FINCH AND BAINES i 
 
 A SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRIENDSHIP 
 
 ARCHIBALD MALLOCH
 
 \ uNlVf-CSlT'f OF
 
 Viyyv\A..a(rn^e4iC'y5>t^ 
 
 FINCH AND BAINES
 
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 C. F. CLAY, Manager 
 
 aonHon: FETTER LANE, E.G. 
 
 eijinbuvsll : loo, PRINCES STREET 
 
 ifttto gntk: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 Bombag, Calcutta anB JflaBtas: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 
 
 STotonto: J. M. DENT AND SONS, Ltd. 
 
 Eobgo: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 
 
 All rights reseii'ed
 
 Portrait by S. Van Hoogstraatcn of Anne Finch, Viscountess Conway (r) 
 (The Royal Gallei-y, The Haijuel
 
 FINCH AND BAINES 
 
 A SEVENTEENTH CENTURY FRIENDSHIP 
 
 BY 
 
 ARCHIBALD MALLOCH 
 
 B.A. (Queen's) ; M.D. (McGill) ; Temporary Captain, Canadian Army Medical Corps 
 
 "Nulla dies unquam memori nos eximet aevo" 
 
 (Virgil as adapted by Finch) 
 
 Cambridge : 
 
 at the University Press 
 1917
 
 TO MY FATHER 
 
 A. E. M. 
 
 A PUPIL AND DISCIPLE 
 
 OF 
 
 LISTER
 
 PREFACE 
 
 A T the suggestion of Sir William Osier, Bt., F.R.S., Regius Professor 
 of Medicine at Oxford, I undertook to write the story of the lives of 
 Sir John Finch and Sir Thomas Baines, and it has been a very pleasant but 
 quite a novel task. 
 
 The friendship of Sir John Finch and Sir Thomas Baines would make a very 
 interesting psychological study for one qualified for such work, but I have 
 endeavoured to give merely "a plain unvarnished tale," and as far as possible 
 in their own words. 
 
 The material for this little work has been found largely in the Finch papers, 
 a report on which is in course of publication by the Historical Manuscripts 
 Commission, and in the letters of Finch and Baines to Anne Viscountess 
 Conway at the British Museum. Certain useful facts have been gleaned from 
 the Calendars of Domestic State Papers of the 17th century. 
 
 It is a pleasure to acknowledge my great indebtedness to Wilfred Finch, 
 Esquire, the present owner of Burley-on-the-Hill, who has granted me per- 
 mission to photograph and publish the portraits. Other members of the Finch 
 family have also rendered valuable help in many ways. 
 
 My warmest thanks are due to Mrs Lomas, who is editing the Finch Report 
 for the Historical Manuscripts Commissioners, for she has allowed me to take 
 advantage of her wide experience; and to the Commissioners themselves for 
 granting facilities for consulting papers in their custod)\ The second volume 
 of the Finch Report is not likely to be published for some time on account of 
 the War, but for convenience of reference I have been allowed to quote the 
 pages of that volume on which letters used by me will appear. 
 
 I wish to express my gratitude to A. E. Shipley, Esquire, Sc.D., F.R.S., 
 Master of Christ's College, for many kindnesses, and for permission to have a 
 photograph taken of the tomb in Christ's College Chapel ; to Dr Norman Moore 
 lor valuable suggestions; to Lionel Cust, Esquire. C.V.O.. for help with the
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 portraits and permission to use blociis made for the Burlington Magazine from 
 my negatives; to Miss E. G. Parker, Oxford, for translations from the Latin; 
 to Charles Baxter, Esquire, for translations of ItaHan letters ; to the authorities 
 in charge of the MSS. Room at the British Museum; to Miss J. Ogilvie, late 
 of Somerville College, Oxford, for valuable aid in arranging the material; and 
 to Captain W. W. Francis for help in reading the proof. 
 
 Also to Sir Wm. Osier I owe a great debt of gratitude for his influence, 
 which has been a continual stimulus. I have gone to him in every difficulty that 
 has confronted me in this work, and in spite of the immense demands on his 
 time he has ever proved to be, as he has been called before, "the young man's 
 friend." 
 
 A. M. 
 
 British Expeditionary Force, France 
 2t)th November, 191 6
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 I. Early Education 
 
 II. Tour through France 
 
 III. Education in Padua 
 
 IV. Pisa . 
 
 V. England . 
 
 VI. Life in Florence 
 VII. England again 
 
 VIII. Constantinople 
 
 IX. Death of Baines 
 
 X. Return of Finch 
 
 XI. Finch's Death, Burial and Will 
 
 Appendix 
 
 Index ..... 
 
 10 
 22 
 
 30 
 
 39 
 
 56 
 6i 
 
 71 
 11 
 79 
 83 
 85
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Portrait by S. Van Hoogstraaten of Anne Finch 
 Viscountess Conway (?) 
 
 PLATE 
 
 I. Finch's Room at Christ's College 
 
 II. Monuments to Baines and Finch in the Aula Magna 
 
 Padua {By kind fermissioji of the Cambridge Anti- 
 quarian Society) ...... 
 
 III. Sir John Finch at his Studies, by S. Van Hoog 
 
 straaten ....... 
 
 IV. Portrait of Sir John Finch .... 
 
 V. Portrait of Sir Thomas Baines 
 
 VI. Portrait of Sir John Finch, by Carlo Dolci . 
 
 VII. Portrait of Sir Thomas Baines, by Carlo Dolci 
 VIII. Monument over the Grave of Finch and Baines 
 
 IX. Will of Sir John Finch 
 
 Frontispiece 
 opposite p. 3 
 
 19 
 
 21 
 
 31 
 32 
 SI 
 S3 
 
 79 
 
 80
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 EARLY EDUCATION 
 
 In the summer of 191 5 a chance of this War placed me in charge of a small 
 hospital for officers at Burley-on-the-Hill in Rutland. This was for years the 
 seat of the Earls of Winchilsea and Nottingham, whose family name was Finch. 
 
 It is a house rich in historical associations and contains a large collection 
 of fine portraits. Amongst these are several 17th century portraits of Sir John 
 Finch and Sir Thomas Baines, which are apparently the only ones to be found 
 in England. A valuable collection of family papers, many bearing on the lives 
 of Finch and Baines, was sent to the Public Record Office several years ago 
 together with note-books of these men. 
 
 Sir John Finch and Sir Thomas Baines probably hold an unprecedented 
 record in history for close and unbroken friendship. They were both medical 
 men and Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians and Fellows of the Royal 
 Society in its early days. They numbered Henry More and other Cambridge 
 Platonists amongst their friends, occupied important positions throughout 
 their lives, and by their wills established themselves as great benefactors to 
 Christ's College, Cambridge. In addition Finch was connected by marriage 
 with William Harvey, the discoverer of the circulation of the blood. 
 
 Thomas Baines was the elder of the two friends, but of his family and 
 early life we know very little except that he was the son of Richard Baines and 
 was born at Whaddon in Cambridgeshire^, was at school at Stortford under 
 Mr Legh, and was admitted pensioner at Christ's College under Mr Gell, 5th 
 October, 1638, when he was fourteen years of age. Reckoning from this the 
 date of his birth must have been 1624, though it is commonly given as 1622. 
 Two of Baines' brothers, Richard and Francis, had already been at Christ's 
 College, having entered in 1622 and 1626 respectively. In the year 1642-3 
 Baines took his B.A. degree and in 1649 his M.A. 
 
 John Finch was the third son of Hencage Finch, Recorder of the City of 
 London. John's eldest brother, Heneage, afterwards Lord Chancellor Finch 
 
 ' See Biographical Register of Christ's College 1505-1905 by John Peile, and also History of Christ's College by 
 the same author.
 
 2 EARLY EDUCATION [ch. 
 
 and first Earl of Nottingham, was born at Heneage House, but I have been 
 unable to determine the place of birth of the second and third sons, Francis 
 and John. According to F. Barnard's Nativities, a manuscript in the possession 
 of Sir Wm. Osier, Bt., the date of John's birth was 15th March, 1626. He 
 received his early education at Eton under Norris^ and at Mr Sylvester's school 
 in the parish of All Saints, Oxford. 
 
 The accounts of John Finch's university career are at variance; Anthony 
 Wood^ wishes to show that Oxford was Finch's first love, whilst Cambridge 
 authorities do not like to relinquish any claim they have upon him. As Heneage 
 Finch had already been at Oxford and as Sylvester was a Balliol man, it seemed 
 probable that Wood was correct in stating that, at about the age of 15, Finch 
 entered Balliol as a gentleman commoner. The complete Register of Balliol 
 men never has been published, but the Rev. Andrew Clark, LL.D., Fellow of 
 Lincoln College and now Rector of Great Leighs, Essex, has gone over all the 
 registers (including the " buttery books") and I have been enabled to use his MS. 
 which clears up the matter in question and shows that Anthony Wood's account 
 is accurate. On 19th February, 1641-2, both Francis and John Finch, second 
 and third sons of Sir Heneage Finch, Serjeant at Law, were admitted as fellow 
 commoners to Balliol and both "gave ,^5 to Chapel Fund." In 1643 both 
 men's names are on the books as fellow commoners; September, 1644, Francis' 
 name does not appear though John is down as a fellow commoner but " non- 
 resident": in 1645 and 1646 John Finch is still a fellow commoner and still 
 " non-resident." During the latter year there were hardly any undergraduates, 
 owing to the political disturbances, and John Finch's name is the only one given 
 as fellow commoner. F. Barnard, Brit. Mus. SI. MSS. 1683, gives a horoscope 
 or "Astrology Scheme" of John Finch with several principal facts of his life. 
 One interesting but very brief statement runs "sick at Newbury Fight," and 
 this must refer to engagements in September, 1643, or October, 1644. Finch 
 never mentions the Civil War, but Barnard's other statements are correct. 
 Was Finch a combatant? In the year 1647, 22nd May, John Finch received 
 the degree of B.A. 
 
 Finch's periods of non-residence at Balliol may be explained, for Joseph 
 Foster in his Alumni Oxonienses states that Finch was admitted as member of 
 the Inner Temple in 1644; however, both Francis and John (sons of Sir Heneage) 
 were admitted in November, 1642^, but only the former continued his studies 
 there. John Finch sought a quieter spot than Oxford, then garrisoned by 
 Royalist troops and where there was "scarce the face of an university left," 
 
 ' Pelle, loc. cil. 
 
 ^ Aihenae et Fasti Oxonienses, 2nd ed., Fasti 58. 
 
 ^ Members admitted to the Inner Temple 1 547-1660, edited by W. R. Cooke, M.A., London, 1877.
 
 i] EARLY EDUCATION 3 
 
 so he went to Christ's College, Cambridge, and was admitted there as pensioner 
 under Mr Potts, nth April, 1645, at the age of 18 or 19. He returned to Balliol 
 and obtained his B.A., 22nd May, 1647. Not knowing that Finch had first gone 
 to Oxford, Pcile found it difficult to explain why he took his B.A. at Oxford. 
 However during this year Oxford "was turned topsy-turvy by the Visitors^" 
 and Finch again went to Cambridge, and was incorporated in 1647 and had 
 Henry More as his tutor. 
 
 At Christ's College Finch and Baines met and thus began their life-long 
 friendship. The Book of Study Rents shows they were joint occupants of the 
 "second upper chamber" in the "southermost" (? northernmost) staircase of 
 the New Building, and Finch's arms are to be seen to this day in a finely oak- 
 panelled room of the New, or Fellows, Building (Plate I). It is most probable that 
 during Finch's second stage at Christ's College, he and Baines had Henry More, the 
 Platonist (1614-1687), as their common tutor, though Gell, Baines' tutor, was 
 still in residence; for Potts, Finch's former tutor, was no longer at Cambridge, 
 having either died or been ejected, and many years later More claimed to have 
 had them both under his care^. Both Finch and Baines wrote of him as tutor, 
 and each left money to More in his will. 
 
 It is not quite so Hkely that More introduced the young men to each other, 
 as is usually stated, though his relations with the family of Finch were possibly 
 already intimate. His "Heroine Pupil," Anne, Viscountess Conway and Kil- 
 lutagh, was the eldest (?) child of Heneage Finch, Recorder of the City of London, 
 and therefore sister to John Finch ; and in later years More often visited her 
 country seat of Ragley in Warwickshire. She was reputed the most learned 
 of the "female metaphysical writers" of England. In the year 1676, More was 
 persuaded by the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Nottingham, to accept a prebend 
 at Gloucester which however he immediately resigned to a friend^. John Finch, 
 it would seem, "always retained a High Veneration for the Person and the 
 Writings of the Doctor*." 
 
 In reference to the first meeting of Finch and Baines, Ward in his Lives 
 of the Professors of Greshani College writes : 
 
 They have a tradition at Christ College, that while Mr Finch was student there, taking 
 too great liberties, his sizar Thomas Baynes, very tenderly admonished him of his misconduct : 
 which at first he resented, but upon reflection complied with his advice, and ever after made 
 him his constant and bosom friend. 
 
 Both Finch and Baines obtained the degree of M.A. at Cambridge in 1649. 
 
 1 Wood, loc. cit. 
 
 ' Epitaph on the tomb of Finch and Baines. 
 
 ' Rev. R. Ward, Rector of Ingoldsby, Life of Henry More, 1710. 
 
 « Rev. R. Ward, loc. cit. 
 
 1 — 2
 
 4 EARLY EDUCATION [ch. i 
 
 Dr George Rust^ (d. 1670), who succeeded Jeremy Taylor as Bishop of 
 Dromore (and ultimately was buried in the same tomb with Taylor), also 
 belonged to the Cambridge Platonist School, and Henry More and John Finch 
 were among his friends at Christ's College. Finch probably retained his friend- 
 ship for Rust and the latter wrote a "Discourse of Faith" which was pubHshed 
 by James Colli with the last edition of Joseph Glanville's Lux Orientalis (1682), 
 a work on the pre-existence of souls, and was dedicated "to the Honourable 
 Sir John Finch Knight^." Glanville was not a Cambridge man but was a follower 
 of the Platonists, and this group of men at this time constituted a society for 
 psychical research, so that Finch was probably not alone in some of his strange 
 beliefs of which we shall speak later. 
 
 Soon after this date Finch and Baines left England to study medicine in 
 Italy. About this time they wrote some verses in praise of the poems of 
 Mr William Cartwright, "the most noted poet, orator and philosopher of his 
 time," as Wood describes him. In 165 1, eight years after Cartwright had died, 
 at the age of thirty- two, a collection of his poems was pubHshed "ushered then 
 into the world by many copies of verses mostly written by Oxford men^." 
 Following some verses by "Fr. Finch, e Int. Tempi.," comes the poem by his 
 younger brother "lo. Finch," entitled "On Mr Cartwright's Excellent Poems," 
 and very fittingly next in order come those by "Thomas Baines" entitled "Upon 
 Mr Cartwright's Poems published after his death." Later on amongst the intro- 
 ductory verses are some by " Iz. Wa." The poems by Finch and Baines do not 
 show much imagination in the matter, or great skill in the versification and 
 are not worthy of much attention. To write verses of this nature was a very 
 ordinary accomphshment in those days, but the poems merit passing notice, 
 as the authors never published anything else either in prose or verse. 
 
 No verses by Baines appear in the Burley papers except some in Latin to 
 Molinetti, but at the British Museum, in a collection of contemporary verses, 
 there are several "extracted from MS. of Dr Baines" {Addit. MSS. 29921) and 
 one of these poems is on friendship. 
 
 1 Did. of Nat. Biog. 
 
 * Wood, Atbenae Oxonienses, 2nd ed., vol. ii, p. 665. 
 
 ^ " Comedies Tragi Comedies with Other Poems, by Mr William Cartwright, late Student of Christ Church, Oxford." 
 London, printed for Humphrey Moseley, 1651, octavo. Selden's copy, to which Wood refers, is in the Bodleian 
 Library.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 TOUR THROUGH FRANCE 
 
 Finch and Baines determined to study abroad, but Andrich's^ book on 
 the English and Scottish students at Padua does not give their names until 1654-5. 
 However a pass to travel into France was granted in 1651, as the Calendar of 
 State Papers for that year shows, and the intervening period is well covered by 
 the Conway papers (Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23215) and by a journal written 
 by John Finch which has been published amongst the Finch papers by the 
 Historical Manuscripts Commission^. It deals with their visits to "Diepe," 
 Rouen, Paris and their passage through Sens, Dijon, and Lyons to Geneva. 
 The journal is cut off short before they reached Milan. It begins "Wee set 
 out from London October 20, 1651. Tuesday 21, we came to Rye, with my 
 sister C[onway] and brothers C[onway] and F. F[inch]." This young man 
 John Finch kept his wits about him, and his eyes and ears open, and was not 
 taken in by some sly thieves. He grows delightfully gossipy at times, especially 
 about "Sir K. D[igby]," whom he knew in Paris. In a thin vellum bound book, 
 which was amongst the manuscripts of Finch and Baines at Burley-on-the-Hill, 
 there is on the front page a small table of accounts dated "Paris December 17th 
 1651." 
 
 From a medical point of view some passages in the journal are quite 
 worth quoting. Speaking of Rouen, he says, "It is the biggest city in France 
 next to Paris unlesse Lyons stand in competition with it. But it is seldome 
 free from the plague by reason that it is encompassed on every side with hils, 
 so that the aire is not free." They reached Paris Sunday, November 9-19 
 
 ' DeNalione Anglica El Scola Jurisiarum Universitalis Patcvinae, Scripsit lo. Aloys Andricb, Patavii MDCCCXCII 
 — Caput V. Scholarcs Anglici p. 148. " MDCLIV-V d. loannes Finchi anglus alJias 21" : " d. Thomas Banes anglus 
 allias 22." On p. 150, in a long list of names, we find " d. Thomas Baines anglus allias d. loanncs Fineck anglus 
 allias." This latter is one of the few instances in which the usual order of names is reversed. It will be seen that 
 both names suffer changes and on p. 151 there is written " d. Thomas Bain anglus allias." For "allias" read 
 "otherwise" or "entered elsewhere also" as the names are given in the New Register. It is seen here and later 
 on p. 18 that the bedell of the University made many mistakes in writing down the names, and the Latin 
 endings are marvellous. 
 
 * Report on the Manuscripts of AUcn George Fincb Esq. of Burley-on-lhe-Hill, vol. i (cd. 6508), 1913, p. 59. Also 
 see letter from John Finch to his sister Mrs Conway, Calendar of State Papers — Domestic Series 1 651-1652, p. 205, 
 which describes incidents of hit trip from Paris to Lyons.
 
 6 TOUR THROUGH FRANCE [ch. 
 
 and remained there til] March 14. He compares the city with London and 
 
 writes : 
 
 The streets are more durty (sic) than London, yet one may walke cleaner because the 
 streets are better paved... and though Paris is situated so low and all the filth of the houses 
 emptied into the streets, yet the plague is very rarely amongst them; but the diseases 
 (which) are most frequent are the dropsy, shed stone and fievres. And the Paris physitians, 
 be the disease what it will, alwayes open a veine and praescribe a ptisan and a purge of manna. 
 
 Speaking of the Carthusians, he says they 
 
 are nigh to this [Palais de Luxembourg] who, though they never eat no flesh, yet feed upon 
 macreus (macreuses, Scotch barnacles). They do not allow Bezar^ because the stone of 
 goats, nor any medcin comming from flesh in any case. To study chymistry is forbidden 
 by their statutes as Father Mignet told me. They pray at least n hours in the 24, so that 
 they have little time to study. 
 
 His picture of the conditions obtaining in the hospitals is a strilcing one. 
 
 The Hostel Dieu for the number of diseased is a famous hospital but there's eight in a 
 bed. But the Charite is the best accomadated that can be, as well as any gentleman in his 
 own house. I believe there is about 200, every man in a bed singly. The paynes of those 
 religious persons, which tend them is to be pitied. 
 
 From Paris they proceeded to Sens and thence to Auxerre, Noye (Noyers), 
 
 Dijon, thence to Chalon. 
 
 To Chalon we came Aprill 6. which wee had as little time to see as Beaune (a pretty town 
 where there's the best hospital of France). In Chalon the Prince of Conde has a small but 
 pretty house, and the Nostre Dame de Chalon is famous for miracles before whose shrine 
 I saw many crutches hanged up which they say were the vota of the healed. ...On Sunday 
 April 4-14 for i8j^, I took horse with the messenger for Geneva {i.e. from Lyons) but so 
 extreamly sick that I was, besides asthmaticall, generally distempered. 
 
 Whilst in Geneva he writes "on Wednesday, Aprill 7-17, I came to the house 
 of Monsieur Parost that married a Welch woman ; he was steward to Monsieur 
 Beleivre the French Embassadour. In three dayes, finding English beere and 
 conveniences, after a purge I was perfectly well." 
 
 It is very much to be regretted that this journal was not kept constantly 
 throughout Finch's stay in Italy. However the journal is well supplemented by 
 the letters from Finch to his sister which are to be found in manuscript amongst 
 the Conway papers at the British Museum^. These letters are of the most affec- 
 tionate nature and show a real love of Finch for Anne Conway. There must 
 have been a constant interchange of epistles between the brother and sister 
 almost every week up to the time of her death in 1679; ^^^ only one in this 
 series from Anne to John is preserved. Some of the letters are written to 
 "Dearest Soule," but the favourite term of address is "Dearest Dear" or "My 
 D.D." They close usually with the words "Your most entirely affectionate 
 Brother." 
 
 * Lapis bezar, supposed antidote for poison (note in report on MSS.). 
 2 Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23215.
 
 iij TOUR THROUGH FRANCE 7 
 
 Writing from Paris December l-ii, 165 1, he makes an interesting note 
 about Calvin: 
 
 As I went by the Colledge Moyen built by Cardinall Moyen I saw the house which Calvin 
 liv'd in, it is in the close to the Colledge but it is pull'd down to the ground and none suffer'd 
 to build upon (the) place any more; which is punishment inflicted upon none but the worst 
 of malefactors as upon Ravilliac a schollar of the Jesuits who stab'd Henry the 4th. But 
 Calvin's house is now made a Dunghill. 
 
 In these letters Dr Harvey is mentioned several times and perhaps it is 
 better to group together at this point the passages referring to him, although 
 the two last are from letters of a httle later date. Heneage Finch married 
 EHzabcth, daughter of William Harvey's younger brother Daniel, and the 
 relations of the two families must have been quite intimate. At Burley-on- 
 the-Hill were kept for many years the "tabulae Harveianae" which are dry 
 specimens of human blood vessels and nerves. In 1823 they were presented 
 to the Royal College of Physicians, by the Earl of Winchilsea^, and only about 
 ten years ago portraits of Dr Harvey, Mrs Harvey and of Sir Daniel Harvey 
 were lost in a fire at Burley. The wills of Finch and Baines were put into the 
 hands of Dr Harvey's brother. Sir Eliab Harvey {vide infra). William Harvey's 
 last will was signed in the presence of Heneage Finch and Francis Finch and 
 he left to his "loving cousin, Mr Heneage Finch for his fair pains, counsel and 
 advice about the contriving of this my will one hundred pounds." 
 
 In the letter from Paris just quoted Finch gives a remarkable story of 
 Harvey which I do not think has ever been pubhshed before. 
 
 I was on Saturday with Sir Kenelme Digby where I had some philosophicall Discourse; 
 and he had heard of your marriage, but wondered with me at the story of Dr Harvey; I must 
 confesse I have scarce faith enough to beleive {sic) that he would Cutt himselfe but rather 
 beleive he voyded that stone you spoke of then cutt it out for I doe not see it was possible 
 for him in two dayes to be able to goe abroad otherwise. 
 
 Although by this time Harvey was an old man, Anne Conway, who was a 
 life-long invalid, was evidently under his care ; for Finch writes from Geneva, 
 August i-io, 1652: 
 
 I grieve much you are not yet dearest out of Dr Harvey's hands for though he is as 
 able a person as any I know, yet I had rather you had no reason for him to exercise his skill 
 which I wonder hath been so long time with so little success. 
 
 Finch, though he had not yet begun the study of medicine at any university, 
 does not hesitate to finish his letter with a great deal of advice as to his sister's 
 health. 
 
 A year later this young man again takes an independent stand in another 
 
 ' Munk's Roll Call of the Royai College of Physicians, vol. i, p. 144. See p. 36, and also Appendix.
 
 8 TOUR THROUGH FRANCE [en. 
 
 matter. He writes to his brother-in-law Conway from " Padoua, October 20-30, 
 1653," to the following effect: 
 
 As to the Question whether there be any such thing as an Universal! Medicine or not, 
 tis a thing I should not like be brought to speak of under any Notion but that of affection; 
 for I am so conscious to my selfe of my owne weaknesse that the commendations of Dr Harvey 
 and my other friends were a strong argument for my silence that I might not forfeit their 
 good opinion by appearing much below their apprehension : but the motives to say something 
 being the joynt desire of my sister and yourselfe; either of which wholy dispose of me, to 
 show both my obedience and affection I have added what follows. 
 
 Finch's opinion of this "Universall Medicine" will be learnt later. It seems 
 very possible that Finch knew Harvey personally and that Harvey suggested 
 to him that he should go to Padua to study medicine. 
 
 Whilst in Paris, Finch wished his letters addressed "a Monsieur Jean Finch 
 Gentillhomme Anglais, demeurant a la maison de Mademoiselle Beaumarche, 
 en la Riie Morfondiie, pres la Porte de Sainct Marceau a Paris." 
 
 Writing from Geneva, Finch gives his sister a description of the town, and 
 in speaking of the Lake tells her the tragedy of a man of science, whose religious 
 beliefs brought him to his death — the story of Servetus. 
 
 There were two here executed for religion much talked of whose story I would not have 
 you ignorant of; One Servetus a great Schollar in his time but of the same opinion which 
 Socinus after divulg'd. He wrote to Mr Calvin concerning these points, who desired him to 
 come to Geneva and he would give him a safe convoy. Servetus came, but instead of 
 disputing the buisenesse if he might receive satisfaction, Mr Calvin found him obstinate and 
 Servetus thought to have returned into Italy whence he came but he was accused to the 
 Councell by Mr Calvin as an Apostate from Christianity and so burnt. 
 
 It is quite interesting to note that Finch does not mention Servetus' discovery 
 of the lesser circulation of the blood {i.e. from the heart through the lungs and 
 thence back to the heart), but this was hidden away in the midst of a theological 
 treatise by Servetus entitled Christianismi Restitutio, 1553. 
 
 Finch gives the tale of the other martyr, but the letter is defective and 
 some of the words are torn out. 
 
 ...[First word torn and gone] Anton[io] since Mr Calvin's time was a Man that studied 
 the Civill Law, at length he ...Id have chang'd his Religion and turn'd Jew. The Jewes 
 would not admit him in the Synagogue, he lived at Nancy in Lorrain, and found to be of 
 the Religion and [w]as and recommended to be Parson of Versoy a town upon the Lake a 
 mile [from] Geneve he Preach'd there a year and the Lord of the Town a scollar, observ'd 
 he never made no mention of Jesus Christ and so begun to Question his faith which he 
 find... one night in his shert came in the snow to Geneve where being stopt by the Guard he 
 told them that he was a Jew and that that was the only Religion. ..be sav'd...and that he 
 would wish them to become so, he was committed to Bed[lam]...[torM] being not mad 
 was Condemn'd to be burnt as he went to the sta[ke]...[/or«] out of a cloud which he took 
 for a Miracle and exhorted all the People to be Jewes and spoke many blasphemous words 
 and so di[ed]. Dearest I begin to find my paper draw to an end and therefore I must come 
 to a conclusion.
 
 II] TOUR THROUGH FRANCE 9 
 
 These letters as a rule contain some affectionate messages to Conway and 
 to Henry More: "present my humble service to Mr More and excuse my not 
 writing to him which you may justly do since I have scarce time to end this 
 but that I am rejoysed to lay aside all things in order to you..." and neither 
 Finch nor Baines forgets to send remembrances to "Mrs Sarah," Anne Conway's 
 "library keeper," so that in all probability they had stayed with the Conways 
 before they left England. John Worthington (1618-1671) was a friend of More 
 and Anne Conway. In his will he left to several people "aoj. to buy a ring"; 
 amongst them was his niece "Sarah Worthington." It seems very probable 
 that "Mrs Sarah" and his niece were one and the same person.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 EDUCATION IN PADUA 
 
 Finch and Baines reached Padua in due course and began the study of 
 medicine, but their letters give us little idea of the life at the University at that 
 time, or of their particular work. Anne Conway was instructed to send letters 
 "al Georgio il Bedello-della natione Inglese." Baines was very fond of writing 
 descriptions of the trees and fruits of the country and of comparing them with 
 those of England. The weather also interested him greatly at times; their 
 first winter was cold, and he wonders much at this when he hears that the 
 season was a warm one in England : 
 
 Surely wee may justly expect a distemper in this great animal the World, when shee 
 is so praeternaturally cold in these parts neere the heart, the sunne I mean, and so unreason- 
 ably warme at the very same time in her extremities. 
 
 In Finch's letters to his sister there are some interesting passages about 
 the alchemist Van Helmont, the younger. In later years Van Helmont spent 
 much of his time at Ragley and indeed was there when Anne Conway died, but 
 at this time she was seeking everywhere a cure for the headaches that troubled 
 her so much throughout all her life, and she wrote to John Finch about Helmont 
 and his universal medicine as she wished to cross over to Holland to consult 
 him. Finch replied to her enquiries in October, 1652: 
 
 ...I shall again to fulfill your desires tell you my thoughts on all the Particulars you 
 mention. I told you our Anatomy Professor, a Venetian, informed me that Ottho Janckenius 
 was dead, but upon further enquiry I was the day after I sent away my last inform'd he was 
 alive. Whereupon I wrote a long Latin letter to him to know whether he was the Person 
 that sett out Van Helmonts workes assuring him that then I would wayt upon him to know 
 whether he knew any great cures effected by young Helmont, and particularly in the headach, 
 or whether he knew young Helmont pretended to an Universall Medicine. To all which he 
 returned me a civill reply in Latin and told me he was that man sett out that edition of Van 
 Helmont, but as for cures effected by Helmont at Venice, he knew none though he was 
 intimate with the young man, except a feavour after Nature had made the Orifis by Anti- 
 mony fixed, which saith he, was owed rather to Nature than his Ars, nay sayth he to speak, 
 as I ought, in a matter of so great importance: He is a very ignorant Person and though 
 I have diligently observed him I never knew him speake or doe anything extraordinary. 
 
 I told my Brother Conway in my last that young Helmont had done two Cures on 
 feavours as Moretus the Mathematique Professor told me but Jackening knowes but of one 
 he tells me and that was done by Nature to the young mans hand. I enquired of a German 
 concerning him and he told me that five of them Drs in Physick made it their businesse to 
 know what [grjeat matters had been effected by Helmont but that they found Nothing in
 
 CH. Ill] EDUCATION IN PADUA ii 
 
 all their. ..[torn] [wjorth mentioning save that at Augusta invited to dinner by a Margrave 
 he [and the MJargrave both dranke themselves sick, and that he then gave Physick to the 
 Margrave which had like to have lost him his life whereupon the friends of the Margrave had 
 killed him but that the Margraves Confessour carried him out of the Citty upon his own 
 Horse young Helmont riding behind him for his security. 
 
 I told you last weeke of two persons cured by Sir Ken. Digby whom the Father had 
 not cured and therefore the Father himselfe had no such universall remedies, he having 
 described five hundred besides that universall, which were it ef?ectuall the use were super- 
 fluous. I added that neither Helmont nor any man Hving ever pretended to cure all sorts 
 of Tumors and Ulcers by the same medicine; but that which heales one Gangrenes another 
 and inward diseases arising from the same cause which outward doe tis impossible to cure 
 them by the same medicine unlesse somebody can assure Mee that he can Cure a Cancer by 
 the same remedies he does bring a Phlegmon to suppuration, or that cold and hott distempers 
 are both cured by the same things : which if any man thinkes he may reconcile all the 
 Contrarieties in nature, it being impossible to introduce a disease because the same thing 
 that causes it would at the same time be its Cure. 
 
 Van Helmont sayes that one Butler, an Irishman, had this Universall Medicine. I am 
 sure I never in all my life time heard one word of Any such man, indeed there was a Butler 
 at Cambridge a rare man but he had none of those secrets I am sure Or else Crane his 
 Apothecary had never gotten £1500. per annum by his bills. Things return in a Circle wee 
 admire them beyond sens and they us and to speake freelv my Dearest I never yet found any 
 thing since my travell Equall to the Report I have heard made of it but all men have a 
 levity of spirit upon them to extoll and increase what pleases them and diminish what they 
 dis...[turn]. If you would have me speake plainly to you, Helmont shall alwayes be more 
 prized where he is not, than where he is.... 
 
 Finch continues that the voyage itself to the Low Countries may do his 
 sister good even if there Van Helmont can achieve nothing. Helmont at this 
 time is always treated with scant courtesy by Finch who determined to go and 
 see him in Germany: 
 
 Since that I am told by two Gentlemen of Bruxells that young Helmont is not there, 
 but that he is at this Present with the Elector of Luxenburgh at Sarisburgh, some two dayes 
 journey from Trent, and about five dayes journey from Padoua : so soone as I am assured of 
 this which I expect this night or tomorrow: Mr Baines and I will make a journey thither on 
 purpose. 
 
 Soon after this Finch and Baines made a short tour to Milan and Bologna, 
 and writing from Padua, December 4-14, 1652, after their return, he tells how 
 he sought there to cure Anne of her headache and at the same time reveals 
 the fact of his superstition. 
 
 The Church of St Peter the Martyr is observable, Aquinas wrote a copy of verses as he 
 passed that way for his epitaph, under the canopy of his tomb there are three coffins of 
 Marble which if one kisses they are free from the headache, your servant and I kissed them 
 on your behalf; I wish the remedy may succeed.... 
 
 It is generally stated that Finch was Consul of the English nation at the 
 University of Padua; but this seems hardly likely in view of the manner in 
 which he expresses himself on this point in 1652: 
 
 My Dearest, Mr Baines wrote thee word I refused to be ConsuU of the English Nation 
 at Padova although I was so importuned to it that I was afraid of being forced unlesse I had
 
 12 EDUCATION IN PADUA [ch. 
 
 prevented it by a design, I doe assure thee tvvas impossible for me to have had that office 
 unlesse I would have been drunk at least 40 times in the year. 
 
 At this time (1652) Finch began to send to his sister and brother-in-law 
 long "Discourses" on philosophical and scientific subjects. In one of these 
 "discourses" there is a very curious account "Of the Manner by which Trees 
 Plants and all Vegetables are Nourished." It begins with the extraordinary 
 statement that "Trees and plants are nourished not by the Root but by the 
 Bark," and closes with an interesting passage : 
 
 If it be urged further that Plants are Nourished by the Root because that In the Spring 
 and Summer their sap rises, and in the Winter it falls, which those that sell timber precisely 
 observe and therefore sell it in September, and likewise at the full of the Moon the sap rises 
 more than in the wain : and hence Physitians in their praescriptions in the Winter time 
 alwayes prescribe Roots and in the Spring time the Leaves but not in the Autumne. To 
 this I must reply that in those Creatures where there is a perfect circulation of the blood wee 
 discern the same effects and that the sap does not circulate by comming from the barke to 
 the Root. 
 
 In our selves we find that Vomits worke more in the Spring then Winter, That wee 
 are subject to sweating. That our brain and all our humours doe increase and decrease with 
 the Moone: But more particularly, Beares all the Winter long sleep in their Dens and eat 
 nothing when the sap is, as it were, driven to the Root, but in the Spring when the Sun has 
 its new vigour they, like plants, have their Resurrection and yet there was in them, shutt 
 in their dens, the same circulation there was before and after, although not so vigourous 
 in the one as to keep them wakeing nor in the Plants as to keep them flourishing. Tortoises 
 Cuckows and swallows and all sorts of Insects as Flies bees etc. are nipt by the Winter and 
 like Plants have their sap retire to their Root for they show forth no Exteriour Vitall Actions, 
 but at the Spring they show by their singings and Motions they are newly reviv'd as well 
 as Plants by their buds, and to speake truth what the heart is in sensitive Creatures the same 
 thing is the basis in a Plant, and the driving of the sap to the Root is the same which the 
 diminution of Naturall heat is in an Animall which hath sense, and its necessity and goeing 
 underground for shelter. 
 
 Lastly it moves me much to be of this Opinion what I and Mr Baines observed in passing 
 Mount Sampion, Wee saw a Firr Tree grow out of the Top of a great peice of a Rock which 
 had fallen down nay it grew out of the very Top of the Stone as if it had risen out of a Table, 
 so that there was not the least imaginable Earth which could give it Nourishment, so that 
 of Necessity it must be Nourished from its tender Tops of the branches and indeed upon all 
 those hills there is nothing but continued Rocks of stone and yet no place can be fuller of 
 Trees. 
 
 Harvey's book Exercitatio Anatomica De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Anima- 
 libus was pubHshed at Frankfort in 1628, and any references to the circulation 
 within 25 years after this date are always full of interest — as they show the 
 growth of an idea. In his argument Finch observed part of the truth but 
 depends too much upon analogies between vegetable and animal life. 
 
 Finch writes from Venice lo-20th February, 1652-3, about the "Discourses" ; 
 his sister was evidently stimulating the young man in his studies : 
 
 You may thinke dearest that I have fayled your expectation in that I have not sent 
 you any discourse of consequence, seriously I have severall on the Anvill, and I cannot finish
 
 in] EDUCATION IN PADUA 13 
 
 any yet fitt for you to read, for I shall study for your satisfaction as much as my own.... 
 Pray present my services to Mr More and let me know what he insists on in his booke and the 
 dedication to you. 
 
 There was later great consternation and much writing about one part of these 
 "Discourses" which miscarried in 1667, but fortunately Finch had numbered 
 the pages and kept a copy. Thus he was able to transcribe it, although he com- 
 plained of the length of time required to do this. For many years Finch kept 
 up this practice of sending these essays to England. Henry More, in his 
 letters to Anne Conway, writes of the discourses which she had sent on to him 
 to read. 
 
 As early as the year 165 1-2 Finch was interested in Descartes and writes 
 to Anne Conway (vide Cal. Dom. Papers for that year) : 
 
 ...I sent you 3 of Descartes Principles [Amsterdam 1644] by Mr Ayres, and hope you 
 have sent 2 to Cambridge and kept the 3rd for yourselfe. There was another MS. which 
 will do you no harm to peruse... if you are in your Mathematicks. 
 
 Henry More devoted many years of his life to the study of Descartes, and 
 although at first he looked on it very favourably, in later years he severely 
 criticized Descartes' Natural Philosophy. Finch in the following criticism is 
 chiefly concerned with Descartes' mathematics. It is expressed in a letter in 
 May, 1658: 
 
 ...As to Descartes my Dear I would with all my heart that I could thinke his Philosophy 
 as true as coherent : but coherency is no argument for he must be a man of mean parts, that 
 forgetts himselfe so far as to make one deduction contradict another. In short, most of 
 Descartes I looke on as the old Philosophy in new names.... 
 
 Finch and Baines only mention one of their teachers at Padua and this was 
 Mohnetti, the Professor of Anatomy. In 1649 ^^ succeeded VesHngius in the 
 chair which had been occupied by Vesalius, Fallopius and Fabricius ab Aqua- 
 pendente. He was the author of Dissertationes anatomico-fathologicae, Venet. 
 1675, 4°, and in this same year was the first to operate on the antrum of Highmore 
 through the cheek^. He was distinguished in the practice of medicine and also is 
 said to have discovered the seventh of the group of extrinsic muscles of the eye^. 
 
 In one of his note-books Finch copied out a very curious Latin poem 
 which might have been composed by one of the Mystics. It was written by 
 Baines in praise of this Venetian Mohnetti, and is headed by the words : 
 "Charissimi Thomae Baines equitis Aurati /Carmina in Anatomicas Molinetti/ 
 dissectiones Patavii Pubhce peractas / ab Antonio Molinetto rei Anatomicae 
 primario professore, 1652." 
 
 1 Haeser, Lebrbucb der Gacbicbte der Medizin, Bd. 11, S. 692. 
 * Bayle, Biograpbie Medicale, T. 11, p. 20.
 
 14 EDUCATION IN PADUA [ch. 
 
 Stupenda \ddimus! et quod est stupendius 
 Quot carnis offae, quot concisa frustula, 
 Tot extiterunt veritatis martyres. 
 Qui ne sepulchro destituantur nobili 
 Fiamus urnae comites atque has reliquias 
 Tanquam sacra Naturae servemus, ut brevi 
 Tot sint sepulchra quot vivorum pectora. 
 Molinette sic decet queis admoves manum 
 Tractare corpora, quamvisque sint emortua, 
 Peccamus, ulterius si pateremur mori. 
 
 Sad filiorum sentias clemens Pater 
 Dukes querelas, quas vagientes proferunt. 
 ^nigmaes omnes solvis, et nectis nodos. 
 Desinimus admirari hominem, at novus labor: 
 Incipimus unum obstupescere Molinettum. 
 Qui flexuosos sanguinis dum tramites 
 Agilemque cursum permeatus lubricos 
 Scrutaris, en sanguis correptus extasi 
 Stat piger in venis, nescitque progredi 
 Quia cum stupore viderat motum suum. 
 Sic pertinaces improbamus omnia. 
 Cur? quippe quod Tu luculentius probas 
 
 Dissectiones laudent queis placent tuas; 
 Parcius oportet istas: nam me judice 
 Non dissecas Molinette sed adornas corpora; 
 Et sordibus remotis, in crus integrum 
 Producis in Theatrum, et sequaces musculi 
 Solvuntur ad tactum; sic non Te Anatomicum 
 Praestas sed id quod abunde magis est, Deum. 
 
 Natura olim prodigiorum frusta parens 
 Effaeta quorsum monstra non cudis nova ? 
 Nubes fugantur, lacteae fulgent viae, 
 Chylumque priscam molientem fugam 
 MoHnettus intercepit, et thalamis tuis 
 Saepe salientem deprehendit sanguinem 
 In circulare motu: et ille publice 
 Ostendit arcanum prorsus connubium^ 
 Arteriarum cum venis, ut oscula 
 Fixere dulcia, mutuisque amplexibus 
 Laetantur indies, unde emersit Tua 
 Numerosa proles tot per elapsa saecula^. 
 
 Vesica duplex, musculus monstrum triplex 
 Nihil valebant, risit ad minutias: 
 Age igitur 6 Potens Dea ! res urget novi 
 Locate statim corporis fundamina. 
 Novos vocamus ductus et vitae nova 
 Principia; quod dignus est majoribus 
 MoHnettus ausis et meliori carmine. 
 
 1 "Hae Anastomoses manifestissimae sunt, in Vasis praeparantibus et plexu choroide." 
 
 2 "In ilia dissectione raonstrabat duplicem vesicam. Et musculus brachii biceps erat Triceps."
 
 Ill] EDUCATION IN PADUA 15 
 
 Which might be translated : 
 
 Poems of the most beloved Sir Thomas Baines, Knight, on the anatomical dissections 
 publicly performed by Antonio Molinetti, Professor primarius of Anatomy, at Padua, 1652. 
 
 We have seen stupendous things, and, what is more stupendous, as many were the 
 morsels of flesh, as many as were the clean-cut fragments, so many witnesses of Truth appeared. 
 And that these may not lack an honourable sepulchre, let us become companions to the 
 funeral urn, let us preserve these things as sacred things of Nature, so that, in short there may 
 be as many graves for them as there are breasts of living men. Thus, Molinetti, it behoves 
 us to treat the bodies to which you apply your hand, and, dead though they may be, we 
 should sin should we suffer them to die again. 
 
 But hear, kind Father, the gentle complainings of thy children, which they lisp forth. 
 You solve all enigmas, and you weave knots. We cease to wonder at man; but a new labour 
 arises: we begin to be amazed at Molinetti alone. While you search the supple pathways 
 of the blood, its nimble course, its slippery passages, behold our own blood seized with ecstasy, 
 halts inert in our veins, and cannot advance, because it had seen with wonder its own motion. 
 Thus we obstinately blame everything. Why ? Because you prove too lucidly. 
 
 Let those to whom they are pleasing praise your dissections. These things should be done 
 more sparingly; in my judgment, you do not dissect bodies, Molinetti, but adorn them. You 
 bring them into the Theatre cleansed from all dirt, perfect in limb, and the obedient muscles are 
 freed at your touch ; thus you show yourself not an anatomist, but, what is far greater, a god. 
 
 Nature, who was formerly the parent of prodigies, why art thou now exhausted, why 
 dost thou not shape new monsters .? The clouds are dispersed, the milky ways shine forth ; 
 Molinetti intercepts the chyle as it endeavours to continue its ancient flight, and often he 
 stays the blood as it issues from thy chambers in its circular course : and he shows pubhcly the 
 secret marriage of the arteries* with the veins, how they exchange sweet kisses, and rejoice 
 daily in mutual embracements, whence has arisen thy numerous progeny throughout past ages. 
 
 A double bladder- and an unnatural triple muscle were of no use, he laughed at 
 such trifles : come therefore, oh mighty goddess, it behoves at once to lay the foundations 
 of a new body. We call for new ducts and new principles of life; Molinetti is worthy of 
 greater deeds and a better song. 
 
 In those days teachers of anatomy used public demonstrations as Harvey 
 did in England in his Lumleian Lectures. Pepys in his Diary, 27th February, 
 1662-3, gives a very interesting description of the whole ceremony of such a 
 demonstration as he saw it some years later. The "theatre" which Baines 
 refers to is probably the one erected in Padua in 1593 by the Seigneury of Venice 
 as a tribute to Fabricius, when thirty years of his professorship had passed. 
 
 Bound together with the letters of Henry More to Anne Conway, which 
 were bequeathed to the British Museum by the Hon. John Wilson Croker in 
 i860*, is a small slip of paper on which is written an account of the circulation 
 of the blood. It is undated and unsigned and there is no reference to the docu- 
 ment in the next letter, which bears the date 23rd March, 1666-7. But it is 
 in the hand of John Finch and resembles most closely his writing between the 
 years 1653 and 1663. At this period he was more concerned with the study 
 of Anatomy than in later years. In the year 1 661, Malpighi with the aid of the 
 
 ' "These anastomoses are most manifest in the vessels of preparations and in the choroid plexus." 
 • "In that dissection he showed a double bladder, and the biceps of the arm was a triceps I" These 
 notes are by Baines or Finch. ^ Brit. Mus. Addii. MSS. 23216.
 
 i6 EDUCATION IN PADUA . [en. 
 
 microscope discovered how the blood reaches the small veins from the terminal 
 arteries. But since Finch does not make use of this new knowledge, we must 
 assume that his account of the circulation was written before that date. 
 
 He ranges himself on the side of Harvey, but it is interesting to note relics 
 of the pre-Harveian idea that the blood ebbed and flowed in both the arteries 
 and veins. It took time for men to follow up the Master's doctrine to all its 
 definite conclusions. The heart lies at the point of contact of two circles, the 
 greater and lesser vascular systems, and the blood flows only in one direction 
 in the blood channels. Finch makes use of the expression "into all the arteries 
 from the body," when in reaHty he knows that the blood in the arteries always 
 flows from the heart to all parts of the body. He shows a similar lack of definite- 
 ness in his description of the veins, for he speaks of their being ^^ diverted into 
 the whole body," instead of saying that the blood flows from the whole body 
 and is gathered up in two great veins. 
 
 Galen regarded the liver as the centre of the venous system and to this view 
 Finch would seem to adhere, if it is forgotten that we are all slaves to words and 
 phrases. In science traditional descriptions of structures are often retained, 
 though our knowledge of their function may have greatly advanced. Now-a- 
 days text-books of Anatomy often describe the course of nerve fibres or tracts, 
 in a manner irrespective of the direction, in which Physiology teaches us, the 
 impulse travels. Thus the subject is made more difficult for the student than 
 if structure and function were taught at one and the same time. 
 
 Of the Circulation of the Blood. 
 
 The Circulation of the Blood is the passing of the Blood from the heart into the Arteries, 
 from the Arteries into the Veines from the Veines into the heart againe. 
 
 In the heart there are two Ventricles or Concavities : the right and the left. The blood 
 passes from the right Ventricle into the lungs by the Arterious Veine from the lungs by the 
 Venous Artery into the left Ventricle of the heart and from the Left Ventricle into the great 
 Artery and from thence into all the arteries from the body. 
 
 On the side of each ventricle there's a purse : which is called the eares of the heart, 
 that on the right ventricle is made by the Vena Cava, that on the left ventricle by the Venous 
 Artery: From these two Auricles the right and left Ventricle doe receive the blood which 
 they expell out, the right ventricle into the lungs: the left ventricle into the great Artery. 
 
 The Arterious Veine arises from the right ventricle of the heart, it is improperly called 
 a Veine because it hath a pulse, which none the lesse the Arteries have : The Venous Artery 
 is improperly so called also: because it is a perfect veine, it having no pulse which all 
 arteries have and it carrying blood from the lungs into the heart which none but the veines 
 doe: and therefore also the Arterious Veine is an artery because it carries away the blood 
 from the heart. 
 
 An artery is a white hard substance made up of many hard skins that it might be able 
 to keepe in the blood which would otherwise force a passage; for if you cutt an artery, the 
 blood will break out so forceably that you cannot possibly stop it. The blood of the arteries 
 is of a fresher colour then that of the veines, the reason is this. The blood passes through 
 the lungs immediately before it goes into the arteries, now it is strained through the lungs as 
 through a sponge, and besides, the Aire the lungs draw within, so abates the heat of it and
 
 Ill] EDUCATION IN PADUA 17 
 
 purges it from grosse vapours, that it makes it of a fresh colour, for heat makes it dark as 
 you may see in bulls and in men that have a hott liver, and this purging of the blood is the 
 principall end of its Circulation. Any arteries come from the great Artery, which rises 
 from the left ventricle of the heart. A veine is a darker kind of substance made up of thinner 
 membranes then the arteries: The veines doe all rise from the liver, from the Venae Cava 
 and the Vena Portae and so are diverted into the whole bodie ; the blood when it comes into 
 the small veines from the arteries which are joyned to them in the extremities, goes into the 
 liver and from them by the Venae Portae too, it sends its blood into the Vena Cava and 
 from the Vena Cava it goes into the right auricle to the heart, and through the right auricle 
 into the right ventricle and goes by the Arterious Veine into the lungs. 
 
 Finch had been very ill in Geneva on the way to Padua, and in a letter in 
 
 1653 to his sister he describes another illness. The treatment he received is 
 
 perhaps worth noting ; also the letter at the same time shows Baines' devotion 
 
 to Finch: 
 
 I did some few dayes since never thinke to have beene able to have written you word 
 of my health, for on Nov. 18-28 it pleas'd God to visitt me with the bitterest fitt of sicknesse 
 that I ever underwent, I was sett upon by a Squinancy and its constant companion a Feavour 
 which in me was more violent than ordinary, and a violent distillation, the second day after 
 I fell sick I was not able to swallow I sent for Sybaticus and Molinettus the Physitians in 
 Padoua and they pronounced me a dead man, (but it hath pleased God to bee mercifull to 
 me) I was lett blood, used cupping glasses applied to my shoulders glisters (sic) and Purg... 
 [/orn] all within two dayes, when on a suddain they being all desperate it pleased God to 
 afford me some abatement; though after Mollinett was of opinion I should miscarry then 
 being brought to that weaknesse. After 5 dayes fasting that I could scarce discern anything: 
 Mr Baines, God reward him, 3 whole nights satt up with me and indeed was the onely comfort 
 I had in my disease by his care and vigilancy: To be short after 14 dayes sicknesse this day 
 I have been able to goe down staires, so that I hope that I may now say that I am recovered, 
 Lett me intreat thee my dearest to give thanks to the Lord for his Mercy vouchsafed me:... 
 
 Bargrave in his Travells (1654-5)^ describes a visit to Padua, and when 
 he mentions having met Finch and Baines he praises them highly. "Here 
 I had the favour to be matriculated into the University and to be entertained 
 by all the English Gentlemen with all imaginable Cortesie, specially by Mr John 
 Finch and his Sociat Mr Baines, two remarkable Patterns for learning and 
 Virtue." 
 
 Finch was made Pro-Rector and Syndic of the University in 1656, and the 
 
 following passage from Tomasinus^ relates the duties and privileges of that office : 
 
 When there is no Rector to be had, or \\hen he who has been elected is forced to be away 
 for more than a month, then a Vice-Rector or Pro-Rector, as well of the Doctors as of the 
 Juriconsults, shall be elected by the University such as shall be worthy of the Rectorate. 
 This honour often fell to the Gymnasium. He undertakes the duties of the Rector, and 
 enjoys the same oath of jurisdiction as the Rector swears to, his eminence and privileges, 
 with the exception indeed of the position of headship, and the exterior purple gown of the 
 Rector. He wore a long gown of ample sleeves like the Rector's but black in colour, and under 
 this exterior garment he wore red clothing. He received the gown with solemn ceremony 
 in tlie Cathedral church and was led to his lodgings by a numerous company. The last 
 
 ' Rawlinson MSS., Bodleian Library, No. C. 799. 
 
 ' Gymnasium Patavinum Jacobi PbiHtpt Tomasini, episcopi ^moniensis...Uiini,,MDCLlV. "Concerning 
 the Vicerector, Syndic and the Counsellors." Chap, xxiii (translation). 
 
 M. 3
 
 i8 EDUCATION IN PADUA [ch. 
 
 Vice-Rector of the Masters of Arts was Dominus Samuel Geisufius, 1617, who died from a 
 heavy fall from his horse. 
 
 From this time, since the office of the Gymnasium had lapsed, the Syndic, after a few 
 years, was honoured by the title of Vice-Rector, with a large power of office. He indeed 
 at the solemn functions of the University, that is to say, at the Disputations and the pro- 
 motions of Doctors, wears a gown reaching down to his ankles, and thrown over it another 
 long, sleeved gown of black silk, which the Bedell of the University takes charge of for a fee. 
 Each University had its own Syndic, who as the head of the same does all those things, which 
 formerly the Rector and the Vice-Rector undertook. The Counsellors attend on the Syndics, 
 who are elected every year on the appointed day of Elections, in the beginning of the month 
 of August in the presence of the most illustrious Rectors of the City, in the order and number 
 given above. Should any Syndic, as well of the Juriconsults, as of the Masters of Arts, be 
 absent, the Counsellors of each Germanic nation shall take his place. 
 
 Andrich^ mentions that the Scottish nation had already given one Syndic 
 — "Henricus Lindisy Scotus MDCXL-I"; while amongst those who followed 
 Finch in the office were "Guilielmus Stokeham," "Emmanuel Timoni," 
 "Richardus CoUins. " and "Thomas Tompson." Andrich^ gives an account of 
 Finch's election and of the important events during his tenure of office, and we 
 learn that young Finch was well thought of by his contemporaries at Padua. 
 
 John Finch, Englishman, 1656-7. 
 
 On the 1st of August 1656 Master John Finch, "having been elected without opposition, 
 by the consent of all, and with great applause, remained viva voce Prorector and Syndic." 
 On the 23rd of September the University senate, as Faciolati says, "ordered the Chancellors, 
 that if anyone had obtained honours not by the consent of all the voters, but by the greater 
 number only, commonly called 'by majority,' to declare this in the diploma, but they should 
 give the diploma in a less decorated form, not on parchment but on paper." At the meeting 
 on the 29th of September, there being present the Syndic and Counsellors, it was decreed that 
 the registers [matriculae] should be given out to the students and the Counsellors of the 
 nations should stand faith for each scholar. Wherefore from this year the Counsellors inter- 
 ceded for those who had matriculated [immatriculatio]. 
 
 On the 7th November, when the Turks had been conquered, it was declared that a book 
 in Latin or Italian should be written to congratulate the Venetian State, and on the nth 
 of Decem.ber, that two scholars that had received honours from the Venetian college without 
 payment, since they wished to be paid from the funds of the Gymnasium, should seek from 
 the University that which by favour, but not by law, perhaps it was able to grant. There are 
 two inscriptions dedicated to Finch in the Gymnasium. One in the entrance before the 
 halls E and B with a wreath (stemmate) and monument ; the other in hall A (the great hall) 
 with a carved wreath in which he is described, by the decree of the Jurists of the University, 
 as a most zealous defender and restorer of the privileges of the scholars. 
 
 Later a monument was also erected to the memory of another English 
 Syndic, Dr William Stokeham^. Prof. Darwin, who published a valuable paper 
 "On monuments to Cambridge men in Padua" (Trans, of Canib. Antiquar. Soc. 
 1 2th March, 1894), gives a plate of the sculptured monument with inscription 
 to Finch in the Aula Magna. Finch's arms were Argent a chevron between 
 three gryphons passant sable, but here there is a mullet (?) on the chevron, 
 
 * Loc. cit. B. Prorectores ac Syndic!. * Loc, cit. p. 14. 
 
 ^ Quoted by Ward (from Stowe's Survey of London) in section on Baines in The Lives of the Professors of 
 
 Gresham College.
 
 
 
 
 ItEE^^ 
 
 ^liipp^f^'^ 
 
 zs- 
 
 zpffiz: 
 
 — z ai < > ?; 
 
 
 C -J 
 
 ^ -r ■- 
 
 bJj 
 
 < =. 
 
 -3 
 
 Z ~A 
 
 o - 
 
 " ^ 
 
 S H 
 
 
 m 
 
 o ^
 
 Ill] EDUCATION IN PADUA 19 
 
 and the gryphons are falsely blazoned rampant. One of the three small monu- 
 ments (all alike) to Baines in the Aula Magna is depicted also. Baines' arms 
 were "sable two bones crosswise argent" (Gwillim) but here, as Prof. Darwin 
 pointed out, the bones are placed saltirewise and really the arms of Newton 
 are represented. Dr Peile, late Master of Christ's College, very generously 
 restored these monuments at his own expense. By the courtesy of the Cambridge 
 Antiquarian Society we are enabled to reproduce Plate II. 
 
 Some years after this Dr Edward Browne (i 642-1 708), son of Sir Thomas 
 Browne, came indirectly under the influence of Finch. Dr Norman Moore writes 
 in his Medicine in the British Isles : 
 
 Browne went to Venice and then spent some weeks in Padua studying Anatomy. The 
 dissection was admirably done by a demonstrator named Marchetti, who had been instructed 
 by Sir John Finch "one who in Anatomy hath taken as much pains as most now living." 
 
 This was probably Domenico de Merchettis, son of the surgeon Pietro de 
 Merchettis and one of the first Anatomists to inject the vessels. He noted (in 1652) 
 movements of heart muscle and muscle of the intestine independent of connection 
 with the brain^. 
 
 A letter written in 1657 to Anne Conway describes how Finch and Baines 
 took their degrees in the autumn of that year : 
 My dearest Dear, 
 
 You may imagine that I have scarce time enough to sett pen to paper that make 
 use of Dr Baines his letter and beleive it my Dear my persuading him to bear me company 
 in taking my degree of Doctor was the occasion of all this busenesse that hinders my present 
 writing for this week onely wee were both made Doctors of Physick, and you have no reason 
 to be angry at my silence for my taking my degree hath shortened my stay ten moneths which 
 otherwise I must have spent at Monpellier to that Purpose: Here is my Lo: V Scudamores 
 Sonne who married Mrs Mary Bennett who desired to live with me at Padoua having at Paris 
 wayted on you; but the expectation of my Lo: of Winchelsea whose comming I wondered 
 not permitted me not the opportunity to secure the Mr Scudamore in his desires.... 
 
 This letter is undated but the next one was written from "Padoua 3-13 Decem- 
 ber, 1657" and refers again to the taking of the degree. Finch evidently intended 
 to go back to England; "for I tooke my degree of Doctor together with 
 Mr Baines the deferring of which on either part till wee had left Padoua had 
 kept me six moneths longer from thee my dear then I now shall be...." 
 
 In this second letter Finch speaks of two Bologna dogs, which he and Baines 
 had sent to Anne Conway, and gives rules as to their care. Baines wrote 
 previously of one of them as a "Bolognia masty dogge." The Oxford Dictionary 
 gives "masty" as an old form for "mastiff," but it would be impossible for 
 " ladyes " to hold a mastiff on their " laps." Besides a mastiff could not be an "ex- 
 ceedingly low" dog. So we must conclude that they were house dogs of some kind. 
 
 I hope by this time the Bologna Dog and Bitch are safely arrived, which Dr Baines 
 and I sent you by Captain Haddock, Capt. of the Hannibal desiring you to give him 40 
 
 ' H.icscr, Lebrbucb dcr Gescbicbit dtr Medizin, Bd. ii, S. 283 and 328. 
 
 3—2
 
 20 EDUCATION IN PADUA [ch. 
 
 shillings or l^ for their carriage, he having a speciall care of them. The Dog is called 
 Julietto and the Bitch Vittoria. 
 
 1. Let them eat Flesh but in small Quantity; rather giving them bones to pick 
 then much meat, and be sure let them not eat salt meat. If they are fed by more then 
 one person they will eat too much and dye. They eat sweet Almonds or cakes if there 
 be not too much sugar in them for that will fill them full of wormes. Bread sopped in 
 the dish is good for them. 
 
 2. You must alwayes have a glasse-full of Distilled Water of Goats Rue, the 
 Apothecaries call it /Itjua Gategae or Aqua Rutae Caprariae of which you must once every 
 week give them to drink Letting them that day have no other water that they may be 
 sure to Drink of it; and if either of them are sik at any time Let them drink of that 
 water before you let them tast any other. 
 
 3. When you order them to be washed, give youre mayds speciall charge that 
 they wash not their heads for that will quickly destroy them ; but if their heads are 
 dirty at any time with a little bran let them be cleansed, the rest of their bodyes with 
 a wash bole may be washed all over; but the seldomer they are washed the better: 
 and scarce ever in Winter is best. In the Summer let the Mayds Flea them for they 
 will be exceedingly troubled with Fleas. For being exceedingly low they will gather 
 them all up in the house. 
 
 4. If they are troubled with extraordinary shaking of their heads insomuch that 
 they scratch their Ears because they Itch and their Noses will be much stopped Then 
 give them very little to Eat and take some Frankincense and hold their heads over the 
 smoke of it, and they will doe well. 
 
 5. If that the Bitch be with Puppy at any time shee will certainly Dye if anybody 
 during the nine weeks should chance to touch her with their Feet about the belly so that 
 it were well to keep her in her basket that time, though in the Summer the basket must 
 not bee so warme as now, but it were best when shee is proud to keep her from the Dog 
 for one year at least, for it is likely shee may dye in breeding. 
 
 6. They were used here in Italy to lye in the bed; for they will cry at any time 
 if they have occasion to goe down and are very cleanly; but it may be your Mayds lye 
 two in a bed and there they are inconvenient. 
 
 7. The more they are made much of the merrier they will be, for the truth is here 
 they are never out of the Ladyes laps or Arms or at least their presence. Let them by 
 all means walk with you in the Garden for it will doe them good. 
 
 In no clearer way is the affection of Finch for his sister shown than in his 
 
 letters in which he asks to have a picture of her sent to him whilst he was in Italy. 
 
 Some of these passages also help to throw light upon the portrait of Sir John 
 
 Finch at his Studies which at present hangs at Burley-on-the-Hill. He wrote 
 
 from Padua on ist November, 1652, very soon after his arrival there: 
 
 ...Your Picture will be the most acceptable thing can come from England by a messenger) 
 and I shall return you my owne for it if I can find any man that is eminent at drawing small 
 pictures, but if I cannot heare of any, you cannot prize mine so much as I yours, and there- 
 fore I shall get nothing by the change.... 
 
 And again, a few days later, he says : " ...I make no doubt that Mr Frederick will 
 
 find some means of conveying your picture to me, which I infinitely love to see...." 
 
 Anne Conway evidently had wished to have a portrait or miniature of her 
 
 brother at this time, and he replies from Venice io-20th February, 1652-3: 
 
 ...I thanke you dearest for your affection in desiring my picture, I doe not thinke I shall 
 find any able hand to draw it unlesse in Florence or Rome, if I can at Venice I will send it
 
 Plate 111 
 
 Sir John Finch at liis Studies (portrait at 15urley-on-the-Hill) 
 Bv S. Van Hoogstraaten
 
 Ill] EDUCATION IN PADUA 21 
 
 you, and the price will be your own picture in exchange which I shall covet more earnestly 
 in regard I have none of you but what is in my heart. Your garter and hair are rdiques 
 I enshrine as carefully as I can. 
 
 Finch had a miniature done of himself but it was not a great success and 
 
 no trace of it can now be found. He had lost no time in having the picture 
 
 done and writes from Venice 13th May, 1653: 
 
 ...Dearest I had my picture done in little by the best hand I could hear of, but it was 
 so much below my expectation that I was resolved not to send it, but had it been the best 
 under Heaven I had been disappointed of a messenger. I shall not, I beleive (sic) have it 
 done in little till I come to Florence or Rome.... 
 
 The painting of John Finch at his studies (Plate III) has for many 
 years been considered to have been done by a Dutch artist. Peter De Hooche 
 had been suggested but authorities did not agree on this point. In 1915 Mr 
 Lionel Cust told me that there was a "pendant" picture by S. Van Hoogstraaten 
 (1627-1678) in the Royal Picture Gallery at the Hague of a woman (Frontispiece) 
 standing with a letter or manuscript in her hand. As may be seen by comparing 
 the two pictures, they are extraordinarily alike; both Finch and the lady in the 
 other painting are represented as literary people; the same kind of dog is in 
 the foreground of both pictures; a cat appears in both; the whole vestibule, 
 pillars and glimpse of the Italian garden are very similar; and the background of 
 both pictures is practically the same. Mr Cust writes^ that the picture of Finch 
 " is in itself remarkable both as a composition and for its admirable painting...." 
 
 It is unknown who the lady was, but is it not very natural to expect 
 that there may be a very close relationship between the portraits? Certainly 
 there can be no doubt that Van Hoogstraaten painted them both. He is known 
 to have visited Italy and England, but unfortunately Finch never speaks of 
 this picture of himself in the letters that are preserved. The lady in the picture 
 at the Hague has an aquiline nose as the Finch family had in those days, and it 
 seems very probable that Finch had his sister painted (from a likeness sent 
 to him) in the same situation as himself, and the dogs which appear in the 
 pictures may be those which he and Baines later sent to Anne Conway. This 
 attempt to identify the lady is supported by a passage of a letter written by 
 Finch from Padua 9-i9th November, 1653, "...I heare no news of your picture 
 though many Dutch from Flanders and Holland are lately come hither...." 
 Unfortunately a careful enquiry has failed to reveal any record of a print or 
 engraving representing Anne Viscountess Conway. Paintings by S. Van Hoog- 
 straaten are rare and Waagen^ knew of only one in England and that in the 
 Bridgewater Gallery. It must remain an open question, for the present, as to 
 when and where these companion pictures were painted. 
 
 ' Lionel Cust and Archibald M.illocli, " Portraits by Carlo Dolci and S. Van Hoogstraaten," The Burlington 
 Magazine, no. clxiii, vol. xxix, October 1916. 
 
 • Treasures of An in Great Britain, 1854-57, vol. 11, p. 52.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 PISA 
 
 There is nothing in the Burley letters which would lead us to think that 
 Finch and Baines returned to England before 1660. However in 1659 they 
 had removed from Padua into Etruria, and Finch soon came under the notice 
 of the Duke of Tuscany, for in this year Finch was appointed Professor of 
 Anatomy at Pisa. He was the first and possibly the only Englishman to receive 
 this honour. 
 
 It was a very important period at the University of Pisa and Finch was 
 surrounded by distinguished men. Marcello Malpighi had come from Bologna 
 in 1656, and for four years was in the chair of Theoretical Medicine^, but it was 
 not until the year 1661, after his return to Bologna, that he added another 
 proof (if any further were necessary) of the truth of Harvey's conception of 
 the circulation of the blood, when he watched through a microscope the blood 
 coursing through the vessels on the surface of the lung and bladder of the frog. 
 BoreUi, the Physiologist and Physicist, was made Professor of Mathematics 
 at Pisa in 1656, and Fabroni^ relates how Malpighi supported Borelli in a con- 
 troversy against Finch. "He [Borellus] received the patronage of Malpighius 
 against John Finch, who obstinately denied that he was the first of all to have 
 seen in tunny-fish, and sword-fish and other hke fish that the optic nerve does 
 not lie in the hairs, or threads collected into a bundle, as in men and quadrupeds, 
 but in a certain complicated membrane." Borelli was the first to apply 
 the laws of Physics to the problems of Physiology and his great work De Motu 
 Animalium was published in the years 1680 and 1681. 
 
 In regard to Finch's appointment in the University of Pisa we must 
 quote Fabroni^ again at some length in order to obtain an idea of the intimate 
 relationship which existed at that time between the Etruscan Court and the 
 University. "Under the patronage of the Grand Duke and the peculiar care 
 of his brother (Prince Leopold) the celebrated Accademia del Cimento, which 
 preceded the Royal Society of London and the Academy of Sciences at Paris, 
 was established at Florence in 1657*." 
 
 ' Fabroni, Historia Academicae Pisanae, Pisis 1795, vol. iii, p. 688. Medicinae turn Theoricae turn Practicae 
 Ordinarii & Extraordinarii magistri — Marcellus Malpighius, Bonon. — 1656-1659. 
 
 * Loc. cit. vol. :i:, p. 466. ' Loc. cit. vol. iii, p. 533 (error in pagination for 532). 
 
 * Diary and Correspondence of Dr Worthington, edited by James Crossley, MDCCCXLVII, vol. i, p. 342 note.
 
 cn. iv] PISA 23 
 
 This Academy has been described as "the greatest glory of Italy after 
 GaHleo." Emphasizing the truth of the first aphorism of Hippocrates, "experi- 
 ence is fallacious and judgment difficult," provando e riprovando was chosen as 
 the motto of the Academy. I have seen a print of the Accademia del Citnento 
 with a group of virtuosi seated about a table, some mathematical and physical 
 instruments in the foreground and on the wall in the background the motto 
 and the coat of arms, an oven with three crucibles or retorts upon it. 
 
 An account of the work performed by the Academy was published by the 
 Secretary in 1667, and dedicated to the Grand Duke Ferdinand II ; "with the 
 favour of your Patronage, the encouraging invitation of your Mind, with the 
 Honour of your Presence sometimes stooping to join us in the Academy, some- 
 times commanding us to your Royal Apartments, you have bestow-ed upon it 
 an Immortal Glory." A translation of this book by Richard Waller, F.R.S., 
 was published for the Royal Society in 1684 entitled Essayes of Natural Experi- 
 ments made in the Academie Del Cimenio. 
 
 Targioni Tozzetti^ gives a list of the "famous anatomists" who were 
 maintained and paid by the Grand Duke Ferdinand II of Tuscany and were 
 favoured by his patronage: "Marcello Malpighi, Claudio Aubriet, Carlo 
 Fracassati, Silvestro Bonfigliuoli, Nicolo Stenone, Giovanni Finckio, Lorenzo 
 BelHni, and Tilmanno Truttwyn." 
 
 Fabroni writes : 
 
 Not for more than two years did the Academy use the works of Auberius, and aftenvards 
 for a year the chair of Anatomy was vacant, and in 1659, the place was given to John Finch 
 a noble Briton with 450 hundred asses (centussium) in payment. The love of letters and the 
 study of philosophy, which he had heard were in the house of the Princes of Medici especially 
 cultivated, caused him to visit Etruria : in which he had scarcely set foot when he was plied 
 with all honours. And whom shall we call happy, if not those, to use the words of 
 Pliny, whose industry is proved, not by messengers and interpreters, but by the Grand Duke 
 himself, and Leopold his brother, not only by their ears but also by their eyes? The love 
 of knowledge acquired by some, to them was inborn and innate, whence it happened that 
 they dwelt with learned men, like parents with their children. Nor would you have those 
 things of little importance, which Finch used to put before their eyes. As an example, I 
 will bring Berigard as a witness, who speaking of the chylus, says thus: "it is not carried by 
 the mesaraic veins, as all antiquity believed, but by certain very minute veins which modern 
 writers call milky, because on being cut they produce swxet milk. These being dispersed 
 through the mesentery send out many branches to the intestines, to the pancreas, to the 
 right jugular vein, and thence by ducts to the heart, which John Finch, a noble Englishman, 
 Anatomical Ordinary in the Pisan Gj-mnasium, very clearly showed, as also many other 
 things very worth)' of account, before the most Serene Grand Duke, with no less praise and 
 glory than William Harvey the pride of his renowned nation, of which he (Finch) may be 
 called another hope, and perhaps, if it please God, he will show other ducts belonging to the 
 breasts and uterus." 
 
 It is only just to state that Finch did not discover the lacteals, for they were 
 
 described by Aselli in 1622. 
 
 ' Aui e Memorie ineiile delF Accademia del Cimettio. ..TirtDzt, MDCCLXXX, Tom. iii, p. 192, i ccxuil.
 
 24 PISA [CH. 
 
 We know also from Borellius^ that Finch argued with many before the 
 Grand Duke concerning the cramp-fish (torpedine) and attributed this much 
 to it "that one who was troubled by a paralytic tremor had affirmed... that the 
 touch of that fish had given his arm a grievous pain for two days." This person 
 may be identified with Thomas Baines. At the beginning of a note-book in 
 Sir John Finch's handwriting (dated Pisa I4th-24th January, 1663-4), "Cap. 
 I. de Torpedinae tremola" is an account of the dissection of a torpedo-fish, 
 also an amusing note, which is printed in vol. 11 of the Finch Report, 17th March, 
 1659-60, "the Grand Duke had sent them a live torpedo-fish, and (not knowing 
 what sort of creature it was) they had taken it up in their hands, the result 
 being a pricking sensation like that which comes when you suddenly put cold 
 fingers to the fire. If the hand is not quickly taken away, the pain goes up the 
 whole arm. Dr Baines, having very delicate nerves, was affected for some time 
 afterwards, but Finch and Henry Brown [I think his clerk] were all right as 
 soon as they removed their hand." It is of some interest to note that Baines 
 always wrote in a shaky hand, and indeed his important letters to friends in 
 England were generally written by another person and he merely signed them. 
 Probably he was afflicted with paralysis agitans. Much later Finch writes to 
 England, 3rd-l3th January, 1679-80, that he still wishes students sent out 
 to Constantinople to act as amanuenses especially for Baines "who is much 
 incommoded as to the use of his hands in writing." 
 
 Finch never published an account of the torpedo-fish, but there is a paper 
 in the Phil. Trans, of the Roy. Soc. lxiii, p. 461, "Anatomical Observations on 
 the Torpedo," by John Hunter. Fabroni continues : 
 
 There were certain things concerning the optic nerves of another fish, about which Finch 
 and Borellius were less agreed, which disagreement gave cause for that writing, which obtained 
 a place amongst the posthumous works of Marcellus Malpighius. When Borellius wrote about 
 these things in letters, Finch was absent from Etruria. For he had obtained leave from the 
 Grand Duke to revisit Rome and Naples and the region with Thomas Penis [? for Baines], 
 a Briton also, whom the similarity of studies had brought together, so that they had all things 
 in common. He observed many things, and not a few related to natural history, that he 
 might satisfy not only himself but his patrons. Not many months after he returned to his 
 first employment dignified with title, as Adrian Van der Broechius witnesses, of physician 
 to the Queen of England, which honour he received in the spring of 1665. The King increased 
 it by committing to him the care of his affairs with the Grand Duke, as the "Resident." Nor 
 did the liberality of the King end here. Ten years after he sent him as legate to the King of 
 the Turks, and wherever he was he cultivated the learned friendship of the Medici Princes 
 by all kinds of services, and the desire of investigating new things. 
 
 When he first came to Etruria he had with him an anatomical "sector" who seemed to 
 be the most skilful of his times, called Tilman Tructwyn, of Ruremond in Flanders. You 
 would have said his hands had eyes, and he believed nothing he had not seen. He also belonged 
 to the hall and perhaps was of the academy of Pisa, and witnesses are not wanting who affirm 
 that he died at Florence at the beginning of 1678, for a long time practising medicine after 
 he had given up his work at the hospital of St Matthew. 
 
 * De Mot. Animal, part ii, p. 441.
 
 IV] PISA 25 
 
 Targioni Tozzetti^ gives an account of this man Tructwyn: 
 
 II Tilmanno poi era un Anatomico trattenuto e stipendiato nella Corte del Granduca, 
 ed in suo Manoscritto assai voluminoso che conserve nella mia Libraria, si chiama : Tilmannus 
 Tructwyn Rurae-Mundano-Sycamber, Medicinae Doctor, et Magni Etruriae Ducis ab Anat07ne. 
 Nella nostra Villa di Settignano era il suo Ritratto, impresso sul Gesso da formare, gcttato 
 sul Ramc intagliato, e accomodato coll' inchiostro, come se si fosse dovuto tirare sulla Carta. 
 Era rappresentato Giovine di bello aspetto e vivace, vestito alio Spagnuolo coll' Iscrizione: 
 
 Tilmannus sic ora gerit, sic pulchra inventae 
 
 Lumina; vis mentem cernere, scripta lege. 
 
 Vi era altresi un Emblema, esprimente una Mano con Occhio nel suo dorso, la quale teneva 
 fra il Pollice e I'lndice, un Coltello Anatomico, ed intorno vi era scritto : 
 
 Ecco I'occhiuta man, che quanto vede 
 Crede esser vero, e non quanto si dice. 
 
 What a splendid picture this gives of the trained Anatomist, who apparently 
 could see with his hands, so acute had his sense of touch become! This figure 
 was used in the xix century only with the eye at the end of the finger. 
 
 Tozzetti^ had in his possession an original MS. written by Tructwyn of 
 Observations on Medicine and Pharmacology. On the first page, following an 
 epigram in Latin to the naturalist Francesco Redi and a short preface on the 
 nobility of Medicine, Tructwyn wrote an apology for setting down his own epitaph 
 and gives the epitaph itself. He did not die until about ten years later. 
 
 Ne de Sepulcro sollicitus haeres esset, neve vivorum neglentia obesset mortuo, 
 
 Humanitatis suae memor, hocce Epitaphium Dialogicum sibi vivus posuit: 
 
 A. 1669 die I. lanuarii. 
 Quis iacet hie ? Nullus. Quis saxo hoc clauditur ? Omnis. 
 Clarius ista, rogo, die, age, vera Lapis. 
 Tilmannus parva situs est Trutwynius urna 
 Qui sibi Nullus erat, omnibus Omnis erat. 
 
 In Finch's note-book, "1670-71, March 19-29, Easter Day Florence," 
 he is referred to again as "Tilmann Trewijn, Anatomist of Ruremond." A young 
 man, Robert Clifford, son of Sir Thomas, died very suddenly, and Trewijn (or 
 Tructwyn) performed the post mortem. Finch gives an account in Latin of 
 the autopsy. The young fellow before he died confessed to Finch himself, 
 seeing that there was no Anglican Chaplain to act as confessor, and as 
 John Finch was dismayed at Sir Bernard Gascoigne's suggestion that one of 
 the Irish fathers from the Convent of the Benedictines be called in. The 
 confession is given in cypher. 
 
 This account has taken us rapidly over the eventful periods which Finch 
 and Baines spent in England before the former was appointed Ambassador to 
 
 ' Aui e Memorie inediu ddl' Accademia del Cimcnto e Notiae Aneddott dei Progressi deUe Scienze in Toscatia^ 
 Firenie, MDCCLXXX, Tom. i, p. 275, §xcvi. 
 " Ibid. Tom. Ill, p. 350.
 
 26 PISA [CH. 
 
 Florence. That Finch was made physician to the Queen of England is quite 
 true, for in 1662 there was issued a "passport for Sir John Finch physician 
 to the Queen Consort, and Dr Thomas Baines to go to Florence^." Fabroni 
 in his list of the "Anatom Magistri^," gives "Jo Finchius Brittanus 1659-1663," 
 but Finch spent from 1660 to 1662 in England. His successor was "Carolus 
 Fracassatius, Bononicus 1 665-1 668," who was a friend of Malpighi and who 
 carried out experiments on infusion* in animals. It would appear that the 
 chair of Anatomy was unoccupied from 1663 to 1665. 
 
 In Florence Finch was associated with another famous scientist, Nicolaus 
 Steno (1631-1686), the Danish naturalist. Steno came to Italy in 1666, was 
 Professor of Anatomy in Padua, and then in Florence was physician to the house- 
 hold of the Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany^ "He (Stenonius) in the 
 Hospital of St Mary Nova in Florence together with Finch and Laurence 
 Lorenzinus, gave evidence of singular industry and acumen in enquiring into 
 things, which were said to be either not then understood or not well understood^." 
 
 We give the following epigrams on "Dr John Finch" as an Anatomist, in 
 both Latin and English. Targioni Tozzetti^ considered that they were written 
 "in the hand of the famous Valerio Chimentelli." They were very kindly 
 copied for me from the MS.'' in the Biblioteca Magliabechiana Nazionale in 
 Florence. It is of interest to note that Finch's work on the lymph ducts is 
 referred to, that the heart is spoken of as "the fount of life," and that the venous 
 blood is very picturesquely described as "wearied when its work is done." 
 
 In the second epigram the writer contrasts the macrocosm and the micro- 
 cosm, and pictures the steady progress of civilization from the East to the 
 West. The results of Medical Science on the other hand, he rightly understands, 
 will help to lengthen men's days, and the sunset of life will be more and more 
 distant. 
 
 Ad Excellentissimuvi D. Joannem Finchium Anglum Anatomicae artis 
 Professorem Celeberrimum. 
 
 Clarus ab avulsis toto venis orbe Britannis 
 
 Ultima iam studii sic quoque meta tui. 
 
 Mente argus, cultro lynx, docto daedalus ore, 
 
 Cuncta secas, cernis cuncta nihilque taces. 
 
 Vena riget, seu fibra regat, vel ductibus erret, 
 
 Seu quid deliteat viscere, vase, sinu. 
 
 Qua nova depreensum scandens fert semita succum 
 
 Migret ut in rorem Candida gutta rubrum. 
 1 Calendar oj State Papers — Domestic, 1661-1662, p. 513, Oct. 12th. - hoc. cii. vol. iii, p. 687. 
 
 ' In apoplectics he injected various substances into the blood stream in the vain hope of dissolving the 
 coagulated tlood in the brain. He also did work on transfusion. 
 
 * Encycl. Brit, nth ed. * Fabroni, loc. cit. vol. iii, p. 538. ' Loc. cit. Tom. in, p. 193. 
 
 ' Codice gi^ vii, 600; oggi 11. iv, 282, a carte loi. Biblioteca Magliabechiana Nazionale, Firenze. I have 
 to thank Mr C. Hagberg Wright, Superintendent of the London Library, for writing and having these epigrams 
 transcribed for me.
 
 iv] PISA 27 
 
 Qua ruit hie fartim vitali e fonte resultans, 
 
 Qua redit esacto lassus ab officio. 
 
 Nempe hominem nunc findere scite, ac fingere primum 
 
 Divinae monstras nil minus artis opus. 
 
 Aliud. 
 
 Scindit Iber pelagum audaci dum puppe repostum, 
 Grandis in Occasum, grandior Orbis eat. 
 Abdita tu Parvi retegens penetralia mundi 
 Flectat ab occasu longius, ipse facis. 
 
 A Hud. 
 
 Finchius en radiat sectrici victor in arte. 
 Caprigeni pulcher pellem sic findit Apollo. 
 
 To the most Excellent Sir John Finch, Englishman, the famous Professor of Anatomy. 
 
 [You come] full of fame from the British, who are divided from the whole world, so also 
 is now the last aim of your study. Keen in mind, a lynx with the knife, clever with a learned 
 tongue, you cut everything, you see everything, and you are silent about nothing. Whether 
 a vein irrigates, a fibre controls, whether something wanders through the ducts or lies hid 
 in some organ, vessel, or sinus, [you tell] how the sap of the body is caught and carried upward 
 by a new path, so that a clear drop changes into red dew, how this gushes forth in a thick 
 stream from the fount of life; how it returns wearied, when its work is done. Indeed you 
 show that to cut man up with skill is no less a work of divine art than to make him in the 
 beginning. 
 
 Another poem. 
 
 While the Spaniard cleaves the remote ocean with audacious prow, let the great world, 
 and the greater, move towards the sunset, you by disclosing the inner secrets of the little 
 world, cause it to swerve further from its sunset. 
 
 
 
 ne more. 
 
 Lo! Finch shines victor in the anatomizing art. Thus beauteous Apollo splits the 
 skin of the goat-born [i.e. flays Marsyas the satyr]. 
 
 Finch did not confine his attention to Anatomy but was always much 
 interested in chemistry and pharmacology. 
 
 If there was anything that pleased their (patrons') minds, it was the investigation of 
 nature, and no one came to that hall and had exercised in it to whom singular honours and 
 rewards had not been attributed. To these belonged John Finch, who prided himself that 
 he had discovered certain new things about salts, and had explained his method of extracting 
 them from herbs; all indeed praised his industry but they also gave commendation to Oliva 
 because he had before shown all these things before the eyes of many, of which Charles 
 Fracassatius bears witness, and adds this, "the beloved Oliva made a Polypeiram ac robustam 
 Encyclopaediam" of the Etruscan hall^. 
 
 The world has not greatly changed and even now-a-days we find discoveries 
 have been made before, and the credit has to be given to the "Olivas"! 
 
 Finch had a curious mind, and in those of his note-books which were at 
 Burley-on-the-Hill there are notes in his handwriting dealing with a large variety 
 
 ' Fabroni, loc. cit. vol. iii, p. 615. 
 
 4—2
 
 28 PISA [cH 
 
 of subjects. For the most part these notes do not record any original work 
 by Finch, but consist of extracts from various writers. A few of the headings 
 are "Diamonds and pearls"; "The Caribee Islands"; "Experiments made of 
 the sympathetic powder by Sir Gilbert Talbot," no doubt the "powder of 
 sympathy" of Sir Kenelm Digby; "Murano glass-works"; "The Wind"; 
 "A Treatise of Astronomy, wherein is discoursed of the Flux and Reflux of the 
 Sea" (many extracts about this), etc. 
 
 Finch was also very credulous and was ready to believe supernatural 
 wonders. He wrote at great length to his sister in 1656-7 about some images 
 and pictures in a Greek Church in Smyrna, which "come down of their own 
 accord on St George's day, if the priest do not take them down, and go out of 
 the church." Another extract in his note-book is about a supposed rain of 
 wheat'. In this letter Finch also writes "At Jeball, 300 miles from Tripoli, 
 is a whole province where, by petrifying blast or sand, all things are turned 
 into stone in the same postures they had when living. I have a piece of 
 a camel's bone thence, and have ordered a body of man, woman or child to be 
 brought me. The Duke of Florence has a hen with all her chickens in stone, 
 and all the colours of their feathers. One in Venice has a bough with apples 
 on it, all the natural colours." There are numerous notes on the making of 
 saltpetre and on the history of gunpowder, but I have been unable to see any 
 reference to the extraction of salts from herbs. 
 
 Tozzetti in his book on the Accademia del Cimento^ already referred to, 
 and under the heading "Experiments on the Digestion of some Animals," 
 quotes the following from the minutes or journal of the society: "15th May 
 1659. Twelve fowls sent to the house of the English Anatomists, a sack of sifted 
 millet and more coops to keep them in properly, etc." Tozzetti adds "these 
 Anatomists very probably were Giovanni Finchio and Tommaso Forbes of whom 
 I have treated at length in volume i, page 272." Like Harvey, many Anatomists 
 and Physiologists, even down to the present day, have been so enthusiastic 
 in their experimental work that they have turned part of their homes into a 
 laboratory in order that observations and experiments might be carried out 
 at all times of the day and night. 
 
 It is unfortunate that in their letters neither Finch nor Baines speaks of 
 this work. The following passage from a book^ on the Accademia del Cimento, 
 if it is not an account presented to that Society by them, at any rate we must 
 conclude that it presents the results of the experiments of these two "English 
 Anatomists." 
 
 1 Col. of Stale Papers — Domestic, 1656-1657, p. 287. 
 
 2 Alti e Memorie inedite dell' Accademia del Cimento, Tom. 11, part 11, p. 599. 
 
 ^ Essayes of Natural Experiments made in the Academic Del CiwiCTi/c.-EngUshed by Richard Waller, Fellow 
 of the Royal Society, London, 1684, p. 150.
 
 IV] 
 
 PISA 29 
 
 Experiments about the Digestion of some Animals. 
 
 Wonderful is the Force wherewith the Digestion of the Hen, and Duck kind is performed : 
 for they being crammed with little Balls of Solid Crystal, were dissected by us in a few hours, 
 and opening their ventricles in the Sun, they seemed to us covered all over with a glittering 
 Coat, which examining with a Microscope, we found it to be onely strewed over with exquisitely 
 fine and impalpable powder of Crystal. 
 
 In others likewise, crammed with hollow Bubbles of Crystal-Glass with a small hole in 
 them, we were amazed to find of the said Bubbles some already broken, and powdered; 
 others onely crack'd, and filled with a whitish Substance, like curdled Milk, got in at the small 
 hole ; and we also observed, that those were bettered powdered (than the others) which had 
 in the Maws with them a greater Quantity of small Stones. And 'tis less strange, that they 
 break, and grind to pieces, Corke, and any hard Woods, as Cypress, and Beech, and rub to 
 Powder Olive-stones, the hardest Pine-apple Kernels, and Pistaches put down their Mouths, 
 with the Husk on. Pistol bullets in Twenty four Hours we have found much Battered: and 
 several little hollow square Boxes of Tin were observed to be some scratched, and battered, 
 others tore open from one side to the other.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 ENGL.\ND 
 
 Finch and Baines — their names are coupled as easily as David and Jonathan — 
 returned to England after the Restoration late in the year 1660 or early in 1661 
 and were well received by their countrymen. 
 
 Soon after their arrival in England Baines was chosen Professor of Music 
 at Gresham College as successor to Dr Petty, and Ward^ gives the date as 8th of 
 March, 1660 (? 1661). We find a letter from Finch to his brother-in-law Lord 
 Conway, dated 2nd February, 1661, in which he writes that there was an 
 election for a fellowship at Gresham College and that he wished his Lordship 
 had appeared for Dr Baines^. There is no evidence to show that Baines was 
 specially qualified to hold a musical professorship. 
 
 "The Doctors," as their friends were fond of calling them, were together 
 made Fellows extraordinary of the Royal College of Physicians, " 1660-1 Martii 
 j. Admittantur jam Socii Extraordinarii Dr Joannes Finch et Dr Baines," as 
 the Roll Call has it. But at that time the number of Fellows was already com- 
 plete and the register shows that this action by the College was not to be taken 
 as a precedent. Finch was connected with Harvey by the marriage of 
 Heneage Finch to Harvey's niece. Finch and Baines were elected partly on 
 account of the great benefits Harvey had conferred on the College^. 
 
 1660-1. Februarii XXVI. Ob praeclara Doctoris Harvei, nobis nunquam sine honore 
 nominandi, ejusque fratris germani Eliabi, in Collegium merita, placuit Sociis omnibus 
 praesentibus (praeterquam quatuor) Doctorem Joannem Finch et Doctorem Thomam Baines 
 (Patavii doctorali laurea ornatos), adaucto tantundem, in eorum gratiam, Sociorum numero, 
 in Collegium, seu Socios Extraordinarios, adsciscere: ea tamen lege ac conditione, ne res 
 haec facile in exemplum trahatur. 
 
 In 1663 a new charter was granted to the College and the number of 
 Fellows was increased to forty. Finch and Baines were enrolled as Fellows 
 with the same privileges enjoyed by the Fellows who were admitted under the 
 old charter. 
 
 On the loth June, 1661, John Finch was knighted by the King, but Baines 
 did not have this honour conferred upon him until some years later. Wood* 
 
 ' Lives of the Gresham Professors, London, MDCCXL, p. 2i8. 
 
 ' Calendar of Stale Papers — Domestic — Charles II, vol. xxx, p. 501. 
 
 3 Munk'j Roll Call of the Roy. Coll. of Physicians, 2nd ed. vol. i, p. 299. 
 
 * Loc. cit. p. 228.
 
 PhltC 1 1' 
 
 From portrait at Hurlcv-oi)-thL--Hill (see p. 51)
 
 CH. v] ENGLAND 31 
 
 tells us that "giving a visit to Edw. E. of Clarendon L. Chancellor, he (Finch) 
 was by him conducted to his Majesty; and being by him presented as a rarity, 
 his Majesty no sooner saw, but instantly confer'd upon him the honour of 
 knighthood as a Person who abroad had in a high degree honoured his Country." 
 Charles II's active interest in science and especially in Anatomy may be recalled 
 (vide Pepys, i6th January, 1669). The present Master of Christ's College, 
 Dr A. E. Shipley, The Cambridge History of English Literature (vol. viii, p. 358), 
 in his section on "The Progress of Science," points out that Charles II's taste 
 for science may be explained by his ancestry on his mother's side — the Medici. 
 
 Dr Worthington^ writes to his friend S. Hartlib in 1661 : "...By the news- 
 book I perceive Dr John Finch (the Lady Conway's brother) is knighted by the 
 King. He was Dr More's pupil, and one of excellent improvements when at 
 Christ College ; and he hath gained much reputation abroad. He is furnished 
 with all things convenient for the making experiments in the way of physick 
 by the Duke of Florence." 
 
 On the 20th June, 1661, Finch and Baines received the degree of Doctor 
 of Physic from the University of Cambridge, but conferred on them in absentia, 
 in virtue of their years of study at Padua and of the medical degree granted to 
 them by that university". 
 
 Cum vir eximie nobilis Johannes Finch, eques auratus et Pisae, magni ducis Hetruriae, 
 professor publicus, et dignissimus etiam vir Thomas Baynes, duodecim abhinc annis admissi 
 fuerint apud nos Cantabrigienses ad gradum magisterii in artibus et postea in e.xteras 
 regiones profecti, diuque apud Patavinos commorati, non sine summorum applausu, et 
 Anglicani nominis honore gradum doctoratus in medicina ibidem adepti sint; in patriam 
 demum reversis superiori anno iisdem gratia concessa est, ut hie apud nos admitterentur 
 ad eundem gradum, statum et honorem, quibus apud Patavinos prius insigniti fuerant. At 
 vero cum ipsimet in personis propriis ob importuna negotia, quibus impliciti et detenti sunt 
 adesse non possint; Placet itaque vobis ut vir nobilis Johannes Finch admissionem suam 
 recipiat ad dictum gradum sub persona Doctoris Carr in medicina doctoris; — et Thomas 
 Baynes suam itidem sub persona Johannis Gostlin inceptoris in medicina; et ut eorum stet 
 eisdem pro completis gradu et forma. 
 
 Both Finch and Baines were interested in the formation of the Royal 
 Society and their names appear together, "John Finch," "Tho. Baines," amongst 
 the "signatures of the persons who, on the 5th of December, 1660, resolved to 
 forni a society for promoting experimental philosophy^." However the Charter 
 of Incorporation did not pass the Great Seal till the 15th of July, 1662, and the 
 second Charter on the 22nd of April, 1663, in which the officers were practically 
 all renominated and provision was made that all persons whom the President 
 and Council should receive into the Society within two months from the date 
 
 ' Diary and Correspondence of Dr Wortbingion, vol. i, p. 339. 
 * Munk's Roll Call of the Roy. CoU. of Physicians, 2nd ed. vol. i, p. 299. 
 
 3 The Signatures in the First Journal-Book and The Charter Book of the Royal Society, Oxford Umver»ity 
 Press, in which the signatures are reproduced as photogravures of the originals.
 
 32 ENGLAND [ch. 
 
 of the Charter should be named Fellows, and on the 20th May, 1663, "Finch 
 Sir John Kt." and "Bayne Thomas M.D. afterwards Kt." were admitted as 
 members and therefore as Fellows^. Amongst other names enrolled at this time 
 were those of Elias Ashmolc, John Evelyn, Kenclm Digby, Wm. Petty, George 
 Duke of Buckingham, George Bate, M.D., William Croome, M.D., John Dryden, 
 and Christopher Wren, etc. Finch and Baines both attended the meetings of 
 the Society whilst they remained in England, and on 15th May they were "with 
 several others nominated a committee for a library at Gresham College and 
 for examining of the generation of insects^." 
 
 By the courtesy of the Royal Society I have been allowed to look over some 
 unpublished letters from H. Oldenburgh (the Secretary) "to Sir John Finch 
 at Florence," written in the years 1664-1669. They are four in number. 
 Oldenburgh hoped that Finch would soon have his History of Poysons ready, 
 and tried to arrange that Finch might send a letter from time to time telling 
 of the advance of knowledge in Italy, as Finch was well known to Prince Leopold 
 and to other "virtuosi" in Florence, Naples and Rome. Oldenburgh tells of 
 recent papers that had been read before the Royal Society. Finch evidently 
 did not answer this first letter and the second repeats the same request. The 
 second letter brought an answer from Finch which was read on "assembly day," 
 and the Royal Society wished to thank him for conveying a history of the 
 institution to the Grand Duke of Tuscany. In the fourth letter Oldenburgh 
 wished to have a copy made of a "Greek MS. on Chymistry in the Florence 
 Library," and wrote that the expenses of such work would be borne by 
 Sir Robert Moray and himself. 
 
 In the Burley papers very little light is thrown upon the life of Finch and 
 Baines during their years of residence in England. Sir John Finch's house 
 was in Kensington and indeed it now forms part of Kensington Palace. Here 
 they may have lived together, but it would seem from letters to the Conways 
 that they stayed with Heneage Finch at the Inner Temple. Baines also had 
 lodgings at Gresham College. They attended meetings of the Royal Society, 
 enjoying the friendship of some of the distinguished men of the time, and paid 
 occasional visits to the Conways at Ragley. 
 
 There is a very interesting series of letters in the Burley MSS. from 
 Heneage Finch, afterwards Lord Chancellor, to his young son Daniel at Oxford, 
 and in these Finch and Baines are occasionally mentioned. "If you return in 
 convenient time {i.e. from Bath to Oxford), 'tis likely that Dr Baynes will give 
 you a visit before he leave England^." Heneage Finch apparently did not take 
 Baines altogether seriously in his endeavours to give advice to young Daniel, 
 
 ' The Record of the Royal Society, 3rd ed. 1912, pp. 15-16. 
 
 ' Journals of the Roy. Soc. vol. i, p. 18. * Loc. cit. p. 208. 1662, Aug. 7th.
 
 Plate r 
 
 From portrait at Burlc)-oii-tlic-Hill (sec p. 51)
 
 v] ENGLAND 33 
 
 although the father himself was constantly urging his son to study and to avoid 
 frivolity. However Daniel was a diligent student and a model son, which makes 
 one wonder the more what was the nature of Baines' advice. Heneage Finch 
 writes: "Dr Baynes hath written you a large treatise of good counsell in his 
 own phrase, which though I know you do not want, yet I would have you take 
 kindly when you see him, for he that intends a respect to you must always 
 find himself respected agayn^." In the same letter, Heneage Finch says: 
 "Your uncle and Dr Baynes are still at Tunbridge." Later we shall see that 
 "the Doctors," and especially Baines, had much to do with the education of 
 Daniel. 
 
 A note-book of Finch's contains items of scientific subjects under discussion 
 with "S. Allen" and "T.B." {i.e. Baines) at Rusthall in August, 1662. "Rust- 
 hall" evidently refers to the place of that name near Tunbridge Wells, as in that 
 same month they stayed at Tunbridge. 
 
 Finch and Baines were never married, but we have Finch's word for it that 
 he was in love at this time. However this love affair came to nought and the 
 reasons he gave for not marrying are most amusing and show Finch to be a 
 most cautious but really very simple young man. Heneage Finch wrote to 
 Conway on 22nd June, 1661 : 
 
 I am heartily glad that love has at last obtained such power over my brother Sir John 
 Finch, as to fix him in England, when he thought himself bound in gratitude to the Duke 
 of Florence to run away from the favours of the English Court-. 
 
 Finch writes to Lord Conway, 27th July, 1661, describing the tour of small 
 places which he and Baines were making, and adds : 
 
 So soon as we came to Chester I found my Lord Masarin (sic) bewayling the narrow missing 
 of your Lordship. Wee dined together but during dinner his Lordship, congratulating me 
 my designs in Warwickshire, and mentioning the person, made Dr Baines astounded that 
 the intelligence of such an affair had so soon crossed the sea, when it arrived his notice so 
 late... from Chester we went to Shrewsbury, then to Ludlow, Hereford, Gloster, Bristol! and 
 Bathe, whence I went by coach to London, but I sent Con to Ragley with the Horses... 
 I have at large discoursed with my Brother concerning my amours, who after he had at 
 first told me, he would never be against the thing I liked, told me there were many circum- 
 stances little advisable: in so much that T.B. triumphed in his judgment. The Dr having 
 added one scruple more, which was that in case I had children and dyed : how was it endent 
 shee would not dispose of her estate to her second husband's children or person. Thus my 
 Lord what I scrupled for another score: I find m)- Brother very cold in upon the .Account 
 of Reason in point of Treaty: so that tis well I have not necessitated mysclfe at present to 
 a further discourse and noyse. 
 
 Baines seems to have been just a little selfish in the matter of Finch's 
 intended marriage. Some years later Heneage Finch was again hoping that 
 
 ' Loc. cil. p. 212. 1662, Aug. 23rd, and also Caltndar of Slate Papers — Domestic, 1661-1662, p. 463. " 1661 
 Aug. i8th Tues....to [Lord Conway]. ..The Doctors arc both at Tunbridge and are going to Italy." 
 • Calendar of Stale Papers — Domestic, 1661-1662. 
 
 M. 5
 
 34 ENGLAND [ch. 
 
 John Finch would marry, and wrote to him in Italy: "all your friends are well 
 and my Lord Conway still in towne. Wee meet often ourselves with wishing 
 you here, and contriving preferments for you, one of which, you may be sure, 
 is a good wife^." It is never suggested that Baines was ever in love with anybody 
 but Finch, and had the latter married, Baines would have been utterly discon- 
 solate, so wrapped up were they in each other. 
 
 There are a large number of letters (145) from Henry More to Anne 
 Conway in the British Museum and he often mentions Finch and Baines. 
 In the autumn of 1661 they visited Grantham where More was born, for there 
 are notes in Finch's commonplace book of conversations there on various 
 medical questions. More writes that he had "also mett with Sr John Finch 
 and Dr Baines at Grantham, that they promised me to call at Cambridge at 
 their return out of the country^." In another letter in 1662, More says: 
 
 Sr John and Dr Baines gave us the happiness of their good society here at last, with 
 much ado we detained them 4 or five days. They stay'd In Holland beyond what I could 
 imagine. But not for nothing for Sr John has raysed his revenue near 250 pound more 
 then it was before. They go into Italy before next Summer. I was urging Sr John as 
 forcibly as I could not to go at all. But what thay will do, God alone knows, scarce the 
 Great Duke'. 
 
 It was probably during this stay in Holland that Finch heard of a blind 
 man who was able by touch alone to distinguish colours. Sir John with 
 characteristic zeal investigated this strange story and communicated the 
 results of his experiments to his friend Robert Boyle, and the latter in his book 
 on Colours* gives a splendid account of the whole proceedings. 
 
 ...ri here set down a Memorable particular that chanc'd to come to my Knowledge, 
 since I writ a good part of this Essay; and it is this. Meeting casually the other Day with 
 the deservedly Famous (since for his eminent Qualities and Loyalty Grac'd by his Majesty, 
 with the Honour of Knighthood) Dr J. Finch, Extraordinary Anatomist to that Great Patron 
 of the Virtuosi, the now Great Duke of Toscany, and enquiring of this Ingenious Person, 
 what might be the Chief Rarity he had seen in his late return out of Italy into England, he 
 told me, it was a man at Maestricht in the Low-Countrys, who at certain times can discern 
 and distinguish Colours by the Touch with his Fingers. You'l easily Conclude, that this is 
 farr more strange, than what I propos'd but as not impossible •,...'Whe]:eioTe I confess, I pro- 
 pos'd divers Scruples, and particularly whether the Doctor had taken care to bind a Napkin 
 or Hankerchief over his Eyes so carefully, as to be sure he could make no use of his sight, 
 though he had but Counterfeited the want of it, to which I added divers other Questions, 
 to satisfie my Self, whether there were any Likelihood of Collusion of other Tricks. But 
 I found that the Judicious Doctor having gone farr out of his way, purposely to satisfie 
 Himself and his Learned Prince about this Wonder, had been very Watchful! and Circumspect 
 
 » Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Coram.), vol. i, p. 456. 
 
 ' Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23216, f. 76, i6th Nov. 1661. 
 
 » Ibid. i. 86, 4th Jan. 1662. 
 
 * Hon. Robert Boyle, F.R.S. Experimenis and Considerations touching colours. ..The Beginning of an 
 Experimetual History of Colours, p. 42, London, MDCLXIV, in 8°. The earlier Latin edition in 8° wai 
 printed in 1663.
 
 v] ENGLAND 35 
 
 to keep Himselfe from being Impos'd upon. And that he might not through any mistake 
 in point of Memory mis-inform Me, he did me the Favour at my Request, to look out the 
 Notes he had written for his Own and his Princes Information, the summ of which Memorials, 
 as far as we shall mention them here, was this, That the Doctor having been inform'd at 
 Utrecht, that there Lived one at some Miles distance from Maestricht, who could distinguish 
 Colours by the Touch, when he came to the last nam'd Town, he sent a Messenger for him, 
 and having Examin'd him, was told upon Enquiry these Particulars: 
 
 That the Man's name was John Vermaasen, at that time about 33 years of Age; that 
 when he was but two years Old, he had the Small Pox, which rendered him absolutely Blind ; 
 that at this present he is an Organist, and serves that Office in a pubHck Quire. 
 
 That the Doctor discoursing with him over Night, the Blind man affirm'd, that he could 
 distinguish Colours by the Touch, but that he could not do it, unless he were Fasting; Any 
 quantity of Drink taking from him that Exquisitness of Touch which is requisite to so Nice 
 a Sensation. 
 
 That hereupon the Doctor provided against the next Morning seven pieces of Ribbon, 
 of these seven Colours, Black, White, Red, Blew, Green, Yellow, and Gray, but as for 
 mingled Colours, this Vermaasen would not undertake to discern them, though if oflFer'd, 
 he would tell that they were A/«A;V....That all the difference was more or less Asperity, for 
 says he (I give you the Doctor's own words) Black feels as if you were feeling Needles points, 
 or some harsh Sand, and Red feels very Smooth.... 
 
 To these Informations the Obliging Doctor was pleas'd to add the welcome present of 
 three of those very pieces of Ribbon, whose Colours in his presence the Bhnd man had 
 distinguished, pronouncing the one Gray, the other Red, and the third Green, which I keep 
 by me as Rarities, and the rather, because he fear'd the rest were miscarry'd. 
 
 The following letter was written by Finch from Holland and addressed to 
 his patron Prince Leopold of Tuscany. Unfortunately it is undated. It must 
 have been sent whilst Finch was on this same trip to Holland, for the blind man 
 is referred to and further details are given of experiments. This letter appears 
 in a book published in Florence in 1773 under the title. Lettere inedite diUomini 
 Illustri, Per servire i' appendice aW Opera intitolata, Vitae Itahrum Doctrina 
 Excellentium, a copy of which is to be found in Bodley's Library. The discussion 
 on the preparation of anatomical subjects is of some interest. 
 
 To the Prince Leopold'^. 
 
 The lateness of this justly due hommage might cause us to lose the Most gracious favour 
 of Your Most Serene Highness were it not that what may have seemed our neglect is itself 
 our excuse. Because it was nothing but our very profound reverence (regard), which kept us 
 from writing until now, anything worthy of Y.M.S.His notice. For, when we arrived at 
 Rotterdam, for the purpose of visiting Signor Bilzio^, famous for his anatomical discoveries, — 
 we found that many were dying of the plague in that city, and what was more important to 
 us, that Sig. Bilzio himself was in bed, with very high fever and lived in the very street in 
 which the plague was raging most severely. All this however did not avail to check our 
 curiosity, as we have obtained some pamphlets from the said Bilzio, and been in his house 
 
 * " The three following letters were written by John Finch, not so much in his own name, as in that of his 
 travelling companion and greatest friend Thomas Baines. Finch was a member of a noble English family, and 
 was very greatly esteemed and beloved by Ferdinand II, and Prince Leopold. He was appointed by them 
 Lecturer, at Pisa, in Anatomy, in which science he was most proficient. He resigned the Lectureship in May, 1665, 
 having been appointed by his Sovereign, Resident at the Court of the said Grand Duke " — note in the Italian. 
 
 • Evidently Louis De Bilsius (or Bils), whose supposed methods of preserving bodies and of dissecting without 
 loss of blood, cau»ed such a stir in the 17th century. The States of Brabant are said to have bought his secrets. 
 
 5-2
 
 36 ENGLAND [ch. 
 
 while he was confined to bed. We could not give Y.M.S.H. an account of our observations 
 previous to carrying out our quarantine, which noways diminishes our devotion and loyalty 
 to Y.M.S.H., whose commands we honour even when far distant. 
 
 The forty days of quarantine being now expired, I shall give Y.M.S.H. particular notes 
 of our observations on the three matters referred to in my last. Sig. Bilzio claims to possess 
 the art of preserving dead bodies with the same colour as when they were alive; it is certainly 
 true that he succeeds in preserving them complete, and inodorous, extracting from them only 
 the bowels. Three corpses he has prepared, and he maintains, and others believe, that all 
 the blood vessels and entrails are preserved in such a manner that they may be used for 
 anatomical purposes in summer, as well as in winter. But only small portions of the entrails, 
 and a few badly prepared blood vessels, are really to be found. All the same, these bodies 
 have caused a great talk, although the muscles are so shrivelled up that because of their 
 smallness, they can scarcely be recognized as such, and even then some of the number are 
 missing. The States General have conferred on Sig. Bilzio the favour of being permitted to 
 charge one reale [one franc], from every person desirous of seeing these bodies. 
 
 Sig. Bilzio claims to have the secret of cutting bodies without loss of blood but demands 
 a very large amount for divulging it. On my return I shall bring with me a pamphlet printed 
 by him in which he states that he will not disclose the said secret unless on payment of the 
 sum he requires: that he makes use of it daily; and that by means of it he is able to attain 
 a perfect knowledge of the lymphatic and lacteous vessels, which however, I do not believe; 
 what I know for certain is, that this way of preserving bodies was proposed and practised 
 by Pare, long before Bilzio. This man does not understand Latin or any other language 
 but French and Flemish. He never had any teacher of anatomy, but has a remarkable 
 aptitude for dissection, to aid him in which he used in France to steal at night, the bodies of 
 executed criminals which remained on the gallows. For the rest he is a person of no learning, 
 and unable to explain himself, for which reason he excuses himself from giving reasons. 
 I have no faith in one who boasts without good grounds ; I know however that if his bodies 
 are worth paying a reale by each one who wishes to see them, our own Tavole^ [probably 
 anatomical plates] — a matter of greater importance — should suffice to make a fortune in 
 Holland. 
 
 With regard to the blind man who distinguishes colours by touch,— we spent many days 
 at Mastricht, in talks, and in making experiments with him ; and really it is marvellous to 
 see this man know by touch a pack of cards, play at piquet, and count so exactly, that it is 
 impossible to deceive him. We observed, however, that at the commencement, he turned 
 and re-turned the cards two or three times, before he could or would play — and we therefore 
 suspected, that he might know the cards by some indication other than the colour; all the 
 more, that he declined to name any card taken from another pack of new cards. On this 
 account on the following day we invited him to our room alone, and Mr Baines commenced 
 by changing the order of three cards, placing the knave of hearts in the room of the knave 
 of clubs and so with the other cards; and then gave into his hand, this new pack. After 
 turning them over and over, three or four times, he commenced to play, but always mistook 
 these three cards, naming them in the order in which they are usually placed, and not dis- 
 covering the trick that their places had been changed. Whence it is evident that he knows 
 the cards by some other indication than that of colour; and it is wonderful that by his marks, 
 invisible to us, he should succeed in recognizing cards he had known months and years before. 
 I tried him with the cards daily. I am bringing both the pairs [ ? packs], in order that Y.M.S.H. 
 may see that they have no marks. This bhnd man, however, cannot distinguish cards if 
 they have been very much pressed, and are consequently very smooth and polished. As 
 to colours he recognizes them easily by touch, if the stuff he handles be not extra fine, or 
 very coarse and of various tints. I have with me five different colours of a striped stuff, 
 accurately identified by him, very many times (especially in the morning when fasting, — 
 
 ' See p. 7 and also .'\ppendix.
 
 v] ENGLAND 37 
 
 because, after drinking, even a little, the sense of touch is less deHcate), and he does this 
 with such certainty that he taught us how to distinguish colours by touch, and I have 
 written down the differences of them, according to his idea, which I shall bring with me 
 along with the striped stuff, when I return. This affair may help to confirm our theory 
 about colours. 
 
 As regards the Waters of Spa, we were astonished to behold some four or five hundred 
 ladies and gentlemen who appeared in the best of health. These waters are a means of bringing 
 together many, who would not otherwise easily have an opportunity of meeting. Whence 
 from these waters, love, many's the time, springs anew. All the same, we consider them 
 the best we have hitherto experimented upon, among the acid waters. They have a strong 
 tincture of steel, or rather are strongly impregnated there\vith, and we are of opinion that 
 they are bound to have great efficacy in curing obstructions, purifying the breath, and 
 strengthening the stomach, on which account they must be of special benefit in cases of 
 dropsy, as also of headaches. There are four springs of different strengths, among which one 
 is so strong as to cause vomiting in many people, although for some years back, its strength 
 has been diminishing. We have drunk the water of all these springs, up to seventy ounces 
 of the strongest; and therewith, I most humbly make my reverence to Your Most Serene 
 Highness. 
 
 Your M.S. Highness' 
 
 Most humble, devoted, and obliged Servant, 
 
 John Finch. 
 
 We can readily understand that it is now rather difficult to follow the 
 movements of the devoted pair, as they wrote few letters except to the Conways 
 and no doubt some of them are lost. Finch's cousin, the Earl of Winchilsea, 
 Ambassador at Constantinople, constantly complains bitterly in his letters that 
 he has not received word from either of them. Finch and Baines were rather 
 poor correspondents, it seems, but there was some excuse for Baines on account 
 of the tremor in his hand. This very close friendship of Finch and Baines was 
 cultivated at the expense of other associations. 
 
 Lord Winchilsea writes to Henry Browne at " Lighorne " : 
 
 1662-3 F^t"- 16 Pera. That my cousin Finch and Dr Baines were again heard of and 
 proceeded on their journey towards Italy as far as Lions was strange noveltie to mee. 
 I thought they were out of the world, and resolved wholly to forget their friends, that their 
 friends might as justly forget them. For since my departure out of England, now two years 
 and a half agoe, I have not received one line or syllable from them either in answer to my 
 letters, I am assured were delivered to them, nor in correspondence to some tokens and 
 demonstrations of my affection I made to Dr Baines, which were neither beneath his accep- 
 tance nor his acknowledgement. I shall not write to congratulate their arrival in Italy, 
 but if they at last think me deserving of a letter, I will answer it: but pra)' advise them, 
 that it will be no sollecisme or breach of punctualitie is (sic) used in Italy if I take as much 
 time to return answere to their letters as allready they have taken to answer mine. 
 
 However the miscreants later relented and Winchilsea forgave them both, 
 but not without some show of sarcasm and humour, and writes to Finch^, "}et 
 if you intend to have a plenary indulgence and pardon, you must perform the 
 
 ' Fiticb Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. i, p. 247.
 
 38 ENGLAND [ch. v 
 
 penance of a pilgrimage to Constantinople," and to Baines he says^, "I do 
 wish not only for my sake but also for your owne that you would see Constanti- 
 nople before going into England." Many times Winchilsea urges Finch and 
 Baines to visit him in Turkey. Later on in the same year (8th April, 1663) 
 Winchilsea writes to Finch "I send you herewith a character (cypher) that we 
 may write the more freely to each other." 
 
 Winchilsea, for some years afterwards, especially when Finch became 
 Ambassador in Florence, kept up a constant correspondence with Finch and 
 writes often about curious things, and makes medical enquiries. On 25th May, 
 1663, writing from Pera, he prays for "a ball to try the goodness of water" 
 and some "antidotes of poison." 
 
 ' Loc. cit. vol. I, p. 247; same date, 30th March, 1663.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 LIFE IN FLORENCE 
 
 In 1 66 1 Finch and Baines had sought the consent of the College of Physicians 
 to go into Italy but had not availed themselves of that permission. Ward^ 
 quotes the following minute which appears in the register, "Sept. 30th 1661 
 Dominus Johannes Finch et doctor Baines summa cum urbanitate veniam 
 abeundi in Italiam a domino praeside petierunt, obtinueruntque." 
 
 Sir John Finch and Dr Baines started out from England this time on 
 25th October, 1662. In the Calendar of State Papers, 1662, 12th October, 
 there is an interesting entry giving Baines permission to leave Grcsham College. 
 
 The King to the Lord Mayor of the City of London, and the masters, warders, and 
 assistants of the Mercers' Company. Gives license to Dr Thos. Baines, Fellow of that College, 
 to go and remain beyond his nine years, and requests that he may receive meanwhile all the 
 profits of his fellowship, any statutes to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 They landed at Calais on 30th October. A few days later the)- met 
 Alderman Backwell, who came to receive "the money Dunkirk was sold for" 
 and which, Finch tells us, arrived in "forty-six carts." On this occasion the 
 friends remained in Italy for about two and a half years. Finch presumably 
 working at his Anatomy and in the hospitals, whilst Baines seems to have been 
 of a much more retiring disposition and devoted his time to study. There 
 are few letters of this period to friends in England and usually these record 
 that certain gifts of "choisest Lucca oil," a "Parmesan cheese" or "Florence 
 mushrooms" have been sent off. 
 
 In a letter^ preserved in the Library of Christ's College from Anne Conway 
 to Henry More, dated 5th December, 1662, occurs the following passage. We 
 
 ■ Loe. cit. p. 229. 
 
 ' A number of letters from Anne Conway to Henry More were in the possession of the antiquarian Jame* 
 Crossley of Manchester, whose Hbr.iry was sold after his death in 1885 and 1886. I learnt from an old catalogue of 
 the sale that this particular parcel of letters was sold for 9$. to "Tattcrsall." .\ letter of enquiry to E. Somerv-ille 
 Tattersall, Esquire, Knightsbridge, brought me a reply that he had sent my note on to J. F. Tattersall, Esquire, of 
 Lewes, Sussex. The latter answered me that he had bought the letters in 1881;, and by his kindness I was enabled to 
 trace their further travels. Mr Tattersall disposed of two tea gtntleman at Hastings, and these, being of interest to 
 the Society of Friends, were presented to them, and arc now in their Reference Libran,-, in Bishopsgate Street, 
 where I was allowed to sec them. The other letters were given by Mr Tattersall to the Dean of Wells and he in 
 turn informed me that he had presented them to Christ'* College. Mr Norman McLean of Christ's has kindly 
 transcribed for me passages from these letters which have any bearing on Finch and Baines.
 
 40 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 see that even Sir John Finch's sister thought she had cause of complaint about 
 his neglect of letter-writing and that of Baines. 
 
 I hear my Brother and Dr Baines are returned againe for Italy, I wonder you makes 
 no mention of them, because you staied so long in London, where methinks they should have 
 made you frequent visitts and have acquainted you with their intentions, I hear so little 
 from themselves, it makes me very desirous to gitt what information I can from others, 
 and therefore I hope )'ou will pardon my desire to know what you have found by them, 
 relating to their designes, if there be any thing of that kind which you have forgot to Impart 
 to 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your ever most entirely affectionate friend 
 
 and humble Servant A. Conway. 
 
 Sir John was in high favour with the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and Thomas 
 Baines writes to Lord Conway that one of the Duke's own coaches had been 
 assigned to them^, and in the same note he says that both he and Finch are 
 failing in health. This was in August, 1663, and in October "the Doctors" 
 were preparing for the trip to Rome and Naples already mentioned (p. 24). 
 In the middle of October Finch writes that the Grand Duke is very kind and 
 that he will send them to Rome in one of his litters^. Prince Leopold, the 
 Duke's brother, gave them a letter of introduction to one Michel Angelo Ricci^, 
 "Hujus itineris gratia has litter as dedit Leopoldus Princeps ad Michaelwn 
 Angelum Ricciuni XVII. Kal. Octbr. 1663." 
 
 Viene a cotesta volta il Sig. Gio. Finchio Cavaliere Inglese per passare a Napoli, ed 
 intanto osservare costi quel che vi fusse di curioso, che non fusse stato da lui veduto 1' altra 
 volta che fu in Roma, e conoscere i piu insigni per virtu. Questo Signore e molto amato, 
 e stimato dal Sereniss. Granduca, e da me, per la sua virtu, come forse per la medesima 
 sara anche ben noto a VS. e si diletta grandemente della Filosofia, ricercando con curiosita 
 non ordinaria le cose naturali, e la verita di esse. Viene in sua compagnia il Sig. Dott. 
 Tommaso Penis {sic), ancor egli ripiena di virtu, e suo amicissimo: e perche desiderano d' avere 
 qualche introduzione appresso persona che sappia indirizzargli accio possino sodisfare al 
 loro virtuoso genio; e sapendo io che il mezzo di VS. pud sommamente essergli favorevole, mi 
 piglio sicurta d' inviargli a Lei, con fiducia che essi sieno per riconoscere nel medesimo tempo 
 la di Lei singolare cortesia, e la parzialita del mio affetto, che anche in cio bramo di dimos- 
 trargli, Prego pero VS. a voler somministrare a detti Signori quelle notizie, che li bisognano, 
 e si accerti pure di fare a me cosa gratissima; mentre resto ec. 
 
 This letter of introduction the two travellers evidently presented, for Sir 
 John jotted down notes of this trip and quotes the opinions of Angelus Ricci 
 on various subjects. These are in a note-book which is amongst the papers 
 at Burley-on-the-Hill, and the dates are "Roma 24th Oct. 1663" and"Neapoli 
 Nov. 14th." This Ricci was probably Cardinal Michel Angelo Ricci who wrote 
 Exercitatio geometrica de maxiynis et minimis, London, 1668, which was published 
 as part of a quarto volume together with a treatise by Mercator. 
 
 ' Calendar of State Papers — Domestic, 1663, Aug. 3 (f), p. 226. 
 
 ' Ibid. 15th Oct. 1663, p. 302. ' Fabroni, he. cii.
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 41 
 
 The two following letters^ from Sir John Finch to Prince Leopold describe 
 some events on this trip to Naples and Rome. Finch's interest in snakes has 
 already been noted. One of his note-books contains a list of the books con- 
 tained in the library of M. Aurelio Severino, which he and Baines purchased. 
 
 To the Prince Leopold. 
 
 Having arrived from Naples on Wednesday evening, by the Grace of God in good health, 
 we had decided to return to Pisa, without making a stay — and had ordered the horses for 
 Monday morning; but having waited on Sig. Michel Angelo Ricci this evening, in order to 
 deliver to him the letter which Your Most Serene Highness so kindly wrote him in our favour, 
 we have been so charmed by his conversation, and most distinguished manners, that we very 
 humbly beg to be excused, if we remain three days more in Rome, so as to enjoy for this short 
 time, so important an acquaintance. 
 
 At Naples we had very detailed particulars of Sig. Tommaso Cornelio, a Mathematician 
 and Physician of great reputation and friend of Sig. Michel Angelo Ricci: he has written 
 a book entitled Progymnasmata Physica which was printed at Venice, and one part of which 
 is dedicated to Sig. D. Alfonso Borelli^. He is a follower of Descartes and a great favourer 
 of things new, and on this account is hated in Naples by those who swear loyalty to their 
 old teachers. In his book he says that before Pecquetto^ or any other he was the inventor of 
 the hypothesis of compressing of the air by elastic force. He is a Calabrian by birth a 
 lively acute man, and like most of his compatriots very hot tempered. 
 
 It would surpass the limits of a letter were I to give Y.M.S.H. particulars of all we have 
 done about the natural phenomena of Naples. We have gone through some adventures, 
 as for instance on our second visit to Mount Vesuvius, when after wandering twelve miles on 
 foot, notwithstanding many guides, we did not succeed in arriving at the top of the crater. 
 
 Then as regards sulphurous earths, we made collections of very beautiful flowers of sulphur: 
 of extremely fine sal ammoniac, of mineral alum, of super-fine nitre, not inferior to that of the 
 ancients: but seeing such a variety of substances in that scorching ground which is hollow 
 below, as one perceives from the booming sound made by every stone cast upon it, we took 
 a bell-shaped alembic, and collecting the smoke from the most fiery spots, to see if oil of 
 sulphur would result, we extracted a phial-full of liquid, which though not acid, like artificial 
 oil of sulphur, produces nevertheless some effects proper to it — such as discolouring metals 
 with its smoke, etc. All these collections, along with that part of the library of M. Aurelio 
 Severino whicfi we purchased from the Secretary of the Kingdom, we have dispatched to 
 Leghorn, in order that the Most Serene Grand Duke and Y.M.S.H. may satisfy your curiosity. 
 
 We also got information as to the way in which manna is collected, and we have sent 
 various kinds of it. 
 
 We thought it our duty to give Y.M.S.H. this short note of our journey. To-morrow 
 morning, we have to go to the Marchese Patrizi — proprietor of the Grotto di Serpenti (the 
 Serpents' cave) — to be informed by him about the place, and how we should proceed. 
 
 Would God we could demonstrate by our doings the extreme desire we have to serve 
 Y.S.H. in all Your Commands— of which, the more Y.M.S.H. deigns to lay upon us, the 
 more we are favoured, who in all sincerity of heart full of humihty and respect, count it 
 an honour to be recognized by the whole worid for the most reverent admirers of Y.M.S.H.; 
 and wishing the Most Serene Grand Duke, and the Most Serene House every happiness that 
 Heaven can bestow: we remain 
 
 From Rome 24 November, 1663. Giovanni Finchio. 
 
 ' LftUre di i'omini Illustri, Florence, 1773. 
 
 2 " This part is only a Latin letter, feigned by Cornelio to have been written by his deceased friend, Marco 
 Aurelio Severino Crcttigena "- note in the Italian. 
 
 ' Thebrilliant Jean Pecquet, who discovered the receptaculumchyli and thoracic duct, whiUt still a student. 
 He prescribed "eau-de-vie" for ill ills, but for himself it became an "eau de mort " (Bayle). 
 
 6
 
 42 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 Jo the Prince Leopold. 
 
 I return most humble thanks to Y.M.S.H. for the most gracious letter delivered to me 
 
 by Sig. Michel Angelo Ricci, the evening before my departure from Rome. On Sunday I 
 arrived at Pisa, having first visited on the journey the Grotto di Serpenti belonging to 
 Marchese Patrizi at the Sasso, to which courteous and most kind nobleman I am particularly 
 obliged. 
 
 I entered the cave by myself, which in breadth could only hold a man lying on the ground 
 and in its greatest height does not attain four feet. I waited for the serpents issuing forth, 
 but saw none. The people of the place told me that they only came out in the warm spring 
 weather; and the major domo of the Marchese said that as many as 65 had been seen round 
 the naked body of a diseased man. The sick dose themselves with opium, so as not to be 
 frightened and move, and so scare the serpents ; and it is said that they, after being licked 
 by the serpents, come out cured of any skin disease. 
 
 These serpents are not poisonous, that is clear from the chance that happened to a certain 
 person who boldly went in naked without taking opium. Unable to bear a serpent on his 
 flesh, he squeezed it hard with the calf of his leg and was bitten by it. He, however, fled 
 for two miles without stopping, with the blood flowing from him, but was otherwise none the 
 worse. A man of mean condition who went in alone, after taking opium, was found dead 
 in the cave, but this they put down to the excessive dose of opium taken by him, and not to 
 the harmfulness of the serpents. 
 
 The cave is so hot that although the door (which is closed with bars when a patient goes 
 in) remained open, it made me sweat : on which account I am inclined to believe that those 
 few who are cured — if indeed there are any — are healed by the action of the Hypocaust, 
 or dry-stove heat, which is advantageous in diseases of the skin. 
 
 It is certainly true that there are many serpents in that cave, because although I did 
 not see any, I noticed a number of holes where they live, and I collected several of their 
 sloughs which I have brought with me, to see if similar skins are found elsewhere. The 
 inhabitants, to distinguish them from other serpents, say that these have a white line all 
 round the neck. 
 
 I have no other notes to give Y.M.S.H. about this journey. I beg Y.M.S.H. to excuse 
 me for wearying you, and kneeling at your feet (on behalf also of Sig. Tommaso) with the 
 profound respect which our sincere devotion to your person requires and commands, and 
 wishing to Y.M.S.H. increase of glory, and victories, and the highest happiness to all the 
 most Serene House; I remain 
 
 Giovanni Finchio. 
 
 The loth day of December, 1663. 
 
 In December, 1663, Finch reassumed his work as Lecturer in Anatomy in 
 Pisa, and Targioni Tozzetti^ quotes a letter of " Pietro Andriano Vanden Brocche" 
 [Epistolae, page 51]: "Finchius iam Titulo Medici Reginae Britanniae hones- 
 tatus, ante paucissimas dies ad Professionem Anatomes Pisis rediit. Octavo 
 Kal. Februarias in Theatro Anatomico, suum in Cadavere Humano munus 
 auspicabitur. Incisio a Tilmanno fiet." 
 
 Sir John Finch turned his friendship with the Grand Duke to good account 
 by obtaining a position for one of his cousins, Colonel Charles Finch. The 
 Earl of Winchilsea in writing to this brother about the matter says : " I have not 
 been un-busy to try to find you some employment worthy of yourself and your 
 
 1 Alii f Memorie inediu delV Accademia del Cimetuo...F'aeme, MDCCLXXX, Tom. i, p. 273.
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 43 
 
 family, and am glad to hear from Sir John Finch that, by his favour with the 
 Archduke he has obtained for you the command of a regiment in Italy^." 
 
 Finch and Baines came back to England some time in the year 1664., but 
 the exact date is uncertain as the}' have left little record of their movements. 
 Henry More had the pernicious habit of omitting to add the year when dating 
 his letters to Anne Conway, but it seems most probable that the letters, from 
 which the following extracts are taken, were written in 1664. Finch and Baines 
 had become such old cronies in Italy that perhaps their ways appeared a httle 
 queer to their friends in England. 
 
 More finds these "Italians" past understanding and again they come in 
 for a measure of blame in the matter of their correspondence. Interesting hght 
 is shed on Baines' philosophy; he did not blindly follow the traditions of his 
 old tutor. More writes (Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23216, f. xx, 212): 
 
 I had the happiness of enjoying Sr John Finch his company several! times at London, to 
 whom I gave also a copy of my book. He tells me he will read it over very considerately at 
 Florence and does not seem so confident of contrary conceptions as he did heretofore. 
 Dr Baines has solicited his invention to tr)- all tricks possible to evade the force of my reasons, 
 but I have not found him successful! yett. I asked Sir Johns opinion of the Letter of Resolu- 
 tion, because I perceived your Ladyship had a minde to know it. He told me the Authour 
 had vvritt ingenious!)- but not so fully that several! other things might be added that would 
 make to the same purpose. That was the summe of his Answer. I gave Mr Solicitor 
 [Heneage Finch] also one of my Books. Sr John told me he was resolved to read it over, 
 and I think himself sayd as much to me. And it may not be unlikely if he finde it worth 
 tlie whyle, for he has a fitt Genius for such things, as I discerned by that little converse I 
 had with him. .'Vnd Tully was an excellent Philosopher as well as a famous Advocate and 
 Oratour. I had the other day two or three hours discourse with Crellius his son and find 
 that the want of Philosophy is most certainly the ground of the Socinians gross mistakes in 
 those grand points of our Relligion. But the man was a pretty man, and of a fair and honest 
 Temper, so farr as I can discerne. But they are. ..[-uord illegible] in that low corporeal! 
 dispensation of T.B. [Baines] that can phancy nothing but matter, and are but Aristoteleans 
 in Philosophy, or nothing at all. I mean, are for his system of the World, and understand 
 not the laws of matter nor the Systeme of Des Cartes, whose philosophy is the best Engine 
 I can give against such erroneous fabricks in Relligion. Theres nothing more occurs to my 
 mind for the present.... 
 
 In 1 67 1 and 1672 More pubHshed his Enchiridion Metaphysicum in which 
 he reveals a change of view in regard to Descartes' philosoph}-, and this fact 
 seems to show that this letter was written before these )'ears. 
 
 And again on 29th August {ibid. f. 242) More sa)-s : 
 
 Sr John promised me frequent letters too, and that Philosophical! one, but I do not expect 
 it, he is the best company that can be present but the least when he is absent. If tliere were 
 none wiser than myself, I would not have him to go into Italy, but stay and write his letters 
 here. I am not certain that Dr Baines Palsy was so sensibly encreased upon him, I beeleewe 
 it is some time more, sometime less, but methought he looked rather better than he used to 
 doe. The Socinians are free though in all conscience, and a little too bold in some respects, 
 but their Genius is too strait and short for some tlunges. But what I told you is most certain 
 
 ' Finch Rtpori (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. i, p. 308, "Pera 26th April 1664." 
 
 6—2
 
 44 LIFE IN FLORENCE [cii. 
 
 that their great mistake in Divinity, is from their incapacity of conceiving any thing but 
 Body or Matter.... 
 
 On 14th Sept. the Platonist writes (ibid. f. 246): 
 
 The ItaHans are not yett come to Cambridge. I left a very extraordinary l<inde letter 
 at Sr Heneage Finches for Dr Baines to be given him when he returned to London, and wrote 
 also as civilly as I could, to Sr John Finch to invite them to Cambridge, but I have received 
 no letter from either of them. I understand nothing of the Italian Genius.... 
 
 In March, 1665, Finch was appointed to be King Charles IPs Resident at 
 Florence, at the court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Sir John insisted that 
 Baines must go with him to Italy. It is sometimes said that Baines acted as 
 Physician to the Embassy, but he is not mentioned as such in the letters. It 
 has been stated that Baines was knighted on this occasion, but in the Calendar 
 0/ State Papers I find him first mentioned as "Sir Thomas" on 12th May, 1673. 
 Baines could not have spent much of his time at his work as Professor of Music, 
 and on the occasion of this departure. Sir Andrew Clark agreed to provide a 
 reader in his place at Gresham College. Finch also made the necessary arrange- 
 ments for leaving England and sold his house (now Kensington Palace) to his 
 brother Heneage, who, in turn, left it to his son Daniel, second Earl of Notting- 
 ham, and in 1689, Nottingham House, as it was then called, was purchased by 
 King William III. 
 
 Pepys in his Diary writes of riding out to Kensington and "...going into 
 Sir H. Finche's garden and seeing the fountayne, and singing there with the 
 ladies, and a mighty cool place it is, with a great laver of water in the middle 
 and the bravest place for musique I ever heard." 
 
 Anthony Wood^ thus describes Finch's arrival in Italy : 
 
 Upon his arrival at Florence, Sir Bernard Gascoigne (a known friend to the English 
 nation) did with an undeniable Civility press him to take quarter at his own House, till he 
 should be farther provided : which he accordingly accepted, and the Duke was pleased to 
 employ the said Sir Bernard to his Majesty's Resident, with such notices and respects as he 
 found then convenient. In the end all things being agreed upon, as to the manner and 
 dignity of his Reception, the said Resident made entry in a very noble Coach, being attended 
 with an answerable train, in rich Liveries, and a great number of other Coaches, beside the 
 whole Factory of Leghorn, who very kindly appeared in a handsom equipage to do him all 
 possible honour. Thus attended he went to the Palace, and received Audience first from 
 the Great Duke, and two days after from the Dutchess and Prince, acquiting himself with 
 a singular grace throughout the whole Ceremony. 
 
 This was an important appointment for Sir John Finch, but his contem- 
 poraries did not think him unworthy of the honour. The Earl of Winchilsea 
 writes to Heneage Finch^: 
 
 Yours of the 9th March I received the 21st of June, and cannot but congratulate the 
 honour his Majestie hath donne my cousin John, whose meritts having mett with such an 
 
 ' Loc. cil. vol. II, Fasti p. 59. 2 ^q^. cit. vol. i, p. 379. June 25th, 1665.
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 45 
 
 employment, hath now an opportunity of shewing the world those abilities he is master oflE 
 and honouring our family as much abroad as you do att home. 
 
 It is rather remarkable that in the year 1666 three members of the Finch 
 family should be occupying such important positions ; Heneage was Sohcitor 
 General at that time, his brother was Ambassador at Florence, and their cousin 
 Heneage, fifth Earl of Winchilsea, was King Charles' representative at the Porte. 
 Finch's usefulness at Florence to the English Government is well set forth in 
 two letters of the Earl of Arlington, then Secretary of State, to the Earl of 
 Winchilsea : 
 
 ...and I may with truth say I have had the good luck of late to have given my hand 
 to the establishing your cousin, Sir John Finch, in an employment in Italy, which I hope 
 will not only bee to his Majestie's advantage and his own satisfaction, but your E.xcellencie's 
 also, in finding such a hand in the midway through which wee may correspond better in 
 the future^. 
 
 And again: 
 
 I hope your Excellencie having Sir John Finch for your correspondent soe much nearer 
 than we are and the means of sending to you, you will not have cause to complain of the want 
 of knowing all our news*. 
 
 Winchilsea made other use of Finch than in diplomatic matters, as we have noted 
 before, and used to send money to his agents in Leghorn in order that Sir John 
 might "purchase pictures, statues and medals." 
 
 There was no important political crisis during Finch's term of office at 
 Florence and most of his official correspondence deals with very minor trade 
 disputes and such-like. However he seems to have done this kind of work well, 
 and the MSS. preserved at the Bodleian Library^ reveal how punctilious he was 
 in the preparation of his speeches to the Grand Duke and of his reports on 
 apparently very trifling matters. 
 
 Some extracts from these MSS. may be of some interest, as they throw 
 light upon certain trade disputes. The other documents are concerned with 
 certain matters described at much greater length in cypher letters of Sir John 
 Finch to his brother-in-law Viscount Conway which I have summarized (vide 
 infra). 
 
 MS. Rawl. A. 478, /o. i. 
 
 [Heading] "Extract of a letter of Sr J. Finch. March 8. i6g|." 
 
 Suggests that for some grievances, not named, "the Duke of Florence pay for them by 
 Ounces by a severe Treaty," and he "must stoop, or else the trade of Florence silks is lost 
 and Florence and Legorne ruined." 
 
 Continues about Algiers, and English Mediterranean shipping. Algerians have seized 
 English ships, which are much too small and have no guns, but are loaded with rich commo- 
 dities. Suggests burning some of their (Algerians) ships in port, which would diminish 
 
 ' Loc. cit. vol. I, p. 369. April 20th, 1665. ' Loc. cii. vol. i, p. 395. Sept. 13th, 1665. 
 
 ^ Rawl. MSS. A. 477, pp. 100, 129-131 ; A. 478, pp. i, 120, 132.
 
 46 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 their strength and scare them. Afterwards when peace was made, only ships of force to be 
 sent out, to go out from England, and return to England or Holland, not to stay in Medi- 
 terranean as a constant temptation to the Barbary coast. These larger ships would also 
 act as Convoy ships, and receive money from smaller ships. At present English ships went 
 under Genoese Convoy ships. 
 
 j4t the end of this letter is this note in the same hand : 
 
 The answer to this of the 26. March 1669. I have offered your last proposition to his 
 Majesty and R. Highnesse who approue your invention in it but cannot yet conclude it 
 practicable. 
 
 MS. Rawl. A. 478, ff. 120-142V. 
 
 Copy in Italian and English of a letter from Sir J. Finch to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
 representing English grievances. Dated Florence, Mar. 21. 1671. Very long. 
 
 Includes in this one memorial, what was in his other memorials of Nov. 2. and Feb. 4. 
 
 1. Asks that woollen manufactures and other merchandise from His Majesty's Kingdoms 
 or Plantations to Legorn with Bills of Health, may be freely brought on shore without being 
 sent to the Lazaretto to make Quarantena. istly: because English Factors lost the benefit 
 of the market for their sale. 2ndly: charges of Lazaretto heavy. 3rdly: the opening of 
 their goods in the Lazaretto predjudicial to them. Goods from France, Venice, etc., not thus 
 exposed. 4thly : not done in former times. 
 
 2. Second demand is that all woollen manufactures made in the Dominions of his 
 Majesty may be freely sold throughout the whole State of His Highness, paying only same 
 duty as was paid before the prohibition of their sale throughout the whole state. 
 
 3. Third demand. All Consolati (or Consolages) are made by Captains and Mariners 
 either to obtain averages upon the goods they carry in consideration of dammages they 
 pretend to have happened to their ships ; or to be freed from paying a penalty to the Merchants 
 for not consigning their goods in good condition. He demands that English captains be not 
 permitted to make "Consolati," but that they shall be left to the English maritime laws, 
 the Tribunals being exorbitant and unfair. 
 
 4. Fourth demand that all English slaves in Algiers or elsewhere, that shall be ransomed 
 and brought to Legorn, shall be putt into perfect liberty; and not be subject to imprisonment 
 or sequester, or be summoned before Tribunals for any pretensions that they have not paid 
 their ransom. Refers to the case of Armiger. 
 
 5. That the number of guards upon ships be reduced. That the Public Health was 
 preserved when only one guard was allotted to one ship, and is still sufficient in other neigh- 
 bouring ports. 
 
 Thanks him for his assurances of strict orders for keeping the Custom-house books of 
 Legorn in giorno : also for remedying abuses in weighing at the Public Stadera, and for allowing 
 him to use his Tribunals for abbreviating lawsuits. Does not question but he will grant 
 these demands also. 
 
 In the autumn of 1665 Daniel Finch, son of Heneage, was sent out to Italy 
 to further his education. In the Burley papers there are many letters from his 
 parents and brother to the studious young man. Finch and Baines acted as 
 Daniel's guardians, and the latter evidently was the lad's tutor and was able 
 to give him much of that advice at which the father had smiled! We learn 
 from these letters in what high esteem both medical men were held. "Your 
 letter from Florence pitts an end to our doubts caused by that from Venice,
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 47 
 
 you being now in such good hands as my uncle and Dr Baines^." To the son*: 
 "I have written to your uncle to desire him to settle the rates you are to pay 
 for living there, which is absolutely necessary to bee done and of which he is 
 the truest judge, nor can I suffer you to Hve at his charge... When any occasion 
 shall draw you to see any other part of Italy, if Dr Baines can bee prevayled with 
 to protect you with his company and advice in your journey you are happy. 
 But bee sure you beare the whole expense of so much time." And Elizabeth, 
 Lady Finch (daughter of Dr William Harvey's younger brother Daniel), writes 
 when she learns that her son has reached Florence, "my mind is at rest." 
 Father to son, 7-1 7th December, 1666, "I know the care and kindness of 
 Dr Bayncs, and desire to return him my hearty thanks^." 
 
 In a letter to Sir Heneage Finch, the Earl of Winchilsea wishes that his son 
 also could go out to Italy in order that he might take advantage of all that 
 such a trip would offer to a young man, and that Finch and "the Doctor" might 
 "overlook him for a few months." Winchilsea's opinion of Sir John could 
 scarcely be higher: 
 
 ...for I noe (sic) no gentleman either in England or out of it soe capable to doe great 
 things in the breeding of my son as he, and he is of such honour and worth and soe 
 experimented in the world that if I were to advise the king for a Gouvenour of a Prince of 
 Wales (when it shall please God to bless him with one) I should prefer my cousin your 
 brothei-*. 
 
 This is the greatest praise, even if due allowance be made for the manner of 
 expressing it in those very poUte days. 
 
 Several times I have come across short "songs" and poems in the note- 
 books or commonplace books of Sir John Finch. Some of the verses were 
 "designed for my dear Lady Conway, now in heaven," as he described them in 
 one of the books. One of the "songs" begins with the hne "All Pow'rfull 
 God! whom nought can Disobey," and another "Thou bad Enquirer of the 
 Birth of 111!^" Finch must have been in a very sad mood indeed when he 
 wrote the following poem and seems to have taken a morbid pleasure in his 
 sorrows. Was it written after the voluntary close to his love affair? 
 
 Build me my Mansion in a Cypresse Grove 
 
 Hallow'd by Dirges of the Turtle Dove, 
 
 Where the Wood Echoes out the Nightly howl 
 
 Of Hungry Wolves, and the Shrill Screeching Owl, 
 
 Where the Pale Shadows of the Silent Night 
 
 By their Glidings Mortalls doe affright. 
 
 Where that the closeweav'd Boughs forbid each Ray 
 
 And sable Shades blott out the cheerful Day, 
 
 * Loc. cit. vol. I, p. 403. Nov. 29th, 1665. - Loc. at. vol. i, p. 403. Nov. 30th, 1665, O.S. 
 ' Loc. cit. vol. I, p. 445. ' Loc. cit. vol. i, p. 423. 
 
 * Also referred to in Calendar of State Papers — Domestic, 1668-1669, p. 659.
 
 48 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 Where awful Flashes of the Blackened Sky 
 
 Through Trees more dark their Clearings multiply. 
 
 And Thunders from the Hills redoubled make 
 
 The unshorne ClifFes with Men and Beasts to quake 
 
 Amidst some Craggy Rocks, whose aged Heads 
 
 From their Amazing Heights doe Roaring Shed 
 
 Large Streames; whose chafing murmurs as they goe 
 
 Fill with confusion all the Plaines below. 
 
 Hang me my Room with Black, and as in Urnes 
 
 Let there some dully shining Taper burn. 
 
 Whilst that the Glimmering Hght which faintly streames 
 
 Spreads Universall Sadnesse with its Beames. 
 
 Blest Solitude free from all Eyes and Ears, 
 
 From busy noise, fond mirth, vain Hopes and Tears. 
 
 Bury'd alive in this forgotten Cell 
 
 Where Horrour Cares and wretched I doe dwell. 
 
 Here will I sitt and sigh and weeping Sing, 
 
 Banish all Joys but what my Tears doe bring. 
 
 Till that my Drooping soul with Woes opprest, 
 
 On the soft mossy Floor finds Peaceful Rest. 
 
 There can be little doubt that Henry More referred to this poem in the 
 following letter written to Anne Conway from "C.C.C." (Christ's College, Cam- 
 bridge), 23rd March, 1666-7^, but the verses are not to be found with More's letters, 
 
 ...I quite forgott to send you Sr John Finch's verses, but I knowe not whether my for- 
 gettfulness in this point or my mindfulness were the more tolerable. They are a very 
 melancholy copy of verses and it is in obedience to your Ladishipp's commands more than 
 my allowance of my own judgment that makes me send them. I have sent you the originall, 
 but keep a copy of them myselfe, as an ingenious monument of Sr John his Melancholy. 
 There is that of a poetical character in them, but your Ladishipp is so well fortifyd with the 
 sacred principles of Christianity and Philosophy that you'll easily remember that your 
 brother's mournful muse is but like a melancholy fitt of musick, reaches only the passions, 
 offers nothing of reason why we should be sad. Whatever though of Theologicall or Philo- 
 sophicall difficulty insinuated in the verses, I knowe your Ladishipp will easily solve, which 
 makes me rest the more satisfyed with my adventure of sending them. They talke of hopes 
 of peace, I pray God send it. Your Ladishipp will not do well to lett Mrs Foxcroft read 
 those verses wthout this Antidote. The Referees of her husband's case have, or will, 
 report to the King, that they have concluded as most fitt that Sr Edward Winter and her 
 son be sent for hither into England, but that Mr Foxcroft keepe his place there where he is. 
 This Dr Whichcoate told me this day, for very good news. I was with her son Ezekiel and 
 communicated her postscript to him.... 
 
 Dr Whichcote was one of the group of Cambridge Platonists. 
 
 Mrs Foxcroft was apparently an almost constant visitor at Ragley: she 
 was Elizabeth, daughter of Christopher Whichcote and niece of Dr Whichcote. 
 Her sister Mary married John Worthington (1618-1671), Master of Jesus College 
 and a friend of More, who presented the latter to the living of Ingoldsby 
 in 1667. Worthington's Diary and Correspondence was edited by the late 
 James Crossley of Manchester. 
 
 1 Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23216, p. 90.
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 49 
 
 Sir Edward Winter (162 2- 1686) was agent at Fort George (Madras) and in 
 the Dictionary of National Biography an account is given of his quarrel with 
 George Foxcroft who was sent out to succeed him. Winter brought up a charge 
 of treason against Foxcroft on a sHght pretext and had him and also Foxcroft's 
 son arrested, and claimed the place of agent again. This happened in the 
 autumn of 1665, but the news did not reach London tiU early in the year 1666-j. 
 Winter had friends in court but it was not until April, 1667, that Charles II 
 signed an order to Winter to surrender the fort, and it was only when six 
 armed vessels appeared before the fort of Madras in May, 1681, that the order 
 was finally obeyed. 
 
 In the spring of 1667 Baines went with his protege Daniel on a trip to 
 Rome and Naples. Thus Finch, for practically the first time since they had 
 met, was separated from his bosom companion and in his solitude writes from 
 Livorno on Sunday "Aprill i5-25th" to his "Dearest Dear" a long and very 
 characteristic letter. This goes a long way to reveal his thoughts on friendship 
 and is an apologetic for those men who feel that they can have but few close 
 friends. 
 
 When I most seriously consider what is that most endears to us the thing which we call 
 life: I am, I professe extreamly at a losse to rayse the esteem and Value wee sett upon it. 
 For if I am to speak as a Christian the enjoying this World is the renouncing of it; mortifyca- 
 tion and self denyal being the badges of them who have anything else to entitle them to 
 Christianity besides theyr Baptisme: and I apprehend this reluctancy so essentiall a point 
 in taking up the Cross, that if any by the Melancholy of their Temper were carry'd on the 
 same practises with delight which I with much naturall Aversion found myselfe to undertake: 
 I cannot apprehend that what is Height of Christianity in mee, would amount to common 
 Morality in them. Actions of Religion and Morality receiving their Determinations from 
 the inner Principle they flow from : and not from any externall appearances, which are either 
 good, indifferent, or bad according to the intention that gave them being: If I speake as a 
 Philosopher, there is nothing that renders our life more to be valued then ('«V) that of Brutes 
 but Discourse with each other and the result of that friendship wee make from a similitude in 
 our Sentiments and Inclinations and Religion from which the Philosopher is by no means to 
 be excluded. 
 
 As to Discourse there so few Persons who know how to discourse and so few of them 
 brought to our knowledg and acquaintance with whom wee desire a Discourse: and of them 
 so many yet fewer wee desire to have friendship with that I thinke what our Grandfather 
 Sir Moyle Finch told our father when hee said hee had spent ^80 upon a supper for his friends 
 at Cambridge: that he who had more years and experience could gett all his friends at a 
 little round table in his study which held not above six Persons: might be applied to all 
 Mankind for I should much question how that he who has numerous friendships had none 
 at all, so then this Great World that considered in Generall is of so Vast a consideration: 
 reduc'd into its naturall bignesse as to Us consists but of 6 or 8 Persons and if wee are rich, 
 a few Acres of Ground more than our neighbour possesses...^. 
 
 He continues that "hfe is a 'probation,'" speaks of one being "entangled with 
 the birdhme of the world," and refers to Anne Conway's life as a "perpetuall 
 
 > Brit. Mu». Addit. MSS. 23215, I. 50.
 
 50 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 crosse and self denyall." He closes with the words that nothing would make 
 
 him more happy than to see her. 
 
 Whilst in Rome Baines met "Mr Boyle" (Roger Broghill, eldest son of the 
 
 first Earl of Orrery) and his tutor Mr Hall. Baines writes^ of the illness of the 
 
 Pope, and of the trouble into which a Dutch Baron got himself. The latter 
 
 killed one of the Pope's guards in trying to force his way into the ceremony of 
 
 washing the Pilgrims' feet on Holy Thursday, 
 
 this year performed by Cardinall Barbarino as the Pope is sick with ulcer of the bladder and 
 very likely to die; all the prisoners are removed out of the common gaoles into the strong 
 castell of Saint Angelo for feare as soon as the Pope is dead the keepers let open the prison 
 dores, otherwise the people would break them open. 
 
 At this time, too, Baines sent some presents to the Conways, and Finch 
 evidently opened Baines' letter to Conway and supplemented his friend's 
 description of the articles, for he writes : 
 
 The Doctor sent your Lordship these from Rome and he forgott to mention in his letter; 
 Brescia Pistole Barrells, he sent your Lordship, with the cap (one of the Great Duke's). 
 Those things he sends my sister which were given him by the Great Duke are of singular use 
 for her that keeps her bed being very ingenious contrivances to sit at all heights in the bed 
 and have the use of a table. It goes upon screws, and everything is to be unscrewed; the 
 glasse within the bed pan is to be taken out by unscrewing the handle and taking the handle 
 quite of (sic) for then it opens. All the other screws are obvious enough^. 
 
 Anne Conway was at this time stiU in very poor health and Finch was quite 
 correct in his opinion, expressed to Lord Conway, that nothing could be done 
 for her: 
 
 ...I resolved not to write till I could send the studyed Advice of Dr Baines for my sister: 
 for though he be my Dear friend your Lordship must not thinke it my partiality, but my 
 persuasion that when I tell your Lordship that He nor no man can cure her. My Lord I 
 send it here to your Lordship enclos'd : and I hope God Almighty has strengthen'd him to 
 be usefull where above all things in this World I dare swear he wishes to doe good^. 
 
 Henry More induced Anne Conway to try many doctors, but some of these 
 must be placed in the class of quacks. Valentine Greatrakes, "the renowned 
 Irish stroker," treated her, and Viscount Conway writes to his secretary Rawdon 
 in high hope that this man would cure his wife of her headaches (Rawdon papers). 
 But in spite of all attempted remedies Anne Conway suffered terribly, and only 
 death itself brought a happy release. 
 
 In the same letter Finch gives the outline of a dispute, which had arisen 
 through the fact that a Captain Hubbard had arrived at the port of Livorno 
 with a squadron and had not saluted the port. This was the occasion for 
 addresses to the Grand Duke, as a protest was made against the English 
 Captain's sin of omission. Finch's plea was that the guns ashore never returned 
 
 1 Brit. Mus. Addii. MSS. 23215, f. 52. " Ibid. i. +6*. 
 
 2 Ibii. f. 54, Florence, July 2-12, 1667.
 
 Phte VI 
 
 From portrait b)' Carlo Dolci at 15urle\ -oii-thc-Hil
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 51 
 
 a salute, if given, and finally the matter was settled by the forts giving back 
 
 the salute, gun for gun, "nine apiece." The Ambassador Finch considered this 
 
 a tremendous concession on the part of Tuscany and describes the return of 
 
 the salute as "a respect beyond all the Kings of Christendom." A cypher 
 
 letter to Conway goes into more detail about this incident. 
 
 From hints in the letters and from facts that have been mentioned already, 
 
 we learn that the health of the friends was not always of the best. Heneage 
 
 Finch mentions this matter in writing to his son: "...I am glad your uncle did 
 
 so soon recover his indisposition... I would to God Dr Baynes were freed from 
 
 the payns of the stone, and from all apprehensions of its retourne^." How 
 
 often has not the "racking" stone gone with, and been part of, the life of a 
 
 hard student ! Baines himself describes this attack of stone in a letter to Conway 
 
 dated "Flor. Aug. 11, 1667": 
 
 ...my tardancy in answering it proceeded not from the want of duty or sence I had of so high 
 an obligation: but from the immensity of the distemper of the stone I then laboured under: 
 voyding in the space of eighteen dayes at least eight or nine hundred stones from my right 
 kidney, which leaving mee very weake...but now beyond all men's expectation and my owne 
 reason I am thanks bee to God in appearance returned to my former condition. God knows 
 how long it will last*. 
 
 I can find no trace of any pictures of Finch and Baines except those now 
 hanging at Burley-on-the-Hill. Besides the portrait of Sir John Finch at his 
 Studies by Van Hoogstraaten there are two more of him at Burley and also 
 two of his friend Baines. Sir John never lived at Burley, for the present magni- 
 ficent house was built by Daniel Finch about 1700, some time after Sir John's 
 death. The portraits were inherited by Daniel, and these and a large number 
 of the books of Finch and Baines were taken to Burley. Miss Pearl Finch, in 
 her book History of Burley-on-the-Hill, mentions only three portraits, which have 
 as their subject either Finch or Baines, but two more have been brought to light 
 since her catalogue of the pictures was compiled. All the pictures were cleaned 
 after the fire and no doubt the names on these two have come out. They are 
 of "the Doctors" as much younger men (Plates IV and V) "and are evidently 
 the work of some competent EngUsh painter of the period'." 
 
 Present members of the Finch family tell me that there has been a tradition 
 since 1750 that the two splendid portraits (Plates VI and VII) are by Carlo Dolci 
 (1616-1686). He was a Florentine painter, was an extremely religious man, and 
 for the most part painted pictures of Christ or of members of the Holy Family. 
 However he painted more than one portrait of himself, one of the Archbishop 
 of Florence, and several others. These portraits of Finch and Baines are unsigned, 
 nor do either of them mention these pictures in their letters. 
 
 ' Finch Rrpori (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. i, p. 467. 
 
 2 Brit. Mus. Addii. MSS. 2321;, f. 58. 
 
 ^ Lionel Oust .ind .Arcbibald Ma'loch, he. cii. 
 
 7-2
 
 52 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 By the merest chance I found a reference in one of Gio. Targioni Tozzetti's 
 works (Jtti e Memorie inedite dell' Accademia del Cimento e Notizie Aneddote 
 dei Progressi delle Scienze in Toscatia, Firenze, mdcclxxx) to a sketch of the 
 life of Carlo Dolci^ by Filippo Baldinucci (i 624-1 696) which proves that this 
 artist painted portraits of Finch and Baines. There seems little reason to doubt 
 that the portraits at Burley to which the family tradition is attached are the 
 ones spoken of by Baldinucci. I quote the passage at length, as other pictures 
 by Carlo Dolci and bought by Finch are referred to. 
 
 ...Equally with every other work of his at Florence was esteemed the Erodiade [Herodias] 
 with the head of John Baptist, a more than half life size figure executed for the Marquis 
 Ronuccini, with the other picture of David holding the dead head of the Philistine Giant as 
 a pendant. Nevertheless of the Erodiades he painted a second and then a third : the second 
 was for John Finch, IVIinister in Florence of H.M. the King of England, to whom the said 
 Minister presented it. For the same Finch, Dolci also painted, as pendants the David with 
 Goliath's Head, and a Saint Mary Magdalene which were presented to the Queen In addition 
 he painted Sir John Finch's portrait and that of his most confidential attache Doctor Fava 
 which were so successful that they may be said without exaggeration to be his master-pieces. 
 When seen in England they made such a sensation that many noblemen and gentlemen of 
 that nation, on their way through Florence had their portraits painted by him. Of these 
 gentlemen the name of one has been preserved viz. John Broghim. 
 
 For the two portraits painted for the English Minister, Carlino in addition to the hundred 
 ducats stipulated, received a gift of twenty-five Spanish doubloons. 
 
 Finch had only one "most confidential attache," and "Fava" must be 
 regarded as a misreading of a MS. for "Baines." Tozzetti in his book on the 
 Accademia del Cimento writes of "Tommaso Forbes" instead of "Tommaso 
 Baines." "Fava" is Italian for "bean," but it seems very unlikely that an 
 attempt was made to translate "Baines" into Italian! The name "Broghim" 
 seems to be a mistake, but it is doubtful if we could replace it by "BroghiU" 
 {i.e. of the Boyle family). 
 
 The Herodias with St John's Head and the 5. Mary Magdalene are amongst 
 a list of the paintings in the possession of King James II, and they were amongst 
 the pictures lent to exhibitions by both George IV and William IV. They are 
 now at Windsor Castle. I have been unable to trace the David with Goliath's 
 Head, and Lionel Cust, Esquire, C.V.O., Surveyor of the King's Pictures and 
 Works of Art, knows nothing of this painting, but suggests that Queen 
 Catharine of Braganza may have retained it as her private property. 
 
 A mezzotint was engraved by J. Faber from the painting of Herodias in 
 1728 and there is one also at the British Museum of an almost identical painting 
 by Carlo Dolci in Dresden. Two of the three pictures of Herodias, mentioned 
 in the passage quoted above, may thus be traced. 
 
 Mr Cust 2 writes of the portraits of Finch and Baines, "they are excellent 
 
 • Notizie de Professori del disegno.. .Tom. vi, p. 503. This work of Baldinucci was published, in the year 
 1717, after hia death. 2 j^g^_ ^ii_ 
 
 y
 
 Plate III 
 
 From portrait by Carlo Dolci at Burlcy-on-thc-Hi
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 53 
 
 in every way, treated with a breadth and sobriety of colour which one would 
 connect with the Dutch school of the period rather than with the Italian." 
 
 In the portrait of Sir John he is holding an Italian document dated from 
 "Firenze" and addressed to the Grand Duke. The intention of representing 
 Finch as the English Ambassador is evident. 
 
 Carlo Dolci, we must conclude for other reasons, was known to Finch, 
 for in one of his commonplace books Finch has written some notes "On colours" 
 and in these he quotes Carlo Dolci's opinions several times. There is a signed 
 picture by Carlo Dolci at Burley representing the head of the Infant Christ; 
 this no doubt was bought by Finch, for on his return alone from Turkey 
 he procured many paintings in Italy and Florence and "four of Carlo Dolci." 
 Christ breaking Bread by Carlo Dolci hangs in Burleigh House "by Stamford 
 town," the seat of the Marquis of Exeter. 
 
 In the other portrait Baines is seated at a table on which are several books. 
 He is immediately engaged on Plato and Aristotle and there are other slips of 
 paper in books marked "Euclid" and "Hippocr..." Baines is apparently 
 extracting passages from Plato and Aristotle. One of his note-books preserved 
 at Burley is entirely devoted to this work. His method of note-taking is worth 
 recording and might well be followed by the student to-da}', had he the leisure 
 time of Baines. 
 
 Short Collections 
 
 Out of Plato and Aristotle: of Plato there is his booke entitled politicus; his ten books 
 de Republica, and his Thirteen bookes de legibus, the last of which Hee calls (■mvofii';; out 
 of Aristotle there is his eight bookes de Republica, his two bookes de Cura Rei Familiaris, 
 his ten bookes de Moribus, his two bookes entitled Eudemia, his booke de virtutibus et vitiis 
 and his Rhetoricke. 
 
 In taking of these notes I have obser\'ed that method which I have donne heretofore in 
 others, and shall allwayes doe hereafter. 
 
 1. In reading an ancient author as Plato and Aristotle, I take notice of Knowne 
 important truths, though common, chiefly out of gratitude that I may in private thoughts, 
 and publicke Discourse pay my respects to the first origen and there is in it the pompe and 
 glory of learning. 
 
 2. I take notice of truths which though I knew either in part or in whole before, yet 
 they are more plumply, scientifically and handsomely conveyed, and in this there is both 
 profitt and pleasure. 
 
 3. I take notice of truths which I never knew before and perhaps in these I am allwayes 
 larger then the Author where the case points for my owne instruction, and carry a constant 
 eie {sic) whether in his following bookes hee speakes any further to that point. .And in these 
 there is abundance of profitt and abundance of pleasure, for in a fruitfull braine how much 
 does once {sic) certaine truth branch. 
 
 4. Lastly I take notice of egregious errors: partly that I may shew them others to 
 decline, but chiefly that in farther reading of Him I may easelyer (^iV) perceive the lesser 
 declinations from those more palpable, by which I decline the straining of my braine to give 
 a candid interpretation of that which was meaned amisse, which otherwise in charity I ought 
 to doe to every famous man: kui Taiira fxei' ravra: atque haec de his.
 
 54 LIFE IN FLORENCE [ch. 
 
 Finch had scarcely begun his term as Resident at Florence when his friends 
 
 sought out positions for him in England. As early as June, 1665, Conway^ 
 
 writes a very interesting letter to him and states that he and Heneage Finch 
 
 were angry with Lord Arlington, as the latter had failed to fulfil his promise 
 
 towards Sir John. 
 
 ...he promised this should be redeemed, and would have done it very opportunely upon the 
 death of Mr O'Neale, of the King's bedchamber, had not your being knighted rendered you 
 incapable thereof, but his lordship has made amends by the employment you now enjoy: 
 his lordship is a power of the greatest honour and merit that ever was, and you will find 
 yourself more happy under his protection than if you had choice of the Court, for his power 
 and reediness to oblige is greater than any man's... I hope ultimately to bring you in 
 to succeed Sec. Morice in his office which will be more eligible than removing to Con- 
 stantinople.... 
 
 Another letter in 1668 shows that it was intended that Finch should enter 
 
 Parliament upon his return^. Viscount Conway wrote to his brother-in-law 
 
 Sir John Finch in February, 1668: 
 
 ...Lord Arhngton intends to have you chosen a Parliament man before you arrive; 
 by that method you will come into court advantageously. I advise your return by France, 
 because you will be first employed in foreign affairs. You will have the advantage of coming 
 into a court where there is not one man of ability. 
 
 In 1667 Heneage Finch was still "an unsuccessful suitor" for Finch's return. 
 
 In March, 1666-7^, Finch wrote to Lord Conway about his wishes for the 
 
 future and about his dissatisfaction with his Hfe in Italy at that time. These 
 
 letters are partly in cypher, but fortunately the keys were found amongst the 
 
 manuscripts at the British Museum and almost all the words can be deciphered 
 
 by their aid. 
 
 ...But my Lord as I am eternally obliged to your Lordship's kindnesse, which endeavours 
 to begett me an Interest in Lord Ashley [? Arlington] yet I must needs say I find so little 
 application to buisnesse at court and particularly in Lord Ashley [?] that I know not how to 
 hope an esteeme from Lord Ashley unlesse his Lordship could find something to employ mee 
 in, that might ease his [?] owne trouble. And indeed my Lord though I have the strongest 
 desires imaginable to retourne home being desirous if possible to enjoy your Lordship's and my 
 sisters company, I having little satisfaction to spend my time in a charge whose dignity 
 cannot be supported with the allowance of Sir John Finch. Yet my Lord to use the freedome 
 your Lordship's affection permitts; I had rather at my retourne retire from the noyse of 
 the world and enjoy my owne thoughts free from subjection, then have office at court void 
 of application and buisnesse. Yet I had rather undertake anything then to be banished 
 any longer from seeing your Lordship and my sister. Nay though to be sent to Constan- 
 tinople were a charge of great gaine yet I would not buy that charge with the affliction so 
 long a separation would create mee. But anything is better then my present condition in 
 which I neither enjoy myselfe nor anything else. 
 
 In a later cypher letter Finch writes: 
 
 I doe perfectly abhorr the thoughts of goeing to Constantinople in so much that upon 
 the unfortunate marriage of My Lord Maydston [Winchilsea's son] and the Disappointment 
 
 ' Calendar of Stale Papers — Domestic, Addenda, 1660-1670, p. 701. June? 1665. 
 - Ibid. 1667-1668, p. 258. ^ Addil. MSS. 23215.
 
 vi] LIFE IN FLORENCE 55 
 
 that my Lord of Winchilsea must have of providing for his younger children I persuaded 
 him to stay at least seven years longer. 
 
 In the same letter Finch gives an account of another incident in his political 
 life in Italy, which is found in the Rawlinson MSS. (see note on page 45). 
 
 In my last I gave your Lordship an Account with how much difficulty I struggl'd with 
 the Pope here, who would by his Nuncio have suppress'd the Protestant Preaching, and was 
 so exorbitant as to pretend to silence my chaplayn in my own house, which ridiculous 
 extravagancy though I soon quashed, yet I find that the factor)- in my absence will hardly 
 be allowed that freedome : I therefore acquainted my Lord Arhngton with it; and told his 
 Lordship that I knew no expedient but my residing as many Moneths at Livorno as I had 
 wont to do at Florence. And I told his Lordship that I held it not reasonable that His 
 Majesty onely for the sake of the factory should be at the Expense, which would be great 
 in my taking another house here which would be at least ;([i20 per Annum, another in the 
 country which every Merchant to avoid this bad Ayr has; and the necessity of multiply'd 
 Entertainments where so vast a number of English were whom I must not be oblig'd by: if 
 I mean to govern. My Lord if his Lordship pitches upon this expedient of my residing at 
 Livorno though in matter of KeWgion... [three letters illegible through a hole in the paper] 
 Lord Ashley [.' Arlington] is not so much concerned as Viscount Conway^ who writes very 
 warmely about it. I beseech your Lordship to insinuate to Lord Ashley [?], that I cannot 
 under double the Expense stay as long in Livorno, as hitherto I have done at Florence. 
 But I fearing the Warr is likely to last longer then Viscount Conway wishes. Lord Ashley [?] 
 having told mee that the Treaty at the Hague was propounded without assurance of being 
 accepted and I fear with a certainty if being rejected to the great disreputation of Sir John 
 Finch^ abroad, I would not have new resolutions to prejudice mee either as to my stay or 
 to my allowance if I am putt upon new occasions of expence. 
 
 In 1670 the Grand Duke of Tuscany died and a letter describes Finch's 
 visit to condole with the Dowager Duchess forty days after her husband's decease, 
 and to congratulate her on her son's succession to the title^. 
 
 ^ In an ordinary letter these words would read "you" and "me," but the numbers "13" and "10" are 
 cypher for "Viscount Conw.iy" and "Sir John Finch." 
 
 * Calendar of State Papers — Domestic, 1670, p. 332. July 14th.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 ENGLAND AGAIN 
 
 In August, 1670, Sir John's letter of revocation to England was despatched 
 by Lord Arlington, who hoped "to get Sir John Finch into the House^." 
 Apparently Finch and Baines did not arrive in England till July, 1671^. 
 
 Baines was again in poor health and More writes to Lady Conway, "C.C.C.," 
 nth May, 1672: 
 
 ...Mrs Foxcroft writt me so melancholy a letter that I thought Dr Baines was about 
 ready to give up the ghost, so that I was surprised when I heard he was come to Cambridge. 
 Though his leggs fayl him yett his tongue walks as free as ever, and is very good company 
 on that account and really I phancy his mind is of a better frame then heretofore and Sr John 
 really is the best company in the world. But it is a good thing to be pleased with any of these 
 things, because the enjoyment of them is not in our power, but it is like a flash of evening 
 lightning as they are all dispersed to their occasions and leave me alone.... 
 
 There is no reference in the Calendar of State Papers to the effect that 
 Finch entered Parliament, but throughout this stay in England he acted on 
 the Council for Plantations^. "Warrant for renewal of the Commission of the 
 Council for Plantations, inviting Sir William Hickman in place of Sir John 
 Finch appointed ambassador to the Ottoman Empire, on the death of Sir Dan. 
 Harvey." In the volume Cal. of State Papers — Colonial, 1669- 1 674, an account 
 is given of the formation and purposes of this Commission, and, under later 
 dates, an account of their work. 
 
 Finch and Baines resided at the Inner Temple with Heneage Finch. In 
 the autumn of 1672 Finch was recommended by the King to be Ambassador at 
 the Ottoman Court in place of Sir Daniel Harvey deceased, who had succeeded 
 Winchilsea at Constantinople. 
 
 It seemed very possible at this time that "the Doctors" would now be 
 separated for a long period, if not for the remainder of their days, and that 
 whilst Finch, on his way to Turkey, would settle some dispute at Leghorn*, Baines 
 would be starting for the New World, for an interesting note from Sir John 
 Finch to Williamson tells us, "Lord Arlington desires you to remind him to 
 constitute Dr Thomas Baines of the Commissioners the King is resolved to send 
 
 ' Ccdeiidar of State Papers — Domewic, 1670, p. 389. Aug. 23rd, 1670. -Ibid. 1671, July i8th. 
 
 ' Ibid. 1672-1673, p. 114. Nov. 2nd, 1672. * Ibid. 1673, p. 107, March (?).
 
 en. vii] ENGLAND AGAIN 
 
 57 
 
 to New England^" Possibly Baines was to be one of the Commissioners whom 
 the King was to appoint. 
 
 Recommended that the King send Commissioners to New England to examine the 
 differences concerning the boundaries of the Massachusetts and the rest of the colonies, that 
 the Commissioners be despatched to arrive before the end of next October, as ships cannot 
 without danger come into harbour there after that time^. 
 
 Ferdinand Gorges, Esq., had previously petitioned the King, claiming the 
 province of Maine inherited from his father, but which the Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts had laid hold of whilst he (Gorges) "was away in King's father's service 
 in the late wars." However this proposed appointment was not confirmed, 
 and Sir John and Sir Thomas did not part company but set out on their travels 
 together once more. 
 
 Baines was knighted on 24th May, 1672, at WhitehalP before he went to 
 Constantinople, and not on his setting out for Florence, as is generally stated. 
 
 It was at first intended that Finch and Baines should leave England soon 
 after the former's appointment and he tells of it in a letter to Conwav written 
 about loth November, 1672. 
 
 The last weeke I acquainted your Lordship that His Majesty having made me His 
 Ambassador to the Gran Signor I had kissed his hand upon it, on Thursday the 9th Instant 
 I delivered the King's letter to the Turky Company and they immediately and cheerfully 
 acknowledged me under that Character. So that now within twelve dayes I suppose I shall 
 beginn my Voyage. The Duke has bin pleased to promise me a ship to Constantinople, and 
 a strong Convoy to the Merchants : of which there is need, advice being come that the "Dutch 
 are putt to sea with 22 Men of War, 50 to 70 Guns, and double Mann'd and 10 fire ships." 
 Sir Thomas Osburn is a gentleman I have so true an Honour for: that I will Endeavour his 
 Service to the utmost of my Capacity, and I will assure you Sr Thomas Baines and I have so 
 discoursed this matter with Mr Attorney [Heneage Finch] that He who has a reverence for 
 Sir Thomas Osborne more then for any Gentleman in England, has promised us to own that 
 concern and Push it on to the uttermost and I intend before I goe, to gett them to Discourse 
 the matter and I hope all our wishes may succeed ; But of all things I will be least responsible 
 for marriages. 
 
 Sir Thomas Osburn was at this time Lord Treasurer, and it seems probable 
 that the "marriage" in question was that of Daniel, Finch's nephew, for he 
 married Lady Essex Rich on i6th June, 1674. However Finch and Baines 
 were delayed in their departure until the beginning of the summer. Baines 
 wrote a long and interesting letter to Anne Conwa}- from the Inner Temple, 
 19th December, 1672'*, thanking her for the hospitality at Raglcy where he and 
 Finch had spent "seven moneths." After stating that he had been in bed for 
 three weeks with the gout, he describes the intended missions to Leghorn and 
 to Geneva ("with an angry message from his Majesty"), and he goes on to speak 
 of the appointment to Turkey and the manner of life they hope to lead there. 
 
 ' Ctil. of Stale Papers — Uomeslie, 1673, p. 107. ' Col. of Sitile Papers — Colonial, 1671, M«ch 5tli. 
 
 » Shaw's Book of Knighis, * Brit. Mus. Addii. MSS, 2J215, f- 69. 
 
 M. 8
 
 58 ENGLAND AGAIN [ch. 
 
 Finch guaranteed to stay with the Turkey Company for six years at a salary 
 of "ten thousand mighty dollars," equivalent, Baines says, to £2800 a year. 
 In a later letter Baines speaks of Finch's liberality. "This is the salary of the 
 man that usually what Hee gets with his right hand, Hee scatters with his left^." 
 The Turkey Company was to pay his Chaplain j^ioo, and would meet the expenses 
 of coaches and retinue, should Finch have to make journeys. 
 
 Baines describes the arrangements Finch was making for their sojourn in 
 Turkey : 
 
 ...His family I adjudge will be about thirtye, two pages and twelve footmen in livery, 
 which he hath made very rich. One livery serving Him the whole six years because they 
 weare them only when they goe out, and when they come back they putt them off. As for 
 his Wine the Turk allows Him seven thousand measures of wine custome free He in his own 
 house can spend but two thousand so that selling the other it will pay the whole cost of His 
 wine. Other Provisions as I am informed eccessive cheap save only butter deer, Partridges 
 being worth about a penny apiece a Pheasant or a Capon about five pence or six pence: 
 Mutton veal and Beef, five farthings or three half pence the Bushell and fish of all Sorts 
 extraordinary good and extraordinarye Cheap, a Gentleman assuring me that a fresh Sturgeon 
 of an Ell long he did see it sould for a crown. And it is well that all things are thus for 
 your Brother layes out here in England in order to His Embassye and other things no lesse 
 then two thousand five Hundred Pound, His cloaths are very rich, His plate amounts to 
 thirteen hundred Pound, more by half then ever any Ambassador carry'd, which He doth 
 that at an Entertainment He might not blush, knowing very well that when He is invited by 
 the Emperor, French, or Venetian Ambassador they will be all serv'd in Plate, and He is 
 resolved not to be inferiour to any of them, and indeed in publick things where the Honour 
 of the Nation is concern'd, Parcimony is a great fault. 
 
 Now as to our pleasure during our stay there, we have contriv'd it thus. 
 Our conversation shall be, with the craftyest and most ingenuous (sic) Jesuit we can 
 find, with the sobriest and most stayd Patriarchiall man of the Greek Church to whom 
 if your Ladyship please to add the arrantest and cunningest Knave amonge the Jewes we 
 can light upon, say our conversation is made Compleat; a house we shall take upon the 
 black sea, and keep a barge a purpose to carry us thither and to go a fishing in as often as we 
 shall take delight... and because Turkey is no place for Coaches we supply that defect with 
 a couple of very handsome Saddans which we shall carry over with us.... Thus we continue 
 to sweeten our stay there as many ways as we can suggest, not leaving behind us our Library 
 to entertain us in our most sober thoughts. ...but that that contributes no little matter to the 
 pleasure and content of this Voyage is the security of our pay: being no court pay, needs no 
 sollicitation of friends, but falls out as certain as if I had a hundred Pound Rent chardg'd a 
 year out of the Mannor of Ragley: so that there is nothing of bitternesse in it seeing thai 
 our friends Company.... 
 
 In another letter^, to Lord Conway, Baines writes that the goods and 
 servants are already shipped upon "one of his Majesty's frigates the Centurion 
 a ship of fifty-two guns, having obtained also a catch to waite upon Her, which 
 upon occasion turns into a fire shipp a great security and convenience against 
 the Hazards of the sea, and those of an enemy which ought to be provided 
 against." One Charles Wylde was the commander of this ship and his journal 
 
 ' Brit. Mu5. Aidit. MSS. 23215, f. 71, i6th April, 1673. - Ibid. f. 71, April, 1673.
 
 vii] ENGLAND AGAIN 59 
 
 of the voyage to Constantinople is in the British Museum^. It gives the position 
 of the ship day by day, records escapes from privateers, describes the hearty 
 way in which Finch was received at the various landings, and contains several 
 water-colour studies of the coast lines they passed and water-colour maps of 
 some of the ports. 
 
 Finch had not found his sister at all well whilst he was in England, and 
 though she was under the care of Van Helmont, for whom years before Finch 
 had not a good word to say, he makes no complaint on this occasion. A letter 
 from the Inner Temple in August, 1672, to Conway reveals his deep feeling at 
 the thought of Anne's poor health: 
 
 ...I met this morning at my Lord Arlington's Van Helmont and having made v\-ith all 
 imaginable modesty the most important demands I could thinke of relating to my Dear 
 sister's health : I was struck with such a dampe upon his answers that I had scarce courage 
 enough to disguise my sorrow, to negotiaite with my Lord Arlington, who I fear discovered 
 in me a perturbation his Lordship could not guesse at the cause of. But since I am free from 
 those Eyes that gave me Subjection, I hope my own have given part of that constant Tribute 
 they must ever pay to my Dear Sister's affliction or the memory of it or her. I am I protest 
 more reduc'd to an indiflerency of life finding the greatest comfort I ever promised myselfe 
 in it (the happinesse of her Conversation) snatch'd from me, if I protest this World has little 
 left either of hopes or fears for me. I dare not write to her whom Van Helmont himselfe 
 represents incapable of reading what I write. My Lord I will send my Soul to her but not words, 
 that weake interpretation of it, for I very well knowe that no words can convey my sense, 
 and if they did, they will only embitter our mutuall sufferings.... 
 
 When Finch set out for Turkey, he must have reahzed that there was small 
 chance of his seeing his sister alive again. 
 
 Finch writes from the Inner Temple, 14th May, 1673, to Lord Conway^ 
 that he was to "take yacht at Dover Tuesday the 24th," and writes again on 
 the 14th to say farewell, should he never return. 
 
 I am now leaving England... This is the third time I have left my Native Soyl: If God 
 Almighty make me so happy as to return once more to your Lordship, I shall then thinke it 
 is time to fix at home and leave of (sic) all thoughts of further wandering. But [if] my life by 
 its period abroad putts one to my Travell I beseech your Lordship to believe that you have 
 lost the most faythfull and zealous servant the World yet was ever possessed of.... 
 
 He travelled into Italy across France and visited Montreuil, Paris, Turin, Genoa, 
 
 Florence, and met the ship Centurion at Leghorn. 
 
 Whilst in Paris he investigated a new method of stopping bleeding and 
 
 described it in a letter to his nephew DanieF: 
 
 'Tis now six weeks since in Paris they have found out a secret of stopping any bleeding 
 (nay though an artery be cutt in sunder) by laying upon it a linen cloth dipped in a certain 
 water. The King of France gave the inventor 2,000 crowns ; and now the King and all the great 
 officers in the army are never without a viall of this water. There are five persons at present 
 who have become masters of the secret : the experiment I would need see made before me in 
 
 ' Brit. .Mus. Shane MSS. 2439. ' Brit. Mus. AJJil. MSS. 23215, f. 73. 
 
 3 Fincb Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. 11, p. 11. i7-27th June, 1673. 
 
 8—2
 
 6o ENGLAND AGAIN [ch. vii 
 
 my lodgings, and a doctor and two chirurgeons came with a dog, but Carpenter [F.'s secretary] 
 not cutting the crural artery, the blood was soon stopped by the water. But Sir Thomas, 
 another dog being sent for, cutt the artery himselfe and the dog dyed by the effusion of 
 bloud, but not so but that the water shewed a very strange effect ; for it preserved the dog 
 in life for severall hours, and of all things I have yet seen to stop bloud is the most efficacious. 
 The water is insipid, for I tasted it suspecting it to be caustick, but I am apt to believe as 
 Sir Thomas conjectured, that it is a destination of opium or poppy with the aqua exsfermare 
 ranarum. 'Tis of great use in gunshotts where remedi's of stopping bloud cannot be readily 
 had; I bought as many glasses of it as cost two louis d'or.... 
 
 They sailed from Leghorn for Malta 29th November, 1673, and arrived 
 there on the 14th of December, as Finch's note-book and Captain Wylde's journal 
 record. Finch made some remarks to the King on religion, and made notes on 
 the "Religion" (i.e. Order of St John), revenues, fortifications, etc. They 
 landed at Smyrna in January, 1673-4, ^^^ finally reached Adrianople towards 
 the end of March.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CONSTANTINOPLE 
 
 Again Baines was allowed to enjoy "the salary and other emoluments" 
 of his office as Professor at Gresham College^ when he accompanied Finch to 
 Turkey. Some years before, Winchilsca had desired that Baines should go out 
 to him as his physician at Constantinople. But on this occasion neither Finch 
 nor Baines ever states what position Baines was to occupy in Turkey and there 
 is nothing to indicate that it was in any way an official one. 
 
 In the Rawlinson Collection^ at the Bodleian Library there is a manuscript 
 containing instructions to Finch on his appointment to Turkey and another 
 such in the British Museum^. 
 
 Mahomet IV was then Sultan of Turkey, and during his reign he ac- 
 complished much for the Ottoman Empire ; he concluded the war with Venice, 
 which had lasted for twenty-seven years, by subjecting the island of Candia; 
 the town of Kamenitz, the key of Poland, was in his hands; he reduced the 
 Cossacks to obedience, and he imposed a new tribute on all Poland. 
 
 In Knolles' Turkish History'^ is given an account of Finch's arrival in 
 Turkey : 
 
 About the i8th of March Sir John Finch Arrived at Constantinople, & some few days 
 after in the absence of the Grand Seignior & Visier, had Audience of the Chimacam, to 
 whom he said : 
 
 "I am come Ambassador from Charles the 2nd King of England, Scotland, France, 
 and Ireland, sole Lord and Sovereign of all the Seas, Territories and Possessions in the 
 East & West Indies, Defender of the Christian Faith against all that worship Idols or 
 Images : To the most powerful & Mighty Emperor of the East, to maintain that Peace, 
 which hath been so useful, and that Commerce which hath been so profitable to this 
 Empire: For the continuance whereof I promis you in my Station, to contribute what 
 I can, and I promis myself that you will do the Like in yours." 
 
 Finch's interest in the work of the Royal Society has already been noticed, 
 and amongst the papers that were at Burley, is one communication from 
 Oldcnburgh, the Secretary of the Society at that time, to Sir John Finch*: 
 
 ' Caletidar of Stale Papers — Domestic, 1673, p. 238. 12th May. 
 
 - Rami. MSS. A. 256, p. 51, and letters of revocation, Nov. 1680, pp. 253 and 261. 
 » Addit. MSS. 2893, p. 167. 
 
 « Ed. 1701, vol. II, p. 206. Paul Rycaut, who h.id been the Earl of WinchiUea's jecretary at Constantinople, 
 made considerable additions to this history. 
 
 ' Finch Rfport (Hist. MSS. Conim.), vol. 11, p. 6.
 
 62 CONSTANTINOPLE [en. 
 
 1. To take notice of the directions and enquiries relating both to land and sea, published 
 in the Phil. Trans. Nos. xi and xxiv, of each of which a copy accompanies these. 
 
 2. To excite the English Consuls, Vice Consuls and factors in Turkey the Levant and 
 Egypt, to impart all the observable of nature and art, that have occurred or shall occur to 
 their observation. 
 
 Then follow various questions about the Red Sea and where the Israelites 
 might have passed over, about the quicksands and how far from their point 
 of passage is the place where are bitter waters. About Rusma [a powder to 
 remove hairs], where in Turkey and in what quantities it is found ; about opium 
 and whether the Turks take it "for strength and courage" and also give it to 
 their horses and dromedaries when they are faint with travelling and what is 
 the greatest dose any man or woman is known to have taken ; about mummies ; 
 about the frequency of earthquakes in Zant and Zephalonia ; how to procure 
 a good description of the hills of Turkey; about people living to the age of 120 
 in Arabia ; whether the fruits, herbs, etc. of Cyprus are naturally saltish ; 
 what is the art of tempering steel in Damascus ; about the Aqueducts of 
 Solyman and about the breeding of Angora goats. How far Finch was able 
 to answer any of these questions we do not know, but certainly he published 
 no papers in the Phil. Trans, of the Roy. Soc. The enquiries, however, serve to 
 show what "stretched the pia mater" of that group of men who composed the 
 Royal Society so soon after its foundation. 
 
 There are practically no letters amongst the Burley papers relating to the 
 early years of the friends' stay in Turkey, but from the length of the epistles 
 to the Conways^ they must have spent many hours in the study of the country 
 and of its religion. There is a very lengthy communication to "My most D.D.," 
 as Finch called his sister, on the customs and rehgion, and the latter subject is 
 discussed in a letter to Lord Conway, 4-i4th February, 1674-5, under the 
 headings (i) One God, (2) No Wine, (3) Liberty of Conscience, (4) Four Wives, 
 and Finch adds that "by these four principles Mahommedanism has overspread 
 so great a part of the world." 
 
 Before 1677 perhaps Finch's most important pohtical work in Turkey was 
 accomplished. Fortunately the much-travelled Covel (1638-1722) (afterwards 
 Master of Christ's) was in Turkey. He had been there as Chaplain to Sir Daniel 
 Harvey and remained on with Finch and Baines until 1679, as Chaplain to the 
 Levant Company, and he describes^ the trip, which he, and "the Ambassador 
 and Chevaher" (i.e. Finch and Baines), made to Adrianople in the interest of 
 the Capitulations of 1676 which Finch secured for the Company. These capitu- 
 lations did much for the security of trading and property in the Levant. One 
 
 ' Loc. cii. 
 
 " Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, ii. Extracts from the diaries of Dr John Covel, 1670-1679, printed 
 for the Hakluyt Society, pp. 190 and 191.
 
 viii] CONSTANTINOPLE 63 
 
 clause granted liberty to export from Smyrna and elsewhere two ships' lading 
 of fruit annually for the King's own use in his kitchen^. 
 
 They travelled in true Oriental magnificence. Covel says "My Lord's 
 [Finch's] horses furniture were set out with jewels and pearls most gloriously," 
 but the contrast of this with conditions at Adrianople could hardly be more 
 striking and Covel does not mince words in describing them: "The house we 
 first were all allotted was the damn'dest confounded place that ever mortal 
 man was put into : it was a Jewes house, not half big enough to hold my Lord's 
 family, a mere nest of fleas and cimici [i.e. bugs] and rats and mice and stench 
 surrounded with whole kennells of nasty, beastly Jewes." The plague was 
 rife at this time, and Finch and his party had to betake themselves to tents^, 
 and several persons died. 
 
 Covel was a great friend of both Finch and Baines, and in 1676-7* Finch 
 gave him a bill of exchange for one hundred dollars drawn upon Livorno as a 
 present with which he was to buy books. Covel returned to England in 1679 
 and Baines writes a verv affectionate letter to him*: 
 
 ...I was never good at shooting flying, and from that youth to this day was never good 
 at a movable mutable subject: but I allways look'd about me to see where I could fix my 
 point, which found out, I moved upon that and then rung as many Changes as I could. In 
 like manner my delight is to see the subject fix'd to A\home I talk or write, as well as that upon 
 which I speake. 
 
 Then Sir you being arrived in your native Country, Give me leave to give you the Welcome, 
 or Buon Pro of the enjoyments you have had in the Lap of our Common old Mother Cambridge, 
 where you are dally'd and Caressed by her... God have him [More] & you & all of us in His 
 Holy Protection and Preserve us that wee may once meet at a Philosophical Banquett, 
 I rest. Dear Sir, etc. 
 
 The correspondence of Finch with Anne Conway was most remarkable; 
 and Lamb's affection for his sister was not a deeper one. There is scarcely 
 a break in the chain of letters from Finch to Anne Viscountess Conway except 
 when she was so ill that Sir John wrote only to her husband wdth the hope that 
 he would give her the news. Her letters to him are few and far between amongst 
 the Conway papers at the British Museum, but nowhere could one find more 
 protestations of affection than in Finch's epistles and apparently he kept no 
 secret from her. Donne's line 
 
 Sir, more than kisses, letters mingle soules; 
 
 seems so true in the case of John and Anne. 
 
 In November, 1678, a letter from More brought the news that Anne had 
 become a Quaker. This event receives much attention in Ward's Life 0/ Henry 
 More, and the author tries to seek an explanation of this conversion to another 
 
 ' Vide Calendar of Siait Papers— Domestic, 1676, Stpt. 1, p. 308. 
 
 ^ North's Life of Dudley ^'orlb, " Epistle from Adrianople." 
 
 ^ Brit. Mus. AJJii. MSS. 22910, f. 122. ♦ IbiJ. I. 192.
 
 64 CONSTANTINOPLE [cii. 
 
 faith than that of More, who it will be remembered was so great a friend of his 
 "Heroine Pupil"' and is said to have dedicated one of his treatises to her, but 
 in the bibHography I can only find that he dedicated one to Lord Conway. He 
 spent so much of his time at Ragley. She was now in bed in the last year of 
 her years-long illness and Finch does not upbraid her, but he could not refrain 
 from a discussion on the singular pronoun as a form of address^. 
 
 But since you seem to effect the Words Thou and Thee: I can easily reassume that 
 Dialect, But at the same time I must tell Thee my Dear, That all words being themselves 
 equally Innocent they being guilty of no Crime but when they are made Conveyors of what is 
 in Truth contrary to the message they carry: To confine ourselves to any sort of Words 
 is the restraining of Human Nature to What it is not oblig'd. Thou and Thee being as capable 
 of conveying untruths as Right Honourable or My Lady, or Madam. Most certain it is that 
 God having made man the superior part of Creation, by giving Him a Power of Discoursing 
 by Language, Which rendered man alone capable of Divine precepts, all which are convey'd 
 by Words.... 
 
 This philosophy of words is then continued over a large page and Finch 
 cannot understand that "the Friends" laid such a stress on the form of address. 
 
 ...I must really professe unto Thee that I cannot but wonder and that very much, how 
 it comes to passe that that sort of People which in England are commonly call'd Quakers, 
 and originally thought to have many well meaning, though mistaken Persons amongst them, 
 should, owning it as a Principle that they are against all Forms, bring themselves to a Form.... 
 
 Finch closes his letter with a benediction. In the British Museum"^ there are 
 several letters to Anne Conway from a group of Quakers, William Penn, Charles 
 Lloyd, Thos. Bromley, Joseph Cooper, George Keith, Giles Skene. 
 
 Tozzetti quotes from a draft of a letter written by Prince Leopold of Tuscany 
 to Sir John Finch. They wrote extremely compHmentary letters in those days, 
 but the feelings expressed in the letter are apparently quite genuine and Finch 
 was greatly missed by the scientific spirits of Tuscany. Tozzetti^ gives the date 
 as 1668, but in that year Finch was at Florence as Ambassador and there is no 
 reason to believe that he left that city. Why should the Prince write as 
 if Finch were at a great distance and out of touch with the scientific circle ? 
 The Grand Duke Ferdinand II was evidently still alive and it is still more 
 difficult to date the letter. 
 
 Al Sig. Cav. Gio. Finchio, 21 Marzo 1668 ab Incarnatione. II gusto con che ricevo la 
 Lettera di V.S. del 21 del corrente, e proporzionato alia stima che fo del suo merito, e 
 1' espressioni ch' Ella mi fa del suo affetto, sono accolte volentieri dai sentimenti non dissimili, 
 che verso di Lei conservo nell' animo. Al Serenissimo Granduca ho rappresentato quanto 
 V.S. mi scrive, in attestazione della memoria amorevolissima che Ella ne conserva, e 
 credarai che S.A. ne ha grandemente goduto, tenendo anche da lontano nel dovuto pregio 
 la singolare virtu di V.S. e mi ha imposto di farlene indubitata fade. Con non differenti 
 dettami, applaudono al suo valore il Serenissimo Principe (Cosimo III) ed il Sig. Principe 
 Mattias, a' quali non ho parimente lasciato di partccipare 1' istessa Lettera di V.S., e rendasi 
 
 ' Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23215, I 94. - Ibid. 23217- 
 
 ^ Atti e Memorie dcW Accademia del Cimento...V'uenze, MDCCLXXX, Tom. i, p. 274.
 
 viii] CONSTANTINOPLE 65 
 
 pure certa, che appresso a tutti di questa Casa. Ell' e in cosi degno concetto, che non i mai 
 per cancelJarlo intervallo di tempo, o di luogo. lo poi mi contento d' esser compreso tra gli 
 altri, per non mostrar pretensione di distinguermi ; ma Ella pud ben' assicurarsi, che nell' 
 amarla e stimarla non cedo a nessuno. Non mi giugne nuovo che V.S. sia costa applicata 
 in operazioni virtuose, perch^ io so che queste sono inseparabili dal suo gran talento; e mi 
 giova sperare, ch' Ella non lascera di parteciparle a chi ne vive con desiderio. Veramente 
 in quest' anno si e lavorato molto nell' Anatomia, ed il Terenzii, ed 11 Fracassati, che vi hanno 
 discorso sopra, hanno fatto bene la lor parte, ma non ci erano il Sig. Cav. Finchio, ed il Sig. 
 Dott. Tommaso, che vuol dire assai. Ringrazio in fine V.S. deUi attributi i che si compiace 
 darmi, troppo superiori al vero; ma Ell' ha voluto mostrare la sua facondia, non meno che 
 la sua cortesia. E mentre io Le ratifico sempre disposta la mia volonta per ogni sua occorrenza, 
 resto augurandole intera prosperita. 
 
 In the year 1679 Anne Viscountess Conway died. Lord Conway was 
 absent in Ireland, but "Baron Francis Mercury Van Helmont preserved her 
 in her coffin above ground, in spirits of wine, having a glass over her face in 
 order that her husband might see her before her interment^." In 187 1 her 
 coffin was in "Ragley Old Vault," Arrow Church, Warwickshire. Finch^ writes 
 to Conway consoHng him, and adds: 
 
 I am for her sake to beg you to marry again for since it pleased God to take your only 
 son a child to Heaven, to your own great name and family, to your person and virtues you 
 owe a successor, which since my dear sister was now incapable of giving you, it may be God 
 was pleased by caUing her to your only offspring to make way for a more durable issue and to 
 free her from a perpetual headache and as great a heartache in the prospect of seeing you 
 childless. ...'Tis a debt due to her memory, who wished you a happy father, to the ashes of 
 all your noble ancestors, and what you can never answer to God or man, if you endeavour 
 not the satisfying of it by a speedy second marriage. 
 
 She had suffered from severe headache, night and day, which never left 
 her, till her death. On one occasion she went to France in order that her cranium 
 might be opened, but the French surgeons declined to undertake the operation, 
 though they ventured to make incisions in the jugular arteries*. In the large 
 collection of letters of Finch to his sister Anne* as far back as 1652 he constantly 
 writes of her ill-health and gives her advice as to the care she should take of 
 herself. 
 
 Baines writes^ at the same time seconding Finch as to the marriage and 
 gives advice which reveals at once his ideas on Eugenics : 
 
 ...but as to this point I will revive in myself the dead name of a physician and speak to you 
 as such, that none of us may miss our great intention that you might have an offspring. 
 I wish you then a lady by no means tall, rather low, by no means very sanguine, especially 
 red in her face, but rather incHned to pale, not of a fixed masculine consistency but of a 
 feminine lax temper, by no means fat or indeed lean, but in the mediocrity, healthful as to 
 herself and born of healthful and fruitful parents. 
 
 ' Miscellanea Gmealogica el Heraldica, 1890, 2nd scries, vol. in, p. 3. 
 
 ■ Calendar 0/ Slate Papers— Domestic, 1679-1680. 1679, Dec. 18-28. Pcra of Constantinople. 
 3 D.N.B. quoted from Ward, Life of Henry More, p. 206. « Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 23215. 
 
 ' Calendar of Slate Papers— Domestic, 1679-1680. 1679, Dec. 18-28 (?)• 
 
 9 
 
 M.
 
 66 CONSTANTINOPLE [ch. 
 
 This is splendid advice in the giving, but surely rather difficult in the taking ! 
 The last clause sums up modern views to a large extent and certainly is the 
 "common sense" view. 
 
 Baines seldom speaks of himself as a physician and only once have I seen 
 him mentioned as prescribing medicine^. However, he had a pretty shrewd 
 idea of the value of the "Imponderabilia" in the treatment of disease. Writing 
 to Lord Chancellor Finch about somebody taking mineral waters, he adds, 
 "...Again, my Lord, I speak not out of opinion but knowledge, that the meer 
 opinion or conceit that a patient hath of his physitian that he is under, or physik 
 he is in, does, of itselfe, reall cures...." 
 
 His views on "child-welfare," as it is now termed, are correct, but all his 
 reasons for supporting them could not at the present day be justified. In the 
 same letter he says: 
 
 My Lady Essex nursing her owne child, to me, my Lord, is a very gratefull story, showing 
 good nature, great love to her husband, lack of pride or coyness, tender compassion and no 
 aversion to care and pains. Sure I am there is less danger by it then in the frequent bearing 
 of children, and by it she restamps her own good qualities upon her offspring. 
 
 Daniel Finch, writing to his uncle Sir John in 1680^, gives his opinion of 
 Baines' knowledge in medical matters and at the same time in a few words 
 writes a justification of post mortem examinations. He tells how his last child 
 died of convulsions, having lived two months only, and adds : 
 
 ...I have sent you the observations of the doctors upon the dissecting of this last child 
 that died, and entreat the favour of Sir Thomas Baines to peruse them, and if from them he 
 can make any judgment for the preservation of them that remain [the italics are my own] I do 
 presume to premise myselfe that kindnesse from his charity as well as friendship. 
 
 In the present Book-room at Burley there are none of Sir John's volumes 
 to be found, but an interesting foHo Prayer Book which he gave to his sister- 
 in-law. On the fly-leaf is written "Given unto Elizabeth Finch, August 28th 
 Anno Domini 1650, By, Her Deare Brother Mr John Finch." This book passed 
 to EHzabeth's son Daniel and for many years after was the family register of 
 the births and deaths of Daniel's very numerous children. Francis Barnard's 
 book of "Decumbitures^" testifies to the ill-health of these children. From 
 the position of the stars at moment of onset of illness he thought himself capable 
 of making a prognosis! 
 
 1 Calendar of Slale Papers— Domestic, 1671-1672, p. 7. " 1671, Dec. 2, Dublin. Sir G. Rawdon to Viscount 
 Conway... concerning his wife's health and acknowledging a prescription procured from Dr Baines by his 
 Lordship." 
 
 2 Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Conun.), p. 78. May loth, 1680. 
 
 ' MS. in Library of Sir Wm. Osier, Bt. This volume is wTongly lettered on the binding "C. Barnard." 
 By a comparison with MSS. of both F. and C. Barnard at the Brit. Mus. the handwriting is plainly that of Francis 
 and not of Charles.
 
 viii] CONSTANTINOPLE 67 
 
 Francis Barnard (1627-1698) and Charles Barnard (1650-1711) were both 
 sons of Rev. Samuel Barnard of Croydon. They both possessed fine libraries 
 and, as seen by the catalogues of the sales, they had many books on Astrology. 
 Francis was elected assistant-physician at St Bartholomew's Hospital in 1678, 
 but even after this date, as seen from entries in Sir Wm. Osier's MS., he was 
 still applying the results of Astrology to his medical work. He is represented 
 by "Horoscope" in Garth's poem Dispensary. Charles, as shown by the 
 Charterhouse Records, was appointed in June, 1679, "Surgeon of this Hospital" 
 in the place of W. Nurse. Heneage Finch had recommended him to Charterhouse. 
 He was also Serjeant surgeon to Queen Anne, and was elected surgeon to St 
 Bartholomew's in 1678. 
 
 Amongst the note-books found at Burley and sent to the Public Record 
 Office is one, which has not previously been mentioned. It is a thick quarto 
 volume and is in the writing of Baines and in Latin. It is chiefly "On Physick," 
 but commences and closes with one of those very flowery and eulogistic letters 
 that Finch and Baines were so fond of addressing to their Patron the Prince 
 (Princt'ps) of Tuscan)\ This is followed by a treatise on the "Different Schools 
 of Medicine," then begins the chief concern of the volume ; a Ust of metallic and 
 vegetable remedies, giving properties and indications as to their use, also a list 
 of diseases and under the name of each its treatment is discussed. Everything 
 is arranged in alphabetical order and is followed by a very lengthy index. The 
 book therefore might well serve as a physician's "vade mecum." In the first 
 section are "Alchymia," "Annihilatus Foetori," "Acetu," "Aqua" (all kinds), 
 "Aurum," "Argentu" and "Antimonium." 
 
 From the letters and one of the note-books which were at Burley we may 
 obtain an idea of the life of Finch and Baines in Turkey and it seems to have 
 been very much as Baines had expected. There are accounts of interviews 
 with the "Grand Signor" and various audiences with ministers and of discus- 
 sions on numerous trade and political topics, but these last arc not of very great 
 interest. One remark of Finch's about the "treacherous Turk" in a letter to 
 L. Hyde, April, 1677, must be quoted: "I wish the Peace of Poland may prove 
 as honourable as is believed and given out to be. But I learn already that the 
 Articles in Turkish are different from those in Pohsh, and given forth to all 
 courts^." 
 
 Naturally from the importance of the station of Finch and Baines in Turkey 
 there were a great many visitors to the Embassy and Finch quite often describes 
 the arguments which were carried on throughout, or after dinner. In his note- 
 book Finch sometimes gives the Hst of those present. The various ministers 
 from other countries were heartily welcomed by Finch and Baines, and the 
 
 • Brit. Mus. AdJit. MSS. 17017, f. 56. 
 
 9—2
 
 68 CONSTANTINOPLE [ch. 
 
 door was by no means closed to the Jesuits. The reports of the conversations 
 bring out the fact that they were very often on religious subjects and that some 
 very sane remark was always to be expected from Sir Thomas. Finch is always 
 careful to record Baines' opinions and seems to take great pride in his powers 
 of argument and in what "T.B. replied." Covel tells of a discussion which 
 Baines had on the Mahommedan Faith with one Vani Effendi. Baines recog- 
 nized his own powers and gave his opponents time to consider their answers. 
 "The Rector of the Jesuits dined with me, and brought with him another Jesuit, 
 a learned man (both were French) being to answer an objection Sir Tho. Baines 
 had made, and had given him three days for his reply [the discussion chiefly 
 turned upon the definition of una fides, unus baptismus et unus domtnusY" 
 
 They both held very strong opinions on the question of religious beliefs 
 and Finch makes an interesting note on 2ist-3ist July, 1675, at Pera of Con- 
 stantinople: "Mr Brown (the clerk) averred to Sir Thomas and me that 
 Mr ChiUingworth did in his sermon on the Resurrection speak words to this 
 purpose 'that what advantage the resurrection of Christ brought to his living 
 weU he could not resolve.'" This idea must have appeared very heretical to 
 dear Sir John and Sir Thomas. 
 
 In a discussion with the French Ambassador it was agreed that it was 
 unwise to preach the doctrine of the Crucifixion to the Chinese, as in their eyes 
 nobody but a criminal could have suffered that form of death. The French 
 Minister felt strongly about this matter and "Begg'd deane of the Colledg of 
 Cardinalla de Propaganda fide that they (Jesuits) might be enjoyned to preach 
 Christ onely glorified." The amusing part was that a short time afterwards, 
 perhaps made reminiscent with wine, the Frenchman began to relate some 
 incidents of his early life in Paris. Baines was much shocked, leant forward, 
 and in his quiet way "reply'd onely ' Et che dira il Crucifisso.' " Finch states 
 that "the Frenchman was struck dumbfounded and was filled with astonishment 
 at so unexpected a glosse, which he sayd was a more efficacious sermon then 
 he had heard from the Capuchin Fryers^." 
 
 Amongst the papers found at Burley and sent some years since to the Public 
 Record Office were a number of loose manuscript sheets in the handwritings of 
 Finch and Baines. Many of these deal entirely with Theological subjects and 
 were often written on Sundays. Several are headed by a text from the New 
 Testament and most of them, it must be admitted, make rather wearisome 
 reading. Finch's page on "Descartes" may very well be one of the sheets of 
 the "Treatise" which he sent weekly to his sister. One essay by Baines is 
 entitled "How far Human Reason is exercised in the matter of ReHgion." It 
 
 ' Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. ii, p. 133, extract from Finch's note-book, March 30th, 1676. 
 * Ibii. pp. 143 and :44.
 
 viii] CONSTANTINOPLE 69 
 
 is curious that Finch attempts to make Geometry the "hand-maid" of Theology 
 and "the line A.B." is called in to aid in proving the truth of certain religious 
 beliefs. 
 
 In a letter, ii-i2th May, 1681^, Baines congratulates the Earl of Conway 
 on his becoming Secretary of State, and adds: 
 
 I hope also I shall live to hear of these following things brought about by your Lordship's 
 means. The taking away of coffee Houses.. ..For indeed they are inconsistent with govern- 
 ment. What Prince in the world suffers them ? Nay the Grand Signor, in whose country 
 it is their naturall drinke and governs with rods of iron, yet his irons would not be strong 
 enough if Coffee Houses, these mints of mutiny, were suffered. In the second place reforma- 
 tion of Playhouses. How many men that want money for the necessary provisions of their 
 own familys fool it away there?. ..The last thing my Lord is the luxury of clothes. 
 
 Baines considered that money should not be wasted on dress but invested in 
 plate and jewels, in the stable, or rich furniture, as the investment would be 
 so much more lasting. 
 
 Finch jotted down many curious things in his note-book and in January, 
 1677-8, he was told how to make coffee. This method of making the drink, 
 I am informed, is a very good one. One cannot help thinking that the second 
 brew "for ordinary people" might be used now to promote "war economy." 
 
 Jan. 15-25; 1677-78. 
 
 Take Coffe and putt to it eight times its weight of water Then lett it boyl till it is con- 
 seumed one fourth. Then a little fayr water to it, and that precipitates it, and all the sub- 
 stance falls to the bottom. Then pour off the clear drinke into one or more recipienes and 
 let it simper over the fire or stand warm, and so you have a choice Coffe all day for your friends. 
 To the footes [i.e. coffee grounds] pour as much water as before, and boyl it till a third part 
 be consumed, and then you have a coffe for ordinary people. 
 
 Another item given in the note-book is of great interest both historical 
 and medical, for it tells of the death of "Madame," Henrietta Anne, Duchess 
 of Orleans and fifth daughter of Charles I. She died very suddenly in 1670 
 and shortly after drinking some chicory water. Circumstances were such that 
 poisoning was suspected and a post mortem examination was performed. Over 
 the body Bossuet delivered one of his famous Oraisons Ftinebres, in which he says 
 "Madame se meurt, Madame est morte," and in which he does not state expHcitly 
 whether she died a natural death or not. The Comtesse de la Fayette discusses 
 the circumstances of the death at great length, and Littr6 in his AUdecine et 
 Medecins deals with the same question. The truth seems to be that "Madame" 
 died from the results of a perforating ulcer of the stomach and this is the 
 view taken by a "chirurgien du Roi d'Angleterre^" who was present at the 
 autopsy. 
 
 * Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. ii, p. 112. 
 ^ MSS. franjais, No. 17025, .is cited by Littri.
 
 70 CONSTANTINOPLE [ch. viii 
 
 Dr Norman Moore tells me that this is one of the first occasions on which 
 the above lesion was noted post mortem. Here is the account given to Finch 
 who writes on December 20-30th, 1675, saying: 
 
 ...the new Bailo, L. F. Morosini, who had been ambassador in Savoy, France and Vienna, 
 made me a return of my first visit... He told me for certain that there was a hole found in the 
 stomach of Madame... as big as one's finger, and that he had not bin two hours from St Cloue, 
 from the company of Madame before he heard the news of her death from the Dutchesse of 
 Elboeuf, who treated him that night at supper. 
 
 The nephew Daniel Finch apparently made any necessary purchases for 
 Finch in England ; some of the orders throw light on the customs and tastes 
 of the times: "Corks by all conveniences are necessary, and when you send 
 any more wine, I pray forget not an adjunct of Northdown ale and a lesse 
 quantity of Mum^." In the matter of clothes Finch was quite particular: 
 
 I desire you to send me out a summer suit, but take notice (.?) that gravity of apparrell 
 must not consist in any very (?) sad colours, for none here but Jewes wear them...I pray 
 send me some scarlet and black ribband, and a piece or two also of some narrow ribband, 
 twopenny broad...*. 
 
 I have been unable to find any letters from Finch or Baines to Henry More, 
 the man who exerted such an influence on both their lives, for he had had them 
 under him when their minds were still plastic and so any mention of him is for 
 that reason very interesting. As we have mentioned above. More several times 
 wrote to Sir John at the direction of his hostess at Ragley. Baines, in the 
 letter to Covel (p. 63), sends an interesting message to the Platonist : 
 
 To my Dear and Honour'd Tutor present me in all service and in most faithfull affection 
 more particularly: I pray tell him he brought me up a scholler; but I have brought myselfe 
 up a Merchant: and therefore look very near to the Exchanges I make quid pro quo: there- 
 fore I finding by our letters that when I quote Virgil he makes a return to me in a piece of 
 Ovid: the trade is so disadvantageous that I must break it off. I Quote Austin He quotes 
 Dod and Clever: Alas poor Merchant wither wilt thou goo.... 
 
 As early as 1677 Finch wearied of the work at Constantinople and during 
 this year he desired Conway to obtain a position for him in England and also 
 wrote to the Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Danby (Sir Thomas Osburn). In 
 the letter to Covel quoted in part above, Baines says that Finch had put 
 himself in the Lord Chancellor's hands and would acquiesce in what he wished. 
 This was in 1679, and by January, 1680-1, arrangements were being made to 
 send out Lord Chandois to succeed Finch, but he did not arrive till June, 1681, 
 and Finch did not leave until the autumn of that year. 
 
 1 Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. n, p. 65. The word "mum" is defined in the Oxford Dictionary as 
 a "beer brewed in Brunswick." 
 ^ Ibid. p. 64.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 DEATH OF BAINES 
 
 Dr Thomas Allen, a Fellow of the Royal Society, was to act for Baines as 
 Professor of Music at Gresham College whilst the latter was in Turkey, but in 
 l68l, Wm. Perry was chosen to take Baines' place^; however, Baines died on 
 the 5th September, and could not have heard of the change. 
 
 In August, 168 1, Baines was stricken with his last illness, and the story 
 could not be better told than in Finch's own words in his note-book and letters. 
 
 Memorandum by Sir John Finch, Aug. 28th, 1681. 
 
 My dearest friend, Sir Thomas Baines, now lying very sick and weak, I fearing his disease 
 might prove mortall, with great sorrow of heart I told him my opinion of his condition, and 
 desired him, whilst he was in perfect understanding, to tell me, since he had given me all his 
 estate, both reall and personal, and made me his sole executor by his last will and testament, 
 published June the second 1673: what he would have me dispose out of his estate and to 
 whome. Whereupon, after many thoughts he desired, confirming and ratifying his will 
 published in 1673, that what he should now further appoint and order might be annexed 
 a codicill to the said will-. 
 
 Then there follows a list of bequests to Baines' brothers, half-sister and 
 nieces, also £50 for Henry More, with which he was to buy a ring, something 
 for Edward Brown, clerk, Wm. Carpenter (Finch's secretary) and Zaccarias, 
 Baines' "faithful Armenian servant." 
 
 A few days after the death of "honest Dr Baines" Finch wrote to his brother 
 Heneage and on the same day made out the codicil to his own will, which is 
 printed below (p. 81). 
 
 Dear brother, and most honoured Lord, I have lost Sir Thomas Baines, and your Lord- 
 ship in him, and your family the faithfullest servant, as well as the best of friends, after 
 fifteen days accession of a malignant feavor, added to the inexpressible torments of the 
 stones in his bladder (for being open'd there were two, each as bigg as large walnutts) : on 
 Monday September the 5 at three of the clock in the afternoon, he gave up his soul into the 
 hands of most mercifull God, and I received his last breath. There needs no comment to 
 your Lordship upon this subject, who knew all things that ever passed between us, and have 
 been exercised in griefs of a high nature. Though I am weak in bed yet I hold absolute neces- 
 sity to write now, in regard that I would entreat )-our Lordship to be early in doing at the 
 Prerogative office what is necessary, for I have no insight in probate of wills, and therefore 
 I am glad it is under your Lordship's care. Sir Thomas his will is in your hands as my own, 
 and Sir Eliab Harvey hath duplicates also, wherefore I send you not a copy of it, but the 
 
 ' Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College. ^ Finch Report, vol. 11, p. 117.
 
 72 DEATH OF BAINES [ch. 
 
 codicill now to Sir Thomas his will I send you a copy of: and so beseeching the Almighty to 
 have your person and family in his holy protection, I rest with unspeakable affection, your 
 dear brother and most humble and most obedient servant. 
 
 Postscript. My Lord, in this disorder of thoughts and weakness of body, I lye under, 
 I had like to have forgotten to congratulate with your Lordship his Majesty's favour in 
 creating you Earle of Nottingham, which now I doe from all the facultys of my soul, beseeching 
 Almighty God to grant you a long and happy life'. 
 
 Sir John Finch's note-book also contains some interesting items jotted 
 down at this time: 
 
 ...but that which cutt ofl the thread of all my worldly happinesse and application to business 
 was the mahgnant double tertian which seised, August the 22nd my dear friend Sir Thomas 
 Baines, and on Monday the 5th of September brought him to his last end... which irreparable 
 losse brought my tertian to a double tertian also, and that reduced me to so much weaknesse 
 that I was given over by my physitian, one Altios a Portugese Jew, and by all others especially 
 upon my relapse. 
 
 I gave Mr Jenkins the chirurgeon and Mr Cranmer the ship surgeon each of them 
 28 zecchini for their pains in embalming him^. 
 
 Finch's superstition has been remarked upon before, and looking back after 
 Baines' death, he thought he discovered that the friends had been forewarned 
 of the end of their conjoint life. 
 
 Two things I cannot omitt. The first is that Sir Thomas and I sitting at table in our 
 gallery at Pera, after supper, about a year before his death, there was a loud knocking upon 
 the round table wee sat at, for near the space of a quarter of an hour. We called in three 
 servants, my secretary, Derham, and Zacar, which last, astonished at the thing threw off , , 
 the carpet \i.e. the table cover] and crept under the table; and then the knocking seemed 1 
 to be above the table: as it seemed to us to be underneath it. 
 
 The second was that about foure dayes before Sir Thomas his sicknesse, one of my 
 dentes incisores dropt out of my head without any pain whilst wee dined together; which 
 seemes to confirm the interpretation of those who make the dreaming of the losse of a tooth 
 to be the prediction of the losse of a friend. 
 
 About five days before his death. Sir Thomas told me that he was very certain he should 
 dye, according to the method of providence : for that God had, under many diseases preserved 
 him so long as he could be any wayes usefull or serviceable to me, but that now, returning 
 into England where my friends were all so well in their severall posts, he could no longer be 
 of any use to me, and therefore God would put a period to that life which he only wished for 
 my sake. 
 
 Thus died the best friend the world ever had, for prudence, learning, integrity of life and 
 affection; and I have many reasons (not to say demonstrations) to say that as he feared God, 
 so God was in an extraordinary manner with him ; but they are not so fitt to putt in paper, jf" 
 least the reall participation of God's spirit to him, even to revelations of things to come, 
 might administer occasion of scoffing to those who scarce believe he hath not left behind him 
 so great learning, accompanied with so great prudence and integrity of life. 
 
 "The Doctors" do not seem to have had very many intimate friends except 
 the Conways, for practically all their lives were spent in foreign parts, and yet 
 had Baines died at home, Finch could scarcely have felt the death of his friend 
 
 1 Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Coram.), vol. 11, p. 118. Sept. 9-19, Pera. 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 162. 
 
 ^
 
 ix] DEATH OF BAINES 73 
 
 less hard to bear. Each was sufficient unto the other — in fact they were married 
 to each other in all their interests — and we can picture Finch's great sorrow 
 and grief when he realized that he could no more go to "Sir Thomas" for advice 
 or for sympathy and consolation in "dark hours," that time when a true friend 
 is a friend indeed. 
 
 Finch appeared in public as the leader of the two, but to what extent he 
 was indebted to his helpmate and senior, Baines, for his success in diplomatic 
 and scientific work, we shall never know. As we shall see. Finch was the last 
 person in the world to withhold the credit due to Baines. One would hke to 
 have it so, and certainly one forms the idea in going through the letters and 
 records, that "honest Dr Baines" was the guiding hand, the quiet worker behind 
 the scenes, in Finch's career. Baines was not the man of action or of decision 
 — this may be accounted for by his almost persistent ill-health; but the quiet, 
 meditative and reflective natures, the profounder students, will ever fill a large 
 place in the world. Ward^ closes his sketch of Baines with the words "An 
 instance of so long, intimate and inviolable friendship is very remarkable and 
 but rarely to be found in history. And therefore he is very justly called by 
 Dr Charlton 'fidissimus J. Finch Achates.'" 
 
 Finch wrote the rough draft in three pages of a document endorsed by 
 himself "My dedication to Sir Thomas Baines^." There are no printed books 
 by him in the catalogue of the British Museum, but in the dedication he mentions 
 "the ensuing discourse" and it seems very probable that he intended to gather 
 together those weekly essays which he used to send to the Conways. This 
 document shows how intimate the friendship was of Finch and Baines, and we 
 give it in full as it is a very remarkable record. It was certainly written after 
 Baines was knighted and probably at "Pera of Constantinople," but the exact 
 date is not known. A rough reckoning from the "internal evidence" of the 
 MS. would suggest the date 1681. 
 
 Dedication by Sir John Finch to Sir Thomas Baines. 
 
 'Tis now full thirty-six* years since I began the happinesse of a uninterrupted friendship 
 which the world never yet did equal, nor I believe will ever parallel. This alone might very 
 well entitle you to this dedication, as a monument of our friendship. But though friendship 
 is a thing sacred and coelestiall, yet I take gratitude to be a higher nature: for the first is a 
 thing of choice, but the latter of perfect obligation : and upon this account of gratitude, I 
 had rather entitle you to this address, that there might be nothing owing to me on your part, 
 to whom I owe more than I can either acknowledge or return. For to speak to you Sir without 
 flattery, a thing you have many years since taught me to abhorr, all that I doe or ever shall 
 know, is deriv'd from those many hours of tendernesse of your regard for me made you 
 throw away from your own most severe thoughts, which were in their relaxation and recreation 
 
 ' Ward, loc. cit. ^ Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. ii, p. 128. 
 
 ' "Thirty-three" erased, "thirty-six" written over it. 
 
 H. 10
 
 74 DEATH OF BAINES [ch. 
 
 more serious than those of many who passed as students, in the retirement of their closet. 
 Those happy five years that in Christ Colledge in Cambridge gave me the advantage not 
 onely of an education under so great a distinguisher of realitys from ayery notions, but also 
 the freedome of an unreserved converse, make me blush that from so deep a foundation I 
 have raised no higher a building. But at the same time it justly engaged me to submitt the 
 errors of my fabrick to yourselfe, who are so great an architect in knowledge. 
 
 I must confesse that when your patience had in some measure fitted me to apprehend 
 your discourses, I could not but profitt by them: and the small flights I tooke from the 
 deductions they gave me, made me at last, wing'd with what you had taught, committ 
 myselfe, like birds that leave their nests to the guidance of my owne strength and reason, 
 which then became to you part of the delight, as before it was the whole trouble of our con- 
 versation. 
 
 Then it was we resolved upon a five years travel into Italy, where, after we had first 
 spent one year in France, it pleased God to fix us upon our private. 
 
 In six and twenty years further intimate and endearing communication together (of 
 which two-and-twenty were spent in Italy in our joint private study, and then our joint 
 serving of Ferdinand the Second, the Great Duke of Tuscany of ever glorious memory, and 
 wee never having bin separated two months from each other, but in the exercising of some 
 kindnesse, though two and twenty of these years were spent in foreign parts, and eleven of 
 them I was employed in his Majesty's ser\'ice in Italy and Turkey), no wonder if our thoughts 
 became so familiar to each other that sometimes wee forgott to whom they originally belonged 
 ...especially on my part, who had the advantage of adopting those vigourous intellectual 
 productions of yours: which is the third motive which makes me prefi.x the dear name of 
 Sir Thomas Baines to the ensuing discourse for it is an act of justice to render back what I 
 borrowed. Whatsoever therefore is agreeable in it to your solid judgment, call it yours, 
 for I shall avow it to be so. What is not suitable to your thoughts, as several things may 
 prove (for wee never esteemed difference in opinion to be a motive of making any difference 
 in friendship), that must be mine, though it should not be so if I could thinke otherwise. 
 
 But lastly Sir when I consider that of the twenty-six years wee spent together since wee 
 first left England, that wee never have bin separated two moneths from each other unlesse 
 it were in the exercising some act of kindnesse though two and twenty of them spent in foreign 
 parts: one half of them being employed in our private studys in Italy, and three years joint 
 service of that prince of immortall prudence and memory, Ferdinand the Second, great Duke 
 of Tuscany : and the other half in the publick charges of recident in that court and ambassador 
 to the Gran Signor, his Majesty my most gracious sovereign and master was pleased to confer 
 upon my weake ability: your inimitable as well as unrequitable friendship though you were 
 wracked with stone and tormented by the gout, inspiring you with courage to accompany 
 me in your declining years and strength all this length of time and voyage: the greatest 
 temporal! blessing could have befallen me — so that I may say as truly of you as Aneas did 
 Anchises, and I doe say more affectionately, 
 
 lUe meum Comitatus iter maria omnia mecum 
 Atque omnes Pelagique minas coelique ferebat 
 Invalidus vires ultra sortemque Senectae. 
 
 When dear Sir I consider all this, I find that under all the ties of honour, friendship, 
 gratitude and justice, you are entitled to this dedication... [Unfinished Draft]. 
 
 Baines' body was embalmed at Constantinople, but the following "Epetaph 
 on Sir Thomas Baines his Bowells inter'd att Constantinople made by Sir John 
 Finch, 1682," as the manuscript at the British Museum^ is endorsed, shows that 
 the intestines were buried in Turkey, perhaps on "Demetrius Hill" whence 
 
 » Sloane MSS. 3329, ff. 5-6.
 
 ix] DEATH OF BAINES 75 
 
 Finch and Baines so often dated their letters, but Finch does not enlighten us 
 on this point nor can I find any reference to it. It is not in the hand of Sir John 
 Finch. Sir Edwin Pears, so long a resident in Constantinople, tells me that, 
 with some friends, he made a copy of all the inscriptions in the Enghsh cemetery 
 at Pera ; unfortunately his MS. is deposited in the Chapel of the Embassy there 
 >^ and is now of course inaccessible ! Sir Edwin Pears cannot recollect this parti- 
 cular epitaph. Such an epitaph, we think, is unique. We give it in the Latin 
 of the period and also a translation. 
 
 Stupendae, Pije, ac omni Seculo Venerandx Amicitiae, S: 
 
 Inter 
 
 Clarissimum Illustrissimumque Virum 
 
 D: Thomam Baines Equitem Auratum 
 
 Cujus Interiora hie posita sunt; 
 
 Et 
 
 Illustrissimum Excellentissimumque D : Johannem Finch E : A : Legatum &cfa 
 
 Qui post suave et irruptum Animorum Connubium 
 
 Indivulsumque per XXXVI Integros Annos Sodalitium; 
 
 Has Exuvias Inenarrabili Amori Sacras, 
 
 Et sibi percharas Reliquias, Byzantinae Ditioni 
 
 Gemebundus, Committit Simul et Invidet: 
 
 Quicquid praeterea Pollinctura condiri potuit, 
 
 Totum illud Secum abducit Legatus redux, in Angliam, 
 
 Charum sed Triste Consortium, 
 Ut eodem Sepulchro claudantur Inseparabiles Amici. 
 Nee enim par erat ut distinguerentur eorum Cineres mortui 
 Qui Mei ac Tui Nomina tanquam Amicitiae Exosa et Infesta 
 Dum inter Vivos essent, in Exiiium egerunt. 
 Atque hinc Amicitia quae a casteris Mortalibus pro nudo Nomine habetur, 
 Inter Nos indubitato extitit Res; ac vera Virtus; 
 Elapsis Seculis, licet Fabulosis inaudita, et futuris, segre imitabilis. 
 Decus hoc et honestamentum Amicitiae, semper miraberis Viator; Sed modo deflebis 
 Si Viscera habeas vel Ferentis, vel Ponentis hoc Marmor. 
 Nunc de Integerrimo et Conjunctissimo Meo Bainesio, Pauca ex multis dicam. 
 In omni Re Literaria fuit tarn profunde eruditus 
 Ut Platonis et Stagiritae Manes in illo credideris redivivos 
 Nisi quod Sublimitate Ingenij Utrosque Illorum, Caeterosque omnes 
 Celebritate Nominis Insignes, facile Superaret. 
 Momenta enim rationis Universalis 111! Soli (quod Sciam) inter Mortales innotuerunt. 
 Nee Minor fuit in Rebus gerendis: Quibus nominibus 
 Ssmi Ferd: II: et Cosm : III: MDH: Principes Immortalis Prudentias; 
 Bainesium Nostrum, inter Viros Summe praeclaros annumerabant, 
 Famamque Ipsius, cum Colloquiorum, tum Literarum, 
 Insuper et Munerum frequentia extendebant : 
 More His Heroibus consueto, erga Viros Primarios. 
 Princepsque Pater, Ilium Caput Ferreum Vocitabat: 
 Nam vel inter faeetias (Vh enim fuit Amoenissimi Ingenij) 
 Nihil protulit quod non Simul in Scopum aliquem Serium dirigeretur. 
 Ea denique illibata Virtute ac morum gravitate prxditus fuit, 
 Ut nemo ausus sit Ipsius Aures Minus honeste dictis vulnerare. 
 Atroces Cruciatus ; E.xortos a Lancinatione Calculorum Vesicae ;
 
 76 DEATH OF BAINES [ch. ix 
 
 Duo enim aderant In glandis Magnitudine, 
 
 Christiana fortitudine, ultra Stoicism! jactantiam pertulit. 
 
 Tanti Viri, Talisque Amicitiae irreparabilem proh dolor! Jacturam feci; 
 
 Dum inter Amplexus et Gemitus, ultimum Ipsius Spiritum Exciperem; 
 
 Die V: Septembris H: III. PM: MDCLXXXI : ^t: Suse LIX. 
 
 Vi%'am Charissime! Memor Nostras Amicitiae, et 
 
 Nulla Dies Unquam Memori Nos eximet /Evo. 
 
 This is erected to the wonderful, pious Friendship, to be venerated in every age, between 
 the most renowned and illustrious man Sir Thomas Baines, Knight, whose bowels are deposited 
 here, and the most honourable and excellent Sir John Finch, Knight, Ambassador, etc.. Who 
 after a beautiful and unbroken marriage of souls and a companionship undivided during 
 XXXVI complete years, with groanings commits (and at the same time envies) these parts, 
 sacred to an unspeakable love, and these remains very dear to him, to the Byzantine dominion : 
 Whatever further of the body by preparation could be embalmed, all this the Ambassador brings 
 with him coming home into England, a dear but sad companionship, so that the inseparable 
 friends may be enclosed in the same tomb: for it does not appear right that their dead ashes 
 should be distinguished who, whilst they were living put far away from them the words 
 Mine and Thine, as hateful and hostile to friendship : and hence Friendship which to other 
 mortals is a bare name, between us without doubt became a great thing, and a true virtue, 
 in times gone by perhaps unheard of in history, and in the future scarcely to be imitated. 
 This ornament and honour to friendship, always thou shalt wonder at oh traveller, but now 
 thou shalt weep, if thou hast a heart like his who bears or like his who places this marble. 
 
 Now let me say a few things out of many, concerning my most honourable and beloved 
 friend Baines. 
 
 In all things literary he was so profoundly learned that thou wouldst have believed the 
 shades of Plato and the Stagirite to have lived again in him, were it not that he easily surpassed 
 each of them in the sublimity of his knowledge, and all other famous men in the celebrity of his 
 name: for to him alone (as I know) were known the movements of universal reason. Nor was 
 he less great in what he did: on which account the most serene Ferdinand II and Cosimo III 
 M.D.H. Princes of immortal wisdom, numbered our Baines amongst the most famous men, 
 and spread forth his fame by conversations, letters, and above all by their gifts, as is the 
 manner of these heroes towards remarkable men, and the Prince, the father, used to call 
 him "The Iron Head." For indeed in his jests (for he was a man of charming wit) he put 
 forth nothing that was not at the same time directed to some serious object. Thereupon 
 by this unimpaired virtue and by the gravity of his manners he was revealed so that no one 
 dared to wound his ears with speeches less becoming. Cruel tortures, arising from the lacera- 
 tion of the stones of the bladder (two were of the size of a walnut) he bore with Christian 
 fortitude, beyond the boasting of the Stoicism — alas what grief! I have suffered the irre- 
 parable loss of such a man, and of such a friendship, whilst between embracing and groaning 
 I have listened to his last breath on the Vth day of September Ilird hour P.M. MDCLXXXI : 
 in the LIXth year of his age. 
 
 I shall live, beloved ! mindful of our Friendship, and no day shall ever remove us from 
 a remembering age.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 RETURN OF FINCH 
 
 Finch came home to England on board the Oxford with the sad cargo of 
 Baines' coffin and arrived at the Downs in July, 1682. He wrote his last will 
 on this voyage and in the early part of the journey was evidently in very poor 
 health. He visited Italy and wrote to his nephew on March llth-2ist, 
 1681-2 : "...In this time I have been at Leghorn, I have here and from 
 Florence furnished myself with the best sett of pictures, I dare say, that are in 
 any private gentleman's hands. They are above sixty in number, and four of 
 them of Carlo Dolce^." He intended to cross over France from Marseilles to 
 Calais "by letiica" (horse-litter), but in the end came all the way by ship except 
 that touching at Spain he made a short trip to Seville. 
 
 Sir John Finch, on his arrival in England in July, 1682, wished to defer the 
 
 burial of his friend until the 5th of September, the anniversary of Baines' death^, 
 
 "and then I can say Nunc Dimittis Domine." He writes from the Downs 5th 
 
 July, 1682, to Daniel Finch, telling of all the impedimenta which he brought 
 
 back with him: 
 
 My last would tell you that I have resolved to go up the river by the Oxford and shall 
 thinke myselfe extreamly happy to see [you ?] at the long Reach. I believe a barge will be 
 most convenient as I can put three or four trunkes upon it which cannot well be left for any 
 other passage. Besides these there will be 53 trunkes more, and chests I brought from Con- 
 stantinople 19 of which being books, are large and bulky and I have added to them 23 chests 
 more of Italian pictures and statues; so that they will require a hoy or vessell that hath 
 a dry hold to keepe them from rain above and sea water below there are also 15 chests 
 Florence wine, a butt of Smyrna, 6 saragoza. If wine in bottles pay no custom, I will have 
 50 dozen bought for me with good corks. The bearer of this, Mr Peters, purser of the Oxford, 
 who has been with me from Constantinople will acquaint you with some further particulars. 
 I hope you and the Board will be satisfied with him as I have been.. ..I am, blesse God, in 
 much better health then I ever could have hoped after so much weaknesse and sicknesse and 
 sorrow, and after so tedious a voyage'. 
 
 I can find no evidence of the actual date of Baines' burial, nor any trace 
 of a Latin oration which Finch is then said to have delivered. Peile, quoting 
 the Audit Book of Christ's College, gives an interesting account of Finch's visit 
 
 ' Finch Report (Hist. MSS. Comm.), vol. ii, p. 167. M.irch, 1681-2. 
 
 ' Ibid. vol. II, p. 176, 1682, July i-ii, also see p. 121, letter of Finch to Daniel, 23rd Sep., 1681, O.S. 
 
 ' Ibid. vol. II, p. 177.
 
 78 RETURN OF FINCH [ch. x 
 
 to Cambridge; all the expenses are detailed, as the "Foundress' Chamber" 
 was partially reconstructed by Grumbold for ^^9. 19^-. 6d. and one end of the 
 room wainscotted by Austin for ,^19. I2s.^. He was met by the Fellows and 
 Scholars in coaches and on horseback at Trumpington, and men- were drawn 
 up at the College gate to welcome him. A dinner was given in his honour 
 which cost £16. 175. 3^. and wine at the dinner £2. lis. 6d. 
 
 It is probable that at this time the scheme of the Finch and Baines Fellow- 
 ship was discussed, for there is a letter from the Master (Cudworth) and Fellows 
 to Finch dated 28th October, thanking him for the intended legacy and stating 
 that Finch's nephew could be nominated the first Fellow. Peile gives a splendid 
 account of this new Foundation which remained separate from the old one 
 until i860. The new Fellows were to be of any country, were not required to 
 take Holy Orders, might "profess Physick, Law or Divinity" (but if in Orders, 
 might hold with their Fellowship any preferment under ;£5o), and those in the 
 profession of Law or Physic might travel out of the kingdom for three years ; 
 for a longer or a second absence the permission of the College was required, but 
 when in England they were required to be in residence. Any of the Founders' 
 kin were to be preferred as Fellows "if well qualified with learning and manners." 
 In his turn Daniel, second Earl of Nottingham, nominated seven Fellows, some 
 of whom were members of the Finch family. 
 
 1 "This work remains to the present day" (Peile), but I think the present Master has altered this room.
 
 piciu nil 
 
 Monument over the Grave of Finch ami Baines, with Epitaph by 
 Henry More (Christ's College)
 
 EPITAPH ON THE iMONUMENT OVER THE 
 GRAVE OF FINCH AND BAINES. 
 
 EFFARE MARMOR, 
 
 Cuja sunt hasc duo qux sustentas Capita 
 
 Duoruin Amicissimorum, quibus Cor erat unum, unaq. Anima, 
 
 D. lOHANNIS FINCHII et D. THOM^ BAINESH 
 
 Equitum Auratorum, 
 
 V'lroruni omnimoda sapientiii Aristotclica, Platonica, 
 
 Hippocratica 
 
 Rcrumq. adeo gerundarum Peritia Plane suniniorum, 
 
 atq. hisce nominibus et ob praclarum imniortalis amicitia: 
 
 cxempluni 
 
 sub amantissimi Tutorls HENRICI MORI auspicijs 
 
 hoc ipso in Collegio initx 
 
 Per totum tcrrarum orbem celebratissimorum. 
 
 Hi mores, hacc studia, hie successus, genus vero 
 
 si qujeris et necessitudines 
 
 Horum alter D. HENEAGII FINCHII Equltis Aurati Filius erat 
 
 HENEAGII vero FINCHII Comitis Nottinganiicnsis Fratcr, 
 
 Non magis luris quam lustitiae consulti, 
 
 Regis Majestati a consiliis secrctioribus summiq. 
 
 Anglia; Cancellarii, 
 
 V'iri prudentissimi, religiosissimi, 
 
 eloquent issinii, intcgcrrimi, 
 
 Principi, Patria.-, atq. Ecclcsia; Anglicana: tharissimi, 
 
 IngeniosS, numerosa, prosperaq. Prole pra: caeteris 
 
 mortalibus, felicissiini : 
 
 Alter 1). lOHANNIS FINCHII, viri omni laude 
 
 majoris Amicus intimus, 
 
 Perpctuusq. per triginta plus minus annos 
 
 Fortunarum ac consiliorum Particcps, 
 
 Longarumq. in extcras Nationes Itinerationum 
 
 indivulsus Comes ; 
 
 Hie igitur percgrc apud Turcas vita functus 
 
 est, nee prius tamcn quam alter 
 
 A serenissimo Rege Anglia- per Decennium Legatus 
 
 praeclare suo functus esset munere. 
 
 Tunc demum dilectissimus BAINESIUS suam et Amici 
 
 FINCHII simul Aniniam H\zantii efflavit, 
 
 Die \' Scptembris H. III. P.M. A.D. MDCLXXXI. ^tatis sua: LIX. 
 
 Quid igitur fecerit akcrum hoc corpus animA cassum rogas, 
 
 Ruit ; sed in amplexus alterius indoluit, ingcmuit, 
 
 ubertim flcvit 
 
 Totum in l.acrymas, nisi ncscio qua: communis utriq. Anima; 
 
 reliquia; cohibuissent, Diffluxurum,
 
 Ncc tanicn umis dolon sic imJulsit nobilissimus 
 
 FINCHIUS, 
 
 Quit! ipsl qua- incumhercnt solcrtcr gcsscrit 
 
 confcieritq. ncgotia. 
 
 El postquani ad Ainici pollincturani qua- spcctarent 
 
 curavcrat 
 
 Visccraq. tclliiri B)zantlna;, addito marniorc cleganter 
 
 a se pieq. inscripto, commiscrat 
 
 Cunctasq. res suas scdulo paraverat ad rcdituni in 
 
 optatani Patriam, 
 
 Corpus ctiam deluncti Amici a Constantinopoll usq. 
 
 (Triste sed plum officium) per longos Maris tractus 
 
 Novam subinde salo c lacrvniis siiis admiscens salscdineni 
 
 ad saccllum hoc dcduxit. 
 
 Ubi funebri ipsum orationc adhibita msstisq. sed 
 
 dulcisonis Thrcnodijs, 
 
 111 Hypogaeum tandem sub proxima Area situm 
 
 commune utriq. paratum hospitium solcnniter 
 
 honorificcque condidit. 
 
 Hac pia FINCHIUS officia defuncto Amico prsestitit, 
 
 porroq. cum eo, in usus pios 
 
 Quatcr mille libras Anglicanas huic Christi Collegio 
 
 donavit 
 
 Ad duos socios totidemq. scliolares in Collegio alendos 
 
 Et ad augendum libris quinquagcnis reditum 
 
 Magistrl annuum. 
 
 Cui rei ministranda^ riteq. tinienda: Londini 
 
 dum incumberct 
 
 Paucos post menses in morbum incidit Febriq. ac Pleuritide 
 
 Maxime vcro Amici BAINESII dcsiderio adfectus et afBictus 
 
 Inter lacrymas luctus et amplexus charissimorum 
 
 diem obiit 
 
 Speq. beatas immortalitatis plenus pie ac placide in 
 
 Domino obdormivit 
 
 Die XVIII Novembris H. II. P. MN. A.D. MDCLXXXII. JEuth sui LVI. 
 
 Londinoq. hue delatus ab illustrissimo Domino D. FINCHIO 
 
 HENEAGII Comitis Nottingamicnsis filio Primogenito 
 
 Aliisq. ejus filiis ac Necessariis comitantibus 
 
 Eodem in hoc scpulchro quo ejus Amicissimus heic conditus 
 
 jacet : 
 
 Ut Studia, Fortunas, Consilia, inimo Animas vivi qui 
 
 miscucrant 
 lidem suos dctuncti sacros tandem miscerent cineres.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 FINCH'S DEATH, BURIAL AND WILL 
 
 Finch stayed at this time with his brother Heneage in London at "Queen- 
 streete Howse" in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and here the last codicil to his will was 
 written "October the last 1682." He did not for long survive the death of 
 "T.B.," but died of pleurisy, i8th November, 1682. 
 
 The very next Audit in the book, referred to above, reads "charges at 
 Trumpington when the coaches met Sir John Finch his corps," for the body was 
 taken to Christ's College and buried with that of Baines as they had both so 
 earnestly desired. A monument by Joseph Catterns of London was erected 
 in the Chapel to the memory of Finch and Baines and stands between the 
 organ chamber and the altar. The expenses were met by Daniel the second 
 Earl of Nottingham and the monument was not completed before 1684. The 
 pedestals bear a bust of Sir John Finch and Sir Thomas Baines and there is a 
 long inscription (which is here reproduced, Plate VIII) composed by Henry 
 More, who outlived his pupils by some years. The bodies are buried in front 
 of the tomb and within the altar rails. 
 
 Finch and Baines have been further remembered at Christ's College. In 
 1882 they were among those chosen as "glass worthies" for two of the twenty-one 
 lights of the west oriel window in the Hall, depicting the founders, benefactors 
 and worthies of the College. The arms of Finch and Baines are correctly repre- 
 sented also. 
 
 Daniel Finch second Earl of Nottingham must have transferred Finch's 
 pictures, books and papers to Burley-on-the-Hill when that house was com- 
 pleted about 1700. Besides the letters, note-books and pictures already de- 
 scribed, a member of the Finch family has told me that there were a large number 
 of anatomical and other medical and classical books, on the shelves of the "Long 
 Library," which had belonged to Sir John Finch. No doubt some of these 
 corresponded with those in the long list of books and MSS. which is to be found 
 in one of Finch's note-books. Finch and Baines possessed a very good collection 
 of medical books in Latin, Italian, Spanish and French. Harvey's book on 
 the circulation of the blood is found wanting, but Finch had " Riolanus de Motu 
 Sanguinis" "Vesali', Anatomia, Basileac 1543," and books by "Jul. Caes. Arant."
 
 8o FINCH'S DEATH, BURIAL AND WILL [ch. 
 
 and by Fabricius ab Aquapendente. Amongst the English books Shakespeare 
 is conspicuous by his absence. Boyle is represented by his Experimejits, Essayes, 
 and Scepticall Chymist, and Bacon by Natural History, Opuscula and On Winds. 
 Quite properly we find Moore's Philosophy and "Sir K. Digby of Plants." They 
 also had "Mr Evelyn's Sculpture'''' and "Charleton's Oeconomia," and for 
 recreation The Game of Chesse Play. Unfortunately all these volumes were 
 lost in a fire about ten years ago, but the letters, portraits and an official copy 
 of the will were saved. The copy of the will still hangs in the East passage 
 of the house and a photograph of it is reproduced (Plate IX). It is headed "On 
 Board the Oxford January the 24th 168 1-2," when Finch was bringing home 
 Baines' body. It is very well illuminated in red and bears Finch's arms (Arg. 
 a chevron bet. 3 gryphons passant sa.) quartering the arms of Fitzherbert with 
 a crescent for cadency, a knight's helmet above with crest (a gryphon passant 
 sa.) and mantling. The family of Finch was descended from the Fitzherberts. 
 
 IT HAVEING PLEASED GOD to reduce me to extreame weaknesse of body blessed 
 bee his Name, he has continued mee in perfect soundnes of reason and Judgment I hold it 
 necessary as a Christian not to leave my last Will and Testament to be made when it shall 
 please God I shall draw towards my Departure. But beseeching the most merciful God 
 who hateth nothing that he hath made through his mercy to purifye and wash mee from 
 all my sinns through the blood of Attonement of Lord Jesus through whose Meritts alone 
 I hope to be saved I render my Soule into the hands of the Greate and mercifull God Creatour 
 of all things And my Body I commit to the Earth hopeing for a Joyfull Resurrection to be 
 dispos'd of as follow's As also my Estate reall and personall according to such appointm*. as 
 hereafter I have made in this my last WILL. 
 
 IN THE FIRST PLACE I 'doe make and constitute my Deare and honur'd Brother 
 HENEAGE LORD FINCH EARLE OF NOTTINGHAM LORD HIGH CHANCELLOUR 
 OF ENGLAND my soule Executor Administratour and Assigne as the Law has constituted 
 him my sole and proper Heire, Giveing and bequesthing unto him all my Estate reall and 
 personall Except such part of it as shall by mee be dispos'd of in this my last Will and Testa- 
 ment Beseeching Almighty God to give him soe many Joy's and Comforts in this World that 
 Hee may not have misse of or Sorrow for the losse of a Brother that so dearly and intirely 
 loved him. 
 
 The Two Thousand pound I mentioned in a former Codicill to be added to Two Thousand 
 more that Sir Thomas Baines has left and layd out as your LoP my Executour shall thinke 
 most advantagiously for the erecting Two Fellowshipps and Two Scollarshipps in Sir Thomas 
 Baines his Name and Mine as also the applying of Fifty Pound per annum to the encrease 
 of the Mastershipp of Christ College in Cambridge I doe ratify and confirm as also I doe 
 appoint the paying to a farthing all the legacy's mentioned in Sir Thomas Baines his last 
 Will to his Brothers Neeces and friends therein mention'd, desireing you to take notice that 
 all the legacy's mention'd to be paid in Dollars are already by mee fully satisfy'd. 
 
 To my Nephew Charles Finch Fellow of All Soules Colledge in Oxford and to his Heires 
 forever I doe give my Manor of Herald near Ipswich as an Evidence of the affection I have 
 for him both as an Uncle and a Godfather. 
 
 To my Nephew Edward Finch Fellow of Christ Colledge in Cambridge and his Heirs 
 I doe give my Parsonage of Ashford in County of Kent Beseeching God prosper him in all 
 his Study's and Erect them to his Glory. 
 
 To my most Deare Nephew Daniel Lord Finch I give that Diamond Ring which is 
 wound around with black thread or else such other as hee shall please of the whole number
 
 xi] FINCH'S DEATH, BURIAL AND WILL 8i 
 
 of Rings leaving it to your owne Inclination to give whatsoever of my Estate Reall and 
 Personall I have bequeth's unto you as you thinke fitt. 
 
 To my honour'd Neece My Lady Essex Finch I give and bequeth as a Testimony of my 
 Respect such of the Saphire Rings as she shall be pleased to accept of, To my Deare Neece 
 My Lady Mary Finch I give a payr of Diamond Braceletts that are made up onely of 
 Dymonds and are worked something in the Fashion of snakes bones. 
 
 To my most dear and ever honour'd Lord Edward Conway one of his Maj'v's Principall 
 Secretary' of State I give and bequeth a Fascette Diamond of about Four Caratts in circe 
 which accompany's another of the same bigness that w^as belonging to Sir Thomas, Beseeching 
 God to prosper him in all his concern's. To my Dear and honour'd Tutor and Friend 
 Dr Henry Moor I give Fifty Pounds to layd out in what hee likes best as a Memorial of my 
 affection towards him. 
 
 To my Secretary William Carpenter in consideration of his faithfull Service I give the 
 Summe of Three Hundred Pound Sterl-. intreating your LoP: my Executour for my sake to 
 keepe him in )-our good Grace and Favour and advance him to such Charge as You find him 
 most capable of, To Zacchar a faithfull Armenian Servant to Sir Thomas Baines I give the 
 summe of Three Score Pounds sterling desiring your Lop : for both our Sakes that are deceas'd 
 not to lett him a lively hood in England hee being soe warmly recommended to Mee to 
 provide for by Sir Thomas. 
 
 My Body I have order'd if I dye at Sea to be embalm'd and putt into the same chest with 
 that Sir Thomas Baines his Corps upon the consignment of which and such other goods as 
 laden on board the Oxford of mine unto you or your Heire I doe order that one Hunder'd 
 and Twenty Pound Sterling be presented to Captain Christopher Mason the Commander 
 of that his Ma'v's Shipp, I doe bequeth Thirty Pound to be bestow'd amongst the Officers 
 and Company of the said Shipp, I doe Hkewise desire your LoP : my dear Brother and Execu- 
 tour to cause my Body to be putt in one common Chest together with that Sir Thomas Baines 
 his Corps and to be interr'd according to our Discretion in the Chapell of Christ Colledge Cam- 
 bridge. I doe Hkewise order that Ten Pound Sterl: be given unto the Poor of Parish of 
 St Andrew's in which Christ Colledge Lyeth and is scituated to be distributed in such Manner 
 and forme as the Master and Fellows of Christ Colledge shall appoint. 
 
 And so my Dear and Honour'd Brother I give you my last Farewell Beseeching Almighty 
 God the Creatour of all things through the Death and Attonement of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ to give Us a joyfull Resurrection together in the last Day, where all Tears shall be 
 wiped away from our Eyes through the Meritts of Jesus Christ whose Sorrow's purchased 
 our Eternall Joyes as I hope and beheve. GIVEN Under my hand this twentyfourth of 
 January 1 68 1-2 Aboard the Oxford which being past Cephalonia is now under Sajl for 
 Messina whither God in Mercy send mee safe if it be his Blessed Will. That I may once more 
 see your face the greatest Comfort this World could afford mee JOHN FINCH Sign'd and 
 publish'd in the presence of WILLIAM CARPENTER, the mark of Zachariah Sedgwick; 
 
 ...PERA SEPTEMBER g-igth i68i...My most Dear Brother and most honour'd Lord 
 It pleased Almighty God to take Sir Thomas Baines to himselfe I haveing receiv'd his last 
 Breath Monday the Fifth of September at three of the Clocke in the afternoon and since 
 the good hand of God hath laid correction on mee besides the irreparable losse of Sir Thomas 
 Baines by sending mee a double Tertian accompany'd with malignity. I have much reason 
 to feare I shall never see your face and therefore according to my promise made to Sir Thomas 
 Baines I by this Codicill to my Will made June the second 1673 Doe order and appoint that Tvvo 
 Thousand pounds sterling out of my Estate bee added to Two Thousand pounds out of Sir 
 Thomas his Estate and the whole Four Thousand pounds Sterling be so layd out for the 
 sole use and advantage of the Master and Fellow's of Christ. My Intentions were to buy 
 lands and encrease the Mastershipp 50^^ per annum and erect two Fellowshipps of 60 pounds 
 per annum each and tvvo Scollarshipps of Tenn pounds each per annum, but your Lop^ 
 Prudence Act by Advice with the Master and Fellows if I see you noe more as you please. 
 
 Sir Thomas and I desire to be bury'd in Christ Coll' : Chappell and Hee is embalmed 
 
 M. 11
 
 82 FINCH'S DEATH, BURIAL AND WILL [ch. xi 
 
 to that end and I have order'd my embalming also in case I rise not from my Bed of Sick- 
 nesse For the Mercy of God cause both these our Codicills to bee putt in Execution JOHN 
 FINCH Signed and published in the presence of us William Carpenter, The marcke of 
 Zachariah Sedgwick. 
 
 I SIR JOHN FINCH KNT haveing already made my Will and haveing there dispos'd 
 of my Estate according to my entire satisfaction Doe upon a second perusall ratifye and 
 agree with every part of it Unlesse in the particulars following First I appoint my Manner 
 of Herald in the County of Suffolke to be given wholly and solely unto my Dear Godson 
 Charles Finch Fellow of All Soules in Oxford and his Heirs for ever Secondly To my Nepew 
 Robert Finch I give all the Right Title and Profitts that may arise from my Parsonage in 
 the County of Kent, Thirdly In regard that the paines of my Secretary William Carpenter in 
 soe many years haveing been very great and being perform'd in Barbarous Country's very 
 dangerous also I doe desire that he may receive the summe of Three hundred pounds Sterling 
 as a reward on my part in some measure to his Labours and because Zaccar the Armenian 
 Servant ought to be requited I doe order him One hunder'd pounds Sterling Beseeching your 
 good LoP : my deare Brother to cause these Summes forthwith be paid and to take them 
 both into your Lop's; particular Care and Protection being beyond all the money I have left 
 them: Queenstreete Howse October the last 1682 JOHN FINCH. ..Signed and publish'd 
 in the presence of us WILLIAM CARPENTER, The marke of ZACHARIAH SEDGWICK.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 THE "TABULAE HARVEIANAE" 
 
 Just before returning to France in May, 1916, I was lucky enough to find 
 the Italian letter (p. 36) from Sir John Finch, in which he mentions the "Tavole," 
 and it occurred to me that the anatomical tables, traditionally described as 
 Harvey's (p. 7), should perhaps be attributed to Finch. I puzzled much over this 
 question and early in August wrote to the Librarian of the Royal College of 
 Physicians to learn all that was definitely known about these six anatomical 
 tables. I was much interested in reading the Harveian Oration (see British 
 Medical Journal, 28th October, 1916) to see that Sir Thomas Barlow, Bt., had 
 arrived at a similar conclusion as to the provenance of the "tabulae," although 
 by a different method of reasoning. I am indebted to Sir Thomas Barlow for 
 some further notes on the question and these I have put together with my own. 
 
 There is no writing with the specimens nor marks on them to prove that 
 they belonged to Harvey, but in presenting them to the College in 1823 the 
 Earl of Winchilsea said : " I have in my possession some anatomical preparations 
 which belonged to the late Dr Harvey." This was quite a natural mistake 
 for Winchilsea to make, as Harvey's connection by marriage with the Finch 
 family was well known to him, and even to this day the family have remembered 
 Sir John Finch chiefly for his diplomatic career, losing sight of the fact that he 
 was also a student of natural science and professor of anatomy. Let us suppose 
 that the Tables did belong to Harvey. Why then did he leave such valuable 
 specimens to the Finch family and not directly to the College which was his 
 constant interest during his Hfetimc and to which he made such liberal gifts ? 
 The Tables are not even mentioned in his will. Sir John Finch left England in 
 165 1 to study medicine in Italy and did not return till 1660, three years after 
 Harvey's death, and it seems most unHkely that Harvey left such specimens to 
 one who was so far away from him and yet made no entry of such a bequest in 
 his will. Nor is it hkely that Harvey left the " tabulae" to a member of the laity 
 such as his niece EUzabeth (Sir John Finch's sister-in-law) or to another non- 
 medical member of the Finch family. 
 
 It has been stated that Harvey made use of these "tabulae" at his lectures, 
 but I am assured that he makes no mention of them in his Pradectiones. Besides, 
 
 II — 2
 
 84 APPENDIX 
 
 Evelyn tells us in his Diary that he (Evelyn) procured certain tables of anatomical 
 specimens from Veslingius' assistant at Padua, and these Sir Charles Scarborough 
 (intimate friend of Harvey and his successor as Lumleian Lecturer) thought 
 unique throughout the world and borrowed for his own lectures. 
 
 Nov. 5th 1652. Dr Scarborough was instant with me to give the Tables of Veins and 
 Arteries to the Colledge of Physitians, pretending he would not onely reade upon them, but 
 celebrate my curiositie as being the first who caus'd them to be compleated in that manner, 
 and with that cost ; but I was not so willing yet to part with them, as to lend them to the 
 Colledge during their anatomical lectures, which I did accordingly. 
 
 Now had Harvey used such "tables" Scarborough would scarcely have considered 
 them such rarities. As Sir Thomas Barlow says in a letter to me, "the conclusion 
 from this that Harvey had no such tables at his lectures is, I think, morally 
 certain." Evelyn gave his specimens, not to the College as Scarborough suggested, 
 but to the Royal Society and at present they are in the Museum of the Royal 
 College of Surgeons. 
 
 Thus I think it is most highly improbable that Dr Harvey ever had such 
 specimens, and still more so that they were taken to Burley-on-the-Hill forty- 
 three years after his death, when the present house was built in 1700. On the 
 other hand, Sir John Finch must have been quite familiar with like anatomical 
 preparations even when he studied anatomy at Padua and, after having been 
 professor of anatomy at Pisa for some years, he makes his trip to Holland 
 with the express purpose of investigating the method of preserving bodies and 
 writes to his patron. Prince Leopold (pp. 35 and 36), comparing those he saw 
 there with their own at Florence. Further, we know that some years after the 
 death of Sir John Finch, his favourite nephew Daniel took with him to Burley 
 his uncle's belongings even down to the most insignificant papers. The Earl 
 of Nottingham's inventory of these things existed a few years ago, but at the 
 moment I am unable to trace it. 
 
 We know definitely, then, that Finch had anatomical tables and we know 
 that, more than one hundred years after his personal property was taken to 
 Burley-on-the-Hill, such a collection was found there. It is not known that 
 Harvey possessed these "tabulae" and I have shown that such a possibility is 
 most unlikely.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Academy of Sciences, Paris, 22 
 Accademia del Cimento, 22 et seq., 28 
 Adrianople, 60, 62 
 Algiers, 45, 46 
 AUen, S., 33 
 
 Sir Thomas, 71 
 
 Altios, 72 
 Ambassadors, 58 
 America, 56 et seq. 
 
 Anatomy, 15, 16, 19, 23, 26, 36, 41 note, 42, 65 
 
 Andrich, 5, 18 
 
 Anne, Queen of Great Britain, 67 
 
 Aqueducts of Solyman, 62 
 
 Aquinas, tomb of, 11 
 
 Arabia, 62 
 
 Arantius, Julius Caesar, 79 
 
 Aristotle, 53, 75, 76 
 
 Arlington, Earl of, 45, 54 et seq., 56, 59 
 
 Aselli, 23 
 
 Ashford, Parsonage of, 80, 82 
 
 Ashley, Lord, 54 et seq. 
 
 Ashmole, EHas, 32 
 
 Astrology, 2, 66 et seq. 
 
 Auberius, 23 
 
 Aubriet, Claudio, 23 
 
 Austin, 78 
 
 Samuel, 70 
 
 Backwell, Alderman, 39 
 Bacon, 80 
 Haines, Francis, i 
 
 Richard, i 
 
 Sir Thomas, birth of, i ; at school at Stortford, 
 
 I ; takes degrees at Cambridge, 1 ; poem of, in 
 praise of Molinetti, 13 et seq.; devotion to 
 Sir John Finch, 17; arms of, 19; goes to Pisa, 
 22; suffered from paralysis agitans, 24; ap- 
 pointed professor of music at Gresham College, 
 30; advice to Daniel Finch, 33; counsels Sir 
 John Finch as to marriage, 33; allowed to leave 
 Gresham College, 39, 61; philosophy of, 43; 
 not knighted until 1673, 44, 57; trip with 
 Daniel Finch, 49; sends presents to Anne 
 Viscountess Conway, 50; suffers from stone, 
 and ill-health of, 51, 56, 57, 75; not appointed 
 a Commissioner to New England, 56; letter to 
 Anne Viscountess Conway, 57; the physician, 
 66; skilful in argument, 68; denounces coffee- 
 houses, extravagance, and luxury, 69; jokes 
 about Henry More in a letter, 70; successor of, 
 at Gresham College, 70; death of, 71 ; Sir John 
 Finch's epitaph over bowels of, 74 et seq.; 
 burial of, 77 ; bequests of, 80 et seq. ; see also 
 Finch and Baines 
 
 Baldinucci, Filippo, quoted 52 
 
 Balliol College, 2 
 
 Barbarino, Cardinal, 50 
 
 Barbary, 46 
 
 Bargrave, John, 17 
 
 Barlow, Sir Thomas, Bt, 83 et seq. 
 
 Barnard, Charles, 66 et seq. 
 
 Francis, 2, 66 et seq. 
 
 Samuel, 67 
 
 Bate, George, M.D., 32 
 Bellini, Lorenzo, 23 
 Benedictines, the, 25 
 Bezar, lapis, 6 note 
 
 Bilsius, or Bils, Louis De, 35 note 
 
 Bilzio, 35 
 
 Bologna, 1 1 
 
 Bonfighuoli, Silvestro, 23 
 
 Borelli, 22, 24, 41 
 
 Bossuet, 69 
 
 Boyle, the family of, 52 
 
 the Honourable Robert, quoted 34 et seq. ; works 
 
 of, 80 
 
 Roger Broghill, eldest son of the first Earl of 
 
 Orrery, 50 
 
 Bridgewater Gallery, 21 
 Broghill, 50, 52 
 Broghim (?), John, 52 
 Bromley, Thomas, 64 
 Brown, Edward, 71 
 
 Henry, 24, 37, 68 
 
 Browne, Edward, 19 
 
 Sir Thomas, 19 
 
 Buckingham, George \'illiers, second Duke of, 32 
 
 Burleigh House, Stamford, 53 
 
 Burley-on-the-Hill, Rutland, formerly scat of Earls of 
 Winchilsca and Nottingham, i: fire at, 7, 80; 
 "tabulae Harvcianae " at, 7, 83, 84; portraits of 
 Finch and Baines at, 20, 5 1 et seq. ; note-books, 
 letters, and papers of Finch and Baines at, 27, 32, 
 40,53,61,67,68; present house built about 1700, 
 5 1 , 79, 84 ; family register in folio prayer-book at, 
 66; library of Finch and Baines formerly at, 79 
 
 Butler, 1 1 
 
 Calais, 77 
 Calvin, John, 7, 8 
 
 Cambridge, i, 11, 34, 39, 4S, 63, 74, 77; see also Christ's 
 College 
 
 Platonists, i, 4, 48 
 
 Candia, 61 
 
 Capuchin Friars, 68 
 
 Carpenter, William, 60, 71, 81 el seq. 
 
 Carr, Doctor, 31 
 
 Carthusians, the, 6 
 
 "—3
 
 86 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cartwright, William, poems of, 4 
 
 Catharine of Braganza, Queen Consort, paintings pre- 
 sented to, by Sir John Finch, 52 
 
 Centurion, the, voyage of, 58 
 
 Chalon, Notre Dame of, 6 
 
 Chandois, Lord, succeeds Sir John Finch at Constanti- 
 nople, 70 
 
 Charles I, 69 
 
 II, 30 rt seq., 34, 44, 47, 49, 54, 56, 57, 74; 
 
 painting presented to, by Sir John Finch, 52 
 
 Charleton, Doctor, 73, 80 
 
 Charterhouse, 67 
 
 Chemistry, 41 
 
 Chester, 33 
 
 Chillingworth, Mr, 68 
 
 Chimacam, the, 61 
 
 Chimentelli, Valerio, 26 
 
 Chinese, missionaries to the, 68 
 
 Christ, pictures of, 51, 53 
 
 Christianity, 48, 49 
 
 Christ's College, i, 31, 39, 62; Finch and Bainos meet 
 at, 3 ; Finch and Baines visit Henry More ai, 
 56; Ufe of Finch and Baines at, referred to, 74; 
 burial of Baines at, 77; decorated for visit of 
 Finch, Finch and Baines Fellowship at, i, 78, 
 80 et seq. ; burial of Finch at, and monuments 
 to Finch and Baines at, 79 
 
 Civil War, the, 2 
 
 Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 31 
 
 Clark, Sir Andrew, 44 
 
 Rev. Andrew, 2 
 
 Clement IX, 50, 55 
 Clever, 70 
 
 Clifford, Robert, 25 
 
 Sir Thomas, 25 
 
 Coflee, receipt for, 69 
 Collins, Richard, 18 
 
 Constantinople, 37, 38, 45, 54, 56, 57, 59, 70, 77; Sir 
 
 John Finch at, 61 et seq. ; epitaph over bowels 
 
 of Sir Thomas Baines at, 74 
 Conway, Edward Viscount, afterwards Earl of, 5, 10, 
 
 3°, 45i 5°i 5+1 58; 59, (>h 64, 7°i Si; becomes 
 
 Secretary of State, 69 
 
 Aiuie Viscountess, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 34, 49, 62; 
 
 letters from Henry More, 15, 43, 44, 48, 56; 
 portrait by S. Van Hoogstraaten of (?), 21; 
 poems addressed to, 48 ; letters to Henry More, 
 39; ill-health of, 7, 10, 11, 50, 59, 63, 65; turns 
 Quaker, 63 et seq. ; death of, 63 
 
 Cooper, Joseph, 64 
 
 Comelio, Tommaso, 41 
 
 Cosimo III, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 64, 75 
 
 Covel, John, later Master of Christ's College, 62, 63, 68, 70 
 
 Cranmcr, Mr, 72 
 
 Crellius, 43 
 
 Croker, Hon. John Wilson, 1 5 
 
 Croome, William, M.D., 32 
 
 Crossley, James, 39 note, 48 
 
 Cudworth, Ralph, Master of Christ's College, 78 
 
 Cust, Lionel, 21, 52 « seq. 
 
 Cypher letters, 38, 45, 51, 54 rt seq. 
 
 Cyprus, 62 
 
 Danby, Earl of, 70; see niso Osburn, Sir Thomas 
 Darwin, Sir George, 18 
 
 David with Goliath's Head, 52 
 
 Decumbitures, Francis Barnard's book of, 66 
 
 De Hooche, Peter, 21 
 
 Derham, 72 
 
 Descartes, 13, 41, 43, 68 
 
 Digby, Sir Kcnelm, 5, 7, 11,32; "powder of sympathy" 
 
 of, 28 ; works of, 80 
 Dispensary, Garth's, 67 
 Dod, Henry (?), 70 
 Dolci, Carlo, 51 el seq., 77 
 Donne, quoted 63 
 Dover, 59 
 Dresden, 52 
 Dryden, Jolm, 32 
 Dunkirk, sale of, 39 
 
 Elboeuf, Duchess of, 70 
 
 England, trade relations of, 46, 62 
 
 Euclid, 53 
 
 Eugenics, 65 
 
 Evelyn, John, 32, 84; works of, 80 
 
 Exeter, Marquis of, 53 
 
 Fabricius, ab Aquapendente, 13, 15, 80 
 
 Fabroni, quoted 22, 24 
 
 Fallopius, 13 
 
 Fava, Doctor, 52; see also Baines, Sir Thomas 
 
 Fellowships of Finch and Baines at Christ's College, 78, 
 
 80 et seq. 
 Ferdinand II, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 26, 32, 34, 
 
 35 note, 40, 41, 45, 46, 50, 53, 64, 74, 75; 
 
 patron of science, 22 <;( seq.; death of, 55 
 Finch, Anne Viscountess Conway,' 3; see Conway 
 
 Colonel Charles, 42 
 
 Charles, 80, 82 
 
 Daniel, later second Earl of Nottingham and 
 
 sixth Earl of Winchilsea, 32, 33, 44, 59, 70, 77, 
 78, 79, 80, 84; goes to Italy, 46; builds pre- 
 sent house at Burley-on-the-Hill, 51, 79, 84; 
 marriage of, 57; children of, 66 
 
 Edward, 80 
 
 Lady Ehzabeth, 7, 47, 66, S3 
 
 Lady Essex, 57, 66, 81 
 
 Francis, 2, 4, 5, 7 
 
 — — Sir Heneage, Recorder of the City of London, 
 
 I, 2, 3 
 
 Heneage, second Earl of Winchilsea ; see 
 
 Winchilsea 
 
 Heneage, Lord Chancellor, afterwards first Ear! 
 
 of Nottingham, i, 3, 7, 32, 33, 43, 44, 47, 51, 
 54, 56, 57, 67, 70, 7', 79, 80; created Earl of 
 Nottingham, 72 
 
 Sir John, birth of, 2; educated at Eton and 
 
 Oxford, 2; horoscope of, 2; admitted to Inner 
 Temple, 2; Oxford and Cambridge degrees of, 
 3; book dedicated to, 4; affection for his sister 
 Anne Conway, 6, 20 et seq., 59, 63 ; ill-heahh of, 
 6, 17, 51; letters to Anne Conway, 6, 12, 50; 
 letter to Anne Conway about Quakers, 63 ; 
 opinion of Van Helmont's Universal Medicine, 
 10, II; refuses to be Consul of the English nation 
 at Padua University, 11; "philosophical dis- 
 courses" of, 12, 13, 73; ideas on plant physi- 
 ology, 12; criticism of Descartes, 13; his account 
 of circulation of the blood, 15 et seq. ; Pro-Rector
 
 INDEX 
 
 87 
 
 and Syndic of University of Padua, 17; arms 
 of, 18 et se(j., 80; professor of anatomy at Uni- 
 versity of Pisa, 22, 23, 42; English Resident at 
 Florence, 24, 44 ct seg. ; acts as confessor, 25 ; 
 physician to Queen of England, 26; epigrams on, 
 26 el seq. ; knighted, 30 ; in love, 33 et seq. ; 
 interest in perception of colours, 34 et seq. ; 
 letters from Henry Oldenburgh, 32, 61 ; his 
 house in Kensington later part of Kensington 
 Palace, 32, 44; letters to Prince Leopold of 
 Tuscany, 35 et seq., 41 et seq.:, anatomical tables 
 of, 36, 83 et seq. ; trade disputes at Florence, 
 45 ; praised by Winchilsea, 47 ; letter to Anne 
 Conway on friendship, 49; questions of Italians 
 saluting English ships, 50 et seq. ; presents paint- 
 ings to Charles II and his Queen, 52; buys 
 pictures in Italy, 52 et seq., 77 ; to enter pohtics 
 in England, 54 et seq. ; does not wish to go to 
 Turkey, 55; on Council for Plantations, 56; 
 appointed ambassador at Constantinople, 56, 
 61; chaplain of, 58; liberality of, 58; to make 
 enquiries for Royal Society, 61 « seq.; letter 
 from Prince Leopold of Tuscany, 64; a method 
 of making coffee, 69; weary of Turkey, 70; 
 writes of death of Baines, 71 et seq.; epitaph 
 over Baines' bowels written by, 74 et seq. ; return 
 to England with Baines' body, 77; death of, 
 and burial at Christ's College, 79; will of, 
 80 et seq. ; see also Finch and Baines 
 Finch, and Baines, portraits of, 1, 20 et seq., 51 et seq.; 
 note-books of, i, zj et seq., 53, 67, 72; Fellows 
 of the Royal Society, i, 32; Fellows of the Royal 
 College of Physicians, 1, 30; benefactors of 
 Christ's College, i, 78, 80 et seq. ; pupils of Henry 
 More, 3 ; meet at Christ's College, 3 ; poems 
 and songs of, 4, 47; set out for France, 5; 
 arrival in Padua, lo ; trip to Milan and Bologna, 
 II; supersritions of, 11, 28, 72; praised by 
 Bargrave, 17; wreaths and monuments to, at 
 Padua, 18 et seq.; take medical degree at Padua, 
 19; send dogs to Anne Conway, 19 et seq.; 
 studies and experiments in physiology, chemis- 
 try, and pharmacology, 24, 27, 28 et seq., 41, 60; 
 return to England, 30, 56; receive degree of 
 M.D. at Cambridge, 31; visit to Holland, 34 t( 
 seq. ; poor correspondents, 37, 40, 43 ; return to 
 Florence, 39 ; visit Rome and Naples, 40 et seq. ; 
 library of, 41, 58, 77, 79; interest in serpents, 
 41 et seq. ; Daniel Finch under care of, 46 et seq. ; 
 visit Henry More, 56; voyage to Turkey, 58 rt 
 seq.; life in Turkey, 58, 67, 70; investigate 
 method of staunching blood, 59 et seq. ; visit 
 Malta, 60; interest in religion and theology, 62, 
 68 ; trip to Adrianople in interest of trade, 
 62 et seq. ; advise Conway to marry again, 65 ; 
 letter about wills of, 71 ; dedication of Finch to 
 Baines, 73 et seq. ; Fellowship of, at Christ's 
 College, 78; tomb of, and epitaph, 79 
 
 Lady Mary, 81 
 
 Sir Moyle, 49 
 
 Pearl, 51 
 
 Finch-Hatton, George William, tenth Earl of Winchilsea ; 
 
 see Wincliilsea 
 Finckio, Giovanni, 23; see also Finch, Sir John 
 Fitzherbcrt, arms and family of, 80 
 
 Florence, 46, 57, 59, 77, 84 
 
 Archbishop of, 51 
 
 Forbes, Tommaso, 28; see also Baines, Sir Thomas 
 Foster, Joseph, 2 
 Foxcroft, George, 48 et seq. 
 
 Mrs, 48, 56 
 
 Fracassati, Carlo, 23, 26, 27, 65 
 France, 5 et seq., 39, 59, 74, 77 
 
 Henry IV, King of, 7 
 
 Louis XIV, King of, 59 
 
 Galen, 16 
 
 GaUleo, 23 
 
 Garth, Samuel, 67 
 
 Gascoigne, Sir Bernard, 2;, 44 
 
 Geisufius, Samuel, 18 
 
 GeU, Mr, i, 3 
 
 Geneva, 6, 8, 17, 57 
 
 Genoa, 46, 59 
 
 Geometry, 69 
 
 George IV, 52 
 
 Glanvllle, Joseph, 4 
 
 Gorges, Ferdinand, 57 
 
 Gostlin, John, 31 
 
 Gran Signer, the, Mahomet IV, 57 rt seq., 61, 67, 74 
 
 Grantham, 34 
 
 Greatrakes, Valentine, 50 
 
 Greek Church, 58 
 
 Gresham College, 32, 44, 61, 71 
 
 Grumbold, 78 
 
 Hague, Treaty at The, 55 
 Hartlib, S., 31 
 
 Harvey, Sir Daniel, 7, 47, 56, 62 
 Sir Eliab, 7, 30, 71 
 
 EHzabeth; see Finch, Lady Elizabeth 
 
 Mrs, portrait of at Burley-on-the-Hill, 7 
 
 William, I, 8, 12, 16, 22, 23, 28, 30, 47, 79; con- 
 nection with Finch family and portrait of at 
 Burley-on-the-Hill, 7; "tabulae Har\eianac," 
 7, 83 et seq. ; strange story about, 7 ; will of, 7 
 
 Henrietta Anne, Duchess of Orleans — "Madame," 
 
 death of, 69 et seq. 
 Henry IV, King of France, 7 
 Herald, Manor of, 80, 82 
 Herodias, Carlo Dolci's painting of, 52 
 Hickman, Sir William, 56 
 Highmore, antrum of, 13 
 Hippocrates, 23, 53 
 Holland, 34, 46, 84 
 
 "Horoscope" in Garth's Dispetisary, 67 
 Hospitals of France, 6 
 Hubbard, Captain, 50 
 Hunter, John, 24 
 Hyde, L., 67 
 
 Imponderabilia in medicine, 66 
 Ingoldsby, living of, 48 
 Inner Temple, 2, 56, 57, 59 
 Ipswich, Manor of Herald at, 80, 82 
 
 James II, 52 
 Janckenius, Otto, lo 
 Jenkins, Mr, 72 
 Jesuits, 68
 
 88 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jesus College, 48 
 Jews, 8, 58, 63, 70, 72 
 
 Keith, George, 64 
 Kensington Palace, 32, 44 
 Knolles, quoted 61 
 
 Lacteals, 23 
 
 La Fayette, Comtesse de, 69 
 
 Legh, Mr, i 
 
 Leghorn (Livomo), 45, 46, 49, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 
 
 63, 77 
 Leopold, Prince of Tuscany, 22, 67; letters from Sir John 
 
 Finch to, 35 c/ seq., 41 el seq., 84; letters from, 
 
 40, 64 
 Levant Company, 62 
 Lindisy, Henry, 18 
 Littr^, 69 
 Lloyd, Charles, 64 
 London, Paris compared with, 6 
 Lorenzinus, Laurence, 26 
 Louis XIV, 59 
 Lumleian Lectures, 15, 84 
 
 "Madame" (Henrietta Anne Duchess of Orleans), 
 
 death of, 69 
 Madras (Fort George), 49 
 Maestricht, 34 et seq. 
 Mahomet IV, 61 
 Mahommedamsm, 62, 68 
 Maidstone, Lord, 54 
 Maine, 57 
 
 Malpighi, Marcellus, 15, 22, 23, 24 
 Malta, 60 
 
 Mary Magdalene, Carlo Dolci's painting of, 52 
 Mason, Captain Christopher, 81 
 Massachusetts, 57 
 Massereen, Lord, 33 
 Mattias, Prince of Tuscany, 64 
 Medecine et Medecins, 69 
 Medici, Princes of, 23, 31 
 Medicine, 26, 67 
 
 Melancholy, the, of Sir John Finch, 48 
 Mercator, 40 
 Merchettis, Domenico de, 19 
 
 Pietro de, 19 
 
 Mignet, Father, 6 
 Milan, 1 1 
 
 Molinetti, 4, 13, 17 
 MontpeUier, 19 
 Montreuil, 59 
 
 Moore, Norman, 19, 70 
 
 Moray, Sir Robert, 32 
 
 More, Henry, i, 3, 9, 13, 31, 50, 63, 70, 71, 80, 8l; 
 letters to Anne Viscountess Conway, 15, 34, 43, 
 48, 56; letters from Aime Viscountess Conway, 39 
 note; his epitaph on tomb of Finch and Baines, 79 
 
 Moretus, 10 
 
 Morice, Secretary of State, 54 
 
 Morosini, L. F., 70 
 
 Moyen, Cardinal, 7 
 
 College, 7 
 
 Naples, 49 
 
 Newbury, battle of, 2 
 
 New England, 57 
 
 Newton, arms of, 19 
 
 Norris, 2 
 
 North, life of, quoted 63 
 
 Nottingham, Earls of; see Finch 
 
 Nurse, W., 67 
 
 Oldenburgh, Henry, 32, 61 
 
 Oliva, 27 
 
 O'Ncale, 54 
 
 Oraisons Funcbres, 69 
 
 Orrery, Earl of, 50; see also Boyle 
 
 Osburn, Sir Thomas, 57; see also Danby 
 
 Osier, Sir William, Bt, 2, 66 note 
 
 Ottoman Empire, 61 
 
 Ovid, 70 
 
 Oxford, 2 
 
 Oxford, the, 77 
 
 Padua, 10, 84; anatomical theatre at, 15; Pro-Rectors 
 and Syndics at University of, 1 7 et seq. ; British 
 Syndics at, 18; monuments to Englishmen at, 18 
 
 Paris, 5, 6, 59 el seq. 
 
 Patrizi, Marchese, 41 el seg. 
 
 Pears, Sir Edwin, 75 
 
 Pecquet, 41 
 
 Peile, John, Master of Christ's College, i note, 19, 77 
 
 Penn, William, 64 
 
 Pepys, 15, quoted 44 
 
 Pera, 75 
 
 Perry, WilUam, 71 
 
 Peters, Mr, 77 
 
 Petty, William, 30, 32 
 
 Pisa, University of, 22 et seq., 84 
 
 Plague, the, 35, 63 
 
 Plantations, Council for, 56 
 
 Plato, 53, 75 el seq. 
 
 Platonists, the Cambridge, 4, 48 
 
 PHny, 23 
 
 Poland, 61, 67 
 
 Pope, the; see Clement IX 
 
 Post-mortems, 66, 69 
 
 Potts, Mr, 3 
 
 Quacks, 50 
 
 Ragley, in Warwickshire, 3, 10, 32, 33, 48, 57, 58, 64, 
 
 RavLUiac, 7 
 
 Rawdon, Sir George, 50, 66 note 
 
 Red Sea, enquiries as to, 62 
 
 Redi, Francesco, 25 
 
 Religion, the Maliommedan, 62 
 
 Ricci, Cardinal Michel Angelo, 40 el seq. 
 
 Rich, Lady Essex; see Finch, Lady Essex 
 
 Riolanus, de Motu Sanguinis, 79 
 
 Rome, 41 et seq., 49 f/ seq. 
 
 Rouen, 5 
 
 Royal College of Physicians, i, 39, 83 et seq. 
 
 College of Surgeons, museum of, 84 
 
 Society, i, 22, 31, 32, 6i et seq., 71 
 
 Rusma, enquiries as to, 62 
 
 Rust, Dr George, 4 
 
 Rusthall, 33 
 
 Rutland, i
 
 INDEX 
 
 89 
 
 Rycaut, Paul, 61 note 
 
 Rye, 5 
 
 St Bartholomew's Hospital, 67 
 
 St John, Order of, 60 
 
 Scarborough, Sir Charles, 84 
 
 Selden, 4 note 
 
 Serpents, grotto of, 41 ei seq. 
 
 Ser\'etus, Michael, 8 
 
 Severino, M. Aurelio, 41 
 
 Seville, 77 
 
 Shakespeare, 80 
 
 Shipley, A. E., Master of Christ's College, 31, jinole 
 
 Skene, Giles, 64 
 
 Smyrna, 60, 63 
 
 Socinians, the, 43 
 
 Socinus, 8 
 
 Spain, 77 
 
 Stamford, 53 
 
 Steno, Nicholaus, 23, 26 
 
 Stokeham, William, 18 
 
 Stortford, i 
 
 Sybaticus, 17 
 
 Sylvester, Mr, school of, at Oxford, 2 
 
 "Tabulae Haneianae," the, 7, 83^1 seq. 
 Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 28 
 
 Targioni-Tozzetti, Giovanni, 52, quoted 25 et seq., 42, 64 
 Taylor, Jeremy, 4 
 Terenzii, 65 
 
 Thomas Aquinas, tomb of, 1 1 
 Timoni, Emmanuel, 18 
 Tompson, Thomas, 18 
 Torpedo-fish, 24 
 
 Tructw>-n, 'Tilmann, 23 rt seq., 42; epigram and epi- 
 taph of, 25 
 Trumpington, 78 
 Truttwyn; see Tructwyn 
 Tully, 43 
 
 Tunbridge Wells, 33 
 Turin, 59 
 Turkey, 58, 61 el seq. 
 
 Company, 57 et seq. 
 
 Tuscany, Grand Dukes of; see Ferdinand and Cosimo 
 
 Tuscany, Princes of; see Leopold and Mattias 
 
 Universal Medicine, a, 8, 10 
 
 Van der Broechius, Adrian, 24, 42 
 
 Van Helmont, Baron Francis Mercury, 10 et seq., 59, 
 
 Jean Baptiste, 1 1 
 
 Van Hoogstraaten, S., 21, 51 
 Vani Eflendi, 68 
 
 Venice, 61 
 
 V'ermaasen, John, 35 et seq. 
 
 Vesalius, 13; Anatomy of, 79 
 
 Veslingius, 13, 84 
 
 Vesuvius, 41 
 
 Virgil, 70 
 
 Waller, Richard, 23 
 Walton, Izaak, 4 
 Ward, 63, quoted 3, 73 
 Whaddon, Cambridgeshire, i 
 Whichcote, Christopher, 48 
 
 Doctor, 48 
 
 Elizabeth; see Foxcroft, Mrs 
 
 Mary; see Worthington, Mrs Mary 
 
 William III, 44 
 
 — - IV, 52 
 Williamson, Secretary, 56 
 
 Winchilsea, second Earl of, 37, 42, 44 et seq., 47, 55 et 
 seq., 61 
 
 tenth Earl of, 7, 83 
 
 Windsor Castle, 52 
 
 Winter, Sir Edward, 48 et seq. 
 
 Wood, Anthony, quoted 2, 30 et seq., 44 
 
 Worthington, Dr John, 9, 48, quoted 31 
 
 Mrs Mar}', 48 
 
 Mrs Sarah, 9 
 
 Wren, Christopher, 32 
 
 Wylde, Captain Charles, journal of, 58, 60 
 
 Zaccarias, Armenian servant of Sir Thomas Baines, 
 
 71 et seq., 81 et seq. 
 Zant and Zepbalonia, enquiries as to earthquakes at, 
 
 62 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 yr SCXm«lh REQOKA*. uBRAH'' «*CiLiT> 
 
 D 000 350 812 4 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 in-; De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 
 
 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 
 
 RetumthismateriaMot^^
 
 ■ •0^;'j,.'^,i-:t\.-f":-i-^iS^SSm