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 LIBRARY 
 
 University ! 
 
 IRVINE
 
 J3ANQUET BY 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC CLUB 
 
 IN 
 
 Celebration of the 15 6th Birthday 
 
 OF 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON 
 
 ON 
 
 Thursday, April i3th, 1899 
 
 AT THE 
 
 METROPOLITAN OPERA HOUSE 
 
 NEW YORK
 
 E 
 
 3 
 M3
 
 OFFICERS 
 1899. 
 
 President, 
 PERRY BELMONT. 
 
 First Vice-President, 
 EDWARD F. O'DWYER. 
 
 Second Vice-President, 
 CORD MEYER. 
 
 Treasurer, 
 THEODORE F. HASCALL. 
 
 Secretary, 
 WILLIAM E. WYATT. 
 
 Corresponding Secretary, 
 ADRIAN T. KIERNAN. 
 
 BOARD OF" GOVERNORS, 
 
 Term expires December, 1899, 
 
 P. HENRY DUGRO. ASA BIRD GARDINER. 
 
 ANDREW FREEDMAN. JAMES McCARTNEY. 
 
 Term expires December, 1900, 
 
 JAMES SHEVLIN. WILLIAM F. GRELL. 
 
 JOHN F. CARROLL. M. WARLEY PLATZEK. 
 
 Term expires December, 1901, 
 
 RICHARD CROKER. THOMAS E. CRIMMINS. 
 
 JOHN FOX. JOHN W. KELLER.
 
 [EXTRACT DEMOCRATIC CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.] 
 
 ' ' Its object is to foster, disseminate and give effect to Democratic 
 principles."
 
 [EXTRACT FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.] 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men are 
 created equal and independent ; that they are endowed by their 
 Creator with inalienable rights ; that among; these are life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness."
 
 Haut Sauterne OYSTER COCKTAILS 
 
 Oloroso Sherry CLEAR GREEN TURTLE 
 
 FRESH MUSHROOMS 
 
 BROOK TROUT 
 
 CUCUMBERS 
 
 Pontet Canet TENNESSEE SPRING LAMB 
 
 BERMUDA POTATOES 
 
 G. H. Mumm's Extra Dry 
 
 SWEETBREADS BRAISED 
 
 NEW GREEN PEAS 
 Moet & Ohandon White Seal 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CLUB PUNCH 
 Piper Heidsieck Brut 
 Pommery Nature 
 
 PHILADELPHIA SQUAB ON TOAST 
 
 AMERICAN SALAD 
 Perrier Jouet Brut 
 
 TUTTI FRUTTI FANCY FORMS 
 
 ASSORTED CAKES STRAWBERRY TARTLETS 
 
 Appolinaris CHEESE 
 
 White Rock FRUIT 
 
 Cigars COFFEE
 
 rogramme . . 
 
 OVERTURE "WILLIAM TELL'' Rossini 
 
 CORNET SOLO " THE OLD KENTUCKY HOME " Foster 
 MR. W. PARIS CHAMBERS 
 
 MARCH " JEFFERSONIAN " Fancuilli 
 Dedicated to the Democratic Club written for the occassion 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF IRELAND Boltziger 
 
 INTERMEZZO " CAVALLERIA RUSTICANA " -Mascagni 
 
 SONG OF BONNIE SCOTLAND Wiegand 
 
 OUR NATIONAL PATROL - Fancuilli 
 
 SOUNDS FROM FATHERLAND Andaner 
 
 MEDLEY " AROUND THE VAUDEVILLE' Beyer 
 J. FANCUILLI, CONDUCTOR
 
 . . Coasts . . 
 
 "OUR COUNTRY AND HER COMMERCE" 
 HON. AUGUSTUS VAN WYCK 
 
 "JEFFERSON" 
 HON. JOHN B. STANCHFIELD 
 
 "DEMOCRACY" 
 HON. FREDERICK C. SCHRAUB 
 
 HARMONY IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ; 
 HON ROBERT B. ROOSEVELT 
 
 "THE BROOKLYN DEMOCRACY" 
 GEN. ISAAC S. CATLIN 
 
 'THE ARMY AND THE NAVY" 
 HON. AMOS J. CUMMINGS 
 
 "THE CITY OF NEW YORK" 
 HON. JOHN W. KELLER
 
 ADDRESS OP HON. PERRY BELMONT. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Democratic Club, permit me to extend on your 
 behalf, a most hearty welcome to the distinguished Democrats who 
 are our guests to-night. It is fitting that this Democratic Club cele- 
 brate the birthday of him whose monument is the Declaration of 
 Independence, the first Democratic President, the first Secretary of 
 State, the constructor of the first Democratic platform, the founder 
 of the Democratic party. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was a party man of the Democratic type. To 
 him as a Democrat the world is a debtor for that which was a novelty 
 in political government until his own immortal words proclaimed the 
 doctrine that the right to " life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness " 
 is inalienable, and to secure it governments are instituted "deriving 
 their just powers from the consent of governed." As a Lawgiver, 
 the Northwestern Ordinance, framed by him, is his imperishable 
 record. It has been, under the Constitution, a source of the great- 
 ness and power and a chief peculiarity of the American Union. It 
 was formulated in 1784, developed in 1787, greatly perfected after 
 the Mexican War for the government of territories theoretically 
 under the absolute control of Congress, yet always in a condition of 
 self-government, in order that they may fit themselves to become 
 American States. As a Diplomatist and skillful Politician the 
 acquisition of Louisiana places him beyond all present rivalry. To 
 his great achievement our country owes the vast domain west of the 
 Mississippi, now the seat of eleven prosperous States. May our 
 country always have such a President when the wise enlargement of 
 the national territory becomes expedient or necessary ! 
 
 A Democratic President controlled by the teachings of Jefferson 
 and traditions of his party would to-day have a definite policy per- 
 fectly understood by the nation at large ; but modern Republicanism 
 is opportunism no one knows whither it is going. The opportunist
 
 16 
 
 often does what is most inopportune. The politician influenced by 
 expediency often does what is most inexpedient. The present 
 Republican policy is that of thrift and drift. 
 
 This is not the place or time to relate in detail the history of the 
 negotiations by Jefferson with Napoleon, beginning in that month of 
 1802 when a Spanish officer at New Orleans revoked the license 
 granted by the treaty with Spain of 1795 to deposit American pro- 
 ducts at that port and freely ship them thence to the West Indies and 
 Europe, and ending on that last day in April in the next year when 
 the treaty was signed. 
 
 Attempts to impair the title of Jefferson to the honor of the 
 American part of that successful diplomacy have been failures.- The 
 plan was Jefferson's ; the execution of the plan was his. While he 
 baffled the Federalists, endeavoring to push him into a war with 
 France, he conciliated the Northwestern States, exasperated because 
 deprived of an outlet to the Gulf. His official instructions to Living- 
 ston and Monroe, his private letters to each published not long ago, 
 disclose one controlling head on the American side. Recent revela- 
 tions also show that Jefferson exploited in a most timely and effective 
 way, the hopes and fears which controlled the conduct of the great 
 First Consul. 
 
 It is not easy for history to separate the President of the United 
 States from the credit or discredit of the chief acts of an Administra- 
 tion. So it is with Jefferson and the Louisiana purchase ; with 
 Madison and the war of 1812 ; with Polk and the war of 1848 ; with 
 Lincoln and the war of Secession ; with Grant and the Alabama 
 Treaty. So will it be with McKinley and the war with Spain. 
 Praise, or blame, for what was demanded at Paris will be his. If 
 the President has the benefit of success, he should bear the burden of 
 failure. 
 
 The recent treaty with Spain has been ratified. It is now an 
 established fact in our law and our politics. It declares that "the 
 civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants therein 
 ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress." The 
 discretion and decision are legislative, and not executive. The
 
 17 
 
 President's war power, growing out of the war with Spain, is at an 
 end. If he does not assemble Congress to do what the treaty 
 ordained, and the public welfare shall thereby suifer, the responsi- 
 bility will be his. 
 
 Jefferson's first inaugural is our first Democratic platform ; the 
 fundamental principles therein set forth contain the essentials of 
 Democracy. They form, said their author, " the bright constellation 
 which has gone before us," and should be in "the future, he added, 
 " the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the 
 touchstone by which to try the service of those we trust." 
 
 In the second inaugural, making application of what had been 
 previously said, were these significant utterances : 
 
 " I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved 
 by some from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our 
 territory would endanger its Union. But who can limit the extent to 
 which the Federative principle may operate effectively ? " 
 
 What prescience and foresight that question implied ! The 
 " Federative principle " looks to an indissoluble union of indestruc- 
 tible States. It repudiates and repels an empire of vassal colonies 
 never to be States. 
 
 He declared as self-evident that " all men are created equal." He 
 demanded " equal and exact justice to all men" and the maintenance 
 of " equality of rights." The Fourteenth Amendment specifically 
 secured that equality by forbidding any State to deny it, The inter- 
 diction was a pledge that every one in every State shall be protected 
 by just and equal laws, not necessarily the same laws, because diver- 
 sity in the different States may promote that equality which is an 
 attribute of liberty. 
 
 Jefferson also emphasized again the duty of maintaining " that 
 state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from 
 his own industry." What a lesson of admonition is there against the 
 fads of communism ! 
 
 Equality of rights and burthens and duties was ever his theme. 
 The Democratic party has no reason for existence if it does not 
 always and unitedly strive for such equality of which the essence is
 
 18 
 
 freedom from restraints and burdens unequal because not imposed 
 on every one under like conditions. The Democratic rule fearlessly 
 applied in each State may solve the present problem of trusts and 
 spoliation by unjustified taxation. 
 
 We all agree that the Democratic party should have for its 
 cornerstone the doctrines indicated by Jefferson. One was "The 
 supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; " but that does 
 not require a National Democratic Convention to prescribe to Con- 
 gress the details of the organization of a standing army. Another was 
 " Honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none ;" 
 but that would not justify a National Democratic Convention in 
 dictating to a Democratic President the details of his diplomacy to 
 preserve such friendship and avoid such alliances. A third was 
 "Honest payment of our debts, sacred preservation of the public 
 faith, encouragement of agriculture and commerce ; " but that does 
 not compel a Democratic National Convention to endeavor to prevent 
 Democrats in any Congressional District from expressing their pre- 
 ference regarding the details which will best enforce the doctrine. 
 
 We should take into account the exceptional popularity of that 
 policy among the voters who, at Jefferson's second election, gave 
 him 15 out of 17 of the States, and all excepting 14 of the 170 elec- 
 tors. When he had insisted upon retirement to private life at the 
 close of his second term, the voters elected as his successor Madison, 
 his Secretary of State, by 12 out of 17 of the States and 122 out of the 
 176 electors. There are some who would have had Jefferson urge 
 upon a people, largely agricultural, the building of a large navy, the 
 creation of great standing army and a huge national debt, and that 
 in his second term he should have plunged the country into war with 
 England, or France, instead of trying embargo and non-intercourse ; 
 yet can we wonder that he chose a policy preferred by the voters 
 because of their desire to cultivate peace ? 
 
 There was a glory reserved for him which no other President 
 has had. For more than thirty years the Executive Department at 
 Washington was. with the exception of four years under John Quiricy 
 Adams, held by the Democratic followers of Jefferson.
 
 19 
 
 It will be said that Jefferson was a man of peace. So was the 
 Democracy he founded, a party of peace excepting when war becomes 
 necessary, as it did a year ago. Then Democrats in Congress and in 
 the field upheld the flag of our country with their votes and with 
 their lives. 
 
 Peace, small expenditures and low taxation were no doubt a 
 passion with Jefferson ; but his diplomatic notes as Secretary of State, 
 displaying the sword as a reluctant agent of peace, are a proud pos- 
 session of his country because they brought out of darkness the rain- 
 bow of hope. The hope of the country to-day is in the party whose 
 fundamental principles were established under the wise and conserva- 
 tive guidance of Jefferson.
 
 20 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMOKT Many years ago the present President of 
 the Democratic Club had the pleasure of meeting in the old Club 
 House in Twenty-fourth Street, a gentleman whose brother at that 
 time was the President of the Democratic Club. We were all engaged 
 in the campaign so successfully led by Governor Tilden against the 
 canal ring of that day. The gentleman to whom I referred to is here 
 to-night. A few months ago it was he who, as a candidate for Gov- 
 ernor, led the Democracy of this State with credit to himself and to 
 his party. The force and sincerity with which he stated the issues 
 to the people impressed itself upon the voters. The result of the 
 election, cutting down the immense Republican majority to an in- 
 significant figure, was an encouragement to Democrats throughout 
 the country. It is with gratitude that his fellow Democrats have 
 assigned the toast "Our Country and its Commerce" to the HON. 
 AUGUSTUS VAN WYCK. 
 
 ADDRESS OF JUDGE AUGUSTUS VAN WYCK. 
 The Democracy, including our lady friends with their beauty 
 and charms who adorn the boxes overhanging the auditorium of this 
 magnificent temple dedicated to the inspiring cause of harmony, I 
 salute you one and all in the name of our political apostle, Thomas 
 Jefferson. 
 
 The toast, to which you do me the honor of inviting me to speak, 
 must be carefully circumscribed, since the directions in which it 
 points are innumerable. Your patience and my voice would both 
 alike give out long before the task was finished if I should venture 
 to discuss with anything like adequacy even a very few of the more 
 important branches of American Commerce. It has come to pass, as 
 you know, that our country is now the greatest centre of industry 
 and the chief producer of exports on the globe. The evidences of our 
 skill and enterprise are to be found on every sea and in the remotest 
 hamlets of every civilized and half-civilized land. Our steel rails,
 
 21 
 
 for instance, are being laid in British India, and our locomotives are 
 in demand in Europe, Asia and South America ; more than two- 
 thirds of the old world is clothed with our cotton, and were it not for 
 the abundance of our soil, combined with the well applied labor of 
 our husbandmen, the inhabitants of several of the chief nations 
 would suffer for the lack of food. In the villages of Arabia the 
 American lamp filled with American oil may be said to typify the 
 mental light which, we trust, is destined to reach those remote nooks 
 from our centres of Christian culture ; our reaping machines are 
 finding increasing favor among the farmers of Russia ; the electric 
 light, as developed by Edison, sheds a cheerful radiance over Cairo and 
 Jerusalem; France has become a considerable purchaser of American 
 wines ; and the people of the British Isles are reading newspapers 
 printed by presses of American invention on American paper and 
 walk about their daily business in American shoes. Japan is buying 
 American built ships of war ; China is coming to terms with our 
 men of enterprise for the opening up of some of her too long dormant 
 sources of wealth, and in Australia we find a still improving market 
 for all sorts of Yankee notions. 
 
 These surface facts with which every reader of the daily news- 
 papers may be assumed to be familiar, suffice to show how very wide 
 and complex is the field of American commerce and how necessary 
 it must be for after dinner speakers, who have had it assigned to 
 them as a subject, to remember at once the limitations of their own 
 knowledge and the exhaustibility of their hearers. 
 
 That a country shall be great commercially several things must 
 co-exist within its borders. It must have the necessary natural re- 
 sources ; its people must be skillful and industrious, enterprise must 
 be fostered by just laws and the spur of free competition, and finally 
 as the very corner-stone of the whole structure the sense of individual 
 honor must be sustained in full life. 
 
 Of these features there are perhaps only two not plainly in 
 operation in the whole circle of our industries to-day. Abundance 
 of our natural resources there is no room to doubt. The skill and 
 readiness to labor of our people are not less evident. The plain 
 American has never been surpassed as a whole-hearted believer hi
 
 22 
 
 the gospel of honest toil. Nor happily, is it open to question that 
 our merchants exhibit in all their dealings as fine a sense of honor as 
 can be found within the compass of the globe. 
 
 Commerce, one of the civilizers of the world, is a necessary 
 element in the preservation of the prosperity and the happiness of 
 our country. It must be fostered first by the freest competition be- 
 tween our own people in all home enterprises, securing for them un- 
 trammeled business intercourse and enlarged opportunities for indi- 
 vidual advancement, and second, by the freest competition between 
 the internal freight lines from and to the seaboard, securing the 
 lowest practical freight rates to the ocean for all kinds of products. 
 
 I venture to affirm, however, that something remains to be 
 desired in these two particulars. I mean in respect to just laws and 
 ihe spur to free competition. The laws are not just which burden 
 the many to the end that favorities may grow fat, as in the case 
 under our so-called protective tariff ; and when monopolies are suf- 
 fered to lay their hands on the throat of individual enterprise, the 
 spur of free competition is blunted if not destroyed. We have seen 
 in these more recent days a disposition envinced in certain quarters 
 to dismiss the Declaration of Independence as no longer applicable 
 in its leading principle to the conditions of modern society. In 
 putting themselves in this attitude toward the basic doctrines of the 
 Republic, the supporters of a tariff for the enrichment of the few and 
 trust for the killing of equal opportunity are not open to a charge 
 of inconsistency. It is the foulest mockery of reason to profess in one 
 breath devotion to the doctrine of the equality of all men before the 
 law of the land, and in the next to applaud a tariff system which 
 squeezes the blood out of the average man for the fattening of select 
 individuals who have mastered the art of depraving all Federal gov- 
 ernment and directing a new feudalism which purposes to subdivide 
 the land into Plutocratic Dukedoms. 
 
 In respect to these matters, citizens who think as the founders of 
 the republic did, take their stand firmly on the ground that equal 
 before the law means equality of industrial opportunity in so far as 
 the action of the government is involved. The tariff has been one
 
 23 
 
 prolific source of monopoly, and the monstrous misuse of the fran- 
 chise giving power, another. Our iron, steel, coal and sugar trusts 
 may be taken as examples of what the tariff has brought to pass, 
 while in the consolidation of our railroads, gas companies, electric 
 light companies we have illustrations of what has been and is being 
 accomplished under the legislative power to bestow valuable public 
 rights upon private corporations. Into the details of our existing 
 tariff I shall not enter at present but I shall challenge any of its sup- 
 porters to name a single considerable branch of industry over which 
 its so-called protection has been extended which is not now controlled 
 by a confederacy of conspirators against competition. The infant in- 
 dustries have become giants who have taken it upon themselves to 
 rule for their own ends the nation which nourished them under the 
 impression that when matured they would be the best of servants and 
 the very pillars of economic liberty. That the Democratic party 
 must address itself to the correction of these far reaching evils if it is 
 to hold the allegiance of the Democratic masses is not doubtful. The 
 cause of tariff reform was never more urgent than it is to-day, and 
 never before was it less disputable than at this hour that no real relief 
 can be looked for at the hands of the Republican party. 
 
 Concerning trusts in general I find some information in a recent 
 number of the Journal of Commerce of this city that seems to me to 
 be worthy of the widest publicity. After showing that the number 
 of these great combinations had increased in the past twelve months 
 from 200 to 353, the writer of the article proceeds as follows : 
 
 " It will be seen that, at the end of February, these 353 combina- 
 tions had issued a total of $5,118.500,000 of capital stock and $714,- 
 389,000 of bond obligations. These figures show an increase over 
 those we published a year ago of 76 per cent, in the number of insti- 
 tutions and 60 per cent, in the combined stock and bonded debt, 
 which indicates the extraordinary rapidity with which the movement 
 has spread within the last twelve months. What proportion of the 
 entire manufactures of the United States has passed in this new form 
 of organization may be inferred from the fact that the census of 1890 
 values the entire capital then employed in the manufacturing and 
 mechanical industries at $6,525,000,000, which includes all the minor
 
 24 
 
 or retail work done by small individual proprietors. This means that 
 the total capitalization of these combinations is equal to 90 per cent, 
 of the entire manufacturing investment of 1890." 
 
 And to the people who have not followed the record from month 
 to month, and practically from day to day, of the industrial evolu- 
 tion here indicated, it may well seem incredible that a change so 
 fraught with menace to the welfare of the country, and the preserva- 
 tion of our liberties and to the dignity of American labor, has been 
 accomplished. Not only is it, as the writer further, whom I have 
 just quoted, says, a reversal of all that economists have expected as 
 fundamental axioms of trade but it strikes, as with the dagger of an 
 assassin, at the very heart of that individual enterprise, which, next 
 to love of liberty for its own sake, is the energizing force of American 
 institutions. 
 
 If the process of consolidating under the control of a single 
 individual, natural or artificial, of the various branches of the busi- 
 ness of a kindred nature continues in the same ratio as here indicated, 
 it will be but a short time when five or six hundred corporate entities 
 will control the entire manufacturing and mechanical industries of 
 this country, in number many times fewer than those engaged in 
 similar business on their own account when this country had a 
 population of about three and one-half millions and was struggling 
 against the mother country for political, commercial, and business 
 independence. Such a condition might well suggest some sense of 
 alarm to the thoughtful patriot when it is considered that substanti- 
 ally seventy millions of people will be excluded from participation 
 upon their own account in these branches of industry and are con- 
 verted into a mass of employees without the inspiring hope of better- 
 ing their condition by mental and physical alertness. What individual 
 not belonging to the class of multi-millionaires to-day would dare to 
 engage on his own account in the establishment of a tobacco factory, 
 or a baking powder company, or an oil refinery, for how well he 
 would know that it would only require a moment's attention directed 
 against him on the part of the trust in charge of the line of business 
 thus invaded by him to crush the very life out of his enterprise.
 
 25 
 
 Deprive the young men from 21 to 40 years of age of the oppor- 
 tunity of indulging in the reasonable hope that by due diligence they 
 may attain individual advancement by going into some line of busi- 
 ness on their own account, and you will destroy the esprit de corps 
 of the people of this country so essential to its continued progress, 
 and in time paralysis will set in as it has done heretofore in the re- 
 publics of the past, and it will be first felt by the impoverishment of 
 labor and those of moderate circumstances, in the end destroying the 
 forced customers of these giant trusts, resulting incidentally in 
 strangling the prosperity and happiness of a great people. 
 
 When we are invited, gentlemen, to find reasons for the con- 
 tinued existence of the Democratic party, we can, I am persuaded, 
 accommodate the inquirer out of the easily verified body of facts here 
 called attention to. I do not go so far as to say that there are no 
 other questions of large significance to which the Democratic party 
 in the national field ought to give its best thought. There are other 
 questions ; but if there be not in these (of the tariff and of the trusts, 
 with their death to free competition and individual enterprise) ground 
 enough for successful appeal to an enlightened people, political ex- 
 perience in the United States is much at fault. 
 
 There is another subject upon which I will venture to say a very 
 few words, though it is sure to engage the constantly widening atten- 
 tion from the merchants of the State of New York. I refer to the 
 problem of our State Canals. In doing this I dismiss wholly from 
 my thought all partisan consideration. If the City and State of New 
 York are together to maintain their ascendancy in the commerce of 
 the country the canals must be improved beyond any limit yet 
 officially proposed. Canada is at work deepening her canals with a 
 view to having at least fifteen feet of water from Lake Michigan to 
 Montreal, and thereby enabling the lake steamer loaded at the heart 
 of the continent to land her cargo without breaking bulk at Montreal, 
 ready for distribution from there upon the ocean steamer to the rest 
 of the world. When we shall have completed (if ever) the improve- 
 ments now in progress on the Erie Canal, connecting New York 
 City, by way of the Hudson River, with Lake Erie and beyond that 
 with the whole chain of the great lakes, we shall have a depth of just
 
 26 
 
 seven feet. What I invite our merchants to consider is whether as 
 men of enterprise they think it safe to leave the State and metropolis 
 at so manifest a disadvantage. That the railroads cannot be depended 
 upon to make good to our port and its auxiliaries what the canals 
 lose has been proved in the most unmistakable form. The statistics 
 of the port prove that we are not holding our own with Canada in 
 the matter of lake traffic despite anything that the railroads may 
 have don6, and similarly we find in the matter of railroad transporta- 
 tion, we are for some purposes less happily situated than several 
 ports to the southward, I learn with pleasure of a conference which 
 is to be held before many weeks under auspices of our Board of 
 Trade and Transportation, and most earnestly hope that the conferees 
 will not adjourn without having taken some steps towards securing 
 for the State facilities of access to her vast inland trade equal at least 
 to those soon to be at the service of our Canadian competitors. 
 
 Permit me also in this relation to express the belief that the 
 course long pursued by the chief railroad interests of the State has 
 been short-sighted. The assumption has been that to kill the canals 
 would be a stroke of excellent business for the railroads. Because 
 of this, every vicious political force disposed to prey upon the canals 
 has been encouraged by the railroads and every effort to improve 
 them ppposed. A large view of the subject ought not to be impos- 
 sible. The railroads cannot do for the State the work of efficient 
 canals, with a depth perhaps of fifteen feet, and it is manifest that 
 the general prosperity of the State cannot be impaired without detri- 
 ment in the long run to the chief railroad properties. In any event 
 this is plainly a matter of much concern to all the cities and towns 
 along the main lines of the canals as well as to the cities of New York 
 and Buffalo at the two extremities, and it does not seem to me to be 
 out of place as a subject of discussion when the commerce of the 
 United States as a whole is under consideration. 
 
 NO ALLIANCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 This pressure of English competition along the entire Northern 
 boundary of our country at the very time when it has become so 
 fashionable for a certain class of political leaders and after-dinner 
 speakers to thoughtlessly advocate a political and commercial alliance,
 
 27 
 
 offensive and defensive, between these two countries, it will not be 
 deemed amiss to caution our people against hasty action. Let us be 
 influenced by the natural as well as the fixed policy of that nation 
 towards us for a century and a half, rather than by their profuse ex- 
 pressions of friendship during the Spanish war. In 1741 Admiral 
 Vernon commanded the English expedition against Cartagena on the 
 Northern coast of South America, then a flourishing Spanish posses- 
 sion. His forces included thirty-six companies of American troops 
 from the thirteen colonies ; among them were some of the Washing- 
 ton family, who afterwards gave his name to their place on the 
 Potomac, and also Smollett who described the incidents of the disas- 
 trous attempt in his " Roderick Random." The defeated forces ren- 
 dezvoused at Jamaica in the West Indies and from there Admiral 
 Vernon cold bloodedly wrote to his home government that he would 
 disband and settle the battalions from the thirteen colonies in East 
 Cuba rather than restore them to their home where they "would 
 wish to establish manufactures, which would injure those at home " 
 (in England). From then to now her policy has been one of sharp 
 rivalry and competition with America ; it impelled the revolution of 
 1776, fought for business as well as political independence ; brought 
 on the war of 1812 waged against the insolent claim of England for 
 the right to search our ships of commerce while riding the highways 
 of the ocean ; caused her to contest every inch of our Northern 
 boundary line from ocean to ocean ; made her encourage our family 
 troubles in 1860 to 1865, for which she was compelled to pay us 
 millions and admit her wrong ; and actuated her, in violation of the 
 Monroe doctrine, to attempt an unwarrantable encroachment upon 
 the territory of Venezuela, until ordered by the American govern- 
 ment to halt, notwithstanding that our new ambassador at the Court 
 of St. James seemed to think that his first duty was to apologize to 
 the English people therefor ; and she has paralleled our inland water- 
 ways and railroads from ocean to ocean, separating us from our 
 Alaskan possessions. She is now and will ever be our principal com- 
 petitor in the commerce of the world. Under such circumstances it 
 would be her greatest boast in diplomacy to engender the animosity 
 of the other nations of the world toward us by such an alliance. For 
 then in case the emergency should ever arise that our country should
 
 28 
 
 feel it necessary to command her to halt again in any of her future 
 aggressions and she should refuse, the United States would find her- 
 self without a friend in the sisterhood of nations. A lively 
 appreciation of the true bearings of both nations will be the surest 
 guarantee of lasting friendship and peace between them. Let the 
 good old American international policy of each nation attending to 
 its own business in the spirit of fair play to the others assert itself 
 and let these knee-benders to all that is English remember the advice 
 of the matchless Washington given in his farewell address, in 
 which he says : " The greatest rule of conduct for us, in regard 
 to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations to 
 have with them as little political connection as possible." " It is our 
 true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of 
 the foreign world." From that moment the spirit of "peace, 
 commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling 
 alliances with none" proclaimed by Jefferson, has echoed and 
 re-echoed down the corridors of time. Let the lovers of peace and 
 friendship in both countries familiarize themselves with that part of 
 Washington's address relating to foreign relations and it will 
 promote good will between these two nations. 
 
 Suffer me in bringing these remarks to a close to indulge the 
 hope that the Democratic party will act in its national councils with 
 a lively recollection of what is due to the commercial interests of our 
 country that, the resources of our soil may be brought more anil 
 more under the command of our people, that labor in every depart- 
 ment may have an increasing and not a lessening reward, that our 
 merchant flag may be restored with honor not less illustrious than 
 that which accompanies the standard of our fighting ships, that the 
 inventive genius of the land shall be prolific of good to the millions 
 and not merely to the millionaire, that the typical American, full of 
 self reliance and scorning all govermental paternalism, shall assert 
 himself, that the credit of the nation shall be untarnished, and, as in 
 the past, liberty and property shall be alike secure. It is indispens- 
 able that the commerce of our country be rooted, as it was, in 
 justice, fanned by the winds of liberty, kept purged clean from 
 the parasites of monopoly and watered continually by the sweat of 
 free individual enterprise and competition. I care not by which
 
 29 
 
 party the evils that I have suggested shall be remedied or prevented, 
 I prefer that the party in power shall do so, because it would hasten 
 the remedy for these growing evils and an ounce of preventative is 
 worth a pound of cure, but if the party in power fails to answer the 
 call of the people in these respects, it will be but a little while when 
 they will be replaced by the party whose history discloses that they 
 have always been in nearer sympathy and touch with the struggling 
 masses. 
 
 A word to the Democracy and I have finished. Let not the 
 mere selfish thought of probable or possible party success absorb 
 your time and thought, instead of the desire to prevent evils that 
 may threaten our country. Remember the grand mission under a 
 representative form of government of the party in opposition is a 
 noble and lofty one. The organized exercise of an intelligent and 
 eternal vigilance, the price not only of liberty, but good government. 
 Let this function be performed impassionately and faithfully for the 
 purpose of watching over the acts of ommission or commission of the 
 party in power. If the evils become dangerous and oppressive such 
 as the habitual violation of the principle of home rule by the national 
 or state government ; fostering of trusts by the sale to them of the 
 tariff taxing power or the relief of their franchise values from fair 
 contribution to the support of government ; the destruction or 
 impairment of our waterways at the instance of railroads ; the 
 extravagant or corrupt waste of public funds ; or incompetency and 
 radicalism, then the demand for change will be so imperative that 
 unity will reign supreme among the rank and file of our party.
 
 30 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. I now have the honor of calling upon a 
 gentleman who at one time led the Democrats in the Assembly. He 
 then proved himself a faithful follower of the greatest of our leaders 
 and statesmen, and no one better than the HON. JOHN B. STANCHFIELD 
 can respond to the toast dedicated to the memory of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. JOHN B. STANCHFIELD. 
 
 As one glances around this room, one is prompted to say in the 
 last words of John Adams " Thomas Jefferson still survives." The 
 spirit of the Great Commoner is abroad in the land, and a grateful 
 nation pays its tribute to-night. That we may have a clear and 
 lucid understanding of the immense influence exercised by Jefferson, 
 not only in his own day, but upon all subsequent times, it is neces- 
 sary to define his environment. 
 
 Neither Washington, Jefferson nor Madison were of Virginia's 
 elect, nor did they come from the landed aristocracy . Jefferson 
 came upon the stage of active affairs at a time when Virginia was 
 under the domination of a roistering, gambling, holdeuish aristoc- 
 racy. The law of entail, the right of the first born to inherit, and 
 the established church confronted him. Charmed with the burning 
 oratory of Henry, whose contention that taxation without represen- 
 tation was tyranny, appealed to younger generation of Virginians, 
 Jefferson cast aside his profession of the law, and with the announced 
 determination that he would never accept emolument or compensa- 
 tion other than the salary given him, entered upon a political career. 
 
 In his public life of upwards of forty years, covering the entire 
 range of preferment from the humblest to the highest, two things 
 stand out with great prominence ; he never made a speech, he never 
 waged a war. He left the presidency at the end of his second term 
 with the admiration and affectionate regard of seven millions of 
 people. The free school, the free church and our free government, 
 to his untiring zeal and industry are largely owing. If we were to
 
 31 
 
 speak to Jefferson's own conception of what had been the accom- 
 plished results of his life's work the inscription found among his 
 belongings as to what he wished placed upon his tomb concisely tells 
 the tale : " Here was buried Thomas Jefferson, author of the 
 Declaration of American Independence of the statutes of Virginia 
 for religious freedom and founder of the University of Virginia." 
 His residence in France about the time of the oncoming of the French 
 revolution, sowed the seed of liberty deep in his heart, and from that 
 human cataclysm he imbibed principles that remained with him to 
 the hour of his death. It required civic courage and personal valor 
 of no mean degree to introduce and force upon the classes of Virginia 
 the abolition of the law of entail and the right of primogeniture. For 
 this purpose he declined a re-election to the House of Congress, and 
 devoted to it in accomplishing its passage an ability and an industry 
 that earned for him during the remainder of his career the hatred of 
 the aristocratic classes of Virginia, and the rancor of these proud 
 patricians followed him in all his future career. 
 
 His clear and perspicuous eye saw that the transmissioji of vast 
 estates from one generation to another, with an established church 
 curbing and curtailing the religious opinions of the people was at war 
 with the Declaration of Independence and the theory upon which our 
 government was built. 
 
 ' ' All men shall be free to profess and by argument to maintain 
 their opinions in matters of religion " is the key note of his draft of 
 the act in behalf of religious liberty. Before the spark of revolution 
 had been kindled, in a memorial address to George the Third, it was 
 Jefferson who wrote the lines : 
 
 " Let those natter who fear, it is not an American art. * * * 
 The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time ; the 
 hand of force may destroy but cannot disjoin them." 
 
 So far did Jefferson's belief in self-government carry him, that 
 although a slave owner in harmony with the spirit of the age in 
 which he lived, we find him writing in 1821 of the negro "nothing 
 is more certainly written in the book of Fate than that these people 
 are to be free."
 
 32 
 
 While the battle was waging in the house of burgesses against 
 the right of the first born male to inherit, his opponents under the 
 leadership of one Pendleton, pleaded that the eldest son might at 
 least take a double share : " Not" was Jefferson's retort " until he 
 can eat a double allowance of food and do a double allowance of 
 work." " My purpose," says Jefferson afterwards was " instead of 
 an aristocracy of wealth to make an opening for an aristocracy of 
 virtue and talent." 
 
 With Jefferson's induction into national politics commences 
 the battle between those who favored a strong centralized govern- 
 ment, called in those days the Federalists, and those who believed in 
 the ultimate rule of the people and the greatest amount of liberty to 
 the citizen possible, termed Republicans. Of the latter Jefferson was 
 soon the acknowledged head. Despite the many contradictory and 
 apparently inconsistent phrases and sentences that his detractors may 
 cull out from his voluminous correspondence, covering one half a 
 century, the enduring fact remains that the never changing ambition 
 of his life was devoted to securing in largest degree the right of per- 
 sonal liberty. In Hamilton's determined effort to make a federal 
 power supreme by the maintenance of an excessively large standing 
 army, the annulment of state rights, the creation of a United States 
 bank, and the establishment of a federal judiciary with unlimited 
 powers. Jefferson saw the end of the republic, and the aggressive 
 approach of a monarchy. This controversy so defined and begun, 
 terminated neither with the death of Hamilton, nor Jefferson at 
 Monticello. Dressed in different attire, it is the vital issue of the 
 present day. 
 
 Jefferson favored a separation from England for the ultimate 
 reason of permitting the people self-government. He favored, passed, 
 fought for and enforced the right of the free school and the free 
 church, the abolition of a United States bank, and the creation of an 
 army and navy, no larger than was necessary for purposes of defense, 
 because he believed the people so willed, and that these principles 
 harmonized with the largest share of personal freedom in the 
 individual.
 
 With the election of Jefferson in his controversy with Burr, by 
 the House of Representatives, the Republicans, or anti-federalists won 
 their first victory. Then, as now, New York was the central battle- 
 ground, and party spirit ran high and strong. A poet of the day 
 in amusing doggerel voiced the victory of the anti-federalist in 
 characteristic speech : 
 
 " The Federalists are down at last, 
 The monarchists completely cast ; 
 The autocrats are stripped of power, 
 . Storms o'er British factions lower. 
 Soon we Republicans shall see 
 Columbia's sons from bondage free. 
 Lord, how the Federalists will stare 
 At Jefferson in Adams' chair.'' 
 
 Hence came the Democrats, and we who believe in the princi- 
 ples that earned that victory have never known another name. In 
 striking analogy to the situation with which we are confronted to- 
 day was Jefferson circumstanced at the time of the Louisiana pur- 
 chase. The federalists of his time contended with bitter animosity 
 that sufficient unto the then population of the United States was the 
 Union as it then existed. Undeterred by the clamor of the minority, 
 Jefferson consummated the purchase of so much landed territory as 
 more than double our territorial extent. When the question of the 
 ratification of the purchase came before Congress and was up for 
 debate, the federalists made use of the contention that the acquire- 
 ment of additional territory was a violation of the Constitution, both 
 in its letter and in its spirit. To this we find Jefferson writing to his 
 attorney general, in 1803: "I quote this for your consideration, 
 observing that the least there is said about any constitutional difficulty, 
 the better ; and that it will be desirable for Congress to do what is 
 necessary in silence. I find but one opinion as to the necessity of 
 shutting up the Constitution for some time." 
 
 Jefferson was inclined by the arbitrary use of his majority in 
 Congress to smother any objections that might be raised in theory or 
 in letter, to the ratification of his purchase. He relied upon the 
 strong underlying sentiment of the people to uphold his act as being 
 for their good, and the ultimate advancement of the nation. While
 
 34 
 
 Congress was in session, we find him writing : " Whatever Congress 
 shall think it necessary to do should be done with as little debate as 
 possible, and particularly as respects the constitutional question." 
 
 Jefferson's earlier notions that the States constituted a small 
 league, had changed, and with increasing wealth, population and 
 power, he favored increased territorial aggrandizement. As John 
 Quincy Adams wrote our minister at Madrid, in 1823, in reference to 
 Cuba and Porto Rico : "Those islands, from their local position, 
 are naturally appendages to the North American continent ; and one 
 of them, Cuba, which is almost in sight of our shores, from a multi- 
 tude of considerations, has become an object of transcendent impor- 
 tance to the commercial and political interests to our Union. 
 It is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of 
 Cuba to our republic will be indispensable to the continuance and 
 integrity of the Union itself." 
 
 So, Jefferson, fourteen years earlier, in a letter to Madison, 
 speaking of Bonaparte, said : " But although with difficulty he will 
 consent to our receiving Cuba into our Union * * * that would be 
 a price, and I would immediately erect a column on the southernmost 
 limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it ' ne plus ultra,' as to us in that 
 direction. We should then have only to include the north in our 
 confederacy, which would be, of course, in the first war, and we 
 should have such an empire for liberty as she has never surveyed 
 since the creation ; and I am pursuaded no constitution was ever 
 before so well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self- 
 government." 
 
 Jefferson not only believed in the destiny of the republic, but he 
 was an advocate of force, where diplomacy would not accomplish 
 the desired results. While as chief magistrate, he conducted no wars 
 for aggrandizement, yet his correspondence teems with references to 
 the results that would accrue to us in territorial accessions by means 
 of war. He was never deceived by the diplomatic assurances of the 
 powers of Europe, nor lulled into false security by the peaceful 
 attitude of the country at the time of his presidential incumbency 
 He believed iu the proposition that the way to secure peace is to be
 
 35 
 
 prepared for war. The autocrat of the Russias since the promulga- 
 tion of his memorable proclamation in favor of a general disarma- 
 ment of the nations, has quietly purchased in the ship yards of the 
 world strong and many additional battleships. 
 
 The great laureate of the English-speaking peoples, nursed back 
 to health in the salubrious air of New York, correctly read the signs 
 of the times when he sang 
 
 " When he shows as seeking quarter, with paws-like hands in prayer 
 That is the time of peril the time of the truce of the bear." 
 
 It has come to be a fad with those who oppose enlarging our 
 boundaries, to assert that territorial acquirement is hostile to the spirit 
 of Washington's farewell address, and the teachings of Jefferson. 
 To this contention a moment will suffice. It may safely be urged as 
 sound doctrine, that no man, be he ever so eminent, advising the 
 affairs of a nation of seven millions, can speak with certainty as to 
 what would be an advantageous line of policy seventy-five years 
 later for a people of seventy millions. A standing army larger than 
 is proportionate to the ordinary requirements of the government, is 
 always a menace. It is also for police purposes and the unexpected 
 emergencies of government a necessity. Against this contingent evil 
 and the inexpediency of foreign political alliances, Washington 
 chiefly inveighs. But if I read aright, the political and governmental 
 teachings of Jefferson, no thought can be traced home to hismaturer 
 years that did not reflect his hope and expectation that the United 
 States would become one of the great powers of the world. 
 
 We are an aggressive, combative people. We assert the 
 proposition that the Anglo Saxon stock are by their industry and 
 indomnitable perseverance the chosen ones to sway the affairs of 
 men. The immortal one hundred that braved the terrors of the 
 storm-tossed Atlantic in the name of liberty, have left their indelible 
 imprint upon us. While the pilgrim fathers adjured high heaven 
 with one hand that they came here that they might worship God 
 according to the dictates of their own conscience, with the other they 
 waged relentless and ruthless war upon the red man.
 
 36 
 
 When oldMassasoit, with his painted and feathered warriors squat- 
 ted iu the governor's log house and smoked the pipe of peace, sturdy 
 Standish with his musketeers stood ready to slay and kill. Having 
 won their own independence and established a religious belief con- 
 formable to the nations, they purpose to tolerate no other. The 
 harmless Quaker paid for his temerity with his life. Sprung from 
 their loins has come a people who know no limitation to the march of 
 trade. The fittest shall survive. And until the ports of the world 
 shall recognize our flag as the embodiment and incarnation of liberty 
 and power, the spirit of dominion will never down. Where there 
 are people to buy, there we insist shall the American wage-earner 
 have a market to sell. We point with pride to the fact that not only 
 our shoes compete with those of English make in Piccadilly, our 
 locomotives propel the peoples of the Soudan, but our navy yards 
 are building the battleships of the nations of the old world. To 
 maintain wages at a rate that will enable our men of toil to out- 
 strip the nations of the world, is not only Democratic policy, but 
 Jeffersonian doctrine. 
 
 The war of 1812 was fought to protect our vessels upon the high 
 seas against the right of impressment and of search. In it our little 
 wooden navy won the proud vestige it has ever since sustained. 
 Decatur and Lawrence and Perry were as famous in the days of 1812 
 as Dewey, Sampson and Schley in the days of '98. Monroe gave us 
 Florida by purchase in days of peace, and the Mexican war, waged 
 in the 40's, acquired for us our far western territories, including 
 more land than composed the United States at the close of the 
 revolution. 
 
 Such to the close of the administration of Polk had been in 
 policy of Democratic administrations, with reference to territorial 
 extension. True to the spirit, transmitted to us from the pilgrim 
 fathers, we fought the battle of the slave, and drenched the land in 
 fraternal blood. What American has forgotten how his pulse thrilled 
 with pride as Byrant, the poet of peace and flowers wrote these 
 inspiring words
 
 37 
 
 ' Lay down the axe ; fling by the spade 
 
 Leave in its track the toiling plow ; 
 The rifle and the bayonet blade 
 
 For arms like yours were fitter now ; 
 And let the hands that ply the pen 
 
 Quit the lisht task and learn to wield 
 The horseman's crooked brand and rein 
 
 The charger on the battlefield." 
 
 Jefferson's prophecy had to be fulfilled and the bondman was 
 made free ! The war with Spain begun in the name of humanity, 
 waged to redress the wrongs of centuries, inflicted upon a people at 
 the doorway of our southern gulf, has resulted in the glorious tri- 
 umph of civilization. To the legitimate fruits of that victory we are 
 entitled by law both human and divine. There must be neither 
 hesitation nor faltering until those lands that are of right a part of 
 our union are fastened to us in bands of enduring brass. Two re- 
 sults have come to us from this war. First, the cruel and inhuman 
 government of Spain has been destroyed upon' this hemisphere. 
 Second, the last vestige of sectional prejudice has passed away. The 
 man of the north with his brother of the south have joined in the 
 conflict, and together have won the victory. In a century our his- 
 tory has been one of growth in people, wealth and territory. Why 
 tarry we here ? Is not the duty super-imposed upon us to protect 
 the weak and the oppressed in any land or clime ! Wherever the 
 torch of civilization is fired, there does liberty accompanied by 
 Christianity blossom and flower. 
 
 " Thus too sail on, O ship of state. 
 Sail on, O union strong and great, 
 Humanity with all its fears 
 With all the hope of future years' 
 Is hanging breathless on thy fate 1" 
 
 Would that we could invoke the spirit of Jefferson in our hour 
 of need. The bruised and battered doctrine of home rule needs a 
 new champion ! In the unwritten future the teachings of his life 
 demonstrate that he would lay down for us as the slogan of battle !
 
 38 
 
 Down with the trusts and up with au honest and fair system of taxa 
 tion ! The greatest good of the greatest number is the ideal of gov- 
 ernment toward which with unclouded vision the Democracy must 
 ever trend ! 
 
 With the never ending roll of years among posterities yet un- 
 born, shining with constantly increased radiance and brilliancy the 
 reputation of Jefferson will enhance as the great exponent of popular 
 government, and the honest and sincere champion of the rights of 
 the common people, until among the nations' honored dead his name 
 and memory far above his fellows, will forever be cherished and 
 revered by lovers of liberty, and friends of humanity.
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. A true Democrat, the Chairman of the 
 last Democratic State Convention whose eloquence gave impulse to 
 the campaign which followed will respond to the toast " Democracy," 
 the HON. FREDERICK C. SCIIUATJB. 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. FREDERICK C. SCHRAUB. 
 MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN : To break bread with this 
 magnificent assemblage is indeed a privilege, but to speak for the great 
 Democratic party of the State upon this occasion is an honor such as 
 might fill the heart of any lover of his party with pride. Like a 
 mighty army with banners, that intrepid host to-day awaits the 
 action of its leaders hoping that if there have been any differences in 
 the past they shall be forgotten and that a creed so broad and catholic 
 shall be adopted, that all who have at heart the good of their fellow- 
 men may accept it, and make common cause against the enemies of 
 the people typified by republicanism, in the contest of the not dis- 
 tant future. 
 
 The idea of this banquet was a happy inspiration ; to meet upon 
 the birthday of the immortal father of Democracy in this citidel of 
 the party, democratic from the foundation of the government, to 
 take sweet counsel together and to plan for victory is indeed a worthy 
 purpose. 
 
 While Democrats may have differed in the past over some dis- 
 puted matters of doctrine, there are many things to which all give 
 willing assent, and that in fact are the vital principles. As I have 
 discussed the various courses of this beautiful repast, there comes to 
 me as the first thing on which all Democrats can agree those words 
 of Lord Lytton from his poem " Lucile ": 
 
 " We may live without poetry, music and art ; 
 We may live without conscience, and live without heart ; 
 We may live without friends ; we may live without books ; 
 But civilized men cannot live without cooks,
 
 40 
 
 He may live without books what is knowledge but grieving ? 
 He may live without hope, what is hope but deceiving ? 
 He may live without love, what is passion but pining ?. 
 But where is the man that can live without dining ? " 
 
 So it is to me a most heathf ul sign in the body politic that there 
 is such a tendency among the democracy of all shades of opinion to 
 hold dinners. May they be multiplied ; as in this way by a fair 
 comparison of views the right way is apt to be reached as man is 
 never so reasonable as on a full stomach. 
 
 I think the next thing upon which all will agree after listening 
 to the masterly exposition of State Issues, by our late candidate for 
 Governor, and after the spectacle presented by the Republican 
 administration at Albany during the past winter, is that the people 
 of this State made a grievous mistake last fall when they voted 
 against our candidates ; a mistake which they would not repeat to" 
 day, was the issue again theirs to decide. When before in the his- 
 tory of this commonwealth have its citizens been so humiliated by 
 the spectacle of the Governor of the State, himself a professed re- 
 former, week after week, coming to New York to take his orders 
 from the party boss. 
 
 What has become of the ante-election promises of the Republi- 
 can party, that the despoilers of the canals, those great achievements 
 of democratic statesmanship, in their creation, should be punished. 
 
 Counsel as eminent as any in the State had passed upon this 
 matter and reported that prosecutions would lie ; but unfortunately 
 he had given an adverse report on the eligibility of the now Governor 
 to office, in view of his sworn statement as to his residence. He 
 declined to go on with the matter, and two other eminent attorneys 
 are employed, and now after three months, the only report they 
 have to make is an appeal for money to go on with the investigation, 
 and the statement, in direct opposition to Judge Countryman's con- 
 clusion, that they find nothing to warrant criminal prosecution, and 
 the Governor with dramatic effect cries out that if the State won't 
 pay these attorneys he will furnish the money, as though the people 
 of the State of New York had ever refused money for any legitimate 
 purpose. In behalf of the honest democracy of the State I desire to
 
 41 
 
 say to our Republican friends that if they are short of funds to 
 carry on this righteous investigation we will furnish all that may be 
 required that the ends of justice may be carried out. 
 
 It is simply a sham and a device to elude the issue and to keep 
 the matter stringing along until the statute of limitations shall let all 
 of the minor offenders off. 
 
 For the purpose of diverting the attention of the people the old 
 device of investigating the City of New York is resumed and you 
 once more have a lot of countrymen down here prying into your 
 affairs. They come as the Chinese going to war beating tom-toms, 
 burning red fire, and making an unearthly noise, but the people 
 know that they are not honest and that it is from no honest motive 
 that this investigation is prosecuted. They do not forget that the 
 present executive of the State has lately been a Police Commissioner 
 of this city, as is also the case with the principal counsel of the com- 
 mittee. If these gentlemen found anything wrong why did they not 
 rectify it ? I can only think of the words of the old darky camp- 
 meeting song to describe them : 
 
 "Hypocrites, hypocrites, hypocrites, Oh, my Lord." 
 
 This is not the first republican investigation we have had. With 
 the change in the Government at A.lbany a few years ago, they 
 started in to investigate all the departments then presided over by 
 Democrats ; we heard much about what they were going to do, but 
 not a thing was found wrong and not so much as a penny that had 
 been misapplied. 
 
 The same with their former investigations of the City of New 
 York, all bluster, but in the end no results. 
 
 They cry out against Richard Croker, and denounce him as the 
 uncrowned king. I know of no single act of his life that merits 
 their abuse, except that he has been the most successful leader the 
 democracy of this city has ever had, and that in every spot and place 
 his word has been his bond, and his integrity above question.
 
 42 
 Well do the words of the poet apply to him : 
 
 " Count me o'er earth's chosen heroes, 
 
 They were souls that stood alone, 
 While the men they agonized for, 
 
 Hurled the contumelious stone ; 
 Stood serene and down the future, 
 
 Saw the golden beam incline, 
 To the side of perfect justice. 
 
 Mastered by their faith divine, 
 By one man's plain truth to manhood, 
 And to God's supreme design." 
 
 On behalf of the great Democratic party of the State I extend 
 to this honored gentleman greeting, assuring him that he has a warm 
 place in the hearts of Democrats everywhere, and that we have 
 unquestioned faith in his integrity. 
 
 I hate deception, hypocrisy and cant, and therefore have no 
 sympathy with the existing conditions of affairs under the State 
 Administration. What the people of this State desire and what they 
 will demand at the earliest opportunity is a return to the honest and 
 efficient administration of affairs given them under many a Demo- 
 cratic Governor, and which reached its highest efficiency under that 
 grand old man, Governor Flower, whom in a mistaken moment the 
 people succeeded with a Republican 
 
 Inspiring would be the calling of the bead-roll of the illustrious 
 Democratic Governors of the State and of their great achievements, 
 all, did time permit. 
 
 Van Buren, Marcy, Wright, Seymour, Tilden, Cleveland, Hill 
 and Flower, are names that are inscribed high in the people's temple 
 of fame, and that shall endure while the annals of their country are 
 preserved. They have one and all built for themselves a heritage 
 " the fruits and flowers of time." 
 
 It were better for the people that the management of their affairs 
 was entrusted to the democracy, a government of the people by and 
 for the people.
 
 43 
 
 We hear much from certain sections of our country as to what 
 is to be the future policy of the party. No other State has 650,000 
 Democrats, and no other has the right to dictate to New York. We 
 stand for Jetfersonian principles " the rights of the many against the 
 privileges of the few." 
 
 " The greatest good for the greatest number." 
 
 We proscribe no man, we seek rather to conciliate all, remem- 
 bering with Jefferson that minorities have rights that should not be 
 ignored. The grandest sentiment that he ever wrote is contained in 
 the immortal preamble to the Declaration : " We hold these truths 
 to be self-evident, that all men are created equal and endowed by 
 their creator with certain inalienable rights that among these are life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights 
 governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers 
 from the consent of the governed." 
 
 With these Jeffersonian and Democratic sentiments as a platform 
 we shall find all Democrats on common ground, believing as we all 
 do, better a Democrat in every place than a hypocritical Republican. 
 Then shall the Democratic star shine through the clouds and point the 
 way to victory and peace. The faith of the Democracy of New 
 York is like the stars, eternal, everlasting, as broad as humanity, as 
 enduring as time. What a fitting symbol for Democracy.is the star ; 
 we have all heard of the roses of England, the lilies of France, the 
 thistle of Scotland, the shamrock of Ireland these all typify earthly, 
 perishing things ; but the star, that which was from everlasting, 
 and shall be forever. Let us drink to the glorious Democracy of 
 New York, now and forever, for Democratic principles, having in 
 mind the sentiment : 
 
 " There are bonds of all kinds in this world of ours, 
 
 Fetters of friendship and ties of flowers, 
 
 And true lovers' knots, I wean, 
 
 The boy and the girl are bound by a kiss ; 
 
 But there's never a bond, old friend like this ; 
 
 We have drank from the same canteen."
 
 44 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. The motto of Holland is " I will main- 
 tain my position." Belgium in separating from Holland adopted the 
 motto "In union there is strength," but it is not for these reasons 
 alone that the late Minister to The Hague is so well qualified to speak 
 upon the subject of " Harmony." I take great pleasure in introduc- 
 ing the Hox. ROBERT B. ROOSEVELT. 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. ROBERT B. ROOSEVELT. 
 
 GENTLEMEN : When I was invited to speak to-night I was 
 assured that I could express my views freely, that in the good old 
 Democratic fashion there was to be no restriction upon any speaker, 
 each being allowed to give utterance to the thoughts that arose in 
 him which were to bind no one but himself and to be wholly in 
 dividual in force and effect. On that understanding I address you : 
 My opinions may be right or wrong I offer them to your considera- 
 tion in no feeling of self sufficiency, no assumption of superiority, 
 but as the opinions of one who has been a Democrat from boyhood 
 and held the teachings of the party and its founders its welfare and 
 success, as closely to his heart as man ever did, or ever can. The 
 first position that I take is that no man is greater than the Democratic 
 party, not even the great 'leaders of by-gone days whom we still 
 revere as the highest expounders of its faith. No one of them ever 
 assumed to be nor shall it remain to our time for any individual to 
 claim that he is better, that he is greater, that he is wiser than the 
 party. Are we the privates in the ranks so shrunken or are the later 
 leaders so infinitely greater than the fathers of Democracy that they 
 can put forth this new doctrine and can assume such disparity be- 
 tween us and them ? 
 
 Representatives of a party occasionally go wrong, the platforms 
 of successive annual conventions do not always agree, but the heart 
 and sense of the mass of the party are always right, always instinc- 
 tively true to the principles which have been ingrained by years of
 
 45 
 
 belief and are often inherited from father to son . The party rarely 
 errs even temporarily and if led astray for a moment soon swings 
 back to its original pathway. So mere occasional utterances are not 
 infallible and frequently not permanent when they oppose what 
 have been the doctrines of years. To-day the party is looking 
 earnestly for the leader who will give expression to its true principles 
 and guide it once more on the road to the success which it deserves. 
 There never was a time when a great party so needed a great leader. 
 Personally I have hoped that the "Young Lochinvar would come out 
 of the west." It has been said that the man always arises to meet the 
 occasion . Here is the occasion, where is the man ? What are the 
 essential principles which must govern him ? Let us be careful to 
 follow no false prophet to worship at no false shrine. Do not let the 
 teachings of Socialism, that despicable Gospel of Envy, the lowest 
 passion of the human breast, creep among and defile the pure doctrines 
 of Democracy. That leader must revive and express the ideas of 
 the fathers the greatest of whom we honor to night. 
 
 What are those ideas ? His words standing out now as clear and 
 bright as ever will answer. " Equal and exact justice to all men." 
 No selfish and pernicious combinations of capital that deprive some 
 of their fair chance to get on in the world and increase the cost of 
 living to others. In determining what are unjust and dangerous 
 combinations of capital while there are many distinctions to be drawn 
 the general theory is popularly expressed by opposition to what are 
 known as " Trusts," combinations which interfere with the ordinary 
 laws of trade, which deprive the many of all opportunity to do 
 business ia the line grasped by the monopoly, which prevent com- 
 petition and consequently are destructive of " Equal and exact 
 justice to all men." Care must be taken however not to attack 
 beneficial organizations for the' proper co-operation of men of 
 moderate means who by uniting their capital become the equals of 
 the great capitalists. I hold in my hand the announcement of what 
 is called "A Big Smelters Combination." I presume they would 
 say a Big Combination of Smelters for the object of this Trust, as 
 trust it clearly appears to be, is to raise the price of silver. Its 
 modest initial purpose as announced in the prospectus is to increase
 
 46 
 
 this only tea per cent, but if it successfully follows the example of 
 its brother trusts it will not stop there and we may look forward to 
 the glorious day when silver will be once more worth its revered ratio 
 of sixteen to one of gold or may even surpass it. Then the crime of 
 1873 may with just retaliation be repeated on the yellow metal and 
 it in its turn may be branded with disgrace of depreciated value. 
 Thus through this trust may the Democracy be once more united 
 and its fundamental principle of honest money for honest men be 
 reaffirmed. 
 
 In like manner we have to draw a distinction as to the income 
 tax. An equal income tax is a legitimate measure of taxation, while 
 a graduated income tax is naked and barefaced robbery. There shall 
 be "equal and exact justice to all men " rich and poor. The trusts 
 shall make no discrimination against the poor man, the income tax 
 shall make none against the rich. 
 
 The next fundamental principle is the " Preservation of the 
 General Government in its whole constitutional vigor." Under this 
 the independence and sanctity of the Supreme Court, one of the 
 essential co-ordinate branches of the government, are to be main- 
 tained inviolate as the Democracy has insisted from its inception. 
 No man shall prostitute that court as was done by the Republican 
 party when it changed its composition in order to legalize that most 
 pernicious measure, the Legal Tender Act. but it shall remain in- 
 violate and independent forever, the bulkwark of the individual 
 against the State, of the State against the central government, of the 
 government against the possible usurper. The Supreme court of the 
 United States is the restraining, regulating and protecting power of 
 our government, restraining the people from lawlessness, their rulers 
 from tyranny. When it ceases to be sacred our liberties are near 
 their end. 
 
 In like manner all the principles declared by Thomas Jefferson 
 are equally sacred, I cannot refer to them all but will mention one 
 other. "The honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation 
 of the public faith." No national creditor shall be forced to accept
 
 47 
 
 a depreciated currency and the words of a public obligation shall be 
 interpreted rather against ourselves in order that no shadow of dis 
 honor shall fall upon the nation. 
 
 Honor, honesty and economy have been the watchwords of the 
 Democracy ; honor, honesty and economy in public and private life, the 
 love of liberty and respect for universal manhood. So dearly do we 
 value these principles that we have opened wide the doors of our 
 country to all those who would enjoy them. We would disseminate 
 them to all lands. We have faith in the mission of Democracy as 
 we have in that of Christianity. To-night we celebrate the glories of 
 him who opened to those doctrines half a continent. Our country is 
 entering on a career which will give them a still greater expansion 
 and establish them in a new world. They are doctrines of universal 
 application and when once established will maintain themselves. 
 War has led the way, peace will complete the work. We will never 
 surrender back to barbarism a single foot of the territory won by the 
 heroism of our soldiers and consecrated by their blood.
 
 48 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. The Democrats of Brooklyn have always 
 been friends and neighbors of the Democracy of Manhattan. They 
 have now become members of the same political family under the 
 new order of things in Greater New York. In their relations to each 
 other they observe the golden rule in essentials unity, in non- 
 essentials liberty. It is with the greatest pleasure that I have the 
 honor of calling upon that distinguished soldier and Democrat 
 MAJOR GENERAL I. H. CATLIN, to respond to the toast " The 
 Democracy of Brooklyn." 
 
 ADDRESS OF MAJOR GENERAL I. H. CATLIN. 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OP THE DEMOCRATIC CLUB : 
 Democracy is not circumscribed by or limited to City, County or 
 State boundaries, but is as broad and comprehensive as the Union 
 itself ; and, therefore, what I shall say of the Brooklyn Democracy, 
 I intend to be applicable to the great loyal Democracy of the nation. 
 
 And I shall not seek to travel into the domain appropriate to 
 the statesman or the political economist and treat the subject from a 
 profound and philosophical stand-point, but shall content myself 
 with a familiar and practical consideration of the sentiment just 
 announced . 
 
 I shall speak of the Democracy of Brooklyn as a concrete force 
 and power, as I have known it in the past and as I know it to-day. 
 I shall speak of it from the standpoint of a Democrat who was 
 schooled in and graduated from the splendid republicanism of 
 Lincoln and Grant, and who entered the Democratic ranks after their 
 controlling and distinctive policies had been repudiated, after the 
 Republican party had drifted away or been led away from its origi- 
 nal moorings and departed from its early teachings ; after it had 
 become the effective ally of great combinations of capital and had 
 gone into active partnership with specially protected industrial in- 
 terests, and after it had shackled the virtue and intelligence of the
 
 49 
 
 people of the South by offensive force bills and other vicious and 
 tyrannical legislation. It may not be popular to admit to-day that I was 
 also influenced to become a Democrat, with many other Republicans, 
 for the reason that it seemed to me the election of Grover Cleveland 
 and the fruits of his administration were a distinct gain in elevation 
 of tone and character to the nation, had opened up a new and 
 brighter era and brighter prospects for the American people, for 
 American traditions, and for the dignity of Democratic institutions. 
 And I now speak of the Democracy of Brooklyn from its advanced 
 position enlarged in scope, exalted in purpose, disenthralled from 
 some of its old environments, purified in the crucible of defeat and 
 thus prepared for far higher and greater victories ; I speak of it thus 
 as a great factor in the party at large, which has existed from the 
 nation's birth, and which will continue to exist so long as the flag 
 shall represent freedom and constitutional government ; I shall 
 speak of it as representing the glorious Democracy of Jefferson and 
 Monroe, of Jackson and Tilden, of Cleveland and Hill, of Croker 
 and McLaughlin, and last but not least of Van Wyck ; as a section 
 of the democracy first voiced in the thrilling words of the Declaration 
 of Independence, a document which should be "hung up in the 
 nursery of every King and blazoned on the Porch of every Royal 
 Palace," which is voiced in the Articles of Confederation and again 
 in the Constitution of the Federal Union ; a democracy which has 
 laid its foundations broad and deep upon the model so wisely and 
 patriotically wrought by Jefferson and Jackson, the two apostles 
 of the democratic faith who stand out unique and grand in the history 
 of the party and of the best traditions of the American Republic. 
 
 Pardon my partiality, Mr. President, when I say the Democracy 
 of Brooklyn to-day stands for as noble work and as lofty aims in 
 politcal affairs as any organized political force in the State. Its past 
 career in the main has been one of steady progress and honorable 
 achievement. It has unsparingly and relentlessly weeded out the 
 tares from the wheat in its own organization. When crime has been 
 perpetrated, when law has been sold and the elective franchise has 
 been outraged, the democratic press and democratic lawyers have in- 
 voked the wrath of public sentiment and the severities of the crimi- 
 nal law. Like unto your own great city, when crimes of such
 
 50 
 
 stupendous proportions were committed that the people of all civili- 
 zed nations stood aghast, the democratic organization repudiated the 
 criminals of both parties, and two democratic statesmen and lawyers, 
 towering like giants above all others, Tilden and O'Connor came to 
 the rescue of the City's honor, and vindicated the outraged law and 
 an outraged people. 
 
 The people of the old City of Brooklyn and of the present 
 Borough are largely indebted to the Brooklyn Democracy for the 
 vast and wonderful public improvements which have made it one of 
 the most attractive and healthy places of abode in the world. It was one 
 of its distinguished representatives who conceived and completed the 
 great sewer system of that city and who conceived and constructed 
 the water reservoir which supplanted the old town pumps and sup- 
 plied the inhabitants with an abundance of pure and healthful water. 
 
 While at the head of the Park Department for many years sat 
 our lamented first citizen, the great Stranahan, a Republican of the 
 school of Lincoln and Grant, yet the records show and the truth is 
 that his support and his encouragement came from the Brooklyn 
 Democracy which furnished him the funds whereby he was enabled 
 to lay out and construct for the City of Churches the most beautiful 
 park and the most enchanting summer resort on either side of the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 When these two great municipalities were separated as effectu- 
 ally as though the Atlantic Ocean rolled between them, and a trip 
 from New York to Brooklyn was as tedious and disagreeable as a 
 journey to Albany, a splendid specimen of the Brooklyn Democracy 
 encouraged by the organization itself, conceived the magnificent 
 project of spanning the East River and connecting the two cities so 
 strongly and securely that the commerce of the world might be 
 transported over it ; and as a result the grandest structure of skill 
 and science of modern times was presented to an admiring world, 
 and the name and fame of William C. Kingsley became the precious 
 legacy of the ages, and of the long line of generations of men unborn. 
 
 la every field of honorable activity and achievement the Brook- 
 lyn Democracy has given liberally of its personal membership.
 
 51 
 
 Patriots, soldiers, naval heroes, statesmen, journalists, judges and 
 orators fill the annals of the City with brilliant pages. Look over the 
 roll of honor and scan the list of men who served with distinction in 
 the war for the preservation of the Union, and among the first, among 
 those standing in the front rank of fame, you will behold the name 
 of Henry W. Slocum, the great commander of the left wing of 
 Sherman's unparalleled and unconquerable army ; you will find 
 there the cherished name of Calvin E. Pratt, soldier, judge and 
 statesman ; the name of Edgar M. Cullen who won his spurs as 
 colonel when but a stripling, and who now wears the judicial ermine 
 with grace and dignity and honor ; the name of Horatio C. King, of 
 our new Bridge Commissioner, Col. James D. Bell, of General 
 George W. Wingate and Dakin and Clement and Shevlin, besides 
 the long list of those who have many years ago fouarht the last fight 
 and crossed the last river, and received their everlasting reward. 
 
 Perhaps the best test of the character and purposes of a political 
 organization is afforded by the reputation and standing of the candi- 
 dates which it presents for judicial honors. By that standard I have 
 no fear of a comparison between the Brooklyn Democracy and any 
 other organization in the nation without regard to its political com- 
 plexion. I give you with sad and unfeigned pleasure the names of 
 Pratt, Gilbert, McCue, Clement, Neilson and Osborne, who have 
 gone to their reward where justice knows neither variableness nor 
 shadow of turning, and among the living I am proud to mention 
 Gaynor, Cullen, Bartlett, Jenks, Marean, Abbott and Hurd, and him 
 whose name to-day in City, State and Nation is as familiar as house- 
 hold words, Augustus Van Wyck. 
 
 And the Democracy of Brooklyn will take no backward step. It 
 has taken its position abreast of the high level of the spirit of the 
 times and there it will stand and battle until the bugle note of prog- 
 ress shall again sound the advance. While it may justly and 
 proudly boast of orators like DeWitt and Shepherd, of scholars and 
 journalists like McLean and McKelway, of great lawyers to numer- 
 ous to mention, and of men of great attainments and high culture in 
 other fields of achievement, yet it is due to truth and frankness and 
 honesty to say that the strongest forces and most beneficient influence
 
 52 
 
 of the Brooklyn Democracy have emanated from the modest and 
 unassuming products of our old-fashioned common and public 
 school system, and of the rugged, hardy graduates from the universi- 
 ties of toil and experience. 
 
 And, Sir, the Brooklyn Democracy does not propose to shirk 
 any responsibility which new conditions and new problems have 
 thrust upon it. It was among the first organizations in the land to 
 demand the sword for Spain and Justice and Liberty for Cuba. Like 
 Schley, from the mast head of the Brooklyn at Santiago, at an early 
 date it threw out to the breeze from its headquarters the talismanic 
 words, " Remember the Maine." Anxious to give effective moral 
 support to the government a meeting of the general committee was 
 called on the 25th of April 1898, which was attended by the leading 
 men of the organization when ringing resolutions were adopted to 
 stand by Congress and the Administration in their declaration to 
 restore peace, and give a stable government to the Inland of Cuba. 
 It stands by the official utterances then made and by the patriotic 
 words of President Grout and others who addressed the large audience 
 which had assembled to participate in the enthusiastic demonstration. 
 At that time, Dewey had not " cried havoc and let slip the dogs of 
 war," and had not swept into the Bay of Manila and destroyed a 
 great war fleet and silenced a long line of guns bristling from the 
 forts and the batteries along the shore. But let me say with emphasis 
 that admiration and applause for Dewey came from no other body of 
 men more heartily and warmly than from the Brooklyn Democracy, 
 and call it expansion, or whatever else you may, if the flag shall 
 never come down until the Brooklyn Democracy demands it, then it 
 will fly over the Phillipines until that arch traitor and bandit and 
 assassin Aguinaldo shall be captured and shot, and until civilization 
 and freedom shall be established and a stable form of Government 
 shall be maintained which will give peace, protection and prosperity 
 to the people of that benighted region. 
 
 And now, Mr. Chairman, with the Brooklyn Democracy joining 
 forces and laboring in unison with the great organization which, 
 in spite of partisan committees from Albany, so largely controls 
 the welfare of this Borough, for honest and clean municipal
 
 government, with the two great leaders of the respective organiza- 
 tions thoroughly in accord, with the democracy in other portions of 
 the State working in harmony in local and State affairs, there should 
 not be the shadow of doubt of democratic success hereafter in 
 municipal, county and state elections. 
 
 And further, Sir, if this old, threadbare controversy over a 
 theory between the West and the East shall cease ; if the monumental 
 folly of attempting to forestall the work which the Constitution in 
 terms reposes in the Congress of the United States shall cease ;if our 
 aggressive friends shall adopt the wise and discreet plan of President 
 McKinley who announces that he shall have no policy of his own 
 to suggest or enforce with reference to the Government of the 
 Phillipines, but shall leave the whole matter to Congress where it 
 belongs ; if the offensive discussion of questions liable to disturb and 
 disrupt the party shall, for the time being and for the sake of 
 harmony and ultimate success, be suspended or relegated to the 
 tribunal which is clothed with power to settle it, if these things may 
 be effected in all good part, then the country can be successfully 
 appealed to and overwhelmingly carried by the National Democracy 
 in 1900.
 
 54 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. It is especially appropriate that the toast 
 to the Army and Navy fall to one whose distinguished gallantry on 
 the field of battle was recognized by a medal from Congress, and 
 whose services in Congress upon the Naval Committee in building 
 up the American Navy entitles him to the thanks of the American 
 people. I have the honor of introducing the Hox. AMOS J. CUMMINGS. 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. AMOS J. CUMMINGS. 
 
 MR, CHAIRMAN, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : The Army, the 
 Navy history springs up like magic at the mere mention. It points 
 to a thousand events and to a thousand vicissitudes affecting the 
 welfare of nations and of mankind. They emancipated this country 
 in its infancy ; they have guarded it in its manhood. They have 
 added glory to its flag, strength, grandeur and importance to its 
 standing before the world. When mentioned together, the Army is 
 always named first. The reason undoubtedly is that it is the oldest 
 form of national aggression and defence. In all pages of sacred 
 history, amid all the wars chronicled, there is no mention of a naval 
 armament or conflict. Yet to-day, because of our geographical 
 position and configuration, our navy takes precedence. 
 
 A great French statesman less than a week ago said " The Army 
 is the right arm of France." That may be true of France, but it 
 can not be applied to America. Recent events have proved that the 
 Navy is the right arm of the Nation. It has finished its work almost 
 single handed, and is now aiding the Army in its difficult and 
 perilous task. 
 
 It is a singular fact imbedded in history and one that will interest 
 our fair friends in the boxes, that the first great army was marshalled 
 by a woman Semiramis. More singular still is the fact that in the 
 tirst great naval engagement recorded in history another queen, 
 Artemisia, won the honors for bravery and strategy ; so much so that 
 Xerxes said " Only the women of the fleet behaved like men."
 
 55 
 
 In addressing the Hamilton Club at Chicago on April 10th, 
 Governor Roosevelt said : 
 
 " Be just to those who build up the Navy and for the sake of the future of 
 the country keep in mind those who oppose its building up. Read the 
 Congressional Record. Find out the Senators and Congressmen who opposed 
 the grants for building the new ships ; who opposed the purchase of armor, 
 without which the ships were worthless ; who opposed any adequate mainten- 
 ance for the Navy Department, and strove to cut down the number of men 
 necessary to man our fleet." 
 
 It is good advice from a friend of both the Army and the Navy, 
 The Record discloses the fact that the men who led the opposition 
 to the Navy and who are responsible for the delay in the construction 
 of the vessels are prominent Republicans in both the House and the 
 Senate. Had they done their duty twelve additional war ships 
 would have been under contract to-day, all to be protected with 
 Krupp armor. 
 
 Let us look at the Army and Navy on the day of Jefferson's 
 death. The Secretary of War was the Hon. James Barbour of 
 Virginia ; the Commanding General was Jacob Brown. On his staff 
 were General Winfield Scott, General Thomas S. Jesup, Colonel John 
 E. Wool, Colonel Alexander Macomb, Lieutenant Colonel Zachary 
 Taylor and Colonel John A. Dix. The total strength of the Army 
 was 6,186 men. There were a little over ten millions of inhabitants in 
 the United States. To-day the total strength of the regular Army 
 is 25,000 men. A provision of a recent law gives the President the 
 right to increase this number to 65,000 enlisted men with an 
 additional force of 35,000 in case of an emergency. But this entire 
 force is to be reduced to 25,000 men on the first of July 1901. 
 The population of the country to-day is at least seventy millions, 
 and the increase in wealth much greater. If the regular Army had 
 increased in proportion it would be over 48,000 men instead of 25,000. 
 
 Now let us look at the Navy. On the day that Jefferson died 
 John Quincy Adams was President and Samuel L. Southard 
 Secretary of the Navy. The highest rank was that of Captain. The 
 prominent captains were William Bainbridge, President of the Naval 
 Board in Washington, John Rodgers, in command of the Mediter- 
 ranean Squadron, James Barren in command of the Norfolk Yard,
 
 50 
 
 Charles Stewart waiting orders, Isaac Hull in command of the 
 Pacific Squadron, Isaac Chauncey in command of the Brooklyn 
 Navy Yard, David Porter on duty in Washington, and James Biddle 
 in command of the Philadelphia Navy Yard. David G. Farragut was 
 a lieutenant on the Brandy wine and Samuel F. Dupont a midship- 
 man on the North Carolina. There were 28 vessels in the service ; 
 7 ships of the line carrying 74 guns each, 6 first class frigates carrying 
 44 guns, including the Constitution, Guierrere, United States and 
 Java. The Java and Guierrere had been captured from the British 
 in the war of 1812. There were four second class frigates carrying 36 
 guns each, including the Fulton, the first steam vessel in the Navy. 
 She was at first known as the Demologos. She cost $320,000, and 
 was designed by Robert Fulton. On June 4th, 1829, her magazine con- 
 taining 2 barrels of damaged powder, exploded in the Wallabout, 
 destroying the vessel and killing 24 persons. There were 2 corvettes 
 carrying 24 guns each, the John Adams built in Charleston and the 
 Cyane captured from the British. There were 4 sloops of war with 18 
 guns each, including the Hornet and Peacock. The Peacock was by 
 the Hornet taken from the British. To-day instead of 28 vessels we 
 have 172 vessels. Eleven of them are first class battleships and cruisers, 
 15 second class cruisers, 42 vessels of the third rate and 101 of all other 
 classes, including torpedo boats. If the Navy had increased in 
 proportion to the wealth and population of the country its total 
 to-day would be 196 ships. On the day of Jefferson's death there 
 was a total of 5.316 officers and men in the Navy. To day the 
 number is limited to 17,500. If the increase had been proportionate 
 to the population and wealth of the country, the effective force of 
 the Navy to-day would be over 37,000 men, less than half of that 
 of Great Britain. Thomas Jefferson if he were alive to-day, would 
 be among the formost of patriotic Americans in advocating such an 
 increase in the Army and Navy. 
 
 I have said that history springs up like magic at the mere 
 mention of the Army and Navy. We recall the days of Washington 
 at Yorktown, of Jackson at New Orleans, of Taylor at Buena Vista, 
 of Grant at Appomatox, of Shafter at Santiago, and of Otis 
 at Manila. The same undaunted courage that was shown by 
 Montgomery at Quebec, by the Maryland Line at Long Island and
 
 57 
 
 Camden, by Macomb at Plattsburg, by Worth at Chepultepec, by 
 Terry at Fort Fisher, by Wheeler at San Juan, and by McArthur at 
 Malolos is still the distinguising feature of the American Army. It 
 lacks neither strategy nor valor, but stands unsurpassed in line of 
 battle, the admiration of the world. Volunteers and Regulars share 
 equally in the lustre of victory. 
 
 The Spanish war stands without a parellel. War was declared 
 April 25th, 1898 and virtually ended with the surrender of Toral on 
 July 17th, 1898. All criticism pales before success. The victory 
 was complete. It, was due, not only to the soldiers in the field, but 
 to the officials in Washington, who worked night and day meeting 
 requisitions and forwarding supplies. The President, the Secretary 
 of War, and the General commanding the Army are equally entitled 
 to praise. Whatever may have been said of the War Department, the 
 fact remains that it had an Adjutant General whose ceaseless activity 
 and untiring energy were vital factors in the'grand consummation. 
 
 But what of the Navy ? From the days of Salamis, down to 
 the present hour, the Navy has always been a decisive element in the 
 wars of coastwise nations. It was the destruction of his fleet that 
 drove Xerxes back into Asia. It was the Roman triremes that forced 
 Hannibal out of Italy and led him to his final defeat at Zama. 
 Without its Navy, England to day would be a fourth-rate power. 
 Its sailors seized Gibralter. To its great Admiral Nelson was due 
 the downfall of Napoleon. France became isolated from the rest of 
 the world and was forced to feed upon itself. Its resources were 
 destroyed and the battle of Waterloo was only the sequel of Nelson's 
 work at Aboukir, Copenhagen and Trafalgar. In the days of the 
 revolution Paul Jones' glorious victory re-inspirited the Continental 
 soldiers. Without the aid of the French fleet, Cornwallis would 
 have escaped from Yorktown. But it was in the War of 1812 that 
 our Navy won its greatest victories. Hull had surrendered at 
 Detroit, Wilkinson had made a lamentable fiasco on the border, and 
 the country was throbbing in gloom and anxiety. Suddenly a 
 Message was sent from Lake Erie to Washington, a message as terse 
 and as immortal as the "Veni, Vidi, Vici " of Caeser " We have 
 met the enemy and they are ours." It came from Commodore Perry,
 
 58 
 
 the grandfather of the distinguished gentlemen who presides at this 
 gathering. It announced a victory that fired the hearts of a despon- 
 dant nation. It was a victory that led to the death of Tecumseh 
 and the capture of Proctor's Army. In the following year Washing- 
 ton was captured by General Ross and the country was again in the 
 throes of agony, when the magnificent triumph of Macdonough on 
 Lake Champlain and of Macomb on the Saranac again aroused the 
 people and opened the way to peace. 
 
 On the ocean Decatur, Bainbridge, Barron, Stewart, Isaac Hull 
 and a score of naval heroes were capturing British ships and adding 
 brilliant pages to American history. Without the Navy the war 
 would have been a failure. As it was, the treaty of Ghent settled 
 nothing ; it did not even mention the causes of the war. Fifteen 
 days after that treaty was signed Jackson won the battle of New 
 Orleans. The British troops whipped in this Battle were taken back 
 to Europe and participated in the overthrow of Napoleon at Waterloo. 
 Jackson's victory alone induced England to give up the right of 
 search and from that day to this the brow beating of the United 
 States has ceased. 
 
 It was the Navy that destroyed the Rebellion. Farragut had 
 forced the gate to New Orleans long before McClellan left the 
 Peninsula. In co-operation with Commodore Foote the Mississippi 
 river was cleared and the Confederacy split in twain. The great 
 work of Dewey at Manila was aptly supplemented by the work of 
 Schley at Santiago. The American Navy destroyed the power 
 of Spain and forced the proudest kingdom on earth to sue for 
 peace. Even now we hear the thunder of Kautz's guns at Samoa. 
 The only cause of regret is that the action is taken in concert with 
 the British. A nation like ours should play no second fiddle. We 
 need no entangling alliance with Great Britain or any other monarchy 
 to carry out our National policy. The friendly attitude of the 
 Englsh Admiral in Manila was due not so much to love for America, 
 as to hatred for Germany. Selfishness was the root of England's 
 action the same selfishness that has eternally characterized her 
 dealings with the world. She ought not to be allowed to embroil us 
 with Germany, even if she can rake out her own Chinese chestnuts by
 
 59 
 
 so doing. Our Navy, our Army, the Nation itself, is strong enough 
 to settle any differences with other powers without the aid and 
 influence of Great Britain. 
 
 There are indications that a systematic effort is being made to 
 force us into an alliance, offensive and defensive, if you will, with 
 our ancient enemy, but it will not work. Straws show which way 
 the wind blows. What would have been said if in 1830 the first 
 toast given at a banquet of the Chamber of Commerce in New York 
 should have been "His Majesty, George the Fourth," followed by a 
 toast to Andrew Jackson, President of the United States ? Yet 
 our relations with England were as friendly then as they are to-day. 
 Above all what would have been said if the Chamber of Commerce 
 of New York in 1790 had toasted " His Majesty, George the Third" 
 before drinking to the health of George Washington ? And what 
 would the old Continental Army have said to have seen American 
 sailors commanded by a British officer, in a reconnaissance at 
 Samoa, Raratonga, or any other island in the South Pacific ? 
 
 It is said of an army that unless it is given employment, like 
 Acteon's hounds, it will find employment. It may defy, even 
 overrun the civil power. This cannot be said of the Navy. Our 
 forefathers foresaw the danger and wisely made a provision against 
 it in the National Constitution. Jackson, after New Orleans, and 
 McClellan, after Antietam, clearly recognized the force of this pro- 
 vision. Hancock, while in command of the Department of the Gulf, 
 declared that the military power was meant only to uphold not 
 control the civil power, and declined arbitrary action. These great 
 soldiers and statesmen were all Democrats Jeffersonian Democrats. 
 Circumstances here compel me to pay a due compliment to our 
 present Executive. Twice has he virtually refused to override this 
 constitutional provision at the demand of his party. This is true 
 statesmanship. But the tendency of his party is to centralize the 
 Government and trample this constitutional provision under foot. 
 This, as on former occasions, was clearly developed in the recent 
 Congress. An amendment to the Army bill, drawn in the precise 
 words of the Constitution, was defeated every Republican voting
 
 60 
 
 against it but one (all honor to him, for he was a Jerseyman,) every 
 Democrat and every Populist voting for it backed up by the 
 Jerseyman alone. 
 
 The Army, the Navy subordinate to the civil power, as the 
 constitution and the tenets of the Democratic party demand, are 
 the safe-guards of the Nation ; acting otherwise they threaten its 
 perpetuity.
 
 61 
 
 PRESIDENT BELMONT. I now call upon that faithful public 
 servant and eloquent Democrat the Hox. JOHN W. KELLER, to 
 respond to the toast " The City of New York." 
 
 ADDRESS OF HON. JOHN W. KELLER. 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN : My first impulse in making 
 this speech is to eulogize the City of New York. That impulse is 
 common to all New Yorkers. We are proud of wuat the city is. 
 Its wealth, its power, its place among the municipalities of the world 
 justify the glory that every citizen takes in recounting its history or 
 foretelling its future. To-day it is the second city of the world. It 
 requires no prophetic vision to forsee the time when it will become 
 the first city of the world. But it is not of New York's greatness 
 that I shall speak to-night. The time allotted for each speaker on 
 this toast list is too brief to do justice to the greatness of New York. 
 Moreover, this is a political dinner. It is a dinner given by a political 
 party to honor the memory of the father and founder of that great 
 party. Therefore I have chosen to use my time in speaking of the 
 political complexion of the City of New York. I shall speak not 
 only as a Democrat, but as one of the common people a distinction 
 that I have inherited by birth and a right that I have won by toil. 
 The fundamental principle of American Democracy is this : Every 
 man shall have the right to better his condition by honest labor. 
 That is all that the people ask for. But on that they do and ought 
 to insist. Here in New York we have a complex population. This 
 city has always stood with its gates open to the liberty-loving, free- 
 dom-seeking people of the world. New York has said to the down- 
 trodden and the oppressed of other nations : " Come to me and you 
 shall have that opportunity to better your condition which is denied 
 you in your own country ! " And the people of other nations have 
 come to her.
 
 62 
 
 They have come wretchedly poor, in every characteristic save 
 one within the heart of every immigrant burns, and has ever 
 burned, the hope of bettering his condition. This is the spark that 
 remains when all else is crushed. This is the impelling force that 
 causes a man to leave his native land to seek some other place where 
 there is promise of freedom and of liberty. Russia, Poland, Italy, 
 Greece, Ireland all have sent their people here seeking what was 
 denied them by oppression and misrule in their own countries. And 
 what is the result ? That spark of hope which brought them across 
 the ocean has been kindled into patriotic citizenship until immigration 
 has contributed to the glory and grandeur of the city. This has not 
 happened by mere chance or without some intelligent direction. It 
 has been achieved by education. Next to the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, Thomas Jefferson was prouder of the fatherhood of the 
 University of Virginia than of any other achievement. He saw that the 
 people, in order to become good citizens, must be educated, and it 
 was from the germ of his endeavor to have them educated, that to-day 
 not only the City of New York but the whole nation exults when it 
 considers the work done by its public schools. The public school is 
 the stomach of the nation. What ever has come to us from other 
 nations has been taken into the stomach of the nation, the public 
 school, and digested there until the bad has been thrown away and 
 the good has been preserved. Not only is the lesson of patriotism 
 taught in our public schools but its very spirit is breathed there. 
 Even homeless waifs on Randall's Island sing the Star Spangled Ban- 
 ner, and every raising of the flag there is hailed by cneers from them. 
 The first concern of the Democratic party of the City of New York 
 is to preserve these schools. That was one of the platform planks at 
 the last Mayoralty election, and through the firmness and courage 
 and loyalty of the Mayor, the Democratic party has carried out its 
 promise. We promised to give the city more schools and better 
 schools ; he has done it. The greatness of New York is due to the 
 combined efforts of all the workers of the city. Generations of 
 laborers have toiled and sweated that the city might grow, and as it 
 has developed and grown certain privileges have become of value. 
 These privileges belong to the people because they have made them 
 valuable. The Democratic party of this city recognizes that fact and
 
 C3 
 
 insists that every franchise shall be used to the benefit of the people. 
 We want no franchise disposed of in perpetuity. We want no com- 
 bination of private capital using the city's rights without compensa- 
 tion to the city. We want full return to the people for franchises, 
 or better yet we want the people to own them and operate them them- 
 selves. Whether it be for railroads or rapid transit or gas or anything 
 that means the use of the city's property, let it be for the city. Let it 
 be always owned by the city and operated for the city's benefit. With 
 the city's growth as I have described it, has come a cosmopolitan 
 population, a diversity of people and a diversity of tastes. Not only 
 is this due to immigration, but it is due to the attractiveness of the 
 metropolis for the rest of the United States. 
 
 In the great university of American education New York is the 
 graduating class. Look at the men of prominence in the city to-day 
 and count how many of them were born in the city. They have 
 come from the east, from the west, from the south, from the north 
 poor boys looking for a place to better themselves, and through the 
 open generosity of New York City, and the free field and no favor 
 that it gives, they have achieved the success that has made them 
 eminent. These men are broad minded and liberal. They recognize 
 the necessity of governing by the consent of the governed. They 
 know that what New York City wants is home rule ; and they 
 demand it. They resent the insult in the imputation that New York 
 cannot govern itself, but must be governed from Albany. They 
 repudiate the bucolic idea that one man's business is every other 
 man's business. They despise the sneaking, prying methods of the 
 paltry politics of the country village. They hold that it is the right 
 of every citizen not only to better himself if he can, but to do what he 
 pleases so far as the doing does not interfere with law and order or 
 abridge the rights of his neighbor. The Republican party denies us 
 the right of Home Rule. It would govern us as a vassal or as a depend- 
 ency. On that issue we shall fight them until the last drop of Demo- 
 ocratic blood is shed ! And by the force of right and justice we 
 shall win. These are the issues that keep us always busy at 
 home. The Republican party and the trusts and the monopolies are 
 allies. They have combined to rule or ruin the city of New York. 
 
 \ 
 
 '}
 
 04 
 
 The Democratic party and the people have combined to save the 
 city. The war is on. We are fighting the battle, a battle that shall 
 know no cessation until one or the other side is permanently defeated. 
 They have the riches but we have the people. We shall win. In 
 the very natural order of things, as their riches increase, our people 
 will increase, for as the wealth of the country and city goes gradually 
 into fewer hands, the number of poor men must grow. In my 
 official position I stand always with my fingers upon the pulse of the 
 poor. My ear is fraught every day with their tales of woe, with 
 their stories of poverty and destitution. The rich are getting richer 
 and the poor are growing poorer. Capital is combining to kill the 
 American principle that every man shall have an opportunity to 
 better himself. The Alms House is overcrowded ; the hospitals lack 
 accommodation and all the provisions made by the city for the care 
 of the poor and the sick are strained. The universal cry is against 
 the lack of opportunity to better oneself. The day for a man to 
 make money out of a small business has gone. Trusts and monopolies 
 are swallowing up everything and the population of the city, not 
 only of the city but of the nation, is becoming quickly divided into 
 two classes a few rich and countless poor. This is the condition 
 that confronts us and this in the condition that we, as a people would 
 change. 
 
 We want the growth of trusts and monopolies stopped. We 
 want protection from their heartless encroachment. To us here in 
 New York this seems to be a great national question. It is in con- 
 templation of this question and this question only that we lose sight 
 of our local issues. We are looking for some man big enough and 
 broad enough and brave enough to lead us against the trusts and 
 monopolies. We want a man whose vision is clear, who will look 
 always to one point and never be misled by any side issue. They 
 talk to us about gold and silver. What do we care about the color 
 of the money. What we want is an opportunity to make money, 
 and when we have made it, we want money that will buy, money that 
 will represent to us in its purchasing power the amount of labor that 
 we have expended to obtain it. If it is silver, give it to us. If it is 
 gold, give it to us. If it is both silver and gold give it to us. If it is 
 neither silver nor gold, give it to us. But always let it be a fair
 
 65 
 
 return for our labor. Every day the trusts live and grow ; so every 
 day does our opportunity to earn money decrease. We foresee the 
 time, unless trusts and monopolies are checked, that we shall have 
 no opportunity to make money, no opportunity to better our con- 
 dition. 
 
 They talk to us of the dangers of annexation, that we are 
 departing from the old lines and the old principles of Democracy 
 and that the United States is no longer a republic but an empire. 
 We of the people do not fear imperialism. We have seen the old flag 
 go again and again to the front. We have seen it mount proudly to 
 place after place, and we have never seen it hauled down. We hope 
 that we may never see it hauled down. We believe that if this form 
 of government is good for us it is good for the Filipinos. We are 
 willing to leave the whole question of expansion to the common 
 sense and justice and righteousness of the American people. No 
 question has yet come to them that they have not solved with credit 
 to themselves and with honor to their flag ; and we do not believe 
 that they will fail in solving the question of expansion. Expansion 
 like the question of finance, is only a side issue as compared with the 
 great struggle that is going on between the trusts and the people. 
 The time has come when all men that hate monopoly must enroll 
 under a common banner. All Democrats of whatever faith must get 
 together in the struggle against monopoly and for the fight the 
 people are making for their very lives. The Gold Democrat must 
 stand by the Silver Democrat. The expansionist must stand by the 
 anti-expansionist. The way to win is to broaden a party, not to 
 narrow it. With that sentiment, let me offer this toast : 
 
 Here's to every Democrat ! A health to him ! No matter who 
 he is or where he is, or what his condition may be a health to him ! 
 
 Here's to him who has a $10 dinner ! May he always be able to 
 have it ! 
 
 Here's to him who has a $1 dinner ! May he have a $10 dinner. 
 
 Here's to him who has no dinner ! A double health to him, and 
 may the future open wide its gates and beckon him to happiness and 
 prosperity.
 
 66 
 
 Here's to the Democrat that never leaves his party : who swims 
 with it or sinks with it, who lives with it or dies with it a health to 
 him and may there be more of him. 
 
 Here's to the Democrat that leaves his party and wants to come 
 back to it. Let the door be opened to the prodigal. Let the lost 
 sheep return. May there be less of him. 
 
 Here's to Tammany Hall ! That organization of the common 
 people of the City of New York that never falters in its Democracy 
 and that fights tooth and nail against monopolies and trusts. God 
 bless it ! 
 
 Here's to the Democratic party of the nation ! May it be broad 
 enough to take in all Democrats and may it be strong enongh to 
 overcome all opposition. Greater than any individual, wider than 
 any single issue, more comprehensive than any one class, it springs 
 from the people and holds within its grasp all that is best of 
 humanity. It may err in certain lines but in the main it is always 
 right, for it stands on the principles of Jefferson and it encompasses 
 the whole range of the brotherhood of man. It is my party the 
 party of my fathers and the party of my choice. Of it I am proud 
 to say : I am with you when you are right and I am with you 
 when you are wrong ; but right or wrong I am with you my party !
 
 67 
 
 TABLE A. 
 
 George P. Andrews. 
 
 Perry Belmont. 
 
 Henry W. Bookslaver. 
 
 Arthur Brisbane. 
 
 Gen. Isaac S. Catlin. 
 
 Alfred C. Chapin. 
 
 Wm. J. Connor. 
 
 Thos. F. Conway. 
 
 Amos J. Cummings. 
 
 Elliot Danforth, 
 
 Don M. Dickinson. 
 
 P. H. Dugro, 
 
 James Fitzgerald. 
 
 John Flannigan, (Canandaigua). 
 
 Roswell P. Flower. 
 
 John Fox. 
 
 Leonard A. Giegerich. 
 
 Henry A. Gildersleeve. 
 
 Edward Glennen. 
 
 Andrew H. Green. 
 
 William R. Hearst. 
 
 John W. Keller. 
 David Leventritt. 
 Wm. F. Mackey. 
 John P. Madden. 
 Nicholas Muller. 
 Hugh McLaughlin. 
 Stephen C. Norville. 
 Morgan J. O'Brien. 
 Edward Patterson. 
 Robert B. Roosevelt. 
 Martin Schenck. 
 Frederick C. Schraub. 
 James Shevlin. 
 Frederick Smyth. 
 Benj. F. Spraker. 
 John B. Stanchfleld. 
 Charles H. Traux. 
 Charles H. Van Brunt. 
 Augustus Van Wyck. 
 John W. Weber. 
 Thomas J. Whitney.
 
 TABLE B. 
 
 Thomas J. Brady. 
 Anthony N. Brady. 
 J. W. Boyle. 
 Richard Croker. 
 John P. Carroll. 
 George C. Clausen. 
 James J . Coogan. 
 J. Sergeant Cram. 
 Michael T. Daly. 
 Patrick Divver. 
 Matthew F. Donohue. 
 Peter J. Dooling. 
 Thomas J. Dunn. 
 William Dalton. 
 Martin Engel. 
 E. T. Fitzpatrick. 
 Isaac From me. 
 Thomas L. Feitner. 
 Asa Bird Gardiner. 
 Randolph Guggenheimer, 
 Harry C. Hart. 
 Nicholas J. Hayes. 
 Maurice F. Holahan. 
 Wm. T. Jenkins. 
 James P. Keating. 
 Patrick Keenan. 
 Charles H. Knox. 
 Francis J. Lantry. 
 James J. Martin. 
 
 Frederick E. Bauer. 
 
 Charles H. Bevens. 
 
 J. A. Blaurock. 
 
 George Blair. 
 
 S. L. Chamberlain. 
 
 Richard Croker, Jr. 
 
 Frank H. Croker. 
 
 H. B. Devoe. 
 
 E. D. Farrell. 
 
 Frederick Feigl. 
 
 Allen Fitch. 
 
 Charles C. Guggenheimer. 
 
 Charles R. Hall. 
 
 Peter F. Meyer. 
 August Moebus. 
 Rollin M. Morgan. 
 Michael C. Murphy. 
 Charles F. Murphy. 
 Edward Murphy, Jr. 
 James McCartney. 
 Daniel F. McMahon. 
 John McQuade. 
 Percival E. Nagle. 
 Lewis Nixon. 
 John T. Oakley. 
 Thomas H. O'Neil. 
 Patrick J. Ryder. 
 John J. Ryan, (Com'r.) 
 Thos. F. Ryan. 
 John J. Scannell. 
 George F. Scannell. 
 John B. Sexton. 
 Thomas F. Smith. 
 William Sohmer. 
 William E. Stillings. 
 Joseph H. Stiner. 
 Nathan Straus. 
 P. J. Scully. 
 Samuel Untermyer. 
 George M. Van Hoesen. 
 Charles Welde. 
 John Whalen. 
 
 TABLE C. 
 
 J. Barry Lounsberry. 
 Sigo Myers. 
 C. E. F. McCann. 
 John H. McCarthy] 
 George W. McGowan. 
 Sherman S. Norton 
 Miles M. O'Brien. 
 Charles M. Preston. 
 Ricardo Rodriguez. 
 John C. L. Rogge. 
 Edward F. Raynor 
 H. Valentine Wildman.
 
 TABLE D. 
 
 Turner A. Beall. 
 Frank S. Beard. 
 Henry J. Braker. 
 Thos. Byrnes. 
 Lewis J. Conlan. 
 J. B. Cosby.. M. D. 
 Thomas Costigan. 
 Edmond J. Curry . 
 Francis B. Delehanty. 
 N. O. Fanning. 
 Frank T. Fitzgerald. 
 James M. Fitzsimons. 
 Andrew Freed man. 
 Charles Goeiler. 
 Robert Goeiler. 
 John J. Gibbous. 
 Theo. F. Hascall. 
 Francis Higgins. 
 
 A. H. Lewis. 
 J. W. Miller. 
 
 B. Moynahan. 
 Walter Gibbs Murphy. 
 Martin T. McMahon. 
 Edward F. O'Dwyer. 
 John G. O'Keeffe. 
 Wiliiam J. O'Sullivan. 
 William N. Penney. 
 Maurice J. Power. 
 John J. Quinlan. 
 Louis Raegener. 
 
 John F. Reis. 
 John P. Schuchman. 
 John H. Spellman. 
 John A. Sullivan. 
 Evan Thomas. 
 Eusrene D. Wood. 
 
 TABLE E. 
 
 J. B. Beatty. 
 James B. Bouck. 
 Thomas F. Byrne. 
 John J. Cain. 
 James C. Church. 
 Bird S. Coler. 
 Michael J. Coffey. 
 H. T. De La Malta. 
 M. J. Degnon. 
 William A. Doyle. 
 G. E. Graff. 
 John Guilfoyle. 
 Henry Hasterberg. 
 Arthur J. Heauey. 
 Frank Hennessy. 
 James Kane. 
 William Keegau. 
 Michael J. Kennedy. 
 
 Ulrich Maurer. 
 M. Minden. 
 John McCarty. 
 P. H. McCarren. 
 Joseph A. McGarry . 
 S. W. McKeever. 
 Colin McLean. 
 M. W. Nolan. 
 Thomas J. Patterson. 
 George W. Phillips. 
 Arthur C. Salmon. 
 Joseph V. Scully. 
 John L. Shea. 
 Luke D. Stapleton. . 
 G. H. Tower. 
 George P. Upington. 
 John W. Weber. 
 Bernard J. York.
 
 70 
 TABLE F. 
 
 Solon Berrick. E. L. Lithauer. 
 
 Stephen S. Blake. Maurice Mayer. 
 
 Thomas E. Crimmins. J. M. Motley. 
 
 Thomas J. Crombie. T. M. Motley. 
 
 P. J. Cuskley. James D. Murphy. 
 
 Bartholomew Donovan. John P. O'Brien. 
 
 Hugh Donnelly. Theodore Obermeyer. 
 
 William Hildreth Field. Eugene Otterbough. 
 
 Robert Hall. Herman Probst. 
 
 George B. M. Harvey. William G. Ringler. 
 
 John B. Hasslacher. Albert Rothermel. 
 
 Moses Herrman. Nelson H. Salisbury. 
 
 William M. Hoes. Vincent Slattery. 
 
 Arthur J. Horgan. George H. Toop. 
 
 George J. Jetter. John M. Tracy. 
 
 J. E. Jetter. L. Wannamacher. 
 
 John Keleher. Bartow S. Weeks. 
 
 H. H. Levy. Lorenz Zeller. 
 
 TABLE G. 
 
 Max Bachert. Forbes J. Hennessy. 
 
 William F. Baker. Benjamin Hoffman. 
 
 Maurice B. Blumenthal. Joseph V. Jordan. 
 
 John J. Buckley. John P. Kenney. 
 
 William G. Byrne. Wm. J. K. Kenny. 
 
 Frank W. Coler. John Hall McKay. 
 
 W. N. Coler. John J. O'Connor. 
 
 Dr. John F. Connors. Thomas J. O'Donohue. 
 
 Cornelius Daly. Joseph J. O'Donohue, Jr. 
 
 Alfred M. Downes. John M. Quinn. 
 
 C. L. Duval. John C. Schoenenberger. 
 
 Charles A. Farley. Thomas Q. Seabrooke. 
 
 Stephen A. Ferguson. Herman Stiefel. 
 
 John Fox, Jr. J. H. Timmerman. 
 
 David Gideon. William C. Towen. 
 
 William H. Gledhill. William O. B. Walker. 
 
 John F. Gouldsbury. Robert H. Weems. 
 
 William Hannah. John A. Wrede.
 
 71 
 TABLE H. 
 
 David E. Austen. 
 Isaac Bell Brennan. 
 
 F. J. Brettman. 
 8. F. Burns. 
 Robert E. Deyo. 
 
 G. Dorval. 
 Willis B. Dowd. 
 John B. Finn. 
 Edward T. Flynn. 
 Henry D. Hotchkiss. 
 E. F. Hoyt. 
 
 C. C. Hughes. 
 Charles A. Jackson. 
 E. M. Jordan. 
 A. T. Kiernan. 
 C. E. Kilmer. 
 William K. Kurtz. 
 Thomas H. Manley. 
 
 S. W. Martin. 
 Andrew Miller. 
 Michael J. Mulqueen. 
 Joseph F. Mulqueen. 
 Theo. W. Myers. 
 David McClure. 
 David F. O'Connor. 
 M. Warley Platzek. 
 Theo. Reihl. 
 P. L. W. Schaffner. 
 Henry M. Silver. 
 John Slattery. 
 Nelson Smith. 
 James C. Spencer. 
 William J. Underwood. 
 Jules Weber. 
 R. A. Witthaus. 
 W. E. Wonderlick. 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 August Acker. 
 Michael F. Blake. 
 Benjamin J. Bodine. 
 George Brand. 
 Robert Brown. 
 Daniel Campbell. 
 John Croak. 
 P. F. Donohue. 
 H. P Drew. 
 Samuel Eckstein. 
 James Feeny. 
 Dr. John L Feeney. 
 J. F. Finch. 
 Thomas W. Fitzgerald. 
 Bryan P. Henry. 
 Walter H. Holt. 
 Charles E. Hoyer. 
 George E. Harding. 
 
 John J. Kenney. 
 Edward B. La Fetra. 
 Wm. J. Lardner. 
 Edward I. Miller. 
 Charles H. Moore. 
 Henry P. Morrison. 
 Edward M. Muller. 
 John J. Murphy. 
 Joseph Murray. 
 Stephen McCormick. 
 William P. Meehan. 
 Frank A. O'Donnell. 
 Alexander M. Ross. 
 Hugh Thomas. 
 Calvin D. Van Name. 
 Franklin C. Vitt. 
 Patrick A. Whitney. 
 Dr. J. Walter Wood.
 
 72 
 
 TABLE J. 
 
 Alfred E. Aarons. 
 Abram Bernard. 
 Joseph T. Brown, Jr. 
 Joseph D. Carroll. 
 John D. Creamer. 
 David R. Daly. 
 A. T. Docharty. 
 John B. Doerr. 
 Wm. H. F. Doerr. 
 Mitchell L. Erlanger. 
 A. L. Erlanger. 
 John Flannigan. 
 James L. Gordon. 
 William Harris. 
 George Hill. 
 Washington Hull. 
 Benjamin A. Jackson. 
 John J. Jones. 
 
 Charles S. Ashley. 
 H. J. Forker. 
 James Flynn. 
 C. C. Hibbard. 
 John Lynn. 
 Henry Murray. 
 
 A. Sanford Adler. 
 John Quincy Adams. 
 Frederick H. Allen. 
 Walter Alexander. 
 Alfred C. Bage. 
 A. Benzinger. 
 C. P. Buchanan. 
 Charles J. Chapman. 
 W. Ray Delano. 
 John T. Farley. 
 E. M. Gattle. 
 Frank J. Goodwin. 
 A. W. Hallenborg. 
 E. A. Hull. 
 Jocelyn Johnstone. 
 
 James P. Keenan. 
 Marc Klaw. 
 N. D. Lawton. 
 Mitchell A. C. Levy. 
 Joseph Leopold. 
 George W. Lederer. 
 L. B Malone. 
 E. T. T. Marsh. 
 John O'Connell. 
 H. H. Porter. 
 Milton Roblee. 
 John C. Saeger. 
 James M. Saeger. 
 George S. Sterling. 
 Charles Thorley. 
 Robert Townsend. 
 Thomas M. Walker. 
 William E. Wyatt. 
 
 TABLE K. 
 
 Sylvester J. O'Sullivan. 
 Henry W. Rieddell. 
 F. B. Robert. 
 Wm. S. Rodie. 
 Ernest Staples. 
 John Vincent. 
 
 TABLE L. 
 
 J. Lewis Lyon. 
 John Lerscher. 
 John W. McDonald. 
 Gratz Nathan. 
 John J. Neville, M.D. 
 Wm. J. O'Leary. 
 Phillip Rosenheim. 
 M. Schwartz. 
 Charles A. Skidmore. 
 Edward C. Stone. 
 Thomas H. Sullivan. 
 James J. Traynor. 
 Montgomery Wade. 
 Charles G. F. Wahle. 
 Russell Whitcomb.
 
 73 
 
 TABLE M. 
 
 Jules L. Bache. 
 F. W. Bleckweun. 
 John V. Donohue. 
 Edmund J. Healy. 
 Patrick J. Marra. 
 Francis J. Molloy. 
 Wm. T. Monteverde. 
 H. Mooyer. 
 Edgar G. Murphy. 
 C. L. Peters. 
 Frank Pidgeou, 
 E. C. Potter. 
 
 Michael Power. 
 Austin E. Pressinger. 
 Antonio Rasines. 
 Bernard Reich. 
 Wm. P. Richardson. 
 C. F. Roberts, M. D. 
 Marcus Rosenkrands. 
 Jacob Rubins. 
 Charles A. Van Iderstine. 
 A. W. Welch. 
 C. J. Wittenberg. 
 
 TABLE N. 
 
 Stewart M. Brice. 
 
 F. A. Burnham. 
 
 M. Callahan. 
 
 Cornelius Callahan. 
 
 D. A. Casella. 
 
 James S. Coleman. 
 
 B. F. Coleman. 
 
 John J. Crane. 
 
 P. A. Curtis. 
 
 John Daly. 
 
 H. J. Dickerson. 
 
 Samuel S. Ehrich. 
 
 Smith Ely. 
 
 Joseph P. Fallen. 
 
 John Flemming, (Queens) 
 
 Roger Foster. 
 
 Herman Fromme. 
 
 Jacob Fromme. 
 
 M. S. Guiterman. 
 
 F. Haberman. 
 
 Richard M. Henry. 
 Peter J. Herter. 
 Otto Horwitz. 
 P. J. Kelly. 
 J. G. Knowlton. 
 Edward V. Loew. 
 Abraham Levy. 
 Albert Loening, 
 Anthony Molinelli. 
 M. J. O'Connor. 
 James O'Connor. 
 Keyran O'Connor. 
 Charles A. O'Neill. 
 Arthur Phillips. 
 Arthur Sweeney. 
 J. Van Smith. 
 Alexander Taylor. 
 Benjamin Tuska. 
 Richard M Walters.
 
 TABLE O. 
 
 L. W, Ahrens. 
 Asa A. Ailing. 
 Albert Bach. 
 Joseph Blumenthal. 
 George W. Brown, Jr. 
 G. F. Burslem. 
 Eugene L. Bushe. 
 Thomas C. T. Grain. 
 Leo C. Dessar. 
 W. W. Farmer. 
 H. C. Friedman. 
 John M. Gardner. 
 Joseph F. Gleason. 
 Joseph Gordon. 
 William F. Grell. 
 Charles H. Haswell. 
 Hugo Kanzler. 
 G. Radford Kelso. 
 Clarence D. Levey. 
 
 John H. Mooney. 
 Henry Morgenthau. 
 L. C. Mouquin. 
 William J. Murray. 
 David O'Brien. 
 E. J. O'Brien. 
 P. J. O'Hanlon. 
 W. E. Paine. 
 Wm. L. Peck. 
 Benjamin L. Peck. 
 Wm. H. Redding. 
 James A. Riordan. 
 Charles W. Ridgeway. 
 Isaac Rodman. 
 David Ryan. 
 Jacob H. Semel. 
 Wm. 8. Sexton. 
 Thomas J. Shanley. 
 Charles G. Wilson. 
 
 TABLE P. 
 
 Daniel F. Cooney. 
 H. T. Dykman. 
 John J. Dwyer. 
 J. E. Enrich. 
 W. T. Emmett. 
 8. L. Elzas. 
 Augustus M. Field. 
 Edwin W. Fiske. 
 John F. Fitzgerald. 
 John H. Flagler. 
 George F. Flack. 
 K. Fortesque. 
 
 Henry J. Furlong. 
 Joseph E. Gavin. 
 David Goodman. 
 William Gray. 
 Thomas F. Grady. 
 Nelson G. Green. 
 Cornelius A. Hart. 
 C. V. Holman. 
 Samuel Joseph. 
 James Kerr. 
 George A. Kessler/
 
 75 
 
 TABLE Q. 
 
 Arthur Blot. 
 Pasquale Caponigri. 
 David F. Casey. 
 John M. Delmour. 
 Cyrus Edson. 
 Henry Evans. 
 E. J. Farrell. 
 Francis Farquhar. 
 Joshua Gregg. 
 Charles L. Guy. 
 Joseph Haag. 
 Paul Halpin. 
 Philip Hano. 
 James A. Hanley. 
 William H. Hurst. 
 
 A. H. Hummel. 
 William H. Jasper. 
 William J. Lyon. 
 Thomas F. McAvoy. 
 Thomas G. McCarthy. 
 John B. McDonald. 
 Lamont McLoughlin. 
 W. H. Page, Jr. 
 Hosea B. Perkins. 
 John C. Rogers. 
 Daniel Sheehan. 
 John E. Souers. 
 Wm. C. Trull. 
 Louis Wendel. 
 Louis Wendel, Jr. 
 
 TABLE R. 
 
 P. J. Andrews. 
 Charles Benn. 
 J. W. Connolly. 
 Bartholomew Dunn. 
 William H. Masterson. 
 Charles J. McKeon. 
 
 A. A. McLeod. 
 John M. Riehle. 
 Vincent Victory. 
 Henry W. Vogel. 
 Harry W. Walker. 
 Antonio Zucca. 
 
 TABLE AA. 
 
 Edward J. Atkinson. 
 James F. Bishop. 
 Clarence Bonynge. 
 Edward F. Bonynge. 
 John E. Brodsky. 
 Edward Brown. 
 William H. Burke. 
 John H. Campbell. 
 Charles J. Clements. 
 Albert E. Crabtree. 
 Vernon M. Davis. 
 Charles L. Doran. 
 Louis F. Fechtman. 
 Frank W. Geraty. 
 
 John J. Gilroy, 
 John Halloran. 
 John B. Haskins, Jr. 
 William J. Kennedy. 
 L. 8. Manson. 
 J. H. McCarty. 
 Benjamin T. Rhoads, Jr. 
 William Bobbins. 
 Patrick Ryan. 
 Louis W. Schultze. 
 M. Valentine. 
 Jacob Washburn. 
 Andrew J. White. 
 Charles H. Woodhull.
 
 76 
 
 TABLE BB. 
 
 William A. Butler. James H. Maloney. 
 
 Arthur C. Butts. Edward A. Maher, Jr. 
 
 George Clark. Edward A. Maher, 
 
 Joseph W. Cody. Richard H. Mitchell. 
 
 P. F. Collier. Eugeue Monaghan. 
 
 F. H. Dillingham. Thomas J. Mulligan. 
 
 Henry Dimse. J. Fairfax McLaughlin. 
 
 Frank Dobson. W. W. Penfield. 
 
 Edwin N. Doll. Louis A. Risse. 
 
 John P. Dunn. Archibald M. Shrady. 
 
 Henry A. Gumbleton. C. B. J. Snyder. 
 
 Louis F. Haffen. John M. Tierney 
 
 Joseph Liebertz. Charles Wehle. 
 
 Thomas M. Lynch. Robert C. Wood. 
 
 TABLE CC. 
 
 Henry G. Autenreith. Henry S. Kearny. 
 
 Maurice. Baumel Joseph B. Morgan. 
 
 Philip J. Britt James Moran. 
 
 Edward R. Carroll. Thomas E. Munday. 
 
 Matthew Corbett. D. W. F. McCoy. 
 
 M. C. Danenbaum. John E. McDonald. 
 
 John M. Fox. T. J. McManus. 
 
 Jacob Fleischauer. John H. Naughton. 
 
 P. Gallaerher. David J. Roche. 
 
 John J. Harrington. Sol. D. Rosenthal. 
 
 William H. Hornidge. Samuel Sanders. 
 
 John P. Kane. Abner C. Thomas. 
 
 E. F. Keating. Henry W. Unger. 
 
 Joseph T. Keating. James G. Wallace 
 
 TABLE DD. 
 
 E. S. Atwater. P. H. Keahon. 
 
 Jacob E. Bausch. John H. Little. 
 
 Herman Bolte. Wauhope Lynn. 
 
 T. F. Byrnes John J. Moore. 
 
 William H. Dobbs. William F. Moore. 
 
 Edward J. Donlin. James D. McClelland. 
 
 John A. Dooner. Stephen McFarland. 
 
 Paul Dresser. John T. Nagle. 
 
 "Richard Fitzpatrick. S. J. Parmenter. 
 
 Edward Gilon. James J. Walsh. 
 
 Edward W. Hart. Joseph E Welling. 
 
 Andrew S. Hammersley. Dr. Hamilton Williams. 
 
 P. J. Hawley. Daniel Williams. 
 
 Robert Kelly. Samuel Wolfe.
 
 77 
 
 TABLE EE. 
 
 Frank L. Bacon 
 Edward Browne. 
 Daniel J . Campbell. 
 Harry Chaffee. 
 John R. Collard. 
 John H. Conway. 
 John F. Doherty. 
 John E. Fitzgerald. 
 Floyd Grant. 
 Michael Halpin. 
 P. W. Highman. 
 Michael Kennedy. 
 Jeremiah Kennefick. 
 William L. Marks. 
 John G. H. Meyers. 
 
 James O'Brien. 
 John O'Brien. 
 James O'Connell. 
 James A. O'Gorman. 
 J. B. Quinlan. 
 Wm. P. Rinckhoff. 
 Frank G. Rinn. 
 J. J. Russell. 
 Peter Schmuck. 
 Henry Siefke. 
 James H. Southworth. 
 J. H. G, Vehslage. 
 John M. Willis. 
 A. Zimmerman. 
 
 TABLE FF. 
 
 George E. Best. 
 John Beaver. 
 Thomas 8. Brennan. 
 John F. Brennan. 
 William E. Burke. 
 William P. Burr. 
 E. Childs, 
 Alex, Clark. 
 Abel Crook. 
 Joseph P. Day. 
 William Durland. 
 Daniel E. Finn. 
 E. W. Guidon. 
 Franklin Haines. 
 
 A. B. Hart. 
 Dennis J. Harrington. 
 James H. Haslin. 
 Louis A. La Tour. 
 Thomas McLarnon, 
 Bernard Naughton, 
 Charles D. O'Connell. 
 T. C. O'Sullivan, 
 James W. Osborne 
 Robert D. Petty, 
 James J. Phelan, 
 Rastus S. Ransom, 
 James R. Torrance. 
 Walter F. Vernon. 
 
 TABLE GG. 
 
 Charles M. Beattie. 
 
 Isaac R. Benjamin. 
 
 Joseph B. Bissell. 
 
 E. Blanke. 
 
 Samuel E. Bouker. 
 
 Louis V. Bouraem. 
 
 J. H. Brett. 
 
 Carl Callman. 
 
 Henry H. Childers. 
 
 Lawrence Delmour. 
 
 John Flemming, (Manhattan) 
 
 George N. Gardiner. 
 
 Isadore Gartner. 
 
 Joseph I. Green. 
 
 Herman Joseph. 
 Alexander Meakim. 
 H. Morosini. 
 S. A. Murphy. 
 Patrick McDavitt. 
 J. J. McDonough. 
 John B. McKeon. 
 Edward A. McQuade. 
 John J. S. McQuade. 
 P. H. Pickett. 
 Wm. E. Rider. 
 Joseph Schilling. 
 Edward C. Sheeny. 
 J. C. Simon.
 
 78 
 
 TABLE HH. 
 
 J. H. Ammon. 
 John E. Backus. 
 Franklin Bten. 
 Charles Blandy. 
 Thomas C. Clarke. 
 Francis R. Glair. 
 Theodore Connoly. 
 William Danenbaum. 
 Isaac E, Danenbaum. 
 Henry J. Dick. 
 Dore Felbel. 
 Joseph A. Flynn. 
 Martin Herman. 
 John H. Judge. 
 
 E. L. Merrifield. 
 J. M. Meyer. 
 C. M. Meyer. 
 Cord Meyer. 
 E. L. Mooney. 
 John Moore, 
 Charles D. Olendorf . 
 Harold S. Rankine. 
 James M. Schenck. 
 A. M. Smart. 
 Abraham Strouse. 
 Stevenson Towle. 
 John Von Glahn. 
 George C Waldo. 
 
 TABLE II. 
 
 John R. Abney. 
 George B. Brown. 
 John E. Conner. 
 John F. Harriot. 
 Isaac A. Hopper. 
 William H. Kipp. 
 John B. Mayo. 
 Thaddeus Moriarty. 
 John Mahoney. 
 James J. Mahoney. 
 James A. Mahoney. 
 
 Anthony McOwen. 
 Wilbur McBride. 
 W. H. McDonough. 
 Walker A. Otis. 
 Daniel O'Reilly. 
 John J. Quinn. 
 W. F. Rudolphy. 
 F. Rullman. 
 Philip A. Smyth. 
 C. F. Wildey. 
 George Zieger, 
 
 TABLE JJ. 
 
 Thos. J. Byrne. 
 John F. Cowan. 
 Albert Elterich. 
 Maurice Featherson. 
 James M. Fitzpatrick. 
 Peter Geeks. 
 Max E. Eahn. 
 John M. Linck. 
 E. F. Lyng. 
 James T. Malone. 
 John A. Mason. 
 
 Matthew H. Moore. 
 Edward McCue. 
 John E. Nagle. 
 John M. Phelan. 
 John J. Ryan, (Judge) 
 Daniel J. Riordon. 
 John P. Schermerhorn. 
 Charles E. Simms, Jr 
 F. A. Spencer. 
 Herman Sulzer. 
 Daniel Ulrich.
 
 79 
 
 TABLE KK. 
 
 Michael Breen. 
 Edward P. Carroll. 
 A. Dreyfus. 
 John J. Fallen. 
 George H. Fahrbach. 
 J. Fleischman. 
 Warren W. Foster. 
 Andrew Foye. 
 James J. Grady. 
 Herbert A. Holahan. 
 Stephen H. Keating. 
 Wm. H. Loughran. 
 Daniel F. Martin. 
 
 Henry P. Mulvany. 
 James McCabe. 
 John McSherry. 
 Thomas Nolan. 
 W. B. O'Rourke. 
 John Renehan. 
 Matthew P. Ryan. 
 Peter Seery, 
 Henry Steinert. 
 Thomas F. Woods. 
 Jacob C. Wund. 
 Frank P. Young. 
 
 TABLE LL. 
 
 Phillip B. Benjamin. 
 Henry Berlinger. 
 Frank J. Butler. 
 T. J. Campbell. 
 Anthony Clinchy. 
 Charles L. Cohen. 
 Joseph D. Dailey. 
 William G. Davies. 
 J. M. Davis. 
 George Desoye. 
 M. B. Feeney. 
 James J. Flemming. 
 Henry M. Goldfogle. 
 Charles J. Krauss. 
 
 Louis J. Ladinski. 
 William P. Mitchell. 
 James B. Mulry. 
 John E. Murphy. 
 William J. McKenna. 
 Bernard McQuade. 
 A. A. Noonan. 
 Edward F. Reynolds. 
 George F. Roesch. 
 William E. Sengens. 
 William Sulzer. 
 M. H. Whalen. 
 Henry W. Wolff. 
 
 TABLE MM. 
 
 James A. Donnelly. 
 George Grau. 
 D. L. Hough. 
 Timothy J. Hayes. 
 Adolph J. Hupfel. 
 W. A. Hamilton. 
 Wm. J. Keys. 
 George J. Kilgen. 
 Napoleon L. Levy. 
 Jefferson M. Levy. 
 Walter 8. Logan. 
 Wm. D. Mann. 
 L. S. Marx. 
 
 Bernard F. Martin. 
 George F. Martens. 
 Henry, Mesa 
 John Moje. 
 John Mullins. 
 John McCausland. 
 David Roche. 
 J. Rothschild, 
 Leonard Rose. 
 Henry J. Ryan. 
 Timothy D. Sullivan. 
 Denis Sweeney.
 
 80 
 
 TABLE NN. 
 
 P. B. Adams. 
 Henry A. Brann. 
 John P. Corrigan. 
 W. G. Fransioli. 
 Terence Farley. 
 E. B. Frost. 
 Lawrence T. Fell. 
 John F. Foley. 
 C. H. McLaughlin. 
 William A. McQuaid. 
 Henry F. Naphen. 
 
 James L. Norris. 
 James W. O'Brien. 
 F. V. 8. Oliver. 
 James Oliver. 
 M. H. Oppenheim. 
 Edward C. Oppenheim. 
 F. K. Pendleton. 
 George W. Plunkitt. 
 J. D. Quincy. 
 E. V. Skinner. 
 Henry W. Wheeler. 
 
 TABLE OO. 
 
 John Burke. 
 James Dooling. 
 John Delahanty. 
 James G. Dyer. 
 George Landon. 
 James B. Lyon. 
 Townsend Scudder. 
 Thomas C. Smith. 
 T. G. Smith. 
 E. A. Smith. 
 J. Frank Snyder. 
 John Stevens. 
 
 B. J. Sullivan. 
 
 William M. Schwenker. 
 
 W. T. Taylor. 
 
 Walker N. Thayer. 
 
 W. W. Tompkins. 
 
 John Q. Underbill. 
 
 Joseph H. Vendig. 
 
 R. L. Waters. 
 
 William D. H. Washington. 
 
 Col. Alfred Wagstaff. 
 
 Edward G. Whitaker. 
 
 TABLE PP. 
 
 Charles V. Adee. 
 John F. Ahearn. 
 Frank A. Adams. 
 William Booth. 
 O. S. Bailey. 
 George Bardin. 
 Henry J. Comasky. 
 Geo. W. Cornell. 
 J. D. Cremin. 
 A. B. Cruikshank. 
 Daniel J. Donovan, 
 
 E. P. Gleason. 
 A. J. Johnson. 
 Edgar J. Levey. 
 Walter A. Murray. 
 Eugene J. McEnroe. 
 Bryan O'Hara. 
 JohnC. Orr. 
 N. A. Playter. 
 James C. Ryan. 
 John J. Walsh.
 
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 DATE DUE 
 
 -MAft 
 
 1 1 1987 
 
 PRINTED IN US
 
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