innuendo which fell on willing ears, as Frederic William had never for- given the Duke for refusing to attack at Valmy and thereby depriving him, as he believed, of an oppor- tunity of personally gaining eternal glory. 2 Lord Malmesbury was at Brunswick in 1795, occupied in negotiating the marriage of Princess Caroline with the heir to the British crown, and also charged to ascertain if the Duke could be persuaded to take the command in Holland, now threatened with conquest owing to the divisions of the allies and the want of authority of the nominal 1 Malmesbury, iii. 166, 167, 206. Hardenberg, ii. 247-249. ' 2 Ibid. iii. 180. Massenbach, i. 195. 86 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, commander-in-chief, the Duke of York, who was emulating the former achievements of the Duke of Cumberland. Similar appeals reached the Duke from Moellendorff, who had succeeded him in the command on the Rhine. But he met all these appeals with a refusal. With the King he would not act ; against his wish he dared not act. Under the existing conditions, he said, he could do nothing effectual, as there was no guarantee for unity in the command, and he declined any longer to be put in the pillory for the faults of others. He emphatically declined, after his experience in 1792, to be reduced to the position of a ' Marshal of the Court,' working by objections and criticisms, instead of being a real commander-in-chief and certain of obedience. 'An old man of sixty,' he wrote to Massenbach, 'would deserve to be the laughing-stock of his contemporaries if he took mists for realities, words for deeds, and war as nothing but the means of spending time agreeably for a few hot-heads, who seldom, if ever, know how to make their means correspond with their ends. With them fore- sight is timidity ; knowledge of the ground and the rules of tactics mere pedantry. Disconnected undertakings, on the other hand, are regarded as the inspirations of genius and as heroic deeds. In such a state of affairs, to keep clear of self-contradictory undertakings is the only justifi- cation for the past and the only defence for the future.' 1 As for the projected treaty and the proposed cession of the left bank of the Rhine, it would simply, he said, enable the French at an early date 1 Massenbach, ii. 26, 35, 52, 58, 103, 134. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 87 by one leap to reach the Weser and the lands of the Prussian crown. In the letters of Lord Malmes- bury we trace how, nevertheless, the French party at Berlin, led by Prince Henry, gradually got the upper hand, and how the Duke all the time was struggling between conflicting emotions on the one hand his hatred of the new policy, on the other his fear of alienating the Court of Berlin beyond hope of reconciliation. The Treaty of Bale ' that predatory alliance,' as the British diplomatist termed it was the ultimate result. Prussia stepped down from her high position among the nations. By one disgrace- ful set of transactions she had already extended her eastern frontier, but at the cost of bringing Russia on to the line of the Boug ; by another she now abandoned her allies, and allowed France to domi- nate Western Germany from the left bank of the Rhine. Such was the net result of the abandon- ment of the policy of Pitt and Hertzberg in favour of that of Lucchesini and Haugwitz, of Lombard and Prince Henry. The loss of the buffer States, east and west, was, in the opinion of the Duke, fatal to Germany, and still more so to Prussia, as she had no natural frontiers, and had, therefore, to trust entirely to fortresses for the defence of her extended boundaries. Meanwhile, nothing had been done for the reform of the Constitution of the Empire, which, reeling under the heavy blows it 88 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, had received, seemed to be helplessly waiting for the hand of the executioner. 1 The Duke remained in political retirement till the death of Frederic William II. in 1797 brought about a change. At the Court of Frederic William III. and Queen Louise the Duke resumed his influence, and once more found himself in the position which he had occupied in 1786, of being able to hold the helm of the State, if only he could be persuaded to act. All the old military reputa- tions had been destroyed except his ; and once more all eyes looked towards him. Some there might be, like Kalckreuth, between whom and the Duke there was a feud of long standing, who said that it was their belief that the Duke had been specially born for the destruction of Prussia. But they were the minority ; and Kalckreuth was a universal critic and detractor. 2 The general belief was that there yet remained one man who in the hour of need might step forth to save Europe. The army of the Great Frederic existed, and the right hand of his later years was yet alive, with a reputation still high, and enveloped in a mystery which cast a curious and disconcerting glamour on friend and foe alike. In civil affairs his reputation had, if possible, increased by contrast with the fatuous conduct of 1 Hardenberg, i. 282. Malmesbury, iii. 196-199. 2 Malmesbury, iii. 155. Gentz, Mfrnoires et Lettres Inedits, 286. oyen, i. 157. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 89 the other minor princes of Germany. The plan of inducing him to go to France as a sort of Director- General to play the part afterwards enacted by Bona- parte was actually revived at this time by Sieves. He was admittedly the wisest and most successful ruler in Europe. But he met every suggestion that he should insist on becoming a sort of High Constable, whether at Paris or at Berlin, with a refusal. 'Providence,' he said, 'has entrusted me with the government of a State of my own. I am the hereditary administrator of my people. That is the first duty I have to fulfil ; ' and from Brunswick and the Northern army, of which he had accepted the command, he refused to stir except under orders from the King. 1 Such orders nearly came in 1799, when Suwarrow was driving the French out of Italy and the Arch- duke Charles, in the greatest of his campaigns, had been equally successful in Germany. The Duke was then of opinion that the moment was come for crushing the Power which in fighting ancient Europe seemed to have caught from the statesmen and kings whom it had overthrown the reckless greed for aggrandisement which distinguished the eigh- teenth century. 2 He wished to call upon France 1 Massenbach, \. 229, 230. Andre* Lebon, LAngleterre et gration Franqaise, Preface, xvii ; Roederer, CEuvres, iii. 449. a See the observations of M. Sorel, DEurope et la Revolution Fran$aise, vol. i. book i. ch. i. section iii., ' La Raison d'Etat.' Sybel, ix. p. 145 (German edition). 90 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, to restore the independence of Holland and to evacuate the territory between the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Moselle. But the King, after much hesita- tion, eventually determined on peace, and the Duke as usual submitted. 1 Two possible policies now existed for Prussia : either a frank opposition to France, which meant war, or the alliance which Napoleon professed to offer. Each required a strong will to carry out, but at Berlin no strong will existed. Neither policy was really pursued, and the ship of the State never followed a steady course for long together. The position of Prussia became more and more critical. Frederic William III. found himself in 1800 threatened with having to choose between an overt attack from the half-insane Emperor Paul and joining Russia in the Armed Neutrality against England. The latter meant a rupture with England. We find the Duke at this time busily engaged in a plan for the defence of the eastern frontier against a Russian attack, and under orders to occupy Hanover, if necessary, to prevent a French occupation. The assassination of the Emperor Paul only just warded off these dangers in time. Then came the occupa- tion of Hanover in 1802 by France contrary to the terms of the Treaty of Bale, and the tame 1 Life of Stein, vol. i. ch. iv. Massenbach, iii. 88. Hardenberg* i. 406. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 91 submission of the King, to whom the Duke again gave way, contrary to his own opinion. 1 But the internal dangers were even worse than those which threatened from beyond the borders, as the Treaty of Luneville, followed by the Principal Resolutions of the Imperial Deputation of 1803, transformed the internal constitution of the Empire, abolished nearly all the Ecclesiastical States, and destroyed the Immediate Nobility of the Empire. Prussia and the Principality of Brunswick both, indeed, profited terri- torially by these arrangements ; but the broad result was that while they destroyed the hegemony of Austria in Germany, they did not substitute that of Prussia. At such a juncture the burden of kingship would under any circumstances have been no easy charge, but unfortunately the private virtues of Frederic William III. were not equalled by any corresponding mental capacity. Prussia had no doubt thus far shared in the spoils, but the wiser heads saw that a struggle was none the less inevi- table. The contest between the National and the French party at Berlin was continuous, and the advantage swayed now to one side, now to the other. An obstinate determination to preserve neutrality, arising more from a conscious sense of personal weakness than from any well-considered political plan, was the main characteristic of the 1 Massenbach, iii. 441. Hardenberg, iii. 19, 93. 92 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, King. A nature so constituted naturally sought for reliance on some established reputation, and it was to the Duke that the King instinctively looked, but, unfortunately, looked in vain. The Duke would obey orders, but could give none. As usual, he was torn by contrary emotions, and listened to conflicting advice. Massenbach had joined the French party, and wished to enter frankly into an alliance with Napoleon, to be directed against Russia, which he declared was the robber of the earth, and against England, which he denounced as the pirate of the seas. 1 But the Duke, notwithstanding his old dislike and suspicion of Russia, considered France ' the true enemy and the origin of every trouble ' since 1 793- 2 In this con- viction he was greatly strengthened by an influence which was now beginning to make itself felt in his inner circle at Brunswick. When all is said and done, perhaps the best title to the gratitude of Germany which the Duke can claim is that through his keen appreciation of merit Scharnhorst first entered the Prussian service and rose to a high position. The Duke, while in command of the Army of Observation by which after the Treaty of Bale the neutral territories within the line of demarcation marked out by that treaty were garrisoned, was brought into contact with 1 Massenbach, ii. 61, 82-85. Memorandum entitled 'Ueber Preussens politische Lage im Anfange des i799sten Jahres,' iii. 61. 2 Ibid. ii. 35. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 93 Scharnhorst, while still in the Hanoverian service, and tried to induce him to enter the Prussian army, but the offer at the time was refused. It was renewed, and finally accepted in 1801, when Scharnhorst began the career which brought about the reform of the Prussian army, first as one of the professors in the Military Academy at Berlin, where he was the colleague and rival of Massenbach, and afterwards as quartermaster-general of the north-western division of the Prussian army, commanded by the Duke himself; though it is true that the support given by the Duke to his plans of reform was characterised by his usual extreme circumspection, by hesitations and qualifications of every kind, and the difficulty complained of by Hardenberg many years before in plainly saying ' Yes ' or ' No.' The history of the campaign of 1806 has often been written, and it is beyond the scope of this study to do more than briefly to point out the salient points in it which illustrate the character of the Duke, and determine his share of the responsibility for the great disaster which overwhelmed the Prussian monarchy at Jena and Auerstadt, on the latter of which two stricken fields his own career terminated in death. By the end of 1804 ne na d made up his mind that the boundless ambition of the Emperor, and the arrogance of the French generals and diplomatists, made it a mere matter of time when 94 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Prussia would have to enter the lists. There was yet another reason. The occupation of Hanover by France in 1802, in defiance of the terms of the Treaty of Bale, brought the enemy into the im- mediate neighbourhood of his own Principality. The close connection of Brunswick with the Electorate made it only too probable that the seizure of the latter would, on the first convenient pretext, be made the excuse for some claim on the former, especially as the little State would evidently be a welcome addition to the realms of the new kinglets and princelings who were springing into existence under the wing of France. The districts in Western Germany belonging to Prussia were even more exposed to danger. The general staff of the Prussian army was now divided into three large divisions, of which the first was to occupy eastern, the second central, and the third north-western Germany, which was considered the certain seat of the coming war. On March 26, 1804, the Duke appointed Scharnhorst quartermaster-general of the north-western army, and assumed the active command himself. Scharn- horst now became the confidential adviser of the Duke, and his active hand may be traced throughout all the subsequent events. It is worth noting that, in one of the notes made at this period, Scharnhorst expresses his belief that the principal danger of the future would be that the Duke would be paralysed DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 95 by ' higher commands ; ' l for it became clear that the French party at Berlin, represented, since the death of Prince Henry, in the army by Kalckreuth and Massenbach, and in diplomacy by Haugwitz, was more active than ever, and was constantly engaged in thwarting those who recognised that the crisis was near, and that the only question open was that of time and opportunity. Kalckreuth also, ' that nature composed of nothing but spite and criticism,' 2 was busily engaged in throwing the weight of his high reputation into the scale against the plans of military reform advocated by Scharnhorst. Nor did he stand alone. The net result was that when the war at last came, the army, to quote Boyen's own words, was in that most dangerous of all conditions, that of being half reformed. ' New and old were mixed up together in variegated fashion, and the Prussian army was no longer an effective field force.' There was, above all, in Boyen's opinion, one terrible gap in the organisation. While the older men had had the experience of actual warfare, and the youngest had learnt the last lessons of modern military art in the Academy at Berlin, the great mass of the higher officers had neither experience nor knowledge, and their igno- rance was only equalled by their conceit. 3 1 Life of Scharnhorst^ \. 345, 'hohere Instruction en. ' l Boyen, i. 157. 3 Ibid. \. 195, 199-218. 96 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, In 1805 Napoleon again attacked Austria ; and France and Russia were simultaneously threat- ening to send their troops across Prussian territory ; the one to assail, the other to defend Austria. The Duke was summoned to Berlin, and the ' Memoirs of Hardenberg' are once more the record of his inability to give a firm opinion. The opportunity of the war party at Berlin came when the French army deliberately violated the Prussian territory of Anspach. War was now regarded as certain ; but with the aid of Russia as an ally. On October 24 the Duke took the command of the army, with Scharnhorst as chief of a staff almost entirely com- posed of the younger officers belonging to the new military school in which he had taught. 1 The French army under Bernadotte was at once called upon to evacuate Hanover. Napoleon, not thinking it con- venient to bring a new enemy on himself, ordered Bernadotte to retreat on Hameln and evacuate the country before the advancing army of the Duke. The result was certainly a victory for Prussia, and the decision with which the whole affair had been conducted did much to restore moral as well as military confidence. Scharnhorst now implored the Duke that the general direction of the Prussian forces should not be too much to the north-west, as the French were advancing through the valley of 1 Life of Scharnhorst, i. 351. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 97 the Danube, and it was there that the real struggle would be. Nor was there any difference so far between him and the Duke. ' In the warlike sur- roundings of his headquarters the Duke became another man. He was constantly complaining of the intolerable slowness of the march of the Prussian troops ; he demanded the concentration of all the forces of the country, wherever they could be got from. With them,' he said, ' they must without delay fall upon the army of Napoleon, deprive it of the reputation of invincibility, and liberate Europe from the shame which it had endured for all those years. Already the persuasion was overmastering him that all their efforts might come too late.' 1 If Austria were to fall, he kept repeat- ing, ' our turn will come next, and then those will be at last convinced who reckoned on France, and considered Prussia's separation from the common interests of Europe to be a happy event.' He sent a plan to Berlin, elaborated by Scharnhorst, for an advance to the south, so as to strike a blow at the French left flank, and cut off their communications, while leaving a sufficient force to watch Bernadotte at Hameln. But if such was the language of the Duke in his camp, he was unable to hold the same firm language at Berlin in the face of the King, who, while approving the plan of the Duke, was 1 Life of Scharnhorst, i. 355. H 98 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, determined to maintain peace, if possible, at almost any price, and was supported by Haugwitz, Lom- bard, and Lucchesini. 1 Amongst the officers of the staff at this time was Boyen. In his ' Memoirs ' he describes his General as he appeared to him at the time : ' The Duke of Brunswick,' he says, ' in his earlier military career had given fine evidences of personal decision and military foresight, and was certainly one of the best-informed princes and most worthy of honour who ever lived. Very few men can exist able to converse in so intellectual and also attractive a manner as this Prince knew how to do. His successful campaign in Holland, and some parts of his conduct of the campaign on the Rhine, had given him so considerable a reputation as a commander that the abortive undertaking in Champagne was not able to overcloud it. Great acquired military knowledge, both of the details and of the wider aspects of his profession, were united in him in an uncommon degree ; and when you add to all this that he was also greatly to be respected in the government of his own Principality, which even in his old age, both through his own outward demeanour and the real activity of his con- duct, made an excellent impression on all, nobody can fail to acknowledge that the portrait I have drawn, which is one true to life, presents to you a man who was no ordinary personality.' 2 But, he continues, all these fine qualities were impaired and rendered well-nigh useless by serious failings : the failings of which we have already heard from other and no less friendly sources : the 1 Hardenberg, 11/338. - Boyen, i. 151 DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 99 nervous dread of impairing his old reputation ; an absurd attention to petty details, of which Boyen gives several amusing instances ; and especially a total inability, as a rule, to assert himself against the King when their opinions differed, as they generally did. 'Was this the man,' Boyen asked himself, ' who could command successfully against Napoleon ? ' ' Nee coiere pares ' sums up the verdict of Lucan on the struggle which ended at Pharsalia. The whole of the celebrated passage in which the poet con- trasts the youth and audacity of Caesar with the self- conscious regard of the aged Pompeius for his own established fame might, indeed, be almost word for word applied to the rival leaders of the French and Prussian armies in I8O5. 1 The peculiar failings of the Duke were now about to make themselves felt, as they had in 1792. At the royal command he had gone to Potsdam to take part in the negotia- tions with Russia for an armed mediation. There he first of all allowed himself to be persuaded that Napoleon would not dare to cross the Isar leaving the Tirol still unconquered on his right flank ; then, when this anticipation turned out to be incorrect, he made a set of calculations, ' like a chess-player,' suggestive of the influence of Massenbach, the Mack of Prussia, as to the future development of the cam- paign, and told Haugwitz not to allow hostilities to 1 Pharsalia, i. 120-157. H 2 ioo CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, commence before December 15, because he did not wish to move his army southwards till the West Prussian regiments had arrived on the Elbe to replace them, and because he wanted to give full time to the Russian army to get into touch with the Austrians. He also apprehended an attack on North- Western Germany by the French army stationed in Holland, and wished to provide fully against it. But the Duke had not been able to include in his calculations the rash folly of the youthful Emperor Alexander, who, on December 2, contrary to the advice of his generals, forced on the battle of Austerlitz ; nor the fact that Haugwitz not only deliberately wasted time on his journey to Vienna, whither, after the Treaty of Potsdam with Russia, he had gone as the bearer of the Prussian ultimatum, but also had secret instructions from the King, given apparently at the last moment, on no account whatever to allow war to take place. 1 Then followed the Treaty of Schoen- brunn and the disgraceful transactions in which Prussia, through Haugwitz, accepted Hanover as a bribe for an alliance with France, and thereby in- volved herself in a breach of faith which led England to declare war. This wretched display of weakness and crookedness only courted fresh affronts from 1 Laforest to Talleyrand, January 5, 1806, French Archives, quoted in the Life of Scharnhorst, i. 354. Hardenber^ \. 537, 540 ; ii. 268, 317-324, 336-343- DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 101 France, which began to treat Prussia as an already half-conquered province affronts which in 1806 at last brought about the long-looked-for outbreak of hostilities. The Treaty of Schoenbrunn had been signed by Haugwitz subject to various explanations of the articles, which were reserved by him for further consideration at Berlin. These modifications he had persuaded himself there would be no difficulty in inducing France to accept in the final treaty, which was to be ratified in Paris ; although the battle of Austerlitz, followed as it had been by the practical surrender of Austria and the retirement of the Russian army within its own frontiers, had entirely altered the military situation. In a memorandum on the treaty the Duke pointed this out, and commented bitterly ' on the inconsistencies, the imprudence, and the total want of sagacity in. the conduct of the Austrian and Russian army, which had produced the disastrous situation in which they now found them- selves placed ; ' and he agreed with Hardenberg who, like himself, was influenced by the desire of seeing the connection of Hanover with England severed that the only course now open to Prussia was to accept the treaty subject to the qualifications, and to proceed at once to the discussion of it. But his own prognostications of the future were none the less gloomy, and though he spoke and wrote of the 102 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, possibility of Prussia still acting as the peaceful ' moderator of the inexhaustible effervescences of the extraordinary man whom the ceaseless faults of his adversaries, as much as his own ability, intelli- gence, and audacity, had raised to the outrageous power he now exercised over Europe,' 1 he in his heart evidently did not believe in matters having any but a warlike solution. It was under these circumstances that in January 1806, notwithstanding his old suspicion of Russia, he undertook a special mission to St. Petersburg : a mission which has remained celebrated, as the results, to quote the words of Sir John Seeley, ' cleared away ill-feeling, and paved the way to that friendly relation between the two Courts which lived on through all vicissitudes to the end of the European war, and was a principal cause of the overthrow of Napoleon ; ' for once away from the atmosphere at Berlin, the Duke was able to feel and inspire confidence." The Duke had to explain the conduct of Haugwitz ; and the conduct of Haugwitz was not easy to explain. He was instructed to say that the occupation of Hanover was the only means of preventing the Electorate becoming practically French territory, or being 1 Hardenberg, v. 258, ' Denkschrift des Herzogs von Braunschweig ' (printed in Appendix III.). - Sir John Seeley, Life of Stein, \. ch. v. ' Goltz to Hardenberg, March 8, 1806,' printed in Appendix III., where some of the documents relating to this negotiation will be found. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 103 handed over to an Austrian nominee as compensa- tion ; that there was no intention of maintaining an effective alliance with France, especially in the East only a strict neutrality was intended, or at most a defensive arrangement ; that neutrality was probably the best policy both for Russia and Prussia ; and that it seemed to the King and his advisers that the continuance of a policy of determined hostility to France had resulted mainly in creating a com- mercial monopoly for England on the seas and the domination of Napoleon on the Continent. These official utterances met with scant favour at St. Petersburg, although the Emperor and his Court were prodigal in their manifestations of respect for their bearer, whom it was sought to dis- tinguish from the Ministers whom he represented. The Duke, it cannot be doubted, really accepted the mission, not so much to explain a policy he detested, as in order to pave the way for joint military action, in view of the eventualities which he foresaw. The Emperor Alexander frankly told him that he could not approve the conduct of Prussia, and that war was none the less certain because of the final sur- render made by Haugwitz in Paris, the news of which arrived while the Duke was still in St. Petersburg. ' The sword of the great Frederic will have yet to be drawn, and then/ said the Emperor, ' I shall serve under your orders, and it will be my 104 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, glory to learn the art of war in your school.' The Duke, now fully persuaded that a breach was inevi- table with France, returned to Berlin with a proposal from the Emperor under which Prussia, in the event of further unsatisfactory conduct on the part of France, should be able to call on her Russian ally, and was to be entitled to the support of all the forces of the Empire. It was arranged that the further progress of this negotiation should be secretly entrusted to Hardenberg, who was then living in retirement from affairs, owing to the hos- tility of the French party at Berlin. 1 But the military question was evaded ; and at the decisive moment, although the Duke realised, as his letters to Harden- berg show, the importance of a warlike concert, and although the Emperor Alexander invited him to draw up a plan of campaign, he declined while at St. Petersburg to go beyond the discussion of the political preliminaries, on the characteristic ground that he had as yet no definite instructions from Berlin. ' It will be necessary,' he, however, wrote to Hardenberg on his return, ' to work at a military concert with Russia. The King, however, has not given me any instructions. I do not know if General Riichel has any orders on the subject. 1 For an account of this negotiation see Hardenberg, i. 577-587 ; ii. 533-541 ; v. 278-294. As to the Duke's views on Hanover see Hardenberg, \. 510, 511, 563; ii. 195, 196; v. 164, 171. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 105 The military concert will have to be preceded by a political concert, as there must be agreement in what cases and under what conditions the necessity will have to be accepted of facing the torrent. These eventualities should be provided for, and the means then estimated for supporting a struggle for tife and death. The support which England might furnish us should also be credited to us, and it might be sent through Russia, so as to hide our game.. Russia could take a hand in one or other of two ways : either by our summoning her to our help, or by her spontaneously taking the field for the deliver- ance of Germany and the conclusion of a peace which would emancipate the German nation from the tutelage of Napoleon. The Emperor Alexander would then play the part of Gustavus Adolphus. 1 Such,' Hardenberg despairingly exclaimed as a comment on this letter which was followed shortly after by another to the same effect ' such was the Duke ! Why did he not speak his mind to the King ? and why did not the King insist on going into these matters with him ? Thus it was, and by such failings as these, that the ruin of the monarchy was brought about and accomplished ! ' l On July 4 Hardenberg seized the opportunity of a visit to Brunswick by the diplomatist Alopaeus, to urge these views strongly through him on the 1 Hardenberg, ii. 570, 583 ; iii. 61. 106 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Duke. ' I saw the Duke,' Alopseus wrote ; ' we had a long conversation. He said everything that I could have wished, and was even profuse in his agreement with me. But for all that he will not move an inch.' l And meanwhile, as the Duke knew, the torrent was coming down. It would appear certain that when at Berlin the Duke at least insisted on the desirability of Prussia not declaring war until the Russian army had had time to come up. He expressed the view that the Prussian army alone was not equal to the struggle. Of those on whom he would have to depend most as colleagues he had but a poor opinion. Moellen- dorff, he said, was a dotard ; Rlichel, a vain-glorious boaster ; Kalckreuth, a bilious critic of everything ; and most of the generals of division were men of routine and without talent. ' Were these the men,' he asked, almost repeating the words of Boyen about himself, ' with whom he was to be called upon to fight and beat Napoleon ? ' The financial situa- tion of Prussia also seemed to him desperate, and he now even revived his plan dating back to 1786, which had been incorporated in the Treaty of Pots- dam by a separate and secret article, that Hanover might, with the consent of George III., become Prussian as part of a general European settlement which should include France. These timid coun- 1 Hardenberg, iii. 58 67. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 107 sels as they seemed to the war party led to a placard being attached to the back of his carriage, on his return journey to Brunswick from Berlin, with the words ' Prince of Peace ' written upon it. 1 Private grief came at this moment to darken the horizon. The Duke's eldest son had died childless on September 20 ; the second son was idiotic ; the third was blind. There were the troubles in Eng- land in regard to Princess Caroline. The Duke was himself seventy-one years of age, and at any moment his own life might be endangered on the battlefield. It became necessary to obtain renun- ciations of their rights to the succession from his second and third sons, and to resettle them on the fourth son and his heirs. With this son the Duke's relations had not been happy, as the Prince shared few of his father's tastes and ideas, outside the military profession ; and even in this was little more than a born fighter. Perhaps it was even a greater grief that Mile, von Hartfeld, the accomplished lady, the Egeria of Brunswick, in whose society and that of Mme. Branconi, the object of Goethe's admira- tion also, the Duke had succeeded in finding some consolation for the vapidness of his own domestic circle, died on June 30. 1 Hardenberg, ii. 585. Hausser, Deutsche Geschichte, 730. Beugnot, Mtmoires, vol. i. ch. x. io8 In the summer of 1806 it was discovered that Napoleon, after having handed over Hanover to Prussia in 1805 to secure her neutrality, and having thereby involved her in war with England, was now proposing to hand back Hanover to King George, without even consulting Prussia, in order to secure peace for France with England, where Fox had come into office. War thus became certain, not- withstanding all the schemes of Haugwitz and Lucchesini to avert it, and the negotiations with Russia were therefore now rapidly pushed on. Notwithstanding the protests of Hardenberg the army had, most unwisely, been demobilised on January 24. It was now again mobilised in great haste, and the Duke returned to his headquarters. He advised, ' as the most pressing necessity of the hour, that Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and, if these Powers could not do without the pecuniary support of England, that then they and England, too, should stand, shoulder to shoulder. He begged that Prussia should try to obtain the alliance of her neighbours, but meanwhile should arm with all speed ; then, " if the crisis came, far better would it be for the power, which under the great Frederic had withstood half the world in arms, to perish sword in hand than to bend the neck under a servile yoke." " Noble words," says the biographer of Scharnhorst, ' if only the Duke had known how to DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 109 translate them into realities. What an influence might he not have exercised he who possessed the unlimited confidence of the King on the mis- guided Court of Berlin, where, as acknowledged by a supporter of the existing system, an unexampled confusion prevailed, if he had had the self-reliance and strength of character to grasp the rudder ! " But, as he had too often before failed to be equal to the occasion, so he failed again now. He was ready to command the army, but not to create one ; he could be an energetic and successful diplomatist, and in that capacity, though an old man, had just crossed Europe in the depth of winter, but to the level of the highest statesmanship, where, above all things, the quality of will is necessary, he failed to rise. 1 The summer of 1806 was spent in efforts to put the country into a proper state of defence. Scharn- horst became more and more urgent that the military reforms in regard to the organisation of the army when actually in the field, which he had for years been urging on the Prussian War Office, should be adopted. A small portion of these, it has been seen, had been timidly taken up in earlier years. Now, though almost at the last minute, Scharnhorst's main idea, that of the formation of mixed divisions of infantry, light cavalry, and heavy 1 Life of Schamhorst, i. 400. no CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, cavalry, was adopted by the Duke, as well as the formation of a ' Bureau de 1'etat major/ which was to exercise a general control throughout the army, and see that the orders of the Commander-in-Chief were obeyed. 1 But these reforms, valuable as they were at the moment, and still more fruitful for future use, were introduced too late ; and they had, in addition, the disadvantage that they excited the utmost indignation in the already soured mind of Kalckreuth, and were resented by the Prince of Hohenlohe, who commanded one of the divisions of the army and aspired to the chief command. The Duke's real desire was to concentrate on the line of the Elbe, and there await the arrival of the Russian army. 2 But he once more allowed himself to be overruled, this time by the clamour of the war party, and it was determined to move forward without waiting for the Russian army. On August 22, at the royal command, the Duke sent from Brunswick to the King a plan of opera- tions prepared by Scharnhorst, with the assistance of Riichel and Phull, under his own superintendence. This scheme insisted that the Prussian armies should, above all things, not be divided ; and that no time should be lost in assuming the offensive against the scattered French forces, which were still on the right bank of the Rhine or in Bavaria, before they 1 Life of Scharnhorst, i. 411-12. 2 Hardenberg, ii. 584-587. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK in could concentrate and be joined by reinforcements. So great was the reputation of the Duke that the contents of this memorandum, which bore his signa- ture, were transferred almost word for word into a royal Cabinet order on the 27th. 1 The only altera- tion worthy of mention was one which the modesty of the King dictated. He named the Duke generalis- simo instead of acting in that capacity himself. But a few days after the King allowed himself, under the influence of the Prince of Hohenlohe and the officers who surrounded him, to be persuaded into altering this plan, and to consent to amendments which struck at the root idea, viz. the concentration under one hand of the whole army in a commanding situation. Naumbourg-on-the-Saale had been named as the place, as thence the army could move either right by Weimar, Erfurt, and Gotha, or left by Zeitz, Altenburg, and Penig, according to circum- stances. And now once more the moral weakness of the Duke made itself felt. Instead of declining to take the command under the altered conditions, he accepted the royal amendments. The Prince of Hohenlohe thus obtained the wish of his heart, as under the amended plan the Prussian army was to be split up into three large divisions, with commands for General Riichel and the Prince, and a nominal subordination only to the Duke. 1 Life of Scharnhorst, i. 403. ii2 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Early in September Hardenberg was able to in- form the Duke of the final success of the negotiations begun by him in St. Petersburg, and that an alliance was formed with Russia. He received the following disheartening reply ; it was the last letter which ever reached him from his old chief, and was written from headquarters at Halle : ' I am greatly obliged to you for the good news you send. May Heaven decide that unity should govern our affairs ; and that we should undertake nothing which we cannot carry through, and that all the means of swift and energetic action be obtained. Let the mistake be especially avoided of imagining that this affair is going to be a short business. Far from it ; and without measures for obtaining pecuniary resources great embarrassments may result from it. In my own particular case I devoted myself to it with all my heart ; but to secure success all parties must combine, and when a man is not master of the means, much less can he be master of the results.' l Meanwhile precious time had been lost in differences of opinion, and only on September 22 was Scharnhorst able to join the Duke at Naum- bourg as chief of the staff and feel that things were really going to begin. A renewed struggle then took place, for the Duke, with characteristic per- tinacity, was now returning by bypaths to his old and far wiser plan of concentration ; and in this he ultimately prevailed. The Prince of Hohenlohe then proposed to advance by the left, as this would 1 Hardenberg, iii. 143. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 113 have given the leading position to himself. This plan was devised by Massenbach, whom he had appointed chief of the staff. The plan adopted by the Duke, on the advice of Scharnhorst, was, on the contrary, to advance on his right, to hold the highlands of the Thuringian Forest, and thence deliver a crushing flank attack on the advancing French forces, according as their advance was made from the north or the south, which as yet was un- certain. No less an authority than Clausewitz has said that, if this plan had been carried out then and there, the Prussian army could not have failed to drive the French over the Rhine. 1 But at this moment, on September 23, the King joined the headquarters of the army at Naumbourg, and a repetition of 1792 at once began. From the moment of his arrival all unity in the command of the army was gone. Nobody really knew who was supreme. ' Are the headquarters to be called royal or ducal ? ' Scharnhorst wrote to his daughter ; ' I know not. ' 2 The result was seen in endless con- ferences and loss of time. Nor was the confusion diminished by the appearance of the Queen at the side of her consort, with a numerous retinue of ladies and attendants. The royal presence, indeed, might have been specially devised to give a fatal 1 Life of Scharnhorst, i. 415. - Ibid. i. 416. ii4 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, development to the natural tendency of the Duke to hesitate. When he spoke of the plan of campaign he now began, as in 1792, to refer to himself more as a critic than as a commander. Success, he told Gentz, was possible on condition that no great mistakes were made. ' But it is upon you,' replied Gentz, ' that we rely to prevent them.' 1 On the 25th the King at last ratified the adoption of the Duke's proposals ; but the moment the military situation was clear political difficulties arose to create further delays. The punctilious desire of the King to throw the blame of the actual commencement of hostilities on France caused him to decline to permit a forward movement till the final reply of Napoleon to the royal ultimatum had been received. The precious days between Septem- ber 25 and October 7 were thus lost 2 Those days Napoleon employed in pouring his army across Germany. On September 28 he was at Mainz. Oh October 9 he had captured Coburg. Meanwhile nothing but endless conferences were proceeding at the royal headquarters. By the 7th it was not only clear that Napoleon was halfway across Germany, but that the opportunity of attacking and outflank- ing the advancing French force was almost gone. A final council of war was held at Erfurt on 1 Gentz, Mdmoires et Lettres Inedits, p. 293. - Life of Scharnhorst, i. 423-4. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 115 October 5, and it continued to sit for two days. Boyen has left a sad description of the effect of these perpetual councils, and of the consequent loss of authority by the Duke, whose mind for a moment seems to have been almost unhinged by the wranglings of Massenbach and his supporters and the constant ill-will of Kalckreuth. It soon began to leak out that strong divisions of opinion existed. On one occasion the disputes between the generals became so loud and indecent that they could be distinctly heard by the officers of the staff at dinner in the adjoining room. 1 It would seem that in all these discussions the Duke hardly ever failed to take the correct view of the military situation, but was never able to say a round ' No' to the foolish alternatives proposed. The result was seen in the puerile compromises adopted at a moment when definite action was a matter of life and death. Hohenlohe was thereby finally enabled, by an interpretation placed on the resolutions of the council of war, to begin to cross the Thuringian Saale with his army to the right bank, rashly throwing part of it forward to Saalfeld. A fatal blow was thus struck at the governing conception of the Duke and Scharnhorst, that the Prussian army was not to be divided. Meanwhile the rest of the army moved, under the Duke, to form a camp at 1 Boyen, i. 156. I 2 n6 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, Hochdorf and Blankenhaym, intending thence to move forward according to circumstances. 1 The result was that on the loth by which time Napoleon's reply had been received the advanced guard of the Prince of Hohenlohe's army was defeated at Saalfeld, and Prince Louis of Prussia, the hope of the military party, was killed in action. Kalckreuth's party then sent a memorial to the King, asking that the Duke should be relieved of his command : an unheard-of proceeding in the Prussian army, and contrary to every notion of discipline. But worse was to follow. While Hohenlohe had pushed forward his army in the dangerous manner just described, he at the same time had failed to carry out that portion of the Duke's orders which directed him to observe the great road from Nuremberg, passing through Gera and Hof, to Naumbourg. These orders were given in order that, if a French division attempted to turn the Prussian left, it should meet with resistance, and the news be brought at once to the Duke. It was not yet clear at the Prussian headquarters if the French advance would be supported by a turning movement on the Prussian right or the Prussian left, or possibly on both. That one or other would be attempted was considered certain. The task of watching the road had been entrusted to General 1 Life of Scharnhorst) i. 428. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 117 Tauenzien, whose failure to carry out his orders has been the object of as much adverse comment as the failure of General Grouchy to arrive in time at Waterloo. An absolute identity of purpose had hitherto existed between the Duke and Scharnhorst ; but now differences arose. When the news of the disaster of Saalfeld arrived, it would seem that Scharnhorst was still in favour of offensive operations against the French left, and did not consider it was too late. The Duke, on the other hand, determined on forming a fortified camp at Weimar, supported on the right by Riichel, who was at Gotha, and on the left by Hohenlohe, who received peremptory orders not to allow his army to get out of touch with the Prussian centre commanded by the Duke. Scharn- horst at the same time admitted that strong argu- ments did exist for this plan ; failing his own, it was the best. Preparations with this object had been actually commenced when, on the night of the I2th, the news arrived like a thunderclap that Marshal Davoust had got past Tauenzien, unknown to that general, and had seized Naumbourg. Naumbourg lay in the rear of the Prussian army, and was the base for provisioning it ; indeed, as already seen, the Duke had himself selected it in his original plan as the pivot of all his military operations. The Duke on the news of this disaster determined, n8 contrary still to Scharnhorst's opinion, on retiring in haste with his whole army along the road from Weimar to Merseburg, on the Lower Saale, where he could join the reserve forces of the Prince of Wtirtemberg, and either fight a pitched battle at once or retreat behind the almost impregnable line of the Elbe, and hold it till the Russian army could arrive the course which Sir Edward Hamley considers was that which ought to have been followed from the beginning of the war. 1 With this view it was decided to follow the road from Weimar to Auerstadt, which, joining the road from Naumbourg near Hassenhausen, leaves Naumbourg on the right and, passing through the defile of Kosen, eventually reaches the river Unstrut. It was the intention of the Duke then to cross the Unstrut, and so reach Merseburg-on-the-Saale and join his reserves. Hohenlohe's army was ordered to avoid fighting a pitched battle, but to protect the retreat and then follow. But here again precious time was lost in a council of war, at a time when minutes counted. At last, when the Duke got his way, the movement of retreat was executed with a skill which excited the admiration of so competent a critic as General Rapp. 2 But when the neighbourhood of Hassen- hausen was reached, at an early hour on the morn- 1 Operations of War. ' On the Campaign of 1 806.' 2 Boy en, \. 160. Memoires du General Rapp, p. 80. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 119 ing of the I4th, Davoust's army, it was found, had already crossed the Saale from Naumbourg, had occupied the pass of Kosen, and was entering the village of Hassenhausen in the dense fog of the autumn morning, just as the Prussian vanguard under Blticher were feeling their way into it under similar difficulties. The night had been spent by the Duke among his principal officers. Marshal Moellendorff and Colonel Kleist supped with him ; but he ate little and was seen to be pensive. ' Who knows,' he said, ' where we shall all of us be to-morrow ? ' Then he suddenly observed : ' The I4th of October has always been an unlucky date in my family.' He retired at midnight, and slept in full uniform, in his boots, and with his orders on. He rose at three, and at five mounted his horse. 1 ' In battle,' says the Prussian general Valentini, ' the Duke was always a genuine " hero." He bore the most extreme fatigue with as much courage as the humblest private soldier of his army ; and he was now seen at the age of seventy-one years displaying a marvellous activity and sleeping in his clothes on the field of battle, only allowing a few moments to sleep, and rising at the break of day.' 2 At this moment Boyen 1 These particulars and others which follow are taken from some notes in the article in the Biographie Universelle (new edition), by an eyewitness. - Valentini, 75, Galerie des Caractires Prussiens. Massenbac/i, 120 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, arrived. He had been sent the day before with the Duke's final orders to the Prince of Hohenlohe to protect the retreat and to hold strongly the bridges over the Saale at Lobstadt and Dornburg, in order to prevent Bernadotte, who was near Cambourg, making a flank attack. Boyen returned in the early hours of the morning, just as the Duke was mounting his horse. On seeing him the Duke dismounted, seized him by the arm in friendly fashion, and rushed up the stairs with him to the King's apartment at such a pace that Boyen could hardly keep step, and could only wonder at his wonderful physical vitality. The Duke had advised that the attack should be deferred till the fog rose ; but the aged Moellendorff now said that under similar circumstances he remembered how Winterfeld had told Frederic the Great that ' the eggs were only the better for being fresh,' and as this reminiscence of the aged veteran coincided with the wishes of the fiery Bliicher, the advanced guard plunged into the fog, and met with a severe check. After this disastrous commencement further operations were deferred. ' The Duke as soon as the fog began to clear ' we are quoting Boyen's narrative ' occupied himself with the greatest activity in getting an idea of the ground and of the i. 171. Chuquet, Invasion Prussienne, p. 123. The 1 4th of October was the date of the defeat of Frederick the Great by Marshal Daun at Hochkirken in 1 758. One of the brothers of the Duke was killed there. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 121 direction of the enemy's march ; and I must acknow- ledge for it is only the truth that he showed a resolution which in the days preceding the battle he seemed to have lost. The roar of the cannon restored his soldierly bearing to the ancient warrior. I have more than once had occasion to observe, in the case of men of unquestioned bravery, that they have shown a want of self-command before the fight began, but directly they enter the circle of real danger they once more find in their bosom their old manly self-reliance. The struggle between the sense of duty and mental anxiety is over, and honour wins the day.' 1 The Duke had entrusted the attack on the left wing to the leadership of Scharnhorst, but he intended the principal attack to be on the right. His plan was to seize some low hills which on that side commanded Hassenhausen. He fixed his glance firmly on these heights as he rode with Boyen by his side. ' Yonder,' he exclaimed, pointing with his hand, ' is the key to victory ; if we can once occupy those heights with infantry, victory is ours ; ' and he gave orders to Boyen to ride up to the advancing divisions and give them the required direction. ' Send there all the troops you can, wherever you find them.' Boyen rode off to carry out these orders. The Duke then put himself, 1 Boyen, 165. 122 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, with his usual disregard of personal danger, at the head of the attack on the centre of the village. The mist rose, and in the light of the October morning the French position became visible. The military dispositions of the Duke by midday were proving entirely successful. The French army, though outnumbered, offered indeed a splendid resistance ; but their loss was enormous, as Marshal Davoust's report proves. 1 Scharnhorst's attack on the left was steadily gaining ground, and the heights on the right were being successfully occupied, when suddenly the Duke was severely wounded. Tou- longeon, one of Napoleon's generals, says that the Duke in former campaigns had always been too ready to play the part of a simple soldier if the moment seemed to require it. On more than one occasion he had been known to advance alone, or almost alone, to the very edge of the position of the enemy ; and he now paid the penalty with his life for his almost reckless bravery. He had sent all his orderly officers on various missions, and had placed himself at the head of the Grenadiers of Hamstein, in front of the village of Hassenhausen, to encourage them, when a shot traversed his nose, grazing both his eyes and blinding him. He fell on to a heap of stones, but succeeded in remounting 1 This report has recently been published : ' Operations du troi- sieme corps 1806-1807. Rapport du Marechal Davout, public par son neveu, le Ge'ne'ral Davout, due d' Auerstadt.' Paris, 1896. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 123 his horse, a private soldier supporting him. In this state, with his face covered with a handkerchief, he was seen riding along the different divisions of the army. But he was soon obliged to give up the effort, and, accompanied by the celebrated surgeon Folger, had to leave the field of battle in a litter. Boyen had just returned from executing his orders, and Scharnhorst had sent to ask for more cavalry on the left in order to complete the French discomfiture on that side, when the fatal event took place. General confusion at once arose. It sounds almost incredible, but the King could neither be induced to take the active command himself nor to give it to anybody else. The army practically broke up into separate divisions, and all unity of action ceased. The sequel is too well known to need repetition. ' At Auerstadt,' says Boyen, ' it required real skill to lose the battle. Everything was peculiarly to our advan- tage. If only we used our means properly the corps of Marshal Davoust must have been annihilated. The Duke appeared to intend to make a comparatively weak attack by the left and to strike heavily on the right. Although the opposite would, in my opinion, have been the better course, nevertheless I am convinced that if the Duke had not been wounded victory was ours on that line of action equally with the other, for numbers and the character of the ground, all, as already stated, was favourable to us, if only unity of command had been maintained.' l 1 Boyen, i. 197. See too, Life of Scharnhorst, i. 438. Lord Holland (Memoirs of the Whig Party, ii. 23), writing apparently from the 124 Marshal Kalckreuth meanwhile was on the heights of Eckartsberga, within hearing nay, within sight of the battle ; but profiting by a literal interpretation of his instructions, he looked down at the battle raging at his ' feet under the lead of the hated " Brunswicker," with his " Hano- verian" chief of the staff, "as if it was all a theatrical piece with which he had no concern." ' ' Our defeat,' says Boyen, ' was written in the Book of Fate, but, none the less, Marshal Kalckreuth, who considered himself a great general, and sneered at everybody else, committed a very grave error.' ] The author of the ' Life of Scharnhorst ' compares his conduct to that of the Genoese when, from the summit of the Tower of Galata, they looked down unconcerned on the capture of Constantinople by the Turks. 2 It is remarkable that Davoust always con- sidered that the danger of destruction which he so narrowly escaped was largely caused by conduct on the part of Bernadotte similar to that of Kalckreuth. Bernadotte also justified himself by a literal con- struction of his instructions. He remained at Dornburg-on-the-Saale, instead of marching to the assistance of Davoust at Naumbourg, although he information of an eyewitness, speaks of 'the skill and decision, the courage and generalship,' displayed by the Duke on the field of battle, and contrasts them with 'the folly and irresolution' of his previous movements. 1 Boyen, i. 197, 198. Gentz, Memoires et Lettres Inedits, 231, 330. Scharnhorsl, i. 438. Hardenberg, iii. 204. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 125 could distinctly hear the noise of the action, and left his brother-marshal to get out of his difficult situa- tion as best he could. Meanwhile, and on the same day, Napoleon had destroyed the army of the Prince of Hohenlohe at Jena, and the rout was complete. The death of the Duke had caused the defeat at Auerstadt. Equally fatal was his disappearance to the conduct of the retreat when the battle had been lost. ' His death,' says Massenbach, 'at this moment was, notwithstanding all the failings of this unfortunate commander, a great loss. He still represented the unity of command. Danger always doubled his courage. The Duke would have once more restored order into the whole. In former years I had had occasion to admire him on the retreats from Champagne and Alsace. With a strong hand he kept everything together. Everybody obeyed him. He imposed obedience on all. He was the kernel round which everything gathered. In the hour of disaster the Duke was a great man.' ] He was withdrawn from the field of battle in a 1 Massenbach, Denkiviirdigkeiten, p. II. This work is one of a series of writings which Massenbach published to justify his own con- duct and that of the Prince of Hohenlohe, and to explain the surrender of their army at Prentzlau. A list of these writings will be found in vol. i. p. 533 of the Life of Scharnhorst. M. Lehmann points out that in regard to the facts of the campaign historians had hitherto trusted a great deal too much to Massenbach's statements, to which the Recollections of General -von Boyen are a useful corrective. The most complete account of the campaign from a military point of view is to be found in Hopfner, Feldzttg -von 1806, voL i. i 2 6 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, pitiable condition, but he decided to undertake the journey to Brunswick over the Hartz that same night. Not a complaint escaped him, not a word unworthy of himself. He said to Folger : ' I shall always be blind. Well, at my age that is not so bad after all.' At Brunswick his Ministers entreated him not to remain, since the French would be there in four-and-twenty hours. 'That is rather soon,' replied the Duke, ' but what is the good of flying from them ? ' ' Your Highness does not know what he is exposing himself to.' There were rumours of the personal fury of the conqueror against the Duke. ' I will tell you,' replied the Duke ; ' I have long known the French, and better than you do. They will respect an old general wounded on the field of battle. The officers will give balls and go to the theatre ; the soldiers will kiss the girls a little. Take care of the billets, and see that they want nothing. I feel sure that there is a courier of the Emperor's on the road to know how I am.' Non erat his tern-pus is the observation of Beugnot, whose narrative we quote. The. day of the Chevalier d'Assas and of the Count de Gisors, of the chivalry and courtesies of war, was over. The Duke only yielded on being told by Wolfradt, his old chief of the staff of 1793, that his presence at Brunswick would be a pretext for aggravating the horrors of a military occupation. Then he con- DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 127 sented to be carried elsewhere. ' I feel,' he said, ' I am too weak to bear a long journey, but if my presence here is likely to add to the misfortunes of my subjects I must leave the place, and I hesitate no longer.' l It was determined to remove him over the Ltineburger Heide to Hamburg, under the idea that he might thence be conveyed to England. Before leaving he sent a message recommending his family and his subjects to the mercy of the conqueror. The reply was a proclamation in the official ' Gazette ' at Berlin, of which Napoleon was now in possession : ' What would the Duke say/ so it ran, ' if I made the town of Brunswick suffer the destruction with which, fifteen years ago, he threatened the capital of the great people whom I rule over? The Duke of Brunswick had dis- avowed the insensate manifesto of I/92. 2 It might have been believed that with advancing years reason would have begun to triumph over passion ; and yet once more he has come and lent the authority of his name to the follies of a giddy younger generation, which have destroyed Prussia. It was for him to make the women and the courtiers and the young officers find their proper place, and to impose on all the authority of his age, his well- informed mind, and his high position. He was not strong enough to do this, and the Prussian Monarchy is over- thrown, and the State of Brunswick is in my possession. Tell " General Brunswick " that he will have the respect due to an officer ; but I decline to recognise a sovereign prince in a general of the* Prussian army.' 3 1 Beugnot, i. ch. x. 2 See p. 57 supra. 3 Memoires du Gtnfral Rapp^ pp. 94-97, which contains the full i 2 8 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, So the decree went forth for the incorporation of the little State in the Confederation of the Rhine ; but before it could reach the Duke he was beyond praise or blame. He at first bore the northward journey well, showing the most extraordinary physical strength, notwithstanding the intensity of his sufferings. ' If God,' he said, 'will leave me but one of my eyes, I shall be satisfied.' But on the second day of the journey a violent inflammation attacked the wound, and his brain became affected. In this condition he arrived on the 29th at Ottensen, near Altona. ' His entrance into that city,' says Bourrienne, ' afforded a striking example of the vicissitudes of fortune. He was on a wretched litter, borne by ten men, without officers, without domestics, followed by a troop of vagabonds and children, who were drawn together by curiosity. He was lodged in a miserable inn, and was so worn out by fatigue and the pain of his eyes that on the day after his arrival a report of his death very generally prevailed. He declined to receive visitors, and expired on the loth of the month,' in the arms of Colonel Metzner. 1 He was buried at Ottensen, in the same graveyard as Klopstock, who had text. The version in Thiers, Consulat et Empire, vii. livre xxv. p. 177, is inaccurate. 1 Bourrienne, Memoires, vol. iii. 356. Some details will be found in an article, ' Recollections of a Black Brunswicker,' in Macmillari 1 s Magazine, vol. Ixxvii. 452. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 129 died shortly before in 1804 : Klopstock, who had called on him to resign his command in 1792. There, too, shortly after were laid the victims of Davoust's brutal tyranny in Hamburg, whose flight was in the winter. The place became the pilgrimage of patriotic Germans in the years of oppression and tyranny which followed 1806, and is celebrated in Riickert's patriotic verse. 1 ' The Duke of Brunswick,' Lord Malmesbury wrote from England, ' is, of course, being dead, said to be the planner of this battle and the cause of its loss. This I do not credit, as, whatever faults he had, his military science and personal courage were most extraordinary.' 2 Nations forgive much to those who perish in battle ; and, notwithstanding the fatal want of will or of ambition call it which we may of the man whom Stein described as the Suetonius Paulinus of his time, Germany has re- membered the merits, rather than the failings, of the Duke. Too frequently, no doubt, he had been found to be ' naturally prone to delay ' when rapid action was desirable, and had preferred ' cautious counsels ' when bolder measures were required by the situation, and thought it wise ' to calculate 1 Gesammelte Lieder von Friedrich Ruckert, vol. iii. pp. 275-81, ' Die Graber zu Ottensen.' 2 Malmesbury, Memoirs, iv. 365, who mentions a curious report, current at the time, that the Duke was shot by a treacherous hand : but there is no foundation for the story, which is not even mentioned in the German authorities. K 130 DUKE OF BRUNSWICK chances ' rather than to trust to fortune ; but all this was forgiven, because not only had he in peace proved himself one of the wisest and most liberal rulers of the time, but also, and mainly, because he fell for his country on the field of battle, sword in hand, in the time of need, and thus justified the early judgment of his royal uncle, that Nature had destined him for a hero. 1 1 ' Cunctator natura, cui cauta potius consilia cum ratione quam prospera ex casu placerent' (Tacitus, Histories, ii. 25). See Life of Scharnhorst, i. 305. APPENDIX i SCHREIBEN DES HERZOGS VON BRAUNSCHWEIG AN DEN KONIGL. PREUSSISCHEN OBRISTEN UND GENERAL-ADJUTANTEN MANNSTETN D.D. PIRMA- SENS DEN 27. AUGUST DER FEIND macht allerhand Versuche auf unsere Vor- posten ; die Kontrelection ist, ihm auf den Hals zu gehen. Dieses kann aber nicht anders, als durch zwei Marsche geschehen, vvovon der leztere schon im Lothringischen ist. Verbieten politische Riicksichten alle Offensiv-Bewegungen in diesem Augenblick, wo sicherlich dem Feinde Abbruch zugefuget werden konnte : so ersuche zu meiner Legitima- tion, und um mich selbst in den Augen der Armee zu dekken, von S r Majestat dem Kbnige mir eine ostensible Ordre zu verschaffen : ' dass bis auf weitere Ordre die samtlichen, diesseits dem Voghesischen Gebirge postirten Korps der Konigl. Preuss. Armee, keine Offensiv-Bewe- gung gegen den Feind machen und die Grenzen iiber- schreiten sollen.' Dieses allein kann mich ausser aller Verantwortung setzen ; sonsten sehe ich mich zum Voraus der beissend- sten Kritik ausgesezt. Ich erwarte mit Verlangen Antwort iiber diesen fiir mich sehr wichtigen Punkt. 1 These documents are to be found in Massenbach, Memoiren t vol. i. pp. 189-191. K 2 132 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, ANTWORT DES OBRISTEN VON MANSTEIN D.D. EDEN- KOBEN, DEN 28. AUGUST 1793. Ewr. Durchlaucht werden aus dem von Sr. Konig. Majestat zu erhaltenden Kopien des Rapports vom General von Wurmser und der Konigl. Antwort, die eigentlichen Ursachen ersehen, weshalb des Konigs Majestat in diesem Augenblick keine Offensiv-Bewegung zu machen, intentionirt sind, um namlich hiedurch dem zu ervvartenden Operationsplane des Wiener Hofes nicht etwan entgegen zu handeln. KABINETSCHREIBEN S R KONIGL. MAJESTAT VON PREUS- SEN AN DEN HERZOG VON BRAUNSCHWEIG, D.D. EDENKOBEN, DEN 28. AUGUST 1793. Ewr. Durchl. nehme ich nicht Umgang, den zulezt eingegangenen Rapport des Generals Grafen von Wurmser anliegend mitzutheilen, und wenn gleich aus selbigem nicht erhellet, wie stark der Verlust ist, den die K.K. Truppen erlitten haben, so ist doch anderweit bekannt geworden, dass er nicht unbetrachtlich gewesen. Da bei dem Allen der Graf von Wurmser sich immer noch im Bienenwalde zu halten, und sich iiber Neuberg, Hagen- bach, Bichelberg, Frekkenfeld nach Billikem zu extendiren gedenkt : so habe Ich nicht umhin gekonnt, die gleich- massig abschriftlich angebogene Antwort an ihn zu erlassen. Ewr. Ex: werden daraus des Mehreren entneh- men, dass von Seiten des Wiener Hofes ein Operationsplan erwartet wird, und da Mein Wille dahin gerichtet ist, nach den Wunschen des Wiener-Hofes, in den militairischen Operationen zu Werke zu gehen : so wird es jezt am aller- besten sein, unserer Seits nur Deutschland soweitmoglich gegen alle Invasionen des Feindes zu dekken, und so die Decision des Wiener Hofes abzuwarten. FRIEDRICH WILHELM. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 133 II COPIE D'UNE LETTRE ECRITE PAR LE DUG DE BRUNS- WICK AU ROI DE PRUSSE EN DATE DU 6 JANVIER, I794- 1 Sire ! Je suis peneire de la plus respectueuse recon- noissance de tout ce qu'Elle daigne me dire. Mes rapports auront prouve a Votre Majeste que j'ai eu le bonheur de rencontrer ses hautes intentions. Elle daignera se con- vaincre que rien ne me tient plus au cceur. La crainte d'ennuyer V.M. de quelques details qui me sont personnels, m'engage de joindre igi un M^moire, et je la conjure de le lire avec bonte. J'en appelle a la justice et la droiture des sentimens de V.M. qui font le bonheur de ses peuples, si Elle peut blamer ma demarche, et s'il ne doit m'importer tres essen- tiellement de mettre mon honneur a couvert. (Signe) CHARLES W DUG DE BRUNSWICK LUNEBURG. a oppenheim le 6 Janvier 1794. MEMOIRE ENVOY A SA MAJEST LE ROI, D'OPPENHEIM, DU 6 JANVIER i?94. 2 Les motifs, Sire, qui me forwent a demander mon rappel de 1'armee, sont fond6s sur I'experience malheureuse que j'ai faite : que le manque d'ensemble, la mefiance, 1'egoisme et 1'esprit de cabale a detruit durant deux campagnes de suite toutes les mesures prises, et fait echouer les projets concertes des armees combinees. Accable du malheur d'etre enveloppe par les fautes d'autrui, dans la situation tres facheuse, ou je me trouve, 1 Massenbach, Memoiren, vol. i. pp. 363-366. These letters are given in German at pp. 445-448. - Ibid. vol. i. 134 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, je sens vivement que le monde juge les militaires d'apres les succes sans en examiner la cause. La Iev6e du blocus de Landau fera epoque dans 1'histoire de cette malheureuse guerre, et j'ai la douleur d'etre cruellement compromis ; je ne m'aveugle pas pour me faire illusion que j'echapperai a la critique ; je sens au contraire qu'elle tombera sur moi, et que 1'innocent sera confondu avec le coupable. Malgre toutes ces adversits je ne me serois point laisse aller a mettre a Vos pieds, Sire, mon desir pour quitter une carriere, qui a fait la principale occupation de mes jours ; mais quand on a perdu ses peines, son travail, ses efforts, quand, a Mayence pres, les fruits de toute la campagne sont perdus, et qu'il n'y a aucun espoir, qu'une troisieme campagne offrira des resultats plus avantageux, quel parti reste-t-il a prendre a l'homme le plus z61e et le plus attache a Votre Majeste et a la cause, que celui d'eviter de nouveaux malheurs ? Les memes raisons diviseront les puissances coalisees qui les ont divis6es jusqu'ici ; les mouvements des armees souffriront, comme ils en ont souffert ; leur marche en sera ralentie, embarrassed ; et le retard du retablissement de 1'armee prussienne, politiquement necessaire, peut-etre deviendra la cause d'un autre cote d'une suite de malheurs pour la campagne prochaine, dont les consequences sont incalculables. Ce n'est point la guerre qui me rpugne ; ce n'est point elle que je cherche a eviter ; mais c'est le deshonneur que je redoute dans une position, ou les fautes des autres generaux tombent et retourneront toutes sur moi, et ou je ne pourrois jamais agir ni d'apres mes principes, ni d'apres mes propres vues. Votre Majeste se rappella peut-etre ce que j'ai eu 1'honneur de Vous representer, Sire, le jour du depart de V.M. d'Eschweiler. J'ai prevu mes embarras, mes peines et mes malheurs ; j'ai employe tous mes efforts de rem6dicr DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 135 aux inconveniens ; malheureusement pour moi 1'effet en a prouve 1'insuffisance. Ce n'est done que la persuasion intime que j'ai de rimpossibilite" d'operer le bien qui me dicte la demarche de supplier tres-humblement V.M. de me nommer un succes- seur le plutot possible. Cette demarche tres affligeante pour moi, est cependant une suite des tristes reflexions que j'ai faites sur mon sort. La prudence exige ma retraite, et 1'honneur la conseille. Lorsqu'une grande nation, telle que la frangaise, est conduite par la terreur des supplices et 1'enthousiasme aux grandes actions, une meme volonte, le meme principe, devroit pr6sider la demarche des puissances coalisees. Mais lorsque an lieu de cela, chaque armee agit seule pour elle-meme sans aucun plan fixe, sans unite", sans principe et sans methode, les resultats en sont tels que nous les avons vus a Dunkerke, a la levee du blocus de Maubeuge, au Sac de Lyon, a la destruction de Toulon, et a la Iev6e du blocus de Landau. Veuille le ciel preserver surtout V.M. et ses armies de plus grands malheurs ; mais tout est a craindre, si la confiance, 1'harmonie, 1'unite de principes et d'actions ne prennent la place des sentimens opposes, qui depuis deux ans sont la cause de tous nos malheurs. Mes vceux accompagneront sans cesse toutes les demarches de V.M. et Votre gloire, Sire, fera mon bonheur. 136 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, III DENKSCHRIFT DES HERZOGS VON BRAUNSCHWEIG.' Berlin, 31 Decembre 1805. Les malheurs inouis, produits par 1'inconsequence, 1'im- prudence, et 1'eloignement de toute sagesse dans la conduite des armies russes et autrichiennes, ont amene un ordre de choses qui, tout facheux et embarrassant qu'il puisse etre, exige cependant une determination prompte, pour eviter des avanies de la part de 1'Empereur Napoleon, lesquelles, en les repoussant avec les succes auxquels les armees du roi ont droit de s'attendre, ne conduiraient neanmoins a aucun avantage reel pour la Prusse. II s'ensuit de la qu'on ne saurait se dispenser d 'accepter la convention du 15 decembre, se menageant cependant quelques excep- tions, propres a preVenir 1'isolement de la Prusse du reste de 1'Europe, et nommement de la Russie, et en rejetant tout 1'odieux que 1'acquisition du pays de Hanovre pourrait produire un jour, aux yeux de la malveillance, sur la ne"cessit6 d'empecher que ce pays ne devint le partage d'un prince de la maison d'Autriche. D'apres ces points de vue, je hasarde de proposer que 1'alliance a conclure avec la France ne soit que defensive. Voici, ce me semble, les motifs a alle"guer a 1'Empereur Napoleon. II n'ignore pas que la Prusse a un traite d'alliance avec la Russie anterieur a la convention du 3 novembre : elle ne saurait ni le rompre, ni exciter un haut degre de mefiance centre elle, si la France, comme elle le desire, veut que la Prusse reste en mesure avec la Russie pour la ramener a un rapprochement avec la France. D'ailleurs la Prusse doit faire retrograder les troupes russes d'une maniere amicale, operer par les Russes sur les 1 Denkivurdigkeiten des Staatskanzlers Furs ten von Hardenberg, vol. v. p. 259. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 137 * Anglais et les Suedois dans le pays de Hanovre, par consequent eloigner tout soup9on qui pourrait causer de 1'aigreur contre elle. Or il n'y a sur le continent, apres les pertes que 1'Autriche essuie, aucune puissance que la Russie contre laquelle un traite offensif pourrait etre applicable. Si cependant, malgre toutes ces raisons, 1'Empereur Napoleon devait insister sur 1'expression du terme offensif, je soumets a peser si on ne pourrait avoir recours a 1'expedient de dresser un article separe et secret, par lequel les cas particuliers qui pourraient obliger la Prusse a 1'offensive fussent explicitement enonces. D'un autre cote on pourrait rappeler a la Russie que 1'empereur Alexandre proposa lui-meme une convention, dans laquelle la France devait entrer, pour servir de garantie mutuelle a la suret^ des possessions respectives. Un autre motif qui pourrait servir a rapprocher la Russie de la France serait celui de lui donner a connaitre, selon 1'opinion de Laforest, que le roi de Naples pourrait etre sauve par son inter- vention. J'ignore si, relativement a la prise de possession du pays de Hanovre apres la paix avec 1'Angleterre, on ne pourrait glisser dans 1'art. 2 du memoire Explicatif : ' Sa Majeste accepte cette cession que Sa Majeste 1'Empereur Napoleon compte lui faire, d'autant plus que l'6tablissement d'un prince etranger dans le nord de 1'Allemagne n'aurait offert qu'une source nouvelle aux inconvenients auxquels on s'occupait de remedier.' On ne saurait, ce me semble, donner assez a connaitre que le roi n'accepte le pays de Hanovre sans compensation pour le roi d'Angleterre, que pour preVenir que la France ne 1'assigne a la paix a quelqu'autre, et qu'en consequence c'est devenu plus une mesure de necessite" que de simple convenance. Si au reste le but de cette alliance, que je ne puis regarder que comme peYilleuse pour la Prusse, vu qu'il n'est que trop a apprehender que Parriere-pensee de 1'empereur Napoleon ne soit de nous isoler, de nous employer a ses propres vues 138 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, lorsqu'il le jugera a propos de forcer la Prusse a faire la guerre pour la France a ses propres frais et depens, si, dis- je, cette alliance peut servir a calmer pour le moment les maux qu'une imprudence vraiment criminelle a attires sur 1'Allemagne et 1'Italie, nous conserver des rapports d'amitie avec la Russie, et eUoigner de la Prusse les impressions facheuses que la privation du roi d Angleterre de son patrimoine peut faire naitre, je crois qu'on pourra se feliciter d'avoir empeche des maux plus considerables de ceux qui existent deja, et de devenir, pour ainsi dire, le moderateur des effervescences politiques intarissables de cet homme extraordinaire, que les fautes inepuisables de ses adversaires, autant que son habilete, son intelligence et son audace, ont eleve a la puissance demesur^e dont il jouit en Europe. CHARLES DUG DE BRUNSWICK. LETTRE DU Due DE BRUNSWICK A HARDENBERG, 1 6 MARS I806. 1 Monsieur ! II ne m'est pas possible d'exprimer a Votre Excellence ce que j'ai ressenti en apprenant le triste denouement de la negociation de Paris ; tout est a sauver si on le veut, mon rapport vous en dira le reste, pourvu que Ton decide. Je compte d'etre le 23 ou le 24 a Berlin, et j'espere de mettre sous les yeux de Votre Excellence plusieurs objets qui pourront devenir utiles. Que Ton abandonne 1'idee de s'approprier Hambourg. Cela ne plairait tout au plus qu'a Paris, pour nous brouiller entiere- ment avec toutes les puissances qui ne flechissent pas devant le dispensateur des trones. CHARLES, DUC DE BRUNSWICK. Mem el, le 16 mars 1806, 1 Denkwurdigkeiten des Staatskanzlers Fursten von Hardenberg, vol. ii. p. 568. DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 139 RAPPORT DU Due DE BRUNSWICK AU Roi DE PRUSSE, 1 6 MARS I806. 1 Sire ! Arrivd a Memel, je n'ai rien de plus press6 que d'informer tres humblement Votre Majeste que ce fut le 1 1 mars, au sortir de la porte de Saint- P6tersbourg, que je re^us par le chasseur Hacke la lettre dont Votre Majeste m'a honore en date du 27 fevrier ; je rentrai tout de suite en ville et me rendis chez M. le comte de Goltz, ne pouvant retourner au palais de 1'Empereur, ayant pris conge la veille de Sa Majeste\ Je me fis annoncer incessamment au prince Czartoryski ; il vint me trouver lui- meme, et en lui remettant votre lettre, Sire, a Sa Majeste 1'Empereur, je lui fis la lecture de la lettre ostensible que Votre Majeste avait daigne m'adresser. Comme on avait cru prevoir que 1'Empereur Napoleon n'accepterait pas le memoire explicatif, comme on en avait fait mention dans la premiere note de 1'Empereur jointe a mon rapport du 25 feVrier, on etait moins surpris d'un proced aussi peu amical de 1'Empereur Napoleon et aussi peu compatible avec les sentiments d'un allie" ; cependant le prince Czar- toryski marqua des craintes que les preventions du gouverne- ment fran^ais ne se borneraient pas la ; qu'elles iraient successivement en augmentant, et que t6t ou tard vos interets, Sire, pourraient se trouver dangereusement com- promis. Appele chez 1'Empereur, je le trouvais ex- cessivement emu, il avait peine a m'exprimer son profond chagrin, et se trouvait hors d'etat de pouvoir crire a Votre Majest6. En voyant ce prince si profondement touche, je demandais la permission a Sa Majeste de noter sous ses yeux ce qu'il desira qui parvint prealablement en reponse a Votre Majeste. II me dicta alors, les larmes a 1'ceil, les lignes que j'ai 1'honneur de joindre avec le plus 1 Denkwurdigkeiten des Staatskanzlers Fiirsten von Hardenberg, vol. ii. p. 568. 140 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, profond respect. L'Empereur ne doute aucunement de la sincerite de vos sentiments, Sire ; mais il craint plus que jamais que le gouvernement frangais forcera tot ou tard Votre Majeste a des demarches lesquelles, quoique contraires a vos sentiments, Sire, seront neanmoins adoptees faute d'etre prepare d'avance a resister a 1'injustice. L'Empereur espere de la que Votre Majeste trouvera de ses interets d'accepter en tout ou en partie les propositions r^ciproques et secretes entre Votre Majeste et Sa Majeste 1'Empereur que j'ai eu 1'honneur de vous presenter, Sire, par mon dernier rapport de Saint-Petersbourg du 8 mars, et il croit en outre qu'il serait de 1'interet de Votre Majeste de tenir sur le pied de guerre le plus de troupes possible ; c'est la persuasion qu'il croit avoir que c'est 1'unique moyen propre a eviter des avanies qui 1'engage a me charger de communiquer ses idees a Votre Majeste. Parmi les premiers objets qae 1'Empereur, ainsi que le prince Czartoryski, croient auxquelles la France voudra engager Votre Majeste, se trouve la fermeture des debouches de 1'Elbe et du Weser et des querelles qu'ils voudront susciter a 1'Electeur de Hesse, outre les troubles qu'ils tacheront de faire naitre a Constantinople, et dans lesquels ils chercheront a faire prendre part a Votre Majeste, centre la Russie. Vos explications ulterieures, Sire, sur le memoire qui accompagnait mon rapport du 8 de ce mois, pourront seules obvier aux doutes et incertitudes que 1'eloignement et la lenteur des communications ne cessent de faire renaitre. Je le crois de mon devoir de joindre ic,i le precis de deux conversations que j'ai cues 8 et 9 mars avec le prince Czartoryski, et qui deVeloppent plusieurs ides qu'il est des interets de Votre Majeste qu'Elle les connaisse. Daignez, Sire, continuer a compter au reste sur 1'amitie sincere et inebranlable de 1'Empereur. II est profondement afflige, mais ses sentiments et ceux de son cabinet sont parfaitement les memes. L'Empereur soutiendra Votre DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 141 Majeste avec toutes les forces des que vos interets 1'exigeront. Un des motifs principaux qui a acc61e> mon depart de Saint- Petersbourg, ou je n'ai eu d'ailleurs qu'a me louer des bonts infinies qu'on a cues pour moi, a et6 qu'on voulait m'engager a travailler a un plan militaire et a discuter le m^moire que j'ai remis a Votre Majest6. Je m'en suis excus6 en alleguant que, pour les deux objets, il me fallait des ordres expres, qu'en hatant mon voyage je m'emploierais a tout ce que Votre Majeste trquverait bon de disposer de moi. Je ne dois pas laisser ignorer a Votre Majeste qu'ayant parle a Saint-P6tersbourg au sieur Lecepce, agent com- mercial de France, et qui, par la prudence de sa conduite, s'est attir6 1'estime des personnes en place, je fais passer par cette estafette une lettre de sa part au sieur Laforest, dans laquelle il y en a une pour M. de Talleyrand, auquel il communique les observations g6n6rales que je lui ai faites d'apres les indications du prince Czartoryski, sur le rapprochement entre la Russie et la France. J'espere d'etre rendu le 23 ou 24 a Berlin aux pieds de Votre Majest6. CHARLES, DUG DE BRUNSWICK. Memel, le 16 Mars 1806. LETTRE DU Due DE BRUNSWICK A HARDENBERG, 22 MARS, I8O6. 1 Monsieur! J'ai regu entre Friedeberg et Driesen par M. d'Osorowsky la lettre en date du 20 de ce mois, dont Votre Excellence a bien voulu m'honorer. Je compte etre rendu demain 23 entre huit et neuf heures du soir a Berlin, et en suivant vos volontes, je ne manquerai pas d'en informer tout de suite Votre Excellence. Elle aura regu en attendant mon rapport du 16 de Memel, par 1 Denkwiirdigkeiten des Staatskanzlers ,-von Hardenberg, vol. v. P- 575- 142 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, lequel elle aura vu que j'ai regu au moment de sortir de Saint-Pe"tersbourg la lettre du Roi et celle de sa Majeste pour 1'Empereur. Des lettres particulieres de Berlin disent que les ratifications de Bonaparte sont arrivees apres le retour du marquis Lucchesini a Paris. C'est un repit dont je souhaite que nous profitions pour former des magasins, et pour nous arranger solidement, et dans le plus profond secret, avec la Russie. Je pourrai indiquer plusieurs modifications a la declaration reciproque pro- posee au Roi ; pourvu qu'on entre en matiere avec la Russie, et qu'on prenne grand soin de ne pas lui donner de soupgons, je me flatte que le Roi pourra en tirer grande partie. CHARLES, DUG DE BRUNSWICK. Landsberg, le 22 mars, 1806, a 10 heures du soir. GOLTZ A HARDENBERG, ST. PETERSBURG, 8 MARS, I806. 1 Monsieur le Baron ! C'est a la requisition expresse de Monseigneur le due de Brunswick que j'expedie aujourd'hui le chasseur Schmidt, dont les depeches im- portantes parviendront a Votre Excellence par la voie d'une estafette de Memel. Je n'ai dans ma position rien a y ajouter mais j'en ai une connaissance ple"niere. Le due n'a fait ici aucun pas sans s'en concerter d'avance avec moi, et j'ose me flatter qu'il me rendra la justice que mon zele lui a ete de quelque utilite. Sa mission a eu tous les succes que le moment pouvait lui assurer. La mauvaise impression du passe" est entierement detruite, et il ne depend que de nous de tirer notre parti de 1'avenir. Sa Majest6 1'Empereur, en donnant au Roi 1'autorisation de faire travailler indirectement, a 1 Denkwurdigkeiten des Staatskanzlers von Hardenberg, vol. ii. P- 547- DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 143 Paris, a un rapprochement entre la Russie et la France, lui offre le pretexte le plus plausible pour eviter tout ce qui pourrait compromettre ses relations actuelles avec la France, et pour faire a celle-ci illusion sur ce qui, en secret, fait le vceu de 1'Empereur et la base de la se'curite' de la Prusse. Je peux me vanter d'avoir eu le mrite d'engager le prince Czartoryski a revenir de ses premieres idees infiniment plus guerroyantes a une proposition qui au moins nous presente encore la chance de pouvoir conjurer 1'orage pour quelque temps. Je ne doute aussi aucune- ment que le memoire qui se trouve joint a la d^peche adressee au Roi, et dont le temps n'a pas permis de tirer copie pour le departement, ne rponde, modifications gardees, aux ide'es de V.E. Le moment est venu ou il s'agit de voter entre la Russie et la France ; si nous le negligeons, nous ne retrouverons plus les memes dis- positions dans la suite. On est dispos6 a nous soutenir de tous moyens, et ce n'est pas seulement 1'opinion de 1'Empereur ; c'est 1'opinion de toute la nation. On est dispose meme a faire de grands sacrifices pour cet effet ; daignez, Monsieur le Baron, ne pas oublier cette circonstance. Je n'ai pas besoin de dire d'ailleurs a V.E. combien il importe et a la Prusse et a la Russie que le memoire en question reste un secret pour tout le monde. II n'y a que le Roi et V.E. qui doivent en avoir connaissance. Je 1'ai lu et j'en ai tire copie par un effet tout particulier de la confiance du prince de Czartoryski. II de"sirerait que je fusse exclusivement charg de porter cet accord desir a son terme mais comment vous parler de cela, Monsieur le Baron, sans annoncer des preventions qui ne sont aucune- ment de ma competence ? Je verrai venir avec resignation, pourvu qu'on ne tarde pas a se decider. Le due de Brunswick me conjure de repr^senter & V.E. la n^cessite d'une prompte decision. II la prie d'ailleurs par mon organe de veiller au plus scrupuleux secret. II 144 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, lui dira de vive voix combien on a de soupgons a cet egard et combien cela gene les combinaisons de cette cour. L'apparition du marquis de Lucchesini a Berlin a fait beaucoup de sensation. On craintque les propositions dont il est peut-etre charge ne soient en contradiction avec les vceux de la cour d'ii ; on craint plus encore qu'on n'ait peut-etre deja pris son parti a 1'heure qu'il est sans avoir consult^ autre chose que le desir de maintenir la paix. On est fort alarme, mais tres dispose" a nous soutenir ; et c'est beaucop dans un moment ou nous n'avons rien fait pour nous concilier la confiance de cette cour. Nous avons fait des merveilles pour reussir a d6truire la defiance. Jamais je n'ai eu igi un moment plus difficile et plus embarrassant, mais le savoir-faire du due nous a ete d'une tres grande ressource. Ce venerable guerrier a inspire une confiance univer- selle. J'en ai profite pour tourner les choses au mieux. Puisse le Roi vouloir profiter de cette chance ; elle est sans doute la derniere qui se presente pour 1'independance de la monarchic prussienne. Dieu m'en est temoin je ne suis pas Russe je ne suis certainement pas paye" pour 1'etre j'ai beaucoup souffert dans ce pays-ci je connais tous les travers de la nation mais je le dois a la veiite les dispositions ne nous ont jamais ete plus favorables que dans ce moment de la crise. L'animosite" centre la France et le d6sir de tirer vengeance sur le passe les ont pouss6s au point que je reponds de la sincerite" et de I'efficacit^ de 1'assistance de cette cour. II ne depend que du Roi de parler il obtiendra tout ce qu'il voudra ; et c'est cependant un avantage, quand de 1'autre cdte* on ne fait que nous forcer a des traites desavantageux et ne pense qu'a nous humilier et nous faire la loi. Je demande pardon a V.E. mais je parle a mon chef, et le devoir veut que je disc la verite". Le due est fort inquiet de ne pas avoir regu aucun renseignement sur les affaires du moment. Le courrier DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 145 nous a etc annonce par M. d'Alopaeus, mais il n'est pas encore arrive, et cela ne cause pas peu de chagrin au due. Pardonnez, Monsieur le Baron, la vitesseavec laquelle je vous ecris. La cour et le due absorbent tellement mon temps, que je n'ai presque pas une minute a ma disposition. GOLTZ. Saint- Petersbourg, le 8 mars 1806. GOLTZ AU Roi DE PRUSSE LE 14 MARS, 1806.' Rien n'est plus triste que 1'effet qu'a produit ici la nou- velle que les derniers ordres de Votre Majest6 nous ont communiquee. Elle a rempli, Sire, le cceur de votre auguste allie de ce sentiment de douleur et de peine que seulement 1'amitie eprouve quand elle s'alarme sur la dur6e d'une liaison qui lui est chere ; et tel que le veritable ami est jaloux d'eclaircir ses doutes, tel 1'Empereur n'a des voeux que pour le parti qui puisse le plus efficacement le rassurer sur la continuation de relations de la plus intime intelligence entre la Prusse et la Russie. Ce monarque sent peut-etre plus qu'il ne le dit que le parti que Votre Majeste vient de prendre n'est que la suite d'une malheu- reuse tournure des circonstances auxquelles la Russie ne laisse pas d'avoir sa part ; mais il est intimement persuad6 qu'il est encore temps de vous mettre, Sire, a couvert du danger futur de voir interpret le traite de Vienne de maniere a vous imposer des obligations qui generaient la purete de vos intentions et l'indpendance de votre volonte\ Les sacrifices que vous portez maintenant, Sire, a la n6ces- site d'eViter la guerre sont justifies autantpar les considera- tions de 1'inegalite des chances, que par le desir de main- tenir, autant que possible, la tranquillitd dont a joui jusqu'a present le nord de PAllemagne sous votre gracieuse pro- tection. Us sont egalement expliqu^s par les justes calculs de la prudence qui ne permettent pas de commencer une 1 Denkwurdigkeiten des Staatskanslers -von Hardenberg, li. 585-7. L 146 CHARLES WILLIAM FERDINAND, lutte sans y etre prepare. Mais on ne regarde pas ces sacrifices comme les derniers que la France vous deman- dera ; on craint que la France n'y attachera d'autres pre- tentions qui, tot ou tard, vous forceront a prendre un parti plus vigoureux, et dans cette vue, le prince Czartoryski m'a encore rep6te hier que 1'Empereur vous invite, Sire, a peser dans votre sagesse les ouvertures que le due de Brunswick est charge de vous porter, en vous engageant a y repondre sans perte de temps d'une maniere categorique et positive. Le moment est venu ou, d'apres 1'opinion du ministere de Russie, la France vous forcera, Sire, d'opter entre elle et la Russie, et si je ne crois pas que les choses en soient deja a ce terme, le devoir veut cependant que je disc qu'on le suppose ici, d'apres les derniers rapports du sieur d'Alopaeus, et qu'on est doublement interesse a savoir a quoi s'en tenir a cet egard. Actuellement toutes les dispositions sont encore exclusivement pour vous, Sire ; mais plus tard, ce ne sera peut-etre plus le cas ; car la defiance et les soupgons s'en meleront et alt^reront jusqu'a la fagon de penser de 1'Empereur. S'il s'agissait de prendre les armes pour vous deTendre, Sire, il n'y a pas de sacrifice que la cour de Saint-Petersbourg ne ferait pour vous assister. L'amitie les dicterait, et 1'interet personnel de venger le passe les rendrait efficaces. Mais on prevoit avec raison qu'un tel degre de determination n'est plus de la competence du moment, et qu'il faut aviser a d'autres mesures pour y parvenir. ' Passons 1'eponge sur le passe,' me dit encore hier le prince Czartoryski, ' et preparons nous pour 1'avenir.' C'est en effet le seul but que vous presentent les ouvertures les plus r^centes de la Russie. Elle ne vous provoque pas directement a la guerre ; au contraire, elle vous laisse, Sire, la faculte de conjurer 1'orage par toutes les precautions necessaires a adopter : mais elle vous prsente la necessite de prendre des engagements eventuels et secrets, pour le double but de la consolidation d'une intimit6 que la France a le desir de detruire, et pour la surete future de DUKE OF BRUNSWICK 147 vos propres possessions. II doit raster reserve au due de Brunswick de vous expliquer, Sire, de vive voix toutes les explications rassurantes qui derivent du resultat de ses communications directes. Je ne pousserai pas 1'audace jusqu'a prevoir le parti que, d'apres les veritables interets de la Prusse, il importerait a Votre Majeste de prendre ; mais il est de mon devoir de dire que, dans tous les cas, elle trouvera 1'Empereur tres dispose a se re"gler sur les vues pour ce qui regarde la surete de 1'avenir, pourvu qu'il lui plaise de ne pas rompre entierement le fil des explica- tions a entamer sur cet objet. Cette derniere precaution me parait tres essentielle, si nous voulons conserver la Russie pour amie et ne pas la mettre dans le cas de s'opposer efficacement a 1'acquisition du Hanovre. C'est pour la premiere fois que j'ose dire mon avis ; mais, Sire, aussi le moment est tel que je serais indigne de votre confiance, si je n'avais pas I'^nergie de vous dire les choses telles qu'elles se presentent ici. Je supplie Votre Majeste de m'accorder son indulgence et d'etre persuade"e que ce que je dis n'est pas une simple conjecture. S'il fallait, pour engager la France a evacuer 1'Alle- magne, que les Russes quittent le territoire allemand aussitot que possible, il ne coutera qu'un mot a Votre Majeste pour les faire arreter en totalite sur les frontieres de la Russie et pour les y faire rester a sa disposition, fournis de magasins. Cette mesure ne pourra pas blesser la France, parce qu'elle fera probablement la meme chose avec ses armees, qu'elle fera arreter, a ce qu'on presume, derriere le Rhin, et il sera toujours bon de savoir dans ce cas les Russes rassemble's en corps et en etat de voler, en cas de besoin, a notre secours. II faudra couvrir ces mesures du plus profond secret ; mais il y aurait moyen d'y seconder, si Votre Majeste voulait m'accorder assez de confiance pour m'en charger. GOLTZ. Saint-Petersbourg, le 14 mars 1806. PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQUARE LONDON H Claesifieb Catalogue OF WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE PUBLISHED BY LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, AND 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY. CONTENTS. BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- MOIRS, &c. CHILDREN'S BOOKS CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- LATIONS, ETC. .... PAGE IO COOKERY, DOMESTIC MENT, &c. MANAGE- EVOLUTION, &c. - ANTHROPOLOGY, FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND SCIENCE OF 7 25 18 28 1 6 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL WORKS MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL WORKS POETRY AND THE DRAMA - POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- NOMICS POPULAR SCIENCE - SILVER LIBRARY (THE) SPORT AND PASTIME - STONYHURST PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE COLONIES, &c. WORKS OF REFERENCE - 29 32 19 17 24 26 10 16 9 25 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. Page Page Page Page Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 18 Balfour (Lady Betty) 5 Buck (H. A.) - - 12 Conway (Sir W. M ) n (T. K.) - -14,15 Ball (John) - - 9 Buckland (Jas.) - 25 Conybeare (Rev. W. J.) (E. A.) - - 14 Banks (M.M.)- - 20 Buckle (H. T.)- - 3 & Howson (Dean) 26 Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 Baring-Gould(Rev.S.)27,2g Buckton (C. M.) . 28 Coolidge (W. A. B.) 9 Acton (Eliza) 28 Barnett (S. A. and H.) 17 Bull (T.) 28 Corbin (M.) 25 Adeane(J. H.)- - 8 Baynes (T. S.) - - 29 Burke (U. R.) - - 3 Corbett (Julian S.) - 4 jEschylus 18 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 20 Burns (C. L.) - - 29 Coutts (W.) - - 18 Ainger (A. C.) - - 12 Beaufort (Duke of) - 10, n Burrows (Montagu) 4 Coventry (A.) - - n Albemarle (Earl of) - 10 Becker (W. A.) - 18 Butler (E. A.) - - 24 Cox (Harding) - 10 Allen (Grant) - - 24 Beddard (F. E.) - 24 (Samuel) - - 18,20 Crake (Rev. A. D.) - 55 Amos (S.) 3 Beesly (A. H.) - 7 Crawford (J. H.) - 30 Anstey (F.) - - 20 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 19 Calder(J.) - - 29 Creiehton (Bishop)- 4 Aristophanes - - 18 Bent (J. Theodore) - 9 Cameron of Lochiel 12 Crozier (J. B.) - - 7, 14 Aristotle 14 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3 Campbell(Rev.Lewis) 18,32 Curzon of Kedleston Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 9, 19 Bickerdyke (J.) u, 12, 13 Camperdown (Earl of) 7 (Lord) - - - 4 (Dr. T.) - - 3 Birt (A.) 20 CawthornelGeo.Jas.) 13 distance (Col. H. - 12 Ashbourne (Lord) - 3 BlackburnelJ. H.) - 13 Chesney (Sir G.) - 3 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 4 Ashby iH ) - - 28 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20 Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 7 Ashley (W. J.)- - 3, 17 Boase (Rev. C. W.) - 4 Cholmondeley-Pennell Dallinger (F. W.) - 5 Avebury (Lord) - 17 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 16 (H.) - ii Davidson (W. L.) 15, 16, 32 Ayre (Kev. J.) - - 25 Bosanquet (B.) - 14 Churchill(W. Spencer) 3, 20 Davies (J. F.) - - 18 Boyd (Rev. A. K.H.) 29, 32 Cicero - 18 Dent (C. T.) - - n Bacon - - - 7, 14 Brassey (Lady) - 9 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 16 De Salis (Mrs.) - 29 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 (Lord) - - 12 Clodd (Edward) -17,24 De Tocqueville (A.) - 4 Bagehot (W.) - 7, 17, 29 Bray (C.) - - - 14 Clutterbuck (W. J.)- 9 Devas (C. S.) - - 17 Bagwell (R.) - - 3 Bright (Rev. J. F.) - 3 Colenso (R. J.) - 29 Dickinson (G. L.) - 4 Bain (Alexander) - 14 Broadfoot (Major W.) 10 Coleridge (S. T.) - 19 (W. H.) - - 30 Baker (Sir S. W.) - 9, 10 Browning (H. Ellen) 9 Comparetti (D.) - 30 Dougall (L.) - - 20 Balfour (A. J.) - 11,32 Bruce (R. I.) - - 3 Conington (John) - 18 Dowden (E.) 31 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS continued. Page Page Page Page Doyle (A. Conan) - 21 Hume (David) - - 15 Mill (John Stuart) - 15, 17 Smith(W.P.Haskett) 10 Du Bois (W. E. B.)- 5 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 4 Milner (G.) - - 31 ! Somerville (E.) - 23 Dufferin (Marquis of) 12 Hunter (Sir W.) - 5 Moffat (D.) - - 13, 19 Sophocles - - 18 Dunbar (Mary F.) - 20 Hutchinson (Horace G.) Monck(W. H. S.) - 15 Soulsby (Lucy H.) - u n, 13 Montague (F. C.) - 6 Southey (R.) - - 31 Ebrington (Viscount) 12 Ellis (I. H ) - - 13 Ingelow (Jean) - 19 Ingram (T. D.) - 5 Moon (G. W.) - - 19 Spahr (C. B.) - - 17 Moore (T.) - - 25 Spedding) J.) - -7,14 (Rev. Edward) - 14 Stanlev (Bishop) - 24 (R. L.) - - 14 Evans (Sir John) - 30 Jackson (A. W.) - 8 James (V^.) - - i^ Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 17 (Lady) - - 8 Morris (Mowbray) - ii Stebbing (W.) - - 8, 23 Farrar (Dean) - - 16, 21 Folkard (H. C.) - 13 J Ford (H.) --- 13 (W.J.) - 13 Fowler (Edith H.) - 21 Foxcroft (H. C.) - 7 Francis (Francis) - 13 efferies (Richard) - 30 1 ekyll (Gertrude) - 30 erome (Jerome K.) - 22 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 30 ones (H. Bence) - 25 lordan (W. L.) - 17 Jowett (Dr. B.) - 17 (W.) 18, 19, 20, 22, 31 Steel (A. G.) - - 10 Mulhall (M. G.) - 17 Stephen (Leslie) - 10 Stephens (H. Morse) 6 Nansen(F.) - - 9 Stevens (R. W.) 31 Nesbit (E.) - - 20 Stevenson (R. L.) - 23, 26 Nettleship (R. L.) - 15 Stock (St. George) - 15 Newman (Cardinal) - 22 f torr < F -> - - ' '4 Strong (S. A.) - - 30 Francis (M. E.) - 21 Freeman (Edward A.) 4 oyce (P. W.) - 5 22, 30 Justinian : - - 15 Onslow (Earl of) - 11,12 Stuart- Wortley (A. J.) n, 12 Stubbs (J. W.) - - 6 Freshfield (D. W.) - n Osbourne (L) - - 23 Suffolk & Berkshire Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 Kant (I.) - - - 15 (Earl of) - - ii Furneaux (W.) - 24 Kaye (Sir J. W.) - 5 Park (W.) - - I4 Sullivan (Sir E.) - 12 Kelly (E.)- - - 15 Payne-Gallwey (Sir Sully (James) - - 16 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. Kent (C. B. R.) - 5 Kerr(Rev. J.) - - 12 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 15 R.) - - -11,14 Sutherland (A. and G.) 7 Pearson (C. H.) - 8 (Alex.) - - 16, 31 Peek (Hedley) - - ii Suttner (B. von) - 23 A. E.) - - 12, 13 Gibbons (J. S.) - 12 Gibson (Hon. H.) - 13 Kingsley (Rose G.) - 30 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 4 Knight (E. F.) - - 9, 12 Pemberton (W. S. Swinburne (A. J.) - 16 Childe-) - - 7 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 Pembroke (Earl of) - 12 (C. H.) - - 14 (Hon. W.) - 32 Kostlin (J.) 8 Kristeller (P.) - - 30 Phil"ip I p t s-Wo?le > y(C.")io,22 Taylor (Meadows) - Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 8 Phillins (Mrs Lionel) 6 : "~~ v^na) 23 Goethe 19 r> tc \r \ Tebbutt (C. G.) - 12 Going (C. B.) - - 25 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 PI "Iffi R ' iv n \ IJ Terry (C. S.) - - 8 Gore-Booth (Sir H. W.) n Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, ii, 13, Pole (W ) UV '^V.112 Thornhill (W. J.) - 18 Graham (P. A.) - 13 (G. F.) - - 16 Granby (Marquis of) 12 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 17,18,19,20,21,22, 26, 30, 32 Lapsley (G. T.) - 5 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 10, 12 Laurie (S. S.) - - 5 Pollock (W. H.) - 11,31 Poole(W.H.andMrs.) 29 Pooler (C. K.) - - 20 Poore (G V ) - - 31 Todd (A.) - - 7 Toynbee (A.' - - 17 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 6, 7, 8 (G. M.) - - 6,7 Graves (R. P.) - - 8 Green (T. Hill) - 15 Greene (E. B.)- - 5 Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 Grose (T. H.) - - 15 Gross (C.) - - 4. 5 Grove (F. C.) - - n Lawley (Hon. F.) - ii Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 Lecky (W. E. H.) 5, 15, 19 Lees (J- A.) - - 9 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 17 Levett-Yeats (S.) - 22 Lillie (A.) - - - 13 Pope (W.' R) - - 12 Powell (E.) - - 6 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 Prevost (C.) - - n Pritchett (R. T.) - 12 Proctor (R. A.) 14, 24, 28 Trollope (Anthony)- 23 Turner (A. G.) - 31 Tyndall (J.) - - 7, 10 Tyrrell (R. Y.) - - 18 Upton(F.K.and Bertha) 26 (Mrs. Lilly) - n Lindley (J.) - - 25 Gurnhill (J.) - - 15 Loch (C. S.) - - 30 Raine (Rev. James) - 4 Van Dyke (J. C.) - 31 Gwilt (J.) - - - 25 Lodge (H. C.) - - 4 Rankin (R.) - - 20 Verney (Frances P. Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 4 Ransome (Cyril) - 3, 6 and Margaret M.) 8 Haggard (H. Rider)- 21,30 Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 (F. W.) - - 13 Raymond (W.) - 22 Reader (Emily E.) - 23 Virgil - - - 18 Hake (O.) - - - 12 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 8 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 Hammond (Mrs. J. H.) 4 (G. H.) - - ii, 12 Lowell (A. L.) - - 5 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 Lucan - 18 Rhoades (J.) - - 18 Ribblesdale (Lord) - 14 Rice (S. P.) 10 Rich (A.) - - - 18 Wagner (R.) - - 20 Wakeman (H. O.) - 7 Walford (L. B.) - 23 Harding (S. B.) - 5 Hardy (A. Gathorne-) 12,13 Harte (Bret) - - 21 HartingtJ.E.)- - 12 Hartwig (G.) - - 24 HassalKA.) - - 7 Lutoslawski (W.) - 15 Lyall (Edna) - - 22 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 (Hon. A.) - - 12 Lytton (Earl of) - 5, 19 Richardson (C.) - 10, 12 Richter (J. Paul) - 31 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 (Rev. Joseph) - 16 Ridley (Sir E.)- - 18 Riley (J. W.) - - 20 Wallas (Graham) - 8 Walpole (Sir Spencer) 7 Walrond (Col. H.) - 10 Walsingham (Lord)- ii Walter (J.) 8 Ward ( Mrs. W.) - 23 Haweis (H. R.) - 8, 30 Heath (D. D.) - - 14 Heathcote (J. M.) - 12 Macaulay (Lord) - 6, 19 Macdonald (G.) - 9 Roget (Peter M.) - 16, 25 Romanes (G. J.) 8, 15, 17, 20, 32 Warwick (Countess of) 31 Watson (A. E. T.) 10,11,12 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. (C. G.) - - 12 (Dr. G.) - - 19, 32 /TVyfre C~, I \ H Sidney) - - 17 (N.) - - - 9 Macfarren (Sir G. A.) 31 i ~ (T. E.) - - 16, 19 Helmholtz (Hermann Mackail (I. W.) - 8, 18 Roosevelt (T )- - Weber (A.) - - 16 von) - - - 24 iyf i A /T-T F* \ Ross (Martin) - - 23 Weir (Capt. R.) - ii Henderson (Lieut- Col. G. F.) - 8 Henry (W.) - - 12 Macpherson (Rev. H. A.)i2 Rosset V (Maria Fran ' Madden (D. H.) - '13 " s e ca > ' ' 3 West (B. B.) - - 23 Weyman (Stanley) - 23 Whately(Archbishop) 14, 16 Henty (G. A.) - - 26 Magnusson (E.) - 22 Russ-lHLadvl 8 (E.'Jane)- - 16 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 12 Maher (Rev. M.) - 16 : ' , R ; " Whitelaw (R.) - - 18 Herod (Richard S.) - 13 Malleson(Col.G.B.) 5 * Wilcocks (J. C.) - 14 Hiley (R. W.) - - 8 Mann (E. E.) - - 29 Wilkins (G.) - - 18 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 10 Marbot (Baron de) - 8 Saintsbury (G.) - 12 ' Willard (A R.) - 31 Hime(H. W.L.) - 18 Marshman (I. C.) - 8 Sandars (T. C.) - 15 Williams (T.) - - 7 Hodgson (Shadworth)is, 30 Martineau (Dr. James) 32 Seebohm (F.) - - 6, 8 Willich (C. M.) - 25 Hoenig (F.) - - 30 Mason (A. E. W.) - 22 Selous (F. C.) - - 10, 14 Witham (T. M.) - 12 Hogan(J.F.) - - 7 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 13 Senior (W.) - -11,12 Wood (Rev. J. G.) - 25 Holmes (R. R.) - 8 Maunder (S.) - - 25 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 Wood-Martin (W. G.) 7 Homer - - - 18 Max Miiller (F.) Shakespeare - - 20 Wordsworth (W.) - 20 Hope (Anthony) - 21 8,15,16,22,31,32 Shand (A I.) - - 12 Wright (C. D.) - 17 Horace - - - 18 May (SirT.Erskine) 6 Shaw (W. A.) - - 6 Wyatt (A. J.) - - 19 Houston (D. F.) - 5 Meade (L. T.) - - 26 Shearman (M.) - 10, ii Wylie (J. H. - - 7 Howitt (W.) - - 9 Melville (G.J.Whyte) 22 Sinclair (A.) - - 12 Hudson (W. H.) - 24 Merivale (Dean) - 6 Smith (R. Bosworth) 6 Hullah (J.) - 3 Mernman ;H. S.) - 22 (T. C.) - 5 teller (E.) - - 16 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. History, Polities, Polity, Political Memoirs, &e. Abbott. A HISTORY OF GREECE. By EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., LL.D. Part I. From the Earliest Times to the Ionian Revolt. Crown 8vo., 105. 6d. Part II. 500-445 B.C. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Part III. From the Peace of 445 B.C. to the Fall of the Thirty at Athens in 403 B.C. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Acland and Ransome. A HAND- BOOK IN OUTLINE OF THE POLITICAL His- TORY OF ENGLAND TO 1896. Chronologically Arranged. By the Right Hon. A. H. DYKE ACLAND, and CYRIL RANSOME, M.A. Crown 8vo., 6s. Amos. PRIMER OF THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT. For the Use of Colleges, Schools, and Private Students. By SHELDON AMOS, M.A. Cr. 8vo., 6s. Annual Register (The). A Review of Public Events at Home and Abroad, for the year 1899. 8vo., i8s. Volumes of the ANNUAL REGISTER for the years 1863-1898 can still be had. 185. each. Arnold. INTRODUCTORY LECTURES ON MODERN HISTORY. By THOMAS AR- NOLD, D.D., formerly Head Master of Rugby School. 8vo., 75. 6d. Ashbourne. PITT: SOME CHAPTERS ON His LIFE AND TIMES. By the Right Hon. EDWARD GIBSON, LORD ASHBOURNE, Lord Chancellor of Ireland. With n Por- traits. 8vo., 2is. Ashley. SURVEYS, HISTORIC AND ECONOMIC : a Volume of Essays. By W. J. ASHLEY, M.A. 8vo., gs. net. Baden-Powell. THE INDIAN VILLAGE COMMUNITY. Examined with Reference to the Physical, Ethnographic, and Historical Conditions of the Provinces; chiefly on the Basis of the Revenue- Settlement Records and District Manuals. By B. H. BADEN-POWELL, M.A., C.I.E. With Map. 8vo., i6s. Bagwell. IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS. By RICHARD BAGWELL, LL.D. (3 vols.) Vols. 1. and II. From the first invasion of the Northmen to the year 1578. 8vo., 32S. Vol. III. 1578-1603. 8vo., 185. Besant. THE HISTORY OF LONDON. By Sir WALTER BESANT. With 74 Illus- trations. Crown 8vo., is. gd. Or bound as a School Prize Book, as. 6d. Bright. A HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By the Rev. J. FRANCK BRIGHT, D. D. Period I. MEDIAEVAL MONARCHY: A.D. 449-1485. Crown 8vo., 45. 6d. Period II. PERSONAL MONARCHY. 1485- 1688. Crown 8vo., 5s. Period III. CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY. 1689-1837. Crown 8vo., js. fid. Period IV. THE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY. 1837-1880. Crown 8vo., 6s. Bruce. THE FORWARD POLICY AND ITS RESULTS; or, Thirty-five Years' Work amongst the Tribes on our North- Western Frontier of India. By RICHARD ISAAC BRUCE, C.I.E. With 28 Illustrations and a Map. 8vo., 155. net. Buckle. HISTORY OF CIVILISATION IN ENGLAND, FRANCE, SPAIN, AND SCOT- LAND. By HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE. 3 vols. Crown 8vo., 245. Burke. A HISTORY OF SPAIN, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE DEATH OF FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC. By ULICK RALPH BURKE, M.A. Edited by MARTIN A. S. HUME. With 6 Maps. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., i6s. net. Chesney. INDIAN POLITY: a View of the System of Administration in India. By General Sir GEORGE CHESNEY, K.C.B. With Map showing all the Administrative Divisions of British India. 8vo., 2is. Churchill (WINSTON SPENCER, M.P.). THE RIYER WAR : an Historical Account of the Reconquest of the Soudan. Edited by Colonel F. RHODES, D.S.O. With 34 Maps and 51 Illustrations, also 7 Portraits. 2 vols. Medium 8vo., 365. THE STORY OF THE MALAKAND FIELD FORCE, 1897. With 6 Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. LONDON TOLADYSMITH VIAPRETORIA . With 3 Folding-out Maps and i Map and 4 Plans in the Text. Crown 8vo., 6s. IAN HAMILTON'S MARCH. With Portrait of Lieut. -General Ian Hamilton, and 10 Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo., 6s. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. History, Polities, Polity, Political Memoirs, &c. continued. Corbett QULIAN S.). DRAKE AND THE TUDOR NAVY, with a History of the Rise of England as a Maritime Power. With Portraits, Illustrations and Maps. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., 1 6s. THE SUCCESSORS OF DRAKE. With 4 Portraits (2 Photogravures) and 12 Maps and Plans. 8vo., 215. Creighton (M., D.D., Lord Bishop of London). A HISTORY OF THE PAPACY FROM THE GREAT SCHISM TO THE SACK OF ROME, 1378-1527. 6 vols. Cr. 8vo., 6s. each. QUEEN ELIZABETH. With Portrait. Crown 8vo., 6s. Curzon. PERSIA AND THE PERSIAN QUESTION. By the Right Hon. LORD CURZON OF KEDLESTON. With 9 Maps, 96 Illustrations, Appendices, and an Index. 2 vols. 8vo., 425. De Tocqueville. DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA. By ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE. Translated by HENRY REEVE, C.B., D.C.L. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., i6s. Dickinson. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARLIAMENT DURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. ByG. LOWES DICKINSON, M.A. 8vo., ys. 6d. Froude (JAMES A.). THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 12 vols. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. each. THE DIVORCE OF CATHERINE OF ARAGON. Crown 8vo., 3$. 6d. THE SPANISH STORY OF THE AR- MADA, and other Essays. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. THE ENGLISH IN IRELAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 3 vols. Cr. 8vo., IDS. 6d. ENGLISH SEAMEN IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. Cr. 8vo., 6s. THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. SHORT STUDIES ONGREA T SUBJECTS. 4 vols. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. each. CAESAR: a Sketch. Cr. 8vo, 35. 6d- Gardiner (SAMUEL RAWSON, D.C.L., LL.D.). HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the Ac- cession of James I. to the Outbreak of the Civil War, 1603-1642. 10 vols. Crown 8vo., 6s. each. A HISTORY OF THE GREAT CIVIL WAR, 1642-1649. 4 vols. Cr.8vo.,6s. each. A HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH AND THE PROTECTORATE. 1649-1660. Vol.1. 1649-1651. With 14 Maps. 8vo.,2is. Vol. II. 1651-1654. With 7 Maps. 8vo., 2 is. WHAT GUNPOWDER PLOT WAS. With 8 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 55. CROMWELL'S PLACE IN HISTORY. Founded on Six Lectures delivered in the University of Oxford. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. THE STUDENT'S HISTORY OF ENG- LAND. With 378 Illustrations. Crown 8vO., I2S. Also in Three Volumes, price 45. each. Vol. I. B.C. 55 A.D. 1509. 173 Illustrations. Vol. II. 1509-1689. 96 Illustrations. Vol. III. 1689-1885. 109 Illustrations. Greville. A JOURNAL OF THE REIGNS OF KING GEORGE IV., KING WILLIAM IV., AND QUEEN VICTORIA. By CHARLES C. F. GREVILLE, formerly Clerk of the Council. 8 vols. Crown 8vo., 35. (id. each. Gross. THE SOURCES AND LITERA- TURE OF ENGLISH HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO ABOUT 1485. By CHARLES GROSS, Ph.D. 8vo. Hammond. A WOMAN'S PART IN A REVOLUTION. By Mrs. JOHN KAYS HAMMOND. Crown Svo., 2s. 6d. Historic Towns. Edited by E. A. FREEMAN, D.C.L.,and Rev. WILLIAM HUNT, M.A. With Maps and Plans. Crown Svo. , 35. 6d. each. Bristol. By Rev. W. Hunt. Oxford. By Rev. C. 'N . Carlisle. By Mandell Boase. Creight By I on, D.D. Winchester. By G. W. Cinque Ports. By Mon- Kitchin, D.D. tagu Burrows. lolchest< Cutts. York. By Rev. James New York By Theodore Exeter. By E. A. Freeman. Roosevelt. London. By Rev. W. J. 1 Boston (U.S.) By Henry Loftie. Cabot Lodge. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. History, Polities, Polity, Political Memoirs, &e. continued. HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES. THE SUPPRESSION OF THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TO THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA, 1638-1870. By W. E. B. Du Bois, Ph.D. 8vo., 75. 6d. THE CONTEST OVER THE RATIFICATON OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN MASSA- CHUSETTS. By S. B. HARDING, A.M. 8vo., 6s. A CRITICAL STUDY OF NULLIFICATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. By D. F. HOUSTON, A.M. 8vo., 6s. NOMINATIONS FOR ELECTIVE OFFICE IN THE UNITED STATES. By FREDERICK W. DALLINGER, A.M. 8vo., 75. 6d. A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BRITISH MUNI- CIPAL HISTORY, INCLUDING GILDS AND PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION. By CHARLES GROSS, Ph.D. 8vo., 125. THE LIBERTY AND FREE SOIL PARTIES IN THE NORTH WEST. By THEODORE C. SMITH, Ph.D. 8vo, 75. 6d. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES OF NORTH AMERICA. By EVARTS BOUTELL GREENE. 8vo., 75. 6d. THE COUNTY PALATINE OF DURHAM: a Study in Constitutional History. By GAILLARD THOMAS LAPSLEY, Ph.D. 8vo., IDS. 6d. %* Other Volumes are in preparation. Hunter. A HISTORY OF BRITISH INDIA. By Sir WILLIAM WILSON HUNTER, K.C.S.I., M.A., LL.D. Vol. I. Introduc- tory to the Overthrow of the English in the Spice Archipelago, 1623. With 4 Maps. 8vo., :8s. Vol. II. To the Union of the Old and New Companies under the Earl of Godolphin's Award, 1708. 8vo., i6s. Ingram. A CRITICAL EXAMINA- TION OF IRISH HISTORY: being a Replace- ment of the False by the True. From the Elizabethan Conquest to the Legislative Union of 1800. By T. DUNBAR INGRAM, LL.D. 2 vols. 8vo. Joyce (P. W., LL.D.). A SHORT HISTORY OF IRELAND, from the Earliest Times to 1603. Crown 8vo., i os. 6d. A CHILD s HISTORY OF IRELAND. From the Earliest Times to the Death of O'Connell. With specially constructed Map and 160 Illustrations, including Facsimile in full colours of an illumi- nated page of the Gospel Book of Mac- Durnaa, A.D. 850. Fcp. 8vo., 35. 6d. Kaye and Malleson. HISTORY OF THE INDIAN MUTINY, 1857-1858. By Sir JOHN W. KAYE and Colonel G. B. MALLE- SON. With Analytical Index and Maps and Plans. 6 vols. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. each. Kent. THE ENGLISH RADICALS : an Historical Sketch. By C. B. ROYLANCE KENT. Crown 8vo., js. 6d. Lang. THE COMPANIONS OF PICKLE: Being a Sequel to ' Pickle the Spy '. By ANDREW LANG. With 4 Plates. 8vo., i6s. Laurie. HISTORICAL SURVEY OF PRE-CHRISTIAN EDUCATION. By S. S. LAURIE, A.M., LL.D. Crown 8vo., 75. 6d. Lecky (The Rt. Hon. WILLIAM E. H.) HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THE EIGH- TEENTH CENTURY. Library Edition. 8 vols. 8vo. Vols. I. and II., 1700-1760, 365. ; Vols. III. and IV., 1760-1784, 365. ; Vols. V. and VI., 1784-1793, 365. ; Vols. VII. and VIII., 1793-1800, 365. Cabinet Edition. ENGLAND. 7 vols. Crown 8vo., 6s. each. IRELAND. 5 vols. Crown 8vo., 6s. each. HISTORY OF EUROPEAN MORALS FROM AUGUSTUS TO CHARLEMAGNE. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., i2s. HISTORY OF THE RISE AND INFLU- ENCE OF THE SPIRIT OF RATIONALISM IN EUROPE. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., i2s. DEMOCRACY AND LIBERTY. Library Edition. 2 vols. 8vo., 365. Cabinet Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo., I2s. Lowell. GOVERNMENTS AND PAR- TIES IN CONTINENTAL EUROPE. By A. LAWRENCE LOWELL. 2 vols. 8vo., 2is. Lytton. THE HISTORY OF LORD LYTTON'S INDIAN ADMINISTRATION, FROM 1876-1880. Compiled from Letters and Official Papers. Edited by Lady BETTY BALFOUR. With Portrait and Map. 8vo., i8s. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. History, Politics, Polity, Political Memoirs, &e. continued. Macaulay (LORD). COMPLETE WORKS. 1 Albany' Edition. With 12 Portraits. 12 vols. Large Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. each. 4 Edinburgh ' Edition. 8 vols. 8vo., 6s. each. Cabinet Edition. 16 vols. Post 8vo., 4 i6s. HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE ACCESSION OF JAMES THE SECOND. Popular Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo., 55. Student's Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo., I2s. People's Edition. 4 vols. Cr. 8vo., i6s. 1 Albany ' Edition. With 6 Portraits. 6 vols. Large Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. each. Cabinet Edition. 8 vols. Post 8vo., 485. ' Edinburgh' Edition. 4 vols. 8vo., 65. each. Library Edition. 5 vols. 8vo., 4. CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS, WITH LAYS OF ANCIENT ROME, etc., in i volume. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d. Authorised Edition. Crown 8vo., 25. 6d. t or gilt edges, 35. 6d. ' Silver Library ' Edition. With Portrait and 4 Illustrations to the ' Lays '. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Student's Edition, i vol. Cr. 8vo., 65. People's Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo., 8s. ' Trevelyan ' Edition. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo., gs. Cabinet Edition. 4 vols. Post 8vo., 245. ' Edinburgh ' Edition. 3 vols. 8vo., 65. each. Library Edition. 3 vols. 8vo., 365. Ess A ys, which may be had separately, sewed, 6d. each ; cloth, 15. each. Addison and Walpole. Croker's Boswell's Johnson. Hallam's Constitutional History. Warren Hastings. The Earl of Chatham (Two Essays). MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS. Peoples Edition, i vol. Cr. 8vo., 45. 6d. Library Edition. 2 vols. 8vo., ais. MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS, SPEECHES AND POEMS. Popular Edition. Crown 8vo., 2S. 6d. Cabinet Edition. 4 vols. Post 8vo., 245. SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF LORD MACAULAY. Edited, with Occa- sional Notes, by the Right Hon. Sir G. O. Trevelyan, Bart. Crown 8vo., 6s. Frederick the Great. Ranke and Gladstone. Lord Bacon. Lord Clive. Lord Byron, and The Comic Dramatists of the Restoration. Mackinnon. THE HISTORY OF EDWARD THE THIRD. By JAMES MAC- KINNON, Ph.D., Lecturer on History in the University of St. Andrews. 8vo., i8s. May. THE CONSTITUTIONAL HIS- TORY OF ENGLAND since the Accession of George III. 1760-1870. By Sir THOMAS ERSKINE MAY, K.C.B. (Lord Farnborough). 3 vols. Cr. 8vo., i8s. Merivale (CHARLES, D.D.). HISTORY OF THE ROMANS UNDER THE EMPIRE. 8 vols. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. each. THE FALL OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC: a Short History of the Last Century of the Commonwealth. i2mo., 75. 6d. GENERAL HISTORY OF ROME, from the Foundation of the City to the Fall of Augustulus, B.C. 753-A.D. 476. With 5 Maps. Crown 8vo, 75. 6d. Montague. THE ELEMENTS OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. By F. C. MONTAGUE, M.A. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Phillips. SOUTH AFRICAN RECOL- LECTIONS. By FLORENCE PHILLIPS (Mrs. Lionel Phillips). With 37 Illustrations from Photographs. 8vo., 75. 6d. Powell and Trevelyan. THE PEASANTS' RISING AND THE LOLLARDS: a Collection of Unpublished Documents, forming an Appendix to ' England in the Age of Wycliffe '. Edited by EDGAR POWELL and G. M. TREVELYAN. 8vo., 6s. net. Ransome. THE RISE OF CONSTI- TUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN ENGLAND. By CYRIL RANSOME, M.A. Crown 8vo., 6s. Seebohm. THE ENGLISH VILLAGE COMMUNITY Examined in its Relations to the Manorial and Tribal Systems, etc. By FREDERIC SEEBOHM, LL.D., F.S.A. With 13 Maps and Plates. 8vo., i6s. ''-, Shaw. A HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH DURING THE CIVIL WARS AND UNDER THE COMMONWEALTH, 1640-1660. By WILLIAM A. SHAW, Litt.D. 2 vols. 8vo., 365. Smith. CARTHAGE AND THE CARTH- AGINIANS. By R. BOSWORTH SMITH, M.A., vVith Maps, Plans, etc. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. Stephens. A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. By H. MORSE STEPHENS. 8vo. Vols. I. and II. i8s. each. Stubbs. HISTORY OF THE UNIVER- SITY OP DUBLIN, from its Foundation to the End of the Eighteenth Century. By J. W. STUBBS. 8vo., i2s. 6d. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. History, Polities, Polity, Political Memoirs, &e. continued. Sutherland. THE HISTORY OF AUS- TRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND, from 1606- 1890. By ALEXANDER SUTHERLAND, M. A., and GEORGE SUTHERLAND, M.A. Crown 8vo., 2s. 6d. Taylor. A STUDENT'S MANUAL OF THE HISTORY OF INDIA. By Colonel MEA- DOWS TAYLOR, C.S.I., etc. Cr. 8vo., 7$. 6d. Todd. PARLIAMENTARY GOVERN- MENT IN THE BRITISH COLONIES. By ALPHEUS TODD, LL.D. 8vo., 305. net. Trevelyan. THE AMERICAN DEVO- LUTION. Parti. 1766-1776. By the Rt. Hon. Sir G. O. TREVELYAN, Bart. 8vo., i6s. Trevelyan. ENGLAND IN THE AGE OF WYCLIFFE. By GEORGE MACAULAY TREVELYAN. 8vo., 155. Wakeman and Hassall. ESSAYS INTRODUCTORY TO THE STUDY OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. Edited by HENRY OFFLEY WAKEMAN, M.A., and ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A. Crown 8vo., 6s. Walpole- HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE CONCLUSION OF THE GREAT WAR IN 1815 TO 1858. By Sir SPENCER WALPOLE, K.C.B. 6 vols. Cr. 8vo., 6s. each. Wood-Martin. /^o^ IRELAND : AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SKETCH. A Handbook of Irish Pre-Christian Antiquities. By W. G. WOOD-MARTIN, M.R.I.A. With 512 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 155. Wylie GAMES HAMILTON, M.A.). HISTORY OF ENGLAND UNDER HENRY IV. 4 vols. Crown 8vo. Vol. I., 1399-1404, IQS. 6d. Vol. II., 1405- 1406, 155. (out of print}. Vol. III., 1407- 1411, 155. Vol. IV., 1411-1413, 2is. THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE TO THE DEATH OF JOHN Hus : Being the Ford Lectures delivered in the University of Oxford in Lent Term, 1900. Crown 8vo., 6s. net. Biography, Personal Memoirs, &e. Bacon. THE LETTERS AND LIFE OF FRANCIS BACON, INCLUDING ALL HIS OC- CASIONAL WORKS. Edited by JAMES SPED- DING. 7 vols. 8vo., 4 45. Bagehot. BIOGRAPHICAL STUDIES. By WALTER BAGEHOT. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d . Carlyle. THOMAS CARLYLE : A His- tory of his Life. By JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. 1795-1835. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., 75. 1834-1881. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., 75. Cellini. CHISEL, PEN, AND POIG- NARD ; or, Benvenuto Cellini, his Times and his Contemporaries. By the Author of ' The Life of Sir Kenelm Digby,' ' The Life of a Prig,' etc. With 19 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 55. Crozier. MY INNER LIFE : being a Chapter in Personal Evolution and Auto- biography. By JOHN BEATTIE CROZIER, Author of ' Civilisation and Progress,' etc. 8vo., 145. Dante. THE LIFE AND WORKS OF DANTE ALLIGHIERI : being an Introduction to the Study of the ' Divina Commedia '. By the Rev. J. F. HOGAN, D.D., Professor, St. Patrick's College, Maynooth. With Portrait. 8vo., ias. 6d. Danton. LIFE OF DANTON. By A. H. BEESLY. With Portraits of Danton, his Mother, and an Illustration of the Home of fa s family at Arcis. Crown 8vo., 6s. De Bode. THE BARONESS DE BODE, 1775-1803 : being a Chronicle of the Strange Experiences of an English Lady, Wife of a German Baron possessed of a Fief in Alsace, during the French Revolution, afterwards an Immigrant in Russia. By WILLIAM S. CHILDE-PEMBERTON. With 4 Photo- gravure Portraits and other Illustrations. 8vo., I2s. 6d. net. Douglass. LIFE OF SIR JAMES NICHOLAS DOUGLASS, F.R.S., ETC., for- merly Engineer-in-Chief to the Trinity- House. By THOMAS WILLIAMS. With Portrait. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Duncan. ADMIRAL DUNCAN. By THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN. Wfth 3 Por- traits. 8vo., 1 6s. Erasmus. LIFE AND LETTERS OF ERASMUS. By JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Faraday. FARADAY AS A DIS- COVERER. By JOHN TYNDALL. Crown 8vo, 35. 6d. Foreign Courts and Foreign Homes. By A. M. F. Crown 8vo., 6s. Fox. THE EARLY HISTORY OF CHARLES JAMES Fox. By the Right Hon. Sir G. O. TREVELYAN, Bart. Library Edition. 8vo., i8s. Cheap Edition. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Halifax. THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF S/K GEORGE SAVILE, BARONET, FIRST MARQUIS OF HALIFAX. By H. C. FOXCROFT. 2 vols. 8vo., 365. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Biography, Personal Memoirs, &e. continued. Hamilton. LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON. By R. P. GRAVES. 8vo. 3 vols. 155. each. ADDENDUM. 8vo., 6d. sewed. Havelock. MEMOIRS OF SIR HENRY HAVELOCK, K.C.B. By JOHN CLARK MARSHMAN. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Haweis. My MUSICAL LIFE. By the Rev. H. R. HAWEIS. With Portrait of Richard Wagner and 3 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s. net. Hiley. MEMORIES OF HALF A CENTURY. By the Rev. R. W. HILEY, D.D., Vicar of Wighill, Tadcaster. With Portrait. 8vo., 155. Jackson. STONEWALL JACKSON AND THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR. By Lieut.-Col. G. F. R. HENDERSON. With 2 Portraits and 33 Maps and Plans. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., i6s. net. Leslie. THE LIFE AND CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER LESLIE, FIRST EARL OF L.EVEN. By CHARLES SANFORD TERRY, M.A. With Maps and Plans. 8vo., i6s. Luther. LIFE OF LUTHER. By JULIUS KO'STLIN. With 62 Illustrations and 4 Facsimilies of MSS. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. Macaulay. THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF LORD MACAULAY. By the Right Hon. Sir G. O. TREVELYAN, Bart. Pvpular Edition, i vol. Cr. 8vo., 25. 6d. Student's Edition i vol. Cr. 8vo., 6s. Cabinet Edition. 2 vols. Post 8vo., 125. ' Edinburgh' 1 Edition. 2 vols. 8vo.,6s. each Library Edition. 2 vols. 8vo., 365. Marbot. THE MEMOIRS OF THE BARON DE MARBOT. Translated from the French. 2 vols. Crown 8vo., ys. WLsLTtineau. JAMES MARTINEAU : a Biography and Study. By A. W. JACKSON, A.M. With 2 Portraits. 8vo., 125. 6d. Max *Miiller. AULD LANG SM&. By the Right Hon. F. MAX MULLER. First Series. With Portrait. 8vo, IDS. 6d. CONTENTS. Musical Recollections Literary Recol- lectionsRecollections of Royalties Beggars. Second Series. MY INDIAN FRIENDS. 8vo, IDS. 6d. Morris. THE LIFE OF WILLIAM MORRIS. By J. W. MACKAIL. With 6 Por- traits and 16 Illustrations by E. H. NEW. etc. 2 vols. 8vo., 325. On the Banks of the Seine. By A. M. F. Crown 8vo., 6s. Pearson. CHARLES HENRY PEAR- SON, FELLOW OF ORIEL, AND EDUCATION MINISTER IN VICTORIA ; Author of 'Na- tional Life and Character '. Memorials by Himself, his Wife, and his Friends. Edited by W. STEERING, Hon. Fellow of Worces- ter College, Oxford. With Portrait. 8vo., 145. Place. THE LIFE OF FRANCIS PLACE, 1771-1854. By GRAHAM WALLAS, M.A. With 2 Portraits. 8vo., 125. Ramakr/sh/ia : His LIFE AND- SAYINGS. By the Right Hon. F. MAX MULLER. Crown 8vo., 55. RUSSell. SWALLOWFIELD AND ITS OWNERS. By CONSTANCE LADY RUSSELL, of Swallowfield Park. With Photogravure Portraits and other Illustrations. 4to. Romanes. THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF GEORGE JOHN ROMANES, M.A., LL.D., F.R.S. Written and Edited by his WIFE. With Portrait and 2 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 6s. Seebohm. THEOXFORD REFORMERS JOHN COLET, ERASMUS, AND THOMAS MORE : a History of their Fellow- Work. By FREDERIC SEEBOHM. 8vo., 145. Shakespeare. OUTLINES OF THE LIFE OF SHAKESPEARE. By J. O. HALLI- WELL-PHILLIPPS. With Illustrations and Fac-similes. 2 vols. Royal 8vo., 2 is. Shakespeare's TRUE LIFE. By JAMES WALTER With 500 Illustrations by GERALD E. MOIRA. Imp. 8vo., 21 s. net. Stanley (Lady). THE GIRLHOOD OF MARIA Jo SEP HA HOLROYD (Lady Stanley of Alderley). Recorded in Letters of a Hundred Year& Ago, from 1776-1796. Edited by J. H. ADEANE. With 6 Portraits. 8vo., i8s. THE EARLY MARRIED LIFE OF MARIA JOSEPHA, LADY STANLEY, FROM 1796. Edited by J. H. ADEANE. With 10 Portraits and 3 Illustrations. 8vo., i8s. Verney. MEMOIRS OF THE VERNEY FAMILY. Compiled from the Letters and Illustrated by the Portraits at Clayden House. Vols. I. & II.. DURING THE CIVIL WAR. By FRANCES PARTHENOPE VERNEY. With 38 Portraits, etc. Royal 8vo., 425. Vol. III., DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. 1650-1660. By MARGARET M. VERNEY. With 10 Portraits, etc. Royal 8vo., 2is. Vol. IV., FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION. 1660 to 1696. ByMARGARET M. VERNEY. With n Portraits, etc. Royal 8vo., 2is. Victoria. QUEEN VICTORIA, 1819- 1900. By RICHARD R. HOLMES, M.V.O., F.S.A., Librarian to the Queen. With _ Photogravure Portrait. Crown 8vo., 6s. Wellington. LIFE OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. By the Rev. G. R. GLEIG, M.A. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Travel and Adventure, the Colonies, &c. Arnold. SAS AND LANDS. By Sir Browning. A GIRL'S WANDERINGS EDWIN ARNOLD. With 71 Illustrations, j IN HUNGARY. By H. ELLEN BROWNING. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. With Map and 20 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Ball (JOHN). THE ALPINE GUIDE. Reconstructed and Revised on behalf of the Alpine Club, by W. A. B. COOLIDGE. Vol. I., THE WESTERN ALPS: the Alpine Region, South of the Rhone Valley, from the Col de Tenda to the Simplon Pass. W'ith 9 New and Revised Maps. Crown 8vo., 12s. net. HINTS AND NOTES, PRACTICAL AND SCIENTIFIC, FOR TRAVELLERS IN THE ALPS: being a Revision of the General Introduction to the ' Alpine Guide '. Crown 8vo., 35. net. Baker (SIR S. W.). EIGHT YEARS IN CEYLON. With 6 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. THE RIFLE AND THE HOUND IN CEYLON. With 6 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Bent. THE RUINED CITIES OF MA- SHONALAND : being a Record of Excavation and Exploration in 1891. By J. THEODORE BENT. With 117 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Brassey (THE LATE LADY). A Vo YA GE IN THE ' SUNBEA M ' ; O UR HOME ON THE OCEAN FOR ELEVEN MONTHS. Cabinet Edition. With Map and 66 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., -js. 6d. ' Silver Library ' Edition. With 66 Illus- trations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Popular Edition. With 60 Illustrations. 4to., 6d. sewed, is. cloth. School Edition. With 37 Illustrations. Fcp., 25. cloth, or 35. white parchment. SUNSHINE AND STORM IN THE EAST. Cabinet Edition. With 2 Maps and 114 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 75. 6d. Popular Edition. With 103 Illustrations. 4to., 6d. sewed, is. cloth. IN THE TRADES, THE TROPICS, AND THE ' ROARING FORTIES '. Cabinet Edition. With Map and 220 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 75. fid. Froude GAMES A.). OCEANA : or England and her Col- onies. With 9 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo.,3s. 6d. THE ENGLISH IN THE WEST INDIES : or, the Bow of Ulysses. With 9 Illustra- tions. Crown 8vo., 2s. boards, 2s. 6d. cloth. Heathcote. ST. KILDA. By NOR- MAN HEATHCOTE. With 80 Illustrations from Sketches and Photographs of the People, Scenery and Birds by the Author. 8vo., IDS. 6d. net. Howitt. VISITS TO REMARKABLE PLACES. Old Halls, Battle-Fields, Scenes, illustrative of Striking Passages in English History and Poetry. By WILLIAM HOWITT. With 80 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Knight (E. F.). THE CRUISE OF THE ' ALERTE ' : the Narrative of a Search for Treasure on the Desert Island of Trinidad. With 2 Maps and 23 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. WHERE THREE EMPIRES MEET: a Narrative of Recent Travel in Kashmir, Western Tibet, Baltistan, Ladak, Gilgit, and the adjoining Countries. With a Map and 54 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 3$. 6d. THE ' FALCON' ON THE BALTIC: a Voyage from London to Copenhagen in a Three-Tonner. With 10 Full-page Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 3$. 6d. Lees. PEAKS AND PINES : another Norway Book. By J. A. LEES. With 63 Illustrations and Photographs by the Author. Crown 8vo., 6s. Lees and Clutterbuck. B.C. 1887 : A RAMBLE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA. By J. A. LEES and W. J. CLUTTERBUCK. With Map and 75 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Macdonald. THEGOLDOAST:PAST AND PRESENT. By GEORGE MACDONALD, Director of Education and H.M. Inspector of Schools for the Gold Coast Colony and the Protectorate. With 32 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., js. 6d. Nansen. THE FIRST CROSSING OF GREENLAND. By FRIDTJOF NANSEN. With 143 Illustrations and a Map. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. io MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Travel and Adventure, the Colonies, &e. continued. Rice. OCCASIONAL ESSAYS ON NA- TIVE SOUTH INDIAN LIFE. By STANLEY P. RICE, Indian Civil Service. 8vo. Smith- CLIMBING IN THE BRITISH ISLES. By W. P. HASKETT SMITH. With Illustrations by ELLIS CARR, and Numerous Plans. Part I. ENGLAND. i6mo., 35. 6d. Part II. WALES AND IRELAND. i6mo., 35. bd. Stephen. THE PLAY-GROUND OF EUROPE (The Alps). By LESLIE STE- PHEN. With 4 Illustrations, Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Three in Norway. By Two of Them. With a Map and 59 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., as. boards, as. 6d. cloth. Tyndall. (]OHN). THE GLACIERS OF THE ALPS : being a Narrative of Excursions and Ascents. An Account of the Origin and Phenomena of Glaciers, and an Exposition of the Physical Principles to which they are re- lated. With 61 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s. 6d. net. HOURS OF EXERCISE IN THE ALPS. With 7 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 6s. 6d. net. Sport and Pastime. THE BADMINTON LIBRARY. Edited by HIS GRACE THE LATE DUKE OF BEAUFORT, K.G., and A. E. T. WATSON. Complete in 2g Volumes. Crown 8vo., Cloth, Price IDS. 6d. each Volume. ** The Volumes are also issued half-bound in Leather, with gilt top. The price can be had f rom all Booksellers. ARCHER Y. By C. J. LONGMAN and Col. H.WALROND. With Contributions by Miss LEGH, Viscount DILLON, etc. With 2 Maps, 23 Plates and 172 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., ics. 6d. ATHLETICS. By MONTAGUE SHEARMAN. With Chapters on Athletics at School by W. BEACHER THOMAS ; Ath- letic Sports in America by C. H. SHERRILL ; a Contribution on Paper-chasing by W. RYE, and an Introduction by Sir RICHARD WEB- STER, Q.C., M.P. With 12 Plates and 37 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., IDS. 6d. BIG GAME SHOOTING. By CLIVE PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY. Vol. I. AFRICA AND AMERICA. With Contributions by Sir SAMUEL W. BAKER, W. C. OSWELL, F. C. SELOUS, etc. With 20 Plates and 57 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Vol. II. EUROPE, ASIA, AND THE ARCTIC REGIONS. With Contribu- tions by Lieut. -Colonel R. HEBER PERCY, Major ALGERNON C. HEBER PERCY, etc. With 17 Plates and 56 Illus- trations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., xos. 6d. BILLIARDS. By Major W. BROAD- FOOT, R.E. With Contributions by A. H. BOYD, SYDENHAM DIXON, W. J. FORD, etc. With ii Plates, 19 Illustrations in the Text, and numerous Diagrams. Cr. 8vo., los. 6d. COURSING AND FALCONRY. By HARDING Cox, CHARLES RICHARDSON,. and the Hon. GERALD LASCELLES. With ao Plates and 55 Illustrations in the Text.. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. CRICKET. By A. G. STEEL and the Hon. R. H. LYTTELTON. With Con- tributions by ANDREW LANG, W. G. GRACE,. F. GALE, etc. With 13 Plates and 52 Illus- trations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. CYCLING. By the EARL OF ALBE- MARLE and G. LACY HILLIER. With 19 Plates and 44 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. ir Sport and Pastime continued. THE BADMINTON LlBRARY^ontinued. DANCING. By Mrs. LILLY GROVE, F.R.G.S. With Contributions by Miss MIDDLETON, The Hon. Mrs. ARMYTAGE, etc. With Musical Examples, and 38 Full- page Plates and 93 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. DRIVING. By His Grace the late DUKE of BEAUFORT, K.G. With Contribu- tions by A. E. T. WATSON the EARL OF ONSLOW, etc. With 12 Plates and 54 Illus- trations in the Text. Crown 8vo., ios. 6d. FENCING, BOXING, AND WRESTLING. By WALTER H. POLLOCK, F. C. GROVE, C. PREVOST, E. B. MITCHELL, and WALTER ARMSTRONG. With 18 Plates and 24 Illust. in the Text. Cr. 8vo., IDS. 6d. FISHING. PENNELL By H, CHOLMONDELEY- Vol. i. SALMON AND TROUT. With Contributions by H. R. FRANCIS, Major JOHN P. TRAHERNE, etc. With 9 Plates and numerous Illustrations of Tackle, etc. Crown 8vo., los. 6d. Vol. II. PIKE AND OTHER COARSE FISH. With Contributions by the MARQUIS OF EXETER, WILLIAM SENIOR, G. CHRISTOPHER DAVIS, etc. With 7 Plates and numerous Illustrations of Tackle, etc. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. FOOTBALL. By MONTAGUE SHEAR- MAN, W. J. OAKLEY, G. O. SMITH, FRANK MITCHELL, etc. With 19 Plates and 35 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., zos. 6d. GOLF. By HORACE G. HUTCHINSON. With Contributions by the Rt. Hon. A. J. BALFOUR, M.P., Sir WALTER SIMPSON, Bart., ANDREW LANG, etc. With 32 Plates and 57 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., IDS. 6d. HUNTING. By His Grace the late DUKE OF BEAUFORT, K.G., and MOWBRAY MORRIS. With Contributions by the EARL OF SUFFOLK AND BERKSHIRE, Rev. E. W. L. DAVIES, G. H. LONGMAN, etc. With 5 Plates and 54 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., 105. 6d. MOUNTAINEERING. By C. T. DENT. With Contributions by the Right Hon. J. BRYCE, M.P., Sir MARTIN CONWAY, D. W. FRESHFIELD, C. E. MATTHEWS, etc. With 13 Plates and 91 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., los. 6d. POETRY OF SPORT (THE). Selected by HEDLEY PEEK. With a Chapter on Classical Allusions to Sport by ANDREW L*NG, and a Special Preface to the BADMINTON LIBRARY by A. E. T. WATSON. With 32 Plates and 74 Illustra- tions in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. RACING AND STEEPLE-CHAS- ING. By the EARL OF SUFFOLK AND BERKSHIRE, W. G. CRAVEN, the Hon. F. LAWLEY, ARTHUR COVENTRY, and A. E. T. WATSON. With Frontispiece and 56 Illus- trations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. RIDING AND POLO. By Captain ROBERT WEIR, J. MORAY BROWN, T. F. DALE, THE LATE DUKE OF BEAUFORT, THE EARL OF SUFFOLK AND BERKSHIRE, etc. With 18 Plates and 41 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. td. ROWING. By R. P. P. ROWE and C. M. PITMAN. With Chapters on Steering by C. P. SEROCOLD and F. C. BEGG ; Met- ropolitan Rowing by S. LE BLANC SMITH ; and on PUNTING by P. W. SQUIRE. With 75 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., ros. 6d. SEA FISHING. By JOHN BICKER- DYKE, Sir H. W. GORE-BOOTH, ALFRED C. HARMSWORTH, and W. SENIOR. With 22 Full-page Plates and 175 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., los. 6d. SHOOTING. Vol. I. FIELD AND COVERT. By LORD WALSINGHAM and Sir RALPH PAYNE- GALLWEY, Bart. With Contributions by the Hon. GERALD LASCELLES and A. J. STUART-WORTLEY. With n Plates and 95 Illusts. in the Text. Cr. 8vo., zos. 6d. Vol. II. MOOR AND MARSH. By LORD WALSINGHAM and Sir RALPH PAYNE- GALLWEY, Bart. With Contributions by LORD LOVAT and Lord CHARLES LENNOX KERR. With 8 Plates and 57 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., ios. 6d. .MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Sport and Pastime continued. THE BADMINTON LIBRARY continued. SKATING, CURLING, TOBOG- GANING. By J. M. HEATHCOTE, C. G. TEBBUTT, T. MAXWELL WITHAM, Rev. JOHN KERR, ORMOND HAKE, HENRY A. BUCK, etc. With 12 Plates and 272 Illus- trations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. SWIMMING. By ARCHIBALD SIN- CLAIR and WILLIAM HENRY, Hon. Sees, of the Life-Saving Society. With 13 Plates and 112 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., IDS. 6d. TENNIS, LA WN TENNIS, RACKETS AND FIVES. By J. M. and C. G. HEATHCOTE, E. O. PLEYDELL-BOU- VERIE, and A. C. AINGER. With Contributions by the Hon. A. LYTTELTON, W. C. MAR- SHALL, Miss L. DOD, etc. With 12 Plates and 67 Illustrations in the Text. Cr. 8vo., los. 6d. YACHTING. Vol. I. CRUISING, CONSTRUCTION OF YACHTS, YACHT RACING RULES, FITTING-OUT, etc. By Sir EDWARD SULLIVAN, Bart., THE EARL OF PEMBROKE, LORD BRASSEY, K.C.B., C. E. SETH-SMITH, C.B., G. L. WATSON, R. T. PRITCHETT, E. F. KNIGHT, etc. With 21 Plates and 93 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Vol. II. YACHT CLUBS, YACHT- ING IN AMERICA AND THE COLONIES, YACHT RACING, etc By R. T. PRITCHETT, THE MARQUIS OF DUFFERIN AND AvA, K.P., THE EARL OF ONSLOW, JAMES MCFERRAN, etc. With 35 Plates and 160 Illustrations in the Text. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d, FUR, FEATHER, AND FIN SERIES. Edited by A. E. T. WATSON. Crown 8vo., price 55. each Volume, cloth. The Volumes are also issued half-bound in Leather, with gilt top. from all Booksellers. The price can be had THE PARTRIDGE. Natural His- tory, by the Rev. H. A. MACPHERSON ; Shooting, by A. J. STUART-WORTLEY ; Cookery, by GEORGE SAINTSBURY. With ii Illustrations and various Diagrams in the Text. Crown 8vo., 55. THE GROUSE. Natural History, by the Rev. H. A. MACPHERSON ; Shooting, by A. J. STUART-WORTLEY; Cookery, by GEORGE SAINTSBURY. With 13 Illustrations and various Diagrams in the Text. Crown 8vo., 55. THE PHEASANT. Natural History, by the Rev. H. A. MACPHERSON ; Shooting, by A. J. STUART-WORTLEY ; Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 10 Illus- trations and various Diagrams. Crown 8vo., 55. THE HARE. Natural History, by the Rev. H. A. MACPHERSON ; Shooting, by the Hon. GERALD LASCELLES ; Coursing, by CHARLES RICHARDSON ; Hunting, by J. S. GIBBONS and G. H. LONGMAN ; Cookery, by Col. KENNEY HERBERT. With 9 Illustrations. Crown 8vo, 55. RED DEER. Natural History, by the Rev. H. A. MACPHERSON ; Deer Stalk- ing, by CAMERON OF LOCHIEL ; Stag Hunting, by Viscount EBRINGTON ; Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 10 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 55. THE SALMON. By the Hon. A. E. GATHORNE-HARDY. With Chapters on the Law of Salmon Fishing by CLAUD DOUGLAS PENNANT; Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 8 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 55. THE TROUT. By the MARQUESS OF GRANBY. With Chapters on the Breed- ing of Trout by Col. H. CUSTANCE ; and Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 12 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 5$. THE RABBIT. By JAMES EDMUND HARTING. Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 10 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo., 55. PIKE AND PERCH. By WILLIAM SENIOR (' Redspinner,' Editor of the ' Field '). With Chapters by JOHN BICKER- DYKE and W. H. POPE; Cookery, by ALEXANDER INNES SHAND. With 12 Il- lustrations. Crown 8vo., 55. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Sport and Pastime continued. Bickerdyke. DAYS OF MY LIFE ON WATERS FRESH AND SALT, AND OTHER PAPERS. By JOHN BICKERDYKE. With Photo-etching Frontispiece and 8 Full-page Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s. Blackburne. MR. BLACKBURNES GAMES AT CHESS. Selected, Annotated and Arranged by Himself. Edited, with a Biographical Sketch and a brief History of Blindfold Chess, by P. ANDERSON GRAHAM. 8vo., js. 6d. net. Cawthorne and Herod. ROYAL ASCOT: its History and its Associations. By GEORGE JAMES CAWTHORNE and RICH- ARD S. HEROD. With 32 Plates and 106 Illustrations in the Text. Demy 410., 3 is. 6d. net. Chess Congress, 1899. The Book of the London International. 'JRoyal 8vo. 155. net. Chess Tournament for Masters and Amateurs. A Memorial of an Invitation. Arranged by, and Played at, the City of London Chess Club, 7 Grocers' Hall Court, Poultry, E.G., in April and May, 1900. Containing the Full Scores of the Games Played. 8vo., 2s.| Dead Shot (The) : or, Sportsman's Complete Guide. Being a Treatise on the Use of the Gun, with Rudimentary and Finishing Lessons in the Art of Shooting Game of all kinds. Also Game-driving, Wildfowl and Pigeon-shooting, Dog-breaking, etc. By MARKSMAN. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Ellis. CHESS SPARKS ; or, Short and Bright Games of Chess. Collected and Arranged by J. H. ELLIS, M.A. 8vo., 45. 6d. Folkard. THE WILD-FOWLER : A Treatise on Fowling, Ancient and Modern, descriptive also of Decoys and Flight-ponds, Wild-fowl Shooting, Gunning-punts, Shoot- ing-yachts, etc. Also Fowling in the Fens and in Foreign Countries, Rock-fowling, etc., etc., by H. C. FOLKARD. With 13 En- gravings on Steel, and several Woodcuts. 8vo., i2s. 6d. Ford. -THE THEORY AND PRACT.CE OF ARCHERY. By HORACE FORD. New Edition, thoroughly Revised and Re-written by W. BUTT, M.A. With a Preface by C. J. LONGMAN, M.A. 8vo., 145. Ford. MIDDLESEX COUNTY CRICKET CLUB, 1864-1899. Written and Compiled by W. J. FORD. With Photogravure Portra : t of V. E. Walker. 8vo., IDS. net. Francis. A BOOK ON ANGLING : or, Treatise on the Art of Fishing in every Branch ; including full Illustrated List of Sal- mon Flies. By FRANCIS FRANCIS. With Por- trait and Coloured Plates. Crown 8vo., 155. Gibson. TOBOGGANING ON CROOKED RUNS. By the Hon. HARRY GIBSON. With Contributions by F. DE B. STRICKLAND and ' LADY-TOBOGANNER '. With 40 Illustra- tions. Crown 8vo., 6s, Graham. COUNTRY PASTIMES FOR BOYS. By P. ANDERSON GRAHAM. With 252 Illustrations from Drawings and Photographs. Crown svo., 35. 6d. Hardy. AUTUMNS IN ARGYLESHIRE WITH ROD AND Gi'N. By the Hon. A. GATHORNE-HARDY. With 8 Photogravure Illustrations from Original Drawings by ARCHIBALD THORBURN. 8vo., los. 6d. net. Hutchinson. THE BOOK OF GOLF AND GOLFERS. By HORACE G. HUTCHIN- SON. With Contributions by Miss AMY PASCOE, H. H. HILTON, J. H. TAYLOR, H. J. WHIGHAM, and Messrs. SUTTON & SONS. With 71 Portraits, etc. Large crown Svo.,. 7s. 6d. net. Lang. ANGLING SKETCHES. By ANDREW LANG. With 20 Illustrations^ Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Lillie (ARTHUR). CROQUET: its History, Rules and Secrets. With 4 Full-page Illustrations by E,UCIEN DAVIS, 15 Illustrations in the Text, and 27 Diagrams. Crown Svo., 6s. CROQUET UP TO DATE. Contain- ing the Ideas and Teachings of the Leading -Players and Champions. With 19 Illustrations (15 Portraits), and numer- ous Diagrams. 8vo., los. 6d. net. Longman. CHESS OPENINGS. By FREDERICK W. LONGMAN. Fcp. 8vo., 2s. fid. Madden. THE DIARY OF MASTER WILLIAM SILENCE : a Study of Shakespeare and of Elizabethan Sport. By the Right Hon. D. H. MADDEN, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Dublin. 8vo., i6s. Maskelyne. SHARPS AND FLATS : a Complete Revelation of the Secrets of Cheating at Games of Chance and Skill. By JOHN NEVIL MASKELYNE, of the Egyptian Hall. With 62 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 6s. Moffat. CRICKETYCRICKET: Rhymes and Parodies. By DOUGLAS MOFFAT, with Frontispiece by the late Sir FRANK LOCK- WOOD, and 53 Illustrations by the Author. Crown Svo, as. 6d. 14 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Sport and Pastime continued. Park. THE GAME OF GOLF. By WILLIAM PARK, Jun., Champion Golfer, 1887-89. With 17 Plates and 26 Illustra- tions in the Text. Crown 8vo., 75. 6d. Payne-Gallwey (Sir RALPH, Bart.). LETTERS TO YOUNG SHOOTERS (First Series). On the Choice and use of a Gun With 41 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 75. 6d. LETTERS TO YOUNG SffoorRs(Second Series). On the Production, Preservation, and Killing of Game. With Directions in Shooting Wood- Pigeons and Breaking- in Retrievers. With Portrait and 103 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 125. 6d. LETTERS TO YOUNG SHOOTERS. (Third Series.) Comprising a Short Natural History of the Wildfowl that are Rare or Common to the British Islands, with complete directions in Shooting Wildfowl on the Coast and Inland. With 200 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., iSs. Pole THE THEORY OF THE MODERN SCIENTIFIC GAME OF WHIST. By WILLIAM POLE, F.R.S. Fcp. 8vo., 25. 6d. Proctor. How TO PLAY WHIST: WITH THE LAWS AND ETIQUETTE OP WHIST. By RICHARD A. PROCTOR. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Ribblesdale. THE QUEEN'S HOUNDS AND STAG-HUNTING RECOLLECTIONS. By LORD RIBBLESDALE, Master of the Buck- hounds, 1892-95. With Introductory Chapter on the Hereditary Mastership by E. BURROWS. With 24 Plates and 35 Illus- trations in the Text. 8vo., 255. Ronalds. THE FLY-FISHER" s ENTO- MOLOGY. By ALFRED RONALDS. With 20 coloured Plates. 8vo., 145. Selous. SPORT AND TRAVEL, EAST AND WEST. By FREDERICK COURTENEY SELOUS. With 18 Plates and 35 Illustra- tions in the Text. Medium 8vo., 125. 6d. net. Wilcocks. THE SEA FISHERMAN: Comprising the Chief Methods of Hook and Line Fishing in the British and other Seas, and Remarks on Nets, Boats, and Boating. By J. C. WILCOCKS. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo.,6j. Mental, Moral, and LOGIC, RHETORIC, Abbott. THE ELEMENTS OF LOGIC. By T. K. ABBOTT, B.D. i2mo., 35. Aristotle. THE ETHICS: Greek Text, Illustrated with Essay and Notes. By Sir *ALEXAN- DER GRANT, Bart. 2 vols. 8vo., 325. AN INTRODUCTION TO ARISTOTLE'S ETHICS. Books I. -IV. (Book X. c. vi.-ix. in an Appendix). With a continuous Analysis and Notes. By the Rev. E. MOORE, D.D. Crown 8vo. IQS. 6d. Bacon (FRANCIS). COMPLETE WORKS. Edited by R. L. ELLIS, JAMES SPEDDING and D. D. HEATH. 7 vols. 8vo., 3 135. 6d. LETTERS AND LIFE, including all his occasional Works. Edited by JAMES SPEDDING. 7 vols. 8vo.,^445. THE Ess A YS : with Annotations. By RICHARD WHATELY, D.D. 8vo., IDS. 6d. THE ESSAYS: with Notes. By F. STORR and C. H. GIBSON. Cr. 8vo, 35. 6d. THE ESSAYS: with Introduction, Notes, and Index. By E. A. ABBOTT, D.D. 2 Vols. Fcp.8vo.,6s. The Text and Index only, without Introduction and Notes, in One Volume. Fcp. 8vo., 2s. 6d. Political Philosophy. PSYCHOLOGY, &C. Bain (ALEXANDER). MENTAL AND MORAL SCIENCE : a Compendium of Psychology and Ethics. Crown 8vo., IDS. 6d. Or separately, Part I. PSYCHOLOGY AND HISTORY OF PJ'IILOSOPHY. Crown 8vo., 6s. 6d. Part II. THEORY OF ETHICS AND ETHICAL SYSTEMS. Crown 8vo., 45. 6d. SENSES AND THElNTELLECT. 8vO.,I55. EMOTIONS AND THE WILL. 8vo., 155. LOGIC. Part I. DEDUCTION. Crown 8vo., 45. Part II. INDUCTION. Crown 8vo., 65. 6d. PR A CTICA L Ess A YS. C r. 8 vo. , 25 . Bray. THE PHILOSOPHY OF NECES- SITY: or, Law in Mind as in Matter. By CHARLES BRAY. Crown 8vo., 55. Crozier (JOHN BEATTIE). CIVILISA TION AND PROGRESS : being the Outlines of a New System of Political, Religious and Social Philosophy. 8vo.,i45. HISTORY OF INTELLECTUAL DE- VELOPMENT : on the Lines of Modern Evolution. Vol. I. Greek and Hindoo Thought ; Graeco- Roman Paganism ; Judaism ; and Christi- anity down to the Closing of the Schools of Athens by Justinian, 529 A. D. 8vo., 145. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. Mental, Moral and Political Philosophy continued. LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY, &C. Davidson. THE LOGIC OF DEFINI- Kelly. GOVERNMENT OR HUMAN TION, Explained and Applied. By WILLIAM EVOLUTION. JUSTICE. By EDMOND L. DAVIDSON, M.A. Crown 8vo., 6s. KELLY, M.A., F.G.S. Cr. 8vo., 75. 6d. net. Green (THOMAS HILL). THE WORKS OF. Edited by R. L. NETTLESHIP. Vols. I. and II. Philosophical Works. 8vo., i6s. each. Vol. III. Miscellanies. With Index to the three Volumes, and Memoir. 8vo., 215. LECTURES ON THE PRINCIPLES OF j POLITICAL OBLIGATION. With Preface by BERNARD BOSANQUET. 8vo., 55. Gurnhill. THE MORALS OF SUICIDE. By the Rev. J. GURNHILL, B.A. Crown 8vo., 6s. Hodgson (SHADWORTH H.) TIME AND SPACE : A Metaphysical Essay. 8vo., ids. THE THEORY OF PRACTICE: an Ethical Inquiry. 2 vols. 8vo., 245. THE PHILOSOPHY OF REFLECTION. 2 Vols. 8vO., 2IS. THE MET A PHYSIC OF EXPERIENCE. ' Book I. General Analysis of Experience ; Book II. Positive Science; Book III. Analysis of Conscious Action ; Book IV. The Real Universe. 4 vols. 8vo., 365. net. Hume. THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS OF DAVID HUME. Edited by T. H. GREEN and T. H. GROSE. 4 vols. 8vo., 285. Or separately, ESSAYS. 2 vols. 145. TREATISE OF HUMAN NATURE. 2 vols. 145. James. THE WILL TO BELIEVE, and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy. By WILLIAM JAMES, M.D., LL.D., etc. Crown 8vo., 75. 6d. Justinian. THE INSTITUTES OF JUSTINIAN : Latin Text, chiefly that of Huschke, with English Introduction, Trans- lation, Notes, and Summary. By THOMAS C. SANDARS, M.A. 8vo., i8s. Kant (IMMANUEL). CRITIQUE OF PRACTICAL REASON, - AND OTHER WORKS ON THE THEORY OF \ ETHICS. Translated by T. K. ABBOTT, ; B.D. With Memoir. 8vo., 125. 6rf. FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF THE METAPHYSIC OF E THICS. Translated by T. K. ABBOTT, B.D. Crown vo, 35. INTRODUCTION TO LOGIC, AND HIS \ ESSAY ON THE MISTAKEN SUBTILTY OF j THE FOUR FIGURES.. Translated by T. \ K. ABBOTT. 8vo., 6s. K i 11 i c k. HANDBOOK TO MILL'S SYSTEM OF LOGIC. By Rev. A. H. KILLICK, M.A. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. Ladd (GEORGE TRUMBULL). A THEORY OF REALITY: an Essay in Metaphysical System upon the Basis of Human Cognitive Experience. 8vo., i8s. ELEMENTS OF PHYSIOLOGICAL PSY- CHOLOGY. 8vo., 2is. OUTLINES OF DESCRIPTIVE PSYCHO- LOGY: a Text-Book of Mental Science for Colleges and Normal Schools. 8vo., 125. OUTLINES OF PHYSIOLOGICAL PSY- CHOLOGY. 8vo., I2s. PRIMER OF PSYCHOLOGY. Cr. 8vo., 55. 6d. Lecky. THE MAP OF LIFE: Con- duct and Character. By WILLIAM EDWARD HARTPOLE LECKY. 8vo., IDS. 6d. Lutoslawski. THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF PLATO'S LOGIC. With an Account of Plato's Style and of the Chrono- logy of his Writings. By WINCENTY LUTOSLAWSKI. 8vo., 215. Max Miiller (F.). THE SCIENCE OF THOUGHT. 8vo*, 215. THE Six SYSTEMS OF INDIAN PHIL- OSOPHY. 8vo., 1 8s. Mill JOHN STUART). A SYSTEM OF LOGIC. Cr. 8vo., 35. 6d. ON LIBERTY. Crown 8vo., is. 4.d. CONSIDERATIONS ON REPRESENTA- TIVE GOVERNMENT. Crown 8vo., 2s. UTILITARIANISM. 8vo., 2s. 6d. EXAMINATION OF SlR WlLLIAM HAMILTON'S PHILOSOPHY. 8vo., i6s. NATURE, THE UTILITY OF RELIGION, AND THEISM. Three Essays. 8vo., 5$. Mo nek. AN INTRODUCTION TO LOGIC. By WILLIAM HENRY S. MONCK, M.A. Crown 8vo., 55. Romanes. MIND AND MOTION AND MONISM. By GEORGE JOHN ROMANES LL.D., F.R.S. Cr. 8vo., 45. 6d. Froude's (J. A.) The Spanish Story of the Armada, and other Essays. y. 6d. Froude's (J. A.) Short Studies on Great Sub- jects. 4 vols. y. 6d. each. Froude's (J. A.) Oceana, or England and Her Colonies. With 9 Illustrations, y. 6d. Froude's ( J. A.) The Council of Trent, y. 6d. Froude's (J. A.) The Life and Letters of Erasmus. 3.?. 6d. Froude's (J. A.) Thomas Carlyle : a History of his Life. 1795-1835. 2 vols. 7J. 1834-1881. 2 vols. 75. Froude's (J. A.) Caesar : a Sketch, y. 6d. Froude's (J. A.) The Two Chiefs of Dunboy : an Irish Romance of the Last Century, y. 6d. Olelg's (Rev. G. R.) Life of the Duke of Wellington. With Portrait. 3*. 6d. Greville's (C. C. F.) Journal of the Reigns of King George IV., King William IV., and Queen Victoria. 8 vols., y. 6d. each. Haggard's (H. R.) She : A History of Adventure. With 32 Illustrations, y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Allan Quatermain With 20 Illustrations, y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Colonel Quaritch, V.C. : a Tale of Country Life. With Frontispiece and Vignette. 35. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Cleopatra. With 29 Illustra- tions, y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Eric Brighteyes. With 51 Illustrations, y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Beatrice. With Frontispiece- and Vignette. 3^. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Allan's Wife. With 34 Illus- trations. 35. 6d. Haggard (H. R.) Heart of the World. With 15 Illustrations, y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Honteznma's Daughter. With 25 Illustrations. 3*. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) The Witch's Head. With 16 Illustrations. 3^. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Mr. Meeson's Will. With 16 Illustrations. 35. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Nada the Lily. With 23 Illustrations. 3^. 6d. Haggard's (H.R.) Dawn. With 16 Illusts. y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) The People of the Hist. .With 16 Illustrations. y. 6d. Haggard's (H. R.) Joan Haste. With 20 Illus- trations, y, 6d. Haggard (H. R.) and Lang's (A.) The World's Desire. With 27 Illustrations. 3^. 6d. Harte's (Bret) In the Carquinez Woods and other Stories, y. 6d. Helmholtz's (Hermann von) Popular Lectures, on Scientific Subjects. With 68 Illustrations. 2 vols. 3$. 6d. each. Hope's (Anthony) The Heart of Princess Osra. With 9 Illustrations. y. 6d. Hornung's (E. W.) The Unbidden Guest, y. 6d Hewitt's (W.) Visits to Remarkable Places. With 80 Illustrations, y. 6d. Jefferies' (R.) The Story of My Heart: My Autobiography. With Portrait, y. 6d. Jefferies' (R.) Field and Hedgerow. With Portrait. 3^. 6d. Jefferies' (R.) Red Deer. With 17 Illusts. y. 6d. Jefferies' (R.) Wood Magic: a Fable. With Frontispiece and Vignette by E. V. B. 3*. 6d. Jefferies (R.) The Toilers of the Field. With Portrait from the Bust in Salisbury Cathedral. y. 6d. Kaye (Sir J.) and Malleson's (Colonel) History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857-8. 6 vols". y. 6d. each. Knight's (E. F.) The Cruise of the < Alerte ': the Narrative of a Search for Treasure on the Desert Island of Trinidad. With z Maps and 23 Illustrations, y. 6d. Knight's (E. F.) Where Three Empires Meet: a Narrative of Recent Travel in Kashmir, Western Tibet, Baltistan, Gilgit. With a Map and 54 Illustrations. 3^. 6d. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. The Silver Library continued. Knight's (E. F.) The ' Falcon ' on the Baltic : a Coasting Voyage from Hammersmith to Copenhagen in a Three-Ton Yacht. With Map and n Illustrations, y. 6d. Kbstlin's (J.) Life of Luther. With 62 Illustra- tions and 4 Facsimiles of MSS. y. 6d. Lang's (A.) Angling Sketches. With 20 Illustra- tions, y. 6d. Lang's (A.) Custom and Myth: Studies of Early Usage and Belief, y. 6d. Lang's(A.)Cock LaneandCommon-Sense. y. 6d. Lang's (A.) The Book of Dreams and Ghosts, y. 61. Lang's (A.) A Monk of Fife : a Story of the Days of Joan of Arc. With 13 Illustrations. y. 6d. Lang s( A.) Myth, Ritual, and Religion, avols. 75. Lees (J. A.) and Clutterbuck's (W. J.) B. C. 1887, A Ramble in British Columbia. With Maps and 75 Illustrations, y. 6d Levett-Yeats' (S.) The Chevalier D'Auriac. y. 6d. Macaulay s (Lord) Complete Works. ' Albany ' Edition. With 12 Portraits. 12 vols. y. 6d. each. Macaulay 's (Lord) Essays and Lays of Ancient Rome, etc. With Portrait and 4 Illustrations to the ' Lays '. y. 6d. Macleod's (H. D.) Elements of Banking. y.6d. Marbot's (Baron de) Memoirs. Translated. 2 VOls. JS. Marsh man's (J. C.) Memoirs of Sir Henry Havelock. y. 6d. Merivale's (Dean) History of the Romans under the Empire. 8 vols. y. 6d. each. Merriman's (H. S.) Flotsam : A Tale of the Indian Mutiny, y. 6d. Mill's (J. S.) Political Economy, y. 6d. Mill's (J. S.) System of Logic, y. 6d. Milner's (Geo.) Country Pleasures : the Chroni- cle of a Year chiefly in a Garden, y. 6d. Nansen's (F.) The First Crossing of Greenland. With 142 Illustrations and a Map. y. 6d. Phillipps- Wolley's (C.) Snap : a Legend of the Lone Mountain With 13 Illustrations, y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) The Orbs Around Us. y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) The Expanse of Heaven, y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Light Science for Leisure Hours. First Series, y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) The Moon. y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Other Worlds than Ours. y.6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Our Place among Infinities : a Series of Essays contrasting our Little Abode in Space and Time with the Infinities around us. y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Other Suns than Ours. y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Rough Ways made Smooth. y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Pleasant Ways in Science. y.6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Myths and Marvels of As- tronomy, y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Nature Studies, y. 6d. Proctor's (R. A.) Leisure Readings. By R. A. PROCTOR, EDWARD CLODD, ANDREW WILSON, THOMAS FOSTER, and A. C. RANYARD. With Illustrations, y. 6d. Rossetti's (Maria F.) A Shadow of Dante, y. 6d. Smith's (R. Bos worth) Carthage and the Cartha- ginians. With Maps, Plans, etc. y. 6d. Stanley's (Bishop) Familiar History of Birds. With 160 Illustrations, y. 6d. Stephen's (L.) The Playground of Europe (The Alps). With 4 Illustrations. 35. 6d. Stevenson's (R. L.) The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde; with other Fables. y. 6./. Stevenson (R. L.) and Osbourne's (LI.) The Wrong Box. y. 6d. Stevenson (Robert Louis) and Stevenson's (Fanny van de Grift) More New Arabian Nights. The Dynamiter. 3.5-. 6d. Trevelyan's (Sir G. O.) The Early History of Charles James Fox. y. 6d. Weyman's (Stanley J.) The House of the Wolf: a Romance. y. 6d. Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Petland Revisited. With 33 Illustrations, y. 6d. Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Strange Dwellings. With 60 Illustrations. 35-. 6d. Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Out of Doors. With n Illustrations, y. 6d. Cookery, Domestic Management, &e. Acton. MODERN COOKERY. By BucktOn. COMFORT AND CLEANLI- ELIZA ACTON. With 150 Woodcuts. Fcp. 8vo., 45. 6d. .Ashby. HEALTH IN THE NURSERY. By HENRY ASHBY, M.D., F.R.C.P., Physi- cian to the Manchester Children's Hospital. With 25 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 35. 6d. NESS : The Servant and Mistress Question. By CATHERINE M. BUCKTON. With 14 Illustrations. Crown 8vo., 2s. Bull (THOMAS, M.D.). HINTS TO MOTHERS ON THE MAN- AGEMEA r OF THEIR HEALTH DURING THE PERIOD OF PREGNANCY. Fcp. 8vo., is. 6d. THE MATERNAL MANAGEMENT OF CHILDREN IN HEALTH AND DISEASE. Fcp. 8vo., is. 6d. MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 29 Cookery, Domestic Management, &e. De Salis (MRS.). CAKES AND CONFECTIONS A LA MODE. Fcp. 8vo., is. 6d. DOGS : A Manual for Amateurs. Fcp. 8vo., 15. 6d. DRESSED GAME AND POULTRY A LA MODE. Fcp. 8vo., 6