o lippmcott'8 Cabinet Itotora of tlje flairs, VERMONT THE HISTORY OF VERMONT, tn W. H. CARPENTER, ?" T. S. ARTHUR. PHILADELPHIA: CLAXTON, SEMSEN & HAFFELFINGEIl, 1872. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by T. 8. ARTHUR AND W. H. CARPENTER, in tb Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. THERE are but few persona in thia country who have not, at some time or other, felt the want of an accurate, well written, concise, yet clear and reliable history of their own or some other state. The want here indicated is now about being sup- plied ; and, as the task of doing so is no light or superficial one, the publishers have given into the hands of the two gentlemen whose names appear in the title-page, the work of preparing a series of CABI- NET HISTORIES, embracing a volume for each state in the Union. Of their ability to perform this well, we need not speak. They are no strangers in the literary world. What they undertake the public may rest assured will be performed thoroughly; and that no sectarian, sectional, or party feelings will bias their judgment, or lead them to violate the integrity of history. The importance of a series of state histories like those now commenced, can scarcely be estimated. Being condensed as carefully as accuracy and interest of narrative will permit, the size and price of the volumes will bring them within the reach of every family in the country, thus making them home-read- ing books for old and young. Each individual will, * 6 ** T ^ 6 PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. in consequence, become familiar, not only with the history of his own state, but with that of other states : tbus mutual interest will be re-awakened, and old bonds cemented in a firmer union. In this series of CABINET HISTORIES, the authors, while presenting a concise but accurate narrative of the domestic policy of each state, will give greater prominence to the personal history of the people. The dangers which continually hovered around the early colonists; the stirring romance of a life passed fearlessly amid peril ; the incidents of border war- fare; the adventures of hardy pioneers; the keen watchfulness, the subtle surprise, the ruthless attack, and prompt retaliation all these having had an im- portant influence upon the formation of the American character, are to be freely recorded. While the progres- sive development of the citizens of each individual state from the rough forest-life of the earlier day to the polished condition of the present, will exhibit a pic- ture of national expansion as instructing as it is inte- resting. The size and style of the series will be uniform with the present volume. The authors, who have been for some time collecting and arranging materials, will furnish the succeeding volumes as rapidly as their careful preparation will warrant. PREFACE. THE present History of Vermont is from the pen of a gentleman whose fine literary abilities have often been favourably acknowledged by the public. It has been written expressly for this Cabinet series of State Histories, and, like the volumes which have preceded it, is wholly original. The responsibility of perfect accuracy rests upon those whose names are on the title page j the only duty devolving upon them, in this instance, having been that of careful collation with the original authorities. CONTENTS. CHAPTER L Samuel Champlain Indian tribes and their wars Character of French colonization Champlain's alliance with the Al- gonqnins Hostility of the Iroquois French missionaries Lake Champlain First permanent settlement in Vermont Crown Point erected by the French Opening of the New Hampshire grants Increase of emigration Steady progress of settlement Page 19 CHAPTER II. Boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire established New Hampshire required to support Fort Dumrner Township grants by the governor of New Hamp- shire Bennington founded Claims of New York Num- ber of grants issued Fees for the same Controversy with New York Duke of York's patent Its vagueness Cad- wallader Colden of New York His proclamation Counter- proclamation from New Hampshire Eastern boundary of New York defined by England Jurisdiction asserted over Vermont The grants from New Hampshire declared null and void Resistance by the people Their appeal to the British ministry Royal orders to New York Writs of ejectment obtained Inability to execute them Land 9 10 CONTENTS. speculators Hatred of them in Vermont Ethan Allen His character The Green Mountain Boys Page 25 CHAPTER III. The Green Mountain Tavern Its sign Convention at Bennington Determination of the settlers Organized opposition to New York Committees of Safety formed Military associations Indictment of Allen, Warner, and others Rewards offered for their apprehension Attempt- ed arrest of Warner Conciliatory efforts of Governor Tryon Exception of the ringleaders Proclamations and counter- proclamations Decree of the Green Mountain convention Green Mountain law The Beach Seal Action of the New York Assembly General convention west of the Green Mountains Resolutions adopted Sanguinary laws of New York Response of the Mountaineers Colonel Skeen's mission to England Approach of the Revolution 36 CHAPTER IV. The tenure of the royal judges in the colonies Governor Hutchinson and the Massachusetts legislature Petition for the removal of Chief Justice Oliver His impeachment Oliver sustained by Hutchinson Appointment of coun- sellors by the crown The opening of the Massachusetts courts of law obstructed by the people Sympathy of the Green Mountain Boys Possession taken of Westminster court-house Its surrender demanded by the sheriff of New York The building fired into Subsequent disposal of the prisoners Westminster convention renounce the government of New York Colonial disputes with Great Britain Battle of Lexington Population of Vermont War of the Revolution.... . 48 CONTENTS. 11 CHAPTEE V. Benedict Arnold The surprise of Crown Point and Ticon- deroga recommended Arnold commissioned and author- ized to attempt it A detachment of volunteers organized in Connei ticut for the same purpose Form a junction with Ethan Allen and a party of the Green Mountain Boys Meeting with Arnold Appointed second in com- mand Disputes between Arnold and Allen Capture of Ticonderoga Of Crown Point Of Skeensboro St. John's surprised by Arnold Approach of the British Congress provides for the restitution of the captured property Massachusetts and the Continental Congress Surrender of authority to the latter George Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the colonial forces Powers as- sumed by Congress Petitions and addresses to Great Britain Judicious conduct of the English Parliament in respect to Canada Ticonderoga and Crown Point efficiently garrisoned Pag* 57 CHAPTER VL Colonel Allen Volunteer officers Their difficulties wilk respect to rank in the continental army Arnold supersed- ed in command at Ticonderoga Returns to Massachusetts Attempt upon Canada Defenceless condition of that province Regiment of Green Mountnin Boys raised by Colonel Warner Schuyler and Montgomery appointed to command the invading army Supinene.-s of the Canadians Activity of General Carleton Advam-e of Schuyler and Montgomery Abortive attempt on Montreal Ethan Allen captured and cent to England Incidents of his captivity Taking of Chanibly by the Americans Repulse ef Carleton at Longue-isle by Colonel Warner Surrender of St. Joba 1 * tc Montgomery Surrender of Montreal 12 CONTENTS. Narrow escape of Carleton March of Arnold through the wilderness to Quebec He forma a junction with Mont- gomery Attempt on Quebec and death of Montgomery Gallantry and hardihood of Arnold. Po-g' 68 CHAPTER VIL The people of the New Hampshire grants apply to Congress for advice Their anomalous position Convention at Dorset and petition to Congress The memorial withdrawn Resumption of operations in Canada Difficulties of Arnold with the Canadians Breaking out in camp of the small-pox Arnold takes command at Montreal, and 13 succeeded by General Thomas before Quebec Arrival of relief to Quebec Retreat of the Americans to Sorel Death of General Thomas Unfortunate attempt to sur- prise Three Rivers Retreat to St. John's To Isle-aux- Noix To Ticonderoga General Sullivan is superseded by General Gates Organization of a naval force Difficulties with which it was attended British preparations Gene- ral Arnold appointed to command the American flotilla Engagement on the llth of October Great superiority of the British force Renewed engagement on the 13th Gallant conduct of Arnold Summary of results Sir Guy Carleton menaces Ticonderoga, but returns to winter quarters without an attack 87 CHAPTER VIIL Declaration of Independence by Congress Its effects Anecdote of Colonel Skeene Renewal of the difficulty with New York Action of the New York convention Counter-action in Vermont, Convention at Dorset Reso- lutions to support the common' cause Preparations for a state government Convention at Westminster Vermont declaration of independence, and memorial to Congress CONTENTS. 13 Counter memorial from New York Second New York memorial Letter of Thomas Young to the inhabitants of Vermont Third New York memorial Kejection by Con- gress of the petition of Vermont Meeting in Vermont to adopt a constitution Action upon the instrument reported Abandonment of Ticonderoga by the American force and consequent alarm Page 103 CHAPTER IX. Jealousies and disputes among the continental officers Dislike of Schnyler by the New England troops Schuyler tenders his resignation Inquiry into his conduct Honour- able testimonial Ordered to take command of the north- ern army Carleton superseded by Burgoyne Activity of Burgoyne War feast with the Iroquois- Humane at- tempt of Burgoyne to restrain the barbarities of his In- dian allies Its futility Manifesto to the Americans Advance on Ticonderoga Retreat of St. Clair Death of Colonel Francis Greenleafs journal Colonel Francis's watch restored to his mother Concentration of American forces at Fort Edward Burgoyne's halt at Skeensboro Murder of Jane McCrea The modern narrative The popular version Letter of Gates to Burgoyne The reply of the latter .. 11? CHAPTER X. Action of Vermont and New Hampshire upon the fall of Ticonderoga Orders of General Stark Resolves in Con- press Schuyler's judicious measures General Burgoyne's second proclamation Vain appeal of Major Skeene General Stark's insubordination Resolution of censure in Congress British attempt to secure the stores at Ben- niugton Battle of Bennington Attack on Colonel 2 14 CONTENTS. Banm's entrenchments Complete success of General Stark Renewal of the engagement by Colonels Warner and Breyman Defeat of the latter Important effects upon tne American cause Extract from Burgoyne's in- structions to Colonel Baume General Burgoyne's opinion of the people of the Now Hampshire grants Appoint- ment of Gates to supersede Schuyler Gener.-il Gates arrives at Stillwater Battle of Stillwater, or Behmu's Heights Victory claimed by both parties, but the real advantage with the Americans Battle of the 7th October General Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga Capitulation of JJurgoyne Pay* 133 CHAPTER XI. Delay in (he organization of the Vermont state government Reassembling of the convention Recognition by New Hampshire First election of assemblymen Continued opposition of .New York Proclamation of Governor Clinton Steady course of Vermont Answer of Ethan Allen to Governor Clinton Constitution of Vermont Its original features Modifications Simple forms of le- gislation Governor Chitteaden Anecdote of the Land- lord Governor Biographical notice Summary of hi* character First meeting of the Vermont legislature Embarrassing proposals from sixteen towns in New Hamp- hire Adjournment of the legislators to consult their constituents The sixteen towns received into union Remonstrance of New Hampshire Appeals to Congress Colonel Ethan Allen visits Philadelphia to consult with the members New York difficulty Vermont hesitates to perfect the union Secession of a portion of her legislators They convene to form a new state Vermont cuts off the sixteen towns New Hampshire and New York each claim the whol* of her territory Interference of Massachusetts l;>0 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIL Trouble with the adherents of New York in Vermont Contrast between the New York and Vermont claimants Principles involved in the dispute Vermont Congre- gationalists Wallumschaick Tenure of Rev. Godfrey Dellius Convention of "Yorkers" at Brattleboro Pe- tition to the governor of New York Military organization The New York officers captured by Ethan Allen Ap- peals to Congress Commissioners appointed by Congress New York and New Hampshire authorize Congress to adjudicate between them Massachusetts declines Ver- mont makes an appeal to the world Extracts from that document Congress censures Vermont by resolution Governor Chittenden's reply Sagacity of Vermont states- men Agents from Vermont sent to observe the proceedings of Congress Their withdrawal and protest Indefinite postponement of the matter by Congress Indian forays False alarm Page 169 CHAPTER X1H. Vermont assumes the aggressive Convention of New Hamp- shire towns Second union with Vermont Union of New York towns with Vermont Causes which led to this state of things British overtures to Ethan Allen Cessa- tion of hostilities to exchange prisoners Commissioners appointed to arrange the terms Other business before the commissioners Ethan Allen encloses the British letters to Congress Extracts from his letter to that body Re- newal of the negotiations for " exchange of prisoners" Colonel Ira Allen's three weeks in Canada Interesting documents British instructions Green Mountain diplo- 16 CONTENTS. rnacy Ira Allen's commission His report to the Vermont assembly Secret correspondence Lord Germain's letter to Clinton Impatience of the British agents The consti- tution of the new royal province agreed upon by Colonel Allen and Major Fay The British demand the new go- vernment of Vermont should be proclaimed Colonel Allen assents on condition of some further delay The British appear on Lake Champlain provided with proclamations They send an apology for killing an American soldier Suspense and curiosity of the American soldiers and citizens Commotion in Governor Chittenden's office A dilemma Skilful escape Surrender of Cornwallis Re- tirement of the British into Canada Page 186 CHAPTER XIV. Action of Congress in relation to Vermont Conditions proposed preliminary to her admission into the Union Protest of Vermont against the action of Congress, and refusal of Vermont to comply Message of General Washington to Governor Chittenden The governor's re- ply Threatened disturbances Letter of General Wash- ington to Governor Chittenden Vermont recedes from her refusal Congress fails to perform its conditional pro- mise Protest of the agents of Vermont Indignation in Vermont at the evasive course of Congress British overtures still continued Remarks of Dr. Williams upon the Canadian correspondence Disturbances in Windham county Appeals to Congress Resolutions of censure passed by that body Vermont menaced by Congress Spirited remonstrance of Vermont Disturbances in Guil- ford Martial law Ethan Allen's proclamation The " Yorkers", driven out Death of Colonel Seth Warner Remarks upon his life and character 206 CONTENTS. 17 CHAPTER XV. Condition of Vermont in 1783 Continued prosperity Fe- deral constitution, 1788 Adjustment of the difficulty with New York, 1790 The close of the Continental Congress The new Congress and its services Prosper- ous condition of the country Population of Vermont at different periods Death of Colonel Ethan Allen Re- marks upon his character Observations of Colonel Gray- don respecting him His personal appearance His etyle of conversation General Washington's opinion of him Colonel Allen aa a man of honour His rebuke to the lawyer Pay* 222 CHAPTER XVI. Vermont from 1791 to 1814 Reservation of lands for reli- gious and educational purposes Foundation of Vermont school fund University of Vermont Donation from the state Endowment by individual subscription Liberality of Ira Allen College buildings and library Middlebury and Norwich colleges Medical schools Academies and common schools Care of the early settlers for the educa- tion of their children Its practical direction Remarks of Dr. Williams Ira Allen Notices of his life His His- tory of Vermont Governor Chittenden's quiet policy Election of Governor Tichenor Introduction of guberna- torial messages and replies by the legislature Decided Federal majority The Democrats elect their governor in 1807 Tichenor re-elected in 1808 The Democrats again successful in 1809 Their candidate re-elected for five years Party excitement increases Declaration of war with Great Britain Strong measures of the Democratic majority Political revolution Displacement of the Demo- cratsElection of Martin Chittenden Repeal of th 2* X 18 CONTENTS. Democratic war measures Capitulation of Hull Destruc- tion of stores at Plattsburg Abortive attempt to invade Canada Governor Chittenden recalls the Vermont militia Battle of Lake Erie Chippewa and and Lundy's Lane Battle of Plattsburg Defeat and death of Captain Downie, and retreat of Sir George Prevost Page 234 CHAPTER Re-election of Governor Chittenden His annual address Vermont refuses to send delegates to the Hartford Con- vention The victors of Plattsburg complimented for their services Grant of land to McDonough Treaty of Ghent Review of the war Honesty of the war and peace parties Statistics of Vermont Population, agriculture, manufactures Cotton, wool, and iron The lumber busi- ness Miscellaneous statistics Inland navigation Rail- roads Banks Benevolent institutions State income and expenditure Religious denominations Closing remarks. 251 HISTORY OF VERMONT. CHAPTER I. Samuel Champlain Indian tribes and their wars Character of French colonization Champlain'a alliance with the Al- gonquins Hostility of the Iroquois French missionaries Lake Champlairt First permanent settlement in Vermont Crown Point erected by the French Opening of the New Hampshire grants Increase of emigration Steady progress of settlement. THE long and irregular lake which forms the western boundary of the State of Vermont, bears the name of the European who earliest explored any portion of its territory, Samuel Champlain, the first successful founder of French settlements in North America. He was for many years the governor of New France, as the French Canadian possessions were called ; and he has left behind him a monument which has survived the last trace of French dominion on this continent. He published a curious work entitled "Voyages and Travels in New France," or Canada. It possessed sufficient interest to call for a modern reprint ; and in 1838, more than two hundred years from its first appearance, was republished in Paris. 19 20 HISTOKY OF VERMONT. [1608. Champlain's observations on the aborigines were so exact that his successors have in few- cases found reason to depart from his conclu- sions. Perhaps we 1 should except such writers as invest the American Indian with imaginary traits of impossible heroism, and with savage virtues of a higher than the civilized standard. He records a very minute account of their shocking barbarities to their prisoners, of which he was, most probably, the first European wit- ness. And he gives us relations, of their gar- rulity and nimble-tongued vituperations and re- joinders, which contrast very strongly with the dramatic Indian, reserved and dignified. He describes hostile Indian nations making ready for a fight at dawn by dancing in hearing of each other, and preparing themselves for the encounter by a whole night of mutual reviling ; and when, by the aid of European strategy, he had enabled an Indian besieging force to take a position commanding the enemy's entrenchment, the martial Frenchman was astonished to find the siege delayed while the combatants hurled curses at each other. From various causes the French coalesced with the Indians better than any other cplonists have done. There was less repugnance of race and caste between them. And the wisdom of the Jesuits, who were effective leaders in all French intercourse with the Indians, procured a 1608.] FRENCH COLONIZATION. 21 clause in the charters which performed wonders for French enterprise. Every convert, upon baptism, became ipso facto a French subject. He was entitled to equal privileges with the colonists. He was identified with their success, and bound to them by much stronger ties than the subsidies of the English could ever purchase. Whatever may be charged against the Jesuits, their heroism and self-denial cannot be gain- said; and, without entering into a discussion of the matter of their teaching as compared with that of the Protestant missionaries, they certainly made firmer temporal allies of their Indian converts. With all his sagacity, Champlain's love of ad- venture led him into a capital error ; a mistake which did not cease to operate until the French were entirely dispossessed of Canada. He sought a north-west passage to Cathay a problem which, even unto the present day, promotes in- cidental benefits to commerce and geographical knowledge, without any approach to its own solution. The error to which we refer, was that of espousing the quarrel of one Indian tribe or family of tribes against another. The Indians who held the lands on the Atlantic were the Algonquins. From Lake Champlain, as far west as Huron, the warlike Iroquois, sometimes called the Six Nations, were in possession. Cham- plain, on condition of being guided through the 22 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1609. territories of these fierce tribes, readily un- dertook to aid the Algonquins in their wars against them. His visit to Lake Champlaiu and Lake George, which took place in 1609, was made under such unlucky auspices ; and the first knowledge which the Iroquois had of the French was as the allfes of their hereditary ene- mies. Three Frenchmen only appear to have been present, but their arquebuses decided the day in favour of the Algonquins ; and this com- mencement entailed persecution and death upon many an unfortunate missionary, and provoked the Iroquois to adhesion to the Dutch and Eng- lish in New York. Vermont was not in the path to Cathay, and the French seem to have paid little heed to the territory of the future fourteenth state in the American confederacy. The French missionaries and explorers were confined to the north of the St. Lawrence, and north and west of the Lakes Erie and Ontario. They were in friendly re- lations with the Indians near Lake Superior, while they could not venture upon the Ontario or Erie ; and their unceasing wars with the Mo- hawks forced their missionaries to run the gaunt- let through fierce tribes before they could reach their stations near Lake Huron. Those Mohawks were Iroquois, the tribe whose first acquaintance with the French we have mentioned as derived 1724.] FIRST SETTLEMENT. 23 from their fire-arms, which scattered death in a new and wonderful manner. Lake Champlain divided the country of the Iroquois and the Algonquins. Its waters, as they h/id been before Champlain saw them, still remained the highway of war parties for nearly two hundred years. Vermont west of the mountains was uninhabitable. Even the savages avoided it for any purpose of permanent resi- dence ; and it merited the name which has been given to another portion of our continent, " The Dark and Bloody Ground." English and French expeditions followed the old war-paths, guided by savage allies; and the Hudson River and Lakes George and Champlain seemed practically useful only as military avenues. In 1760, when the French lost Canada, this state of things ceased ; but Lake Champlain was again the scene of hostilities during the revolutionary pe- riod, and during the second war between the United States and Great Britain. It does not come within our scope to give the details of the murderous Indian conflicts of which the territory of Vermont was the theatre before its settlement. Many of these events belong to the history of another state, and are there treated. The first permanent settlement in Vermont was made in 1724, in ita south- eastern corner, on the land now embraced within the town of Brattleborough. This post waa 24 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1760. called Fort Dummer, and was supposed to be within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The French, in 1731, made a settlement on Lake Champlain, within the limits of the present town of Addison. They also established on th.e opposite or New York shore, a fortress which they called St. Frederick, but which was after- ward known as Crown Point. In 1759, Crown Point and the settlements on the Vermont side were abandoned by the French, who retreated to Canada before the victorious arms of Lord Amherst. No European settlements now re- mained in Vermont, except a few in the south- east corner, which had been undertaken under the protection of New Hampshire. The land still remained in its primeval wilderness. But' a military road from Charlestown, in New Hamp- shire, to Crown Point, crossing the territory of the present State of Vermont, had apprized the public of the character and value of the land ; and when the French war was ended, in 1760, there were abundance of applicants for tracts. Ver- mont, so long closed to emigrants, now became a land of promise, and population flowed toward it with what was then considered great rapidity. The spirit of the hostile Indians had been sub- dued by several exemplary inflictions, the ferocity of which can only be excused by the exasperation which the borderers felt against a ruthless foe, with whom no argument except force seemed to avail 1760.] BOUNDARY LINE. 2f> CHAPTER II. Boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire established New Hampshire required to support Fort Dum- mer Township grants by the governor of New Hampshire Bennington founded Claims of New York Number ot grants issued Fees for the same Controversy with New York Duke of York's patent Its vagueness Cadwallader Golden of New York His proclamation Counter-procla- mation from New Hampshire Eastern boundary of New York defined by England Jurisdiction asserted over Ver- mont The grants from New Hampshire declared null awl Toid Resistance by the people Their appeal to the British ministry Royal orders to New York Writs of ejectment obtained Inability to execute them Land speculators Hatred of them in Vermont Ethan Allen His character The Green Mountain Boys. THE impediments to the success of the infant state did not cease with the close of Indian hostilities. In the year 1740, to put a period to the controversy between Massachusetts and New Hampshire respecting the boundary be- tween them, the British government established a line parallel with the Merrimack River, at three miles distance, from the Atlantic to Paw- tucket Falls, and thence due west to the bound- ary of New York. This line, while it settled the controversy between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, opened another dispute, which lasted for a quarter of a century. Fort Dum- 3 26 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1760. mer, and the few settlements west of the Con- necticut were found by this line not to be in Massachusetts. The King of Great Britain re- peatedly called upon the New Hampshire legis- lature to make provision for the support of Fort Duminer. The presumption grew up that the jurisdiction of New Hampshire extended west as far as that of Massachusetts ; that is to say, to a line twenty miles east from Hudson River. In 1749, Benning Wentworth, Governor of New Hampshire, made a grant of a township six miles square, situated, as he conceived, on the western borders of New Hampshire, being twenty miles east of the Hudson River, and six miles north of the Massachusetts line. This township he called Bennington. He granted also fifteen other townships; but the breaking out of hostilities between England and France put a stop to applications. A correspondence had meanwhile arisen between the governors of New Hampshire and New York, in which the latter, under an old grant from Charles II; to the Duke of York, claimed all the land west of the Connecticut River. As, however, this grant would have covered the lands in Massachusetts and Connecticut west of the river, and no claim had been established against those provinces, the governor of New Hampshire paid no heed to the pretensions of New York. After the close of the French war, in 1760, 1760.] DUKE OF YORK'S CHARTER. 27 the governor of New Hampshire resumed the granting of townships, and in the course of two or three years issued grants to the number of one hundred and ninety-eight. The fees on each were about one hundred dollars. In each township he reserved five hundred acres for him- self, and in this mode he accumulated a large fortune. These perquisites were emoluments which New York was determined not tamely to relinquish, and a war of proclamations forthwith commenced. Although for convenience we have used the name Vermont, and shall continue to do so, the name was not as yet applied to the territory. The people styled themselves the in- habitants of the " New Hampshire Grants." Whatever might be said of the claims of New Hampshire to jurisdiction, that of New York was vague and indefensible. In the first place, the grunt to the Duke of York was very indefi- nite, as were most of the parcellings out of this continent by European powers. It gave the Duke of York " all the lands from the west side of the Connecticut River to the east side of the Delaware Bay," a boundary, the vagueness of which we need not enlarge upon. But what- ever title it might have conferred upon the Duke of York was merged in the crown upon James's accession, and descended to William upon James's abdication ; so that the authority of the royal governor of New Hampshire was q[uite as 28 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1763. good under this very grant as that of New York. It established no colony and authorized no go- vernment ; and the Massachusetts and Connecti- cut charters were given without regard to the previous royal disposal of " all the lands" west of the Connecticut. Nevertheless the perquisites which accrued from land grants could not be willingly given up by New York ; and in 1763, Cadwallader Golden, acting governor of that province, issued his proclamation reciting the obsolete grant to the Duke of York, and claiming jurisdiction as far as the Connecticut River. He also commanded the sheriff of Albany to make returns of the names of all persons who had taken up lands under grants from New Hampshire. In reply, the governor of New Hampshire issued his pro- clamation, denying the validity of the old grant under which New York claimed, and as- serting the western limits of New Hampshire to be a continuation northerly of the west- ern line of Connecticut and Massachusetts. He told the settlers that their claims to their lands under the New Hampshire grants would be unaffected, even though they should come under the jurisdiction of New York. He ex- horted the people to be industrious and dili- gent, and to proceed without intimidation to cultivate their territory ; and he commanded the civil officers to exercise jurisdiction as far as 1764.] DECREE OF THE CROWN. 29 the grants extended. The ground taken by the governor of New Hampshire in this proclama- tion, in regard to land titles, was not only plausible but equitable. It could not be supposed that a dispute about jurisdiction between two royal governors could vitiate the grants which either had made, as a representative of the crown. The minds of the people were quieted, and no fears for the future were entertained. The New York authorities, convinced perhaps of the untenable nature of their claims, or wil- ling to put them on a clearer basis, even while they were defending the obsolete grant to the Duke of York, were operating in England to ^obtain a less questionable title. They procured in 1764 a decision by the British crown that the Con- necticut River, from the Massachusetts line to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, should be the eastern boundary of New York. The ap- plication for this decree based the request on the "convenience and advantage of the people ;" and it was more than suspected that it was sup- ported by a fraudulent use of the names of the settlers, who were those most interested. The decree, or the mode in which it was ob- tained, was not at first subjected to any rigid ex- amination, or made the subject of any complaint. The people were rather pleased than otherwise that the troublesome question of jurisdiction was determined ; and imagined that their titles 3* 30 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1764. would be confirmed by it, rather than impaired. They supposed the decree would have an en- tirely prospective action; and were alarmed and astonished when the New York authorities gave it a retrospective interpretation, and claimed that it vitiated the grants from New Hampshire. The government of New York proceeded under this interpretation to declare the titles given by New Hampshire null and void, and to require the settlers to take out new grants from New York, and to surrender their New Hampshire charters. Aside from the injustice in principle of this demand, it was accompa- nied with onerous pecuniary conditions ; for, whereas, the modest province of New Hamp- shire had been content with fees amounting to only one hundred dollars on each township, New York claimed from two thousand to twenty-six hundred. The New Hampshire grants were divid- ed into four new counties, and courts were held in them under the neAV jurisdiction. Some few of the towns complied with the hard terms, and bought their lands over again. But the greater number of townships refused to submit to what they justly deemed a gross and cruel imposition. Where the people refused to submit, fresh grants were made of their lands, and suits were com- menced in the names of the new grantees, for the ejectment of the original holders. There was no difficulty in obtaining judgments aguinst the 1767.] ROYAL ORDERS. 31 settlers, but there was no possibility of enforcing them. The people banded together for mutual support; and the officers met with such rough treatment that few dared, at length, to present themselves for the performance of a duty so odious. The people were left without redress in the ordinary forms of law; and even the go- vernor of New Hampshire felt compelled, though unwillingly, to issue his proclamation recom- mending the settlers on the grants to yield due obedience to the laws and authority of New York. The settlers associated themselves together; and held frequent conventions to devise means of resisting the wrongs which were attempted against them. As the governor of New York had appealed to the British government, the "Green Mountain Boys," as they now began to be called, determined to make an effort to be heard there also, nothing doubting that a true representation of their case would be fol- lowed by measures for their relief. The result justified their expectations, so far as the will of the British crown was concerned. The Lords of the Board of Trade and Plantations having investigated the subject in 1767, the governor of New York received the following order : " His majesty doth hereby strictly charge, require, and command, that the governor or commander- in-chief of his majesty's province of New York, for the time being, do not, upon pain of 32 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767. his majesty's highest displeasure, presume to make any grants whatsoever, of any part of the land described, until his majesty's further plea- sure shall be known concerning the same." This royal mandate was certainly explicit and satisfactory enough, so far as its apparent mean- ing and intention could be gathered from its plain English. But whether "his majesty's further pleasure" was immediately communicated to the New York governor, revoking this order, or whether the governor found the fees too lu- crative to be tamely surrendered, the people soon found that royal orders gave them no respite. No regard was paid to the royal mandate. New grants continued to be made, and actions of ejectment continued to he pressed in the courts at Albany. The Green Mountain Boys paid no heed to these proceedings, and suffered judgment to go against them by default. They complain- ed, and with reason, that the officers of New York, while calling upon the people to obey the royal orders and decisions, violated those in- junctions themselves. The militia were called in to aid and support the sheriff and his officers. But this measure served only to demonstrate the weakness of a government which aimed to enforce the perpe- tration of a wrong. The claimants holding titles purchased under such circumstances had not a feeling in common with the people. They were 1767.] ETHAN ALLEN. 33 speculators, odious for the fact that they would attempt to possess themselves of what was the equitable property of others. They were loathed as adventurers who preferred an unjust course, rather than to purchase lands at a fair valuation to which there was no adverse claims idlers, who would willingly derive emolument from the distress of the hardy pioneers who had subdued the forest. The militia, when summoned, though compelled to march, had no affection for the business, and declined hazarding their lives against their convictions, and against the people with whom they sympathized, for the emolument of speculators for whom they had no respect. Wherever a show of opposition was made, the New York militia refused to act ; and the sheriff with his posse were in a worse predicament than without it. The exasperation of the people was increased, and the fugitive posse only emboldened the resistants. The name of Ethan Alk-n, celebrated in con- nection with the Revolutionary war, appears first in the history of these struggles of the people of the New Hampshire grants against their grasping neighbours. Allen was born in Litchfield, Connecticut, but emigrated with his parents to the New Hampshire grants at an early age. He possessed in a rare degree that indispensable requisite to a self -constituted leader in troublous times rude and . overbearing self- 34 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767. confidence. He was abashed by no consciousness of ignorance, and made boldness in the declara- tion of his opinions serve him in the place of a more refined style. As the right was manifestly on his side, and he vigorously contended against an injustice, the effects of which he suffered under in common with others, the leadership to which his daring impetuosity made him aspire was at once accorded to him. There was at this time no newspaper in Vermont, and, indeed, no printing office; but Ethan Allen entered vi- gorously into the contest with New York as a pamphleteer. He was the author of the mani- festoes of the Green Mountain Boys, to which, with other names, his was appended. Allen's method of expression in these appeals to the public was in keeping with the character of the public which he addressed. They can scarce be read now without a smile, their ink- shed being of the most ferocious character. The rude borderers of that day found their own feel- ings well represented in the harsh language of Allen. Their all was at stake, and no terms seemed too severe to denounce their oppressors. If the better educated among them perceived, as they doubtless did, the absurdity of the pam- phleteer, they were too politic to take exception to what seemed best adapted to keep up that ex- citement, which alone promised successful and -continued resistance. The nature of the popu- 1767.] GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS. 35 lation of the New Hampshire grants is thus summed by Dr. Samuel Williams, the first his- torian of Vermont : The main body of the settlers at that time, consisted of a brave, hardy, intrepid, but uncul- tivated set of men. Without many of the ad- vantages of education, without any other pro- perty than what hard labour and hard living had procured, destitute of the conveniences and the elegancies of life, and having nothing to soften or refine their manners, roughness, ex- cess, and violence would naturally mark their proceedings. To deny such people justice was to prejudice and arm them against it; to confirm all those suspicions and prejudices against their rulers, and to give them an excuse and plea to proceed to outrage and violence. When the government of New York gave to these proceed- ings the names of mobs and riots, abuse and outrage, it is probable that such expressions conveyed pretty just ideas of the appearance of their conduct and opposition to the laws. But when they called their opposition treason, felony, and rebellion against lawful authority, the people of the adjoining provinces seem to have believed that the government of New York was much more blamable in making and exercising such laws as called these titles to their lands in question, than the settlers were in acting in open and avowed opposition to them." 3G HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767, , CHAPTER in. The Green Mountain Tavern Its sign Convention at Ben nington Determination of the settlers Organized opposi tion to New York Committees of Safety formed Military associations Indictment of Allen, Warner, and others Re- wards offered for their apprehension Attempted arrest of Warner Conciliatory efforts of Governor Tryon Exception of the ringleaders Proclamations and counter-proclamations Decree of the Green Mountain Convention Green Moun- tain law The Beech Seal Action of the New York As- sembly General convention west of the Green Mountains Resolutions adopted Sanguinary laws of New York Re- sponse of the Mountaineers Colonel Skeen's mission to England Approach of the Revolution. BENNINGTON, the first town chartered by the Governor of New Hampshire, was one of the chief rallying places of the Green Mountain Boys. The " Green Mountain Tavern" in this village had a sign expressive of the defiance of the settlers. On the very borders of the dis- puted territory, a post twenty-five fe^t high bore on its top a huge catamount's skin, stuffed, its teeth displayed toward the hated province of New York. One mode of punishing any traitor to the Green Mountain interest, was to hoist him, tied in an arm chair, up to the sign, and let him hang one hour or more, according to the pleasure of his judges, exposed to the mocking 1771.] ORGANIZED OPPOSITION. 37 of the crowd which such an occasion did not fail to summon. After the refusal of the authorities of New York to heed the royal mandate forbidding new grants, a convention of the settlers was called at Bennington ; and at this convention it was " resolved to support the rights and property which they possessed under the New Hampshire grants, against the usurpation and unjust claims of the governor and council of New York, by force, as law and justice were denied them." Opposition took now an organized and formida- ble character. " Committees of Safety" were appointed in most of the towns west of the Green Mountains ; and these committees took cognizance of matters within their s several pre- cincts, or in convention passed resolutions and decrees which had the force of law over the set- tlers. A military association was formed, of which Ethan Allen was appointed colonel, and Seth Warner and five others captains. The authorities of New York proceeded to cause the leaders in these movements to be indicted as rioters ; and the governor of that province is- sued a proclamation offering one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, or six hundred and sixty- six dollars, for the apprehension of Colonel Allen ; and fifty pounds, or two hundred and twenty-two dollars, for each of the others. Allen then is- sued his proclamation, offering five pounds, rather 38 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1772. more than twenty-two dollars, to any person who would apprehend the attorney-general of the colony of New York, and deliver him to any officer of the Green Mountain Boys. An officer of New York, moved perhaps by the reward, visited the grants with the purpose of arresting Warner. The Green Mountain captain gave him battle, wounded and disarmed him, but spared the life which was at his mercy. Indeed, through all the scenes of violence which at- tended the efforts of New York to enforce un- just and unpopular laws, the resistants avoided any sanguinary acts, though their proclamations .had a ferocious sound. They gave fair warning of their intentions, and warned the offenders against ttheh: decrees to desist. Persistence in spite of warning was rigorously punished, after due examination had before a committee of safety. Efforts were made in 1772, by Governor Tryon of New York, to conciliate. But his overtures excepted Allen and some others, arid the nego- tiations were interrupted by the proceedings of exasperated parties. Certain settlers, who occupied lands -under grants from New York, were dispossessed and driven away by the Green Mountain Boys ; and when the New York go- vernor required the lands to be restored, the set- tlers called a convention, and drew up a report, declining compliance with the governor's man- 1773.] VIEWING." 30 date, and vindicating their proceedings. Nego- tiations here terminated ; and the governor, council, and legislature of New York, on the one hand, and the Green Mountain Boys on the other, proceeded to the fulmination of proclama- tions, and the enactment of decrees and laws, which lacked only power to enforce them, to revive the worst scenes of the worst despotism. Happily their fury was expended in ink and evaporated in bravado. The Green Mountain convention decreed that no person should take grants or confirmations of grants under the government of New York. It forbade all the inhabitants of the New Hamp- shire grants to hold, take, or accept any office of honour or profit under the colony of New York ; and all civil and military officers who had acted under such authority were commanded to suspend their functions. The penalty for neglect or refusal was "being viewed" by a committee of safety. What " viewing" implied may be gathered from the case of one Benjamin Hough, who presumed to act under a New York commission as a justice of the peace, after warning given him to desist. The culprit was arrested and brought before the committee of safety at Sunderland. When interrogated, he pleaded the jurisdiction and au- thority of the province of New York. He was answered by the decree of the convention above 40 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. referred to, of which no settler on the grants could be ignorant. And the committee pro- ceeded to pass the following sentence, which was summarily carried into execution : That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this committee of safety, and tied to a tree, and there on his naked back receive one hundred stripes. His back being dressed, he shall depart out of thft district, and on his return, unless by special leave of the committee, he shall suffer death." The instruments with which flagellation was inflicted were "twigs of the wilderness;" and this mode of punishment was termed, by the Green Mountain Boys, the application of the " beech seal." Where the validity of the great seal of the province of New Hampshire was not considered sufficient by the adherents of New York, it was quaintly intimated that the "beech seal" upon their naked backs would be regarded by them as abundant confirmation. These measures, of course, exasperated the New York authorities. The settlers on the New Hampshire grants, west of the mountains, who were in collision with the New York authorities, wore denounced as lawless banditti. Their pro- ceedings were characterized as treason and re- bellion ; and, powerless as New York had proved to enforce former enactments, she made the com- mon mistake of adding to former acts, which re- mained dead letters, new enactments as inopera- 1774.] RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED. 41 tive in effect as they were Draco-like in spirit A committee of the assembly reported a series of resolutions upon the proceedings of the "Bennington Mob," in which they desired his excellency, the governor, to offer a reward for the securing of the ringleaders, and their com- mittal to Albany jail. And they recommended that a law should be passed " more effectually to suppress riotous proceedings, and bring the of- fenders to condign punishment." These preliminary proceedings having tran- spired, a general convention of the inhabitants of the western townships was held on the 1st of March, 1774, and adjourned to the third Wednesday in that month. At this meeting a report was adopted giving a review of past events, and recommending the New York authorities to wait the determination of his majesty before proceeding to further extremities. It concluded with resolutions, among which were the following : " That, as a country, we will stand by and de- fend our friends and neighbours who are in- dicted, at the expense of our lives and fortunes ;" and " that for the future, every necessary prepa- ration be made, and that our inhabitants hold themselves in readiness, at a minute's warning, to aid and defend such friends of ours who, for their merit in the great and general cause, are falsely denominated rioters ; but that we will not act any thing, more or less than on the de- 4* 42 HISTORY OF VERMONT. -[1775. fensive, and also encourage due execution of law in civil cases, and also in criminal prosecutions that are so indeed ; and also that we will assist, to the utmost of our power, the officers appointed for that purpose." It will be noted that the above resolutions still held out the hope of accommodation. But the New York legislature, influenced perhaps by the speculators, and irritated by the dis- position of the settlers under New York grants, proceeded to pass a law in accordance with the resolutions of their committee. Governor Tryon was absent in England, whither he had repaired to lay the difficulties which he encountered before the royal government ; and Cadwallader Golden, at that time very old, was acting governor of the province. The law which the wisdom of New York devised was a curiosity in American legis- lation. Whether it ever could have received the sanction of the crown is doubtful ; nor do we know with what propositions for the settle- ment of the difficulty Governor Tryon returned to America; for on his arrival, which did not take place until 1775, he found more engrossing and important business than the quarrels of land- jobbers with the Green Mountain Boys. The territory west of the Green Mountains, in which the malecontents principally resided, was divided into two parts, one of which formed the county of Charlotte, and the other was an- 17T5.] SANGUINARY LAWS. 43 nexed to Albany. The new law applied ex- clusively to those counties. It enacted that if any person opposed a civil officer of New York in the discharge of his official duty, or willingly burned or destroyed property, or being riotously assembled proceeded unlawfully to the destruc- tion of buildings, such offences should be ad- judged felony without benefit of clergy, and the offenders should suffer death as felons. It made it the duty of the governor to publish in the public papers, and to cause to be affixed in public places by the sheriffs, the names of any persons indicted for capital offences, with an order com- manding the surrender of themselves within seventy days. ID case of their non-appearance within the seventy days they were to be adjudged guilty, and the courts might award execution against them in the same manner as if they had been convicted, and death be inflicted without benefit of clergy. All crimes committed on the New Hampshire grants were by this act per- mitted to be tried by the courts of the county of Albany ; and the neglect to obey the summons to surrender themselves was equivalent to convic- tion. By this law the dangerous duty of serv- ing process on the Green Mountain Boys was sought to be evaded, and they were summoned to appear for trial, or convict themselves by refusal. At the same time a new proclamation was is- sued, offering a reward of fifty pounds, or two 44 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. hundred and twenty-two dollars, each for ap- prehending Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, and six others who were regarded as the most prominent leaders among the malecontents. The effect of these measures was what might have been an- ticipated. The acknowledgment which the terms of the law virtually made, that New York was unable to enforce it, caused the measure and its abettors to he looked upon with contempt; and nerved the resistants to a fixed determination to meet death rather than submit. Past experience had convinced them that the people of New York had no desire to support the government, and the conduct of the New York militia had shown how little disposed their fellow-citizens were to aid the officers. The Green Mountain Boys gained in the moral strength which is con- ferred by public sympathy, and the ferocious sign of the Bennington hostelry glared still upon their oppressors. Indeed 3 that sign furnished no inapt emblem of the whole business. Just as were the claims of the mountaineers, an air of solemn farce seems mingled with their proceedings, as we, secure in our rights, look back upon their wrongs and their strange manifestoes of defiance. If the law above noticed was a marvel in its way, the answer of the mountaineers, in conven- tion adopted, was no less remarkable. It out- heroded Herod. 1775.] GREEN MOUNTAIN MANIFESTO. 46 It denounced in language which evinced a de- termination to be very severe, the character of the land-jobbers and their government, and thus depicted their doings : " By legerdemain, bri- bery, and deception, they have extended their dominions far and wide. They have wrangled with, and encroached upon the neighbouring governments, and have used all manner of de- ceit and fraud to accomplish their designs. Their tenants groan under their usury and op- pression ; and they have gained as Avell as merit- ed the disapprobation and abhorrence of their neighbours. The innocent? blood they have already shed, calls for Heaven's vengeance on their guilty heads ; and if they should come forth in arms against us, thousands of their injured neighbours will join with us to cut off and ex- terminate such an execrable race of men from the face of the earth. "We, therefore," says the manifesto, "ad- vertise such officers, and all persons whatsoever, that we are resolved to inflict immediate death on whomsoever shall attempt the apprehension of the persons indicted as rioters. And pro- vided any of us, or our party, shall be taken, and we have n^t sufficient notice to relieve them, or whether we relieve them or not, we are re- solved to surround such person or persons as shall take them, whether at his or their own house or houses, or any where that we can find 46 HISTORY OF VEKMONT. [1775. him or them, and shoot such person or persons dead. And furthermore, we will kill and destroy any person or persons whomsoever, that shall presume to be accessory, aiding or assisting in taking any of us as aforesaid ; for, by these presents, we give any such disposed person or persons to understand, that although they have a license by the law aforesaid to kill us, and an indemnification for such murder from the same authority, yet they have no indemnification for so doing from the Gr-reen Mountain Boys, for our lives, liberties, and properties are as verily precious to us as t any of the king's subjects. But if the governmental authority of New York insists upon killing us, to take possession of our vineyards, let them come on ; we are ready for a game of scalping with them ; for our martial spirits glow with bitter indignation and consum- mate fury to blast their infernal projects." It does not appear that any collision oc- curred between the parties who had fulminated such furious threats against each other. The absence of Governor Tryon may have had some influence in preventing the parties from proceeding to extremities. Other steps were in progress to allay the difficulty. Colonel Philip Skeen, an English officer, who owned large tracts on Lake Champlain, went to England with a view to obtain the erection of a new pro- vince out of the Hampshire grants. He had 1775.] SKEEN'S MISSION. 47 the countenance of many of the inhabitants; and made some progress in his mission, for he wrote to a friend that he had been appointed governor of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. It is much to be regretted that this step had not been earlier taken, that it might have been per- fected before the breaking out of hostilities be- tween the colonies and the mother country. That event nipped Colonel Skeen's plan in the bud ; but the future state of Vermont, esta- blished after much dispute, was the carrying out of his plan. Had it been consummated before the war, there would have been four- teen states in the original American confede- ration. 48 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. CHAPTER IV. The tenure of the royal judges in the colonies Governor Hutchinson and the Massachusetts legislature Petition for the removal of Chief Justice Oliver His impeachment Oliver sustained by Hutchinson Appointment of counsellors by the crown The opening of the Massachusetts courts of law obstructed by the people Sympathy of the Green Mountain Boys Possession taken of Westminster court house Its surrender demanded by the sheriff' of New York The building fired into Subsequent disposal of the pri- soners Westminster convention renounce the government of New York Colonial disputes with Great Britain 'Battle of Lexington Population of Vermont War of the Revolu- tion. THE event? which -we have narrated took place principally, if not entirely, on the western side of the Green Mountains. The inhabitants of that district were more exposed than their east- ern neighbours to contact with the New York authorities. As a border population, with the hardihood and courage of frontier life, has also its rudeness and rough essentials, and as the western pioneers of Vermont had provocations which might well have influenced men of higher culture, we are not to wonder at their fierce and furious resolutions and manifestoes, or to be surprised at their summary application of forest law. But while the inhabitants of the townships 1773.] TENURE OF THE JUDGES. 49 nearer New Hampshire remained comparatively inactive, it is not to be supposed that they lacked sympathy with the men upon whom fell the brunt of the encounter. And although some of the townships near the Connecticut River repur- chased their grants, it was done with a tacit if not with a verbal protest. The injustice was felt ; and when the time arrived for action the eastern settlers showed that they were not insen- sible to wrong, or disposed always to submit to what they regarded as tyranny. The question of the tenure of the offices of the judges in the provincial courts was mooted in Massachusetts before the outbreak of hostilities. The point on which issue was joined was the manner in which their salaries should be paid. To render the governor and the judiciary inde- pendent of the people, provision was made for the payment of their salaries from England, or by the commissioners of the revenue from the customs' receipts. The mode had hitherto been to vote their salaries in the house of representa- tives ; and the people resolutely refused to sub- mit to the change. The governor they could not reach, except by indirect acts of retaliation ; and these they felt justified in, since it was upon his suggestion that the change was made. At the session of the legislature in 1772, when Governor Hutchinson declined to receive his salary from the province, he asked that the Pro- 5 60 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. vince House, which had been often used as a resi- dence for the chief magistrate, should be re- paired and put in order for the reception of his family. The legislature replied that the building was intended for the governor of the province, who had heretofore received his support by order of the colonial legislature, but as Governor Hutchinson declined a salary offered by the pro- vince, and chose to be supported by the British government, they did not feel obliged to be at any charge for his accommodation. On a subsequent occasion, when the governor proposed to give a public dinner to the commissioners of the re- venue, the people of Boston, in town meeting assembled, voted that if he desired Faneuil Hall for that purpose he should not have it. But with the judges a more direct course was pursued. The house requested them to decline receiving their salaries from England. Three of them complied, and expressed their readiness to receive it from the province as heretofore. But Mr. Oliver, the chief justice, said he did not dare to decline it, without leave first obtained from the king. The house thereupon voted him unfit to hold the office of judge, and prayed the governor to remove him. The governor refused to act in the premises, alleging that the power of removal belonged to the crown. The house then proceeded to impeach Judge Oliver of high crimes and misdemeanors, but the governor still 1772.] THE COURTS OBSTKUCTED. 51 refused to act. The people then in several of the counties, refused to take the usual oaths as grand jurors, when the courts were in session, until assured that the obnoxious judge would not be present. Another difficulty soon arose. Some of the judges were appointed to the council, as the upper branch of the legislature was then called ; the crown assuming the right of appoint- ing counsellors, whereas they had hitherto been elected by the house. The people of Boston regularly drawn, refused to act as jurors, but the panel was filled otherwise, and the business proceeded. At this stage of the contest, in some of the inland counties, the judges and officers were prevented from occupying the court houses the people blocking up the entrances, and by sheer dead weight and pre-occupation, keeping them out. No forcible entry was attempted, and the delay of judicial action was submitted to by the obnoxious judges. The pulse of the other New England colonies beat with Massachusetts. Vermont was settled chiefly by emigrants from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut ; men who, from their adventurous spirit, would have an alacrity of resistance to oppression ; and who, in the contests of the two royal governors of New Hampshire arid New York had been sufferers in fact, while the governors suffered in dignity. The oppressive acts of New York would have 52 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. made them resistants had all the rest of New England been loyal ; and we are not, therefore, to wonder that the example of Massachusetts in relation to the obnoxious judges in that province, found ready imitators in the New Hampshire grants. The royal authority was suspended, after the continental congress of 1774, in nearly all the colonies, New York and Georgia alone withholding their formal sanction to the doings of the congress. In the latter province, the personal influence of the governor restrained the legislature from overt adhesion. In New York the loyalists were numerous, and the legislature was a moderate or " compromise body." Though petitions and addresses were adopted, similar in tone to the doings of the continental congress, the province nominally maintained its loyalty, after the other provinces, except Georgia, were formally committed. But the example of Massachusetts brought matters in the New Hampshire grants to a crisis. The people, sympathizing with their New Eng- land friends and kindred, felt painfully their forced connection with New York, a province with whom they now seemed to have less sympathy than ever. The regular term of the court for the county of Cumberland, was to have been holden in March, 1775. Efforts were made to dissuade the judges from holding the court. Of course, while they hold their 1775.] THE PEOPLE FIRED UPON. 53 commission, they would not consent to identify themselves with the rebellious party. They pro- ceeded in their official course, and the inhabit- ants of Westminster and the adjacent towns, followed the Massachusetts precedent, and took possession of the court house. The judges did not, however, follow the wise example of their brethren in the Bay State, who prudently with- drew before the pressure of the people. The judges appeared before the house attended with an armed posse, and commanded the crowd to disperse. Nothing more serious than hard words passed at this time, and the judges, sheriffs, and posse withdrew. Negotiations now took place between the lead- ers of the people and the judges. A quasi armistice was agreed to, by which the people were to keep possession of the court house until morning. At that time the judges would come without their armed posse, and be admitted, to hear what the resistants might offer in defence of their course. Contrary to this understanding, after lulling the vigilance of the people, the sheriff and his followers came to the court house at midnight and demanded admittance. Being refused, they fired into the building, and by this treacherous act killed one man, and wounded several more. The wounded men, and some others who were seized amid the terror and con- fusion, they committed to prison. It was well 5* 54 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. % for the attacking party that this outrage was not committed on the western side of the mountains, in the province proper of the Green Mountain Boys. The news of this outrage flew apace. At an early hour the next day a crowd had collected. A coroner's jury was impanelled ; a verdict of murder was returned against the officers, several of whom were arrested. Notwithstanding the exasperation of the multitude, it does not ap- pear that any violence was done to the prison- ers, who were conveyed to the jail in Northamp- ton, in the province of Massachusetts. Upon application of the chief justice of New York, they were released, and returned home. Massa- chusetts could claim no jurisdiction in the case, and their committal to a prison in that province was manifestly illegal ; though to seek their punishment in the jurisdiction of New York would have been fruitless. Now the settlers east of the mountains made common cause with their brethren. A meeting was convened in West- minster, on the llth of April, at which was passed the following resolve : " that it is the duty of the inhabitants wholly to renounce and resist the government of New York, until such time as the lives and property of the inhabitants may be secured by it ; dr until such time as they can have opportunity to lay their grievances be- fore his most gracious majesty in council, with a 1775.] DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION. 55 proper remonstrance against the unjustifiable conduct of that government, together with a humble petition to be taken out of so oppressive a jurisdiction, and either annexed to some other government, or erected and incorporated into a new one, as may appear best for the inha- bitants." While the people of the New Hampshire grants were in this state of excitement, events occurred which gave their thoughts a new di- rection, or rather which gave them, in the same direction, a higher object ; and which led their spirit of resistance beyond New York, to contend with the power from whom the authorities as- sumed to derive their right to oppress. On the 19th of April, 1775, occurred the battle of Lex- ington ; and while some of the higher spirit- ed men in Vermont were taking measures for armed resistance against the authorities of New York, the news of this first blood shed in the contest with Great Britain reached the excited settlers. "By presenting new scenes, and greater objects," says Dr. Williams, the historian of Vermont, " this event seems to have prevented either party from proceeding to hos- tilities ; and turned their attention from their particular contest to the general cause of Ame- rica. The attention of all orders of men was immediately engaged ; local and provincial con- tests were at once swallowed up by the novelty, 56 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. the grandeur, and the importance of the contest that opened between Britain and America." At this date, 1775, the population of Vermont is estimated by Mr. Thompson, author of the Gazetteer of Vermont, at 20,000. The popu- lation had grown up by immigration in fifteen years ; for in 1760, there were not more than three hundred people in the territory. These settlers were fully qualified for the service they were afterward to perform. Schooled amid pri- vations and difficulties, they were trained to perform the important part which they sub- sequently supported in the war of the Revo- lution. 1775.] EEPRISALS PROPOSED. 57 CHAPTER V. Benedict Arnold The surprise of Crown Point and Ticonde- roga recommended Arnold commissioned and authorized to attempt it A detachment of volunteers organized in Connec- ticut for the same purpose Form a junction with Ethan Allen and a party of Green Mountain Boys Meeting with Arnold Appointed second in command Disputes between Arnold and Allen Capture of Ticonderoga Of Crown Point Of Skeensboro St. John's surprised by Arnold Ap- proach of the British Congress provides for the restitution of the captured property Massachusetts and the continental congress Surrender of authority to the latter George Washington appointed commander-in-chief of the colonial forces Powers assumed by congress Petitions and addresses to Great Britain Judicious conduct of the English parlia- ment in respect to Canada Ticonderoga and Crown Point efficiently garrisoned. THE courage and patriotism of the Green Mountain Boys were now offered a wider field than that in which they had hitherto been exer- cised. The struggle with Great Britain had commenced in earnest; and as General Gage had taken the initiatory steps of hostility, hy the seizure of warlike stores, the colonists thought it a proper retaliation to possess themselves of the posts and munitions belonging to and occu- pied by the crown. The importance of the fortifications on the Champlain route from New. York to Canada, suggested movements in Con- 58 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. necticut and Massachusetts, with a view to their reduction ; and although these movements were simultaneously made, they were undertaken with- out concert. Benedict Arnold, who, in the early part of the Revolutionary war, distinguished himself as an able and courageous officer, called the attention of the Massachusetts committee of safety to the fortresses of Crown Point and Ti- conderoga. Arnold belonged by birth and re- sidence to Connecticut, and was thus aware of the quantity of munitions at these points, and of the state of the defences. He had been a dealer in horses, and subsequently a trader and shipmaster in New Haven. He repaired to Boston on the breaking out of hostilities, in com- mand of a company of volunteers ; and upon his representations of the state of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, he received a colonel's com- mission, with authority to raise a regiment in Vermont for the enterprise. Meanwhile, certain gentlemen in Connecticut set the same plan on foot. They knew that the garrisons were then feeble at both points, and the fortifications dilapidated, and hastened to secure the two places before they should be put in a better posture of defence. A loan of eighteen hundred dollars was obtained of the legislature, powder and ball were procured, and the Connecticut party, of forty men, set forward to communicate with Ethan Allen. Seth Warner, 1775.] ARNOLD AND ALLEN. 59 who had figured in the Green Mountain pro- ceedings with Ethan Allen, readily acted with his old chief in this new enterprise. The affair altogether appears to have been conducted with great address and promptitude. The attacking party were advised of all the turns and passages of the works at Ticonderoga, by Captain Noah Phelps, one of the Connecticut volunteers, who introduced himself into the fort, and professing great clownishness and simplicity, examined the place with the eye of a veteran. Arnold had, meanwhile, joined Allen at Castle- ton. He came attended only by a servant, having failed to obtain recruits, since Allen and Warner, men known to the settlers, had been before him. Arnold would have assumed the command, but to this the Green Mountain Boys would not submit. A council was called, and Arnold's commission was examined. He was permitted to join as a volunteer, but Allen was also elected and commissioned colonel, and Ar- nold was recognised under his Massachusetts commission as second in command. On the evening of the 9th of May, Colonel &llen arrived at Orwell, with two hundred and seventy men, all except forty of whom were Green Mountain Boys. Some difficulty was found in procuring boats, but the people of the vicinity fell readily into the spirit of the enter- prise. Two young men, who overheard in bed 60 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. what was g<>ing forward, corrupted the boatmen of Major Skeen with that potent ammunition, a bottle of rum, and inveigled the unconscious men into the service, boat and all. They dis- covered their mistake when, at Shoreham, the point of embarkation on the Vermont side, they were put under guard as prisoners of war. Other boats were also procured, but all were only of sufficient capacity to transport eighty men at one trip. Here again the dispute for precedence between the two colonels was renewed. Arnold demanded the honour of leading the men into the fort. Allen refused to suffer it ; and the dispute was settled by a compromise that both should enter together, but that Allen should enter on the right, and have the command. Just before daybreak on the 10th of May the first party of eighty-three men landed on the ! shore near Ticonderoga. The hour requiring expedition, if a surprise was to be attempted, Allen decided to proceed at once, without wait- ing for the residue of his men. He made a short harangue to his party, which he concluded by saying: "I now propose to advance before you, and conduct you in person through the wicket gate ; but inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, I do not urge it on any one contrary to his will. You that will undertake it volunta- rily, poise your firelocks." Not a man hesi- tated. 1775.] TICONDEROGA SURPRISED. 61 With celerity and in perfect silence tliej moved to the attack. Colonel Allen at the head. The sentry at the gate snapped his fusee, but it missed fire, and the party followed him up as he r^tFgafecT through the covered way. The other sgntries were seized ; and except these not^a soul was awake in the fort, until the cheers of the Gfreeli Mo~unljrin~~B6ys, drawn up in line on the parade, startled the garrison in as- tonishment from their slumbers. The idea of an enemy had not entered into their dreams, and the thought of surprise and capture was the last that could have occurred to them. Cap- tain de Laplace, the commander, was confront- ed by Colonel Allen in his quarters, before he had time to dress, with a demand for the sur- render of the fort. " By what authority ?" asked the amazed officer. I demand it," said Colonel Allen, "in the name of the Conti- nental Congress," adding one of the irreverent expressions to which the colonel of the Green Mountain Boys was too much addicted. Captain de Laplace had no choice but to submit. It was a complete surprise in every sense ; for while the captain surrendered, he did not know under what authority his captor was acting. The news of the Lexington affair had not yet reached Ticonderoga. On the same day Colonel Seth Warner took possession of Crown Point, with as little diffi- 6 62 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. culty as Ticonderoga had been captured. Skeens- boro, now called Whitehall, was also taken by another party. Thus while Major Skeen was absent in England, ended his well-meant efforts to govern a new province, to be erected out of the disputed Ne\\ Hampshire grants. The total garrisons of these places did not amount to more than seventy men. But the stores and ammunition which fell into the hands of the captors, were the best results of the day's work. Over two hundred pieces of artillery, a large supply of powder, provisions, and materials for boat building, were among the property se- cured, and all without the loss of a man, or the infliction of a wound upon either party. A schooner seized at Skeensboro played also a useful part in the subsequent proceedings. The party who had captured it joined Arnold, and with these men he put in use his nautical expe- rience ; and assumed upon the water the prece- dence which Allen had refused him upon the land. A number of batteaux were procured, of which Allen took command. The wind giving the schooner the advantage, she outsailed the batteaux, and reaching St. John's, Arnold there surprised and captured a British armed vessel, the only one then on the lake, and returned with his prize to Ticonderoga. In this expedition a large addition was made to the valuable muni- tions of war which were seized by the Americans. 1775.] PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 63 Colonel Allen proposed to take and hold St John's, but was obliged to retire by the appear- ance of a superior force, which entered the place from Montreal. As the result of the six days' work, Lake Charaplain and its fortresses fell into~the hands of the Americans ; the main actors in these important successes being the proscribed Green Mountain Boys. So little, however, did the continental congress anticipate the result of the war thus commenced, that an inventory of the property captured was ordered to be taken, that at the close of the difficulty re- stitution of it might be made to the British go- vernment. The same congress, however, made such provision for the public service, that it was evident they considered the difficulty one which' must be resolutely met. A full detail of the recent events in Massa- chusetts, the measures of Gage, the affairs of Lexington and Concord, and the oppressive acts of the British parliament, were laid before con- gress. Massachusetts led the way in giving the congress a legislative and executive power which the former congress had not assumed. The Massachusetts provincial congress asked advice as to the form of government to be assumed, now that the British government had violated the charter of the province ; and they, likewise, de- sired the continental congress to assume com- mand of the troops assembled before Boston. 64 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. In answer to these appeals, the continental congress recommended that Massachusetts should still act under her charter as near as might be under the circumstances. The governor ap- pointed by the king, in conformity with the charter, they could not recognise, since he had set the charter aside. The councillors appointed by the king they would not recognise, since these appointments were a violation of the char- ter. According to the suggestion of congress they elected representatives, those representa- tives chose counsellors, and the counsellors ex- ercised the powers formerly vested in the go- vernor and council. In relation to the other re- quest that the continental congress would assume the charge of the army, congress resolved that hostilities had been commenced by Great Britain, and that, therefore, the colonies ought to be put in a state of defence ; that no provisions should be furnished to the British army or navy ; that no bills drawn by British officers ought to be ne- gotiated; and that colonial ships ought not to be employed in the transportation of British troops. And while congress denied any inten- tion to throw off their allegiance, the appoint- ment of George Washington commander-in-chief, was unanimously made, and other officers were commissioned, thus creating a complete mili- tary establishment so far as the provision of officers were considered. 1775.] POWERS ASSUMED BY CONGRESS. 65 Thus did congress, in part, assume supreme power, and in part accept investment with it. Without precedents to refer to, and with no guides but patriotism, discretion, and a spirit of conciliation, this patriotic body undertook and maintained a work to which no other revolution- ary tribunal was ever competent. Much was done by tacit agreement. They formed their own precedents, were determined in their pro- gress by their own past usage, and met new exi- gencies with a wisdom to which the history of the world affords no parallel. Continental ap- pointments and commissions superseded or con- trolled provincial appointments ; and although there were unquestionably some heart-burnings, jealousies, and complaints, yet each submitted for the good of the whole, and the petition of Massa- chusetts put congress in command of the army through all the colonies, and for the whole pe- riod of the war. And if the continental con- gress was not, as in the course of our narrative will be shown, of power sufficient to compel jus- tice in all cases where their power was invoked so to do, we may wonder that such a body could accomplish so much, rather than be surprised that there were some things to which it was not equal. As we are not writing the history of the war, but only of one state in this confederacy, the general narrative will need to be introduced only 6* 66 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. so far as it is necessary to the history of Ver- mont. Among the leading acts of the congress which assembled in the spring of 1775, besides those which we have already noticed, were the compilation of "Articles of War;" the pro- vision of means for prosecuting it ; and the set ting forth of a " Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of taking up Arms." A petition to the king was adopted, and an address to the inhabit- ants of Great Britain. A letter of thanks to the mayor and livery of London for their spirited opposition to the ministerial oppression of the colonies was prepared. Addresses were also published to the people of Ireland, of Jamaica, and of the Canadas. Indian boards were ap- pointed to treat with and conciliate the abori- gines ; and a post-office system was organized, at the head of which was placed Dr. Franklin, just displaced from the royal mail establishment. Some of the addfesses above mentioned were repetitions of those issued by a former congress. Almost the only politic movement adopted by the British parliament, in the controversy with the provinces, had been taken in relation to Canada. By the act called the Quebec Act, the old French law was restored in that province, and the Roman church was guaranteed the pos- session of its immense property. The bound- aries of the province were extended so as to include that part of the territory now belonging 1775.] QUEBEC ACT ITS RESULTS. 67 to the United States, which lies north of the Ohio River, and west of the Mississippi. This act, unpalatable to the small number of Eng- lishmen in the conquered province, and ob- noxious to the other colonies, was more potent than an army in securing Canada to Great Bri- tain. It secured the support of the clergy and the seigneurs ; and whatever temporary success attended American invasions, prevented that pro- vince, through their influence, from joining the American confederacy. The chances of war offered the Canadians their choice between alle- giance to a king who had just conferred upon them unlocked for advantages, and association with a people who had been active personal ene- mies in the colonial wars, and who were as much disliked as protestants, as they were hated as national enemies. Therefore the addresses of the continental congress, and the efforts of the continental army, were alike* ineffectual ; and no small ground of this ill success was to be found in the fact, that while the Canadians were very affectionately appealed to in the ad- dresses of congress, in other documents ema- nating from the same body they were alluded to in terms of disrespect. The battle of Bunker Hill followed the skir- mishes at Lexington and Concord, and the seizure of Ticonderoga and CroAvn Point. The war had now in reality begun past recall, 68 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. and the organization of the army made availa- ble the possession of Lake Champlain and its posts. They were garrisoned by troops under the command of officers holding commissions in the continental army. The possession of such advantages of position led the way to a series of offensive operations against Canada, in which the Green Mountain Boys largely partook. CHAPTER VI. Colonel Allen Volunteer officers Their difficulties with re- spect to rank in the continental army Arnold superseded in command at Ticonderoga Returns to Massachusetts At- tempt upon Canada Defenceless condition of that province Regiment of Green Mountain Boys raised by Colonel Warner Schuyler and Montgomery appointed to command the invading army Supineness of the Canadians Activity of General Carleton Advance of Schuyler and Montgo- mery Abortive attempt on Montreal Ethan Allen captured and sent to England Incidents of his captivity Taking of Chambly by the Americans Repulse of Carleton at Longue- isle by Colonel Warner Surrender of St. John's to Mont- gomery Surrender of Montreal Narrow escape of Carle- ton March of Arnold through the wilderness to Quebec He forms a junction with Montgomery Attempt on Que- bec and death of Montgomery Gallantry and hardihood of Arnold. UPON the capture of Ticonderoga and the other Champlain stations, Colonel Allen appears to have returned home, leaving Arnold in charge, 1775.] ARONLD SUPERSEDED. 69 that officer having a regular commission under the authority of Massachusetts. There was no provincial government in Vermont to grant coin missions, and Allen must have held his post as a volunteer, his rank being determined by the men under his command. Much difficulty, we may here observe, occurred in the early organization of the continental army, from the claims of volunteer officers to rank according to the num- ber of men they were able to bring with them ; and though this served the purpose of raising a large impromptu army, and collecting soldiers ready for an enthusiastic onslaught, it did not provide men patient of discipline, or disposed to that perfect subordination and calm endurance of camp privations which are necessary in all true soldiers. Allen was rather what, in later times, has been termed a guerilla chief than a regular officer. Connecticut undertook to garrison these posts, and New York to supply them with provisions. Under this arrangement Arnold was superseded in the command at Ticorideroga, and being of a factious and troublesome spirit, ambitious and impatient of subordination, he disbanded his men, and returned to the camp before Boston. He was a disappointed man. He had written to congress, in conjunction with Allen, strongly urging a descent upon Canada ; and he wished for the opportunity to distinguish himself in that 70 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. expedition, the success of which he boldly pre- dicted, as there were only two regiments of British regulars there. The greater part of the British forces on this continent were employed in the colonies which were actually in a state of insurrection ; and the British government count- ed, not entirely without foundation, as events proved, upon the effects of the Quebec Bill, already mentioned. If this bill did not produce enthusiasm in favour of Britain if, indeed, it changed discontent from one class to another in Canada, it still produced the effect desired upon the great body of the people, securing, with some exceptions, their indifference, if not their active co-operation with the British forces. When first addressed upon the subject of in- vading Canada, congress was indisposed to enter upon offensive measures, preferring and vainly hoping to retain an attitude purely defensive. New York was particularly adverse at first to Arnold's project, but had voted to raise four regiments for the defence of the colony. To these four regiments was added another from the New Hampshire grants ; and Colonel Seth Warner was commissioned under the authority of the continental congress to command this regiment of Green Mountain Boys. Five thousand men were voted for the northern ser- vice, including the regiments above named, and the Connecticut regiments in garrison on Lake 1775.] ACTIVITY OF CARLETON. "71 Ohamplain. The command of this force was given to Major-Generals Philip Schuyler and Richard Montgomery. Rumours prevailed that the British govern- ment was making exertions to induce the Ca- nadians and Indians to fall upon the frontier of the colonies. It was, therefore, decided to in- vade the province ; and it was proposed to de- tail two thousand men for that purpose. These men united with their warlike mission a sort of political propagandists They were to treat the Canadians as friends and brothers, and were plentifully provided with such ammunition as proclamations and circular letters, exhorting the Canadians to arouse and assert their liberties, and declaring that the Americans entered their country not as enemies, but as friends and pro- tectors. Gen. Schuyler was authorized, "should he find the measure not disagreeable to the Ca- nadians" to take possession of St. John's and Montreal. General Carleton, the governor of Canada, was a man possessed of great energy and ad- dress, or he would not have been able to save the province to his royal master. Expectation in England was very much disappointed in rela- tion to the conduct of the Canadians. Twenty thousand stand of arms, and other military stores were sent out to Canada, to equip the in- habitants, who, it was supposed, would readily 72 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. enlist ; and in lieu of transporting troops from Europe, the Canadians were to be used to over- whelm their rebellious neighbours. But the Ca- nadians absolutely refused to march out of the province. They would defend it, if attacked, but not embark in a quarrel which they did not understand. The Bishop of Quebec was ap- pealed to, but very properly refused to aid Gene- ral Carleton by an episcopal mandate. The clergy issued letters, and the seigneurs interested themselves, but the principal effect which these conflicting appeals from both sides, American and British, produced, was to make the great body of the people remain neutral, although some of them enlisted in both armies. The American proclamations, however, secured the invaders from molestation from the Canadians, except when the latter were compelled by the pre- sence of British regulars to take part in the contest. The provision of materials for boat building, found at Ticonderoga, at the time of its capture by the Americans in the spring, now came into service. While preparations were maturing for the invasion, intelligence was received that Gene- ral Carleton, with characteristic energy, was pushing forward to check it ; and fearing that he would get possession of the lake, and thus turn their projected invasion into a defence of their own territory, Generals Schuyler and Montgo- mery, in August, proceeded down the lake to 1775.] ADVANCE OF MONTGOMERY. 73 Isle Aux Noix, an islet in the Sorel River, com- manding its navigation, and there prepared to defend the passage. From thence they circulat- ed letters and proclamations through the adja- cent country ; and on the 6th of September weie permitted to advance without molestation toward St. John's. .This is a town at the head of the navigation of the river, and an important point. A landing was effected, the place was reconnoi- tered, and after a skirmish with an Indian party in which the savages were repulsed, the Ameri- cans fell back to the Isle Aux Noix. They found St. John's too well garrisoned and defend- ed to be assaulted without artillery. General Schuyler went back to Albany to hasten forward supplies, and left Montgomery in charge. On the 17th, having received reinforce- ments, General Montgomery pushed forward for a second attempt on St. John's. The place was garrisoned by nearly all the regular troops in the province, some six or eight hundred men, and was well supplied with artillery and the munitions of war. The first duty of Montgo- mery was to gain over the inhabitants of the country, and to detach the Indians who had joined General Carleton. He wished to secure himself from being compelled to raise the siege by enemies without the town ; and in this under- taking he appears fully to have succeeded. Par- ties of his troops were scattered over the country, 74 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. and were favourably received by the Canadians. The settlers were, it may well be supposed, very willing to enter into a compromise which left the invasion entirely an affair between their British masters and the invaders, while their own pro- perty was secure from molestation or injury. Colonel Allen, who of course accompanied the expedition, had command of one of these recon- noitering parties of eighty men. A portion of these were Green Mountain Boys the residue Canadians. As Allen had commenced the suc- cesses of the American arms by the seizure of Ti- conderoga and Crown Point, he was easily per- suaded that Montreal, at that time the head- quarters of General Carleton, might be added to his list of captures. A night attack was con- certed between Allen and Major Brown. The latter, with two hundred men, was to land in the night, on the south side of Montreal, and Allen on the north, and both were to attack the post rtogether. Allen landed with a little band of about one hundred men, but waited in vain for his ally, who failed to make his appearance. When day- light had made the surprise of the place im- practicable even had Allen been in force, he might still have saved himself by a retreat, but rashly determined to maintain his position. He was overpowered by a superior force ; and after a desperate resistance, in which fifteen of his men were killed, ar 1 several wounded, he was 1775.] ALLEN'S CAPTIVITY. 76 taken prisoner together with thirty-eight of his followers. General Carleton refused to recog- nise these captives as prisoners of war. They were loaded with irons as felons, and sent to England for trial. Such was the issue of a rash attempt, made by Allen without orders. Gene- ral Carleton based his treatment on the plea that Allen was not a commissioned officer, but a leader of banditti. At a subsequent period in our history, the name of this brave but erratic man will again appear in connection with the history of the state ; and we may here give his private history until that reappearance. Allen published a nar- rative of the events of his captivity, written in his usual strange style, but bearing the appear- ance of truthfulness. He was confined with his companions in a small apartment, on board of the vessel, with hand-cuffs upon their wrists. Perhaps the idea which he gave of his prowess at the time of his capture, may have contributed to this harsh treatment. If the intention of trying Allen as a felon was entertained by his captors, it was abandoned. After a month's im- prisonment in Pendennis Castle, near Falmouth, he was sent back to America. For five months he was kept at Halifax, and thence transferred to New York. On the passage a plan was pro- jected among the prisoners, of whom there were many, to kill the English captain, and seize the 76 HISTORY OF VERMONT^ [1775. frigate in which they were transported. But as that officer treated Allen with great kindness, he refused to join the conspiracy, and his refusal defeated the plan. Allen was a prisoner in New York a year and a half, sometimes confined, and sometimes at large on parole. In May, 1778, he was exchanged, and, repairing to the head- quarters of General Washington, was there treated with great respect. His health being shattered, he returned to Vermont to recruit, having made an offer of his services to the com- mander-in-chief when his health should be re- stored. He was received in Vermont by his old companions with great rejoicings; and as a mark of respect and confidence was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the militia of the state, but never had occasion to act in a military capacity. He resumed his pen, and besides the narrative of his captivity, published a " Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the government of New York, and of their right to form an independent state." To return to our narrative. General Schuyler was prevented by sickness from accompanying the invading forces, and the command devolved upon General Montgomery. The force, by the arrival of reinforcements and the addition of Canadian volunteers, was now swelled to between two and three thousand men, but they were wo- fully deficient in military stores. Understanding 1775.] SIEGE OF ST. JOHN'S. 77 that the little fortress of Chambly contained a large quantity of the munitions of war, Mont- gomery detailed a force against it, under Majors Brown and Livingston. The place was carried, after a short resistance, on the 18th of October, and the garrison, about one hundred men, sur- rendered prisoners of war. The standard of the 7th Regiment was taken, and immediately for- warded to congress, the first trophy which they received. But what was much more valuable to the besiegers, was one hundred and twenty bar- rels of gunpowder, and a large quantity of mili- tary stores and provisions. With this seasonable supply, Montgomery re- newed the siege of St. John's with increased vigour. The garrison, momently expecting that the siege would be relieved by General Carleton, defended the post with courage and resolution. Carleton made great exertions to raise a force for the purpose, but the determination of the Canadians to keep as far as possible out of the contest, made the raising of a proper force ex- ceedingly difficult. He was able to muster only one thousand men, including a few regulars, the militia of Montreal, Canadians and Indians. An- other body of troops under the veteran officer, Colonel McLean, was posted at the junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence. These troops were the remains of a Highland brigade, which had settled in Canada, and with some other 7* 78 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. Scotch emigrants were re-mustered into the service. It was of the last importance to General Carleton to effect a junction with Col. McLean. For this purpose he attempted to land at Longue- isle, opposite Montreal. But Colonel Seth Warner, with his Green Mountain regiment, who had detected and watched the movement, opened suddenly upon them such a well-directed and incessant fire of musketry, and grape from a single cannon, that the enemy was thrown into the greatest confusion, and soon driven into a disorderly retreat. As General Carleton's com- mand was largely composed of Canadians, it was impossible to rally them, or lead them against the disadvantages of position, which only veterans would have overcome. The rout was complete. When the news of this reverse reached McLean, at his position at the junction of the Sorel, he saw the inutility of holding that post. His Canadian allies deserted him to a man. Having heard also that Quebec was threatened, he re- treated with his Highlanders to that important point. Colonel Warner immediately took pos- session of the post which McLean had abandon- ed, and proceeded to erect batteries, to arm rafts, and take other measures which effectually commanded the River St. Lawrence, and shut off the vessels at Montreal from escaping down the river. 1775.] CAPITULATION OF ST. JOHN'S. 79 General Montgomery, upon receiving the gra- tifying intelligence of the defeat of General Carleton by Colonel Warner, at once advised the commander of the garrison at St. John's of the fact, and summoned him to surrender. As all hope of relief was now gone, and to contend further would have been madness, the garrison, on the 3d of November capitulated, being al- lowed the honours of war. They were treated with the greatest courtesy by General Montgo- mery. The regulars, five hundred in number, were sent by the way of Ticonderoga, into the interior of New England. The English com- mander had endeavoured to obtain, in his capitu- lation, permission for the garrison to go to Eng- land, but this General Montgomery positively refused ; although the manner in which he dic- tated his terms to the vanquished, elicited this strong praise from an English contemporary historian : "In all transactions with our forces. Montgomery wrote, spoke, and behaved with that attention, regard, and politeness to both private men and officers, which might be expected from a man of worth and honour, who found himself involved in an unhappy quarrel with his friends and countrymen." As an illustration of the ex- pectations of an early accommodation, still en- tertained, we may remark that while the officers were permitted to retain their swords, their other arms, it was promised, should be restored 80 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. to them when the difficulty between the parent country and the colonies should pass away. General Montgomery followed up his advan- tage by presenting himself before Montreal. General Carleton with his regulars retreated to the flotilla, and Montreal surrendered to Mont- gomery, who occupied the place with his troops. Vigorous preparations were now made to attack the vessels of Carleton, but that officer made his escape in a boat with muffled oars, during a dark night, and hastened to Quebec. The vessels, with their stores and munitions, were captured by the Americans ; and the residue of the Bri- tish force, in an attempt to escape, were also captured. Had Carleton himself but been among the prisoners, the Canadian invasion would have ended in a complete triumph. Montgomery now pushed on for Quebec. But his force was reduced by the discharge of men whose term of enlistment had expired, and by the necessity of leaving garrisons at the forts he had captured, in order to keep open the com- munication with Lake Champlain. Only three hundred men followed him on his expedition against the capital of Canada. The winter march had its terrors, for it was near the close of November before it commenced. However, the woollens and other commissariat stores found in Montreal, in part abated the rigors of the service. 1775.] MARCH THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 81 While the events which we have enumerated took place along the St. Lawrence, one of the most arduous military feats of the Revolutionary war was going on in another quarter. To take advantage of the absence of the Canadian force from Quebec, an expedition was planned to reach that city, by a march through the forests of Maine, and either reduce it in the deficiency of its defenders, or compel General Carleton to with- draw troops from Montreal for the defence of Quebec, and thus insure success to the American attempt on Montreal. After a march attended with almost incredible hardships, Arnold ap- peared before Quebec on the 9th of November. The march had occupied about six weeks ; and from the time of leaving the last settlement on the Kennebec, to which point they were trans- ported with comparative ease, the remainder of their route lay through an uninhabited wilder- ness. The command originally consisted of about a thousand men ; but one-third, composing the rear division, turned back on account of the scarcity of provisions, and with the rest Arnold gallantly persevered. He had no other guide than the journal of a British officer, who had made the same journey some years before. But he was supported by the gallantry of his troops, who displayed a courage and fortitude in suffer- ing never exceeded in the annals of warfare. When at length they reached the scattered habi- 82 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. rations of the Canadians, their last morsel of food was consumed. Bare time was taken to refresh the men and re-organize the troops, over whom there had been little attempt at discipline for the last few days of famishing. Proclamations of a similar tenor to those distributed among the Canadians by Montgomery were circulated. An Indian scout had been despatched to inform Generals Schuyler and Montgomery of the arrival of Arnold in Canada. Unfortunately, the scout fell into the hands of Colonel McLean, and that officer, as before related, hastened from Sorel to Quebec, with his Highlanders. When Arnold arrived at Point Leon, opposite Quebec, the high winds and want of boats rendered the passage of the river impossible. On the night of the 14th of No- vember, he effected the transportation of his troops across a wonderful feat, when we con- sider the frail nature of his boats, the danger of the rapid current, and the presence of the armed vessels. The very temerity of the under- taking caused its success. On landing on the Quebec side, he had still nearly two miles march before he could find a place where the rugged cliffs could be surmount- ed. But he marched down the shore to Wolfe's cove, and with his hardy band, encountering the same obstacles that the British hero had sur- mounted, he stood at midnight, with the advance 1775.] ATTEMPT ON QUEBEC. 88 party, on the Heights of Abraham. He wished to press forward at once and attempt a surprise, but was overruled by his officers in a council of war. The opportunity of a surprise was lost, and Arnold had no artillery or other implements required for an assault. Nearly one-third of his muskets had been rendered useless by the hard- ships oi' the march through the wilderness, and of powder there was not more than sufficient for six or seven rounds to a man. Still he flattered himself that some defection in the town would yet put it into his hands. He paraded on the heights for some days, and sent two flags de- manding a surrender. But General McLean, who had experience of American operations, and who probably feared what Arnold hoped, re- fused to suffer any communication with him, and ev;ii fired upon the flags as they approached. Fear united the disaffected ; and while Arnold could hold no intercourse with the town, and thus failed in opportunity, and perhaps in incli- nation, to assure the people of the safety of their property, the heterogeneous population joined for defence ; the sailors were landed to strengthen the garrison, and its force soon exceeded that of the besiegers. Under these discouraging circumstances Arnold retired to Point Aux Trem- bles, to await the arrival of General Montgomery. On his march he unconsciously passed General Carleton, who was on his way to Quebec. 84 HISTORY OF VEKMONT. [1776. Montgomery joined Arnold at the beginning of December, and comforted his half-naked troops with clothing and other necessaries. The united forces of the two expeditions did not exceed a thousand men, of whom only eight hundred could be counted effective. It was truly a for- lorn and most desperate condition. The winter was too severe to attempt a regular siege, and the opening of spring would certainly bring re- inforcements to the enemy. Under all these circumstances, and knowing the high expecta- tions which were entertained in the colonies. General Montgomery at once determined on an assault. Accordingly, on the night of the -3Ist of De- cember it was attempted. Four parties ap- prcaclic;! the walls in four directions, and the plan was so well concerted that every part seem- ed equally threatened. A violent storm of snow made the attack less expected. Some Canadians, posted at a block-house, fled before Montgomery, throwing away their arms. He was himself at the head of his detachment, and the difficulties of the way had lengthened his line so much that he was compelled to wait until his men came up. He assisted with his own hands to remove ob- structions. Meanwhile, the terror which the fu- gitives had occasioned within the walls some- what abated ; and as Montgomery rapidly ad- 1776.] DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 85 vanced at the head of his men, one or two of the garrison had ventured to return to the bat- tery which commanded the pass. One of them seized a match and discharged a gun. This ac- cidental fire proved fatal to the enterprise and its commander. Montgomery fell, and with him Captains McPherson and Cheeseman, an orderly sergeant and a private, all the result of a chance fire. The party, dispirited, instantly retreated,- and the whole strength of the garrison was turned to the repulse of Arnold. Of the four apparent attacks two were feints, those only com- manded by Arnold and Montgomery being real. Arnold was thrown out of the combat by a ball which shattered his leg, and he was carried off the field. Captain Daniel Morgan then led the at- tack, but succeeded only in forcing his way into a place from which, after a bloody contest, his retreat was cut off. He was compelled, with three hundred and forty men, to surrender ; and the loss in killed, principally in Arnold's divi- sion, was over sixty. We have pursued this account of the invasion of Canada with the more minuteness, since its way lay through Vermont; and the seizure of the posts on Lake Champlain, by which the enter- prise was suggested, was the work of the Green Mountain Boys. They aided largely in the successful operations on the Sorel River. And 8 86 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. they, too, were active in the events which fol- lowed the disastrous retreat, which was at last compensated for by the capture of Burgoyne. To the history of Vermont, more than to that of any other of the states, does this passage in our annals belong. By the abortive attempt on Canada, the fact was demonstrated that a union, by the free will of the Canadians, to the other colonies was not to be counted upon. They would cheerfully, perhaps, have acquiesced could the other pro- vinces have expelled the British from them ; but they seemed willing to incur neither loss, expo- sure, nor expense for the advancement of either party. And when they perceived that the con- tinental congress, instead of sending an army into Canada to hold it against the British, and to enrich the province by the purchase of sup- plies, relied upon the efforts of the Canadians themselves, they became very loyal subjects of Great Britain ; particularly in the expectation of the arrival of British reinforcements. Colonel Arnold fell back three miles from Quebec, and with wonderful perseverance and hardihood put on a complexion of confidence which retained the respect of the Canadians. The remains of his shattered force were kept to- gether, and through the winter the blockade of Quebec was kept up. General Carleton attempt- ed no sorties; and behind their ramparts of ice 1776.] UNION OP THE COLONIES. 87 and snow, the gallant Kttle besieging party awaited succour. Despatches had been sent to Montreal for assistance, and in the colonies ef- forts were immediately made to raise and forward reinforcements. CHAPTER VII. The people of the New Hampshire grants apply to congress for advice Their anomalous position Convention at Dorset and petition to congress The memorial withdrawn Re- sumption of operations in Canada Difficulties of Arnold with the Canadians Breaking out in camp of the small-pox Arnold takes command at Montreal, and is succeeded by General Thomas before Quebec Arrival of relief to Quebec Retreat of the Americans to Sorel Death of General Thomas Unfortunate attempt to surprise Three Rivers Retreat to St. John's To Isle Aux Noix To Ticonderoga General Sullivan is superseded by General Gates Organization of a naval force Difficulties with which it was attended British preparations General Arnold appointed to command the American flotilla En- gagt'inent on the llth of October Great superiority of the British force Renewed engagement on the 13th Gallant conduct of Arnold Summary of results Sir Guy Carleton menaces Ticonderoga, but returns to winter quarters without mi attack. CONGRESS now (1775-6) had representatives from the Thirteen United Colonies, Georgia having come into the confederation, and New York being convinced that temporizing measures would serve no longer. The Green Mountain 88 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. Boys, although they had a regiment in the con- tinental army, were as yet unassigned, and be- longed to no government. In this difficulty, probably influenced by the example of Massa- chusetts, they sent deputies to Philadelphia to ask advice oi congress as to what course it was best for them to pursue. But these gentle- men had not the advantage of membership of that body, and could only obtain informal and individual counsel. The opinion of several lead- ing members was, that they should form a tempo- rary association for the management of the business of the whole population on the New Hampshire grants, and conduct their local af- fairs by committees. The people had already adopted these sugges- tions. Their government had been managed by meetings of towns, by committees, officers, and by leaders sometimes appointed in public meet- ings, and sometimes acting by the implied con- sent of the public. This state of things, par- ticularly west of the mountains, had grown out of the necessity for union to resist the aggres- sions of New Yurk. But now that the need of association to resist the overt acts of that pro- vince had ceased, the people began to feel their anomalous position. They were willing to take part in the struggle against Great Britain, but they were not willing to be mustered into the service as belonging to the province or 1776.] CONVENTION AT DORSET. 89 colony of New York ; for such an admfcsston would be a virtual surrender of all they had been contending for. And they desired some- thing more positive than the unofficial recom- mendations of members of congress in their private capacity. In order to procure some definite arrangement, the people of the New Hampshire grants met in convention at Dorset, on the 16th ofy January. 1776. They drew up a memorial, which they styled " The humble petition, address, and re- monstrance of that part of America, being situ- ated south of Canada line, west of Connecticut River, commonly called and known by the name of the New Hampshire grants." They avowed their readiness, in this memorial, to bear a full proportion for the support of the contest in which the colonies were engaged ; they ex- pressed their zeal in the common cause, and their willingness to be called upon whenever congress should judge it necessary. But they declared their reluctance to put themselves under the provincial government of New York, because they would do nothing which might afterward be construed into an acknowledgment of the au- thority of that province. And they concluded by requesting that whenever comgress".should find jt necessary to call upon them, they should not be called upon as inhabitants of New York, or as persons subject to the limitations, restrictions, 8* 90 HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1776. or regulations of the militia of that province, but as inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants. And they prayed that whatever commissions should be granted to any of their inhabitants, might be so worded as to respect their position in this particular. The effect of action upon this petition, by congress, would have been to determine the points in dispute between the contending parties. It is true that an effort was made to pursue a middle course. The committee to whom the me- morial was referred, reported a recommendation that the petitioners should submit for the present to the government of New York, and assist their countrymen in the contest with Great Britain ; but that such submission ought not to prejudice their right to any land in controversy, or be con- strued to affirm or admit the jurisdiction of New York, when the troubles then existing should be ended. Mr. Heman Allen, the agent of Ver- mont, justly considered that this report, if adopted, and its resolution passed, would weaken the position of the petitioners, by putting them in an antagonistic position with congress if they refused to submit, as he judged they would ; or would do prejudice to their cause with New York if they acceded, the promise to the contrary notwithstanding. Under such circumstances, Mr. Allen deemed it prudent to withdraw the petition, and he obtained leave so to do. The 1776.] DIFFICULTIES WITH THE CANADIANS. 91 petition was withdrawn on the 4th of June. One month later congress published the Declaration of Independence. With the opening of spring, Arnold resume! active operations against Quebec, as far as his circumstances would admit. Reinforcements were under orders from the United Colonies, but the nature of the route they were obliged to take, and the severity ot the Canadian winter, impeded their advance, and on the 1st day of May, 1776, the American force before Quebec did not exceed nineteen hundred men. The po- sition of the army in reference to the Canadians had become most unfortunate. While Wash- ington declared, in a letter to General Schuyler, that " Canada could only be secured by laying hold of the affections of the people, and engaging them heartily in the'common cause ;" and while congress fully endorsed this opinion by their acts and resolutions, circumstances entirely frus- tra.ted this enlightened policy. After the death of Montgomery, who had all the suavity of the gentleman united to the courage of the soldier, the efforts to conciliate the people, which had formed a part of the plan of the invasion, were interrupted. The priests were neglected, and their wavering course now terminated in adhe- sion to the cause of the crown. A commission, consisting of Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, was sent by con- 92 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. gress into Canada with full powers to treat with the provincials. But the mission was too late, and did not reach Montreal until the tide had so completely turned that the invasion was aban- doned as hopeless. Congress bad resolved that those Canadians who adhered to the American cause should be compensated for any injury that they might suf- fer. But this resolution weighed little against the stubborn facts and necessities of the case. To supply the wants of the army, General Arnold issued a proclamation making paper money cur- rent, and promising to redeem it in four months, and declaring those enemies who should refuse to receive it. Military orders proved no better than civil edicts in giving value to a valueless currency, and great discontents were caused among the Canadians by th*e effort at coercion. General Carleton made good use of the dissatis- faction of the Canadians, and was not without hope of raising the siege of Quebec through their assistance. Early in the spring he de- tached sixty men from the garrison, to form the nucleus of a relieving force. The Canadians were joining it in great numbers when Arnold sent a detachment, which routed the party. Arnold had despatched an express to Wooster, who was at Montreal, to bring succours and as- sume the command. Wooster arrived on the 1st of April, and on the next day Arnold received 1776.] SMALL-POX IN THE CAMP. 93 an injury by the fall of his horse, which confined him for some time to his bed. To add to the discomfort and peril of the Bmall American force, the small-pox now broke out among the troops. So great was the terror from this loathsome disease, that it was with difficulty the army could be saved from total dispersion. Discipline and order were out of the question ; and the ineffectiveness of the be- sieging force was increased by the fact that the soldiers, in defiance of orders to the contrary, inoculated themselves, as that course was under- stood to diminish the danger of the disease. General Arnold retired to Montreal and took command of that post. General Thomas, who had been appointed by congress to the command of the Canadian army, arrived at the carnp near Quebec on the first of May. He found the small force so enfeebled by sickness, that not more than nine hundred men were effective, and of these three hundred were entitled to their discharge, and clamorously de- manded it. Some show of operations had been made against Quebec; but under the disadvan- tage of want of men and munitions nothing waa accomplished. Early in May, the British ship Isis name ominous of hope to the royalists forced her way up to Quebec with men and sup- plies. General Thomas, before this arrival, had determined upon falling back, and teams and 94 HISTORY OF YERMONT. [1776. men were promised by the inhabitants to assist in the removal of stores. But the fickle Cana- dians went over to the royalists, and the Ameri- can army not only lost their aid but all means of an orderly retreat. The British re-captured the vessels which the Americans had taken. On the sixth of May, the very day of the landing of the reinforcements, General Carleton marched out at noon, with eight hundred men, to give battle to the Americans in their camp. He found it deserted by all who were in a condition to travel ; and so precipitate had the movement been, that most of the sick and all the military stores fell into his hands. The sick, not only in camp, but such as were in huts and concealed in the woods, were sought out by proclamation, and treated with the most humane attention. The Americans continued their retreat till they reached the junction of the Sorel and the St. Lawrence, and there General Thomas was seized with the small-pox and died. Large reinforcements had now arrived to the assistance of the British in Canada, making their number about thirteen thousand men. Their advanced post was at Three Rivers. The Americans at Sorel were joined by about four thousand men under General Sullivan, who reached that post early in June. Previous to his arrival, General Thompson, who had suc- ceeded to the command upon the death of Gene- 1776.] RETREAT TO ST. JOHN'S. 96 ral Thomas, had despatched an expedition to surprise Three Rivers. It was understood that at that post there were only about eight hundred men, composing the advance of the British army. General Sullivan, upon assuming the command, sent General Thompson, with fourteen hundred men, to the aid of the detachment already sent to Three Rivers. The result was most disastrous. The Americans, who had counted on surprising the enemy, were delayed and discovered. They were repulsed in the attack on the village, and their retreat being cut off, two hundred men were made prisoners, including General Thompson and Colonel Irwin. About thirty Americans were killed, while the British loss was inconsiderable. On the 14th of June, having with him only about two thousand five hundred effective men, General Sullivan was compelled to retreat from Sorel, and fell back to Chambly. Here he was joined by Arnold, who had been compelled to evacuate Montreal. That post had been menaced by a superior British force, its outposts having fallen into the hands of the enemy, who now, in full strength, and flushed with success, were driving the Americans rapidly before them. The Canadians and Indians, sure on which side the greatest strength lay, were no longer passive, but flocked to the royal standard. From Chair.- bly, the remains of the American army, now so much inferior to the British that resistance was 96 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. out of the question, fell back to St. John's. As the British under Carleton entered Chambly on one side, the Americans marched out on the other. On the 18th of June, Sir Guy Carleton reached St. John's in the evening. The Americans had retreated, taking every thing of value. A detach ment of the American army remained behind U complete the demolition of the fort and barracks, and left the place just as the enemy approached. The armed vessels on the Sorel and St. Law- rence Rivers were destroyed to prevent their falling into the hands of 'the British, but all the baggage of the army and nearly all the stores were saved. At Chambly there are falls in the river which precluded the possibility of saving the larger vessels. The batteaux were dragged up the rapids, and served for the embarkation, of the troops. At St. John's the pursuit by the British ceased, as they had no flotilla which could be carried over the rapids. General Sul- livan conducted the retreat with consummate skill and caution, and received the thanks of congress for his conduct; and General Carleton was rewarded for repelling the invasion by the Order of the Bath. It is seldom that the suc- cessful and unsuccessful both are complimented by their governments. The American army pro- ceeded up Lake Champlain to Crown Point, and thence to Ticonderoga, where General Sullivan 1776.J GATES APPOINTED GENERAL. 97 was succeeded in the command by General Gates. and measures were taken to restore the health and recruit the strength of men, who, in the strong language of John Adams, were "disgraced, defeated, discontented, dispirited, diseased, un- disciplined, eaten up with vermin, no clothes, beds, blankets, or medicines, and no victuals but salt and flour." . The temptation to alliteration must have prompted part of that sentence. De- feated the army certainly was, but it was by the rigors of the climate, and by a vastly superior force defeated but not disgraced. It was an unfortunate expedition undertaken under what proved to be a very wrong estimate of the cha- racter of the Canadians ; but it gave opportu- nity for the exhibition of prodigies of valor, re- markable address, and wonderful endurance of hardship. The honour paid to Sir Guy Carleton by the British crown was no less a compliment to the American army than to the successful general. Additional troops arrived at the head-quarters of General Gates, and the new recruits were as- sembled at Skeensboro, (now Whitehall,) to es- cape the danger of infection from the small-pox. A hospital was established for the sick, and by patient drilling the effects of the disasters of the late invasion were corrected in the older troops, while the new levies were schooled in military tactics. Another important matter also 9 98 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. required attention. It was well understood that the pursuit of the American army beyond the Sorel was only prevented by the want of i naval armament on the part of the British ; and that they were as fast as possible providing the ne- cessary means of prosecuting the war. General Gates took command on the 12th of July. General Schuylcr was appointed to the lake service, and by the 18th of August following had succeeded in refitting, building, and equipping fifteen vessels of different sizes. This work was done under great disadvantages, not the least of which was the difficulty of procuring shipwrights. The privateers and national vessels building at the different seaports, employed so many men, that it was almost impossible to induce the re- quisite workmen to go to Lake Champlain. But trees were felled in the woods and dragged by hand to the lake shore, and naval equipments were transported over roads almost impassable, with a vigour and resolution which marked the enterprises of that day, and which seemed to rise in proportion to the obstacles which were to be surmounted. Meanwhile the British had obtained vessels constructed in England expressly for this service. Although it was found that the larger ones could not be got over the falls of the Sorel River at Chambly, this difficulty was surmounted by taking them in pieces, transporting them by land-car- 1776.] NAVAL ENGAGEMLNT. 99 riage, and reconstructing them above the falls. 'There were about thirty vessels, ships, schoon- ers, radeaux or rafts, and gun-boats, intended for attack and defence. There were also a suf- ficient number of boats for burden and the transportation of troops. These vessels were manned by eight hundred men, drafted from the British fleet, besides a detachment of artillerists to serve the guns. There were more seamen alone on board the British flotilla than the Ame- rican complement of sailors and soldiers. The British force may be safely estimated at double that of the American. The metal of the British, guns was heavier, and in all respects their ves- sels were better appointed. General Arnold, of whose nautical experience we have before spoken, was put at the head of the American flotilla, and most of the vessels were commanded by officers of the army. Zeal and resolution, and the American faculty of adaptation to circumstances, stood them in stead of skill and experience. On the llth of October, the British flotilla offered battle to the American, and presented itself in full force, so confident of victory that it came into the engagement under the disadvantage of an unfavourable wind. The larger vessels could not be brought into action, but good service was done by the long boats of the British, which could creep to windward. The contest was kept up for several hours, the 100 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. Americans maintaining their ground. No vessel was captured on either side, though two of the British gondolas were destroyed, and an Ameri- can schooner was burned and a gondola sunk. One or two vessels were much crippled, and sixty men, on the American side, were killed or wounded. The British acknowledged a loss of forty. The British drew off and anchored out of gun-shot, intending to renew the attack in the morning. Finding that to contend with a force so supe- rior was out of the question, General Arnold got .under weigh in the night, and, favoured by the darkness and the fog, escaped with all his vessels. The British flotilla pursued, but the wind was adverse, and slow progress was made by either. On the 12th nothing occurred but the loss of one American gondola, which was overtaken and .captured by the pursuers, and the abandonment of others, which were sunk to prevent their being captured. On the 13th, at noon, the British flotilla came within gunshot of the Americans. The Congress galley, on board of which was Arnold, and the Washington galley, General Waterbury, covered the retreat of the American flotilla. The Washington galley, having been disabled on the llth, was compelled to strike. Arnold, in the Congress, defended himself "like a lion." The galley carried ten guns, and was at once engaged with the ship Inflexible of six- 1776.] SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 101 teen guns, the schooner Mann of fourteen, and the Carleton of twelve. He occupied these three vessels long enough to permit the escape of four or five of his flotilla, which made their way safe to Ticonderoga, the encounter taking place near Crown Point. It was now a strug- gle for trophies on the one hand, and for escape of men and destruction of vessels on the other. In spite of strenuous efforts of the British, Arnold managed to run his galley and some other vessels on shore, and blow them up after landing the men. The Congress blew up with colours flying, and the "bones" of the gallant little craft were to be seen upon the beach near Otter Creek for many years. The Americans lost eleven vessels and ninety men. The British had one vessel blown up and two sunk, and their loss in men was reported at fifty. The character of the engagement is thus stated by Cooper in his Naval History of the United States. "Although the result of this action was so disastrous, the American arms gained much credit by their obstinate resistance. General Arnold, in particular, covered himself with glory, and his example appears to have been nobly followed by most of his officers and men. Even the enemy did justice to the resolu- tion and skill with which the American flotilla was managed, the disparity in the force render- ing victory out of the question from the first. 9* HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. The manner in which the Congress was fought, until she had covered the retreat of the galleys, and the stubborn resolution with which she was defended until destroyed, converted the disas- ters of this part of the day into a species of triumph." An attack on Ticonderoga was now appre- hended. The fortress of -Crown Point had been occupied by the Americans -as an outpost, but General Gates withdrew the garrison, destroyed the fortifications, and every thing else which could not be removed. He concentrated his forces at Ticonderoga, and was soon joined by new levies, and with the restoration of the sick found himself at the head of twelve thousand effectives. Sir Guy Carleton landed his troops at Crown Point, and all eyes were turned to the lake shores as about to be the theatre of a deci- sive battle. Sir Guy approached Ticonderoga, as if designing to invest it, but " after recon- noitering the works, and observing the steady countenance of the garrison, he thought it too late to lay siege to the fortress. Re-embarking his army, he returned to Canada, where he placed it in winter quarters, making the Isle Aux Noix his most advanced post." Thus ended the Ca- nadian invasion, and the operations on Lake Cbamplain were closed for the year 1776. 1776.] DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103 CHAPTER Declaration of Independence by congress Its effects Anec dote of Colonel Skecn Renewal of the difficulty with New York Action of the New York convention Counter-action in Vermont Convention at Dorset Resolutions to support the common cause Preparations for a state government Convention at' Westminster Vermont declaration of inde- pendence and memorial to Congress Counter memorial from New York Second New York memorial Letter of Thomas Young to the inhabitants of Vermont Third New York memorial Rejection by congress of the petition of Vermont Meeting in Vermont to adopt a constitution Action upon the instrument reported Abandonment of Ti- conderoga by the American force and consequent alarm. THE Declaration of Independence, by which the style of the confederacy Avas changed to the THIRTEEN UNITED STATES, did not come sud- denly or unexpectedly upon the people. It had been debated and considered throughout the land, as the difficulties of maintaining the pro- fession of allegiance while the colonies were in actual rebellion became more and more apparent, and the absurdity of such a position more evi- dent. Great Britain exhibited no disposition to conciliate ; the breach grew wider and wider ; and although the timid feared, and some official steps had been taken in several of the state le- 104 HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1776. gislatures deprecating a " separation from our mother country," yet when the deed was formally done, men's minds were relieved. The questions which were presented became less complicated. All were narrowed down to the inquiry, how successful resistance of Great Britain could best be maintained. But the New Hampshire grants, as Vermont was still called, were in a posture as difficult as ever. Colonel Skeen had obtained a commission from the British crown, and returned to endea- vour to put it in force, though what extent of territory was proposed to annex to his govern- ment of Ticonderoga nobody knew. Probably, had he obtained this commission ten years be- fore, he would have been discovered to be a man after the Green Mountain Boys' own heart. He was brave, bluff, facetious, and hard to intimi- date. On his return from England, in 1775, he was taken into custody in Philadelphia, and re- tained for some time a prisoner, since he came with authority to raise a royal regiment. He was placed under guard at his lodgings, at the City Tavern ; and Graydon, in his memoirs, re- lates the following amusing incident, of which he was an eye-witness. Skeen was to be re- moved from his lodgings, in Philadelphia, to a place of greater security, and the detailing of a guard for this purpose caused quite a crowd to assemble. The weather was warm, the windows 1776.] DIFFICULTY KENEWED. 105 were open, and Skeen, having finished his dinner, was discussing his win% and walnuts, while the guard politely waited his leisure. In compliment to his auditory, Skeen struck up " God save great George our king," in the voice of a sten- tor, and finished the song, highly to the amuse- ment of the crowd, who thus got much more than they bargained for. Mr. Graydon, who afterward met him when their positions were changed, Graydon heing a prisoner and Skeen among his friends, speaks in gratified terms of the staunch royalist's consideration and kindness. He seemed to be rather pleased than otherwise with the audacity of the rebels, having that sym- pathy with their courage which was natural to an old soldier who had seen service, and could appreciate daring. Such a man would have been a highly popular provincial governor for the Green Mountain Boys ; a;id, as we shall pre- sently see, he did not despair of that post. New York, with wonderful tenacity, continued her claims upon the New Hampshire grants. After the formal severance of the colonies from Great Britain, the convention of the state of New York unanimously resolved '-That all quit rents formerly due to the king of Great Britain, were now due and owing to this convention, or such future government as shall hereafter be es- tablished in this state." This was reviving the old colonial dispute in a most unbrotherly man- HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. ner ; for better things might have been expected of men engaged in the same heroic and perilous cause. The Green Mountain Boys were resolute in the determination not to submit to any such surrender of their rights, though to contend against New York would probably involve them in a contest with congress also. The course which had been taken upon their memorial to congress, showed them how little hope they had in that body against the influence which New York could bring; and yet to remain in their present condition seemed impossible. While the great body of the people was reso- lute in maintaining a resistance to New York, there was a portion of the less daring who saw no other course but submission. Another party was in favour of joining New Hampshire, and claiming the protection of that state. But the leading minds, which always in times of danger influence the whole body, were clearly in favour of putting an end to the pretensions of New York by erecting the territory into an inde- pendent state. They saw no reason why the claims of Great Britain should fall to New York, by the severance of the colonies from the mother country, and reasoned that those claims or rights ceased, or became vested in the people of the grants. In order to produce concert, and to de- termine what was the view of the majority, a convention was called to meet at Dorset, July 1776.] MEETINGS' IN CONVENTION. 107 24th, 1776. Thirty-five towns were represented in this convention, by fifty-one delegates. They agreed to support the Declaration of Indepen- dence, made by the Congress of the Thirteen United States, and to enter into an association among themselves for the defence of the country against Great Britain. But they firmly adhered to their former action against New York, and de- clared that any of the inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants, who should acknowledge the authority of New York, should be deemed ene- mies to the common cause. The convention pro- ceeded carefully, and made their acts rather ini- tiatory than final ; being anxious to secure the co- operation of the whole people in a measure so important. The body adjourned to meet again in a month; and on the 25th of September, being again assembled, they resolved without any dis- sentient voice, " to take suitable measures, as soon as may be, to declare the New Hampshire grants a free and independent district." And the same body resolved that "no law or laws, direction or directions from the state of New York, should be accepted." Having thus given the contemplated measure another degree of furtherance, the convention adjourned without day. The two meetings above referred to had been held at Dorset, on the west side of the mountains, where the people were most sensitive to the threatened aggressions of 108 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777 New York. The next convention was held at Westminster, on the east side of the Green Mountain range, celebrated for the collision with the sheriff and posse, mentioned in a preceding chapter. At this convention delegates were present from the towns in both sections of the territory. In the four months which had elapsed since the Dorset convention, the matter had been discussed and consulted upon in all its bearings, and the prevailing sentiment of the people was well understood. The proceedings of the convention were in unison with the popu- lar voice. This body assembled on the 15th of January, 1777. Their proceedings look like foregone conclusions, for on the next day a de- claration was unanimously adopted, which finally determined their attitude. The declaration was as follows : " This convention, whose members are duly chosen by the free voice of their constituents, in the several towns in the New Hampshire grants, in public meeting assembled, in our own names, and in behalf of our constituents, do hereby pro- claim and publicly declare, that the district of territory comprehending, and usually known by the name of the New Hampshire grants, of right ought to be, and is hereby declared for ever here- after to be considered as a free and independent jurisdiction or state; to be for ever hereafter call- ed, known, and distinguished by the name of New 1777.] MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. 109 Connecticut, alias Vermont. And that the in- habitants that at present, or that may hereafter become resident within said territory, shall be entitled to the same privileges, immunities, and enfranchisements which are, or that may at any time hereafter be allowed to the inhabitants of any of the free and independent states of Ame- rica ; and that such privileges and immunities shall be regulated in a Bill of Rights, and by a form of government to be established at the next session of the convention." Having thus affirmed their independence, they drew up a memorial to congress. In this memo- rial they advised congress, as the representative of the United States, that they had taken then- position as inhabitants of a free and independent state. They declared themselves capable of re- gulating their own internal police in all and every respect whatsoever ; that they had the sole arid exclusive right of governing themselves, in such manner and form as they themselves should choose, not repugnant to the resolves of Con- gress ; and that they were at all times ready, in conjunction with their brethren in the United States, to contribute their full proportion toward the maintaining of the just war against the fleets and armies of Great Britain. And they prayed congress to recognise their state among the states in the Union, and to admit their dele- gates to a seat in congress. The petition was 10 110 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. signed, and presented to congress, by four mem- bers of the convention, elected for that duty, Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Heman Allen, and Reuben Jones. As might have been predicted, New York did not silently look on and suffer these proceedings to pass unopposed. The New England States were with Vermont in feeling, and whatever ex- pression of opinion was heard in that quarter, was in favour of the Green Mountain Boys arid their new government. But the New York con- vention lost no time in making an interest in congress adverse to the petition of Vermont. The president of that body, under date of Janu- ary 20th, only four days from the date of the declaration of the Vermont convention, wrote thus to congress : " I am directed by the committee of safety of New York, to inform congress that, by the acts and influence of certain designing men, a part of the state hath been prevailed on to re- volt, and disown the authority of its legislature. The various evidences and informations we have received, would lead us to believe that persons of great influence in some of our sister states have fostered and fomented these divisions. But as these informations tend to accuse some members of your honourable body, of being con- cerned in this scheme, decency obliges us to sus- pend this belief. The committee are sorry to 1777.] MEMORIAL FROM NEW YORK. Ill observe that by conferring a commission on Colonel Warner, with authority to name the officers of a regiment, to be raised independently of the legislature of this state, and within that part of it which^hath lately declared an inde- pendence upon if, congress hath given but too much weight to the insinuations of those who pretend that your honourable body are determined to support those insurgents ; especially as this Colonel Warner hath been constantly and inva- riably opposed to the legislature of this state, and hath been, on that very account, proclaimed an outlaw by the late government thereof. It is absolutely necessary to recall the commission given to Colonel Warner, and the officers under him, as nothing else will do justice to us, and convince those deluded people that congress has not been prevailed upon to aid in dismembering a state, which of all others has suffered the most in the common cause." Again, on the 1st of March, the president of the New York convention addressed congress. In this memorial New York appealed to congress to adopt " every wise and salutary expedient to suppress the mischief which must ensue to that state, and the general confederacy, from the un- just and pernicious projects of such of the in- habitants of New York, as merely from selfish and interested motives have fomented the danger- ous insurrection. That congress might be as* 112 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. sured that the spirit of defection, notwithstand- ing all the arts and violence of the seducers, was by no means general, and that there was not the least probability that Colonel Warner could raise such a number of men as would be an object of public concern." The affairs of the new state of Vermont had now arrested the attention of the whole country. We are not to suppose that the dispute between Vermont and New York was considered strictly upon its own merits ; nor are we to think that the influence of New York was able to produce all the opposition, which took place in congress, to the reception of the new state. Other states a3 well as New York had their unsettled lands and backwoodsmen ; and the danger which some politicians saw, was that new states would present themselves in other quarters, and the original bounds of the provinces be curtailed and their lands subdivided. It was a difficult matter to adjust, and every day seemed to add to the em- barrassment. In April a paper appeared in Phi- ladelphia, in the form of a letter, addressed to the inhabitants of Vermont. This pamphlet opened with a copy of the resolution passed by congress, in May, 1776, which recommended to the re- spective assemblies and conventions of the Unit- ed Colonies, where no government suitable to the exigencies of their affairs had been establish- e"d, to adopt such government as, in the opinion 1777.J YOUNG'S PAMPHLET. 113 of the representatives of the people, should best conduce to the happiness and safety of then constituents. The writer, Thomas Young, then went on to advise : " I have taken the minds of several leading members in the honourable the conti- nental congress, and can assure you that you have nothing to do but to send attested copies of the recommendation to take up government to every township in your district, and to invite all your freeholders and inhabitants to meet in their respective townships, and choose members of a general convention, to meet on an early day, and choose delegates to the general congress ; to appoint a committee of safety, and to form a constitution. Your friends here tell me that some are in doubt whether delegate* from your district would be admitted into congress. I toll you to organize fairly and make the experiment, and I will insure your success, at the risk of my reputation as a man of honour or common sense. Indeed, they by no means refuse you; you have as good a right to choose how you will be go- verned, and by whom, as they had." The committee of safety for the state of New York, now made a third appeal to congress. In this they stated that as a report prevailed, and daily gained credit, that the revolters against the jurisdiction of New York were privately coun- tenanced in their designs by certain members of 10* 114 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. congress, the committee of safety felt it their duty to give such information on the subject, that congress might cease to be injured by impu- tations so disgraceful and dishonourable. "How- ever unwilling," said the memorialists, "we may be Jfco entertain suspicions so disrespectful to any member of congress, yet the truth is that no in- considerable number of the people of this state do believe the report to be well founded." .Though exceedingly averse to meddle with a business so complicated, and conscious of its want of power to enforce any decision to which it might arrive, congress was compelled at last to take up the matter. One of the New York delegates laid before that body the printed letter of Thomas Young. Congress thus compelled to act, referred the several memorials and letters from New York and Vermont, and the printed paper signed Thomas Young, to the committee of the whole house, and on the 30th of June, a week after their reference, the committee re- ported, and congress passed, among others, a re- solution that the petition of Vermont be dis- missed. The other resolutions defined the purpose of congress to be the defence of the colonies, now states, against Great Britain ; and declared that as the members represented those states as their territories stood, at the time of the first assem- bling of congress, that body would recommend or 1777.] PROPOSED CONSTITUTION. 115 countenance nothing injurious to the rights of the communities it represented. They denied that -the inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants could derive any countenance from the resolution quoted in Thomas Young's pamphlet ; and they declared that the contents of the letter of Thomas Young were derogatory to the honour of congress, and a gross misrepresen- tation of the resolution of congress therein referred to, and that they tended to deceive the people to whom they were addressed. The commission of Colonel Warner was explained, but not recalled. While these proceedings were taking place in congress, the inhabitants of Vermont were proceeding in the organization of the new state. The same convention which passed the decla- ration of the independence of Vermont, met by adjournment at Windsor, on the first Wed- nesday in June, and appointed a committee to draft a constitution for the state. They also adopted a resolution recommending the several towns to appoint delegates to meet in convention at Windsor, on the 2d of July, to act on the draft of the constitution which would be there submitted. Pursuant to this recom- mendation the convention assembled. While the new constitution was under discus- sicii, news arrived of the evacuation of Ticon- deroga by the American troops, and of the con- 116 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. sequent exposure of the whole western borders of Vermont to the enemy. Great alarm was felt at this intelligence, not only in Vermont, but in New York and Connecticut. The mem- bers of the convention partook of the feeling, and were for leaving Windsor, and repairing to the defence of their homes. Allen in his his- tory of Vermont relates that the adjournment was postponed by a severe thunder storm. The members had time to reflect. Their attention was redirected to their work. The constitution was taken up and read the third time. Para- graph by paragraph was adopted. A committee of safety was appointed to act during the recess, and the corrvention adjourned in order. Quick upon the news of the loss of Ticonderoga, or simultaneously with it, came the intelligence of the dismissal of the petition by congress ; but gallant little Vermont was neither driven from resistance to the foreign force or the domestic opponents. 1777.] JEALOUSIES AND DISPUTES. 117 CHAPTER IX. Jealousies and disputes among the continental officers Dislike of Schuyler by the New England troops Schuyler tenders his resignation Inquiry into his conduct Honourable testi- monial Ordered to take command of the northern army Carleton superseded by Burgoyne Activity of Burgoyne War feast with the Iroquois Humane attempt of Burgoyne to restrain the barbarities of his Indian allies Its futility Manifesto to the Americans Advance on Ticonderoga Retreat of St. Clair Death of Colonel Francis Greenleaf s journal Colonel Francis's watch restored to his mother Concentration of American forces at Fort Edward Bur- goyne's halt at Skeensboro Murder of Jane McCrea The modern narrative The popular version 'Letter of Gates to Burgoyne Reply of the latter. NOT the least difficulty in the management of hostilities is found in the jealousies and disputes among the officers ; the questions respecting prece- dence, and the sensitiveness of the military spirit to any thing like insult, oversight, or neglect. The safety of a country, or the efficiency of an army, cannot be sacrificed to the feelings of an officer, however meritorious. General Schuyler had the misfortune to be very unpopular with the New England troops ; and reinforcements under him came forward with less spirit than the exi- gences of the service demanded. His demean- our to the officers of the New England regiments, whether retaliatory for their dislike to him, or HISTORY OF VEKMONT. [1777. the origin of that dislike, was a great disadvan- tage to the service. Probably prejudice against Schuyler as a New York officer had its effect. And the joint command of the operations of the war by Washington and the 'congress threw ad- ditional difficulties in the way. General Schuy- ler's head-quarters were, by a resolution of con- gress, March, 1776, fixed at Albany. This re- solution, though he was nominally in command, precluded him from active service. As soon as the spring of 1777 opened, and the fear of an attack upon Ticonderoga, by a march over the ice, was removed, General Schuyler waited upon congress with the intention of offering his re- signation. He demanded an inquiry into his conduct, which had been the subject of aspersion. A committee of one member from each state made the investigation, and the result was such as to show that the general's complaints of in- justice had too much foundation. His services appeared of a character and importance which had never been duly appreciated ; and as a mea- sure of reparation the disagreeable resolution was rescinded, and General Schuyler was order- ed to take command of the northern army. But the compliment to one was an insult to an- other or was so regarded. General Gates withdrew in displeasure. Meanwhile, there had also been a change in the British army. General Burgoyne, who had 1777.] ACTIVITY OF BDRGOYNE. 119 served under Sir Guy Carleton, nad repaired to England with a report of the proceedings of the campaign in which the American forces were compelled to retreat. A plan for the invasion of the states, by way of the lakes, was arranged in London, and General Burgoyne, upon whose reports, and by whose counsel it was arranged, came back with orders superseding Sir Guy in the command. What that officer, who had so much distinguished himself in repelling invasion, would have accomplished in offensive operations, can only be subject of supposition ; but $e re- sult of General Burgoyne's expedition proved most fortunate to the American cause. He had under his command a splendidly appointed army of not less than eight thousand men, exclusive of the Indians and Canadians, who were ex- pected to join him, and for whom equipments were forwarded from England. General Burgoyne entered upon his duty with a zeal- and activity which indicated his confi- dence of success. On the 6th of May he landed at Quebec on the 12th he proceeded to Mon- treal. On the 20th June he had already em- barked a portion of his forces, and on the 21st landed on the New York side of Lake Cham- plain. His movements were made with such celerity as to make his presence so near the American posts almost a surprise. At this point he met the Indians of the Six Nations in a grand 120 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. council, and gave them a war feast. The em- ployment of such horrid allies is a disgrace to a Christian nation, and gives warfare, cruel enough at the best, additional features of atrocity. It is doubtless true that Burgoyne, while he urged the Indians to war, exhorted them to humanity ; and while he put arms in their hands, endeavour- ed to teach them forbearance. But words weigh little against savage propensities. The savages followed their fiendish mode of warfare ; and the exasperation which their conduct produced contributed no little to the zeal with which an enemy employing such aid was met. General Burgoyne indeed enjoined upon the Indians that they were not to take scalps from the ^Youuded, or even from the dying," and professed to de- mand a strict account for those which were taken from the dead. But the weakness of making exceptions, while any scalps were suffered to be brought into his camp, is too apparent to need comment. Who was to answer the '"Strict in- quiries," which General Burgoyne professed to make respecting these savage trophies of the In- dians, which he admitted his inability to prevent them from taking ! After treating with his Indian allies, General Burgoyne commenced his operations with a mani- festo, in which the pompous announcement of his titles was waggishly said, by contemporary American writers, to be more than a match for 1777.] ADVANCE ON TICONDEROGA. 121 all the force of the United States. It was signed " By John Burgoyne, Esquire, Lieutenant-Go- vernor of His Majesty's forces in America, Colo- nel of the Queen's Regiment of Light Dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North Britain, one of the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament, and Commanding an Army and Fleet employed on an Expedition from Canada." In this pro- clamation he enormously extolled the British might and his own, and did not forget the In- dians. Of these men, whom, if we are to credit his assertions in a subsequent letter to General Gates " he had solemnly and peremptorily pro- hibited" from barbarity, he said, "I have but to give stretch to the Indian for'ces under my di- rection, and they amount to thousands, to over- take the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America. I consider them the same, wherever they may lurk." Unfortunately the Indians were not able or anxious always to distinguish "hard- ened enemies" from friends; and not a little damage was done to the royal cause from the insecurity of its provincial friends against Indian depredations. Immediately upon the issue of his proclama- tion, General Burgoyne appearqd before Ticon- deroga. General Schuyler was absent from the fort, having repaired to Fort Edward, to hasten forward reinforcements and provisions. Every effort, consistent with the shortness of the time, 11 122 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. had been made to strengthen the post, which was left in command of General St. Glair. On the 2d of July a skirmish took place with an Ame- rican picket-guard, in which the British drove them in. The pursuers advanced within two hundred yards of the American batteries, of the precise location of which they seemed unaware. A random fire of artillery, without orders, killed only one man, and the smoke covered the retreat of the rest. The fortress at Ticonderoga was deemed almost impregnable, and additional works had been thrown up on Mount Independence, a hill on the east side of Lake Champlain, But the works were nevertheless overlooked by a high hill, called Sugar Hill, or Mount Defiance. This eminence had not been fortified, for the double reason that it was considered impracticable, and that the Americans were not in force to man their present works properly. The garrison consisted of less than three thousand five hun- dred men. But to their surprise, on the 5th of July, they found the British erecting a battery on Sugar Hill, hoisting the cannon from tree to tree. This would command all the Ame- rican works ; and to escape complete investment, a retreat was resolved upon by the garrison, and effected on the night following. The invalids, and such baggage as could be removed, were embarked on board the batteaux for Skeensboro, 1777.] RETREAT OF ST. CLAIR. 123 now Whitehall. The main body proceeded by land, the rear-guard leaving Mount Independ ence at four o'clock, on the morning of the 6th of July. The retreat would have been without disaster, but for a disobedience of orders. General St. Clair had required that nothing should be set on fire ; but a French officer imprudently fired his house, and the flames illuminating the whole hill, showed the British the movements and designs of the Americans. General Burgoyne pur- sued the party by water, and Generals Frazer and Reidesel the main body by land. The Ame- rican rear was commanded by Colonel Ebenezer Francis, of Beverly, Massachusetts, whose un- timely death, in his thirty-fifth year, only pre- vented his winning a name as well known to the nation as it is dear to his descendants. We subjoin, from the " History of Beverly," by Mr. Stone, some particulars which will serve to show what material formed a portion of the Con- tinental army, and also exhibit the circumstances of the retreat in graphic language. Colonel Francis marched at the head of his regiment from Massachusetts to Ticonderoga, in January, 1777. With that regard for religion which was the characteristic of his life, he as- sembled the regiment for religious services, in his own parish church, previous to his march. His pastor, who conducted the services, which 124 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. vrere of a most solemn and impressive character, accompanied the regiment as chaplain. Captain Greenleaf, whose private journal is preserved in the library of the Massachusetts Historical So- ciety, thus records the circumstances of the retreat : " 14th June, heard enemy's morning gun In- dians and others near skirmishes. 2d July, enemy advances with two frigates of twenty-eight guns, and fifty gun-boats land troops about two miles from us. Saturday, July -5th, at twelve o'clock, spied British troops on the mount- ain overlooking Ticonderoga at nine received the disagreeable news of leaving the ground. At two next morning left Ticonderoga at four, Mount Independence ; after a most fatiguing march, arrived same day at Hubbardton, near White- hall, twenty-two miles from Mount Independence. Supped with Col. Francis encamped in the woods, the main body going on about four miles. Monday, 7th July, breakfasted with Col. F. At seven, he came to me and desired me to parade the regiment, which I did. At a quarter past seven he came in haste to me, told me an express had arrived from General St. Clair, informing that we must march with the greatest expedition, or the enemy would be upon us, also that they had taken Skeensboro, with all our baggage ordered me to march the regftnent immediately marched a part of it. At twenty minutes past 1777.] DEATH OF COLONEL FRANCIS. 125 seven, the enemy appeared in gunshot of us , we faced to the right and the firing began, which lasted till a quarter to nine without cessation. Numbers fell on both sides ; among ours the brave and ever to be lamented Col. Francis, who fought bravely to the last. He first received a ball through his right arm, but still continued at the head of our troops, till he received a fatal wound through his body, entering his right breast ; he dropped on his face. Our people being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to retreat over the mountains, enduring in their march great privations and sufferings." Thus died Colonel Francis, of whom a British officer who was in the engagement thus speaks : " At the commencement of the action the enemy were everywhere thrown into the greatest confu- sion ; but being rallied by that brave officer, Colo- nel Francis, whose death, though an enemy, will ever be regretted by those who can feel for the loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was renewed with the greatest degree of fierceness and obstinacy." It is a curi6us fact that the officer who thus records the death of Colonel Francis, afterward met his mother, and was witness to a most af- fecting interview. He was a prisoner with Gene- ral Burgoyne, near Boston, on parole, and while walking with other British officers in the like case, stopped with them at a farm-house. An 11* 126 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. elderly woman who was sitting in the house, re- cognised them as British officers. " Just as we were quitting the house," says the narrator, " she got up, and bursting into tears, said, 1 Gentlemen, will you let a poor distracted woman speak a word to you before you go?' We, as you must all naturally imagine, were all asto- nished ; and upon our inquiring what she wanted, with the most poignant grief, and sobbing as if her heart was breaking, she asked if any of us knew her son, a Colonel Francis, who was killed at the battle of Hubbardton. Several of us in- formed her that we had seen him after he was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if any of his papers were safe, as some re- lated to his estates, and if any of the soldiers had got his watch ; if she could but obtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should be happy. Captain Ferguson, of our re- giment, who was of the party, told her, as to the colonel's papers and pocket-book, he was fearful they were either lost or destroyed ; but pulling a watch from his fob, he said, ' There, good woman, if that can make you happy, take it, and God bless you !' We were all much surprised, as un- acquainted he had made a purchase of it from a drum boy. On seeing it, it is impossible to de- scribe the joy and grief that were depicted in her countenance. I never in all my life beheld such a strength of passion ; she kissed it, looked 1777.] HALT AT FORT EDWARD. 127 unutterable gratitude at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again; her feelings were unexpressible ; she knew not how to express or to show them ; she would repay his kindness by kindness, but could only sob her thanks. Our feelings were lifted up to an unexpressible height. We pro- mised to search after the papers, and I believe at that moment could have hazarded life to pro- cure them." Such strange incidents does war, that anomaly amid civilization, furnish ! Colonel Warner, with his Green Mountain re- giment, was with Colonel Francis. We need hardly say that this regiment stood their ground manfully. After the fall of Francis, Warner charged with such impetuosity that for a moment the British troops were thrown into confusion. But a reinforcement arriving, the Americans were completely overpowered. Two or three regiments, which should have been in the engage- ment, consulted their own safety by a retreat ; and the rout of the rest was complete. The loss of the Americans was very severe, amount- ing to between three and four hundred men, killed, wounded, and prisoners. The retreating army collected at Fort Ed- ward, having lost all their baggage and stores. General Burgoyne destroyed in a few hours the water defences at Ticonderoga, and pushed on to Skeensboro, where the garrison attempted HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. no stand, but setting fire to the mills and bat- teaux, retreated. They were pursued, but de- fended themselves with so much spirit that the pursuit was given over, and General Burgoyne halted a few days at Skeensboro, to refresh his men. It was during the subsequent advance upon Fort Edward that the murder of Miss Jane McOrea roused the resentment of the Ameri- cans to the highest degree ; and, in the excite- ment of the times, covered General Burgoyne with unmerited obloquy. This tragical story belongs to the romance of the Revolutionary war: and, while the people were filled with hor- ror and indignation, that narrative which re- flected the greatest dishonour upon the British commander and his savage allies was accepted as most likely to be the true one. Now, how- ever, when party feeling has subsided, a calmer investigation of the circumstances connected with that hapless affair has led to the belief that the popular version is incorrect in many important particulars. Jane McCrea was the affianced bride of a Mr. Jones, a young American, of loyalist princi- ples, who had joined Burgoyne, and accepted a commission in the British army. Little doubt was entertained, at that period, of the eventual success of the royal cause. The progress of the invading force under Burgoyne had hitherto 1777.] JANE MCCREA. 129 been a most triumphant one. When the British approached Fort Edward, Miss McCrea was the guest of Mrs. McNeil, whose house was at the foot of a hill, distant about eighty rods north- ward from the fort. " The hill-side was covered with bushes, while a quarter of a mile above, near the crest of the hill, a large pine tree shadowed a clear spring." The brother with whom Jenny had previously lived, being a staunch Whig, was preparing to abandon his house, five miles below the fort, and retire to Albany. Apprehensive of danger to his sister, he several times desired her to join him without delay. The hope of meeting her lover causing her still to linger, her brother be- came alarmed, and despatched so peremptory a message that she promised to return to his house the following day. The next morning, the negro boy belonging to Mrs. McNeil hurriedly informed the family of the approach of a small party of Indian warriors, and then fled across the plain to the fort for pro- tection. Acting on the impulse of the moment, the whole family hastily sought refuge in the cel- lar of a kitchen detached from the house. While crouching here in the darkness, the colour of the servant woman shielded her from discovery, but Mrs. McNeil and Jenny were seized, and hurried off by different routes to Burgoyne's camp. In the mean time, a detachment had been sent out 130 HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1777. from Fort Edward to attempt a rescue ; and when the party who were bearing off Jenny ap- proached the pine tree and the spring near the gummit of the hill, they were suddenly fired upon by the American pursuers. During the brief skirmish that followed, Jenny was accidentally struck by a bullet, and fell from her horse mor- tally wounded. Her Indian captors, conscious that by her death they had lost the reward usually paid for prisoners, could not forego the barbarous temptation of bearing off her scalp as a trophy. It was taken, and carried by them openly displayed into camp, where the long glossy hair of Jenny was speedily recognised by Mrs. McNeil, who boldly taxed the Indians with the murder of her guest. They promptly denied it, and asserted that she came by her death in the manner already described. Information subsequently obtained tended to confirm the truth of this statement, notwithstand- ing a different version of the tragical story has usually prevailed. The latter narrative charges Lieutenant Jones with having bribed the Indians with a promise of rum to conduct his betrothed into the British lines ; that as they returned with their fair captive, a quarrel arose respect- ing the division of the liquor, and, to end the dispute, one of the Indians despatched Jenny by shooting her through the breast. But Lieutenant Jones strenuously denied having engaged the 1777.] LETTER OF GATES. 131 services of the Indians at all ; nor is it probable he would do so, inasmuch as the British army was then advancing upon Fort Edward, with the certainty of its capture. The young officer could, therefore, have no desire for the presence of Miss McCrea in camp, especially as, in a day or two, the possession of Fort Edward would have enabled him to visit her with greater com- fort and security at the house of their mutual friend, Mrs. McNeil. Overcome with horror at her terrible fate, Jones tendered immediately a resignation of his commission. Burgoyne refusing to accept it, he deserted. Retiring to Canada, bearing with him the blood-stained tresses of his affianced bride, be lived there for many years. He never married, shunned all allusion to the War of Independence, kept rigidly the anniversary of Miss McCrea's death; and became, from the period of his be- reavement, a sad, thoughtful, and secluded man. The popular version of this melancholy event, at the time of its occurrence, we may presume to have been something like the following, which we extract from a letter written to General Bur- goyne by General Gates, in answer to one in which General Burgoyne complained of certain alleged harsh treatment of prisoners. "Miss McCrea, a young lady lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, en- gaged to an officer of your army, was, with other 132 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most shocking man- ner. Two parents with their six children were all treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly resting in their once peaceful and happy dwell- ing. The miserable fate of Miss McCrea was particularly aggravated by being dressed to re- ceive her promised husband, but met her murderer appointed by you. Upward of one hundred men, women, and children have perished by the hands of the ruffians to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood." General Burgoyne, in his reply, inveighs against "the rhapsodies of fiction and calumny" which it had been, he alleged, the invariable policy of the Americans to propagate. But with all the elements of a fearfully tragic and romantic story, which the death of Miss Mc- Crea furnished, Americans must have been dif- ferent from all other people, if the narrative did not grow with the repetition. They must have been insensible to murder and cruelty, could they have weighed all the rumours and dispassionately sifted out truth from error. The disgrace which the British allies entailed upon their employers was a part of the price of their service- nowhere better understood than by indignant statesmen at home, as the remonstrances of the opposition in Parliament testify. 1777.] ACTION OF THE COUNCIL. 133 CHAPTER X. Action of Vermont and New Hampshire upon the fall of Ti- conderoga Orders of General Stark Resolves in Congress Schuyler's judicious measures General Burgoyne'ssecond proclamation Vain appeal of Major Skeene General Stark's insubordination Resolution of censure in Congress British attempt to secure the stores at Bennington Battle of Bennington Attack on Colonel Bauin's entrenchments Complete success of General Stark Renewal of the en- gagement by Colonels Warner and Breyman Defeat of the latter Important effects upon the American cause Extract from Burgoyne's instructions to Colonel Baum General Burgoyne's opinion of the people of the New Hampshire grants Appointment of Gates to supersede Schuyler Ge- neral Gates arrives at Stillwater Battle of Stillwater or Behmus Heights Victory claimed by both parties, but the real advantage with the Americans Battle of the 7th Octo- ber General Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga Capitulation of Burgoyne. WHEN the disastrous intelligence of the fall of Ticonderoga reached the Vermont council of safety, they despatched pressing letters to New Hampshire and Massachusetts, setting forth their exposed condition, and urging those , states for assistance. The New Hampshire council immediately convened the legislature, and that body placing 'a large force under com- mand of -General Stark, directed him to re- pair to Charleston, on the 'Connecticut River, and there consult with the Vermont council as 12 134 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. to the forwarding of supplies, and the conduct of future operations. He was instructed to act in conjunction with the troops of Vermont, or any other state, or of the United States, in such manner as, in his opinion, would most effectually stop the operations of the enemy. This very broad exercise of discretion was given him in consequence of his independent position ; for disgusted with ihe neglect with which he con- ceived himself treated, in not being made a brigadier-general in the Continental army, Stark had just resigned his commission as colonel, and conceiving himself not amenable to command in the regular army, he had stipulated for this in- dependent command. This was another of the many difficulties which Congress had with its officers ; but in the result it proved a fortunate circumstance. The news of the Ticonderoga disaster caused amazement every where, and no little indigna- tion. In Congress the retreat was made the subject of warm animadversion ; and the recall of all the officers was ordered, and only sus- pended on the earnest expostulation of General Washington against leaving the northern array without officers. Subsequent inquiry, and a re- velation of the comparative weakness of the garrison and the strength of the' besiegers, caused the officers to be exonerated from all blame. 1777.] SCHUYLER'S MEASURES: 135 General Schuyler, who, as previcusly stated, was absent forwarding supplies when Ticonde- roga was taken, was on his return when he heard of the fall of that important post, and of the loss of Skeensboro. He set about immediately staying the mischief with a fortitude and in- dustry most commendable, and employed the forced respite which Burgoyne gave him, in de- stroying bridges, breaking up roads, sinking ob- structions in the navigable creeks, and felling trees across the road. So effectually was this work done, that when the British army moved forward from Skeensboro, they were often occupied twenty-four hours in advancing one mile. The horses and draught cattle were driven off, and the passage of the British from Skeensboro to Fort Edward on the Hudson, delayed them until the 29th of July. General Schuyler had mean- while crossed the river and retreated first to Sa- ratoga, and then to Still water, where he encamp- ed on a rising ground called Behmus Heights. General Burgoyne now issued a second procla- mation. As the petition of Vermont for admis- sion into the Union had been so cavalierly treat- ed, the British general counted the juncture a good one to establish Skeene's new province, and summoned delegates to meet at Castleton, to confer with the gallant niajor on that subject. But Governor Skeene's title never was acknow- ledged in any instrument except his commission 136 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 1777. and Burgoyne's proclamation. Unkindly as the Green Mountain Boys conceived themselves to have been treated, they were not yet ready for the royal protection ; and the only effect which Burgoyne's proclamation produced, was to call out a counter-manifesto from General Schuyler. The disasters which had so dispirited the American army now began to change to the British. The Americans were reinforced, and their spirits were raised by the defeat of an attempt of the British and Indians to seize Fort Schuyler, at the western boundary of the New York settlements. The Indian allies deserted the British, and after one or two brilliant skir- mishes the siege was raised. General Stark had now at Manchester a force of 1400 men, 600 of whom were Green Mountain Boys, under Colonel Warner. Schuyler wrote to him repeatedly to join the main- army; but Stark, in pursuance of the discretion allowed to him by his New Hampshire commission, chose to remain where he was. Schuyler represented this insubordination to Congress ; and on the 19th of August that body passed a resolution censuring the course pursued by New Hampshire, in giving General Stark a separate command, and re- questing that he should be instructed to conform himself to the same rules to which other general officers of the militia were subject. General Stark, whose patriotism outweighed 1777.] DIFFICULTIES OF BUKSOYNE. 137 his resentment, while he moved toward the post indicated by General Schuyler, still moved at his leisure. He was with his regiment at Benning- ton, longing for an opportunity to do something upon his own account, when an occasion present- ed itself. Burgoyne had found his position at- tended with great difficulties. His supplies from Canada were irregular, and not one-third of the horses on which he had counted had arrived. The judicious measures of General Schuyler had so consumed the time of the British army, that their stores were nearly expended ; and, as he was compelled to keep the road open behind him to forward provisions, the detachments necessary for this purpose weakened his army for active operations. In this difficulty a supply must be had from some source. A depot of provisions and other stores was established at Bennington for the American army, and with this Burgoyne proposed to replenish his magazines. It was reported to be guarded only by militia, and the sentiments of a majority of the residents were furthermore stated to be hostile to the American cause. We are not in possession of absolute facts for the opinion, but it seems exceedingly probable that the irritation of the Green Moun- tain Boys at their treatment by Congress may have given rise to expressions which induced Burgoyne to doubt their attachment to the United States. 12* 138 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. Colonel Baum, with five hundred European troops, some American loyalists and Indian auxiliaries, was detached on this service. An- other detachment under Colonel Breyman was advanced as a reserve. General Stark, at Ben- nington, . heard of the approach of a body of Indians, and despatched a detachment under Colonel Greg, to arrest their proceedings. It was soon discovered that these savages were the advance party of Colonel Baum's command. General Stark instantly sent an express to Colo- nel Warner, to hasten to his aid, and also called upon the militia of the vicinity to join him with all possible despatch. On the morning of the 14th of August, Ge- neral Stark, with the force at his command, ad- vanced to meet Colonel Baum, and on the way met Colonel Greg in retreat before the enemy. Stark immediately formed in order of battle, and Colonel Baum perceiving that the Americans were in too great strength to be attacked by his present force, halted, and despatched an express to Colonel Breyman for assistance. General Stark finding his position unfavourable for an engagement, chose a better position, about a mile in the rear. Here it was resolved in a council of war to attack Baum at once, before he could receive reinforcements, and the next day was appointed for the engagement. That day, how- ever, proved rainy; and beyond frequent skir- 1777.] BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 139 mishes of small parties, in which the spirits of the Americans were much raised by success, no- thing was done. Baum, meanwhile, improved the delay to intrench himself in his camp, and fortify his position. The rain and the state of the roads delayed Breyman's march. On the morning of the 16th, General Stark, having been joined by some IVlassachusetts mi- litia, determined on an attack, although -Colonel Warner had not yet arrived. Drawing out his forces, he made the very brief speech to them which is familiar to all readers of American his- tory : "Boys, there they are ! We beat to-day, or Sally Stark's a widow !" The attack on the entrenchments was made in four points at once. It is stated by some authorities, that so confi- dent were the Tory provincials under Baum's command, of the attachment of the country to the royal cause, that while Stark was making dispositions for an attack, they sup- posed his men to be armed loyalists, coming to join them. This error was soon discovered. The four divisions, numbering in all about eight hundred men, made their attack almost simultaneously. The Indian allies of the British, with their cha- racteristic poltroonery, where hard fighting and no plunder was the prospect, fled at the com- mencement of the attack. The German troops fought like lions, and when their ammunition was 140 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. expended, rushed to the charge, led by their gallant leader, Colonel Baum. After two hours of close and severe contest the victory was com- plete, and the whole British detachment, except the Indians and the loyalists, who took to the woods, were either killed or taken prisoners. Just as Stark's men had fallen into the confu- sion of victory, -yhich is scarcely less than that of defeat, the alarm was given that Colonel Breyman was rapidly approaching. Fortunately, at this precise juncture, Colonel Warner also arrived ; and the two bodies of reserve, not reach- ing in season to join the first encounter, renewed the battle. General Stark collected his men, and hastened to the assistance of Warner. The battle was continued till sunset, when the British force gave way, abandoning their baggage and artillery. The Americans pursued them until dark, and thus closed the famous battle of Ben- nington a victory most opportune, and the pre- lude of more successes. The American loss was only fourteen killed, and forty-two wounded. The British loss was about two hundred killed, and over six hundred prisoners, a thousand stand of arms, four pieces of artillery, and a thousand dragoon swords. But the moral effect of such success was a great dut of an act of Governor Chittenden's. A brigade of 1812.] BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 245 Vermont militia had been detailed by the prede- cessor of Governor Chittenden into the service of the United States. This brigade Governor Chittenden recalled by proclamation, denying the legality of such a draft, except to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection, or to repel invasion. Neither of these three emergencies existed in the present case. The, officers of the brigade refused obedience, and made a written protest against the proclamation. But as it was issued within a few days of the time when the militia were entitled to their dis- charge, and ^ifter the army had retired to winter quarters, the difficulty was adjusted by the dis- charge of the militia. But while little of moment had occurred on Lake Champlain, Lake Erie had been the scene of the brilliant victory of Capt. Perry, and the command of the lake was now, and remained during the war in the hands of the Americans. The British made no serious efforts to recover their ascendency. Michigan, lost by the sur- render of Hull, was restored to the United States, and the northern frontier was relieved of the dangers with which Hull's disaster had seemed to threaten it. The territorial govern- ment of Michigan was reorganized. The vessels captured by Perry were used as transports, and General Harrison's troops were conveyed to the Canada side. Pursuing Procter, the English 21* 246 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. general, who had twice invaded Ohio, the battle of the Thames restored the confidence of the Ame- rican forces. Procter lost all his .ammunition and baggage, and narrowly escaped himself. The American force returned triumphant, but without any attempt at a permanent occupation of Canada. Early in the spring of 1814, the old war-path on Lake Champlain began to resume its interest. General Wilkinson added the testimony of his experi-ence to the fact that no successful inva- ison could be attempted from either side of the Canada line upon the other. Advancing with four thousand men along the west side of Lake Champlain, he attempted to enter Canada, but was repulsed at the British outposts, and returned to Plattsburg. In July of the same year General Brown invaded Canada from Buf- falo, and the battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, while they exhibited the bravery of the American forces, again demonstrated that the permanent occupation of any part of Canada by the United States troops was an impossi- bility. The burning of towns and villages on either frontier, and the most barbarous exhi- bitions of partizan anger, were the aspects in which Avar was usually presented between Ca- nada and the Northern states. From the pre- vious intercourse and neighbourhood attach- ments of the parties, hostilities had all the bad 1814.] ADVANCE ON PLATTSBURG. 247 characteristics of civil war the most inhuman description of warfare. A ship, a schooner, a brig, and several gun- boats were built under the superintendence of Capjain McDonough, during the winter and spring of 1814. They were constructed on the borders of Otter Creek, and the operations of the campaign were opened by an effort of the enemy to destroy the flotilla while yet incom- plete. The invading force was, however, repuls- ed by the batteries at the mouth of the creek, and. by the Vermont militia, and returned with- out effecting any thing. Nothing of moment occurred until the month of September, when the British naval and land forces made an ad- vance upon Plattsburg. The fort was garrisoned by General Macomb, with a force of about fifteen hundred effective men. The flotilla of Captain McDonough carried eighty-six guns, and was manned by eight hundred and twenty men. Sir George Prevost, the English commander-in- chief, had a force of twelve thousand, and the English flotilla, commanded by Captain Downie, carried ninety-six guns, and was manned by one thousand and fifty men. The American fleet chose a position, and waited at anchor for the approach of the enemy. On the morning of the llth of September, the British fleet entered the harbour of Plattsburg in the full confidence of victory. 248 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814, Great efforts had been made, and with good success, to reinforce General Macomb in his po- sition at Plattsburg. Expresses had been sent into Vermont, and Governor Chittenden called earnestly upon the people to volunteer for the defence of Plattsburg. The fort was in full view of the fleet, and the soldiers waited in a fever of impatience for the double assault, by land and by water. General Prevost moved slowly to the attack, apparently waiting for the commencement of the naval action as the signal for the land assault. The two larger vessels of the American flo- tilla, were the Saratoga, twenty-six guns, and the Eagle, twenty. The Eagle opened the en- gagement. In his Naval History, Cooper gives a very interesting anecdote respecting the com- mencement of the engagement. A few minutes passed in the solemn and silent expectation that, in a disciplined ship, always precedes a battle. Suddenly the Eagle discharged, in quick succes- sion, four guns in broadside. In clearing the decks of the Saratoga some hen-coops were thrown overboard, and the poultry had been per- mitted to run at large. Startled by the reports of the guns, a young cock flew upon a gun-slide, clapped his wings and crowed. At this animat- ing sound the men spontaneously gave three cheers. This little occurrence relieved the breathing time between preparation and the 1814.] BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. 249 combat, and it had a powerful influence upon the known tendencies of the seamen. Still Captain McDonough did not give the order to commence, for it was apparent that the fire of the Eagle, which vessel still continued to engage, was use- less. As soon, however, as it was seen that her shot told, Captain McDonough himself sighted one of the Saratoga's long twenty-fours, and the gun was fired. This shot is said to have struck the Confiance near the outer hawsehole, and to have passed the length of her deck, killing and wounding several men, and carrying away the steering wheel. The English vessels came up in gallant style, and anchored in the face of this cannonade. The Confiance carried thirty-seven guns, thirty- one of which were long twenty-fours, and she had been built in defiance of any force which could be opposed to her. Could this vessel once get the desired position, it was considered that she would decide the fate of the day. But she was handled too roughly in coming up; andwlien at last she came to anchor, it was at an unfavour- able distance from the American line. Her first broadside told terribly on the Saratoga. Forty men were killed and wounded by this single dis- charge. The engagement now became general, and after an action of about three hours, not an English flag fl rated in the bay all were lowered. 250 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814 The Confianee, terribly crippled, and the com- mander of the flotilla killed, being the first to strike. The smaller vessels followed the ex- ample; but, by a curious accident, related by Cooper, the British galleys escaped. They were drifting with their flags down, ready to be taken possession of as prizes, when an accidental dis- charge of a gun on board the Confianee was mis- taken for a signal, and the English galleys made off slowly and irregularly, as if distrusting their own liberty. There was not a vessel among the larger ones whose masts would bear a sail, and the men from the American galleys were wanted at the pumps of the prizes to keep them afloat. No accurate report of the killed and wounded has been obtained. The British loss must have exceeded two hundred and fifty killed and wounded, and among the former were Cap- tain Downie and three lieutenants. The Ame- rican loss was one hundred and ten killed and wounded, and among the former were lieutenants Gamble and Stansbury. Sir George Prevost, who had hardly com- menced the action on shore when the fate of the fleet was decided, made a most unmilitary and precipitate retreat, leaving all his baggage and military stores, and losing in killed, wounded, pri- soners and deserters, over twenty-five hundred men. The loss of the Americans in the land en- gagement did not exceed one hundred and fifty. 1814.] CHITTENDEN RE-ELECTED. 251 CHAPTER XVII. Reelection of Governor Chittenden His annual address Vermont refuses to send delegates to the Hartford Conven- tion The victors of Plattsburg complimented for their ser- vices Grant of land to McDom ugh Treaty of Ghent Review of the war Honesty of the war and peace parties Statistics of Vermont Population, agriculture, manufac- tures Cotton, wool, and iron The lumber business Mis- cellaneous statistics Inland navigation Railroads Banks Benevolent institutions State income and expenditure Religious denominations Closing remarks. WITH the victory of Plattsburg, the war, so far as Vermont was concerned, was at an end. The Vermont volunteer soldiery had highly dis- tinguished themselves by the alacrity with which they responded to the call of their country, for- getful of all party differences. Governor Chifc- tenden, who was re-elected by the legislature, by a majority of twenty-nine votes, in his annual address, paid a high compliment to the soldiers who had repulsed the enemy. He said they had taught them the " mortifying lesson that the soil of freedom will not bear the tread of hostile feet with impunity," and he pronounced their achieve- ments "unsurpassed in the records of naval and military warfare." But he manfully ad- hered to his opinion of the war, and declared 252 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. that he " conscientiously disapproved of it as unnecessary, unwise, and hopeless in all its of- fensive operations." In the same address he adverted to the complaints which had been made that he did not order out the militia for the de- fence of Plattsburg, instead of calling for volunteers. He said that as no portion of the militia of Vermont had been detached by the president, the call upon them as volunteers was the only mode in which efficient and timely aid could be afforded. The house returned a digni- fied and respectful answer, avoiding such topics as would have elicited debate. Indeed, the pres- sure from without, and the actual invasion of the country, seemed to have calmed the angry waters of strife. An invitation from Massachusetts to send de- legates to the Hartford Convention, was unani- mously declined by the same legislature which had elected a Federal governor. And this Fe- deral governor, it should be noticed, was a man of character and decided opinions. In Congress he had distinguished himself as the opponent of the embargo ; and as governor, during his first term, he issued the proclamation mentioned in the last chapter, for which there was a proposi- tion made in Congress to instruct the attorney- general to impeach him. The Massachusetts legislature supported him in a series of resolu- tions. The legislature <>f Pennsylvania denounced 1814.] PEACE NEGOTIATED. 253 him, and the legislature of New Jersey charac- terized him as a "maniac governor." Little Vermont has had the fortune to make a sensa- tion in the confederacy altogether greater than her importance in regard to population and wealth. But her sturdy independence has done good service in vindicating the rights of small states to be respected, and in practically defend- ing that wise theory of the Union, which bases the privileges of the commonwealths in the Union, not on their power, but on their rights. At this session of the legislature, resolutions were passed highly complimentary to General Macomb, to Captain McDonough, and their of- ficers and men, and to General Strong and the Vermont volunteers. To Captain McDonough, the legislature presented a farm on Cumberland Head, in sight of the scene of his victory. Other compliments and gifts were made him by Con- gress, and different states and towns. In December, 1814, the plenipotentiaries of the respective nations signed a treaty of ^icace at Ghent, between the United States and Great Britain. In reviewing the events of the war, so far as they have entered into the history of Vermont, or have been necessary to illustrate our narrative, we have endeavoured to be im- partial. In the Revolutionary War there was but one American party. Whoever opposed that war befriended the claims of a foreign power. HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1815. But in the last war there could be an honest difference of opinion without prejudice to the patriotism of the holders. In the heat of party excitement it was natural to charge, and even to suspect improper motives. But as time gives us more impartial views, and removes the exaspera- tion of party feeling, we must concede to the opponents, as well as to the friends of the war, true patriotism. And we must concede also that many of the selfish and designing had no higher object than their own advantage in opposition or in defence of the measure. We should trem- ble for the republic if, in this century, the people should be found unanimously in favour of war with any people, or under any circumstances. At this distance of time we can perceive that so far as any war can be conducive to the advan- tage of a nation, this war was to the United States in some important particulars. But we are free from the losses, the sufferings, and the perils which entered into the estimate of con- temporaries ; and we, too, in a time of peace, can condemn all war as unchristian and unnecessary without being suspected of treachery to our country. Could not those who honestly held the same opinion then, hold it without a treacherous wish or purpose ? At the election in 1815, it was found that the democratic party was again in the ascendency. And as party spirit died away with the removal 1850.] AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. 255 of causes of excitement, the words Federalist and Democrat ceased to be a rallying cry, or to be applied as terms of opprobrium. It would be neither profitable nor interesting to follow all the party contests which have taken their rise from temporary or local causes, or the preference of the people for particular men. Suffice it of the noble and patriotic state of Vermont to say, that she has ever shown herself practically re- publican. We have stated the increase of population in a preceding chapter, the present population ,pf the state being 314,120. A few statistics of agricultural and other productions, will exhibit what this population is capable of effecting. The number of acres of land under cultivation, in 1850, was 2,322,923 ; value of farming imple- ments and machinery, $2,774,959 ; of live stock, $11,292,748; of home-made manufac- tures, $261,589. The number of bushels of wheat raised, was 493,666; of Indian corn, 1,625,776. The number of pounds of wool produced was 3,492,087 ; of butter, 12,128,095; of cheese, 6,755,006 ; of maple sugar, 5,159,641 ; tons of hay, 763,579. The cotton manufacture of the state is carried on by nine establishments, in which a capital of $202,500 is invested. The annual value of all raw material is $114,115; of products, $196,100 ; operatives, 250 ; month- ly wages, $3,321. In the woollen manufacture 256 HISTOKT OF VERMONT. [1850. there is a capital of $886, 300, invested in seventy-two establishments, using in a year raw material to the amount of $830,684, and producing an annual value of $1,579,161. The number of operatives is 1493, receiving month- ly wages amounting to $25,100. The capital invested in iron works in 1850, was $325,920; raw material, $206,972 ; value of products, $692,817. These statistics do not include, of course, all the products of the industry of the people ; nor is it possible, by the most careful estimates and inquiries, to obtain any thing more than an approximation to the whole pro- ductions of the state. Besides the great staples of agriculture mentioned above, the smaller ones are produced in abundance, although the state is better adapted to grazing than to grain. The lumber business annually produces about $400,000, and about seven hundred tons of pot and pearl ashes ; its orchard products are $200,000 ; poultry, $200,000 ; hats, caps, and bonnets, $70,000; bricks and lime, $300,000; marble and granite, $70,000. The chief supply of black marble used in the United States comes from the quarries on Lake Champlain ; and some beautiful varieties of dove-coloured, white and clouded marbles are found in Vermont. Vessels for lake and river navigation are annually built, to the value of about $80,000, and these are 1850.] RAILROADS. employed in the trade of the state with New York and Canada on Lake Champlain, and the rivers and canals with which the waters of that lake are connected. And we may here observe that this important avenue to the interior of the country, which has during two wars been the path of foreign invasion, is now guarded by fortifications which can easily be made impreg- nable. Rouse's Point, near the Canadian line, has fortifications which cannot be passed by water. At the close of the last war the United States government caused this point to be forti- fied, but the awkward discovery was made that the point was not within the United States boundary, and the work was therefore abandon- ed. By the treaty of Washington, negotiated in 1842, by Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton, Rouse's Point was obtained for the United States, thus securing the key of Lake Cham- plain ; and the state of Vermont obtained also about sixty-one thousand acres which would have been left, by the true parallel of 45, on the Canada side of the line. Vermont has her share of railroads, which intersect the state in all desirable and profita- ble directions, in length over four hundred miles. Less accidents have occurred upon them than on any other roads in the United States, Her banking capital is about a million and a half. She has a state institution for the in- 22* 258 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1850. sane, and other public buildings, on a scale commensurate with her wants, and adapted to modern views of philanthropy. She has no town with a population exceeding five thousand, ana thus escapes the difficulties in enforcing whole- some general laws a disadvantage which large cities impose as a counterpoise to their bene- fits. Her annual state income is about one hundred thousand dollars ; and her expenses fal 1 BO far short of this, that although she has had temporary debts for specific purposes they were soon extinguished. The preponderating religious denominations are the Congregationalists, Baptists, and Me- thodists. Next to these come the Episcopa- lians. The smaller denominations are also re- presented, and the regard paid to the Sabbath and to religious instructions and institutions is general and evident in the character of the people. Printing presses, periodicals, daily, semi-weekly, weekly, and monthly, abound in the true New England proportion ; and books, with the Vermont imprint, chiefly Bibles, his- torical works, and other standards, are found throughout New England. Montpelier has been for nearly half a cen- tury the capital of the state the legislature in its first years being migratory. The State House is a beautiful building, in a mixed style of Grecian architecture, and, with the other public 1850.] CLOSING REMARKS. 259 buildings, is worthy of the state. The State House has, as trophies, the four cannon cap- tured by Stark in the Battle of Bennington. These cannon tell the story of two wars. They were lost by Hull at the surrender of Detroit, recaptured by the Americans at the taking of Fort George, and remained many years un- claimed and forgotten by Vermont, in the arsenal at Washington. There they were ob- served, with their inscription, by Hon. Henry Stevens ; and, at his request, restored by Con- gress to the gallant state, on the soil where they were captured. Another memorial of her services and sufferings in the wars of the Union is found in her military pension list, which, even as late as 1840, numbered 1,320 out of 291.948 inhabitants, a proportion greatly diminished from the earlier pension roll. Such are some of the facts in the history and statistics of Vermont. We have given without partiality the narrative of her progress, from the early days when resistance to wrong exposed her rude patriots to error, down to her present quiet and orderly condition. The services she has rendered to the Union as a frontier state, entitle her to our highest grati- tude ; for while in war she was distinguished in arms, in peace she has proved herself equal to the maintenance of a delicate and trouble- some position. She sheltered the fugitives 260 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1850. during the Canadian rebellion without com promising the country ; and her people followed the natural sympathies of republicans, without doing violence to her duty, as one of the United States, to a friendly government. The stranger from Europe, who enters the United States at the great commercial sea-ports, with their half foreign aspects, has not the advantages of ob- servation which those possess, who find the Genius of America " at home" in Vermont, as soon as they cross her threshhold. And through this entrance the American may proudly welcome those who come hither seeking a home, or de- siring to see the wonderful political and social experiment of the nineteenth century a govern- ment strong without antique precedents sup- ported by citizens of distinct state sovereignties, with great local diversities of character and pursuits, yet moving harmoniously together by a common vigorous impulse to maintain the na- tional honour and the integrity of the Federal compact. THE END. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. REED LD-URU PR121988' JUN 1 2 198Z REMINGTON RAND INC. 20 213 (533) wa