THE LIBRARY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CAL [FORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 COMMODORE BYRON MCCANDLESS 
 
 jf ~.^_ 
 
 r rft* 
 
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 parfeman BMtion 
 
 THE MAKERS OF CANADA 
 
 VOL. I
 
 CHAMPLAIN
 
 THE MAKERS OF CANADA 
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 BY 
 
 N. E. DIONNE 
 
 TORONTO 
 
 MORANG & CO., LIMITED 
 1909
 
 Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada 
 in the year 1905, by Morang & Co., Limited, in the 
 Department of Agriculture.
 
 v.l 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 CHAMPLAIN'S FIRST VOYAGE TO AMERICA . 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 ACADIA STE. CROIX ISLAND PORT ROYAL . 17 
 
 39 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1811, 1613 . 69 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 THE RECOLLETS AND THEIR MISSIONS . . 81 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, 1615 . 101
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VII Page 
 
 FUR TRADE . . . . .119 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 CHAMPLAIN, THE JESUITS AND THE SAVAGES . 143 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE COMPANY OF NEW FRANCE OR HUNDRED 
 
 ASSOCIATES .... 167 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 THE CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC, 1629 . . 187 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 THE LAST EVENTS OF 1629 . . .199 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 QUEBEC RESTORED . . . .211 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 THE JESUIT MISSIONS IN NEW FRANCE 227
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER XIV Page 
 
 THE GROWTH OF QUEBEC . . . .243 
 
 CHAPTER X V 
 
 CONCLUSION . . . 261 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX . . . 283 
 
 INDEX , 289
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 > 
 
 IN undertaking to write a biography of Samuel 
 Champlain, the founder of Quebec and the 
 father of New France, our only design is to make 
 somewhat better known the dominant character- 
 istics of the life and achievements of a man whose 
 memory is becoming more cherished as the years 
 roll on. 
 
 Every one will admire Champlain's disinterested 
 actions, his courage, his loyalty, his charity, and all 
 those noble and magnificent qualities which are 
 rarely found united in one individual in so promi- 
 nent a degree. We cannot overpraise that self- 
 abnegation which enabled him to bear without 
 complaint the ingratitude of many of his inter- 
 preters, and the servants of the merchants; nor can 
 we overlook, either, the charity which he exercised 
 towards the aborigines and new settlers; the pro- 
 tection which he afforded them under trying cir- 
 cumstances, or his zeal in promoting the honour 
 and glory of God, and his respect for the Re'collet 
 and Jesuit fathers who honoured him with their 
 cordial friendship. His wisdom is evidenced in such 
 a practical fact as his choice of Quebec as the 
 capital of New France, despite the rival claims 
 of Montreal and Three Rivers, and his numerous 
 writings reveal him to us as a keen and sagacious 
 
 xiii
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 observer, a man of science and a skilful and intrepid 
 mariner. As a cosmographer, Champlain added yet 
 another laurel to his crown, for he excelled all his 
 predecessors, both by the ample volume of his 
 descriptions and by the logical arrangement of the 
 geographical data which he supplied. The impetus 
 which he gave to cartographical science can scarcely 
 be overestimated. 
 
 Naturalist, mariner, geographer, such was Samuel 
 Champlain, and to a degree remarkable for the age 
 in which he lived. It is, 'perhaps, unnecessary to 
 dwell upon the morality of the virtuous founder. 
 The testimony of the Hurons, who, twenty years 
 after his death, still pointed to the life of Cham- 
 plain as a model of all Christian virtues, is sufficient, 
 and it is certain that no governor under the old 
 regime presented a more brilliant example of faith, 
 piety, uprightness, or soundness of judgment. A 
 brief outline of the character of Champlain has 
 been given in order that the plan of this biography 
 may be better understood. Let us now glance at his 
 career more in detail. 
 
 Before becoming the founder of colonies, Cham- 
 plain entered the French army, where he devoted 
 himself to the religion of his ancestors. This was the 
 first important step in his long and eventful career. 
 A martial life, however, does not appear to have 
 held out the same inducements as that of a mariner. 
 An opportunity was presented which enabled him 
 to gratify his tastes, when the Spanish government 
 xiv
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 sent out an armada to encounter the English in the 
 Gulf of Mexico. Champlain was given the command 
 of a ship in this expedition, but his experience 
 during the war served rather as an occasion to 
 develop his genius as a mariner and cosmographer, 
 than to add to his renown as a warrior. 
 
 God, who in His providence disposes of the lives 
 of men according to His divine wisdom, directed 
 the steps of Champlain towards the shores of the 
 future New France. If the mother country had not 
 completely forgotten this land of ours, discovered 
 by one of her greatest captains, she had, at least, 
 neglected it. The honour of bringing the king's 
 attention to this vast country, which was French 
 by the right of discovery, was reserved for the 
 modest son of Brouage. 
 
 While Pierre du Gua, Sieur de Monts, was 
 wasting his years and expending large sums of 
 money in his fruitless efforts to colonize the island 
 of Ste. Croix and Port Royal, Champlain's voyage 
 to Acadia and his discovery of the New England 
 coast were practically useful, and in consequence 
 Champlain endeavoured to assure de Monts that 
 his own efforts would be more advantageously 
 directed to the shores of the St. Lawrence, for here 
 it was obvious that the development of the country 
 must commence. 
 
 Champlain's next step was to found Quebec. 
 With this act began our colonial history, the foun- 
 dation of a Canadian people with its long line 
 
 xv
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 of heroic characters distinguished by their sim- 
 plicity and by their adherence to the faith of their 
 fathers. Quebec was founded, but nothing more was 
 accomplished at the moment owing to the lack of 
 means. The trials of Champlain now commenced. 
 Day by day he had to contend against his own coun- 
 trymen. The attractions of fur trading were too 
 great for the merchants to induce them to settle 
 down and develop the country around them, and 
 they were unwilling to fulfil their promises or to act 
 in accordance with the terms of their patents. 
 
 During the next twenty years Champlain crossed 
 the ocean eighteen times. Each voyage was made 
 in the interest of the colony, and he sought by 
 every means in his power, by prayers and petitions, 
 to obtain the control of the commerce of the 
 country so as to make it beneficial to all. In spite 
 of his extraordinary exertions and the force of his 
 will, he foresaw the fatal issue of his labours. 
 
 The settlers were few in number, bread and pro- 
 visions were scarce, and the condition of the infant 
 colony was truly deplorable. At this distressing 
 period a British fleet arrived in the harbour of 
 Quebec. What was to be done ? The rude fortress 
 of St. Louis could not withstand the assault of an 
 armed fleet, even if it were well defended. But 
 Champlain had no ammunition, and he, therefore, 
 adopted the only course open to him of capitulating 
 and handing over the keys of the fort to the com- 
 mander, Kirke. Champlain then left Quebec and 
 xvi
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 returned to France. Bitter was this journey to him, 
 for it was like passing into exile to see the familiar 
 heights of Quebec fade into the distance, the city of 
 his foundation and the country of his adoption. 
 
 We have an idea of his sorrow during the three 
 years that England maintained supremacy in Can- 
 ada, for he says that the days were as long as 
 months. During his enforced sojourn in France, 
 Champlain exerted all his energies to revive interest 
 in the abandoned colony. His plan was to recover 
 the country by all means. Finally success crowned 
 his efforts, and the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye 
 gave back to France the young settlement. Cham- 
 plain recrossed the sea and planted the lily banner 
 of France upon the heights of Cape Diamond. 
 
 In the year 1635 Champlain was taken ill, and 
 died on Christmas Day, after having devoted forty 
 years of his life to the promotion of the religion and 
 commercial interests of the land of his ancestors, 
 but he bequeathed to the Canadian people the 
 priceless heritage of Quebec, and the memory of a 
 pure and honest heart. 
 
 Before Champlain's death, however, Quebec had 
 commenced to develop. On the Beauport coast 
 might be seen the residences of many of the settlers 
 who arrived from the province of Perche in 1634. 
 On the shores of the river Lairet, the Jesuits had 
 built a convent, where the young Indians received 
 instruction ; and agriculture had received some at- . 
 tention. Robert Giffard had established a colony at 
 
 xvii
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Beauport which formed the nucleus of a population 
 in this section of the country. Near Fort St. Louis 
 the steeple of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance 
 gave witness that Champlain had fulfilled his pro- 
 mise to build a church at Quebec if the country 
 was restored to her ancient masters. 
 
 The colony was now entering upon an era of 
 prosperity, and that harmony and happiness which 
 Champlain had longed for in his life, and which 
 occupied his thoughts even in death, were destined 
 
 to be realized. 
 
 N. E. D. 
 
 xvm
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 t 
 
 CHAMPLAIN'S FIRST VOYAGE TO AMERICA 
 
 SAMUEL CHAMPLAIN, the issue of the 
 marriage of Antoine Champlain and Margue- 
 rite Le Roy, was born at Brouage, now Hiers 
 Brouage, a small village in the province of Saint- 
 onge, France, in the year 1570, or according to the 
 Biographic Saintongeoise in 1567. His parents be- 
 longed to the Catholic religion, as their first names 
 would seem to indicate. 
 
 When quite young Samuel Champlain was en- 
 trusted to the care of the parish priest, who imparted 
 to him the elements of education and instilled his 
 mind with religious principles. His youth appears to 
 have glided quietly away, spent for the most part 
 with his family, and in assisting his father, who was 
 a mariner, in his wanderings upon the sea. The 
 knowledge thus obtained was of great service to 
 him, for after a while he became not only conver- 
 sant with the life of a mariner, but also with the 
 science of geography and of astronomy. When 
 Samuel Champlain was about twenty years of age, 
 he tendered his services to Marshal d'Aumont, one 
 of the chief commanders of the Catholic army in its 
 expedition against the Huguenots. 
 
 When the League had done its work and the 
 
 1
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 army was disbanded in 1598, Champlain returned 
 to Brouage, and sought a favourable opportunity to 
 advance his fortune in a manner more agreeable, if 
 possible, to his tastes, and more compatible with his 
 abilities. In the meantime Champlain did not re- 
 main idle, for he resolved to find the means of mak- 
 ing a voyage to Spain in order " to acquire and cul- 
 tivate acquaintance, and make a true report to His 
 Majesty (Henry IV) of the particularities which 
 could not be known to any Frenchmen, for the reason 
 that they have not free access there." He left Blavet 
 at the beginning of the month of August, and ten 
 days after he arrived near Cape Finisterre. Having 
 remained for six days at the Isle of Bayona, in 
 Galicia, he proceeded towards San Lucar de Bara- 
 meda, which is at the mouth of the river Seville, 
 where he remained for three months. During this 
 time he went to Seville and made surveys of the 
 place. While Champlain was at Seville, a patache, 
 or advice boat, arrived from Porto Rico bearing a 
 communication addressed to the king of Spain, 
 informing him that a portion of the English army 
 had put out to sea with the intention of attacking 
 Porto Rico. 
 
 The king fitted out twenty ships to oppose the 
 English, one of which, the Saint Julien, was com- 
 manded by Proven9al, Champlain's uncle. Cham- 
 plain proposed to join the expedition under his 
 uncle, but Proven9al was ordered elsewhere, and 
 General Soubriago offered the command of the 
 2
 
 THE ARMADA 
 
 Saint Julien to Champlain, which he gladly ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 The armada set sail in the beginning of January, 
 1599, and within six days, favoured by a fresh 
 breeze, the vessels sighted the Canary Islands. Two 
 months and six days later the armada drew near to 
 the island called La Degrade, which is the first 
 island approached in this passage to the Indies. 
 The ships anchored for the first time at Nacou, 
 which is one of the finest ports of the Guadeloupe. 
 After having passed Marguerite Island and the 
 Virgins, Champlain proceeded to San Juan de 
 Porto Rico, 1 where he found that both the town 
 and the castle or fortress had been abandoned, and 
 that the merchants had either made their escape or 
 had been taken prisoners. The English army had 
 left the town and had taken the Spanish governor 
 with them, as he had surrendered on the condition 
 that his life should be spared. 
 
 On leaving Porto Rico the general divided the 
 galleons into three squadrons, and retained four ves- 
 sels under his own command. Three were sent to 
 Porto Bello, and three, including Champlain's vessel, 
 to New Spain. Champlain arrived at Saint Jean de 
 
 1 This island is only forty leagues in length and twenty in breadth, 
 and belonged to the Spanish from the date of its discovery by Ponce 
 de Leon in 1509, to 1598. When Champlain visited the island it had 
 been taken by George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland. During the same 
 year Sir John Berkeley commanded, but being unable to remain there, 
 he deserted the place, and joined Clifford near the Azores, when both 
 went to England, having lost about seven hundred men daring their 
 expedition. 
 
 8
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Luz eight days afterwards, although the place is 
 fully four hundred leagues from Porto Rico. This 
 fortress bore the name of San Juan d'Ulloa. Fifteen 
 days afterwards we find Champlain setting sail for 
 Mexico, situated at a distance of over one hundred 
 leagues from San Juan. 
 
 Champlain was evidently very much interested in 
 this country, and his description is that of an en- 
 thusiast: "It is impossible to see or desire a more 
 beautiful country than this kingdom of New Spain, 
 which is three hundred leagues in length, and two 
 hundred in breadth. . . . The whole of this country 
 is ornamented with very fine rivers and streams . . . 
 the land is very fertile, producing corn twice in the 
 year . . . the trees are never devoid of fruit and are 
 always green." The voyage to Mexico occupied a 
 month, and Champlain gave an animated description 
 of the city of Mexico, of its superb palaces, temples, 
 houses and buildings, and well laid streets, as well 
 as of the surrounding country. 
 
 After leaving Mexico, Champlain returned to 
 San Juan de Luz, and from there sailed in a patache 
 to Porto Bello, " the most pitiful and evil residence 
 in the world." The harbour, however, was good, and 
 well fortified. From Porto Bello to Panama, which 
 is on the sea, the distance is only seventeen leagues, 
 and it is interesting to read Champlain's descrip- 
 tion : 
 
 " One may judge that if the four leagues of land 
 which there are from Panama to this river were cut 
 4
 
 THE PANAMA ROUTE 
 
 through, one might pass from the South Sea to the 
 ocean on the other side, and thus shorten the route 
 by more than fifteen hundred leagues ; and from , 
 Panama 'to the Straits of Magellan would be an 
 island, and from Panama to the New-found-lands 
 would be another island, so that the whole of 
 America would be in two islands." 
 
 It is thus seen that the idea of connecting the 
 Atlantic ocean with the Pacific by cutting through 
 the Isthmus of Panama is not a modern one, as it 
 was promulgated by Champlain over three hundred 
 years ago. 
 
 At this time Spain was in great need of a good 
 transportation service at the isthmus. The treasures 
 of Peru were sent to Europe by the Panama route 
 to Porto Bello, from where the ships sailed to the 
 old continent. The route between the Pacific coast 
 and the Gulf of Mexico was exceedingly bad. 
 Sometimes the merchants forwarded European 
 goods to Panama, having them transported to 
 Chagres. Here they were landed in boats and con- 
 veyed to Cruces. From Cruces to Panama mules 
 were employed for the remainder of the journey. It 
 was, however, the route taken by travellers visiting 
 Peru, Chili, New Granada, Venezuela, and other 
 Spanish possessions on the Pacific coast. The most 
 regular connection between the two oceans was 
 from Fort Acapulco to Vera Cruz, through Mexico. 
 If Spain had adopted a better line of communica- 
 tion with her western territories in the New World 
 
 5
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 she might have derived vast treasure from that 
 source. In the year 1551 Lopez de Gomara, the 
 author of a "History of Indies," a work written 
 with care and displaying considerable erudition, pro- 
 posed to unite the two oceans by means of canals 
 at three different points, Chagres, Nicaragua and 
 Tehuantepec. Gomara's proposals were not acted 
 upon, and the honour of carrying out the project 
 was reserved for France. Ferdinand de Lesseps, who 
 succeeded in connecting the Mediterranean Sea with 
 the Red Sea, was the man who, after the lapse of 
 centuries, seriously interested his fellow-countrymen 
 in boring the Isthmus of Panama. 
 
 Champlain returned to San Juan de Luz, where 
 he remained for fifteen days, and he then proceeded 
 to Havana, the rendezvous of the army and of the 
 fleet. Eighteen days later he embarked in a vessel 
 bound for Cartagena, where there was a good port, 
 sheltered from all winds. Upon his return to Havana 
 Champlain met his general and spent four months in 
 collecting valuable information relating to the inter- 
 esting island of Cuba. From Havana he proceeded 
 past the Bahama channel, approached Bermuda 
 Island, Terceira, one of the Azores, and sighted 
 Cape St. Vincent, where he captured two armed 
 English vessels, which were taken to Seville. 
 
 Champlain returned to France in March, 1601, 
 
 having been absent on his first voyage for a period 
 
 of two years and two months, during which time he 
 
 collected much valuable information. He also pub- 
 
 6
 
 HIS FIRST VOYAGE 
 
 lished a small volume containing plans, maps and 
 engravings, fairly well executed for the time, and 
 now exceedingly scarce. The manuscript of this 
 volume h still preserved ; it covers one hundred 
 and fifteen pages with sixty-two drawings, coloured 
 and surrounded with blue and yellow lines. It ap- 
 pears to have been written between the years 1601 
 and 1603. 1 
 
 The first voyage of Champlain across the Atlantic, 
 though important from a military standpoint, did 
 not suffice to satisfy the ambition of a man whose 
 thoughts were bent upon discovery and coloniza- 
 tion. Champlain was a navigator by instinct, and in 
 his writings he gave to nautical science the first 
 place. 
 
 " Of all the most useful and excellent arts," he 
 writes, "that of navigation has always seemed to 
 me to occupy the first place. For the more hazard- 
 ous it is, the greater the perils and losses by which 
 it is attended, so much the more is it esteemed and 
 exalted above all others, being wholly unsuited to 
 the timid and irresolute. By this art we obtain a 
 
 1 This volume is entitled Brief Discours des choses plus remarquables 
 que Samuel Champlain de Brouage A reconneues aux Indes Occidentalles 
 Au voiage qu'il en afaict enicelles en Fannee V e IIIJ. XXIX, et en Fannie 
 VI e J, comme ensuit. 
 
 This manuscript was discovered by M. Feret, antiquarian, poet and 
 librarian, of Dieppe. The Hakluyt Society had it translated in 1859, 
 and published at London. In 1870 the Reverend Laverdiere, librarian 
 of the Laval University, of Quebec, had it printed in French, with the 
 designs, coloured for the most part, with the complete works of Cham- 
 plain. This manuscript is supposed to have been preserved by a col- 
 lateral descendant of Aymar de Chastes. 
 
 7
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 knowledge of different countries, regions and realms. 
 By it we attract and bring to our own land all kinds 
 of riches ; by it the idolatry of Paganism is over- 
 thrown and Christianity proclaimed throughout all 
 the regions of the earth. This is the art which won 
 my love in my early years and induced me to ex- 
 pose myself almost all my life to the impetuous 
 waves of the ocean, and led me to explore the coasts 
 of a portion of America, especially those of New 
 France, where I have always desired to see the lily 
 flourish, together with the only religion, Catholic, 
 Apostolic and Roman." 
 
 After his return to France in the year 1601, 
 Champlain received a pension, together with the 
 appointment of geographer to the king. Pierre de 
 Chauvin, Sieur de Tontuit, who had unsuccessfully 
 endeavoured to establish a settlement at Tadousac, 
 died at this time, while Champlain was residing in 
 Paris. Here he had the good fortune to meet Aymar 
 de Chastes, governor of the town and chateau of 
 Dieppe, under whose orders he had served during 
 the latter years of the war with the League. 
 
 De Chastes, who had resolved to undertake the 
 colonization of Canada, obtained a commission from 
 the king, and formed a company, composed of sev- 
 eral gentlemen and the principal merchants of 
 Rouen. Francois Gravd, Sieur du Pont, who had 
 already accompanied Chauvin to Tadousac, was 
 chosen to return there and to examine the Sault 
 St. Louis and the country beyond. 
 8
 
 SIEUR DE CHASTES 
 
 " Going from time to time to see the Sieur de 
 Chastes," writes Champlain, "judging that I might 
 serve him in his design, he did me the honour to 
 communicate something of it to me, and asked me 
 if it would be agreeable to me to make the voyage, 
 to examine the country, and to see what those en- 
 gaged in the undertaking should do. I told him 
 that I was very much his servant, but that I could 
 not give myself license to undertake the voyage 
 without the commands of the king, to whom I was 
 bound, as well by birth as by the pension with 
 which His Majesty honoured me to enable me to 
 maintain myself near his person, but that, if it 
 should please him to speak to the king about it, 
 and give me his commands, that it should be very 
 agreeable to me, which he promised and did, and 
 received the king's orders for me to make the voy- 
 age and make a faithful report thereof; and for 
 that purpose M. de Gesvres, secretary of his com- 
 mandments, sent me with a letter to the said Du 
 Font-Grave', desiring him to take me in his ship 
 and enable me to see and examine what could be 
 done in the country, giving me every possible as- 
 sistance." 
 
 " Me voila expedie" says Champlain, " I leave 
 Paris and take passage on Pont- Grave's ship in the 
 year 1603, the 15th of the month of March." The 
 voyage was favourable for the first fifteen days, but 
 on the 30th a heavy storm arose, "more thunder 
 than wind," which lasted until April 16th. On 
 
 9
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 May 6th the vessel approached Newfoundland, 
 and arrived at Tadousac 1 on the 24th. Here they 
 met with about one hundred Indians, under the 
 command of Anadabijou, who were rejoicing on 
 account of their recent victory over the Iroquois. 
 The chief made a long harangue, speaking slowly. 
 He congratulated himself upon his friendship with 
 the French nation, and stated that he was happy 
 to learn that the king was anxious to send some 
 of his subjects to reside in the country and to 
 assist them in their wars. Champlain was also in- 
 formed that the Etchemins, the Algonquins, and 
 the Montagnais, to the number of about one thou- 
 sand, had lately been engaged in warfare with the 
 Iroquois, whom they had vanquished with the loss 
 of one hundred men. 
 
 On June 9th following, Champlain witnessed 
 the spectacle of a grand feast given by the Indians 
 in commemoration of their victory. The celebration 
 consisted of dances, songs, speeches and games. 
 Tessouat, the sagamo of the Ottawas, was the chief 
 captain, and took a prominent part in the demon- 
 stration. 
 
 After a long description of these public festivi- 
 ties, Champlain gives ample details of the manners 
 and customs of the Indians, especially of their super- 
 stitions. The Indians believed that a God existed 
 who was the creator of all things, but they had a 
 
 1 Tadousac means breast, and is derived from the Montagnais To- 
 touchac. Father Jerome Lalemant says that the Indians called the place 
 Sadilege. 
 
 10
 
 INDIAN SUPERSTITIONS 
 
 curious manner of explaining the creation of man. 
 " When God had made everything," they said, " He 
 took a quantity of arrows and fixed them in the 
 earth, whence came men and women, who have in- 
 creased ever since." The sagamo said they believed 
 in the existence of a God, a son, a mother and a sun; 
 that God was the greatest of the four; that the son 
 and the sun were both good ; that the mother was a 
 lesser person, and so was the father, who was less 
 bad. 
 
 The Indians were convinced that their deity had 
 held communication with their ancestors. One day 
 five Indians ran towards the setting sun where they 
 met God, who asked them, "Where are you going?" 
 " We are going to seek our life," they replied. Then 
 God said, "You will find it here." But they did not 
 hear the divine word, and went away. Then God 
 took a stone and touched two of them, and they 
 were immediately turned into stones. Addressing 
 the three other Indians, God asked the same ques- 
 tion, "Where are you going?" and He was given 
 the same answer. "Do not go further," said the 
 divine voice, " you will find your life here." Seeing 
 nothing, however, they continued their journey. 
 Then God took two sticks and touched two of them, 
 and they were at once turned into sticks. The fifth 
 Indian, however, paused, and God gave him some 
 meat, which he ( ate, and he afterwards returned to 
 his countrymen. 
 
 These Indian tribes had their jugglers, whom 
 
 11
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 they called pilotois, from the Basques, or autmoins, 
 which means a magician. These jugglers exercised 
 great sway over the Indians, who would not hesi- 
 tate to kill a Frenchman if the jugglers decided that 
 it was necessary. 
 
 In spite of their superstitions Champlain believed 
 that it would be an easy task to convert the Indians 
 to Christianity, especially if the French resided 
 near them. This desirable end was not to be attained 
 without great difficulty, as Champlain soon realized, 
 for the missionaries toiled for many years before 
 their efforts were crowned with success. 
 
 Champlain now proceeded to explore the river 
 Saguenay for a distance of twelve to fifteen leagues, 
 and he thus describes the scenery: 
 
 "All the land I have seen is composed of rocks, 
 covered with fir woods, cypress, birch, very unpleas- 
 ing land, where I could not find a league of plain 
 land on each side." He also learned from the In- 
 dians of the existence of Lake St. John, and of 
 a salt sea flowing towards the north. It was evi- 
 dently Hudson Bay to which these northern tribes 
 directed Champlain's attention, and if they had not 
 seen it themselves they had probably heard of its 
 existence from the Indians dwelling around the 
 southern or south-western shores of the bay, who 
 came annually to Nemiscau Lake to trade their 
 furs. This lake was half way between Hudson Bay 
 and the river St. Lawrence. The Kilistinons and 
 other Indians of the north had regular communica- 
 12
 
 FURTHER EXPLORATIONS, 1603 
 
 tion with their congeneres scattered along the shores 
 of the St. Maurice and the several rivers which flow 
 into Lake St. John. 
 
 When 'the French arrived in Canada with Chau- 
 vin, in the year 1600, they began to monopolize 
 the fur trade of all the Indian nations, but some 
 years later the English established themselves on 
 the shores of Hudson Bay, and prosecuted the trade 
 for their own benefit. 
 
 Champlain could not, evidently, have been in 
 possession of any exact information as to the exis- 
 tence of this large bay, as he was searching for a 
 northern passage to Cathay, the great desideratum 
 of all the navigators and explorers of the time. 
 
 After having promised to aid the various tribes 
 gathered at Tadousac in their wars, Champlain and 
 Font-Grave' proceeded to Sault St. Louis. This ex- 
 pedition lasted fifteen days, during which they saw 
 Hare Island, so named by Jacques Cartier, and the 
 Island of Orleans. The ship anchored at Quebec 
 where Champlain stopped to make a short descrip- 
 tion of the country watered by the St. Lawrence, 
 and they then proceeded to Sault St. Louis. Here 
 Champlain gathered much valuable information re- 
 lating to lakes Ontario and Erie, the Detroit River, 
 Niagara Falls, and the rapids of the St. Lawrence. 
 Returning to Tadousac, he determined to explore 
 Gaspesia, and proceeded to visit Percd and Mai 
 Bay, where he met Indians at every turn. He also 
 was informed by Pre'vert, from St. Malo, who was 
 
 13
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 exploring the country, of the existence of a copper 
 mine. 
 
 Champlain carefully noted all the information 
 he had received, and after his return to Tadousac 
 he sailed again for France on August 16th, 1603, 
 and reached Havre de Grace, after a passage of 
 twenty-one days. On his arrival in France, he 
 heard that Aymar de Chastes had died a few 
 weeks previously, on August 13th. This was a 
 great loss to Canada, and especially to Champlain, 
 for he was convinced that the noble and enter- 
 prising de Chastes was seriously disposed to colo- 
 nize New France. "In this enterprise," he says, 
 "I cannot find a single fault, because it has been 
 well inaugurated." With the death of de Chastes, 
 the project of colonizing would undoubtedly have 
 fallen through had not Champlain been present 
 to promote another movement in this direction. 
 Champlain had an interview with the king, and 
 presented him with a map of the country which 
 he had visited, and placed in his hands a relation 
 of his voyage. 1 Henry IV was so favourably im- 
 
 1 This volume is entitled Des Sauvages ou Voyage de Samuel Cham- 
 plain de Brouage, fait en la Nouvelle France, fan mil six cent trois .... 
 A Paris . . . 1604. 
 
 Extremely rare. The original of the first edition is kept at the Bihlio- 
 theque Nationale in Paris; this is the only copy known. 
 
 This volume contains a dedication to Charles de Montmorency, 
 admiral of France, a letter in verse from the Sieur de la Franchise, 
 and an extract from the Privilege du Rot, dated November 15th, 1603, 
 signed hy Brigard. 
 
 The second edition does not differ much from the preceding, and its 
 
 14
 
 A RARE VOLUME 
 
 pressed that he promised to assist Champlain in 
 his patriotic designs. 
 
 title bears the date 1604. Purchas's Pilgrims contains an English version 
 of this last edition. We find a synopsis of it in the Mercure Franfoit, 
 1609, in the preface to the former called Chronologic Septennaire de 
 FHistoire de la paix entre leg rois de France et d'Espagne, 1598-1608. 
 This historical part has been borrowed by Victor Palma Cayet for Cham- 
 plain's Voyage, and its title is : Navigation det Franfai* en la Nouvette 
 France dite Canada. 
 
 15
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 
 ACADIA STE. CROIX ISLAND PORT ROYAL 
 
 SOON after the period mentioned at the close of 
 the previous chapter, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de 
 Monts, Governor of Pont, a native of the ancient 
 province of Saintonge, who had served under Henry 
 IV, obtained a commission as "Lieutenant general 
 au pays de Cadie, du 40 au 46," on the condition 
 that his energies should be especially directed to 
 the propagation of the Catholic faith. 
 
 De Monts was a Huguenot; nevertheless he 
 agreed to take with him to America a number of 
 Catholic priests, and to see that they were respected 
 and obeyed. Champlain was not satisfied with the 
 choice of a Protestant to colonize a country which 
 he had intended to make solely Catholic, and he 
 states, "that those enterprises made hastily never 
 succeed." 
 
 De Monts was not a stranger to America. He 
 had first visited the country with Chauvin in 1600, 
 but when he left Tadousac he was so discouraged 
 that he determined, in the event of his becoming 
 master of the situation, to attempt colonization only 
 in Acadia, or on the eastern borders of the Atlantic 
 running towards Florida. 
 
 It was well known in France that Acadia was 
 
 17
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 the richest and most fertile part of the New World. 
 Excellent harbours and good soil were found there. 
 Fish abounded near its coasts ; its forests were 
 numerous and dense. An opinion existed that there 
 were numerous mines, rich in copper, coal and gyp- 
 sum. This country was also the favourite of the 
 Normans, Britons and Basques, who for a hundred 
 years had pursued their callings as fishermen or 
 traders without interruption. 
 
 De Monts, however, was unable to bear the ex- 
 pense of this undertaking alone, and he conse- 
 quently formed a company, composed of merchants 
 of Rouen, La Rochelle and other towns. To further 
 the enterprise Henry IV diminished the duty on 
 merchandises exported from Acadia and Canada, 
 and granted to the company the exclusive privilege 
 of fur trading for a period of ten years, "from Cape 
 de Raze to the 40, comprising all the Acadian 
 coast, Cape Breton, Baie des Chaleurs, Percd Island, 
 Gaspe*, Chisedec, Miramichi, Tadousac and Canada 
 River, from either side, and all the bays and rivers 
 which flow within these shores." 
 
 Acadia of that day was not confined to the penin- 
 sula of our own time, called Nova Scotia. It includ- 
 ed that part of the continent which extends from 
 the river St. John to the Penobscot. These boun- 
 daries were the cause of long quarrels and fierce and 
 bloody wars between England and France until 
 they were finally settled by the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 In the early part of April, 1604, the king's proc- 
 18
 
 DE MONTS' COMPANY 
 
 
 lamation confining the fur trade to de Monts and 
 
 his associates was published in every harbour of 
 France. Four ships were lying at anchor at Havre 
 de Grace, ready to sail, and one hundred and twenty 
 passages had been secured in two of the ships. 
 Font-Grave' commanded one of the vessels of one 
 hundred and twenty tons burthen, and another ves- 
 sel of one hundred and fifty tons was under the 
 charge of de Monts, who had taken on board Jean 
 de Biencourt, Sieur de Poutrincourt, a gentleman 
 of Picardy, Samuel Champlain, some Catholic 
 priests and some Protestant ministers. Poutrincourt 
 was going to America with the intention of resid- 
 ing there with his family. He was a good Catholic 
 and a loyal subject. Champlain was attached to de 
 Monts' expedition as geographer and historian. 
 
 The rendezvous had been fixed at Canseau, but 
 de Monts proceeded directly to Port au Mouton on 
 the Acadian coast, where he decided to await the 
 arrival of Pont-Grave'. In the meantime Champlain 
 explored the country from Port au Mouton to Port 
 Sainte Marguerite, now called St. Mary's Bay. 
 This occupied a whole month. He also named Cape 
 Ne'gre', Cape Fourchu and Long Island. Champlain 
 reported to de Monts that St. Mary's Bay was a 
 suitable place to establish a settlement, and, follow- 
 ing this advice, the lieutenant-general proceeded 
 with Champlain to this bay, and further explored 
 the Bay of Fundy, or French Bay. They soon 
 perceived the entrance to another splendid port, 
 
 19
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 which is now known as Annapolis Bay, or Port 
 Royal. 
 
 Notwithstanding the authority of Lescarbot, 
 Champlain was the first to give this place the name 
 of Port Royal, for he says himself, "I have named 
 this harbour Port Royal." When de Monts named 
 the place La Baie Fra^aise, Champlain did not 
 hesitate to give to his chief the merit which he de- 
 served. 
 
 Three rivers flow into this splendid harbour : the 
 Riviere de 1'Equille, so called from a little fish of 
 the size of our eperlan or lanpon, which is found 
 there in large quantities ; the river named St. An- 
 toine by Champlain, and a stream called de la 
 Roche by Champlain, and de 1'Orignac by Les- 
 carbot. 
 
 After having explored the harbour, Champlain 
 traversed La Baie Fra^aise to see whether he could 
 discover the copper mine mentioned by PreVert of 
 St. Malo, and he soon arrived at a place which he 
 named the Cape of Two Bays, or Chignecto, and 
 perceived the High Islands, where a copper mine 
 was found. 
 
 On May 20th an expedition started from the 
 Port of Mines, in search of a place suitable for a 
 permanent settlement. Proceeding towards the 
 south-west they stopped at the entrance of a large 
 river, which was named St. John, as it was on St. 
 John's day that they arrived there. The savages 
 called the river Ouigoudi. "This river is danger- 
 20
 
 ISLAND OF STE. CROIX 
 
 ous," writes Champlain, "if one does not observe 
 carefully certain points and rocks on the two sides. 
 It is so narrow at its entrance and then becomes 
 broader/ A certain point being passed it becomes 
 narrower again, and forms a kind of fall between 
 two large cliffs, where the water runs so rapidly that 
 a piece of wood thrown in is drawn under and not 
 seen again. But by waiting till high tide you can 
 pass this fall very easily. Then it expands again to 
 the extent of about a league in some places where 
 there are three islands." 
 
 Champlain did not explore the river further, but 
 he ascertained a few days later that the Indians 
 used the river in their journeys to Tadousac, mak- 
 ing but a short portage on the way. 
 
 As preparations had shortly to be made for winter 
 quarters, de Monts decided to proceed southwards, 
 and the party at length came to a number of islands 
 at the entrance of the river Ste. Croix, or Des Etche- 
 mins. One of these islands was chosen for their es- 
 tablishment, and named Ste. Croix, "because, "says 
 Lescarbot, "they perceived two leagues above this 
 island two streams flowing into the channel of the 
 river, presenting the appearance of a cross." De 
 Monts at once commenced to fortify the place by 
 forming a barricade on a little inlet, which served 
 as a station on which he set up a cannon ; it was 
 situated halfway between the mainland and the 
 island of Ste. Croix. Some days afterwards all the 
 French who were waiting in St. Mary's Bay disem- 
 
 21
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 barked on the island. They were all eager and will- 
 ing to work, and commenced to render the place 
 habitable. They erected a storehouse and a resi- 
 dence for de Monts, and built an oven and a hand- 
 mill for grinding wheat. Some gardens were also 
 laid out, and various kinds of seeds were sown, 
 which flourished well on the mainland, though not 
 on the island, which was too sandy. 
 
 De Monts was anxious to ascertain the location 
 of a mine of pure copper which had been spoken of, 
 and accordingly he despatched Cham plain, with a 
 'savage named Messamouet, who asserted that he 
 could find the place. At about eight leagues from 
 the island, near the river St. John, they found a 
 mine of copper, which, however, was not pure, 
 though fairly good. According to the report of the 
 miner, it would yield about eighteen per cent. Les- 
 carbot says that amidst the rocks, diamonds and 
 some blue and clear stones could be found as pre- 
 cious as turquoises. Champdore', one of the carpen- 
 ters, took one of these stones to France, and had it 
 divided into many fragments and mounted by an 
 artist. De Monts and Poutrincourt, to whom they 
 were presented, considered these gems so valuable 
 that they offered them to the king. A goldsmith 
 offered Poutrincourt fifteen crown pieces for one of 
 them. 
 
 Agriculture did not flourish on the island of Ste. 
 Croix, which is about half a league in circumfer- 
 ence. The rays of the sun parched the sand so that 
 22
 
 RAVAGES OF SCURVY 
 
 the gardens were entirely unproductive, and there 
 was a complete dearth of water. At the com- 
 mencement there was a fair quantity of wood, but 
 when the buildings were finished there was scarcely 
 any left; the inhabitants, consequently, nearly per- 
 ished from cold in the winter. All the liquor, wine 
 and beer became frozen, and as there was no water 
 the people were compelled to drink melted snow. A 
 malignant epidemic of scurvy broke out, and of 
 seventy-nine persons thirty -five died from the disease 
 and more than twenty were at the point of death. 
 
 This disease proved one of the obstacles to rapid 
 colonization hi New France. It was epidemic, con- 
 tagious and often fatal. It is a somewhat remark- 
 able fact that the epidemic was prevalent amongst 
 the French only when they were established on the 
 soil, being rarely discovered on ship-board. Jacques 
 Cartier had experienced the horrors of this disease 
 in the winter of 1535-6, when out of his one hun- 
 dred and ten men twenty-five died, and only three 
 or four remained altogether free from attack. Dur- 
 ing the year 1542-3, Roberval saw fifty persons 
 dying of the disease at Charlesbourg RoyaL At 
 Ste. Croix the proportion of deaths was still greater, 
 thirty-five out of seventy-nine. There was a physi- 
 cian attached to de Monts' party, but he did not 
 understand the disease, and therefore could not 
 satisfactorily prescribe for it. De Monts also con- 
 sulted many physicians in Paris, but he did not 
 receive answers that were of much service to him. 
 
 23
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 At the commencement of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury scientific men distinguished scurvy on land 
 from scurvy on sea. They laboured under the false 
 impression that the one differed from the other. 
 Champlain called the disease mal de terre. It is 
 certain, however, that the symptoms did not 
 vary in either case, as we may ascertain from the 
 descriptions furnished by Jacques Cartier and 
 Champlain. 
 
 The position of the settlement was soon proved to 
 be untenable, and de Monts was certainly to blame 
 for this unhappy state of affairs. Why did he aban- 
 don Port Royal, where he had found abundant 
 water ? Champlain, however, defends the action of 
 his chief. 
 
 "It would be very difficult," he says, "to ascer- 
 tain the character of this region without spending a 
 winter in it, for, on arriving here in summer, every- 
 thing is very agreeable in consequence of the 
 woods, fine country, and the many varieties of 
 good fish which are found." We must not for- 
 get, however, that the climate of this island dif- 
 fered very little from that of Tadousac, which 
 had greatly disappointed de Monts, and that his 
 sole object in settling in a more southern latitude 
 was to avoid the disagreeable consequences of the 
 climate. 
 
 Champlain made a plan of the island of Ste. 
 Croix, indicating the buildings constructed for the 
 habitation of the settlers. We observe many isolated 
 24
 
 PLAN OF STE. CROIX 
 
 tenements forming a large square. On one side was 
 the residence of Champlain, of Champdore' and 
 d'Orville, with a large garden opposite. Near d'Or- 
 ville's residence was a small building set apart for 
 the missionaries. On the other side may be seen 
 the storehouse, de Monts' dwelling, a public hall 
 where the people spent their leisure, and a building 
 for Boulay and the workmen. In an angle of the 
 large square were the residences of Genestou, Sourin, 
 de Beaumont, La Motte, Bourioli and Fougeray. A 
 small fort is shown at one end of the island, ap- 
 proached by a pathway. The chapel of the priest 
 Aubry was located near the cannon of the fort. 
 Such was the plan of the first Acadian settlement. 
 Much expense had been incurred for a very poor 
 result. 
 
 De Monts was the directing spirit of the colony, 
 and in spite of his noble attempts, he realized 
 that his efforts were fruitless and that he would 
 have to try another place for a permanent settle- 
 ment. By the direction of his chief, Champlain ac- 
 cordingly undertook to explore the seacoast of 
 Norembega. 
 
 De Monts has found a defender in Moreau, who 
 held that Ste. Croix was only intended for winter 
 quarters. If this had been his intention, we can 
 scarcely believe that he would have incurred so great 
 an expense in building a number of houses. Lescar- 
 bot, whose testimony is most valuable, says : "When 
 we go into a country to take possession of land we 
 
 25
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 don't stop on islands to imprison ourselves. If that 
 island had been supplied with rivers or streams, 
 if the soil had been favourable to agriculture, 
 it would have been half wrong." But this island 
 lacked the very first element essential to life, fresh 
 water. 
 
 Towards the middle of May, 1605, every one's 
 attention was directed towards France, as the ships 
 which had been expected for over a month had not 
 yet arrived. De Monts then determined to send his 
 party to Gaspd in two large boats to join Pont- 
 Gravd. At this juncture, however, Pont-Gravd ar- 
 rived at Ste. Croix with his crew, comprising forty 
 men. 
 
 De Monts and Pont- Grave' held a consultation 
 and decided to seek a more suitable place for a set- 
 tlement, rather than to return to France. De Monts 
 was still under the impression that the best plan 
 was to attempt to settle in the vicinity of Florida, 
 although the result of Champlain's exploration along 
 the coast of the Norembega 1 was considered unsatis- 
 factory. 
 
 Let us now examine what Champlain had 
 accomplished during the month of September, 
 1604. 
 
 He left Ste. Croix on September 5th, in a 
 patache, with twelve sailors and two savages as 
 
 a Norembega was the name applied at that time to a vast tract of 
 country whose limits were nearly unknown. There was a river and a 
 cape called Norembega. The river is now the Penobscot, and the cape is 
 the southern extremity of the Acadian peninsula. 
 26
 
 EXPLORATIONS OF 1604 
 
 guides. On the first day he covered twenty-five 
 leagues and discovered many islands, reefs and 
 rocks. To another island, four or five leagues in 
 length, He gave the name of He des Monts De'serts 1 , 
 which name has been preserved. On the following 
 day Champlain met some hunting Indians of the 
 Etchemin tribe, proceeding from the Pentagouet 
 River to the Mount Desert Islands. "I think this 
 river," says Champlain, "is that which several pilots 
 and historians call Norembegue, and which most 
 have described as large and extensive, with very 
 many islands, its mouth being in latitude 43, 43', 
 30". . . It is related also that there is a large, 
 thickly-settled town of savages, who are adroit 
 and skilful, and who have cotton yards. I am 
 confident that most of those who mention it 
 have not seen it, and speak of it because they 
 have heard persons say so, who know no more 
 about it than they themselves. . . But that any one 
 has ever entered it there is no evidence, for then 
 they would have described it in another manner, 
 in order to relieve the minds of many of this 
 doubt." 
 
 Champlain's description is written from personal 
 
 1 The Indians called this island Pemetig, which means the island 
 which is ahead. The French settled here in 1613, and founded St. Sau- 
 veur on the north-eastern coast, in a splendid harbour which is to-day 
 known as Bar Harbour. The remains of many of the French who were 
 killed during the contest with the English, were interred at Point Fer- 
 nald. At the point nearest the mainland there is a bridge of seven hun- 
 dred feet in length, which communicates with the town of Trenton. 
 
 27
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 knowledge, because he had seen the Pentagouet 
 River. 1 The country which it passes through is 
 agreeable, but there was no town or village, and 
 no appearance of either, with the exception of 
 
 a few deserted cabins of the Souriquois or Mic- 
 macs. 
 
 Here Champlain met two Souriquois chiefs, Bes- 
 sabe' and Cabahis, and succeeded in making them 
 understand that he had been sent by de Monts to 
 visit their country, and to assure them of the friend- 
 ship of the French for the Souriquois. Champlain 
 continued his journey southwards, and two days 
 later he again met Cabahis, of whom he asked par- 
 ticulars as to the course of the river Norembegue. 
 The chief replied "that they had already passed the 
 fall, which is situated at about twenty leagues from 
 the mouth of the river Penobscot. Here it widens 
 into a lake, by way of which the Indians pass to the 
 river Ste. Croix, by going some distance overland 
 and then entering the river Etchemin. Another river 
 also enters the lake, along which they proceed for 
 some days until they gain another lake and pass 
 through it. Reaching the end of it they again make 
 a land journey of some distance until they reach 
 another small river, the mouth of which is within a 
 league of Quebec." This little river is the Chaudi- 
 ere, which the Indians follow to reach Quebec. On 
 
 1 Champlain called the river Peimtegouet. This word means the place 
 of a river where rapids exist. The English have given their preference to 
 the word Penobscot, which comes from the Indian Penaouasket, the place 
 where the earth is covered with stones. 
 
 28
 
 EXPLORATIONS OF 1605 
 
 September 20th Champlain observed the mountains 
 of Bedabedec, and after having proceeded for ten 
 or twelve leagues further he decided to return to 
 Ste. Croix and wait until the following year to con- 
 tinue his explorations. His opinion was that the re- 
 gion he had explored was quite as unfavourable for 
 a settlement as Ste. Croix. 
 
 On June 18th, 1605, de Monts, at the head of an 
 expedition consisting of Champlain, some gentle- 
 men, twelve sailors and an Indian guide named 
 Panonias and his wife, set out from the island of 
 Ste. Croix to explore the country of the Armouchi- 
 quois, and reached the Pentagouet River in twelve 
 days. On July 20th they made about twenty leagues 
 between Bedabedec Point and the Kennebec River, 
 at the mouth of which is an island which they 
 named La Tortue. 
 
 Continuing their journey towards the south they 
 observed some large mountains, the abode of an 
 Indian chief named Aneda. "I was satisfied from 
 the name," says Champlain, "that he was one of 
 his tribe that had discovered the plant called aneda, 
 which Jacques Cartier said was so powerful against 
 the malady called scurvy, which harassed his com- 
 pany as well as our own when they wintered in 
 Canada. The savages have no knowledge at all of 
 this plant, and are not aware of its existence, al- 
 though the above mentioned savage has the same 
 name." This supposition was unfounded, because if 
 this Indian had been of the same origin as the abo- 
 
 29
 
 rigines who acquainted Jacques Cartier with the vir- 
 tue of the aneda plant in cases of scurvy, he would 
 have understood the meaning of the word. A neda is 
 the Iroquois word for the spruce tree, but there is no 
 evidence to prove that Champlain was ever aware 
 that it was a specific. Had he known of its efficacy 
 he would have certainly employed it. 
 
 At Chouacouet de Monts and Champlain received 
 visits from many Indians, differing entirely from 
 either the Etchemins or the Armouchiquois. They 
 found the soil tilled and cultivated, and the corn in 
 the gardens was about two feet in height. Beans, 
 pumpkins and squash were also in flower. The 
 place was very pleasant and agreeable at the time, 
 but Champlain believed the weather was very se- 
 vere in the winter. 
 
 The party proceeded still further south, in sight 
 of the Cap aux lies (Cape Porpoise), and on July 
 17th, 1605, they came to anchor at Cape St. Louis, 1 
 where an Indian chief named Honabetha paid them 
 a visit. To a small river which they found in the 
 vicinity they gave the name of Gua, in honour of de 
 Monts. The expedition passed the night of the 18th 
 in a small bay called Cape St. Louis. On the 19th 
 they observed the cape of a large bay, which they 
 distinguished by the title of Ste. Suzanne du Cap 
 Blanc, and on July 20th they entered a spacious har- 
 
 1 The Pilgrim Fathers, the founders of New England , landed at this 
 place, which they named Plymouth, to preserve the name of the Eng- 
 lish city from which they had sailed. 
 
 30
 
 SETTLEMENT OF PORT ROYAL 
 
 hour, which proved to be very dangerous on ac- 
 count of shoals and banks ; they therefore named it 
 Mallebarre. 
 
 Five Weeks had now elapsed since the expedition 
 had left Ste. Croix, and no incident of importance 
 had occurred. They had met many tribes of Indians, 
 and on each occasion their intercourse was har- 
 monious. It is true that they had not traversed 
 more than three degrees of latitude, but, although 
 their progress was slow, then* time was well spent. 
 De Monts was satisfied that it would be easier 
 to colonize Acadia than this American coast, and 
 Champlain was still convinced that Port Royal was 
 the most favourable spot, unless de Monts preferred 
 Quebec. 
 
 The expedition returned to Ste. Croix in nine 
 days, arriving there on August 3rd. Here they 
 found a vessel from France, under the command of 
 Captain des Antons, laden with provisions, and 
 many things suitable for winter use. There was now 
 a chance of saving the settlers, although their 
 position was not enviable. 
 
 De Monts was determined to try the climate of 
 Port Royal, and to endeavour to establish a settle- 
 ment there. Two barques were fitted out and laden 
 with the frame work of the buildings at Ste. Croix. 
 Champlain and Pent-Grave* had set out before to 
 select a favourable site around the bay, well shel- 
 tered from the north-west wind. They chose a place 
 opposite an island at the mouth of the river de 
 
 31
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 1'Equille, as being the most suitable. Every one was 
 soon busily engaged in clearing the ground and in 
 erecting houses. The plan of the settlement, says 
 Champlain, was ten fathoms long and eight fathoms 
 wide, making the distance around thirty-six fathoms. 
 On the eastern side was a storehouse occupying 
 the width of it, with a very fine cellar, from five to 
 six feet deep. On the northern side were the quar- 
 ters of Sieur de Monts, comfortably finished. In the 
 backyard were the dwellings of the workmen. At 
 the corner of the western side was a platform, upon 
 which four cannon were placed, and at the eastern 
 corner a palisade was constructed in the shape of a 
 platform. There was nothing pretentious or elegant 
 about these buildings, but they were solid and 
 useful. 
 
 The installation of the new settlement being now 
 complete, de Monts returned to France, leaving 
 Font-Grave' in command. During the absence of 
 de Monts, Champlain determined to pursue his dis- 
 coveries along the American coast, and in this design 
 he was favoured by de Monts, as the latter had not 
 altogether abandoned his idea of settling in Florida. 
 The season, however, was too far advanced, and 
 Champlain therefore stopped at the river St. John 
 to meet Schoudon, with whom he agreed to set out 
 in search of the famous copper mine. They were 
 accompanied by a miner named Jacques, and a 
 Slavonian very skilful in discovering minerals. He 
 found some pieces of copper and what appeared to 
 32
 
 EXPLORATIONS OF 1606 
 
 be a mine, but it was too difficult to work. Cham- 
 plain accordingly returned to Port Royal, where 
 several of the men were suffering from scurvy. Out 
 of forty-<five, twelve died during the winter. The 
 surgeon from Honfleur, named Deschamps, per- 
 formed an autopsy on some of the bodies, and 
 found them affected in the same manner as those 
 who had died at Ste. Croix. Snow did not fall until 
 December 20th, and the winter was not so severe 
 as the previous one. 
 
 On March 16th, 1606, Champlain resumed his ex- 
 plorations, and travelled eighteen leagues on that 
 day. He anchored at an island to the south of 
 Manan. During the night his barque ran ashore and 
 sustained injuries which it required four days to 
 repair. Champlain then proceeded to Port aux 
 Coquilles, seven or eight leagues distant, where he 
 remained until the twenty-ninth. Pont-Grave', how- 
 ever, desired him to return to Port Royal, being 
 anxious to obtain news of his companions whom 
 he had left sick. Owing to indisposition, Champlain 
 was obliged to delay his departure until April 8th. 
 
 Champlain and Pont-Gravd intended to return 
 to France during the summer of 1606. Seeing that 
 the vessels promised by de Monts had not arrived, 
 they set out from Port Royal to Cape Breton or 
 Gaspe', in search of a vessel to cross the Atlantic, 
 but when they were approaching Canseau, they 
 met Ralleau, the secretary of de Monts, who in- 
 formed them that a vessel had been despatched 
 
 33
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 under the command of Poutrincourt, with fifty 
 settlers for the country. They, therefore, returned 
 to Port Royal, where they found Poutrincourt, who 
 as lieutenant-general of de Monts intended to re- 
 main at Port Royal during the year. 
 
 On September 5th, Champlain left Port Royal 
 on a voyage of discovery. Poutrincourt joined the 
 expedition, and they took with them a physician, 
 the carpenter Champdore', and Robert Grave', the 
 son of Fra^ois. This last voyage, undertaken to 
 please de Monts, did not result in anything re- 
 markable. They first paid a visit to Ste. Croix, 
 where everything remained unchanged, although 
 the gardens were flourishing. From Ste. Croix 
 the expedition drifted southwards, and Champlain 
 pointed out the same bays, harbours, capes and 
 mountains that he had observed before. Schoudon, 
 chief of the Etchemins, and Messamouet, captain of 
 the Micmacs, joined the party, and proceeded with 
 them as far as Chouacouet, where they intended to 
 form an alliance with Olmechin and Marchim, two 
 Indian chiefs of this country. 
 
 On October 2nd, 1606, the expedition reached 
 Mallebarre, and for a few days they anchored in a 
 bay near Cape Batturier, which they named Port 
 Fortune' (Chatham). Five or six hundred savages 
 were found at this place. "It would be an excellent 
 place," says Champlain, "to erect buildings, and 
 lay the foundation of a state, if the harbour was 
 somewhat deeper and the entrance safer." Poutrin- 
 34
 
 RETURN TO PORT ROYAL 
 
 court stopped here for some days, and in the mean- 
 time visited all the surrounding country, from 
 which he returned much pleased. 
 
 According to a custom peculiar to the French 
 since the days of Jacques Cartier, de Monts had 
 planted a large cross at the entrance of the Kenne- 
 bec River, and also at Mallebarre. Poutrincourt 
 did the same at Port Fortune'. The Indians seemed 
 annoyed at this ceremony, which they evidently 
 considered as an encroachment upon their rights as 
 proprietors. They exhibited symptoms of discontent, 
 and during the night they killed four Frenchmen 
 who had imprudently stayed ashore. They were 
 buried near the cross. This the Indians immedi- 
 ately threw down, but Poutrincourt ordered it to 
 be restored to its former position. 
 
 On three different occasions the party attempted to 
 pursue their discoveries southwards, but they were 
 prevented each time by a contrary wind. They 
 therefore resolved to return to Port Royal, which 
 was rendered imperative both by the approach of 
 winter and the scarcity of provisions. The result of 
 the voyage was not altogether satisfactory. Cham- 
 plain had perhaps held a degree further south than 
 on the former occasion, but he had not discovered 
 anything of importance. 
 
 On their return to Port Royal, the voyagers were 
 received with great ceremony. Lescarbot, a Parisian 
 lawyer, who had arrived some time before, and 
 some other Frenchmen, went to meet them and 
 
 35
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 conducted them to the fort, which had been decor- 
 ated with evergreens and inscriptions. On the prin- 
 cipal door they had placed the arms of France, 
 surrounded with laurel crowns, and the king's 
 motto: Dno protegit unus. Beneath the arms of de 
 Monts was placed this inscription: Dabit Deus his 
 quoque finem. The arms of Poutrincourt were 
 wreathed with crowns of leaves, with his motto : 
 In via virtuti nulla est via. Lescarbot had com- 
 posed a short drama for the occasion, entitled, Le 
 Theatre de Neptune. 
 
 The winter of 1606-07 was not very severe. 
 The settlers lived happily in spite of the scurvy, 
 from which some of them died. Hunting afforded 
 them the means of providing a great variety of 
 dishes, such as geese, ducks, bears, beavers, part- 
 ridges, reindeer, bustards, etc. They also organized 
 a society devoted to good cheer called, Ordre du 
 Bon Temps, the by-laws of which were definite, and 
 were fixed by Champlain himself. The Indians of 
 the vicinity who were friendly towards the French 
 colony were in need of food, so that each day loaves 
 of bread were distributed amongst them. Their 
 sagamo, named Membertou, was admitted as a guest 
 to the table of Poutrincourt. This famous Souriquois, 
 who was very old at that time probably a hundred 
 years, though he had not a single white hair pre- 
 tended to have known Jacques Cartier at the time 
 of his first voyage, and claimed that in 1534 he was 
 married, and the father of a young family. 
 36
 
 LESCARBOT 
 
 Lescarbot, who was an able man and a good 
 historian, records the particulars above related, be- 
 sides many other interesting facts concerning Port 
 Royal which appear to have escaped Champlain's 
 observation. Lescarbot was an active spirit in the 
 life of the first French colony in Acadia. He en- 
 couraged his companions to cultivate their land, and 
 he worked himself in the gardens, sowing wheat, 
 oats, beans, pease, and herbs, which he tended 
 with care. He was also liked by the Indians, and he 
 would have rejoiced to see them converted to 
 Christianity. Lescarbot was a poet and a preacher, 
 and had also a good knowledge of the arts and of 
 medicine. Charlevoix says : " He daily invented 
 something new for the public good. And there was 
 never a stronger proof of what a new settlement 
 might derive from a mind cultivated by study, and 
 induced by patriotism to use its knowledge and 
 reflections. We are indebted to this advocate for 
 the best memoirs of what passed before his eyes, 
 and for a history of French Florida. We then 
 behold an exact and judicious writer, a man with 
 views of his own, and who would have been as 
 capable of founding a colony as of writing its 
 history." 
 
 With the departure of Lescarbot and Champlain 
 the best page of the history of Port Royal is closed. 
 The two men left on September 2nd, 1607, on 
 board the Jonas, commanded by Nicholas Martin. 
 They stopped at Roscoff in Basse- Bretagne, and 
 
 37
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 the vessel arrived at Havre de Grace in the early 
 days of October. 
 
 Poutrincourt, his son Biencourt, and Lescarbot 
 made a pilgrimage to Mont St. Michel, and Cham- 
 plain went to Brouage, his native country, having 
 sojourned in America for three years and five 
 months. 
 
 38
 
 CHAPTER III 
 THE FOUNDING OF QUEBEC 
 
 A FTER his return to France, as before described, 
 -jL Champlain had an interview with de Monts, 
 and laid before him the journal which he had pre- 
 pared of his explorations in America, together with 
 plans of the ports and coasts which he had minutely 
 examined during his visits. Champlain proposed to 
 de Monts to continue his explorations, and advanced 
 some reasons for prosecuting an enterprise upon 
 which a large sum had been already expended, 
 and which he was persuaded would ultimately af- 
 ford the means of repairing their fortunes. De 
 Monts, owing to the failure of his own efforts as a 
 colonizer, was not at first inclined to listen to 
 Champlain's proposals, but he was finally convinced 
 of the wisdom of his suggestions, and appointed 
 him lieutenant of an expedition to Quebec for the 
 purpose of trading with the Indians. The expedi- 
 tion was to return to France during the same year. 
 De Monts obtained another commission from the 
 king, dated at Paris, January 9th, 1608, which gave 
 him the monopoly of the fur trade in the lands, 
 ports and rivers of Canada for a period of one year. 
 Two vessels were equipped for this expedition, 
 the Don de Dieu, captain Henry Couillard, and the 
 
 89
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 L&vrier, captain Nicholas Marion. Champlain was 
 given the command of the former vessel, and Pont- 
 Grave' was in command of the latter. The Lforier 
 sailed from France on April 5th, and the Don de 
 Dieu eight days later. The two vessels proceeded 
 directly to Tadousac, without calling at Percd, ac- 
 cording to the usual custom. 
 
 On the arrival of the Don de Dieu at Tadousac, 
 Champlain found that Pont-Grave' had been at- 
 tacked by Captain Darache, a Basque, who con- 
 tinued to trade furs with the Indians in spite of the 
 king's commands. Darache had brought all his guns 
 to bear upon the Levrier, and Pont-Grave' being 
 unable to defend himself, had offered no resistance, 
 whereupon Darache's crew had boarded the vessel 
 and carried off the cannon and arms, at the same 
 time intimating that they would continue to trade 
 as they pleased. The arrival of Champlain, however, 
 altered the situation, and Darache was compelled 
 to sign an agreement by which he pledged himself 
 not to molest Pont-Grave', or to do anything pre- 
 judicial to the interest of the king or of de Monts. 
 It was also agreed that all differences should be 
 settled by the authorities in France. After this 
 agreement was effected through Champlain's inter- 
 vention, the carpenters of the expedition fitted out 
 a small barque to convey to Quebec all the articles 
 necessary for the use of the future settlement. 
 
 In the meantime Champlain visited the river 
 Saguenay, where he met some Indians from whom 
 40
 
 QUEBEC, 1608 
 
 he gathered information concerning Lake St. John 
 and its tributaries. The information did not differ 
 greatly from that which he had obtained in the year 
 1603. Champlain set out from Tadousac on the last 
 day of June and arrived at Quebec on July 3rd, 
 "Where I searched," he says, "for a place suitable 
 for our settlement, but I could find none more con- 
 venient or better situated than the point of Quebec, 
 so called by the savages, which was covered with 
 nut trees." 
 
 Champlain was accompanied by thirty men, 
 amongst whom may be named Nicholas Marsolet, 
 Etienne Brule', Bonnerme, a doctor, Jean Duval, 
 Antoine Natel and La Taille. These names are spe- 
 cially recorded. Champlain immediately employed 
 some workmen to fell trees in order to commence 
 the construction of an Habitation. One party was 
 engaged in sawing timber, another in digging a cel- 
 lar and some ditches, while another party was sent 
 to Tadousac with a barque to obtain supplies which 
 had been retained in the ships. Such was the begin- 
 ning of Champlain's city. Nothing great, it will be 
 admitted, for a settlement which its founder hoped 
 before long would become the great warehouse of 
 New France. 
 
 Until this date the merchants had traded with 
 the Indians only in those places where they could 
 easily be met, and even Chauvin, who was men- 
 tioned in a previous chapter, had not gone further 
 than Tadousac. Neither Three Rivers, nor the 
 
 41
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 islands of Sorel at the entrance of the Iroquois 
 River, now called the Richelieu River, were known 
 to French navigators at this period, and although 
 these places were easily accessible to the aborigines, 
 they were not so available as Quebec. 
 
 Champlain well understood the advantages of 
 founding his city on a spot naturally fortified and 
 where he could readily defend himself against the 
 attack of an enemy, whose approach he expected 
 sooner or later. The first foes, however, whom 
 Champlain had to encounter were not the Indians, 
 but his own countrymen, members of his crew 
 who under various pretexts sought to kill their chief 
 and give the command of the settlement to the 
 Basques. Jean Duval, the king's locksmith, was the 
 leader of this conspiracy against Champlain, and 
 associated with him were four vicious sailors to 
 whom he promised a part of the reward which had 
 been offered for this treason. The conspirators agreed 
 to preserve secrecy, and fixed the night of the fourth 
 day for the assassination of their chief. 
 
 On the day upon which the plot was to be put 
 into execution, Captain Le Testu 1 arrived from 
 Tadousac in command of a vessel laden with pro- 
 visions, utensils, etc. After the vessel was un- 
 loaded, one of the conspirators, a locksmith named 
 
 1 Le Testu's Christian name was Guillaume. His first voyage to 
 Newfoundland was made in 1601. He came to Quebec in 1608, 1610, 
 1611, 1612, 1613, 1614, and 1616. He was successively captain of the 
 Fleur de Lys, the Trinitt, and the Nativitt. He was very circumspect in 
 his dealings. 
 
 42
 
 THE CONSPIRACY FRUSTRATED 
 
 Natel, approached the captain and acquainted him 
 with the details of the plot. Champlain also listened 
 to the man's account and promised to observe 
 secrecy, although he took precautions to frustrate 
 the scheme by inviting the leader and the four con- 
 spirators to an entertainment on board Captain Le 
 Testu's barque. 
 
 The men accepted the invitation, and as soon as 
 they were on board they were seized and held 
 in custody until the following day. The deposition 
 of each man was then taken by Champlain in the 
 presence of the pilot and sailors, and set down 
 in writing, after which the "worthies" were sent to 
 Tadousac, where Champlain requested Font-Grave' 
 to guard them for a time. Some days after the men 
 were returned to Quebec, where they were placed 
 on trial for attempted murder. 
 
 The jury was composed of Champlain, Pont- 
 Grave', Le Testu, Bonnerme, the mate and the 
 second mate, and some sailors. The verdict was 
 unanimous. Duval was condemned to death on the 
 spot as the instigator of the plot, and the others 
 were also sentenced to death, but their sentence 
 was to be carried out in France. Duval was strangled 
 at Quebec, and his head was placed on a pike which 
 was set up in the most conspicuous part of the 
 fort. This was the second example of capital punish- 
 ment in New France. The first case recorded was 
 at Charlesbourg Royal, or Cap-Rouge, near 
 Quebec, in the winter of 1542-3, when Michel 
 
 43
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Gaillon, one of Roberval's companions, was put to 
 death. 
 
 Champlain. was invested with executive, legis- 
 lative and judiciary powers, but the founder of 
 Quebec never abused the authority intrusted to 
 him. From this time every one fulfilled his duty 
 day by day, and Champlain was able to continue 
 his work in peace. 
 
 The habitation was composed of three buildings 
 of two stories, each one of three fathoms long and 
 two and a half wide. The storehouse was six fathoms 
 long and three wide, with a cellar six feet deep. 
 There was a gallery around the buildings, at the 
 second story. There were also ditches fifteen feet 
 wide and six deep. On the outer side of the ditches 
 Champlain constructed several spurs, which en- 
 closed a part of the dwelling, at the point where he 
 placed a cannon. Before the habitation there was 
 a square four fathoms wide and six or seven long, 
 looking out upon the river bank. Surrounding the 
 habitation were very good gardens, and an open 
 space on the north side, some hundred and twenty 
 paces long and fifty or sixty wide. 
 
 During the first weeks after his installation, 
 Champlain made an investigation of the vicinity. 
 "Near Quebec," he says, "there is a little river 
 coming from a lake in the interior, distant six or 
 seven leagues from our settlement. I am of opinion 
 that this river, which is north a quarter north-west 
 from our settlement, is the place where Jacques 
 44
 
 JACQUES CARTIER'S DWELLING 
 
 Cartier wintered, since there are still, a. league up 
 the river, remains of what seems to have been a 
 chimney, t the foundation of which has been found, 
 and indications of there having been ditches sur- 
 rounding their dwelling, which was smalt We 
 found also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten tim- 
 ber, and some three or four cannon balls. All these 
 things show clearly that there was a settlement 
 there founded by Christians ; and what leads me to 
 say and believe that it was that of Jacques Cartier 
 is the fact that there is no evidence whatever that 
 any one wintered and built a house in these places 
 except Jacques Cartier at the time of his discov- 
 eries." 
 
 This "little river coming from a lake in the 
 interior," is evidently the river St. Charles, called 
 Ste. Croix by Cartier. Champlain's conjectures 
 about the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, 
 are certainly correct. It was near this spot also that 
 the Jesuits erected their convent of Notre Dame des 
 Anges in 1626, namely, at two hundred feet from 
 the shore, where the river Lairet joins the St. 
 Charles. 
 
 Pont- Grave' sailed for France on September 18th, 
 1608, leaving Champlain with twenty-seven men, 
 and provisions for the approaching winter at Quebec. 
 The carpenters, sawyers, and other workmen were 
 employed in clearing up the place and in preparing 
 gardens. 
 
 Many Indians were encamped in the vicinity, 
 
 45
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 who proved troublesome neighbours, as they were 
 constantly visiting the habitation, either to beg 
 food for their families or to express their fear of 
 invisible enemies. Champlain readily understood 
 the character of these people, but he was too 
 charitable to refuse them assistance in their need; 
 besides he believed that they might easily be taught 
 how to live and how to cultivate the soil. It was a 
 difficult task, however, to induce the Indians to 
 settle in any particular place. For generations they 
 had led a wandering life, subsisting on the products 
 of their hunting and fishing. This wild freedom was 
 as necessary to their existence as the open air, and 
 all attempts to make them follow the habits of 
 civilized races seemed to tend towards their de- 
 terioration. 
 
 The early days of the French settlement at Que- 
 bec were distinguished by nothing remarkable. Dur- 
 ing the first winter scurvy and dysentery claimed 
 many victims. Natel, the locksmith, died towards 
 the end of November, and some time after Bon- 
 nerme, the doctor, was attacked and succumbed. 
 Eighteen others also suffered from scurvy of whom 
 ten died, and there were five deaths from dysentery, 
 so that by the spring there were only eight men 
 living, and Champlain himself was seriously indis- 
 posed. This was the third time that the founder of 
 Quebec had had to experience the effects of this 
 terrible disease, and although he was beginning to 
 understand its causes, he was still unaware of a 
 46
 
 THE IROQUOIS TERRITORY 
 
 specific. " I- am confident," he says, "that, with 
 good bread and fresh meat, a person would not be 
 liable to it." 
 
 Many trials had been experienced by the settlers 
 during their first winter of 1608-09, and they wel- 
 comed the return of spring. Des Marets 1 arrived at 
 Quebec at this time, with tidings that Pont- Grave', 
 his father-in-law, had arrived at Tadousac on May 
 28th. Champlain at once repaired to Tadousac, 
 where he received a letter from de Monts requesting 
 him to return to France to acquaint him with the 
 progress which he had made in the colony, and with 
 the result of his explorations. Champlain returned 
 to Quebec, and immediately fitted out an expedition 
 to visit the country of the Iroquois, in the company 
 of a party of Montagnais. 
 
 The Montagnais were anxious to carry on war 
 against their ancient enemies, and although the 
 wars had no attraction for Champlain, he hoped to 
 be able to further his discoveries during the journey. 
 Taking with him the twenty men placed at his 
 disposal by Font-Grave', Champlain sailed from 
 Quebec on 'June 18th, 1609. The command of the 
 
 1 Champlain often speaks of this man. His true name was Claude 
 Godet, Sieur des Marets. His father, Cleophas Godet, a lawyer, had 
 three sons, Claude, Jean and Jesse. Jean was Sieur du Pare, and Jesse 
 parish priest of Chambois in 1634. Both Claude and Jean came to 
 Canada. Claude des Marets was married, in 1615, to Jeanne Grave, 
 only daughter of Francois Grave, Sieur da Pont. He died about the 
 year 1626, leaving 1 one child named Francois, who came to New France 
 with his grandfather, and was present at the capitulation of Quebec in 
 1629. 
 
 47
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 habitation was given to Pont-Gravd in the meantime. 
 The expedition proceeded towards the island of St. 
 Eloi, near the shores of which two or three hundred 
 savages were encamped in tents. They proved to be 
 Hurons and Algonquins who were on their way to 
 Quebec to join Champlain's expedition to the terri- 
 tory of the Iroquois. Their chiefs were named 
 Iroquet and Ochateguin, and Champlain explained 
 to them the object of his voyage. The next day the 
 two chiefs paid a visit to Champlain and remained 
 silent for some time, meditating and smoking. After 
 some reflection the chiefs began to harangue their 
 companions on the banks of the river. They spoke 
 for a long time in loud tones, and the substance 
 of their remarks has been summed up in these 
 words : ^ 
 
 "Ten moons ago Champlain had declared that he 
 desired to assist them against their enemies, with 
 whom they had been for a long time at warfare, on 
 account of many cruel acts committed by them 
 against their tribe, under colour of friendship. Hav- 
 ing ever since longed for vengeance, they had 
 solicited all the savages whom they had seen on the 
 banks of the river to come and make an alliance. 
 They had no children with them but men versed in 
 war and full of courage, and well acquainted with 
 the country and the rivers of the land of the Iro- 
 quois, They wanted to go to Quebec in order that 
 they might see the French houses, but after three 
 days they would return to engage in the war. As a 
 48
 
 THE INDIAN ALLIANCE 
 
 token of firm friendship and joy, Champlain should 
 have muskets and arquebuses fired." 
 
 Champlain replied that he was glad to be able to 
 fulfil his 1 promise to them ; he had no other purpose 
 than to assist them in their wars ; he had not come 
 as a trader, but only with arms to fight. His word 
 was given, and it was his desire that it should be 
 kept. Thus was the alliance ratified which had been 
 made in 1603 between the French and the Hurons, 
 Algonquins and Montagnais, and the alliance was 
 never broken. 
 
 Some historians have reproached Champlain for 
 his intervention in the wars between the Indians of 
 Canada, and have suggested that it would have 
 been wiser to have preserved a strict neutrality, 
 instead of taking up arms against the redoubtable 
 and valiant Iroquois. In order to explain Cham- 
 plain's actions, it is necessary to consider the re- 
 lations of the French towards the other tribes. 
 Many years before the period of which we are 
 writing, certain French captains traded with the 
 Montagnais Indians of Tadousac. These Indians 
 were on friendly terms with the Hurons, the Al- 
 gonquins Supe'rieurs of the Ottawa river, and the 
 Souriquois of Acadia, and were united in their de- 
 sire to subdue the terrible Iroquois. As the Iroquois 
 did not trade, Champlain had no relations with 
 them of a business character, and therefore he was 
 not bound towards them in the same manner as he 
 was towards the Hurons and others. 
 
 49
 
 CHAMPLA1N 
 
 The Iroquois at first resided at Montreal and 
 Three Rivers, while their neighbours, the Algon- 
 quins, were scattered along the shores of the Ottawa 
 River, Lake Nipissing and French River. The Al- 
 gonquins, who were brave and very numerous, 
 succeeded in driving the Iroquois back to Lake 
 Erie, and afterwards to Lake Ontario, near Lake 
 Champlain. Here the Iroquois were distributed in 
 five tribes, forming a great confederation. (1.) The 
 Tsonnontouans or Senecas. (2.) The Goyogouins 
 or Cayugas. (3.) The Onontagues or Onondagas. 
 (4.) The Onneyouts or Oneidas. (5.) The Agniers 
 or Mohawks. The Tsonnontouans were the most 
 numerous, but the Agniers were the bravest and 
 wildest. 
 
 The Iroquois or confederate tribes had by con- 
 stant warfare become the greatest warriors of New 
 France, nor is this fact surprising when we consider 
 that they had waged successful warfare, extending 
 over a long period, against the vast coalition of 
 Hurons, Algonquins, Montagnais and Micmacs 
 scattered from Lake Huron to Acadia. 
 
 Anadabijou, chief of the Montagnais, made a 
 long speech, telling his men that they ought to feel 
 proud of the friendship of the king of France and of 
 his people, upon whom they could rely for assist- 
 ance in their wars. It was from that date that the 
 alliance between the Indians and the French com- 
 menced, and, as Champlain was obliged to live 
 in the neighbourhood of the Montagnais and Al- 
 50
 
 THE ALLIANCE SEALED 
 
 gonquins, the only course open to him, if he desired 
 to live in peace, was to fulfil his promise made 
 to them. 
 
 In this year, 1609, Anadabijou reminded Cham- 
 plain of the agreement made six years before. " Ten 
 moons ago," he says, " the son of Iroquet had seen 
 you. You gave him a good reception, and promised 
 with Pont-Gravd to assist us against our enemies." 
 To this Champlain replied, " My only desire is to 
 fulfil what I promised then." Thus was sealed this 
 solemn agreement. 
 
 If Champlain had refused to make an alliance 
 with these Indians, they would have been a constant 
 source of trouble, for although they were less fero- 
 cious than the Iroquois, they were still barbarians. 
 Champlain and his few men could never have 
 established a settlement at Quebec if they had been 
 forced to encounter the hostility of the neighbour- 
 ing Indians, for the whole of his work could have 
 been overthrown by them in a single day. 
 
 The country of the Iroquois, on the contrary, 
 was situated at a great distance, and consequently 
 he had not so much to fear from them. It was 
 Champlain's desire, however, to make a treaty 
 with the Iroquois as well, for they were at this 
 time even, and long after remained, the terror of 
 North America. But war seemed necessary to the 
 existence of the Iroquois, and Champlain, notwith- 
 standing the exercise of his diplomacy, found it 
 impossible to pacify these restless people. 
 
 51
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 It is true that the people of New Netherland had 
 been able to maintain a neutral stand towards the 
 Iroquois, and Champlain has been blamed for not 
 following this example. It must be borne in mind, 
 however, that the Dutch were powerful and numer- 
 ous, and it was to their interest to li ve in harmony 
 with their immediate neighbours, the Iroquois. The 
 Dutch had also different intentions towards the 
 Indians. They came to America simply to trade, 
 and to establish themselves and live quietly along 
 the shores of the Hudson River, while Champlain's 
 idea was to civilize the Indians and bring them 
 under the influence of the Catholic missionaries. 
 
 Champlain and the allied Indians left Quebec on 
 June 28th, 1609. Des Marets, La Routte, a pilot, 
 and nine men accompanied the expedition. On their 
 voyage they passed certain rivers to which Cham- 
 plain gave the following names, Ste. Suzanne (River 
 du Loup), du Pont (Nicolet), de Genes (Yamaska), 
 and the Three Rivers. 1 The party stopped at the 
 entrance of the Iroquois River. Continuing their 
 journey southwards, they arrived at the Chambly 
 Rapids. "No Christians had been in this place 
 before us," says Champlain. Seeing no prospect of 
 being able to cross the rapids alone, Champlain 
 embarked with the Indians in their canoes, taking 
 
 1 This is the river de Fouex of Jacques Cartier, and the Metaberoutin 
 of the Indians, and now the river St. Maurice, to which historians have 
 given the name of Three Rivers, because two islands divide it into 
 three branches at its entrance ; these branches are called Lee Chenaux, 
 or the narrow channels. 
 
 52
 
 DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS 
 
 only two men with him. Champlain's army, com- 
 prising sixty men, then proceeded slowly towards 
 Lake Champlain, and a few days after the party 
 arrived'at Lake St. Sacrament (Lake George). On 
 July 29th they encountered the Iroquois, who had 
 come to fight, at the extremity of Lake Champlain, 
 on the western bank. The entire night was spent 
 by each army in dancing and singing, and in bandy- 
 ing words. At daybreak Champlain's men stood to 
 arms. The Iroquois were composed of about two 
 hundred men, stout and rugged in appearance, with 
 their three chiefs at their head, who could be 
 distinguished by their large plumes. The Indians 
 opened their ranks and called upon Champlain 
 to go to the front. The arrows were beginning to 
 fly on both sides when Champlain discharged his 
 musket, which was loaded with four balls, and 
 killed two of the chiefs and mortally wounded the 
 third. This unexpected blow caused great alarm 
 among the Iroquois, who lost courage, abandoned 
 their camp and took to flight, seeking shelter in 
 the woods. Fifteen or sixteen men of Champlain's 
 party were wounded, but the enemy had many 
 wounded, and ten or twelve were taken prisoners. 
 
 This victory did not entail much hardship on the 
 part of the French. Champlain and his two com- 
 panions did more to rout the Iroquois than the 
 sixty allies with their shower of arrows. The result 
 of this day's proceedings was highly satisfactory to 
 the Indians, who gathered up the arms and provi- 
 
 53
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 sions left behind by the Iroquois, and feasted sump- 
 tuously amidst dancing and singing. "The spot 
 where this attack took place," says Champlain, "is 
 in the latitude of 43 and some minutes, and the 
 lake is called Champlain." This place is now called 
 Ticonderoga, or the Cheondoroga of the Indians. 
 
 Champlain returned to Quebec with the Mon- 
 tagnais, and a few days after he set out for Tadou- 
 sac to see whether Font-Grave' had arrived from 
 Gaspd He met Font-Grave' on the morrow, and 
 they both decided to sail for France, and to leave 
 Quebec in the meantime under the command of 
 Pierre de Chauvin, 1 pending the decision of de 
 Monts as to the future of the colony. Both visited 
 Quebec in order to invest Chauvin with authority, 
 and after leaving him everything necessary for the 
 use of the settlement, and placing fifteen men under 
 his command, the two commanders left Quebec on 
 September 1st, 1609, and sailed from Tadousac for 
 France on the fifth day of the same month. 
 
 Champlain had sojourned in New France since 
 the beginning of July, 1608, and during that inter- 
 val he had made good use of his time. He had 
 chosen the most suitable place for a habitation 
 which was destined to become the metropolis of the 
 
 1 Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de la Pierre, called Captain Pierre by 
 Champlain, was born at Dieppe, but after the death of his relative, 
 Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de Tontuit, he resided at Honfleur. There 
 were many families of Chauvin in Normandy during the seventeenth 
 century, notably the Chauvins, Sieurs de Tontuit, and the Chauvins, 
 Sieurs de la Pierre. 
 
 54
 
 SATISFACTORY RESULTS 
 
 French colony; he had constructed a fort and a 
 storehouse, and he had also explored- a very im- 
 portant tract of country. Champlain had also visited 
 a part of the river Saguenay ; he had made himself 
 acquainted with the vicinity of Quebec, and with 
 the rivers, streams and tributaries of the St. Law- 
 rence and Ste. Croix. For the second time he had 
 seen the river St. Lawrence as far as the Iroquois 
 River over which he had sailed as far as Lake Cham- 
 plain, whence it receives its waters. Besides his 
 achievements in exploration Champlain had cement- 
 ed friendly relations with the Montagnais, Algon- 
 quins and Hurons ; he had renewed his acquaintance 
 with Anadabijou and formed an alliance with Iroquet 
 and Ochateguin, three of the most powerful chiefs 
 of these tribes. He was also well versed in their 
 methods of warfare and had studied their man- 
 ners and customs and their treatment of their 
 prisoners, so that when he returned to France 
 he was in a position to give de Monts a great deal 
 of valuable information, both as regards the inhabi- 
 tants and the best means of promoting trade with 
 them." 
 
 On his arrival in France Champlain proceeded at 
 once to Fontainebleau, where he met King Henry 
 IV and de Monts. He had an audience with the 
 king and gave His Majesty a satisfactory account 
 of his proceedings. He also presented to the king a 
 girdle made of porcupine quills, two little birds of 
 carnation colour, and the head of a fish caught in 
 
 55
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Lake Champlain, which had a very long snout, and 
 two or three rows of very sharp teeth. 
 
 To de Monts the visit of Champlain was of 
 great importance, because the fate of Quebec was 
 bound up with him. After hearing Champlain's 
 narrative of his voyages in New France, de Monts 
 decided to visit Rouen in order to consult Collier 
 and Legendre, his associates. After deliberation they 
 resolved to continue their efforts to colonize New 
 France and to further explore the great river St. 
 Lawrence. In order to realize means for defraying 
 the expenses of the expedition, Pont-Grav was 
 authorized to engage in any traffic that would help 
 to accomplish this end. In the meantime Lucas 
 Legendre was ordered to purchase merchandise for 
 the expedition, to see to the repairs of the vessels, 
 and to obtain crews. After these details had been 
 arranged de Monts and Champlain returned to Paris 
 to settle the more important questions. 
 
 De Monts' commission, which had been issued 
 for one year, had expired, but he hoped that it 
 would be renewed. His requests, which appeared 
 just and reasonable, were, however, refused, owing 
 to protests on the part of merchants of Bretagne 
 and Normandy, who claimed that this monopoly 
 was ruinous to their commerce. Finally de Monts 
 appealed to his former partners, who decided to 
 furnish two vessels, at their own expense, with 
 supplies and stores necessary for the settlement. 
 Pent-Grave* was given the command of a fur-trad- 
 56
 
 EXPEDITION OF 1610 
 
 ing vessel, and the other was laden with provisions 
 and stores necessary for the use of the settlers. 
 Champlain was informed that his services were 
 dispensed with, but not believing that this news 
 could be true, he saw de Monts and asked him 
 frankly whether such was the case. De Monts told 
 him that he could accompany the expedition, if he 
 chose to do so. Charnplain therefore set out from 
 Paris on the last day of February, 1610, and pro- 
 ceeded to Rouen, where he remained for two days, 
 and then left for Honfleur, to meet Pont-Gravd 
 and Legendre, who informed him that the vessels 
 were ready to saiL 
 
 57
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 
 
 CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1611, 1613 
 
 /CHAMPLAIN embarked at Honfleur with 
 V^ eleven artisans for Quebec, on March 7th, 
 1610. The rough weather experienced during the 
 first days of the voyage rendered it necessary for 
 the vessel to run into Portland, on the English 
 coast, and later to seek refuge in the harbour of the 
 Isle of Wight. At this time Champlain was taken 
 suddenly ill, and was obliged to return by boat 
 to Havre de Grace to undergo medical treatment. 
 A month after he rejoined his former vessel, which 
 in the meantime had returned to Honfleur to take 
 in ballast. Champlain had now somewhat recovered, 
 although he was still weak and ill. 
 
 The vessel left Honfleur on April 8th, and 
 reached Tadousac on the 26th of the same month, 
 which was one of the shortest passages ever made 
 up to that time. " There were vessels," says Cham- 
 plain, "which had arrived on the 18th of the month, 
 a thing which had not been seen for more than sixty 
 years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to 
 this country." This remark proves that for more 
 than half a century French fishermen and navi- 
 gators had been accustomed to proceed as far as 
 Tadousac. A Basque, named Lavalette, who had 
 
 59
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 been accustomed to fish on the Acadian coast from 
 about the year 1565, also confirms the statement. 
 
 On his arrival at Tadousac, Champlain ascer- 
 tained from a young nobleman, named du Pare, 1 
 who had wintered with Chauvin at Quebec, that all 
 the settlers were in good health, and that only 
 a few of them had been slightly ill. They had been 
 able to procure fresh meat during the whole season, 
 and consequently scurvy had not made its appear- 
 ance. " By avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, 
 the health is as good here as in France." 
 
 The Indians had been waiting from day to day 
 for the return of Champlain, for they wished him 
 to accompany them to war. He therefore went 
 ashore to assure them that he would fulfil his 
 promise under the conditions made, namely, that 
 upon his return they would point out to him the 
 three rivers, and the lake which they had described 
 as resembling a sea, the end of which could not be 
 seen, and by means of which he could return by 
 way of the Saguenay to Tadousac. The Indians 
 had readily promised to do all this, but only in the 
 following year. Champlain had also promised the 
 Hurons and Algonquins that he would assist them 
 in their wars, if they would show him their country, 
 the great lake and the copper mines. " I had accord- 
 
 1 Jean Godet, Sieur du Pare, was a brother of Claude des Marets. 
 He came with his brother to Quebec in 1609, and wintered there. In 
 1616 he commanded at Quebec. On his return to France, he re- 
 mained at St. Germain de Clairefeuille, where he died on November 
 16th, 1652. 
 
 60
 
 A GENERAL RENDEZVOUS 
 
 ingly," he said, " two strings to my bow, so that, in 
 case one should break, the other might hold." 
 
 On April 25th, 1610, Champlain set out from 
 Tadousac 4 for Quebec, where he found Captain 
 Chauvin and his companions in good health.. They 
 had with them a stranger named Captain Batiscan, 
 who was so pleased at Champlain's return that he 
 and his comrades showed their appreciation by sing- 
 ing and dancing all night. Champlain entertained 
 them at a banquet, with which they were delighted. 
 
 Some days after a party of the Montagnais, num- 
 bering about sixty men, made their appearance 
 at Quebec, en route for the war. They presented 
 themselves before Champlain, and said : " Here are 
 numerous Basques and Mistigoches (so they named 
 the Normans and Malouins) who say they will 
 go to the war with us. What do you think of it ? 
 Do they speak the truth ? " Champlain answered : 
 " No, I know very well what they really mean ; 
 they say this only to get possession of your com- 
 modities." The Indians replied : " You have spoken 
 the truth. They are women and want to make war 
 only upon our beavers." Confiding in Champlain's 
 word, the Montagnais went to Three Rivers under 
 the agreement that a general rendezvous should be 
 held there with the French. The Hurons were to 
 await them at the entrance of the Iroquois River. 
 
 Champlain started on his journey on June 14th. 
 When he was eight leagues from Quebec he met a 
 canoe bearing an Algonquin and a Montagnais, 
 
 61
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 who entreated him to hasten towards Three Rivers, 
 as the Algonquins and Hurons would be at the 
 meeting-place within two days. The Algonquins 
 presented Champlain with a piece of copper a 
 foot long and quite pure, and stated that there were 
 large quantities to be found on the bank of a river, 
 near a great lake. The Indians also stated that they 
 collected the copper in lumps, and after they had 
 melted it, spread it in sheets and smoothed it with 
 stones. Champlain was well pleased to receive this 
 present, although it was of small value. 
 
 The Montagnais assembled at Three Rivers, and 
 on June 18th they all set out together. On the 
 following day they arrived at an island situated at 
 the mouth of the river Richelieu, which the Mon- 
 tagnais used to frequent when they wished to avoid 
 the Iroquois. 
 
 An alarm was soon given that the Algonquins 
 had fallen in with a band of Iroquois, numbering 
 one hundred, who were strongly barricaded. Each 
 man then took his arms and set out in a canoe 
 towards the enemy. The firing immediately began, 
 and Champlain was wounded by an arrow which 
 pierced his ear and entered his neck. He seized the 
 arrow and withdrew it from the wound. The Iro- 
 quois were much astonished at the noise caused by 
 the discharge of the French muskets, and some of 
 them, seeing their companions wounded or dead, 
 threw themselves upon the ground whenever they 
 heard a musket fired. Champlain resolved after 
 62
 
 SAVIGNON 
 
 a while to force the barricade, sword in hand, which 
 he accomplished without much resistance, and en- 
 tered the fort. Fifteen prisoners were taken, and 
 the rest were killed either by musket shots, arrows, 
 or the sword. The savages, according ta their 
 custom, scalped the dead. The Montagnais and 
 Algonquins had three killed and fifty wounded. On 
 the following day Font-Grave' and Chauvin did 
 some trading in peltry. 
 
 Amongst Champlain's party there was a young 
 lad named Nicholas Marsolet, who desired to ac- 
 company the Algonquins in order to learn their 
 language, and he was pleased to learn that after 
 much deliberation the Algonquins had decided to 
 take him, on the condition that Champlain accepted 
 a young Huron as hostage. The Indian boy was 
 named Savignon by the French. Lescarbot writes 
 that he met this youth many times in Paris, and 
 that " he was a big and stout boy." 
 
 The French and the allied Indians separated 
 with many promises of friendship. The Indians de- 
 parted for the fall of the great river of Canada, and 
 the French, with Champlain at their head, pro- 
 ceeded to Quebec. On the return journey they met 
 at Lake St. Peter, Pont- Grave*, who was on his way 
 to Tadousac, to arrange some business connected 
 with headquarters. 
 
 Font-Grave* contemplated passing the winter at 
 Quebec, but in the meantime des Marets arrived 
 from France, much to the delight of every one, 
 
 63
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 as his vessel was long overdue. The news which he 
 brought, however, was so serious that both Cham- 
 plain and Pont-Gravd decided to return to France 
 The intelligence received was to the effect that M. 
 de St. Luc had expelled the Catholics from Brouage, 
 that the king had been killed, and that the Duke of 
 Sully and two other noblemen had shared the same 
 fate. 
 
 Champlain was much distressed over the con- 
 dition of affairs in France, and on his departure he 
 left du Pare in command of Quebec, and placed 
 under him sixteen men, "all of whom were enjoined 
 to live soberly, and in the fear of God, and in strict 
 observance of the obedience due to the authority of 
 du Pare." The settlement was left with a plentiful 
 supply of kitchen vegetables, together with a suf- 
 ficient quantity of Indian corn, wheat, rye and 
 barley. Everything was in good order when Cham- 
 plain set out from Quebec on August 8th, five days 
 after Pont-Grave"s vessel sailed from Tadousac for 
 France. On September 27th they arrived at Hon- 
 fleur, the voyage having lasted one month and a 
 half. 
 
 This second voyage of Champlain did not restore 
 de Monts' fortunes. The withdrawal of the exclusive 
 privilege of trading was the signal for a large num- 
 ber of trading vessels to appear in the St. Lawrence. 
 In fact the operations were so great as to render the 
 profits of the company null. The disaster was so 
 complete that Champlain says: " Many will remem- 
 64
 
 THOUGHTS OF MARRIAGE 
 
 her for a long time the loss made this year." For all 
 the labour which Champlain had bestowed upon 
 the settlement the result was small, and it was 
 evident that if any French merchant were allowed 
 without restrictions to trade with the Indians, com- 
 merce would be ruined, and the development of the 
 settlement would be impossible. During the first 
 years a beaver skin could be exchanged in return for 
 two knives, and now fifteen or twenty were re- 
 quired for the same exchange. Champlain therefore 
 desired to establish some form of rule by which 
 commerce could be restricted, or in other words, 
 whereby he or de Monts, or any one else who 
 would undertake the direction of the affairs of New 
 France, might be protected. 
 
 It was during this winter of 1610-11, that Cham- 
 plain, who was now more than forty years of age, 
 entertained thoughts of marriage. His constant 
 voyages during the past twelve years had probably 
 prevented him from entering into this estate before. 
 It is, perhaps, somewhat surprising that he so sud- 
 denly put aside this consideration against the mar- 
 riage. Did he contemplate residing permanently at 
 Quebec, or did he foresee that circumstances would 
 render his remaining in New France improbable? 
 There is nothing in his narrative which throws any 
 light on this question. Champlain does not mention 
 the name of his wife in any of his writings, but we 
 find later that she accompanied him to Quebec, 
 where she dwelt for four years. The name of Cham- 
 
 65
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 plain's wife was Helene Boull, the daughter of 
 Nicholas Boulle', secretary of the king's chamber, 
 and of Marguerite Alix of St. Germain 1'Auxerrois, 
 Paris. Helene Boulle' was born in 1598, and at the 
 time of her marriage she was only twelve years of 
 age. Her parents were Calvinists, and she was 
 brought up in the same faith, but through the 
 lessons and influence of her husband she became 
 a Catholic. 
 
 The marriage settlements were executed at Paris 
 on December 27th, 1610, and signed by Choquillot 
 and Arragon, notaries, in the presence of the parents 
 and friends of both parties. Among those who at- 
 tended on that occasion were Pierre du Gua, friend ; 
 Lucas Legendre, of Rouen, friend; Hercule Rouer, 
 merchant of Paris ; Marcel Chenu, merchant of 
 Paris ; Jehan Roernan, secretary of de Monts, 
 Champlain's friend; Fra^ois Lesaige, druggist of 
 the king's stables, friend and relative; Jehan Ra- 
 venel, Sieur de la Merrois; Pierre Noel, Sieur de 
 Cosigne', friend; Anthoine de Murad, king's coun- 
 cillor and almoner; Anthoine Marye; Barbier, sur- 
 geon, relative and friend; Genevieve Lesaige, wife 
 of Simon Alix, uncle of Helene Boulle, on the 
 mother's side. 
 
 According to the terms of the contract, Nicholas 
 Boulld and his wife pledged themselves, by antici- 
 pated payment of the inheritance, to pay six thou- 
 sand livres cash, the day preceding the marriage. 
 Champlain also agreed to give his future wife the 
 66
 
 THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY 
 
 benefit of his wealth at his death. Two days after, 
 Nicholas Boull^ sent to his son-in-law the sum 
 of four thousand five hundred livres, the balance 
 was to be sent later on. 
 
 The betrothal took place in the church of St. 
 Germain 1'Auxerrois, on Wednesday, December 
 29th, 1610, and on the following day the marriage 
 was celebrated in the same church. As the young 
 bride was not of marriageable age, she returned to 
 her family to live with them for two years, as 
 agreed by the contract. 
 
 Champlain then resumed his colonization work, 
 and had an interview with de Monts, in order to 
 induce him to take some action in his favour. 
 Although the profits to be realized from the enter- 
 prise were not certain, it seemed probable that fur- 
 trading, and developing the resources of the country, 
 might become advantageous. The expenses of the 
 undertaking were also small: a few barrels of bis- 
 cuits, of pease and cider would be found sufficient 
 to sustain the fifteen or twenty men who formed the 
 nucleus of the colony. From year to year Cham- 
 plain hoped to be able to monopolize the fur trade, 
 not for himself, but for the company of de Monts. 
 
 The vessels which were equipped for the expe- 
 dition were ready to sail on March 1st, 1611. The 
 passage was very rough, and when about eight 
 leagues distant from the Great Banks of Newfound- 
 land, the vessels were in great danger through the 
 number of icebergs which were encountered. The 
 
 67
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 cold was so intense that it was found difficult to navi- 
 gate the vessel. While in the vicinity of Newfound- 
 land, they communicated with a French ship, on 
 board of which was Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, 
 who was bound for Port Royal to meet his father. 
 He had left France three months previously, and 
 had been unable to find his way to the Acadian 
 coast. 
 
 After having sighted Gaspd, Champlain arrived 
 at Tadousac on May 13th, where he found all the 
 country covered with snow. The savages were in- 
 formed of Champlain's arrival by cannon shot,. and 
 they soon made their appearance. They stated that 
 three or four trading vessels had arrived within the 
 last eight days, but that their business had been a 
 failure on account of the scarcity of furs. 
 
 Champlain proceeded at once to Quebec, where 
 he found everything in good order, and neither du 
 Pare nor his companions had suffered from any 
 sickness. Game had been abundant during the 
 whole winter. Champlain intended to visit Three 
 Rivers, but Batiscan said that he would not be 
 prepared to conduct him there until next year. As 
 he was unable to carry out his designs, Champlain 
 took with him Savignon and one Frenchman, and 
 visited the great fall. He made a careful examination 
 of the country, and says: 
 
 " But in all that I saw I found no place more 
 favourable than a little spot to which barques and 
 shallops can easily ascend with the help of a strong 
 68
 
 THE SITE OF MONTREAL 
 
 wind, or by taking a winding course, in consequence 
 of the strong current. But above this place, which 
 we named La Place Royale, at the distance of 
 a league' from Mont Royal, there are a great many 
 little rocks and shoals which are very dangerous. 
 . . . Formerly savages tilled these lands. . . . There 
 is a large number of other fine pastures, where any 
 number of cattle can graze. . . . After a careful 
 examination, we found this place one of the finest 
 on this river. I accordingly gave orders to cut down 
 and clear up the woods in the Place Royale, so as 
 to level it and prepare it for building." 
 
 This was the beginning of Montreal, the wealthiest 
 city of Canada. 
 
 Champlain constructed a wall four feet thick, 
 three or four feet high, and thirty feet long. This 
 fort was placed on an elevation twelve feet higher 
 than the level of the soil, so that it was safe 
 from inundation. Champlain named the island Ste. 
 Helene, in honour of his wife, and he found that a 
 strong town could be built there. To-day this island 
 is a favourite resort for the inhabitants of Montreal, 
 and it is an ornament to the harbour of the large 
 city. 
 
 On June 13th two hundred Hurons arrived at 
 Sault St. Louis, so called from a young Frenchman 
 named Louis, who was drowned in the rapids a few 
 days before. The Hurons were under the command 
 of Ochateguin, Iroquet and Tregouaroti. The latter 
 was a brother of Savignon, the young Huron whom 
 
 69
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Champlain had taken with him to France. The 
 interview, which lasted some time, was most cordial. 
 The Indians said that they felt somewhat uneasy on 
 seeing so many Frenchmen who were not specially 
 united, and that they had desired to see Champlain 
 alone, towards whom they were as kindly disposed 
 as towards their own children. 
 
 Champlain questioned them on the sources of 
 the great river, and on their own country. Four 
 of them declared that they had seen a large sea 
 at a great distance from their village. After ex- 
 changing their peltry with Champlain's consent, 
 some of the Hurons left to follow the war-path, 
 while others returned to their own country. This 
 interview occurred on July 18th, 1611. On the 
 same day Champlain set out for Quebec, where he 
 arrived on the nineteenth. Here he found that cer- 
 tain necessary repairs had to be made. He also 
 planted some rose bushes, and caused some oak 
 wood to be placed on board a vessel for shipment 
 to France, as a specimen of the wood of the new 
 colony, which he considered suitable, not only for 
 marine wainscoting, but also for windows and 
 doors. 
 
 Champlain sailed from Quebec on July 20th, and 
 arrived at La Rochelle on September 16th. De 
 Monts was at Pons, in Saintonge, at this time, and 
 it was here that he received a visit from Champlain. 
 After listening to Champlain's narrative of his pro- 
 ceedings, de Monts decided to proceed to court to 
 70
 
 END OF DE MONTS' COMPANY 
 
 arrange matters. He held a conference with the 
 merchants at Fontainebleau, but he found that they 
 were unwilling to continue to support the enter- 
 prise. He concluded a bargain with them for what 
 remained in the Quebec settlement by the payment 
 of a certain sum of money, and from that date de 
 Monts' company ceased to exist. There was only 
 one man who had faith in the future of the colony, 
 and who remained staunch to its interests under 
 all difficulties ; this man was Champlain. 
 
 De Monts had shown great energy in opposing 
 the impediments to the undertaking which were 
 offered by the merchants of Rouen, St. Malo and 
 La Rochelle, and as he hoped to regain the money 
 which he had already expended, he considered that 
 it was time to receive assistance from the king. 
 Louis XIII listened attentively to de Monts' re- 
 quests, but he did not accede to them. De Monts, 
 therefore, informed Champlain that he was com- 
 pelled to abandon the enterprise. This was the last 
 interview between these two men. 
 
 Champlain was now left to his own resources for 
 continuing his work. His personal means were 
 small, and far too slender to enable him to support 
 a colony in its infancy. The thought of abandoning 
 the settlement was repugnant to him, not only on 
 account of the years of labour he had bestowed 
 upon it, but also because he felt that there was 
 every chance of success with the aid of rich and 
 powerful men. 
 
 71
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 At the commencement of his description of his 
 first voyage to Canada, Champlain enumerates the 
 reasons which induced him to continue his work of 
 discovery: "The desire which I have always had of 
 making new discoveries in New France, for the 
 good, profit and glory of the French name, and at 
 the same time to lead the poor natives to the 
 knowledge of God, has led me to seek more and 
 more for the greater facility of this undertaking, 
 which can only be secured by means of good 
 regulations." 
 
 Then he drew up a statement, 1 which he handed 
 to President Jeannin, whom he knew to be well 
 disposed. 
 
 The president encouraged Champlain, but in order 
 that he might not be deceived, he thought it better 
 that Champlain should act under the authority of 
 some man whose influence would be sufficient to 
 protect him against the jealousy of the merchants. 
 Champlain, therefore, addressed himself through M. 
 de Beaulieu, councillor and almoner in ordinary to 
 the king, to Charles de Bourbon, Comte de Soissons, 
 
 1 This volume is entitled : Les Voyages du Sieur de Champlain Xain- 
 tongeois, capitaine pour le Roy, en la marine. ... A Paris, MDCXIII. 
 This volume contains a letter to the king, another one to the queen, 
 stanzas addressed to the French, an ode to Champlain on his book and 
 his marine maps, signed by Motin. The first book contains the voyages 
 of Champlain along the coasts of Acadia and New England. The second 
 relates to the voyages of Champlain to Quebec, in the years 1608, 1610 
 and 1611. This edition is the most useful and the most interesting of 
 all. Two large maps of New France give an excellent idea of the 
 country, though they are not absolutely accurate. 
 
 72
 
 LE PRINCE DE CONDE 
 
 then governor of Dauphind and Normandy. He 
 urged upon the count the importance of the under- 
 taking, and explained the best means of regulating 
 it, claiming that the disorders which had hitherto 
 existed threatened to ruin the enterprise, and to 
 bring dishonour to the name of the French. 
 
 After having examined the map of the country, 
 and studied the details of the scheme, Soissons 
 promised, under the sanction of the king, to assume 
 the protectorate of the undertaking. Louis XIII 
 listened favourably to the petition of his loyal sub- 
 ject, and granted the direction and control of the 
 settlement to the count, who in due course honoured 
 Champlain with the lieutenancy. Soon after this 
 event, however, the count died, and His Majesty 
 committed the direction of affairs to Monseigneur 
 Le Prince de Conde', who retained Champlain as 
 his lieutenant. 
 
 After having caused his commission to be posted 
 in all the ports of Normandy, Champlain sailed 
 from France on March 6th, in the vessel of Pont- 
 Grave', and arrived at Pointe aux Vaches, near 
 Tadousac, on April 24th, 1613. 
 
 The savages came on board the vessel and in- 
 quired for Champlain. Some one replied that he had 
 remained in France. On hearing this, an old man 
 approached Champlain, who was walking in a corner 
 of the vessel, and examined the scar on his ear, 
 which was caused by an arrow wound while fighting 
 for the Indians. On seeing this, the old man recog- 
 
 73
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 nized Champlain, and expressed his feelings by 
 shouts of delight, in which he was joined by his 
 companions, who said, "Your people are awaiting 
 you in the harbour of Tadousac." 
 
 On arriving at Tadousac, Champlain found that 
 these Indians were almost dying of hunger, and 
 after having affixed the arms and commission of 
 His Majesty to a post in the port, he proceeded 
 to Quebec, which he reached on May 7th. The 
 people of the settlement were all in good health, 
 and the winter having been less severe than usual, 
 the river had not frozen once. The leaves were 
 beginning to appear on the trees, and the fields 
 were already decked with flowers. 
 
 On the 13th of the month Champlain left for the 
 Falls of St. Louis, which he reached eight days 
 afterwards. Here he met a number of the Algon- 
 quins, who informed him that the bad treatment 
 which they had experienced during the previous 
 year had discouraged them from coming to trade, 
 and that his long absence from the country had left 
 the whole tribe under the impression that he did 
 not intend to return. On hearing this, Champlain 
 recognized that it would be advisable to visit the 
 Algonquins at once, in order to continue his dis- 
 coveries, and to preserve friendly relations with 
 them. 
 
 During his residence in France, Champlain had 
 met a young Frenchman named Nicholas du Vi- 
 gnau, who claimed to have seen the Northern Sea, 
 74
 
 A VISIT TO THE ALGONQUINS 
 
 and said that the Algonquin River flowed from a 
 lake which emptied into it. He also stated that 
 the journey from Sault St. Louis to this sea and 
 return colild be accomplished in seventeen days, 
 and that he had seen there the wreck and debris of 
 an English ship, on board of which were eighty 
 men. This intelligence seemed the more probable 
 as the English were supposed to have visited the 
 Labrador coast in 1612, where they had discovered 
 a strait. 
 
 Champlain requested a merchant of La Rochelle, 
 named Georges, to give du Vignau a passage on 
 his ship, which he did willingly, and he also made 
 an affidavit before a notary concerning du Vignau 's 
 Relation. Du Vignau came to Canada, and accom- 
 panied Champlain on his visit to the Algonquins. 
 The party, consisting of four Frenchmen and one 
 savage, set out from Ste. Helen's Island on May 
 27th, 1613. 
 
 After having passed the falls they entered Lake 
 St. Louis. On the last day of May they passed 
 Lake des Deux Montagnes, which Champlain called 
 Lake de Soissons. Some days after they came in 
 sight of the river Gatineau, the river Rideau and its 
 fall, and the Chaudiere Falls, where they were 
 forced to land. They also passed the rapid des 
 Chats, Lake des Chats, Madawaska River, Muskrat 
 Lake, and Allumette Island, where an Algonquin 
 chief named Tessoiiat resided. On the following 
 day the Indians gave a tabagie in honour of Cham- 
 
 75
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 plain, who after smoking the pipe of peace with the 
 party, explained to them that the object of his visit 
 was to assure them of his friendship, and to assist 
 them in their wars, as he had done before. 1 
 
 He told them also that he was making an ex- 
 cursion into their country to observe the fertility of 
 the soil, and study their lakes and rivers, and to 
 discover the sea which he was told was in their 
 vicinity. Champlain therefore requested them to 
 furnish four canoes, and eight Indians as guides, to 
 conduct the party to the Nipissirini, in order to 
 induce their enemies to fight. 
 
 The chief Tessouat, speaking in behalf of the 
 whole tribe, said that he regarded Champlain as the 
 most friendly of all the French, for the others were 
 unwilling to help them in their wars, but that they 
 had resolved not to go to the falls again, and that, 
 owing to the long absence of Champlain from the 
 country, they had been compelled to go to the wars 
 alone. They therefore begged him to postpone his 
 expedition until the following year. 
 
 They granted Champlain's request of four canoes 
 with great reluctance, and stated that the Nipissirini 
 
 1 In August, 1867, a farmer called Overman, found on his land, lot 
 12, township of Ross, county of Renfrew, Ontario, an astrolabe sup- 
 posed to have heen lost by Champlain during this expedition. From 
 June 6th, 1613, Champlain seems to have ceased his observations, as 
 he does not say after this date : "I have taken the latitude." This fact 
 would seem to prove that the instrument was not used after June 6th, 
 1613. Some pamphlets have been written on the astrolabe, and they all 
 agree that it had belonged to Champlain. Mr. Russell, one of the 
 writers, has given a full description of it. 
 
 76
 
 THE NIPISSIRINI 
 
 were sorcerers, and not their friends. Champlain 
 insisted on having the guides, and stated that he 
 had brought with him a young man who would find 
 no difficulty in visiting the country of the Nipissirini. 
 
 Tessoiiat thereupon addressed the young man by 
 name, and said: "Nicholas, is it true that you were 
 among the Nebicerini ?" " Yes," said he in Algon- 
 quin language, " I was there." " You are a down- 
 right liar," replied Tessoiiat, " you know well that 
 you slept at my side every night, with my children, 
 where you arose every morning ; if you were among 
 the people mentioned, it was while sleeping. How 
 could you have been as bold as to lead your chief 
 to believe lies, and so wicked as to be willing to 
 expose his life to so many dangers ? You are a 
 worthless fellow and ought to be put to death, 
 more cruelly than we do our enemies." 
 
 Shortly after, Champlain advised the Indians 
 that the young lad had confessed that he had lied 
 concerning his visits to the Nipissirini country. By 
 telling them the facts Champlain hoped to ensure 
 the life of Nicholas du Vignau, as the savages had 
 said, " Give him to us, and we promise that he shall 
 not lie any more." 
 
 On June 10th Champlain took leave of Tessoiiat, 
 after making him presents and promising to return 
 during the next year to assist in the war. Continu- 
 ing his course, Champlain again approached the 
 Chaudiere Falls, where the savages went through a 
 ceremony peculiar to them, which is thus described: 
 
 77
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 "After carrying their canoes to the foot of the 
 falls, they assembled in one spot, where one of them 
 took up a collection in a wooden plate, into which 
 each one placed a piece of tobacco. The collection 
 having been made, the plate was placed in the 
 middle of the troupe, as they all danced around it, 
 singing after their style. Then one of them made a 
 harangue, setting forth that for a long time they 
 had been accustomed to make this offering, by 
 means of which they were insured protection against 
 their enemies, and that otherwise misfortune would 
 befall them, as they were convinced by the evil 
 spirit ; and that they lived on in this superstition, 
 as in many others. This done, the maker of the 
 harangue took the plate, and threw the tobacco 
 into the midst of the caldron, whereupon they all 
 raised a loud cry." 
 
 Such was the superstition of these savages that 
 they considered a favourable journey impossible 
 without this uncouth ceremony. It was at this 
 portage that their enemies had been wont to sur- 
 prise them. 
 
 On June 17th they arrived at Sault St. Louis on 
 their return journey. Captain L'Ange, who was the 
 confidant of Champlain, brought news that Maison- 
 neuve of St. Malo had arrived with a passport from 
 the Prince de Conde' for three vessels. Champlain 
 therefore allowed him to trade with the savages. 
 
 As the trade with the savages was now com- 
 pleted, Champlain resolved to return to France 
 78
 
 IN FRANCE AGAIN, 1613 
 
 by the first vessel which was ready to -start. He 
 accepted a passage in Maisonneuve's vessel, which 
 arrived at St. Malo on August 26th. Champlain 
 had an interview with the merchants, to whom he 
 represented that a good association could be formed 
 in the future. The merchants resolved to follow the 
 example of those of Rouen and La Rochelle. 
 
 In concluding this chapter we may repeat the 
 words of Champlain: "May God by. His grace 
 cause this undertaking to prosper to His honour 
 and glory the conversion of these poor benighted 
 ones, and to the honour and welfare of France." 1 
 
 1 Quatrieme voyage du Sr. de Champlain, capitaine. ordinaire pour le 
 Roy en la Marine, et Lieutenant de Monseigneur le Prince de Cond6 en la 
 Nouvelle France, fait en fannee 1618. This Relation contains a letter to 
 Henri de Conde, and a geographical map, made in 1612, of a large size 
 and very curious. The history of this voyage is really a part of the so- 
 called edition of 1613, and the printing of it was done at the same time 
 as the Relations of the first, second and third voyages, which form alto- 
 gether a large volume of three hundred and twenty-five pages. 
 
 79
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE RECOLLETS AND THEIR MISSIONS 
 
 /^HAMPLAIN'S affection for New France, the 
 V^ land of his adoption, made him anxious to 
 continue his explorations, in order that he might 
 become familiar with every locality. In the course 
 of his voyages he often had to be conveyed in 
 Indian canoes, especially on the lakes and rivers, 
 but this means was sufficient only when his object 
 was to ascertain whether the country was well 
 watered, whether the rivers were more or less navig- 
 able, whether the lakes abounded with fish, and 
 whether the water powers were capable of being 
 turned to account. Up till this time the founder of 
 Quebec had pressed forward his work of exploration 
 with an energy that was almost astonishing. He had 
 rowed up the Iroquois River as far as lake Cham- 
 plain, and he had also navigated the Ottawa River 
 in a manner that had even surprised the Algonquins. 
 Still many things remained to be done and to be 
 seen, such as to observe the fertility of the soil in 
 different latitudes, to study the manners and cus- 
 toms of the Indians, especially of the great Huron 
 tribe, which was the most populous and probably 
 better disposed to receive Christian instruction than 
 the other tribes. Champlain's ambition had always 
 
 81
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 been to introduce Christianity in order to civilize 
 the people. Thus we find in his writings after his 
 return to France in 1614, the words: 
 
 " Without losing courage, I have not ceased 
 to push on and visit various nations of the savages, 
 and by associating familiarly with them, I have 
 concluded, as well from their conversation as from 
 the knowledge attained, that there is no better way 
 than, disregarding all storms and difficulties, to 
 have patience until His Majesty shall give the 
 requisite attention to the matter, and in the mean- 
 time to continue the exploration of the country, 
 but also to learn the language, and form relations 
 and friendship with the leading men of the villages 
 and tribes, in order to lay the foundations of a 
 permanent edifice, as well for the glory of God as 
 for the renown of the French."- 
 
 It is well to observe the significance of these 
 words from the pen of Champlain. Is this the 
 language of a common fur-trader, simply seeking 
 to increase his fortune ? What were really Cham- 
 plain's designs during all these years of labour and 
 self-sacrifice ? Was he animated by the mere curi- 
 osity of the tourist, or the ambition of a man of 
 science ? No. Champlain desired, it is true, to gain an 
 intimate knowledge of the country, and his labours 
 are highly valued as a geographer and cosmographer, 
 but his intention was to utilize all his varied infor- 
 mation to promote the Christian religion and at the 
 same time to increase the renown of his native land. 
 82
 
 THE RECOLLETS 
 
 Champlain deserves credit, not only for the idea 
 of bringing missionaries to Canada, but also for 
 having realized his ideas. He obtained the coopera- 
 tion of many pious and zealous persons in France, 
 who willingly seconded his efforts, but it was owing 
 to his own steadfastness of purpose and to his great 
 ability that his designs were successfully carried 
 out. After having formed a society of merchants to 
 take the material affairs of the colony in hand, 
 Champlain tried to get some religious orders to 
 assume the direction of spiritual matters. He had 
 previously made known his plan to Louis Houel, 
 king's councillor, and comptroller of the salt works 
 at Brouage, and sieur of Petit-Pre'. Houel was 
 an honourable and pious man, and a friend of Cham- 
 plain. He told him that he was acquainted with 
 some Re'collets who would readily agree to proceed 
 to New France. Houel met Father du Verger, a 
 man of great virtue and ability, and principal of the 
 order of the Immaculate Conception. Father du 
 Verger made an appeal to his confreres, all of whom 
 offered their services, and were ready to cross the 
 ocean. 
 
 The cardinals and bishops who were then gathered 
 at St. Denis for their great chapter, were in favour 
 of the idea of sending the Re'collets to their foreign 
 missions, and promised to raise a fund for the main- 
 tenance of four monks, and the merchants of Rouen 
 promised to maintain and convey at least six Re'- 
 collets gratuitously. The king issued letters for the 
 
 83
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 future church of Canada. The pope's nuncio, Guido 
 Bentivoglio, granted the requisite permission, in 
 conformity with the pope's wishes, but the bull 
 establishing the church was only forwarded on May 
 20th, 1615. The brief of Paul V granted to the 
 Re'collets the following privileges : 
 
 "To receive all children born of believing and 
 unbelieving parents, and all others of what condition 
 soever they may be, who, after promising to keep 
 and observe all that should be kept and observed 
 by the faithful, will embrace the truth of the Chris- 
 tian and Catholic faith; to baptize even outside of 
 the churches in case of necessity; to hear confessions 
 of penitents, and after diligently hearing them, to 
 impose a salutary penance according to their faults, 
 and enjoin what should be enjoined in conscience, 
 to loose and absolve them from all sentences of 
 excommunication and other ecclesiastical pains and 
 censures, as also from all sorts of crimes, excesses, 
 and delicts ; to administer the sacraments of the 
 eucharist, marriage and extreme unction ; to bless 
 all kinds of vestments, vessels and ornaments when 
 holy unction is not necessary ; to dispense gratuit- 
 ously new converts who have contracted or would 
 contract marriage in any degree of consanguinity, 
 or affinity whatever, except the first or second, or 
 between ascending and descending, provided the 
 women have not been carried off by force, and 
 the two parties who have contracted or would 
 contract be Catholics, and there be just cause as
 
 FOUNDERS OF THE MISSION 
 
 well for the marriages already contracted as for 
 those desired to be contracted ; to declare and pro- 
 nounce the children born and issued of such mar- 
 riages legitimate ; to have an altar which they may 
 decently carry, and thereon to celebrate in decent 
 and becoming places where the convenience of a 
 church shall be wanting." 
 
 The Reverend Father Gamier de Chapouin, pro- 
 vincial of the province of St. Denis, appointed four 
 monks as the founders of the future mission. Their 
 names were Father Denis Jamet, Jean d'Olbeau, 
 Joseph Le Caron, and a brother named Pacifique 
 du Plessis, who received orders to accompany 
 them. These four monks were all remarkable for 
 their virtue and apostolic zeal. Father Jamet was 
 appointed commissary, and Father d'Olbeau was 
 appointed his successor in the event of death. The 
 king granted them authority to build one or more 
 convents in Canada, and to send for as many monks 
 as were required. It was impossible to send more 
 than four of them during the first year. 
 
 On April 24th, 1615, the St. J&tienne sailed from 
 Honfleur, and one month later came to anchor at 
 Tadousac. On June 25th, Father d'Olbeau was 
 able to say mass in a small chapel built at the foot 
 of Mountain Hill, Quebec. 
 
 Soon after his arrival at Quebec, Champlain set 
 out for the falls, accompanied by Father Jamet. 
 They reached the river des Prairies some days after, 
 and on June 24th, Father Jamet celebrated a solemn 
 
 85
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 mass, at which Champlain and some others assisted. 
 This was the first mass celebrated in Canada since 
 the days of Jacques Cartier. 
 
 In the early days of the settlement these brave 
 missionaries had to contend with many difficulties, 
 which could be foreseen only by those who were 
 acquainted with the existing state of affairs. Many 
 of these difficulties arose from the fact that at least 
 a fourth of the merchants of the company were 
 members of the so-called reformed, or Calvinistic 
 persuasion. It is easy to comprehend that the sym- 
 pathies of these men would not incline towards the 
 Catholic religion. 
 
 Champlain draws particular attention to the un- 
 fortunate results produced by the existence of dif- 
 ferent creeds. Differences arose, and divisions were 
 created which sometimes resulted in quarrels be- 
 tween children of the same country. These quarrels 
 which were much to be deplored, did not, however, 
 occur in Quebec, because the French merchants 
 did not deem it advisable to send their ministers 
 there, but replaced them by agents who were often 
 fanatical, and were for the Re'collets a frequent 
 source of bitterness and annoyance. The most of 
 the disorders occurred on board the vessels, and 
 were due to the fact that the crews were too hastily 
 engaged. 
 
 The merchants, however, were bound to colonize 
 the country with Catholic settlers, and de Monts 
 was also bound by similar conditions. Moreover, 
 86
 
 THE RECOLLETS' DIFFICULTIES 
 
 the terms of the patents expressly stipulated that 
 this should be carried out. They were also forbidden 
 to .extend Calvinism among the savages. "This 
 policy," says Bancroft, "was full of wisdom." The 
 interpreters who could have greatly assisted the 
 missionaries, proved on the contrary an obstacle to 
 the development of the Catholic religion, for they 
 refused to instruct the Re'collets in the Indian lan- 
 guages, which they had learnt before the arrival of 
 the missionaries. 
 
 Father Lalemant, a Jesuit, wrote in the year 
 1626: "This interpreter had never wanted to com- 
 municate his knowledge of the language to any one, 
 not even to the Reverend Re'collet Fathers, who 
 had constantly importuned him for ten years." So 
 also wrote Father Le Jeune in his Relation of 1633. 
 
 The difficulties that the missionaries had to over- 
 come are therefore readily understood. However 
 they had the merit of preparing the way for their 
 successors, and the honour of planting the cross of 
 Jesus Christ everywhere, from Tadousac to Lake 
 Huron. 
 
 The number of missionaries was limited at the 
 commencement, but some others came to Cana- 
 da later, particularly Fathers Guillaume Poullain, 
 Georges Le Baillif, and Paul Hjuet. These men, 
 some of whom were of noble birth, were remarkable 
 for their virtues and their abilities. In the annals of 
 the primitive church of New France, their names 
 are illustrious, and around their memory gathers 
 
 87
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 the aureole of sanctity. During six years, from 1615 
 to 1621, the spiritual direction of the colony was 
 entrusted to six fathers and three friars. Father 
 d'Olbeau remained in charge of the habitation of 
 Quebec, and Father Le Caron resolved to proceed 
 at once to the country of the Hurons. 
 
 On July 9th, 1615, Champlain, Etienne Briile, an 
 interpreter, a servant, and ten Indians, set out for 
 the mouth of the Ottawa River. They rowed up 
 the river as far as the Mattawan, which they fol- 
 lowed westwards, and soon reached Lake Nipissing 
 where they stopped for two days. This was on 
 July 26th. After having taken this short rest, they 
 continued their voyage, crossing Georgian Bay, 
 and reached the land of the Hurons. Near the shore 
 they met the Attignaouantans, or people of the 
 bear tribe, one of the four chief branches of the 
 great Huron family. Their village or bourgade was 
 called Otouacha. On the second day of August, 
 Champlain's party visited the village of Carmeron, 
 and on the following day, they saw the encamp- 
 ments of Tonaguainchain, Tequenonquiaye' and Car- 
 hagouha. In the latter encampment Father Le 
 Caron resided. 
 
 On July 12th Father Le Caron celebrated mass 
 and sang the Te Deum, after which the Indians 
 planted a cross near the small chapel which had 
 been erected under Champlain's direction. The rev- 
 erend father occupied a hut within the palisade 
 which formed the rampart of the village, and he 
 88
 
 THE HURON COUNTRY 
 
 spent the fall and winter with the Hurons of 
 Carhagouha. 
 
 The Huron country was situated between the 
 peninsula watered by Lake Simcoe on the eastern 
 side, and by the Georgian Bay on the western side. 
 It extended from north to south between the rivers 
 Severn and Nottawasaga, This land is twenty-five 
 leagues in length and seven or eight in width. The 
 soil, though sandy, was fertile and produced in 
 abundance corn, beans, pumpkins and the annual 
 helianth or sun-flower, from which the Hurons ex- 
 tracted the oil. The neighbouring tribes, such as 
 the Ottawas and the Algonquins, used to procure 
 their provisions from the Hurons, as they were 
 permanently cultivating their lands. 
 
 Champlain observed, in 1615, that there were 
 eighteen bourgades or villages, of which he mentions 
 five, namely: Carhagouha, Toanche', Carmeron, Te- 
 quenonquiaye' and Cahiague'. Cahiague' was the most 
 important, and had two hundred huts; it was also 
 the chief bourgade of the tribe called de la Roche. 
 
 Four tribes of a common origin and a common 
 language were living on the Huron peninsula. They 
 were: (1.) The Attignaouantans, or Tribe de 1'Ours; 
 (2.) The Attignenonghacs, or Tribe de la Corde; 
 (3.) The Arendarrhonons, or Tribe de la Roche; 
 (4.) The Tohontahenrats. T*he general name given 
 to these four tribes by the French was Ouendats. 
 
 The most numerous and the most respected of 
 the tribes were the tribes de 1'Ours and de la Corde, 
 
 89
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 which had taken possession of the countiy ; the first 
 about the year 1589, and the second twenty years 
 after. The oldest men of these tribes related to the 
 missionaries, in 1638, that their ancestors for the 
 past two hundred years had been obliged to change 
 their residence every ten years. These two tribes 
 were very friendly, and in their councils treated 
 each other like brothers. All their business was 
 conducted through the medium of a captain of war 
 and a captain of council. 
 
 These tribes became popular and increased their 
 numbers by adopting members of other nations, so 
 that in later years the Huron family became one 
 of the most powerful and redoubtable in North 
 America. The identity of language was a great 
 factor in the accomplishment of this marvellous 
 result. The Andastes, of Virginia, were therefore 
 speaking the Huron language. The Tionnontate's 
 became so identified with their neighbours that they 
 were named the Hurons of the Petun. The savages 
 of the Neutral Nation had also adopted the Huron 
 idiom. This uniformity of language formed a league 
 between these nations which would have been broken 
 with the utmost difficulty. 
 
 Father de Bre'beuf calculated that, in his time, 
 there were scattered over the whole continent of 
 North America about three hundred thousand In- 
 dians who understood the Huron dialect. This was 
 exaggerated, for the aborigines covering the terri- 
 tory known to the Hurons from whom the father 
 90
 
 THE IROQUOIS TRIBE 
 
 had collected this information did not number 
 three hundred thousand persons. How could he 
 rely upon these people, to whom a thousand men 
 represented simply an amazing number? How could 
 the Hurons make a census of an unsedentary people, 
 wandering here and there according to circum- 
 stances of war or other reasons, and recruiting 
 themselves with prisoners or with the remnants of 
 conquered nations? 
 
 To give only one example of these strange re- 
 cruitings, let us examine the composition of the 
 great family of the Iroquois in Champlain's time. 
 It was a collection of disbanded tribes, who had 
 belonged to the Hurons, to the Tionnontate's, to 
 the Neutral, to the Eries and du Feu tribes. The 
 Iroquois had separated themselves from the Hurons 
 to form a branch which acquired with time more 
 vivacity than the tree from which it had sprung. 
 The Hurons were called the good Iroquois in order 
 to distinguish them from the wicked Iroquois who 
 were reputed to be barbarous. They fought against 
 all the nations living in Canada, and their name 
 was a subject of general apprehension. 
 
 Returning to the Hurons, we find that the At- 
 tignaouantans, or the tribe de 1'Ours, was the 
 most populous, forming half of the whole Huron 
 family, namely about fifteen thousand souls. They 
 were considered, erroneously, as the most perfidious 
 of all. Father de Brdbeuf, who knew them well, 
 says that they were mild, charitable, polite and 
 
 91
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 courteous. Some years later, the tribe de 1'Ours occu- 
 pied fourteen villages, with thirteen missions under 
 the charge of the Jesuits. The whole mission, called 
 Immaculate Conception, had its principal seat at 
 Ossossane', which had replaced Carhagouha, men- 
 tioned by Champlaiii. The French called it La 
 Rochelle. Ossossane' was the nearest village of 
 the Iroquois territory. Father du Creux' map 
 places it on the western coast of the Huron pen- 
 insula. 
 
 The Attignenonghacs, or tribe de la Corde, were 
 the oldest and the most numerous, after the Atti- 
 gnaouantans. They praised their antiquity and their 
 traditions which had existed for two hundred years, 
 and which had been collected by word of mouth by 
 the chiefs or captains. This evidence, more or less 
 valuable, seems to indicate that they had preserved a 
 family spirit, which is very laudable. The Attigne- 
 nonghacs, however, had founded a nationality, and 
 their language was so developed that, in 1635, 
 Father de Bre'beuf could recall to memory twelve 
 nations who spoke it. This tribe had no special 
 features except that they were very devoted to the 
 French. The Jesuits opened in their midst two 
 missions called St. Ignace and St. Joseph. Teanaus- 
 taya was one of the most important villages of the 
 Attignenonghacs. When the village of Ihonatiria 
 ceased to exist, the Jesuits called it St. Joseph. 
 Here perished, in 1648, Father Daniel, together 
 with seven hundred Hurons. 
 92
 
 INDIAN SETTLEMENTS 
 
 Toanch was another village of the same tribe. It 
 has often changed its -name, and we may consider 
 it as one of these flying bourgadcs so commonly 
 found among the Hurons. Champlain had known 
 the village of Toanche' under the name of Otouacha. 
 When Father de Brdbeuf came here for the second 
 time, in 1634, he was unable to recognize the vil- 
 lage that he had visited for the first time in 1626. 
 It had been transported about two miles from its 
 former place. It was then situated at the western 
 entrance of a bay now Penetanguishene, on a point 
 in the northern part of Lake Huron, four leagues 
 from Ossossane' and seven from Teanaustayae'. 
 
 The Arendarrhonons, or tribe de la Roche, were 
 settled on the eastern part of the peninsula. They 
 were at first discovered by the French, and they 
 had, according to the laws of the country, the 
 privilege of fur trading. They were especially at- 
 tached to Champlain, and twenty-two years after 
 his death they had not forgotten his remarkable 
 virtues and courage. The bourgade of Cahiagud, 
 comprising two hundred and sixty huts and two 
 thousand souls, was the chief place of the Arendar- 
 rhonons. It was situated near the lake Ouentaron, 
 now lake Simcoe, at the northern extremity, near 
 the small town of Orillia. The Jesuits established 
 a mission here, and their principal residence was on 
 the right shore of a small river called the Wye, 
 near Penetanguishene. The remains of a fort built 
 there in 1639 could be seen a few years ago. 
 
 93
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Cahiague' was distant from Carhagouha fourteen 
 leagues. It was situated near the village of Scanona- 
 henrat, where the Tohontahenrats, the fourth Huron 
 tribe, resided. They were less numerous than the 
 others. Scanonahenrat was situated at about two 
 leagues from Ihonatiria of the Attignenonghacs, 
 and at three leagues from the Ataronchronons, 
 another Huron group of small importance, where 
 finally the Jesuits took up their residence. When 
 these missions were flourishing, the Jesuits could 
 enumerate twenty-five different places where they 
 could pursue their calling with zeal. The Recollets 
 had continued their course with vigorous activity; 
 they had sown the divine seed, but they were not 
 permitted to reap the reward of their labours, as the 
 Jesuits did in the future. 
 
 Although the Hurons appeared to be happy, 
 their mode of living was miserable. Their principal 
 articles of food were Indian corn and common beans, 
 which they prepared in various ways. Their clothing 
 was made of the skins of wild animals. Deer skin 
 was used for their trousers, which were cut loose, 
 and their stockings were made of another piece of 
 the same skin, while their boots were formed of the 
 skin of bears, beavers and deer. They also wore 
 a cloak in the Egyptian style, with sleeves which 
 were attached by a string behind. Most of them 
 painted their faces black and red, and dyed their 
 hair, which some wore long, others short, and others 
 again on one side only. The women and girls were 
 94
 
 THE HURONS 
 
 dressed like men, except that they had their robes, 
 which extended to the knee, girt about them. They 
 all dressed their hair in one uniform style, carefully 
 combed, dyed and oiled. For ornaments they wore 
 quantities of porcelain, chains and necklaces, be- 
 sides bracelets and ear-rings. 
 
 These people were of a happy temperament 
 generally, though some had a sad and gloomy coun- 
 tenance. Physically they were well proportioned. 
 Some of the men and women had fine figures, 
 strong and robust, and many of the women were 
 powerful and of unusual height. The greater portion 
 of the work fell to the lot of the women, who 
 looked after the housework, tilled the land, laid up 
 a store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp and 
 spun it, and made fishing nets from the thread. 
 They also gathered in the harvest and prepared it 
 for food. The occupation of the men was hunting 
 for deer, fishing, and building their cabins, varied at 
 times by war. When they were free from these 
 occupations, they visited other tribes with whom 
 they were acquainted for the purpose of traffic or 
 exchange, and their return was celebrated by dances 
 and festivities. 
 
 They had a certain form of marriage which 
 Champlain thus describes. When a girl had reached 
 the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen or 
 fifteen years, she had suitors, more or less, according 
 to her attractions, who wooed her for some time. 
 The consent of the parents was then asked, to 
 
 95
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 whose wills the girl did not always submit, although 
 the most discreet of them did so. The favoured 
 lover or suitor then presented to the girl some 
 necklaces, bracelets or chains of porcelain, which 
 she accepted if the suitor was agreeable to her. The 
 suitor then resided with her for three or four days, 
 without saying anything to her in the meantime, 
 but if they did not agree, the girl left her suitor, 
 who forfeited his necklaces and the other presents 
 which he had made, and each was free to seek an- 
 other companion if so disposed. This term of pro- 
 bation was often extended to eight, or even to 
 fifteen days. 
 
 The children enjoyed great freedom. The parents 
 indulged them too much and never punished or 
 corrected them. As a consequence they grew up 
 bad and vicious. They would often strike their 
 mothers, and when they were powerful enough 
 they did not hesitate to strike their fathers. 
 
 The Hurons did not recognize any divine power 
 or worship of God. They were without belief, and 
 lived like brute beasts, with this exception, that 
 they had a sort of fear of an evil spirit. They had 
 ogni or manitous, who were medicine-men, and 
 who healed the sick, bound up the wounded, fore- 
 told future events, and practised all the abuses and 
 illusions of the black arts. 
 
 Champlain firmly believed that the conversion of 
 the Hurons to Christianity would have been easier 
 if the country had been inhabited by persons who 
 96
 
 HURONS ANXIOUS TO IMPROVE 
 
 would devote their energies to instructing them. 
 Father Le Caron and himself had often conversed 
 with them regarding the Catholic faith, the laws 
 and customs of the French, and they had listened 
 attentively, sometimes saying: 
 
 "You say things that pass our knowledge, and 
 which we cannot understand by words, being be- 
 yond our comprehension ; but if you would do us a 
 service, come and dwell in this country, bringing 
 your wives and children, and when they are here, 
 we shall see how you serve the God you worship, 
 and how you live with your wives and children, 
 how you cultivate and plant the soil, how you obey 
 your laws, how you take care of animals, and how 
 you manufacture all that we see proceeding from 
 your inventive skill. When we see all this we shall 
 learn more in a year than in twenty by simply 
 hearing your discourse; and if we cannot under- 
 stand, you shall take our children, who shall be as 
 your own. And thus being convinced that our life is 
 a miserable one in comparison with yours, it is easy 
 to believe that we shall adopt yours, abandoning 
 our own." 
 
 The following was their mode of government. 
 The older and leading men assembled in a council, 
 in which they settled upon and proposed all that 
 was necessary for the affairs of the village. This was 
 done by a plurality of voices, or in accordance with 
 the advice of some one among them whose judg- 
 ment they considered superior; such a one was 
 
 97
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 requested by the company to give his opinion on 
 the propositions that had been made, and his opinion 
 was minutely obeyed. They had no particular chief 
 with absolute command, but they honoured the 
 older and more courageous men, of which there 
 were several in a village, whom they named cap- 
 tains, as a mark of distinction and respect. 
 
 They all deliberated in common, and whenever 
 any member of the assembly offered to do anything 
 for the welfare of the village, or to go anywhere for 
 the service of the community, he was requested to 
 present himself, and if he was judged capable of 
 carrying out what he proposed, they exhorted him, 
 by fair and favourable words, to do his duty. They 
 declared him to be an energetic man, fit for the 
 undertaking, and assured him that he would win 
 honour in accomplishing his task. In a word, they 
 encouraged him by flatteries, in order that this 
 favourable disposition of his for the welfare of his 
 fellow-citizens might continue and increase. Then, 
 according to his pleasure, he accepted or refused 
 the responsibility, and thereby he was held in high 
 esteem. 
 
 They had, moreover, general assemblies with 
 representatives from remote regions. These repre- 
 sentatives came every year, one from each province, 
 and met in a town designated as the rendezvous of 
 the assembly. Here were celebrated great banquets 
 and dances, for three weeks or a month, according 
 as they might determine. On these occasions they 
 98
 
 THE BURIAL OF THE DEAD 
 
 renewed their friendship, resolved upon and decreed 
 what they thought best for the preservation of their 
 country against their enemies, and made each other 
 handsome presents, after which they retired to their 
 own districts. 
 
 In burying the dead, the Hurons took the body 
 of the deceased, wrapped it in furs, and covered it 
 very carefully with the bark of trees. Then they 
 placed it in a cabin, of the length of the body, made 
 of bark and erected upon four posts. Others they 
 placed in the ground, propping up the earth on all 
 sides that it might not fall on the body, which they 
 covered with the bark of trees, putting earth on 
 top. Over this trench they also made a little cabin. 
 The bodies remained thus buried for a period of 
 eight or ten years. Then they held a general coun- 
 cil, to which all the people of the country were in- 
 vited, for the purpose of determining upon some 
 place for the holding of a great festival. After this 
 they returned each to his own village, where they 
 took all the bones of the deceased, stripped them 
 and made them quite clean. These they kept very 
 carefully, although the odour arising therefrom was 
 noxious. Then all the relatives and friends of the 
 deceased took these bones, together with their neck- 
 laces, furs, axes, kettles, and other things highly 
 valued, and carried them, with a quantity of edibles, 
 to the place assigned. Here, when all had assembled, 
 they put the edibles in a place designated by the 
 men of the village, and engaged in banquets and 
 
 99
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 continual dancing. The festival lasted for the space 
 of ten days, during which other tribes from all 
 quarters came to witness the ceremonies. The latter 
 were attended with great outlays. 
 
 These details on the manners and customs of the 
 Hurons are quoted nearly verbatim from Cham- 
 plain's Relations, so they must be considered as 
 accurate. 1 
 
 1 This volume contains the following title : Voyages et Descouvertures 
 faites en la Nouvelle France depuis fannte 1615, jusques a la fin de 
 Fannte 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain, Capitaine ordinaire pour le Roy 
 en la Mer du Ponant. Seconde Edition, MDCXIX. This original edition 
 bears the date of 1619, and the second edition is dated 1627. 
 
 100
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 WAR AGAINST THE IROQUOIS, 1615 
 
 /^IHAMPLAIN had promised for some years to 
 ^J assist the Hurons in their wars against the 
 Iroquois, and he found that the present time was 
 opportune for him to fulfil his pledge. He had 
 visited every Huron tribe, and he was aware that a 
 general rendezvous had been fixed at Cahiague'. On 
 August 14th, 1615, ten Frenchmen, under the com- 
 mand of Champlain, started from Carhagouha. On 
 their way they stopped at the villages of the To- 
 hontahenrats and Attignenonghacs, and found the 
 country well watered and cultivated, and the vil- 
 lages populous. The people, however, were ignorant, 
 avaricious and untruthful, and had no idea either of 
 a divinity or of a religion. 
 
 On August 17th, Champlain came in sight of 
 Cahiague', where the Hurons had gathered, and 
 after some hesitation, they decided to go to war. 
 The departure was delayed until September 1st, 
 pending the arrival of some of their warriors and 
 the Andastes, who had promised five hundred men. 
 On their journey they passed by Lake Couchiching 
 and Lake Ouantaron or Simcoe. From there they 
 decided to proceed by way of Sturgeon Lake, after 
 travelling by land for a distance of ten leagues. 
 
 101
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 From Sturgeon Lake flows the river Otonabi, which 
 discharges into Rice Lake. 
 
 They followed the river Trent to the Bay of 
 Quinte in Lake Ontario or Entouaronons. "Here," 
 says Champlain, "is the entrance of the grand river 
 of St. Lawrence." They leisurely crossed Lake On- 
 tario, and, having hidden their canoes, penetrated the 
 woods and crossed the river Chouagen or Oswego, 
 which flows from Lake Oneida where the Iroquois 
 used to fish. 
 
 On October 7th the Hurons had approached 
 within four leagues of the fortifications of their 
 enemies, and on that day eleven Iroquois fell into 
 the hands of Champlain's men, and were made 
 prisoners. Iroquet, the chief of the Petite Nation, 
 prepared to torture the prisoners, among whom 
 were four women and four children, but Champlain 
 strongly opposed this course. The Iroquois were 
 engaged in reaping their corn when the Hurons 
 and their allies appeared before them on October 
 10th, or five weeks after Champlain had started 
 from Cahiague'. During this period Champlain's 
 army had undergone much fatigue, and it was de- 
 sirable to take some rest. 
 
 The first day was spent in petty skirmishes. In- 
 stead of fighting in ranks, the Hurons disbanded, 
 and were consequently liable to be seized by the 
 vigilance of their enemies. Champlain recognized 
 the danger of this method of warfare, and persuaded 
 his companions to preserve their ranks. The last 
 102
 
 THE RETREAT 
 
 combat continued for about three hours, during 
 which Ochateguin and Orani, two of the allied 
 chiefs, were wounded. Champlain also received two 
 arrow wounds, one in the leg and one in the knee. 
 There was great disorder in the ranks of the Hurons, 
 and the chiefs had no control over their men. The 
 result, on the whole, was not in favour of Cham- 
 plain's allies, who in the absence of the Andastes 
 were not anxious to continue the attacks against the 
 Iroquois, and consequently determined to retreat 
 as soon as possible. 
 
 Champlain suffered much from his wounds. " I 
 never found myself in such a gehenna," he says, 
 "as during this time, for the pain which I suffered 
 in consequence of the wound in my knee was no- 
 thing in comparison with that which I endured 
 while I was carried, bound and pinioned, on the 
 back of one of the savages. " 
 
 The retreat was very long, and on October 18th 
 they arrived at the shore of Lake Ontario. Here 
 Champlain requested that he might have a canoe 
 and guides to conduct him to Quebec, and this was 
 one of the conditions to which they had agreed 
 before he set out for the war. The Indians were not 
 to be trusted, however, and they refused his re- 
 quest Champlain, therefore, resolved to accept the 
 hospitality of Darontal, chief of the Arendarrhonons, 
 or tribe de la Roche. The chief appeared kindly 
 disposed towards Champlain, and as it was the 
 hunting season, he accompanied him on his excur- 
 
 103
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 sions. During one of these expeditions, Champlain 
 lost his way in the pursuit of a strange bird, and he 
 was not found by the savages until three days after- 
 wards. The return journey to Cahiague' on foot was 
 painful, and during the nineteen days thus spent, 
 much hardship was undergone. The party arrived 
 at Cahiagu^ on December 23rd, 1615. 
 
 In the course of the winter, Champlain was 
 chosen to act as judge of a quarrel between the 
 Algonquins of the Petite Nation, and the Hurons 
 of the tribe de 1'Ours, which had arisen over the 
 murder of one of the Iroquois. The Attignaouantans 
 had committed an Iroquois prisoner to the cus- 
 tody of Iroquet, requesting him to burn him ac- 
 cording to their custom. Instead of carrying out 
 this act, Iroquet had taken the young man and 
 treated him as a son. When the Attignaouantans 
 were aware of this, they sent one of their number 
 to murder the young Iroquois. This barbarous con- 
 duct made the Algonquins indignant, and they 
 killed the murderer. 
 
 Champlain returned from the Petuneux in com- 
 pany with Father Le Caron at the time when these 
 crimes had just been committed. Witnesses were 
 summoned to meet Champlain at Cahiague', and 
 were each examined. The trial lasted two days, 
 during which the old men of both nations were 
 consulted, and the majority of them were favourable 
 to a reconciliation without conditions. Champlain 
 exacted from them a promise that they would ac- 
 104
 
 HIS ADDRESS 
 
 cept his decision as final, and he then .had a full 
 meeting of the two tribes assembled there. Address- 
 ing them^ he said : 
 
 "You Algonquins, and you Hurons, have always 
 been friends. You have lived like brothers; you take 
 this name in your councils. Your conduct now is 
 unworthy of reasonable men. You are enough occu- 
 pied in repelling your enemies, who have pursued 
 you, who rout you as often as possible, pursuing 
 you to your villages and taking you prisoners. 
 These enemies, seeing these divisions and wars 
 among you, will be delighted and derive great 
 advantage therefrom. On account of the death of 
 one man you will hazard the lives of ten thousand, 
 and run the risk of being reduced to perpetual 
 slavery. Although in fact one man was of great 
 value, you ought to consider how he has been 
 killed; it was not with deliberate purpose, nor for 
 the sake of inciting a civil war. The Algonquins 
 much regret all that has taken place, and if they 
 had supposed such a thing would have happened, 
 they would have sacrificed this Iroquois for the 
 satisfaction of the Hurons. Forget all, never think 
 of it again, but live good friends as before. In case 
 you should not be pleased with my advice, I re- 
 quest you to come in as large numbers as possible, 
 to our settlement, so that there, in presence of all 
 the captains of vessels, the friendship might be 
 ratified anew, and measures taken to secure you 
 from your enemies." 
 
 105
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Champlain's advice was followed, and the savages 
 went away satisfied, except the Algonquins, who 
 broke up and proceeded to their villages, saying 
 that the death of these two men had cost them too 
 dearly. 
 
 Champlain having spent the winter with Daron- 
 tal, on May 20th left for Quebec. The journey from 
 Cahiague' to Sault St. Louis occupied forty days. 
 Champlain here found that Font-Grave' had arrived 
 from France with two vessels, and that the reverend 
 fathers were very pleased to see him again. Darontal 
 accompanied Champlain to Quebec, and greatly 
 admired the habitation and the mode of living 
 adopted by the French. Before leaving for France, 
 Champlain enlarged the habitation by at least one- 
 third, the additions consisting of buildings and 
 fortifications, in the construction of which he used 
 lime and sand which were found near at hand. 
 Some grain was also cut, and the gardens were left 
 in good condition. 
 
 During the winter of 1615-16, Father Le Caron 
 had received a visit from Champlain, who was 
 then returning from an expedition against the 
 Iroquois. Being at a loss to know how to employ 
 their time, Champlain and the Re'collets resolved to 
 pay a visit to the Tionnontate's, or people of the 
 Petun. The missionaiy was not well received by 
 these people, although Champlain was able to make 
 an alliance, not only with the Petuneux, but also 
 with six or seven other tribes living in the vicinity. 
 106
 
 LE CARON AND D'OLBEAU 
 
 Father Le Caron returned to his flock, the 
 Hurons, and remained with them until May 20th, 
 studying t their manners, trying to acquire their 
 language, and to improve their morals. Father Le 
 Clercq says that he compiled a dictionary which 
 was seen in his own time, and which was preserved 
 as a relic. 
 
 When the Hurons left their country to engage 
 in fur trading with the French at Sault St. Louis, 
 Father Le Caron took passage in one of their 
 canoes, and arrived at Three Rivers on July 1st, 
 1616. Here he met Father d'Olbeau, who had spent 
 the winter with the Indians on the north shore of 
 the river St. Lawrence, between Tadousac and the 
 Seven Islands. 
 
 Father d'Olbeau had visited the Bersiamites, 
 the Papinachois and others, and he planted crosses 
 everywhere, so that many years after, when some 
 Frenchmen were visiting the place, they found these 
 evidences of his labours. After two months of 
 fatigue, Father d'Olbeau was compelled to return 
 to Quebec, as he was suffering from sore eyes, and 
 was unable to unclose his eyelids for several weeks. 
 The two fathers arrived at Quebec on July llth, 
 1616, and Father Jamet was pleased to learn the 
 result of the missions of his confreres. The three 
 missionaries had carefully studied the country dur- 
 ing the past year, and gained a fair knowledge 
 of the people. They realized at this time that their 
 own resources limited their power of doing good, 
 
 107
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 and they therefore requested Champlain to convoke 
 a meeting of six inhabitants, to discuss the best 
 means of furthering the interests of the mission. 
 Champlain was chosen president of the meeting, 
 and although the missionaries were present they 
 took no part in the deliberations. 
 
 The resolutions adopted at this first council meet- 
 ing in the new settlement were preserved. It was 
 decided that the nations down the river and those 
 of the north were, for the present, at least, incapable 
 of civilization. These tribes included the Montag- 
 nais, Etchemins, Bersiamites, Papinachois and the 
 great and little Esquimaux. They dwelt in an un- 
 cultivated, barren and mountainous country, whose 
 wild game and fur-bearing animals sufficed to sup- 
 port them. Their habits were nomadic, and excessive 
 superstition was their only form of religion. By the 
 report of those who had visited the southern coasts, 
 and had even penetrated by land to Cadie, Cape 
 Breton and Chaleurs Bay, He Perce' and Gaspd, the 
 country there was more temperate, and susceptible 
 of cultivation. There would be found dispositions 
 less estranged from Christianity, as the people had 
 more shame, docility and humanity than the others. 
 
 With regard to the upper river and the territory 
 of the numerous tribes of Indians visited by Mon- 
 sieur de Champlain and Father Joseph themselves, 
 or by others, besides possessing an abundance of 
 game, which might attract the French there in 
 hopes of trade, the land was much more fertile and 
 108
 
 THE UPPER RIVER INDIANS 
 
 the climate more congenial than in the Indian 
 country down the river. The upper river Indians, 
 such as the Algonquins, Iroquois, Hurons, Nip- 
 issirini, Neuters, Fire Nation, were sedentary, 
 generally docile, susceptible of instruction, chari- 
 table, strong, robust, patient; insensible, however, 
 and indifferent to all that concerns salvation; las- 
 civious, and so material that when told that their 
 soul was immortal, they would ask what they would 
 eat after death in the next world. In general, none of 
 the savages whom they had known had any idea of 
 a divinity, believing, nevertheless, in another world 
 where they hoped to enjoy the same pleasures as 
 they took here below a people, in short, without 
 subordination, law or form of government or system, 
 gross in religious matters, shrewd and crafty for 
 trade and profit, but superstitious to excess. 
 
 It was the opinion of the council that none could 
 ever succeed in converting them, unless they made 
 them men before they made them Christians. To 
 civilize them it was necessary first that the French 
 should mingle with them and habituate them to 
 their presence and mode of life, which could be done 
 only by the increase of the colony, the greatest 
 obstacle to which was on the part of the gentlemen 
 of the company, who, to monopolize trade, did not 
 wish the country to be settled, and did not even 
 wish to make the Indians sedentary, which was the 
 only condition favourable to the salvation of these 
 heathen. 
 
 109
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 The Protestants, or Huguenots, having the best 
 share in the trade, it was to be feared that the con- 
 tempt they showed for the Catholic mysteries would 
 greatly retard the establishment of that faith. Even 
 the bad example of the French might be prejudicial, 
 if those who had authority in the country did not 
 establish order. 
 
 The mission among such numerous nations would 
 be painful and laborious, and so could advance but 
 little unless they obtained from the gentlemen of 
 the company a greater number of missionaries free 
 of expense. Even then it would require many years 
 and great labour to humanize these utterly gross 
 and barbarous nations, and even when this end was 
 partially attained, the sacrament, for fear of pro- 
 fanation, could be administered only to an excep- 
 tional few among the adults. 
 
 It finally appears to have been decided that they 
 could not make progress unless the colony was 
 increased by a greater number of settlers, mechanics 
 and farmers ; that free trade with the Indians should 
 be permitted, without distinction, to all Frenchmen; 
 that in future Huguenots should be excluded, and 
 that it was necessary to render the Indians seden- 
 tary, and bring them up to a knowledge of French 
 manners and laws. 
 
 The council further agreed that by the help 
 
 of zealous persons in France, a seminary ought to 
 
 be established in order to bring to Christianity, 
 
 young Indians, who might afterwards aid the mis- 
 
 110
 
 LACK OF RELIGIOUS INTEREST 
 
 sionaries in converting their countrymen. It was 
 deemed necessary to maintain the missions which 
 the fathers had established both up and down the 
 river. This could not be done unless the associated 
 gentlemen showed all the ardour to be expected 
 from their zeal when informed of all things faith- 
 fully, instead of being deluded by the reports of the 
 clerks whom they had sent the year before; the 
 governor and the fathers having no ground to be 
 satisfied therewith. 
 
 Champlain, who intended to return to France, 
 desired the father commissary and Father Le Caron 
 to accompany him, in order that the resolutions of 
 the council might be submitted to the king for his 
 approval, and with a view of obtaining substantial 
 assistance. The voyage was a pleasant one, and 
 Champlain and his party arrived at Honfleur on 
 September 10th, 1616. 
 
 The merchants whom they interviewed at Paris 
 were ready to promise to support the mission, but 
 nothing was realized from their promises, and it 
 soon became apparent that they cared more about 
 the fur trade than about religion. Champlain saw 
 many people who he believed could assist the 
 settlement, but the winter was passed in useless 
 negotiations. He therefore prepared a greater ship- 
 ment than usual from his own resources, and he 
 was fortunate in finding that his old friend, Louis 
 Hubert, an apothecary of Port Royal, was willing 
 to accompany him. Hubert took his family with 
 
 111
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 him, composed of three children and his wife, 
 named Marie Rollet. Hubert afterwards rendered 
 very valuable assistance to the founder of Quebec. 
 
 Father Jamet did not return to Quebec, and he 
 was therefore replaced as commissary by Father Le 
 Caron, who appointed Father Huet as his assistant. 
 The vessel conveying the party sailed from Hon- 
 fleur on April llth, 1617, under the command of 
 Captain Morel. The passage was very rough, and 
 when within sixty leagues of the Great Bank of 
 Newfoundland, numerous icebergs bore down on 
 the ship like huge mountains. Father Le Clercq 
 says that in the general consternation Father Joseph, 
 seeing that all human succour could not deliver 
 them from shipwreck, earnestly implored the aid of 
 heaven in the vows and prayers which he made 
 publicly on the vessel. He confessed all, and pre- 
 pared himself to appear before God. All were 
 touched with compassion and deeply moved when 
 Dame Hebert raised her youngest child through 
 the hatchway to let it share with the rest the good 
 father's blessing. They escaped only by a miracle, 
 as they acknowledged in their letters to France. 
 
 The ship arrived at Tadousac on July 14th, and 
 mass was said in a little chapel which Father Huet 
 had constructed with poles and branches, and a 
 sailor stood on either side of the altar with fir 
 branches to drive away the cloud of mosquitoes 
 which caused great annoyance to the celebrant. 
 The mass was very solemn. Besides the French, 
 112
 
 FATHER D'OLBEAU VISITS FRANCE 
 
 there were many Indians present who assisted with 
 devotion amid the roar of the cannon of the ship, 
 and the muskets of the French. After the service 
 a dinner was given by Champlain on board the 
 vessel. On the arrival of the party at Quebec some 
 days after, they found that the inhabitants were 
 nearly starving, and that Father d'Olbeau was 
 anxiously awaiting the news from France. 
 
 Both Champlain and Father Le Caron were 
 obliged to confess that their mission had been un- 
 successful. What, therefore, was to be done? To 
 return to Old France would have been contrary to 
 the intentions of the Re'collets. They had been sent 
 to Canada by their superiors, and they had no order 
 to act contrary to their instructions. After having 
 studied the situation they resolved that Father 
 d'Olbeau should visit France, see the king in person, 
 and place before him the settlers' condition and 
 their own. During his absence Father Huet under- 
 took the charge of the mission at Tadousac, and 
 Brother Pacifique du Plessis was appointed to teach 
 catechism to the Indians of Three Rivers. 
 
 It was at about this time that Father Le Caron 
 performed the first marriage ceremony in Canada, 
 the contracting parties being Etienne Jonquest of 
 Normandy, and Anne Hubert, eldest daughter of 
 Louis Hubert. 
 
 The condition of the Re'collets at this time was 
 unenviable. The agents of the merchants were not 
 better disposed towards them than the interpreters. 
 
 113
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Some of these agents were demoralized, and the 
 reproach that they received from the fathers caused 
 them to avoid their presence. The conduct of some 
 of these agents was so bad that even the Indians, 
 who were not strict in their morals, were scandal- 
 ized. When we take into consideration these cir- 
 cumstances, and the meagreness of the resources of 
 the order, and the difficulties they had in acquiring 
 the language, we can form a faint idea of the hard- 
 ness of their lot, and it was not without just cause 
 that they decided to send Father d'Olbeau to France 
 with Champlain, in order that the true state of 
 affairs might be urged still further before the king. 
 
 Father Le Clercq says: "Meanwhile Monsieur de 
 Champlain employed all his address and prudence, 
 and the intrigues of his friends to obtain what was 
 necessary for the establishment of his new colony. 
 Father d'Olbeau, on his side, spared nothing ; both 
 spoke frequently to the members of the company, 
 but in vain, for these people, who always had their 
 ears open to flattering tales of the great profit to be 
 made in the Indian trade, closed them to the re- 
 quests and entreaties made them. They therefore 
 contented themselves with what they could get." 
 
 Father d'Olbeau at length received some conso- 
 lation and compensation for all his labours, when a 
 bull was issued by the pope, granting a jubilee to 
 New France, which was celebrated at Quebec on 
 July 29th, 1618, and was the first of its kind. For 
 the celebration of this religious festival, the R^collets 
 114
 
 A DIFFICULT QUESTION 
 
 had built some huts, which were used as stations, 
 and French and Indians proceeded from one of 
 those improvised chapels to the other, singing the 
 psalms and hymns of the church. In the year 1618, 
 the Re'collets in New France were only three in 
 number: Fathers Le Caron and d'Olbeau, and Friar 
 Modeste Guines. 
 
 During the winter of 1617-18 the missionaries 
 were called upon to decide a difficult question. Two 
 Frenchmen had disappeared in 1616, and the dis- 
 covery of their bones proved that they had been 
 murdered. A diligent search was instituted which 
 led to the detection of the murderer, who ac- 
 knowledged his crime. The question of punishment, 
 however, was difficult from the fact that a clerk 
 named Beauchesne, who had been invested with 
 extensive civil power by Champlain, was in the 
 habit of receiving gifts from the Indians. It was 
 consequently considered dangerous to do anything 
 that would displease the Indians, as they were 
 known to be terrible in their vengeance. The Re'- 
 collets had strongly protested against this method 
 of receiving gifts, which placed the settlement in a 
 false position towards the Indians. It was finally 
 decided to release the prisoner and to accept as 
 hostages two young Indians. When the matter was 
 brought before Champlain, he approved of the 
 course adopted, and stated that it was not a wise 
 policy to be too severe. 
 
 This affair, which at one time appeared likely to 
 
 115
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 produce disagreeable consequences, passed over with- 
 out event, and some time after a party of Indians 
 visited Quebec for the purpose of effecting a com- 
 plete reconciliation. Thus, when Champlain left for 
 France in 1618, the colony was secure. 
 
 Father Huet, who accompanied Champlain, was 
 charged with many important missions, one of which 
 related to the administration of baptism to the 
 Indians. They were quite willing to be baptized, but 
 they had no idea of the nature of the sacrament, and 
 although they promised to keep their vows before 
 the ceremony, they soon returned to their old super- 
 stitions. Their want of sincerity was a trial to 
 Father Huet, and he desired to have the opinion 
 of the Doctors of the Sorbonne to guide him in his 
 future actions. 
 
 During the winter Father Le Caron went to 
 Tadousac in order to continue the work of Father 
 d'Olbeau, and he remained there until the middle 
 of July, 1619. In the interval he had built a resi- 
 dence upon the ground donated by the merchants, 
 and had the satisfaction of leaving one hundred and 
 forty neophytes as the result of the labours of 
 the mission. Father d'Olbeau had his residence at 
 Quebec. 
 
 On his return to Canada Father Huet was ac- 
 companied by Father Guillaume Poullain, three 
 friars and two labourers. Champlain did not return 
 this year. The Recollets had received authority to 
 build a convent at Quebec, and the Prince de 
 116
 
 A RECOLLET CONVENT 
 
 Conde' had contributed fifteen hundred - livres to- 
 wards the object. Charles de Boues, vicar-general 
 of Pontoise, had also made a personal subscription, 
 and accepted the protectorate of the convent, to- 
 gether with the title of syndic of Canadian mis- 
 sions. Other piously disposed persons had also con- 
 tributed towards the maintenance of the religious 
 institution. 
 
 The establishment of a convent in Canada was 
 a ray of light amid the gloom which had hung over 
 the settlement of New France during the past four 
 years, but the rejoicing on this occasion was soon 
 turned into mourning by the unexpected death of 
 Friar du Plessis, who died at Three Rivers on Aug- 
 ust 23rd, 1619. There were two other deaths during 
 this year which cast a shadow on the colony, that 
 of Anne Hebert, and of her husband, Etienne 
 Jonquest, who survived his wife only a few weeks. 
 
 The mission at Three Rivers was placed under 
 the charge of Father Le Caron, and from this date 
 it was the object of the most pastoral solicitude 
 of the Recollets. 
 
 117
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 FUR TRADE 
 
 THE earliest reference by Champlain to the fur 
 trade in Canada, is contained in his relation 
 of his voyage to Tadousac in the year 1603. During 
 this journey he encountered a number of Indians 
 in a canoe, near Hare Island, among whom was an 
 Algonquin who appeared to be well versed in the 
 geography of the country watered by the Great 
 Lakes. As a proof of his knowledge, he gave to 
 Champlain a description of the rapids of the St. 
 Lawrence, of Niagara Falls and Lake Ontario. 
 When questioned as to the natural resources of the 
 country, he stated that he was acquainted with a 
 people called the good Iroquois (Hurons) who were 
 accustomed to exchange their peltry for the goods 
 which the French had given to the Algonquins. 
 We have in this statement proof that the French 
 were known to the inhabitants of New France 
 before the year 1603. 
 
 In the year 1608, trading was conducted with 
 the Indians at Tadousac, but in 1610 it was alter- 
 nately at Tadousac, and near Cape de la Victoire 
 at the entrance of the Richelieu River. During the 
 latter period, the fur trade was a failure, although 
 the vessels annually carried from twelve to fifteen 
 
 119
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 thousand skins to France, which were sold at one 
 pistole each. From the year 1610, Tadousac ceased 
 to be the rendezvous of traders, and the great centre 
 was at Sault St. Louis, until the year 1618. From 
 this time, for several consecutive years, Three Rivers 
 was the principal trading-post, and finally the Indians 
 went down to Quebec, or to Cape de la Victoire, or 
 du Massacre, and at a still later period the Isle of 
 Richelieu, opposite the parish of Deschambault, 
 some fifteen leagues above Quebec, was chosen as a 
 trading-place. 
 
 Champlain was not opposed to the fur trade; on 
 the contrary, he favoured it, provided that it was 
 conducted honestly, as it afforded him opportunities 
 for making new discoveries, and also for maintain- 
 ing friendly relationship with the Indians. The 
 Re'collets had no connection with the trade, although 
 through their efforts commercial intercourse was 
 often facilitated. 
 
 Speaking of the trading of 1618, Champlain men- 
 tions a class of men who eventually attained con- 
 siderable influence in colonial affairs. These men 
 were the factors or clerks employed and paid by the 
 merchants. Some of them obtained notoriety on 
 account of their treason and bad conduct, while 
 others were distinguished by their devotedness to 
 Champlain and the missionaries. The clerks or factors 
 were engaged by the fur trading merchants who 
 had their principal factory at Quebec. The staff 
 consisted of a chief clerk, of clerks and underclerks ; 
 120
 
 DUTIES OF THE FACTORS 
 
 and their functions were to receive merchandise on 
 its arrival, to place it in the store, and when the 
 trading was complete, to exchange the goods for 
 skins, which were then carefully packed for ex- 
 portation. The clerks visited the places chosen by 
 the Indians for trading, and generally conducted 
 the exchanges themselves. Some of them employed 
 the services of interpreters who were readily found, 
 and were frequently sent among the natives to in- 
 duce them to visit the clerks. The duties of the 
 clerks were not always easily performed. They had 
 many difficulties to encounter, but as successful 
 trading might lead to future promotion, there were 
 advantages connected with the office. Thierry-Des- 
 dames, one of the underclerks at Quebec in 1622, 
 was appointed captain of the Island of Miscou, in 
 recognition of his faithful service. This is not the 
 only instance of promotion recorded by Champlain. 
 Beauchesne and Loquin are also mentioned in the 
 Relations of 1618 and 1619. 
 
 When Champlain returned from France in 1620, 
 he was accompanied by Jean Baptiste Guers, the 
 business representative of the Duke of Montmor- 
 ency, who rendered good service to Champlain and 
 the settlers. In the same year Font-Grave' traded at 
 Three Rivers, and he was assisted by two clerks 
 called Loquin and Caumont, and an underclerk, 
 Rouvier. Before leaving for France, Font-Grave' 
 placed Caumont in charge of his factory. Rouvier 
 also left for France, under the pretext that the 
 
 121
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 company refused to increase his wages. The de- 
 parture of a clerk, however, was of small importance, 
 when we consider the trouble which had arisen 
 among the associates. 
 
 In the year 1612, Champlain, it appears, had 
 placed too much confidence in the influence of Henri 
 de Cond^, viceroy of New France. This nobleman 
 proved to be a source of trouble rather than a friend 
 to the new colony. Two years after, Champlain 
 formed an association of the merchants of St. Malo 
 and Rouen, who invested a large capital for the 
 development of trade in Quebec. The chief mem- 
 bers of the company were Francois Porre'e, Lucas 
 Legendre, Louis Vermeulle, Mathieu d'Insterlo, 
 Pierre Eon, Thomas Cochon, Pierre Trublet, Vin- 
 cent Gravd, Daniel Boyer and Corneille de Bellois. 
 By its constitution the operations of the company 
 were to extend over a period of eleven years, and 
 its members engaged to maintain the habitation 
 of Quebec, and a fort, and to build new forts if 
 necessary, and also to pay the expenses of mis- 
 sionaries, and to send labourers and workmen to 
 Canada. The Prince de Conde* received a salary of 
 three thousand li vres, and the payment of this large 
 amount annually to the viceroy, caused the mer- 
 chants to neglect their obligations towards Cham- 
 plain. 
 
 In the meantime Cond^ conspired against the 
 Queen Regent and was incarcerated, and the Mare'- 
 chal de The'mmes was temporarily appointed in his 
 122
 
 A DARK OUTLOOK 
 
 place. The office of secretary to the viceroy would 
 appear to have been lucrative, for one applicant, 
 probably JSoyer, offered The'mines four thousand 
 five hundred livres, if he would appoint him to the 
 position. Cond^ protested against the charge which 
 had been made against his agreement, and asked 
 for his salary. De Villemenon, intendant of the ad- 
 miralty, opposed the application, and claimed the 
 amount of the salary for the Quebec settlement. 
 
 While Champlain was present in France in 1617 
 he received a proscription from the court of parlia- 
 ment, ordering him to resign his office of lieutenant 
 of the viceroy, as the Company of Rouen had 
 decided to suppress the salary of the viceroy. 
 Champlain did not take any notice of this injunc- 
 tion, but started for Quebec. On his return to 
 France during the same year (1617) Champlain 
 met the Mare'chal de The'mines, in order to induce 
 him, in his capacity of viceroy, to take some in- 
 terest in the affairs of New France, as the situation 
 there was becoming insupportable. The great per- 
 sonages were quarrelling over money matters ; the 
 people of St. Malo were renewing their demands for 
 liberty of commerce, and the merchants were re- 
 fusing to invest new capital. Champlain had a 
 series of difficulties, which he endeavoured to re- 
 move before his return to Quebec, and he drew up 
 his grievances in two large factums, one of which 
 was presented to the king, and the other to the 
 Board of Trade of Paris. 
 
 123
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 In the factum to the king Champlain explained 
 that France would derive benefit from the coloniza- 
 tion of Canada, provided workmen and labourers 
 were sent to the country. He also set forth the 
 necessity of improving the defense of the colony, 
 as an attack might be expected at any time from 
 the English or Dutch. Champlain pointed out 
 to the king, at the same time, that by developing 
 New France, he would be propagating the Catholic 
 faith amongst infidels, and that he would add to his 
 wealth by reason of the revenue to be derived from 
 the vast forests of Canada. He also made known to 
 the king some of the projects which he had in view. 
 Amongst these were certain buildings and works 
 which he proposed to carry out. Quebec was to be 
 named Ludovica, in honour of the king. A church 
 was to be erected and dedicated under the title of 
 Redeemer, and a fort was to be constructed on 
 the cape of Quebec, flanked with four bastions, 
 which would command the river St. Lawrence. A 
 second fort was to be built opposite Quebec, which 
 would complete the defense of the face of the 
 town, and a third fort would be constructed at 
 Tadousac on a promontory naturally fortified, to 
 be manned by a garrison which would be relieved 
 every six months. 
 
 These arrangements would provide for the de- 
 fense of the country. Champlain also intended to 
 look after the education and the spiritual wants of 
 the settlement, by sending fifteen friars of the 
 124
 
 FACTUM TO THE BOARD OF TRADE 
 
 Re'collet order to New France, who -were to 
 found a convent near the Church of the Redeemer. 
 The king was also asked to send one hundred 
 families to the colony, each composed of a hus- 
 band and wife and two children or a servant under 
 twenty years of age. With these provisions Cham- 
 plain believed that a settlement might be established 
 in the name of France, which would remain loyal 
 to her interests, since it would rest upon the sure 
 foundation of strength, justice, commerce, and 
 agriculture. 
 
 In his explanations to the Board of Trade 
 Champlain dwelt upon the advantages which were to 
 to be derived from fishing, from the lumber industry, 
 agriculture and cattle raising, and from the work- 
 ing of the mines and from trading. In short he 
 endeavoured to induce the associates to continue 
 their operations. The members, however, were un- 
 der the impression that colonization would place 
 obstacles in the way of commerce, and that the in- 
 habitants would soon monopolize the trade. Some 
 of the associates who were Protestants objected to 
 colonization under Catholic influence, and under- 
 standing that Champlain was a staunch Catholic, 
 they decided to have Font-Grave' appointed as lieu- 
 tenant of the viceroy, in his place. 
 
 Champlain was much affected on finding that 
 he had a rival in Font-Grave' whom he had always 
 respected as a father, neither would he accept 
 such a humiliating position. The king, however, 
 
 125
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 intervened at this time, and wrote a letter to the 
 associates, requesting them to aid Champlain. 
 
 "BY THE KING. 
 
 " DEAR AND WELL-BELOVED : On the report 
 made to us that there has hitherto been bad 
 management in the establishment of the families 
 and workmen sent to the settlement of Quebec, 
 and other places of New France, we write to you 
 this letter, to declare to you our desire that all 
 things should proceed better in future ; and to tell 
 you that it will give us pleasure that you should 
 assist, as much as you conveniently can, the Sieur 
 Champlain in the things requisite and necessary for 
 the execution of the commands which he has re- 
 ceived from us, to choose experienced and trusty 
 men to be employed in the discovery, inhabiting, 
 cultivating, and sowing the lands ; and do all the 
 works which he shall judge necessary for the estab- 
 lishment of the colonies which we desire to plant in 
 the said country, for the good of the service and the 
 use of our subjects ; without, however, on account 
 of the said discoveries and settlements, your factors, 
 clerks, and agents in the traffic of peltry, being 
 troubled or hindered in any way whatever during 
 the term which we have granted you. And fail 
 not in this, for such is our pleasure. Given at Paris 
 March 12th, 1618. (Signed) "Louis." 
 
 (And below) " POTIER." 
 
 The merchants brought their affairs before the 
 126
 
 PROVISIONS FOR SETTLERS 
 
 notice of the Council of Tours, who decided that 
 Champlain should retain his position. The action 
 of the council was a victory for Champlain, but it 
 was soon followed by another still more agreeable. 
 The associates promised to provide for the organi- 
 zation of emigration during the following year on a 
 scale which would assure the success of the settle- 
 ment. By this arrangement eighty persons, including 
 three Re'collet fathers would arrive in New France 
 during the year 1619. In order to have the proceed- 
 ings regularly conducted, Champlain caused papers 
 to be prepared by notaries, which were signed on 
 December 21st, 1618, by Pierre du Gua and Lucas 
 Legendre in the name of the associates, and also 
 by Vermeulle, Corneille de Bellois and Mathieu 
 d'Insterlo. The document is as follows: 
 
 " List of persons to be sent to, and supported at, 
 the settlement of Quebec for the year 1619. 
 
 ' There shall be eighty persons, including the 
 chief, three Recollet fathers, clerks, officers, work- 
 men and labourers. Every two persons shall have a 
 mattress, a paillasse, two blankets, three pairs of 
 new sheets, two coats each, six shirts, four pairs of 
 shoes, and one capote. 
 
 " For the arms : Forty musquets, with their 
 bandaliers, twenty-four pikes, four arquebuses a 
 rouet [wheel-lock] of four to five feet, one thousand 
 pounds of fine powder, one thousand pounds of 
 powder for common, six thousand pounds of lead, 
 and a match-stump. 
 
 127
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 "For the men: A dozen scythes with their 
 handles, hammers, and other tools ; twelve reaping- 
 hooks, twenty-four spades, twelve picks, four thou- 
 sand pounds of iron, two barrels of steel, ten tons of 
 lime [none having been then found in this country], 
 ten thousand curved, or twenty thousand flat tiles, 
 ten thousand bricks to build an oven and chimneys, 
 two mill-stones [the kind of stone fit for that purpose 
 was not discovered till some years afterwards.] 
 
 " For the service of the table of the chief: 
 Thirty-six dishes, as many bowls and plates, six 
 saltcellars, six ewers, two basins, six pots of six 
 pints each, six pints, six chopines [about half a 
 pint] six demy-septiers, the whole of pewter, two 
 dozen table-cloths, twenty-four dozen napkins. 
 
 " For the kitchen : A dozen of copper boilers, 
 six pairs andirons, six frying-pans, six gridirons. 
 
 " Shall also be taken out : Two bulls of one 
 year old, heifers, and as many sheep as convenient ; 
 all kinds of seeds for sowing. 
 
 " The commander of the settlement shall have 
 charge of the arms and ammunition which are 
 actually there, and of those which shall afterwards 
 be sent, so long as he shall be in command ; and the 
 clerk or factor who shall reside there shall take 
 charge of all merchandise ; as well as of the furni- 
 ture and utensils of the company, and shall send a 
 regular account of them, signed by him, by the 
 ships. 
 
 " Also shall be sent, a dozen mattresses complete, 
 128
 
 like those of families, which shall be kept in the 
 magazine for the use of the sick and wounded, etc., 
 etc. 
 
 " Signed at Paris December 21st, 1618, and com- 
 pared with the original [on paper] by the utfder- 
 signed." 
 
 Champlain submitted this document to the king, 
 who approved it, but nevertheless the associates 
 were afterwards unwilling to fulfil its conditions. 
 The Prince -de Condd having been discharged from 
 prison on October 20th, 1619, the king forwarded 
 to him his commission of viceroy, and the Com- 
 pany of Rouen granted him a thousand e'cus. 
 
 The prince gave five hundred e'cus to the Re'col- 
 lets for the construction of a seminary at Quebec, 
 and this was his only gift to the settlement of 
 New France. The prince afterwards sold his com- 
 mission as viceroy to the Duke of Montmorency, 
 Admiral of France, for the sum of thirty thou- 
 sand e'cus. Dolu, grand almoner of the kingdom, 
 was appointed intendant. The duke renewed Cham- 
 plain's commission as lieutenant of the viceroy, 
 and at the same time advised him to return to 
 Quebec to strengthen his positions everywhere, in 
 order that the country might be secure against 
 invasion. 
 
 The patronage of Montmorency greatly encour- 
 aged Champlain, for the duke exercised great 
 power. He therefore resolved to take his young wife 
 to Quebec with him, for she had never been to 
 
 129
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Canada. Champlain concluded his private business 
 in France, and took all his effects to the new 
 settlement, as he had determined to take up his 
 residence there. Before leaving France, all the diffi- 
 culties in connection with his command were re- 
 moved, and the king wrote him a very gracious 
 letter, in which His Majesty expressed his esteem 
 for his loyal and faithful subject. 
 
 The new administration of the Duke of Mont- 
 morency created dissatisfaction amongst the mer- 
 chants of the society, which in fact had only 
 changed its name of the "Company of Rouen" to 
 the "Company of Montmorency or of de Caen." 
 The associates forming the old company had hoped 
 that Champlain would have been placed in the 
 shade, especially when they learned that he in- 
 tended to fortify Quebec and settle in the country. 
 No action, however, was taken until the new com- 
 pany had commenced its administration. Cham- 
 plain remained in ignorance of these facts until the 
 arrival of the vessels in the spring of 1621, when 
 he received letters from M. de Puiseux, secretaire 
 des commandements du roi, from the intendant 
 Dolu, from de Villemenon, intendant of the ad- 
 miralty, from Guillaume de Caen, one of the mem- 
 bers of the new association, and from the viceroy, 
 which last is here given: 
 
 " MONSIEUR CHAMPLAIN: For many reasons I 
 have thought fit to exclude the former Company of 
 Rouen and St. Malo from the trade with New 
 130
 
 LETTERS FROM HEADQUARTERS 
 
 France, and to assist you and provide you with 
 everything necessary, I have chosen the Sieurs 
 de Caen, uncle and nephew, and their associates: 
 one is a good merchant, and the other a good 
 naval captain, who can aid you well, and make 
 the authority of the king respected in my govern- 
 ment. I recommend you to assist him and those 
 who shall apply to you on his part, so as to main- 
 tain them in the enjoyment of the articles which 
 I have granted them. I have charged the Sieur 
 Dolu, intendant of the affairs of the country, to 
 send you a copy of the treaty by the first voyage, 
 so that you may know to what they are bound, 
 in order that they may execute their engagement, 
 as, on my part, I desire to perform what I have 
 promised. 
 
 "I have taken care to preserve your appointments, 
 as I believe you will continue to serve the king well 
 
 " Your most affectionate and perfect friend, 
 
 " MONTMORENCY. 
 
 "From Paris, February 2nd, 1621." 
 
 The letter of Louis XIII was also satisfactory : 
 
 "CHAMPLAIN: I have perceived by your letters 
 of August 15th, with what affection you work at 
 your establishment, and for all that regards the 
 good of my service: for which, as I am thankful to 
 you, so I shall have pleasure in recognizing it to 
 your advantage whenever the occasion shall offer: 
 and I have willingly granted some munitions of 
 war, which were required to give you better means 
 
 181
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 to subsist and to continue in that good duty, which 
 I promise myself from your care and fidelity." 
 
 " Paris, February 24th, 1621. Louis." 
 
 It was in this manner that the sentence of death 
 was given to the old company. 
 
 Several members of the old Company of Rouen 
 and St. Malo were incorporated in the Company 
 of Montmorency, which was composed of Guil- 
 laume de Caen, Ezechiel de Caen, Guillaume 
 Robin, three merchants of Rouen; Fra^ois de 
 Troyes, president of the treasury of France at Or- 
 leans; Jacques de Troyes, merchant; Claude Le 
 Ragois, general receiver of finance at Limoges; 
 Arnould de Nouveau, Pierre de Verton, councillor, 
 and secretary of the king, and Francois Herve', 
 merchant of Paris. The two brothers de Caen be- 
 longed to the reformed religion. 
 
 Dolu advised Champlain to restrain the hands of 
 the clerks of the old company, and to seize all the 
 merchandise in the magazine. He claimed that al- 
 though this measure was rigorous, it was justified 
 by the fact that the company had not fulfilled its 
 obligations towards the settlement of New France. 
 De Villemenon's letter was dictated in much the 
 same terms. Guillaume de Caen gave notice that he 
 would soon arrive in Quebec with arms and stores 
 for the settlement. Dolu's letter regarding the sei- 
 zure of merchandise was couched in terms that 
 might be considered imperative, nevertheless Cham- 
 plain deemed it prudent to act with caution, and he 
 132
 
 DISPUTES OF THE COMPANIES 
 
 therefore had conferred with Father George Le 
 Baillif and Captain Dumay 1 on the subject. 
 
 The elder clerk had some clerks under him at 
 Quebec, who after hearing of the contents of Dolu's 
 letter, were prepared to resist any curtailment of 
 their rights. Cham plain appeased them, and assured 
 them that they would be allowed freedom of trad- 
 ing at least until the arrival of Guillaume de Caen, 
 the extent of whose authority was not yet known. 
 
 Caumont, the chief clerk, declared that he was 
 satisfied with this arrangement, but nevertheless 
 the situation was difficult. If the king had given the 
 order to confiscate the merchandise, then Dumay, 
 whose visit to Canada was for the purpose of fur 
 trading, would become the king of commerce in 
 New France, and therefore he had nothing to lose 
 in awaiting de Caen's arrival. He proceeded at once 
 to Tadousac, but instead of meeting de Caen, he 
 found that Pont-Grave' had arrived as the repre- 
 sentative of the old company, and that he had with 
 him seventy-five men and some clerks. 
 
 Champlain was much distressed on receiving these 
 tidings, for he foresaw a conflict which would pos- 
 sibly entail bloodshed. The clerks also were de- 
 spondent. In order to avoid a quarrel, Champlain 
 deemed it advisable to protect his men, and he there- 
 
 1 Hia correct name was Dume" dit Leroy. He made a single voyage 
 to Quebec, and he had on board Jean Baptiste Guers, delegate of the 
 Duke of Montmorency. Dume was born at St. Corner de Fly, Beauvais. 
 A member of his family who resided at Havre de Grace, was one of the 
 chief consignees of the company of St. Christophe in the West Indies. 
 
 133
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 fore installed his brother-in-law, Eustache Boulle*, 
 and Captain Dumay with sixteen men, in the small 
 fort which he had erected at Cape Diamond during 
 the preceding year. Champlain defended himself 
 within the habitation, where he quartered all the 
 men he could dispose of. If the clerks were inclined 
 to fight he would defend his position, but he hoped 
 that these precautionary measures would prove the 
 means of preventing bloodshed. 
 
 On May 7th, 1621, three of the clerks of Guil- 
 laume de Caen left Tadousac and took up their 
 quarters near the habitation. Father Le Baillif and 
 Jean Baptiste Guers asked them to produce their 
 papers. They declared that they had authority to 
 trade from the old Company of Rouen, which still 
 existed through articles agreed to by the Duke 
 of Montmorency, and that a trial was at present 
 pending between the two societies. On receiving 
 this information from Father Le Baillif, Champlain 
 decided to allow five clerks the necessary mer- 
 chandise for trading; they were, however, told that 
 the old company had been dissolved, and that the 
 new company only was invested with authority 
 to trade. The clerks were satisfied with Cham- 
 plain's decision, but they objected to the presence 
 of armed soldiers in the fort, which they claimed 
 was not in accordance with the king's commands. 
 The clerks finally went to Three Rivers to carry 
 on their trade. 
 
 On June 13th, Font-Grave' arrived at Quebec. 
 134
 
 AN ORDER-IN-COUNCIL 
 
 Here he was questioned as to his authority, although 
 he was treated with the respect and courtesy due to 
 his age and character. Font-Grave' assured Cham- 
 plain that he disputes between the two companies 
 would be resolved in a friendly way, and that he 
 had received news to this effect before he sailed 
 from Honfleur. He then started for Three Rivers 
 to join his clerks. 
 
 Some days after these events, a clerk named 
 Rouvier, in the employ of de Caen, arrived with 
 letters from Dolu, de Villemenon, and Guillaume 
 de Caen, and left a copy of an order-in-council 
 in favour of the old company. Champlain also 
 received a letter from the king. The order-in- 
 council granted permission to both companies to 
 trade during the year 1621, provided that both 
 should contribute equally towards the maintenance 
 of the captains, soldiers, and the inhabitants of 
 Quebec. 
 
 Foreseeing a conflict between de Caen and Font- 
 Grave, Champlain went to Tadousac, and advised 
 de Caen to respect Font-Grave's authority. De 
 Caen replied that he could not do so, as he had 
 received authority privately from the king. Cham- 
 plain therefore assured the commandment to Pont- 
 Grave"s vessel, in order to protect his old friend, 
 and thus it happened that this affair which threat- 
 ened to produce serious consequences, was smoothed 
 over through Champlain's intervention. Font-Grave' 
 then took possession of his vessel in the presence of 
 
 135
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 de Caen, who offered no opposition, and a few days 
 after they both returned to France. 
 
 De Caen had promised to send twenty-five men 
 to Quebec, but he sent only eighteen. A certain 
 quantity of stores was also brought to Quebec at 
 this time by Jacques Halard, and a number of 
 halberds, arquebuses, lances, and many barrels of 
 powder, which were delivered in the presence of 
 Jean Baptiste Varin, who had been sent by Guil- 
 laume de Caen, and Guers. 
 
 Father Georges Le Baillif also left for France 
 during the autumn, as a delegate from the inhabi- 
 tants of the settlement, who had prepared a memo- 
 randum of their grievances. This document was 
 signed by Champlain, Father Jamet, Father Le 
 Caron, Louis Hubert, Guillaume Couillard, Eus- 
 tache Boulle', Pierre Reye, Olivier Le Tardif, J. 
 Groux, Pierre Desportes, Nicholas and J. B. Guers. 
 On his arrival in France, Father Le Baillif had an 
 interview with the king, and placed the memoran- 
 dum in question in His Majesty's hands. The king 
 admitted that the complaints were well founded, 
 but at the same time he stated that it was impos- 
 sible to grant all that was requested. The Hugue- 
 nots were to retain their commercial liberty, and 
 Champlain obtained some supplies, and his salary, 
 which was formerly six hundred livres, was increased 
 to twelve hundred. 
 
 Father Le Baillif's mission was unfruitful, for 
 he brought word of the amalgamation of the two 
 136
 
 THE NEW COMPANY ESTABLISHED 
 
 companies, whose chiefs were Guillaume de Caen, 
 Ezechiel de Caen, and their nephew, Emery de 
 Caen. The order-in-council establishing this large 
 company granted to them the liberty of trading in 
 New France, and all French subjects were eligible 
 for admission to the society. By this arrangement the 
 de Caens were obliged to pay the sum of ten thou- 
 sand livres to the members of the old Rouen asso- 
 ciation, and a sum equal to the value of their goods, 
 barques and canoes. The old company received 
 five-twelfths of the Company of Montmorency, 
 one-twelfth of which was reserved by de Monts, 
 who was at that time living at his residence in 
 Saintonge. By this latter arrangement, however, the 
 de Caens were relieved from the payment of the 
 ten thousand livres imposed upon them by the 
 order-in-council. When Father Le Baillif returned 
 to Quebec in the spring of 1622, all the old rivalry 
 had disappeared. The Company of Rouen had 
 adopted the name of the Company of Montmorency 
 with the de Caens as chiefs. 
 
 The principal articles stipulated in the agreement 
 were : 
 
 1. Champlain to be lieutenant of the viceroy, 
 with precedence on land, and to command the habi- 
 tation of Quebec, and to have command of all the 
 French residents in New France. Ten men were 
 also to be placed at his disposal, who were to be 
 maintained at the expense of de Caen, who was 
 also to pay to each an annual sum of twenty livres. 
 
 137
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 2. The company was also to maintain six Re'col- 
 let fathers, two of whom were to be engaged in 
 missions to the savages. 
 
 3. The company was to support and maintain 
 six families of labourers, carpenters and masons, 
 during the period of the agreement, the families to 
 be changed every two years. 
 
 4. The company was to pay the sum of twelve 
 hundred francs as a salary to Champlain. 
 
 5. Champlain was to enjoy the privilege of trading 
 for eleven years, and to this term the king added 
 another eleven years. 
 
 The first man to bring the news of a change of 
 authority was a clerk named Santein, but it was 
 confirmed some days after by the arrival of Font- 
 Grave and Guillaume de Caen, who were accom- 
 panied by a clerk named Le Sire, an underclerk 
 named Thierry-Desdames, 1 and Raymond de la 
 Ralde. De Caen handed to Champlain a letter from 
 the king, who advised him to recognize the authority 
 of the new company, and also to endeavour to 
 maintain peace and harmony. When de Caen had 
 completed his trading at Three Rivers he sailed 
 again for France, leaving Font-Grave' as chief clerk 
 at Quebec, and Le Baillif as underclerk at Tadou- 
 sac. 
 
 1 Thierry-Desdames arrived at Quebec in 1622, as underclerk of the 
 company, which position he occupied until 1628. We lose trace of him 
 after that date, but we find him again in 1639 at Miscou Island, where 
 he served as captain. He was a good Catholic, charitable, and a friend 
 of the Jesuits. 
 
 138
 
 FIRST CANADIAN LAWS 
 
 In order to establish good order throughout the 
 country, Champlain published certain ordinances, 
 which should be regarded as the first code of Cana- 
 dian laws.' Although it was desirable to maintain 
 peace, it was also necessary to prepare to resist the 
 attacks of the Iroquois, who were becoming more 
 and more active. A party of the Iroquois had ap- 
 proached Quebec, and were observed to be rambling 
 in the vicinity of the Re'collets' convent, on the 
 north shore of the River St. Charles. They finally 
 made an attack, but they were repulsed with loss 
 by the French and the Montagnais, whose chief 
 was Mahicanaticouche, Champlain's friend. This 
 chief was the son of the famous Anadabijou, who 
 had contracted the first alliance with the French at 
 Tadousac in 1603. 
 
 In the year 1623, the vessels arrived from France 
 later than usual, and the rendezvous took place at 
 Cape de la Victoire on July 23rd. On this occasion 
 the following persons were present: Champlain, 
 Font-Grave', Guillaume de Caen, Captain Duchesne, 
 des Marets, De Vernet, fitienne Brute, an inter- 
 preter, Loquin, a clerk, Father Nicholas Viel, and 
 Brother Sagard-Theodat. 
 
 On his return to Quebec, Champlain declared 
 that certain sailors had appropriated a number of 
 beaver skins, and he therefore confiscated them and 
 had them placed in the store, pending the decision 
 of the company. This infraction of the rules of com- 
 merce was trifling when compared with the contra- 
 
 139
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 band which was carried on freely in the lower St. 
 Lawrence. The merchants of La Rochelle and the 
 Basques were the most notorious in this respect. 
 Their vessels were constantly sailing from one shore 
 to another, trading furs, although they had no 
 authority to do so. They were found at Tadousac, 
 at Bic, and at Green Island. The Spanish, English 
 and Dutch vessels also carried on an illegitimate 
 trade in the same waters. Champlain mentions the 
 fact that a Spanish captain, whose vessel was an- 
 chored at Green Island, had sent his sailors at night 
 to Tadousac, in order that they might watch what 
 was being done, and hear what was being said 
 on board the Admiral. 
 
 At the commencement of the spring of 1624, a 
 dark cloud hung over New France. The winter had 
 been severe, and provisions were scarce. Champlain 
 had only four barrels of flour in the store, so that he 
 was anxiously awaiting assistance. On June 2nd he 
 received good news. A vessel of sixty tons was 
 anchored at Tadousac, laden with pease, biscuits 
 and cider. To the starving settlement this was most 
 welcome, and some days after Guillaume de Caen 
 arrived with still more provisions. 
 
 After having traded at Three Rivers, de Caen 
 visited Quebec, the Island of Orleans, and the vi- 
 cinity of Cape Tourmente and the neighbouring 
 islands. He was now the proprietor of these lands, 
 having received them as a gift from the Duke of 
 Montmorency. 
 140
 
 TO FRANCE AGAIN 
 
 Champlain now resolved to recross the ocean, 
 and to take with him his young wife, who had 
 spent four, years in Quebec. Emery de Caen was 
 given the command of the settlement in the absence 
 of Champlain. On August 18th two ships sailed 
 from Tadousac, having on board Champlain, Helene 
 Boulle', Font-Grave', Guillaume de Caen, Father 
 Fiat, Brother Sagard, J. B. Guers, Joubert, and 
 Captain de la Vigne. At Gaspe', Raymond de la 
 Ralde and a pilot named Canane'e joined the party. 
 The voyage was brief and pleasant to Champlain's 
 party, but CananeVs ship was captured by the 
 Turks, and its commander was put to a cruel 
 death. 1 
 
 1 Cananee was one of the most famous French navigators of his time. 
 From 1608 to 1624 he used to fish on the hanks of Miscou and in the 
 gulf. He was at first captain and co-proprietor of the Mouton, a vessel of 
 one hundred and twenty tons, but some years later, he commanded the 
 Ste. Madeleine, a ship of fifty tons. It was this vessel that the Turks 
 captured on the coast of Bretagne. Canane'e was a fervent Catholic. 
 
 141
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 CHAMPLAIN, THE JESUITS AND THE SAVAGES 
 
 first inhabitants of the settlement of New 
 -L France were the interpreters, clerks, and work- 
 men, employed by the merchants. They were termed 
 the winterers, in opposition to the captains and 
 sailors who visited the colony for the purpose of 
 trading only. The interpreters present an interesting 
 feature in the life of the new colony. Their func- 
 tions rendered it necessary for them to reside for an 
 indefinite period with an Indian tribe, in order to 
 qualify themselves to act as interpreters for their 
 countrymen during trade, or for the missionaries 
 while catechising or providing other religious ex- 
 ercises. A daily intercourse with the Indians was 
 absolutely essential in order to induce them to keep 
 their appointments with the traders at the estab- 
 lished rendezvous. The interpreters had seldom any 
 other occupation, although some of them acted as 
 clerks, and thereby received a larger salary, in addi- 
 tion to a certain number of beaver skins which they 
 could exchange for goods. 
 
 Etienne Brute and Nicholas Marsolet, who arrived 
 at Quebec with Champlain in the year 1608, acted 
 as interpreters, but at first they did not meet with 
 much success. They were, however, both young 
 
 143
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 and intelligent, and Bruld soon acquired a knowl- 
 edge of the Huron language, while Marsolet mas- 
 tered the idiom of the Algonquin tongue. Bruld 
 spent nearly all his life among the Hurons, who 
 adopted him as a member of their family, while 
 Marsolet accompanied the Algonquins to Allu- 
 mette Island, and became one of their best friends. 
 Historians of Canada mention the names of many 
 other interpreters of this period, some of whom 
 founded families, while others afterwards returned 
 to France. In the year 1613 three interpreters ar- 
 rived, Nicholas du Vignau, Jacques Hertel, and 
 Thomas Godefroy. In the year 1618 there was only 
 one arrival, Jean Manet, who took up his residence 
 among the people residing on the shores of Lake 
 Nipissing. 
 
 In the year 1619 Jean Nicolet came to Canada, 
 and won great esteem in the country of his choice. 
 He was the father of a large family, the descend- 
 ants of whom are very numerous. Three more inter- 
 preters came in 1621, Du Vernet, Le Baillif, and 
 Olivier Le Tardif, and two in 1623, namely, Jean- 
 Paul Godefroy and Jacques Couillard, and finally in 
 1624 Jean Richer and Lamontagne, thus making 
 twelve interpreters between the years 1608 and 1625. 
 Of this number the two Godefroys, Marsolet, Nico- 
 let, Hertel, and Le Tardif were distinguished on 
 account of the part which they took in Canadian 
 affairs ; and the knowledge which they had obtained 
 of the native languages rendered them competent to 
 144
 
 NEW FAMILIES 
 
 discuss delicate questions relating to the. welfare of 
 the colony. Their services to the authorities, both 
 civil and religious, were therefore at certain periods 
 exceedingly valuable. It is among these men that 
 we may fittingly seek for the founders of the Cana- 
 dian race. 
 
 The second class of settlers, or winterers, as they 
 were termed, will be spoken of later. From the year 
 1608 to 1613 not a single settler or head of a family 
 came to Canada, but at this latter date we find the 
 names of Abraham Martin, Nicholas Pivert and 
 Pierre Desportes. They were married and brought 
 their wives and families with them. Abraham Martin 
 and Pierre Desportes had each a daughter, and 
 Pivert had a niece. Guillaume Couillard arrived 
 during the same year, but he was a bachelor. We 
 have already spoken in a previous chapter of the 
 return of Champlain from France in the year 1617, 
 on which occasion he was accompanied by Louis 
 Hubert and his family. There also arrived in 1617, 
 Etienne Jonquest, to whom we have likewise re- 
 ferred. In 1618 another family took up its resi- 
 dence in New France, namely Adrien Duchesne, 
 surgeon, and his wife. Eustache Boull^, brother-in- 
 law to Champlain, came over in 1618, and two 
 families arrived in 1619, but they were immediately 
 sent back, as the occupation of the head of one 
 of the families was that of a butcher, and the other 
 was a needle manufacturer, and there was no open- 
 ing for either in a new settlement In the year 1620, 
 
 145
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 the settlers gave a cordial welcome to Helene Boulle*, 
 who was attended by three female servants. From 
 the year 1620 to 1625, history is silent as to new 
 arrivals. Champlain had made every effort to induce 
 settlers to take up their residence in Quebec, but 
 the population was still very scanty. 
 
 There were really only seven settled families at 
 this time, composed of twenty persons, seven men 
 and seven women, and six children. Their names 
 were as follows: Abraham Martin and his wife 
 Marguerite Langlois, and his two daughters, Anne 
 and Marguerite; Pierre Desportes and his wife 
 Fran9oise Langlois, and a girl named Helene; 
 Nicholas Pivert and his wife Marguerite Lesage, 
 and their niece; Louis Hubert and his wife Marie 
 Rollet, and a son named Guillaume; Adrien Du- 
 chesne and his wife ; Guillaume Couillard, his wife, 
 Guillemette Hubert, and a girl named Louise; 
 Champlain and his wife Helene Boulle. 
 
 When Abraham Martin came to Quebec, he was 
 twenty-four years of age. The official documents 
 refer to him as king's pilot, and the Jesuits named 
 him Maitre Abraham, while to the people he was 
 Martin 1'Ecossais. His family gave to the Catholic 
 Church of Canada her second priest in chronologi- 
 cal order. This priest, who was born at Quebec, 
 was named Charles Amador. After having served 
 as a mariner for the Company of Rouen, Abraham 
 Martin became a farmer, and was the proprietor 
 of two portions of land, consisting of thirty-two 
 146
 
 THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM 
 
 acres. 1 He received twenty acres of land from Adrien 
 Duchesne, and twelve acres from the Company of 
 New France, on December 4th, 1635. 2 This pro- 
 perty was named the Plains of Abraham, and all 
 the ground in the immediate vicinity gradually 
 assumed the same title. A part of the famous con- 
 flict fought on September 13th, 1759, and known as 
 the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, actually oc- 
 curred on the ground owned by Abraham Martin, 
 and thus it is that the name of this first settler has 
 been perpetuated in prose and verse. 
 
 Louis Hubert, the son of a Parisian apothecary, 
 followed the profession of his father in Canada. He 
 first tried to establish himself at Port Royal, where 
 we find him in the year 1606. He left Port Royal in 
 1607, but he appears to have returned there, as in 
 the year 1613 he is mentioned as acting as lieuten- 
 ant in the place of Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt. 
 When Port Royal was abandoned, Hubert returned 
 to France, where he met Champlain, who induced 
 him to turn his steps towards Canada once more. 
 Soon after his second visit to New France, he com- 
 menced to build a residence in the Upper Town 
 of Quebec, upon the summit of Mountain Hill. 
 This building, which was of stone, measured thirty- 
 eight feet in length, and was nineteen feet broad. 
 
 1 For a plan of Abraham Martin's property, see, The Story of the 
 Siege and the Battle of the Plains of Abraham, by A. G. Doughty. 
 
 8 See Deed of Concession, p. 414, Trans. R. S. C., 1899, by A. G. 
 Doughty. 
 
 147
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 It was in this house that Father Le Jeune said mass 
 when he came to Quebec in 1632. Hubert received 
 some concessions of land from the companies, and 
 at once commenced to cultivate it, so that he was 
 able to live from its produce. Champlain praises 
 him for this course. Hubert died in the year 1627, 
 from mortal injuries caused by a fall. He was buried 
 in the cemetery of the Recollets, at the foot of the 
 great cross, according to his desire. 
 
 The Re'collet fathers lived until the year 1620 in 
 their humble residence near the chapel and habita- 
 tion of Quebec, in the Lower Town. In the year 
 1619 they employed some workmen to fell trees on 
 the shores of the River St. Charles, near an agree- 
 able tract of land which Hubert had cleared. It was 
 situated at half a league from the habitation, and 
 the people of Quebec hoped at that time to build 
 the town there. During the winter each piece of 
 timber was prepared for the building, and the 
 savages assisted in the work. On June 3rd, 1620, 
 the first stone of the convent was solemnly laid 
 by Father d'Olbeau. The arms of the king were en- 
 graved upon the stone near those of the Prince de 
 Conde". The convent was finished and blessed on 
 May 25th, 1621, and dedicated to Notre Dame des 
 Anges. It was on this date that the name of St. 
 Charles was given to the river Ste. Croix, or the 
 Cabir-Coubat of the Indians, in honour of the 
 Reverend Charles de Ransay des Boues, syndic of 
 the Canadian missions. 
 148
 
 THE RECOLLET FATHERS 
 
 There were six Re'collet fathers at Quebec in 
 1621, and two brothers. Fathers Guillaume Galleran 
 and Ire'ne'e Piat came in 1622, the former in the 
 capacity of visitor and superior. A coincidence of 
 their arrival was the induction of the first religious 
 novitiate. Pierre Langoissieux, of Rouen, took the 
 monastic habit under the name of Brother Charles, 
 at a special ceremony in the presence of Champlain 
 and his wife, and some Frenchmen and Indians. 
 Three young men also received the small scapulary 
 of the Franciscan order. Father Piat left Quebec 
 for the Montagnais mission, while Father Huet was 
 sent to Three Rivers, and Father Poullain to the 
 Nipissing mission in the west. In the year 1623, 
 Father Nicholas Viel and Brother Gabriel Sagard- 
 Theodat, the historian of the Huron mission, ar- 
 rived. They were entertained at the convent of 
 Notre Dame des Anges. At the solemn Te Deum, 
 which was sung in the chapel on this occasion, 
 there were present seven fathers and four brothers. 
 Fathers Le Caron and Viel, and Brother Sagard 
 arranged for some Indian guides to conduct them 
 to the Huron country, where they arrived on July 
 23rd. The party spent the winter among the 
 Hurons, and during the following year Brother 
 Sagard was recalled to France by his superiors. 
 The Recollets continued to conduct services in the 
 small chapel in the Lower Town, which served as 
 the parochial church of Quebec. 
 
 In the year 1624 the French colony was placed 
 
 149
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 under the patronage of Saint Joseph, who has re- 
 mained from that date the patron saint of Canada. 
 Champlain was at this time in France, and had met 
 Montmorency at St. Germain-en-Laye, after the 
 Re'collets had complained of the conduct of the 
 Huguenots. While the missionaries were celebrating 
 mass, the Huguenots annoyed them by singing 
 psalms, and they occupied the poop-royal on board 
 the vessels for their services, while the Catholics 
 were compelled to assemble in the forecastle, with- 
 out distinction of persons. The Re'collets also com- 
 plained of the negligence of the associates, who 
 had not provided for the material requirements of 
 the mission. Father Piat set forth that while the 
 missionaries were prepared to sacrifice their health 
 and their mother country in order to civilize the 
 Indians, they were not ready, under the circum- 
 stances, to die simply for the want of food, when 
 it was the duty of the associates to provide for 
 them. Father Piat also suggested the advisability 
 of forming a seminary for young Indians, as a 
 means of developing their moral character, of teach- 
 ing them the rudiments of religion, and whereby 
 the Re'collets might acquire a knowledge of the 
 Indian language. Realizing that they were unable 
 to found such an institution alone, they decided to 
 ask assistance from the Jesuits, who had great 
 influence at court, and who might possibly be able 
 to establish such a building from their own re- 
 sources. If these resolutions had been known, the 
 150
 
 HENRI DE LEVIS 
 
 Huguenots would doubtless have prevented the 
 Jesuits' departure, but the news was only made 
 public when it was too late to formulate any op- 
 position. 
 
 Champlain, who was at this time endeavouring 
 to induce the merchants to carry out their engage- 
 ments, thought it advisable not to take any part in 
 urging the requests of the mission, for fear of com- 
 promising its success, and he considered it the best 
 policy to be very discreet. Father Coton, provincial 
 of the Jesuit order, accepted with pleasure the pro- 
 posals of the Re'collets, as the order was always 
 glad of an opportunity of preaching the gospel in 
 distant lands. The Jesuits had already founded the 
 Acadian mission, but its results had much disap- 
 pointed their hopes. Champlain was pleased to learn 
 that the desire of the Re'collets was accomplished, 
 although he had taken no part towards its fulfil- 
 ment. Indeed his services were fully employed else- 
 where. The old merchants were fighting with the 
 new ones, the dispute arising from the different 
 methods of recruiting crews for their ships. 
 
 These petty quarrels, which were constantly 
 brought to the notice of Montmorency, caused him 
 much annoyance, and he consequently resigned his 
 position of viceroy in favour of his nephew, Venta- 
 dour, peer of France and governor of Languedoc, 
 for a sum of one hundred thousand livres. The king 
 gave his assent to the transaction, and Henri de 
 LeVis, due de Ventadour, received his commission, 
 
 151
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 dated March 25th, 1625. He is described as a pious 
 man, who had no other desire than the glory of 
 God. The duke appointed Champlain as his lieu- 
 tenant, and ordered him to erect forts in New 
 France wherever he should deem it necessary, and 
 empowered him to create officers of justice to main- 
 tain peace and harmony. 
 
 Endued with such powers, Champlain did not 
 hesitate to continue his work. The duke's appoint- 
 ment was also received with favour by the Re'collets 
 and Jesuits. The associates were not friendly dis- 
 posed towards the Jesuits, but seeing that they did 
 not ask any assistance from them, they made no 
 opposition to their departure for Canada. 
 
 Guillaume de Caen took with him on his vessel 
 three Jesuit fathers and two brothers. These were 
 Fathers Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brdbeuf and 
 Enemond Massd. The brothers were Francois Char- 
 ton and Gilbert Burel. Father Lalemant, formerly 
 director of the college of Clermont, was appointed 
 director of the mission. Champlain speaks of him as 
 a very devoted and zealous man. Father Masse' had 
 been previously in Acadia, where he proved his 
 devotedness to the Indians. Father de Brdbeuf, the 
 youngest of the three, was distinguished by reason 
 of his mature judgment and great prudence. The 
 number of the Re'collets was increased by the ar- 
 rival of Father Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, a man 
 of noble and exalted character. 
 
 De Caen's vessel sailed from Dieppe, and although 
 152
 
 L'ANTICOTON 
 
 the voyage was long, it was a pleasant one. When 
 the Jesuits reached Quebec, they met with strong 
 opposition from the clerks, and there was no resi- 
 dence prepared for them. The only course which 
 appeared open to them was to return to France, 
 unless they could find a lodging with the Re'collets. 
 
 In the meantime the clerks circulated a pamphlet 
 amongst the families of the settlement, with a view 
 to creating a prejudice against the Jesuits. It was 
 L'Anticoton, 1 a libellous communication, which 
 had been proven false by Father Coton. The Re'- 
 collets at once extended a courteous invitation to the 
 Jesuits, which they gratefully accepted, and took 
 up their residence in the convent. The Re'collets 
 also begged them to accept as a loan the timber 
 work of a building which had been prepared for 
 their own use. 
 
 The gratitude of the Jesuits under these circum- 
 stances, is not sufficiently well known. Father Lale- 
 
 1 Father Mariana, a Jesuit, having published a book entitled, De 
 Regi et Regis Institution?, in which he denounced tyranny and its fomen- 
 ters, the court ordered that the work should be burnt, under the 
 pretext that Ravaillac, who had assassinated Henri IV, had taken 
 advantage of the Jesuit's authority to excuse his murder. It was certain 
 that the Jesuits were the best friends of the late king. Nevertheless, 
 they had to suffer the hostility of a certain part of the secular clergy. 
 Father Coton, a Jesuit, published at once a pamphlet under the title, 
 " Is it lawful to kill the tyrants?" in which he taught that it is not 
 lawful to kill a king, except he abuses his authority. An answer to 
 the pamphlet, published anonymously, soon appeared, which was a 
 satirical paper rather than a refutation of Father Coton's letter. Dur- 
 ing the same year a new satirical paper against the Jesuits was printed, 
 entitled L'Anticoton. It was translated into Latin. 
 
 153
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 mant's letter addressed to the Provincial of the 
 Recollets in France, admirably sets forth their po- 
 sition, and will be read with interest by every 
 student of this portion of our history. 
 
 "REVEREND FATHER: Pax Christi. It would be 
 too ungrateful were I not to write to your Reverence 
 to thank you for the many letters lately written in 
 our favour to the Fathers who are here in New 
 France, and for the charity which we have received 
 from the Fathers, who put us under eternal obliga- 
 tion. I beseech our good God to be the reward of 
 you both. For myself, I write to our Superiors that 
 I feel it so deeply that I will let no occasion pass of 
 showing it, and I beg them, although already most 
 affectionately disposed, to show your whole holy 
 order the same feelings. Father Joseph will tell your 
 Reverence the object of his voyage, for the success 
 of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and 
 sacrifices to God. This time we must advance in 
 good earnest the affairs of our Master, and omit 
 nothing that shall be deemed necessary. I have 
 written to all who, I thought, could aid it, and I 
 am sure they will exert themselves, if affairs in 
 France permit. Your Reverence, I doubt not, is 
 affectionately inclined, and so vis unita, our united 
 effort, will do much. Awaiting the result, I commend 
 myself to the Holy Sacrifice of your Reverence, 
 whose most humble servant I am. 
 
 "CHARLES LALEMANT." 
 " Quebec, July 28th, 1625." , 
 154
 
 DE CAEN ACCUSED 
 
 The Jesuits accepted the hospitality of the Re*- 
 collets until the convent which they built on the 
 opposite side of the river St. Charles, was ready for 
 their habitation. It was situated near the entrance 
 of the river Lairet, about two hundred paces .from 
 the shore. We shall meet them there a little later, 
 working hard, in common with the Re'collets with 
 whom they were good friends, for the civilization 
 of the Indians. 
 
 When Guillaume de Caen returned to France, 
 he was summoned to appear before the tribunal of 
 the state council, as he had not put into effect all 
 the articles of his contract The chief complaint 
 against him was that the admiral or commodore 
 of the fleet was not a Catholic. For this appoint- 
 ment, however, he was not responsible, as it was 
 made by the associates, and he therefore sum- 
 moned them to give their explanations before the 
 admiralty judge. The case was finally settled by 
 His Majesty's council in favour of Guillaume de 
 Caen, on the condition that he should at once 
 appoint a Catholic. Raymond de la Ralde was the 
 officer of his choice. 
 
 Champlain started at once for Dieppe, together 
 with Eustache Boulle' whom he appointed his lieut- 
 enant, and Destouches, his second lieutenant. Their 
 departure for Canada occurred on April 24th, 1626, 
 and there were five vessels in the squadron : the 
 Catherine, two hundred and fifty tons, commanded 
 
 155
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 by de la Ralde; 1 La Fleque, two hundred and sixty 
 tons, with Emery de Caen as vice-admiral; LSAlou- 
 ette, eighty tons, and two other vessels, one of two 
 hundred tons, and the other of one hundred and 
 twenty tons. 
 
 Champlain was on board the Catherine^ and he 
 arrived at Perce on June 20th. Before anchoring at 
 Tadousac, Emery de Caen caused his crew to as- 
 semble on deck, and he there informed them that 
 the Due de Ventadour desired that psalms should 
 not be sung, as they had been accustomed to sing 
 them on the Atlantic. Two-thirds of the crew 
 grumbled at this order, and Champlain advised de 
 Caen to allow meetings for prayer only. This ruling 
 was judicious, although it was not accepted with 
 pleasure. 
 
 At Moulin Baude, near Tadousac Bay, Champ- 
 lain received intelligence that Pont- Grave', who had 
 wintered at Quebec, had been very ill, and that the 
 inhabitants had resolved to leave the country at the 
 earliest opportunity owing to the sufferings which 
 they had endured from famine. 
 
 When Champlain arrived at Quebec on July 5th, 
 1626, he found all the settlers in good health, but 
 
 1 Raymond de la Ralde who was a Catholic, was the first captain of 
 the island of Miscou, the history of which commenced in 1620. Guil- 
 laume de Caen appointed de la Ralde as his lieutenant to protect the 
 trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence against the Basques and others, 
 especially at Perce, Gaspe, and Miscou. From the year 1627, de la 
 Ralde ceased to be of importance, as his fortunes followed the de 
 Caens. 
 
 156
 
 FORT ST. LOUIS 
 
 little had been done towards the building of the 
 fort, or towards repairing the habitation. He, there- 
 fore, set twenty men to work at once. Emery de 
 Caen left Quebec in order to carry on trade with 
 the Indians. There were at Quebec at this time 
 fifty-five persons, of whom eighteen were labourers. 
 Champlain wished to have ten men constantly em- 
 ployed at the fort, but Guillaume de Caen had 
 promised them elsewhere, and the merchants obliged 
 them to work at the habitation, which they con- 
 sidered more useful than the fort. Champlain, how- 
 ever, did not agree with them on this point. 
 
 The oldest fortification of Quebec was commenced 
 in the year 1620, on the summit of Cape Diamond, 
 and the work WPS continued in 1621, when Champ- 
 lain was able to establish a small garrison within 
 the walls. Communication was opened between the 
 habitation and the fort during the winter of 1623-4, 
 by means of a small road, less abrupt than the former 
 one. The fort was named Fort St. Louis. 
 
 In April 1624, a strong wind carried away the roof 
 of the fort, and transported it a distance of thirty 
 feet, over the rampart. During this storm the gable 
 of Louis Hubert's residence was also destroyed. This 
 accident caused some delay to the works, and the 
 merchants still maintained their opposition to the 
 construction of the fort. "If we fortify Quebec," 
 they said, "the garrisons will be the masters of the 
 ground, and our trade will be over." Guillaume de 
 Caen supported the opposition by saying that the 
 
 157
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Spaniards would take possession of New France, if a 
 boast were made of its resources. The king, finally, 
 had to undertake the defence of the colony alone. 
 
 Before leaving for France in 1624, Champlain 
 had ordered the workmen to gather fascines for the 
 completion of the fort, but upon his return to 
 Canada, two years later, he found that nothing had 
 been done. Champlain therefore decided to demolish 
 the old fort, and to construct a more spacious one 
 with the old materials, composed of fascines, pieces 
 of wood and grass, after the Norman method. The 
 fort was flanked with two bastions of wood and 
 grass, until such time as they could be covered with 
 stone. The fort was ready for habitation at the com- 
 mencement of the year 1629, and Champlain took 
 up his residence there at this date, with two young 
 Indian girls whom he had adopted as his children. 
 After the capitulation of Quebec in 1629, Louis 
 Kirke resided in the fort with a part of his crew. 1 
 
 Although Champlain was not satisfied with the 
 conduct of the merchants towards the French, he 
 was nevertheless pleased with the Indian tribes. 
 This noble care and management of these poor 
 natives constitute one of the brightest pages of his 
 life. If we wish to form an impartial judgment of 
 the heroic qualities of Champlain, we must study 
 his daily relations with the chiefs of the various 
 
 1 Champlain died within Fort St. Louis, and the Governor Mont- 
 magny had the building restored under the title of Chateau St. Louis, 
 which name it hore until its complete demolition. 
 
 158
 
 RELATIONS WITH THE INDIANS 
 
 tribes. It is here that his true character is revealed 
 to us, and we are forced to admire both the patience 
 and care which he bestowed upon these people, and 
 also his exercise of diplomacy which rendered him 
 from the first the most beloved and respected of the 
 French. His word commanded passive obedience, 
 and to maintain his friendship they were willing to 
 make any sacrifice which he desired. In this respect 
 Champlain was more successful than the missionaries, 
 nor is it a matter of surprise that his memory was 
 cherished among the Indians longer than that of 
 Father Le Caron or of Father de Bre'beuf. In their 
 appreciation of character, the Indians recognized 
 instinctively that the calling of the missionaries ren- 
 dered their lives more perfect than that of a man of 
 the world, but the special characteristics and virtues 
 of each did not escape their penetration. Champlain 
 took every care to preserve his friendship with the 
 Indians, not only on his own account, but also for 
 the sake of the traders, and of commerce generally, 
 for his name acted as a safe-conduct. Champlain 
 had another ambition. He realized that if he could 
 induce the Indians to gather in the vicinity of Que- 
 bec, they would prove a means of defence against 
 the incursions of enemies. It seems to have been a 
 good policy, and the Jesuits who adopted the same 
 means had reason to be satisfied with their action. 
 
 In the year 1622 Champlain tried to establish the 
 Montagnais near Quebec. Miristou, their chief, was 
 willing, and they began to cultivate the land in the 
 
 159
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 vicinity of La Canardiere, on the north shore of the 
 river St. Charles. By living in the midst of such a 
 community, Champlain hoped to be able to derive 
 new information regarding the country. 
 
 The sempiternal question of an open sea, admit- 
 ting a free passage from Europe to China, was 
 constantly under the consideration of navigators. 
 Whether or not the founder of Quebec believed in 
 this passage, we are not prepared to assert, as he 
 does not make any definite statement, but from his 
 Relations it is evident that he hoped to ascertain 
 whether it were possible to reach the far west by 
 means of the river St. Lawrence and the Great 
 Lakes. He knew that he could serve the interest of 
 the mother country by obtaining new data, and his 
 opinions were well received in France, although the 
 recent wars had somewhat engrossed public at- 
 tention. The travels of the Re'collets in the Huron 
 country had not resulted in the acquisition of new 
 territory, and the interpreters had nothing further 
 to do than to discover new tribes with whom trade 
 might be developed. Western Canada had conse- 
 quently been neglected both for the want of ex- 
 plorers and of resources, as Champlain was of 
 course unable to explore the whole American con- 
 tinent, and at the same time govern the colony of 
 New France, where his presence was necessary to 
 preserve harmony amongst the Indians. 
 
 Champlain tried to effect an alliance with the 
 Iroquois during the year 1622, and for this purpose 
 160
 
 A CRIME CONDONED 
 
 he sent two Montagnais to their country as delegates. 
 In the meantime a double murder occurred in the 
 colony. A Frenchman named Fillet and his com- 
 panion were murdered by an unknown party. The 
 facts were brought to the notice of the court in 
 France, and it was decided to pardon the murderer 
 on the condition that he would confess his crime, 
 and publicly ask for pardon. Champlain appears to 
 have been anxious to assert his authority, on this 
 occasion, for the prevention of such crimes, but the 
 merchants were inclined to condone the offence, 
 and one day Guillaume de Caen in the presence 
 of Champlain and some captains, took a sword, and 
 caused it to be cast into the middle of the St. Law- 
 rence, in order that the Indians might understand 
 that the crime even as the sword, was buried for- 
 ever. The effect of this action was otherwise than 
 desired. The Hurons ridiculed the affair, and said 
 that they had nothing to fear in the future if they 
 murdered a Frenchman. 
 
 The murderer was a Montagnais, and the tribe 
 consequently approved of this lack of justice. Champ- 
 lain, however, desired a more severe imposition of 
 the law. The Montagnais were perhaps the most 
 dangerous of Champlain's allies, especially as their 
 treachery was marked by the outward appearance 
 of serious friendship. In the Montagnais were united 
 all the vices of the other Indian tribes as well 
 as the bad features of some of the Europeans, 
 especially those of the Rochelois and Basques. They 
 
 161
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 were bold and independent, but Champlain soon 
 showed them, by ceasing to care for them, that he 
 was not to be imposed upon. Fearing to lose the 
 friendship of Champlain, they endeavoured to regain 
 the position which they had in a measure lost; but 
 instead of remaining passive, they boasted of the 
 ease with which they could find protectors and 
 advocates amongst the French. This conduct did 
 not please Champlain, who would have preferred to 
 find a people more amenable to natural laws, which 
 are in themselves a defence against murder. 
 
 The Montagnais who had been sent to the Iro- 
 quois returned to Quebec in July, 1624. They had 
 been courteously received, and as a result of their 
 negotiations, a general meeting of the Indians was 
 held at Three Rivers. There might be seen Hurons, 
 Algonquins, Montagnais, Iroquois, and the French 
 with their interpreters. The meeting was conducted 
 with perfect order. There were many speeches, fol- 
 lowed by the feast pantagruelic. The war hatchet 
 was buried, so that Champlain could leave for 
 France without being very anxious as to the fate of 
 his compatriots. 
 
 The alliance of 1624 did not last long, however, 
 owing to the imprudence of the Montagnais who 
 had journeyed to the Dutch settlement on the banks 
 of the Hudson and promised to assist the settlers in 
 their wars against the Mohicans and Iroquois. Cham- 
 plain interfered, and reminded the Montagnais that 
 they were bound to observe the treaty of 1624, and 
 162
 
 RUMOURS OF WAR 
 
 there was no reason to break it. "The Iroquois," 
 said Champlain, "ought to be considered as our 
 friends as long as the war hatchet is not disinterred, 
 and I will go myself to help them in their wars, if 
 necessary." 
 
 This language pleased the chief of the Mon- 
 tagnais, and he asked Champlain to send some one 
 to Three Rivers, if he could not go himself, in order 
 to prevent the other nations from fighting against 
 the Iroquois. Etienne Bride was sent on this deli- 
 cate mission, but as opinion was divided as to the 
 advisability of the war, it was decided to wait until 
 the arrival of the vessels. Emery de Caen arrived 
 soon after, and hastened to meet the allies, who, 
 according to rumour, were preparing to go to war 
 against the Iroquois. In addition to this a party had 
 gone to Lake Champlain, where they had made two 
 Iroquois prisoners, who were, however, delivered by 
 the murderer of Fillet. 
 
 Champlain and Mahicanaticouche arrived in the 
 meantime, whereupon a general council was held. 
 Champlain severely blamed the authors of this es- 
 capade, the consequences of which might be terrible. 
 It was resolved to send a new embassy to the Five 
 Nations at once, composed of Cherououny called 
 Le RecondK^by the French, Chimeourimou, chief of 
 the Montagnais, Pierre Magnan, and an Iroquois, 
 adopted when young by a Montagnais widow. The 
 delegates left for Lake Champlain on July 24th. 
 One month after, an Indian came to Quebec with 
 
 163
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 the news that the four delegates had been mur- 
 dered by the Tsonnontouans. Magnan had murdered 
 one of his compatriots in France, and by coming to 
 Canada had evaded justice. 
 
 This massacre put an end to thoughts of peace. In 
 September some Iroquois were known to be en 
 route for Quebec, evidently with hostile motives. 
 It was just at this time that a number of savages 
 were coming from a distance of fifty or sixty 
 leagues to fish in the river St. Lawrence. Nothing 
 serious happened from the visit of the Iroquois, and 
 Champlain was able to visit his habitation at Cape 
 Tourmente without danger. In his absence, how- 
 ever, a double murder was committed at La Canar- 
 diere. Two Frenchmen, one named Dumoulin, and 
 the other Henri, a servant of the widow Hubert, 
 were found dead, having been shot with muskets. 
 
 The murderer's intention had been to kill the 
 baker of the habitation, and a servant of Robert 
 Giffard, the surgeon. Champlain was anxious to 
 punish this murderer, but the difficulty was to dis- 
 cover him. Champlain summoned all the captains of 
 the Montagnais, and having set forth all the favours 
 which he had bestowed upon the nation, contrasted 
 them with the conduct which he had received at 
 their hands since 1616. There had already been four 
 murders of which they were guilty. Champlain 
 therefore demanded that they should find and give 
 up the guilty party. One Montagnais who was sus- 
 pected, was examined, but he denied everything. 
 164
 
 THE MONTAGNAIS 
 
 Champlain, however, ordered him to be detained in 
 jail until the real criminal should be found. 
 
 During the winter of 1628, about thirty Monta- 
 gnais, miserable and hungry, came to the habitation, 
 asking for bread. Champlain took this opportunity 
 of pointing out to them the evil of their race, and of 
 the crimes they had committed. They declared that 
 they knew nothing whatever of the crime, and to 
 show that they were not responsible they offered 
 three young girls to Champlain to be educated. 
 Champlain accepted them and treated them as his 
 own children, naming them Foi, Esp&rance, and 
 Charite. 
 
 After having kept the Montagnais in jail for four- 
 teen months he was released, as there was no proof 
 against him. Champlain learned soon after that he 
 was not guilty, and that the real criminal was dead, 
 being none other than Mahicanaticouche, one of 
 the captains of the Montagnais. 
 
 165
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE COMPANY OF NEW FRANCE OR HUNDRED 
 ASSOCIATES 
 
 IN spite of Champlain's strenuous efforts, the per- 
 manent existence of New France seemed as yet 
 problematical. At a time when internal peace was 
 imperative the domination of the mercantile com- 
 panies came to increase the distress of the struggling 
 colony. The difficulties of colonization likewise were 
 immense, and Quebec at the period of which we 
 write, instead of being a thriving town, had scarcely 
 the appearance of a small village. In the year 1627 
 it could boast only six private residences. The 
 Re'collets were living at their convent, but the 
 Jesuits had not completed their new building. 
 The Re'collets had abandoned the Huron mission 
 as their numbers were diminishing every year, and 
 they were too poor to continue their ministrations 
 without assistance. They still held in charge the 
 missions at Quebec and at Tadousac. Father d'Ol- 
 beau, who had been present at the opening of the 
 Rdcollet convent at Quebec, saw its doors closed. 
 He remained, however, at his post, and rendered 
 valuable assistance to Champlain. 
 
 The Jesuits made great personal efforts for the 
 advancement of the colony, and Father Noyrot had 
 
 167
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 sailed for Canada with a number of workmen and a 
 good store of provisions, but unfortunately his vessel 
 did not reach Quebec. 
 
 The negligence of Montmorency's company was 
 the principal cause why Quebec was abandoned to 
 its own resources. Champlain was powerless against 
 the ill-will of the company, and the only redress 
 was in the person of the king. Cardinal Richelieu, 
 who was superintendent of the navigation and com- 
 merce of France, resolved to reform the remnant of 
 a company founded in 1626, and composed of one 
 hundred associates, for conducting the commerce of 
 the East and West. As the due de Ventadour had 
 resigned the office of viceroy, the cardinal held a 
 meeting of many rich and zealous persons in his 
 hotel at Paris, whose names would be a guarantee 
 of the success of the colonization of New France, 
 and also of its religious institutions. Among those 
 present were Claude de Roquemont, Sieur de Bri- 
 son, Louis Houel, Sieur du Petit-Pre', Gabriel de 
 Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais, Simon Da- 
 blon, syndic of Dieppe, David Duchesne, councillor 
 and alderman of Havre de Grace, and Jacques Cas- 
 tillon, citizen of Paris. 
 
 On April 25th, 1627, the cardinal and these per- 
 sonages signed the act which founded the Company 
 of New France. In the preamble it is mentioned 
 that the colonization in New France shall be Catho- 
 lic only, as this was regarded as the best means of 
 converting the Indians. The associates pledged 
 168
 
 PLEDGES OF THE ASSOCIATES 
 
 themselves to send two or three hundred men to 
 New France during the year 1628, and to augment 
 this number to four thousand within fifteen years 
 from this date, i.e., by the year 1643. They agreed 
 to lodge, feed and entertain the settlers for a period 
 of three years, and after that date to grant to each 
 family a tract of land sufficiently prepared for culti- 
 vation. Three priests were to be maintained at each 
 habitation, at the expense of the company, for a 
 period of fifteen years. 
 
 The king granted to the company numerous 
 privileges, the lands of New France, the river St. 
 Lawrence, islands, mines, fisheries, Florida, together 
 with the power of conceding lands in these countries, 
 and the faculty of granting titles, honours, rights 
 and powers, according to the condition, quality, or 
 merit of the people. His Majesty also granted to 
 the company the monopoly of the fur and leather 
 trade from January 1st, 1628, until December 81st, 
 1643, reserving for the French people in general the 
 cod and whale fisheries. In order to induce his sub- 
 jects to settle in New France the king announced 
 that during the next fifteen years all goods coming 
 from the French colony should be free of duty. 
 
 This act was signed on April 29th, 1627, and the 
 letters patent ratifying the articles were signed on 
 May 6th, 1628. The letters patent also ratified 
 some other provisions made on May 7th, 1627, 
 namely: (1.) A capital of three hundred thousand 
 livres, by instalments of three thousand livres each. 
 
 169
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 (2.) The society to adopt the name of the Cam- 
 pagnie de la Nouvelle France. (3.) The manage- 
 ment of the company to be conducted through 
 twelve directors, with full powers to name officers, 
 to distribute lands, establish factors or clerks, to 
 conduct trade and dispose of the joint-stock. 
 
 Of these twelve directors six were obliged to live 
 in Paris. The names of the twelve directors who were 
 elected are here given : Simon Alix, councillor and 
 king's secretary ; Pierre Aubert, councillor and king's 
 secretary; Thomas Bonneau, Sieur du Plessis ; Pierre 
 Robineau, treasurer of cavalry; Raoul L'Huillier, 
 merchant of Paris ; Barthelemy Quentin, merchant of 
 Paris ; Jean Tuffet, merchant of Bordeaux ; Gabriel 
 Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais ; Jean Rozde, 
 merchant of Rouen ; Simon Lemaistre, merchant of 
 Rouen ; Louis Houel, comptroller of saltworks at 
 Brouage ; Bonaventure Quentin, Sieur de Riche- 
 bourg. 
 
 These directors were elected for a term of two 
 years, and six of them had to be replaced at each 
 election. The first term of office expired on De- 
 cember 31st, 1629. The election was held in Paris 
 at the house of the intendant, Jean de Lauzon, 
 king's councillor, master of requests and president 
 of the Grand Council. Cardinal Richelieu and the 
 Duke d'Effiat headed the list of the Hundred 
 Associates. We find also the name of Samuel 
 Champlain, captain of the king's marine, of Isaac 
 de Razilly, chevalier de St. Jean de Jerusalem, 
 170
 
 OLD DOCUMENTS 
 
 Sdbastien Cramoisy, the famous printer ; Francois 
 de Re\ Sieur Gand, and many important merchants 
 of Paris, Rouen, Calais, Dieppe, Bordeaux, Lyons, 
 Bayonne, and Havre de Grace. 
 
 This association was formed under auspicious cir- 
 cumstances ; its members possessed wealth and in- 
 fluence, and they were certainly in a position to re- 
 move the difficulties which had hindered the growth 
 of New France from its foundation. 1 
 
 While these transactions were in progress Champ- 
 lain was living at Quebec in want of even the 
 necessaries of life. For the past two years Champ- 
 lain had established a farm for raising cattle at the 
 foot of Cape Tourmente. Some farm buildings and 
 dwellings for the men were erected there, and 
 Champlain visited the place every summer to see 
 that the work was properly carried on. The Rcol- 
 lets had a chapel there in which they said mass from 
 time to time. In 1628 this establishment was in a 
 flourishing condition, and Champlain believed it 
 
 1 All that relates to the formation of the Company of New France 
 is contained in a series of documents entitled, Edits, Ordonnancet 
 royaux. The first document is entitled, Compagnie du Canada, establie 
 sous le litre de Nouvelle France, par les articles du vingt-neuf auril et sept 
 May, mil six cens vingt-sept. We find it in the Mercure Francois (t. xiv., 
 part ii., p. 232) and also in the Mtmoires sur les possessions Francoises 
 en Amtrique (t. iii., pp. 3, 4, and 5). This document is double, the first 
 containing twenty articles, and the second thirty-one, which essen- 
 tially differ. The act of April 29th, 1627, exposes the designs which 
 had engaged the king to establish a new company, its obligations, 
 and the advantages which it will get from Canada. The act of May 
 7th is the deed of association, which contains the whole organization 
 of the company, its rules, and all that concerns the administration of 
 
 171
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 would ultimately prove of great value to the in- 
 habitants. The colony in the meantime had to rely 
 upon the mother country for provisions, and for 
 flour which could not be produced in Canada. 
 
 The new company sent out four vessels in 1628 
 under the command of Claude de Roquemont, 
 laden with provisions, munitions, and a number of 
 men. This first shipment cost 164,720 livres or 
 about $33,000 of our currency. This large outlay 
 was proof that the associates were determined to 
 maintain the new Canadian settlement. The fleet 
 sailed from Dieppe on May 3rd, and arrived at 
 Perce' about the middle of July. During the voyage 
 Roquemont was often exposed to the attacks of the 
 English and Dutch vessels, but he preferred to alter 
 his course rather than to fight. The vessels stopped 
 at the Island of Anticosti, where the crews landed, 
 and planted a cross in token of their gratitude to 
 God, who had protected them. 
 
 its funds The acceptation of the articles of April 29th, 1628, was 
 officially known by an act passed on August 6th, 1628, and the 
 acceptation of the articles of May 7th took place on August 6th, of 
 the same year. These articles had been confirmed by an order-in- 
 conncil, on May 6th, 1628, at La Rochelle. On the same day 
 Louis XIII had issued patents confirming the order-in-council. 
 On May 18th Richelieu had ratified the articles of April 29th and 
 of May 7th. 
 
 These various documents were published in 1628, one part of them 
 in the Mercure Francois, and the other in a pamphlet, large in quarto 
 of twenty-three pages. The list of the Hundred Associates was also 
 printed in a small pamphlet of eight pages, bearing as title : Nom, 
 surnoms et Qualitex des Associex En la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, 
 tuyvant les jours et dates de leurs signatures. 
 
 172
 
 KIRKE'S ATTACK 
 
 Some days afterwards they reached Perce*, and 
 a little later entered Gaspe* Bay. Roquemont was 
 here informed by the savages that five large Eng- 
 lish vessels were anchored in Tadousac harbour. It 
 was the fleet of David Kirke, 1 who was going to 
 make an assault on Quebec, after having devas- 
 tated the Acadian coast. Roquemont at once sent 
 Thierry-Desdames to St. Barnabe' Island, where he 
 had intended to go himself. Roquemont left Gaspe 
 on July 15th, 1628, and proceeded up the St. Law- 
 rence, hoping that he would be able to escape his 
 powerful enemies, as the French vessels were not 
 properly armed for a regular fight. Unhappily, on the 
 eighteenth the French came within cannon shot of 
 the British fleet. For a period of fourteen hours 
 the vessels cannonaded each other, and over twelve 
 hundred shots were exchanged. The French having 
 exhausted their stock of balls used the lead of their 
 fishing poles instead. Finally Roquemont perceived 
 
 1 About the year 1596 Gervase Kirke, of Norton, county of Derby, 
 married Elizabeth Goudon, of Dieppe, and had issue five boys and 
 two girls. The eldest boy was named David, the second son was 
 Louis ; and the third, Thomas ; the fourth, John ; and the fifth, 
 James. In the year 1629 David was thirty-two years of age, Louis 
 was thirty, and Thomas twenty-six years of age. These are the three 
 heroes of the Quebec assault. 
 
 Gervase Kirke was a member of the Company of Adventurers, and 
 he died on December 17th, 1629. In 1637 David received as a con- 
 cession the New-found-land. After some difficulties which he had to 
 suffer, David Kirke died in the year 1656. His widow claimed the 
 sum of 60,000 for the part that the Kirkes had taken in bringing 
 about the capitulation of Quebec, but the king paid no attention to 
 these claims, and the Kirke family became poor. 
 
 173
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 that his vessel was sinking, and asked for a com- 
 promise. It was decided that no penalties should be 
 exacted, and that the English admiral should take 
 possession of the ships. The French crews were 
 taken on board the British vessels, which continued 
 their route for England. The British commander 
 soon realized that he had too many persons on 
 board, and some of the families and the Re'collet 
 fathers were put off on the Island of St. Peter. 
 Among the families were a Parisian named Le 
 Faucheur, who with his wife and five children were 
 bound for Quebec, Robert Giffard, surgeon, his wife 
 and three girls, and fifteen or sixteen sailors. Kirke 
 left them to the mercy of God on this island with 
 some provisions and a small Basque vessel. 
 
 The Basques who were hidden in the mountains 
 came down upon the French after the English were 
 out of sight, and threatened to kill them if they 
 attempted to escape in their vessel. They at last 
 agreed to allow them to go elsewhere in con- 
 sideration of a certain amount of biscuit and cider. 
 They all embarked in a frail shallop, and eventually 
 arrived at Plaisance on the coast of Newfound- 
 land, where some French fishermen conducted 
 them to France. 
 
 Some writers have blamed Roquemont for avoid- 
 ing a fight. His conduct is pardonable, however, to 
 a certain extent, because his mission was not one of 
 war, but to carry provisions to the colony, and he 
 had armed his vessels only for any ordinary attack. 
 174
 
 ROQUEMONT BLAMED 
 
 Others, like Champlain, thought that Roquemont 
 had unnecessarily exposed himself, and blame him 
 for the following reasons : (1.) The equipment was 
 made out for helping the fort and habitatioji of 
 Quebec. In going forward Roquemont not only ex- 
 posed himself to a loss, but also the whole country, 
 that is to say about one hundred persons who were 
 in distress. (2.) At Gaspe' he was made aware that 
 the English admiral had proceeded up the St. Law- 
 rence in command of a fleet much more powerful 
 than his own. He ought, therefore, to have taken 
 the advice of his mariners in order to ascertain 
 whether there was not a safe harbour along the 
 coast which would have seemed a safe retreat. 
 (3.) After having put his vessels in such a harbour, 
 Roquemont ought to have sent a well equipped 
 shallop to observe every movement of the enemy, 
 and await his departure before going higher up the 
 river. (4.) If Roquemont desired to fight, he ought 
 to have laden the Flibot with flour and gunpowder, 
 and placed on board the women and children, and 
 this small ship, which was sailing fast, could have 
 escaped to Quebec during the fight. Champlain, in 
 setting forth these views, is probably just, for the 
 merit of a captain is not only in his courage, but 
 also in his prudence. Nothing remained of the ex- 
 pedition under Roquemont, which was undertaken 
 with so much courage, and at so much expense. It 
 is certain that if he had been able to reach Quebec 
 with his vessels, David Kirke would not have risked, 
 
 175
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 in the following year, the capture of the habitation 
 of Quebec. 
 
 The king of England had granted letters patent 
 to the Company of Adventurers which authorized 
 them to trade, plant, seize Spanish and French ves- 
 sels, and to destroy the forts of New France. By a 
 singular coincidence the king of France had estab- 
 lished the Company of the Hundred Associates at 
 the same time, and they were thus constituted 
 masters of commerce in Canada and Acadia. 
 
 Sir William Alexander had equipped three ves- 
 sels, to which he had appointed David Kirke and 
 his two brothers as captains. They stopped for a 
 time at Newfoundland, and then taking the gulf 
 and river St. Lawrence, they anchored at Tadousac, 
 as we have already seen, during the first days of 
 July, 1628. The news of Kirke's arrival soon reached 
 Champlain, through an Indian named Napagabis- 
 cou, or Tregatin, who came in haste to Cape Tour- 
 mente. Foucher, the chief of the farmers, proceeded 
 at once to Quebec to confirm the news, and also to 
 inform Champlain that the establishment had been 
 burnt, his cattle destroyed, and all the inhabitants 
 taken prisoners. The prisoners were brought back to 
 Quebec some days after in the custody of six 
 Basques, who delivered to Champlain the following 
 letter : 
 
 "MESSIEURS: I give you notice that I have re- 
 ceived a commission from the king of Great Britain, 
 my honoured lord and master, to take possession of 
 176
 
 the countries of Canada and Acadia, and for that 
 purpose eighteen ships have been despatched, each 
 taking the route ordered by His Majesty. I have 
 already seized the habitation of Miscou, and all 
 boats and pinnaces on that coast, as well as those 
 of Tadousac, where I am presently at anchor. You 
 are also informed that among the vessels that I 
 have seized, there is one belonging to the new com- 
 pany, commanded by a certain Noyrot, which was 
 coming to you with provisions and goods for the 
 trade. The Sieur de la Tour was also on board, 
 whom I have taken into my ship. I was preparing 
 to seek you, but thought it better to send boats to 
 destroy and seize your cattle at Cape Tourmente ; 
 for I know that, when you are straightened for 
 supplies, I shall the more easily obtain my desire, 
 which is, to have your settlement; and in order that 
 no vessels shall reach you, I have resolved to remain 
 here till the end of the season, in order that you 
 may not be re-victualled. Therefore see what you 
 wish to do, if you intend to deliver up the settle- 
 ment or not, for, God aiding, sooner or later I must 
 have it. I would desire, for your sake, that it should 
 be by courtesy rather than by force, to avoid the 
 blood which might be spilt on both sides. By sur- 
 rendering courteously, you may be assured of all 
 kinds of contentment, both for your persons and for 
 your property, which on the faith that I have in 
 Paradise, I will preserve as I would my own, with- 
 out the least portion in the world being diminished. 
 
 177
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 The Basques whom I send you are men of the 
 vessels that I have captured, and they can tell you 
 the state of affairs between France and England, 
 and even how matters are passing in France, touch- 
 ing the new company of this country. Send me 
 word what you desire to do, and if you wish to 
 treat with me about this affair, send me a person to 
 that effect, whom, I assure you, I will treat with all 
 kinds of attention, and I will grant all reasonable 
 demands that you may desire in resolving to give 
 up the settlement. Waiting your reply, I remain, 
 messieurs, your affectionate servant, 
 
 "DAVID QUER. 
 
 "On board the Vicaille, July 18th, 1628, and 
 addressed to Monsieur Champlain, Commandant at 
 Quebec." 
 
 Champlain read that letter to Font-Grave' and to 
 the chief inhabitants. After mature deliberation, it 
 was resolved that Champlain should answer Kirke 
 with dignity and firmness, but should not give any 
 idea of the poor state of Quebec. "We concluded," 
 says Champlain, "that if Kirke wished to see us he 
 had better come, and not threaten from such a 
 distance. That we did not in the least doubt the fact 
 of Kirke having the commission of his king, as 
 great princes always select men of brave and gener- 
 ous courage." 
 
 Champlain acknowledged the intelligence of the 
 capture of Father Noyrot and de la Tour, and also 
 the truth of the observation that the more pro- 
 178
 
 NO SURRENDER 
 
 visions there were in a fortress the better it could 
 hold out, still it could be maintained with but little, 
 provided good order were kept; therefore, being 
 still furnished with grain, maize, beans and pease, 
 (besides what the country could supply) which his 
 soldiers loved as well as the finest corn in the 
 world, by surrendering the fort in so good a con- 
 dition, he would be unworthy to appear before his 
 sovereign, and would deserve chastisement before 
 God and men. He was sure that Kirke would 
 respect him much more for defending himself than 
 for abandoning his charge, without first making 
 trial of the English guns and batteries. Champlain 
 concludes by saying that he would expect his at- 
 tack, and oppose, as well as he could, all attempts 
 that might be made against the place. The noble 
 language of Champlain's letter made a deep impres- 
 sion on Kirke, and he deemed it prudent to start 
 for Europe. Before leaving Tadousac, David Kirke 
 destroyed all the captured French barques, with 
 the exception of the largest, which he took to 
 Europe. Since leaving England he had doubled the 
 number of his vessels, having taken away all that 
 he could from the habitation of Miscou and other 
 seaports frequented by the French. 
 
 The news of the departure of the English fleet 
 took some days to reach Quebec, where the minds 
 of the inhabitants were divided between hope and 
 fear. Champlain was determined to await the arrival 
 of the enemy, and to defend Quebec, without con- 
 
 179
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 sidering its weakness. Every one began to work to 
 construct new intrenchments around the habitation, 
 and to barricade the road which led to the fort. 
 Each was given a post in the event of an attack, 
 and a defence was determined upon. Later on 
 Champlain was informed of Roquemont's fate and 
 of Kirke's departure. 
 
 The English were, indeed, well compensated for 
 their abandonment of Quebec, for the seizure of the 
 vessels and their provisions was equivalent to the 
 capture of the French colony, since famine threat- 
 ened them sooner or later. In attacking Quebec 
 Kirke, indeed, would have met with but little op- 
 position, because every one was suffering. Those who 
 were unable to live from the product of their own 
 lands, were compelled to ask assistance from the 
 trade agents. Champlain ordered a distribution of 
 pease to be made to each person indiscriminately. 
 The Rdcollets refused any assistance, and they 
 passed the whole winter subsisting on corn and 
 vegetables of their own cultivation. Champlain 
 succeeded in building a mill for grinding pease. 
 The eel fisheries were productive, and the Indians 
 bought from the French six eels for a beaver skin. 
 In the midst of these perplexities Champlain real- 
 ized that unless assistance was forthcoming in the 
 spring, it would be advisable for him to accept an 
 honourable capitulation, and to send all the French 
 who wished to return to their country, either to 
 Gaspe* or to Miscou. 
 180
 
 PONT-GRAVE'S COMMISSION 
 
 As soon as the snow had disappeared in the 
 spring of the year 1629, Champlain caused all the 
 arable land to be sown. By the end of May his stock 
 of provisions was nearly exhausted, and he there- 
 fore decided to send Desdames to Gaspe* with a 
 group of the inhabitants. Hubou, Desportes and 
 Pivert took passage on Desdames' barque, hoping 
 to meet a French vessel at Gaspe". One month later 
 Desdames returned, and confirmed the news that 
 the English vessels had devastated the Acadian 
 coast, and burnt the habitations. Neither Desdames 
 nor his party had seen any French vessel in the gulf, 
 but they had met luan Chou, a friend of Cham- 
 plain, who had agreed to give hospitality to twenty 
 persons, including Pent-Grave*, by whom he was 
 greatly esteemed. The latter was still suffering from 
 gout, and it was with some reluctance that he 
 agreed to leave his position as first clerk, em- 
 powered by Guillaume de Caen to take care of the 
 merchandise. Des Marets, who was Pont-Grave"s 
 grandson, accepted his position in the interim. 
 
 Before leaving Quebec Pont-Gravd desired Cham- 
 plain to read publicly the commission which he had 
 received from Guillaume de Caen. After grand 
 mass on June 17th Champlain read Pont-Grave"s 
 commission and his own in the presence of all the 
 people, and he added some words, by which it was 
 easily understood that the king's authority had to 
 be superior to Guillaume de Caen's commissions. 
 Pont-Grave' replied at once : " I see that you believe 
 
 181
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 in the nullity of my commission 1 " " Yes," replied 
 Champlain, "when it comes in conflict with the 
 king's and the viceroy's authority." This petty dis- 
 pute had no serious consequence, as it was evident 
 that Font-Grave', being only the first clerk of Guil- 
 laume de Caen, had no other authority than to take 
 care of the peltry and merchandise belonging to his 
 chief. 
 
 Before turning their attention to Canada Guil- 
 laume and Emery de Caen had belonged to a large 
 company trading with the East Indies. Both were 
 Calvinists. Sagard writes that Guillaume was polite, 
 liberal, and of good understanding. This testimony 
 seems somewhat exaggerated, as we have many 
 proofs of his niggardliness. His nephew Emery 
 was frank, liberal and open to conviction, and 
 was always kindly disposed towards the Jesuits. 
 Guillaume de Caen was the commodore of the fleet 
 equipped by his associates. His greatest fault appears 
 to have been that he neglected Champlain and the 
 colony, and for that reason he should share the re- 
 sponsibility of not having prevented the capitulation 
 of Quebec. However, it is scarcely fair to say of him 
 that he worked directly against the French in New 
 France. After the capitulation of 1629, Cardinal 
 Richelieu wrote of him to the French ambassador 
 in London : " Please examine his actions. Being a 
 Huguenot, and having been much displeased with 
 the new company of Canada, I have entertained a 
 suspicion that he connived with the English. I have 
 182
 
 EMERY DE CAEN 
 
 not a sure knowledge of it, but you will please me 
 if you inform me of his conduct." 
 
 This suspicion seems unfounded, "because Guil- 
 laume de Caen was personally interested in the fate 
 of Quebec. His merchandise which was seized by 
 Kirke was valued at about forty thousand dcus. If 
 he had made some agreement with Kirke he would 
 have had no difficulty in recovering his goods after 
 the capitulation, but such was not the case. 
 
 As to Emery de Caen we must say that he took 
 an active part in the defence of the colony, and 
 perhaps he might have saved Quebec, had not one 
 of his sailors committed a grave imprudence at a 
 critical juncture. The facts are as follows : The 
 Treaty of Suze, which was signed on April 24th, 
 1629, had established peace between France and 
 England. Being aware of this fact Emery de Caen 
 equipped a vessel for the purpose of bringing back 
 to France all the furs and merchandise which were 
 the property of his uncle. When he arrived near 
 the Escoumins a dense fog obscured the coast, 
 and his vessel ran aground on Red Island, opposite 
 Tadousac. Having succeeded in floating his ship, 
 de Caen went to Chafaud aux Basques, two leagues 
 above Tadousac. Here he was informed that the 
 Kirke brothers were at Tadousac, and he at once 
 made for Mai Bay, where he was informed that 
 Champlain had capitulated. This news lacked con- 
 firmation, and so he sent two emissaries to Quebec, 
 who instead of proceeding directly there, amused 
 
 183
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 themselves on the shore of the river at Cape Tour- 
 mente. They finally arrived at their destination, and 
 were badly received by Guillaume Couillard. 
 
 In the meantime Thomas Kirke was sailing down 
 from Quebec to Tadousac, after the capitulation of 
 the stronghold, and meeting de Caen's vessel ap- 
 proached within cannon shot. A fight began, and 
 soon both vessels were stopped by Kirke's order. 
 Previous to this, Champlain and all the French 
 who were on board had been sent below deck, the 
 covers of which had been fastened with large nails, 
 so that they were unable to render any assistance 
 to Emery de Caen, even if they had desired to. 
 The battle continued under some difficulties, and 
 the vessels were grappled only by their foremasts. 
 Kirke's position was becoming untenable, but by a 
 singular blunder instead of being defeated he was 
 allowed to become the master. One of Emery de 
 Caen's sailors having cried "Quartier! Quartier!" or 
 Surrender! Kirke hurriedly answered, "Bon quartier, 
 and I promise your life safe, and I shall treat you 
 as I did Champlain, whom I bring with me." Hear- 
 ing these words the French hesitated, laid down 
 their arms, and soon perceived Champlain on the 
 deck. Kirke had released him from his temporary 
 jail, threatening him with death if he did not order 
 Emery de Caen to cease his fire. Then Champlain 
 said : " It would be easy to kill me, being in your 
 power. But you do not deserve honour for having 
 broken your word. You have promised to treat me 
 184
 
 DE CAEN SURRENDERS 
 
 with consideration. I cannot command these people, 
 neither prevent them from doing their duty, in de- 
 fending themselves. You must praise them instead 
 of blaming them." Champlain asked them to sur- 
 render willingly. They were wise in doing so, as two 
 English pataches soon arrived which would have 
 settled the fight. 
 
 Emery de Caen, and Jacques Couillard de FEs- 
 pinay, his lieutenant, took passage on Kirke's vessel, 
 and submitted themselves to the enemy's condi- 
 tions. De Caen was compelled to abandon his ship, 
 which was full of provisions intended for Quebec. In 
 less than two hours every hope of fur trading had 
 disappeared. De Caen had lost not only his vessel, 
 but also five hundred beaver skins and some mer- 
 chandise for traffic. This loss was valued at fifty-one 
 thousand francs. Emery de Caen returned to France. 
 He came back to Quebec in the year 1631, with 
 permission from Richelieu to treat with the Indians. 
 But the English commander expressly forbade the 
 trade, and placed guardians on his vessel during the 
 period of trading. 
 
 185
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE CAPITULATION OF QUEBEC, 1629 
 
 WE have somewhat anticipated events, so we 
 now retrace our steps, and place ourselves 
 within Champlain's defenceless stronghold as its 
 fatal hour approached. On Thursday, July 19th, 
 1629, a savage named La Nasse by the French, 
 and Manitougatche by his own people, informed 
 the Jesuits that three English ships were in sight 
 off the Island of Orleans, behind Point Le'vis, and 
 that six other vessels were anchored at Tadousac. 
 Champlain was already aware that some ships were 
 at Tadousac, but he was surprised to learn that 
 the enemy had approached Quebec, and at first he 
 thought that they might be French ships. There 
 was no one in Fort St. Louis at the time he re- 
 ceived this news, as every one had gone out in 
 search of plants which were used as food ; he there- 
 fore sent for Father Le Caron and the Jesuits to 
 consult with them as to what measures should be 
 taken. In the meantime the English fleet was 
 steadily approaching, and at length drew up at a 
 certain distance from the city. A shallop was then 
 sent out from the admiral's ship, carrying at her 
 mainmast a white flag. Champlain caused a similar 
 flag to be run up over the fort, and Kirke's emis- 
 
 187
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 sary came ashore and presented to Champlain the 
 following letter: 
 
 "MONSIEUR: In consequence of what our brother 
 told you last year that sooner or later he would have 
 Quebec, if not succoured, he has charged us to assure 
 you of his friendship as we do of ours ; and knowing 
 very well the extreme need of everything in which 
 you are, desires that you shall surrender the fort and 
 the settlement to us, assuring you of every kind 
 of courtesy for you and yours, and also of honour- 
 able and reasonable terms, such as you may wish. 
 Waiting your reply, we remain, monsieur, your very 
 affectionate servants, 
 
 "Louis AND THOMAS QUER. 
 
 " On board the Flibot, this July 19th, 1629." 
 
 Champlain immediately prepared his answer, the 
 terms of which had previously been agreed upon by 
 the fathers. Kirke's representative did not under- 
 stand a word of the French language, but he had 
 a fair knowledge of Latin. Father de la Roche 
 d'Aillon was therefore requested by Champlain to 
 act as interpreter, and he asked the following ques- 
 tions : " Is war declared between France and Eng- 
 land?" "No," replied the English representative. 
 " Why, then, do you come here to trouble us if our 
 princes live in peace ?" he was asked. 
 
 Champlain then requested Father de la Roche 
 
 to go aboard the English vessels to ascertain from 
 
 the chiefs what they intended to do. The interview 
 
 between Father de la Roche and Louis Kirke was 
 
 188
 
 DE LA ROCHE'S INTERVIEW 
 
 courteous, but the answers of the latter were far 
 from being satisfactory. " If Champlain," said the 
 English captain, " gives up the keys of the fortress 
 and of the habitation we promise to convey you all 
 to France, and will treat you well ; if not we will 
 oblige him by force." Father de la Roche tried to 
 obtain fifteen days' delay, or even eight days, but 
 it was of no avail. 
 
 " Sir," said Louis Kirke, " I well know your miser- 
 able condition. Your people have gone out to pick 
 up roots in order to avoid starvation, for we have 
 captured Master Boulle' and some other French- 
 men whom we have retained as prisoners at Ta- 
 dousac, and from whom we have ascertained the 
 condition of the inhabitants of Quebec." 
 
 " Give us a delay of eight days," said Father de 
 la Roche. "No," replied Thomas Kirke, "I shall 
 at once ruin the fort with my cannon." " I desire 
 to sleep to-night in the fort," added his brother 
 Louis, "and, if not, I shall devastate the whole 
 country." "Proceed slowly," said Father de la Roche, 
 " for you are deceived if you believe you will easily 
 gain the fort. There are a hundred men there well 
 armed and ready to sell their lives dearly. Perchance 
 you will find your death in this enterprise, for I 
 assure you that the inhabitants are determined to 
 fight, and they derive courage from the conviction 
 that your invasion is unjust, and that their lives 
 and property are at stake. Once more I warn you 
 that an attack might prove dangerous to you." 
 
 189
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Captain Louis Kirke seemed a little disheartened 
 on hearing this firm and vigorous language. After 
 having consulted the chief officers of his fleet he 
 asked Father de la Roche to attend a council of 
 war at which an ultimatum was presented in these 
 words: "Champlain must surrender at once, but 
 he shall have the privilege of dictating the terms of 
 capitulation." Three hours were granted within 
 which his reply was to be given. The Re'collets 
 were promised protection, but no conditions were 
 accorded to the Jesuits, as it was the admiral's in- 
 tention to visit then* convent, which he believed to 
 contain a quantity of beaver skins. 
 
 Father de la Roche returned to Fort St. Louis, 
 and gave an account of his interview. It was plainly 
 evident that it would be useless to rely upon delays 
 in the face of an enemy determined to see the end 
 of the affair. Food was almost exhausted, and it 
 was calculated that there were not more than ten 
 pounds of flour in Quebec, and not more than fifty 
 pounds of gunpowder, which was of inferior quality. 
 Opposition would have been not only useless, but 
 ridiculous. Champlain realized this, and at once re- 
 solved to surrender. 
 
 Champlain drew up the following articles of 
 capitulation, which were forwarded to the Kirke 
 brothers : 
 
 "That Quer (Kirke) should produce his com- 
 mission from the king of England to prove that war 
 actually existed between England and France; and 
 190
 
 ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 
 
 also to show the power of his brothers, who com- 
 manded the fleet, to act in the king's name. 
 
 "That a vessel should be provided to convey 
 Champlain, his companions, the missionaries, both 
 Jesuits and Re'collets, the two Indian girls that had 
 been given to him two years before, and all other 
 persons, to France. 
 
 "That the religious and other people should be 
 allowed to leave with arms and baggage, and all 
 their furniture, and that a sufficient supply of pro- 
 visions for the passage to France should be granted 
 in exchange for peltry, etc. 
 
 "That all should have the most favourable treat- 
 ment possible, without violence to any. 
 
 " That the ship in which they were to embark for 
 France should be ready in three days after their 
 arrival at Tadousac, and a vessel provided for the 
 transport of their goods, etc., to that place." 
 
 These articles were signed by Champlain and 
 Font-Grave'. After having read them Louis Kirke 
 sent this answer : " That Kirke's commission should 
 be shown and his powers to his brothers for trading 
 purposes. As to providing a vessel to take Cham- 
 plain and his people direct to France, that could not 
 be done, but they would give them passage to 
 England, and from there to France, whereby they 
 would avoid being again taken by any English 
 cruiser on their route. For the sauvagesses, that 
 clause could not be granted, for reasons which 
 would be explained. As to leaving with arms and 
 
 191
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 baggage, the officers might take with them their 
 arms, clothes, and peltries belonging to them, and 
 the soldiers might have their clothes and a beaver 
 robe each. As for the holy fathers, they must be 
 contented with their robes and books. 
 
 "L. KlRKE. 
 "THOMAS KlRKE. 
 
 " The said articles granted to Champlain and Du 
 Pont, I accept and ratify them, and I promise that 
 they shall be executed from point to point. Done 
 at Tadousac, August 19th (new style), 1629. 
 
 "DAVID KlRKE." 
 
 The clause forbidding the soldiers to take their 
 arms, coats and peltry, excepting a castor robe, was 
 a severe trial to them, as many of them had bought 
 skins from the Hurons to the extent of seven to 
 eight hundred francs, and preferred to fight rather 
 than lose their fortune. 
 
 Champlain had agreed to capitulate without firing. 
 Some openly reproached Champlain, saying that it 
 was not the fear of death that actuated his course, 
 but rather the loss of the thousand livres, which the 
 English had agreed to give him if he abandoned 
 Quebec without striking a blow. 
 
 Champlain was informed of all the murmurs and 
 discontent which were expressed amongst his people 
 by a young Greek, who was charged to inform him 
 that they did not wish to surrender, and even if 
 they lost their fort, they desired to prove to the 
 English that they were full of courage. Champlain 
 192
 
 BROTHER SAGARD'S OPINION 
 
 was annoyed at these exhibitions of insubordination, 
 and he instructed the Greek to give the people this 
 answer: "You are badly advised and unwise. How 
 can you desire resistance when we have no pro- 
 visions, no ammunition, or any prospect of relief? 
 Are you tired of living, or do you expect to be 
 victorious under such circumstances ? Obey those 
 who desire your safety and who do nothing without 
 prudence." 
 
 Brother Sagard makes these remarks upon the 
 condition of affairs: "It is true that there was a 
 great scarcity of all things necessary for the habi- 
 tation, but the enemy, too, were weak, as Father 
 Joseph perceived after having examined the whole 
 crew, which consisted of about two hundred soldiers, 
 for the most part, men who had never touched 
 a musket, and who could have been killed as ducks 
 or who would have run away. Moreover they were 
 in a wretched condition, and of a low order. The 
 weather was favourable to the French, as the tide 
 was low, and the wind from the south-east was 
 driving the vessels towards France, so that there 
 was no assurance for either the vessels or the bar- 
 ques. Champlain, however, deemed it more expe- 
 dient to surrender than to run the risk of his own 
 life or of being made a prisoner while defending a 
 fort so badly armed." 
 
 If, as the veracious Brother Sagard says, the fort 
 and the habitation were distressed, it is not proved 
 that the English could be easily defeated. There 
 
 193
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 were at Quebec only fifty men capable of bearing 
 arms, and only a small quantity of gunpowder 
 in store, while provisions were absolutely wanting. 
 How was it possible to sustain a siege without 
 ammunition, without bread and without soldiers ? 
 
 (pn the enemy's side there were two vessels well 
 equipped, and two hundred men. If the men were 
 desperate or wretched, they would be the more 
 dangerous. Even supposing that the two vessels had 
 proved insufficient for a protracted siege, the four 
 vessels at the disposal of David Kirke would have 
 surely come to their assistance. 
 
 It would have been a foolish act to have resisted 
 such a powerful enemy. Besides, Champlain had 
 another foe to contend against, for Nicholas Mar- 
 solet, Etienne Bruld, Pierre Reye, and others, had 
 betrayed him, and were leagued with Kirke. Cham- 
 plain understood the difficulties of his position, and 
 his responsibilities, for he had in his hands the lives 
 of one hundred persons. 
 
 Of the eighty persons living in Quebec at this 
 time, only two-thirds had private interests to safe- 
 guard, and it was a matter of indifference to them 
 whether they remained in Canada or whether they 
 returned to France. The families who had nothing 
 to gain by leaving Quebec were those who deserved 
 the governor's sympathy, and it was for their safety 
 that Champlain would not agree to offer resistance, 
 as the result must have proved disastrous to them. 
 By the articles of capitulation these families would 
 194
 
 SURRENDERING THE KEYS 
 
 be able to live quietly at home, awaiting the issue 
 of negotiations. 
 
 On the day following the preliminaries, Cham- 
 plain went on board Louis Kirke's vessel, where he 
 was to see the commission of Charles I, which em- 
 powered the Kirke brothers to take Quebec and 
 the whole country by assault. Both parties then 
 signed the articles of capitulation, and the English 
 troops, conducted by Champlain, came in shallops 
 near to the habitation. The keys were delivered to 
 Louis Kirke, and then they all proceeded to the 
 fort, which was delivered to the admiral. Quebec 
 was definitely put under the authority of the Eng- 
 lish, who had not fired a single shot. Louis Kirke 
 placed Le Baillif, who had been dismissed by Guil- 
 laume de Caen for his bad conduct, in charge of 
 the storehouse. This was the first reward for his 
 treason. Champlain asked the English commander 
 to protect the chapel of Quebec, the convents, 
 and the houses of the widow of Louis Hubert 
 and of her son-in-law, Guillaume Couillard, and 
 he offered him the keys of his own room within 
 the fort. Louis Kirke refused to accept the latter, 
 and left Champlain in possession of his room. This 
 courteous action was followed by another one, when 
 Kirke delivered to Champlain a certificate of all 
 that he had found within the fort and the habi- 
 tation. This document was found useful later on, 
 when it was necessary to settle the value of the 
 goods. 
 
 195
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 In the meantime the English crew robbed the 
 convent of the Jesuits, but they did not find the 
 beaver skins, as they expected. Kirke and the Lu- 
 theran minister took for their own use the nicest 
 volumes of the library, and three or four pictures. 
 The Re'collets had filled a leather bag with the 
 ornaments of their church, and had hidden it under- 
 ground, far in the woods, thinking that they might 
 return sooner or later. 
 
 On the Sunday following the capitulation, July 
 22nd, Louis Kirke hoisted the English flag over 
 one of the bastions of the fort, and in order to 
 render the official possession of Quebec more im- 
 posing, he placed his soldiers in ranks along the 
 ramparts, and at a precise hour a volley was fired 
 from English muskets. In the afternoon, Cham- 
 plain, the Jesuits, and the greater number of the 
 French took passage on the Flibot for Tadousac, 
 leaving behind the families of Couillard, Martin, 
 Desportes, Hubert, Hubou, Pivert, Duchesne the 
 surgeon, some interpreters and clerks, and Pont- 
 Grave', who was too sick to leave his room. It 
 was understood that all those who desired to re- 
 turn to France should start on the day fixed by 
 Kirke. 
 
 The fate of the colony was thus decided. Those 
 who had any authority, by reason of their character 
 or their official mission, were compelled to leave. 
 The others were at liberty to remain, especially the 
 interpreters, who would be useful in trading with 
 196
 
 A FEW REMAIN 
 
 the Indians. Before Champlain's departure, some 
 had taken his advice. Would they remain in Quebec 
 under a new regime, with nothing to hope for? 
 Who was this victorious Kirke, so captivating in 
 appearance? Perhaps a lion clothed with the skin 
 of a lamb 1 They knew the Kirke brothers had been 
 guilty of burning the habitation at Cape Tour- 
 mente. Knowing that they were Protestants, they 
 could not expect sympathy on the score of religion. 
 A danger existed from every point of view. Never- 
 theless, Champlain advised many of them to remain 
 at Quebec in order to save their property. The only 
 objection was that they would be obliged to observe 
 their religion for an indefinite time without the 
 ministrations of their priests. 
 
 Three years were to elapse before a French vessel 
 again appeared at Quebec, with authority to hoist 
 the white flag of France. Champlain's advice was 
 not prejudicial to any one, at least not in temporal 
 matters. This small nucleus became the great tree 
 whose branches and leaves extend to-day over the 
 whole American continent. If France had seen the 
 complete depopulation of Canada, perhaps the king 
 would not have made the same efforts to have his 
 colony restored. Champlain himself, in spite of his 
 great zeal and his love for the country which he had 
 founded, had been discouraged by the difficulties. 
 He could foresee better than any other the obstacles 
 which the future would present and it caused him 
 much uneasiness, and offered little consolation. At 
 
 197
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 his age most men would have preferred to rest after 
 an agitated life of thirty years, in the pursuit of an 
 idea which it seemed impossible to realize on ac- 
 count of the manifold difficulties by which it was 
 constantly beset. 
 
 198
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 
 
 THE LAST EVENTS OF 1629 
 
 "OJINCE the English have taken possession of 
 K3 Quebec," writes Champlain, " the days have 
 seemed to me as long as months." This dreariness 
 is easily explained. The unsettled state of affairs, 
 of which he was an eye-witness, had rendered 
 his life at Quebec intolerable. Louis Kirke, how- 
 ever, treated him with respect and courtesy, and 
 had given him permission to bring to Tadousac 
 his two adopted girls, Espe'rance and Charite'. It 
 was a favour wholly unexpected, especially as by 
 one of the clauses of the act of capitulation he 
 renounced claim to them. Champlain, however, 
 was ready to buy their liberty, if necessary, as he 
 wished to civilize them and convert them to Chris- 
 tianity. Having no desire to stay longer in a place 
 where even the beauties of the sunset seemed to 
 remind him of his humiliation, Champlain only 
 resided temporarily at Tadousac, and was anxious 
 to reach France. He left Quebec on July 24th, and 
 on the following day he perceived a vessel sailing 
 near Murray Bay. This was Emery de Caen's ship, 
 which, as we have already stated, was proceeding 
 to Quebec to claim the peltry in the storehouse 
 which belonged to his uncle. This vessel, as has 
 
 199
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 been described, was captured by Kirke, and the 
 same fate happened to Captain Daniel, who had 
 crossed the ocean from Dieppe with four vessels 
 and a barque laden with provisions and ammuni- 
 tion. Having heard on the passage that a Scottish 
 fisherman named James Stuart, had erected a fort 
 on Cape Breton, in a place called Port-aux-Ba- 
 leines, to protect his countrymen during the fishing 
 season, Daniel went out of his way to destroy this 
 fort, and to build one at Grand Cibou to check 
 the intruders, instead of proceeding directly to 
 Quebec, as was his duty. He left at this place forty 
 men and two Jesuits, Father Vimont and Father 
 de Vieux-Pont, and then having set up the arms 
 of France, he returned to his country without hav- 
 ing taken any care of the Quebec habitation. This 
 was his first fault, but nevertheless it was a great 
 misfortune. 
 
 The Jesuits had prepared at a great expense a 
 shipment for Quebec. Father Noyrot brought with 
 him Father Charles Lalemant, who was returning 
 after an absence of nearly two years, Father de 
 Vieux-Pont, Brother Louis Malot and twenty-four 
 persons. Driven by a terrible storm, their barque 
 was wrecked near the Island of Canseau. Fourteen 
 were drowned, including Father Noyrot and Brother 
 Malot. The others miraculously escaped. 
 
 The Chevalier de Razilly was finally ordered to 
 assist Quebec, but it was found that an agreement 
 had been concluded between France and England 
 200
 
 A RELIGIOUS DISPUTE 
 
 on April 24th. Razilly had his commission cancelled 
 and proceeded to Morocco. 
 
 The failure of these three expeditions, together 
 with th^at of Emery de Caen, occurring at the same 
 time under unfortunate circumstances, resulted in 
 the loss of the colony for France, and ^won at 
 least temporary prestige and importance for the 
 Kirke family. 
 
 Champlain relates some remarkable events during 
 his sojourn at Tadousac. Religious fanaticism dis- 
 played itself in its worst form. The French had 
 with them Father de Brdbeuf, who was quite 
 competent and willing to champion the cause of 
 the Catholic faith, and especially when assailed by 
 his own countrymen. A French Huguenot, named 
 Jacques Michel, apparently headed a crusade against 
 the Jesuits. One day Michel said to a party that 
 the Jesuits had come to Canada to annoy the Sieurs 
 de Caen in their trade. " I beg your pardon," replied 
 the father, "we had no other design in coming here 
 than the glory of God and the conversion of the 
 savages." To which Jacques Michel answered still 
 more audaciously: "Yes, convert the savages, say 
 rather, convert the beavers." "It is false," replied the 
 priest, somewhat vexed. Michel, who was angry, 
 raised his arm to strike the father, at the same time 
 saying, " If I were not restrained by the respect due 
 to my chief, I would slap your face for your denial." 
 " I ask your pardon," said the father, " it was not 
 in my mind to injure you, and if my answer has 
 
 201
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 vexed you, I regret it." Michel was not satisfied 
 and began to blaspheme, so that Champlain was 
 scandalized, and said: "You swear much for a Re- 
 former." "It is true," replied the Huguenot, "but 
 I am furious against this Jesuit for his denial, and 
 if I hang to-morrow I will give him the blows he 
 deserves." During the day, however, Michel drank 
 heavily and was attacked by apoplexy, from which 
 he died thirty-five hours later, without exhibiting 
 any signs of repentance. 
 
 The commander Kirke appears to have acted 
 somewhat strangely on this occasion, for instead of 
 having Michel quietly buried, he ordered a splendid 
 funeral, accompanied with military honours. When 
 the remains were lowered into the grave, a salute 
 of eighty guns was fired, as if the deceased had been 
 an officer of high rank. Whatever may have been 
 the reasons for showing these tokens of honour to 
 the remains of Michel, we know not, but the savages 
 seem to have resented the proceedings, for they un- 
 earthed his body and gave it to the dogs. Michel 
 had been a traitor to his country and to his God, 
 and this was the method of his punishment. 
 
 We have already mentioned the names of the 
 Frenchmen who betrayed Champlain, particularly 
 Etienne Brute, Le Baillif, Pierre Reye and Marso- 
 let. Let us examine their conduct. Etienne Brute, 
 in his capacity of interpreter, had rendered many 
 good services to his compatriots. Unfortunately, his 
 private actions while dwelling with the Hurons 
 202
 
 AND MARSOLET 
 
 were not above reproach, and he would certainly 
 have been compelled to expiate his offences had he 
 not been adopted as one of their family. Brute 
 worke^ for the benefit of the Hurons, and their 
 gratitude towards a good officer perhaps outweighed 
 their memory of an injury. On retiring from the 
 Huron country in 1629, Brute went to Tadousac, 
 where he entered the service of Kirke, and some 
 years after he was killed by a savage. 
 
 Marsolet's case is nearly identical with that of 
 Brute, although it is not proved that he was as 
 licentious during the time that he lived with the 
 Algonquins. He and Brute asserted that they were 
 compelled by Kirke to serve under the British flag. 
 Champlain severely blamed their conduct, saying : 
 "Remember that God will punish you if you do 
 not amend your lives. You have lost your honour. 
 Wherever you will go, men will point at you, say- 
 ing : * These are the men who have threatened their 
 king and sold their country.' It would be preferable 
 to die than to live on in this manner, as you will 
 suffer the remorse of a bad conscience." To this 
 they replied : " We well know that in France we 
 should be hanged. We are sorry for what has hap- 
 pened, but it is done and we must drain the cup to 
 the bottom, and resolve never to return to France." 
 Champlain answered them : " If you are captured 
 anywhere, you will run the risk of being chastised 
 as you deserve." 
 
 Nicholas Marsolet became a good citizen, and his 
 
 203
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 family alliances were the most honourable. Pierre 
 Reye, a carriage maker, was a bad character, " One 
 of the worst traitors, and wicked." His treason did 
 not surprise any one, and nothing better was ex- 
 pected of him. Le Baillif was not only vicious, but 
 a thief. On the night after the seizure by Kirke of 
 the goods in store, he took from the room of Cor- 
 neille de Vendremur, a clerk, one hundred livres in 
 gold and money, a silver cup and some silk stock- 
 ings. He was suspected of having stolen from the 
 chapel of the Lower Town, a silver chalice, the gift 
 of Anne of Austria. Though he was a Catholic, 
 Le Baillif ate food on days of abstinence, in order 
 to please the Protestants. He treated the French 
 as if they were dogs. " I shall abandon him," says 
 Champlain, "to his fate, awaiting the day of his 
 punishment for his swearings, cursings and im- 
 pieties." 
 
 The treachery of these four men greatly affected 
 Champlain, who was at a loss to understand how 
 those to whom he had given food and shelter could 
 be so ungrateful; but their conduct, however repre- 
 hensible, played no part in the loss of the colony. 
 Kirke employed them to further his purposes with- 
 out giving them any substantial reward. 
 
 The sojourn of the French in Tadousac lasted 
 many weeks, and the delay caused Champlain much 
 annoyance. David Kirke spent ten or twelve days 
 on his visit to Quebec, where he wanted to see for 
 himself how his brother Louis had disposed of 
 204
 
 A BANQUET AT TADOUSAC 
 
 everything, and what advantage he was likely to 
 gain from the acquisition of the new country. Be- 
 lieving himself to be the supreme ruler and master 
 of New 'France, he outlined a brilliant future for the 
 colony, looking forward to the day when he could 
 bring settlers to take advantage of its natural re- 
 sources. 
 
 Returning to Tadousac, the general invited his 
 captains to a dinner, at which Champlain was also 
 a guest. The dinner was served in a tent surrounded 
 with branches. Towards the end of the banquet 
 David Kirke gave Champlain a letter from Mar- 
 solet to inform him that the chief savages, gathered 
 at Three Rivers in council, had resolved to keep 
 with them the two girls, Espe>ance and Charitd 
 This was a severe trial to Champlain, who had 
 hoped to be able to take them to France. All his 
 efforts, however, were useless, as there was a plot 
 organized by the traitor Marsolet. These children 
 loved Champlain as a father, and were inconsolable 
 when they realized that their departure for France 
 was impossible. 
 
 Champlain relates many things that do not re- 
 dound to Kirke's credit, amongst other things that 
 Kirke blamed his brother Louis for giving the Jesuits 
 permission to say mass, and afterwards refused the 
 permission. Again, at the moment when the Jesuits 
 embarked for Tadousac, Louis Kirke ordered a trunk 
 to be opened in which the sacred vessels were con- 
 tained. Seeing a box which contained a chalice Kirke 
 
 205
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 tried to seize it, but Father Masse' interfered, and 
 said to him : " This is a sacred object, do not pro- 
 fane it, if you please." "Why," said Kirke, "we 
 have no faith in your superstition," and so saying he 
 took the chalice in his hands, braving the Jesuit's 
 advice. The Catholics were also denied the privilege 
 of praying in public. This intolerant action was con- 
 demned by Champlain. During their stay at Tadou- 
 sac Champlain and the admiral went out shooting. 
 They killed more than two thousand larks, plovers, 
 snipes and curlews. In the meantime the sailors had 
 cut trees for masts, and some birch which they took 
 to England. They also carried with them four thou- 
 sand five hundred and forty beaver skins, one thou- 
 sand seven hundred and thirteen others seized at 
 Quebec, and four hundred and thirty-two elk skins. 
 The French had not given up all their skins ; some 
 had hidden a good many, and others kept them with 
 Kirke's consent. The Re'collets and the Jesuits were 
 returning poorer than when they came. Champlain 
 alone was allowed to retain all his baggage. At the 
 commencement of September the admiral fitted out 
 a medium sized barque with provisions for Quebec, 
 with instructions to bring back the Re'collets who 
 were scattered throughout the country, and also 
 some of the French who had intended to remain at 
 Quebec and other places. 
 
 On September 14th the English fleet set out 
 carrying Champlain, the Jesuits, the Re'collets, and 
 two-thirds of the French, that is to say, nearly the 
 206
 
 THE FATHERS REACH FRANCE 
 
 whole of the colony. The passage was short though 
 difficult, and eleven of the crew died from dysentery. 
 On October 20th the vessels reached Plymouth, 
 where Kirke was much disappointed to learn that 
 the treaty of peace signed on April 24th had been 
 confirmed on September 16th. All the French, ex- 
 cept Champlain, took passage for France at Dover. 
 Champlain proceeded directly to London, where 
 he met the French ambassador, M. de Chateauneuf, 
 and related to him the events which had taken 
 place in Canada, and urged him to take steps for 
 its restoration to France. 
 
 The fathers disembarked at Calais at the end 
 of October. Father Masse' returned to his former 
 position of minister at the college of La Fleche. 
 Father Anne de Noiie went to Bourges. Father de 
 Br^beuf entered the college of Rouen, where he 
 had laboured previously, and three other Jesuits 
 whom we find afterwards in Canada, Father Charles 
 Lalemant, Father Jogues and Father Simon Le- 
 moyne, were at that time professors in this college. 
 Father Masse and Father de Bre'beuf were soon to 
 resume their ministration in this country, which 
 they were forced to abandon at a time when they 
 had hoped to see the realization of their noble 
 mission. L'Abbe' Faillon has written that the family 
 of Hubert alone remained at Quebec after the sur- 
 render, but this is incorrect. The truth is that at 
 least five families remained in Quebec. It was God's 
 will that the most prominent and influential men 
 
 207
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 should leave for France, but He also ordained that 
 a few heroic settlers or possessors of New France 
 should remain. If their remaining was favourable to 
 France Champlain deserves the credit, for he did 
 more than any of his countrymen to bring it about. 
 The population of Quebec or of the whole colony 
 in July, 1629, was divided as follows: Inhabitants, 
 twenty-three ; interpreters, eleven ; clerks, fourteen ; 
 missionaries, ten; domestics, seven; French, arrived 
 from the Huron country, twenty. This makes a 
 total number of eighty-five persons. 
 
 The following persons remained at Quebec : 
 Guillaume Hubou and his wife, Marie Rollet, widow 
 of Louis Hubert; Guillaume Hebert; Guillaume 
 Couillard, and his wife Guillemette Hubert, and 
 their three children ; Abraham Martin, and his 
 wife, Marguerite Langlois, and their three children ; 
 Pierre Desportes, and his wife, Fran9oise Langlois, 
 and their daughter Helene ; Nicholas Pi vert, his wife, 
 Marguerite Lesage, and their niece; Adrien Du- 
 chesne and his wife ; Jean Foucher, Etienne Brute, 
 Nicholas Marsolet, Le Baillif, Pierre Reye, Olivier 
 Le Tardif. The missionaries who returned to France 
 were: Three Jesuits, two Recollets, two Brothers 
 Jesuits and three Brothers Re'collets, ten in all. 
 Their names were : Fathers Jesuits Enemond Massd, 
 Anne de Noiie and Jean de Brebeuf, Fathers Re'- 
 collets Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, and Joseph Le 
 Caron, Brothers Jesuits Fra^ois Charton and Gil- 
 bert Burel, and the Re'collet Friars Gervais Mohier, 
 208
 
 BIRTHS, MARRIAGES AND DEATHS 
 
 Jean Gaufestre and Pierre Langoissieux. Among 
 the clerks who returned home were Corneille de 
 Vendremur, Thierry-Desdames, Eustache Boulld, 
 and Destouches. 
 
 Since the year 1608 there had been only seven 
 births, three marriages, and forty deaths. One man 
 had been hanged, six had been murdered, and three 
 drowned. A Re'collet father, called Nicholas Viel, 
 had perished in the Sault au Re'collet ; and there 
 had been sixteen victims of the scurvy. 
 
 209
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 QUEBEC RESTORED 
 
 the exertions of Champlain negoti- 
 -L ations were soon entered into for the purpose 
 of restoring the colony of New France to the 
 French. Champlain had visited the French ambas- 
 sador, M. de Chateaimeuf, when in London, and 
 had laid before him a statement of the events which 
 had recently taken place, together with the treaty 
 of capitulation and a map of New France, so far as 
 it was explored. According to Champlain, the coun- 
 try comprised all the lands which Linschot thus 
 describes: "This part of America which extends to 
 the Arctic pole northward, is called New France, 
 because Jean Verazzano, a Florentine, having been 
 sent by King Fra^ois I to these quarters, dis- 
 covered nearly all the coast, beginning from the 
 Tropic of Cancer to the fiftieth degree, and still 
 more northerly, arboring arms and flags of France ; 
 for that reason the said country is called New 
 France." 
 
 Champlain was not quarrelling with the English 
 for the Virgines, although this country had been 
 occupied by the French eighty years before, and 
 they had also discovered all the American coast, 
 from the river St. John to the peninsula of Florida. 
 
 211
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 No one can deny that Champlain had given names 
 to the rivers and harbours of New England as far as 
 Cape Cod, about the fortieth degree of latitude. 
 
 After having spent about five weeks with the 
 ambassador in furnishing him with information to 
 guide him in his negotiations with the English 
 authorities, Champlain resolved to visit France, as 
 he had a reasonable hope of seeing his designs ac- 
 complished. He left London on November 20th, 
 and embarked at Rye, in Sussex, for Dieppe. Here 
 he met Captain Daniel, who had just returned from 
 his expedition to Canada, and it was here also that 
 he received his commission of governor of New 
 France, which had been forwarded by the directors 
 of the Company of New France. 
 
 Champlain paid a visit to Rouen, and then went 
 to Paris, where he had interviews with the king, 
 with the cardinal, and some of the associates of the 
 company. A prominent topic of discussion was, 
 naturally, the loss of New France, and the best 
 means of recovering it. Champlain's ideas were ex- 
 cellent, and he did his best to have them acknowl- 
 edged and agreed to by all those who were interested 
 in the fate of New France. 
 
 Events progressed favourably, and Champlain was 
 pleased to learn that Doctor Daniel had been sent 
 to London with letters for King Charles I. Louis 
 XIII demanded the restoration of the fort and 
 habitation of Quebec, and the forts and harbours of 
 the Acadian coast, for the reason that they had been 
 212
 
 THE RESTORATION OF CANADA 
 
 captured after peace had been concluded between the 
 two countries. Doctor Daniel returned to France, 
 bearing despatches by which Charles I answered 
 that he t was ready to restore Quebec, but no men- 
 tion was made of Acadia. The directors of the com- 
 pany immediately ordered Commander de Razilly 
 to equip a fleet, and, as we have already stated, to 
 take possession of Quebec by force or otherwise. 
 
 The Hundred Associates subscribed sixteen thou- 
 sand livres for the freighting of the vessels, and the 
 king granted the balance of the expenses. The news 
 of these extraordinary war-like preparations caused 
 alarm in London, but the French ambassador stated 
 that these vessels were not being sent to trouble or 
 disturb any of the English settlers who had taken 
 possession of the French habitations. This explana- 
 tion relieved the public mind in England, and 
 Charles I promised to give back to France its 
 ancient possessions in America, as they were on 
 April 24th, 1629, the date of the signing of the 
 Treaty of Suze. Injustice to England it may be said 
 that two English vessels were seized by the French 
 at about the same time that Kirke had forced 
 Champlain to surrender. There was, therefore, il- 
 legal action on both sides, and both countries had 
 claims to be regulated. 
 
 The English would have preferred to have retained 
 possession of Canada, at least until the following 
 year, as the Kirke brothers and their associates hoped 
 to be able to realize considerable sums from their 
 
 213
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 trade with the Indians. This condition of affairs is 
 explained in a letter addressed by Cardinal Riche- 
 lieu to Chateauneuf, on December 20th, 1629: 
 " They assure us that they cannot restore Canada 
 at once; this is the reason for our delay in restoring 
 these vessels." And he adds : " If they agree to 
 the restitution of Quebec without any condition, 
 you shall take it for granted, if not, it is better 
 to put a delay to the settlement." 
 
 It is obvious that Charles I had twice promised 
 to restore Quebec, and when Chateauneuf retired 
 from his position of ambassador in the month of 
 April, 1630, he had obtained "every assurance of 
 restitution of all things taken since the peace." 
 The Marquis of Fontenay-Mareuil, who succeeded 
 Chateauneuf on March 13th, received special in- 
 structions from the cardinal on this subject: "His 
 Majesty's design is that, continuing the negotiations 
 of Chateauneuf, you continue to ask for the resti- 
 tution of Canada, and of all goods and vessels 
 taken from the French since the peace." 
 
 The new ambassador could not urge the claims of 
 France with greater activity than his predecessor. 
 During the space of two months, Chateauneuf had 
 prepared five documents relating to Canadian affairs, 
 to which the commissioners appointed to settle the 
 matter had replied on February llth. These officials 
 were Sir Humphrey May, Sir John Coke, Sir Julius 
 Caesar, and Sir Henry Martin. Their conclusion 
 regarding Canada was that His Majesty had not 
 214
 
 TERMS OF RESTITUTION 
 
 changed his mind concerning the restoration of 
 places, vessels and goods taken from the French, 
 according to the first declaration he had made 
 through a memorandum in Latin, communicated 
 some time since to the French ambassador. 
 
 Louis XIII was at this time engaged- in war 
 with Austria, and Richelieu was too busy to attend 
 to Canadian matters, which were of less importance 
 than the European questions which occupied his 
 time. Interior dissensions were soon added to the 
 trouble which France had to undergo. Gaston, the 
 king's brother, was compromised, and the Duke of 
 Montmorency, who took part in a plot against the 
 king, was seized and put to death. 
 
 The negotiations commenced in 1629 were not 
 resumed until 1632. In the meantime the English 
 authorities had not been idle. Charles I had riot 
 forgotten his promise, and even if he had, there 
 were men in France who had a good memory. On 
 June 12th, 1631, Charles I addressed a long letter 
 to Sir Isaac Wake, ambassador to France, respecting 
 the restitution of Quebec and Acadia. The terms 
 were as follows : 
 
 " That which we require, which is the payment 
 of the remainder of the money, the restitution of 
 certain ships taken and kept without any colour 
 or pretence, and the taking of arrests and seizures 
 which were made in that kingdom against our sub- 
 jects contrary to treaty, being of right and due. 
 And that which is demanded of us concerning the 
 
 215
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 places in Canada and those parts, and some few 
 ships of that nation (French) which remained yet 
 unrestored, but have passed sentence of confiscation 
 in our high Court of Admiralty upon good grounds 
 in justice, being things of courtesy and good corres- 
 pondence." 
 
 According to her marriage settlement the Queen 
 Henrietta possessed a dowry of eight hundred thou- 
 sand crowns, equivalent to eight hundred thousand 
 dcus de trois livres, French currency. The half of 
 that sum had been made payable on the day before 
 the marriage in London, and the other half a little 
 later. The marriage took place on June 13th, 1625, 
 and the first instalment was then paid. In the year 
 1631 the second instalment had not been paid, and 
 Charles I claimed it as one of the conditions of 
 settlement. 
 
 Some historians have stated that the king took 
 this opportunity to have a money question solved. 
 If, however, the debt was legitimate, France was 
 obliged to pay it, and the difficulties that had 
 occurred in the meantime had nothing to do with 
 the deed of marriage upon which the claim was 
 based. Chateauneuf had promised to pay the claim. 
 Unless, therefore, there was any doubt as to the 
 right of the king to claim the sum, it is difficult to 
 understand why the king should be blamed. 
 
 In his letter to his ambassador at Paris Charles I 
 alludes to documents exchanged between Chateau- 
 neuf and Fontenay-Mareuil on the one side, and the 
 216
 
 VALUE OF THE PELTRY 
 
 lords commissioners appointed to give a ruling. In 
 this document it is noticed that Guillaume de 
 Caen had discussed with Kirke the value of the 
 goods and peltry that had been taken out of the 
 stores at Quebec. They disagreed both as to the num- 
 ber and value. De Caen claimed four thousand two 
 hundred and sixty-six beaver skins which had been 
 captured by Kirke, while Kirke pretended to have 
 found only one thousand seven hundred and thirteen, 
 and that the balance of his cargo, four thousand 
 skins, was the result of trade with the Indians. 
 
 According to the books of the English company, 
 Kirke had bought four thousand five hundred and 
 forty beaver skins, four hundred and thirty-two elk 
 skins, and had found in the stores one thousand 
 seven hundred and thirteen beaver skins. The dif- 
 ference in the calculation is due to the fact that 
 the English only mentioned the beaver skins regi- 
 stered in their books, and the French included all 
 the skins which belonged to them when the fort 
 surrendered, making no mention of those that they 
 had taken out of the fort with the permission of the 
 English. Guillaume de Caen valued each skin at 
 twelve pounds ten shillings, and Burlamachi had 
 written from Metz to representatives of the English 
 company, that he had been compelled to accept de 
 Caen's estimates, as under the terms of an Act of 
 Private Council, he was bound to make them good. 
 The king had promised to reimburse de Caen for 
 his losses by the payment of the sum of fourteen 
 
 217
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 thousand three hundred and thirty pounds, of which 
 eight thousand two hundred and seventy pounds 
 were for his peltry and goods, and six thousand and 
 sixty pounds for the vessels which had been captured. 
 David Kirke strongly opposed the payment of this 
 sum on the ground that it was excessive, but the 
 king through his councillors ordered the payment to 
 be made. 
 
 Having determined to seize the peltry brought 
 to London from Quebec, the Kirke associates blew 
 off the padlock which had been fixed to the store- 
 house door by an order of justice. Some time after, 
 when Guillaume de Caen visited the store, accom- 
 panied by a member of the company and a con- 
 stable, he discovered that only three hundred beaver 
 skins and four hundred elk skins remained. Com- 
 plaint was lodged with the king, who ordered Kirke 
 to return the skins which were missing within three 
 days, on pain of imprisonment or the confiscation 
 of his property. None of the associates of Kirke 
 appear to have obtained the sympathy of the public 
 in that affair. 
 
 The English company had suffered a great loss 
 over the transaction, and the king thought that it 
 would be just to grant them some compensation. He 
 therefore appointed two commissioners, Sir Isaac 
 Wake and Burlamachi, to look after the interests of 
 the English company. Their mission was to make 
 an agreement with Guillaume de Caen, who repre- 
 sented the French company. After the exchange of 
 218
 
 AN UNSATISFACTORY AGREEMENT 
 
 a long correspondence, the king of France agreed 
 to pay to David Kirke the sum of twenty thousand 
 pounds, on the condition that he should restore the 
 fort of Quebec, the contents of the storehouse, the 
 vessel belonging to Emery de Caen; and the peltry 
 seized in Canada. 
 
 David Kirke was much dissatisfied with the agree- 
 ment, which he believed was due to the action of 
 Sir Isaac Wake, to whom he wrote, accusing him 
 of not having followed the instructions of the Eng- 
 lish company. His letter concluded with these 
 words: "I understand that the conduct of this affair 
 has been absolutely irregular, as it is evident that 
 you have only resorted to the French testimony, 
 having no care for the English evidence." 
 
 In the same memorandum the Kirke family com- 
 plained of the fact that the Company of English 
 Adventurers had been compelled to plead in France, 
 while the French were not subject to the same con- 
 ditions. This accusation was not correct, as Guil- 
 laume de Caen had been obliged not only to live in 
 London in order to vindicate his goods, but also 
 to watch them and prevent damage. 
 
 Kirke had no other claim than compensation for 
 losses, and de Caen, who had apparently no respon- 
 sibility for the conflict of 1629, could not reasonably 
 be expected to pay the amount of Kirke 's claim. 
 The contents of the storehouse at Quebec were the 
 property of the de Caens, and in visiting Quebec 
 Emery de Caen had no other object in view than to 
 
 219
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 secure his goods and take them to France. He had 
 nothing to do with the war, and believed that he 
 was sailing in times of peace. Thomas Kirke, by 
 whom he was taken prisoner, treated him as a pirate, 
 illegally, and in spite of the Treaty of Suze. It is 
 true that the Kirkes ignored the existence of this 
 treaty when they sailed for America, but this was 
 only an excuse for their attitude as belligerents. 
 
 As soon as the provisions of the negotiations 
 were determined upon between the two countries, 
 the claims had to be sent to the king, if they con- 
 sidered that they had any grievance under the 
 privileges conferred upon them by letters of marque. 
 The royal commission took a correct stand in de- 
 manding from them in the name of Charles I an 
 indemnity for France. All these differences were at 
 length terminated through the energetic interfer- 
 ence of Richelieu. These disputes had lasted for 
 more than two years, and constantly occupied the 
 attention of the ambassadors. The king of France, 
 therefore, empowered Bullion and Bouthillier on 
 January 25th, 1632, to act. Charles I had already 
 sent Burlamachi to France with letters in favour of 
 the restoration of Canada and Acadia, and had also 
 given instructions to Sir Isaac Wake, his ambas- 
 sador extraordinary. On March 5th, Louis XIII 
 granted an audience to the ambassadors, and the 
 basis of a treaty was agreed upon. Sir Isaac Wake 
 represented Charles I, and Bullion and Bouthillier 
 represented the king of France. 
 220
 
 THE BASIS OF A TREATY 
 
 The commissioners took up the question of sei- 
 zures, which was the most difficult. The king of 
 France agreed to pay the sum of sixty-four thou- 
 sand two hundred and forty-six pounds to Lumagne 
 and Vanelly for the goods seized on the Jacques, 
 and sixty-nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-six 
 pounds for the goods seized on the Benediction, and 
 to restore these two vessels to their owners within 
 fifteen days. This agreement included the effects 
 taken from the Bride, and sold at Calais, the pro- 
 perty of Lumagne and Vanelly. The king of Eng- 
 land promised to render and restore all the places 
 occupied by the subjects of His Majesty of Great 
 Britain in New France, Canada and Acadia, and to 
 enjoin all those who commanded at Port Royal, at 
 the fort of Quebec and at Cape Breton, to put 
 these places in the hands of those whom it shall 
 please His Majesty, eight days after notice given to 
 the officers named by the king of France. 
 
 Under this agreement, de Caen was obliged to 
 pay for the equipment of a vessel of two hundred to 
 two hundred and fifty tons, and for the repatriation 
 of the English subjects established in New France. 
 The forts and places occupied by the English were 
 to be restored as they were before their capture, 
 with all arms and ammunition, according to the 
 detailed list which Champlain had given. Burla- 
 machi was authorized to pay for everything that 
 was missing, and also to place Emery de Caen in 
 possession of the ship He'lene, which had been 
 
 221
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 taken from him, together with all goods abandoned 
 at Quebec during his voyage of 1631. Burlamachi 
 was also instructed to pay to Guillaume de Caen 
 the sum of eighty-two thousand seven hundred 
 pounds within two months. The sum of sixty thou- 
 sand six hundred and two pounds tournois was also 
 to be paid by Burlamachi to whomever it might 
 belong, for the vessels Gabriel of St. Gilles, Sainte- 
 Anne, of Havre de Grace, Trinite', of Sables 
 d'Olonne, St. Laurent, of St. Malo, and Cap du 
 del, of Calais, seized by the English after the sign- 
 ing of the Treaty of Suze. 
 
 After this was agreed to, the commissioners em- 
 bodied in eight articles the conditions of free trade 
 between the two countries. The whole was signed 
 by Wake, Bullion and Bouthillier, at St. Germain- 
 en-Laye, on March 29th, 1632. 
 
 Thus terminated this quarrel between England 
 and France, but it was only the precursor of a far 
 more serious conflict which was to arise. From time 
 to time, however, these differences were adjusted 
 temporarily by treaties, only to lead to further 
 complications. The principal difficulty arose regard- 
 ing the boundaries of New France, the limits of 
 which were not clearly defined in the treaty. Some 
 adjacent parts were claimed by the English as their 
 territory. The king of France had granted to the 
 Hundred Associates "in all property, justice and 
 seigniory, the fort and habitation of Quebec, to- 
 gether with the country of New France, or Canada, 
 222
 
 GRANTS OF LAND 
 
 along the coasts .... coasting along the sea to the 
 Arctic circle for latitude, and from the Island of 
 Newfoundland for longitude, going to the west to 
 the great lake called Mer Douce (Lake Huron), 
 and farther within the lands and along the rivers 
 which passed through them and emptied in the 
 river called St. Lawrence, otherwise the great river 
 of Canada, etc." 
 
 Quebec was considered as the centre of these im- 
 mense possessions of the king of France, and in- 
 cluded the islands of Newfoundland, Cape Breton 
 and St. John (Prince Edward). 
 
 The king of England had granted to Sir Thomas 
 Gates and others, in 1606, three years after the date 
 of de Monts' letters patent, " this part of America 
 commonly called Virginia, and the territories be- 
 tween the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of 
 latitude, and the islands situated within a space of 
 one hundred miles from the coasts of the said 
 countries." 
 
 In the year 1621, James I granted to Sir William 
 Alexander, Count of Sterling, certain territory, 
 which under the name of Nova Scotia was intended 
 to comprise the present provinces of Nova Scotia, 
 New Brunswick, the islands of St. John and Cape 
 Breton, and the whole of Gaspesia. Charles I 
 granted to Sir William Alexander in the year 1625 
 another charter, which revoked the one of 1621. 
 
 It is evident that the king of England and the 
 king of France had each given charters covering 
 
 223
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 about the same extent of territory, and it is there- 
 fore easy to understand that tedious correspondence 
 of a complicated nature thereby arose between the 
 two countries. The treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye 
 did not determine the question of the boundaries of 
 the territory, and each power reserved its rights 
 in this respect. 
 
 The inhabitants of Quebec at this time were in a 
 state of suspense, for they had no knowledge of the 
 progress made with the negotiations between the 
 two countries. They had no reason to complain of 
 the English, however, who treated them well, but 
 the Huguenots, their own countrymen, who seemed 
 prepared to serve under the English flag, were, as 
 usual, troublesome and fanatical on religious ques- 
 tions. The settlers were so much distressed at not 
 having the benefit of the ministration of a priest 
 of their church, that they had resolved to leave the 
 country at the earliest opportunity. 
 
 The Lutheran minister, who had decided to re- 
 main at Quebec with Kirke's men, had much to 
 suffer. His advice was not accepted by his own 
 people, and he was, moreover, kept in prison for a 
 period of six months under the pretext of inciting 
 the soldiers of the garrison to rebellion. All these 
 disagreements rendered the condition of the Catho- 
 lics almost unendurable. 
 
 On July 13th, 1632, a white flag was seen floating 
 from a vessel which was entering the harbour of 
 Quebec. The inhabitants were rejoiced, and when 
 224
 
 THE RECOLLETS LEAVE CANADA 
 
 they were able to hear mass in the house of Madame 
 Hubert, their happiness was complete. - It was three 
 years since they had enjoyed this privilege. One 
 girl had been born in the interval, to the wife of 
 Guillaume Couillard. But no death had been re- 
 corded, except the murder of an Iroquois prisoner 
 by a Montagnais while in a state of intoxication. 
 
 The Jesuits who had arrived at the same time as 
 Emery de Caen, took charge of the Quebec mission. 
 In the year 1627, the Re'collets, seeing that their 
 mission had not apparently produced the results 
 that they desired, and that they were also reduced 
 to great distress, resolved to abandon New France 
 for a country less ungrateful. We have seen that 
 after the capitulation, the Re'collets left with the 
 greater number of the French for their motherland, 
 but when they heard that Canada had been restored 
 to France, they made preparations to resume their 
 labours. Their superiors offered no objection, but 
 the chief directors of the Hundred Associates, think- 
 ing the establishment of two different religious 
 orders in the country, which as yet had no bishop, 
 would create jealousies, determined to refuse the 
 services of the Re'collets. 
 
 Jean de Lauzon, intendant of the company for 
 Canadian affairs, made a formal protest, and thus 
 these noble missionaries were forced to abandon 
 their work in Canada. The R^collets were much 
 disappointed, but Father Le Caron, the first apostle 
 to the Huron tribes, was so distressed at the news 
 
 225
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 that he was taken ill and died on March 29th, 1632, 
 some days before the departure of Emery de Caen 
 for Quebec. He had brought some manuscripts 
 from Canada, which were accidently burnt in Nor- 
 mandy. This man was perhaps the purest example 
 of all the Re'collets in Canada. Others had a more 
 illustrious name, but none gave greater proof of 
 devotedness and courage in their dealings with the 
 Indians, and especially the Hurons. He was gener- 
 ally regarded as a saint. 
 
 226
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 
 
 THE JESUIT MISSIONS IN NEW FRANCE 
 
 THE Jesuits, who had only been in the country 
 about four years, had not as yet a true idea 
 of the magnitude of the task they had undertaken. 
 Father Charles Lalemant had abandoned the theatre 
 of his first apostolic labours on our Canadian soil, at 
 the same time that some workmen whom Father 
 Noyrot had brought from France during the pre- 
 ceeding year, left the place. He was the last repre- 
 sentative, together with Fathers Massd, de Noiie 
 and de Bre'beuf of the primitive church of Canada- 
 Mention has been made of the temporary residence in 
 the convent of the Re'collets, and of a building which 
 was erected for themselves at about two hundred 
 feet from the shore, near the junction of the river 
 Lairet and the river St. Charles. The Jesuits re- 
 ceived a concession of this land which was bounded 
 on the west by a stream called St. Michel, and the 
 river St. Mary or Beauport on the east. This was 
 named the Seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges. 
 
 The Jesuits' convent was finished on April 6th, 
 1626. It was a poor residence of about forty feet 
 in length and thirty feet in width. The building 
 contained a small chapel dedicated to Notre Dame 
 des Anges, on account of a picture which decorated 
 
 227
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 a wall representing the Blessed Virgin receiving the 
 homage of angels. This name extended beyond the 
 chapel, and was given to the seigniory, and after 
 a lapse of three centuries, it remains unchanged. 
 
 The different mission-stations of the Jesuits in 
 Canada and around the gulf of the St. Lawrence 
 were maintained at the expense of the Hundred 
 Associates from the year 1632, with the exception 
 of their college at Quebec which was founded 
 through the liberality of the Marquis de Gamache, 
 who gave them a sum of sixteen thousand e'cus 
 d'or for that purpose, in 1626, on the occasion of 
 his son taking religious vows. The offer was accepted 
 by Father Vitelleschi, general of the order, and the 
 college was founded in 1635, and opened a few 
 years later. "This," writes Parkman, "was the 
 cradle of the great missions of Canada ! " 
 
 As soon as the Jesuits arrived they commenced 
 to repair their residence, and in the year 1632 it 
 was in a fit state for a banquet which was given 
 to Emery de Caen, who had been appointed governor 
 ad interim of the French colony. 
 
 Champlain returned from France to Quebec in 
 the month of June of the following year, and again 
 took over the government of New France. He 
 brought with him Fathers Massd and Jean de Brd- 
 beuf, and their arrival was the dawn of a brighter 
 era for the Canadian missions. The Jesuits founded, 
 during the same year, a mission at Three Rivers, 
 and another at Ihonatiria in the Huron country. 
 228
 
 NOTRE DAME DES ANGES 
 
 The mission-stations at Miscou and at Cape Breton 
 were also opened at about the same time, but they 
 were all, practically speaking, dependent upon the 
 liberality of the Hundred Associates. 
 
 The Jesuits in their Relations of 1635 regarded 
 the establishment of the mission of 'Notre Dame 
 des Anges as destined to fulfil three designs which 
 they had in view for the honour and glory of God. 
 These were: (1.) To erect a college for the educa- 
 tion of young Frenchmen who were becoming more 
 and more numerous. (2.) To found a seminary for 
 young Indians for the purpose of civilizing or im- 
 proving their moral condition. (3.) To extend the 
 missions of the Jesuits among the Hurons and other 
 savage tribes. These three designs were in a measure 
 accomplished by this means. From the year 1626 
 Quebec was the principal centre of Canadian mis- 
 sions, which extended from Tadousac to the Great 
 Lakes. Seeing that the French were all gathering in 
 the vicinity of Fort St. Louis, and that their con- 
 vent was exposed to attacks of the Indians, the 
 Jesuits decided to build their new college upon the 
 promontory of Cape Diamond. In the year 1637 the 
 Hundred Associates conceded twelve acres of land 
 to the Jesuits near Fort St. Louis, upon which they 
 built their college and a church, some years after. 
 The seminary for young Indians was opened in the 
 year 1627, and Father Charles Lalemant conducted 
 a class for them as long as there were pupils to 
 attend. 
 
 229
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 The seminary of Notre Dame des Anges has an 
 interesting though brief history. It was Father Le 
 Jeune's intention to have removed it near to the 
 fort. The question of transferring it to the Huron 
 country, in order to obtain a greater number of 
 pupils had been discussed, but there were many 
 reasons against the change, the principal being that 
 the proximity to the Huron families would have 
 caused the fathers annoyance. The seminary was, 
 therefore, continued at Notre Dame des Anges, 
 where it remained until it was closed. Father Le 
 Jeune wrote to the Provincial in France on August 
 28th, 1636 : 
 
 " I consider it very probable that, if we had a 
 good building in Kebec we would get more children 
 through the very same means by which we des- 
 paired of getting them. We have always thought 
 that the excessive love the savages bear their child- 
 ren would prevent our obtaining them. It will be 
 through this very means that they will become our 
 pupils; for, by having a few settled ones, who will 
 attract and retain the others, the parents, who do 
 not know what it is to refuse their children, will let 
 them come without opposition. And, as they will 
 be permitted during the first few years to have a 
 great deal of liberty, they will become so accus- 
 tomed to our food and our clothes that they will 
 have a horror of the savages and their filth. We 
 have seen this exemplified in all the children 
 brought up among our French. They get so well 
 230
 
 FATHER LE JEUNE'S LETTER 
 
 acquainted with each other in their childish plays 
 that they do not look at the savages, except to flee 
 from them or make sport of them. Our great diffi- 
 culty is,to get a building, and to find the means with 
 which to support these children. It is true we are able 
 to maintain them at Notre Dame des Anges ; but 
 as this place is isolated, so that there are no French 
 children there, we have changed the plan that we 
 formerly had to locate the seminary there. Ex- 
 perience shows us hat it must be established where 
 the bulk of the French population is, to attract the 
 little savages by the French children. And, since a 
 worthy and virtuous person has commenced by 
 giving something for a seminary we are going to 
 give up our attempts to clear some land, and shall 
 make an effort to build at Kdbec. I say an effort, 
 for it is with incredible expense and labour that we 
 build in these beginnings. What a blessing from 
 God if we can write next year that instruction is 
 being given in New France in three or four lan- 
 guages. I hope, if we succeed in getting a lodging, 
 to see three classes at Ke'bec the first, of little 
 French children, of whom there will be perhaps 
 twenty or thirty pupils ; the second, of Hurons ; the 
 third, of Montague's." 
 
 Father Daniel was the chief of the seminary, 
 although he was generally assisted by other fathers, 
 who instructed the children of the families residing 
 near the convent. The chapel was used as a class- 
 room, and both the boys and girls made good pro- 
 
 231
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 gress. They were soon taught to observe the customs 
 of the French, such as joining their hands in prayers, 
 kneeling or standing during the recitation of their 
 lessons. They were also taught to answer with mod- 
 esty, and to be respectful in their behaviour. The 
 girls were especially apt at learning, and they en- 
 deavoured to imitate the French girls, for whom 
 they appeared to have great love. At certain in- 
 tervals a public meeting was held, at which the 
 governor and the citizens of Quebec were present, 
 and the pupils were questioned on religious subjects. 
 The most successful received a reward at the hands 
 of the governor, consisting of either a knife or an 
 awl. They were called upon to kiss the governor's 
 hand, and to make a bow a la franpaise. 
 
 The pupils of the seminary were chiefly Hurons, 
 and the names of some of the more prominent are 
 known. These were Satouta, Tsiko, Teouatirhon, 
 Andehoua, Aiandace'. The three first died during 
 their residence in Quebec, on account of the change 
 of air and of diet. Father Le Jeune has written that 
 these young Indians were the columns of the semi- 
 nary. They were, in fact, endued with many good 
 qualities, and had given great hopes for the future. 
 Satouta was the son of a Huron admiral, who 
 was the most popular and best known Indian in the 
 country. His authority was considered supreme, and 
 in nautical matters his word was law. He had 
 promised that at his death Satouta should inherit 
 his name. 
 232
 
 CLOSING OF THE SEMINARIES 
 
 Tsiko was the son of Ouanda Koka, one of the 
 best speakers of his tribe, and he had won the 
 esteem and admiration of his people through his 
 talents. Tsiko had inherited his father's gifts, and 
 spoke so well that he astonished all who heard him, 
 especially the fathers. 
 
 Andehoua was a model of virtue. He was bap- 
 tized under the name of Armand Jean, in honour of 
 Cardinal Richelieu. The governor stood as his god- 
 father. Andehoua made such good progress in his 
 studies that he became a sort of missionary, and he 
 did everything in his power to convert his country- 
 men. He died at the Hotel Dieu, Quebec, in 1654, 
 at the early age of thirty-six. 
 
 From the year 1639 the number of seminarists 
 began to decrease, until there was only one. How- 
 ever, in the year 1643 four young Hurons went 
 down to Quebec to receive instruction, and were 
 baptized. Their godfathers were LeSueur de St. 
 Sauveur, a priest, Martial Piraube, M. de Repen- 
 tigny and M. de la Vallde. In the Relations of the 
 Jesuits the names of three are preserved : Ateiachias, 
 Atarohiat, and Atokouchiouani. 
 
 The seminary was then finally closed. The Jesuits 
 opened another at Three Rivers, and at the com- 
 mencement there were six pupils, but at the end of 
 a year there were none. After eight years' experi- 
 ence, the Jesuits realized that it was impossible 
 successfully to make an Indian boy adopt the man- 
 ners and habits of the French, and the same result 
 
 233
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 was afterwards found by others who tried the ex- 
 periment. 
 
 In the year 1635, the Jesuits' missions in New 
 France included those at Cape Breton, Richibucto 
 and Miscou Island. The mission of Miscou was the 
 best organized and the most populous ; the Catho- 
 lics of Gasps', Miramichi and Nipisiguit (Bathurst) 
 went there. The island of Miscou is situated at the 
 northern extremity of the coast of New Brunswick, 
 near the entrance of the Baie des Chaleurs. It was 
 the common residence of the Jesuits and of the two 
 first who came here, Father Charles Turgis and 
 Father Charles du Marchd On their arrival they 
 found twenty-three Frenchmen there, who were 
 endeavouring to form a settlement. Unfortunately, 
 most of them were taken ill with scurvy, from 
 which they died, including the captain, the surgeon, 
 a clerk and nine or ten officers. Father du Marche' 
 was forced to leave the island, and finally Father 
 Turgis succumbed to the disease, and left behind 
 him a single man, who was in a dying condition. 
 
 In the year 1637, two other Jesuits came to this 
 inhospitable island, Father Jacques de la Place and 
 Father Nicholas Gondoin. They found only nine 
 persons there, who were in charge of the storehouse. 
 A year later, Father Claude Quentin, superior of 
 the Canadian missions, came to assist his confrere, 
 who had undertaken to erect a chapel, but after 
 three years of constant labour, they both returned 
 to Quebec in an exhausted condition. 
 234
 
 FATHER DE LYONNE'S MISSIONS 
 
 Father Dollebeau and Father Andre* Richard 
 then took charge of the mission on the island of 
 Miscou, but the former was taken ill and was 
 obliged to return to France. During the voyage the 
 vessel was captured by three English frigates, and 
 while pillaging the ship a soldier set fire~to the 
 powder magazine, and as a result Father Dollebeau 
 and the whole crew perished. 
 
 In the course of years, however, the Miscou mis- 
 sion increased, and the chapel proving insufficient 
 to accommodate the congregation, the Jesuits built 
 another at the entrance of the river Nipisiguit. 
 
 Father de Lyonne was the real founder of this 
 new mission. Nipisiguit was a good trading and 
 fishing-station, and a general rendezvous for the 
 French as well as the Indians ; it was also a safe 
 harbour. Between the years 1650 and 1657, Father 
 de Lyonne crossed the ocean three times in the 
 interest of his mission, and in the year 1657 he 
 founded another mission at Chedabucto, where he 
 ended his career. 
 
 The field of the missionaries was divided after 
 the year 1650. Father de Lyonne took charge of 
 the mission at Chedabucto, while the stations at 
 Miscou and Nipisiguit were under the control of 
 Father Richard, and Father Fre'min was given 
 charge of the Richibucto mission. In the year 
 1661, Father Richard replaced Father de Lyonne 
 at Chedabucto, but he only remained there one 
 year. 
 
 235
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 The missions of the Jesuits in Acadia and Baie 
 des Chaleurs closed with the departure of Father 
 Richard. Some historians of Acadia mention the 
 labours of Father Joseph AubeYi, whom Chateau- 
 briand has immortalized in his "Atala." Father Au- 
 be'ri prepared a map of Acadia, and also a memo- 
 randum of the boundaries of New France and New 
 England in the year 1720. 
 
 The mission-station at Cape Breton was com- 
 menced in 1634, and Father Julian Perrault, a 
 Jesuit, took up his residence there and gave re- 
 ligious instruction to the Micmacs, whom he found 
 very attentive. The Micmacs were a hardy race, of 
 great stature. Some of the men who were upwards 
 of eighty years of age had not a single white hair. 
 
 Champlain gave to Cape Breton the name of St. 
 Lawrence Island. The name was originally given to 
 the cape but it was afterwards applied to the island. 
 Bras d'Or was called Bibeaudock by the Indians, 
 and Louisburg was commonly known as Port aux 
 Anglais. The Portuguese had formerly occupied 
 the island, but they were forced to leave it on ac- 
 count of the temperature and other causes. Nicholas 
 Denys, who had been obliged to abandon Cheda- 
 bucto, in Acadia, came to the island and founded 
 Fort St. Pierre, which was taken from him in the 
 year 1654 by Emmanuel le Borgne de Belle Isle, 
 and by one Guilbault, a merchant of La Rochelle. 
 Denys then took up his residence, sometimes at 
 Miscou, sometimes at Gasp^ or at Nipisiguit. His 
 236
 
 THE CAPE BRETON MISSION 
 
 son Charles Denys, Sieur de Fronsac, had settled on 
 the shores of the river Miramichi. 
 
 The first Jesuits who were invited to take charge 
 of the Cape Breton mission were Fathers Vimont 
 and de Vieux-Pont, who had been brought out by 
 Captain Daniel, who, it will be remembered,- lost a 
 great deal of time in attacking the fort which had 
 been built on the river du Grand Cibou by Stuart. 
 The two Jesuits and forty men were left here. 
 The Jesuits, however, returned to France in 1630. 
 Fathers Davost and Daniel were missionaries at 
 Cape Breton in 1633, and when Champlain visited 
 the place on May 5th of that year, he met the two 
 Jesuits, who soon afterwards returned with him to 
 Quebec. 
 
 Father Perrault resided at Cape Breton during 
 the years 1634 and 1635, and Fathers Richard and 
 d'Endemare came in the following year and took up 
 their residence at Fort Ste. Anne in Grand Cibou 
 Bay. This place had many advantages, as it was 
 naturally fortified, and three thousand small vessels 
 could anchor safely in the bay. The Jesuits remained 
 at Cape Breton until the arrival of Bishop de Laval 
 in 1659. These various missions which we have re- 
 corded, constitute the religious history of the islands 
 and coasts of the gulf of St. Lawrence during the 
 greater part of the seventeenth century, and they 
 were all founded by Champlain or under his ad- 
 ministration, and he certainly took an active part in 
 the civilization of the Micmacs. 
 
 237
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 In a memorandum addressed to the king, Cham- 
 plain had set forth his intention to erect a church at 
 Quebec, to be dedicated to the Redeemer. He was, 
 however, unable to accomplish his design. He had 
 also made a solemn promise to the Blessed Virgin, 
 between the years 1629 and 1632, to erect a church 
 in honour of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance, and 
 on his return to Quebec he set out to fulfil his 
 obligation. The occasion was favourable, as the 
 chapel near the habitation in Lower Town had been 
 completely ruined. 
 
 The chapel of Notre Dame de la Recouvrance 
 was erected during the summer of 1633, and in the 
 autumn of the same year the Jesuits said mass for 
 the inhabitants within the building. The increase of 
 the population and of their religious zeal within the 
 two following years, induced Champlain to raise 
 this humble chapel into a small church. The build- 
 ing was therefore enlarged, and from that date the 
 services assumed a character of solemnity which 
 had been unknown before. Grand mass was cele- 
 brated every Sunday by a Jesuit, and the inhabi- 
 tants each in turn offered consecrated loaves. In 
 the afternoon, after vespers, the catechism was 
 explained by the fathers. The French were very 
 regular in their attendance at these ceremonies, 
 and also at the religious instructions. 
 
 Father Charles Lalemant was the first Jesuit 
 who lived at the presbytery as a parish priest. His 
 successor was Father Jean de Quen. Father Le 
 238
 
 NOTRE DAME DE LA RECOUVRANCE 
 
 Jeune wrote at that time: "As soon as we had 
 been lodged near the church (Notre Dame de la 
 Recouvrance) Father Lalemant who had just begun 
 to live at the residence, at the same time initiated 
 its solemnities ; Father de Quen, has succeeded him 
 with the same inclination for ceremony. I frankly 
 confess that my heart melted the first time I as- 
 sisted in this divine service, at the sight of our 
 Frenchmen so greatly rejoicing to hear sung aloud 
 and publicly the praises of the great God in the 
 midst of a barbarous people, at the sight of little 
 children speaking the Christian language in another 
 world. . . . Monsieur Gand's zeal in exercising all 
 his energies to cause our French to love these 
 solemn and public devotions, seems to me very 
 praiseworthy. But the regulations of Monsieur our 
 governor, his very remarkable example, and the 
 piety of the more prominent people, hold all in the 
 line of duty." 
 
 When Champlain was on his deathbed he was 
 aware that his promise had been fulfilled. Notre 
 Dame de la Recouvrance was then a nice church, 
 and it was due to his labours. By his last will he 
 bequeathed to this church all his personal chattels, 
 and three thousand livres in stock of the Company 
 of New France, and nine hundred livres which he 
 had invested in a private company founded by some 
 associates, together with a sum of four hundred 
 livres from his private purse. It was the whole 
 fortune of the first governor of New France. This 
 
 239
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 will was afterwards contested and annulled, and the 
 church was only allowed to receive the sum of nine 
 hundred livres, which had been realized from the 
 sale of his personal property. This sum was devoted 
 to the purchase of a pyx, a silver gilt chalice, and a 
 basin and cruets. 
 
 Several gifts were made for the decoration of the 
 church of Notre Dame dela Recouvrance. Duplessis- 
 Bochart presented two pictures, one representing 
 the Blessed Virgin, and the other the Holy Family. 
 De Castillon, seignior of the Island of Orleans, offered 
 four small pictures, one of St. Ignace de Loyola, of 
 St. Fra^ois Xavier, of St. Stanislas de Kostka, and of 
 St. Louis de Gonzagne, and also a large engraving 
 of Notre Dame. Champlain had also placed on one 
 of the walls a painting which had been rescued from 
 the shipwreck during Father Noyrot's voyage. 
 
 During the year after Champlain's death, the 
 Jesuits consecrated the church of Notre Dame de la 
 Recouvrance under the name of the Immaculate 
 Conception, which from that date was the special 
 patron of the parochial church of Quebec. 
 
 The inauguration of this patronage afforded an 
 opportunity for public rejoicing. On December 7th, 
 1636, a flag was hoisted on the fort and the cannon 
 were fired many times. On the 8th, the day observed 
 by the church in honour of the Immaculate Con- 
 ception, the citizens fired a salute from the muskets 
 at dawn, and they all assisted at mass, and received 
 the Holy Communion, Devotion to the Mother of 
 240
 
 THE FIRE OP 1640 
 
 God soon became general among the people, who 
 were characterized as moral and honest-- 
 
 Notre Dame de la Recouvrance was burnt on 
 June 14th, 1640. In a few hours the residence of the 
 Jesuits, the parochial church, and the chapel of 
 Champlain, where his bones had been placed, were 
 destroyed. The Relation of 1640 gives a short des- 
 cription of the catastrophe : " A rather violent wind, 
 the extreme drouth, the oily wood of the fir of 
 which these buildings were constructed, kindled a 
 fire so quick and violent that hardly anything could 
 be done. All the vessels and the bells and chalices 
 were melted; the stuffs some virtuous persons had 
 sent to us to clothe a few seminarists, or poor 
 savages, were consumed in this same sacrifice. 
 Those truly royal garments that His Majesty had 
 sent to our savages to be used in public functions, 
 to honour the liberality of so great a king, were 
 engulfed in this fiery wreck, which reduced us to 
 the hospital, for we had to go and take lodgings in 
 the hall of the poor, until monsieur, our governor, 
 loaned us a house, and after being lodged therein, the 
 hall of the sick had to be changed into a church." 
 This conflagration was a great loss. The registers 
 were burnt, and the Jesuits had to reproduce them 
 from memory. The chief buildings of Quebec had 
 disappeared, and it was seventeen years before a 
 a new church was built. 
 
 241
 
 A QUARTER of a century had elapsed since 
 -jL the founding of Quebec, and still it could 
 scarcely be regarded as other than a village, while in 
 some parts of New France colonization was abso- 
 lutely null. Agriculture had received some attention 
 in the vicinity of Quebec, but it was on such a 
 small scale that it should be termed gardening 
 rather than farming. 
 
 Charlevoix writes: "The fort of Quebec, sur- 
 rounded by a few wretched houses and some sheds, 
 two or three cabins on the island of Montreal, as 
 many, perhaps, at Tadousac, and at some other 
 points on the river St. Lawrence, to accommodate 
 fishers and traders, a settlement begun at Three 
 Rivers and the ruins of Port Royal, this was all 
 that constituted New France the sole fruit of the 
 discoveries of Verrazzani, Jacques Cartier, de Rob- 
 erval, Champlain, of the great expenses of the 
 Marquis de la Roche and de Monts, and of the 
 industry of many Frenchmen, who might have built 
 up a great colony had they been well directed." 
 
 The various companies, as we have seen, took no 
 interest whatever in settling the country, their chief 
 design being to carry on fur trade with the Indians. 
 
 243
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Patriotism had no meaning for them, the all-absorb- 
 ing question was money. This was not the case, 
 however, with the company established by Cardinal 
 Richelieu, whose desire was to christianize the sav- 
 ages, to found a powerful colony, and to secure 
 for his king the possession of New France. The 
 principal associates of this company were pious, 
 patriotic and zealous men, who laboured to extend 
 the power and influence of France throughout the 
 vast continent of America for the honour and glory 
 of God. There were among the associates a certain 
 number of gentlemen and ecclesiastics, who, realizing 
 their incapacity to transact the business of such an 
 important undertaking, preferred to hand over the 
 administration to merchants of Dieppe, Rouen and 
 Paris, together with the advantages to be derived 
 therefrom. A special association was consequently 
 formed, composed of merchants who undertook the 
 financial affairs of the settlement, such as paying 
 the new governor, providing ammunition and pro- 
 visions, and maintaining the forts ; and if there were 
 profits they were to be divided amongst the Hund- 
 red Associates. This association was formed before 
 the departure of Champlain for Quebec in 1633. 
 Its agents were a merchant of Rouen named 
 Rose'e, and Cheffault, a lawyer of Paris, who had a 
 representative at Quebec. 
 
 As it was necessary for the Hundred Associates 
 to appoint a governor of New France, they offered 
 the position to Champlain, as he was universally 
 244
 
 THE SPRING OF 1633 
 
 respected and known to be experienced and dis- 
 interested. Moreover he was well acquainted with 
 the country, and on friendly terms with the savages. 
 It is dqubtful whether any one could have taken 
 his place with better prospects of success. Cham- 
 plain, moreover, desired to finish his work, and 
 although there was much to accomplish, the future 
 appeared more favourable than at any other time. 
 The company had a large capital at its disposal, and 
 this alone seemed to insure the success of the 
 colony. Three ships were equipped for Quebec in 
 the spring of 1633, the St. Pierre, one hundred and 
 fifty tons burden, carrying twelve cannon ; the St. 
 Jean, one hundred and sixty tons, with ten cannon, 
 and the Don de Dieu, eighty tons, with six cannon. 
 The ships carried about two hundred persons, in- 
 cluding two Jesuits, a number of sailors and settlers, 
 and one woman and two girls. Provisions and am- 
 munition were in abundance. When the fleet arrived 
 in the St. Lawrence, Champlain saw a number of 
 English trading vessels which were there contrary to 
 the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. From this moment 
 Champlain resolved to establish a fixed post for trad- 
 ing, both for the Indians as well as strangers. The 
 island selected for this purpose by Champlain was 
 situated in the river St. Lawrence, about ten leagues 
 above Quebec, and was named Richelieu Island. 
 
 Champlain caused the island to be fortified as 
 soon as possible, and surrounded it with a platform, 
 upon which cannon were placed pointing in every 
 
 245
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 direction. Sentinels were placed on guard, and it 
 would have been impossible for vessels to pass un- 
 observed. The Indians were informed of this new 
 plan, and in the autumn of the same year, the 
 Nipissings and the Algonquins of the Iroquet came 
 to this island for trading. The Hurons, however, 
 came to Quebec, as they had heard from the Al- 
 gonquins of Allumette Island that the French 
 would take revenge for the murder of Etienne 
 Brule. Champlain did not desire to punish them for 
 the death of this traitor, and he therefore did his 
 best to retain the friendship of the Indians, and 
 entertained them at public feasts. He knew well 
 that their fur trade was of great importance, and, 
 moreover, he wanted them as allies in the event 
 of an attack by the Iroquois, which might be ex- 
 pected at any time, as they were unreliable and 
 always anxious for war. A league with the Hurons, 
 Algonquins and Montagnais, with one hundred 
 French, would, in the opinion of Champlain, be 
 sufficient to protect the colony, and he wrote to 
 that effect to the cardinal. This was probably his 
 last letter to the great minister: 
 
 " MONSEIGNEUR i The honour of the commands 
 that I have received from your Eminence has in- 
 spired me with greater courage to render you every 
 possible service with all the fidelity and affection 
 that can be desired from a faithful servant. I shall 
 spare neither my blood nor my life whenever the 
 occasion shall demand them. 
 246
 
 HIS LETTER TO RICHELIEU 
 
 "There are subjects enough in these regions, if 
 your Eminence, considering the character of the 
 country, shall desire to extend your authority over 
 them. This territory is more than fifteen hundred 
 leagues in length, lying between the same parallels 
 of latitude as our own France. It is watered^ by one 
 of the finest rivers in the world, into which empty 
 many tributaries more than four hundred leagues 
 in length, beautifying a country inhabited by a vast 
 number of tribes. Some of them are sedentary in 
 their mode of life, possessing, like the Muscovites, 
 towns and villages built of wood ; others are nomadic 
 hunters and fishermen, all longing to welcome the 
 French and religious fathers, that they may be in- 
 structed in our faith. 
 
 "The excellence of this country cannot be too 
 highly estimated or praised, both as to the richness 
 of the soil, the diversity of the timber such as we 
 have in France, the abundance of -wild animals, 
 game and fish, which are of extraordinary magni- 
 tude. All this invites you, monseigneur, and makes 
 it seem as if God had created you above all your 
 predecessors to do a work here more pleasing to 
 Him than any that has yet been accomplished. 
 
 " For thirty years I have frequented this country, 
 and have acquired a thorough knowledge of it, 
 obtained from my own observation and the infor- 
 mation given me by the native inhabitants. Mon- 
 seigneur, I pray you to pardon my zeal, if I say 
 that, after your renown has spread throughout the 
 
 247
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 East, you should end by compelling its recognition 
 in the West. 
 
 " Expelling the English from Quebec has been a 
 very important beginning, but, nevertheless, since 
 the treaty of peace between the two crowns, they 
 have returned to carry on trade and annoy us in 
 this river, declaring that it was enjoined upon them 
 to withdraw, but not to remain away, and that they 
 have their king's permission to come for the period 
 of thirty years. But, if your Eminence wills, you 
 can make them feel the power of your authority. 
 This can furthermore be extended at your pleasure 
 to him who has come here to bring about a general 
 peace among these people, who are at war with a 
 nation holding more than four hundred leagues in 
 subjection, and who prevent the free use of the 
 rivers and highways. If this peace were made, we 
 should be in complete and easy enjoyment of our 
 possessions. Once established in the country, we 
 could expel our enemies, both English and Flem- 
 ings, forcing them to withdraw to the coast, and, 
 by depriving them of trade with the Iroquois, 
 oblige them to abandon the country entirely. It 
 requires but one hundred and twenty men, light 
 armed for avoiding arrows, by whose aid, together 
 with two or three thousand savage warriors, our 
 allies, we should be, within a year, absolute masters 
 of all these people ; and by establishing order among 
 them, promote religious worship and secure an in- 
 credible amount of traffic. 
 248
 
 THE HURON COUNTRY 
 
 "The country is rich in mines of copper, iron, 
 steel, brass, silver, and other minerals which may be 
 found here. 
 
 "The cost, monseigneur, of one hundred and 
 twenty men is a trifling one to His Majesty, the 
 enterprise the most noble that can be imagined. 
 
 " All for the glory of God, whom I pray with my 
 whole heart to grant you ever increasing prosperity, 
 and to make me all my life, monseigneur, your 
 most humble, most faithful and most obedient ser- 
 vant, "CHAMPLAIN. 
 "At Quebec, in New France, August 15th, 1635." 
 
 In order to consolidate his general scheme for the 
 colonization of the country, Champlain desired that 
 the missionaries should settle permanently among 
 the Huron tribes. The Jesuits wished to go there, 
 as they believed they would find a field for their 
 labours. They had previously set before the people 
 the light of the Catholic faith, but these efforts had 
 not been as successful as they had wished. Father 
 de Bre*beuf, the apostle to the Hurons, having de- 
 cided to return to his former sphere of labours, left 
 for the Huron country in 1634, prepared to remain 
 there as long as there was work to be done. He was 
 destined to live among the Hurons until they were 
 finally dispersed by the Iroquois. 
 
 When Champlain arrived at Quebec, he sum- 
 moned Emery de Caen to deliver to Duplessis- 
 Bochart the keys of the fort and habitation. Cham- 
 plain's arrival caused much rejoicing among the 
 
 249
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 inhabitants, for he inspired both their love and 
 respect, and he was, perhaps, the only man who 
 could impress them with a belief in their future, 
 and thus retain them in the country. The arrival 
 of a certain number of settlers during the years 
 1633-4, was also an encouragement for all. The 
 restoration of Canada to France caused some ex- 
 citement in the maritime provinces of France, 
 especially in Normandy, as most of the settlers 
 of New France up to this date were from there. The 
 exceptions were, Louis Hubert, a native of Paris, 
 and Guillaume Couillard, of St. Malo. Emigration 
 soon extended to other parts of the provinces, as 
 the result of the discrimination of the Relations of 
 the Jesuits, which had been distributed in Paris 
 and elsewhere during the years 1632 and 1633. 
 Several pious and charitable persons began to take 
 an interest in the missions of New France, and 
 forwarded both money and goods to help them. 
 
 Some nuns offered to go to Canada to look after 
 the sick and to instruct the young girls, and in the 
 year 1633 a few families arrived in Quebec with 
 Champlain, who had defrayed their expenses. 
 
 In the year 1634 an association was formed in 
 France for the purpose of promoting colonization, 
 and a group of about forty persons, recruited in 
 different parts of the province of Perche, were sent 
 to Canada, with Robert Giffard at their head. Gif- 
 fard, it will be remembered, had visited Quebec in 
 the year 1627 as surgeon of the vessels sent out by 
 250
 
 ROBERT GIFFARD 
 
 the company, but he had no intention of settling in 
 the country. After having built a log hut on the 
 Beauport shore, he devoted his leisure to hunting 
 and fishing, game and fish being plentiful at that 
 time, and returned to France during the same year. 
 He was appointed surgeon to Roquemonts fleet 
 during the following year, and as the vessels were 
 captured by the English, he, with the others on 
 board, was compelled to return to his mother 
 country. This misfortune did not discourage the 
 former solitary inhabitant of Beauport, and he re- 
 solved to revisit the country, but this time with 
 a view of settling and of farming. 
 
 Giffard had suffered many losses, and as a com- 
 pensation for his services and misfortune, he ob- 
 tained a tract of land from the Company of New 
 France, one league in length and a league and a 
 half in breadth, situated between the rivers Mont- 
 morency and Beauport, bounded in front by the 
 river St. Lawrence, and hi the rear by the Lauren- 
 tian Mountains. He was also granted as a special 
 favour, a tract of land of two acres in extent, situ- 
 ated near the fort, for the purpose of building a 
 residence, surrounded with grounds. These conces- 
 sions, which seem large at first sight, were, how- 
 ever, not new to the colony. Louis Hebert had been 
 granted the fief of the Sault au Matelot, and the 
 fief Lepinay, while the Jesuits had received the 
 fief of Notre Dame des Anges almost free of con- 
 ditions. 
 
 251
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Under these favourable conditions Giffard in- 
 duced two citizens of Mortagne, Zacharie Cloutier 
 and Jean Guyon, to accompany him to Canada. 
 Cloutier was a joiner, and Guyon a mason. They 
 promised their seignior that they would build him 
 a residence, thirty feet long and sixteen feet wide. 
 
 The other emigrants came to Canada at their own 
 risk. The party numbered forty-three persons, in- 
 cluding women and children, and were within a 
 space of from five to eight leagues of Mortagne, the 
 chief town of the old province of Perche. There 
 were two exceptions, however, Jean Juchereau 
 came from La Ferte' Vidame in Thimerais, and Noel 
 Langlois was from St. Leonard, in Normandy. 
 
 The vessels bearing the contingent of settlers 
 arrived in Quebec in June. They were four in num- 
 ber, under the command of Captains de Nesle, de 
 Lormel, Bontemps, and Duplessis-Bochart. Robert 
 GifFard had preceded the party by a few days, and 
 he lost no time in selecting the spot where his 
 residence was to be built, upon which he planted a 
 cross on July 25th. He also commenced clearing 
 the land, and two years after he gathered in a har- 
 vest of wheat sufficient to maintain twenty persons. 
 The soil in this part was very productive, and it is, 
 even to-day, the richest in the province of Quebec. 
 
 Among the emigrants of the year 1634 were two 
 
 remarkable men, Jean Bourdon, and a priest named 
 
 Jean LeSueur de St. Sauveur. The Abbe' LeSueur 
 
 de St. Sauveur had abandoned his parish of St. 
 
 252
 
 JEAN BOURDON 
 
 Sauveur de Thury, which is to-day known as Thury- 
 Harcourt, in Normandy, to come to Quebec. One 
 of the suburbs of Quebec to-day takes its name 
 from this > active and devoted priest. 
 
 Jean Bourdon, an inseparable friend of the abbe', 
 established himself on the borders of Coteau Ste. 
 Genevieve, which is to-day known as St. John's 
 suburb. He built a house and a mill, and also a 
 chapel, which he named Chapel St. Jean. Other 
 pioneers soon settled near Bourdon's place, which 
 finally gave to Quebec a suburb. 
 
 Bourdon was a man of great capacity, and he in 
 turn filled the role of surveyor, engineer, cartogra- 
 pher, delineator, farmer, diplomat and lawyer. He 
 saw the colony increasing, and knew eight governors 
 of the colony, including Champlain. He was also 
 acquainted with Bishop Laval, the Venerable Mo- 
 ther Marie Guyart de 1'Incarnation, and was on 
 good terms with the Jesuits and the nuns of the 
 Hotel Dieu and Ursuline Convent. Bourdon played 
 an important part in the affairs of the colony. He 
 was present at the foundation of the Jesuits' college, 
 of the Quebec seminary, and of the Conseil Sou- 
 verain, of which he was procureur fiscal. Of his 
 personal qualities, the Venerable Mother de 1'In- 
 carnation has written that he was "the father of the 
 poor, the comfort of orphans and widows, a good 
 example for everybody." 
 
 One of the articles of the act incorporating the 
 Company of New France, provided that the colony 
 
 253
 
 CHAMPLA1N 
 
 was to be settled with French and Catholic sub- 
 jects only. This provision may appear at first sight 
 to be arbitrary, but when we consider that one of 
 the chief objects of the colonization of New France 
 was to convert the savages, and that the Huguenots 
 with their new form of religion were, generally 
 speaking, hostile to the king and to the Catholics, 
 it seems to have been a judicious provision. In such 
 a small community the existence of two creeds so 
 opposed to each other could hardly have produced 
 harmony, and as the Catholics were undertaking 
 the enterprise and it originated with them, they 
 surely had the right to do what they considered 
 would most effectively secure their ends. 
 
 For political reasons this action could also be 
 defended, for the loyalty of the Huguenots was, 
 perhaps, doubtful, and their past actions did not 
 offer any guarantee for the future. They did not 
 hesitate to preach revolt against the authorities of 
 France, and, therefore, intimate connection with the 
 Indians might have produced results prejudicial to 
 the colony. If France had the welfare of the colony 
 at heart, it behooved her to exclude every disturbing 
 element. Viewed impartially, this precaution was 
 undoubtedly just, and those who blame the company 
 for their action, do not rightly understand the diffi- 
 culties which existed at that period. 
 
 Richelieu, who had a clear insight into, the affairs 
 of the time, did not prohibit trade between the 
 Huguenots and the Indians, but he refused them 
 254
 
 A RELIGIOUS BASIS 
 
 permission to settle in Canada, or to remain there 
 for any length of time without special leave. Cham- 
 plain had observed the attitude of the Huguenots, 
 their unwillingness to erect a fort at Quebec, their 
 persecution of the Catholics, and their treatment 
 of the Jesuits, and although he was not fanatical, 
 he was pleased with this rule. The foundation of 
 the new settlement was based upon religion, and 
 religion was essential to its progress. Peace and har- 
 mony must be maintained, and everything that 
 would promote trouble or quarrel must be ex- 
 cluded. 
 
 During the seventeenth century, England pre- 
 served a warlike attitude towards Catholics. A 
 Catholic was not eligible for a public office, and the 
 learned professions were closed to them, neither 
 could a Catholic act as a tutor or as an executor to 
 a will. Prejudice was carried still further, and even 
 the books treating of their faith were suppressed, 
 while relics or religious pictures were forbidden. 
 These were only a few of the persecutions to which 
 they were subject. 
 
 As far back as 1621 Champlain had requested the 
 king to forbid Protestant emigration to Canada, 
 but his petition was not granted, because the com- 
 pany was composed of mixed creeds. The company 
 formed by Richelieu, however, was solely Catholic, 
 and there were no difficulties on this score. The 
 result of this policy was soon manifest. There were 
 no more dissensions on board the vessels as to places 
 
 255
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 of worship, and the Catholics were, as a consequence, 
 enabled to observe their religious duties without 
 fear of annoyance. The beneficent influence of this 
 policy extended to the settlement, where the people 
 lived in peace, and were not subject to the petty 
 quarrels which arose through a difference in creed. 
 
 In the Relation of 1637 we find evidence of this: 
 "Now it seems to me that I can say with truth 
 that the soil of New France is watered by so many 
 heavenly blessings, that souls nourished in virtue 
 find here their true element, and are, consequently, 
 healthier than elsewhere. As for those whose vices 
 have rendered them diseased, they not only do not 
 grow worse, but very often, coming to breathe a 
 salubrious air, and far removed from opportunities 
 for sin, changing climate they change their lives, 
 and a thousand times bless the sweet providence of 
 God, which has made them find the door to felicity 
 where others fear only misery. 
 
 "In a word, God has been worshipped in His 
 houses, preaching has been well received, both at 
 Ke'bec and at the Three Rivers, where Father Bu- 
 teux usually instructed our French people ; each of 
 our brethren has been occupied in hearing many 
 confessions, both ordinary and general ; very few 
 holidays and Sundays during the winter have passed 
 in which we have not seen and received persons at 
 the table of our Lord. And certain ones, who for 
 three, four and five years had not confessed in old 
 France, now, in the new, approach this so salutary 
 256
 
 THE RELATION OF 1637 
 
 sacrament oftener than once a month ; prayers are 
 offered kneeling and in public, not only at the fort, 
 but also in families and little companies scattered 
 here and there. As we have taken for patroness of 
 the Church of Kdbec the Holy Virgin under the 
 title of her Conception, which we believe to be im- 
 maculate, so we have celebrated this festival with 
 solemnity and rejoicing. 
 
 "The festival of the glorious Patriarch Saint 
 Joseph, father, patron and protector of New France, 
 is one of the great solemnities of this country. . . . 
 It is, in my opinion, through his favour and through 
 his merits, that the inhabitants of New France who 
 live upon the banks of the great river Saint Law- 
 rence, have resolved to receive all the good customs 
 of the old and to refuse admission to the bad ones. 
 
 "And to tell the truth, so long as we have a 
 governor who is a friend of virtue, and so long as 
 we have free speech in the Church of God, the 
 monster of ambition will have no altar there. 
 
 "All the principal personages of our colony 
 honour religion; I say with joy and God's blessing, 
 that those whom His goodness has given to com- 
 mand over us, and those also who are coming 
 to establish themselves in these countries, enjoy, 
 cherish, and wish to follow the most sincere maxims 
 of Christianity. . . . Justice reigns here, insolence is 
 banished, and shamelessness would not dare to raise 
 its head. ... It is very important to introduce good 
 laws and pious customs in these early beginnings, 
 
 257
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 for those who shall come after us will walk in our 
 footsteps, and will readily conform to the example 
 given them by us, whether tending to virtue or 
 vice." 
 
 We could multiply evidence on this point. The 
 Jesuits always recall this good feature of the settlers, 
 their respect for their religion, its worship and its 
 ministers. 
 
 The author of the " Secret Life of Louis XV," says 
 that New France owed its vigour to its first settlers ; 
 their families had multiplied and formed a people, 
 healthy, strong, honourable, and attached to good 
 principles. Father Le Clercq, a Re'collet, the Vener- 
 able Mother de 1'Incarnation, and many others, 
 seem to take pleasure in praising the virtues of our 
 first ancestors. 
 
 Champlain had begun his administration by es- 
 tablishing order everywhere, and chiefly among the 
 soldiers, who easily understood military discipline, 
 but the religious code with more difficulty. Fort 
 St. Louis was like a school of religion and of 
 every virtue. They lived there as in a monastery. 
 There was a lecture during meals ; in the morning 
 they read history, and at supper the lives of saints. 
 After that they said their prayers, and Champlain 
 had introduced the old French custom of ringing 
 the church bells three times a day, during the 
 recitation of the Angelus. At night, every one was 
 invited to go to Champlain's room for the night's 
 prayer, said by Champlain himself. 
 258
 
 AN HONOURABLE CAREER 
 
 These good examples, given by Champlain, gov- 
 ernor of the country, were followed, and produced 
 good fruits of salvation among the whole population. 
 The blessing of God on the young colony was evi- 
 dent, and when Champlain died, he had the conso- 
 lation of leaving after him a moral, honest and 
 virtuous people. 
 
 259
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 Fthe autumn of the year 1635, Champlain suf- 
 fered from a stroke of paralysis, which was 
 considered very severe from the commencement. 
 However, hopes were entertained for his recovery. 
 The months of October and November passed 
 away, and still no sign of improvement appeared. 
 Champlain, therefore, made his will, which he was 
 able to sign plainly, in the presence of some wit- 
 nesses. Father Charles Lalemant, the friend and 
 confessor of Champlain, administered to him the last 
 rites of the church, and on the night of December 
 25th, 1635, he passed away at Fort St. Louis. 
 
 All the inhabitants, without exception, were deep- 
 ly affected on hearing the news of his demise, and a 
 great number attended his funeral The funeral 
 sermon was preached by Father Le Jeune. Cham- 
 plain was buried in a grave which had been specially 
 prepared, and later on, a small chapel was erected 
 to protect his precious remains. 1 This chapel was 
 
 1 The exact site of the chapel wherein Champlain was buried is un- 
 known, although many antiquarians have endeavoured to throw light 
 upon the subject. In 1866 some bones and the fragment of an inscrip- 
 tion were found in a kind of vault at the foot of Breakneck Stairs, and 
 Messrs. Laverdiere and Casgrain were under the impression that Cham- 
 plain's tomb had been found. In 1875 the Abbe' Casgrain discovered a 
 
 261
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 unfortunately burnt, as we have already mentioned, 
 during the conflagration of June 14th, 1640. 
 
 The Jesuits' Relations of 1636 give a full account 
 of the last days of Champlain, which we here quote: 
 " On December 25th, the day of the birth of our 
 Saviour upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our 
 governor, was reborn in Heaven ; at least we can 
 say that his death was full of blessings. I am sure 
 that God has shown him this favour in consideration 
 of the benefits he has procured for New France, 
 where we hope some day God will be loved and 
 served by our French, and known and adored by 
 our savages. Truly he had led a life of great justice, 
 equity and perfect loyalty to his king and towards 
 the gentlemen of the company. But at his death he 
 crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so 
 lofty that he astonished us all. What tears he shed ! 
 How ardent became his zeal for the service of God I 
 How great was his love for the families here saying 
 that they must be vigorously assisted for the good 
 of the country, and made comfortable in every 
 possible way in these early stages, and that he 
 would do it if God gave him health. He was not 
 
 document which he considered proved that the chapel had been built in 
 the Upper Town, in the vicinity of the parochial church and of 
 Fort St. Louis. This opinion was further confirmed by other documents 
 which have since been found. The chapel was in existence in the year 
 1661, but after this date no mention is made of it. The parochial ar- 
 chives contain no mention of the place, and the only facts that we have 
 concerning the tomb, are that Father Raymbault and Frau^ois de Re, 
 Sieur Gand, were buried near Champlain's remains. 
 262
 
 MADAME CHAMPLAIN 
 
 taken unawares in the account which he had to 
 render unto God, for he had long ago .prepared a 
 general confession of his whole life, which he made 
 with great contrition to Father Lalemant, whom 
 he honoured with his friendship. The father com- 
 forted him throughout his sickness, whiclT lasted 
 two months and a hah , and did not leave him until 
 his death. He had a very honourable burial, the 
 funeral procession being formed of the people, the 
 soldiers, the captains and the churchmen. Father 
 Lalemant officiated at this burial, and I was charged 
 with the funeral oration, for which I did not lack 
 material Those whom he left behind have reason 
 to be well satisfied with him ; for although he died 
 out of France, his name will not therefore be any 
 less glorious to posterity." 
 
 Champlain left no posterity. His wife spent only 
 four years in Canada, after which she resided con- 
 tinually in Paris. During her residence in New 
 France, she studied the Algonquin language, and 
 instructed the young Indians in catechism, and in 
 this manner she won the friendship of the native 
 tribes. It was the fashion of the time for a lady of 
 quality to wear at her girdle a small mirror, and the 
 youthful Helene observed the custom. The savages, 
 who were delighted to be in her company, were oft 
 time astonished to see their own image reflected on 
 the crystalline surface of this mirror, and said, with 
 their native simplicity : " A lady so handsome, who 
 cures our diseases, and loves us to so great an extent 
 
 263
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 as to bear our image near her breast, must be 
 superior to a human being." They, therefore, had a 
 kind of veneration for her, and they would have 
 offered their homage to her instead of to the Deity 
 of whom they had only an imperfect knowledge. 
 
 The Indians were Madame Champlain's special 
 care, but she was respected by the French as well. 
 We do not know very much about her social inter- 
 course with the different families of Quebec, but it 
 is not probable that she ignored Madame Hubert or 
 her family, as Faillon seems to believe. Her own 
 distinction and the position of her husband would, 
 no doubt, render her particular in the choice of 
 friends, but we can scarcely believe that she would 
 completely ignore Madame Couillard, who was of 
 her own age. How was it that she consented to live 
 alone in Quebec during the long absence of her 
 husband ? 
 
 After her return to Paris in 1624, Madame Cham- 
 plain lived alone, and became more and more de- 
 tached from the world, till she asked her husband 
 to allow her to enter an Ursuline convent. Cham- 
 plain, fearing that this desire might arise rather 
 from caprice than a vocation for the life of the 
 cloister, thought it advisable to refuse her request, 
 and he bade her a last adieu in 1633. After Cham- 
 plain's death, Father Le Jeune informed her that 
 she was now free to follow the dictates of her 
 heart. 
 
 According to the marriage settlement, Champlain 
 264
 
 HIS WILL 
 
 was obliged to leave to his wife, if she were still 
 living, all his possessions. By his last will, however, 
 he left all his property to the church. Champlain 
 had no desire to injure his wife by this act ; on the 
 contrary, he knew that her piety was great, and 
 that she would probably applaud the course he had 
 taken, which was owing to his extraordinary de- 
 votion to Notre Dame de la Recouvrance, the 
 church which he had built and loved. Madame 
 Champlain, in fact, made no opposition, and the 
 will was confirmed on July llth, 1637. The will, 
 however, was contested by Marie Camaret, a first 
 cousin of Champlain, and wife of Jacques Hersault, 
 comptroller of customs at La Rochelle, and a famous 
 trial was the result. The will was contested on two 
 grounds : (1.) That the will was contrary to the 
 marriage settlement, and therefore ought to be an- 
 nulled ; (2.) That the will was made by foreign 
 hands, as it was difficult to suppose that Champlain 
 had chosen the Virgin Mary as his heir. 
 
 These were the contentions of Master Boileau. 
 The attorney-general Bignon easily refuted the 
 second allegation by proving that Madame Cham- 
 plain had recognized the signature of her husband, 
 and had stated that the expression and style were 
 his. The terms of this bequest to the Virgin were 
 quite natural to a man of Champlain's character, 
 "When we know," said the attorney, " that he fre- 
 quently made use of Christian expressions in his 
 general conversation." 
 
 265
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Although the authenticity of the will was proved, 
 the attorney-general argued that it ought to be set 
 aside in face of the deed of settlement. The court 
 upheld this view, and the property of Champlain, 
 with the exception of the sum of nine hundred 
 livres, derived from the sale of his chattels, returned 
 to his natural heirs. 
 
 This trial and other affairs prevented Madame 
 Champlain from carrying out her resolution, and it 
 was not until November 7th, 1645, that she entered 
 the monastery of St. Ursula at Paris. She first 
 entered the institution as a benefactress, and soon 
 after became a novice under the name of Helene de 
 St. Augustin. There seems to have been some 
 difficulties with regard to her profession as a nun, 
 and she therefore resolved to found an Ursuline 
 monastery at Meaux. Bishop Se'guier granted the 
 necessary permission to found the monastery, and 
 also for her to take with her three nuns and a lay 
 sister. Helene de St. Augustin left Paris for Meaux 
 on March 17th, 1648, and made her profession five 
 months after. As a preparation for this solemn act, 
 she made a public confession in the presence of the 
 community. She also recited her faults, kneeling, 
 and wearing a cord about her neck, and bearing a 
 lighted taper in her hands. Mere Helene de St. 
 Augustin lived only six years in her convent at 
 Meaux, and died on December 20th, 1654, at the 
 age of fifty years, leaving the memory of a saintly 
 life. 
 
 266
 
 A NOBLE CHARACTER 
 
 Eustache Boull, the brother of Helene de St. 
 Augustin, became a convert to Catholicism through 
 the intervention of his sister, and entered the Minim 
 order. He was sent to Italy, where he lived for 
 six years. During his sojourn there his sister sent to 
 him one thousand livres a year, and at her death 
 she bequeathed to him the sum of six thousand 
 livres, and all her chattels, together with a pension 
 of four hundred livres for life. 
 
 All those who have carefully studied the life of 
 Champlain, have been impressed by the many bril- 
 liant qualities which he possessed. Some have praised 
 his energy, his courage, his loyalty, his disinterest- 
 edness, and his probity. Others have admired the 
 charity which he exhibited towards his neighbours, 
 his zeal, his practical faith, his exalted views and 
 his perseverance. The fact is, that in Champlain all 
 these qualities were united to a prominent degree. 
 
 The contemporaries of Champlain did not per- 
 haps appreciate his merits, or his heroic efforts as a 
 founder. This is not altogether singular, for even in 
 the physical world one cannot rightly estimate the 
 altitude of a mountain by remaining close to its 
 base, but at a distance a just appreciation of its pro- 
 portions may be obtained. 
 
 If the contemporaries of Champlain failed to 
 render him justice, posterity has made amends, and 
 Time, the sole arbitrator of fame, has placed the 
 founder of Quebec upon a pedestal of glory which 
 will become more brilliant as the centuries roll on. 
 
 267
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Nearly three centuries had elapsed since the heroic 
 Saintongeais first set foot on the soil of Canada, 
 when, at the close of the nineteenth century, a 
 spectacle was witnessed in the city of his foundation 
 which proved that the name of Ghamplain was 
 graven on the hearts of all Canadians. The cere- 
 monies attending the inauguration of the splendid 
 monument which now adorns Quebec, have become 
 a matter of history, and seldom could such a scene 
 be repeated again. France and England, the two 
 great nations from which Canadians have descended, 
 each paid homage to the illustrious founder; nor 
 can we forget the noble tribute which was paid by 
 the latest English governor, representing Her Ma- 
 jesty Queen Victoria, to the first French governor, 
 representing His Majesty the King of France and 
 of Navarre. 
 
 It is seldom that the deeds of the great men of 
 past ages have been more fittingly remembered. 
 Champlain, as we have previously remarked, pos- 
 sessed in an eminent degree all the qualities neces- 
 sary for a founder, and his character is therefore 
 exceptional, for over and above all the heroism he 
 displayed, all his perseverance, his devotion to his 
 country, we behold the working of a Christian mind, 
 and the desire to propagate the faith of his fathers. 
 
 What would have been the result of the missions 
 
 without his aid ? It was Champlain who caused the 
 
 standard of our faith to be planted on the shores of 
 
 Canada. It was he who brought the missionaries to 
 
 268
 
 THE FATHER OF NEW FRANCE 
 
 the new settlement, and maintained them at Que- 
 bec, at Tadousac, and in the Huron country. It 
 was Champlain, too, who founded the parochial 
 church of Quebec, and afterwards endowed it. 
 
 Champlain's work rested solely upon a religious 
 foundation, hence his work has endured. It is true 
 that the founder of Quebec had certain worldly 
 ambitions : he desired to promote commerce be- 
 tween the French and the Indians, but surely this 
 is not a matter for which he should be reproached. 
 Without trade the inhabitants of the settlement 
 could not exist, and without the development of 
 the settlement, his work of civilization would neces- 
 sarily end. He worked for the material prosperity 
 of the settlement, but not to increase his own 
 fortune. The development of trade was also es- 
 sential to Champlain in his capacity of explorer, and 
 it was only through this means that he could extend 
 the bounds of his mother country. This was surely 
 the wisdom of a true patriot. What nobler ambition 
 on earth could any one have than this, to extend 
 the kingdom of his God and of his king ? 
 
 Champlain has been justly called The Father of 
 New France, and this is certainly a glorious title. 
 The name of Champlain is indissolubly associated 
 with this country, and will live long after his con- 
 temporaries are forgotten, for many of them now 
 only live through him. 
 
 America contains a number of towns which have 
 carefully preserved the names of their founders, 
 
 269
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 whose memories are consecrated by monuments 
 which will recall to future generations their noble 
 work. But where is the town or state that can point 
 to a founder whose work equalled that of Cham- 
 plain ? He had to spend thirty of the best years of 
 his life in his endeavours to found a settlement on 
 the shores of the St. Lawrence. Twenty times he 
 crossed the Atlantic in the interests of the colony, 
 and in the meantime he had constantly to combat 
 the influence of the merchants who vigorously op- 
 posed the settlement of the French in Canada. 
 
 If we study the history of the mercantile com- 
 panies from the years 1608 to 1627, we find on the 
 one hand, a body of men absorbed by one idea, that 
 of growing rich, and on the other hand, a man, 
 anxious, it is true, to look after the material interests 
 of the merchants and of the people, but hand in hand 
 with this the desire to extend the dominion of his 
 sovereign. Here was a vast country, capable of pro- 
 ducing great wealth, and struggling for its possession 
 was a body of avaricious men, while valiantly guard- 
 ing its infancy, we find a single champion, the heroic 
 Champlain. Champlain watched over the new settle- 
 ment with the tender solicitude of a parent carefully 
 protecting his offspring from danger, and ready to 
 sacrifice his life to save it from disaster. In small 
 vessels of sixty or eighty tons, Champlain had re- 
 peatedly exposed his life to danger in crossing the 
 ocean. His health had also been exposed during the 
 days and nights spent in the open forests, or when 
 270
 
 PRUDENT AND CHARITABLE 
 
 passing on the dangerous rivers in his efforts to ex- 
 plore new territory. He was also constantly at the 
 mercy of the Indians, whose treachery was pro- 
 verbial. Under all these dangers and through all 
 these conditions, Champlain's conduct was exemp- 
 lary. He was charitable as a missionary towards 
 these poor children of the woods. When threatened 
 with hunger or malady, he relieved their wants and 
 took care of the young children, some of whom he 
 adopted. Others again he placed in French families, 
 hoping that sooner or later they would be baptized 
 into the fold of Christ's flock. In his intercourse 
 with the chiefs, Champlain took occasion to explain 
 to them the rudiments of the Christian faith, hoping 
 thereby to pave the way for the work of the mis- 
 sionaries. Whenever he found any children that 
 seemed more intelligent than usual, he sent them to 
 France, where they could be instructed, and either 
 enter a convent or take service in some good family. 
 And who can tell whether some of these children 
 did not afterwards become missionaries to their own 
 country ? 
 
 Champlain's prudence in his dealings with the 
 savages was not less remarkable than his charity. 
 This conduct gave him an influence over the Indians 
 that no other Frenchman was able to obtain. The 
 Indian tribes regarded Champlain as a father, but 
 their love was mingled with a reverential fear, and 
 every word and action was of deep significance to 
 them. They had faith in Champlain, which after all 
 
 271
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 was not unusual, for he had never deceived them. 
 Though they were barbarous and uncouth, and 
 generally untruthful, they could distinguish the 
 false from the true from the lips of a Frenchman. 
 Being given to dissimulation themselves, they could 
 appreciate sincerity in others. 
 
 Some writers have questioned Champlain's pru- 
 dence touching the alliance which he made with 
 some Indians for the purpose of fighting the ag- 
 gressive Iroquois. We have already shown that if 
 Champlain desired to maintain his settlement at 
 Quebec, such an alliance was not only prudent, but 
 essential. The Hurons and allied tribes, it is true, 
 were barbarous, though not to so great an extent as 
 the Iroquois, but they had the same vices and were 
 as perfidious. The least discontent or whim would 
 have been sufficient for the whole band to have 
 swept the fort away. By making an alliance with 
 them, and promising to assist them against their 
 inveterate foes, it became to their advantage to sup- 
 port Champlain, and thus to render his people secure 
 against attack. Moreover the numerical strength of 
 the settlers in the early days was not sufficient for 
 Champlain to have imposed terms by force of arms, 
 and as it was necessary for his people to trade with 
 the Indians, he could not have done better, under 
 the circumstances, than to form this alliance, which 
 insured business relations and protection for his 
 countrymen. 
 
 This alliance was undoubtedly made at a sacrifice 
 272
 
 A CONCILIATORY POLICY 
 
 to Champlain, and he had to suffer many humilia- 
 tions and privations thereby. We cannot imagine 
 that he found any pleasure in going to war with a 
 lot of savages, or in fighting against a ferocious band, 
 with whom neither he nor his people had any 
 quarrel. It is certain that Champlain did not en- 
 courage them in their wars, and he was careful not 
 to put any weapons into their hands. The same 
 amount of prudence was not exercised by those 
 who came after the French and endeavoured to 
 colonize New England and New Netherland. 
 
 Champlain's policy was one of conciliation. He 
 desired peace, harmony and charity above all things. 
 As a respectful and obedient child of his mother, 
 the Catholic Church, he was very anxious that her 
 teachings and advice should be observed by those 
 who were placed under his authority. Although in 
 his early life he had followed the career of a soldier, 
 still he regarded the profession of arms as useful 
 only to put into question the ancient axiom, Si vis 
 pacem, para bellum. Wars and quarrels had no 
 attraction for Champlain, and he always preferred a 
 friendly arrangement of any difficulty. He was a 
 lover of peace, rather than of bloodshed, and the 
 kindly nature of his disposition prevented him 
 adopting vigorous measures. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the fulfilment of his duty as a 
 judge, he was just, and would punish the guilty in 
 order to restrain abuses or crimes. At this period 
 there was no court of justice in New France, but 
 
 278
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Champlain's commission empowered him to name 
 officers to settle quarrels and disputes. There was a 
 king's attorney, a lieutenant of the Pre'vote', and a 
 clerk of the Quebec jurisdiction, which had been 
 established by the king. Champlain, however, was 
 often called upon to decide a point of law, and we 
 learn from his history that he was unable on ac- 
 count of death to settle a point which had arisen 
 between two of Robert Giffard's farmers. 
 
 Champlain's authority was very extended, and 
 whatever good may have resulted from his adminis- 
 tration is due to the fact that he exercised his 
 power with wisdom and prudence. Champlain's in- 
 fluence has expanded throughout the country wher- 
 ever the French language is spoken, from the Huron 
 peninsula, along the Algonquins' river, from Sault 
 St. Louis, Tadousac and Quebec, and every one 
 has recognized that Champlain alone, among the 
 men of his day, had sufficient patriotism and confid- 
 ence in the future of the colony to maintain and 
 hold aloft under great difficulties, the lily banner of 
 France on our Canadian shores. 
 
 After having founded Quebec, Champlain, with 
 characteristic wisdom, chose the places where now 
 stand the cities of Montreal and Three Rivers. He 
 was particularly fortunate in his selections, and any 
 buildings that he caused to be erected, were built 
 from his own plans and under his own directions. 
 
 On the whole, Champlain's writings are very 
 interesting, notwithstanding the fact that he is 
 274
 
 HIS WRITINGS 
 
 somewhat diffuse in his style. Writing in the style 
 of the commencement of the seventeenth century, 
 we see traces, especially in his figures and descrip- 
 tions, of the beauties of a language which was then 
 in a transitory state. However, whether his style 
 may be commended or condemned, it is of little 
 consequence, since he has given to the world such 
 ample details of his life and achievements as a dis- 
 coverer, an explorer and a founder. His writings are 
 the more remarkable from the fact that they were 
 composed during the scanty leisure of his daily life, 
 and we owe him a debt of gratitude for having sacri- 
 ficed this leisure to give us such precious treasures. 1 
 Such was the life of this peerless man, whose in- 
 cessant labours were dedicated to the service of 
 God and the glory of France. 
 
 The city of Quebec is justly proud of her noble 
 founder, and it is a source of gratification to the 
 inhabitants to point to the stately monument which 
 stands upon the spot consecrated by the life and 
 death of Champlain. The inscription commemorates 
 the great work of the founder, and of his explora- 
 tions; but in the hearts of the people of Canada, 
 Champlain has a still more precious monument, and 
 the flourishing condition of our Dominion to-day is 
 
 1 The last publication of Champlain bears the date of 1632, with the 
 following title : Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidental, dicte 
 Canada, fails par le Sr. de Champlain Xainctongeois. Capitaine pour If Roy 
 en la Marine du Ponant, et toutes les Descouvertures qu'U a faitet en ce 
 pays depute fan 1603, jusques en Fan 1629. MDCXXXII. This volume 
 is dedicated to Richelieu. According to M. Laverdiere, it has been re- 
 issued, in 1640, with a new date and title. 
 
 275
 
 but the unconscious outcome of the trial and labours 
 of his heroic life. 
 
 All historians who have written of Champlain 
 attribute to him the qualities which we have en- 
 deavoured to depict in these pages. Charlevoix, a 
 Jesuit, and the author of the first great history of 
 Canada, written about one hundred years after the 
 death of the founder of New France, thus writes: 
 
 "Champlain died at Quebec, generally and justly 
 regretted. M. de Champlain was, beyond contra- 
 diction, a man of merit, and may be well called, 
 The Father of New France. He had good sense, 
 much penetration, very upright views, and no man 
 was ever more skilled in adopting a course in the 
 most complicated affairs. What all admired most in 
 him was his constancy in following up his enter- 
 prises, his firmness in the greatest dangers, a courage 
 proof against the most unforeseen reverses and dis- 
 appointments, ardent and disinterested patriotism, 
 a heart tender and compassionate for the unhappy, 
 and more attentive to the interests of his friends 
 than his own, a high sense of honour and great 
 probity. His memoirs show that he was not ignorant 
 of anything that one of his profession should know, 
 and we find in him a faithful and sincere historian, 
 an attentively observant traveller, a judicious writer, 
 a good mathematician and an able mariner. 
 
 " But what crowns all these good qualities is the 
 fact that in his life, as well as in his writings, he 
 shows himself always a truly Christian man, zealous 
 276
 
 CHARLEVOIX'S TRIBUTE 
 
 for the service of God, full of candour and religion. 
 He was accustomed to say what we .read in his 
 memoirs, ' That the salvation of a single soul was 
 worth more than the conquest of an empire, and 
 that kings should seek to extend their domain in 
 heathen countries only to subject them to Christ.' 
 He thus spoke especially to silence those who, un- 
 duly prejudiced against Canada, asked what France 
 would gain by settling it. Our kings, it is known, 
 always spoke like Champlain on this point ; and the 
 conversion of the Indians was the chief motive 
 which, more than once, prevented their abandoning 
 a colony, the progress of which was so long retarded 
 by our impatience, our inconstancy, and the blind 
 cupidity of a few individuals. To give it a more 
 solid foundation, it only required more respect for 
 the suggestions of M. de Champlain, and more 
 seasonable belief on the part of those who placed 
 him in his position. The plan which he proposed 
 was but too well justified by the failure of opposite 
 maxims and conduct." 
 
 In 1880, the Reverend E. F. Slafter, 1 a Protestant 
 
 1 Edmund Farwell Slafter was born in Norwich, Vt., on May 30th, 
 1816. He was graduated at Dartmouth in 1840, studied at Andover 
 Theological Seminary, and in 1844 was ordained a minister of the Pro- 
 testant Episcopal Church. Since 1877 he has given his leisure time to 
 historical studies. He has published, among other works, Sir William 
 Alexander and American Colonization, in the series of the Prince Society 
 (Boston, 1873), Voyages of the Northmen to America, edited with an in- 
 troduction (1877), Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, translated from the 
 French by Charles Pomeroy Otis, with historical illustrations and a 
 memoir (three volumes, 1878, 1880, 1882). 
 
 277
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 minister, gave to the American nation an appre- 
 ciative description of the virtues of Champlain, from 
 which we quote the following passage: "In com- 
 pleting this memoir the reader can hardly fail to be 
 impressed, not to say disappointed, by the fact that 
 results apparently insignificant should thus far have 
 followed a life of able, honest, unselfish, heroic 
 labour. The colony was still small in numbers, the 
 acres subdued and brought into cultivation were 
 few, and the aggregate yearly products were meagre. 
 But it is to be observed that the productiveness of 
 capital and labour and talent, two hundred and 
 seventy years ago, cannot well be compared with 
 the standards of to-day. Moreover, the results of 
 Champlain's career are insignificant rather in ap- 
 pearance than in reality. The work which he did 
 was in laying foundations, while the superstructure 
 was to be reared in other years and by other hands. 
 The palace or temple, by its lofty and majestic pro- 
 portions, attracts the eye and gratifies the taste; but 
 its unseen foundations, with their nicely adjusted 
 arches, without which the superstructure would 
 crumble to atoms, are not less the result of the 
 profound knowledge and practical wisdom of the 
 architect. The explorations made by Champlain 
 early and late, the organization and planting of his 
 colonies, the resistance of avaricious corporations, 
 the holding of numerous savage tribes in friendly 
 alliance, the daily administration of the affairs of 
 the colony, of the savages, and of the corporation in 
 278
 
 SLAFTER'S TRIBUTE 
 
 France, to the eminent satisfaction of all generous 
 and noble-minded patrons, and this for. a period of 
 more than thirty years, are proof of an extraordinary 
 continuation of mental and moral qualities. With- 
 out impulsiveness, his warm and tender sympathies 
 imparted to him an unusual power and influence 
 over other men. He was wise, mode'st and judicious 
 in council, prompt, vigorous and practical in ad- 
 ministration, simple and frugal in his mode of life, 
 persistent and unyielding in the execution of his 
 plans, brave and valiant in danger, unselfish, honest 
 and conscientious in the discharge of duty. These 
 qualities, rare in combination, were always con- 
 spicuous in Champlain, and justly entitle him to 
 the respect and admiration of mankind." 
 
 These two quotations are sufficient to supplement 
 the observations that we have made, and there can 
 be no doubt that posterity will forever confirm this 
 opinion of the life and labours of the founder of 
 New France, and that the name of Champlain will 
 never be obliterated from the memory of Canadians. 
 
 279
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX 
 
 > 
 
 1567 or 1570 Birth of Samuel Champlain. 
 
 1598 Champlain makes a voyage to Spain. 
 
 1599 Joins an expedition against the English to 
 the West Indies. 
 
 1601 Returns from America. 
 
 1603 Goes to Canada as lieutenant of Aymar de 
 Chastes, viceroy of New France, explores 
 the river St. Lawrence to Sault St. Louis, 
 and returns the same year. 
 
 1604 Follows de Monts' fortune in Acadia as 
 geographer and historian of the expedi- 
 tion; lives on Ste. Croix Island and at 
 Port Royal till the year 1607. 
 
 1608 As lieutenant of de Monts, viceroy of New 
 France, Champlain crosses the Atlantic 
 and founds Quebec. 
 
 1609 Champlain's expedition against the Iroquois. 
 Leaves for France on September 5th. 
 
 1610 Champlain returns to Quebec and goes back 
 to France the same year. His marriage 
 with Helene Boull^ on December 80th, 
 1610. 
 
 1611 Champlain comes again to Quebec ; founds 
 Montreal ; sails for France on July 20th. 
 De Monts' company ceases to exist. 
 
 1612 Champlain sails for Canada and explores 
 the country as far as Allumette Island. 
 Goes to France. Comte de Soissons ap- 
 pointed viceroy of New France ; dies soon 
 after. The Prince de Conde' takes his 
 
 283
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 place, and retains Champlain as his lieu- 
 tenant. 
 
 1613 Champlain leaves France for Canada, where 
 he stays till 1614. 
 
 1615 Returns to Quebec with the Re'collet 
 Fathers; he goes as far as the Huron 
 country; particulars of these tribes, their 
 customs, manners, etc.; Champlain assists 
 them in a war against the Iroquois ; 
 follows them and comes back to the Huron 
 country, where he spends the winter. 
 
 1616 Leaves for Quebec on May 20th ; work of 
 the missionaries in the meantime ; meeting 
 of the habitants and result of their de- 
 liberations ; memorandum addressed to the 
 king ; Champlain goes to France. 
 
 1617 Champlain sails from Honfleur on April llth 
 for Quebec ; Louis Hubert's family ac- 
 companies him. 
 
 1618 Champlain returns to France. Mare'chal de 
 The'mines appointed viceroy per interim 
 after Conde"s dismissal. Difficulties met by 
 Champlain in 1617; his projects' laid be- 
 fore the king. Champlain gains his point 
 and preserves his former position. 
 
 1619 Conde' sells his commission of viceroy to the 
 Duke of Montmorency ; Champlain's new 
 commission of lieutenant of the viceroy. 
 Company of Montmorency formed by the 
 Duke of Montmorency. 
 
 1620 Champlain comes back to Quebec with his 
 wife, and stays there till the year 1624. 
 
 1621 Champlain receives his instructions from 
 Montmorency and from the king ; entitled 
 to help the new company of merchants ; 
 284
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL APPENDIX 
 
 conflict at Quebec between the agents of 
 the old and of the new company ; Cham- 
 plain's firm attitude settles the matter. 
 
 1622 Tbe Company of Montmorency rules the 
 country. 
 
 1624 Champlain recrosses the ocean, bringing his 
 wife. 
 
 1625 Arrival of the Jesuits. Champlain at Tadou- 
 sac and at Quebec ; his intercourse with 
 the Montagnais ; the due de Ventadour 
 named viceroy of New France ; Champlain 
 reappointed lieutenant. 
 
 1627 Ventadour resigns his office; Cardinal Riche- 
 lieu organizes the Company of the Hun- 
 dred Associates ; privileges granted to 
 them; Champlain still living at Que- 
 bec. 
 
 1628 Roquemont sent to Quebec with provisions ; 
 his vessels taken by Kirke ; Quebec in 
 danger; correspondence between David 
 Kirke and Champlain ; the enemy retires ; 
 distress at Quebec for the want of food. 
 
 1629 Kirke before Quebec ; the capitulation ; fate 
 of the inhabitants ; the missionaries return 
 to France together with Champlain ; the 
 last events at Tadousac. 
 
 1629-32 Champlain goes to London ; negotiations 
 between France and England through the 
 French ambassador ; Champlain's visits to 
 the king, and to Cardinal Richelieu ; 
 Charles I ready to restore Canada, with 
 certain conditions. 
 
 1632 The Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye ter- 
 minates the dispute between the two coun- 
 tries, and Quebec is restored to France. 
 
 285
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 1632 Arrival at Quebec of the Jesuits ; history of 
 their convent since 1626. 
 
 1633 Champlain's arrival in Quebec ; history of 
 the seminary of Notre Dame des Anges 
 since its foundation ; the Jesuits* missions 
 at Miscou Island, in the Maritime Prov- 
 inces, Acadia, Baie des Chaleurs and Cape 
 Breton. Champlain erects a church at 
 Quebec. 
 
 1634 Immigration of French colonists from Per- 
 che ; Robert Giffard. 
 
 1635 Champlain's sickness and death ; his wife 
 founds an Ursuline convent at Meaux. 
 
 286
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 AIANDAC, Huron seminarist, 232 
 Alexander, Sir William, his mis- 
 sion, 176 ; his charters, 223 
 Alix, Marguerite, Champlain's 
 
 mother-in-law, 66 
 Alix, Simon, Helene Boulle' s uncle, 
 
 66, 170 
 Anadabijou, chief of the Montag- 
 
 nais, 50, 51, 55, 139 
 Andehoua, Huron seminarist, 232, 
 
 233 
 
 Antons, Captain des, 31 
 Armand-Jean, Christian name of 
 
 Andehoua, 33 
 Arragon, notary, 66 
 Atarohiat, Huron seminarist, 233 
 Ateiachias, Huron seminarist, 233 
 Atokouchiouani, Huron seminarist, 
 
 233 
 
 Aubert, Pierre, 170 
 Auberi, Father, his labours in 
 
 Acadia, 236 
 Aubry, priest, 24 
 Aumont, Marshal, d', 1 
 
 B 
 
 BANCROFT, quoted, 87 
 
 Barbier, 66 
 
 Batiscan, chief of the Montagnais, 
 
 68 
 
 Beauchesne, clerk, 115 
 Beaulieu, councillor and almoner 
 
 to the king, 72 
 Bellois, Corneille de, 122, 127 
 
 Bentivoglio, Guido, papal nuncio, 
 84 
 
 Berkeley, Sir John, commands 
 Porto Rico, 3 
 
 Bessabe, chief of the Souriquois, 28 
 
 Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, 38 ; 
 bound for Port Royol, 68 
 
 Bignon, attorney-general, 265 
 
 Boileau, attorney, 265 
 
 Bonneau, Thomas, 170 
 
 Bonnerme, surgeon, accompanies 
 Champlain when Quebec is 
 founded, 41 ; one of the jury who 
 condemned Jean Duval to death, 
 43 ; dies, 46 
 
 Bontemps, captain, 252 
 
 Boues, Charles de, Recollet, syn- 
 dic of Canadian Missions, 117, 
 148 
 
 Boulay, his residence at Port 
 Royal, 25 
 
 Boulle, Eustache, Champlain's 
 brother-in-law, 134, 136 ; arrives 
 in 1618, 145 ; goes to France in 
 1626, 155, 209 ; enters the Minim 
 Order, 267 
 
 Boulle, Helene, marries Cham- 
 plain, 66 ; comes to Quebec and 
 returns to France, 141 ; her 
 sojourn at Quebec, 263, 264, 265, 
 266 
 
 Boulle, Nicholas, Champlain's 
 father-in-law, 66 ; pays his dau- 
 ghter's inherits nee to Champlain, 
 67 
 
 289
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Bourdon, Jean, comes to Canada, 
 252 ; settles at Quebec, 253 
 
 Bourioli at Port Royal, 25 
 
 Bouthillier, represents the king of 
 France, 220 ; signs the Treaty of 
 St. Germain-en-Laye, 222 
 
 Boyer, Daniel, 122, 123 
 
 Brebeuf, Father Jean de, estimates 
 the Huron population, 90 ; his 
 opinion of the tribe de 1'Ours 
 and other Hurons, 92, 93 ; arrives 
 in New France, 152 ; assailed by 
 Jacques Michel, 201, 202 ; leaves 
 for France, 207, 208 ; returns to 
 Canada, 228 ; goes to the Huron 
 country, 249 
 
 Brule, ^tienne, with Champlain 
 founding Quebec, 41 ; sets out 
 for the Ottawa River, 88, 139 ; 
 interpreter, 143, 144 ; sent to 
 Three Rivers, 163; betrays 
 Champlain, 194, 202 ; his excuse, 
 203 ; his murder, 246 
 
 Bullion, represents France, 220 ; 
 signs the Treaty of St. Germain- 
 en-Laye, 222 
 
 Burel, Friar Gilbert, arrives in 
 Canada, 152 ; returns to France, 
 208 
 
 Burlamachi, appointed commis- 
 sioner, 218 ; sent to France by 
 Charles I, 220, 222 
 
 CABAHIS, SOURIQUOIS chief, 28 
 Caen, Emery de, nephew of Guil- 
 laume de Caen, 137 ; vice-admiral 
 of the fleet, 156 ; leaves Quebec 
 to carry on trade, 157 ; his char- 
 acter, 182 ; defends the colony, 
 
 290 
 
 183; fights with Kirke, 184; 
 surrenders, 185 ; proceeds to 
 Quebec, 199 ; failure of his ex- 
 pedition, 201 ; tries to secure his 
 goods, 219, 220 ; comes back to 
 Quebec, 226; banqueted, 228; 
 summoned by Champlain, 249 
 
 Caen, Ezechiel de, member of the 
 Company of Rouen, 132, 137 
 
 Caen, Guillaume de, member of 
 de Caen's, Company, 130, 132 ; 
 conflicts with Font-Grave, 135 ; 
 his promises, 136 ; sails for 
 France, 138 ; present at Cape de 
 la Victoire, 139 ; visits Quebec 
 and its vicinity, 140 ; sails for 
 France, 141 ; returns with the 
 Jesuits, 152 ; appears before the 
 state council, 155 ; supports the 
 conduct of the merchants, 157 ; 
 condones a murderer, 161 ; his 
 character, 182, 183 ; his claims, 
 217, 218, 219 
 
 Camaret, Marie, cousin of Champ- 
 lain, 265 
 
 Cananee, Guillaume, navigator, 141 
 
 Cartier, Jacques, 13, 22, 23, 28, 
 29, 34, 35, 45, 62 
 
 Casgrain, 1'Abbe, his opinion on 
 the site of Champlain's tomb, 
 261, 262 
 
 Castillon, Jacques, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 168 ; offers pic- 
 tures to Quebec church, 240 
 
 Caumont, underclerk, 121 
 
 Champdore, carpenter, 22, 34 
 
 Champlain, Antoine, father of Sam- 
 uel, 1 
 
 Champlain, Samuel, see chronolog- 
 ical appendix, 283-6
 
 INDEX 
 
 Charlevoix, Father, quoted, 36, 
 248, 276 
 
 Charton, Friar Fra^ois, 152, 208 
 
 Chastes, Aymar de, 7 ; viceroy of 
 Canada, 8, t 9 
 
 Chateauneuf, M. de, French ambas- 
 sador in England, 211 ; retires 
 from his position, 214 ; exchanges 
 documents with Fontenay- Mare- 
 nil, 216 
 
 Chauvin, Pierre, Sieur de la Pierre, 
 at Tadousac, 54 ; trades in peltry, 
 63 
 
 Chauvin, Pierre de, Sieur de Ton- 
 tuit, viceroy of Canada, 8, 13, 
 17, 41, 64 
 
 Cheffault, lawyer of Paris, 244 
 
 Chenu, Marcel, merchant of Paris, 
 66 
 
 Cherououny, Montagnais chief, 163 
 
 Choquillot, notary, 66 
 
 Chou, luan, Indian friend of Cham- 
 plain, 181 
 
 Clifford, Sir George, 3 
 
 Clontier, Zacharie, comes with 
 Giffard, 252 
 
 Cochon, Thomas, merchant, 122 
 
 Collier, 66 
 
 Conde, Prince de, viceroy of Can- 
 ada, 73 ; gives a passport to Cap- 
 tain Maisonneuve, 78 ; letter 
 from Champlain, 79 ; contributes 
 to the Re'collet fund, 117 ; con- 
 spires against the Queen Regent, 
 122 ; discharged from prison, 129 
 
 Coton, Father, a Jesuit, 151, 152 
 
 Couillard, Elizabeth, a daughter of 
 Guillaume, 226 
 
 Couillard, Guillaume, signs the 
 settlers' memorandum, 136 ; ar- 
 
 rives in Canada, 145 ; his family 
 
 146, 184, 195, 196, 208; native 
 
 of St. Malo, 250 
 Couillard, Henry, captain of the 
 
 Don de Dieu, 39 
 Couillard, Jacques, interpreter, 
 
 144 ; submits to Kirke, 185 
 Cramoisy, Sebastien, one of the 
 
 Hundred Associates, 171 
 
 D 
 
 DABLON, SIMON, one of the Hund- 
 red Associates, 168 
 
 Daniel, Captain, destroys an Eng- 
 lish fort at Cape Breton, 200, 212 
 
 Daniel, Doctor, sent to London, 
 212, 213 
 
 Daniel, Father, director of the 
 Seminary of Notre Dame des 
 Anges, 231, 237 
 
 Darache, Captain, trades furs at 
 Tadousac, 40 
 
 Darontal, chief of the tribe de la 
 Roche, 103 ; Champlain's friend, 
 106 
 
 Davost, Father, missionary at Cape 
 Breton, 237 
 
 Denys, Charles, settles on the 
 shores of Miramichi River, 237 
 
 Denys, Nicholas, founds Fort St. 
 Pierre, 236 
 
 Deschamps, surgeon, performs an 
 autopsy at Port Royal, 33 
 
 Des Marets, Claude Godet, note on 
 his family, 47, 60 ; accompanies 
 Champlain's expedition against 
 the Iroquois, 52 ; arrives from 
 France, 63 ; present at Cape de 
 la Victoire, 139 ; Pont-Grave"s 
 grandson, 181 
 
 291
 
 Desportes, He'lene, 146, 208 
 
 Desportes, Pierre, 136, 145, 146, 
 181, 196, 208 
 
 Destouches, Eustache Boulle's lieu- 
 tenant, 155, 209 
 
 Dollebeau, Father, perishes at sea, 
 235 
 
 Dolu, intendant of New France, 
 130, 131, 132, 135 
 
 Doughty, A. G., quoted, 168 
 
 Duchesne, Adrien, surgeon, 145, 
 146, 147, 196, 208 
 
 Duchesne, Captain, 139 
 
 Duchesne, David, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 168 
 
 Du Marche, Father, at Miscou, 234 
 
 Dumay, Captain, 133, 134 
 
 Dumoulin, shot by an Indian, 164 
 
 Du Pare, Jean Godet, his family, 
 47, 60 ; commands at Quebec, 64, 
 68 
 
 Du Plessis, Friar Pacifique, 85, 117 
 
 Duplessis-Bochart, presents pic- 
 tures to Quebec church, 240 ; 
 receives the keys of the fort, 249 
 
 Duval, Jean, at Quebec when 
 founded, 41 ; leads a conspiracy 
 against Champlain, 42 ; sentenced 
 to death, 43 
 
 Du Vernet, interpreter, 144 
 
 E 
 
 EFFIAT, DUKE D', heads the list of the 
 Hundred Associates, 170 
 
 Endemare, Father d', at Cape Bre- 
 ton, 237 
 
 Eon, Pierre, member of the Com- 
 pany of St. Malo and Rouen, 122 
 
 292 
 
 FAILLON, quoted, 207 
 
 Feret, 7 
 
 Fontenay-Mareuil, French ambas- 
 sador in England, 214; exchanges 
 documents with Chateauneuf, 216 
 
 Foucher, Jean, at Cape Tourmente, 
 176, 208 
 
 Franchise, Sieur de la, 14 
 
 Fremin, Father, at the Richibucto 
 mission, 235 
 
 GAILLON, MICHEL, put to death, 43, 
 
 44 
 
 Galleran, Father G., 149 
 Gamache, Marquis de, contributes 
 
 to the foundation of the Jesuits' 
 
 College, 228 
 Gand, see Re 
 Gamier de Chapouin, provincial of 
 
 the Recollets, 85 
 Gates, Sir Thomas, his letters 
 
 patent, 223 
 
 Gaufestre, Friar Jean, 209 
 Genestou, at Port Royal, 25 
 Gesvres, de, 9 
 Giffard, Robert, surgeon, 164, 174 ; 
 
 comes to Canada, 250 ; receives 
 
 lands, 251, 252 
 Godefroy, Jean-Paul, interpreter, 
 
 144 
 
 Godefroy, Thomas, interpreter, 144 
 Gomara, Lopez de, 6 
 Gondoin, Father N., missionary at 
 
 Miscou, 234 
 Goudon, Elizabeth, Gervase Kirke's 
 
 wife, 173 
 
 Grave, Fra^ois, grandson of Font- 
 Grave', 47
 
 INDEX 
 
 Grave, Francois, Sieur du Pont, ac- 
 companies Champlain to Tadou- 
 sac, 8 ; comes to Canada in 1603, 
 9 ; proceeds to Sault St. Louis, 
 13 ; Champlain awaits him at 
 Port au Mouton, 19 ; at Ste. 
 Croix, 32 ; returns to France, 33 ; 
 atTadousac, 40 ; one of the jury 
 to judge Duval, 43 ; sails for 
 France in 1608, 45 ; arrives at 
 Tadousac, 1609, 47 ; commands 
 the habitation of Quebec, 48 ; his 
 promise to Anadabijou, 51 ; re- 
 turns to France, 64 ; receives 
 the command of a fur trading 
 vessel, 56, 57 ; trades in peltry, 
 63 ; sails for France, 64 ; returns 
 to Canada, 106 ; trades at Three 
 Rivers, 121 ; Champlain's rival, 
 125 ; represents the old company, 
 133 ; arrives at Quebec, 134 ; his 
 conflict with Guillaume de Caen, 
 135 ; chief clerk at Quebec, 138 ; 
 at Cape de la Victoire, 139 ; sails 
 for France, 141 ; his illness, 156 ; 
 Champlain reads publicly his 
 commission, 181, 182 ; signs ar- 
 ticles of capitulation, 191 ; leaves 
 for Tadousac, 196. 
 
 Grave, Jeanne, 47 
 
 Grave, Robert, son of Fra^ois, ac- 
 companies Champlain on a voyage 
 of discovery along the American 
 coast, 34 
 
 Grave, Vincent, merchant of Rouen, 
 122 
 
 Groux, J M signs a memorandum, 
 136 
 
 Gua, Pierre du, Sieur de Monts, 
 see Monta 
 
 Guers, J. B., delegate of the Duke 
 of Montmorency, 121, 133, 134, 
 136 ; returns to France, 141 
 
 Guilbault, merchant of La Rochelle, 
 236 
 
 Guines, Friar Modeste, 115 
 
 Guyon, Jean, mason, ~comes from 
 Perche, 252 
 
 H 
 
 HALARD, JACQUES, captain, 136 
 Hebert, Anne, 117 
 He'bert, Guillaume, 146, 208 
 Hebert, Guillemette, 146, 208 
 Hebert, Louis, comes to Quebec 
 with family, 111, 112 ; signs a 
 memorandum, 136 ; his family, 
 146 ; at Port Royal, 147 ; his 
 death, 148, 250, 251 
 Hebert, Louise, 146 
 Hebert, Madame, see Rollet, Marie. 
 Hersault, Jacques, comptroller of 
 
 customs at La Rochelle, 265 
 Hertel, Jacques, interpreter, 144 
 Herve, Francois, merchant of Rou- 
 en, 132 
 
 Honabetha, Indian chief, 30 
 Hoiiel, Louis, Sieur de Petit-Pre", 
 enters into Champlain's views, 
 83 ; one of the Hundred Associ- 
 ates, 168, 170 
 
 Hubou, Guillaume, 181, 196, 208 
 Huet, Father Paul, arrives in Can- 
 ada, 87 ; constructs a chapel at 
 Tadousac, 112 
 
 INCARNATION, SISTER MARIE DB t,', 
 253, 258 
 
 293
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Insterlo, Mathieu d', one of the 
 
 Company of Rouen, 122, 127 " 
 Iroquet, Indian chief, 48 
 
 JACQUES, a Slavonian miner, 32 
 
 Jamet, Father Denis, arrives in 
 Canada and celebrates the first 
 mass, 85, 107 ; goes to France, 
 111, 112; signs a memorandum, 
 136 
 
 Jeannin, President, 72 
 
 Jogues, Father Isaac, 207 
 
 Jonquest, Etienne, Hebert's son-in- 
 law, his death, 117 ; arrives in 
 1617, 145 
 
 Joubert, Captain, 141 
 
 Juchereau, Jean, comes with Gif- 
 fard, 252 
 
 K 
 
 KIRKE, DAVID, intends to make an 
 assault on Quebec, 173 ; appoint- 
 ed captain of the fleet, 176 ; writes 
 to Champlain, 177, 178 ; captures 
 French barques, 179 ; abandons 
 Quebec, 180 ; accepts articles of 
 capitulation, 192 ; visits Quebec, 
 204 ; at Tadousac, 205 ; his pre- 
 tentious as to de Caen's claims, 
 217 ; refuses to pay, 218 ; dissat- 
 isfied with the agreement, 219 
 Kirke, Gervase, chief of the Kirke 
 
 family, 173 
 
 Kirke, James, son of Gervase, 173 
 Kirke, John, son of Gervase, 173 
 Kirke, Louis, resides in Fort St. 
 Louis, 158 ; writes to Champlain, 
 188 ; interviews Father de la 
 Roche, 189, 190; his answer to 
 
 294 
 
 Champlain, 191, 192 ; receives 
 the keys of the fort, 195 ; hoists 
 the English flag, 196 ; treats 
 Champlain well, 199 ; his con- 
 duct towards the Jesuits, 205 
 Kirke, Thomas, signs a letter to 
 Champlain, 188 ; takes part in an 
 interview with Father de la 
 Roche, 189 ; signs the answer to 
 Champlain, 192 ; treats Emery 
 de Caen as a pirate, 220 
 
 LALEMANT, FATHER CHARLES, quot- 
 ed, 87 ; arrives at Quebec, 152 ; 
 his letter to the Provincial of the 
 Recollets, 154 ; comes back to 
 Quebec, 200 ; abandons Canada, 
 227 J teacher, 229 ; parish priest, 
 238, 239 
 
 Lalemant, Father Jerome, 10 
 
 Lamontagne, interpreter, 144 
 
 La Motte, at Port Royal, 25 
 
 L'Ange, Captain, 78 
 
 Langlois, Fra^oise, 146, 208 
 
 Langlois, Marguerite, 146, 208 
 
 Langlois, Noel, 252 
 
 Langoissieux, Pierre, takes the 
 monastic habit, 149 ; returns to 
 France, 209 
 
 La Place, Father de, at Miscou, 234 
 
 La Roche d'Aillon, Father, arrives 
 at Quebec, 152 ; interviews Louia 
 Kirke, 188, 189 ; relates his inter- 
 view, 190 ; returns to France, 208 
 
 La Routte, pilot, 52 
 
 La Taille, at Quebec when founded, 
 41 
 
 Lattaignant, Gabriel de, one of the 
 Hundred Associates, 168, 170
 
 INDEX 
 
 Lauzon, Jean de, 170, 226 
 
 Laval, Bishop, 237, 253 
 
 Lavalette, a Basque, 59, 60 
 
 La Vallee, godfather of young 
 Hurons, 233 
 
 Laverdiere, antiquarian, 261, 275 
 
 Le Baillif, underclerk at Tadou- 
 sac, 138 ; arrives in 1623, 144 ; 
 takes charge of the storehouse, 
 195 ; betrays Champlain, 202 ; 
 his bad character, 204 ; remains 
 in Canada, 208 
 
 Le Baillif, Father George, his Re- 
 lation of 1633, 87 ; confers with 
 Champlain, 133 ; goes to Tadou- 
 Bac, 134 ; his mission in France, 
 136 ; returns to Quebec, 137 
 
 Le Borgue, E., takes Fort St. 
 Pierre, 236 
 
 Le Caron, Father Joseph, appointed 
 for Canadian missions, 85 ; pro- 
 ceeds to the Huron country, 88 ; 
 returns from the Petuneux, 104 ; 
 receives a visit from Champlain, 
 106 ; returns to Quebec, 107 ; 
 goes to France, 111, 115 ; goes to 
 Tadousac, 116 ; his mission at 
 Three Rivers, 117 J signs a memo- 
 randum, 136 ; goes to the Huron 
 country, 149 ; consults with 
 Champlain, 187; leaves for 
 France, 208 
 
 Le Clercq, Father C., quoted, 112, 
 258 
 
 Le Faucheur, a Parisian, 174 
 
 Legendre, Lucas, merchant of Rou- 
 en, 56, 57, 122, 127 
 
 Le Jeune, Father, his Relation of 
 1633, 87 ; says mass in Hebert's 
 house, 148 ; write* to his Provin- 
 
 cial, 230, 231, 239 ; informs Mad- 
 ame Champlain that she is free to 
 follow her own" desires, 264 
 
 Lemaistre, Simon, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 170 
 
 Lemoyne, Father Simon, 208 
 
 Le Roy, Marguerite, Champlain's 
 mother, 1 
 
 Lesage, Marguerite, Pivert's wife, 
 146, 208 
 
 Lesaige, Francois, attends when 
 Champlain's marriage settlements 
 are made, 66 
 
 Lesaige, Genevieve, attends when 
 Champlaiu's marriage settlements 
 are made, 66 
 
 Lescarbot, Marc, 20, 21, 25, 35; 
 composes a drama, 36 ; poet and 
 preacher, 37 ; returns to France, 
 38 
 
 Le Sire, clerk, 138 
 
 Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 6 
 
 Le Tardif, Olivier, signs a memor- 
 andum, 136 ; interpreter, 144, 
 208 
 
 Le Testu, Captain, arrives at Que- 
 bec, 42 ; entertainment on board 
 of his barque, 43 
 
 L'Huillier, Ilaoul, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 170 
 
 Linschot, quoted, 211 
 
 Loquin, clerk, 121, 139 
 
 Lormel, Captain de, 252 
 
 Lumagne, merchant, 221 
 
 Lyonne, Father de, at Nipisiguit, 235 
 
 M 
 
 MAGNAN, PIERRE; joins an embassy 
 to the Five Nations, 163 ; mur- 
 dered, 164 
 
 295
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Mahicanaticouche, chief of the 
 Montagnais, 139, 163 ; murderer 
 of two Frenchmen, 164, 165 
 
 Maisonneuve, captain, 78, 79 
 
 Malot, Friar Louis, drowned at sea, 
 200 
 
 Manet, Jean, interpreter, 144 
 
 Manitougatche, Indian chief, 187 
 
 Marchim, Indian chief, 34 
 
 Mariana, Father 153 
 
 Marion, Nicholas, captain, 40 
 
 Marsolet, Nicholas, present at 
 Quehec in 1608, 41, 143 ; inter- 
 preter, 144 ; betrays Champlain, 
 194, 202 ; his character, 203, 204, 
 205 ; remains at Quebec, 208 
 
 Martin, Abraham, 145, 146, 147, 
 196, 208 
 
 Martin, Anne, 146 
 
 Martin, Charles Amador, priest, 146 
 
 Martin, Sir Henry, commissioner, 
 214 
 
 Martin, Marguerite, 146 
 
 Martin, Nicholas, commands the 
 Jonas, 37 
 
 Marye, Anthoine, 66 
 
 Masse, Father E., arrives in Can- 
 ada, 152 ; objects to the profana- 
 tion of a chalice, 206 ; returns to 
 France, 207, 208, 227 ; comes 
 back, 228 
 
 May, Sir Humphrey, commissioner, 
 214 
 
 Membertou, gagamo of the Souri- 
 quois, 36 
 
 Messamouet, captain of the Souri- 
 quois 22, 34 
 
 Michel, Jacques, insults Father de 
 Brebeuf, 201 ; his lamented death, 
 202 
 
 296 
 
 Miristou, Montagnais, 159 
 
 Mohier, Friar Gervais, 208 
 
 Montmagny, Governor, 158 
 
 Montmorency, Charles de, admiral 
 of France, 14 ; succeeds Conde 
 as viceroy of New France, 129 ; 
 his administration, 130 ; letter to 
 Champlain, 130, 131 ; his gift to 
 Guillaume de Caen, 140 ; meets 
 Champlain at St. Germain-en- 
 Laye, 150 ; resigns his position 
 of viceroy, 151 ; put to death, 
 215 
 
 Monts, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de, 
 lieutenant-general in Acadia, 17 ; 
 forms a company of merchants, 
 18 ; his expedition to America, 
 19, 20; his settlement at Ste. 
 Croix, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25 ; decides 
 to seek a more suitable place, 26 ; 
 explores the southern country, 
 29 ; the river Gua, 30 ; deter- 
 mines to try Port Royal as a 
 settlement, 31 ; returns to France, 
 32, 33, 34, 35, 36 ; obtains a new 
 commission, 39, 40 ; meets Cham- 
 plain at Fontainebleau, 55 ; his 
 commission expiring, requests a 
 new one, 56 ; meets Champlain, 
 57 J attends when Champlain's 
 marriage settlements are made, 
 66 ; his interviews with Champ- 
 lain, 67, 70 ; holds a conference 
 with the merchants of Rouen, 71 ; 
 bound to colonize New France 
 with Catholic settlers, 86 
 
 Moreau, quoted, 25 
 
 Morel, Captain, 112 
 
 Motin, his ode to Champlain, 72 
 
 Murad, Anthoine de, 66
 
 INDEX 
 
 N 
 
 NAPAOABISCOU, Indian chief, 176 
 Natel, Antoine, at Quebec in 1608, 
 41 ; acquaints Captain Le Testu 
 with the /details of Duval's plot, 
 43 ; dies from scurvy, 46 
 Nesle, Captain de, 252 
 Nicholas, signs a memorandum, 136 
 Nicolet, Jean, interpreter, 144 
 Noel, Pierre, 66 
 
 Noue, Father Anne de, 207, 208,227 
 Nouveau, Arnould de, merchant of 
 
 Rouen, 132 
 
 Noyrot, Father, 168, 177, 178, 200, 
 227 
 
 O 
 
 OCHATEGUIX, Indian chief, 48 ; his 
 alliance with Champlain, 55 ; 
 commands the Hurons, 69 ; fights 
 against the Iroquois, is wounded, 
 103 
 
 Olbeau, Father Jean d', arrives in 
 Quebec, 85, 88 ; visits the Bersia- 
 mites, 107 ; celebrates the first 
 jubilee, 114 ; lays the first stone 
 of the Recollet convent, 148 ; 
 sees its door closed in 1629, 167 
 Olmechin, Indian chief, 34 
 Orville, d', at Ste. Croix, 25 
 Otis, Charles Pomeroy, translates 
 
 the Voyages of Champlain, 277 
 Ouanda Koka, Huron chief, 233 
 Orani, Huron chief wounded in 
 
 1615, 103 
 
 Overman, finds Champlain's astrol- 
 abe, 76 
 
 PA i. MA CAYET, VICTOR, 15 
 
 Parkman, quoted, 228 
 
 Perrault, Father, at Cape Breton, 
 236, 237 
 
 Piat, Father I., goes to France, 141 ; 
 to the Montagnais, 149, 150 
 
 Pillet, Charles, murdered, 161, 163 
 
 Piraube, Martial, godfather of 
 young Hurons, 233 
 
 Pivert, Nicholas, 144, 146, 181, 196, 
 208 
 
 Font-Grave, see Grave, Fra^ois, 
 Sieur du Pont 
 
 Poullain, Father G. , comes to Can- 
 ada, 87, 116 ; goes to the Nipis- 
 sing mission, 149 
 
 Poutrincourt, Jean de Biencourt, 
 Sieur de, goes to America with 
 de Monts, 19 ; joins Champlain 
 on a voyage of discovery, 34; 
 plants a cross at Port Fortune, 
 35 ; leaves for France, 38 
 
 Prevert, informs Champlain of the 
 existence of a copper mine, 14 
 
 Provencal, Captain, Champlain's 
 uncle, 2 
 
 Purchas, 15 
 
 QUEN, FATHER J. de, second parish 
 priest of Quebec, 238, 239 
 
 Quentin, Barthelemy, one of the 
 Hundred Associates, 170 
 
 Quentin, Bona venture, 170 
 
 Quentin, Father Claude, superior 
 of the Canadian missions, 234 
 
 R 
 
 RAOOIS, CLAUDE LE, merchant of 
 Rouen, 132 
 
 297
 
 CHAMPLAIN 
 
 Ralde, Raymond de la, 138 ; goes 
 to France, 141 ; admiral of the 
 fleet, 155 ; note on his life, 156 
 
 Ralleau, de Monts' secretary, 33 
 
 Ravenel, Jehan, 66 
 
 Raymbault, Father, buried in 
 Champlain's tomb, 262 
 
 Razilly, Isaac de, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 170 ; ordered to 
 assist Quebec, 200 ; his commis- 
 sion cancelled, 201, 213 
 
 Re, Fr^n^ois de, Sieur Gand, one 
 of the Hundred Associates, 171 ; 
 a good Catholic, 239 ; buried in 
 Champlain's tomb, 262 
 
 Repentigny, godfather of young 
 Hurons, 233 
 
 Reye, Pierre, signs a memorandum, 
 136 ; traitor, 194, 202, 204, 208 
 
 Richard, Father A., at Richibucto 
 and Miscou, 235 
 
 Richer, Jean, interpreter, 144 
 
 Roberval, at Charlesbourg Royal, 
 23 
 
 Robin, Guillaume, merchant of 
 Rouen, 132 
 
 Robineau, Pierre, one of the Hun- 
 dred Associates, 170 
 Roernan, Jehan, 66 
 
 Rollet, Marie, widow Hebert, 112, 
 146, 208 
 
 Roquemont, Claude de, 168 ; com- 
 mands a fleet for Quebec, 172 ; 
 meets English vessels, 173 \ sur- 
 renders to David Kirke, 174 ; 
 his conduct criticized, 175 
 
 Rouer, Hercule, 66 
 
 Rouvier, underclerk, 121, 135 
 
 298 
 
 Rozee, Jean, one of the Hundred 
 Associates, 170 ; merchant of 
 Rouen, 244 
 
 Russell, A. J., 76 
 
 S 
 
 SAGARD-TH^ODAT, Friar Recollet, at 
 Cape de la Victoire, 139 ; returns 
 to France, 141 ; goes to the 
 Huron country, 149 ; quoted, 193 
 
 Santein, clerk, 138 
 
 Satouta, Huron seminarist, 232 
 
 Savignon, Huron boy accepted as 
 hostage, 63 ; goes to Sault St. 
 Louis, 68 ; brother of Tregoua- 
 roti, Indian chief, 69 
 
 Schoudon, Indian chief, 32 
 
 Seguier, Bishop of Meaux, agrees 
 to the founding of an Ursuline 
 convent at Meaux, 266 
 
 Slafter, Reverend E. B., quoted, 
 277, 278, 279 
 
 Soissons, comte de, appointed vice- 
 roy of New France, 72, 73 ; his 
 death, 73 
 
 Soubriago, General, 2 
 
 Sourin, at Ste. Croix Island, 25 
 
 Stuart, James, Scottish fisherman, 
 erects a fort on Cape Breton, 200 
 
 TEOUATIRHON, Huron seminarist, 
 232 
 
 Tessouat, chief of the Algonquins, 
 75,76,77 
 
 Themines, Marechal de, appointed 
 viceroy of New France, 122, 123 
 
 Thierry-Desdames, appointed cap- 
 tain at Miscou, 121 ; note on his 
 life, 138 ; 173, 181, 209
 
 INDEX 
 
 Tregatin, Indian chief, 176 
 Tregouaroti, Huron Chief, 69 
 Troyes, Francois de, merchant of 
 
 the Company of Rouen, 132 
 Trublet, Pierre, merchant of St. 
 
 Malo, 122 
 
 Tsiko, Huron seminarist, 232, 233 
 Tuffet, Jean, merchant of Bord- 
 eaux, 170 
 Turgis, Father C., at Miscou, 234 
 
 VANELLY, merchant, 221 
 
 Vendremur, Corneille de, clerk, 
 204, 209 
 
 Ventadour, due de, receives the com- 
 mission of viceroy of New France, 
 151 ; resigns the office, 168 
 
 Verazzano, 211 
 
 Verger, Father du, Re'collet, 83 
 
 Vermeulle, Louis, merchant, 122, 
 127 
 
 Verton, Pierre de, merchant 132 
 
 Viel, Father N., at Cape de la Vic- 
 toire, 139 ; goes to the Huron 
 country, 149 
 
 Vieux-Pont, Father de, 200, 237 
 
 Vignau, Nicholas du, interpreter, 
 74, 75, 77, 144 
 
 Vigne, Captain de la, 141 
 
 Villemenon, intendant of admir- 
 alty, 123, 130, 132, 135 
 
 Vimont, Father, drowned at sea, 
 200, 237 
 
 Vitelleschi, Father, general of the 
 Jesuits, 228 
 
 W 
 
 WAKE, SIR ISAAC, English ambas- 
 sador to France, 215 ; commis- 
 sioner, 218, 219, 220; signs the 
 Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, 
 222 
 
 299

 
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