LIBRARY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 ROSARIO CURLETTI
 
 PINNOCK'S IMPROVED EDITION 
 
 op 
 DR. GOLDSMITH'S ABRIDGMENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME: 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED AN 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF ROMAN 
 HISTORY, 
 
 AND 
 
 A GREAT VARIETY OF VALUABLE INFORMATION ADDED THROUGHOUT 
 THE WORK, ON THE 
 
 MANNERS, INSTITUTIONS, AND ANTIQUITIES 
 OF THE ROMANS; 
 
 WITH 
 
 NUMEROUS BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL NOTESj 
 AND 
 
 QUESTIONS FOR EXAMINATION 
 
 AT THE END OF EACH SECTION. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH THIRTY ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD DY ATHBRTCH. 
 
 TOtST AMERICAN, CORRECTED J.f>'n REVISED, FROM THX 
 TWELFTH EffOLBH EDITION. 
 
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 THOMAS, CO \\TERTH WAIT, & CO. 
 1845.
 
 ENTERED according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835, by 
 
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 PREFACE. 
 
 THE researches of Niebuhr and several other 
 distinguished German scholars have thrown a 
 new light on Roman History, and enabled us 
 to discover the true constitution of that republic 
 which once ruled the destinies of the known 
 world, and the influence of whose literature 
 and laws is still powerful in every civilized 
 state, and will probably continue to be felt to 
 the remotest posterity. These discoveries have, 
 however, been hitherto useless to junior stu- 
 dents in this country ; the works of the German 
 critics being unsuited to the purposes of schools, 
 not only from their price, but also from the 
 extensive learning requisite to follow them 
 through their laborious disquisitions. The 
 editor has, therefore, thought that it would be 
 no unacceptable service, to prefix a few Intro- 
 ductory Chapters, detailing such results from 
 their inquiries as best elucidate the character 
 and condition of the Roman people, and explain
 
 4 PREFACE. 
 
 the most important portion of the history. The 
 struggles between the patricians and plebeians, 
 respecting the agrarian laws have been so 
 strangely misrepresented, even by some of the 
 best historians, that the nature of the contest 
 may. with truth, be said to have been wholly 
 misunderstood before the publication of Nie- 
 buhr's work: a perfect explanation of these 
 important matters cannot be expected in a 
 work of this kind ; the Editors trust that the 
 brief account given here of the Roman tenure 
 of land, and the nature of the agrarian laws, 
 will be found sufficient for all practical pur 
 poses. After all the researches that have been 
 made, the true origin of the Latin people, and 
 even of the Roman city, is involved in impene- 
 trable obscurity; the legendary traditions col- 
 lected by the historians are, however, the best 
 guides that we can now follow ; but it would 
 be absurd to bestow implicit credit on all the 
 accounts they have given, and the editor has, 
 therefore, pointed out the uncertain nature ot 
 the early history, not to encourage scepticism, 
 but to accustom students to consider the 
 nature of historical evidence, and thus early 
 form the useful habit of criticising and weigh- 
 ing testimony.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The authorities followed in the geographical 
 chapters, are principally Heeren and Cramer ; 
 the treatise of the latter on ancient Italy is one 
 of the most valuable aids acquired by historical 
 students within the present century. Much 
 important information respecting the peculiar 
 character of the Roman religion has been 
 derived from Mr. Keightley's excellent Treatise 
 on Mythology ; the only writer who has, in our 
 language, hitherto, explained the difference be- 
 tween the religious systems of Greece and 
 Rome. The account of the barbarians in the 
 conclusion of the volume, is, for the most part, 
 extracted from "Koch's Revolutions of Eu- 
 rope;" the sources of the notes, scattered 
 through the volume, are too varied for a distinct 
 acknowledgment of each. 
 
 A2
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. Geographical Outline of Italy PAG ;J 
 
 II. The Latin Language and People Credibility of 
 
 the Early History -8 
 
 III. Topography of Rome 23 
 
 IV. The Roman Constitution 30 
 
 V. The Roman Tenure of Land Colonial Govern- 
 ment 37 
 
 VI. The Roman Religion 39 
 
 VII. The Roman Army and Navy 43 
 
 VIII. Roman Law. Finance 51 
 
 IX. The public Amusements and private Life of the 
 
 Romans 65 
 
 X. Geography of the empire at the time of its greatest 
 
 extent 59 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. Of the Origin of the Romans PAGE 63 
 
 II. From the building of Rome to the death of Ro- 
 mulus 66 
 
 IIT. From the death of Romulus to the death of Numa 7 1 
 
 IV. From the death of Numa to the death of Tullus 
 
 Hostilius 73 
 
 V. From the death of Tullus Hostilius to the death 
 
 Ancus Martius 75 
 
 VI. From the death of Ancus Martius to the death of 
 
 Tarquinius Priscus 77 
 
 VII. Fro7n the death of Tarquinius Priscus to the 
 
 death of Servius Tullius 80 
 
 VIII. From the death of Servius Tullius to the banish- 
 ment of Tarquinius Superbus 83 
 
 IX. From the banishment of Tarquinius Superbus to 
 
 the appointment of the first Dictator 88 
 
 X. From the Creation of the Dictator to the election 
 
 of the Tribunes 93 
 
 , XI. From the Creation of the Tribunes to the appoint- 
 ment of the Decemviri, viz. 
 
 , Section 1 . The great Volscian war 96 
 
 2. Civil commotions on account of the 
 
 Agrarian law 101 
 
 XII. From the creation of the Decemviri to the de- 
 struction of the city by the Gauls, viz. 
 
 Section \. Tyranny of the Decemviri 106 
 
 2. Crimes of Appius Revolt of the army 110 
 
 7
 
 8 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHIPTKR XII. Section 3.- -Election of Military Tribunes 
 
 Creation of the Censorship ... 11 
 
 4. Siege and capture of Veil Inva- 
 sion of the Gauls 
 
 5. Deli verance of Rome from the Gauls 125 
 
 XIII. From the wars with the Sammies to the First 
 
 Punic war, viz. 
 
 Section 1. The Latin war 131 
 
 2. Invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus, king 
 
 of Epirus 135 , 
 
 3. Defeat and departure of Pyrrhus. . 140 
 
 XIV. From the beginning of the First Punic war to 
 
 the beginning of the Second, viz. 
 Section 1. Causes and commencement of the 
 
 war Invasion of Africa by Regulus 144 
 
 2. Death of Regulus Final Triumph 
 
 of the Romans 148 
 
 XV. The Second Punic war, viz. 
 
 Section 1. Commencement of the war Han- 
 nibal's invasion of Italy 150 
 
 2. Victorious career of Hannibal 154 
 
 3. Retrieval of the Roman affairs In- 
 vasion of Africa by Scipio Conclusion of 
 
 the war 159 
 
 XVI. Macedonian, Syrian, Third Punic, and Spanish 
 
 wars 163 
 
 XVII. From the Destruction of Carthage to the end of 
 the Sedition of the Gracchi, viz. 
 
 Section 1. Murder of Tiberius Gracchus 168 
 
 2. Slaughter of Caius Gracchus and 
 
 his adherents 172 
 
 XVIII. From the Sedition of Gracchus to the perpetual 
 
 Dictatorship of Sylla, viz, 
 Section I. The Jugurthine and Social wars. . 176 
 
 2. The cruel massacres perpetrated by 
 
 Man us and Sylla 181 
 
 XIX. From the perpetual Dictatorship of Sylla to the 
 
 first Triumvirate 186 
 
 XX. From the First Triumvirate to the death of Pom- 
 
 pey, viz. 
 
 Section 1 . C.Tsar's wars in Gaul Commence- 
 ment of the Civil war 192 
 
 2. Caesar's victorious career 197 
 
 3. The campaign in Thessaly and 
 
 Epirus 202 
 
 4. The liatlle of Pharsalia 206 
 
 5. Death of Pompey 210 
 
 XXI. From the Destruction of the Commonwealth to 
 
 the establishment of the first Emperor, Au- 
 gustus, viz. 
 
 Section 1. Caesar's Egyptian campaign 216 
 
 2. The African campaign 22'
 
 CONTEXTS. 9 
 
 CHAPTEH XXI. Section 3. Death of Cjrsnr PASS 22G 
 
 4. The Second Triumvirate 232 
 
 5. The Battle of Philippi 237 
 
 G. Dissensions of Antony and Au- 
 gustus 242 
 
 7. The Battle of Actium 247 
 
 8. The Conquest of Egypt 253 
 
 XXII. From the accession of Augustus to the death 
 
 of Domitian, viz. 
 Secti'in 1. The beneficent Administration of 
 
 Augustus 260 
 
 2. Death of Augustus 265 
 
 3. The reign of Tiberius Death of- 
 
 Germanicus 269 
 
 4. Death of Sejanus and Tiberius 
 
 Accession of Caligula 274 
 
 5. Extravagant cruelties of Caligula 
 
 His death 279 
 
 6. The Reign of Claudius 283 
 
 7. The reign of Nero 289 
 
 8. Death of Nero Reigns of Gulba 
 
 and Otho 293 
 
 9. The reigns of Vitellius and Ves- 
 
 pasian The siege of Jerusalem by Titus. . 298 
 
 10. The Reigns of Titus and Domitian 303 
 
 11. The assassination of Domitian.. 308 
 
 XXIII. The Five good emperors of Rome, viz. 
 
 Section 1. The Reigns of Nerva and Trajan 312 
 
 2. The Reign of Adrian 317 
 
 3. The Reign of Antoninus Pius. . . 321 
 
 4. The reign of Marcus Aurelius. . . 326 
 
 XXIV. From the accession of Commodus to the change 
 
 of the scat of Government, from Rome to 
 Constantinople, viz. 
 Section 1. The Reigns of Commodus, Pcrti- 
 
 nax, and Didius 329 
 
 p 2. The Reigns of Severus, Caracalla, 
 
 Maximus, and Heliogabalus 333 
 
 3. The reigns of Alexander, Maxi- 
 
 inin, and Gordian 338 
 
 4. The Reigns of Philip, Decius, 
 
 Gallus, Valerian, Claudius, Aurelian, Taci- 
 tus, and Probus 342 
 
 5. The reigns of Cams, Carinus, 
 
 Dioclesian, and Constantius Accession of 
 
 Constantino 346 
 
 G. The reign of Constantino 351 
 
 XXV. From the death of Constantino, to the reunion 
 of the Roman empire under Theodosius the 
 Great, viz. 
 Section 1 . The Reign of Constantius 462
 
 10 CONTEXTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. Section 2. The Reigns of Julian, Jovian, the 
 
 Valentinians, and Theodosius 472 
 
 XXVI. From the death of Theodosius to the subver- 
 
 sion of the Western Empire, viz. 
 
 Section 1. The division of the Roman do- 
 minions into the Eastern and Western em- 
 pires 481 
 
 2. Decline and fall of the Western 
 
 empire 488 
 
 XXVII. Historical notices of the different barbarous 
 
 tribes that aided in overthrowing the Roman 
 
 empire 497 
 
 XX VIII. The progress of Christianity 605 
 
 Cnronologica. Index 391
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 
 
 1. THE outline of Italy presents a geographical unity and 
 completeness which naturally would lead us to believe that 
 it was regarded as a whole, and named as a single country, 
 from the earliest ages. This opinion would, however, be 
 erroueous ; while the country was possessed by various 
 independent tribes of varied origin and different customs, 
 the districts inhabited by each were reckoned separate 
 states, and it was not until these several nations had fallen 
 under the power of one predominant people that the physi- 
 cal unity which the peninsula possesses was expressed by 
 a single name. Italy was the name originally given to a 
 small peninsula in Brut'tium, between the Scylacean and 
 Napetine gulfs ; the name was gradually made to compre- 
 hend new districts, until at length it included the entire 
 country lying south of the Alps, between the Adriatic and 
 Tuscan seas. 2. The names Hesperia, Saturnia, and 
 (Enot'ria have also been given to this country by the poets; 
 but these designations are not properly applicable; for Hes- 
 peria was a general name for all the countries lying to the 
 west of Greece, and the other two names really belonged to 
 particular districts. 
 
 3. The northern boundary of Italy, in its full extent, is 
 the chain of the Alps, which forms a kind of crescent, with 
 the convex side towards Gaul. The various branches of 
 these mountains had distinct names ; the most remarkable 
 were, the Maritime Alps, extending from the Ligurian sea 
 to Mount Vesulus, Veso ; the Collian, Graian, Penine, 
 Rhoetian, Tridentine, Carnic, and Julian Alps, which nearly 
 complete the crescent; the Euganean, Venetian, and Pan- 
 nonian Alps, that extend the chain to the east. 
 
 II
 
 1'J HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 4. The political divisions of Italy have been frequently 
 altered, but it may be considered as naturally divided into 
 Northern, Central, and Southern Italy. 
 
 The principal divisions of Northern Italy were Ligu'ria 
 and Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 5. Only one half of Liguria was accounted part of Italy ; 
 the remainder was included in Gaul. The Ligurians origin- 
 ally possessed the entire line of sea-coast from the Pyrennees 
 to the Tiber, and the mountainous district now called Pied- 
 mont ; but before the historic age a great part of their 
 territory was wrested from them by the Iberians, the Celts, 
 and the Tuscans, until their limits were contracted nearly 
 to those of the present district attached to Genoa. Their 
 chief cities were Gem'ia, Genoa; Nicoe'a, Nice, founded by 
 a colony from Marseilles ; and As'ta, Jlsti. The Ligurians 
 were one of the last Italian states conquered by the Romans ; 
 on account of their inveterate hostility, they are grossly 
 maligned by the historians of the victorious people, and 
 described as ignorant, treacherous, and deceitful ; but the 
 Greek writers have given a different and more impartial 
 account; they assure us that the Ligurians were eminent 
 for boldness and dexterity, and at the same time patient and 
 contented. 
 
 6. Cisalpine Gaul extended from Liguria to the Adriatic 
 or Upper Sea, and nearly coincides with Jhe modern district 
 of Lombardy. The country is a continuous plain divided 
 by the Pa'dus, Po, into two parts ; the northern, Gallia 
 Transpada'na, was inhabited by the tribes of the Tauri'ni, 
 In'subres, and Cenoma'nni ; the southern, Gallia Cispada'- 
 na, was possessed by the Boi'i, Leno'nes, and Lingo'nes. 
 7. These plains were originally inhabited by a portion of 
 the Etrurian or Tuscan nation, once the most powerful in 
 Italy ; but at an uncertain period a vast horde of Celtic 
 Gauls forced the passage of the Alps and spread themselves 
 over the country, which thence received their name. 8. It 
 was sometimes called Gallia Toga'ta, because the invaders 
 conformed to Italian customs, and wore the toga. Cisalpine 
 Gaul was not accounted part of Italy in the republican age ; 
 its southern boundary, the river Rubicon, being esteemed 
 by the Romans the limit of their domestic empire. 
 
 9. The river Pa'dus and its tributary streams fertilized 
 these rich plains. The principal rivers falling into the 
 Padus were, from the north, the Du'ria, Durance ; the 
 Tici'nus, Tessino; the Ad'dua, Adda; the Ol'lius, Ogliot
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY/ 13 
 
 and the Min'tius, Minzio : nom the south, the Ta'narus, 
 Tanaro, and the Tre'bia. The Ath'esis, Jidige; the Pla'vis, 
 Paive; fall directly into the Adriatic. 
 
 10. The principal cities in Cisalpine Gaul were Roman 
 colonies with municipal rights ; many of them have pre- 
 served their names unchanged to the present day. The most 
 remarkable were ; north of the Pa'dus, Terge'ste, Trieste; 
 Aquilei'a; Pajta'vium, Padua; Vincen'tia, Vero'na, all east 
 of the Athe'sis: Man'tua; Cremo'na; Brix'ia, Brescia; 
 Mediola'num, Milan; Tici'num, Pavia; and Augusta Tu- 
 rino'rum, Turin; all west of the Athe'sis. South of the Po 
 we find Raven'na; Bono'nia, Bologna; Muti'na, Modena; 
 Par'ma, and Placen'tia. 11. From the time that Rome was 
 burned by the Gauls (B.C. 390), the Romans were harassed 
 by the hostilities of this warlike people ; and it was not 
 until after the first Panic war, that any vigorous efforts were 
 made for their subjugation. The Cisalpihe Gauls, after a 
 fierce resistance, were overthrown by Marcell'us (B.C. 223) 
 and compelled to submit, and immediately afterwards military 
 colonies were sent out as garrisons to the most favourable 
 situations in their country. The Gauls zealously supported 
 An'nibal when he invaded Italy, and were severely punished 
 when the Romans finally became victorious. 
 
 12. North-east of Cisalpine Gaul, at the upper extremity 
 of the Adriatic, lay the territory of the Venetians ; they 
 were a rich and unwarlike people, and submitted to the 
 Romans without a struggle, long before northern Italy had 
 been annexed to the dominions of the republic. 
 
 13. Central Italy comprises six countries, Etru'ria, La'- 
 tium, and Campa'nia on the west; Um'bria, Pice'num, and 
 JSam'nium, on the east. 
 
 14. Etru'ria, called also Tus'cia (whence the modern 
 name Tuscany) and Tyrrhe'nia, was an extensive mountain- 
 ous district, bounded on the north by the river Mac'ra, and 
 on the south and east by the Tiber. The chain of the 
 Apennines, which intersects middle and Lower Italy, com- 
 mences in the north of Etru'ria. The chief river is the 
 Ar'nup, Jlrno. 15. The names Etruscan and Tyrrhenian, 
 indifferently applied to the inhabitants of this country, 
 originally belonged to different tribes, which, before the 
 historic age, coalesced into one people. The Etruscana 
 appear to have been Celts who descended from the Alps; 
 the Tyrrhenians were undoubtedly a part of the Pelas'gi 
 who originally possessed the south-east of Europe. The 
 
 B
 
 14 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTICW 
 
 circumstances of the Pelasgic migration are differently 
 related by the several historians, but the fact is asserted by 
 all.* These Tyrrhenians brought with them the knowledge 
 of letters and the arts, and the united people attained a 
 high degree of power and civilization, long before the name 
 of Rome was known beyond the precincts of Latium. They 
 possessed a strong naval force, which was chiefly employed 
 in piratical expeditions, and they claimed the sovereignty 
 of the western seas. The first sea-fight recorded in history 
 was fought between the fugitive Phocians,t and the allied 
 fleets of the Tyrrhenians and the Carthaginians (B.C. 539.) 
 16 To commerce and navigation the Etruscans were 
 indebted for their opulence and consequent magnificence ; 
 their destruction was owing to the defects of their political 
 system. There were twelve Tuscan cities united in a 
 federative alliance. Between the Mac'ra and Arnus were, 
 Pi' sx, Pisa; Floren'tia, Florence; and Fae'sulae: between 
 the Arnus and the Tiber, Volate'rrae, Volterra; Volsin'ii, 
 Bolsena; Clu'sium, Chiusi; Arre'tium, Arrezzo ; Corto'- 
 na ; Peru'sia, Perugia, (near which is the Thrasamene 
 lake) ; Fale'rii, and Ve'ii. 17. Each of these cities was 
 ruled by a chief magistrate called lu'cumo, chosen for life ; 
 he possessed regal power, and is frequently called a king by 
 the Roman historians. In enterprises undertaken by the 
 whole body, the supreme command was committed to one 
 of the twelve lucumones, and he received a lictor from each 
 city. But from the time that Roman history begins to 
 assume a regular form, the Tuscan cities stand isolated, 
 uniting only transiently and casually ; we do not, however, 
 find any traces of intestine wars between the several states. 
 
 18. The Etrurian form of government was aristocratical, 
 and the condition of the people appears to have been miser- 
 able in the extreme ; they were treated as slaves destitute 
 of political rights, and compelled to labour solely for the 
 benefit of their taskmasters. A revolution at a late period 
 took place at Volsin'ii, and the exclusive privileges of the 
 nobility abolished after a fierce and bloody struggle ; it is 
 remarkable that this town, in which the people had obtained 
 their rights, alone made an obstinate resistance to the Romans. 
 
 19. The progress of the Tuscans in the fine arts is attested 
 by the monuments that still remain ; but of their literature 
 
 * See Pinnock's History of Greece, Chap. I. 
 f See Historical Miscellany, Part II. Chap. I.
 
 OEOGttAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 15 
 
 we know nothing ; their language is unknown, and their 
 books have perished. In the first ages of the Roman repub- 
 lic, the children of the nobility were sent to Etru'ria for 
 education, especially in divination and the art of soothsay- 
 ing, in which the Tuscans were supposed to excel. The 
 form of the Roman constitution, the religious ceremonies, 
 and the ensigns of civil government, were borrowed from 
 the Etrurians. 
 
 20. La'tium originally extended along the coast from the 
 Tiber to the promontory of Circe'ii ; hence that district 
 was called, old La'tium ; the part subsequently added, called 
 new La'tium, extended from Circeii to the Li'ris, Garig- 
 liano. The people were called Latins ; but eastward, to- 
 wards the Apennines, were the tribes of the Her'nici, the 
 ./E'qui, the Mar'si, and the Sabines; and on the south were 
 the Vols'ci, Ru'tuli, and Aurun'ci. The chief rivers in 
 this country were the A'nio, Teverone ; and Al'lia, which 
 fall into the Tiber; and the Liris, Garigliano; which flows 
 directly into the Mediterranean. 
 
 21. The chief cities in old Latium were ROME; Ti'bur, 
 Tivoli; Tus'culum, Frescati; Al'ba Lon'ga, of which no 
 trace remains ; Lavin'ium ; An'tium ; Ga'bii ; and Os'tia, 
 Civita Vecchia ; the chief towns in new Latium were 
 Fun'di, Anx'ur or Terraci'na, Ar'pinum, Mintur'nae, and 
 For'miae. 
 
 22. CAMPA'NIA included the fertile volcanic plains that 
 lie between the Liris on the north, and the Si'lanus, Selo, 
 on the south ; the other most remarkable river was the Vol- 
 tur'nus, Volturno. The chief cities were, Ca'pua the capital, 
 Linte/num, Cu'mae, Neapo'lis, Naples ; Hercula'neum, Pom- 
 pe ii, Surren'tum, Saler'num, &c. The original inhabitants 
 of Campa'nia, were the Auso'nes and Op'ici or Osci, the most 
 ancient of the native Italian tribes. The Tyrrhenian Pe- 
 las'gi made several settlements on the coast, and are sup- 
 posed to have founded Cap'ua. The Etruscans were after- 
 wards masters of the country, but their dominion was of 
 brief duration, and left no trace behind. Campa'nia was 
 subdued by the Romans after the Volscian war. 
 
 23. The soil of Campa'nia is the most fruitful, perhaps, 
 in the world, but it is subject to earthquakes and volcanic 
 eruptions. Mount Vesu'vius in the early ages of Italy was 
 not a volcano ; its first eruption took place A. D. 79. 
 
 24. UM'BRIA extended along the middle and east of Italy, 
 from the river Rubicon in the north, to the ^E'sis, Gescuio,
 
 10 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 dividing it from Pise'num, and the Nar, Nera, separating it 
 from Sam'nium in the south. The Umbrians were esteem- 
 ed one of the most ancient races in Italy, and were said to 
 have possessed the greater part of the northern and central 
 provinces. They were divided into several tribes, which 
 seem to have been semi-barbarous, and they were subject to 
 the Gauls before they were conquered by the Romans. 
 Their chief towns were Arimi'nium, Rimini; Spole'tium, 
 Spoleto ; Nar'nia, Narni; and Ocricu'lum, Otriculi. 
 
 25. PICE'NUM was the name given to the fertile plain that 
 skirts the Adriatic, between the ^E'sis, Gesano, and the 
 Atar'nus, Pescara. The chief cities were Anco'na and 
 Asc'ulum Pice'num, Ascoli. The Picentines were de- 
 scended from the Sabines, and observed the strict and se- 
 vere discipline of that warlike race, but they were destitute 
 of courage or vigour. 
 
 26. SAM'NIUM included the mountainous tract which 
 stretches from the Atar'nus in the north, to the Fren'to in 
 the south. It was inhabited by several tribes descended 
 from the Sabines * and Ma'rsi, of which the Samnites were 
 the most distinguished ; the other most remarkable septs 
 were the Marruci'ni and Pelig'ni in the north, the Fren- 
 ta'ni in the east, and the Hirpi'ni in the south. 27. The 
 Samnites were distinguished by their love of war, and their 
 unconquerable attachment to liberty ; their sway at one time 
 extended ove Campa'nia, and the greater part of central 
 Italy ; and the Romans found them the fiercest and most 
 dangerous of their early enemies. The chief towns in the 
 Samnite territory were Alli'fs, Beneventum, and Cau'dium. 
 
 28. Lower Italy was also called Magna Grae'cia, from 
 the number of Greek t colonies that settled on the coast; 
 it comprised four countries ; Luca'nia and Brut'tium on the 
 west, and Apu'lia and Cala'bria on the east. 
 
 29. LUCA'NIA was a mountainous country between the 
 Sil'arus, Selo, on the north, and the La'us, Lavo, on the 
 south. The Lucanians were of Sabine origin, and con- 
 
 * These colonies, sent out by the Sabines, are said to have originated 
 from the observance of the Ver sacrum (sacred spring.') During certain 
 years, every thing was vowed to the gods that was born between the 
 calends (first day) of March and May, whether men or animals. At 
 first they were sacrificed ; but in later ages this cruel custom was laid 
 aside, and they were sent out as colonists. 
 
 f The history of these colonies is contained in the Historical Mis- 
 cellany, Part II. Chap. ii.
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE OF ITALY. 17 
 
 quered the (Enotrians, who first possessed the country : 
 they also subdued several Greek cities on the coast. The 
 chief cities were Posido'nia or Paestum, He'lia or Ve'lia, 
 Sib'aris and Thu'rii. 
 
 30. BRUT'TIUM is the modern Cala'bria, and received that 
 name when the ancient province was wrested from the em- 
 pire. It included the tongue of land from the river Liius to 
 the southern extremity of Italy at Rhe'gium. The moun- 
 tains of the interior were inhabited by the Bruta'tes or 
 Brut'tii, a semi-barbarous tribe, at first subject to the Siba- 
 rites, and afterwards to the Lucanians. In a late age they 
 asserted their independence, and maintained a vigorous re- 
 sistance to the Romans. As the Brut'tii used the Oscan 
 language, they must have been of the Ausonian race. The 
 chief towns were the Greek settlements on the coast, Con- 
 sen'tia, Cosenza; Pando'sia, Cirenza; Croto'na, Mame'r- 
 tum, Petil'ia, and Rhe'gium, Reggio. 
 
 31. APU'LIA extended along the eastern coast from the 
 river Fren'to, to the eastern tongue of land which forms the 
 foot of the boot, to which Italy has been compared. It was 
 a very fruitful plain, without fortresses or harbours, and was 
 particularly adapted to grazing cattle. It was divided by 
 the river Au'tidus, Ofanto, into Apu'lia Dau'nia, and Apu'- 
 lia Peuce'tia, or pine-bearing Apu'lia. The chief towns 
 were, in Dau'nia, Sipon'tum and Luce'ria: in Peuce'tia, 
 Ba'rium, Can'nae, and Venu'sia. 
 
 32. CALA'BRIA, or Messa'pia, is the eastern tongue of 
 land which terminates at Cape Japy'gium, Santa Maria ; 
 it was almost wholly occupied by Grecian colonies. The 
 chief towns were Brundu'sium, Brindisi: Callipolis, Gal- 
 lipoli : and Taren'tum. 
 
 33. The islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, which 
 are now reckoned as appertaining to Italy, were by the Ro- 
 mans considered separate provinces. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How is Italy situated 1 
 
 2. By what names was the country known to the ancients 1 
 
 3. How is Italy bounded on the north 1 
 
 4. What districts were in northern Italy ? 
 
 5. What was the extent of Liguria, and the character of its in 
 
 habitants 1 
 
 6. How \va Cisalpine Gaul divided 1 
 
 B9
 
 18 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 7. By whom was Cisalpine Gaul inhabited 1 
 
 8. Why was it called Togata 1 
 
 9. What are the principal rivers in northern Italy ? 
 
 1 0. What are the chief cities in Cisalpine Gaul 1 
 
 11. When did the Romans subdue this district? 
 
 1 2. Did the Venetians resist the Roman power ? 
 
 1 3. What are the chief divisions of central Italy ? 
 
 14. How is Etruria situated? 
 
 15. By what people was Etruria colonized ? 
 
 1 6. What were the Tuscan cities ? 
 
 1 7. How were the cities ruled ? 
 
 1 8. What was the general form of Tuscan government 1 
 
 19. For what were the Tuscans remarkable ? 
 
 20. What was the geographical situation of Latium ? 
 
 21. What were the chief towns in Latium ? 
 
 22. What towns and people were in Campania ? 
 23\ For what is the soil of Campania remarkable ? 
 
 24. What description is given of Umbria ? 
 
 25. What towns and people were in Picenum ? 
 
 26. From whom were the Samnites descended ? 
 
 27. What was the character of this people? 
 
 28. How was southern Italy divided ? 
 
 29. What description is given of Lucania ? 
 
 30. By what people was Bruttium inhabited ? 
 
 3 1 . What is the geographical situation of Apulia ? 
 
 32. What description is given of Calabria 1 
 
 33. What islands belong to Italy 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND PEOPLE. CREDIBILITY OF 
 
 THE EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 THE Latin language contains two primary elements, the 
 first intimately connected with the Grecian, and the second 
 with the Oscan tongue ; to the former, for the most part, 
 belong all words expressing the arts and relations of civi- 
 lized life ; to the latter, such terms as express the wants of 
 men before society has been organized. We are therefore 
 warranted in conjecturing that the Latin people was a mixed 
 race ; that one of its component parts came from some Gre- 
 cian stock, and introduced the first elements of civilization, 
 ind that the other j^as indigenous, and borrowed refinement 
 from the strangers. The traditions recorded by the histo- 
 rians sufficiently confirm this opinion ; they unanimously
 
 THE LATIN LANGUAGE AND PEOPLE. 19 
 
 assert that certain bodies of Pelasgi came into the country 
 before the historic age, and coalesced with the ancient in- 
 habitants. The traditions respecting these immigrations 
 are so varied, that it is impossible to discover any of the 
 circumstances ; but there is one so connected with the early 
 history of Rome, that it cannot be passed over without no- 
 tice. All the Roman historians declare, that after the de- 
 struction of Troy, ^Eneas, vith a body of the fugitives, arri- 
 ved in Latium, and having married the daughter of king 
 Lati'nus, succeeded him on the throne. It would be easy 
 to show that this narrative is so very improbable, as to be 
 wholly unworthy of credit ; but how are we to account for 
 the universal credence which it received ? To decide this 
 question we must discuss the credibility of the early Roman 
 history, a subject which has of late years attracted more 
 than ordinary attention. 
 
 The first Roman historian of any authority, was Fa'bius 
 Pic'tor, who flourished at the close of the second Punic 
 war ; that is, about five centuries and a half after the foun- 
 dation of the city, and nearly a thousand years after the de- 
 struction of Troy. The materials from which his narra- 
 tive was compiled, were the legendary ballads, which are 
 in every country the first record of warlike exploits ; the 
 calendars and annals kept by the priests, and the documents 
 kept by noble families to establish their genealogy. Im- 
 perfect as these materials must necessarily have been under 
 any circumstances, we must remember that the city of Rome 
 was twice captured ; once by Porsenna, and a second time 
 by the Gauls, about a century and a half before Fabius was 
 born. On the latter occasion the city was burned to the 
 ground, and the capitol saved only by the payment of an 
 immense ransom. By such a calamity it is manifest that 
 the most valuable documents must have been dispersed or 
 destroyed, and the part that escaped thrown into great dis- 
 order. The heroic songs might indeed have been preserved 
 in the memory of the public reciters ; but there is little ne- 
 cessity for proving that poetic historians would naturally 
 mingle so much fiction with truth, that few of their asser- 
 tions could be deemed authentic. ' The history of the four 
 first centuries of the Roman state is accordingly full of the 
 greatest inconsistences and improbabilities ; so much so, 
 that many respectable writers have rejected the whole aa 
 unworthy of credit ; but this is as great an excess in seep 
 ticism, as the reception of the whole would be of credulity
 
 20 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 But if the founders of the city, the date of its erection, and 
 the circumstances under which its citizens were assembled, 
 be altogether doubtful, as will subsequently be shown, 
 assuredly the history of events that occurred four centuries 
 previous must be involved in still greater obscurity. The 
 legend of ^Eneas, when he first appears noticed as a pro- 
 genitor of the Romans, differs materially from that which 
 afterwards prevailed. Romulus, in the earlier version of 
 the story, is invariably described as the son or grandson of 
 ^Eneas. He is the grandson in the poems of Naevius and 
 Ennius, who were both nearly contemporary with Fabius 
 Pictor. This gave rise to an insuperable chronological dif- 
 ficulty ; for Troy was destroyed B. C. 1184, and Rome was 
 not founded until B. C. 753. To remedy this incongruity, 
 a list of Latin kings intervening between ^Ene'as and 
 Rom'ulus, was invented ; but the forgery was so clumsily 
 executed, that its falsehood is apparent on the slightest in- 
 spection. It may also be remarked, that the actions attri- 
 buted to ./Eneas are, in other traditions of the same age and 
 country, ascribed to other adventurers ; to Evander, a Pelas- 
 gic leader from Arcadia, who is said to have founded a city 
 on the site afterwards occupied by Rome ; or to Uly'sses, 
 whose son Tele'gonus is reported to have built Tus'culum. 
 If then we deny the historical truth of a legend which 
 seems to have been universally credited by the Romans, 
 how are we to account for the origin of the tale ? Was the 
 tradition of native growth, or was it imported from Greece 
 when the literature of that country was introduced into 
 Latium ? These are questions that can only be answered 
 by guess ; but perhaps the following theory may in some 
 degree be found satisfactory. We have shown that tradition, 
 from the earliest age, invariably asserted that Pelasgic colo- 
 nies had formed settlements in central Italy ; nothing is 
 more notorious than the custom of the Pelasgic tribes to 
 take the name of their general, or of some town in which 
 they had taken up their temporary residence ; now JEne'a 
 and JE'nus were common names of the Pelasgic towns ; 
 the city of Thessaloni'ca was erected on the site of the 
 ancient ^Ene'a; there Avas an ^E'nus in Thrace,* another 
 in Thessaly,* another among the Locrians, and another in 
 Epi'rus :* hence it is not very improbable but that some of 
 
 * It is scarcely necessary to remark that the Pelas'gi were the original 
 settlers in these countries.
 
 CREDIBILITY OF THE EARLY HISTORY. 21 
 
 the Pelasgic tribes which entered Latium may have been 
 called the ^Ene'adae ; and the name, as in a thousand in- 
 stances, preserved after the cause was forgotten. This 
 conjecture is confirmed by the fact, that temples traditionally 
 said to have been erected by a people called the ^Ene'adae, 
 are found in the Macedonian peninsula of Pall'ene,* in the 
 islands of De'los, Cythe'ra, Zacy'nthus, Leuca'dia, and 
 Sicily, on the western coasts of Ambra'cia and Epi'rus, and 
 on the southern coast of Sicily. 
 
 The account of several Trojans, and especially ^Ene'as, 
 having survived the destruction of the city, is as old as the 
 earliest narrative of that famous siege ; Homer distinctly 
 asserts it when he makes Neptune declare, 
 
 Nor thus can Jove resign 
 
 The future father of the Dardan line : 
 
 The first great ancestor obtain'd his grace, 
 
 And still his love descends on all the race. 
 
 For Priam now, and Priam's faithless kind, 
 
 At length are odious to the all-seeing mind ; 
 
 On great ^En>as shall devolve the reign, 
 
 And sons succeeding sons the lasting line sustain. 
 
 ILIAD, xx. 
 
 But long before the historic age, Phrygia and the greater 
 part of the western shores of Asia Minor were occupied by 
 Grecian colonies, and all remembrance of ^Ene'as and his 
 followers lost. When the narrative of the Trojan war, 
 with other Greek legends, began to be circulated in Lati'um, 
 it was natural that the identity of name should have led to 
 the confounding of the ^Ene'adas who had survived the 
 destruction of Troy, with those who had come to La'tium 
 from the Pelasgic ^E'nus. The cities which were said to 
 be founded by the ^Ene'adae were, Latin Troy, which pos- 
 sessed empire for three years ; Lavinium, whose sway lasted 
 thirty ; Alba, which was supreme for three hundred years ; 
 and Rome, whose dominion was (o be interminable, though 
 some assign a limit of three thousand years. These num- 
 bers bear evident traces of superstitious invention ; and the 
 legends by which these cities are successively deduced from 
 the first encampment of JEne'as, are at variance with these 
 fanciful periods. The account that Alba was built by a son 
 of ^Ene'as, who had been guided to the spot by a white 
 sow, which had farrowed thirty young, is clearly a story 
 
 In all these places we find also the Tyrrhenian Pclas'gi.
 
 22 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 framed from the similarity of the name to Albus (white,) 
 and the circumstance of the city having been the capital of 
 the thirty Latin tribes, i The city derived its name from its 
 position on the Alban mountain ; for Mb, or Jllp, signifies 
 lofty in the ancient language of Italy, and the emblem of a 
 sow with thirty young, may have been a significant emblem 
 of the dominion which it unquestionably possessed over the 
 other Latin states. The only thing that we can establish as 
 certain in the early history of La'tium is, that its inhabitants 
 were of a mixed race, and the sources from \vhence they 
 sprung Pelasgic and Oscan ; that is, one connected with the 
 Greeks, and the other with some ancient Italian tribe. We 
 have seen that this fact is the basis of all their traditions, 
 that it is confirmed by the structure of their language, and, 
 we may add, that it is further proved by their political in- 
 stitutions. In all the Latin cities, as well as Rome, we find 
 the people divided into an aristocracy and democracy, or, 
 3S they are more properly called, Patricians and Plebeians. 
 The experience of all ages warrants the inference, which 
 may be best stated in the words of Dr. Faber: "In the 
 progress of the human mind there is an invariable tendency 
 not to introduce into an undisturbed community a palpable 
 difference between lords and serfs, instead of a legal equality 
 of rights ; but to abolish such difference by enfranchising 
 the serfs. Hence, from the universal experience of history, 
 we may be sure that whenever this distinction is found to 
 exist, the society must be composed of two races differing 
 from each other in point of origin." 
 
 The traditions respecting the origin of Rome are innu 
 merable ; some historians assert that its founder was a 
 Greek; others, ^Eneas and his Trojans; and others give 
 the honour to the Tyrrhenians : all, however, agree, that 
 the first inhabitants were a Latin colony from Alba. Even 
 those who adopted the most current story, which is followed 
 by Dr. Goldsmith, believed that the city existed before the 
 time of Rom'ulus, and that he was called the founder from 
 being the first who gave it strength and stability. It seems 
 probable that several villages might have been formed at an 
 early age on the different hills, which were afterwards 
 included in the circuit of Rome ; and that the first of them 
 which obtained a decided superiority, the village on the 
 Palatine hill, finally absorbed the rest, and gave its name to 
 " the eternal city " 
 
 There seems to be some uncertainty whether Romulus
 
 TOPOGRAPHY OF ROM*. 23 
 
 gave his name to the city, or derived his own from it ; the 
 latter is asserted by several historians, but those who ascribe 
 to the city a Grecian origin, with some show of probability 
 assert that Romus (another form of Romulus) and Roma are 
 both derived from the Greek pupm strength. The city, we 
 are assured, had another name, Avhich the priests were for- 
 bidden to divulge ; but what that was, it is now impossible 
 to discover. 
 
 We have thus traced the history of the Latins down to 
 the period when Rome was founded, or at least when it 
 became a city, and shown how little reliance can be placed 
 on the accounts given of these periods by the early histori- 
 ans. We shall hereafter see that great uncertainty rests on 
 the history of Rome itself during the first four centuries of 
 its existence. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 
 
 1. THE city of Rome, according to Farro, was founded 
 in the fourth year of the sixth Olympiad, B.C. 753; but 
 Cato, the censor, places the event four years later, in the 
 second year of the seventh Olympiad. The day of its* 
 foundation was the 21st of April, which was sacred to the 
 rural goddess Pa'les, when the rustics were accustomed to 
 solicit the increase of their flocks from the deity, and to 
 purify themselves for involuntary violation of the consecrated 
 places. The account preserved by tradition of the ceremo- 
 nies used on this occasion, confirms the opinion of those who 
 contend that Rome had a previous existence as a village, 
 and that what is called its foundation was really an enlarge- 
 ment of its boundaries, by taking in the ground at the foot 
 of the Palatine hill. The first care of Ro'mulus was to 
 mark out the Pomce'rium ; a space round the walls of the 
 city, on which it was unlawful to erect buildings. 2. The 
 person who determined the Pomoe'rium yoked a bullock 
 and heifer to a plough, having a copper-share, and drew a 
 furrow to mark the course of the future wall ; he guided the 
 plough so that all the sods might fall inwards, and was
 
 24 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION*. 
 
 followed by others, who took care that none should lie the 
 other way. 3. \Vhcn he came to the place where it was 
 designed to erect a gate, the plough was taken up,* and 
 carried to where the wall recommenced. The next cere- 
 mony was the consecration of the commit'ium, or place of 
 public assembly. A vault was built under ground, and filled 
 with the firstlings of all the natural productions that sustain 
 human life, and with earth which each foreign settler had 
 brought from his own home. This place was called Muri- 
 du$, and was supposed to become the gate of the lower 
 world ; it was opened on three several days of the year, for 
 the spirits of the dead. 
 
 4. The next addition made to the city was the Sabine 
 town,t which occupied the Quirinal and part of the Capito- 
 line hills. The name of this town most probably was 
 Qui'rium, and from it the Roman people received the name 
 Quirites. The tAvo cities were united on terms of equality, 
 and the double-faced Ja'nus stamped on the earliest Roman 
 coins was probably a symbol of the double state. They 
 were at first so disunited, that even the rights of intermar- 
 riage did not exist between them, and it was probably from 
 Qui'rium that the Roman youths obtained the wives J by 
 force, which were refused to their entreaties. 5. The next 
 addition was the Coelian hill, on which a Tuscan colony 
 settled ; from these three colonies the three tribes of Ram'- 
 nes, Ti'ties, and Lu 'ceres were formed. 6. The Ram'nes, 
 or Ram'nenses, derived their name from Rom'ulus ; the 
 Tities, or Titien'ses, from Titus Tatius, the king of the 
 
 * Hence a gate was called porta, from porta're, to carry. The 
 reason of this part of the ceremony was, that the plough being deemed 
 holy, it was unlawful that any thing unclean should pollute the place 
 which it had touched ; but it was obviously necessary that things 
 clean and unclean should pass through the gates of the city. It is 
 remarkable that all the ceremonies here mentioned were imitated from 
 the Tuscans. 
 
 -(- This, though apparently a mere conjecture, has been so fully proved 
 by Niebuhr, (vol. i. p. 251,) that it may safely be assumed as an histo- 
 rical fact. 
 
 $ See Chapter IT. of the following history. 
 
 All authors are agreed that the Coelian hill was named from Cceles 
 Viben'na, a Tuscan chief; but there is a great variety in the data 
 assigned to his settlement at Rome. Some make him cotemporary with 
 Rom'ulus, others with the elder Tarquin, or Servius Tulhus. In this 
 uncertainty all that can be satisfactorily determined is, that at some early 
 period a Tuscan colony settled in Rome.
 
 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 25 
 
 Sabines ; and the Lu'ceres, from Lu'cumo, the Tuscan 
 title of a general or leader.* From this it appears that the 
 three tribest were really three distinct nations, differing in 
 their origin, and dwelling apart. 
 
 7. The city was enlarged by Tullus Hostilius4 after the 
 destruction of Alba, and the Viminal hill included withiu 
 the walls ; Ancus Martius added mount Aventine, and the 
 Esquiline and Capitoline being enclosed in the next reign, 
 completed the number of the seven hills on which the 
 ancient city stood. 
 
 8. The hill called Jani'culum, on the north bank of tre 
 Tiber, was fortified as an outwork by Ancus Martius, and 
 joined to the city by the bridge ; he also dug a trench round 
 the newly erected buildings, for their greater security, and 
 called it the ditch of the Quirites. 9. The public works 
 erected by the kings were of stupendous magnitude, but the 
 private buildings were wretched, the streets narrow, and the 
 nouses mean. It was not until after the burning of the city 
 by the Gauls that the city was laid out on a better plan ; 
 after the Punic wars wealth flowed in abundantly, and pri- 
 vate persons began to erect magnificent mansions. From the 
 period of the conquest of Asia until the reign of Augustus, 
 the city daily augmented its splendour, but so much was 
 added by that emperor, that he boasted that " he found 
 Rome a city of brick, and left it a city of marble." 
 
 10. The circumference of the city has been variously 
 estimated, some writers including in their computation a 
 part of the suburbs ; according to Pliny it was near twenty 
 miles round the walls. In consequence of this great ex- 
 tent the city had more than thirty gates, of which the 
 most remarkable were the Carmental, the Esquiline, the 
 Triumphal, the Naval, and those called Tergem'ina and 
 Cape'na. 
 
 11. The division of the* city into four tribes continued 
 until the reign of Augustus ; a new arrangement was made 
 by the emperor, who divided Rome into fourteen wards, or 
 
 Others say that they were named so in honour of Lu'ceres, king 
 of Ardea, according to which theory the third would have been a 
 Pelasgo-Tyrrhenian colony. 
 
 j- We shall hereafter have occasion to remark, that the Lu'ceres wer 
 subject to the other tribes. 
 
 * See History, Chapter IV. 
 
 The Pincian and Vatican hills were added at a much later period 
 and these, with Jaiiiculum, made the number ten. 
 
 c
 
 20 HISTOKY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 regions.* The magnificent public and private buildings in 
 a city so extensive and wealthy were very numerous, and a 
 bare catalogue of them would fill a volume ;t our attention 
 must be confined to those which possessed some historical 
 importance. 
 
 12. The most celebrated and conspicuous buildings were 
 in the eighth division of the city, which contained the 
 Capitol and its temples, the Senate House, and the Forum. 
 The Capitoline-hill was anciently called Saturnius, from the 
 ancient city of Satur'nia, of which it was the citadel ; it 
 was afterwards called the Tarpeian mount, and finally re- 
 ceived the name of Capitoline from a human headj being 
 found on its summit when the foundations of the temple of 
 Jupiter were laid. It had two summits ; that on the south 
 retained the name Tarpeian ; the northern was properly 
 the Capitol. 13. On this part of the hill Romulus first 
 established his asylum, in a sacred grove, dedicated to 
 some unknown divinity ; and erected a fort or citadel || on 
 the Tarpeian summit. The celebrated temple of Jupiter 
 Capitoli'nus, erected on this hill, was begun by the elder 
 Tarquin, and finished by Tarquin the Proud. It was 
 burned down in the civil wars between Ma'rius and Syl'la, 
 
 * They were named as follow : 
 
 1. Porta Cape'na 
 
 2. Coelimon'tium 
 
 3. I'sis and Sera'pis 
 
 4. Via Sa'cra 
 
 5. Esquili'na 
 
 6. Acta Se'mita 
 
 7. Vita Lata 
 
 8. Forum Roma'num 
 
 9. Circus Flamin'iuts 
 10. Pala'tium 
 
 11. Circus Max'imus 
 
 12. Pici'na Pub'lica 
 
 13. Aventinus 
 
 14. Transtiberi'na. 
 
 The divisions made by Servius were named : the Suburan, which 
 comprised chiefly the Ccelian mount ; the Colline, which included the 
 Vimirial and Quirinal hills; the Esquiline and Palatine, which evidently 
 coincided with the hills of the same name. 
 
 f Among the public buildings of ancient Rome, when in her zenith, 
 are numbered 420 temples, five regular theatres, two amphitheatres, and 
 seven circusses of vast extent ; sixteen public baths, fourteen aqueducts, 
 from which a prodigious number of fountains were constantly supplied ; 
 innumerable palaces and public halls, stately columns, splendid porticos, 
 and lofty obelisks. 
 
 t From caput, " a head." 
 
 State criminals were punished hy being precipitated from the Tar- 
 peian rock ; the soil has been since so much raised by the accumulation 
 of ruins, that a fall from it is no longer dangerous. 
 
 H In the reign of Numa, the Quirinal hill was deemed the citadel of 
 Rome; ai additional confirmation of IViebuhr's theory, that Quirium 
 was a Sa ;ine town, which, being early absorbed in Rome, was mistaken 
 py s^jsotient writers for Cu'res.
 
 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 27 
 
 but restored by the latter, who adorned it with pillars taken 
 from the temple of Jupiter at Olympia. It was rebuilt after 
 similar accidents by Vespa'sian and Domitian, and on each 
 occasion with additional splendour. The rich ornaments 
 and gifts presented to this temple by different princes and 
 generals amounted to a scarcely credible sum. The gold 
 and jewels given by Augustus alone are said to have 
 exceeded in value four thousand pounds sterling. A nail 
 was annually driven into the wall of the temple to mark 
 the course of time ; besides this chronological record, it 
 contained the Sibylline books, and other oracles supposed 
 to be pregnant with the fate of the city. There were several 
 other temples on this hill, of which the most remarkable was 
 that of Jupiter Feretrius, erected by Romulus, where the 
 spolia opima were deposited. 
 
 14. The Forum, or place of public assembly, was situated 
 between the Palatine and Capitoline hills. It was sur- 
 rounded with temples, basilicks,* and public offices, and 
 adorned with innumerable statues.t On one side of this 
 space were the elevated seats from which the Roman magis- 
 trates and orators addressed the people ; they were called 
 Rostra, because they were ornamented with the beaks of 
 some galleys taken from the city of Antium. In the centre 
 of the forum was a place called the Curtian Lake, either 
 from a Sabine general called Curtius, said to have been 
 smothered in the marsh which was once there ; or from J 
 jhe Roman knight who plunged into a gulf that opened sud- 
 denly on the spot. The celebrated temple of Ja'nus, built 
 entirely of bronze, stood in the Forum ; it is supposed to 
 have been erected by Numa. The gates of this temple were 
 opened in time of war, and shut during peace. So con- 
 tinuous were the wars of the Romans, that the gates were 
 only closed three times during the space of eight centuries. 
 In the vicinity stood the temple of Concord, where the 
 senate frequently assembled, and the temple of Vesta, where 
 the palla'dium was said to be deposited. 
 
 15. Above the rostra was the Senate-house, said to have 
 
 * Basilicks were spacious halls for the administration of justice. 
 
 \ It is called Templwn by Livy ; but the word templum with th 
 Romans does not mean an edifice, but a consecrated inclosure. From 
 its position, we may conjecture that the forum was originally a place of 
 meeting common to the inhabitants of the Sabine town on the Quirinal. 
 and the Latin town on the Palatine hill. 
 
 $ Sec Chap. XII. Sect. V. of the following History.
 
 28 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 been first erected by Tullus Hostilius ; and near it the 
 Comitium, or place of meeting for the patrician Curiae.* 
 This area was at first uncovered, but a roof was erected at 
 the close of the second Pu'nic war. 
 
 16. The Cam'pus Mar'tius, or field of Mars, was origin- 
 ally the estate of Tarquin the Proud, and was, with his 
 other property, confiscated after the expulsion of that 
 monarch. It was a large space, where armies were mus- 
 tered, general assemblies of the people held, and the young 
 nobility trained in martial exercises. In the later ages, it 
 was surrounded by several magnificent structures, and porti- 
 cos were erected, under which the citizens might take their 
 accustomed exercise in rainy weather. These improvements 
 were principally made by Marcus Agrippa, in the reign of 
 Augustus. 17. He erected in the neighbourhood, the Pan- 
 the'on, or temple of all the gods, one of the most splendid 
 buildings in ancient Rome. It is of a circular form, and its 
 roof is in the form of a cupola or dome ; it is used at present 
 as a Christian church. Near the Panthe'on were the baths 
 and gardens which Agrippa, at his death, bequeathed to the 
 Roman people. 
 
 18. The theatres and circi for the exhibition of public 
 spectacles were very numerous. The first theatre was 
 erected by Pompey the Great ; but the Circus Maximus, 
 where gladiatorial combats were displayed, was erected by 
 Tarquinus Priscus ; this enormous building was frequently 
 enlarged, and in the age of Pliny could accommodate two 
 hundred thousand spectators. A still more remarkable edi- 
 fice was the amphitheatre erected by Vespasian, called, from 
 its enormous size, the Colosse'um. 
 
 19. Public baths were early erected for the use of the 
 people, and in the later ages were among the most remark- 
 able displays of Roman luxury and splendour. Lofty arches, 
 stately pillars, vaulted ceilings, seats of solid silver, costly 
 marbles inlaid with precious stones, were exhibited in these 
 buildings with the most lavish profusion. 
 
 20. The aqueducts for supplying the city with water, 
 were still more worthy of admiration ; they were supported 
 by arches, many of them a hundred feet high, and carried 
 over mountains and morasses that might have appeared 
 insuperable. The first aqueduct was erected by Ap'pius 
 Co'\i, the censor, four hundred years after the founda- 
 
 { See the following chapter.
 
 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. 29 
 
 tion of the city ; but under the emperors there were not less 
 than twenty of these useful structures, and such was the sup 
 ply of water, that rivers seemed to flow through the streets 
 and sewers. Even now, though only three of the aqueducts 
 remain, such are their dimensions that no city in Europe 
 has a greater abundance of wholesome water than Rome. 
 
 21. The Cloa'cae, or common sewers, attracted the won- 
 der of the ancients themselves ; the largest was completed 
 by Tarquin the Proud. The innermost vault of this aston- 
 ishing structure forms a semicircle eighteen Roman palms 
 wide, and as many high : this is inclosed in a second vault, 
 and that again in a third, all formed of hewn blocks of pe- 
 penno, fixed together without cement. So extensive were 
 these channels, that in the reign of Augustus the city was 
 subterraneously navigable. 
 
 22. The public roads were little inferior to the aqueducts 
 and Cloa'cae in utility and costliness ; the chief was the 
 Appian road from Rome to Brundu'sium ; it extended three 
 hundred and fifty miles, and was paved with huge squares 
 through its entire length. After the lapse of nineteen cen- 
 turies many parts of it are still as perfect as when it was 
 first made. 
 
 23. The Appian road passed through the following 
 towns ; Ari'cia, Fo'rum Ap'pii, An'xur or Terraci'na, 
 Fun'di, Mintur'nae, Sinue'ssa, Cap'ua, Can'dium, Bene- 
 ven'tum, Equotu'ticum, Herdo'nia, Canu'sium, Ba'rium, 
 and Brundu'sium. Between Fo'rum Ap'pii and Terraci'na 
 lie the celebrated Pomptine marshes, formed by the over- 
 flowing of some small streams. In the flourishing ages of 
 Roman history these pestilential marshes did not exist, or 
 were confined to a very limited space ; but from the decline 
 of the Roman empire, the waters gradually encroached, un- 
 til the successful exertions made by the Pontiffs in modern 
 times to arrest their baleful progress. Before the drainage 
 of Pope Sixtus, the marshes covered at least thirteen thou- 
 sand acres of ground, which in the earlier ages was the 
 most fruitful portion of the Italian soil. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. When was Rome founded ? 
 
 2. What ceremonies were used in determining t^ 
 
 3. How was the comitium consecrated 1 
 
 4. What was the first addition made to Rome! 
 
 2
 
 30 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 6. What was the next addition 1 
 6. Into what tribes were the Romans divided 1 
 .7. What were the hills added in later times to Rome! 
 
 8. Had the Romans any buildings north of the Tiber 1 
 
 9. When did Rome become a magnificent city 1 
 
 1 0. What was the extent of the city 1 
 
 1 1 . How was the city divided ? 
 
 1 2. Which was the most remarkable of the seven hills ? 
 
 13. What buildings were on the Capitoline hill 1 
 
 14. What description is given of the forum 1 
 
 15. Where was the senate-house and comitium 1 
 
 16. What use was made of the Campus Martius? 
 
 17. What was the Pantheon's 
 
 18. Were the theatres and circii remarkable? 
 
 1 9. Had the Romans public baths 1 
 
 20. How was the city supplied with water ? 
 
 21. Were the cloacae remarkable for their size 1 
 
 22. Which was the chief Italian road ? 
 
 23. What were the most remarkable places on the Appian road ? 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 
 
 1. THE 'jrost remarkable feature in the Roman constitu- 
 tion is the division of the people into Patricians and Ple- 
 beians, and our first inquiry must be the origin of this sepa- 
 ration. It is clearly impossible that such a distinction could 
 have existed from the very beginning, because no persons 
 would have consented in a new community to the investing 
 of any class with peculiar privileges. We find that all the 
 Roman kings, after they had subdued a city, drafted a por- 
 tion of its inhabitants to Rome ; and if they did not destroy 
 the subjugated place, garrisoned it with a Roman colony. 
 The strangers thus brought to Rome were not admitted to a 
 participation of civic rights ; they were like the inhabilants 
 of a corporate town who are excluded from the elective 
 franchise : by successive immigrations, the number of per- 
 sons thus disqualified became more numerous than that of 
 the first inhabitants or old freemen, and they naturally 
 sought a share in the government, as a means of protecting 
 their persons and properties. On the other hand, the men 
 who possessed the exclusive power of legislation, struggled 
 hard to retain their hereditary privileges, and when forced
 
 THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 31 
 
 to make concessions, yielded as little as they possibly could 
 to the popular demands. Modern history furnishes us with 
 numerous instances of similar struggles between classes, and 
 of a separation in interests and feelings between inhabitants 
 of the same country, fully as strong as that between the pa- 
 tricians and plebeians at Rome. 
 
 2. The first tribes were divided by Ro'mulus into thirty 
 cu'rix, and each cu'ria contained ten gentes or associations 
 The individuals of each gens were not in all cases, and pro 
 bably not in the majority of instances, connected by birth;* 
 the attributes of the members of a gens, according to Cicero, 
 were, a common name and participation in private religious 
 rites ; descent from free ancestors ; the absence of legal dis- 
 qualification. 3. The members of these associations were 
 united by certain laws, which conferred peculiar privileges, 
 called jura gentium; of these the most remarkable were, 
 the succession to the property of every member who died 
 without kin and intestate, and the obligation imposed on all 
 to assist their indigent fellows under any extraordinary bur- 
 then.t 4. The head of each gens was regarded as a kind 
 of father, and possessed a paternal authority over the mem- 
 bers ; the chieftancy was both elective and hereditary ;{ 
 that is, the individual was always selected from some par- 
 ticular family. 
 
 5. Besides the members of the gens, there were attached 
 to it a number of dependents called clients, who owed sub- 
 mission to the chief as their patron, and received from him 
 assistance and protection. The clients were generally fo- 
 reigners who came to settle at Rome, and not possessing 
 municipal rights, were forced to appear in the courts of law, 
 &c. by proxy. In process of time this relation assumed a 
 feudal form, and the clients were bound to the same duties 
 as vassals in the middle ages. 
 
 6. The chiefs of the gentes composed the senate, and 
 were called " fathers," (patres.) In the time of Romulus, 
 
 * The same remark may be applied to the Scottish clans and the an- 
 cient Irish septs, which were very similar to the Roman gentes. 
 
 f When the plebeians endeavoured to procure the repeal of the laws 
 which prohibited the intermarriage of the patricians and plebeians, the 
 principal objection made by the former was, that these rights and obli- 
 gations of the gentes (jura gentium) would be thrown into confusion. 
 
 t This was also the case with the Irish tanists, or chiefs of septs ; the 
 people elected a tanist, but their choice was confined to the members of 
 the ruling family. 
 
 i See Historical Miscellany Part UI. Chap. i.
 
 32 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the senate at first consisted only of one hundred members, 
 who of course represented the Latin tribe Ramne'nses ; the 
 number was doubled after the union with the Sabines, and 
 the new members were chosen from the Titienses. The 
 Tuscan tribe of the Lu 'ceres remained unrepresented in the 
 senate until the reign of the first Tarquin, when the legisla- 
 tive body received another hundred* from that tribe. Tar- 
 quin the elder was, according to history, a Tuscan lucumo, 
 and seems to have owed his elevation principally to the ef- 
 forts of his compatriots settled at Rome. It is to this event 
 we must refer, in a great degree, the number of Tuscan 
 ceremonies which are to be found in the political institu- 
 tions of the Romans. 
 
 7. The gentes were not only represented in the senate, 
 but met also in a public assembly called " comitia curiata." 
 In these comitia the kings were elected and invested with 
 royal authority. After the complete change of the consti- 
 tution in later ages, the " comitia curiata"t rarely assem- 
 bled, and their power was limited to religious matters ; but 
 during the earlier period of the republic, they claimed and 
 frequently exercised the supreme powers of the state, and 
 were named emphatically, The People. 
 
 8. The power and prerogatives of the kings at Rome, 
 were similar to those of the Grecian sovereigns in the heroic 
 ages. The monarch was general of the army, a high priest, J 
 and first magistrate of the realm ; he administered justice in 
 person every ninth day, but an appeal lay from his sentence, 
 in criminal cases, to the general assemblies of the people. 
 
 * They were called " patres nunorum gentium," the senators of tht, 
 inferior gentes. 
 
 j- The " comitia curiata," assembled in the comi'tium, the general 
 assemblies of the people were held in the forum. The patrician curia 
 were called, emphatically, the council of the people ; (concilium populi ;) 
 the third estate was called plebeian, (plebs.) This distinction between 
 popuhts and plebs was disregarded after the plebeians had established 
 their claim to equal rights. The English reader will easily understand 
 the difference, if he considers that the patricians were precisely similar 
 to the members of a close corporation, and the plebeians to the other 
 inhabitants of a city. In London, for example, the common council 
 may represent the senate, the livery answer for the populus, patricians, 
 or comitia curiata, and the general body of other inhabitants will cor- 
 respond with the plebs. 
 
 4 There were certain sacrifices which the Romans believed could only 
 be offered by a king; after the abolition of royalty, a priest, named tho 
 petty sacrificing king, (rex sacrificulus,) was elected to perform this 
 duty.
 
 THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 33 
 
 The pontiffs and augurs, however, were in some measure 
 independent of the sovereign, and assumed the uncontrolled 
 direction of the religion of the state. 
 
 9. The entire constitution was remodelled by Ser'vius 
 Tul'lius, and a more liberal form of government introduced. 
 His first and greatest achievement was the formation of the 
 plebeians into an organized order of the state, invested with 
 political rights. He divided them into four cities and 
 twenty-six rustic tribes, and thus made the number of tribes 
 the same as that of the curia?. This was strictly a geo- 
 graphical division, analagous to our parishes, and had no 
 connection with families, like that of the Jewish tribes. 
 
 10. Still more remarkable was the institution of the cen- 
 sus, and the distribution of the people into classes and cen- 
 turies proportionate to their wealth. The census was a 
 periodical valuation of all the property possessed by the 
 citizens, and an enumeration of all the subjects of the state : 
 there were five classes, ranged according to the estimated 
 value of their possessions, and the taxes they consequently 
 paid. The first class contained eighty centuries out of the 
 hundred and seventy ; the sixth class, in which those were 
 included who were too poor to be taxed, counted but for 
 one. We shall hereafter have occasion to see that this 
 arrangement was also used for military purposes ; it is only 
 necessary to say 'here, that the sixth class were deprived of 
 the use of arms, and exempt from serving in war. 
 
 11. The people voted in the comitia centuriata by centu- 
 ries ; that is, the vote of each century was taken separately 
 and counted only as one. By this arrangement a just in- 
 fluence was secured to property, and the clients of the patri- 
 cians in the sixth class prevented from out-numbering the 
 free citizens. 
 
 12. Ser'vius Tul'lius undoubtedly intended that the co- 
 mitia centuriata should form the third estate of the realm, 
 and during his reign they probably held that rank ; bvt 
 when, by an aristocractic insurrection he was slain in the 
 senate-house, the power conceded to the people was again 
 usurped by the patricians, and the comitio centuriata did not 
 recover the right* of legislation before the lawst of the 
 twelve tables were established. 
 
 Perhaps it would be more accurate to say the exclusive right of 
 legislation ; for it appears that the comitia centuriata were sometime* 
 summoned to give their sanction to laws which had been previously 
 enacted by the curie. -j- See Chap. XIL
 
 34 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 13. The law which made the debtor a slave to his credi- 
 tor was repealed by Ser'vius, and re-enacted by his succes- 
 sor ; the patricians preserved this abominable custom during 1 
 several ages, and did not resign it until the state had been 
 brought to the very brink of ruin. 
 
 14. During the reign of Ser'vius, Rome was placed at 
 the head of the Latin confederacy, and acknowledged to be 
 the metropolitan city. It was deprived of this supremacy 
 after the war with Porsen'na, but soon recovered its former 
 greatness. 
 
 15. The equestrian rank was an order in the Roman 
 state from the very beginning. It was at first confined to 
 the nobility, and none but the patricians had the privilege 
 of serving on horseback. But in the later ages, it became a 
 political dignity, and persons were raised to the equestrian 
 rank by the amount of their possessions. 
 
 16. The next great change took place after the expulsion 
 of the kings ; annual magistrates, called consuls, were elect- 
 ed in the comitia centuriata, but none but patricians could 
 hold this office. 17. The liberties of the people were soon 
 after extended and secured by certain laws, traditionally at- 
 tributed to Vale'rius Public'ola, of which the most im- 
 portant was that which allowed* an appeal to a general as- 
 sembly of the people from the sentence of a magistrate. 
 18. To deprive the plebeians of this privilege was the darling 
 object of the patricians, and it was for this purpose alone 
 that they instituted the dictatorship. From the sentence of 
 this magistrate there was no appeal to the tribes or centu- 
 ries, but the patricians kept their own privilege of being 
 tried before the tribunal of the curiae. 19. The power of 
 the state was now usurped by a factious oligarchy, whose 
 oppressions were more grievous than those of the worst ty- 
 rant ; they at last became so intolerable, that the common- 
 alty had recourse to arms, and fortified that part of the city 
 which was exclusively inhabited by the plebeians, while 
 others formed a camp on the Sacred Mount at some distance 
 from Rome. A tumult of this kind was called a secession; 
 it threatened to terminate in a civil war, which would have 
 been both long and doubtful ; for the patricians and their 
 clients were probably as numerous as the people. A recon- 
 
 * The Romans were previously acquainted with that great principle 
 of justice, the right of trial by a person's peers. In the earliest ages the 
 patricians had a right of appeal to the curiffi ; the Valerian laws extend- 
 ed the, same right to the plebeians.
 
 THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. 35 
 
 ciliation was effected, and the plebeians placed under the 
 protection of magistrates chosen from their own body, called 
 tribunes of the people. 
 
 20. The plebeians, having now authorised leaders, began 
 to struggle for an equalization of rights, and the patricians 
 resisted them with the most determined energy. In this 
 protracted contest the popular cause prevailed, though the 
 patricians made use of the most violent means to secure 
 their usurped powers. The first triumph obtained by the 
 people was the right to summon patricians before the 
 comitia tributa, or assemblies of people in tribes ; soon after 
 they obtained the privilege of electing their tribunes at these 
 comitia, instead of the centuria'ta ; and finally, after a fierce 
 opposition, the patricians were forced to consent that the 
 state should be governed by a written code. 
 
 21. The laws of the twelve tables did not alter the legal 
 relations between the citizens ; the struggle was renewed 
 with greater violence than ever after the expulsion of the 
 decem'viri, but finally terminated in the complete triumph 
 of the people. The Roman constitution became essentially 
 democratical ; the offices of the state were open to all the 
 citizens ; and although the difference between the patrician 
 and plebeian families still subsisted, they soon ceased of 
 themselves to be political parties. From the time that 
 equal rights were granted to all the citizens, Rome advanced 
 rapidly in wealth and power; the subjugation of Italy was 
 effected within the succeeding century, and that was soon 
 followed by foreign conquests. 
 
 22. In the early part of the struggle between the patri- 
 cians and plebeians, the magistracy, named the censorship, 
 was instituted. The censors were designed at first merely 
 to preside over the taking of the census, but they afterwards 
 obtained the power of punishing, by a deprivation of civil 
 rights, those who were guilty of any flagrant immorality. 
 The patricians retained exclusive possession of the censor- 
 ship, long after the consulship had been opened to the 
 plebeians. 
 
 23. The senate,* which had been originally a patrician 
 
 The senators were called conscript fathers, (patres conscript!,) either 
 from their being enrolled on the censor's list, or more probably from the 
 addition made to their numbers after the expulsion of the kings, in order 
 to supply the places of those who had been murdered by Tarquin. The 
 new senators were at first called conscript, and in the process of time 
 the name was extended to the entire body.
 
 36 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 council, was gradually opened to th plebeians ; when the 
 free constitution was perfected, every person possessing a 
 competent fortune that had held a superior magistracy, was 
 enrolled as a senator at the census immediately succeeding 
 the termination of his office. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What is the most probable account given of the origin of the dis- 
 
 tinction between the patricians and the plebeians at Rome ? 
 
 2. How did Romulus subdivide the Roman tribes ] 
 
 3. By what regulations were the gentes governed ? 
 4 Who were the chiefs of the gentes ? 
 
 5. What was the condition of the clients ? 
 
 6. By whom were alterations made in the number and constitution of 
 
 the senate ? 
 
 7. What assembly was peculiar to the patricians? 
 
 8. What were the powers of the Roman kings 1 
 
 9. What great change was made in the Roman constitution by Serviu* 
 
 Tullius ? 
 
 10. For what purpose was the census instituted ! 
 
 11. How were votes taken in the comitia centuriata? 
 
 12. Were the designs of Servius frustrated] 
 
 13. What was the Roman law respecting debtors? 
 
 14. When did the Roman power decline? 
 
 15. What changes were made in the constitution of the equestrian rank! 
 
 1 6. What change was made after the abolition of royalty ? 
 
 17. How were the liberties of the people secured? 
 
 18. Why was the office of dictator appointed? 
 
 19 How did the plebeians obtain the protection of magistrates chosen 
 from their own order? 
 
 20. What additional triumphs were obtained by the plebeians? 
 
 21. What was the consequence of the establishment of freedom? 
 22 For what purpose was the censorship instituted ? 
 
 Z'J. What change took place in the constitution of the senate?
 
 VHH 19MAV T1VYEC OT IAWD. 37 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ROMAN TENURE OF LAND. COLONIAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 [As this chapter is principally designed for advanced students, it has no 
 been thought necessary to add questions for examination.] 
 
 THE contests respecting agrarian laws occupy so large a 
 space in Roman history, and are so liable to be misunder- 
 stood, that it is necessary to explain their origin at some 
 length. According to an almost universal custom, the right 
 of conquest was supposed to involve the property of the 
 land. Thus the Normans who assisted William I. were 
 supposed to have obtained a right to the possessions of the 
 Saxons ; and in a later age, the Irish princes, whose estates 
 were not confirmed by a direct grant from the English 
 crown, were exposed to forfeiture when legally summoned 
 to ptove their titles. The extensive acquisitions made by 
 the Romans, were either formed into extensive national 
 domains, or divided into small lots among the poorer classes. 
 The usufruct of the domains was monopolized by the patri- 
 cians who rented them from the state ; the smaller lots were 
 assigned to the plebeians, subject to a tax called tribute, but 
 not to rent. VAn agrarian law was a proposal to make an 
 assignment of portions of the public lands to the people, 
 and to limit the quantity of national land that could be 
 farmed by any particular patrician. *) Such a law may have 
 been frequently impolitic, because it may have disturbed 
 ancient possessions, but it could never have been unjust; for 
 the property of the land was absolutely fixed in the state. 
 The lands held by the patricians, being divided into exten- 
 sive tracts, were principally used for pasturage ; the small 
 lots assigned to the plebeians were, of necessity, devoted to 
 agriculture. Hence arose the first great cause of hostility 
 between the two orders ; the patricians were naturally eager 
 to extend their possessions in the public domains, which 
 enabled them to provide for their numerous clients , and in 
 remote districts they frequently wrested the estates from the 
 free proprietors in their neighbourhood ; the plebeians, on 
 
 The Licinian law provided that no one should rent at a time more 
 than 500 acres of public land. ' 
 
 D
 
 38 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION'. 
 
 the other hand, deemed that they had the best right to the 
 land purchased by their blood, and saw with just indigna- 
 tion, the fruits of victory monopolized by a single order in 
 the state. The tribute paid by the plebeians increased this 
 hardship, for it was a land-tax levied on estates, and conse- 
 quently fell most heavily on the smaller proprietors ; indeed, 
 in many cases, the possessors of the national domains paid 
 nothing. 
 
 From all this it is evident that an agrarian law only 
 removed tenants who held from the state at will, and did 
 not in any case interfere with the sacred right of property ; 
 but it is also plain that such a change must have been fre- 
 quently inconvenient to the individual in possession. It 
 also appears, that had not agrarian laws been introduced, the 
 great body of the plebeians would have become the clients 
 of the patricians, and the form of government would have 
 been a complete oligarchy. 
 
 The chief means to which the Romans, even from the 
 earliest ages, had recourse for securing their conquests, and 
 at the same time relieving the poorer classes of citizens, 
 was the establishment of colonies in the conquered states. 
 The new citizens formed a kind of garrison, and were held 
 together by a constitution formed on the model of the parent 
 state. From what has been said above, it is evident that a 
 law for sending out a colony was virtually an agrarian law, 
 since lands were invariably assigned to those who were thus 
 induced to abandon their homes. 
 
 The relations between Rome and the subject cities in 
 Italy were very various. Some, called municipia, were 
 placed in full possession of the rights of Roman citizens, but 
 could not in all cases vote in the comitia. The privileges of 
 the colonies were more restricted, for they were absolutely 
 excluded from the Roman comitia and magistracies. The 
 federative* states enjoyed their own constitutions, but were 
 bound to supply the Romans with tribute and auxiliary 
 forces. Finally, the subject states were deprived of their 
 internal constitutions, and were governed by annual prefects 
 chosen in Rome. 
 
 Before discussing the subject of the Roman constitution, 
 we mufet observe that it was, like our own, gradually formed 
 by practice ; there was no single written code like those of 
 
 * The league by which the Latin states were bound (jus Latii) was 
 more favourable than that granted to the other Italians C jus Italicum.)
 
 THE ROMAN RELIGION. 39 
 
 Athens and Sparta, but changes were made whenever they 
 were required by circumstances ; before the plebeians 
 obtained an equality of civil rights, the state neither com- 
 manded respect abroad, nor enjoyed tranquillity at home. 
 The patricians sacrificed their own real advantages, as well 
 as the interests of their country, to maintain an ascendancy 
 as injurious to themselves, as it was unjust to the other citi- 
 zens. But no sooner had the agrarian laws established a 
 more equitable distribution of property, and other popular 
 laws opened the magistracy to merit without distinction of 
 rank, than the city rose to empire with unexampled rapidity. 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 THE ROMAN RELIGION. 
 
 1. WE have shown that the Romans were, most probably* 
 a people compounded of the Latins, the Sabines, and the 
 Tuscans ; and that the first and last of these component 
 parts were themselves formed from Pelasgic and native 
 tribes. The original deities* worshipped by the Romans 
 were derived from the joint traditions of all these tribes ; 
 but the religious institutions and ceremonies were almost 
 wholly borrowed from the Tuscans. Unlike the Grecian 
 mytholofrv. with which, in later ages, it was united, the 
 Roman system of religion had all the gloom and mystery of 
 the eastern superstitions; their gods were objects of fear 
 rather than love, and were worshipped more to avert the con- 
 sequences of their anger than to conciliate their favour. A 
 consequence of this system was, the institution of human 
 sacrifices, which were not quite disused in Rome until a 
 late period of the republic. 
 
 2. The religious institutions of the Romans form an 
 essential part of their civil government; every public act, 
 whether of legislation or election, was connected with cer- 
 tain determined forms, and thus received the sanction of a ' 
 higher power. Every public assembly was opened by the 
 
 * The reader will find an exceedingly interesting account of the 
 denies peculiar.to the Romans, in Mr. Keightley's very valuable work 
 on Mythology.
 
 40 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 magistrate and augurs taking the auspices, or signs by which 
 they believed that the will of the gods could be determined ; 
 and if any unfavourable omen was discovered, either then 
 or at any subsequent time, the assembly was at once dis- 
 missed. 3. The right of taking auspices was long tho 
 peculiar privilege of the patricians, and frequently afforded 
 them pretexts for evading the demands of the plebeians ; 
 when a popular law was to be proposed, it was easy to dis- 
 cover some unfavourable omen which prohibited discussion ; 
 when it was evident that the centuries were about to annul 
 some patrician privilege, the augurs readily saw or heard 
 some signal of divine wrath, which prevented the vote from 
 being completed. It was on this account that the plebeians 
 would not consent to place the comitia tributa under the 
 sanction of the auspices. 
 
 4. The augurs were at first only three in number, but 
 they were in later ages increased to fifteen, and formed into 
 a college. Nothing of importance was transacted without 
 their concurrence in the earlier ages of the republic, but 
 after the second punic war, their influence was considerably 
 diminished.* 5. They derived omens from five sources : 1, 
 from celestial phenomena, such as thunder, lightning, comets, 
 &c. ; 2, from the flight of birds ; 3, fram the feeding of the 
 sacred chickens ; 4, from the appearance of a beast in any 
 unusual place ; 5, from any accident that occurred unex 
 pectedly. 
 
 6. The usual form of taking an augury was very solemn ; 
 the augur ascended a tower, bearing in his hand a curved 
 stick called a lituus. He turned his face to the east, and 
 marked out some distant objects as the limits within which 
 
 * The poet Ennius, who was of Grecian descent, ridiculed very suc- 
 cessfully the Roman superstitions ; the following fragment, translated 
 by Dunlop, would, probably, have been punished as blasphemous in the 
 first ages of the republic : 
 
 For no Marsian augur (whom fools view with awe,) 
 Nor diviner, nor star-gazer, care I a straw ; 
 The Isis-taught quack, an expounder of dreams, 
 Is neither in science nor art what he seems ; 
 Superstitious and shameless they prowl through our streets, 
 Some hungry, some crazy, but all of them cheats. 
 Impostors, who vaunt that to others they'll show 
 A path which themselves neither travel nor know : 
 Since they promise us wealth if we pay for their pains, 
 Let them take from that wealth and bestow what remains.
 
 THE ROMAN RELIGION. 41 
 
 he \vould make his observations, and divided mentally the 
 enclosed space into four divisions. He next, with covered 
 head, offered sacrifices to the gods, and prayed that they 
 would vouchsafe some manifestation of their will. After 
 these preliminaries he made his observations in silence, and 
 then announced the result to the expecting people. 
 
 7. The Arusp'ices were a Tuscan order of priests, who 
 attempted to predict futurity by observing the beasts offered 
 in sacrifice. They formed their opinions most commonly 
 from inspecting the entrails, but there was no circumstance 
 too trivial to escape their notice, and which they did not 
 believe in some degree portentous. The arusp'ices were 
 most commonly consulted by individuals ; but their opinions, 
 as well as those of the augurs, were taken on all important 
 affairs of state. The arusp'ices seem not to have been 
 appointed officially, nor are they recognised as a regular 
 order of priesthood. 
 
 8. The pontiffs and fla'mens, as the superior priests 
 were designated, enjoyed great privileges, and were gene- 
 rally men of rank. When the republic was abolished, the 
 emperors assumed the office of pontifex maximus, or chief 
 pontiff, deeming its powers too extensive to be entrusted to 
 a subject. 
 
 9. The institution of vestal virgins was older than the 
 city itself, and was regarded by the Romans as the most 
 sacred part of their religious system. In the time of Numa 
 there were but four, but two more were added by Tarquin; 
 probably the addition made by Tarquin was to give the 
 tribe of the Lu'ceres a share in this important priesthood. 
 The duty of the vestal virgins was to keep the sacred fire 
 that burned on the altar of Vesta from being extinguished ; 
 and to preserve a certain sacred pledge on which the very 
 existence of Rome was supposed to depend. What this 
 pledge was we have no means of discovering ; some sup- 
 pose that it was the Trojan Palla'dium, others, with more 
 probability, some traditional mystery brought by the Pelas'gi 
 from Samothrace. 
 
 10. The privileges conceded to the vestals were very 
 great; they had the most honourable seats at public games 
 and festivals ; they were attended by a lictor with fasces like 
 the magistrates ; they were provided with chariots when they 
 required them ; and they possessed the power of pardoning 
 any criminal whom they met on the way to execution, if 
 they declared that the meeting was accidental. The magis 
 
 D2
 
 42 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION*. 
 
 trates were obliged to salute them as they passed, and the 
 fasces of the consul were lowered to do them reverence. 
 To withhold from them marks of respect subjected the 
 offender to public odium ; a personal insult was capitally 
 punished. They possessed the exclusive privilege of being 
 buried within the city ; an honour which the Romans rarely 
 extended to others. 
 
 11. The vestals were bound by a vow of perpetual vir- 
 ginity, and a violation of this oath was cruelly punished. 
 The unfortunate offender was buried alive in a vault con- 
 structed beneath the Fo'rum by the elder Tarquin. The 
 terror of such a dreadful fate had the desired effect ; there 
 were only eighteen instances of incontinence among the 
 ves-tals, during the space of a thousand years. 
 
 12. The mixture of religion with civil polity, gave per- 
 manence and stability to the Roman institutions ; notwith- 
 standing all the changes and revolutions in the government 
 the old forms were preserved ; and thus, though the city was 
 taken by Porsenna, and burned by the Gauls, the Roman 
 constitution survived the ruin, and was again restored to its 
 pristine vigour. 
 
 13. The Romans always adopted the gods of the con- 
 quered nations, and, consequently, when their empire became 
 very extensive, the number of deities was absurdly excessive, 
 and the variety of religious worship perfectly ridiculous. 
 The rulers of the world wanted the taste and ingenuity of 
 the lively Greeks, who accommodated every religious system 
 to their own, and from some real or fancied resemblance, 
 identified the gods of Olym'pus with other nations. The 
 Romans never used this process of assimilation, and, con- 
 sequently, introduced so much confusion into their mytho- 
 logy, that philosophers rejected the entire system. This 
 circumstance greatly facilitated the progress of Christianity, 
 whose beautiful simplicity furnished a powerful contrast to 
 the confused and cumbrous mass of divinities, worshipped 
 in the time of the emperors. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How did the religion of the Romans differ from that of the Greeks * 
 
 2. Was the Roman religion connected with the government ? 
 
 3. How was the right of taking the auspices abused 1 
 4 Who were the augurs *
 
 THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 43 
 
 6. From what did the augurs take omens ? 
 
 fi. What were the forms used in taking the auspices ! 
 
 7. Who were the aruspiccs'f 
 
 8. What other priests had the Romans ? 
 
 9. What was the duty of the vestal virgins '; 
 
 10. Did the vestals enjoy great privileges? 
 
 1 1 . How were the vestals punished for a breach of their vows ? 
 
 1 2. Why was the Roman constitution very permanent ? 
 
 13. Whence arose the confusion in the religious system of the Romans? 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 
 
 1. IT has been frequently remarked by ancient writers, 
 that the strength of a free state consists in its infantry ; and, 
 on the other hand, that when the infantry in a state become 
 more valuable than the cavalry, the power of the aristocracy 
 is diminished, and equal rights can no longer be withheld 
 from the people. " The employment of mercenary soldiers 
 in modern times renders these observations no longer appli- 
 cable ; but in the military states of antiquity, where the 
 citizens themselves served as soldiers, there are innumerable 
 examples of this mutual connection between political and 
 military systems. It is further illustrated in the history of 
 the middle ages ; for we can unquestionably trace the origin 
 of free institutions in Europe to the time when the hardy 
 infantry of the commons were first found able to resist the 
 charges of the brilliant chivalry of the nobles. 2. Rome was, 
 from the very commencement, a military state ; as with the 
 Spartans, all their civil institutions had a direct reference to 
 warlike affairs ; their public assemblies were marshalled like 
 armies ; the order of their line of battle was regulated by 
 the distinction of classes in the state. It is, therefore, 
 natural to conclude, that the tactics of the Roman armies 
 underwent important changes when the revolutions men- 
 tioned in the preceding chapters were effected, though we 
 cannot trace the alterations with precision, because no his- 
 torians appeared until the military system of the Romans 
 had been brought to perfection. 
 
 3. The strength of the Tuscans consisted principally in 
 their cavalry ; and if we judge from the importance attri- 
 buted to the equestrian rank in the earliest ages, we may
 
 44 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 suppose that the early Romans esteemed this force equally 
 valuable. It was to Ser'vius Tul'lius, the great patron of 
 the commonalty, that the Romans were indebted for the 
 formation of a body of infantry, which, after the lapse of 
 centuries, received so many improvements that it became 
 invincible. 
 
 4. The ancient battle array of the Greeks was the phalanx ; 
 the troops were drawn up in close column, the best armed 
 being in front. The improvements made in this system of 
 tactics by Philip, are recorded in Grecian history; they 
 chiefly consisted in making the evolutions of the entire body 
 more manageable, and counteracting the difficulties which 
 attended the motions of this cumbrous mass. 
 
 5. The Romans originally used the phalanx ; and the 
 lines were formed according to the classes determined by the 
 centuries. Those who were sufficiently Avealthy to purchase 
 a full suit of armour, formed the front ranks ; those who 
 could only purchase a portion of the defensive weapons, 
 filled the centre ; and the rear was formed by the poorer 
 classes, who scarcely required any armour, being protected 
 by the lines in front. From this explanation, it is easy to see 
 why, in the constitution of the centuries by Servius Tullius, 
 the first class were perfectly covered with mail, the second 
 had helmets and breast-plates but no protection for the body, 
 the third, neither a coat of mail, nor greaves. 6. The 
 defects of this system are sufficiently obvious ; an unex- 
 pected attack on the flanks, the breaking of the line by 
 rugged and uneven ground, and a thousand similar accidents, 
 exposed the unprotected portions of the army to destruction ; 
 besides, a line with files ten deep Avas necessarily slow in 
 its movements and evolutions. Another and not less impor- 
 tant defect was, that the whole should act together ; and, 
 consequently, there were few opportunities for the display 
 of individual bravery. 
 
 7. It is not certainly known who was the great com- 
 mander that substituted the living body of the Roman legion 
 for this inanimate mass ; but there is some reason to believe 
 that this wondrous improvement was effected by Camil'lus. 
 Every legion was in itself an army, combining the advan- 
 tages of every variety of weapon, with the absolute per- 
 tection of a military division. 
 
 8. The legion consisted of three lines or battalions ; the 
 Hasta'tii the Prin'cipes, and the Tria'rii; there were be- 
 sides two classes, which we may likewise call battalions.
 
 THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 45 
 
 the Rora'rii, or Vtlites, consisting of light armed troops ; 
 and the jiccen'si, or supernumeraries, who were ready to 
 supply the place of those that fell. Each of the two first 
 battalions contained fifteen manip'uli^ consisting of sixty 
 privates, commanded by two centurions, and having each a 
 separate standard (vexil'lum) borne by one of the privates 
 called vexilla'rius ; the manip'uli in the other battalions 
 were fewer in number, but contained a greater portion of 
 men ; so that, in round numbers, nine hundred men may be 
 allowed to each battalion, exclusive of officers. If the offi- 
 cers and the troop of three hundred cavalry be taken into 
 account, we shall find that the legion, as originally consti- 
 tuted, contained about five thousand men. The Romans, 
 however, did not always observe these exact proportions, 
 and the number of soldiers in a legion varied at different 
 times of their history.* 
 
 9. A cohort was formed by taking a manipulus from 
 each of the battalions ; more frequently two manipuli were 
 taken, and the cohort then contained six hundred men. The 
 cavalry were divided into tur'mse, consisting each of thirty 
 men. 
 
 10. A battle was usually commenced by the light troops, 
 who skirmished with missile weapons ; the hasta'ti then ad- 
 vanced to the charge, and if defeated, fell back on the prin'- 
 cipes ; if the enemy proved still superior, the two front 
 lines retired to the ranks of the tria'rii, which being com- 
 posed of veteran troops, generally turned the scale. But 
 this order was not always observed ; the number of divi- 
 sions in the legion made it extremely flexible, and the com- 
 mander-in-chief could always adapt the form of his line to 
 circumstances. 
 
 11. The levies of troops were made in the Cam'pus 
 Mar'tius, by the tribunas appointed to command the legions. 
 The tribes which were to supply soldiers were determined 
 by lot, and as each came forward, the tribunes, in their turn, 
 selected such as seemed best fitted for war. Four legions 
 was most commonly the number in an army. When the 
 selected individuals had been enrolled as soldiers, one was 
 chosen from each legion to take the military oath of obe- 
 dience to the generals ; the other soldiers swore in succes- 
 sion, to observe the oath taken by their foreman. 
 
 * This is virtually the same account as that given by Niebuhr, but 
 he excludes the accensi and cavalry from his computation, which bringt 
 down the amount to 3600 soldiers.
 
 46 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 12. Such was the sac-redness of this obligation, that even 
 in the midst of the political contests by which the city was 
 distracted, the soldiers, though eager to secure the freedom 
 of their country, would not attempt to gain it by mutiny 
 against their commanders. On this account the senate fre- 
 quently declared war, and ordered a levy as an expedient to 
 prevent the enactment of a popular law, and were of course 
 opposed by the tribunes of the people. 
 
 13. There was no part of the Roman discipline more ad- 
 mirable than their form of encampment. No matter how 
 fatigued the soldiers might be by a long march, or how 
 harassed by a tedious battle, the camp was regularly mea- 
 sured out and fortified by a rampart and ditch, before any 
 one sought sleep or refreshment. Careful watch was kept 
 during the night, and frequent picquets sent out to guard 
 against a surprise, and to see that the sentinels were vigi- 
 lant. As the arrangement in every camp was the same, 
 every soldier knew his exact position, and if an alarm oc- 
 curred, could easily find the rallying point of his division. 
 To this excellent system Polyb'ius attributes the superiority 
 of the Romans over the Greeks ; for the latter scarcely ever 
 fortified their camp, but chose some place naturally strong, 
 and did not keep their ranks distinct. 
 
 14. The military age extended from the sixteenth to the 
 forty-sixth year ; and under the old constitution no one could 
 hold a civic office who had not served ten campaigns. The 
 horsemen were considered free after serving through ten 
 campaigns, but the foot had to remain during twenty. 
 Those who had served out their required time were free for 
 the rest of their lives, unless the city was attacked, when all 
 under the age of sixty were obliged to arm in its defence. 
 
 15. In the early ages, when wars were begun and ended 
 in a few days, the soldiers received no pay ; but when the 
 conquest of distant countries became the object of Roman 
 ambition, it became necessary to provide for the pay and 
 support of the army. This office was given to the quaes- 
 tors, who were generally chosen from the younger nobility, 
 and were thus prepared for the higher magistracies by ac- 
 quiring a practical acquaintance with finance. 
 
 16. The soldiers were subject to penalties of life and limb 
 at the discretion of the commander-in-chief, without the in- 
 tervention of a court-martial ; but it deserves to be recorded 
 that this power was rarely abused. 17. There were seve- 
 ral species of rewards to excite emulation ; the most honour-
 
 THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 47 
 
 able were, the civic crown of gold to him who had saved 
 the life of a citizen ; the mural crown to him who had first 
 scaled the wall of a besieged town ; a gilt spear to him who 
 had severely wounded an enemy ; but he who had slain 
 and spoiled his foe, received, if a horseman, an ornamental 
 trapping ; if a foot soldier, a goblet. 
 
 18. The lower classes of the centuries were excused from 
 serving in the army, except on dangerous emergencies ; but 
 they supplied sailors to the navy. We learn from a docu- 
 ment preserved by Polyb'ius, that the Romans were a naval 
 power at a very early age. 19. This interesting record is 
 the copy of a treaty concluded with the Carthaginians, in 
 the year after the expulsion of the kings. It is not men- 
 tioned by the Roman historians, because it decisively es- 
 tablishes a fact which they studiously labour to conceal, 
 that is, the weakness and decline of the Roman power dur- 
 ing the two centuries that followed the abolition of royalty, 
 when the power of the state was monopolized by a vile 
 aristocracy. In this treaty Rome negociates for the cities 
 of La'tium, as her dependencies, just as Carthage does for 
 her subject colonies. But in the course of the following 
 century, Rome lost her supremacy over the Latin cities, and 
 being thus nearly excluded from the coast, her navy was 
 ruined. 
 
 t 20. At the commencement of the first Punic war, the Ro- 
 mans once more began to prepare a fleet, and luckily ob- 
 tained an excellent model in a Carthaginian ship that had 
 been driven ashore in a storm. 21. The vessels used for 
 war, were either long ships or banked galleys ; the former 
 were not much used in the Punic wars, the latter being 
 found more convenient. The rowers of these sat on banks 
 or benches, rising one above the other, like stairs ; and 
 from the number of these benches, the galleys derived their 
 names ; that which had three rows of benches was called a 
 trireme; that which had four, a quadrireme ; and that 
 which had five, a quinquireme. Some vessels had turrets 
 erected in them for soldiers and warlike engines ; others 
 had sharp prows covered with brass, for the purpose of 
 dashing against and sinking their enemies. 
 
 22. The naval tactics of the ancients were very simple ; 
 the ships closed very early, and the battle became a contest 
 between single vessels. It was on this account that tlie 
 personal valour of the Romans proved more than a match
 
 48 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 for the naval skill of the Carthaginians, and enabled them 
 to add the empire of the sea to that of the land. 
 
 23. Before concluding this chapter, we must notice the 
 triumphal processions granted to victorious commanders. 
 Of these there are two kinds ; the lesser triumph, called an 
 ovation,* and the greater, called, emphatically, the triumph. 
 In the former, the victorious general entered the city on 
 foot, wearing a crown of myrtle ; in the latter, he was borne 
 in a chariot, and wo/e a crown of laurel. The ovation was 
 granted to such generals as had averted a threatened war, or 
 gained some great advantage without inflicting great loss on 
 the enemy. The triumph was allowed only to those who 
 had gained some signal victory, which decided the fate of a 
 protracted war. The following description, extracted from 
 Plutarch, of the great triumph granted to Paulus uEmilius, 
 for his glorious termination of the Macedonian war, will 
 give the reader an adequate idea of the splendour displayed 
 by the Romans on these festive occasions. 
 
 The people erected scaffolds in the forum and circus, and 
 all other parts of the city where they could best behold the 
 pomp. The spectators were clad in white garments ; all 
 the temples were open, and full of garlands and perfumes; 
 and the ways cleared and cleansed by a great many officers, 
 who drove away such as thronged the passage, or straggled 
 up and down. 
 
 The triumph lasted three days ; on the first, which was 
 scarce long enough for the sight, were to be seen the statues, 
 pictures, and images of an extraordinary size, which were 
 taken from the enemy, drawn upon seven hundred and fifty 
 chariots. On the second was carried, in a great many wains, 
 the fairest and richest armour of the Macedonians, both of 
 brass and steel, all newly furbished and glittering: which, 
 although piled up with the greatest art and order, yet seemed 
 to be tumbled on heaps carelessly and by chance ; helmets 
 were thrown on shields, coats of mail upon greaves ; Cretan 
 targets and Thracian bucklers, and quivers of arrows, lay 
 huddled among the horses' bits ; and through these appeared 
 the points of naked swords, intermixed with long spears. 
 All these arms were tied together with such a just liberty, 
 that they knocked against one another as they were drawn 
 
 * From ovis, a sheep, the animal on this occasion offered in sacrifice ; 
 in the greater triumph the victim was a milk-white bull hung over with 
 garlands, and having his horns tipped with gold.
 
 THE ROMAN ARMY AND NAVY. 49 
 
 along, and made a harsh and terrible noise, so that the very 
 spoils of the conquered could not be beheld without dread. 
 After these wagons loaded with armour, there followed three 
 thousand men, who carried the silver that was coined, in 
 seven hundred and fifty vessels, each of which weighed three 
 talents, and was carried by four men. Others brought silver 
 bowls, and goblets, and cups, all disposed in such order as 
 to make the best show, and all valuable, as well for their 
 magnitude as the thickness of their engraved work. On 
 the third day, early in the morning, first came the trumpet- 
 ers, who did not sound as they were wont in a procession 
 or solemn entry, but such a charge as the Romans use when 
 they encourage their soldiers to fight. Next followed young 
 men, girt about with girdles curiously wrought, who led to 
 the sacrifice one hundred and twenty stalled oxen, with their 
 horns gilded, and their heads adorned with ribbons and gar- 
 lands, and with these were boys that carried dishes of silver 
 and gold. After these was brought the gold coin, which 
 was divided into vessels that weighed three talents each, 
 similar to those that contained the silver ; they were in 
 number fourscore, wanting three. These were followed by 
 those that brought the consecrated bowl which Emil'ius 
 caused io be made, that weighed ten talents, and was adorned 
 with precious stones. Then were exposed to view the cups 
 of Antig'onus and Seleu'cus, and such as were made after 
 the fashion invented by The'ricles, and all the gold plate 
 that was used at Per'seus's table. Next to these came Per'- 
 seus's chariot, in which his armour was placed, and on 
 that his diadem. After a little intermission the king's 
 children were led captives, and with them a train of nurses, 
 masters, and governors, who all wept, and stretched forth 
 their hands to the spectators, and taught the little infants to 
 beg and intreat their compassion. There were two sons and 
 a daughter, who, by reason of their tender age, were altogether 
 insensible of the greatness of their misery; which insensibility 
 of their condition rendered it much more deplorable, inso- 
 much that Per'seus himself was scarce regarded as he went 
 along, whilst pity had fixed the eyes of the Romans upon 
 the infants, and many of them could not forbear tears ; all 
 beheld the sight with a mixture of sorrow and joy until 
 the children were past. After his children and attendants 
 came Per'seus himself, clad in black, and wearing slippers 
 after the fashion of his country; he looked like one alto- 
 gether astonished, and deprived of reason, through the 
 E
 
 50 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 greatness of his misfortune. Next followed a great com- 
 pany of his friends and familiars, whose countenances were 
 disfigured with grief, and who testified to all that beheld 
 them, by their tears and their continual looking upon Per'- 
 seus, that it was his hard fortune they so much lamented, 
 and that they were regardless of their own. After these were 
 carried four hundred crowns of gold, sent from the cities by 
 their respective ambassadors to Emil'ius, as a reward due to 
 his valour. Then he himself came, seated on a chariot 
 magnificently adorned, (a man worthy to be beheld even 
 without these ensigns of power) clad in a garland of purple 
 interwoven with gold, and with a laurel branch in his right 
 hand. All the army in like manner, with boughs of laurel 
 in their hands, and divided into bands and companies, fol- 
 lowed the chariot of their commander ; some singing odes 
 according to the usual custom, mingled with raillery ; others 
 songs of triumph and the praises of Emil'ius's deeds, who 
 was admired and accounted happy by all men, yet unenvied 
 by every one that was good. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What political change has frequently resulted from impnAed mili- 
 
 tary tactics 1 
 
 2. Was Rome a military state 1 
 
 3. Why are we led to conclude that the Romans considered cavalry an 
 
 important force 1 
 
 4. By whom was the phalanx instituted ? 
 
 5. How was the phalanx formed 1 
 
 6. What were the defects of the phalanx 1 
 
 7. By whom was the legion substituted for the phalanx ? 
 
 8. Of what troops was a legion composed 1 
 
 9. What was a cohort 1 
 
 10. What was the Roman form of battle ? 
 
 1 1 . In what manner was an army levied 1 
 
 12. How was the sanctity of the military oath proved? 
 
 13. What advantages resulted from the Roman form of encampment? 
 
 14. How long was the citizens liable to be called upon as soldiers I 
 
 15. How was the army paid 1 
 
 16. What power had the general 1 
 
 17. On whit occasion did the soldiers receive rewards? 
 
 1 8. How was the navy supplied with sailors 1 
 
 19. What fact concealed by the Roman historians is established by 
 
 Polybius? 
 
 20. How did the Romans furm a fleet?
 
 ROMAN LAW. 51 
 
 21. What were the several kinds of ships? 
 
 22. What naval tactics did the Romans use 7 
 
 23. How did an ovation differ from a triumph 1 
 
 24. Can you give a general description of a triumph 7 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ROMAN LAW. FINANCE. 
 
 1. IN the early stages of society, little difficulty is felt in 
 providing' for the administration of justice, because the sub- 
 jects of controversy are plain and simple, such as any man 
 of common sense may determine ; but as civilization ad- 
 vances, the relations between men become more complicated, 
 property assumes innumerable forms, and the determination 
 of questions resulting from these changes, becomes a matter 
 of no ordinary difficulty. In the first ages of the republic, 
 the consuls were the judges in civil and criminal matters, as 
 the kings had previously been ;* but as the state increased, 
 a new class of magistrates, called prstors, was appointed to 
 preside in the courts of law. Until the age of the decem- 
 virs, there was no written code to regulate their decisions ; 
 and even after the laws of the twelve tables had been esta- 
 blished, there was no perfect system of law, for the enact- 
 ments in that code were brief, and only asserted a few 
 leading principles. 2. The Roman judges did not, however, 
 decide altogether according to their own caprice ; they were 
 bound to regard the principles that had been established by 
 the decisions of former judges ; and consequently, a system 
 of law was formed similar to tire common law of England, 
 founded on precedent and analogy. In the later ages of the 
 empire, the number of law-books and records became so 
 enormous, that it was no longer possible to determine the 
 law with accuracy, and the contradictory decisions made at 
 different periods, greatly increased the uncertainty. To 
 remedy this evil, the emperor Justinian caused the entire to 
 be digested into a uniform system, and his code still forma 
 the basis of the civil law in Europe. 
 
 " Niebuhr, however, is of opinion, that judicial officers were elected 
 by the " comitia curiata," from the earliest ages.
 
 53 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 3. The trials in courts refer either to the affairs of the 
 state, or to the persons or properties of individuals, and are 
 called state, criminal, or civil trials. The two former are 
 the most important in regard to history. 
 
 4. The division of the Roman people into two nations, 
 made the classification of state offences very difficult. In 
 general, the council of the patricians judged any plebeian 
 who was accused of conspiring against their order ; and the 
 plebeians on the other hand, brought a patrician accused of 
 having violated their privileges before their own tribunal. 
 
 5. Disobedience to the commands of the chief magistrate was 
 punished by fine and imprisonment, and from his sentence 
 there was no appeal ; but if the consul wished to punish 
 any person by stripes or death, the condemned man had 
 the right of appealing to the general assembly of his peers.* 
 
 6. To prevent usurpation, it was established that every per- 
 son who exercised an authority not conferred on him by the 
 people, should be devoted as a victim to the gods.t This 
 was at once a sentence of outlawry and excommunication : 
 the criminal might be slain by any person with impunity, 
 and all connection with him was shunned as pollution. 
 
 7. No magistrate could legally be brought to trial during the 
 continuance of his office, but when his time was expired, 
 he could be accused before the general assembly of the 
 people, if he had transgressed the legal limits of his author- 
 ity. The punishment in this case was banishment ; the 
 form of the sentence declared that the criminal " should be 
 deprived of fire and water ;" that is, the citizens were pro- 
 hibited from supplying him with the ordinary necessaries 
 of life. 
 
 8. In all criminal trials, and in all cases where damages 
 were sought to be recovered for wrongs or injuries, the 
 praetor impanelled a jury, but the number of which it was 
 
 * This privilege was conceded to the plebeians by the Valerian law, 
 bat must have been possessed by the patricians from the earliest times ; 
 for Horatius, when condemned for the murder of his sister, in the reign 
 of Tullus Hostilius, escaped by appealing to the comitia curiata. The 
 Valerian law had no sanction, that is, no penalty was annexed to its 
 transgression; and during the two centuries of patrician usurpation and 
 tyranny, was frequently and flagrantly violated. On this account the 
 law, though never repealed, was frequently re-enacted. 
 
 f- The formula " to devote his head to the gods," used to express the 
 sentence of capital punishment, was derived from the human sacrifices 
 anciently used in Rome ; probably, because criminals were usually 
 selected for these sanguinary offerings.
 
 ROMAN LAW. 53 
 
 to consist seems to have been left to his discretion. The 
 jurors were called ju'dices, and the opinion of the majority 
 decided the verdict. Where the votes were equal, the tra- 
 verser or defendant escaped ; and when half the jury as- 
 sessed damages at one amount, and half at another, the de- 
 fendant paid only the lesser sum. In disputes about pro- 
 perty, the praetor seldom called for the assistance of a jury. 
 
 9. The general form of all trials was the same ; the pro- 
 secutor or plaintiff made his complaint, and the defendant 
 was compelled either to find sufficient bail, or to go into 
 prison until the day of trial. On the appointed day, the 
 plaintiff, or his advocate, stated his case, and proceeded to 
 establish it by evidence ; the defendant replied ; and the 
 jury then gave their verdict by ballot. 
 
 10. In cases tried before the general assembly of the peo- 
 ple, it was allowed to make use of artifices in order to con- 
 ciliate the popular favour. The accused and his friends put 
 on mourning robes to excite pity ; they went into the most 
 public places and took every opportunity of showing their 
 respect for popular power. When Cicero was accused by 
 Clo'dius for having illegally put to death the associates of 
 Cataline, the entire senatorian rank changed their robes to 
 show the deep interest they felt in his fate. At these great 
 trials, the noblest specimens of forensic eloquence were 
 displayed by the advocates of the accuser and the accused ; 
 but the decisions were usually more in accordance with the 
 spirit of party than strict justice. 
 
 1 1 . The accused, however, might escape, if he could pre- 
 vail on any of the tribunes to interpose in his behalf, or the 
 accuser to relinquish his charge ; if unfavourable omens ap- 
 peared during the trial, it was usually adjourned, or some- 
 times the accusation withdrawn ; and up to the very mo- 
 ment of the commencement of the trial, the criminal had the 
 option of escaping a heavier penalty by going into volun- 
 tary exile. 
 
 12. The punishments to which state criminals were sen- 
 tenced, were usually, in capital cases, precipitation from the 
 Tarpeian rock, beheading, or strangulation in prison ; when 
 life was spared, the penalties were either exile or fine. Un- 
 der the emperors severer punishments were introduced, 
 such as exposure to wild beasts, or burning alive ; and tor- 
 ture, which, under the republic, could not be inflicted on 
 free citizens, was exercised unsparingly. 
 
 13. The punishment of parricides was curious- the eri 
 
 E 2
 
 54 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 minal having been beaten with rods, was sown up in a sack, 
 together with a serpent, an ape, and a cock, and thrown 
 either into the sea or a river, as if even the inanimate car- 
 case of such a wretch would pollute the earth. 
 
 14. Masters had an absolute authority over their slaves, 
 extending to life or limb ; and in the earlier ages patrons 
 had similar power over their clients. The condition of 
 slaves in Rome was most miserable, especially in the later 
 ages ; they were subject to the most excruciating tortures, 
 and when capitally punished, were generally crucified. Ex- 
 cept in this single particular, the Roman criminal code was 
 very lenient and sparing of human life. This was chiefly 
 owing to the exertions of the plebeians, for the patricians 
 always patronized a more sanguinary policy ; and could do 
 so the more easily, as the aristocracy retained their mono- 
 poly of the administration of justice much longer than that 
 of civil government. 
 
 15. The Roman system of finance Avas at first very sim- 
 ple, the public revenue being derived from a land-tax on 
 Quiritary property,* and the tithes of the public lands ; but 
 after the conquest of Macedon, the revenues from other 
 sources were so abundant, that tribute was no longer de- 
 manded from Roman citizens, These sources were : 
 
 1. The tribute of the allies, which was a property tax, 
 differing in different places according to the terms of their 
 league. 
 
 2. The tribute of the provinces, which was both a pro- 
 perty and poll-tax. 
 
 8. Revenue of the national domains leased out by the 
 censors. 
 
 4. Revenue from the mines, especially from the Spanish 
 silver-mines. 
 
 5. Duties on imports and exports. And, 
 
 6. A duty on enfranchised slaves. 
 
 The receipts were all paid into the national treasury, and 
 the senate had the uncontrolled direction of the general ex- 
 penditure, as well as the regulation of the amount of imposts. 
 The officers employed to manage the affairs of the revenue, 
 were the quaestors, chosen annually, and under them the 
 scribes, who held their situations for life. Those who 
 
 * The lands absolutely assigned to the plebeians free from rent, were 
 the most remarkable species of Quiritary property. It was so called 
 from the Quirites, who formed a constituent part of the Roman people, 
 and wnose name wa* subsequently given to the entire.
 
 PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS. 55 
 
 farmed the public revenue were called publicans, and were 
 generally persons of equestrian dignity ; but in the remote 
 provinces they frequently sublet to other collectors, who 
 were guilty of great extortion. The latter are the publicans 
 mentioned in the New Testament. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. When did the Romans first appoint judges T 
 
 2. How were the decisions of the praetors regulated 1 
 
 3. How are trials divided ! 
 
 4. In what manner were offences against the classes of patricians and 
 
 plebeians tried ? 
 
 5. How was disobedience to the chief magistrate punished 1 
 
 6. What was the penalty for usurpation ? 
 
 7. How was mal-administration punished 1 
 
 8. When did the praetors impannel a jury ? 
 
 9. What was the form of a trial ? 
 
 10. Were there any other forms used in trials before the people ? 
 1 1 Had the criminal any chances of escape 1 
 12. What were the usual punishments! 
 
 1 3 How was parricide punished ? 
 
 14 In what respect alone was the criminal law of the Romans severe ? 
 15. What we^e the sources of the Roman revenue] 
 
 16 To whom was the management of the finances entrusted T 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS AND PRIVATE LIFE OF 
 THE ROMANS. 
 
 1. THE inferiority of the Romans to the Greeks in intel- 
 lectual acquirements, was no where more conspicuous than 
 in their public amusements. While the refined Grecians 
 sought to gratify their taste by music, the fine arts, and dra- 
 matic entertainments, the Romans derived their chief plea- 
 sure from contemplating the brutal and bloody fights of gla- 
 diators ; or at best, such rich shows and processions as 
 gratify the uneducated vulgar. The games in the circus, 
 with which the Romans were so delighted, that they con- 
 sidered them of equal importance with the necessaries of 
 life, consisted of athletic exercises, such as boxing, racing,
 
 56 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Wrestling, and gladiatorial combats. To these, chariot- 
 racing was added under the emperors, and exhibitions of 
 combats between wild beasts, and, in numerous instances, 
 between men and beasts. 
 
 2. After the establishment of the naval power of Rome, 
 naumachiae, or naval combats, were frequently exhibited in 
 circi built for the purpose. These were not always sham 
 fights ; the contests were, in many instances, real engage- 
 ments displaying all the horrors of a sanguinary battle. 
 
 3. The custom of exhibiting shows of gladiators, origin- 
 ated in the barbarous sacrifices of human beings, which 
 prevailed in remote ages. In the gloomy superstition of the 
 Romans, it was believed that the manes, or shades of the 
 dead, derived pleasure from human blood, and they there- 
 fore sacrificed, at the tombs of their ancestors, captives taken 
 in war, or wretched slaves. It was soon found that sport 
 to the living might be combined with this horrible offering 
 to the dead ; and instead of giving up the miserable victims 
 to the executioner, they were compelled to fight with each 
 other, until the greater part was exterminated. 
 
 4. The pleasure that the people derived from this execra- 
 ble amusement, induced the candidates for office to gratify 
 them frequently with this spectacle. The exhibitions were 
 no longer confined to funerals ; they formed an integrant part 
 of every election, and were found more powerful than merit 
 in opening a way to office. The utter demoralization of 
 the Roman people, and the facility with which the tyranny 
 of the emperors was established, unquestionably was owing, 
 in a great degree, to the pernicious prevalence of these scan- 
 dalous exhibitions. 
 
 5. To supply the people with gladiators, schools were 
 established in various parts of Italy, each under the controul 
 of a lanis'ta, or fencing-master, who instructed them in mar- 
 tial exercises. The victims were either prisoners of war, 
 or refractory slaves, sold by their masters ; but in the de- 
 generate ages of the empire, freemen, and even senators, 
 ventured their lives on the stage along with the regular gla- 
 diators. Under the mild and merciful influence of Chris- 
 tianity these combats were abolished, and human blood was 
 no longer shed to gratify a cruel and sanguinary*populace. 
 
 6. So numerous were the gladiators, that Spar'tacus, one 
 of their number, having escaped from a school, raised an 
 army of his fellow-sufferers, amounting to seventy thousand 
 men ; he was finally subdued by Cras'sus, the colleague of
 
 PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS. 57 
 
 Pompey. Ju'lius Caesar, during his aedileship, exhibited at 
 one time three hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators ; but 
 even this was surpassed by the emperor Trajan, who dis- 
 played no less than one thousand. 
 
 7. The gladiators were named from their peculiar arms ; 
 the most common were the retiarius, who endeavoured to 
 hamper his antagonist with a net ; and his opponent the 
 secutor. 
 
 8. When a gladiator was wounded, or in any way disa- 
 bled, he fled to the extremity of the stage, and implored the 
 pity of the spectators ; if he had shown good sport, they 
 took him under their protection by pressing down their 
 thumbs ; but if he had been found deficient in courage or 
 activity, they held the thumb back, and he was instantly 
 murdered by his adversary. 
 
 9. The Roman theatre was formed after the model of the 
 Greeks, but never attained equal eminence. The populace 
 always paid more regard to the dresses of the actors, and the 
 richness of the decoration, than to ingenious structure of plot, 
 or elegance of language. Scenic representations do not ap- 
 pear to have been very popular at Rome, certainly never so 
 much as the sports of the circus. Besides comedies and 
 tragedies, the Romans had a species of drama peculiar to 
 their country, called the Atellane farces, which were, in 
 general, low pieces of gross indecency and vulgar buffoon- 
 ery, but sometimes contained spirited satires on the character 
 and conduct of public men. 
 
 10. We should be greatly mistaken if we supposed that 
 the theatres in ancient Rome at all resembled those of mo- 
 dern times ; they were stupendous edifices, some of which 
 could accommodate thirty thousand spectators, and an army 
 could perform its evolutions on the stage. To remedy the 
 defects of distance, the tragic actors wore a buskin with 
 very thick soles, to raise them above their natural size, and 
 covered their faces with a mask so contrived as to render 
 the voice more clear and full.* Instead of the buskin, 
 comic actors wore a sort of slipper called a sock. 
 
 11. The periodical festivals of the Romans were cele- 
 brated with theatrical entertainments and sports in the cir- 
 cus at the public expense. The most remarkable of these 
 
 * Hence the mask was called persona, from personare, to sound 
 through. From persona the English word person is derived, which 
 properly signifies not so much an individual, as the aspect of that indi > 
 vidual in relation to civil society.
 
 fa8 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 festivals was the secular, which occurred only at periods of 
 one hundred and ten years. The others occurred annually, 
 and were named from the gods to whose honour they were 
 dedicated. 
 
 . 12. The Romans were a more grave and domestic peo- 
 ple than the lively Greeks ; their favourite dress, the toga 
 or gown, was more formal and stately than the Grecian 
 short cloak ; their demeanour was more stern, and their 
 manners more imposing. The great object of the old Ro 
 man was, to maintain his dignity under all circumstances, 
 and to show that he could controul the emotions to which 
 ordinary men too readily yield. Excessive joy or grief, 
 unqualified admiration, or intense surprise, were deemed 
 disgraceful ; and even at a funeral, the duty of lamenting 
 the deceased was entrusted to hired mournets. Temper- 
 ance at meals was a leading feature in the character of the 
 Romans during the early ages of the republic ; but after the 
 conquest of Asia, their luxuries were more extravagant than 
 those of any nation recorded in history. But there was 
 more extravagance than refinement in the Roman luxury ; 
 and though immense sums were lavished on entertainments, 
 they were destitute of that taste and elegance more delight- 
 ful than the most costly delicacies. 
 
 13. The Roman ladies enjoyed more freedom than those 
 in any other ancient nation. They visited all places of 
 public amusement uncontrolled, and mingled in general 
 society. The power of the husband, however, was abso- 
 lute, and he could divorce his wife at pleasure without 
 assigning any cause. In the early ages of the republic this 
 privilege was rarely exercised, and the Roman ladies were 
 strictly virtuous ; but at a later period divorces were multi- 
 plied, and the most shocking depravity was the consequence. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What were the national amusements of the Romans ] 
 
 2. What were the naumachiae ? 
 
 3. Whence arose the custom of gladiatorial combats ? 
 
 4. Why were these exhibitions of frequent occurrence 1 
 
 5. How was the supply of gladiators kept up 1 
 
 6. From what circumstances do we learn the great numbers of the 
 
 gladiators 1 
 
 7. What names were given to the gladiators] 
 
 8. How were these combats terminated 1 
 
 9- What pieces were exhibited on the Roman stage 1
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THE EMPIRE. 59 
 
 10. How did the dramatic entertainments in Rome differ from those of 
 
 modern times 1 
 
 1 1 . Which were the most remarkable Roman festivals ? 
 
 12. What was the general character of the Roman people! 
 
 13. How were women treated in Rome! 
 
 CHAPTER X. ^ 
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THE EMPIRE AT THE TIME OF ITS 
 GREATEST EXTENT. 
 
 1. THE ordinary boundaries of the Roman empire, over 
 which, however, it sometimes passed, were, in Europe, the 
 two great rivers of the Rhine and Danube ; in Asia, the 
 Euphrates and the Syrian deserts ; in Africa, the tracts of 
 arid sand which fence the interior of that continent. It 
 thus contained those fertile and rich countries which sur- 
 round the Mediterranean sea, and constitute the fairest 
 portion of the earth. 
 
 2. Beginning at the west of Europe,* we find, first, 
 Hispa'nia, Spain. Its boundaries are, on the east, the chain 
 of the Pyrenees ; on every other side, the sea. It was 
 divided into three provinces : 1. Lusita'nia, Portugal, 
 bounded on the north by the Du'rius, Douro, and on the 
 south by the Anas, Guadiana : 2. Bo'etica, bounded on the 
 north and west by the A'nas, and on the east by the moun- 
 tains of Orospe'da, Sierra Morena : 3. Tarracone'nsis, 
 which includes the remainder of the Spanish peninsula. 
 3. Spain was annexed to the Roman empire after the con- 
 clusion of the second Punic war ; Lusitania, after a despe- 
 rate resistance, was added at a later period. 
 
 4. Transalpine Gaul was the name given to the entire 
 country between the Pyrenees and the Rhine ; it conse- 
 quently included France, Switzerland, and Belgium. 5. 
 Gaul was divided in four provinces: 1. Narbonen'sis or 
 Bracca'ta, bounded on the west by the Pyrenees ; on the 
 north by the Cevennian mountains, and on the east by the 
 Va'rus, Vat: 2. Lugdimen'sis or Cel'tica, bounded on the 
 south and west by the Li'ger, Loire; on the north by tho 
 Sequa'na, Seine, and on the east by the A'rar, Saone : 
 
 The student will find the particulars of the ancient state of these 
 countries detailed more fully in the Epitome of Classical Geography.
 
 HISTORY OF ROME INTRODUCTION. 
 
 3. Aquita'nica, bounded by the Pyrenees on the south, ant 
 the Li'ger on the north and east: 4. Bel'gica, bounded on 
 the north and east by the Rhe'nus, Rhine; on the west by 
 the Arar, and on the south by the Rhoda'nus, Rhone, as far 
 as the city Lugdu'num, Lyons. Helve'tia, the modern 
 Switzerland, was included in Belgic Gaul. This extensive 
 country was not totally subdued before the time of Julius 
 Caesar. 
 
 6. Italy has been already mentioned in the first chapter ; 
 we shall therefore pass it over and come to the islands in 
 the Mediterranean. 
 
 Sici'lia or Trinac'ria, Sicily, was the first province that 
 the Romans gained beyond the confines of Italy. The 
 cities on its coast were founded by Phoenician and Grecian 
 colonies, but the native inhabitants retained possession of 
 the interior; one tribe, named the Sic'uli, are said to have 
 migrated from Italy, and to have given their name to the 
 island. The Greeks and Carthaginians long contended for 
 supremacy in this island, but it was wrested from both by 
 the Romans towards the close of the second Punic war. 
 Nearly at the same time, the islands of Corsica and Sar- 
 dinia were annexed to the empire. 
 
 7. Britan'nia, divided into Britan'nia Roma'na, which 
 contained England and the south of Scotland ; and Britannia 
 Bar'bara or Caledo'nia, the northern part of Scotland, into 
 which the Romans never penetrated. Britain was first 
 invaded by Julius Caesar, but was not wholly subdued before 
 the time of Nero. As for Hiber'nia or ler'ne, Ireland, it was 
 visited by Roman merchants, but never by Roman legions. 
 
 8. The countries south of the Danube, were subdued and 
 divided into provinces during the reign of Augustus. The 
 number of these provinces was seven : 1. Vindeli'cia, 
 bounded on the north by the Danube ; on the east by the 
 .tE'nus, Inn; on the west by Helve'tia, and on the south by 
 Rhse'Ua : 2. Rhaetia, lying between Helve'tia, Vindeli'cia, 
 and the eastern chain of the Alps : 3. Novi'cum, bounded 
 on the north by the Danube, on the west by the ^E'nus, 
 Inn, on the east by mount Ce'tius, Kahlenberg, and on the 
 south by the Julian Alps and the Sa'vus, Save : 4. Pan- 
 no'nia Superior, having as boundaries, the Danube on the 
 north and east ; the Ar'rabo, Raab, on the south ; and the 
 Cetian mountains on the west : 5. Panno'nia Inferior, having 
 the Ar'rabo on the north ; the Ar'rabo on the east ; and the 
 Sa'vus on the south : . Mce'sia Superior, bounded on the
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THE EMPIRE. 61 
 
 north by the Danube, on the south by Mount Scar'dus, 
 Tchar-dag ; on the west by the Pan'nonia, and on the east 
 by the river Ce'brus, Isker : 7. Moe'sia Inferior, having 
 the Danube on the north ; the Ce'brus on the west ; the 
 chain of mount Hae'mus on the south, and the Pon'tus 
 Eux'imus, Black Sea, on the east. 
 
 9. Illyricum included the districts along the eastern coast 
 of the Adriatic, from Rhae'tia to the river Dri'nus, Drino 
 JSrianco, in the south, and the Sa'vus, Save, on the east. 
 It was subdued by the Romans about the time of the 
 Macedonian war. 
 
 10. Macedon and Greece were subdued after the con- 
 quest of Carthage ; for the particulars of their geography, 
 the student is referred to the introduction prefixed to the 
 last edition of the Grecian History. Thrace was governed 
 by its own kings, who were tributary to the Romans until 
 the reign of the emperor Claudian, when it was made a 
 province. 
 
 11. Da'cia was first subdued by the emperor Trajan, and 
 was the only province north of the Danube ; its boundaries 
 were, the Carpathian mountains on the north, the Tibis'- 
 cus, TTieiss, on the west, the Hiera'sus, Pruth, on the east, 
 and the Danube on the south. 
 
 12. The principal Asiatic provinces were, Asia Minor, 
 Syria, and Phreni'cia. Beyond the Euphra'tes, Arme'nia 
 and Mesopota'mia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, 
 but abandoned by his successor Adrian. 
 
 13. The African provinces were, Egypt, Cyrena'ica, 
 Numidia, and Maurita'nia. 
 
 14. The principal states on the borders of the empire 
 were, Germa'nia and Sarma'tia in Europe, Arme'nia and 
 Par'thia in Asia, and jEthio'pia in Africa. 
 
 15. Eastern Asia, or India, was only known to the Ro- 
 mans by a commercial intercourse, which was opened with 
 that country soon after the conquest of Egypt. 
 
 It was divided into India on this side the Ganges, and 
 India beyond the Ganges, which included Se'rica, a country 
 of which the Romans possessed but little knowledge. India 
 at the western side of the Ganges contained, 1. The terri- 
 tory between the In'dus and Gan'ges : 2. The western 
 coast, now called Malabar, which was the part best known, 
 and, 3. The island of Taproba'ne, Ceylon. 
 
 16. The commerce between Europe and southern Asia 
 became important in the reign of Alexan'der the Great; 
 
 F
 
 C2 HISTORY OF HOME INTRODTTCTION. 
 
 the greater part of the towns founded by that mighty con 
 queror were intended to facilitate this lucrative trade.* Aftei 
 his death, the Ptol'emys of Egypt became the patrons of 
 Indian traflic, which was unwisely neglected by the kings 
 of Syria. When Egypt was conquered by the Romans, the 
 commerce with India was not interrupted, and the principal 
 mart for Indian commerce under the Roman emperors, was 
 always Alexandria. The jealousy of the Parthians excluded 
 strangers from their territories, and put an end to the trade 
 that was carried on between northern India, the shores of 
 the Caspian sea, and thence to the JEgean. In consequence 
 of this interruption, Palmy 'ra and Alexandri'a became the 
 great depots of eastern commerce, and to this circumstance 
 they owed their enormous wealth and magnificence. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the boundaries of the Roman empire ? 
 
 2. How was Spain divided 1 
 
 3. When was Spain annexed to the Roman empire ? 
 
 4. What countries were included in Transalpine Gaul 1 
 
 5. How was Gaul divided ? 
 
 6. What islands in the Mediterranean were included in the Roman 
 
 empire 1 
 
 7. When was Britain invaded by the Romans, and how much of the 
 
 country did they subdue! 
 
 8. Into what provinces were the countries south of the Danube divided? 
 
 9. What was the extent of Illyricum 1 
 
 1 0. What were the Roman provinces in the east of Europe 1 
 
 1 1 . By whom was Dacia conquered ? 
 
 1 2. What were the Asiatic provinces ? 
 
 1 3. What were the African provinces ? 
 
 '4. What were the principal states bordering on the empire ? 
 
 1 5. Was India known to the Romans ] 
 
 16. What cities under the Romans enjoyed the greatest commerce 
 
 with India 1 
 
 * See Pinnock's Grecian History. 
 
 END OF THE INTRODUCTION.
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS. 
 
 1. THE Romans were particularly desirous of being 
 thought descendants of the gods, as if to hide the meanness 
 of their real ancestry. JEne'as, the son of Venus and Jln- 
 chi'ses, having escaped from the destruction of Troy, after 
 many adventures and dangers, arrived in Italy, A. M. 2294, 
 where he was kindly received by Lati'nus, king of the La- 
 tins, who promised him his daughter Lavin'ia in marriage. 
 2. Turnus, king of the Ru'lidi, was the first who opposed 
 jEne'as, he having long made pretensions to her himself. 
 A war ensued, in which the Trojan hero was victorious, 
 and Turnus slain. In consequence of this, Lavin'ia be- 
 came the wife of JEne'as, who built a city to her honour, 
 and called it Lavin'ium. Some time after, engaging in a 
 war against Mezen'tius, one of thq petty kings oi' the coun- 
 try, he was vanquished in turn, and died in battle, after a 
 reign of four years. 3. Asca'nius his son, succeeded to the 
 kingdom ; and to him Sil'vius, a second son, whom he had 
 by Lavin'ia. It would be tedious and uninteresting to recite 
 a dry catalogue of the kings that followed, of whom we 
 know little more than the names ; it will be sufficient to say, 
 that the succession continued for nearly four hundred years 
 in the same family, and that Nu'mitor, the fifteenth from 
 ^Ene'as, was the last king of Alba. 
 
 Nu'mitor, who took possession of the kingdom in conse- 
 quence of his father's will, had a brother named Amu'lius, 
 to whom were left the treasures which had been brought 
 from Troy. 4. As riches too generally prevail against right, 
 Amu'lius made use of his wealth to supplant his brother, 
 and soon found means to possess himself of the kingdom. 
 Not contented with the crime of usurpation, he added that 
 of murder also. Nu'mitor's sons first fell a sacrifice to his 
 suspicions ; and to remove all apprehensions of being one 
 
 63
 
 64 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 day disturbed in his ill-gotten power, he caused Rhe'a Sil'- 
 via, his brother's only daughter, to become a vestal. 
 
 5. His precautions, however, were all frustrated in the 
 event. Rhe'a Sil'via, and, according to tradition, Mars the 
 god of war, were the parents of two boys, who were no 
 sooner born, than devoted -by the usurper to destruction. 
 
 7. The mother was condemned to be buried alive, the usual 
 punishment for vestals who had violated their vows, and 
 the twins were ordered to be flung into the river Tiber. 
 
 8. It happened, however, at the time this rigorous sentence 
 was put into execution, that the river had, more than usual, 
 overflowed its banks, so that the place where the children 
 were thrown being distant from the main current, the water 
 was too shallow to drown them. It is said by some, that 
 they were exposed in a cradle, which, after floating for a 
 time, was, by the water's retiring, left on dry ground ; that 
 a wolf, descending from the mountains to drink, ran, at the 
 cry of the children, and fed them under a fig-tree, caressing 
 and licking them as if they had been her own young, the 
 infants hanging on to her as if she had been their mother, 
 until Faus'tulus, the king's shepherd, struck with so sur- 
 prising a sight, conveyed them home, and delivered them to 
 his wife, Ac'ca Lauren'tia, to nurse, who brought them up 
 as her own. 9. Others, however, assert, that from the 
 vicious life of this woman, the shepherds had given her the 
 nickname of Lupa, or wolf, which they suppose might pos- 
 sibly be the occasion of this marvellous story. 
 
 10. Romu'lus and Re'mus, the twins, in whatever man- 
 ner preserved, seemed early to discover abilities and de- 
 sires above the meanness of their supposed origin. From 
 their very infancy, an air of superiority and grandeur 
 seemed to discover their rank. They led, however, the 
 shepherd's life like the rest ; worked for their livelihood, 
 and built their own huts. But pastoral idleness displeased 
 them, and, from tending their flocks, they betook them- 
 selves to the chase. Then, no longer content with hunting 
 wild beasts, they turned their strength against the robbers 
 of their country, whom they often stripped of their plunder, 
 and divided it among the shepherds. 11. The youths who 
 continually joined them so increased in number, as to ena- 
 ble them to hold assemblies, and celebrate games. In one 
 of their excursions, the two brothers were surprised. Re'- 
 mus was taken prisoner, carried before the king, and accu- 
 sed of being a plunderer and robber on Nu'mitor's lands.
 
 OF THE ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS. 65 
 
 Rom'ulus had escaped ; but Re'mus, the king sent to Nu'- 
 mitor, that he might do himself justice. 
 
 12. From many circumstances, Faus'tulus suspected the 
 twins under his care to be the same that Amu'lius had ex- 
 posed on the Ti'ber, and at length divulged his suspicions 
 to Rom'ulus. Nu'mitor made the same discovery to Re'- 
 mus. From that time nothing was thought of but the ty- 
 rant's destruction. He was beset on all sides ; and, during 
 the amazement and distraction that ensued, was taken and 
 slain ; while Nu'mitor, who had been deposed for forty 
 years, recognised his grandsons, and was once more placed 
 on the throne. 
 
 13. The two brothers, leaving Nu'mitor the kingdom of 
 Alba, determined to build a city upon the spot where they 
 had been exposed and preserved. But a fatal desire of 
 reigning seized them both, and created a difference between 
 these noble youths, which terminated tragically. Birth- 
 right in the case of twins could claim no precedence ; they 
 therefore were advised by the king to take an omen from 
 the flight of birds, to know to which of them the tutelar 
 gods would decree the honour of governing the rising city, 
 and, consequently, of being the director of the other. 14. In 
 compliance with this advice, each took his station on a dif 
 fcrrnt hill. To Re'mus appeared six vultures ; in the mo 
 nient after, Rom'ulus saw twelve. Two parties had been 
 formed for this purpose ; the one declared for Re'mus, who 
 first saw the vultures ; the other for Rom'ulus, who saw the 
 greater number. Each party called itself victorious ; the 
 one having the first omen, the other that which was most 
 complete. This produced a contest which ended in a bat- 
 tle, wherein Re'mus was slain. It is even said, that he 
 was killed by his brother, who, being provoked at his leap- 
 ing contemptuously over the city wall, struck him dead 
 upon the spot. 
 
 15. Rom'ulus being now sole commander and eighteen 
 years of age, began the foundation of a city that was one 
 day to give laws to the world. It was called Rome, after 
 the name of the founder, and built upon the Palatine hill, 
 on which he had taken his successful omen, A. M. 3252 ; 
 ANTE c. 752. The city was at first nearly square, contain- 
 ing about a thousand houses. It was almost a mile in cir- 
 cumference, and commanded a small territory round it of 
 eight miles over. 16. However, small as it appears, it was 
 yet worse inhabited ; and the first method made use of to 
 r2
 
 66 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 increase its numbers, was the opening of a sanctuary for all 
 malefactors and slaves, and such as were desirous of novel- 
 ty; these came in great multitudes, and contributed to in- 
 crease the number of our legislator's new subjects. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the origin of the Romans ? 
 
 2. Who first opposed -<Eneas, and what was the result T 
 
 3. Who were the successors of ./Eneas ! 
 
 4. What was the conduct of Amulius 1 ? 
 
 5. What event frustrated his precautions ! 
 
 6. What followed ? 
 
 7. What was the sentence on Rhea Silvia and her children 1 
 
 8. How were the children preserved ? 
 
 9. What is supposed to have occasioned this marvellous story T 
 
 10. W T hat was the character and conduct of Romulus and Remus 1 
 
 1 1 . In what manner were they surprised ? 
 
 1 2. How was the birth of Romulus and Remus discovered, and what 
 
 consequences followed 1 
 
 1 3. What caused a difference between the brothers 1 
 
 14. Relate the circumstances which followed! 
 
 15. By whom was Rome built, and what was then its situation 1 
 
 16. By what means was the new city peopled ? 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM THE BUILDING OF ROME TO THE DEATH OF ROMULUS. 
 
 1. SCARCELY was the city raised above its foundation, 
 when its rude inhabitants began to think of giving some 
 form to their constitution. Rom'ulus, by an act of great 
 generosity, left them at liberty to choose whom they would 
 for their king ; and they, in gratitude, concurred to elect 
 him for their founder. He, accordingly, was acknowledged 
 as chief of their religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, 
 and general of the army. Beside a guard to attend his 
 person, it was agreed, that he should be preceded wherever 
 he went, by twelve lictors, each armed with an axe tied up 
 in a bundle of rods ;* these were to serve as executioners of 
 
 * This symbol of authority was borrowed from his neighbours, tho 
 Etrurians.
 
 ROMULUS. 67 
 
 the law, and to impress his new subjects with an idea of 
 his authority. 
 
 2. The senafe, who were to act as counsellors to the 
 king, was composed of a hundred of the principal citizens 
 of Rome, consisting of men whose age, wisdom, or valour, 
 gave them a natural authority over their fellow-subjects. 
 The king named the first senator, who was called prince of 
 the senate, and appointed him to the government of the 
 city, whenever war required his own absence. 
 
 3. The patricians, who composed the third part of the 
 legislature, assumed to themselves the power of authorising 
 those laws which were passed by the king, or the senate. 
 All things relative to peace or war, to the election of magis- 
 trates, and even to the choosing a king, were confirmed by 
 suffrages in their assemblies. 
 
 4. The plebeians were to till the fields, feed cattle, and 
 follow trades ; but not to have any share in the government, 
 to avoid the inconveniences of a popular power. 
 
 5. The first care of the new-created king was, to attend 
 to the interests of religion. The precise form of their wor- 
 ship is unknown ; but the greatest part of the religion of 
 that age consisted in a firm reliance upon the credit of their 
 soothsayers, who pretended, from observation on the flight 
 of birds, and the entrails of beasts, to direct the present, 
 and to dive into futurity. Rom'ulus, by an express law, 
 commanded that no election should be made, nor enterprise 
 undertaken, without first consulting them. 
 
 6. Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext whatsoever, 
 to separate from their husbands ; while, on the contrary, 
 the husband was empowered to repudiate the wife, and 
 even, in some cases, to put her to death. The laws between 
 children and their parents were still more severe ; the father 
 had entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life ; 
 he could imprison and sell them at any time of their lives, 
 or in any stations to which they M-ere arrived. 
 
 7. After endeavouring to regulate his subjects by law, 
 Rom'ulus next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. The 
 whole amounted to no more than three thousand foot, and 
 about as many hundred horsemen, capable of bearing arms. 
 These, therefore, were divided equally into three tribes, and 
 to each he assigned a dillerent part of the city. Each of 
 these tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, or companies, 
 consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion to com- 
 mand it ; a priest called curio, to perform the sacrifices ,
 
 (58 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 and two of the principal inhabitants, called duumviri, to 
 distribute justice. 
 
 8. By these judicious regulations, each day added strength 
 to the new city ; multitudes of people flocked in from all 
 the adjacent towns, and it only seemed to want women to 
 insure its duration. In this exigence, Rom'ulus, by the 
 advice of the senate, sent deputies among the Sab'ines, his 
 neighbours, entreating their alliance ; and, upon these terms, 
 offering to cement the strictest confederacy with them. The 
 Sab'ines, who were at that time considered as the most 
 warlike people of Italy, rejected the proposal with disdain. 
 9. Rom'ulus, therefore, proclaimed a feast, in honour of 
 Neptune,* throughout all the neighbouring villages, and 
 made the most magnificent preparations for celebrating it. 
 These feasts were generally preceded by sacrifices, and 
 ended in shows of wrestlers, gladiators, and chariot-courses. 
 The Sab'ines, as he had expected, were among the foremost 
 who came to be spectators, bringing their wives and daughters 
 with them, to share the pleasures of the sight. 10. In the 
 mean time the games began, and while the strangers were 
 most intent upon the spectacle, a number of the Roman 
 youth rushed in among them with drawn swords, seized 
 the youngest and most beautiful women, and carried them 
 off by violence. In vain the parents protested against this 
 breach of hospitality ; the virgins were carried away and 
 became the wives of the Romans. 
 
 11. A bloody war ensued. The cities of Cae'nina,t 
 Antem'nae,J and Crustumi'num, were the first who resolved 
 to avenge the common cause, which the Sab'ines seemed 
 too dilatory in pursuing. But all these, by making separate 
 inroads, became an easy conquest to Rom'ulus, who made 
 the most merciful use of his victories ; instead of destroying 
 their towns, or lessening their numbers, he only placed 
 colonies of Romans in them, to serve as a frontier to repress 
 more distant invasions. 
 
 12. Ta'tius, king of Cures, a Sabine city, was the last, 
 although the most formidable, who undertook to revenge the 
 
 * More properly in honour of Con'sus, a deity of Sabine origin, whom 
 the Romans, in a later age, confounded with Neptune. (See Keightley's 
 Mythology.) 
 
 f A town of Latium, near Rome. (Livy.) 
 
 4 A city of the Sabines, between Rome and the Anio, from whence 
 its name, Ante Amnem. (Dionys. Hal.) 
 
 A town of Etruria, near Veil. (Virg.)
 
 ROMULUS. 69 
 
 disgrace his country had suffered. He entered the Roman 
 territories at the head of twenty-five thousand men, and not 
 content with a superiority of forces, he added stratagem 
 also. 13. Tarpe'ia, who was daughter to the commander 
 of the Capit'oline hill, happened to fall into his hands, as 
 she went without the walls of the city to fetch water. Upon 
 her he prevailed, by means of large promises, to betray one 
 of the gates to his army. The reward she engaged for, 
 was what the soldiers wore on their arms, by which she 
 meant their bracelets. They, however, either mistaking 
 her meaning, or willing to punish her perfidy, threw their 
 bucklers upon her as they entered, and crushed her to death. 
 14. The Sab'ines being thus possessed of the Capit'oline, 
 after some time a general engagement ensued, which was 
 renewed for several days, with almost equal success, and 
 neither army could think of submitting ; it was in the val- 
 ley between the Capit'oline and Quiri'nal hills that the last 
 engagement was fought between the Romans and the 
 Sab'ines. 15. The battle was now become general, and 
 the slaughter prodigious ; when the attention of both sides 
 was suddenly turned from the scene of horror before them 
 to another. The Sab'ine women, who had been carried off 
 by the Romans, flew in between the combatants, with their 
 hair loose, and their ornaments neglected, regardless of their 
 own danger ; and, with loud outcries, implored their hus- 
 bands and their fathers to desist. Upon this the combatants, 
 as if by natural impulse, let fall their weapons. 16. An 
 accommodation ensued, by which it was agreed, that Rom'- 
 ulus and Ta'tius should reign jointly in Rome, with equal 
 power and prerogative ; that a hundred Sab'ines should be 
 admitted into the senate ; that the city should retain its for- 
 mer name, but the citizens should be called Qui'rites, after 
 Cu'res, the principal town of the Sab'ines ; and that both 
 nations being thus united, such of the Sab'ines as chose it, 
 should be admitted to live in and enjoy all the privileges of 
 citizens of Rome. 17. The conquest of Came'ria was the 
 only military achievement under the two kings, and Ta'tius 
 was killed about five years after by the Lavin'ians, for having 
 protected some of his servants who had plundered them and 
 slain their ambassadors ; so that, by this accident, Rom'ulus 
 once more saw himself sole monarch ot Rome. 18. Soon 
 after the death of Ta'tius, a cruel plague and famine having 
 broken out at Rome, the Camerini embraced the opportunity 
 to lay waste the Roman territory. But Rom'ulus gave their
 
 70 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 battle, killed six thousand on the spot, and returned ir 
 triumph to Rome. He took likewise Pidena^, a city about 
 forty furlongs distant from his capital, and reduced the 
 Veien'tes to submission. 
 
 19. Successes like these produced an equal share of pride 
 in the conqueror. From being contented with those limits 
 which had been wisely assigned to his power, he began to 
 affect absolute sway, and to controul those laws to which 
 he had himself formerly professed implicit obedience. The 
 senate was particularly displeased at his conduct, as they 
 found themselves used only as instruments to ratify the 
 rigour of his commands. 20. We are not told the precise 
 manner which they employed to get rid of the tyrant. 
 Some say that he was torn in pieces in the senate-house ; 
 others, that he disappeared while reviewing his army ; 
 certain it is, that, from the secrecy of the fact, and the con- 
 cealment of the body, they took occasion to persuade the 
 multitude that he was taken up into heaven ; thus, him 
 whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented 
 to worship as a god. Rom'ulus reigned thirty-seven years; 
 and, after his denth, had a temple built to him, under the 
 name of Quiri'nus. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the first proceedings of the rude inhabitants of Rome 1 
 
 2. Of whom was the senate composed ? 
 
 3. Who were the patricians ? 
 
 4. Who were the plebeians ? 
 
 5. What was the first care of the new king ? 
 In what did the Religion of Rome consist T 
 
 6. What were the laws between husband and wife, and between 
 
 parents and children 1 
 
 7. What were the regulations directed by Romulus ? 
 
 8. What was the result of these regulations? 
 
 9. What conduct did Romulus adopt in consequence ? 
 
 10. What treatment did the Sabines experience 1 
 
 11. Did they tamely acquiesce in this outrage ? 
 
 12. Who undertook to revenge the disgrace of the Sabines ? 
 
 13. What was this stratagem, and how was its perpetrator rewarded 1 
 
 14. Did the possession of the Capitoline put an end to the wai ! 
 
 15. What put a stop to this sanguinary conflict? 
 
 1 6. What were the terms of accommodation ? 
 
 17. Was this joint sovereignty of long continuance? 
 
 1 8. Was Romulus successful in military affairs ? 
 7 9. What was the consequence ? 
 
 20. What was the tianner of his death I
 
 NT'MA POMHLirS. 71 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF ROMULUS, TO THE DEATH OF NUMA 
 POMPILIUS, THE SECOND KINO OF ROME. U. C. 38. 
 
 1. UPON the death of Rom'ulus, the city seemed greatly 
 divided in the choice of a successor. The Sab'ines were 
 for having a king chosen from their body ; but the Romans 
 could not endure the thoughts of advancing a stranger to the 
 throne. In this perplexity, the senators undertook to supply 
 the place of the king, by taking the government each of 
 them in turn, for five days, and during that time enjoying 
 all the honours and all the privileges of royalty. 2. This 
 new form of government continued for a year ; but the ple- 
 beians, who saw this method of transferring power was only 
 multiplying their masters, insisted upon altering that mode 
 of government. The senate being thus driven to an elec- 
 tion, at length pitched upon Nu'ma Pompil'ius, a Sab'ine, 
 and their choice was received with universal approbation 
 by the people.* 
 
 3. Nu'ma Pompil'ius, who was now about forty, had 
 long been eminent for his piety, his justice, his moderation, 
 and exemplary life. He was skilled in all the learning and 
 philosophy of the Sab'ines, and lived at home at Cu ; res,t 
 contented with a private fortune ; unambitious of higher 
 honours. It was not, therefore, without reluctance, that he 
 accepted the dignity; which, when he did so, produced 
 such joy, that the people seemed not so much to receive a 
 king as a kingdom. 
 
 4. No monarch could be more proper for them than 
 Nu'ma, at a conjuncture when the government was com- 
 posed of various petty states lately subdued, and but ill 
 united to each other : they wanted a master who could, by 
 his laws and precepts, soften their fierce dispositions ; and, 
 by his example, induce them to a love of religion, and 
 every milder virtue. 5. Numa's whole time, therefore, was 
 
 * Nu'ma Pompil'ius was the fourth son of Pompil'ius Pom'po, an 
 illustrious Sab'ine. He had married Ta'tia, the daughter of Ta'tius, the 
 colleague of Rom'ulus, and on the death of his wife, gave himself up 
 entirely to solitude and study. (Plutarch Livy.) 
 
 ( More probably at Quirium, the Sabine town which was united witc 
 Rome. (See Introduction, Ghap. II.)
 
 72 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 spent in inspiring his subjects with a love of piety, and a 
 veneration for the gods. He built many new temples, insti- 
 tuted sacred offices and feasts ; and the sanctity or" his life 
 gave strength to his assertion that he had a particular cor- 
 respondence with the goddess Ege'ria. By her advice he 
 built the temple of Janus, which was to be shut in time of 
 peace, and open in war. He regulated the appointment of 
 the vestal virgins, and added considerably to the privileges 
 which they had previously enjoyed. 
 
 6. For the encouragement of agriculture, he divided those 
 lands, w-hich Romulus had gained in war, among the poorer 
 part of the people ; he regulated the calendar, and abolished 
 the distinction between Romans and Sabines, by dividing 
 the people according to their several trades, and compelling 
 them to live together. Thus having arrived at the age of 
 fourscore years, and having reigned forty-three in profound 
 peace, he died, ordering his body, contrary to the custom 
 of the times, to be buried in a stone coffin ; and his books 
 of ceremonies, which consisted of twelve in Latin, and as 
 many in Greek, to be buried by his side in another.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Upon the death of Romulus, what took place in regard to his 
 
 successor ? 
 
 2. How long did this order of things continue 7 
 
 3. What was the character of Numa Pompiliusl 
 
 4. Was Xuma a monarch suited to this peculiar conjuncture? 
 
 5. Relate the acts of Numa 7 
 
 6. What were the further acts of Numa 1 
 
 7. What orders did he leave at his death 1 
 
 * The age of Nu'ma is scarcely more historical than that of Rom'ulus, 
 but the legends respecting it are fewer and pa-take less of extravagance. 
 Indeed, he had himself discouraged the songs of the bards, by ordering 
 the highest honours to be paid to Tac'ita, the Came'na or Muse of 
 Silence. His memory was best preserved by the religious ceremonies 
 ascribed to him by universal tradition. The later poets loved to dwell 
 on his peaceful virtues, and on the pure affection that existed between 
 him and the nymph Egeria. They tell us that when the king served 
 up a moderate repast to his guests on earthen-ware, she suddenly 
 changed the dishes into gold, and the plain food into the most sumptu- 
 ous viands. They also add, that when he died, Egeria melted away 
 in tears for his loss, and was changed into a fountain.
 
 TULLITS HOSTILIUS. 73 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF NTJMA, TO THE DEATH OF TULLUS 
 HOSTILIUS, THE THIRD KING OF ROME. U. C. 82. 
 
 1. AT the death of Nu'ma, the government once more 
 devolved upon the senate, and so continued, till the people 
 elected Tullus Hostil'ius for their king, which choice had 
 also the concurrence of the other part of the constitution. 
 This monarch, the grandson of a noble Roman,* who had 
 formerly signalized himself against the Sab'ines, was every 
 way unlike his predecessor, being entirely devoted to war, 
 and more fond of enterprise than even the founder of the 
 empire himself had been ; so that he only sought a pretext 
 for leading his forces to the field. 
 
 2. The JHbans, by committing some depredations on the 
 Roman territory, were the first people that gave him an 
 opportunity of indulging his favourite inclinations. The 
 forces of the two states met about five miles from Rome, 
 prepared to decide the fate of their respective kingdoms ; 
 for, in these times, a single battle was generally decisive. 
 The two armies were for some time drawn out in array, 
 awaiting the signal to begin, both chiding the length of that 
 dreadful suspense, when an unexpected proposal from the 
 Alban general put a stop to the onset. 3. Stepping in be- 
 tween both armies, he offered the Romans to decide the 
 dispute by single combat ; adding, that the side whose 
 champion was overcome, should submit to the conqueror. 
 A proposal like this, suited the impetuous temper of the 
 Roman king, and was embraced with joy by his subjects, 
 each of whom hoped that he himself should be chosen to 
 fight the cause of his country. 4. There were, at that time, 
 three twin brothers in each army ; those of the Romans 
 were called Hora'tii, and those of the Albans Curia'tii ; all 
 six remarkable for their courage, strength, and activity, 
 and to these it was resolved to commit the management of 
 the combat.t At length the champions met, and each, to- 
 
 * It seems to have been part of the compact between the Romans and 
 Sahines, that a king of each people should reign alternately. 
 
 f The Hora'tii and Curia'tii were, according to Diony'sius of Halicar- 
 nas'Mis, the sons of two sisters, daughters of Sequin'ius, an illustrious 
 citizen of Alba. One married to Curia'tius, a citizen of Alba, and the 
 other to Hora'tius, a Roman : so that the champions were near relative* 
 
 G
 
 74 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 tally regardless of his own safety, only sought the destruc- 
 tion of his opponent. The spectators, in horrid silence, 
 trembled at every blow, and wished to share the danger, 
 till fortune seemed to decide the glory of the field. 5. Vic. 
 tory, that had hitherto been doubtful, appeared to declare 
 against the Romans : they beheld two of their champions 
 lying dead upon the plain, and the three Curia'tii, who 
 were wounded, slowly endeavouring to pursue the survi- 
 vor, who seemed by flight to beg for mercy. Too soon, 
 however, they perceived that his flight was only pretended, 
 in order to separate his three antagonists, whom he waa 
 unable to oppose united ; for quickly after, stopping hia 
 course, and turning upon the first, who followed closely 
 behind, he laid him dead at his feet : the second brother, 
 who was coming up to assist him that had already fallen, 
 shared the same fate. 6. There now remained but the last 
 Curia'tius to conquer, who, fatigued and disabled by hia 
 wounds, slowly advanced to offer an easy victory. He was 
 killed, almost unresisting, while the conqueror, exclaiming, 
 " Two have I already sacrificed to the manes of my bro- 
 thers, the third I will offer up to my country," despatched 
 him as a victim to the superiority of the Romans, whom 
 now the Alban army consented to obey.* 
 
 7. But the virtues of that age were not without alloy ; 
 that very hand that in the morning was exerted to save his 
 country, was, before night, imbrued in the blood of a sister: 
 for, returning triumphant from the field, it raised his indig- 
 nation to behold her bathed in tears, and lamenting the loss 
 of her lover, one of the Curia'tii, to whom she had been be- 
 trothed. This so provoked him beyond the powers of suf- 
 ferance, that in a rage he slew her: but the action displeased 
 the senate, and drew after it the condemnation of the magis 
 trate. He was, however, pardoned, by making his appeal 
 to the people, but obliged to pass under the yoke ; an igno- 
 minious punishment, usually inflicted on prisoners of Avar. 1 
 
 8. Tullus having greatly increased the power and wealth 
 of Rome by repeated victories, now thought proper to de- 
 mand satisfaction of the Sab'ines for the insults which had 
 been formerly offered to some Roman citizens at the temple 
 
 * This obedience of the Albans was of short duration; they soon re- 
 lielled and were defeated by Tullus, who razed the city of Alba to the 
 ground, and transplanted the inhabitants to Rome, where he conferred 
 en them the privileges of citizens. 
 
 | Livy, lib. i. cap. 26. Dion. Hal. 1. 3.
 
 ANCU3 MARTIL'8. 
 
 75 
 
 The victorious Horatiui killing bit litter. 
 
 of the goddess Fero'nia, which was common to both nations 
 A war ensued, which lasted some years, and ended in the 
 total overthrow of the Sab'ines. 
 
 Hostil'ius died after a reign of thirty-two years ; some say 
 oy lightning; others, with more probability, by treason. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. On whom devolved the government on the death of Numa, and what 
 is the character of his successor 1 
 
 5Z. What opportunity first offered of indulging the new king's inclina- 
 tions ? 
 
 3. What proposal was offered, and accepted for deciding the dispute 1 
 
 4 6. Re'ate the circumstances which attended the combat, and the re 
 suit of it. 
 
 7. What act followed the victory ? 
 
 8. What conquest was next achieved t 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF TULLUS HOSTILIUS TO THE DEATH OF AN 
 CUS MARTIUS THE FOURTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 115. 
 
 1. AFTER an interregnum, as in the former case, Ancus 
 Mar'tius, the grandson of Numa, was elected king by the 
 people, and their choice was afterwards confirmed by the 
 senate. As this monarch was a lineal descendant from
 
 76 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Numa, so he seemed to make him the great object of his 
 imitation. He instituted the sacred ceremonies, which were 
 to precede a declaration of war ;* but he took every occa- 
 sion to advise his subjects to return to the arts of agricul- 
 ture, and to lay aside the less useful stratagems of war. 
 
 2. These institutions and precepts were considered by the 
 neighbouring powers rather as marks of cowardice than of 
 wisdom. The Latins therefore began to make incursions 
 upon his territories, but their success was equal to their 
 justice. An'cus conquered the Latins, destroyed their cities, 
 removed their inhabitants to Rome, and increased his do- 
 minions by the addition of part of theirs. He quelled also 
 an insurrection of the Ve'ii, the Fiden'ates, and the Vol'sci; 
 and over the Sab'ines he obtained a second triumph. 
 
 3. But his victories over the enemy were by no means 
 comparable to his works at home, in raising temples, forti- 
 fying the city, making a prison for malefactors, and build- 
 ing a sea-port at the mouth of the Ti'ber, called Os'tia, by 
 which he secured to his subjects the trade of that river, and 
 that of the salt-pits adjacent. Thus having enriched his 
 subjects, and beautified the city, he died, after a reign of 
 twenty-four years. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Who was elected by the people after the interregnum, and what 
 
 measures did he pursue 1 
 
 2. In what light did his enemies consider his institutions 1 
 With what success did they oppose him ? 
 
 3. What were the other acts of Ancus! 
 How many years did he reign 1 
 
 * First an ambassador was sent to demand satisfaction for the alleged 
 injury ; if this were not granted within thirty-three days, heralds were 
 appointed to proclaim the war in the name of the gods and people of 
 Eome. At the conclusion of their speech, they threw their javelins into 
 the enemy's confines, and departed.
 
 TARQU1MUS PRISCUB. 77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF ANGUS MARTIUS, TO THE DEATH OF TAR- 
 ftUINIUS PRISCUS THE FIFTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 130. 
 
 1. Lu'cius TARQUIN'HJS PRIS'CUS was appointed guardian 
 to the sons of the late king, and took the surname of Tar- 
 quin'ius from the city of Tarquin'ia, whence he last came. 
 His father was a merchant of Corinth,* who had acquired 
 considerable wealth by trade, and had settled in Italy, upon 
 account of some troubles at home. His son, who inherited 
 his fortune, married a woman of family in the city of Tar- 
 quin'ia. 2. His birth, profession, and country, being con- 
 temptible to the nobles of the place, he, by his wife's per- 
 suasion, came to settle at Rome, where merit also gave a 
 title to distinction. On his w;iy thither, say the historians, 
 as he approached the city gate, an eagle, stooping from 
 above, took off his hat, and flying round his chariot for 
 some time, with much noise, put it on again. This his 
 wife Tan'aquil, who it seems was skilled in augury, inter- 
 preted as a presage that he should one day wear the crown. 
 Perhaps it was this which first fired his ambition to pursue 
 it. 3. Ancus being dead, and the kingdom, as usual, de- 
 volving upon the senate, Tarquin used all his power and 
 arts to set aside the children of the late king, and to get 
 himself elected in their stead. For this purpose, upon the 
 day appointed for election, he contrived to have them sent 
 out of the city ; and in a set speech, in which he urged his 
 friendship for the people, the fortune he had spent among 
 them, and his knowledge of their government, he offered 
 himself for their king. As there was nothing in this ha- 
 rangue that could be contested, it had the desired effect, 
 and the people, with one consent, elected him as their sove- 
 reign. 
 
 4. A kingdom thus obtained by intrigue, was, notwith- 
 standing, governed with equity. In the beginning of his 
 reign, in order to recompense his friends, he added a hun- 
 dred members more to the senate, which made them, in all, 
 three hundred. 
 
 Corinth (now Corito) was a celebrated city of ancient Greece, situ 
 ated on the isthmus of that name, about sixty stadia or furlongs from 
 the sea. Its original name was Ephy're. 
 
 e 2
 
 78 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 5. But his peaceful endeavours were soon interrupted 
 by the inroads of his restless neighbours, particularly the 
 Latins, over whom he triumphed, and whom he forced to 
 beg for peace. He then turned his arms against the Sabines, 
 who had risen once more, and had passed the river Ti'ber; 
 but attacking them with vigour, Tarquin routed their army ; 
 so that many who escaped the sword, were drowned in 
 attempting to cross over, while their bodies and armour, 
 floating down to Rome, brought news of the victory, even 
 before the messengers could arrive that were sent with the 
 tidings. These conquests were followed by several advan- 
 tages over the Latins, from whom he took many towns, 
 though without gaining any decisive victory. 
 
 6. Tarquin, having thus forced his enemies into submis 
 sion, was resolved not to let his subjects grow corrupt 
 through indolence. He therefore undertook and perfected 
 several public works for the convenience and embellishment 
 of the city.* 
 
 7. In his time it was, that the augurs came into a great 
 increase of reputation. He found it his interest to promote 
 the superstition of the people ; for this was, in fact, but to 
 increase their obedience. Tan'aquil, his wife, was a great 
 pretender to this art; but Ac'cius Nae'vius was the most 
 celebrated adept of the kind ever known in Rome. 8. Upon 
 a certain occasion, Tarquin, being resolved to try the augur's 
 skill, asked him, whether what he was then pondering in 
 his mind could be effected ? Nse'vius, having consulted his 
 auguries, boldly affirmed that it might : " Why, then," 
 cries the king, with an insulting smile, " I had thoughts of 
 cutting this whetstone with a razor." " Cut boldly," re- 
 plied the augur ; and the king cut it through accordingly. 
 Thenceforward nothing was undertaken in Rome without 
 eonsulting the augurs, and obtaining their advice and ap- 
 probation. 
 
 9. Tarquin was not content with a kingdom, withou* 
 having also the ensigns of royalty. In imitation of the 
 Lyd'ian kings, he assumed a crown of gold, an ivory 
 throne, a sceptre with an eagle on the top, and robes of 
 purple. It was, perlraps, the splendour of these royalties 
 that first raised the envy of the late king's sons, who had 
 
 * Preparations for building the Capitol were made in this reign. The 
 eity was likewise fortified with stone walls, and the cloacte, or comni<h 
 6ew*rs, constructed by the munificence of this prince. (See Iptrod.)
 
 TARQUIXIUS PRISCUS. 79 
 
 now, for above thirty-seven years, quietly submitted to his 
 government. His design also of adopting Ser'vius Tul'- 
 lius, his son-in-law, for his successor, might have contri- 
 buted to inflame their resentment. 10. Whatever was the 
 cause of their tardy vengeance, they resolved to destroy 
 him ; and, at last, found means to effect their purpose, by 
 hiring two ruffians, who, demanding to speak with the king, 
 pretending that they came for justice, struck him dead in 
 his palace with the blow of an axe. The lictors, however, 
 who waited upon the person of the king, seized the mur- 
 derers as they were attempting to escape, and put them to 
 death : but the sons of Ancus, who were the instigators, 
 found safety in flight. 
 
 11. Thus fell Lu'cius Tarquin'ius, surnamed Pris'cus, to 
 distinguish him from one of his successors of the same 
 name. He was eighty years of age, and had reigned thirty- 
 eight years.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Who was Lucius Tarquinius Priscus? 
 
 2. What occasioned his removal to Rome, and what circumstance! 
 
 attended it? 
 
 3. Was this presage fulfilled, and by what means 1 
 
 4. In what manner did he govern 7 
 
 5. Was Tarquin a warlike prince ? 
 
 6. How did he improve his victories'? 
 
 7. By what act did he insure the obedience of his subjects ? 
 
 8. What contributed to increase the reputation of the augurs? 
 
 9. What part of his conduct is supposed to have raised the envy of 
 
 the late king's sons ? 
 
 10. What was the consequence of this envy and resentment 1 
 
 11. What was his age, and how long did he reign? 
 
 * The history of the elder Tarquin presents insuperable difficulties. 
 We are told th;it his original name was Lu'cumo; but that, as has been 
 mi ntioned in the Introduction, was the Etrurian designation of a chief 
 magistrate. One circumstance, however, is unquestionable, that with 
 him began the greatness and the splendour of the Roman city. He 
 commenced those vaulted sewers which still attract the admiration of 
 posterity ; he erected the first circus for the exhibition of public specta- 
 cles ; he planned the Capitol, and commenced, if he did not complete, 
 the first city wall. The tradition that he was a Tuscan prince, appears 
 to be well founded ; but the Corinthian origin of his family is very 
 improbable.
 
 80 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF TARQUINIUS PRISCUS TO THE DEATH OB 
 SERVIUS TULLIUS, THE SIXTH KING OF ROME. U. C. 176. 
 
 1. THE report of the murder of Tarquin filled all his 
 subjects with complaint and indignation ; while the citizens 
 ran from every quarter to the palace, to learn the truth of 
 the account, or to take vengeance on the assassins. 2. In 
 this tumult, Tan'aquil, widow of the late king, considering 
 the danger she must incur, in case the conspirators should 
 succeed to the crown, and desirous of seeing her son-in-law 
 his successor, with great art dissembled her sorrow, as well 
 as the king's death. She assured the people, from one of 
 the windows of the palace, that he was not killed, but only 
 stunned by the blow ; that he would shortly recover ; and 
 that in the meantime he had deputed his power to Ser'vius 
 Tul'lius, his son-in-law. Ser'vius, accordingly, as it' had 
 been agreed upon between them, issued from the palace, 
 adorned with the ensigns of royalty, and, preceded by his 
 lictors, went to despatch some affairs that related to the 
 public safety, still pretending that he took all his instruc- 
 tions from the king. This scene of dissimulation continued 
 for some days, till he had made his party good among the 
 nobles ; when, the death of Tarquin being publicly ascer- 
 tained, Ser'vius came to the crown, solely at the senate's 
 appointment, and without attempting to gain the suffrages 
 of the people. 
 
 3. Ser'vius was the son of a bondwoman, who had been . 
 taken at the sacking of a town belonging to the Latins, and 
 was bom whilst his mother was a slave. While yet an in- 
 fant in his cradle, a lambent flame* is said to have played 
 round his head, which Tan'aquil converted into an omen of 
 future greatness. 
 
 4. Upon being acknowledged king, he determined to 
 make a great change in the Roman constitution by admit- 
 ting the plebeians to a participation in the civil government 
 The senate was too weak to resist the change when it was 
 proposed, but it submitted with great reluctance. 5. Ser'- 
 vius divided all the Romans into classes and centuries 
 
 * A flame of fire gliding about without doing any harm.
 
 SERVIUS TULLIUS. 81 
 
 according to their -u culth and the amount of taxes paid to 
 the state. The number of centuries in the first class nearly 
 equalled that of all the others ; a great advantage to the 
 plebeians ; for the lower classes being chiefly clients of the 
 patricians, were always inclined to vote according to the 
 prejudices or interests of their patrons. 
 
 0. The classification by centuries was also used for mili- 
 tary purposes ; the heavy armed infantry being selected from 
 the richer classes ; the light troops, whose arms and armour 
 could be obtained at less expense, were levied among the 
 lower centuries. 
 
 7. In order to ascertain the increase or decay of his sub- 
 jects, ind their fortunes, he instituted another regulation, 
 which he called a lustrum. By this, all the citizens were 
 t8%ssemble in the Cam'pus Mar'tius,* in complete armour, 
 and in their respective classes, once in five years, and there 
 to give an exact account of their families and fortune. 
 
 8. Having enjoyed a long reign, spent in settling the do- 
 mestic policy of the state, and also not inattentive to foreign 
 concerns, he conceived reasonable hopes of concluding it 
 with tranquillity and ease. He even had thoughts of laying 
 down his power ; and, having formed the kingdom into a 
 republic, to retire into obscurity ; but so generous a design 
 was frustrated ere it could be put into execution. 
 
 9. In the beginning of his reign, to secure the throne by 
 every precaution, he had married his two daughters to the 
 two grandsons of Tarquin ; and as he knew that the women, 
 as well as their intended husbands, were of opposite dispo- 
 sitions, he resolved to cross their tempers^ by giving each 
 to him of a contrary turn of mind ; her thai was meek and 
 gentle to him that was bold and furious ; her that was un- 
 governable and proud, to him that was remarkable for a 
 contrary character ; by this he supposed that each would 
 correct the failings of the other, and that the mixture would 
 be productive of concord. 10. The event, however, proved 
 otherwise. Lu'cius, the haughty son-in-law, soon grew 
 displeased with the meekness of his consort, and placed his 
 whole affections upon his brother's wife, Tullia, who an- 
 swered his passion with sympathetic ardour. As their 
 wishes were ungovernable, they soon resolved to break 
 
 A large plain at Rome, without the walls of the city, where the 
 Roman youth performed their exercises. Cam'pus is the Latin word 
 for Hi-Id; and this field or plain was called Mar'tius, because it was 
 dedicated to Mars, the god of war.
 
 82 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 through every restraint that prevented their union ; they 
 both undertook to murder their respective consorts ; they 
 succeeded, and were soon after married together. 11. A 
 first crime ever produces a second ; from the destruction of 
 their consorts, they proceeded to conspiring that of the 
 king. They began by raising factions against him, alleging 
 his illegal title to the crown, and Lu'cius claiming it as his 
 own, as heir to Tarquin. At length, when he found the 
 senate ripe for seconding his views, he entered the senate- 
 house, adorned with all the ensigns of royalty, and, placing 
 himself upon the throne, began to harangue them on the 
 obscurity of the king's birth, and the injustice of his title. 
 12. While he was yet speaking, Ser'vius entered, attended 
 by a few followers, and seeing his throne thus rudely in- 
 vaded, offered to push the usurper from his seat ; but Tar- 
 quin, being in the vigour of youth, threw the old king down 
 the steps which led to the throne ; some of his adherents, 
 who were instructed for that purpose, followed him, as he 
 was feebly attempting to get to the palace, dispatched him 
 by the way, and threw his body, all mangled and bleeding, 
 as a public spectacle, into the street. 13. In the mean time, 
 Tul'lia, burning with impatience for the event, was informed 
 of what her husband had done, and, resolving to be among 
 the first who should salute him as monarch, ordered her 
 chariot to the senate-house. But as her charioteer ap- 
 proached the place where the body of the old king, her 
 father, lay exposed and bloody; the man, amazed at the 
 inhuman spectacle, and not willing to trample upon it with 
 his horses, offered to turn another way ; this serving only 
 to increase the fierceness of her anger, she threw the foot- 
 stool at his headi and ordered him to drive over the body 
 without hesitation.* 
 
 14. This was the end of Ser'vius Tul'lius, a prince of 
 eminent justice and moderation, after an useful and prosper- 
 ous reign of forty-four years. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What effect had the murder of Tarquin on his subjects T 
 
 2. By what means was the succession assured to Servius Tullius ? 
 
 * The blood of the good old king is said to have dyed the chariot 
 wheels, and even the clothes of the inhuman daughter ; from that time 
 the street where it happened was called vicu* sceleratits, the wicked or 
 accursed street
 
 TARQUIMUS STJPERBUS. 83 
 
 3. Who was Servius ? 
 
 4. What was the chief ohject of his reign ! 
 
 5. What was the nature of the change made by Servius in the Roman 
 
 constitution T 
 G. Was the classification by centuries used for civil purposes only 1 
 
 7. What other important measure did he adopt 1 
 
 8. What hopes did he entertain in his old age 1 
 
 9. By what means did he hope to secure tranquil possession of the 
 
 throne ! 
 10. How was it that the event failed to answer his expectations? 
 
 11 To what farther crimes did the commencement lead 1 
 
 12 What followed? 
 
 1 3 What was the conduct of his daughter on this melancholy occasion 1 
 14. Wtat was the character of Servius, and how long did he reign 1 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF SERVIUS TULLIUS TO THE BANISHMENT 
 OF TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS, THE SEVENTH AND LAST KINO 
 OF ROME. U. C. 220. 
 
 1. Lu'cius TARQUIN'IUS, afterwards called Super'bus, or 
 the Proud, having placed himself upon the throne, in con- 
 sequence of this horrid deed, was resolved to support his 
 dignity with the same violence with which it was acquired. 
 Regardless of the senate or the people's approbation, he 
 seemed to claim the crown by an hereditary right, and re- 
 fused burial to the late king's body, under pretence of his 
 being an usurper. 2. All the good part of mankind, how- 
 ever, looked upon his accession with detestation and hor- 
 ror : and this act of inefficient cruelty only served to confirm 
 their hatred. 3. Conscious of this, he ordered all such as 
 ne suspested to have been attached to Ser'vius, to be put to 
 death ; and fearing the natural consequences of his tyranny, 
 he increased the guard round his person. 
 
 4. His chief policy seems to have been to keep the peo- 
 ple always employed either in wars or public works, by 
 which means he diverted their attention from his unlawful 
 method of coming to the crown. He first marched against 
 the Sab'ines, who refused to pay him obedience ; and he 
 soon reduced them to submission. 5. In the meantime, 
 many of the discontented patricians, abandoning their na- 
 tive country, took refuge in Ga'bii, a city of Latium, about
 
 ft-t HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 twelve miles from Rome, waiting an opportunity to take up 
 arms, and drive Tarquin from his throne. To escape this 
 danger. Tarquin had recourse to the following stratagem. 
 6. He caused his son Sextus to counterfeit desertion, upon 
 pretence of barbarous usage, and to seek refuge among the 
 inhabitants of the place. There, by artful complaints and 
 studied lamentations, Sextus so prevailed upon the pity of 
 the people, as to be chosen their governor, and, soon after, 
 general of their army. 7. At first, in every engagement, 
 he appeared successful ; till, at length, finding himself en- 
 tirely possessed of the confidence of the state, he sent a 
 trusty messenger to his father for instructions. Tarquin 
 made no answer ; but taking the messenger to the garden, 
 he cut down before him the tallest poppies. Sextus readily 
 understood the meaning of this reply, and found means to 
 destroy or remove, one by one, the principal men of the 
 city ; taking care to confiscate their effects among the 
 people. 8. The charms of this dividend kept the giddy 
 populace blind to their approaching ruin, till they found 
 themselves at last without counsellors or head ; and, in the 
 end, fell under the power of Tarquin, without even striking 
 a blow.* 
 
 9. But, while he was engaged in wars abroad, he took 
 care not to suffer the people to continue in idleness at home. 
 He undertook to build the Capitol, the foundation of which 
 had been laid in a former reign ; and an extraordinary event 
 contributed to hasten the execution of his design. A woman, 
 in strange attire, made her appearance at Rome, and came 
 to the king, offering to sell nine books, which, she said, 
 were of her own composing. 10. Not knowing the abili- 
 ties of the seller, or that she was, in fact, one of the cele- 
 brated Sybils, whose prophecies were never found to fail, 
 Tarquin refused to buy them. Upon this she departed, and 
 burning three of her books, returned again, demanding the 
 same price for the six remaining. 11. Being once more 
 despised as an impostor, she again departed, and burning 
 three more, she returned with the remaining three, still 
 asking the same price as at first. Tarquin, surprised at the 
 
 * This story is manifestly a fiction formed from the Greek traditions 
 respecting Zopy'nus and Thrasybu'lus. It is decisively contradicted by 
 the fact, that a treaty for the union of the Romans and Gabians, on 
 equitable terms, was preserved in the Capitol. It was painted on a 
 shield covered -vitti the hide of the bull which had been sacrificed at thi 
 ratification of the league
 
 TARQUINHTS SUPERBUS. 85 
 
 inconsistency of her behaviour, consulted the augurs, to be 
 advised what to do. These much blamed him for not buy- 
 ing the nine, and commanded him to take the three remain- 
 ing, at whatsoever price they were to be had. 12. The 
 woman, says the historian, after thus selling and delivering 
 the three prophetic volumes, and advising him to have a 
 special attention to what they contained, vanished from be- 
 fore him, and was never seen after. A trick this, invented 
 probably by Tarquin himself, to impose upon the people ; and 
 to find in the Sybil's leaves whatever the government might 
 require. However this was, he chose proper persons to 
 keep them, who, though but two at first, were afterwards 
 increased to fifteen, under the name of Quindecemviri. The 
 important volumes were put into a stone chest, and a vault 
 in the newly designed building was thought the properest 
 place to secure them.* 
 
 13. The people, having been now for four years together 
 employed in building the Capitol, began, at last, to wish for 
 something new to engage them ; Tarquin, therefore, to 
 satisfy their wishes, proclaimed war against the Ru'tuli, 
 upon a, frivolous pretence of their having entertained some 
 malefactors, whom he had banished ; and invested their 
 chief city, Ar'dea, which lay about sixteen miles from Rome. 
 14. While the army was encamped before this place, the 
 king's son Sextus Tarquinius, Collati'nus a noble Roman, 
 and some others, sitting in a tent drinking together, the dis- 
 course turned upon wives, each man preferring the beauty 
 and virtue of his own. Collati'nus offered to decide the 
 dispute by putting it to an immediate trial, whose wife 
 should be found possessed of the greatest beauty, and most 
 sedulously employed at that very hour : being heated with 
 wine, the proposal was relished by the whole company ; 
 and, taking horse without delay, they posted to Rome, 
 though the night was already pretty far advanced. 
 
 15. There they found Lucre'tia, the wife of Collati'nus, 
 not like the other women of her age, spending the time in 
 ease and luxury, but spinning in the midst of her maids, 
 and cheerfully portioning out their tasks. Her modest 
 beauty, and the easy reception she gave her husband and 
 his friends, so charmed them all, that they unanimously 
 gave her the preference, but kindled, in the breast of Sextus 
 Tarquin'ius, a detestable passion, which occasioned the 
 
 * The Capitol, or temple of Jupiter Capitoli'nus. 
 II
 
 H6 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 grossest insult and injury to Lucre'tia, who, detesting the 
 light, and resolving to destroy herself for the crime of an- 
 other, demanded her husband Collati'nus, and Spu'rius, her 
 father, to come to her ; an indelible disgrace having befallen 
 the family. 16. They instantly obeyed the summons, 
 bringing with them Valerius, a kinsman of her father, and 
 Junius Bru'tus, a reputed idiot, whose father Tarquin had 
 murdered, and who had accidentally met the messenger by 
 the way. 17. Their arrival only served to increase Lucre '- 
 tia's poignant anguish ; they found her in a state of the 
 deepest desperation, and vainly attempted to give her relief. 
 After passionately charging Sextus Tarquin'ius with the 
 basest perfidy towards her husband and injury to herself, she 
 drew a poinard from beneath her robe, and instantly plung- 
 ing it into her bosom, expired without a groan. 18. Struck 
 with sorrow, pity, and indignation, Spu'rius and Collati'nus 
 gave vent to their grief; but Bru'tus, drawing the poinard, 
 reeking, from Lucre'tia's wound, and lifting it up towards 
 heaven, " Be witness, ye gods," he cried, " that, from this 
 moment, I proclaim myself the avenger of the chaste Lu- 
 cretia's cause ; from this moment I profess myself the 
 enemy of Tarquin and his wicked house ; from henceforth 
 this life, while life continues, shall be employed in opposi- 
 tion to tyranny, and for the happiness and freedom of my 
 much-loved country." 19. A new amazement seized the 
 hearers : he, whom they had hitherto considered as an idiot, 
 now appearing, in his real character, the friend of justice, 
 and of Rome. He told them, that tears and lamentations 
 were unmanly, when vengeance called so loudly ; and, de- 
 livering the poinard to the rest, imposed the same oath upon 
 them which he himself had just taken. 
 
 20. Ju'nius Brutus was the son of Marcus .Tu'nius, who 
 was put to death by Tarquin the Proud, and the grandson 
 of Tarquin the elder. He had received an excellent educa- 
 tion from his father, and had, from nature, strong sense and 
 an inflexible attachment to virtue ; but knowing that Tar- 
 quin had murdered his father and his eldest brother, he 
 counterfeited a fool, in order to escape the same danger, 
 and thence obtained the surname of Bru'tus. Tarquin, 
 thinking his folly real, despised the man ; and having pos- 
 sessed himself of his estate, kept him as an idiot in his 
 house, merely with a view of making sport for his children. 
 
 21. Brutus, however, only waited this opportunity to 
 avenge the cause of his family. He ordered Lucre'tia's
 
 TARQljJMUS &UPERBUS. 87 
 
 dead body to be brought out to view, and exposing it in the 
 public forum, inflamed the ardour of the citizens by a dis- 
 play of the horrid transaction. He obtained a decree of the 
 senate, that Tarquin and his family should be for ever 
 banished from Rome, and that it should be capital for any 
 to plead for, or to attempt his future return. 22. Thus this 
 monarch, who had now reigned twenty-five years, being 
 expelled his kingdom, went to take refuge with his family 
 at Ci'ra, a little city of Etru'ria. In the mean, time the 
 Roman army made a truce with the enemy, and Bru'tus was 
 proclaimed deliverer of the people. 
 
 Thus ended with Tarquin, after a continuance of two 
 hundred and forty-five years, the regal state of Rome. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the conduct of Lucius Tarquinius at the commencement 
 
 of his reign 1 
 
 2. Was his claim quietly acquiesced in ? 
 
 3. What means did he adopt for his security 1 
 
 4. By what means did he divert the people's attention from the un- 
 
 lawful manner in which he acquired the crown 1 
 
 5. What happened in the mean time 1 
 
 6. To what mean artifice did he have recourse t 
 
 7. How did Sextus accomplish his father's design 1 
 
 8. What were the elfects of this measure 1 
 
 9. In what way did he employ his subjects at home during his ab- 
 
 sence, and what extraordinary event occurred 1 
 
 10. Did he accept her offer! 
 
 11. Was her second application successful, and what followed? 
 
 12. What hecame of the Sybil, and what is the general opinion re- 
 
 specting this transaction 1 
 
 13. Upon wnat pretence did Tarquin proclaim war against the Kutuli? 
 
 14. What remarkable event took place at the siege of Ardeal 
 
 1 5. What was the consequence of this intemperate frolic ! 
 
 16. How did Lucretia support the loss of her honour 1 
 
 17. Did they obey her summons, and who did they bring with them * 
 
 18. What was the consequence of their arrival ? 
 
 1 9. What effect had this dreadful catastrophe on those present ? 
 
 20. How was this unexpected resolution received 1 
 
 21. Give some account of Brutus. 
 
 22. For what reason, and by what means, did Brutus endeavour th 
 
 abolition of royalty ? 
 
 23. What became of Tarquin after his expulsion 1
 
 88 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 FROM THE BANISHMENT OF TARQUIN, TO THE APPOINTMENT 
 OF THE DICTATOR. U. C. 245. 
 
 1. THE regal power being overthrown, a republican form 
 of government was substituted in its room. The senate, 
 however, reserved by far the greatest share of the authority 
 to themselves, and decorated their own body with all the 
 spoils of deposed monarchy. The centuries of the people 
 chose from among the senators, instead of a king, two an- 
 nual magistrates, whom they called CONSULS,* with power 
 equal to that of the regal, and with the same privileges and 
 the same ensigns of authority. 
 
 2. Bru'tus, the deliverer of his country, and Collati'nus, 
 the husband of Lucre 'tia, were chosen the first consuls in 
 Rome. 
 
 3. But this new republic, however, which seemed so 
 grateful to the people, had like to have been destroyed in 
 its very commencement. A party was formed in favour of 
 Tarquin. Some young men of the principal families in the 
 state, who had been educated about the king, and had 
 shared in all the luxuries and pleasures of the court, under- 
 took to re-establish monarchy. 4. This party secretly in- 
 creased every day ; and what may create surprise, the sons 
 of Bru'tus himself, and the Aqui'lii, the nephews of Colla- 
 ti'nus, were among the number. 5. Tarquin, who was in- 
 formed of these intrigues in his favour, sent ambassadors 
 from Etru'ria to Rome, under a pretence of reclaiming the 
 estates of the exiles ; but, in reality, with a design to give 
 spirit to his faction. 6. The conspiracy was discovered by 
 a slave who had accidentally hid himself in the room where 
 the conspirators used to assemble. 7. Few situations could 
 have been more terribly affecting than that of Bru'tus : a 
 father placed as a judge upon the life and death of his own 
 
 * These were first called Praetors, next Juclices, and afterwards Con- 
 suls: a Consulendo, from their consulting the good of the Common 
 wealth. They had the royal ornaments, as the golden crown, sceptre, 
 purple robes, lictors, and the ivory and curule chairs. The crowns and 
 sceptres were, however, used only on extraordinary days of triumph.- 
 See Introduction.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 89 
 
 children, impelled by justice to condemn, and by nature to 
 spare them. 8. The young men pleaded nothing for them- 
 selves ; but, with conscious guilt, awaited their sentence in 
 silence and agony. 9. The other judges who were present 
 felt all the pangs of nature ; Collati'nus wept, and Vale'rius 
 could not repress his sentiments of pity. Brutus, alone, 
 seemed to have lost all the softness of humanity ; and, with 
 a stern countenance and a tone of voice that marked his 
 gloomy resolution, demanded of his sons if they could 
 make any defence, to the crimes with which they had been 
 charged. This demand he made three several times ; but 
 receiving no answer, he at length turned himself to the exe- 
 cutioner : " Now," cried he, " it is your part to perform 
 the rest." 10. Thus saying, he again resumed his seat 
 with an air of determined majesty ; nor could all the senti- 
 ments of paternal pity, the imploring looks of the people, 
 nor yet the tears of his sons, who were preparing for exe- 
 cution, alter the tenor of his resolution. Bru'tus, unmoved 
 by any motive but the public good, pronounced upon them 
 the sentence of death, and by his office was obliged to see it 
 put in execution. The prisoners were scourged and then 
 beheaded, and Bru'tus beheld the cruel spectacle ; but, in 
 spite of his stoic firmness, could not stifle the sentiments of 
 nature which he sacrificed to the necessity of his office. 
 
 11. Tarquin's hopes of an insurrection in his favour be 
 ing thus overset, he now resolved to force himself upon his 
 former throne by foreign assistance. He prevailed upon the 
 Veians to assist him, and, with a considerable army, ad- 
 vanced towards Rome. 
 
 12. The consuls were not remiss in preparations to op- 
 pose him. Vale'rius commanded the foot, and Bru'- Cu. c. 
 tus being appointed to head the cavalry, went out to 246. 
 meet him on the Roman border. 13. A'runs, the son of 
 Tarquin, who commanded the cavalry for his father, seeing 
 Bru'tus at a distance, resolved, by one great attempt, to de- 
 cide the fate of the day before the engaging of the armies ; 
 when, spurring his horse he flew to him with fury. Bru'- 
 tus perceived his approach, and singled out from the ranks, 
 they met with such ungoverned rage, that, eager only to as- 
 sail, and thoughtless of defending, they both fell dead upon 
 the field together. 14. A bloody battle ensued, with equal 
 slauijhtiT on both sides : but the Romans, remaining in pos- 
 session of the field of battle, claimed the victory. In con 
 sequence, Vale'rius returned in triumph to Rome. 
 
 H 2
 
 90 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 15. In the mean time Tarquin, no way intimidated by 
 his misfortunes, prevailed upon Porsen'na, one of the kingg 
 of Etruria, to espouse his cause, and in person to undertake 
 his quarrel. 16. This prince, equally noted for courage 
 and conduct marched directly to Rome, Avith a numerous 
 army, and laid siege to the city ; while the terror of hisr 
 name and arms filled all ranks of the people with dismay 
 The siege was carried on with vigour; a furious attack Avas 
 made upon the place ; the consuls opposed in vain, and 
 were carried off wounded from the field ; while the Romans, 
 flying in great consternation, were pursued by the enemy to 
 the bridge, over which both victors and vanquished were 
 about to enter the city in the confusion. 17. All noAv ap- 
 peared lost, when Hora'tius Co'cles, who had been placed 
 there as sentinel to defend it, opposed himself to the torrent 
 of the enemy, and, assisted only by two more, for some 
 time sustained the whole fury of the assault, till the bridge 
 was broken doAvn behind him. When he found the com- 
 munication thus cut oflf, plunging Avith his arms into the tor- 
 rent of the Tiber, he SAvam back A r ictorious to his felloAV- 
 soldiers, and Avas received Avith just applause.* 
 
 18. Still, hoAveA r er, Porsen'na Avas determined upon taking 
 the city ; and though five hundred of his men Avere slain in 
 a sally of the Romans, he reduced it to the greatest straits, 
 and turning the siege into a blockade, resolved to take it by 
 famine. 19. The distress of the besieged soon began to be 
 insufferable, and all things seemed to threaten a speedy sur- 
 render, when another act of fierce bravery, still superior to 
 that Avhich had saved the city before, again brought about 
 its safety and freedom. 
 
 20. Mu'tius, a youth of undaunted courage, was resolved 
 to rid his country of an enemy that so continued to oppress 
 it ; and, for this purpose, disguised in the habit of an Etru'- 
 rian peasant, entered the camp of the enemy, resolving to 
 die or to kill the king. 21. With this resolution he made 
 up to the place Avhere Rorsen'na Avas paying his troops, 
 Avith a secretary by his side ; but mistaking the latter for 
 the king, he stabbed him to the heart, and was immediately 
 apprehended and brought into the royal presence. 22. Up- 
 
 * For this heroic act, Hora'tius was crowned on his return ; his statue 
 was erected in the temple of Vulcan ; as much land was given him as a 
 plough could surround with a furrow in one day, and a tax was volun- 
 tarily imposed to make him a present in some degree suitable to the ser- 
 vice he had performed.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 91 
 
 on Porsen'na's demanding who he was, and the cause of so 
 heinous an action, Mu'tius, without reserve, informed him 
 of his country and his design, and at the same time thrust- 
 ing his right hand into a fire that was burning upon the al- 
 tar before him, " You see," cried he, " how little I regard 
 the severest punishment your cruelty can inflict. A Roman 
 knows not only how to act, but how to suffer ; I am not the 
 only person you have to fear ; three hundred Roman youths, 
 like me, have conspired your destruction ; therefore prepare 
 for their attempts." 23. Porsen'na, amazed at so much in- 
 trepidity, had too noble a mind not to acknowledge merit, 
 though found in an enemy ; he therefore ordered him to be 
 safely conducted back to Rome, and offered the besieged 
 conditions of peace.* 24. These were readily accepted on 
 their side, being neither hard nor disgraceful, except that 
 twenty hostages were demanded ; ten young men, and as 
 many virgins, of the best families in Rome. 25. But even 
 in this instance also, as if the gentler sex were resolved to 
 be sharers in the desperate valour of the times, Cle'lia, one 
 of the hostages, escaping from her guards, and pointing out 
 the way to the rest of her female companions, swam over 
 the Tiber on horseback, amidst showers of darts from the 
 enemy, and presented herself to the consul. 26. This ma- 
 gistrate, fearing the consequences of detaining her, sent her 
 back ; upon which Porsen'na, not to be outdone in genero- 
 sity, not only gave her liberty, but permitted her to choose 
 such of the hostages of the opposite sex as she should think 
 fit, to attend her. 27. On her part, she, with all the mo- 
 desty of a Roman virgin, chose only such as were under 
 fourteen, alleging, that their tender age was least capable 
 of sustaining the rigours of slavery.! 28. The year after 
 the departure of Porsen'na, the Sab'ines invading the Ro- 
 man territories, committed great devastations. The war 
 that ensued was long and bloody ; but at length the Sab'ines 
 
 * From this time he obtained the additional name of Scsevola, or left- 
 handed* from his having lost the use of his right hand by the fire. 
 
 ( National pride induced the Romans to conceal the fact that the city 
 was surrendered to Porsenna; Tacitus, however, expressly declares that 
 it was, and Pliny informs us of the severe conditions imposed by the con- 
 queror; one of the articles prohibited them from using iron except for 
 the purposes of agriculture. Plutarch, in his Roman Questions, declares 
 that there was a time when the Romans paid a tenth of their produce to 
 the Etrurian:), but that they were freed from the disgraceful tribute by 
 Hercules ; this tradition appears to refer to the conquest of the city by 
 Porsenna.
 
 92 HISTORY 01' HOME. 
 
 were compelled to purchase a peace, with corn, money, and 
 the cession of part of their territory. 
 
 29. Tarquin, by means of his son-in-law, Man'lius, once 
 more stirred up the Latins to espouse his interest, and took 
 the most convenient opportunity when the plebeians were at 
 variance with the senators concerning the payment of their 
 debts.* These refused to go to war, unless their debts were 
 remitted upon their return : so that the consuls, finding their 
 authority insufficient, offered the people to elect a temporary 
 magistrate, who should have absolute power, not only over 
 all ranks of the state, but even over the laws themselves. 
 To this the plebeians readily consented, willing to give up 
 their own power for the sake of abridging that of their su- 
 periors. 30. In consequence of this, Lar'tius Avas created 
 the first dictator of Rome, for so was this high office called, 
 being nominated to it by his colleague in the consulship. 
 31. Thus the people, who could not bear the very name of 
 king, readily submitted to a magistrate possessed of much 
 greater power ; so much do the names of things mislead us, 
 and so little is any form of government irksome to the peo- 
 ple, when it coincides with their prejudices. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What form of government was substituted for the regall 
 
 2. Who were the first consuls 1 
 
 3. Did this new government appear stable at its commencement 1 
 
 4. Was this party formidable, and who were the most remarkable of 
 
 its members ? 
 
 5. What share had Tarquin in this conspiracy ? 
 
 6. By what means was it discovered ! 
 
 7. In what unhappy situation was Brutus placed 1 
 
 8. What had the criminals to say in extenuation of their offences ! 
 
 9. What effect had this scene on the judges ? 
 
 10. Did not paternal affection cause him to relent 1 
 
 11. What measures did Tarquin next pursue 1 
 
 12. What steps were taken to resist him 1 
 
 * Besides this, by his emissaries, he engaged the meaner sort of citi- 
 zens and the slaves in a conspiracy. The former were, at an appointed 
 time, to seize the ramparts, and the latter to murder their masters at the 
 same instant. The gates were then to be opened to the Tar'quins, who 
 were to enter Rome while it was yet reeking with the blood of the 
 senators. This conspiracy was discovered to the consul by two o 
 Tarquin's principal agents.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 93 
 
 I3 What remarkable event attended the meeting of the armies! 
 
 14. Did this decide the fate of the day 1 
 
 15. Did Tarquin relinquish his hopes'? 
 
 16. In what manner did Porsenna attempt the restoration of Tarquin? 
 
 1 7. By what heroic action was the city saved 1 
 
 18. Did Porsenna persevere in his attempt! 
 
 1 9. What was the consequence 1 
 
 20. What was this act of heroism ! 
 
 21. Did he succeed ! 
 
 22. What followed ! 
 
 23. How did Porsenna act on the occasion! 
 
 24. Were these conditions accepted ! 
 
 25. What remarkable circumstance attended the delivery of the hostages! 
 
 26. How did the consul act on the occasion ! 
 
 27. Whom did she choose? 
 
 28. What happened after the departure of Porsenna ! 
 
 29. What measures did Tarquin next resort to! 
 
 30. What was the consequence ! 
 
 31. What inference may be drawn from this! 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 FROM THE CREATION OF THE DICTATOR, TO THE 
 ELECTION OF THE TRIBUNES. U. C. 255. 
 
 1. LAR'TIUS, being created dictator,* entered upon his 
 office, surrounded with lictors and all the ensigns of ancient 
 royalty ; and, seated upon a throne in the midst of the peo- 
 ple, ordered the levies to be made, in the manner of the 
 kings of Rome. 2. The populace looked with terror upon 
 a magistrate whom they had invested with uncontrollable 
 power, and each went peaceably to range himself under his 
 respective standard. 3. Thus going forth to oppose the 
 enemy, he, after concluding a truce for a year, returned with 
 his army, and, in six months, laid down the dictatorship, with 
 the reputation of having exercised it with blameless lenity. 
 
 4. But, though for this time the people submitted to be 
 led forth, they yet resolved to free themselves from the 
 
 * The power of the dictator was absolute ; he could, of his own will, 
 make peace or war, levy forces, lead them forth, disband them, and even 
 dispense with the existing laws, at his pleasure, without consulting the 
 senate.
 
 94 HISTORY Of K03IK. 
 
 yoke ; and, though they could not get their grievances re 
 dressed, yet they determined to fly from those whom they 
 could not move to compassion. The grievances, therefore, 
 continuing, they resolved to quit a city which gave them no 
 shelter, and to form a new establishment without its limits. 
 They, therefore, under the conduct of a plebe'ian, named 
 Sicin'ius Bellu'tus, retired to a mountain, hence called the 
 Mons Sacer, within three miles of Rome. 
 
 5. Upon the news of this defection, the city was filled 
 with tumult and consternation : those who wished well to 
 the people made every attempt to scale the walls, in order 
 to join it. 6. The senate was not less agitated than the 
 rest ; some were for violent measures, and repelling force 
 Dy force ; others were of opinion that gentler arts were to 
 be used, and that even a victory over such enemies would 
 be worse than a defeat. At length, it was resolved to send 
 a messenger, entreating the people to return home, and 
 declare their grievances ; promising, at the same time, an 
 oblivion of all that had passed. 
 
 7. This message not succeeding, Mene'nias Agrip'pa, one 
 of the wisest and best of the senators, was of opinion, that 
 the demands of the people were to be complied with. It 
 was resolved, therefore, to enter into a treaty, and to make 
 them such offers as should induce them to return. 8. Ten 
 commissioners were deputed. The dignity and popularity 
 of the ambassadors procured them a very respectful recep- 
 tion among the soldiers, and a conference began. They 
 employed all their oratory ; while Sicin'ius and Lu'cius 
 Ju'nius, who were speakers for the soldiery, aggravated 
 their distresses with all that masculine eloquence which is 
 the child of nature. 
 
 9. The conference had now continued for a long time, 
 when Mene'nius Agrip'pa, who had been originally a ple- 
 be'ian himself, a shrewd man, and who, consequently, knew 
 what kind of eloquence was most likely to please the people, 
 addressed them with that celebrated fable of the body and 
 the members, which is so finely told by Livy.* 
 
 * Titus Livius was horn at Pad'ua (the ancient Patavi'nus) in the 
 year of Rome, 695. He wrote the Roman history, from the foundation 
 of the city to the year 744, in 140 books, of which only 35 remain and 
 some of them are still imperfect. Though Livy was treated with great 
 marks of respect by the emperor Augustus, in whose reign he flourished, 
 yet he extolled Pompey so highly, that Augustus used to call him a 
 Pompeian ; and though he was by no means backward in bestowing
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 95 
 
 10. This fable, the application of which is obvious, had 
 an instantaneous effect upon the people. They unanimously 
 cried out, that Agrip'pa should lead them back to Rome ; 
 ind were making preparations to follow him, when Lu'cius 
 Junius withheld them ; alleging, that though they ought 
 gratefully to acknowledge the kind offers of the senate, yet 
 they had no safeguard against their future resentments ; that 
 therefore it was necessary, for the security of the people, to 
 have certain officers created annually from among them- 
 selves, who should have power to give redress to such of 
 them as should be injured, and plead the cause of the com- 
 munity. 11. The people, who are generally of opinion 
 with the last speaker,* highly applauded this proposal, with 
 which, however, the commissioners had not power to com- 
 ply ; they, therefore, sent to Rome to take the instructions 
 of the senate, who, distracted with divisions among them- 
 selves, and harassed by complaints from without, were 
 resolved to have peace, at whatever price it should be ob- 
 tained ; accordingly, as if with one voice, they consented to 
 the creation of these new officers, who were called Tri- 
 bunes^ of the People. 
 
 12. The tribunes of the people were at first five in num- 
 ber, though afterwards their body was increased by five 
 more. They were always annually elected by the people, 
 and almost always from their body. They at first had their 
 seats placed before the doors of the senate house, and, when 
 called in, they were to examine every decree, annulling it 
 by the word Fe/o, " I forbid it ;" or confirming it by sign- 
 ing the letter 7 1 , which gave it validity. 13. This new 
 office being thus instituted, all things were adjusted both on 
 the one side and the other, and the people, after having 
 sacrificed to the gods of the mountain, returned back once 
 more in triumph to Rome. 
 
 praises on Brutus and Cassius, the enemies of Augustus, yet it did not 
 interrupt their friendship. Livy died at his native city, in the fourth 
 year of the reign of Tiberius, aged 76 years. 
 
 * This is a severe satire upon the judgment of the multitude ; indeed, 
 it seems intended to show, that when the passions are appealed to, th 
 judgment is not much consulted ; and therefore, that little reliance ought 
 to be placed on acts resulting from popular acclamation. 
 
 f They were called tribunes, because chosen by the tribes. The first 
 tribunes were L. Ju'nius Bru'tus, C. Sicin'ius Bellu'tus, Pub'liu* 
 Licin'ius, C. Licin'ius, and Sp. Icil'ius Ruga.
 
 96 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the first acts of the dictator? 
 
 2. Were his decrees peaceably obeyed ? 
 
 3. What were his exploits? 
 
 4. \Vere the discontents of the people entirely appeased 1 
 
 5. How was the news of this defection received 1 
 
 6. What was its effect on the senate? 
 
 7. Was this offer accepted ? 
 
 8. In what manner was this done, and how weie they received ? 
 
 9. What was the result of this conference ? 
 
 10. What fable was addressed to the people? 
 
 11. What effect did this apology produce? 
 
 12. How was this obstacle removed ? 
 
 13. Who were the tribunes of the people, and what was their authority 1 
 
 14. Did this new regulation answer the desired end ? 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE CREATION OF THE TRIBUNES, TO THE 
 APPOINTMENT OF THE DECEMVIRI. U. C. 260. 
 
 1. DURING the late separation, all tillage had been entirely 
 neglected, and a famine was the consequence the ensuing 
 season. 2. The senate did all that lay in their power to 
 remedy the distress ; but the people, pinched with want 
 and willing to throw the blame on any but themselves, 
 ascribed the whole of their distress to the avarice of the 
 patricians, who, having purchased all the corn, as was 
 alleged, intended to indemnify themselves for the abolition 
 of debts, by selling it out to great advantage. 3. But plenty 
 soon after appeased them for a time. A fleet of ships, laden 
 with corn, from Sicily, once more raised their spirits. 
 
 4. But Coriola'nus* incurred their resentment, by insist- 
 ng that the corn should not be distributed till the grievances 
 ;>f the senate were removed. For this, the tribunes sum- 
 
 * This man's name was originally Ca'ius Ma/cius. He received the 
 lurname of Coriola'nus as a reward for having, by his valour, occasioned 
 the talcing of Cori'oli, the capital of the Vol'sci. Previous to the oc- 
 rurrence mentioned in the text, he had been condemned to death by the 
 tribunes, but saved by the interference of his friends.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 97 
 
 Banishment of Coriola'nus. 
 
 moned liim to a trial before the people. 5. When the ap- 
 pointed day was come, all persons were filled with the 
 greatest expectations, and a vast concourse from the adjacent 
 country assembled and filled the forum. Coriola'nus pre- 
 sented himself before the people, with a degree of intre- 
 pidity that merited better fortune. His graceful person, his 
 persuasive eloquence, and the cries of those whom he had 
 saved from the enemy, inclined the auditors to relent. 6. BuU 
 being unable to answer what was alleged against him to the 
 satisfaction of the people, and utterly confounded with a 
 new charge, of having embezzled the plunder of rfntium, 
 the tribunes immediately took the votes, and Coriola'nus 
 was condemned to perpetual exile. 
 
 7. This sentence against their bravest defender struck the 
 senate with sorrow, consternation and regret. Coriola'nus 
 alone, in the midst of the tumult, seemed an unconcerned 
 spectator. 8. He returned home, followed by the lamenta- 
 tions of the most respectable senators and citizens, to take 
 leave of his wife, his children, and his mother, Vetu'ria. 
 Thus, recommending all to the care of Heaven, he left the 
 city, without followers or fortune, to take refuge with Tullus 
 At'tius,* a man of great power among the Volsci, who took 
 him under his protection, and espoused his quarrel. 
 
 9. Some pretence was necessary to induce the Volsci to 
 
 * Tullus At'tius was a most determined enemy to the Romans, and 
 to Coriola'nus in particular, for the share he had in humbling the power 
 of the Vol'sri. It was probably more from a hope of revenge, by moans 
 of this valiant soldier, than any noble principle, that he offered him hi* 
 countenance and protection. 
 
 I
 
 98 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 break the league which had been made with Rome ; and, 
 for this purpose, Tullus sent many of his citizens thither, 
 apparently for the purpose of seeing some games at that 
 time celebrating ; but gave the senate private information, 
 that the strangers had dangerous intentions of burning the 
 city. 10. This had the desired effect ; the senate issued 
 an order, that all strangers, whoever they were, should 
 depart from Rome before sun-set. 11. This order Tullus 
 represented to his countrymen as an infraction of the treaty, 
 and procured an embassy to Rome, complaining of the 
 breach, and redemanding all the territories belonging to the 
 Volsci, of which they had been violently dispossessed ; de- 
 claring war in case of refusal. This message, however, was 
 treated by the senate with contempt. 12. War being, in 
 consequence, declared on both sides, Coriola'nus and Tullus 
 were made generals of the Volsci, and accordingly invaded 
 the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste all such 
 lands as belonged to the plebeians, but letting those of tho 
 senators remain untouched. 13. In the mean time, the 
 levies went on but slowly at Rome ; the two consuls, who 
 were re-elected by the people, seemed but little skilled in 
 war, and even feared to encounter a general whom they 
 knew to be their superior in the field. The allies also 
 showed their fears, and slowly brought in their succours : 
 so that Coriola'nus continued to take their towns one after 
 the other. 14. Fortune followed him in every expedition, 
 and lie was now so famous for his victories, that the Volsci 
 left their towns defenceless to follow him into the field. The 
 very soldiers of his colleague's army came over to him, and 
 would acknowledge no other general. 15. Thus finding 
 himself unopposed in the field, and at the head of a numer- 
 ous army, he at length invested the city of Rome itself, 
 fully resolved to besiege it. 1 6. It was then the senate and 
 the people unanimously agreed to send deputies to him, with 
 proposals for his restoration, in case he would draw off his 
 army. 17. Coriola'nus received these proposals at the head 
 of his principal officers, and, with the sternness of a general 
 that was to give the law, refused their offers. 
 
 18. Another embassy was now sent, conjuring him not 
 to exact from his native city aught but what became Romans 
 to grant. Coriola'nus, however, naturally severe, still per- 
 sisted in his former demands, and granted them only three 
 days for deliberation. 19. In this exigence, all that was 
 eft to be done was another deputation, still more solemn
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 99 
 
 CorioUous yielding to the entreaties of his Mother. 
 
 than either of the former, composed of the pontiffs, priests, 
 and augurs. These, clothed in their habits of ceremony, 
 and with a grave and mournful deportment, issued from the 
 city, and entered the camp of the conqueror : but ail in vain, 
 they found him severe and inflexible. 
 
 20. When the people saw them return without success, 
 they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. Their 
 temples were" filled with old men, with women and chil- 
 dren, who, prostrate at the altars, put up their ardent 
 prayers for the preservation of their country. Nothing 
 was to be heard but anguish and lamentation ; nothing to 
 be seen but scenes of affright and distress. 21. At length 
 it was suggested to them, that what could not be effected 
 by the intercession of the senate, or the adjuration of the 
 priests, might be brought, -about by the tears of a wife, or 
 the commands of a mother. 22. This deputation seemed 
 to be approved by all, and even the senate themselves gave 
 it the sanction of their authority. Vetu'ria, the mother of 
 Coriola'nus, at first hesitated to undertake so pious a work, 
 knowing the inflexible temper of her son, and fearing only 
 to show his disobedience in a new point of light, by his 
 rejecting the commands of a parent; however, she at last 
 undertook the embassy, and set forward from the city, ac- 
 companied by many of the principal matrons of Rome, with 
 Volum'nia his wife, and his two children. 23. Coriola'nus, 
 who at a distance discovered this mournful train of females, 
 was resolved to give them a denial, and called his officers 
 round him to be witnesses of his resolution ; but, when told 
 that his mother and his wife were among the number, he in-
 
 100 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 stantly came down from his tribunal to meet and embrace 
 them. 24. At first, the women's tears and embraces took 
 away the power of words, and the rough soldier himself, 
 hardy as he was, could not refrain from sharing their dis- 
 tress. Coriola'nus now seemed much agitated by contend- 
 ing passions ; while his mother, who saw him moved, se- 
 conded her words by the most persuasive eloquence, that of 
 tears : his wife and children hung around him, entreating 
 for protection and pity : while the female train, her com- 
 panions, added their lamentations, and deplored their own 
 and their country's distress. 25. Coriola'nus for a moment 
 was silent, feeling the strong conflict between honour and 
 inclination ; at length, as if roused from a dream, he flew 
 to raise his mother, who had fallen at his feet, crying out, 
 " O, my mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son !" 
 He accordingly gave orders to draw oflf the army, pretend- 
 ing to the officers that the city was too strong to be taken. 
 26. Tullus, who had long envied Coriola'nus, was not re- 
 miss in aggravating the lenity of his conduct to his country- 
 men. Upon their return, Coriola'nus is said to have been 
 slain by an insurrection of the people, and honourably bu- 
 ried, after a late and ineffectual repentance. 
 
 27. Great and many were the public rejoicings at Rome 
 upon the retreat of the Volscian army;* but they were 
 clouded soon after by the intrigues of Spu'rius Cas'sius, 
 who, wanting to make himself despotic by means of the 
 people, was found guilty of a number of crimes, all tending 
 towards altering the constitution ; and was thrown headlong 
 from the Tarpei'an rock,t by those very people whose in- 
 terests he had endeavoured to extend. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the consequences of the late separation ? 
 
 2. What measures were taken to remedy these misfortunes, and to 
 
 whom was the blame of them attributed 1 
 
 3. What happened to remove the popular discontent ? 
 
 4. What circumstances raised a fresh commotion ? 
 
 * The senate commanded a temple to be erected on the spot where the 
 interview between Coriola'nus and his mother took place, which saved 
 Rome, and dedicated it to maternal influence ? 
 
 j- Tarpe'ian Rock, or Tarpei'us Mons, a hill at Rome, about eighty 
 feet in perpendicular height, whence the Romans threw down their con 
 demned criminals
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 101 
 
 6 Did Coriolanus obey the summons ? 
 
 6. What was the issue of the trial 7 
 
 7. To what sensations did this sentence give rise ? 
 
 8. What circumstance attended his departure 1 
 
 9. In what manner did he commence his revenge 1 
 
 1 0. Was this information believed 7 
 
 1 1. What use did Tullus make of this order 1 
 
 12. To whom was the conduct of the war committed ? 
 
 13. Was this invasion vigorously opposed 7 
 
 14. Was Coriolanus uniformly successful ? 
 
 15. What did this good fortune induce him to undertake 7 
 
 1 6. What measures did the senate adopt on this emergency ? 
 
 17. How were these proposals received? 
 
 18. Were they repeated ] 
 
 19. What was the next step adopted ? 
 
 20. Did the Romans boldly resolve to oppose force by force ? 
 2f. What new expedient was proposed 1 
 
 22. Was this proposal adopted 7 
 
 23. What was the conduct of Coriola'nus on the occasion? 
 
 24. Describe this interview. 
 
 25. What was the result 7 
 
 26. Did the Volscians approve of this measure? 
 
 27. What followed this happy deliverance ? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. THE year following, the two consuls of the formei 
 year, Man'lius and Fa'bius, were cited by the tribunes to 
 appear before the people. The Agra'rian law, which had 
 been proposed some time before, for equally dividing the 
 lands of the commonwealth among the people, was the ob- 
 ject invariably pursued, and they were accused of having 
 made unjustifiable delays in putting it off. 
 
 2. The Agra'rian law was a grant the senate could not 
 think of making to the people. The consuls, therefore, 
 made many delays and excuses, till at length they were 
 once more obliged to have recourse to a dictator ; and they 
 fixed upon Quintus Cincinna'tus, a man who had for some 
 time, given up all views of ambition, and retired to his little 
 f;irm, where the deputies of the senate found him holding 
 the plough, and dressed in the mean attire of a labouring 
 Ims1>:indm:m. 3. He appeared but little elevated with the 
 addresses of ceremony, and the pompous habits they brought 
 him ; and, upon declaring to him the senate's pleasure, he 
 testified rather a concern that his aid should be wanted. He 
 naturally preferred the charms of a country retirement to the 
 
 12
 
 102 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 fatiguing splendors of office, and only said lo his wife, as 
 they were leading him away, " I fear, my Atti'lia, that for 
 this year our little fields must remain unsown." 4. Then, 
 taking a tender leave, he departed for the city, where both 
 parties were strongly inflamed against each other. How- 
 ever, he resolved to side with neither ; but, by a strict at- 
 tention to the interests of his country, instead of gaining the 
 confidence of faction, to seize the esteem of all. 5. Thus, 
 by threats and well-timed submission, he prevailed upon the 
 tribunes to put off their law for a time, and conducted him- 
 self so as to be a terror to the multitude whenever they re- 
 fused to enlist, and their greatest encourager whenever their 
 submission deserved it. 6. Having, by these means, re- 
 stored that tranquillity to the people which he so much loved 
 himself, he again gave up the splendors of ambition, to en- 
 joy it with a greater relish on his little farm. 
 
 7. Cincinna'tus had not long retired from his office, when 
 v. c. ~> a fresh exigence of the state once more required his 
 295. 5 assistance ; and the JE'qui and the Vol'sci, who, al- 
 though always worsted, were still for renewing the war, 
 made new inroads into the territories of Rome. 8. Minu'- 
 tius, one of the consuls who succeeded Cincinna'tus, was 
 sent to oppose them ; but being naturally timid, and rather 
 more afraid of being conquered than desirous of victory, his 
 army was driven into a defile between two mountains, from 
 which, except through the enemy, there was no egress. 
 9. This, however, the jE'qui had the precaution to fortify, 
 by which the Roman army was so hemmed in on every 
 side, that nothing remained but submission to the enemy, 
 famine, or immediate death. 10. Some knights who found 
 means of getting away privately through the enemy's camp, 
 were the first that brought the account of this disaster to 
 Rome. 11. Nothing could exceed the consternation of all 
 miiks of people when informed of it : the senate at first 
 thought of the other consul ; but not having sufficient ex- 
 perience of his abilities, they unanimously turned their eyes 
 upon Cincinna'tus, and resolved to make him dictator. 12. 
 CiiK'inna'tus, the only person on whom Rome could now 
 place her whole dependence, was found, as before, by the 
 messengers of the senate, labouring in his field with cheer- 
 ful industry. 13. He was at first astonished at the ensigns 
 of unbounded power, with which the deputies came to in- 
 vest him ; but ?till more at the approach of the principal of 
 the senate, who came out to attend him. 14. A dignity so
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 103 
 
 unlocked for, however, had no effect upon the simplicity or 
 integrity of his manners ; and being now possessed of ab- 
 solute power, and called upon to nominate his master of the 
 horse, he chose a poor man named Tarqui'tius, one who, 
 like himself, despised riches when they led to dishonour. 
 Thus the saving a great nation was devolved upon a hus- 
 bandman taken from the plough, and an obscure sentinel 
 found among the dregs of the army. 15. Upon entering 
 the city, the dictator put on a serene look, and entreated all 
 those who were able to bear arms, to repair, before sunset, 
 to the Cam'pus Mar'tius (the place where the levies were 
 made) with necessary arms, and provisions for five days. 
 16. He put himself at the head of these, and, marching all 
 night with great expedition, arrived early the next day with- 
 in sight of the enemy. Upon his approach, he ordered his 
 soldiers to raise a loud shout, to apprise the consul's army 
 of the relief that was at hand. 17. The JE'qui were not a 
 little amazed when they saw themselves between two ene- 
 mies ; but still more when they perceived Cincinna'tus 
 making the strongest entrenchments beyond them, to pre- 
 vent their escape, and enclosing them as they had enclosed 
 the consul. 18. To prevent this, a furious combat ensued ; 
 but the jE'qui, being attacked on both sides, and unable 
 longer to resist or fly, begged a cessation of arms. 19. They 
 oflered the dictator his own terms : he gave them their lives, 
 and obliged them, in token of servitude, to pass under tho 
 yoke, which was two spears set upright, and another arns, 
 in the form of a gallows, beneath which the vanquished 
 were to march. Their captains and generals he made pri-
 
 104 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 soners of war, being reserved to adorn his triumph. 20. As 
 for the plunder of the enemy's camp, that he gave entirely 
 up to his own soldiers, without reserving any part for him- 
 self, or permitting those of the delivered army to have a 
 share. 21. Thus having rescued a Roman army from in- 
 evitable destruction, having defeated a powerful enemy, 
 having taken and fortified their city, and still more, having 
 refused any part of the spoil, he resigned his dictatorship, 
 after having enjoyed it but fourteen days. The senate 
 would have enriched him, but he declined their proffers, 
 choosing to retire once more to his farm and his cottage, 
 content with competence and fame. 
 
 22. But this repose from foreign invasion did not lessen 
 the tumults of the city within. The clamours for the Agra'- 
 rian laAV still continued, and still more fiercely, when Sic'- 
 cius Denta'tus, a plebe'ian advanced in years, but of an ad- 
 mirable person and military deportment, came forward to 
 enumerate his hardships and his merits. This old soldier 
 made no scruple of extolling the various achievements of his 
 youth ; indeed, his merits more than supported his ostenta- 
 tion. 23. He had served his country in the wars forty 
 years : he had been an officer thirty, first a centurion, and 
 then a tribune ; he had fought one hundred and twenty bat- 
 tles, in which, by the force of his single arm, he had saved 
 a multitude of lives ; he had gained fourteen civic,* three 
 mural,t and eight golden crowns ; besides eighty-three 
 chains, sixty bracelets, eighteen gilt spears, and twenty- 
 three horse-trappings, whereof nine were for killing the ene- 
 my in single combat ; moreover, he had received forty-five 
 wounds in front, and none behind. 24. These were his 
 honours ; yet, notwithstanding all these, he had never re- 
 ceived any share of those lands which were won from the 
 enemy, but continued to drag on a life of poverty and con- 
 tempt, while others were possessed of those very territories 
 which his valour had won, without any merit to deserve 
 them, or ever having contributed to the conquest.^ 25. A 
 
 * A civic crown among the Romans, was made of oaken leaves, and 
 given to those who had saved the life of a citizen. 
 
 f A mural crown was an honorary reward, given by the ancient Ro- 
 mans to the soldiers who first scaled the walls of an enemy's city. 
 
 + " These military toys," said he, " are the only rewards I have 
 hitherto received. No lands, no share of the conquered countries 
 Usurpers, without any title but that of a patrician extraction, possess 
 tnem. Is this to be endured 1 Shall they alone possess the fruits of oui 
 conquests ! The purchase of our blood !"
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 105 
 
 case of so much hardship had a strong effect upon the mul- 
 titude ; they unanimously demanded that the law might be 
 passed, and that such merit should not go unrewarded. It 
 was in vain that some of the senators rose up to speak 
 against it, their voices were drowned by the cries of the 
 people. 26. When reason, therefore, could no longer be 
 heard, passion, as usual, succeeded ; and the young patri* 
 cians, running furiously into the throng, broke the balloting 
 urns, and dispersed the multitude that offered to oppose 
 them. 27. For this they were, some time after, fined by 
 the tribunes ; their resolution, however, for the present, put 
 off the Agra'rian law. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . On what accusation were Manlius and Fabius cited to appear before 
 
 the people 1 
 
 2. What measure did the consuls adopt 1 
 
 Where, and in what employment was Cincinnatus found 7 
 
 3. What effect had this dignity on Cincinnatus 7 
 
 4. How did he conduct himself 7 
 
 5. Were his measures successful 7 
 
 6. Did Cincinnatus continue in office! 
 
 7. Was he permitted to continue in retirement 7 
 
 8. What was the exigence that required his return to office 7 
 
 9. What prevented the Romans from forcing their way through ? 
 
 10. How was this news received at Rome! 
 
 11. Whom did they resolve to appoint dictator? 
 
 12. How was Cincinnatus now employed when the messengers arrived? 
 
 13. What was his behaviour on the occasion 7 
 
 14. How was he affected by this exaltation 1 
 
 15. What were his first measures 1 
 
 16. What followed ! 
 
 1 7. How were the enemy affected by his approach 7 
 
 1 8. What was the consequence 1 
 
 1 9. What were the terms of peace 7 
 
 20. What became of the plunder 7 
 
 21. What were his rewards for this important service 
 
 22. Was domestic tranquillity the consequence of foreign conquest ! 
 
 23. What were these achievements 1 
 
 24. How was he rewarded ? 
 
 25. What was the consequence of his appeal to the people 7 
 
 26. Did the people obtain their demand 1 
 
 27. How was this outrage punished 7 

 
 106 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE CREATION OF THE DECEMVIRI, TO THE 
 EXTINCTION OF THAT OFFICE. U. C. 302. 
 
 1. THE commonwealth of Rome had now, for nearly 
 sixty years, been fluctuating between the contending orders 
 that composed it, till at length each side, as if weary, was 
 willing to respire awhile from the mutual exertions of its 
 claims. The citizens, of every rank, began to complain of 
 the arbitrary decisions of their magistrates, and wished to be 
 guided by a written body of laws, which, being known, 
 might prevent wrongs, as well as punish them. 2. In this 
 both the senate and the people concurred, as hoping that 
 such laws would put an end to the commotions that so long 
 had harassed the state. 3. It was thereupon agreed that 
 ambassadors should be sent to the Greek cities in Italy, and 
 to Athens, to bring home such laws from thence, as, by 
 experience, had been found most equitable and useful. For 
 this purpose three senators, Posthu'mus, Sulpi'cius, and 
 Man'lius, were fixed upon, and galleys assigned to convoy 
 them, agreeably to the majesty of the Roman people. 4. 
 While they were upon this commission abroad, a dreadful 
 plague depopulated the city at home, and supplied the inter- 
 val of their absence with other anxiety than that of wishes 
 for their return. 5. In about a year the plague ceased, and 
 the ambassadors returned, bringing liome a body of laws, 
 collected from the most civilised states of Greece and Italy, 
 which, being afterwards formed into ten tables, and two 
 more being added, made that celebrated code, called, The 
 Laws of the Twelve Tables.* 
 
 6. The ambassadors were no sooner returned, than the 
 tribunes required that a body of men should be chosen to 
 digest their new laws into proper form, and to give weight 
 to the execution of them. 7. After long debate, whether 
 this choice should not be made from the people, as well as 
 the patricians, it was at last agreed that ten of the principal 
 
 These laws were engraven on brass, and hung up in the most con- 
 inns narf. of the Forum. 
 
 spicuous part of the Forum.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH 107 
 
 senators should be elected, whose power, continuing for a 
 year, should be equal to thrvt of kings and consuls, and that 
 without any appeal. 8. Thus the whole constitution of the 
 state at once took a new form, and a dreadful experiment 
 was about to be tried, of governing one nation by laws 
 formed from the manners and customs of another. 
 
 9. These Decemviri, being now invested with absolute 
 power, agreed to take the reins of government by turns, 
 each to administer justice for a day. 10. For the first year, 
 they wrought with extreme application : and their work 
 being finished, it was expected that they would be content 
 to give up their office ; but, having known the charms of 
 power, they were unwilling to resign : they pretended that 
 some laws were yet wanting to complete their design, and 
 entreated the senate for a continuance in office ; which request 
 was readily granted. 
 
 11. But they soon threw off the mask of moderation, 
 and, regardless of the approbation of the senate or the peo- 
 ple, resolved to continue, against all order, in the decemvi- 
 rate. 12. A conduct so tyrannical produced discontents, 
 and these were as sure to produce fresh acts of tyranny. 
 The city was become almost a desert, with respect to all 
 who had any thing to lose, and the rapacity of the decem- 
 virs was then only discontinued when they wanted fresh 
 subjects to exercise it upon. 13. In this stale of slavery, 
 proscription, and mutual distrust, not one citizen was found to 
 strike for his country's freedom ; these tyrants continued to 
 rule without controul, being constantly guarded, not by the 
 lie-tors alone, but by a numerous crowd of dependents, 
 clients, and even patricians, whom their vices had confede- 
 rated round them. 
 
 14. In this gloomy situation of the state, the ^E'qui and 
 Vol'sci, those constant enemies of the Romans, renewed 
 their incursions, and, resolving to profit by the intestine 
 divisions of the people, advanced within about ten miles 
 ot Rome. 
 
 15. The decemviri, being in possession of all the military 
 as well as of the civil power, divided their army into three 
 parts ; whereof one continued with Ap'pius in the city, to 
 keep it in awe ; the other two were commanded by his col- 
 leagues, and were led, one against the ^E'qui, and the other 
 against the Vol'sci. 16. The Roman soldiers had now 
 adopted a method of punishing the generals whom they 
 disliked, by suffering themselves to be vanquished in tho
 
 108 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 field. They put it in practice upon this occasion, and shame- 
 fully abandoned their camp upon the approach of the enemy, 
 17. Never was victorious news more joyfully received a 
 Rome, than the tidings of this defeat ; the generals, as is 
 always the case, were blamed for the treachery of their 
 men ; some demanded that they should be deposed, others 
 cried out for a dictator to lead the troops to conquest. 18. 
 Among the rest, old Sic'cius Denta'tus, the tribune, spoke 
 his sentiments with his usual openness ; and, treating the 
 generals with contempt, pointed out the faults of their dis- 
 cipline in the camp, and their conduct in the field. 19. Ap'- 
 pius, in the mean time, was not remiss in observing the 
 dispositions of the people. Denta'tus, in particular, was 
 marked out for vengeance ; and, under pretence of doing 
 him particular honour, he was appointed legate, and put at 
 the head of the supplies which were sent from Rome, to 
 reinforce the army. 20. The office of legate was held 
 sacred among the Romans, as in it was united the authority 
 of a general, with the reverence due to the priesthood. 
 21. Denta'tus, no way suspecting the design, went to the 
 camp with alacrity, where he was received with all the ex- 
 ternal marks of respect. But the generals soon found 
 means of indulging their desire of revenge. 22. He was 
 appointed at the head of a hundred men to go and examine 
 a more commodious place for encampment, as he had very 
 candidly assured the commanders, that their present situa- 
 tion was wrong. 23. The soldiers, however, who were 
 given as his attendants, were assassins ; wretches who had 
 long been ministers of the vengeance of the decemviri, and 
 who had now engaged to murder him, though with all those 
 apprehensions which his reputation (for he was called the 
 Roman Jichilles) might be supposed to inspire. 24. With 
 these designs they led him into the hollow bosom of a re- 
 tired mountain, where they began to set upon him behind. 
 25. Denta'tus too late perceived the treachery of the decem- 
 viri, and was resolved to sell his life as dearly as he could ; 
 he therefore set his back against a rock, and defended him- , 
 self against those who pressed most closely. Though now 
 grown old, he had still the remains of his former valour, 
 and, with his own hand, killed no less than fifteen of the 
 assailants, and wounded thirty. 26. The assassins now, 
 therefore, terrified at his amazing bravery, showered their 
 javelins upon him at a distance, all which he received in 
 his shield with undaunted resolution. 27. The combat,
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 109 
 
 Death of DenUto*. 
 
 though so unequal in numbers, was managed for some time 
 with doubtful success, till at length the assailants bethought 
 themselves of ascending the rock, against which he stood, 
 and pouring down stones upon him from above. 28. This 
 succeeded : the old soldier fell beneath their united efforts ; 
 after having shown, by his death, that he owed to his forti- 
 tude, and not his fortune, that he had come off so many 
 times victorious. 29. The decemviri pretended to join in 
 the general sorrow for so brave a man, and decreed him a 
 funeral with the first military honours ; but their pretended 
 grief, compared with their known hatred, only rendered 
 them still more detestable to the people. 
 
 Questions for Examination, 
 
 1 Of what did the Roman citizens complain, and what did they wish 1 
 
 2 Was this assented to by the nation at large 1 
 
 3. What means were adopted for this purpose ? 
 
 4. What happened during their absence 1 
 
 5. How long did this calamity last? 
 
 6. What steps were taken on the return of the ambassadors T 
 
 7. Who were chosen for this purpose ? 
 
 8 Was this proceeding an important one? 
 9. In what manner did the decemviri govern ? 
 0. How did they discharge the duties of their office? 
 11. Did they continue in the conscientious discharge of their duties'' 
 12 What was the consequence of this conduct? 
 13. Was no patriot to be found bold enough to be a champion in hi* 
 
 country's cause? 
 
 14 What added lo the miseries of the Romans? 
 
 K
 
 110 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 15. What steps were taken to oppose them? 
 
 16. What was the conduct of the Roman soldiers on this occasion? 
 
 17. How was this news received at Rome] 
 
 18. Who appeared most conspicuous on this occasion? 
 
 19. How was this honest sincerity received? 
 
 20. Was the office of legate a respectable one ? 
 
 21. Did Dentatus suspect treachery? 
 
 22. What plan of revenge was adopted? 
 
 23. What was the character of his attendants ? 
 
 24. How did they commence their base design ? 
 
 25. Was Dentatus aware of their treachery, and what resistance did he 
 
 make? 
 
 26. Did the assassins boldly engage the hero? 
 
 27. What new method of attack did they attempt ? 
 
 28. Was this plan successful ? 
 
 29. What was the conduct of the decemviri on this occasion ? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1 . BUT a transaction still more atrocious than the former, 
 served to inspire the citizens with a resolution to break all 
 measures of obedience, so as at last to restore freedom. 
 
 2. Ap'pius, sitting one day on his tribunal to dispense 
 justice, saw a maiden of exquisite beauty, aged about fif- 
 teen, passing to one of the public schools, attended by a 
 matron, her nurse. The charms of the damsel, heightened 
 by all the innocence of virgin modesty, caught his attention, 
 and fired his heart. The day following, as she passed, he 
 found her still more beautiful, and his breast still more in- 
 flamed. 3. He now, therefore, resolved to obtain the grati- 
 fication of his passion, whatever should be the consequence, 
 and found means to inform himself of the maiden's name 
 and family. 4. Her name was Virgin'ia ; she was the 
 daughter of Virgin'ius, a centurion, then with the army in 
 the field, and had been contracted to IciPius, formerly a 
 tribun^of the people, who had agreed to marry her at the 
 end of the present campaign. 
 
 5. Ap'pius at first resolved to break off this match, and 
 to espouse her himself; but the laws of the Twelve Tables 
 had forbidden the patricians to intermarry with the plebeians, 
 and he could not infringe these, as he was the enactor of 
 them. 6. He determined, therefore, to make her his slave. 
 7. After having vainly tried to corrupt the fidelity of her 
 nurse, he had recourse to another expedient, still more
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 1 1 1 
 
 wicked. He fixed upon one Clau'dius, who had long been 
 the minister of his crimes, to assert that the beautiful maid 
 was his slave, and to refer the cause to Ap'pius's tribunal 
 for decision. 8. Clau'dius behaved exactly according to his 
 instructions ; for, taking with him a band of ruffians like 
 himself, he entered into the public school, where Virginia 
 was found among her female companions, and seizing upon 
 her under pretence that she was the daughter of one of his 
 slaves, was dragging her away, when he was prevented by 
 the people, drawn together by her cries. 9. At length, af- 
 ter the first heat of opposition was over, he led the weeping 
 virgin to the tribunal of Ap'pius, and there plausibly exposed 
 his pretensions. 10. Clau'dius asserted that she was born 
 in his house, of a female slave, who sold her to the wife of 
 Virgin'ius, who had been childless. That he had credible 
 evidences to prove the truth of what he had advanced ; but 
 that, until they could come together, it was but reasonable 
 the slave should be delivered into his custody, he being her 
 proper master. 11. Ap'pius pretended to be struck with 
 the justice of his claim ; he observed, that if the reputed 
 father himself were present, he might indeed be willing to 
 delay the delivery of the maid ; but that it was not lawful 
 for him, in the present case, to detain her from her master. 
 He, therefore, adjudged her to Clau'dius, as his slave, to be 
 kept by him till Virgin'ius should arrive, and be able to 
 prove his paternity. 12. This sentence was received with 
 loud clamours and reproaches by the multitude, particularly 
 by the women, who came round the innocent Virgin'ia, de- 
 sirous to protect her from the judge's fury ; while Icil'ius, 
 her lover, boldly opposed the decree, and obliged Clau'dius 
 to take refuge under the tribunal of the decemvir. 13. All 
 things now threatened an open insurrection, when Ap'pius, 
 fearing the event, thought proper to suspend his judgment, 
 under pretence of waiting the arrival of Virgin'ius, who was 
 then about eleven miles from Rome, with the army. 14. 
 The day following was fixed for the trial. In the mean 
 time Ap'pius privately sent letters to the general to confine 
 Virgin'ius, as his arrival in town might only serve to kindle 
 sedition among the people. 15. These letters, however, 
 being intercepted by the centurion's friends, they sent him 
 a full relation of the design laid against his liberty and the 
 honour of his only daughter. 16. Virgin'ius, upon this, 
 pretending the death of a near relation, got permission to 
 leave the camp, and hastened to Rome, inspired with in-
 
 112 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 dignation and revenge. 17. Accordingly, the next day, to 
 the astonishment of Ap'pius, he appeared before the tribu- 
 nal, leading his weeping daughter by the hand, both of them 
 habited in deep mourning. 18. Clau'dius, the accuser, be- 
 gan by making his demand. Virgin'ius next spoke in turn : 
 he represented, that, if he had had intentions of adopting a 
 suppositions child, he should have fixed upon a boy rather 
 than a girl ; that it was notorious to all, that his wife had 
 herself nursed this daughter ; and that it was surprising 
 such a claim should be made after a fifteen years' silence ; 
 and not till Virginia was become marriageable, and acknow- 
 ledged to be exquisitely beautiful. 19. While the father 
 spoke this, with a stern air, the eyes of all were turned on 
 Virgin'ia, who stood trembling, with looks of persuasive 
 eloquence and excessive grief, which added weight to his 
 remonstrances, and excited compassion. 20. The people, 
 satisfied of the cruelty of his case, raised an outcry, ex- 
 pressive of their indignation. 21. Ap'pius, fearing that 
 what had been said might have a dangerous effect upon the 
 multitude, and under a pretence of being sufficiently in- 
 structed in the merits of the cause, with rage interrupted 
 him. " Yes," said he, " my conscience obliges me to de- 
 clare, that I, myself, am a witness to the truth of the depo- 
 sition of Clau'dius. Most of this assembly know that I 
 was left guardian to him. I was early apprised that he had 
 a right to this young slave ; but public affairs, and the dis- 
 sensions of the people, have prevented my doing him justice. 
 However, it is not now too late ; and by the power vested 
 in me for the general good, I adjudge Virgin'ia to be the 
 property of Clau'dius, the plaintiff. Go, therefore, lictors, 
 disperse the multitude, and make room for the master to 
 repossess himself of his slave." 22. The lictors, in obe- 
 dience to his command, drove off the throng that pressed 
 round the tribunal ; they seized upon Virgin'ia, and were 
 delivering her up into the hands of Clau'dius : the multi- 
 tude were terrified and withdrew ; and Virgin'ius, who found 
 that all was over, seemed to acquiesce in the sentence. 23. 
 He, however, mildly entreated of Ap'pius to be permitted 
 to take a last farewell of a child whom he had at least con- 
 sidered as his own, and so satisfied, he would return to his 
 duty with fresh alacrity. 24. Ap'pius granted the favour, 
 upon condition that their endearments should pass in his 
 presence. But Virgin'ius was then meditating a dreadful re- 
 solution. 15. The crowd made way, and Virgin'ius, with the
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 113 
 
 Death of Virginia. 
 
 most poignant anguish, taking his almost expiring daughter 
 in his arms, for a while supported her head upon his breast, 
 and wiped away the tears that trickled down her cheeks. 
 26. He most tenderly embraced her, and drawing her in- 
 sensibly to some shops which were on the side of the forum, 
 snatched up a butcher's knife: "My dearest lost child," 
 cried Virgin'ius, " thus, thus alone is it in my power to 
 preserve your honour and your freedom !" So saying, he 
 plunged the weapon into her heart. Then drawing it out, 
 reeking with her blood, he held it up to Ap'pius : " Tyrant," 
 cried he, " by this blood I devote thy head to the infernal 
 gods !" 27. Thus saying, and covered with his daughter's 
 blood, the knife remaining in his hand, threatening destruc- 
 tion to whomsoever should oppose him, he ran through the 
 city, wildly calling upon the people to strike for freedom. 
 By the favour of the multitude he then mounted his horse, 
 and rode directly to the camp. 
 
 28. He no sooner arrived, followed by a number of his 
 friends, than he informed the army of all that had been done, 
 still holding the bloody knife in his hand. He asked their 
 pardon and the pardon of the gods, for having committed so 
 rash an action, but ascribed it to the dreadful necessity of 
 the times. 29. The army, already predisposed to revolt by 
 the murder of Dcnta'tus, and other acts of tyranny and op- 
 pression, immediately with shouts echoed their approbation, 
 and decamping, left the generals behind, to take their station 
 once more upon mount Aven'tine, whither they had retired 
 
 K2
 
 114 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 about forty years before. The oilier army, which had been 
 to oppose the Sab'ines, felt a like resentment, and came over 
 in large parties to join them. 
 
 30. Ap'pius, in the mean time, did all he could to quell 
 the disturbances in the city; but finding the tumult incapa- 
 ble of controul, and perceiving that his mortal enemies, 
 Vale'rius and Hora'tius, were the most active in opposition, 
 at first attempted to find safety by flight ; nevertheless, 
 being encouraged by Op'pius, who was one of his colleagues, 
 he ventured to assemble the senate, and urged the punish- 
 ment of all deserters. 31. The senate, however, was far 
 from giving him the relief he sought for ; they foresaw the 
 dangers and miseries that threatened the state, in case of 
 opposing the incensed army ; they therefore despatched 
 messengers to them, offering to restore their former mode 
 of government. 32. To this proposal all the people joyfully 
 assented, and the army gladly obeying, now returned to the 
 city, if not with the ensigns, at least with the pleasure of a 
 triumphant entry. 33. Ap'pius and Op'pius both died by 
 their own hands in prison. The other eight decemvirs went 
 into exile ; and Clau'dius, the pretended master of Virgin'ia, 
 was ignominiously banished. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . Did the Romans tamely submit to the tyranny of the decemviri ? 
 
 2. Relate the particulars of this transaction 
 
 3. What resolution did Appius form 1 
 
 4. Who was this maiden 1 
 
 5. What was Appius's first determination 1 
 
 6. On what did he next resolve 7 
 
 7. To what means did he have recourse for the accomplishment of hit 
 
 purpose 1 
 
 8. Did Claudius undertake this base commission 1 
 
 9. Was the opposition of the people ultimately successful 7 
 
 10. How did Claudius attempt to make good his claims ? 
 
 1 1. What was the conduct of Appius on this occasion 1 
 
 12. How was this sentence received 1 
 
 13. What consequences were likely to ensue, and how were they 
 
 averted ! 
 
 14. Was not this pretence a false one? 
 
 15. By what means were his designs frustrated! 
 
 IP. Under what pretence did Virginius obtain leave of absence? 
 
 17 What measures did he take on his arrival ? 
 
 1 8. How was the trial conducted ? 
 
 1 9 How did Virginia support this trying scene ?
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 115 
 
 20. What was the general opinion of the auditors? 
 
 21 Did the arguments of Virginius induce Appius to forego his ini 
 quitous designs 7 
 
 22. Were his commands obeyed 7 
 
 23. What was the request of Virginius ? 
 
 24. Was this favour granted 1 
 
 25. Describe this affecting scene 7 
 20. What was the catastrophe 1 
 
 27. What followed ? 
 
 28. What use did he make of this dreadful circumstance 7 
 
 29. What was the effect of his address on the army ] 
 
 30. How was Appius employed in the mean time 7 
 
 3 1 . Did the senate second his designs 7 
 
 32. Did the people accede to this proposal 7 
 
 33. What was the fate of the tyrants 7 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. IN the mean time, these intestine tumults produced 
 weakness within the state, and confidence in the enemy 
 abroad. The wars with the ./E'qui and the Vol'sci still 
 continued ; and, as each year some trifling advantage was 
 obtained over the Romans, they, at last, advanced so far, as 
 to make their incursions to the very walls of Rome.* C u. c 
 2. But not the courage only of the Romans, their 309. 
 other virtues also, particularly their justice, seemed dimin- 
 ished by these contests. 
 
 3. The tribunes of the people now grew more turbulent ; 
 they proposed two laws : one to permit plebeians to inter- 
 marry with the patricians ; and the other, to permit them to 
 be admitted to the consulship also. 4. The senators received 
 these proposals with indignation, and seemed resolved to 
 undergo the utmost extremities, rather than submit to enact 
 these laws. However, finding their resistance only in- 
 creased the commotions of the state, they, at last, consented 
 to pass that concerning marriages, hoping that this conces- 
 sion would satisfy the people. 5. But they were to be ap- 
 peased for a very short time only ; for, returning, to their 
 old custom of refusing to enlist upon the approach of an 
 enemy, the consuls were obliged to hold a private confer- 
 ence with the chief of the senate, where, after many debates, 
 Clau'dius proposed an expedient, as the most probable means 
 
 * They were, however, defeated, first by the consul Vale'riu*, and 
 next, still more decisively by the consuls Quinc'tius and Fu'rius.
 
 116 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 of satisfying the people in the present conjuncture. 6. This 
 was to create six or eight governors in the room of consuls, 
 whereof one half, at least, should be patricians. 7. This 
 project, which was, in fact, granting what the people de- 
 manded, pleased the whole meeting, and it was agreed, that 
 the consuls should, contrary to their usual custom, begin by 
 asking the opinion of the youngest senator. 8. Upon 
 assembling the senate, one of the tribunes accused them of 
 holding secret meetings, and managing dangerous designs 
 against the people. The consuls, on the other hand, averred 
 their innocence ; and to demonstrate their sincerity, gave 
 leave to any of the younger members of the house to pro- 
 pound their opinions. 9. These remaining silent, such of 
 the older senators, as were known to be popular, began by 
 observing that the people ought to be indulged in their re- 
 quest ; that none so well deserved power, as those who 
 were most instrumental in gaining it ; and that the city could 
 not be free until all were reduced to perfect equality. 
 Clau'dius spoke next, and broke out into bitter invectives 
 against the people ; asserting that it was his opinion that 
 the law should not pass. 10. This produced some disturb- 
 ance among the plebeians ; at length, Genu'tius proposed, 
 as had been preconcerted, that six governors should be an- 
 nually chosen, with consular authority ; three from the 
 senate, and three from the people ; and that, when the time 
 of their magistracy should be expired, it Avould be seen 
 whether they would have the same office continued, or 
 whether the consulship should be established upon its for- 
 mer footing. 11. This project was eagerly embraced by 
 the people ; yet so fickle were the multitude, that, though 
 many of the plebeians stood candidates, the choice wholly 
 TJ. c. > fell upon the patricians who had offered themselves. 
 310-3 12- These new magistrates were called Military 
 Tribunes ; they were, at first, but three : afterwards they 
 w r ere increased to four, and at length to six ; and they had 
 the power and ensigns of consuls : yet, that power being 
 divided among a number, each singly was of less authority. 
 13. The first that were chosen continued in office only 
 about three months, the augurs having found something 
 amiss in the ceremonies of their election. 
 
 14. The military tribunes being deposed, the consuls once 
 more came into office ; and in order to lighten the weight 
 of business which they were obliged to sustain, a new office 
 was created ; namely, that of Censors, who were to be
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 117 
 
 chosen every fifth year.* 15. Their business was to take 
 an estimate of the number and estates of the people, and to 
 distribute them into their proper classes : to inspect into the 
 lives and manners of their fellow citizens ; to degrade sen- 
 ators for misconduct ; to dismount knights, and to remove 
 plebeians from their tribes into an inferior class, in case of 
 misdemeanor. 16. The first censors were Papir'ius and 
 Sempro'nius, both patricians ; and from this order censors 
 continued to be elected for nearly a hundred years. 
 
 17. This new creation served to restore peace for some 
 time among the orders ; and a triumph gained over the 
 Vol'scians, by Gega'nius the consul, added to the universal 
 satisfaction that reigned among the people. 
 
 18. This calm, however, was but of short continuance ; 
 for, some time after, a famine pressing hard upon the C u. c. 
 poor, the usual complaints against the rich were re- ^313. 
 newed ; and these, as before, proving ineffectual, produced 
 new seditions. 19. The consuls were accused of neglect, 
 in not having laid in proper quantities of corn : they, how- 
 ever, disregarded the murmurs of the populace, content with 
 usingevery exertion to supply the pressing necessity.! 20. But, 
 though they did all that could be expected from active 
 magistrates in procuring provisions, and distributing them 
 to the poor : yet Spu'rius Mae'lius, a rich knight, who 
 had bought up all the corn of Tuscany, by far outshone 
 them in liberality. 21. This demagogue, inflamed with a 
 secret desire of becoming powerful by the contentions in the 
 state, distributed corn in great quantities among the poorer 
 sort each day, till his house became the asylum of all such 
 as wished to exchange a life of labour for one of lazy depend- 
 ence. 22. When he had thus gained a sufficient number of 
 pnrtisans, he procured large quantities of arms to be brought 
 into his house by night, and formed a conspiracy, by which 
 
 s to obtain the command, while some of the tribunes, 
 whom IK- had found means to corrupt, were to act under 
 
 * The duty of the censors, at first, was merely to perform the census, 
 or numbering of the people. It was by degrees that they became 
 Magistri Jlforum, or inspectors and regulators of men's lives and 
 manners. 
 
 ^j- They appointed an extraordinary magistrate, under the title of 
 snjifrinifnilfiit of firui-isiotis, and the person named for this office, L. 
 Minutius, an active and prudent man, irnmcdiatclv sent his agents into 
 the neighbouring countries to buy com ; but little, however was pro- 
 cured, as Ma;lius had been beforehand with him. (Liv. 1. iv. c. 13, 14.)
 
 118 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 him, in seizing upon the liberties of his country. 23 
 Minu'tius soon discovered the plot, and, informing the sen 
 ate, they immediately resolved to create a dictator, who should 
 have the power of quelling the conspiracy without appeal 
 ing to the people. 24. Cincinna'tus, who was now eighty 
 years old, was chosen once more to rescue his country from 
 impending danger. 25. He began by summoning Mre'lius 
 to appear, who refused to obey. He next sent Aha'la, the 
 master of the horse, to compel his attendance ; when, meet- 
 ing him in the forum, Aha'la, on his refusal, killed him upon 
 the spot. The dictator applauded the resolution of his 
 officer, and commanded the conspirator's goods to be sold, 
 his house to be demolished, and his stores to be distributed 
 among the people.* 
 
 26. The tribunes of the people were much enraged at 
 the death of Mae'lius. In order, therefore, to punish the 
 senate at the next election, instead of consuls, they insisted 
 u. c. } upon restoring the military tribunes, and the senate 
 315.5 were obliged to comply. The next year, however, 
 the government returned, to its ancient channel, and consuls 
 were chosen. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the consequence of those intestine tumults related in the 
 
 preceding section 1 
 
 2. Was it their courage only that was impaired by them 1 
 
 3. How did the tribunes conduct themselves 1 
 
 4. How were these proposals received 1 
 
 5. Did it answer the desired end 1 
 
 * The guilt of Mse'lius was never proved, and no arms were fuund 
 when his house was searched. The charge of aiming at royalty is more 
 than absurd ; it is morally impossible. He seems to have aimed at 
 opening the higher offices of state to the plebeians, and to have looked 
 upon the consulship with too eager desire. He fell a sacrifice, to deter 
 the plebeians from aiming at breaking up a patrician monopoly of power. 
 It is painful to see Cincinna'tus, at the close of a long and illustrious, 
 life, countenancing, if not suggesting this wanton murder. But, as 
 Niebuhr remarks, " no where have characters been more cruel, no where 
 has the voice of conscience against the views of faction been so defied, 
 as in the aristocratic republics, and not those of antiquity only. Men, 
 otherwise of spotless conduct, have frequently shed the purest and noblest 
 blood, influenced by fanaticism, and often without any resentment, in 
 the service of parly."
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 119 
 
 6. What expedient was resorted to 1 
 
 7. How was it received ! 
 
 8. What happened on assembling the senate ! 
 
 9. Did they avail themselves of this permission, and what farther 
 
 passed on this occasion 1 
 
 10. Was his opinion agreeable to the people ! 
 What new proposition was offered by Genutius ! 
 
 11. Was this plan adopted and acted upon? 
 
 12. What were the name, number, and powers of these new magistrates! 
 
 13. How long did they continue in office! 
 
 14. What government was substituted ? 
 
 15. What were the duties of the censors! 
 
 16. Who were the first censors! 
 
 17. What was the consequence of this new creation ! 
 
 18. Was this satisfaction lasting! 
 
 19. How were the consuls affected by it! 
 
 20. 21. Through what means did Spurius Malms obtain credit for bring 
 
 more liberal than the consuls ! And what was his real object ! 
 
 22. How did he proceed in his designs against the liberties of his 
 
 country ! 
 
 23. By what means was the plot frustrated ! 
 
 24. Who was appointed dictator ! 
 
 25. What steps did he take ! 
 
 26. How were these rigorous measures received! 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 1. THE Ve'ians had long been the rivals of Rome : they 
 had even taken the opportunity of internal distresses to 
 ravage its territories, and had even threatened its ambassa- 
 dors sent to complain of these injuries, with outrage. 2. It 
 seemed, now, therefore, determined that the city of Ve'ii, 
 whatever it might cost, should fall ; and the Romans accord- 
 ingly s;it cb^wn regularly before it, and prepared for a long 
 and painful resistance. 3. The strength of the place may 
 be inferred from the continuance of the siege, which lasted 
 lor ton years ; during which time, the army continued en- 
 camped round it, lying, in winter, under tents made of the 
 skins of beasts, and, in summer, driving on the operations o/ 
 the attack. 4. Various were the successes, and many were 
 the commanders that directed the siege ; sometimes all their 
 works were destroyed, and many of their men cut ofT by 
 sallies from the town ; sometimes they were annoyed by an 
 army of Veians, who attempted to bring assistance from 
 without. 5. A siege so bloody seemed to threaten depopu-
 
 i20 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 lation to Rome itself, by a continual drain of its forces ; so 
 that a law was obliged to be made, for all bachelors to marry 
 the widows of the soldiers who were slain. 6. Fu'rius 
 Camil'lus was now created dictator, and to him was en- 
 trusted the sole power of managing the long protracted war. 
 7. Camil'lus, who, without intrigue or solicitation, had 
 raised himself to the first eminence in the state, had been 
 made one of the censors some time before, and was con- 
 sidered as the head of that office ; he was afterwards made 
 a military tribune, and had, in this post, gained several ad- 
 vantages over the enemy. 8. It was his great courage and 
 abilities in the above offices that made him be thought most 
 worthy to serve his country on this pressing occasion. 
 9. Upon his appointment, numbers of the people flocked to 
 his standard, confident of success under so experienced a 
 commander. 10. Conscious, however, that he was unable 
 to take the city by storm, he, with vast labour, opened a 
 passage under ground, which led into the very midst of the 
 citadel. 11. Certain thus of success, and finding the city 
 incapable of relief, he sent to the senate desiring, that all 
 who chose to share in the plunder of Ve'ii, should im- 
 mediately repair to the army. 12. Then, giving his direc- 
 tions how to enter at the breach, the city was instantly filled 
 with his legions, to the amazement and consternation of the 
 besieged, who, but a moment before, had rested in perfect 
 security. 13. Thus, like a second Troy,* was the city of 
 Ve'ii taken, after a ten years' siege, and, with its spoils, 
 enriched the conquerors ; while Camil'lus himself, trans- 
 ported with the honour of having subdued the rival of his 
 native city, triumphed after the manner of the kings of 
 Rome, having his chariot drawn by four milk-white horses ; 
 a distinction which did not fail to disgust the majority of the 
 spectators, as they considered those as sacred, and more 
 proper for doing honour to their gods than their generals. 
 
 14. His usual good fortune attended Camil'lus in another 
 expedition against the Falis'ci. He routed their army, and 
 besieged their capital city Fale'rii, which threatened a long 
 and vigorous resistance. 15. The reduction of this little 
 place would have been scarcely worth mentioning- in this 
 
 * The account of the seige of Ve'ii is full of improbabilities, and the 
 story of the mine is utterly impossible, for without a compass and a good 
 plan of the city, such a work could not have been formed. That Ve'ii, 
 however, was besieged and taken at this time is very certain, but that is 
 the only part of the legend on which we can rely.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 121 
 
 scanty page, were it not for an action of the Roman general, 
 that has done him more credit with posterity than all his 
 other triumphs united. 1C. A school-master, who had the 
 care of the children belonging to the principal men in the 
 city, having found means to decoy them into the Roman 
 camp, offered to put them into the hands of Camil'lus, as 
 the surest means of inducing the citizens to a speedy sur- 
 render. 17. The general, struck with the treachery of a 
 wretch whose duty it was to protect innocence, and not to 
 betray it, for some time regarded the traitor with a stern 
 eiience : but, at last, finding words, " Execrable villain !" 
 cried the noble Roman, " offer thy abominable proposals 
 o creatures like thyself, and not to me ; what, though we 
 tre the enemies of your city, are there not natural ties that 
 bind all mankind, which should never be broken ? There 
 are duties required from us in war, as well as in peace : we 
 fight not against the age of innocence, but against men 
 men who have used us ill indeed ; but yet, whose crimes 
 are virtues, when compared to thine. Against such base 
 acts, let it be my duty to use only the Roman ones valour 
 and arms." 18. So saying, he ordered him to be stript, his 
 hands to be tied behind him, and, in that ignominious man- 
 ner, to be whipped into the town by his own scholars. 19. 
 This generous behaviour in Camil'lus effected more than 
 his arms could do ; the magistrates of the town submitted to 
 the senate, leaving to Camil'lus the condition of their sur- 
 render ; who only fined them a sum of money to satisfy the 
 army, and received them under the protection, and into the 
 alliance, of Rome. 
 
 20. Notwithstanding the veneration which the virtues of 
 Camil'lus had excited abroad, they seemed but little adapted 
 to command the respect of the turbulent tribunes at home, 
 who raised fresh accusations against him every day. 21. To 
 the charge of being an opposer of their intended emigration 
 from Rome to Ve'ii, they added that of his having concealed 
 a part of the plunder of that city, particularly two brazen 
 ffntcs, for his own use ; and appointed him a day on which 
 to appear before the people. 22. Camil'lus, finding the 
 multitude exasperated against him on many accounts, and 
 detesting their ingratitude, resolved not to await the igno- 
 miny of n trial ; but embracing his wife and children, pre- 
 pared to depart from Rome. 23. He had already passed :is 
 Hr as one of the gates, unattended and unlamented. There 
 Hie could suppress his indignation no longer, but, turning his
 
 122 HISTORY OF ROME, 
 
 face to the Capitol, and lifting up his hands to heaven, lie 
 entreated all the gods, that his countrymen might one day 
 be sensible of their injustice and ingratitude. So saying, 
 he passed forward to take refuge at Ar'dea, a town at a little 
 distance from Rome, where he afterwards learned that he had 
 been fined fifteen thousand ases* by the tribunes at Rome. 
 
 24. The tribunes were not a little pleased with their 
 triumphs over this great man ; but they soon had reason to 
 repent their injustice, and to wish for the assistance of one, 
 who alone was able to protect their country from ruin : for 
 now a more terrible and redoubtable enemy than the Romans 
 had ever yet encountered, began to make their appearance. 
 25. The Gauls, a barbarous nation, had, about two centuries 
 before, made an irruption from beyond the Alps, and settled 
 in the northern parts of Italy. They had been invited over 
 by the deliciousness of the wines, and the mildness of the 
 climate. 26. Wherever they came they dispossessed the 
 original inhabitants, as they were men of superior courage, 
 extraordinary stature, fierce in aspect, barbarous in their 
 manners, and prone to emigration. 27. A body of these, 
 wild from their original habitations, was now besieging 
 Clu'sium, a city of Etru'ria, under the conduct of Brennus, 
 their king. 28. The inhabitants of Clu'sium, frightened at 
 their numbers, and still more at their savage appearance, 
 entreated the assistance, or, at least, the mediation of the 
 Romans. 29. The senate, who had long made it a maxim 
 never to refuse succour to the distressed, were willing, pre- 
 viously, to send ambassadors to the Gauls, to dissuade them 
 from their enterprise, and to show the injustice of the irrup- 
 tion. 30. Accordingly, three young senators were chosen 
 out of the family of the Fabii, to manage the commission, 
 who seemed more fitted for the field than the cabinet. 31. 
 Brennus received them with a degree of complaisance that 
 irgued but little of the barbarian, and desiring to know the 
 business of their embassy, was answered, according to their 
 instructions, that it was not customary in Italy to make war, 
 but on just grounds of provocation, and that they desired to 
 know what offence the citizens of Clu'sium had given to 
 the king of the Gauls. 32. To this Brennus sternly replied, 
 that the rights of valiant men lay in their swords ; that the 
 Romans themselves had no right to the many cities they 
 had conquered; and that he had particular reasons of resent- 
 
 * The as was a brass coin, about three farthings of our money.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 123 
 
 ment against the people of Clu'sium, as they refused to part 
 with those lands, which they had neither hands to till, nor 
 inhabitants to occupy. 33. The Roman ambassadors, who 
 were but little used to hear the language of a conqueror, for 
 a while dissembled their resentment at this haughty reply ; 
 but, upon entering the besieged city, instead of acting as 
 ambassadors, and forgetful of their sacred character, they 
 headed the citizens in a sally against the besiegers. In this 
 combat Fa'bius Ambus' tus killed a Gaul with his own hand, 
 but was discovered in the act of despoiling him of his ar- 
 mour. 34. A conduct so unjust and unbecoming excited 
 the resentment of Brennus, who, having made his complaint 
 by a herald to the senate, and finding no redress, broke up 
 the siege and marched away with his conquering army di- 
 rectly for Rome. 35. The countries through which the 
 Gauls made their rapid progress, gave up all hopes of safety 
 upon their approach ; being terrified at their numbers, the 
 fierceness of their natures, and their dreadful preparations 
 for war. 36. But the rage and impetuosity of this wild 
 people were directed solely against Rome. They went on 
 without doing the least injury in their march, breathing ven- 
 geance only against the Romans. A terrible engagement 
 soon after ensued, in which the Romans were defeated near 
 the river Al'lia, with the loss of about forty thousand men.* 
 37. Rome, thus deprived of succour, prepared for every 
 extremity. The inhabitants endeavoured to hide themselves 
 in the neighbouring towns, or resolved to await the con- 
 queror's fury, and end their lives with the ruin of their na- 
 tive city.t 38. But, more particularly, the ancient senators 
 and priests, struck with a religious enthusiasm, on this oc- 
 casion resolved to devote their lives to atone for the crimes 
 of the people, and, habited in their robes of ceremony, 
 placed themselves in the forum, on their ivory chairs. 39. 
 The Gauls, in the mean time, were giving a loose to their 
 triumph, in sharing and enjoying the plunder of the enemy's 
 camp. Had they immediately marched to Rome, upon 
 gaining the victory, the Capitol would, in all probability, 
 have been taken ; but they continued two days feasting upon 
 
 This day was from henceforth marked as unlucky in their calendar, 
 and called Allicn'si.s. 
 
 f- Among others, the Vestals fled from the city, carrying with them 
 the two Palladiums and the sacred fire. They took shelter at Caere, a 
 town of Etru'ria, where they continued to celebrate their religious rites 
 from this circumstance religious rites acquired the name of ceremonies,
 
 124 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the field of battle, and, with barbarous pleasure, exulting 
 amidst their slaughtered enemies. 40. On the third day 
 after this easy victory, Brennus appeared with all his forces 
 before the city. He was at first much surprised to find the 
 gates open to receive him, and the walls defenceless ; so 
 that he began to impute the unguarded situation of the place 
 to a Roman stratagem. After proper precaution, he entered 
 the city, and, marching into the forum, beheld there the 
 ancient senators sitting in their order, observing a profound 
 silence, unmoved and undaunted. 41. The splendid habits, 
 the majestic gravity, and the venerable looks of these old 
 men, who, in their time, had all borne the highest offices of 
 state, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence ; they mis- 
 took them for the tutelar deities of the place, and began to 
 offer blind adoration ; till one, more forward than the rest, 
 putting forth his hand to stroke the beard of Papyr'ius, an 
 insult the noble Roman could not endure, he lifted up his 
 ivory sceptre, and struck the savage to the ground. 42. 
 This proved to be a signal for general slaughter. Papyr'ius 
 fell first, and all the rest shared his fate without mercy or 
 distinction.* The fierce invaders pursued their slaughter 
 for three days successively, sparing neither sex nor age ; 
 then, setting fire to the city , burnt every house to the ground. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What was the conduct of the Veians ? 
 
 2. What resolution was adopted in consequence 1 
 
 3. Was Veil a strong place ? 
 
 4. Did the besieged make a vigorous resistance ? 
 
 5. What consequences were likely to ensue, and how were they 
 
 obviated 1 
 
 6. To whom was the conduct of the war now committed ? 
 
 7. Who was Camillus 1 
 
 8. By what means did he attain his present dignity 
 
 9. What was the consequence of his appointment ? 
 
 10. What plan did he adopt to take the city 1 
 
 1 1. How did he next proceed ? 
 )2. What followed ? 
 
 " 3. What was the consequence of this capture, and how did Camillus 
 comport himself! 
 
 * This self-devotion was in consequence of a vow made by these 
 brave old men, which Fa'bins, the Pontifex Maximus pronounced in 
 their names. The Romans believed that, by thus devoting themselves to 
 the internal gods, disorder and confusion were brought among the enemy.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 125 
 
 14. What was Camillus's next exploit 1 ? 
 
 15. Was this a conquest of importance 1 
 
 16. Relate the particulars 1 
 
 17. How was his proposal received ? 
 
 18. How was the traitor punished ? 
 
 19. What was the consequence of this conduct 1 
 
 20. Was Camillus universally respected 1 
 
 21. What charges were brought against him? 
 
 22. Did Camillus abide the event of a trial ? 
 
 23. Was he resigned to his fate, and whither did he retire 1 
 
 24. What followed his departure 1 
 15. Who was the enemy 1 
 
 26. What were the conduct and character of the Gauls 1 
 
 27. How were they employed at this conjuncture ? 
 
 28. What measure did the Clusians adopt for their defence 1 
 
 29. Was their application successful 1 
 
 30. Who were appointed for this purpose ? 
 
 31. How were they received ? 
 
 32. What was the reply of Brennus ? 
 
 33. What was the conduct of the ambassadors * 
 
 34. What was the consequence of this improper conduct 1 
 
 35. What sensations were excited in the countries through which they. 
 
 passed ? 
 
 36. Did the Gauls commit any ravages on their march 1 
 
 37. What measures were adopted at Rome 1 
 
 38. Who more particularly displayed their devotedness on this occasion? 
 
 39. What use did the Gauls make of their victory 1 
 
 40. What happened on their arrival before the city? 
 
 41. What was the effect of this spectacle 1 
 
 42. What was the consequence of this boldness 1 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 1. ALL the hopes of Rome were now placed in the 
 Capitol ; every thing without that fortress formed C u. c. 
 an extensive scene of misery, desolation, and despair. 361 . 
 
 2. Brennus first summoned it, with threats, to surrender, 
 but in vain ; then resolving to besiege it in form, hemmed it 
 round with his army. The Romans, however, repelled the. 
 attempt with great bravery : despair had supplied them with 
 that perseverance and vigour which they seemed to want 
 when in prosperity. 
 
 3. In the meanwhile, Brennus carried on the siege with 
 extreme ardour. He hoped to starve the garrison into a 
 capitulation ; but they, sensible of his intent, although in 
 actual want, caused loaves to be thrown into his camp, to 
 
 L 2
 
 126 HISTORY or KOME. 
 
 convince him of the futility of such expectations. 4. His 
 hopes were soon after revived, when some of his soldiers 
 came to inform him, that they had discovered footsteps,* 
 which led up to the rock, by which they supposed the 
 Capitol might be surprised. 5. Accordingly, a chosen body 
 of his men were ordered by night upon this dangerous service, 
 which, with great labour and difficulty, they almost effected. 
 6. They were got upon the very wall ; the Roman sentinel 
 was fast asleep ; their dogs within gave no signal, and all 
 promised an instant victory, when the garrison was awakened 
 by the gabbling of some sacred geese, that had been kept in 
 the temple of Juno. 7. The besieged soon perceived the 
 imminence of their danger, and each, snatching the weapon 
 that first presented itself, ran to oppose the assailants. 8. M. 
 Man'lius, a patrician of acknowledged bravery, was the first 
 who opposed the foe, and inspired courage by his example. 
 He boldly mounted the rampart, and, at one effort, threw 
 two Gauls headlong down the precipice ; his companions 
 soon came to his assistance, and the walls were cleared of 
 the enemy with a most incredible celerity .t 
 
 9. From this time the hopes of the barbarians began to 
 decline, and Brennus wished for an opportunity of raising 
 the siege with credit.! His soldiers had often conferences 
 with the besieged while upon duty, and proposals for an 
 accommodation were wished for by the common men, before 
 the chiefs thought of a congress. At length, the command- 
 ers on both sides came to an agreement, that the Gauls 
 should immediately quit the city and territories, upon being 
 paid a thousand pounds weight of gold. 10. This agree- 
 
 * These were the footsteps of Pon'tius Comin'ius, who, with great 
 prudence and bravery, found means to carry a message from Camil'lus 
 to the Romans in the Capi'tol, and to return with the appointment of 
 dictator for Camil'Ius. 
 
 f As a reward for this essential service, every soldier gave Man'lius 
 a small quantity of corn and a little measure of wine, out of his scanty 
 allowance ; a present of no mean value in their then distressed situation. 
 On the other hand, the captain of the guard, who ought to have kept 
 the sentinels to their duty, was thrown headlong from the Capitol. In 
 memory of this event, a goose was annually carried in triumph on a soft 
 litter, finely adorned ; whilst dogs were held in abhorrence, and one 
 impaled every year on a branch of elder. 
 
 $ As the Gauls suffered the bodies of the Romans, who were slain in 
 their frequent encounters, to lie unburied, the stench of their putre f action 
 occasioned a plague to break out. which carried off great numbers of the 
 armv of Brennus.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 127 
 
 Minliui defending the Capitol. 
 
 ment being confirmed by oath on either side, the gold was 
 brought forth. But, upon weighing, the Gauls fraudulently 
 attempted to kick the beam, of* which the Romans com- 
 plaining, Brennus insultingly cast his sword and belt into 
 the scale, crying out that the only portion of the vanquished 
 was to suffer. 1 1. By this reply, the Romans saw that they 
 were at the victor's mercy, and knew it was in vain to ex- 
 postulate against any conditions he should please to impose. 
 12. But while they were thus debating upon the payment, 
 it was told them that Camil'lus, their old general, was at 
 the head of a large army, hastening to their relief, and en- 
 tering the gates of Rome. 13. Camil'lus actually appeared 
 soon alter, and entering the place of controversy, with the 
 air of one who was resolved not to suffer imposition, de- 
 manded the cause of the contest ; of which being informed, 
 he ordered the gold to be taken and carried back to the 
 Capitol : " For it has ever been," cried he, " the manner 
 with us Romans, to ransom our country, not with gold, but 
 with iron ; it is I only that am to make peace, as being the 
 dictator of Rome, and my sword alone shall purchase it." 
 14. Upon this a battle ensued, the Gauls were entirely 
 routed, and such a slaughter followed, that the Roman ter- 
 ritories were soon cleared of the invaders. Thus, by the 
 bravery of Camil'lus, was Rome delivered from its enemy.* 
 
 * The authenticity of this narrative is more than suspicious. Polyb'ius, 
 the most accurate of the Roman historians, says that the Gauls carried 
 the gold home with them. Sueto'niu* confirms this account, and adds,
 
 128 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 15. The city being one continued heap of ruins, except the 
 Capitol, and the greatest number of its former inhabitants 
 having gone to take refuge in Ve'ii, the tribunes of the people 
 urged for the removal of the poor remains of Rome to that city, 
 where they might have houses to shelter, and walls to defend 
 them. 16. On this occasion Camil'lus attempted to appease 
 them with all the arts of persuasion ; observing, that it was 
 unworthy of them, both as Romans and men, to desert the 
 venerable seat of their ancestors, where they had been en- 
 couraged by repeated marks of divine approbation, in order 
 to inhabit a city which they had conquered, and which 
 wanted even the good fortune of defending itself. 17. By 
 these, and such like remonstrances, he prevailed upon the 
 people to go contentedly to work ; and Rome soon began to 
 rise from its ashes.* 
 
 18. We have already seen the bravery of Man'lius in 
 defending the Capitol, and saving the last remains of Rome 
 For this the people were by no means ungrateful. They 
 built him a house near the place where his valour was so 
 conspicuous, and appointed him a public fund for his sup- 
 port. 19. But he aspired at being more than equal to 
 Camil'lus, and to be sovereign of Rome. With this view 
 he laboured to ingratiate himself with the populace, paid 
 their debts, and railed at the patricians, whom he called 
 their oppressors. 20. The senate was not ignorant of his 
 speeches or his designs, and created Corne'lius Cossus dic- 
 tator, with a view to curb the ambition of Man'lius. 21. The 
 dictator soon called Man'lius to an account for his conduct. 
 Man'lius, however, was too much the darling of the popu- 
 lace to be affected by the power of Cossus, Avho was obliged 
 to lay down his office, and Man'lius was carried from con- 
 finement in triumph through the city. 22. This success 
 only served to inflame his ambition. He now began to talk 
 of a division of the lands among the people, insinuated that 
 there should be no distinctions in the state ; and, to give 
 weight to his discourses, always appeared at the head of a 
 large body of the dregs of the people, whom largesses had 
 
 that it was recovered at a much later period from the Galli Seno'nes, by 
 Liv'ius Dru'sus ; and that on this occasion Dru'sus first became a name 
 in the Livian family, in consequence of the victorious general having 
 killed Drau'sus, the Gallic leader. 
 
 * So little taste, however, for order and beauty, did those display who 
 had the direction of the works, that the city, when rebuilt, was even less 
 regular than in the time of Romulus.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 129 
 
 made his followers. 23. The city being thus filled with 
 sedition and clamour, the senate had recourse to another ex- 
 pedient, which was, to oppose the power of Camil'lus to 
 that of the demagogue. Camil'lus, accordingly, being made 
 one of the military tribunes, appointed Man'lius a day to 
 answer for his life. 24. The place in which he was tried 
 was near the Capitol, whither, when he was accused of 
 sedition, and of aspiring to sovereignty, he turned his eyes, 
 and pointing to that edifice, put them in mind of what he 
 had there done for his country. 25. The multitude, whose 
 compassion or whose justice seldom springs from rational 
 motives, refused to condemn him, so long as he pleaded in 
 sight of the Capitol ; but when he was brought from thence 
 to the Pe'teline grove, where the Capitol was no longer in 
 view, they condemned him to be thrown headlong from the 
 Tarpe'ian rock.* 26. Thus, the place which had been the 
 theatre of his glory, became that of his punishment and 
 infamy. His house, in which his conspiracies had been 
 secretly carried on, and which had been built as the reward 
 of his valour, was ordered to be razed to the ground, and 
 his family were forbidden ever after to assume the name of 
 Man'lius. 
 
 27. Thus the Romans went gradually forward, with a 
 mixture of turbulence and superstition within their walls, 
 and successful enterprises without. 
 
 28. With what implicit obedience they submitted to their 
 pontiffs, and how far they might be impelled to encounter 
 even death itself, at their command, will evidently appear 
 from the behaviour of Cur'tius, about this time. Upon the 
 opening of the gulf in the forum, which the augurs C u. c. 
 affirmed would never close till the most precious ^ 392. 
 things in Rome were thrown into it, this heroic man, clad 
 in complete armour, and mounted on horseback, boldly 
 leaped into the midst, declaring, that nothing was more 
 truly valuable than patriotism and military virtue. 29. The 
 gulf, say the historians, closed immediately upon this, and 
 Cur'tius was seen no more.t 
 
 * This account appears so absurd as to be scarcely credible ; in fact, 
 Manlius was first tried by the " comitia centuriata," and acquitted. Hi 
 second trial was before the " comitia curiata," where his enemies, the 
 patricians, alone had the right of voting. See Introduction, Chap. Ill, 
 
 j- Some judicious writers, however, acknowledge that the chasm was 
 afterwards filled up with earth and rubbish. (Livy, 1. 7. c, 6. Val. MuxJ 
 mus, 1. 5. c. 6. et alii.)
 
 130 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ii. c. > 30. This year died the great Camil'lus, deservedly 
 396. 5 regretted by all. He was styled a second Romulus, 
 the first having founded, and he having restored the city 
 lie is said never to have fought a battle without gaining a 
 victory ; never to have besieged a city without taking it. 
 He was a zealous patriot, ever ready to dismiss his just 
 resentments for the affronts he received, when the necessi- 
 ties of his country required his services. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the state of Rome at this period 1 
 
 2. What was the next step taken by Brennus, and how did it succeed 1 
 
 3. In what manner was the siege carried on 1 
 
 4. Did he consider the attempt as hopeless 1 
 
 5. What advantage did he take of this information ? 
 
 6. Was the attempt successful ? 
 
 7. What was the consequence ? 
 
 8. Was there any particular instance of valour ? 
 
 9. What effect had this failure on the mind of Brennus 1 
 
 10. In what manner was this agreement carried into execution! 
 
 11. What inference did the Romans draw from this insolent speech? 
 
 12. What agreeable news did they now hear! 
 
 13. Was this information correct? 
 
 14. What followed 1 
 
 15. What was the first measure proposed after this deliverance* 
 
 1 6. Was this proposal carried into effect 1 
 
 1 7. Were his remonstrances successful 1 
 
 18. Was the bravery of Manlius rewarded? 
 
 1 9. Was he content with these favours ? 
 
 20. What measures were taken to oppose his designs ? 
 
 21. Was this expedient attended with success? 
 
 22. What was the conduct of Manlius after this ? 
 
 23. What farther measures were taken to punish his ambition? 
 
 24. What defence did he set up ? 
 
 25. .Was his plea successful ? 
 
 26. What is remarkable in his punishment? 
 
 27. How did the Roman affairs proceed at this time ? 
 
 28. Relate a memorable Instance of the obedience paid by the Romans 
 
 to their pontiffs or priests ? 
 
 29. What was the consequence of this heroic act ? 
 
 30 Wha happened this year, and what was the character of Camillus?
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 131 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE WARS WITH THE SAMNITES, AND THOSE WITH 
 PYRRHUS, TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNJ WAR; 
 WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO EXTEND THEIR CONQUESTS 
 BEYOND ITALY. 
 
 1. THE Romans had triumphed over the Sab'ines, the 
 Etru'rians, the Latins, the Her'nici, the ^E'qui, and the 
 Volsei ; and now began to look for greater conquests. They 
 accordingly turned their arms against the Sam'nites, a peo- 
 ple descended from the Sab'ines, and inhabiting a large tract 
 of southern Italy, which at this day makes a considerable 
 part of the kingdom of Naples. 2. Vale'rius Cor'vus", and 
 Corne'lius, were the two consuls to whose care it first fell 
 to manage this dreadful contention between the rivals. 
 
 3. Vale'rius was one of the greatest commanders of his 
 time ; he was surnamed Cor'vus, from the strange circum- 
 stance of being assisted by a crow in a single combat, in 
 which he killed a Gaul of gigantic stature. 4. To his col- 
 league's care it was consigned to lead an army to Sam'nium, 
 the enemy's capital, while Cor'vus was sent to relieve 
 Cap'ua, the capital of the Capin'ians. 5. Never was a 
 captain more fitted for command than he. To a habit na- 
 turally robust and athletic, he joined the gentlest manners ; 
 he was the fiercest, and yet the most good-natured man in 
 the army ; and, while the meanest sentinel was his com- 
 panion, no man kept them more strictly to their duty; but 
 to complete his character, he constantly endeavoured to pre- 
 serve his dignity by the same arts by which he gained it. 
 6. Such soldiers as the Romans then were, hardened by 
 their late adversity, and led on by such a general, were ur 
 conquerable. The Samnites were the bravest men they 
 ever yet had encountered, and the contention between the 
 two nations was managed on both sides with the most de- 
 termined resolution. 7. But the fortune of Rome prevailed ; 
 the Samnites at length fled, averring, that they were not 
 able to withstand the fierce looks, and the fire-darting eye* 
 of the Romans. 8. Corne'lius, however, was not at first 
 so fortunate ; for having unwarily led his army into a defile,
 
 132 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 he was in danger of being cut off, had not De'cius possessed 
 himself of a hill which commanded the enemy ; so that the 
 Samnites, being attacked on both sides, were defeated with 
 great slaughter ; not less than thirty thousand of them being 
 left dead upon the field. 
 
 9. Some time after this victory, the forces stationed at 
 Cap'ua mutinying, compelled Quin'tinus, an eminent old 
 soldiefc to be their leader ; and, conducted by their rage, 
 more than by their general, came within six miles of the 
 city. 10. So terrible an enemy, almost at the gates, not a 
 little alarmed the senate, who immediately created Vale'rius 
 dictator, and sent him forth with an army to oppose them. 
 11. The two armies were now drawn up against each other, 
 while fathers and sons beheld themselves prepared to engage 
 in opposite causes. 12. Any other general than Corvus 
 would, perhaps, have brought this civil war to extremity ; but 
 he, knowing his influence among the soldiery, instead of go- 
 ing forward to meet the mutineers in a hostile manner, went 
 with the most cordial friendship to embrace, and expostu 
 late with his old acquaintances. 13. His conduct had tho 
 desired effect. Quin'tius, as their speaker, solicited no 
 more than to have their defection from their duty forgiven ; 
 and for himself, as he was innocent of their conspiracy, he 
 had no reason to solicit pardon for offences. 14. Thus this 
 defection, which threatened danger to Rome, was repaired 
 by the prudence and moderation of a general, whose am- 
 bition it was to be gentle to his friends, and formidable only 
 to his enemies. 
 
 15. A war between the Romans and Latins followed soon 
 after. 16. As their habits, arms, and language were the 
 same, the exactest discipline was necessary to prevent con- 
 fusion in the engagement. Orders, therefore, were issued, 
 that no soldier should leave his ranks on pain of death. 17. 
 With these injunctions, both armies were drawn out and 
 ready, when Me'tius, the general of the enemy's cavalry, 
 pushed forward from his lines, and challenged any knight in 
 the Roman army to single combat. 18. For some time 
 there was a general pause, no soldier daring to disobey his 
 orders, till Ti'tus Man'lius, son of the consul Man'lius, 
 burning with shame to see the whole body of the Romans 
 intimidated, boldly advanced against his adversary. 19. The 
 soldiers, on both sides, for a while suspended the general 
 engagement, to be spectators of this fierce encounter. The 
 two champions drove their horses agai'ist each other with
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH 133 
 
 great violence : Me 'tins wounded his adversory's horse in 
 the neck ; but Man'lius, with better fortune, killed that of 
 Me'tius. The Latin general, fallen to the ground, for a 
 while attempted to support himself upon his shield ; but the 
 Roman followed his blows, and laid him dead as he was 
 endeavouring to rise ; then despoiling him of his armour, 
 returned in triumph to his father's tent, where he was pre- 
 paring for, and giving orders relative to, the engagement. 
 
 20. However he might have been applauded by his fellow- 
 soldiers, being as yet doubtful what reception he should find 
 with his father, he came with hesitation, to lay the enemy's 
 spoils at his feet, and with a modest air insinuated, that what 
 he had done was entirely from a spirit of hereditary virtue. 
 
 21. Alas ! he was soon dreadfully made sensible of his 
 error ; when his father, turning away, ordered him to be led 
 publicly forth before his army. Being brought forward, the 
 consul, with a stern countenance, and yet with tears, spoke 
 as follows : " Ti'tus Man'lius, as thou hast regarded neither 
 the dignity of the consulship, nor the commands of a father; 
 as thou hast destroyed military discipline, and set a pattern 
 of disobedience by thy example, thou hast reduced me to 
 the deplorable extremity of sacrificing my son or my coun- 
 try. But let us not hesitate in this dreadful alternative ; a 
 thousand lives were well lost in such a cause ; nor do I think 
 that thou thyself wilt refuse to die, when thy country is to 
 reap the advantage of thy sufferings. Lictor, bind him, and 
 let his death be our future example." 22. At this unnatural 
 mandate the whole army was struck with horror ; fear, for 
 a while, kept them in suspense ; but when they saw their 
 young champion's head struck off, and his blood streaming 
 upon the ground, they could no longer contain their execra- 
 tions and their groans. His dead body was carried forth 
 without the camp, and, being adorned with the spoils of the 
 vanquished enemy, was buried with all the pomp of military 
 solemnity. 
 
 23. In the mean time, the battle began with mutual fury ; 
 and as the two armies had often fought under the same 
 leaders, they combated with all the animosity of a civil war. 
 The Latins chiefly depended on bodily strength ; the Romans 
 on their invincible courage and conduct. 24. Forces so 
 nearly matched, seemed only to want the aid of their deities 
 to turn the scale of victory ; and in fact the augurs had fore- 
 told, that whatever part of the Roman army should be dis- 
 tressed, the commander of that part should devote himself 
 M
 
 134 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 for his country, and die as a sacrifice to the immortal gods 
 Man'lius commanded the right wing, and De'cius the left. 
 25. Both sides fought with doubtful success, as their courage 
 was equal ; but, after a time, the left wing of the Roman 
 army began to give ground. 26. It was then that De'cius 
 resolved to devote himself for his country ; and to offer his 
 own life, as an atonement, to save his army. 
 
 27. Thus determined, he called out to Man'lius with a 
 loud voice, and demanded his instructions, as he was the 
 chief pontiff, how to devote himself, and what form of words 
 he should use. 28. By his directions, therefore, being 
 clothed in a long robe, his head covered, and his arms 
 stretched forward, standing upon a javelin, he devoted him- 
 self to the celestial and infernal gods, for the safety of Rome. 
 Then arming himself, and mounting his horse, he drove 
 furiously into the midst of the enemy, striking terror and 
 consternation wherever he came, till he fell covered with 
 wounds. 29. In the mean time the Roman army considered 
 his devoting himself in this manner, as an assurance of suc- 
 cess ; nor was the superstition of the Latins less powerfully 
 influenced by his resolution ; a total route began to ensue : 
 the Romans pressed them on every side, and so great was 
 the carnage, that scarcely a fourth part of the enemy sur- 
 vived the defeat. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Against whom did the Romans next turn their arms ? 
 
 2. Who were appointed commanders in this war? 
 
 3. Who was Valerius ? 
 
 4. What separate commands were entrusted to the consuls 1 
 
 5. What was the character of Valerius ! 
 
 6. What was the character of the hostile armies 1 
 
 7. To whom did the advantage belong 1 
 
 8. Was not the division under Cornelius led into a difficulty, and how 
 
 was it extricated 1 
 
 9. W r hat important event next occurred ? 
 
 10. How were the senate affected by fneir approach T 
 
 11. What are the peculiar evils attendant on civil wars? 
 
 12. What steps did Corvus take on this occasion ] 
 
 13. W T hat was the consequence of this mildness 1 
 
 14. What reflection may be drawn from this incident 1 ? 
 
 15. What was the next occurrence of note? 
 
 1 G. What precautions were necessary in this war ? 
 
 17. In what way was the discipline of the Romans put to the proof? 
 
 18. Was his challenge disregarded ?
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 135 
 
 f9. Relate the particulars of the combat] 
 
 20. What reception did he expect from his father? 
 
 21. What was the consequence of his rashness ] 
 
 22. How was this sentence received by the army 1 
 
 23. Did a battle ensue 1 
 
 21. What was wanting to insure the victory 1 
 
 25. To whom did success incline ? 
 
 26. What heroic resolution did Decius make ? 
 
 27. In what way did he do this 1 
 
 28. What followed 1 
 
 29. What effect had this sacrifice on the hostile armies 1 
 
 SECTION II. 
 u. c. 431. 
 
 1. BUT a signal disgrace which the Romans sustained 
 about this time, in their contest with the Samnites, made a 
 pause in their usual good fortune, and turned the scale for 
 a while in the enemy's favour.* 2. The senate having denied 
 the Samnites peace, Pon'tius, their general, was resolved to 
 gain by stratagem, what he had frequently lost by force. 
 3. Accordingly, leading his army into the neighbourhood of 
 a defile, called Cau'dium, and taking possession of all its 
 outlets, he sent ten of his soldiers, habited like shepherds, 
 with directions to throw themselves into the way Avhich the 
 Romans were to march. 4. Exactly to his wishes, the 
 Roman consul, Posthu'mius, met them, and taking them for 
 what they appeared, demanded the route the Samnite army 
 had taken : they, with seeming indifference, replied, that 
 
 An additional instance of the severity with which military discipline 
 was maintained among the Romans, happened a short time previous to 
 this : L. Papir'ius Cursor, the dictator, having occasion to quit the army 
 and repair to Rome, strictly forbade Q. Fa'bius Rullia'nus, his master of 
 the horse, to venture a battle in his absence. This order Fa'bius dis- 
 obeyed, and gained a complete victory. Instead, however, of finding 
 success a palliation of his offence, he was immediately condemned by 
 the stern dictator to expiate his breach of discipline by death. In spite 
 of the mutinous disposition of the army in spite of the interces- 
 sions and threats, both of the senate and people, Papir'ius persisted in 
 Dilution: but what menaces and powerful interposition could not 
 obtain, was granted to the prayers and tears of the criminal's relatives ; 
 and Fa'bius lived to fill some of the highest offices of the state, uith 
 honour to himself and infinite advantage to his country. (Liv. 1. 8. c. 
 30. 35.
 
 136 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 they were going to Luce'ria, a town in Apu'lia, and were 
 then actually besieging it. 5 The Roman general, not 
 suspecting the stratagem that was laid against him, inarched 
 directly by the shortest road, which lay through the defile, 
 to relieve that city ; and was not undeceived till he saw his 
 army surrounded, and blocked up on every side.* 6. Pon'- 
 tius, thus having the Romans entirely in his power, first 
 obliged the army to pass under the yoke, after having stript 
 them of all but their under garments. He then stipulated, 
 that they should wholly quit the territories of the Samnites, 
 and that they should continue to live upon the terms of their 
 former confederacy. 7. The Romans were constrained to 
 submit to this ignominious treaty, and marched into Cap'ua 
 disarmed, half naked, and burning with a desire of retriev- 
 ing their lost honour. 8. When the army arrived at Rome, 
 the .whole city was most sensibly affected at their shameful 
 return ; nothing but grief and resentment were to be seen, 
 and the whole city was put into mourning. 
 
 9. This was a transitory calamity ; the state had suffered 
 a diminution of its glory, but not of its power.f The war 
 was carried on as usual, for many years ; the power of the 
 Samnites declining every day, while that of the Romans 
 gained fresh vigour from every victory. 10. Under the 
 conduct of Papir'ius Cursor, repeated triumphs Avere gained. 
 Fa'bius Max'imus also had his share in the glory of con- 
 quering the Samnites; and De'cius, the son of that Decius 
 whom we saw devoting himself for his country about forty 
 years before, followed the example of his noble father, and, 
 rushing into the midst of the enemy, saved the lives of his 
 countrymen with the loss of his own.J 
 
 11. The Samnites being driven to the most extreme dis- 
 tress, and unable to defend themselves, were obliged to call 
 in the assistance of a foreign power, and have recourse to 
 
 * This gives but an indifferent idea of the military skill of those 
 ages. 
 
 f It appears, however, to have suffered a diminution of its honour on 
 this occasion, by breaking every article of the treaty of peace extorted 
 from Posthu'mius. As some atonement for this breach of faith, they de- 
 livered Posthu'mius, and those who signed the treaty, into the hands of 
 the Samnites, to do with them as they thought fit ; but this generous 
 }ople instantly set theln at liberty. Liv. 1. 9. c. 8 ' 1. 
 
 U. C. 447. About this time Appius Claudius, the censor, construct- 
 ed an aqueduct, seven miles long, for supplying Rome with water, and 
 that famous road from Rome to Capua, which still remains, the admira- 
 tion of all Europe.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 137 
 
 Pyr'rhus, king of Epi'rus,* to save them from impending 
 ruin. 12. Pyr'rhus, a man of great courage, ambition, and 
 power, who had always kept the example of Alexan'der, 
 his great predecessor, before his eyes, promised to come to 
 their assistance ; and, in the mean time, despatched a body 
 of three thousand men, under the command of Cin'eas, an 
 experienced soldier, and a scholar of the great orator De- 
 mos'thenes.t 13. Nor did he himself remain long behind, 
 but soon after put to sea with three thousand horse, twenty 
 thousand foot, and twenty elephants, in which the com- 
 manders of that time began to place very great confidence. 
 14. However, only a small part of this great armament ar- 
 rived in Italy with him ; for many of his ships were dis- 
 persed, and some were totally lost in a storm. 
 
 15. Upon his arrival at Taren'tum,J his first care was to 
 reform the people whom he came to succour. Observing a 
 total dissoluteness of manners in this luxurious city, and 
 that the inhabitants were rather occupied with the pleasures 
 of bathing, feasting, and dancing, than the care of prepar- 
 ing for war, he gave orders to have all their places of pub- 
 lic entertainment shut up, and that they should be restrained 
 in such amusements as rendered soldiers unfit for battle. 
 16. In the mean time the Romans did all which prudence 
 could suggest, to oppose so formidable an enemy ; and the 
 consul Laevi'nus was sent with a numerous force to inter- 
 rupt his progress. 17. Pyr'rhus, though his whole army 
 was not yet arrived, drew out to meet him ; but previously 
 sent an ambassador, desiring to be permitted to mediate be- 
 tween the Romans and the people of Tarentum. 18. To 
 this Lrcvi'nus answered, that he neither esteemed him as a 
 mediator, nor feared him an an enemy: and then leading 
 the ambassador through the Roman camp, desired him to 
 observe diligently what he saw, and to report the result to 
 his master. 
 
 19. In consequence of this, both armies approaching, 
 pitched their tents in sight of each other, upon the opposite 
 banks of the river Ly'ris. Pyr'rhus was always extremely 
 
 * Epi'rus, a country situated between Macedonia, Achaia, and the 
 Ionian sea. (Strabo.) 
 
 j- Denios'thones, famous for his bold and nervous style of oratory, 
 flourished at Athens about 320 years before the Christian era, 
 
 t Taren'tum, now Taren'to, was a town of Calabria, in Italy, situate 
 on a bay of the same name, near the mouth of the river Gale'sus : 
 celebrated for its fine harbour. (Strabo.) 
 
 M 2
 
 138 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 careful in directing the situation of his own camp, and in 
 observing that of the enemy. 20. Walking along the banks 
 of the river, and surveying the Roman method of encamp- 
 ing, he was heard to observe, that these barbarians seemed 
 to be no way barbarous, and that he should too soon find 
 their actions equal to their resolution. 21. In the mean 
 time he placed a body of men in readiness to oppose the 
 Romans, in case they should attempt to ford the stream be- 
 fore his whole army was brought together. 22. Things 
 turned out according to his expectations ; the consul, with 
 an impetuosity that marked his inexperience, gave orders 
 for passing the river where it was fordable ; and the ad- 
 vanced guard, having attempted to oppose him in vain. Avas 
 obliged to retire to the whole body of the army. 23. Pyr'- 
 rhus being apprised of the enemy's attempt, at first hoped 
 to cut off their cavalry, before they could be reinforced by 
 the foot, which were not as yet got over ; and led on in 
 person a chosen body of horse against them. 24. The Ro- 
 man legions having, with much difficulty, advanced across 
 the river, the engagement became general; the Greeks 
 fought with a consciousness of their former fame, and the 
 Romans with a desire of gaining fresh glory : mankind had 
 seldom seen two such differently disciplined armies op- 
 posed to each other ; nor is it to this day determined whether 
 the Greek phalanx, or the Roman legion were preferable. 
 25. The combat was long in suspense ; the Romans had 
 seven times repulsed the enemy, and were as often driven 
 back themselves ; but at length, while the success seemed 
 doubtful, Pyr'rhus sent his elephants into the midst of the 
 engagement, and these turned the scale of victory in his fa- 
 vour. 26. The Romans, who had never before encountered 
 creatures of such magnitude, were terrified not only at their 
 intrepid fierceness, but at the castles that were fastened on 
 their backs, filled M'ith armed men. 27. It was then that 
 Pyr'rhus saw the day was his own ; and, sending his Thes- 
 salian cavalry to charge the enemy in disorder, the route be- 
 came general. A. dreadful slaughter of the Romans ensued, 
 fifteen thousand men being killed on the spot, and eighteen 
 hundred taken prisoners. 28. Nor were the conquerors in 
 a much better state than the vanquished, Pyr'rhus himself 
 being wounded, and thirteen thousand of his forces slain. 
 Night coming on, put an end to the slaughter on both sides, 
 and Pyr'rhus was heard to exclaim, that one such victory 
 more would ruin his whole army. 29. The next day, as
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 139 
 
 he walked to view the field of battle, he could not help re- 
 garding with admiration the bodies of the Romans who were 
 slain. Upon seeing them all with their wounds in front, 
 their countenances, even in death, marked with noble reso- 
 lution, and a sternness that awed him into vespect, he was 
 heard to cry out, in the true spirit of a military adventurer, 
 " Oh ! with what ease could I conquer the world, had I the 
 Romans for soldiers, or had they me for their king !" 
 
 30. Pyr'rhus, after this victory, was still unwilling to 
 drive them to an extremity, and considering that it was best 
 to treat with an humbled enemy, he resolved to send his 
 friend Cin'eas,* the orator, to negociate a peace ; of whom 
 he often asserted, that he had won more towns by the elo- 
 quence of Cin'eas, than by his own arms. 31. But Cin'eas, 
 with all his art, found the Romans incapable of being se- 
 duced, either by private bribery, or public persuasion ; with a 
 haughtiness little expected from a vanquished enemy, they 
 insisted that Pyr'rhus should evacuate Italy, previous to a 
 commencement of a treaty of peace. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Were the Romans uniformly successful ? 
 
 2. Who resolved to use stratagem, and why 1 
 
 3. By what means did he effect it 1 
 
 4. What followed ? 
 
 5. Was the Roman general deceived by this stratagem ? 
 
 6. What advantage did the Samnite commander take of the situation 
 
 of the Romans ? 
 
 7. Were these terms accepted 1 
 
 8. How was this news received at Rome ? 
 
 9. Did this event put an end to the war ? 
 
 10. Who signalized themselves against the Samnites? 
 
 1 1. What measure did the Samnites adopt in this extremity ? 
 
 12. What was the character of Pyrrhus, and what effort did he make 
 
 for their relief? 
 
 13. Did he follow in person 1 
 
 14. Did this great force arrive in safety ? 
 
 15. What was his first care ? 
 
 1(5. What measures did the Romans adopt? 
 
 17. Did Pyrrhus immediately commence hostilities? 
 
 1 8. What answer was returned ! 
 
 19. What followed? 
 
 * Cin'eas is said to have possessed so retentive a memory, that the 
 day after his arrival at Rome, he could salute every senator and knight 
 Vy name.
 
 140 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 I 
 
 20. What opinion did Pyrrhus form of the Romans 1 
 
 21. What were his first measures] 
 
 22. Were his precautions justified ? 
 
 23. In what way did Pyrrhus resist this attack] 
 
 24. What is worthy of observation in this engagement] 
 
 25. To whom did the victory fall] 
 
 26. On what account were the Romans terrified by the appearance of 
 
 the elephants] 
 
 27. What completed the route t 
 
 28. Was this victory cheaply purchased ? 
 
 29. What were the sensations of Pyrrhus on viewing the field of 
 
 battle ] 
 
 80. What measures did he adopt after this victory ] 
 31. Were the arts of Cineas successful ] 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. BEING frustrated, therefore, in his expectations, Cin'eas 
 returned to his master, extolling both the virtues and th 
 grandeur of the Romans. The senate, he said, appeared a 
 reverend assembly of demi-gods ; and the city, a temple for 
 their reception. 2. Of this Pyr'rhus soon after became 
 sensible, by an embassy from Rome, concerning the ransom 
 and exchange of prisoners. 3. At the head of this venera- 
 ble deputation was Fabri'cius, an ancient senator, who had 
 long been a pattern to his countrymen of the most extreme 
 poverty, joined to the most cheerful content. 4. Pyr'rhus 
 received this celebrated old man with great kindness ; and 
 willing to try how far fame had been just in his favour, of- 
 fered him rich presents ; but the Roman refused. 5. The 
 day after, he was desirous of examining the equality of his 
 temper, and ordered one of his largest elephants to be placed 
 behind the tapestry, which, upon a signal given, being drawn 
 aside, the huge animal raised its trunk above the ambassa- 
 dor's head, making a hideous noise, and using other arts to 
 intimidate him. 6. But Fabri'cius, with an unchanged 
 countenance, smiled upon the king, and told him, that he 
 looked with an equal eye on the terrors of that day, as he 
 had upon the allurements of the preceding. 7. Pyr'rhus, 
 pleased to find so much virtue in one he had considered as 
 a barbarian, was willing to grant him the only favour which 
 he knew could make him happy ; he released the Roman 
 prisoners, entrusting them to Fabri'cius alone, upon his pro 
 inise, that, in case the senate were determined to continue
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 141 
 
 the war, he might reclaim them whenever he thought pro- 
 per. 
 
 8. By this time the Roman army was recovered from its 
 late defeat, and Sulpi'cius and De'cius, the consuls Cu. c. 
 for the following year, were placed at its head. 9. 474. 
 The panic which had formerly seized it from the elephants, 
 now began to wear off, and both armies met near the city 
 of As'culum, pretty nearly equal in numbers. 10. Here 
 again, after a long and obstinate fighathe Grecian discipline 
 prevailed. The Romans, pressed oirrvery side, particular- 
 ly by the elephants, were obliged to retire to their camp, 
 leaving six thousand men upon the field of battle. 11. But 
 the enemy had no great reason to boast of their triumph, as 
 they had four thousand slain. Pyr'rhus again observed, to a 
 soldier who was congratulating him upon his victory, " An- 
 other such a triumph, and I shall be undone." This battle 
 finished the campaign. 12. The next season began with 
 equal vigour on both sides ; Pyr'rhus having received new 
 succours from home. 13. While the two armies were ap- 
 proaching, and yet but a small distance from each other, a 
 letter was brought to old Fabri'cius, the Roman general, 
 from the king's physician, importing that, for a proper re- 
 ward, he would take him off by poison, and thus rid the 
 Romans of a powerful enemy, and a dangerous war. 14. 
 Fabri'cius felt all the honest indignation at this base propo- 
 sal that was consistent with his former character ; he com- 
 municated it to his colleague, and instantly gave it as his 
 opinion, that Pyr'rhus should be informed of the treachery 
 that was plotted against him. 15. Accordingly, letters were 
 despatched for that purpose, informing Pyr'rhus of the af- 
 fair, and alleging his unfortunate choice of friends and ene- 
 mies ; that he had trusted and promoted murderers, while 
 he directed his resentment against the generous and brave. 
 16. Pyr'rhus now began to find that these bold barbarians 
 were, by degrees, schooled into refinement, and would not 
 suffer him to be their superior, even in generosity. He re- 
 ceived the message with as much amazement at their can- 
 dour, as indjgnation at his physician's treachery. Admira- 
 ble Fabri'ciqs !" cried he, " it would be as easy to turn the 
 sun from its course, as thee from the path of honour." 17. 
 Then, making the proper inquiry among his servants, and 
 having discovered the treason, he ordered his physician to 
 be executed. 18. Not to be outdone in magnanimity, he 
 immediately sent to Rome all his prisoners without ransom,
 
 142 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 and again desired to negociate a peace : but the Romans 
 still refused, upon any other conditions than had been offer- 
 ed before. 
 
 19. After an interval of two years, Pyr'rhus, having in- 
 creased his army by new levies, sent one part of it to op- 
 pose the march of Len'tulus, while he, with the other, went 
 to attack Cu'rius Denta'tus, before his colleague could come 
 up. 20. His principal aim was to surprise the enemy by 
 night ; but unfortunately, passing through woods, and the 
 light failing him, his men lost their way ; so that at the ap- 
 proach of morning, he saw himself in sight of the Roman 
 camp, with the enemy drawn out ready to receive him. The 
 vanguard of both armies soon met, in which the Romans 
 had the advantage. 21. Soon after, a general engagement 
 ensuing, Pyr'rhus, finding the balance of the victory turning 
 still against him, had once more recourse to his elephants. 
 22. These, however, the Romans were now too well ac- 
 quainted with, to feel any vain terrors from; and having 
 found that fire was the most effectual means to repel them, 
 they caused a number of balls to be made, composed of flax 
 and rosin, which were lighted and thrown against them as 
 they approached the ranks. 23. The elephants, rendered 
 furious by the flame, and boldly opposed by the soldiers, 
 could no longer be brought on ; but ran back on their own 
 army, bearing down their ranks, and filling all places with 
 terror and confusion : thus victory, at length, declared in 
 favour of Rome. 24. Pyr'rhus, in vain, attempted to stop 
 the flight and slaughter of his troops ; he lost not only 
 twenty-three thousand of his best soldiers, but his camp 
 was also taken. 25. This served as a new lesson to the 
 Romans, who were ever open to improvement. They had 
 formerly pitched their tents without order ; but, by this new 
 capture, they were taught to measure out their ground, and 
 fortify the whole with a trench ; so that many of their suc- 
 ceeding victories are to be ascribed to their improved 
 method of encamping. 
 
 26. Pyr'rhus, thus finding all hopes fruitless, resolved to 
 leave Italy, where he found only desperate enemies, and 
 faithless allies ; accordingly, calling together the Taren'- 
 tines, he informed them that he had received assurances 
 from Greece of speedy assistance, and desiring them to 
 await the event with tranquillity, the night following he em- 
 barked his troops, and returned, undisturbed, into his native 
 kingdom, with the remains of his shattered forces, leaving
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 143 
 
 a garrison in Taren'tum merely to save appearances : and in 
 this manner ended the war with Pyr'rhus, after six years' 
 continuance. 
 
 27. As for the poor luxurious Taren'tines, who were the 
 original promoters of the war, they soon began to find a 
 worse enemy in the garrison that was left for their defence, 
 than in the Romans who attacked them from without. The 
 hatred between them and Mi'lo, who commanded their cita- 
 del for Pyr'rhus, was become so great, that nothing but the 
 fear of their old inveterate enemies, the Romans, could equal 
 it. 28. In this distress they applied to the Carthaginians, 
 who, with a large fleet, came and blocked up the port of 
 Taren'tum ; so that this unfortunate people, once famous 
 through Italy for their refinements and pleasures, now saw 
 themselves contended for by three different armies, without 
 a choice of a conqueror. 29. At length, however, the Ro- 
 mans found means to bring over the garrison to their inter- 
 est ; after which they easily became masters of the city, and 
 demolished its walls, granting the inhabitants liberty and 
 protection. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What report did Cineas give of the Romans 7 
 
 2. By what means did Pyrrhus become convinced of its truth 7 
 
 3. Who headed this deputation 1 
 
 4. What reception did he experience 7 
 
 5. W hat farther trial was made of his disposition 7 
 
 6. What effect did this produce in Fabricius 7 
 
 7. In what way did Pyrrhus evince his satisfaction 7 
 
 8. In what state was the Roman army at this time 7 
 
 9. Where did the rival armies meet 7 
 
 10. What was the event of the engagement 7 
 
 11. Did it cost the enemy dear? 
 
 12. Was the war continued 7 
 
 13. What proposal was made to Fabricius 7 
 
 14. How was this proposal received 7 
 
 15. How was this done 7 
 
 16. What effect had this conduct on Pyrrhus 7 
 
 17. What followed 7 
 
 18. What return did he make to the Romans 7 
 
 19. How was this war carried on 7 
 
 20. What views had he in this, and how did they succeed 7 
 
 21. What expedient did Pyrrhus have recourse to, to insure the victory ! 
 
 22. How did the Romans endeavour to counteract ifl 
 
 23. What was the consequence 7 
 
 24. What loss did Pyrrhus sustain 7
 
 144 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 25. What advantage did the Romans gain from this victory 1 
 
 26. What resolution did Pyrrhus form, and how did he effect it 7 
 
 27. What became of the Tarentines ? 
 
 28. To whom did they have recourse ? 
 
 29. How did this terminate 1 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR, TO THE 
 BEGINNING OF THE SECOND, WHEN THE ROMANS BEGAN TO 
 GROAV POWERFUL BY SEA. U. C. 493. 
 
 -- 
 
 1. THE Romans having destroyed all rival pretensions at 
 home, began to pant after foreign conquests. 2. The Car- 
 thagin'ians were at that time in possession of the greatest 
 part of Sicily, and, like the Romans, only wanted an op- 
 portunity of embroiling the natives, in order to become mas- 
 ters of the whole island. 3. This opportunity at length of- 
 fered. Hi'ero, king of Sy'racuse, one of the states of that 
 island, which was as yet unconquered, entreated their aid 
 against the Mam'ertines, an insignificant people of the same 
 country, and they sent him supplies both by sea and land. 
 
 4. The Mam'ertines, on the other hand, to shield off im- 
 pending ruin, put themselves under the protection of Rome. 
 
 5. The Romans, not thinking the Mam'ertines worthy of the 
 name of allies, instead of professing to assist them, boldly 
 declared war against Carthage ; alleging as a reason, the 
 assistance which Carthage had lately sent to the southern 
 parts of Italy against the Romans. In this manner a war 
 was declared between two powerful states, both too great to 
 continue patient spectators of each other's increase. 
 
 6. Carthage, a colony of the Phoenicians, was built on 
 the coast of Africa, near the place where Tunis now stands, 
 about a hundred and thirty-seven years before the foundation 
 of Rome. 7. As it had been long growing into power, so 
 it had extended its dominions all along the coasts : but its 
 chief strength lay in its fleets and commerce. 8. Thus cir- 
 cumstanced, these two great powers began what is called 
 the First Punic war. The Carthagin'ians were possessed
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 145 
 
 of gold and silver, which might be exhausted ; the Romans 
 were famous for perseverance, patriotism, and poverty, 
 which gathered strength by every defeat. 
 
 9. But there seemed to be an insurmountable obstacle to 
 the ambitious views of Rome, as they had no fleet, or at 
 least none that deserved the title ; while the Carthagin'ians 
 had the entire command at sea, and kept all the maritime 
 towns in obedience.* 10. In such a situation, under disad- 
 vantages which nature seemed to have imposed, any people 
 but the Romans would, have rested ; but nothing could con- 
 quer or intimidate them. 11. A Carthagin'ian vessel hap- 
 pened to be driven on shore, in a storm, and this was suf- 
 ficient to serve as a model. They began to apply them- 
 selves to maritime affairs ; and though without shipwrights 
 to build, or seamen to navigate a fleet, they resolved to sur- 
 mount every obstacle with inflexible perseverance. 12. The 
 consul Duil'ius was the first who ventured to sea with his 
 new-constructed armament ; and, though far inferior to the 
 enemy in the management of his fleet, yet he gained the first 
 naval victory ; the Carthagin'ians losing fifty of their ships, 
 and the undisturbed sovereignty of the sea, which they 
 valued more.t 
 
 13. But the conquest of Sicily was to be obtained only 
 by humbling the power of Carthage at home. JFor this rea- 
 son the senate resolved to carry the war into Africa itself, 
 and accordingly they sent Reg'ulus and Man'lius, with a 
 fleet of three hundred sail, to make the invasion. 14. Reg'- 
 ulus was reckoned the most consummate warrior that Rome 
 could then produce, and a professed example of frugal se- 
 
 The vessels in which they had hitherto transported their 
 were principally hired from their neighbours the Locrians, Taret 
 &c. It is certain that the Romans had ships of war before this 
 but from the little attention they had hitherto paid to naval affairs, they 
 were, probably, badly constructed and ill managed. 
 
 j- While the heroic conduct of Leon'idas and his little band of Spar- 
 tans has met with deserved applause in all ages, a similar devotedncss 
 for his country in Calpur'nius Flem'ma, a military tribune, has been 
 scarcely noticed ; the Consul Calatinus having carelessly suffered him- 
 self to be entrapped by the Carthagin'ians in a place from whence there 
 was no hope of being extricated, Calpur'nius, with 300 resolute men, 
 possessed himself of a neighbouring eminence, and with incredible 
 courage so engaged the attention of the Carthagin'ians, that the Roman 
 army escaped with very little opposition. This band of heroes wan 
 slaughtered to a man, and Calpur'nius himself fell, dreadfully wounded, 
 but afterwards recovered of his wounds. He was rewarded with a corona 
 frraminU, or crown made of grass. 
 
 N
 
 146 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 verity. His patriotism was still greater than his temper- 
 ance : all private passions seemed extinguished in him ; at 
 least they were swallowed up in one great ruling affection, 
 the love of his country. 15. The two general* set sail 
 with their fleet, which was the greatest that had ever yet 
 left an Italian port, carrying a hundred and forty thousand 
 men. They were met by the Carthagin'ians with a fleet 
 equally powerful, and men more used to the sea. 1 6. While 
 the fight continued at a distance, the Carthagin'ians seemed 
 successful ; but when the Romans came to grapple with 
 them, the difference between a mercenary army and one 
 that fought for fame, was apparent. 17. The resolution of 
 the Romans was crowned with success ; the enemy's fleet 
 was dispersed, and fifty-four of their vessels taken. 18. The 
 consequence of this victory was an immediate descent upon 
 the coast of Africa, and the capture of the city Clu'pea, to- 
 gether with twenty thousand men who were made prisoners 
 of war. 
 
 19. The senate being informed of these great successes, 
 and applied to for fresh instructions, commanded Man'lius 
 back to Italy, in order to superintend the Sicilian war, and 
 directed that Reg'ulus should continue in Africa to prose- 
 cute his victories there. 
 
 20. A battle ensued, in which Carthage was once more 
 defeated, and 17,000 of its best troops were cut off. This 
 fresh victory contributed to throw them into the utmost de- 
 spair ; for more than eighty of their towns submitted to the 
 Romans. 21. In this distress, the Carthagin'ians, destitute 
 of generals at home, were obliged to send to Lacedae'mon, 
 olFering the command of their armies to Xantip'pus, a gen&- 
 ral of great experience, who undertook to conduct them. 
 
 22. This general began by giving the magistrates proper 
 instructions for levying their men ; he assured them that 
 their armies werehitherto overthrown, not by the strength 
 of the enemy, but by the ignorance of their own command- 
 ers ; he, therefore, required a ready obedience to his orders, 
 and assured them of an easy victory. 23. The whole city 
 seemed once more revived from despondence by the ex- 
 hortations of a single stranger, and soon from hope grew in- 
 to confidence. 24. This was the spirit the Grecian gene 
 ral wished to excite in them ; so that when he saw them 
 thus ripe for the engagement, he joyfully took the field. 
 25 The Lacedaemo'nian made the most skilful disposition 
 of his forces ; he placed his cavalry in the wings ; he dis-
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 147 
 
 posed the elephants at proper intervals, behind the line of 
 the heavy-armed infantry, and bringing up the light-armed 
 troops before, he ordered them to retire through the line of 
 infantry, after they had discharged their weapons. 26. At 
 length both armies engaged ; after a long and obstinate re- 
 sistance, the Romans were overthrown with dreadful slaugh- 
 ter, the greatest part of their army destroyed, and Reg'ulus 
 himself taken prisoner. 27. Several other distresses of the 
 Romans followed soon after. They lost their fleet in a 
 storm, and Agrigen'tum their principal town in Sicily, was 
 taken by Karth'alo, the Carthagin'ian general. They built 
 a new fleet, which shared the fate of the former ; for the 
 mariners, as yet unacquainted with the Mediterra'nean 
 shores, drove upon quicksands, and soon after the greater 
 part perished in a storm.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What did the Romans now desire 1 
 
 2. What state afforded them an opportunity for this purpose 1 
 
 3. Were their wishes gratified, and how 1 
 
 4. What measures did the Mamertines adopt ? 
 
 6. Did the Romans afford them the assistance they requested 1 
 
 6. Where was Carthage situated, and when was it builtl 
 
 7. Was it a powerful state 7 
 
 8. Hat! the Romans or the Carthaginians the means most likely to in 
 
 sure success 1 
 
 9. Were Rome and Carthage on an equal footing in other respects ? 
 
 10. Did the Romans attempt to overcome this obstacle * 
 
 1 1. What assisted their endeavours 1 
 
 12. Who was their first naval commander, and what was his success 
 
 13. What were the means adopted to conquer Sicily 1 
 
 14. What was the character of Regulus ? 
 
 15. What was the amount of the force on both sides! 
 
 16. On what side did the advantage lie 1 
 
 1 7. With whom did the victory remain 1 
 
 18. What was the consequence of this victory * 
 
 19. What were the orders of the senate 1 
 
 20. What was the next event deserving notice, and its consequences ! 
 
 21. To what expedient were the Carthaginians obliged to have recourse 1 
 
 22. What were the first acts of this general ? 
 
 23. What were the effects his arrival produced 7 
 
 * The Romans considering these two disasters as indfcations of the 
 will of the gods that they should not contend by sea, made a decree that 
 ro more than fifty galleys should, for the future, be equipped. This de 
 cree, however, did not continue long in force. 

 
 148 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 24. What was the consequence ? 
 
 25. In what way was the Carthaginian army drawn up ? 
 
 26. What was the event of the battle ? 
 
 27. What other disasters did the Romans encounter ? 
 
 SECTION n. 
 
 1. THE Carthagin'ians being thus successful, were de- 
 sirous of a new treaty for peace, hoping to have better terms 
 than those insisted upon by Reg'ulus. They supposed that 
 he, whom they had now for four years kept in a dungeon, 
 confined and chained, would be a proper solicitor. It was 
 expected that, being wearied with imprisonment and bond- 
 age, he would gladly endeavour to persuade his countrymen 
 to a discontinuance of the war which prolonged his captivity. 
 2. He was accordingly sent with their ambassadors to Rome, 
 under a promise, previously exacted from him, to return in 
 case of being unsuccessful. He was even given to under- 
 stand that his life depended upon the success of his ne- 
 gociation. 
 
 3. When this old general, together with the ambassadors 
 of Carthage, approached Rome, numbers of his friends 
 came out to meet him, and congratulate him on his return. 
 4. Their acclamations resounded through the city ; but 
 Reg'ulus refused, with settled melancholy, to enter the 
 gates. In vain he was entreated on every side to visit once 
 more his little dwelling, and share in that joy which his re- 
 turn had inspired. He persisted in saying that he was now 
 a slave belonging to the Carthagin'ians, and unfit to partake 
 in the liberal honours of his country. 5. The senate 
 assembling without the walls, as usual, to give audience to 
 the ambassadors, Reg'ulus opened his commission as he had 
 been directed by the Carthagin'ian council, and their am- 
 bassadors seconded his proposals. 6. The senate them- 
 selves, who were weary of a war which had been protracted 
 above fourteen years, were no way disinclinable to a peace. 
 It only remained for Reg'ulus himself to give his opinion. 
 7. When it came to his turn to speak, to the surprise of the 
 whole, he gave his voice for continuing the war. 8. So 
 unexpected an advice not a little disturbed the senate : they 
 pitied as well as admired a man who had used such elo- 
 quence against his private interest, and could conclude upon
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 149 
 
 a measure which was to terminate in his own ruin. 9. But 
 he soon relieved their embarrassment by breaking off the 
 treaty, and by rising, in order to return to his bonds and his 
 confinement. 10. In vain did the senate and his dearest 
 friends entreat his stay; he still repressed their solicitations. 
 Marcia, his wife, with her children, vainly entreated to be 
 permitted to see him : he still obstinately persisted in keep- 
 ing his promise ; and though sufficiently apprised of the 
 tortures that awaited his return, without embracing his 
 family, or taking leave of his friends, he departed with the 
 ambassadors for Carthage. 
 
 11. Nothing could equal the fury and the disappointment 
 of the Carthagin'ians, when they were informed by their 
 ambassadors that Regulus, instead of hastening a peace, had 
 given his opinion for continuing the war. 12. They ac- 
 cordingly prepared to punish his conduct with the most 
 studied tortures. His eye-lids were cut off, and he was re- 
 manded to prison. After some days, he was again brought 
 out from his dark and dismal dungeon, and exposed with 
 his face opposite the burning sun. At last, when malice 
 was fatigued studying all the arts of torture, he was put into 
 a sort of barrel, stuck full of spikes, and in this painful 
 position he continued till he died. 
 
 13. Both sides now took up arms with more than former 
 animosity. At length, Roman perseverance was crowned 
 with success ; and one victory followed on the back of 
 another. Fa'bius Bu'teo, the consul, once more showed 
 them the way to naval victory, by defeating a large squadron 
 of the enemy's ships ; but Luta'tius Cat'ulus gained a vic- 
 tory still more complete, in which the power of Carthage 
 seemed totally destroyed at sea, by the loss of a hundred 
 and twenty ships. 14. This loss compelled the Cartha- 
 gin'ians again to sue for peace, which Rome thought proper 
 to grant ; but still inflexible in its demands, exacted the 
 same conditions which Reg'ulus had formerly offered at the 
 gates of Carthage. 15. These were, that they should lay 
 down a thousand talents of silver, to defray the charge of 
 the war, and should pay two thousand two hundred more 
 within ten years; that they should quit Sicily, with all 
 such islands as they possessed near it ; that they should 
 never make war against the allies of Rome, nor come with 
 any vessels of war within the Roman dominions ; and lastly, 
 that all their prisoners and deserters should be de- C *' c 
 livered up without ransom. 16. To these hard 513. 
 
 N 2
 
 1 50 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 conditions, the Carthagin'ians, now exhausted, readily sub- 
 scribed ; and thus ended the first Punic war, which had 
 lasted twenty-four years ; and, in some measure, had drained 
 both nations of their resources. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What were the Carthaginians now desirous of obtaining ? 
 
 2. Was Regulus employed for this purpose t 
 
 3. How was Regulus received by the Romans ? 
 
 4. What was the conduct of Regulus on this occasion T 
 
 5. How did the negociation commence ? 
 
 6. Were the Romans inclined for peace ? 
 
 7. What was the opinion of Regulus ] 
 
 8. What was the effect of this advice 7 
 
 9. Hw did Regulus put an end to their embarrassment 1 
 
 10. Could he not be prevailed on to remain at Rome? 
 
 1 1. How did the Carthaginians receive an account of his conduct 1 
 
 12. In what way did they punish him 7 
 
 1 3. With what success wis the war continued 7 
 
 14. What was the consequence of this loss ? 
 
 15. What were these terms] 
 
 16. Were they agreed to] 
 
 What was the duration of the first Punic war 1 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE END OF THE FIRST PUNIC WAR TO THE END OF 
 THE SECOND. 
 
 1. THE war being ended between the Carthagin'ians and 
 Romans, a profound peace ensued, and in about six years 
 after, the temple of Ja'nus was shut for the second time 
 since the foundation of the city.* 2. The Romans being 
 thus in friendship with all nations, had an opportunity of 
 turning to the arts of peace ; they now began to have a 
 relish for poetry, the first liberal art which rises in every 
 civilized nation, and the first also that decays. 3. Hitherto 
 they had been entertained only with the rude drolleries of 
 
 * The first was iu the reign of Numa.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 151 
 
 their lowest buffoons, who entertained them with sports 
 called Fescen'nine, in which a few debauched actors in- 
 vented their own parts, while raillery and indecency sup- 
 plied the place of humour. 4. To these a composition of 
 a higher kind succeeded, called satire ; a sort of dramatic 
 poem, in which the characters of the great were particularly 
 pointed out, and made an object of derision to the vulgar. 
 
 5. After these, came tragedy and comedy, which were bor- 
 rowed from the Greeks: indeed, the first dramatic Cu. c. 
 poet of Rome, whose name was Liv'ius Andronicus, 514. 
 was a native of one of the Greek colonies in southern Italy. 
 
 6. The instant these finer kinds of composition appeared, 
 this great people rejected their former impurities with dis- 
 dain. From thenceforward they laboured upon the Grecian 
 model ; and though they were never able to rival their mas- 
 ters in dramatic composition, they soon surpassed them in 
 many of the more soothing kinds of poetry. Elegiac, pas- 
 toral, and didactic compositions began to assume new beau- 
 ties in the Roman language ; and satire, not that rude kind 
 of dialogue already mentioned, but a nobler sort,- was all 
 their own. 
 
 7. While they were thus cultivating the arts of peace, 
 they were not unmindful of making fresh preparations for 
 war ; intervals of ease seemed to give fresh vigour for new 
 designs, rather than relax their former intrepidity. 8. The 
 Illyr'ians were the first people upon whom they tried their 
 strength. That nation happened to make depredations upon 
 some of the trading subjects of Rome, which being CTJ. c - 
 complained of to Teuta, the queen of the country, 527. 
 she, instead of granting redress, ordered the ambassadors, 
 who were sent to demand restitution, to be murdered. 9. A 
 war ensued, in which the Romans were victorious ; most of 
 the Illy'ric towns were surrendered to the consuls, and a 
 peace at last concluded, by which the greatest part of the 
 country was ceded to Rome ; a yearly tribute was exacted 
 for the rest, and a prohibition added, that the Illyr'ians 
 should not sail beyond the river Lissus with more than two 
 barks, and those unarmed. 
 
 10. The Gauls were the next people that incurred the 
 displeasure of the Romans. 11. A time of peace* when 
 the armies were disbanded, was the proper season for new 
 irruptions ; accordingly, these barbarians invited fresh forces 
 from beyond the Alps, and entering Etru'ria, wasted all with 
 fire and sword, till they came within about three days' journey
 
 152 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 of Rome. 12. A praetor and a consul were sent to oppose 
 them, who, now instructed in the improved arts of war, 
 were enabled to surround the Gauls. 13. It was in vain 
 that those hardy troops, who had nothing but courage to 
 protect them, formed two fronts to oppose their adversaries ; 
 their naked bodies and undisciplined forces were unable to 
 withstand the shock vof an enemy completely armed, and 
 skilled in military evolutions. 14. A miserable slaughter 
 ensued, in which forty thousand were killed, and ten thou- 
 sand taken prisoners. 15. This victory was followed by 
 another, gained by MarceHus, in which he killed Virido- 
 ina'rus, their king, with his own hand. 16. These con- 
 quests forced them to beg for peace, the conditions of which 
 served greatly to enlarge the empire. Thus the Romans 
 went on with success ; retrieved their former losses, and 
 only wanted an enemy worthy of their arms to begin a 
 new war. 
 
 17. The Carthagin'ians had made peace solely because 
 they were no longer able to continue the war. They, there- 
 fore, took the earliest opportunity of breaking the treaty, 
 and besieged Sagun'tum, a city of Spain, which had been 
 in alliance with Rome ; and, though desired to desist, pro- 
 secuted their ' operations with vigour. 18. Ambassadors 
 were sent, in consequence, from Rome to Carthage, com- 
 plaining of the infraction of their articles, and required that 
 Han'nibal, the Carthagin'ian general, who had advised this 
 measure, should be delivered up : which being refused, both 
 sides prepared for a second Punic war. 
 
 19. The Carthaginians trusted the management of it to 
 Han'nibal. 20. This extraordinary man had been made 
 the sworn foe of Rome, almost from his infancy ; for, while 
 yet very young, his father brought him before the altar, and 
 obliged him to take an oath, that he would never be in 
 friendship with the Romans, nor desist from opposing their 
 power, until he or they should be no more. 21. On his 
 first appearance in the field, he united in his own person 
 the most masterly method of commanding, with the most 
 perfect obedience to his superiors. Thus he was equally 
 beloved by his generals, and the troops he was appointed to 
 lead. 22. He was possessed of the greatest courage in op- 
 posing danger, and the greatest presence of mind in retiring 
 from it. No fatigue was able to subdue his body, nor any 
 misfortune to break his spirit ; he wns equally patient of 
 heat and cold, and he took sustenance merely to content na-
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 153 
 
 lure, not to delight his appetite. He was the best horseman, 
 and the swiftest runner, of the time. 23. This great gene- 
 ral, who is considered as the most skilful commander of an- 
 tiquity, having overrun all Spain, and levied a large army 
 composed of various nations, resolved to carry the war into 
 Italy itself, as the Romans had before carried it into the do- 
 minions of Carthage. 24. For this purpose, leaving Hanno 
 with a sufficient force to guard his conquests in Spain, he 
 crossed the Pyrene'an mountains into Gaul, with an army 
 of fifty thousand foot, and nine thousand horse. He quick 
 ly traversed that country, which was then wild and exten- 
 sive, and filled with nations that were his declared enemies. 
 25. In vain its forests and rivers appeared to intimidate ; 
 in vain the Rhone, with its rapid current, and its banks 
 covered with enemies, or the Dura branched out into num- 
 berless channels, opposed his way ; he passed them all with 
 undaunted spirit, and in ten days arrived at the foot of the 
 Alps, over which he was to explore a new passage into 
 Italy. 26. It was in the midst of winter when this aston- 
 ishing project was undertaken. The season added new hor- 
 rors to the scene. The prodigious height and tremendous 
 steepness of these mountains, capped with snow ; the people 
 barbarous and fierce, dressed in skins, and with long shaggy 
 hair, presented a picture that impressed the beholders with 
 astonishment and terror. 27. But nothing was capable of 
 subduing the courage of the Carthaginian general. At the end 
 of fifteen days, spent in crossing the Alps, he found himself 
 in the plains of Italy, with about half his army ; the other 
 half having died of cold, or been cut off by the natives. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the consequence of the conclusion of the first Punic 
 
 war? 
 
 2. What advantages did the Romans derive from this interval of 
 
 peace? 
 
 3. What species of entertainment had they hitherto enjoyed ? 
 
 4. What succeeded these low buffooneries? 
 
 5. What was the next species, and from whom was it borrowed 1 
 
 6. Did their former amusements still continue to please ? 
 
 7. Were the Romans attentive only to the arts of peace ? 
 
 8. Who first incurred their resentment, and what was their offence 1 
 
 9. What was the consequence ? 
 
 10 Who next incurred the displeasure of the Romans?
 
 J54 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 11. What was their offence, and what favourable opportunity did they 
 
 choose. 
 
 12. What steps were taken to oppose them 1 
 
 13. Did the Gauls make any effectual resistance? 
 
 14. What was the result of the battle ? 
 
 15. Did this victory decide the contest? 
 
 16. What advantages occurred to the Romans from this war 1 
 
 17. Were the Carthaginians sincere in their overture' for peace ? 
 
 18. What was the consequence of this refusal? 
 
 19. To whom was the conduct of the war committed by the Cartha- 
 
 ginians 1 
 
 20. What rendered Hannibal particularly eligible to this post! 
 
 21. Was he a favourite with the army ? 
 
 22. Describe his corporeal and mental qualifications 1 
 
 23. What resolution did he adopt 1 
 
 24. What measures did he take for that purpose ? 
 
 25. Was he not deterred by the dangers of the way ? 
 
 26. What rendered this passage peculiarly difficult 1 
 
 27. Did these horrors render the attempt unsuccessful 1 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. As soon as it was known at Rome, that Han'nibal, at 
 the head of an immense army, was crossing the Alps, the 
 senate sent Scip'io to oppose him ; the armies met near the 
 little river Tici'nus, and the Roman general was obliged to 
 retreat with considerable loss. 2. In the mean time, Han'- 
 nibal, thus victorious, took the most prudent precautions to 
 increase his army ; giving orders always to spare the pos- 
 sessions of the Gauls, while depredations were committed 
 upon those of Rome ; and this so pleased that simple peo- 
 ple, that they declared for him in great numbers, and flock- 
 ed to his standard with alacrity. 
 
 3. The second battle was fought upon the banks of the 
 river Tre'bia. 4. The Carthaginian general, being apprised 
 of the Roman impetuosity, of which he availed himself in 
 almost every engagement, had sent off a thousand horse, 
 each with a foot soldier behind, to cross the river, to ravage 
 the enemy's country, and provoke them to engage. The 
 Romans quickly routed this force. Seeming to be defeated, 
 they took the river, and were as eagerly pursued by Sem- 
 pro'nius, the consul. No sooner had his army attained 
 the opposite bank, than he perceived himself half-conquer- 
 ed, his men being fatigued with wading up to their arm-pits, 
 and quite benumbed by the intense coldness of the wat^c
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 155 
 
 6. A total route ensued ; twenty-six thousand of (lie Ro- 
 mans were either killed by the enemy, or drowned in at- 
 tempting to repass the river. A body of ten thousand men 
 were all that survived ; who, finding themselves enclosed on 
 every side, broke desperately through the enemy's ranks, 
 and fought, retreating, till they found shelter in the city of 
 Placentia. 
 
 6. The third defeat the Romans sustained was at the 
 lake of Thrasyme'ne, near to which was a chain of moun- 
 tains, and between these and the lake, a narrow passage 
 leading to a valley that was embosomed in hills. It was 
 upon these hills that Han'nibal disposed his best troops 
 and it was into this valley that Flamin'ius, the Roman ge- 
 neral, led his men to attack him. 7. A disposition every 
 way so favourable for the Carthaginians, was also assisted 
 by accident ; for a mist rising from the lake, kept the Ro- 
 mans from seeing their enemies ; while the army upon the 
 mountains, being above its influence, saw the whole dispo- 
 sition of their opponents. 8. The fortune of the day was 
 such as might be expected from the conduct of the two 
 generals. The Roman army was slaughtered, almost be- 
 fore they could perceive the enemy that destroyed them. 
 About fifteen thousand Romans, with Flamin'ius himself, 
 fell in the valley, and six thousand more were obliged to 
 yield themselves prisoners of war. 
 
 9. Upon the news of this defeat, after the general con- 
 sternation was allayed, the senate resolved to elect a com- 
 mander with absolute authority, in whom they might repose 
 their last and greatest expectations. 10. The choice fell 
 npon Fa'bius Max'imus, a man of great courage, with a 
 happy mixture of caution. 11. He was apprised that the 
 only way to humble the Carthaginians at such a distance 
 from home, was rather by harassing than fighting. For this 
 purpose, he always encamped upon the highest grounds, 
 inaccessible to the enemy's cavalry. Whenever they mov- 
 ed, he watched their motions, straitened their quarters, and 
 cut off" their provisions. 
 
 12. By these arts, Fa'bius had actually, at one time, en- 
 closed Han'nibal among mountains, where it was impossible 
 to winter, and from which it was almost impracticable to 
 extricate his army without imminent danger. 13. In this 
 exigence, nothing but one of those stratagems of war, which 
 only men of great abilities invent, could save him. 14. He 
 ordered a number of small faggots and lighted torches to be
 
 150 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 tied to the horns of two thousand oxen, which should be 
 driven towards the enemy. These, tossing their heads, and 
 running up the sides of the mountain, seemed to fill the 
 whole neighbouring forest with fire ; while the sentinels 
 that were placed to guard the approaches to the mountain, 
 seeing such a number of flames advancing towards their 
 posts, fled in consternation, supposing the whole body of the 
 enemy was in arms to overwhelm them. 15. By this strata- 
 gem Han'nibal drew off" his army, and escaped through the 
 defiles that led beneath the hills, though with considerable 
 damage to his rear. 
 
 16. Fa'bius, still pursuing the same judicious measures, 
 followed Han'nibal in all his movements, but at length re- 
 ceived a letter from the senate, recalling him to Rome, on 
 pretence of a solemn sacrifice, requiring his presence. 17 
 On his departure from the army, he strictly charged Minu'- 
 tius, his general of the horse, not to hazard an engagement 
 in his absence. This command, he disobeyed, and Fa'bius 
 expressed his determination to punish so flagrant a breach 
 of military discipline. 18. The senate, however, favour- 
 ing Minu'tius, gave him an equal authority with the dicta- 
 tor. 19. On the arrival of Fa'bius at the camp, he divided 
 the army with Minu'tius, and each pursued his own sepa- 
 rate plan. 20. By artful management, Han'nibal soon 
 brought the troops of the latter to an engagement, and they 
 %vould have been cut off to a man, had not Fa'bius sacrificed 
 his private resentment to the public good, and hastened to 
 die relief of his colleague. 21. By their united forces Han'- 
 nibal was repulsed, and Minu'tius, conscious of his rash- 
 ness, resigned the supreme command into the hands of the 
 dictator. 
 
 22. On the expiration of his year of office, Fa'bius re- 
 signed, and Taren'tius Varro was chosen to the command. 
 
 23. Varro was a man sprung from the dregs of the people, 
 with nothing but confidence and riches to recommend him. 
 
 24. With him was joined ^Emil'ius Paulus, of a disposition 
 entirely opposite ; experienced in the field, cautious in ac- 
 tion, and impressed with a thorough contempt for the abili- 
 ties of his plebeian colleague. 
 
 25. The Romans finding themselves enabled to bring a 
 competent force into the field, being almost ninety thousand 
 strong, now again resolved to meet Han'nibal, who was at 
 this time encamped near the village of Cannae, with a wind 
 m his rear, that, for a certain season, blows constantly one
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 157 
 
 way, which, raising great clouds of dust from the parched 
 plains behind, he knew must greatly distress an approach- 
 ing enemy. In this situation he waited the coming of the 
 Romans with an army of forty thousand foot, and half that 
 number of cavalry. 26. The consuls soon appeared to his 
 wish, dividing their forces into two parts, and agreeing to 
 take the command each day by turns. 27. On the first day 
 of their arrival, ^Emil'ius was entirely averse to engaging. 
 The next day, however, it being Varro's turn to command, 
 he, without asking his colleague's concurrence, gave the 
 signal for battle : and passing the river Au'fidus, that lay 
 between both armies, put his forces in array. 28. The bat- 
 tle began with the light-armed infantry ; the horse engaged 
 soon after ; but the cavalry being unable to stand against 
 those of Numid'ia, the legions came up to reinforce them. It 
 was then that the conflict became general ; the Roman sol- 
 diers endeavoured, in vain, to penetrate the centre, where 
 the Gauls and Spaniards fought ; which Han'nibal observing, 
 he ordered part of those troops to give way, and to permit 
 the Romans to embosom themselves within a chosen body 
 of his Africans, whom he had placed on their wings, so as 
 to surround them ; upon that a terrible slaughter of the Ro- 
 mans ensued, fatigued with repeated attacks of the Africans, 
 who were fresh and vigorous. 29. At last the rout became 
 general in every part of the Roman army ; the boastings of 
 Varro were now no longer heard : while ^Emil'ius, who 
 had been wounded by a slinger, feebly led on his body of 
 horse, and did all that could be done to make head against 
 the enemy. 30. Unable to sit on horseback, he was forced 
 to dismount. It was in these deplorable circumstances, that 
 one Len'tulus, a tribune of the army, flying from the enemy, 
 who at some distance pursued him, met ^Emil'ius, sitting 
 upon a stone, covered with blood and wounds, and waiting 
 for the coming up of the pursuers. 31. " ^EmiPius," cried 
 the generous tribune, " you, at least, are guiltless of this 
 day's slaughter ; take my horse and fly." " I thank thee, 
 Len'tulus," cried the dying consul, " all is over, my part is 
 chosen. Go, and tell the senate to fortify Rome against 
 the approach of the conqueror. Tell Fa'bius, that JEmil'- 
 ins, while living, ever remembered his advice ; and now, 
 dying, approves it." 32. While he was yet speaking, the 
 enemy approached ; and Len'tulus at some distance saw the 
 consul expire, feebly fighting in the midst of hundreds. 33. 
 In this battle the Romans lost fifty thousand men, and so 
 
 O
 
 158 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 many knights, that it is said that Han'nibal sont tliree bush- 
 els of gold rings to Carthage, which those of this order wore 
 on their fingers.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What measures were adopted by the Romans when they heard of 
 
 Hannibal's approach 1 
 
 2. What precautions did Hannibal take 1 
 
 3. Where was the next battle fought ? 
 
 4. What was the stratagem employed by Hannibal 1 
 b. What followed ? 
 
 6. Where was the next engagement ? 
 
 7. Was this a judicious disposition of the Roman general? 
 
 8. What was the result ! 
 
 9. What expedient did the senate adopt on this occasion? 
 
 10. Who was chosen to this office ? 
 
 1 1. What method of fighting did he adopt ? 
 
 1 2. What was the success of this plan 1 
 
 1 3. Was his situation hopeless ? 
 
 14. Describe his stratagem and its consequences? 
 
 15. Did it answer his purpose ? 
 
 16. Was Fabius continued in office? 
 
 17. 18. Of what disobedience was Minutius guilty? Was he punished? 
 
 1 9. How was the army divided ? 
 
 20, 2 1. W T hat plan did Fabius pursue ? How was its superiority proved ? 
 22, 23, 24. Who succeeded Fabius? What was his character, and that 
 
 of his colleague? 
 
 25. How were the Carthaginians posted at Cannse ? 
 
 26, 27. How did the consuls behave? How did Varro act? 
 
 28. W T hat were the circumstances of the engagement? 
 
 29. How did the battle terminate ? 
 
 30. What was the fate of ^Emilius? 
 
 31. What generous offer was made by Lentulus? 
 
 32. Did the consul accept the tribune's offer ? 
 
 33. Was the loss of the Romans severe ? 
 
 * Hannibal has been blamed for not having marched to Rome imme- 
 diately after this victory ; but his army was by no means adequate to 
 the siege of the city ; and the allies of the Romans would have been 
 able to curtail his quarters and intercept his convoys. He was, besides, 
 badly provided with provisions and the munitions of war, both of which 
 he could procure by invading Campania, the course which he actually 
 pursued.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 159 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. WHEN the first consternation was abated after this 
 dreadful blow, the senate came to a resolution to create a 
 dictator, in order to give strength to their government. 2. A 
 short time after Varro arrived, having left behind him the 
 wretched remains of his army. As he had been the prin- 
 cipal cause of the late calamity, it was natural to suppose, 
 that the senate would severely reprimand the rashness of 
 his conduct. But far otherwise ! The Romans went out in 
 multitudes to meet him ; and the senate returned him thanks 
 that he had not despaired of the safety of Rome. 3. Fa'- 
 bius, who was considered as the shield, and Marcellus, as 
 the sword of Rome, were appointed to lead the armies : and 
 though Hannibal once more offered them peace, they re- 
 fused it, but upon condition that he should quit Italy ? 
 measure similar to that they had formerly insisted upon 
 from Pyrrhus. 
 
 4. Han'nibal finding the impossibility of marching di- 
 rectly to Rome, or willing to give his forces rest after so 
 mighty a victory, led them to Cap'ua, where he resolved to 
 winter. 5. This city had long been considered as the nurse 
 of luxury, and the corrupter of all military virtue. 6. Here 
 a new scene of pleasure opened to his barbarian troops : 
 they at once gave themselves up to intoxication ; and from 
 being hardy veterans, became infirm rioters. 
 
 7. Hitherto we have found this great man successful ; 
 but now we are to reverse the picture, and survey him 
 struggling with accumulated misfortunes, and, at last, sink- 
 ing beneath them. 
 
 8. His first loss was at the siege of Nola, where Mar- 
 cel'lus, the praetor, made a successful sally. He some time 
 after attempted to raise the siege of Cap'ua, attacked the 
 Romans in their trenches, and was repulsed with consider- 
 able loss. He then made a feint to besiege Rome, but find- 
 ing a superior army ready to receive him, was. obliged to 
 retire. 9. For many years he fought with varied success ; 
 Mnrc-el'lus, his opponent, sometimes gaining, and sometimes 
 losing the advantage, without coming to any decisive en 
 gagement. 
 
 10. The senate of Carthage at length came to a rcsolu
 
 160 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 tion of sending his brother As'drubal to his assistance, with 
 a body of forces drawn out of Spain. 11. As'drubal's 
 march being made known to the consuls Liv'ius and Nero, 
 they went against him with great expedition ; and, sur- 
 rounding him in a place into which he was led by the 
 treachery of his guides, they cut his whole army to pieces. 
 12. Han'nibal had long expected these succours with im- 
 patience ; and the very night on which he had been assured 
 of his brother's arrival, Nero ordered As'drubal's head to 
 be cut off, and thrown into his brother's camp. 13. The 
 Carthaginian general now began to perceive the downfall 
 of Carthage ; and, with a sigh, observed to those about him, 
 that fortune seemed fatigued with granting her favours. 
 
 14. In the mean time, the Roman arms seemed to be 
 favoured in other parts ; Marcel'lus took the city of Syr'a- 
 cuse, in Sicily, defended by the machines and the fires of 
 Archime'des,* the mathematician. 15. The inhabitants 
 were put to the sword, and among the rest, Archime'des 
 himself, who was found, by a Roman soldier, meditating in 
 his study. 16. Marcel'lus, the general, was not a little 
 grieved at his death. A love of literature at that time began 
 to prevail among the higher ranks at Rome. Marcel'lus 
 ordered Archime'des to be honourably buried, and a tomb 
 to be erected to his memory. 
 
 17. As to their fortunes in Spain, though for a while 
 doubtful, they soon recovered their complexion under the 
 conduct of Scip'io Africa'nus, who sued for the office of 
 proconsul to that kingdom, at a time when every one 
 else was willing to decline it. 18. Scip'io, now no more 
 than twenty-four years old, had all the qualifications requi- 
 site for forming a great general, and a good man ; he united 
 courage with tenderness, was superior to Hannibal in the 
 arts of peace, and almost his equal in those of war. 19. 
 His father had been killed in Spain, so that he seemed 
 to have an hereditary claim to attack that country. He, 
 therefore, appeared irresistible, obtaining many great victo- 
 
 * This great man was equal to an army for the defence of the place. 
 He invented engines which threw enormous-stones against the Romans, 
 hoisted their ships in the air, and then dashed them against the rocks 
 beneath, and dismounted their battering engines. He also set fire to 
 some of the Roman ships by the use of reflectors, or looking-glasses, 
 directing the sun's rays from a great number of them on the same spot 
 at the same time.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 161 
 
 ries, yet subduing more by his generosity, mildness, and 
 benevolent disposition, than by the force of arms.* 
 
 20. He returned with an army from the conquest of 
 Spain, and was made consul at the age of twenty-nine. It 
 was at first supposed he intended meeting Hannibal in Italy, 
 and that he would attempt driving him from thence : but he 
 had formed a wiser plan, which was, to carry the war into 
 Africa ; and, while the Carthaginians kept an army near 
 Rome, to make them tremble for their own capital. 
 
 21. Scip'io was not long in Africa without employment; 
 Hanno opposed him, but was defeated and slain. Sy'phax, 
 the usurper of Numid'ia, led up a large army against him. 
 22. The Roman general, for a time, declined fighting, till 
 finding an opportunity, he set fire to the enemy's tents, and 
 attacking them in the midst of the confusion, killed forty 
 thousand, and took six thousand prisoners. 
 
 23. The Carthaginians, terrified at their repeated defeats, 
 and at the fame of Scip'io's successes, determined to recal 
 Hannibal, their great champion, out of Italy, in order to op- 
 pose the Romans at home. Deputies were accordingly 
 despatched with a positive command for him to return and 
 oppose the Roman general, who at that time threatened 
 Carthage with a siege. 24. Nothing could exceed the re- 
 . gret and disappointment of Hannibal; but he obeyed the 
 orders of his infatuated country with the submission of the 
 meanest soldier ; and took leave of Italy with tears, after 
 having kept possession of its most beautiful parts above 
 fifteen years. 
 
 25. Upon his arrival at Leptis, in Africa, he set out for 
 Adume'tum, and at last approached Za'ma, a city about 
 seventy-five miles from Carthage. 26. Scip'io, in the moan 
 time, led his army to meet him, joined by Massinis'sa, with 
 six thousand horse ; and to show his rival how little he 
 
 * During his command in Spain, a circumstance occurred which has 
 contributed more to the fame and glory of Scipio than all his military 
 exploits. At the taking of New Carthage, a lady of extraordinary heauty 
 was brought to Scipio, who found himself greatly affected by her charms. 
 Understanding, however, that she was betrothed to a Celtibe'rian prince, 
 named Allu'cius, he generously resolved to conquer his rising passion, 
 ami sending for her lover, restored her without any other recompence 
 than requesting his friendship to the republic. Her parents had brought 
 a large sum of money for her ransom, which they earnestly entreated 
 Scipio to accept ; but he generously bestowed it on Allu'cius, as the 
 portion of his bride. (Liv. 1. xxvi. c. 50.) 
 
 o 2
 
 162 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 feared his approach, sent back the spies which were sent to 
 explore his camp, having previously shown them the whole, 
 with directions to inform Hannibal of what they had seen. 
 27. The Carthaginian general, conscious of his inferiority, 
 endeavoured to discontinue the war by negoc'iation, .and de- 
 sired a meeting with Scip'io to confer upon terms of peace ; 
 to which the Roman general assented. 28. But after a long 
 conference, both sides parting dissatisfied, they returned to 
 their camps, to prepare for deciding the controversy by the 
 sword. 29. Never was a more memorable battle fought, 
 whether we regard the generals, the armies, the two states 
 that contended, or the empire that was in dispute. The 
 disposition Hannibal made of his men, is said to be supe- 
 rior to any even of his former arrangements. 30. The battle 
 began with the elephants on the side of the Carthaginians, 
 which being terrified at the cries of the Romans, and wounded 
 by the slingers and archers, turned upon their drivers, and 
 caused much confusion in both wings of their army, where 
 the cavalry were placed. 31. Being thus deprived of the 
 assistance of the horse, in which their greatest strength con- 
 sisted, the heavy infantry joined on both sides ; but the 
 Romans being stronger of body, the Carthaginians gave 
 ground. 32. In the mean time, Massinissa, who had been 
 in pursuit of their cavalry, returning and attacking them in 
 Ihe rear, completed their defeat. A total rout ensued, twenty 
 thousand men were killed, and as many taken prisoners. 
 i3. Hannibal, who had done all that a great and undaunted 
 general could perform, fled with a small body of horse to 
 Adrume'tum ; fortune seeming to delight in confounding his 
 ability, his valour, and experience. 
 
 34. This victory brought on a peace. The Carthaginians, 
 by Hannibal's advice, submitted to the conditions which the 
 Romans dictated, not as rivals, but as sovereigns. 35. By 
 this treaty the Carthaginians were obliged to quit Spain, and 
 all the islands in the Mediterranean. They were bound to 
 pay ten thousand talents in fifty years ; to give hostages for 
 the delivery of their ships and their elephants ; to restore 
 to Massanis'sa all the territories thai had been taken from 
 him ; and not to make war in Africa but by the permission 
 of the Romans. Thus ended the second Punic war, seven- 
 teen years after it had begun.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. By what measure did the senate attempt to retrieve this disaster! 
 
 2. Did Varro venture to return, and what was his reception 1 
 
 3. Who were appointed to carry on the war] 
 
 4. What was Hannibal's next step '{ 
 
 5. What was the character of this city ? 
 
 6. What was the consequence to the Carthaginian armyl 
 
 7. Was Hannibal uniformly successful 1 
 
 8. What was his first reverse T 
 
 9. What happened to him afterwards? 
 
 10. What resolution did the senate of Carthage adopt 1 
 
 11. Did he effect a junction with his brother 1 
 
 1 2. Was Hannibal apprised of these intended succours 1 
 
 13. What inference d:J Hannibal draw from this! 
 
 14. Were the Romans successful in other parts 1 
 
 15. What was the fate of its inhabitants? 
 
 16. Was his loss deplored ? 
 
 17. What was the success of the Romans in Spain ? 
 
 18. What was the character of Scipio? 
 
 19. What rendered him particularly eligible for this command ? 
 
 20. Were his exploits confined to Spain ? 
 
 21. Had he any formidable opposition to encounter? 
 
 22. What was the conduct of Scipio ? 
 
 23. What measures did the Carthaginians have recourse to on this 
 
 occasion ? 
 
 24. Was Hannibal pleased at his recall ? 
 
 25. Whither did he repair on his arrival in Africa ? 
 
 26. What was the conduct of Scipio ? 
 
 27. Was Hannibal desirous of continuing hostilities ? 
 
 28. What was the result ? 
 
 29. Was the battle of consequence ? 
 
 30. How did it commence? 
 
 31. What followed ? 
 
 32. What completed the defeat of the Carthaginians ? 
 
 33. What became of Hannibal? 
 
 34. What was the result of the victory ? 
 
 35. What were the conditions of the treaty ? 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1. WHILE the Romans were engaged with Hannibal, they 
 carried on also a vigorous war against Philip, king of 
 Ma'cedon, not a little incited thereto by the prayers of the 
 Athe'nians ; who, from once controlling the powers of Per-
 
 164 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 sia, were now unable to defend themselves. The Rho'dians, 
 with At'talus, king of Per'gamus, also entered into the con- 
 federacy against Philip. 2. He was more than once de- 
 feated by Galba, the consul. He attempted to besiege 
 Athens, but the Romans obliged him to raise the siege. 
 He tried to take possession of the Straits of Thermopylae, 
 but was driven from thence by Quin'tus Flamin'ius, with 
 great slaughter. He attempted to take refuge in Thes'saly, 
 where he was again defeated, with considerable loss, and 
 obliged to beg a peace, upon condition of paying a thousand 
 talents. 3. Peace with Philip gave the Romans an oppor- 
 tunity of showing their generosity, by restoring liberty to 
 Greece. 
 
 4. Antio'chus, king of Syria, was next brought to sub- 
 mit to the Roman arms : after embassies on the one side 
 and on the other, hostilities were commenced against him, 
 five years after the conclusion of the Macedo'nian war. 5. 
 After many mistakes and great misconduct, he attempted to 
 obtain a peace, by offering to quit all his places in Europe, 
 and such in Asia as professed alliance to Rome. 6. But it 
 was now too late ; Scip'io perceived his own superiority, 
 and was resolved to avail himself of it. 7. Antio'chus, thus 
 driven into resistance, for some time retreated before the 
 enemy, till, being pressed hard, near the city of Magnesia, 
 he was forced to draw out his men, to the number of seventy 
 thousand foot, and twelve thousand horse. 
 
 8. Scip'io opposed him Avith forces as much inferior in 
 number, as they were superior in courage and discipline. 
 Antio'chus, therefore, was in a short time entirely defeated ; 
 his own chariots, armed with scythes, being driven back 
 upon his men, contributed much to his overthrow. 9. Be- 
 ing thus reduced to the last extremity, he was glad to pro- 
 cure peace from the Romans, upon their own terms ; which 
 were, to pay fifteen thousand talents ; to quit his posses- 
 sions in Europe, and in Asia, on the hither side of Mount 
 Taurus ; to give twenty hostages, as pledges of his fidelity ; 
 and to^ deliver up Hannibal, the inveterate enemy of Rome, 
 who had taken refuge at his court. 
 
 10. In the mean time Hannibal, whose destruction was 
 one of the articles of this extorted treaty, endeavoured to 
 avoid the threatened ruin. 11. This consummate general 
 had long been a wanderer, and an exile from his ungrateful 
 country. He had taken refuge at the court of Antio'chus, 
 who, at first, gave him a sincere welcome, and made him
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 165 
 
 Death of Humibal. 
 
 admiral of his fleet, in which station he showed his usual 
 skill in stratagem. 12. But he soon sunk in the Syrian's 
 esteem for projecting schemes which that monarch had 
 neither genius to understand, nor talents to execute. 13. 
 Sure, therefore, to find no safety or protection, he departed 
 by stealth ; and, after wandering for a time among the petty 
 states, which had neither power nor generosity to protect 
 him, he took refuge at the court of Pru'sias, king of By- 
 thin'ia. 14. In the mean time, the Romans, with a vindic- 
 tive spirit utterly unworthy of them, sent -/Emil'ius, one of 
 their most celebrated generals, to demand him of this king ; 
 who, fearing the resentment of Rome, and willing to concili- 
 ate their friendship by this breach of hospitality, ordered a 
 guard to be placed upon Hannibal, with an intent to deliver 
 him up. 15. The poor old general, thus implacably perse- 
 cuted from one country to another, and finding every me- 
 thod of safety cut off, determined to die. He, therefore, de- 
 sired one of his followers to bring him poison ; and drink- 
 ing it, he expired as he had lived, with intrepid bravery. 
 
 16. A second Macedo'nian war was soon after proclaim- 
 ed against Per'seus, the son of that Philip who had C u. c. 
 been obliged to beg peace of the Romans. 17. Per'- ^ 513. 
 seus, in order to secure the crown, had murdered his bro- 
 ther Deme'trius ; and, upon the death of his father, pleased 
 with the hopes of imaginary triumphs, made war against 
 Rome. 18. During the course of this war, which con- 
 tinued about three years, opportunities were offered him of 
 cutting off the Roman army ; but being ignorant how to 
 take advantage of their rashness, he spent the time in empty
 
 166 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 overtures for peace. 19. At length ^Emil'ius gave him a 
 decisive overthrow. He attempted to procure safety by fly- 
 ing into Crete : but being abandoned by all, he ^as obliged 
 to surrender himself, and to grace the splendid triumph of 
 the Roman general.* 
 
 20. About this time Massinis'sa, the Numidian, having 
 made some incursions into a territory claimed by the Car- 
 thaginians, they attempted to repel the invasion. 21. This 
 brought on a war between that monarch and them ; while 
 the Romans, who pretended to consider this conduct of 
 theirs as an infraction of the treaty, sent to make a com- 
 plaint. 22. The ambassadors who were employed upon 
 this occasion, finding the city very rich and flourishing, from 
 the long interval of peace which it had now enjoyed for 
 nearly fifty years, either from motives of avarice to possess 
 its plunder, or from fear of its growing greatness, insisted 
 much on the necessity of a war, which was soon after pro- 
 claimed, and the consuls set out with a thorough resolution 
 utterly to demolish Carthage. 
 
 v 23. The wretched Carthaginians, finding that the con- 
 querors would not desist from making demands, while the 
 vanquished had any thing to give, attempted to soften the 
 victors by submission ; but they received orders to leave 
 the city, which was to be levelled with the ground. 24. 
 This severe command they received with all the distress of 
 a despairing people : they implored for a respite from such 
 a hard sentence : they used tears and lamentations ; but 
 finding the consuls inexorable, they departed with a gloomy 
 resolution, prepared to suffer the utmost extremities, and 
 fight to the last for their seat of empire. 
 
 25. Those vessels, therefore, of gold and silver, which 
 their luxury had taken such pride in, were converted into 
 arms. The women parted also with their ornaments, and 
 even cut off their hair to be converted into strings for the 
 bowmen. As'drubal, who had been lately condemned for op- 
 posing the Romans, was now taken from prison to head 
 their army ; and such preparations were made, that \vhen 
 the consuls came before the city, which they expected to 
 find an easy conquest, they met with such resistance as 
 quite dispirited their forces, and shook their resolution. 26. 
 Several engagements were fought before the walls, with dis- 
 advantage to the assailants ; so that the siege would have 
 
 From this time Macedon became a Roman province.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 107 
 
 
 
 been discontinued, had not Seip'io ^Emilia'nus, the adopted, 
 son of Africa 'mis, wlio was now appointed to command it, 
 
 used as ni^h skill to save hisjforces after a defeat, as to in- 
 spire them with fresh hopes OT a victory. 27. But all his 
 arts would have failed, had he not found means to seduce 
 Phar'nes, the master of the Qprthaginian horse, jvho came 
 over to his side. The unhappy m^nsmen soofi saw the 
 enemy make nearer approaches ; the wall which led to the 
 haven was quickly demolished ; soon after the forum itself 
 was taken, which offered to the conquerors a "deplorable 
 spectacle of houses nodding to their falL;*heaps of men ly- 
 ing dead, hundreds of the wounded struggling to emerge 
 from the carnage around them, and deplojyng tKeir own and 
 their country's ruin. The citadel soon after surrendered at 
 discretion. 28. All now but the temple was subdued, and 
 that was defended by deserters from the Roman army, and 
 those who had been most forward to undertake the war. 
 These expected no mercy, and finding their condition des- 
 perate, set fire to the building, and voluntarily perished in 
 the flames. This was the end of one, of the most renowned 
 cities in the world, for arts, opulence, and extent of do 
 minion ; it had rivalled Rome for above a hundred years, 
 and, at one time, was thought to have the superiority. 
 
 29. The conquest of Carthage was soon followed by 
 many others. The same year Corinth, one of the noblest 
 cities of Greece, was levelled to the ground. Scip'io also 
 having laid siege to Numan'tia, the strongest city in Spain, 
 the wretched inhabitants, to avoid falling into the hands of 
 the enemy, fired the city over their own heads ; and all, to 
 a man, expired in the flames. Thus Spain became a Ro- 
 man province, and was governed thenceforward by two an- 
 nual praetors. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . With whom were the Romans at war besides Carthage, and who 
 
 assisted in it? 
 
 2. What was the success of Philip in this war? 
 
 3. What was the consequence of peace with Philip ? 
 
 4. Who next fell under the displeasure of the Romans ? 
 
 5. What was the result ? 
 
 6. Were his offers accepted ? 
 
 7. Did Antiochus boldly face the Romans ?
 
 168 * '* HISTORY .OF ROME. . 
 
 % " fc *' ^ 
 
 8. What werejUthc strongtk and character of the, Roman army, anJ 
 
 what the re'suk of thebaltl<? 1 .' ' 
 
 9. Was he able to make further j*sisince? 
 
 10. Was HfenrMjaJ delivered up? ^k 
 
 1 1 . What occasioned Hannibal to jrat himself i 
 
 4 it himself in the po-vrer of Antiochus? 
 
 12. Was thjSlundness4asting ? ^ 
 
 13. Whithqr did^ he-next betake hjfcself ? 
 
 14. Was hemp- safety at thif 
 
 tilled 
 
 15. How di^HanmbaUpsclP his persecution? 
 
 16. Against whSflpBi^th^ Romans next direct their arms ? 
 
 17. What occasioned it ? ^ . 
 
 18. Was Pergcus-V^kilful ge*ncral? 
 
 19. What was.fcftctJS^t of the war ? 
 
 20. What farther hapmened about this time ? 
 
 21. What waswhe consequence? 
 
 22. Was this Aisun^lstanding peaceably accommodated ? 
 
 23. By what means did the Carthaginians endeavour to avert their fate ? 
 
 24. Did they obey these orders ? 
 
 25. What extraordinary efforts were made for the defence of the city ? 
 2fi. Were the Romans successful in their attempts ? 
 
 27. Describe the progress of the siege. 
 
 28; Was the city now completely in the power of the Romans?- 
 
 29. What other conquests were made by the Romans ? 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE TO THE END OF THE 
 SEDITION OF THE GRACCHI. U. C. 621. 
 
 1. THE Romans being now left without a rival, the tri- 
 umphs and the spoils of Asia introduced a taste for, splendid 
 expense, and this produced avarice and inverted ambition. 
 2. The two Gracchi were the first who saw this strange 
 corruption among the great, and resolved to repress it, by 
 renewing the Licinian law, which had enacted that no per- 
 son in the state should possess above five hundred acres of 
 land. 3. Tibe'rius Gracchus, the elder of the two, was, 
 both for the advantages of his person and the qualities of his 
 mind, very different from Scipio, of whom he was the 
 grandson. . He seemed more ambitious of power than de- 
 sirous of glory ; his compassion for the oppressed was equal 
 to his animosity against the oppressors ; but unhappily his 
 passions, rather than his reason, operated even in his pur-
 
 LIE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 169 
 
 suits of f}.4ue ; and theoe always drove him beyond the line 
 of duty. 4. This was the disposition of the elder Grac- 
 chus, whflUbund the lower orders of people ready to second 
 all his proposals. 5. The above law, though at first carried 
 on with proper moderation, greatly disgusted the rich, who 
 endeavoured to persuade the people that the proposer only 
 aimed at disturbing the government,^and throwing all things 
 into confusion. 6. But Gracchus, who was a man of the 
 greatest eloquence of his time, easily wiped off vhese im- 
 pressions from the minds of the people, already hritated by 
 their wrongs, and at length the law was passed. 
 
 7. The death of At'talus, king of Per'gam-us, fumished 
 Gracchus with a new opportunity of gratifying the meaner 
 part of the people at the expense of the great. 8. This 
 king had by his last will made the Romans his heirs ; and 
 it was now proposed, that the money so left should be di- 
 vided among the poor, in order to furnish them with proper 
 -? utensils for cultivating the lands which became theirs by the 
 fateTSw'of partition. 9. This caused still greater disturb- 
 aflces than before, and the senate assembled upon the occa- 
 ^sion, in -order to concert tiT3"^ost proper methods of se- 
 g thesje .riches to themselves, which they now valued 
 re the safety of the commonwealth. 10. They had nu- 
 s dependents, who were willing to give up liberty for 
 and ease. These, -therefore, were commanded to be 
 idiness to intimid&te^he, people, who expected no such 
 " )n, and who were now attending to the harangues 
 thus in. the capitol. H. Here, as a clampur was 
 "" the clithrtl oflhe gre.a^cHHone side, and by the fa- 
 >f the law ernlb>otkw; !X Gracchus found hisispeech j 
 >u -begged in vain to be attended -to f' 
 at last|fcaLSUMdjn9> hand to his head, to intimate that his 
 life was in^wpfrlhe p:misans of the senate gave" out that 
 he wantedwRfiadem; 12. In consequence of tflis an uni- 
 versalH)roar : spread itself through all ranks of the people ; 
 the co^Bpt-part of the senate were of opinion that the con- 
 sul shoK'defead the c6"mmonvjjealth by force of arms ; but 
 
 Jhis 
 Nas'ica; 
 
 preparing lurhsel 
 defend the digmt 
 him. 
 
 and clients afiwe' 
 tol, striking 
 
 declining SUJ^L valence, Scip'io 
 
 intest, desired tRat all who would 
 authority of thf "RLWS, should follow 
 d by ^(ferge body of senators 
 s, he^went dirfctly to Hie Capi 
 ;^red td* resist.
 
 170 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 14. Tibe'rius Gracchus, perceiving by the tumult that his 
 life was in danger, endeavoured to fly ; and throwing away 
 his robe to expedite his escape, attempted to ffet through 
 the throng ; but happening to fall over a person already on 
 the ground, Sature'ius, one of his colleagues in the tribune- 
 ship, who was of the opposite faction, struck him dead with 
 a piece of a seat ; and not less than three hundred of his 
 hearers shared the same fate, being killed in the tumult. 
 15. Nor did the vengeance of the senate rest here, but ex- 
 tended to numbers of those who seemed to espouse his 
 cause ; many of them were put to death, many were banish- 
 ed, and nothing was omitted to inspire the people with an 
 abhorrence of his pretended crimes. Soon after the death 
 of Gracchus a rebellion broke out in Sicily among the slaves, 
 who, exasperated by the cruelties exercised upon them by 
 their masters, revolted, and having seized Enna, chose one 
 Eunus for their king. This new monarch gained consider- 
 able advantages over the Romans, took the strong cify of 
 Tauromin'ium, and protracted the war upwards of six years. 
 At length he was completely defeated by the consul Rupil'- 
 ius, and his followers slaughtered or executed : as for Eu- 
 nus, he died in prison. 
 
 16. Ca'ius Gracchus was but twenty-one upon the death 
 of Tibe'rius his brother ; and as he was too young to be> 
 much dreaded by the great, so he was at first unwilling tof 
 incur their resentment by aims beyond his reach ; he there-'* 
 fore lived in retirement, unseen and forgotten. 17. BuV 
 while he thus seemed desirous of avoiding popularity, he 
 was employed in his solitude in the study of eloquence, 
 which was the surest means to obtain it. 18. At length, 
 when he thought himself qualified to serve his country, he 
 offered himself a candidate for the qusestqrshipMb the army 
 in Sardin'ia, which he easily obtained. ${\g jalour, affa- 
 bility, and* temperance in this office were remarked by all. 
 19. The king of Numid'ia sending a present of corn to the 
 Romans, ordered his ambassadors to say, that it ^fes a tri- 
 bute to the virtues of Ca'ius Gracchus. 20. This Jlie srenate 
 treated with scorn, and ordered the ambassadpgqj^be treated 
 with contempt, as jgnorant barbarians, avhraflWio inflamed 
 the resentment of young Gracchus-,*,hathe immediately came 
 from the army to complain of the indigy^thrown upon his 
 reputation, and to offer t<s lumself for th^^nbuneship of the 
 people. 21. It was then that th^^puth, who had been 
 hitherto neglected, proved a mor^^mudable enemy than
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 171 
 
 even his brother had been. Notwithstanding the warmest 
 opposition from the senate, he was declared tribune by a 
 very lar^re majority; and he now prepared for the career 
 which his brother had run before him. 
 
 22. His first effort was to have Pornpil'ius, one of the 
 most inveterate of his brother's enemies, cited before the 
 people; but rather than stand the event of a trial, he chose 
 to go into voluntary banishment. 23. He next procured an 
 edict, granting the freedom of the city to the inhabitants of 
 La'tium, and soon after to all the people on the hither side 
 of the Alps. 24. He afterwards fixed the price of corn at a 
 moderate standard, and procured a monthly distribution of 
 it among the people. 25. He then proceeded to an inspec- 
 tion into the late corruptions of the senate ; in which the 
 whole body being convicted of bribery, extortion, and the 
 sale of offices (for at that time a total degeneracy seemed i< 
 have taken place,) a law was made, transferring the power 
 of judging corrupt magistrates from the senate to the knights, 
 which made a great alteration in the constitution. 
 
 26. Gracchus, by these means, being grown not only po- 
 pular, but powerful, was become an object at which the 
 senate aimed all their resentment. 27. But he soon found 
 the populace a faithless and unsteady support. They began 
 to withdraw all their confidence from him, and to place it 
 upon Drusus, a man insidiously set up against him by the 
 senate. 28. It was in vain that he revived the Licin'ian law 
 in their favour, and called up several of the inhabitants of 
 the different towns of Italy to his support ; the senate or- 
 dered all to depart from Rom^ and even sent one stranger 
 to prison whom Gracchus had invited to live with him, and 
 honoured with his table and friendship. 29. To this indig- 
 nity was shortly after added a disgrace of a more fatal ten- 
 dency ; for, standing for the tribuneship a third time, he was 
 rejected. It was supposed that the officers, whose duty it 
 was to make the return, were bribed to reject him, though 
 fairly chosen. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What consequences followed this great prosperity of the Roman 
 
 arms! 
 
 2. Who first resolved to repress the corruption which had taken plac 
 
 in the manners of the people 1
 
 i72 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 3. Whattvas the. character of Tiberius Gracchns? 
 4 Had he -any iafluence with the people 1 
 6. How. was the Licinian law received 7 
 
 6. Dili the people believe them 1 
 
 7. What furthered his views 1 
 
 8. What advantages occurred to the Romans by his death t 
 
 9. What was the effect of this will 7 
 
 10. What measures did they adopt for this purpose 7 
 
 1 1. What was the consequence of their interference T 
 
 12. Was this insinuation believed 7 
 
 13. Did Scipio use violence 7 
 
 14. What was the fate of Gracchus and his friends 7 
 
 1 5. Were his enemies satisfied with this vengeance 7 
 
 16. What became of Caius Gracchus in the mean time 7 
 
 17. Was he really desirous of avoiding popularity 7 
 
 18. In what way did he bring himself into notice 7 
 
 19. What proof of esteem was given him 7 
 
 20. How was this compliment received 7 
 
 21. What was the consequence of this resentment? 
 
 22. What was his first effort 7 
 
 23. What was his next act 7 
 
 24. What was the next 7 
 
 25. What followed 1 
 
 26. What was the consequence of these acts 7 
 
 27. Did he find steady friends 7 
 
 28. Were his measures of precaution successful 7 
 89. What. farther indignities did he experience? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. IT was now seen that the fate of Gracchus was re 
 solved on. Opim'ius, the consul, was not contented with 
 the protection of the senate, the knights, and a numerous 
 retinue, of slaves and clients ; he ordered a body of Can- 
 dians, who were mercenaries in the Roman service, to fol- 
 low and attend him. 2. Thus guarded, and conscious of 
 the superiority of his forces, he insulted Gracchus where- 
 ever he met him, doing all in his power to produce a quar- 
 rel, in which he might have a pretence for despatching his 
 enemy rn 'tke fray. - 3L Gfaechus avoided all recrimination, 
 and, as if apprised of the consul's designs, would not even 
 wear any. arms for his defence. 4. His friend Ful'vius 
 Flaccus, however, a zealous tribune, was not so remiss, but 
 resolved to oppose party against party, and for this purpose 
 brought up several countrymen to Rome, who came under
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. i73 
 
 pretence of desiring employment. 5. When the day for 
 determining the controversy was arrived, the two parties, 
 early in the morning, attended at the Capitol, where, while 
 the consul was sacrificing, according to custom, one of the 
 lictors taking up the entrails of the beast that was slain in 
 order to remove them, could not forbear crying out to Flac'- 
 cus and his party, " Make way, ye factious citizens, for 
 honest men." 6. This insult so provoked the party to 
 whom it was addressed, that they instantly fell upon him, 
 and pierced him to deatli with the instruments they used in 
 writing, which they then happened to have in their hands. 
 7. This muflter caused a great disturbance in the assembly. 
 Gracchus, wt^ saw the consequences that were likely to 
 ensue, reprimanded his party for giving his enemies such 
 advantage over him ; and now prepared to lead his followers 
 to Mount Av'entine. 8. It was there he learned, that a 
 proclamation had been made by the consuls, that whosoever 
 should bring either his head, or that of Flaccus, should re- 
 ceive its weight in gold as a reward. 9. It was to no pur- 
 pose that he sent the youngest son of Flaccus, who was yet 
 a child, with proposals for an accommodation. The senate^ 
 and the consuls, who were sensible of their superiority, re- 
 jected "SfTlTts offers, and resolved to punish his offence with 
 nothing less than death-; and they offered pardon also to all 
 who should leave him immediately. 10. This produ< 
 theVdesired effect ; the people fell from him by degrees, and 
 left *him with very inferior forces. 11. In the meantime, 
 Opim'ius, the consul, who thirsted for slaughter, leading his 
 forces up to Mount Av'entine, fell in among the crowd with 
 ungovernable fury. A terrible slaughter of the scarcely re- 
 sisting multitude ensued, and not less than three thousand 
 citizens were slain upon the spot. 12. Flaccus attempted 
 .to find ."shelter in a ruinous cottage; but, being discovered, 
 was .slain, with his eldest son. Gracchus, at first, retired 
 to the> temple of Dian'a, where he resolved to die by his 
 own h?UM,*but was prevented by two of h's faithful friends 
 and followers, Pompo'nius and Lucin'ius, who forced him 
 to seek safety by flight. Jfhence he made the best of his 
 way across abridge that-lsd from the city, still attended by 
 his two generous friendsj*and a Grecian slave, whose name 
 was Philoc'rates. 13. But his pursuers still pressed upon 
 him from behind, and when come to the foot of the bridge, 
 he was obliged to turn and face the enemy. His two friends 
 were soon slain, defending him against the crowd ; and he 
 p 2
 
 174 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 was forced to take refuge, with his slave, in a grove beyond 
 the Ti'ber, which had long been dedicated to the Furies. 
 14. Here, finding himself surrounded on every side, and no 
 way left of escaping, he prevailed upon his slave to despatch 
 him. The slave immediately after killed himself, and fell 
 down upon the body of his beloved master. The pursuers 
 coming up, cut off the head of Gracchus, and placed it for a 
 while as a trophy on a spear. 15. Soon after, one Sep- 
 timule'ius carried it home, and taking out the brain artfully 
 filled it with lead, in order to increase its weight, and then 
 received of the consul seventeen pounds of gold as his re- 
 compence. 
 
 16. Thus died Cai'us Gracchus. He is usually impeach- 
 ed by historians, as guilty of sedition ; but from what we 
 see of his character, the disturbance of public tranquillity 
 was rather owing to his opposers than to him ; so that, in- 
 stead of calling the tumults of that time the sedition of the 
 Gracchi, we should rather call them the sedition of the sen- 
 ate against the Gracchi ; since the efforts of the latter were 
 made in vindication of a law to which the senate had as- 
 sented ; and the designs of the former were supported by an 
 extraneous armed power from the country, that had never 
 before meddled in the business of legislation, and whose in- 
 troduction gave a most irrecoverable blow to the constitu- 
 tion. 17. Whether the Gracchi were actuated by motives 
 of ambition or of patriotism, in the promulgation of the law, 
 it is impossible to determine ; but from what appears, jus- 
 tice was on their side, and all injury on that of the sen- 
 ate. 18. In fact, this body was now changed from that 
 venerable assembly, which we have seen overthrowing Pyr'- 
 rhus and Hannibal, as much by their virtues as their arms. 
 Thy were now only to be distinguished from the rest of the 
 people by their superior luxuries ; and ruled the common- 
 wealth by the weight of an authority gained from riches 
 and mercenary dependents. 19. The venal and the base 
 were attached to them from motives of self-interest ; and 
 they who still ventured to be independent, were borne down, 
 and entirely lost in an infamous majority. 20. In short, the 
 empire at this period came under the government of a hate- 
 ful aristocracy; the tribunes, who were formerly accounted 
 protectors of the people, becoming rich themselves, and hav- 
 ing no longer opposite interests from those of the senate, 
 concurred in their oppressions ; for the struggle was not now 
 between patricians and plebeians, who only nominally dif-
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 175 
 
 fered, but between the rich and the poor. 21. The lower or- 
 ders of the state being by these means reduced to a degree 
 of hopeless subjection, instead of looking after liberty, 
 only sought for a leader ; while the rich, with all the sus- 
 picion of tyrants, terrified at the slightest appearance of op- 
 position, entrusted men with uncontrollable power, from 
 whom they had not strength to withdraw it when the danger 
 was over. 22. Thus both parties of the state concurred in 
 giving up their freedom ; the fears of the senate first made 
 the dictator, and the hatred of the people kept him in his 
 office. Nothing can be more dreadful to a thinking mind 
 than the government of Rome from this period, till it found 
 refuge under the protection of Augus'tus. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What appearances now threatened, the life of Gracchus? 
 
 2. How did he commence hostilities T 
 
 3. How did Gracchus attempt to divert the storm? 
 
 4. Were his friends equally prudent 1 
 
 5. What unhappy incident increased the animosity ? 
 
 6. How was this insult revenged '? 
 
 7. What was the consequence of this outrage ? 
 
 8. What news did he hear on his arrival 1 
 
 9. Did he attempt to conciliate his enemies, and were his attempts suc- 
 
 cessful ? 
 
 10. Was this offer accepted ? 
 
 11. What was the conduct of the consul! 
 
 12. What was the fate of the chiefs? 
 
 1 3. Did Gracchus effect his escape ? 
 
 14. Did he fall into the hands of his enemies ? 
 
 15. What artifice did avarice contrive 1 
 
 1 6. Was the conduct of Gracchus dcscrring of praise or blame ? 
 
 17. By what motives were the Gracchi supposed to be actuated ' 
 
 18. What was the character of the senate at this period 1 
 
 1 9. What was the character of their adherents ? 
 
 20. What was the nature of their government ? 
 81. What concurred to perpetuate this tyranny?
 
 176 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE SEDITION OF GRACCHUS, TO THE PERPETUAL 
 DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA, WHICH WAS THE FIRST STEP 
 TOWARDS THE RUIN OF THE COMMONWEALTH. U. C. 634. 
 
 1. WHILE the Romans were in this state of deplorable 
 corruption at home, they nevertheless were very successful 
 in their transactions with foreign powers. 
 
 2. Among other victories, a signal one was gained over 
 Jugur'tha, king of Numid'ia. He was grandson to Mas- 
 sinis'sa, who sided with Rome against Hannibal, and edu- 
 cated with the two young princes, who were left to inherit 
 the kingdom. 3. Being ittperior in abilities to both, and 
 greatly in favour with the people, he murdered Hiemp'sal, 
 the eldest son, but Adher'bal, the younger, escaped, and fled 
 to the Romans for succour. 4. Jugur'tha, sensible how 
 much avarice and injustice had crept into the senate, sent 
 his ambassajjjl's to Rome with large presents, which so suc- 
 cessfully prevailed, that the senate decreed him half the 
 kingdom thus acquired by murder and usurpation, and sent 
 ten commissioners to divide it between him and Adher'bal. 
 5. The commissioners, of whom Opim'ius, the enemy of 
 Gracchus, was one, willing to follow the example which 
 the senate had set them, were also bribed to bestow the 
 richest and most populous parts of that kingdom upon the 
 usurper. 6. But Jugur'tha resolved to possess himself of 
 the whole : and willing to give a colour to his ambition, he 
 only made, in the beginning, incursions in order to provoke 
 reprisals, which he knew how to convert into seeming 
 aggression. 7. This scheme failing, he resolved to throw 
 off the mask, and besieging Adher'bal in Cirta, his capital, 
 he at length got him into his power, and murdered him. 
 8. The Roman people, who had still some generosity re- 
 maining, unanimously complained of this treachery, and 
 procured a decree that Jugur'tha should be summoned in 
 person before them, to give an account of all such as had 
 accepted bribes. 9. Jugur'tha made no difficulty of throw- 
 ing himself upon the clemency of Rome ; but not giving
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 177 
 
 the people satisfaction, he had orders to depart the city.* 
 10. In the meantime, Alba'nus, the consul, was sent with 
 an army to follow him, who giving up the direction of it to 
 Au'lus, his brother, a person who was every way unquali- 
 fied for the command, the Romans were compelled to hazard 
 a battle upon disadvantageous terms ; and the whole army, to 
 avoid being cut to pieces, was obliged to pass under the yoke. 
 
 11. In this condition Metel'lus, the succeeding consul, 
 found affairs upon his arrival in Numid'ia ; officers in whom 
 the soldiers had no confidence, an army without discipline, 
 and an enemy ever watchful and intriguing. 12. However, 
 by his great attention to business, and by integrity that shud- 
 dered at corruption, he soon began to retrieve the affairs of 
 Rome, and the credit of the army. In the space of two 
 years, Jugur'tha was overthrown in several battles, forced out 
 of his own dominions, and constrained to beg a peace. 13. 
 Thus all things promised Metel'lus a happy termination of 
 the war ; but he was frustrated in his expectations by the 
 intrigues of Ca'ius Ma'rius, his lieutenant, who came in to 
 reap that harvest of glory which the other's industry had 
 sown. 14. Ca'ius Ma'rius was born in a village near Apin'- 
 mm, of poor parents, who gained their living by their la- 
 bour. As he had been bred up in a participation of their 
 toils, his manners were as rude as his countenance was 
 frightful. He was a man of extraordinary stature, incom- 
 parable strength, and undaunted bravery. 
 
 15. When Metel'lus was obliged to solicit at Rome for a 
 continuance of his command, Ma'rius, whose ambition knew 
 no bounds, was resolved to obtain it for himself, and thus 
 gain all the glory of putting an end to the war. 1 6. To 
 that end he privately inveighed against Metel'lus by his 
 emissaries at Rome, and having excited a spirit of discon- 
 tent against him, he had leave granted him to go there to 
 stand for the consulship, which he obtained, contrary to the 
 expectation and interest of the nobles. 
 
 17. Ma'rius, being thus invested with the supreme power 
 of managing the war, showed himself every way fit for the 
 commission. His vigilance was equal to his valour, and 
 he quickly made himself master of the cities which Jugur'- 
 
 * So astonished was Jugur'tha at the mercenary disposition discovered 
 by the Romans, that he is said to have exclaimed, on leaving the city, 
 41 Oh, Rome ! thou wouldst thyself be sold, could a chapman be found 
 to purchase thee."
 
 178 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 tha had yet remaining in Numid'ia.* 18. This unfortunate 
 prince, finding himself unable to make opposition singly, 
 was obfeged to have recourse for assistance to Bocchus, king 
 of Maurita'nia, to whose daughter he was married". A bat- 
 tle soon after ensued, in which the Numid'ians surprised 
 the Roman camp by night, and gained a temporary advan- 
 tage. However, it was but of short continuance, for Ma'- 
 rius soon after overthrew them in two signal engagements, 
 in one of which not less than ninety thousand of the African 
 army were slain. 19. Bocchus now finding the Romans 
 too powerful to be resisted, did not think it expedient to 
 hazard his own crown, to protect that of his ally ; he, there- 
 fore, determined to make peace, upon whatever conditions 
 he might obtain it; and accordingly sent to Rome, imploring 
 protection. 20. The senate received the ambassadors with 
 their usual haughtiness, and without complying with their 
 request, granted the suppliant, not their friendship, but their 
 pardon. Notwithstanding, after some time, he was given 
 to understand, that the delivering up of Jugur'tha to the 
 Romans would, in some measure, conciliate their favour, 
 and soften their resentment. 21. At first the pride of Boc- 
 chus struggled against such a proposal ; but a few inter- 
 views with Sylla reconciled him to this treacherous measure, 
 and Jugur'tha was given up, being drawn into an ambuscade 
 by the specious pretences of his ally, who deluded him by 
 desiring a conference ; and being made a prisoner, he was 
 loaded with chains, and carried by Ma'rius to Rome, a de- 
 plorable instance of blighted ambition. 22. He did not long 
 survive his overthrow, being condemned by the senate to be 
 starved to death in prison, a short time after he had been 
 made to adorn the triumph of the conqueror.! 
 
 * It has been said with great truth, that " the wicked have no friends." 
 Jugur'tha experienced this. Bomil'car, who professed the warmest at- 
 tachment to Jugur'tha, was gained over by the proconsul Metel'lus to 
 persuade his master, that submission to the Romans was absolutely ne- 
 cessary. Jugur'tha accordingly sent an embassy to the proconsul, pro- 
 fessing his readiness to submit to any terms. Upon this he was required 
 to send to the Romans 200,000 pounds weight of silver, all his elephants, 
 a certain number of horses and arms, and all deserters. The king com- 
 plied exactly with these hard conditions ; but after thus weakening his 
 resources, he found himself still obliged to continue the war, or submit 
 to such farther impositions as would have endangered, not only hid 
 crown, but his life. 
 
 f Never did any one more deservedly suffer than this treacherous and 
 cruel man.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 179 
 
 23. Ma'rius, by this and two succeeding victories over 
 the Gauls, having become very formidable to distant nations 
 in war, became soon after much more dangerous to his fel- 
 low-citizens in peace. 24. The strength which he had given 
 to the popular party every day grew more conspicuous, and 
 the Italians, being frustrated by the intrigues of the senate 
 in their aims of gaining the freedom of Rome, resolved upon 
 obtaining by force, what was refused them as a favour. 
 This gave rise to the Social War, in which most of the 
 states of Italy entered into a confederacy against Rome, in 
 order to obtain a redress of their grievances. 
 
 25. After a lapse of two years, this war having continued 
 to rage with doubtful success, the senate began to reflect 
 that, whether conquered or conquerors, the power of the 
 Romans was in danger of being destroyed. 26. To soften, 
 therefore, their compliance by degrees, they began by giv- 
 ing the freedom of the city to such of the Italian states as 
 had not revolted. They then offered it to .such as would lay 
 down their arms. 27. This unexpected bounty had its ef- 
 fect ; the allies, with mutual distrust, offered each a separate 
 treaty ; the senate took them one by one into favour, but 
 gave the freedom of the city in such a manner, that, not be- 
 ing empowered to vote until all the other tribes had given 
 their suffrages, they had very little weight in the constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 28. This destructive war being concluded, the senate be- 
 gan to think of turning tljeir arms against Mithrida'tes, the 
 most powerful and warlike monarch of the east.* 29. For 
 this expedition Ma'rius had long been preparing, but Sylla 
 had interest enough to get himself appointed to the expe- 
 dition. Ma'rius, however, tried all his arts with the people 
 to get his appointment reversed ; and the command of the 
 army, intended to oppose Mithrida'tes, was ordered to be 
 transferred from Sylla to Ma'rius. 30. In consequence of this, 
 Ma'rius immediately sent officers from Rome, to take the com- 
 mand in his name. But instead of being obeyed, the officers 
 were slain, and Sylla was entreated by the army to lead 
 them directly to take signal vengeance upon all his enemies 
 at Rome. 
 
 31. Accordingly, his soldiers entered the city sword in 
 
 * This king incurred the resentment of the Romans by making war 
 on some of their allies, and by putting Op'pius and Aquil'ius to death. 
 Upbraiding the Romans with their avarice and corruption, he caused 
 melted gold to be poured down the throat of the latter.
 
 180 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 hand, as a place taken by storm. Ma'rius and Sulpi'cius, at 
 the head of a tumultuary body of their partisans, attempted 
 to oppose their entrance ; and the citizens themselves, who 
 feared the sackage of the place, threw down stones and tiles 
 from the houses upon the intruders. 32. So unequal a con- 
 flict lasted longer than could have been expected ; at length 
 Ma'rius and his party were obliged to seek safety by flight, 
 after having vainly offered liberty to the slaves who would 
 assist them. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Was this internal degeneracy of the Roman people accompanied by 
 
 ill success abroad 1 
 
 2. What signal victory did they obtain, and who was Jugurtha? 
 
 3. By what means did he obtain the crown 1 
 
 4. How did he propitiate the Romans 1 
 
 5. How did these commissoners discharge their trust 1 
 
 6. Was Jugurtha satisfied with this allotment 1 
 
 7. Did this answer his purpose 1 
 
 8. Did the Romans suffer this treachery to pass unpunished ? 
 
 9. Did Jugurtha obey this summons ? 
 
 10. Were hostilities commenced against him, and what was the result 1 
 
 11. What was the condition of the army when Metellus assumed the 
 
 command 1 
 
 12. Did this deplorable state continue? 
 
 13. Did Metellus enjoy the fruits of his victories t 
 
 14. Who was Caius Marius ? 
 
 15. What resolution did he adopt ? 
 
 1 6. By what artifices did he succeed in his design ? 
 
 17. What was the conduct of Marius in his new command 1 
 
 18. To whom did Jugurtha have recourse in his extremity ? 
 
 19. Did Bocchus continue to befriend Jugurtha 1 
 
 20. Was his request complied with 1 
 
 21. Did Bocchus submit to this condition? 
 
 22. What became of Jugurtha after this? 
 
 23. How did Marius conduct himself after his victories ? 
 
 24. What was the consequence of his attempts at popularity t 
 
 25. Was this war of long continuance ? 
 
 26. What measure did the senate adopt to end it 1 
 
 27. -What was the consequence of this measure ? 
 
 28. Against whom did the senate next turn their arms 1 
 
 29. Who was appointed to command this expedition ? 
 
 30. What was the consequence of this order ? 
 
 31. Did Sylla comply with their request ? 
 82. What was the issue of the contest 7
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 181 
 
 Miriui lilting among the Rums of Carthage. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. SYLLA, now finding himself master of the city, began 
 by modelling the laws so as to favour his outrages ; while 
 Ma'rius, driven out of Rome and declared a public enemy 
 at the age of seventy, was obliged to save himself, unattend- 
 ed and on foot, .from the pursuit of those who sought his 
 life. 2. After having wandered for some time in this de- 
 plorable condition, he found every day his dangers increase, 
 and his pursuers making nearer advances. In this distress 
 he concealed himself 'in the marshes of Mintur'nae, where 
 he continued a night up to the chin in a quagmire. 3. At 
 break of day he left this dismal place, and made towards the 
 seaside, in hopes of finding a ship to facilitate his escape ; 
 but being known and discovered by some of the inhabitants, 
 he was conducted to a neighbouring town, with a halter 
 round his neck, without clothes, and covered with mud ; and 
 in this condition was sent to prison. 4. The governor of 
 the place, willing to conform to the orders of the senate, 
 soon after sent a Cim'brian slave to despatch him ; but the 
 barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon for this purpose 
 than he stopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage 
 and awful voice of the fallen general, who sternly demand- 
 ed if he had the presumption to kill Ca'ius Ma'rius ? The 
 slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword, and rushing 
 back from the prision, cried out, that he found it impossible 
 to kill him ! 5. The governor, considering the fear of the 
 slave as an omen in the unhappy exile's favour, gave him 
 
 Q '
 
 182 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 his freedom ; and, commending him to his fortune, provid- 
 ed him with a ship to convey him from Italy. 6. He was 
 forced by a tempest on the coast of Sicily. A Roman quaes- 
 tor, who happened to be there, resolved to seize him ; and 
 he lost sixteen of his crew, who were killed in their en- 
 deavours to cover his retreat to the ship. He afterwards 
 landed in Africa, near Carthage, and, overwhelmed with 
 melancholy, sat himself down amongst the ruins of that 
 desolate place. He soon, however, had orders from the prae- 
 tor to retire. 7. Marius, who remembered his having once 
 served this very man in necessity, could not suppress his 
 indignation at finding ingratitude every where : and, pre- 
 paring to obey, bid the messenger tell his master, that he 
 had seen Ma'rius sitting among the ruins of Carthage ; inti- 
 mating the greatness of his fall, by the desolation that was 
 around him. 8. He once more embarked, and not know- 
 ing where to land without encountering an enemy, he spent 
 the winter at sea, expecting every hour the return of a mes- 
 senger from his son, whom he had sent to solicit protection 
 from the African prince, Mandras'tal. 9. After long expec- 
 tation, instead of the messenger, his son himself arrived, 
 having escaped from the inhospitable court of that monarch, 
 where he had been kept, not as a friend, but as a prisoner;; 
 and had returned just time enough to prevent his father from 
 sharing the same fate. 
 
 10. In this situation they were informed that Cinna, one 
 of their party who had remained at Rome, had put himself 
 at the head of a large army, collected out of the Italian 
 states, who had espoused his cause. Nor was it long before 
 they joined their forces at the gates of Rome. Sylla was 
 at that time absent in his command against Mithri 'dates. 
 11. Cinna marched into the city ; but Ma'rius stopped, and 
 refused to enter, alleging, that having been banished by a 
 public decree, it was necessary to have another to authorise 
 his return. It was thus that he desired to give his meditated 
 cruelties the appearance of justice ; and while he was about 
 to destroy thousands, to pretend an implicit veneration for 
 the laws. 12. An assembly of the people being called, they 
 began to reverse his banishment ; but they had scarcely 
 gone through three of the tribes, when, incapable of re- 
 straining his desire of revenge, he entered the city at the 
 head of his guards, and massacred all who had been obnox- 
 ious to him, without remorse or pity. 13. Several who 
 sought to propitiate the tyrant's rage, were murdered by
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 183 
 
 his command in his presence ; many even of those who had 
 never offended him were put to death ; and, at last, even 
 his own officers never approached him but with terror. 14. 
 Having in this manner satiated his revenge, he next abro- 
 gated all the laws which were enacted by his rival, and then 
 made himself consul with Cinna. 15. Thus gratified in 
 his two favourite passions, vengeance and ambition, having 
 once saved his country, and now deluged it with blood, at 
 last, as if willing to crown the pile of slaughter which he 
 had made, with his own body, he died the month after, not 
 without suspicion of having hastened his end. 
 
 16. In the mean time these accounts were brought to 
 Sylla, who had been sent against Mithrida'tes, and who was 
 performing many signal exploits against him ; hastily con- 
 cluding a peace, therefore, he returned home to take ven- 
 geance on his enemies at Rome. 
 
 17. Nothing could intimidate Cinna from attempting to 
 repel his opponent. Being joined by Car'bo, (now elected 
 in the room of Vale'rius, who had been slain) together 
 with young Ma'rius, who inherited all the abilities and the 
 airbition of his father, he determined to send over part of 
 th3 forces he had raised in Dalma'tia to oppose Sylla before 
 he entered Italy. Some troops were accordingly embarked ; 
 but being dispersed by a storm, the others that had not yet 
 put to sea, absolutely refused to go. 18. Upon this, Cinna, 
 quite furious at their disobedience, rushed forward to per 
 suade them to their duty. In the mean time one of the 
 most mutinous of the soldiers being struck by an officer, re- 
 turned the blow, and was apprehended for his crime. This 
 ill-timed severity produced a tumult and a mutiny through 
 the whole army ; and, while Cinna did all he could to ap- 
 pease it, he was run through the body by one of the crowd. 
 
 19. Scip'io, the consul, who commanded against Sylla, 
 was soon after allured by proposals for a treaty ; but a 
 suspension of arms being agreed upon, Sylla's soldiers went 
 into the opposite camp, displaying those riches which they 
 had acquired in their expeditions, and offering to participate 
 with their fellow-citizens, in case they changed their party. 
 20. In consequence of tin's the whole army declared unani- 
 mously for Sylla ; and Scip'io scarcely knew that he was 
 forsaken and deposed, till he was informed of it by a party 
 of the enemy, who, entering his tent, made him and his son 
 prisoners. 
 
 21. In this manner both factions, exasperated to the
 
 184 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 highest degree, and expecting no mercy on either part, gave 
 vent to their fury in several engagements. The forces on 
 the side of young Ma'rius, who now succeeded his father in 
 command, were the most numerous, but those of Sylla bet- 
 ter united, and more under subordination. 22. Carbo, who 
 commanded for Ma'rius in the field, sent eight legions to 
 Praenes'te, to relieve his colleague, but they were met by 
 Pompey, afterwards surnamed the Great, in a defile, who 
 slew many of them, and dispersed the rest. Carbo soon after 
 engaged Metel'lus, but was overcome, with the loss of ten 
 thousand slain, and six thousand taken prisoners. 23. In 
 consequence, Urba'nus, one of the consuls, killed himself, 
 and Carbo fled to Africa, where, after Avandering a long 
 time, he was at last delivered up to Pompey, who, to please 
 Sylla, ordered him to be beheaded. 24. Sylla, now become 
 undisputed master of his country, entered Rome at the head 
 of his army. Happy, had he supported in peace the glory 
 which he had acquired in war ; or, had he ceased to live 
 when he ceased to conquer ! 
 
 25. Eight thousand men, who had escaped the general 
 carnage, surrendered themselves to the conqueror ; he or- 
 dered them to be put into the Villa Pub'lica, a large house 
 in the Campus Mar'tius; and, at the same time, convoked 
 the senate : there, without discovering the least emotion, he 
 spoke with great fluency of his own exploits, and, in the 
 mean time, gave private directions that all those wretches 
 whom he had confined, should be slain. 26. The senate, 
 amazed at the horrid outcries of the sufferers, at first thought 
 that the city was given up to plunder ; but Sylla, with an 
 unembarrassed air, informed them, that it was only some 
 criminals who were punished by his order, and that the 
 senate ought not to make themselves uneasy at their fate. 
 27. The day after he proscribed forty senators, and sixteen 
 hundred knights ; and after an intermission of two days, 
 forty senators more, with an infinite number of the richest 
 citizens. 
 
 28. He next resolved to invest himself with the dictator- 
 ship, and that for a perpetuity ; and thus uniting all civil as 
 well as military power in his own person, he thought he 
 might thence give an air of justice to every oppression. 
 
 29. Thus he continued to govern with capricious tyranny, 
 none daring to resist his power, until, contrary to the expec 
 tation of all mankind, he laid down the dictatorship, after 
 having held it not quite three years.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 185 
 
 Sylii reproaching the little image of Apollo with b'u defeat. 
 
 30. After this, he retired into the country, and abandon- 
 ed himself to debauchery ; but he did not long survive his 
 abdication ; he was seized with a horrible distemper, and 
 died a loathsome and mortifying object, and a melancholy 
 proof of the futility of human ambition.* 
 
 The character of Sylla exhibits a singular compound of 
 great and mean qualities. Superstition was one of its fea- 
 tures. It is said that having suffered a defeat in the course 
 of the Social War, in Italy, he drew from his bosom a little 
 image of Apollo, which he had stolen from the temple of 
 Delphi, and had ever since carried about him when engaged 
 in war. Kissing it with great devotion, he expostulated 
 with the god, for having brought him to perish dishonour- 
 ably, with his countrymen, at the gates of his native city, af- 
 ter having raised him by many victories to such a height of 
 glory and greatness. 
 
 * Two events, important in the history of Rome, occurred about this 
 time. Serto'rius, a Roman general, in Spain, had rebelled against the 
 government of Syl'la, and defeated every army sent against him, till 
 Pompey took the command ; and even then the result appeared doubtful, 
 till Serto'rius, being assassinated by his own officers put an end to the 
 war. 
 
 Spar'tacus, a gladiator, having escaped from confinement, and assem- 
 bled a number of his followers, commenced what is called the second 
 Servile War. His army gradually increasing, he became a formidable 
 enemy to the Roman state ; overthrew the prsetors and consuls sent 
 him ; but was at length defeated by Crassus, and the remains 
 of his army cut in pieces bv Pompey, who met tlu-m on liis return from 
 Spain.
 
 186 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the first acts of Sylla 7 2. What became of Marius 7 
 
 3. To what dangers was he exposed 1 
 
 4. Was an attempt made on his life 1 
 
 5. How did the governor treat the fugitive general 1 
 
 6. What ingratitude was shown to Marius 7 
 
 7. What was his reply 7 
 
 8. From what African prince did he ask aid 1 
 
 9. Was it granted 1 
 
 10. What opportunity was taken by the Marian party to renew the 
 
 struggle 7 
 
 1 1. To what scruple did Marius pretend! 
 
 12. What proves it a pretence 7 
 
 13. What cruelties were practised by Marius 7 
 
 14. What laws did he change 7 15. How did Marius die 7 
 
 1 6. How did Sylla act when he learned the news of the change 7 
 
 1 7. What caused a tumult in Cinna's army 7 
 
 18. How did it end 7 
 
 19. What artifice was practised on Scipio 1 
 SO. What was the result 7 
 
 21. Describe the relative condition of the rival forces 7 
 
 22. Did Pompey obtain any victory 1 
 
 23. What was the consequence 7 
 
 24. Which faction finally prevailed 7 
 
 25. What massacre was perpetrated by Sylla 7 
 
 2G. How did he excuse it 7 27. Were these his only cruelties 7 
 
 28. What magistracy did Sylla usurp 7 
 
 29. How did he govern 7 
 
 30. In what manner did the tyranny of Sylla terminate 7 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 FROM THE PERPETUAL DICTATORSHIP OF SYLLA, TO THB 
 TRIUMVIRATE OF CAESAR, POMPEY, AND CRASSUS. U. C. 680. 
 
 1. UPON the death of Sylla, the jealousies of Pompey 
 and Crassus, the two most powerful men in the empire, be- 
 gan to excite fresh dissensions. Pompey was the most 
 beloved general, but Crassus the richest man in Rome. 
 
 2. The first opportunity that was offered of discovering 
 their mutual jealousy, was upon disbanding their troops 
 Neither chose to begin ; so that the most fatal consequences 
 were likely to arise from their dissension. At length Cras- 
 sus, stifling his resentment, laid down his command ; and
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 187 
 
 the other followed his example immediately after. 3. The 
 next trial between them was, who should be foremost in ob- 
 taining the favour of the people. Crassus entertained the 
 populace at a thousand tables, distributed corn to the fami- 
 lies of the poor, and fed the greatest part of the citizens for 
 nearly three months. Pompey, on the other hand, laboured 
 to abrogate the laws made against the authority of the peo- 
 ple by Sylla ; restored to the knights the power of judging, 
 which had been formerly granted them by Gracchus ; and 
 gave back to the tribunes all their former privileges. 4. 
 Thus each gave his private aims an appearance of zeal for 
 the public good ; so that what was in reality ambition in 
 both, look with one the name of liberality ; with the other, 
 that of a love of freedom. 
 
 5. An expedition, in which Pompey cleared the Mediter- 
 ranean, which was infested by pirates, having added greatly 
 to his reputation, the tribunes of the people hoped it would 
 be easy to advance their favourite still higher. 6. Man'lius, 
 therefore, one of the number, preferred a law, that all the 
 armies of the empire, the government of Asia, and the man- 
 agement of the war which was renewed against Mithrida'tes, 
 should be committed to Pompey alone. The law passed, 
 with little opposition, and the decree was confirmed. 
 
 7. Being thus appointed to the command of that import 
 ant war, he departed for Asia. 8. Mithrida'tes had beei 
 obliged by Lucul'lus to take refuge in Lesser Armenia, and 
 thither that general wns preparing to follow him, when his 
 whole army abandoned him ; so that it remained for Pom- 
 pey to terminate the war, which he effected with great ease 
 and expedition, adding a large extent of dominion to the Ro- 
 man empire, and returning to Rome in triumph at the head 
 of his conquering army. 
 
 9. But the victories of Pompey rather served to heighten 
 the glory than to increase the power of Rome ; they made 
 it more a glaring object of ambition, and exposed its liber- 
 ties to greater danger. Those liberties, indeed, seemed de- 
 voted to ruin on every side ; for, even while he was pur- 
 suing his conquests abroad, Rome was at the verge of ruin 
 from a conspiracy at home. 10. This conspiracy was pro- 
 jected and carried on by Ser'gius Cat'iline, a patrician by 
 birth, who resolved to build his own power on the downfall 
 of his country. 11. He was singularly formed, both by art 
 and nature, to conduct a conspiracy : he was possessed of 
 courage equal to the most desperate attempts, and of clo-
 
 188 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 quence to give a colour to his ambition : ruined in his for- 
 tunes, profligate in his manners, vigilant in pursuing his 
 aims, he was insatiable after wealth, only with a view to 
 lavish it on his guilty pleasures. 12. Cat'iline having con- 
 tracted debts in consequence of such an ill-spent life, was 
 resolved to extricate himself from them by any means, how- 
 ever unlawful. Accordingly, he assembled about thirty of 
 his debauched associates, and informed them of his aims, 
 his hopes, and his settled plans of operations. 13. It was 
 resolved among them, that a general insurrection should be 
 raised throughout Italy, the different parts of which he as- 
 signed to different leaders. Rome was to be fired at several 
 places at once ; and Cat'iline, at the head of an army raised 
 in Etru'ria, was, in the general confusion, to possess him- 
 self of the city, and massacre all the senators. Len'tulus, 
 one of his profligate assistants, who had been praetor, or 
 judge in the city, was to preside in their general councils ; 
 Cethe'gus, a man who sacrificed the possession of great pre- 
 sent power to the hopes of gratifying his revenge against 
 Cicero,* was to direct the massacre through the city ; and 
 Cas'sius was to conduct those who fired it. 
 
 14. But the vigilance of Ci'cero being the chief obstacle 
 to their designs, Catiline was very desirous to see him taken 
 off before he left Rome ; upon which two knights of the 
 company undertook to kill him the next morning in his bed, 
 in an early visit, on pretence of business. 15. But the 
 meeting was no sooner over, than Ci'cero had information 
 of all that passed in it ; for, by the intrigues of a woman 
 named Ful'via, he had gained over Cu'rius, her lover, one 
 of the conspirators, to send him a punctual account of all 
 their deliberations. 16. Having taken proper precautions 
 to guard himself against the designs of his morning visitors, 
 who were punctual to the appointment, he next took care 
 to provide for the defence of the city ; when, assembling the 
 senate, he consulted what was best to be done in such a time 
 of danger. 17. The first step taken was to offer considera- 
 ble rewards for farther discoveries, and then to prepare for 
 
 * Ci'cero, the first of Roman orators, as Demos'thenes was of the 
 Greek, was bom at Arpin'urn, a town of the Volsci, and studied under 
 the most celebrated orators and philosophers of Greece. His style of elo- 
 quence was copious, highly ornamented, and addressed more to the pas- 
 sions than to the judgment of his hearers. He was consul at the time 
 of Cat'iline's conspiracy ; and, for his eminent services in detecting and 
 frustrating it, was honoured with the title of Pater Parria.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 189 
 
 Curiot, diicloiing Citiline'i compiracy to Fulvia. 
 
 the defence of the state. 18. Cat'iline, to show how well 
 he could dissemble, or justify any crime, went boldly to the 
 senate, declaring his innocence ;* but, when confronted by 
 the eloquence of Ci'cero, he hastily withdrew, declaring 
 aloud, that since he was denied a vindication of himself, and 
 driven headlong into rebellion by his enemies, he would ex- 
 tinguish the flame which was raised about him in universal 
 ruin. 19. After a short conference with Len'tulus and 
 Cethe'gus, he left Rome by night, with a small retinue, to 
 hasten towards Etru'ria, where Man'iius, one of the conspi- 
 rators, was raising an army to support him.t 
 
 20. In the mean time Ci'cero took proper precautions to 
 secure all those of the conspiracy who remained in Rome. 
 Len'tulus, Cethe'gus, Cas'sius, and several others, were put 
 into confinement ; and soon after strangled in prison. 
 
 21. While his associates were put to deatli in the city, 
 Cat'iline had raised an army of twelve thousand men, of 
 which a fourth part only were completely armed, the rest 
 being furnished with such weapons as chance afforded ; 
 darts, lances, and clubs. 22. He refused, at first, to enlist 
 slaves, who flocked to him in great numbers, trusting to the 
 strength of the conspiracy; but upon the approach of the 
 consul, who was sent against him, and upon the arrival of 
 the news that his confederates were put to death, the face 
 
 * On his entrance, the senators near whom he attempted to seat him- 
 self, quitting their places, left him quite alone. 
 
 } On his arrival, he assumed all the insignia of a supreme magistrate, 
 being preceded by lictors carrying the axoe and fosces.
 
 190 HISTORY OF RUMK. 
 
 of affairs altered. 23. His first attempt, therefore, was, by 
 long marches, to make his escape over the Appenines into 
 Gaul ; but in this his hopes were disappointed ; all the passes 
 being guarded by an army superior to his own. 24. Being 
 thus hemmed in on every side, and seeing all things despe- 
 rate, with nothing left him but either to die or conquer, he 
 resolved to make one vigorous effort against that army which 
 pursued him. Anto'nius, the consul, being sick, the com- 
 mand devolved upon Petrei'us, who, after a fierce and bloody 
 action in which he lost a considerable part of his best troops, 
 put Cat'iline's forces to the rout, and destroyed his whole 
 army.* 
 
 25. The extinction of this conspiracy seemed only to 
 leave an open theatre for the ambition of the great men to 
 display itself in. Pompey was now returned in triumph 
 from conquering the east, as he had before been victorious 
 in Europe and Africa. 
 
 26. Crassus was the richest man in Rome, and next to 
 Pompey, possessed the greatest authority ; his party in the 
 senate was even greater than that of his rival, and the envy 
 raised against him was less. He and Pompey had long 
 been disunited by an opposition of interests and of charac- 
 ters ; however, it was from a continuance of their mutual 
 jealousies that the state was in some measure to expect its 
 future safety. 27. It was in this situation of things that 
 Julius Caesar, who had lately gone, as praetor, into Spain, 
 and had returned with great riches and glory, resolved to 
 convert their mutual jealousy to his own advantage. 28. 
 This celebrated man was descended from popular and illus- 
 trious ancestors. He warmly espoused the side of the 
 people, and shortly after the death of Sylla, procured tRe 
 recal of those whom Sylla had banished. He had all along 
 declared for the populace against the senate, and became 
 their most favourite magistrate. 29. This consummate 
 statesman began by offering his services to Pompey, pro- 
 mising to assist him in getting all his acts passed, notwith- 
 standing the senate's opposition. Pompey, pleased at the 
 acquisition of a person of so much merit, readily granted 
 him his confidence and protection. 30. He next applied to 
 Crassus, who, from former connections, was disposed to be- 
 come still more nearly his friend. 31. At length, finding them 
 not averse to an union of interests, he took an opportunity 
 
 * Cataline himself, finding his affairs desperate, threw himself into 
 the midst of the enemy, and there found the death he sought. (Sallust.)
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 191 
 
 of bringing them together ; and, remonstrating with them 
 on the advantages as well as the necessity of a reconciliation, 
 he had art enough to persuade them to forget former ani- 
 mosities. 32. A combination was thus formed, by which 
 they agreed that nothing should be done in the common- 
 wealth without their mutual concurrence and approbation. 
 This was called the first Trium'virate, by which we find the 
 constitution weakened by a new interest which had not 
 hitherto taken place, very different from that of the senate 
 or the people, and yet dependent on both. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 \. What followed on the death of Sylla? 
 
 2. What first discovered their mutual jealousy ? 
 
 3. What was the next trial between them ? 
 
 4. Under what pretences did they hide their real views 1 
 
 5. What farther raised the reputation of Pompey 1 
 
 6. What means were had recourse to for this purpose ? 
 
 7. 8. What was the state of the war in Asia ? 
 
 9. What were the consequences of Pompey 's victories? 
 
 10. Who was the author, and what was the object of this conspiracy? 
 
 1 1. What wa the character of Catiline 1 
 
 12. What odpnoned this conspiracy ? 
 
 1 3. How was it to be carried into execution ? 
 
 14. What was the chief obstacle to its accomplishment, and Low waa 
 
 this obstacle to be removed 1 
 
 15. Was Cicero informed of their proceedings? 
 
 16. What precautions did he take in consequence? 
 
 17. What was the first step taken ? 
 
 18. What was the conduct of Catiline on this occasion? 
 
 19. Did he continue in Rome ? 
 
 20. Did the other conspirators escape ? 
 
 21. How was Catiline employed in the mean time? 
 
 22. Had he a fair prospect of success .' 
 
 23. Did he boldly face his opponents ? 
 
 24. What followed ? 
 
 25. Did the extinction of this conspiracy give peace to Rome ? 
 
 26. Who were the contending parties, and what was the consequence of 
 
 this dissension ? 
 
 27. Who profited by these jealousies ? 
 
 28. Who was Julius Caesar, and by what means did he acquire pop* 
 
 laxity 1 ? 
 
 29. What was his first step towards power ? 
 
 30. To whom did he next apply ? 
 
 31. What consequence resulted from his application? 
 
 32. What agreement was entered into by them, and what were thej 
 
 called !
 
 * 
 
 192 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE, TO TUB 
 DEATH OF POMPEY. U. C. 094. 
 
 1. THE first thing that Caesar did, upon forming the 
 Trium'virate, was to avail himself of the interest of his con 
 federates to obtain the consulship. 2. The senate had still 
 some influence left ; and though they were obliged to con 
 cur in choosing him, yet they gave him for a colleague one 
 Bib'ulus, whom they supposed would be a check upon his 
 power. 3. But the opposition was too strong for even 
 superior abilities to resist ; so that Bib'ulus, after a slight 
 attempt in favour of the senate, remained inactive. 4. Caesar 
 began his schemes for empire by ingratiating himself with 
 the people ; he procured a law for dividing certain lands in 
 Campa'nia among such of the poor citizens as had at least 
 three children. This proposal was just enough in itself, 
 and it was criminal only from the views of the proposer. 
 
 5. Having thus strengthened himself at home, he deliber- 
 ated with his confederates about sharing the foreign pro- 
 vinces of the empire. 6. The partition was soon made : 
 Pompey chose Spain ; for, being fatigued with conquest, 
 and satiated with military fame, he was willing to take his 
 pleasures at Rome. Crassus chose Syria ; which province, 
 as it had hitherto enriched the generals who had subdued it, 
 would, he hoped, gratify him in this his favourite pursuit. 
 To Caesar were left the provinces of Gaul, composed of 
 fierce and powerful nations, most of them unsubdued, and 
 the rest only professing a nominal subjection. 7. As this 
 was appointing him rather to conquer than command, the 
 government was granted him for five years, as if by its con- 
 tinuance to compensate for its danger. 
 
 8. It would be impossible, in this narrow compass, to 
 enumerate the battles Caesar fought, and the states he sub- 
 dued, in his expeditions into Gaul and Britain, which con- 
 tinued eight years. 9. The Helvetians* were the first that 
 were brought into subjection, with the loss of nearly two 
 
 * The inhabitants of the country now called Switzerland.
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 193 
 
 Cxnr Undinj in BriUin. 
 
 hundred thousand men; those who remained after the car- 
 nage were sent by Caesar in safety to the forests whence 
 they had issued.* 10. The Germans, with Ariovis'tus at their 
 head, were next cut off, to the number of eighty thousand , 
 their monarch himself narrowly escaping in a little boat 
 across the Rhine. The Belgact suffered such a terrible over- 
 throw, that marshes and rivers were rendered impassable 
 from the heaps of slain. 11. The Ner'vians, who were 
 the most warlike of those barbarous nations, made head for 
 a short time, and fell upon the Romans with such fury, that 
 their army was in danger of being utterly routed ; but Caesar 
 himself, nastily catching up a buckler, rushed through his 
 troops into the midst of the enemy ; by which means he so 
 turned the fate of the day, that the barbarians were all cut 
 off to a man. 12. The Celtic Gauls were next brought 
 under subjection. After them, the Sue'vi, the Mena'pii, and 
 all the nations from the Mediterranean to the British sea. 
 13. Thence, stimulated by the desire of conquest, he crossed 
 over into Britain, upon pretence that the natives had fur- 
 nished his enemies with continual supplies. 14. Upon 
 approaching the shores, he found them covered with men to 
 oppose his landing, and his forces were in danger of being 
 
 * The Helvetians, finding their country too narrow for their increased 
 population, had determined on emigration. Being denied by Coesar a 
 < through his piovince, hostilities commenced, which terminated 
 as above. (Casar de Bel. Gal.) 
 
 ( Inhabitants of the country between the Rhine and the Loire. 
 
 \ Inhabitants of the modern province of Hainault. ft 
 
 R
 
 194 HISTORY OF ROME 
 
 driven hack, till the standard-hearer of the tenth legion 
 boldly leapt ashore, and being well assisted by Caesar, the 
 natives were put to flight. 15. The Britons being terrified 
 at Caesar's power, sent to desire a peace, which was granted 
 them, and some hostages delivered. A storm, however, soon 
 after destroying great part of his fleet, they resolved to take 
 advantage of the disaster, and marched against him with a 
 powerful army. But what could naked undisciplined troops 
 do against forees that had been exercised under the greatest 
 generals, and hardened by the conquest of the greatest part 
 of the world ? Being overthrown, they were obliged once 
 more to sue for peace. Caesar granted it, and returned to 
 the continent. 
 
 16. While Caesar was thus increasing his reputation and 
 riches abroad, Pompey, who remained in Rome, steadily 
 co-operated with his ambition, and advanced his interests, 
 while he vainly supposed he was forwarding his own. By 
 this means Caesar was continued five years longer in Gaul. 
 17 Nor was Pompey roused from his lethargy till the fame 
 of that great commander's valour, riches, and humanity, 
 began to make him suspect they would soon eclipse his 
 own. 18. He now therefore did all in his power to dimin- 
 ish Caesar's reputation ; obliging the magistrates not to pub- 
 lish any letters they received till he had diminished the 
 credit of them, by spreading disadvantageous reports. 19. 
 One or two accidents, also, helped to widen the separation ; 
 namely, the death of Julia,* Pompey's wife, who had not 
 a little contributed to improve the harmony that subsisted 
 between them ; and the destruction of Crassus, who had 
 conducted the war against the Parthians with so little pru- 
 dence, that he suffered them to get the advantage of him in 
 almost every skirmish ; when, incapable of extricating him- 
 self, he fell a sacrifice to his own rashness in trusting himself 
 to a perfidious enemy.t 
 
 It was at this period that T. Maurius Milo, being a can- 
 didate for the office of consul, during the heat of the can- 
 vassing happened, when riding into the country, to meet 
 Clodius, a turbulent man, who favoured his opponent. The 
 meeting was accidental, but a skirmish between heir at- 
 
 * She was the daughter of Caesar. 
 
 j- Crassus was inveigled into the power of Surena, the Parthian 
 general, under the pretence of treating lor peace. His head was cut 
 off and sent to Orodes, the king of Parthia, who poured molten gold 
 down his throat.
 
 THK COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 Eiposure of Olodini'i bod; in (be Forom. 
 
 lendants drew on a contest which terminated in the death 
 of Clodius. The body was brought into Rome where it 
 was exposed, all covered with blood and wounds, to the 
 view of the populace, who flocked around it in crowds to 
 lament the miserable fate of their leader. The next day 
 the mob, headed by a kinsman of the deceased, carried the 
 body, with the wounds exposed, into the forum ; and the 
 enemies of Milo, addressing the crowd with inflammatory 
 speeches, wrought them up to such a frenzy that they car- 
 ried the body into the senate-house, and, tearing up the 
 benches and tables, made a funeral pile, and, together with 
 the body, burnt the house itself, and then stormed the house 
 of Milo, but were repulsed. This violence, and the elo- 
 quence of Cicero in his defence, saved Milo from the pun- 
 ishment which he had good reason to fear for the assassina- 
 tion of Clodius. 
 
 20. Caesar, who now began to be sensible of the jealousies 
 of Pompey, took occasion to solicit for the consulship, to- 
 gether with a prolongation of his government in Gaul, de- 
 sirous of trying whether Pompey would thwart or promote 
 his pretensions. 21. In this Pompey seemed to be quite 
 inactive ; but, at the same time, privately employed two of 
 his creatures, who alleged in the senate that the laws did 
 not permit a person who was absent to offer himself as a 
 candidate for that high office. 22. Pompey's view in this 
 was to allure Caesar from his government, in order to stand 
 for the consulship in person. 23. Caesar, hoAvever, per
 
 196 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ceiving his artifice, chose to remain in his province, con- 
 vinced that while he headed an army devoted to him, he 
 could give law as well as magistrates to the state. 
 
 24. The senate, which was devoted to Pompey, because 
 he had for some time attempted to defend them from the 
 encroachments of the people, ordered home the two legions 
 which were in Caesar's army belonging to Pompey, as it 
 was pretended, to oppose the Parthians, but in reality to 
 diminish Ceesar's power. 25. Caesar saw their motive : but 
 as his plans were not yet ripe for execution, he sent them 
 home in pursuance of the orders of the senate, having pre- 
 viously attached the officers to him by benefits, and the 
 soldiers by bounties. 26. The next step the senate took, 
 was to recall Caesar from his government, as his time was 
 very near expiring. But Cu'rio, his friend in the senate, 
 proposed that Caesar should not leave his army till Pompey 
 had set him the example. 27. This for a while perplexed 
 Pompey; however, during the debate, one of the senate 
 declaring that Cassar had passed the Alps, and was marching 
 with his whole army directly towards Rome, the consul, 
 immediately quitting the senate, went with his colleagues to 
 a house where Pompey at that time resided. He there pre- 
 sented him with a sword, commanding him to march against 
 Caesar, and fight in defence of the commonwealth. 28 
 Pompey declared he was ready to obey, but with an air 
 pretended moderation added, that it was only in case nu 
 gentle expedients could not be employed. 29. Caesar, who 
 was instructed in all that passed, though he was still in 
 Gaul, was willing to give his aims all the appearance of 
 justice. He agreed to lay down his employment when 
 Pompey should do the same. But the senate rejected his 
 propositions, blindly confident of their power, and relying 
 on the assurances of Pompey. Caesar, still unwilling to 
 come to an open rupture with the state, at last was content 
 to ask the government of Illyr'ia, with two legions ; but this 
 also was refused him. 30. Finding all attempts at an ac- 
 commodation fruitless, and conscious, if not of the goodness 
 of his cause, at least of the goodness of his troops, he began 
 to draw them down towards the confines of Italy ; and 
 passing the Alps with his third legion, stopped at Raven'na, 
 whence he once more wrote to the consuls, declaring that 
 lie was ready to resign all command in case Pompey would 
 do so. 31. On the other hand, the senate decreed, thai
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 197 
 
 Caesar should lay down his government, and disband his 
 forces within a limited time ; and, if he refused obedience, 
 that he should be declared an enemy to the common- 
 wealth. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was Caesar's first act after the Triumvirate had been formed! 
 
 2. Whom did the senate appoint as Caesar's colleague, and why 1 
 
 3. Had Bibulus any controul over Caesar? 
 
 4. How did Caesar commence his schemes ? 
 
 5. How did he farther promote his views ? 
 
 6. How were the provinces allotted ? 
 
 7. 8. Was Casar's a desirable allotment! 
 
 9. Who were the first that submitted to Caesar's arms ? 
 
 10. Who were the next? 
 
 11. Who made the most formidable resistance? 
 
 12. What other nations were subdued by Caesar ? 
 
 13. Did these conquests content him? 
 
 14. What opposition did he experience on the British coast 1 
 
 15. What followed this defeat? 
 
 1 6. In what way were Caesar's views promoted ? 
 
 17. Did not Pompey suspect his intentions? 
 
 18. When undeceived, what measures did he pursue? 
 
 19. What contributed to widen the breach? 
 
 20. How did Caesar ascertain the disposition of Pompey towards him ! 
 
 21. Did Pompey take an active part? 
 
 22. What was Pompey's view in this? 
 
 23. Did Caesar fall into the snare ? 
 
 24. Which side did the senate favour? 
 
 25. Did Caesar give up the legions? 
 
 26. What was the next step they took? 
 
 27. What was the consequence of this proposal ? 
 
 28. Did Pompey obey this command? 
 
 29. What was Caesar's conduct on this occasion? 
 
 30. How did he next proceed? 
 
 31. What measure did the senate adopt ? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. C.ESA.JI, however, seemed no way disturbed at these 
 violent proceedings ; the night before his intended expedition 
 into Italy, he sat down to table cheerfully, conversing with 
 his friends on subjects of literature and philosophy ; and 
 apparently disengaged from every ambitious concern. After
 
 198 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 some time, rising up, he desired the company to make them- 
 selves joyous in his absence, and that he would be with 
 them in a moment : in the mean time, having ordered his 
 chariot to be prepared, he immediately set out, attended by 
 a few friends, for Arim'inum, a city upon the confines of 
 Italy, whither he had despatched a part of his army the 
 morning before. 2. This journey by night, which was 
 very fatiguing, he performed with great diligence, some- 
 times walking, and sometimes on horseback ; till at the 
 break of day, he came up with his army, which consisted 
 of about five thousand men, near the Ru'bicon, a little river 
 which separates Italy from Gaul, and which marked the 
 limits of his command. 3. The Romans had ever been 
 taught to consider this river as the sacred boundary of their 
 domestic empire. 4. Caesar, therefore, when he advanced 
 at the head of his army to the side of it, stopped short upon 
 the bank, as if impressed with terror at the greatness of his 
 enterprise. He could not pass it without transgressing the 
 laws ; he therefore pondered for some time in fixed melan- 
 choly, looking and debating with himself whether he should 
 venture in. " If I pass this river," said he to one of his 
 generals, " what miseries shall I bring upon my country ! 
 and if I now stop short I am undone." 5. After a pause 
 he exclaimed, " Let us go where the gods and the injustice 
 of our enemies call us." Thus saying, and renewing all 
 his former alacrity, he plunged in, crying out, " The die is 
 cast." His soldiers followed him with equal promptitude, 
 and having passed the Ru'bicon, quickly arrived at Arim'i- 
 num, and made themselves masters of the place without any 
 resistance. 
 
 6. This unexpected enterprise excited the utmost terror 
 in Rome ; every one imagining that Caesar was leading his 
 army to lay the city in ruins. At the same time were to be 
 seen the citizens flying into the country for safety, and the 
 inhabitants of the country coming to seek shelter in the 
 city. 7. In this universal confusion, Pompey felt all that 
 repentance and self-condemnation, which must necessarily 
 arise from the remembrance of having advanced his rival to 
 his present pitch of power : wherever he appeared, many 
 of his former friends were ready to tax him with his su- 
 pineness, and sarcastically to reproach his ill-grounded pre- 
 sumption. 8. " Where is now," cried Favo'nius, a ridiculous 
 senator of this party, " the army that is to rise at your com-
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 199 
 
 mand ? let us see if it will appear by stamping."* Cato 
 reminded him of the many warnings he had given him ; 
 which, however, as he was continually boding nothing but 
 calamities, Pompey might very justly be excused from 
 attending to. 9. Being at length wearied with these re- 
 proaches, which were offered under colour of advice, he did 
 all that lay in his power to encourage and confirm his fol- 
 lowers : he told them that they should not want an army, 
 for that he would be their leader. He confessed, indeed, 
 that he had all along mistaken Caesar's aims, judging only 
 from what they ought to have been ; however, if his friends 
 were still inspired with the love of freedom, they might yet 
 enjoy it in whatever place their necessities should happen to 
 conduct them. 1C. He let them know that their affairs were 
 in a very promising situation : that his two lieutenants were 
 at the head of a very considerable army in Spain, composed 
 of veteran troops that had made a conquest of the east : 
 besides these, there were infinite resources, both in Asia and 
 Africa, together with the succours they were sure to receive 
 from all the kingdoms that were in alliance with Rome. 
 11. This speech served in some measure to revive the hopes 
 of the confederacy. The greatest part of the senate, his 
 private friends and dependents, with all those who expected 
 to make their fortunes by espousing his cause, agreed to 
 follow him. But being in no capacity to resist Caesar 
 at Rome, he resolved to lead his forces to Cap'ua, where 
 the two legions that served under Caesar in Gaul were 
 stationed. 
 
 12. Caesar in the mean time, after having vainly attempted 
 to bring Pompey to an accommodation, resolved to pursue 
 him into Cap'ua before he could collect his forces. Accord- 
 ingly, he marched on to take possession of the cities that 
 lay between him and his rival, not regarding Rome, which 
 he knew would fall of course to the conqueror. 
 
 13. Corfin'ium was the first city that attempted to stop 
 the rapidity of his march. It was defended by Domi'tius, 
 who had been appointed by the senate to succeed him in 
 Gaul. Caesar quickly invested it ; and though Domi tins 
 senl frequently to Pompey, exhorting him to come and raise 
 
 * This alludes to a boasting speech made some time before by Pom- 
 pey, when he told the senate not to be alarmed at the news of Cssar's 
 apptoach, for that he had only to stamp, and an army would rise at his 
 command.
 
 200 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the siege, he was at length obliged to endeavour to escape 
 privately. 14. His intentions being divulged, the garrison 
 resolved to consult their own safety by delivering him up to 
 the besiegers. Caesar readily accepted their offers, but kept 
 his men from immediately entering the town. 15. After some 
 time, Len'tulus the consul, who was one of the besieged, 
 came out to implore forgiveness for himself and the rest of 
 his confederates, putting Caesar in mind of their ancient 
 friendship, and acknowledging the many favours he had re- 
 ceived at his hands. 10. To this Caesar, who would not 
 wait the conclusion of his speech, generously replied, that 
 he came into Italy not to injure the liberties of Rome and 
 its citizens, but to restore them. 17. This humane reply 
 being quickly carried into the city, the senators and the 
 knights, with their children, and some officers of the garri- 
 son, came out to claim the conqueror's protection, who, just 
 glancing at their ingratitude, gave them their liberty, with 
 permission to go wheresoever they should think proper. 
 18. But while he dismissed the leaders, he took care upon 
 this, as upon all other occasions, to attach the common sol- 
 diers to his interest, sensible that he might stand in need of 
 the army ; but that while he lived, the army could never 
 stand in need of a commander. 
 
 19. Pompey, who was unable to continue in Rome, having 
 intelligence of what had passed upon this occasion, retreated 
 to Brundu'sium, where he resolved to stand a siege, in order 
 to retard the enemy, until the forces of the empire should 
 be united to oppose him. 20. His aim in this succeeded to 
 his wish ; and after having employed Caesar for some time 
 in a fruitless siege, he privately carried his forces over to 
 Dyrrach'ium, where the consul had levied a body of troops 
 for his assistance. 21. However, though he made good his 
 escape, he was compelled to leave all Italy at the mercy of 
 his rival, without a town or an army that had strength to 
 oppose his progress. 
 
 22. Caesar, who could not follow Pompey for want of 
 shipping, went back to Rome, to take possession of the 
 public treasures, which his opponent, by a most unaccount- 
 able oversight, had neglected to take with him. 23. Upon 
 his coming up to the door of the treasury, Metel'lus, the 
 tribune, who guarded it, refused to let him pass; but Caesar, 
 with emotion, laying his hand upon his sword, threatened 
 to strike him dead. "Know, young man," cried he, "it is 
 easier to do this than say it." This menace had its effect;
 
 THE COMTMOJttV EALTH. 201 
 
 Metel'lus retired, and Csesar took out of the treasury three 
 hundred thousand pounds weight of gold, and an immense 
 quantity of silver. 
 
 24. Having thus provided for continuing the war, he de- 
 parted from Rome, resolved to subdue Pompey's lieutenants, 
 Afra'nius and Petrei'us, who had been long in Spain at the 
 head of a veteran army, which had ever been victorious. 
 25. Caesar, however, who knew the abilities of its present 
 commanders, jocosely said, as he was preparing to march, 
 "I am going to fight an army without a general, and return 
 to fight a general without an army." 
 
 26. The first conflict which he had with Afra'nius and 
 Petrei'us was rather unfavourable. It was fought near the 
 city of Ilerda,* and both sides claimed the honour of the 
 victory. But, by various stratagems, he reduced them at 
 last to such extremity of hunger and drought, that they were 
 obliged to yield at discretion. 27. Clemency was his 
 favourite virtue ; he dismissed them all with the kindest 
 professions, and then sent them home to Rome loaded with 
 shame, and with obligations to publish his virtues, and con- 
 firm the affections of his adherents. 28. Thus, in the space 
 of about forty days, he became master of Spain, and re- 
 turned again victorious to Rome. The citizens on this 
 occasion received him with fresh demonstrations of joy, 
 and created him dictator and consul. But the first of these 
 offices he laid down when he had held it eleven days. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 J. How did Caesar conduct himself on the night previous to his in- 
 tended journey to Italy 1 
 
 2. Did he accomplish his journey in safety T 
 
 3. What rendered this little river of consequence] 
 
 4. Did Csesar pass it without hesitation 1 
 
 5. How did he determine ? 
 
 6. What effect was produced at Rome by this enterprise ? 
 
 7. How was Pompey affected by it 1 
 
 8. What taunting expressions were used on this occasion 7 
 
 9. What was Pompey's conduct in reply ] 
 
 10. How did he represent the state of aflairs? 
 
 11. What was the consequence of this statement? 
 
 12. How was Csesar employed in the mean while! 
 13 What city first arrested his progress ? 
 
 Now Lrida in Catalonia.
 
 202 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 14. Did he succeed in his endeavour 7 
 
 15. What attempt was made to incline Caesar to mercy? 
 
 16. What was Caesar's reply ] 
 
 17. What was the consequence of this reply? 
 
 18. Did he dismiss the soldiers likewise I 
 
 19. Whither did Pompey retreat, and with what view? 
 
 20. Did he succeed in his aims'! 
 
 21. What was the consequence of his retreat? 
 
 22. Did Cffsar follow Pompey ? 
 
 23. Was he opposed in his attempt? 
 21. What was his next enterprise 7 
 
 25. What was Caesar's opinion of these commanders ? 
 
 26. Were they easily conquered ? 
 
 27. What use did he make of his victory ? 
 
 28. What was the duration of this campaign, and what were its conse- 
 
 quences ? 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. WHILE Caesar was thus employed, Pompey was active 
 in making preparations in Epi'rus and Greece to oppose 
 him. 2. All the monarchs of the East had declared in his 
 favour, and sent very large supplies. He was master of 
 nine effective Italian legions, and had a fleet of five hundred 
 large ships, under the conduct of Bib'ulus, an active and 
 experienced commander. Added to these, he was supplied 
 with large sums of money, and all the necessaries for an 
 army, from the tributary provinces round him. 3. He had 
 attacked Antony and Dolabel'la, who commanded for Caesar 
 in that part of the empire, with such success, that the for- 
 mer was obliged to fly, and the latter was taken prisoner. 
 Crowds of the most distinguished citizens and nobles from 
 Rome came every day to join him. He had at one time 
 above two hundred senators in his camp, among whom were 
 Ci'cero and Ca'to, whose approbation of his cause was 
 equivalent to an army. 
 
 4. Notwithstanding these preparations, Caesar shipped off 
 five of his twelve legions at Brundu'sium, and fortunately 
 steered through the midst of his enemies, timing it so well 
 that he made his passage in one day. 5. Still, however, 
 convinced that the proper time for making proposals for a 
 peace was after gaining advantage, he sent one Ru'fus, whom 
 he had taken prisoner, to effect an accommodation with
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 203 
 
 Cciar embirklnj in a fiihinj bot. 
 
 Pompey, offering to refer all to the senate and people of 
 Rome ; but Pompey once more rejected the overture, con- 
 sidering the people of Rome too much in Caesar's interest 
 to be relied on. 
 
 6. Pompey had been raising supplies in Macedo'nia when 
 lie was first informed of Caesar's landing upon the coast of 
 Epi'rus : he now resolved immediately to march to Dyr- 
 rach'ium, in order to cover that place from Caesar's attempts, 
 as all his ammunition and provisions were deposited there. 
 7. The first place where both armies came in sight of each 
 other was on the opposite banks of the river Ap'sus ; and 
 as both were commanded by the two greatest generals then 
 iu the world ; the one renowned for his conquests in the 
 East, and the other celebrated for his victories over the 
 western parts of the empire, a battle was eagerly desired by 
 the soldiers on either side. 8. But neither of the generals 
 were willing to hazard it upon this occasion : Pompey could 
 not rely upon his new levies ; and Caesar would not venture 
 an engagement till he was joined by the rest of his forces. 
 
 9. Caesar had waited some time with extreme impatience 
 for the coming up of the remainder of his army, and even 
 ventured alone in an open fishing-boat to hasten its arrival ; 
 but lie was driven back by a storm.* 10. However, his 
 disappointment was soon relieved by an information of the 
 
 * It was on this occasion that he encouraged the mastor of the vessel, 
 to whom hi- had not hct'oiv. m:nlc himsi'lf known, with these memorable 
 words "Fear nothing, for thou earnest Ctesar and all his fortunes."
 
 204 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 landing of the troops at Apollo'nia; he, therefore, decamped 
 in order to meet them ; and to prevent Pompey, with his 
 army, from engaging them on their march, as he lay on that 
 side of the river where the succours had been obliged to 
 come on shore. 
 
 11. Pompey, being compelled to retreat, led his forces 
 to Aspara'gium, where he was sure of being supplied with 
 every thing necessary for his army, by the numerous fleets 
 which he employed along the coasts of Epi'rus : there he 
 pitched his camp upon a tongue of land (as mariner's express 
 it) that jutted into the sea, where also was a small shelter 
 for his ships. 12. In this place, being most advantageously 
 situated, he began immediately to intrench his camp ; which 
 Caesar perceiving, and finding that he was not likely soon 
 to quit so advantageous a post, began also to intrench behind 
 him. 13. As all beyond Pompey's camp towards the land 
 side was hilly and steep, Caesar built redoubts upon the hills, 
 stretching from shore to shore, and then caused lines of 
 communication to be drawn from hill to hill, by which he 
 blocked up the camp of the enemy. 14. He hoped by this 
 blockade to force his opponent to a battle, which he ar- 
 dently desired, and which the other with equal industry 
 declined. Thus both sides continued for some time em- 
 ployed in designs and stratagems, the one to annoy and the 
 other to defend. 15. Caesar's men daily carried on their 
 works to straiten the enemy ; those of Pompey, having the 
 advantage of numbers, did the same to enlarge themselves, 
 and severely galled the enemy by their slingers and archers. 
 16. Caesar, however, was indefatigable; he caused blinds 
 or mantalets to be made of the skins of beasts, to cover his 
 men while at work ; he cut on" all the water that supplied 
 the enemy's camp, and the forage from the horses, so that 
 there "emained no more subsistence for them. 17. But 
 Pompey at last resolved to break through his lines, and gain 
 some other part of the country more convenient for encamp- 
 ment. Accordingly, having informed himself of the con- 
 dition of Caesar's fortifications from some deserters who 
 came over to him, he ordered the light infantry and archers 
 on board his ships to attack Caesar's entrenchments by sea, 
 where they were least defended. 18. This was done with 
 such effect, that though Cfesar and his officers used their 
 utmost endeavours to hinder Pompey's designs, yet by 
 means of reiterated attempts, he at last effected his purpose 
 of extricating his army from its present camp, and of en-
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 205 
 
 camping in another place by the sea, where he had the con- 
 venience both of forage and shipping. 19. Caesar being 
 thus frustrated in his views of blocking up the enemy, and 
 perceiving the loss he had sustained, resolved at last to force 
 Pompey to a battle, though upon disadvantageous terms. 
 20. The engagement began by attempting to cut off a legion 
 which was posted in a wood ; and this brought on a general 
 battle. The conflict was for some time carried on with 
 great ardour, and with equal fortune ; but Caesar's army 
 being entangled in the entrenchments of the old camps 
 lately abandoned, began to fall into disorder ; upon which 
 Pompey pressing his advantage, they at last fled with pre- 
 cipitation. Great numbers perished in the trenches and on 
 the banks of the river, or were pressed to death by their 
 fellows. 21. Pompey pursued his success to the very 
 camp of Caesar ; but either from surprise, under the sud- 
 denness of his victory, or fearful of an ambuscade, he with 
 drew his troops into his own camp, and thus lost an oppor- 
 tunity of completing his victory. 
 
 22. After this defeat, which was by no means decisive, 
 Caesar marched, with all his forces united in one body, di- 
 rectly to Gom'phi, a town in the province of Thes'saly. But 
 the news of his defeat at Dyr'rachium had reached this place 
 before him ; the inhabitants, therefore, who had before pro- 
 mised him obedience, now changed their minds, and, with 
 a degree of baseness equal to their imprudence, shut their 
 gates against him. 23. Caesar was not to be injured with 
 impunity. Having represented to his soldiers the great 
 advantage of forcing a place so very rich, he ordered the 
 scaling ladders to be got ready, and causing an assault to 
 be made, proceeded with such vigour that, notwithstanding 
 the height of the walls, the town was taken in a few hours. 
 24. Caesar left it to be plundered, and, without delaying his 
 march, went forward to Metrop'olis, another town of the 
 same province, which yielded at his approach. By this 
 means he soon became possessed of all Thes'saly, except 
 Laris'sa, which was garrisoned by Scip'io, with his legion 
 who commanded for Pompey. 25. During this interval, 
 Pompey's officers continually soliciting their commander to 
 come to a battle, he, at length, resolved to renounce his 
 own judgment in compliance with those about him, and 
 gave up all schemes of prudence for those dictated by 
 avarice and passion. 26. Advancing, therefore, into Thes'- 
 saly, within a few days after the taking of Gom'phi, he drew 
 S
 
 206 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 down upon the plains of Pharsa'lia, where he was joined by 
 Scip'io, his lieutenant, and the troops under his command. 
 There, waiting the coming of Caesar, he resolved to engage, 
 and, by a single battle, decide the fate of kingdoms. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How was Pompey engaged at this time 1 
 
 2. What advantages did he possess 1 
 
 3. What farther contributed to give him hopes of success ? 
 
 4. Was Caesar discouraged by these formidable preparations ? 
 
 5. Was he resolutely bent on hostilities 1 
 
 6. What was Pompey's first measure ? 
 
 7. Where did the armies first come in sight of each other? 
 
 8. Was an immediate engagement the consequence 1 
 
 9. Was this junction soon effected 1 
 
 10. What was the consequence] 
 
 11. What was Pompey's next measure? 
 
 12. Did he remain long in this place ? 
 
 13. What means did Csesar adopt to distress the enemy ? 
 
 14. What did he promise himself from the adoption of this plan? 
 
 15. How were both armies employed? 
 
 16. What was the conduct of Csesar on this occasion? 
 
 17. How did Pompey frustrate his designs? 
 
 18. Was he successful in his attempts ? 
 
 19. What was Caesar's resolution on this occasion? 
 
 20. By what means did he effect this ? 
 
 21. Did Pompey make the most of his victory? 
 
 22. Whither did Cssar betake himself, and what was the consequence 
 
 of his defeat] 
 
 23. Did he quietly submit to this insult? 
 
 24. What revenge did he take ? 
 
 25. How did Pompey act on this occasion? 
 
 26. Where was this great contest about to be decided ? 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 1. C.ESAR had employed all his art for some time in 
 sounding the inclinations of his men ; and finding his army 
 once more resolute and vigorous, he advanced towards the 
 plains of Pharsa'lia, where Pompey was encamped. 
 
 2. The approach of two armies, composed of the best 
 and bravest troops in the world, together with the greatness 
 of the prize for which they contended, filled every mind
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 207 
 
 with anxiety, though with different expectations. 3. Pom- 
 pey's army, being most numerous, turned all their thoughts 
 to the enjoyment of the victory ; Caesar's considered only 
 the means of obtaining it ; Pompey's army depended upon 
 their numbers, and their many generals ; Caesar's upon 
 their discipline, and the conduct of their single commander. 
 4. Pompey's partisans hoped mtoch from the justice of 
 their cause ; Caesar's alleged the frequent proposals which 
 they had made for peace without effect. Thus the views, 
 hopes and motives of both seemed different, whilst their 
 hatred and ambition were the same. 5. Caesar, who was 
 ever foremost in offering battle, led out his army to meet 
 the enemy; but Pompey, either suspecting his troops, or 
 dreading the event, kept his advantageous situation at the 
 foot of the hill near which he was posted. 6. Caesar, 
 unwilling to attack him at a disadvantage, resolved to de- 
 camp the next day, hoping to weary out his antagonist, who 
 was not a match for him in sustaining the fatigues of duty. 
 7. Accordingly the order for marching was given, and the 
 tents were struck, when word was brought him that Pom- 
 pey's army had now quitted their intrenchments, and ad- 
 vanced farther into the plain than usual ; so that he might 
 engage them at less disadvantage. 8. Upon this he caused 
 his troops to halt, and, with a countenance of joy, informed 
 them that the happy time was at last come, which they had 
 so long wished for, and which was to crown their glory, and 
 terminate their fatigues. He then drew up his troops in 
 order, and advanced towards the place of battle. 9. His 
 forces did not amount to above half those of Pompey ; the 
 army of the one was about forty-five thousand foot, and seven 
 thousand horse : that of the other not exceeding twenty-two 
 thousand foot, and about a thousand horse. 10. This dis- 
 proportion, particularly in the cavalry, had filled Caesar with 
 apprehensions ; he therefore had some days before picked 
 out the strongest and nimblest of his foot soldiers, and ac- 
 customed them to fight between the. ranks of his cavalry. 
 By their assistance, his thousand horse was a match for 
 Pompey's seven thousand, and had actually got the better in 
 a skirmish that happened between them some days before. 
 11. Pompey, on the other hand, had a strong expectation 
 of success ; he boasted that he could put Caesar's legions to 
 flight without striking a single blow; presuming that as soon 
 as the armies formed, his cavalry, on which he placed his 
 greatest expectations, would out-flank and surround the
 
 208 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 enemy. In this disposition Pompey led his troops to battle 
 12. As the armies approached, the two generals went from 
 rank to rank, encouraging their men, exciting their hopes, 
 and lessening their apprehensions. 13. Pompey represented 
 to his men that the glorious occasion which they had long 
 besought him to grant was now before them. " What ad- 
 vantages," said he, could you wish, that you are not now 
 possessed of. Your numbers, your vigour, a late victory, 
 all assure us of a speedy and an easy conquest of those 
 harassed and broken troops, composed of men worn out 
 with age, and impressed with the terrors of a recent defeat ; 
 but there is still a stronger bulwark for our protection than 
 the superiority of our strength ; and that is, the justice of 
 our cause. You are engaged in the defence of liberty and 
 of your country ; you are supported by its laws, and followed 
 by its magistrates ; the world are spectators of your conduct, 
 and wish you success : on the contrary, he whom you op 
 pose is a robber, an oppressor of his country, already nearly 
 sunk with the consciousness of his crimes, as well as the ill 
 success of his arms. Show then, on this occasion, all that 
 ardour and detestation of tyranny which should animate 
 Romans, and do justice to mankind." 
 
 14. Caesar, on his part, went among his men with that 
 steady serenity for which he was so much admired in the 
 midst of danger. He insisted on nothing so strongly, as his 
 frequent and unsuccessful endeavours for peace. He spoke 
 with terror of the blood he was about to shed, and pleaded 
 the necessity that urged him to it. He deplored the many 
 brave men that were to fall on both sides, and the wounds 
 of his country, whoever might be victorious. 15. His sol- 
 diers answered only with looks of ardour and impatience. 
 He gave the signal to begin. The word on Pompey's side 
 was, " Her'cules the Invincible:" that on Caesar's, " Ve'nus 
 the Victorious." 16. There was no more space between 
 both armies than to give room for the charge : Pompey 
 therefore ordered his men to receive the first shock without 
 moving from their places, expecting the enemy's ranks to 
 be put into disorder. Caesar's soldiers were now rushing 
 on with their usual impetuosity, when, perceiving the enemy 
 motionless, they all stopt short, as if by general consent, 
 and halted in the midst of their career. 17. A terrible pause 
 ensued, in which both armies continued to gaze upon each 
 other with mutual terror and dreadful serenity. At length, 
 Caesar's men having taken breath, ran furiously upon the
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 209 
 
 enemy, first discharging their javelins, and then drawing 
 their swords. The same method was observed by Pompey's 
 troops, who as firmly sustained the attack. His cavalry also 
 were ordered to charge at the very onset, which, with the 
 multitude of archers and slingers, soon obliged Caesar's men 
 to give ground. 18. Caesar instantly ordered the six cohorts, 
 that were placed as a reinforcement, to advance, and to 
 strike at the enemy's faces. 19. This had its desired effect: 
 Pompey's cavalry, that were just before sure of the victory, 
 received an immediate check. The unusual method of 
 fighting pursued by the cohorts, their aiming entirely at the 
 visages of the assailants, and the horrible disfiguring wounds 
 they made, all contributed to intimidate them so much, that 
 instead of defending their persons, they endeavoured only 
 to save their faces.* 20. A total rout ensued; they fled to 
 the neighbouring mountains, while the archers and slingers, 
 who were thus abandoned, were cut to pieces. 21. Caesar 
 now commanded the cohorts to pursue their success, and 
 charge Pompey's troops upon the flank : this charge the 
 enemy withstood for some time with great bravery, till 
 Caesar brought up his third line, which had not yet engaged. 
 22. Pompey's infantry being thus doubly attacked, in front 
 by fresh troops, and in the rear by the victorious cohorts, 
 could no longer resist, but fled to their camp. The flight 
 began among the strangers. Pompey's right wing still 
 valiantly maintained their ground. 23. Caesar, however, 
 convinced that the victory was certain, with his usual clem- 
 ency cried out to pursue the strangers, but to spare the 
 Romans ; upon which they all laid down their arms and 
 received quarter. The greatest slaughter was among the 
 auxiliaries, who fled on all sides. 24. The battle had now 
 lasted from break of day till noon, and the weather was ex 
 tremely hot ; nevertheless, the conquerors remitted not their 
 ardour, being encouraged by the example of a general, who 
 thought his victory incomplete till he should become master 
 of the enemy's camp. Accordingly, marching on foot at 
 their head, he called upon them to follow and strike the de- 
 cisive blow. 25. The cohorts which were left to defend 
 the camp, for some time made a formidable resistance ; par- 
 ticularly a great number of Thra'cians and other barbarians, 
 who were appointed for that purpose ; but nothing could 
 
 * Caesar calls the young patricians that composed Pompey's cavalry, 
 " pretty young dancers." 
 
 8 2
 
 210 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 resist the ardour of Caesar's victorious army ; the enemy 
 were at last driven from the trenches, and compelled to fly 
 to the mountains. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the state of Caesar's army immediately before the battle 
 
 of Pharsalial 
 
 2. What effect had the approaching event on the minds of men 1 
 
 3. What were the respective advantages of each army] 
 
 4. On what did they principally build their hopes 1 
 
 5. Who was the first to offer battle 1 
 
 6. How did Caesar act on this occasion? 
 
 7. What followed? 
 
 8. What effect had this intelligence on Caesar's plan 1 
 
 9. Of what number of troops were each of the armies composed ? 
 
 10. What did Caesar consider necessary to be done to remedy this dis- 
 
 proportion 1 
 
 11. What were Pompey's expectations and boasts? 
 
 12. What was the conduct of the generals? 
 
 1 3. Repeat Pompey's address to his troops ? 
 
 14. How did Caesar encourage his men ? 
 
 15. What effect had this speech, and what was the word on both sides? 
 
 16. In what manner did the attack commence ? 
 
 1 7. Describe the progress of the battle ] 
 
 18. What means did Caesar adopt to prevent a defeat? 
 
 19. Was this measure successful ? 
 
 20. What was the consequence ? 
 
 2 1 . What were Caesar's farther commands ? 
 23. What followed ? 
 
 23. What use did Caesar make of his victory? 
 
 24. Did not fatigue abate the ardour of Caesar's troops? 
 
 25. Did they attempt to defend the camp ? 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 1. C^SAR, seeing the field and camp strewed with his 
 fallen countrymen, was strongly affected at the melancholy 
 prospect, and cried out to one that stood near him, " They 
 would have it so." 2. In the camp, every object presented 
 fresh instances of the blind presumption and madness of his 
 adversaries. On all sides were to be seen tents adorned 
 with ivy and myrtle, couches covered with purple, and side- 
 boards loaded with plate. Every thing gave proof of the
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH 211 
 
 highest luxury, and seemed rather the preparatives for a 
 banquet, or the rejoicings for a victory, than dispositions 
 for a battle. 3. A camp so richly furnished would have 
 engaged the attention of any troops but Caesar's ; but there 
 was still something to be done, and he permitted them not 
 to pursue any other object than their enemies. 4. A con- 
 siderable body having retired to the adjacent mountains, he 
 prevailed on his soldiers to join him in the pursuit, in order 
 to oblige these to surrender. He began by inclosing them 
 with a line drawn at the foot of the mountain ; but they 
 quickly abandoned a post which was untenable for want of 
 water, and endeavoured to reach the city of Laris'sa. 5. 
 Caesar, leading a part of his army by a shorter way, inter- 
 cepted their retreat. However, these unhappy fugitives 
 again found protection from a mountain, at the foot of 
 which ran a rivulet that supplied them with water. 6. 
 Night approaching, Caesar's men were almost spent, and 
 fainting with their incessant toil since morning ; yet still he 
 prevailed upon them to renew their labours, and cut off the 
 rivulet that supplied the defendants. 7. The fugitives, thus 
 deprived of all hopes of succour or subsistence, sent depu- 
 ties to the conqueror, offering to surrender at discretion. 
 During this interval of negociation, a few senators that were 
 among them, took the advantage of the night to escape, and 
 the rest, next morning, gave up their arms, and experienced 
 the conqueror's clemency. In fact, he addressed them with 
 great gentleness, and forbade the soldiers to offer violence, 
 or to take any thing from them. 8. Thus Caesar gained the 
 most complete victory that had ever been obtained ; and by 
 his great clemency after the battle, seemed to have deserved 
 it. His loss amounted only to two hundred men ; that of 
 Pompey to fifteen thousand ; twenty-four thousand men sur- 
 rendered themselves prisoners of war, and the greatest part 
 of these entered into Caesar's army, and were incorporated 
 with the rest of his forces. 9. To the senators and Roman 
 knights, who fell into his hands, he generously gave liberty 
 to retire wherever they thought proper; and as for the letters 
 which Pompey had received from those who wished to be 
 thought neutral, Caesar burnt them all without reading, as 
 Pompey had done on a former occasion. 10. Thus having 
 performed all the duties of a general and a statesman, he sent 
 for the legions which had passed the night in camp, to re- 
 lieve those which had accompanied him in the pursuit, and 
 arrived the same day at Laris'sa.
 
 212 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1 1 . As for Pompey, who had formerly shown such in 
 stances of courage and conduct, when he saw his cavalry 
 routed, on which he had placed his sole dependence, he ab- 
 solutely lost his reason. 12. Instead of thinking how to 
 remedy this disorder by rallying such troops as fled, or by 
 opposing fresh forces to stop the progress of the conqueror, 
 being totally amazed by this first blow, he returned to the 
 camp, and in his tent waited 'the issue of an event which it 
 was his duty to have directed, not to follow. There he re- 
 mained for some moments speechless, till being told that 
 the camp was attacked "What!" says he, "are we pur- 
 sued to our very intrenchments ?" when, immediately quit- 
 ting his armour for a habit more suited to his circumstances, 
 he fled on horseback to Laris'sa: thence, perceiving that he 
 was not pursued, he slackened his pace, giving way to all 
 the agonizing reflections which his deplorable situation must 
 naturally suggest. 13. In this melancholy manner he 
 passed along the vale of Tempe, and pursuing the course 
 of the river Pe'neus, at last arrived at a fisherman's hut; 
 here he passed the night, and then went on board a little 
 bark, keeping along the sea-shore, till he descried a ship of 
 some burden, which seemed preparing to sail. In this he 
 embarked ; the master of the vessel still paying him that 
 homage which was due to his former station. 
 
 14. From the mouth of the river Pe'neus he sailed to 
 Amphip'olis, where, finding his affairs desperate, he steered 
 to Les'bos, to take with him his wife Corne'lia, whom he 
 had left there, at a distance from the dangers and distresses 
 of war. 15. She, who had long flattered herself with the 
 hopes of victory ,, now felt the agonizing reverse of fortune : 
 she was desired by the messenger, whose tears more than 
 his words proclaimed her unspeakable misfortunes, to hasten 
 away if she expected to see Pompey, who had but one ship, 
 and even that not his own. 16. Her grief, which before 
 was violent, became now insupportable : she fainted, and 
 lay without signs of life. At length recovering, and reflect- 
 ing that it was no time for vain lamentations, she fled through 
 the city to the seaside. 
 
 17. Pompey received and embraced her, and in silent 
 despair supported her in his arms. "Alas !" said Corne'lia, 
 " you who, before our marriage, appeared in these seas as 
 the commander of five hundred sail, are now reduced to 
 make your escape in a single vessel. Why come you in 
 search of an unfortunate woman ? Why was I not left to a
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 213 
 
 Death of Fompej. 
 
 fate which now you are under the necessity of sharing with 
 me ? Happy for me had I executed, long since, my design 
 of quitting this life ! But fatally have I been reserved to add 
 to Pompey's sorrows." 
 
 18. Pompey instanced the uncertainty of all human affairs, 
 and endeavoured by every argument to give her comfort ; 
 then, taking her under his protection, he continued his 
 course, stopping no longer than was necessary for a supply 
 of provisions at the ports which occurred in his passage. 
 19. He now determined upon applying to Ptol'emy, king 
 of Egypt, to whose father he had been a considerable bene- 
 factor. Ptol'emy was yet a minor, and had not the govern- 
 ment in his own hands, but was under the direction of an 
 administration. 20. His council insidiously contrived that 
 Pompey should be invited on shore, and murdered before 
 he should come into the king's presence. Achil'las, com- 
 mander of the forces, and Septim'ius, a Roman, who had 
 formerly been a centurion in Pompey's army, undertook 
 to carry the treacherous design into execution. Attended 
 by three or four more, they put off in a little bark, and 
 rowed to Pompey's ship, that lay about a mile from the 
 shore. 
 
 21. Pompey now took leave of Corne'lia, repeating to 
 her a verse of Soph'ocles, signifying, that " he who trusts 
 his freedom to a tyrant, from that moment becomes a slave." 
 He then gave his hand to Achil'las, and, with only two of 
 his own attendants, stepped into the bark. 22. The frantic 
 Corne'lia nung over the side of the deck, weeping and
 
 214 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 exclaiming against his separation from her. " Alas !" said 
 she, "whither art thou going?" 
 
 He spoke ; but she, unmoved at his commands, 
 Thus loud exclaiming, stretch'd her eager hands ; 
 " Whither, inhuman ! whither art thou gone 1 
 Still must I weep our common griefs alone 1" 
 
 HOWE'S LUCAJT. 
 
 Ill wild astonishment she followed him with her eyes, and 
 uttering to the winds her fruitless lamentations. 
 
 23. The mariners, regardless of her sorrows, rowed to- 
 wards land, without a word passing among them, till Pom- 
 pey, by way of breaking silence, looking at Septim'ius, 
 whose face he recollected. " Methinks, friend," said he, 
 " you once served under me." Septim'ius noticing these 
 words only by a contemptuous nod of the head, Pompey 
 betook himself to a paper, on which he had minuted a 
 speech intended to be made to the king, and began reading 
 it. In this manner they approached the shore ; whilst Cor- 
 ne'lia, whose insufferable sorrow had never let her lose 
 sight of her husband, began to conceive hopes, perceiving 
 that the people on the strand crowded down along the coast 
 as if eager to receive him. 24. Alas ! these hopes were 
 soon destroyed. At the instant that Pompey rose, support- 
 ing himself upon his freedman's arm, Septim'ius stabbed him 
 in the back, and Achillas instantly seconded the blow. 25. 
 Pompey, perceiving his death inevitable, calmly disposed 
 himself to meet it with decency ; and covering his face with 
 his robe, without a word resigned himself to his fate. 26. 
 At this horrid sight, Corne'lia and her attendants shrieked, 
 so as to be heard to the very shore. But the danger they 
 were in allowing no time to look on, they immediately set 
 sail, and, the wind proving favourable, fortunately escaped 
 the pursuit of the Egyptian galleys. 27. In the mean time, 
 Pompey's murderers, having taken off his head, embalmed 
 it for a present to Caesar, whilst the body was thrown naked 
 on the strand, and exposed to the view of those whose cu- 
 riosity was to be satisfied. 28. But his faithful freedman, 
 Philip, still kept near it ; and when the crowd dispersed, he 
 washed it in the sea, and looking round for materials to burr 
 it, perceived the wrecks of a fishing-boat, of which he com- 
 posed a pile. 29. While he was thus piously employed, 
 he was accosted by an old Roman soldier, who had served 
 under Pompey in his youth. " Who art thou ?" said he,
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. 215 
 
 " that art making these humble preparations for Pompey's 
 funeral ?" " One of his freedmen," answered Philip. 
 " Alas," replied the soldier, " permit me to share with you 
 the honour of this sacred action. Among all the miseries 
 of my exile, it will be my last sad comfort, that I have been 
 able to assist at the funeral of my old commander, and to 
 touch the body of the bravest general that ever Rome 
 produced." 
 
 30. Thus were the last rites performed to Pompey. But 
 his ashes (according to Plutarch) were carefully collected, 
 and carried to Corne'lia, who deposited them at his villa 
 near Alba, in Italy. 31. We are told, too, that the Egyptians 
 afterwards erected a monument to him, on the spot on which 
 his funeral pile had been raised, with an inscription to this 
 purpose : " How poor a tomb covers the man who once 
 had temples erected to his honour !" 
 
 32. From Pompey's death we may date the extinction of 
 the republic. From this period the senate was dispossessed 
 of its power ; and Rome henceforward was never without 
 a master. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How was Cffisar affected by the result of the battle 1 
 
 2. What appearance did Pompey's camp present 1 
 
 3. Did Caesar's troops immediately begin to plunder 1 
 
 4. What became of the fugitives? 
 
 5. Did they succeed in the attempt ? 
 
 6. Were the labours of Casar's soldiers now at an end 1 
 
 7. What effect had this on the fugitives ? 
 
 8. Was this victory of importance, and what was the loss on both situr 
 
 9. In what manner did Caesar behave to the vanquished ? 
 
 10. What followed ? 
 
 11. What was the conduct of Pompey on this occasion 1 
 
 1 2. Mention your reasons for this assertion 1 
 
 13. Proceed in relating farther particulars! 
 
 14. Whither did he next steer his course 1 
 
 15. 16. What effect had the tidings on Cornelia 1 
 
 17. Relate what passed at their interview ? 
 
 1 8. How did Pompey attempt to comfort her 1 
 
 19. What determination did he now form! 
 
 20. What was his intended reception 1 
 
 21. Did Pompey fall into the snare? 
 
 22. Was his separation from his wife a painful one ! 
 
 23. What passed in the boat ? 
 
 24. Were Cornelia's hopes well founded ?
 
 216 HISTORY OF ROME 
 
 25. Did Pompey resist this treacherous attack ] 
 
 26. Was Cornelia a witness to this horrid transaction ? 
 
 27. How was the hody of Pompey treated ? 
 
 28. Had he no friend to perform the last offices for him ? 
 
 29. By whom was he assisted? 
 
 30. What became of his remains ? 
 
 31. What respect did the Egyptians afterwards pay to his memory! 
 
 32. What was the face of affairs after Pompey's death 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE COMMONWEALTH, TO TUB 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST EMPEROR, AUGUSTUS. 
 
 v. c. 706. A t 
 
 (pfi v i 
 
 1. CAESAR has been much celebrated for his good fortune, 
 but his abilities seem equal to the highest success. He 
 possessed shining qualities, tarnished by ambition only. 
 His talents were such as would have rendered him victori- 
 ous at the head of any army ; and he would have governed 
 in any republic that had given him birth. 2. Having now 
 gained a most complete victory, his success seemed only to 
 increase his activity, and inspire him with fresh resolution 
 to face new dangers. He determined, therefore, to pursue 
 his "last advantage, and follow Pompey to whatever country 
 he had retired ; convinced that, though he might gain new 
 triumphs, he should never enjoy security until his rival was 
 in his power. 
 
 t 3. Accordingly, losing no time, he set sail for Egypt, 
 and arrived at Alexandria with about four thousand men : a 
 very inconsiderable force to keep so powerful a kingdom 
 under subjection. 4. The first accounts he received were 
 of Pompey's miserable end ; and soon after, one of the 
 murderers came with his head and his ring, as a most 
 grateful present to the conqueror. 5. But Caesar had too 
 much humanity to be pleased with so horrid a spectacle 
 with the sad remains of the man he once loved ; his partner 
 in power. He turned from it with disgust ; and, after a 
 short pause, gave vent to his pity in a flood of tears. He 
 ordered the head to be burned with the most costly per-
 
 THE EMPIRE. 217 
 
 fumes, and placed the ashes in a temple, which he built and 
 dedicated to the goddess Nem'esis, the avenger of cruel and 
 inhuman deeds. 
 
 6. It should seem that the Egyptians, by this time, had 
 some hopes of breaking off all alliance with the Romans, 
 which they considered, as in fact it was, only another name 
 for subjection. They first took offence at Caesar's carrying 
 the ensigns of Roman power before him as he entered the 
 city. Photi'nus also treated him with great disrespect, and 
 even attempted his life. 7. Caesar, however, concealed his 
 resentment till he had a force sufficient to punish his treach- 
 ery ; sending, therefore, privately, for the legions which he 
 had formerly enrolled for Pompey's service, as being the 
 nearest to Egypt, he, in the mean time, pretended to repose 
 an entire confidence in the king's ministers, making great 
 entertainments, and assisting at the conferences of the philo- 
 sophers, who were numerous at Alexan'dria. 8. However, 
 he soon changed his manner, when he found himself in no 
 danger from the ministers' attempts : and declared, that, 
 being a Roman consul, it was his duty to settle the succes- 
 sion of the Egyptian crown. 
 
 9. There were at that time two pretenders to the crown 
 of Egypt ; Ptol'emy, the acknowledged king, and the cele- 
 brated Cleopa'tra, his sister, to whom, by the custom of the 
 country, he was married ; and who, by his father's will, 
 shared jointly in the succession. 10. Not contented with 
 the participation of power, Cleopa'tra aimed at governing 
 alone ; but being opposed in her views by the Roman sen- 
 ate, who confirmed her brother's title to the crown, she was 
 banished into Sy'ria, with Arsin'oe, her younger sister. 
 11. Caesar gave her new hopes of aspiring to the kingdom, 
 and sent both to her and her brother to plead their cause 
 before him. But Photi'nus, the young king's guardian, 
 disdaining to accept this proposal, backed his refusal by 
 sending an army of twenty thousand men to besiege him in 
 Alexandria. 12. Crcsar bravely repulsed the enemy ; but 
 finding the city of too great extent to be defended by so 
 small an army as his, he retired to the palace, which com- 
 manded the harbour, and there purposed to make his stand. 
 13. Achil'las, who commanded the Egyptians, attacked him 
 with great vigour, and aimed at making himself master of 
 the fleet that lay before the palace. 14. Caesar, however, 
 too well knew the importance of those ships in the hands 
 of an enemy ; and therefore burnt them all, in spite of every 
 
 T
 
 218 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 effort to prevent him. He next possessed himself of the isle 
 of Pha'ros, by which lie was enabled to receive supplies ; 
 and, in this situation, determined to withstand the united 
 force of the Egyptians.* 
 
 15. In the mean time, Cleopa'tra, having heard of the 
 present turn in her favour, resolved to depend on Caesar's 
 patronage for gaining the government, rather than on her 
 own forces. But no arts, as she justly conceived, were so 
 likely to influence Caesar as the charms of her person, 
 which Avere irresistible. 16. She was now in the bloom 
 of youth and beauty, while every feature borrowed grace 
 from the lively turn of her temper. To the most enchant- 
 ing address she joined the most harmonious voice. With 
 all these accomplishments, she possessed a great share of 
 the learning of the times, and could give audience to the 
 ambassadors of seven different nations without an interpre- 
 ter. 17. The difficulty was, how to gain admission to 
 CaJsar, as her enemies were in possession of all the avenues 
 that led to the palace. For this purpose she went on board 
 a small vessel, and, in the evening, landed near the palace ; 
 where, being wrapt up in a coverlet, she was carried as a 
 bundle of clothes into the very presence of Caesar. 18. Her 
 address instantly struck him ; her wit and understanding 
 fanned the flame ; but her affability entirely brought him 
 over to second her claims. 
 
 19. While Cleopa'tra was thus employed in forwarding 
 her own views, her sister, Arsin'oe was also strenuously en- 
 gaged in the camp, in pursuing a separate interest. She had 
 found means, by the assistance of one Gan'ymede, her con- 
 fidant, to make a large division in the Egyptian army in her 
 favour ; and, soon after, by one of those sudden revolutions 
 which are common in barbarian camps to this day, she 
 caused Achillas to be murdered, and Gan'ymede to take the 
 command in his stead, and to carry on the siege with greater 
 vigour than before. 20. Gan'ymede's principal effort Avas 
 by letting in the sea upon those canals Avhich supplied the 
 palace with fresh Avater ; but this inconvenience Caesar re- 
 medied by digging a great number of wells. His next en- 
 deavour was to prevent the junction of Caesar's tAventy- 
 fourth legion, Avhich he tAvice attempted in vain. He soon 
 after made himself master of a bridge which joined the isle 
 
 * In this contest the famous Alexan'drian library, consisting, it i 
 aid, of 700,000 volumes, was accidentally burnt.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 219 
 
 of Pha'ros to the continent, from which post Caesar was re- 
 solved to dislodge him. 21. In the heat of the action, some 
 mariners, partly through curiosity, and partly through am- 
 bition, came and joined the combatants ; but, being seized 
 with a panic, instantly fled, and spread a general terror 
 through the army. All Caesar's endeavours to rally his forces 
 were in vain, the confusion was past remedy, and numbers 
 were drowned or put to the sword in attempting to escape 
 22. Now, therefore, seeing the irremediable disorder of his 
 troops, he fled to a ship, in order to get to the palace that 
 was just opposite ; but he was no sooner on board, than 
 such crowds entered after him, that being apprehensive of 
 the ship's sinking, lie jumped into the sea, and swam two 
 hundred paces to the fleet which lay before the palace, all 
 the time holding his Commentaries in his left hand above 
 the water, and his coat of mail in his teeth. 
 
 23. The Alexandrians, finding their efforts to take the 
 palace ineffectual, endeavoured at least to get their king out 
 of Caesar's power, as he had seized upon his person in the 
 beginning of their disputes. For this purpose they made 
 use of their customary arts of dissimulation, professing the 
 utmost desire of peace, and only wanting the presence ol 
 their lawful prince to give a sanction to the treaty. 24. Cae 
 sar was sensible of their perfidy, but concealed his suspicions, 
 and gave them their king, as he was under no apprehensions 
 from the abilities of a boy. Ptol'emy, however, the instant 
 lie was set at liberty, instead of promoting the peace, made 
 every effort to give vigour to his hostilities. 
 
 25. In this manner was Caesar hemmed in for some time 
 by an artful and insidious enemy, and surrounded with al- 
 most insurmountable difficulties ; but he was at last relieved 
 from this mortifying situation by Mithrida'tes Pergame'nus, 
 one of his most faithful partizans, who came with an army 
 to his assistance. This general marched into Egypt, took 
 the city of Pelu'sium, repulsed the Egyptian army with 
 loss, and, at last, joining with Caesar, attacked their camp 
 with a great slaughter of the Egyptians. Ptol'emy himself, 
 attempting to escape on board a vessel, was drowned by the 
 ship's sinking. 26. Caesar thus became master of all Egypt, 
 without any farther opposition. He appointed Cleopa'tra, 
 with her younger brother, who was then an infant, joint 
 governors, according to the intent of their father's will, 
 and drove out Arsin'oe, with Gan'ymede, to banishment. 
 
 27. Having thus given away kingdoms, he now, foi A
 
 220 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 while, seemed to relax from the usual activity of his conductf 
 being captivated M'ith the charms of Cleopa'tra. Instead of 
 quitting Egypt to go and quell the remains of Pompey's party, 
 he abandoned himself to his pleasures, passing whole nights 
 in feasting with the young queen. He even resolved on at- 
 tending her up the Nile, into Ethiopia ; but the brave vete- 
 rans, who had long followed his fortune, boldly reprehended 
 his conduct, and refused to be partners in so infamous an 
 expedition. 23. Thus at length roused from his lethargy, 
 he resolved to prefer the call of ambition to that of love ; 
 and to leave Cleopa'tra, in order to oppose Pharna'ces, the 
 king of Bosphorus, who had made some inroads upon the 
 dominions of Rome in the East. 
 
 29. This prince, who had cruelly deposed his father, the 
 great Mithrida'tes, being ambitious of conquering those do- 
 minions, seized upon Arme'nia and Col'chis, and overcame 
 Domit'ius, who had been sent against him. 30. Upon Cae- 
 sar's march to oppose him, Pharna'ces, who was as much 
 terrified at the name of the general as at the strength of his 
 army, laboured, by all the arts of negociation, to avert the 
 impending danger. 31. Caesar, exasperated at his crimes 
 and ingratitude, at first dissembled with the ambassadors ; 
 and using all expedition, fell upon the enemy unexpectedly, 
 and, in a few hours, obtained an easy and complete victory. 
 Pharna'ces attempting to take refuge in his capital, was slain 
 by one of his own commanders a just punishment for his 
 former parricide. Csesar achieved this conquest with so 
 much ease, that in writing to a friend at Rome, he expressed 
 the rapidity of his victory in three words, " VENI, VIDI, 
 vici."* A man so accustomed to conquest might, perhaps, 
 think a slight battle scarcely worth a long letter ; though it 
 is more probable that these memorable words were dictated 
 rather by vanity than indifference. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What were the abilities and character of Czsar 1 
 2 Did he rest satisfied with his present successes 1 
 
 3. Whither did he steer his course ? 
 
 4. What occurred on his arrival ? 
 
 5. Was Caesar pleased with this spectacle ? 
 
 * I came, I saw, I conquered.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 221 
 
 6. What was the conduct of the Egyptians towards Caesar ! 
 
 7. Did Caesar resent this conduct 1 
 
 8. Did he continue this appearance of confidence ! 
 
 9. Who were at this time the sovereigns of Egypt ! 
 
 10. What rendered Caesar's interference necessary 1 
 
 1 1. Was this interference agreeable to the Egyptians! 
 
 12. How did Caesar conduct himself on this occasion] 
 
 13. Was the attack formidable 1 
 
 14. How did Caesar prevent the designs of the enemy 1 
 
 15. What was the conduct of Cleopatra T 
 
 16. What attractions did she possess 1 
 
 17. What obstacles presented themselves, and how were they over- 
 
 come ? 
 
 18. Was Caesar captivated by her charms 1 
 
 19. What measures did Arsinoc pursue 1 
 
 20. What attempts did the enemy make to annoy Caesar, and how were 
 
 they frustrated 1 
 
 21. What unlucky accident occasioned the miscarriage of Cesai's 
 
 design ! 
 
 22. How did Caesar escape ? 
 
 23. What did the Alexandrians next attempt 1 
 
 24. Did Cesar comply with their wishes 1 
 
 25. How was Caesar delivered from this dangerous situation! 
 
 26. What was the consequence of this victory ! 
 
 27. Did Caesar pursue his career of victory ! 
 
 28. What was the consequence of this boldness ! 
 
 29. What farther cause of offence had Pharnaces given ! 
 
 30. Did Pharnaces boldly oppose the invader 1 
 
 31. Did he succeed? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. CAESAR, having settled affairs in this part of the empire, 
 embarked for Italy, where he arrived sooner than his ene- 
 mies could expect, but not before his presence there was 
 absolutely required. 2. During his absence, he had been 
 created consul for five years, dictator for one year, and 
 tribune of the people for life. 3. But Antony, who in the 
 mean time governed for him in Rome, had filled the city 
 with riot and debauchery, and many commotions ensued, 
 which nothing but the arrival of Caesar could appease. 
 4. By his moderation and humanity he soon restored tran- 
 quillity to the city, scarcely making any distinction between 
 those of his own and the opposite party. 5. Having, by 
 gentle means, restored his authority at home, he prepared 
 to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had found time 
 T 2
 
 222 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to rally under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba, king of 
 Maurita'nia ; and, with his usual diligence, landed Avith a 
 small party in Africa, while the rest of his army followed 
 him. 6. Scipio coming to a battle soon after, received a 
 complete and final overthrow, with little or no loss on the 
 side of the victor. Juba, and Petrei'us his general, killed 
 each other in despair. Scipio, attempting to escape by sea 
 into Spain, fell in among the enemy, and was slain ; so that 
 of all the generals of that undone party, Cato was now the 
 only one that remained. 
 
 7. This extraordinary man, whom prosperity could not 
 elate, nor misfortunes depress, having retired into Africa, 
 after the battle of Pharsa'lia, had led the wretched remains 
 of Pompey's army through burning deserts, and tracts in- 
 fested with serpents of various malignity, and was now in 
 the city of Utica, which he had been left to defend. 8. In 
 love, however, with the show of Roman government, Cato 
 had formed the principal citizens into a senate, and con- 
 ceived a resolution of holding out the town. But the en- 
 thusiasm for liberty subsiding among his followers, he was 
 resolved no longer to force men to be free, who seemed 
 naturally prone to slavery. 9. He now, therefore, desired 
 some of his friends to save themselves by sea, and bade 
 others submit to Cssar's clemency; observing, that, as to 
 himself, he was at last victorious. After this, supping cheer- 
 fully among his friends, he retired to his apartment, where 
 he behaved with unusual tenderness to his son, and to all 
 his friends. When he came into his bed-chamber, laying 
 himself down, he took up Plato's Dialogue on the Immor- 
 tality of the Soul, and read for some time. Casting his 
 eyes to the head of his bed, he wondered much not to see 
 his sword there, which had been conveyed away by his 
 son's order while they were at supper. Calling to one 
 of his domestics to know what was become of it, and re- 
 ceiving no answer, he resumed his studies ; and some time 
 after asked again for his sword. When he had done read- 
 ing, and perceived that nobody obeyed hmi, he called for 
 his domestics one after the other, and with a peremptory air 
 again demanded his sword. 10. His son, with tears, be- 
 sought him to change his resolution ; but, receiving a stern 
 reprimand, desisted from his persuasions. His sword being 
 at length brought to him, he seemed satisfied, and cried out, 
 " Now, again, I am master of myself." He took up the 
 book again, which having perused, h fell into a souna
 
 THE EMPIRE. 223 
 
 sleep. Upon awaking, he called to one of his freedmcn to 
 know if his friends were embarked, or if any thing yet re- 
 mained that could be done to serve them. The freedman, 
 assuring him that all was quiet, was ordered to leave the 
 room. Cato no sooner found himself alone, than, seizing 
 his sword, he stabbed himself below his chest. The blow 
 not despatching him, he fell from his bed and overturned 
 a table, on which he had been drawing some geometrical 
 figures. At the noise of the fall, his servants shrieked, and 
 his son and friends immediately flew to the room. They 
 found him weltering in his blood, with his bowels appearing 
 through the wound. 11. The surgeon, perceiving that his 
 intestines were not wounded, was replacing them ; but Cato 
 recovering 1 himself, and understanding their intention was to 
 preserve his life, forced the surgeon from him, and, with a 
 fierce resolution, tore out his bowels and expired. 
 
 12. Upon the death of Cato, the war in Africa being 
 completed, Caesar returned in such triumph to Rome, as if 
 he had abridged all his former triumphs only to increase the 
 splendour of this. The citizens were astonished at the mag- 
 nificence of the procession, and at the number of the coun- 
 tries he had subdued. 13. It lasted four days: the first 
 was for Gaul, the second for Egypt, the third for his victo- 
 ries in Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. His 
 veteran soldiers, scarred with wounds, and now laid up for 
 life, followed their triumphant general, crowned with laurels, 
 and conducted him to the Capitol. 14. To every one of 
 those he gave a sum equivalent to about a hundred and fifty 
 pounds sterling, double that sum to the centurions, and four 
 times as much to the superior officers. The citizens also 
 shared his bounty : to every one he distributed ten bushels 
 of corn, ten pounds of oil, and a sum of money equal to 
 about two pounds sterling. After this he entertained the 
 people at above twenty thousand tables, treated them with 
 combats of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse of 
 spectators from every part of Italy. 
 
 15. The people, intoxicated with pleasure, thought their 
 freedom too small a return for such benefits. They seemed 
 eager only to find out new modes of homage, and unusual 
 epithets of adulation for their great enslaver. He was cre- 
 ated, by a new title, Magis'ter Mo' rum, or Master of the 
 Morals of the People. He received the title of Emperor 
 and father of his country. His person was declared sacred ; 
 and, in short, upon him alone were devolved for life all the
 
 224 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 great (fixities of the state. 16. It must be owned, that so 
 much power could never have been entrusted to better keep- 
 ing. He immediately began his empire by repressing vice 
 and encouraging virtue. He committed the power of judi- 
 cature to the senators and knights alone ; and by many 
 sumptuary laws restrained the scandalous luxuries of the 
 rich. He proposed rewards to all such as had many chil- 
 dren, and took the most prudent method of re-peopling the 
 city, which had been exhausted in the late commotions. 
 
 17. Having thus restored prosperity once more to Rome, 
 he again found himself under a necessity of going into 
 Spain to oppose an army which had been raised there under 
 the two sons of Pompey, and Labie'nus his former general. 
 18. He proceeded in this expedition with his usual celerity, 
 and arrived in Spain before the enemy thought him yet de- 
 parted from Rome. Cne'ius Pompey, and Sextus, Pom- 
 pey's sons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, re- 
 solved, as much as possible, to protract the war ; so that the 
 first operations of the two armies were spent in sieges and 
 fruitless attempts to surprise each other. 19. However, 
 Caesar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursu- 
 ing his adversary with unwearied perseverance, at last com- 
 pelled him to come to a battle upon the plain of Munda. 
 20. Pompey drew up his men, by break of day, upon the 
 declivity of a hill, with great exactness and order. Caesar 
 drew up likewise in the plains below ; and after advancing 
 a little way from his trenches, ordered his men to make a 
 halt, expecting the enemy to come down from the hill. This 
 delay made Caasar's soldiers begin to murmur ; while Pom- 
 pey's with full vigour poured down upon them, and a dread- 
 ful conflict ensued. 21. The first shock was so dreadful, 
 that Caesar's men, who had hitherto been used to conquer, 
 now began to waver. C<esar was never in so much danger 
 as now ; he threw himself several times into the very thick- 
 est of the battle. " What," cried he, " are you going to give 
 up to a parcel of boys your general, who is grown grey in 
 fighting at your head ?" 22. Upon this, his tenth legion 
 exerted themselves with more than usual bravery ; and a 
 party of horse being detached by Labie'nus from the camp 
 in pursuit of a body of Numid'ian cavalry, Caesar cried 
 aloud that they were flying. This cry instantly spread it- 
 self through both armies, exciting the one as much as it de- 
 pressed the other. 23. Now, therefore, the tenth legion press- 
 ed forward, and a total rout soon ensued. Thirty thousand
 
 THE EMPIRE. 225 
 
 men were killed on Cne'ius Pompey's side, and amongst 
 them Labie'nus, whom Caesar ordered to be buried with the 
 funeral honours of a general officer. Cne'ius Pompey es- 
 c?ped with a few horsemen to the seaside ; but finding his 
 passage intercepted by Caesar's lieutenant, he was obliged to 
 seek for a retreat in an obscure cavern. He was quickly 
 discovered by some of Caesar's troops, who presently cut off 
 his head, and brought it to the conqueror. His brother Sex 
 tus, however, concealed himself so well, that he escaped all 
 pursuit ; and afterwards, from his piracies, became noted 
 and formidable to the people of Rome. 
 
 24. Caesar, by this last blow, subdued all his avowed ene- 
 mies ; and the rest of his life was employed for the advan- 
 tage of the state. He adorned the city with magnificent 
 buildings ; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending colo- 
 nies to both cities : he undertook to level several mountains 
 in Italy, to drain the Pontine marshes near Rome ; and he 
 designed to cut through the Isthmus of Peloponne'sus. 25. 
 Thns, with a mind that could never remain inactive, he pon- 
 dered mighty projects and schemes, beyond the limits of the 
 longest life ; but the greatest of all was his intended expe- 
 dition against the Parthians, by which he designed to revenge 
 the death of Crassus, who having penetrated too far into their 
 country, was overthrown, taken prisoner, and put to a cruel 
 death, by having molten gold poured down his throat, as a 
 punishment for his former avarice. From Parthia, Caesar in- 
 tended to pass through Hyrca'nia, and enter Scyth'ia, along 
 m^banks of the Caspian sea ; then to open a way through 
 the immeasurable forests of Germany into Gaul, and so to 
 return to Rome. These were the aims of ambition ; but the 
 jealousy of a few individuals put an end to them all. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was Czesar's next step? 
 
 2. What honours were awarded him in his absence ? 
 
 3. What was the conduct of his deputy 1 
 
 4. How did he put an end to these disturbances 7 
 6. What was his next cnterpri.se ? 
 
 6. What was the success of the campaign ? 
 
 7. How was Cato situated ? 
 
 8. What measure had he pursued ? 
 
 !l. Wlu-n all hope had forsaken him, what was his conduct T 
 10. Was no effort made to change his resolution, and what followed 1
 
 2C3 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1 1. Was the wound mortal ? 
 
 12. What happened after the death of Cato ? 
 
 13. Describe the triumph. 
 
 14. Was not Cssar extremely liberal 1 ? 
 
 15. What returns were made for this extraordinary liberality 1 
 
 16. Was he deserving of these honours? 
 
 17. Was he destined to pass the rest of his life in tranquillity 1 
 
 18. Describe the opening of the campaign! 
 
 19. Were the sons of Pompey successful in their attempts ] 
 
 20. What were the dispositions of the two armies 1 
 
 21. What memorable expression did the danger of the conflict draw 
 
 from Ctesar 1 
 
 22. What was the consequence of this exclamation ? 
 
 23. What was the result of the battle 1 
 
 24. In what manner did Ctesar employ himself at this time 1 
 
 25. What were his most important resolutions 1 
 
 SECTION IH. 
 
 1. C^SAR having been made perpetual dictator, and re- 
 ceived from the senate accumulated honours, it began to be 
 rumoured that he intended to make himself king. In fact, 
 he was possessed of the power ; but the people, who had 
 an aversion to the name, could not bear his assuming the 
 title. 2. Whether he really designed^ to assume that empty 
 honour, must for ever remain a secret ; but certain it is, that 
 the unsuspecting openness of his conduct created something 
 like confidence in the innocence of his intentions. 3. WMlL 
 informed by those about him of the jealousies of many wTO 
 envied his power, he was heard to say, that he would rather 
 die once by treason, than live continually in the apprehen- 
 sion of it. When advised by some to beware of Brutus, in 
 whom he had for some time reposed the greatest confidence, 
 he opened his breast, all scarred with wounds, saying, 
 " Do you think Brutus cares for such poor pillage as this?" 
 and, being one night at supper, as his friends disputed among 
 themselves what death was easiest, he replied, " That which 
 is most sudden and least foreseen." But, to convince the 
 world how little he apprehended from his enemies, he dis- 
 banded his Spanish guards, and thus facilitated the enter- 
 prise against his life. 
 
 4. A deep conspiracy was now laid against him, into 
 which no less than sixty senators entered. They were still 
 the more formidable, as the generality of them were of his
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 22? 
 
 Brutui and Ciuiui compirinj igiinit CKUIX 
 
 party ; and, having been raised above other citizens, 
 fert more strongly the weight of a single superior. At the 
 head of this conspiracy were Brutus, whose life Caesar had 
 spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who was 
 pardoned soon after ; both praetors for the present year. 5. 
 Brutus made it his chief glory to have descended from that 
 Brutus who first gave liberty to Rome. The passion for 
 freedom seemed to have been transmitted to him with the 
 blood of his ancestors. But, though he detested tyranny, 
 yet could he not forbear loving the tyrant from whom he 
 had received the most signal benefits. 
 
 6. The conspirators, to give a colour of justice to their 
 proceedings, put off the execution of their design to the ide 
 of March,* the day on which Caesar was to be offered the 
 crown. 7. The augurs had foretold that this day would be 
 fatal to him. The night preceding he heard his Avife, Cal- 
 phur'nia, lamenting in her sleep. Being awakened, she 
 confessed to him, that she dreamt of his being assassinated 
 in her arms. 8. These omens, in some measure, began to 
 change his intention of going to the senate ; but one of the 
 
 * The Romans divided their months into three parts ; namely, Ca- 
 lends. Nones, and Ides ; all which they reckoned backwards. The Idea 
 were always eight in number. The Nones sometimes four, at others 
 six. The Calends varied according to the length of the month, and also 
 with the Nones, as they were four or six. The Calends always be-jan 
 on the first of every month, and were counted backwards to the Ides, 
 whir-h fell on the 15th of March, May, July, and October ; and on the 
 13th of other months ; so that the Nones began on the f.th of each month 
 when four, and on the 7tli when six in number. The Nones, tlu'iv- 
 fore, always ended on the 2d day of the month.
 
 228 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 conspirators coining in, prevailed upon him to keep his le- 
 solution, telling him of the reproach that would attend his 
 staying at home till his wife should have lucky dreams, and 
 of the preparations that were made for his appearance. 9. 
 As he went along to the senate, a slave who hastened to 
 him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to come 
 near him, but was prevented by the crowd. Artemido'rus, 
 a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, 
 delivered him a memorial, containing the heads of his in- 
 formation ; but Caesar gave it, with other papers, to one of 
 his secretaries, without reading, as was usual in matters of 
 this nature. Having at length entered the senate-house, 
 where the conspirators were prepared to receive him, he 
 met one Spuri'na, an augur, who had foretold his danger, to 
 whom he said smiling, " Well, Spuri'na, the ides of March 
 are come." " Yes," replied the augur, "but they are not 
 yet gone." 10. No sooner had he taken his place, than 
 the conspirators approached, under pretence of saluting him : 
 Cimber, who was one of them, in a suppliant posture, pre- 
 tended to sue for his brother's pardon, who had been ban- 
 ished by Caesar's order. The conspirators seconded him 
 with great earnestness ; and Cimber, seeming to sue with 
 still greater submission, took hold of the bottom of his robe ; 
 holding him, so as to prevent his rising. 11. This was the 
 signal agreed on ; when Casca, who was behind, instantly 
 stabbed him in the shoulder. Caesar sprung around, and, 
 
 ith the steel of his tablet, wounded him in the arm. The 
 conspirators were all alarmed ; when, being inclosed round, 
 he received a second stab, from an unseen hand, in the 
 breast ; while Cassius wounded him in the face. He still 
 defended himself with great vigour, rushing among them, 
 and throwing down such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus 
 among the conspirators, who, coming up, struck his dagger 
 into his thigh. 12. Caesar, from that moment, thought no 
 more of defending himself; but, looking upon Brutus, cried 
 out, " Et tu Brute!' 1 '' And you too, O Brutus ! Then cov- 
 ering his head, and spreading his robe before him, in order 
 to fall with decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's 
 statue : after having received three and twenty wounds, from 
 those whom he vainly supposed he had disarmed by his 
 benefits. 
 
 13. Caesar was killed in his fifty-sixth year, and about 
 
 u. c. } fourteen years after he had begun the conquest of 
 709-5 
 
 the world. 14. If we examine his history, we shall
 
 THE EMPIRE. 229 
 
 Death of Juliui Ccar. 
 
 be at a loss whether most to admire his great abilities, or 
 his wonderful fortune. To pretend to say, that from the 
 beginning he planned the subjection of his native country, 
 is doing no great credit to his well-known penetration, as a 
 thousand obstacles lay in his way, which fortune, rather 
 than conduct, was to surmount ; no man, therefore, of his 
 sagacity, would have begun a scheme in which the chances 
 of succeeding were so many against him. It is most pro- 
 bable that, like all very successful men, he made the best of 
 every occurrence ; and his ambition rising with his good 
 fortune, from at first being content with humbler aims, he at 
 last began to think of governing the world, when he found 
 scarcely any obstacle to oppose his designs. Such is the 
 disposition of man, whose cravings after power are then 
 most insatiable when he enjoys the greater share.* 
 
 16. As soon as the conspirators had despatched Caesar, 
 they retired to the Capitol, and guarded its accesses by a 
 body of gladiators which Brutus had in pay. 
 
 17. The friends of the late dictator now began to find 
 that this was the time for coming into greater power than 
 before, and for satisfying their ambition under the pretence 
 of promoting justice: of this number was Antony. 18. He 
 was a man of moderate abilities, of excessive vices, am- 
 
 ' * Though Caesar's ambition led him to usurp a power to which the 
 Romans were not willing to submit, it appears that he used it with un- 
 exampled moderation. He was beloved and revered by the people, 
 honoured and almost adored by his friends, and esteemed and admired 
 even by his enemies. Absolute power could not have been in better 
 bunds. 
 
 u
 
 230 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 bilious of power only because it gave his pleasures a wider 
 range to riot in ; but skilled in war, to which he had been 
 trained from his youth.* He was consul for this year, and 
 resolved, with Lep'idus, who like himself was fond of com- 
 motions, to seize this opportunity of gaining a power which 
 Caesar had died for usurping. Lep'idus, therefore, took pos- 
 session of the Forum,t with a band of soldiers at his de- 
 votion ; and Antony, being consul, was permitted to com- 
 iiiand them. 19. Their first step was to possess themselves 
 of Caesar's papers and money, and the next to assemble the 
 senate. 20. Never had this august assembly been con- 
 vened upon so delicate an occasion, as to determine whether 
 Caesar had been a legal magistrate, or a tyrannical usurper ; 
 and whether those who killed him merited rewards or pun- 
 ishments. Many of them had received all their promotions 
 from Caesar, and had acquired large fortunes in consequence 
 of his appointments : to vote him an usurper, therefore, 
 would be to endanger their property ; and yet, to vote him 
 innocent, might endanger the state. In this dilemma they 
 seemed willing to reconcile extremes ; they approved all 
 the acts of Caesar, and yet granted a general pardon to the 
 conspirators. 
 
 21. This decree was very far from giving Antony satis- 
 faction, as it granted security to a number of men who were 
 the avowed enemies of tyranny, and who would be foremost 
 in opposing his schemes of restoring absolute power. As, 
 therefore, the senate had ratified all Caesar's acts without 
 distinction, he formed a plan of making him rule when dead 
 as imperiously as he had done when living. 22. Being pos- 
 sessed of Caesar's books of accounts, he so far gained over 
 his secretary as to make him insert whatever he thought 
 proper. By these means, great sums of money, which Cae- 
 sar would never have bestowed, were distributed among the 
 people ; and every man who had any seditious designs 
 against the government was there sure to find a gratuity. 
 23. Things being in this situation, Antony demanded of the 
 senate that Caesar's funeral obsequies should be performed. 
 This they could not decently forbid, as they had never de- 
 
 * It was the general opinion of the conspirators that Antony should 
 be cut off with Caesar ; but Brutus pleaded for and obtained his safety. 
 This kindness was ill repaid. 
 
 j- The Forum was a public place at Rome, where lawyers and orators 
 made thei speeches in matters of property of the state, or in criminal 
 cases.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 231 
 
 dared him a tyrant : accordingly, the body was brought 
 forth into the Forum with the utmost solemnity ; and An- 
 tony, who charged himself with these last duties of friend- 
 ship, began his operations upon the passions of the people 
 by the prevailing motives of private interest. 24. He first ' 
 read to them .Caesar's will, in which he made Octavius, his 
 sister's grandson, his heir, permitting him to take the name 
 of Caesar, and bequeathed him three parts of his private for- 
 tune ; which, in case of his death, Brutus was to have in- 
 herited. To the Roman people were left the gardens which 
 he possessed on the other side of the Tiber ; and to every 
 citizen three hundred sesterces. Unfolding Caesar's bloody 
 robe, pierced by the daggers of the conspirators, he observed 
 to them the number of stabs in it. He also displayed a 
 waxen image, representing the body of Caesar, all covered 
 with wounds. 25. The people could no longer retain their 
 indignation, but unanimously cried out for revenge, and ran, 
 with flaming brands from the pile, to set fire to the houses 
 of the conspirators. In this rage of resentment, meeting 
 with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of the same 
 name that was in the conspiracy, they tore him in pieces. 
 26. The conspirators themselves, however, being well guard- 
 ed, repulsed the multitude with no great trouble ; but perceiv- 
 ing the general rage of the people, they thought it safest to 
 retire from the city. 
 
 27. In the mean time, Antony, who had excited this 
 flame, resolved to make the most of the occasion. But an 
 obstacle to his ambition seemed to arise from a quarter in 
 which he least expected it, namely, from Octa'vius, after- 
 wards called Augus'tus, who was the grand-nephew and 
 adopted son of Caesar. A third competitor also for power 
 appeared in Lep'idus, a man of some authority and great 
 riches. 28. At first, the ambition of these three seemed to 
 threaten fatal consequences to each other ; but, uniting in the 
 common cause, they re-solved to revenge the death of Caesar, 
 and dividing their power, they formed what is called the 
 Second Triumvirate. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What design was Caesar supposed to entertain? 
 
 2. Was this rumour well founded 1 
 
 J. When hints of danger were given him, what was his conduct 1
 
 232 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 4. What was the consequence of this imprudence 1 
 
 5. What was the character of Brutus 1 
 
 6. What time was fixed for the conspiracy to take place? 
 
 7. Had Caesar any intimations of his danger ? 
 
 8. Was he at all influenced by them? 
 
 9. Were no other attempts made to warn him of his approaching 
 
 fate? 
 
 10. In what way did the conspirators commence their attempt ? 
 
 11. What followed ? 
 
 12. What was the consequence of this ? 
 
 13. What was Cssar's age? 
 
 14. Did Caesar plan the conquest of his country from the first 
 
 15. By what means did he accomplish it ? 
 
 1 6. How did the conspirators escape the vengeance of the people ? 
 
 1 7. What advantage was taken of this event ? 
 
 18. What was the character of Antony, and what resolution did 
 
 form ? 
 
 1 9. What were his first acts ? 
 
 20. How were the senate situated on this occasion ? 
 
 21. Was Antony satisfied with this decree ? 
 
 22. How did he accomplish this ? 
 
 23. What was his next measure ? 
 
 24. By what means did he effect his purpose ? 
 
 25. What was the consequence of this artful conduct? 
 
 26. Did the conspirators fall victims to their fury ? 
 
 27. Had Antony no rivals in his attempts to acquire power ? 
 
 28. What was the result of this rivalship ? 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 1. THE meeting of these three usurpers of their country's 
 freedom, was upon a little island of the river Rhenus.* 
 Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their meeting in 
 a place where they had no fear of treachery ; for, even in 
 their union, they could not divest themselves of mutual dif- 
 fidence. 2. Lep'idus first entered ; and, finding all things 
 safe, made the signal for the other two to approach. At 
 their first meeting, after saluting each other, Augustus began 
 the conference, by thanking Antony for putting Dec'imus 
 Brutus to death ; who, being abandoned by his army, had 
 been taken, as he was endeavouring to escape into Macedo' 
 nia, and was beheaded by Antony's soldiers. 3. They then 
 entered upon the business that lay before them, without any 
 retrospection to the past. Their conference lasted three 
 
 * Now the Rheno, which runs through Bologna and falls into the Po,
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 233 
 
 The Second Triumvirate preparing their Froicriptlon I-Ut, 
 
 days ; and, in this period, they settled a division of the 
 government, and determined the fate of thousands. 4. The 
 result of this conference was, that the supreme authority 
 should be lodged in their hands, under the title of the Tri- 
 um'virate, for the space of five years ; that Antony should 
 have Gaul ; Lep'idus, Spain, and Augustus, Africa and the 
 Mediterra'nean islands. As for Italy, and the eastern pro- 
 vinces, they were to remain in common, until their general 
 enemy should be subdued ; and, among other articles of 
 union, it was agreed that all their enemies should be de- 
 stroyed, of which each presented a list. 5. In these were 
 comprised, not only the enemies but the friends of the Tri- 
 um'virate, since the partisans of the one were found among 
 the opposers of the other. Thus Lep'idus gave up his 
 brother -/Emil'ius Paulus to the vengeance of his colleague ; 
 Antony permitted the proscription of his uncle Lucius ; and 
 Augustus delivered up the great Ci'cero, who was assas- 
 sinated shortly after by Antony's command.* 
 
 * It is impossible to paint the horrors of this dreadful proscription 
 Nothing was to he seen but blood and slaughter; the streets wero 
 covered with dead bodies ; the heads of the most illustrious senators 
 were exposed on the rostra, and their bodies left to be devc'.irvo 
 and birds of prey ; three hundred senators, and above two thousand 
 knights, besides a vast number of oilers of considerable rank, fell vic- 
 tims on this occasion. Many noble instances of lidelity were displayed 
 
 u 2
 
 234 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 6. In the mean time Brutus and Cassius, the principal of 
 the conspirators against Caesar, being compelled to quit 
 Rome, Avent into Greece, where they persuaded the Roman 
 students at Athens to declare in the cause of freedom ; then 
 parting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia, 
 while the latter Avent into Syria, where he soon became 
 master of twelve legions, and reduced his opponent, Dola- 
 bella, to such straits as to force him to lay violent hands on 
 himself. 7. Both armies joined at Smyr'na : the sight of 
 such a formidable force began to revive the declining spirits 
 of the party, and to reunite the IAVO generals still more 
 closely, betAveen whom there had been, some time before, 
 a slight misunderstanding. In short, having quitted Italy 
 like distressed exiles, without having one soldier or one 
 town that owned their command, they noAV found them- 
 selves at the head of a flourishing army, furnished with 
 every necessary for carrying on the Avar, and in a condition 
 to support a contest on which the empire of the world de- 
 pended. 
 
 8. It was in this flourishing state of their affairs that the 
 conspirators formed a resolution of marching against Cleo- 
 patra, who had made great preparations to assist their op- 
 ponents. 9. However, they Avere diverted from this pur- 
 pose by information that Augustus and Antony were noAV 
 upon their march, with forty legions, to oppose them. Bru- 
 tus, therefore, moved to have their army pass over into 
 Greece and Macedonia, and there meet the enemy : but 
 Cassius so far prevailed as to have the Rho'dians and Ly'- 
 cians first reduced, who had refused their usual contribu- 
 tions. 10. This expedition Avas immediately put in execu- 
 tion, and extraordinary contributions were thus raised, the 
 Rho'dians having scarcely anything left them but their liA'es. 
 The Ly'cians suffered still more severely ; for having shut 
 themselves up in their capital toAvn Xanthus, they defended 
 the place against Brutus Avith so much fury, that neither his 
 arts nor entreaties could prevail upon them to surrender. 
 11. At length, the toAvn being set on fire by their attempt- 
 ing to burn the Avorks of the Romans, Brutus, instead of 
 laying hold of this opportunity to storm the plaw , made 
 every effort to preserve it, entreating his soldiers to *ry all 
 means cf extinguishing the fire ; but the desperate frenzy 
 
 by slaves at this terrible conjuncture, several chose rather to die o 1 * the 
 rack, in the most exquisite torments, than betray the place where iheii 
 masters were concealed.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 235 
 
 of the citizens was not to be mollified. 12. Far from think- 
 ing themselves obliged to the generous enemy for the efforts 
 which they made to save them, they resolved to perish in 
 the flames. Instead of extinguishing, therefore, they did all 
 in their power to augment the fire, by throwing in wood, 
 dry reeds, and all kinds of fuel. 13. Nothing could ex- 
 ceed the distress of Brutus upon seeing the townsmen thus 
 resolutely bent on destroying themselves. He rode about 
 the fortifications, stretching out his hands to the Xan'thians, 
 and conjuring them to have pity on themselves and their 
 city ; but, insensible to his expostulations, they rushed into 
 the flames with desperate obstinacy, and the whole soon be- 
 came a heap of undistinguishable ruin. 14. At this horrid 
 spectacle Brutus melted into tears, offering a reward to every 
 soldier who should bring him a Ly'cian alive. The num- 
 ber of those whom it was possible to save from their own 
 fury amounted to no more than one hundred and fifty. 15. 
 Some writers, however, affirm that the town was burnt to 
 the ground, and the inhabitants destroyed, by the command 
 of Brutus ; and that those who surrendered at discretion, he 
 deprived of all their public and private property. 
 
 16. Brutus and Cassius met once more at Sardis where 
 they resolved to have a private conference together. They 
 shut themselves up in the first convenient house, with ex- 
 press orders to their servants to give admission to no one. 
 17. Brutus began by reprimanding Cassius for having dis- 
 posed of offices for money, which should ever be the reward 
 of merit, and for having overtaxed the tributary states. 
 Cassius repelled the imputation of avarice with the more 
 bitterness, as he knew the charge to be groundless. The 
 debate grew warm ; till, from loud speaking, they burst into 
 tears. 18. Their friends, who were standing at the door, 
 overheard the increasing vehemence of their voices, and 
 began to tremble for the consequences, till Favo'nius, who 
 valued himself upon a cynical boldness, that knew no re- 
 straint, entering the room with a jest, calmed their mutual 
 animosity. 19. Cassius was ready enough to forego his 
 anger, being a man of great abilities, but 01 an uneven dis- 
 position; not averse to pleasure in private company, and, 
 upon the whole, of morals not quite correct. But the con- 
 duct of Brutus was perfectly steady. An oven gentleness, 
 a noblj elevation of sentiment, a strength of mind over 
 which neither vice nor pleasure could have an influence, 
 and an inflexible firmness in the cause of justice, composed
 
 238 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the character of this great man. 20. After their conference, 
 night coming on, Cassius invited Brutus and his friends to 
 an entertainment, where freedom and cheerfulness, for a 
 while, took place of political anxiety, and softened the se- 
 verity of wisdom. Upon retiring home it was that Brutus 
 thought he saw a spectre in his tent. 21. He naturally 
 slept but little, and was capable of bearing want of rest by 
 long habit and great sobriety. He never allowed himself to 
 sleep in the daytime, as was common in Rome ; and only 
 gave so much of the night to repose as could barely renew 
 the functions of nature. But now, oppressed with various 
 cares, he allowed himself a still shorter time after his 
 nightly repast; and, waking about midnight, generally read 
 or studied till morning. 22. It was in the dead of night, 
 says Plutarch, when the whole camp was perfectly quiet, 
 that Brutus was thus employed; reading by a lamp that was 
 just expiring. On a sudden he thought he heard a noise, 
 as if somebody was approaching, and looking towards the 
 door, perceived it open. A gigantic figure of frightful aspect 
 stood before him, and continued to gaze upon him with 
 silent severity. 23. Brutus is reported to have asked, 
 " Art thou a daemon or a mortal ? and why comest thou to 
 me ?" " Brutus," answered the phantom, " I am thy evil 
 genius thou shalt see me again at Philippi."* " Well, 
 then, "replied Brutus, without being discomposed, " we shall 
 meet again." Upon this the phantom vanished ; when Bru- 
 tus, calling to his servants, asked if they had seen anything ; 
 to which they answering in the negative, he resumed his 
 studies. 24. Struck with so strange an occurrence, he 
 mentioned it to Cassius, who rightly considered it as the ef- 
 fect of an imagination disordered by vigilance and anxiety. 
 25. Brutus appeared satisfied with this solution ; and as 
 Antony and Augustus were now advanced into Macedonia, 
 he and his colleague passed over into Thrace, and drew near 
 to Philippi, where the forces of the Trium'viri were posted 
 to receive them. 
 
 * A city on the confines of Macedonia, noted for the battle between 
 Brutus and Cassius, and Mark Antony and Augustus, B. C. 42 ; and 
 also die Epistle of Paul to the people of Philip'pi.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 237 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Where was the first meeting of the Triumvirate, and why was it 
 
 chosen 1 
 
 2. What precautions did they take 7 
 
 3. W hat farther was done ? 
 
 4. What was the result of the conference 
 
 5. Who were the proscribed 7 
 
 G. What became of Brutus and Cassius 7 
 
 7. What effect had this success on the minds of their party 1 
 
 8. What was their first resolution 7 
 
 9. Did they put it in execution] 
 
 10. What was the consequence to the Rh(.<lians and Lycians ! 
 
 11. What unfortunate accident hastened the fate of the town 7 
 
 12. Did they not second the efforts of Brutus? 
 
 13. By what means did Brutus attempt to divert them from their pur- 
 
 pose 
 
 14, 15. By what method did he endeavour to save some of the Lycians 7 
 
 16. Where did Brutus and Cassius meet, and what ensued! 
 
 17. Was their interview an amicable onel 
 
 18. Did no one interpose 7 
 
 1 9. What were the characters of these great men 7 
 
 20. What happened after the conference 7 
 
 21. What were the peculiar habits of Brutus 7 
 
 22. What happened to him while thus employed 7 
 
 23. What conversation passed between them 7 
 
 24. Did he mention the circumstance to any one 7 
 
 25. Did Brutus assent to this opinion, and what followed 7 
 
 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 1 . MANKIND now began to regard the approaching armies 
 with terror and suspense. The empire of the world de- 
 pended upon the fate of a battle. From victory, on the one 
 side, they had to expect freedom ; on the other, a sovereign 
 with absolute command. 2. Brutus was the only man who 
 looked upon these great events with calmness and tranquil- 
 lity. Indifferent as to success, and satisfied with having 
 done his duty, he said to one of his friends, " If I am vic- 
 torious, I shall restore liberty to my country : if not, by 
 dying, I shall myself be delivered from slavery. My con- 
 dition is fixed ; I run no hazards." 3. The republican army 
 consisted of fourscore thousand foot, and twenty thousand 
 horse. The army of the Triiun'viri amounted to a hundred 
 thousand foot and thirteen thousand horse. 4. Thus com- 
 plete on both sides, they met and encamped near each other
 
 238 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 upon the plains of Philip'pi. Near the town were two lit- 
 tle hills, about a mile distant from each other ; upon these 
 hills, Brutus and Cassius fixed their camps, and kept up a 
 free communication, which mutually defended each other. 
 5. In this commodious situation they could act as they 
 thought proper, and give battle just when it was thought to 
 their advantage to engage. Behind was the sea, which fur- 
 nished them with all kinds of provisions ; and, at twelve 
 miles distance, the island of Thasos, which served them for 
 a general magazine. 6. The Trium'viri, on the other hand, 
 were encamped on the plain below, and were obliged to 
 bring provisions from fifteen leagues' distance ; so that their 
 scheme and interest were to forward a battle as soon as pos- 
 sible. This they offered several times, drawing out their 
 men from the camp, and provoking the enemy to engage. 
 7. On the contrary, the enemy contented themselves with 
 drawing up their troops at the head of their camps, without 
 descending to the plain. This resolution of postponing the 
 battle, was the chance that the republican army had for vic- 
 tory ; and Cassius, sensible of his advantage, resolved to 
 harass rather than engage the enemy. 8. But Brutus, who 
 began to suspect the fidelity of some of his officers, used all 
 his influence to persuade Cassius to change his resolution. 
 " I am impatient," said he, " to put an end to the miseries 
 of mankind ; and in this I hope to succeed whether I con- 
 quer or fall." 9. His wishes were soon gratified ; for An- 
 tony's soldiers having, with great labour, made a road 
 through the marsh which lay to the left of Cassius's camp, 
 by that means opened a communication with the island of 
 Thasos, which lay behind him. Both armies, after several 
 attempts to possess themselves of this road, resolved at 
 length to come to a general engagement. 10. This, how- 
 ever, was contrary to the advice of Cassius, who found him- 
 self forced, as Pompey had formerly been, to expose the 
 liberty of Rome to the hazard of a battle. On the ensuing 
 morning, the two generals gave the signal for engaging, and 
 conferred together a little while before the battle began. 
 11. Cassius desired to be informed how Brutus intended to 
 act in case they should be unsuccessful. To this Brutus 
 repli a d, " Formerly, in my writings, I condemned the death 
 of Cuto, and maintained, that avoiding calamities by suicide 
 is an insolent attempt against Heaven, that allotted them ; 
 but I have altered my opinion ; I have given up my life to 
 my country, and I think I have a right to my own way of
 
 THE EMPIRE. 239 
 
 ending it.* I am resolved, therefore, to change a miserable 
 being here for a better hereafter, if fortune turn against me." 
 12. " My friend," cried Cassius, embracing him, " now 
 may we venture to face the enemy ; for either we shall be 
 conquerors, or we shall have no cause to fear those that be 
 so." 13. Augustus being sick, the forces of the Triumviri 
 were commanded by Antony alone, who began the engage- 
 ment by a victorious attack upon the lines of Cassius. Bru- 
 tus, on the other side, made a dreadful irruption on the nrmy 
 of Augustus, and drove forward with so much intrepidity, 
 that he broke them upon the very first charge. Upon this, 
 he penetrated as far as the camp, and slaughtering those that 
 were left for its defence, his troops immediately began to 
 plunder. 14. In the mean time, however, the lines of Cas- 
 sius were forced, and his cavalry put to flight. There Avas 
 no effort that this unfortunate general did not exert to make 
 his infantry stand ; stopping those that fled, and himself 
 seizing the colours to rally them. But the valour of an in- 
 dividual was insufficient to inspire a timorous army. 15. At 
 length, despairing of success, Cassius retired to his tent and 
 killed himself. Brutus was soon informed of the defeat of 
 Cassius, and in a little time after, of his death ; scarcely 
 able to restrain the excess of his grief for a man whom he 
 lamented as the last of the Romans. 
 
 16. Brutus, now become sole general, assembled the 
 dispersed troops of Cassius, and animated them with fresh 
 hopes of victory. As they had lost their all from the plun- 
 dering of their camp, he promised two thousand denarii to 
 each man to make them amends. 17. Inspired with new 
 ardour, they admired the liberality of their general, and, 
 with loud shouts, proclaimed his intrepidity. Still, how- 
 ever, he wanted confidence to face the adversary, who 
 offered him battle the ensuing day. His aim was to starve 
 the enemy, who were in extreme want of provisions, from 
 their fleet having been lately defeated. 18. But his single 
 opinion was overruled by the army, who now grew every 
 day more confident of their strength, and more arrogant to 
 their general. At last, therefore, after a respite of twenty 
 days, he was obliged to comply with their solicitations to 
 try the fate of a battle. Both armies were drawn out, and 
 
 * This is very erroneous reasoning : suicide is, no doubt a hrinoua 
 crime : but Brutus appears to have bc:>n governed by his apprehension 
 of danger, instead of being convinced by the sober dictates of his judg- 
 ment
 
 240 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the) remained a long while opposite to each other without 
 offering to engage. It is said, that he himself had lost much 
 of his ardour by having again seen, or fancied that he saw, the 
 spectre, in the night preceding. However, he encouraged 
 his men, and gave the signal for battle. As usual, he had 
 the advantage where he commanded in person ; bearing 
 down the enemy at the head of his infantry, and supported 
 by his cavalry, making great slaughter. 19. But the forces 
 which had belonged to Cassius were seized with a panic, 
 and communicating their terror to the rest, the whole army 
 at last gave way. Brutus, surrounded by the most valiant 
 of his officers, fought long with amazing valour. The son 
 of Cato, and the brother of Cassius, fell fighting by his side. 
 At last, he was obliged to yield to necessity, and fled. 20. 
 In the mean time, the two Triumviri, assured of victory, 
 expressly ordered that the general should by no means be 
 suffered to escape. Thus the whole body of the enemy be- 
 ing intent on the person of Brutus alone, his capture seemed 
 inevitable. 21. In this deplorable exigence, Lucil'ius, his 
 friend, resolved, by his own death, to effect his general's 
 delivery. 22. Seeing a body of Thracian horse closely 
 pursuing Brutus, and just upon the point of taking him, he 
 boldly threw himself in their way, telling them that he was 
 Brutus. The Thra'cians overjoyed with so great a prize, 
 immediately despatched some of their companions with the 
 news of their success to the army. 23. Upon this, the 
 ardour of the pursuit abating, Antony marched out to meet 
 his prisoner, either to hasten his death, or insult his misfor- 
 tunes. He was followed by a great number of officers and 
 soldiers, some silently deploring the fate of so virtuous a 
 man, others reproaching that mean desire of life for which 
 he consented to undergo captivity. 24. Antony now seeing 
 the Thracians approach, began to prepare himself for the in- 
 terview ; but the faithful Lucilius, advancing with a cheerful 
 air " It is not Brutus," said he, " that is taken ; fortune 
 has not yet had the power of committing so great an outrage 
 upon virtue. As for my life, it is well lost in preserving 
 his honour ; take it, for I have deceived you." Antony, 
 struck with so much fidelity, pardoned him, loaded him 
 with benefits, and honoured him with his friendship. 
 
 25. In the mean time, Brutus, with a small number of 
 friends, passed over a rivulet ; and night coming on, sat 
 down under a rock, which concealed him from the pursuit 
 of the enemy. After taking breath, and casting his eyes to
 
 THE EMPIRE. 241 
 
 heaven, he repeated a line from Eurip'ides, containing a 
 wish to the gods, "That guilt should not pass in this life 
 without punishment." To this he added another from the 
 same poet : " O unhappy virtue ! I have worshipped thee 
 as a real good ; but thou art a vain empty name, and the slave 
 of fortune." He then called to mind, with great tenderness, 
 those whom he had seen perish in battle. 26. He sent out 
 one Statil'ius to give him information of those that remained ; 
 but Statil'ius never returned, being killed by a party of the 
 enemy's horse. Brutus, judging rightly of his fate, now 
 resolved to die likewise ; and entreated those who stood 
 round him to give him their last sad assistance : but they all 
 refused so melancholy a service. 27. He then retired aside 
 with his friend Strato, requesting him to perform the last 
 office of friendship. Upon Strato's refusal, he ordered one 
 of his slaves to execute what he so ardently desired ; but 
 Strato crying out, " that it never should be said that Brutus, 
 in his last extremity, stood in need of a slave for want of a 
 friend," turned aside his head, and presenting the sword's 
 point, Brutus threw himself upon it, and immediately ex- 
 pired, in the forty-third year of his age. A. u. 711. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What great event was now depending ? 
 
 2. What were Brutus's feelings on this occasion ? 
 
 3. What was the respective strength of the armies ? 
 
 4. Where did they meet and encamp ? 
 
 5. What were the advantages of this situation ! 
 
 6. Were the Triumviri equally well situated 1 
 
 7. Were the enemy equally ready to engage 1 
 
 8. What induced Brutus to combat this resolution ! 
 
 9. Did he obtain his wish 1 
 
 10. Did Cassius wish to engage? , 
 
 \ 1. What passed between the generals on this occasion ? 
 
 12. What was the reply of Cassius 1 
 
 13. What happened at the commencement of the battle! 
 
 14. Was Cassius equally successful! 
 
 15. What did he do in his extremity, and what effect had it on Brutual 
 
 16. Did Brutus attempt to recover the victory ! 
 
 17. What followed! 
 
 18. Were his intentions agreeable to his troops, and what was th con 
 
 sequence 1 
 
 19. What decided the victory against him 1 
 
 20. What orders were issued by the Triumviri on this occasion ? 
 
 X
 
 242 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 21. By whom was his deliverance attempted ? 
 
 22. How did he accomplish this ! 
 
 23. What was the consequence? 
 
 24. Relate the circumstances of their interview ? 
 
 25. What happened to Brutus in the mean time ? 
 
 26. How did he attempt to gain intelligence, and what followed his dis- 
 
 appointment 1 
 
 27. Relate the manner of his death 1 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 1. FROM the moment of Brutus's death, the Trium'vir' 
 began to act as sovereigns, and to divide the Roman do- 
 minions among them as their own by right of conquest. 2. 
 However, though there were apparently three who partici- 
 pated all power, yet, in fact, only two were actually pos- 
 sessed of it, since Lep'idus was admitted at first merely to 
 curb the mutual jealousy of Antony and Augustus, and was 
 possessed neither of interest in the army, nor authority 
 among the people. 3. Their earliest care was to punish 
 those whom they had formerly marked for vengeance. 
 Horten'sius, Dru'sus, and Quintil'ius Va'rus, all men of the 
 first rank in the commonwealth, either killed themselves or 
 were slain. A senator and his son were ordered to cast lots 
 for their lives, but both refused ; the father voluntarily gave 
 himself up to the executioner, and the son stabbed himself 
 before his face. Another begged to have the rites of burial 
 after his death : to which Augus'tus replied, " that he would 
 soon find a grave in the vultures that would devour him." 
 4. But chiefly the people lamented to see the head of Bru- 
 tus sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Caesar's statue. 
 His ashes, however, were sent to his wife Portia, Cato's 
 daughter, who, following the exa nples of both her husband 
 and father, killed herself, by swallowing coals. 5. It is ob- 
 served, that of all those who had a hand in the death of Cae- 
 sar, not one died a natural death. 
 
 6. The power of the Triumviri being thus established 
 upon the ruin of the commonwealth, they now began to 
 think of enjoying that homage to which they had aspired. 
 7 Antony went into Greece to receive the flattery of that 
 refined people, and spent some time at A'thens, conversing 
 \vith the philosophers, and assisting at their disputes in 
 person. Thence he passed over into Asia, where all the
 
 THE EMPIRE. 243 
 
 Antony with Cleopatra in Egypt. 
 
 monarchs of the east, who acknowledged the Roman power, 
 came to pay him their obedience ; while the fairest princesses 
 strove to gain his favour by the greatness of their presents 
 or the allurements of their beauty. 8. In this manner he 
 proceeded from kingdom to kingdom, attended by a succes- 
 sion of sovereigns, exacting contributions, distributing fa- 
 vours, and giving away crowns with capricious insolence. 
 He presented the kingdom of Cappado'cia to Sy'senes, in 
 prejudice of Ariara'thes, only because he was pleased with 
 the beauty of Glaph'yra, the mother of the former. lie 
 settled Herod in the kingdom of Judea, and supported him. 
 But among all the sovereigns of the east, who depended 
 upon Antony, Cleopatra, the celebrated queen of Egypt, 
 was the most distinguished. 
 
 9. It happened that Sera'pion, her governor in the isle 
 of Cyprus, had formerly furnished some succours to Cas- 
 sius and the conspirators ; and it was thought proper she 
 should answer for his conduct. Accordingly, having re- 
 ceived orders from Antony to clear herself of the imputation 
 of infidelity, she readily complied, equally conscious of the 
 goodness of her cause and the power of her beauty. 10. 
 She was now in her twenty-seventh year, and consequently 
 had improved those allurements by art, which in earlier 
 age are seldom attended to. Her address and wit were still 
 r arther heightened ; and though there were some women in 
 Rome that were her equals in beauty, none could rival her 
 in the powers of conversation. 11. Ar.touy was in Tarsus, 
 a city of Cili'cia, when Cleopatra resolved to attend his 
 court in person. She sailed down the river Cydnus to meet 
 him, with the most sumptuous pageantry. The stern of
 
 244 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 her galley was covered with gold, its sails were purple silk, 
 its oars silver, and they kept time to the sound of flutes 
 and cymbals. She exhibited herself reclining on a couch 
 spangled with stars of gold, and such other ornaments as 
 poets and painters had usually ascribed to Venus. On each 
 side were boys like cupids, fanning her by turns, while 
 beautiful nymphs, dressed like Nereids and Graces, were 
 placed at proper distances around her : the sweets that were 
 burning on board her galley perfumed the banks of the river 
 as she passed, while an infinite number of people gazed 
 upon the exhibition with delight and admiration. 12. An- 
 tony soon became captivated with her beauty, and found 
 himself unable to defend his heart against that passion which 
 proved the cause of his future misfortunes. When Cleopa'- 
 tra had thus secured her power, she set out on her return 
 to Egypt. Antony, quitting every other object, presently 
 hastened after her, and there gave himself up to all that case 
 and softness to which his vicious heart was prone, and 
 which that luxurious people were able to supply. 
 
 13. While he remained thus idle in Egypt, Augustus, 
 who took upon him to lead back the veteran troops, and 
 settle them in Italy, was assiduously employed in providing 
 for their subsistence. 14. He had promised them lands at 
 home, as a recompense for their past services ; but they 
 could not receive their new grants without turning out the 
 ->rmer inhabitants. 15. In consequence of this, multitudes 
 f women, with their children in their arms, whose tender 
 years and innocence excited compassion, daily filled the 
 temples and the streets with their lamentations. Numbers 
 of husbandmen and shepherds came to deprecate the con- 
 queror's intention, or to obtain a habitation in some other 
 part of the world. 1 6. Among this number was Virgil, the 
 poet, to whom mankind owe more obligations than to a 
 thousand conquerors, who, in an humble manner, begged 
 permission to retain his patrimonial farm. 17. Virgil ob- 
 tained his request ;* but the rest of his countrymen at Man- 
 tua,! and Cremo'na, were turned out without mercy. 
 j 18. Italy and Rome now felt the most extreme miseries. 
 
 On showing the order for the restoration of his property, he was 
 nearly killed by the centurion who was in possession, and escaped only 
 by swimming across a river. To these melancholy events he alludes in 
 his first Eclogue. 
 
 j- Mantua was a very ancient town, supposed to be older than Rome. 
 If is still called Mantua, and is he capital of a duchy of the same name-
 
 THE EMPIRE. 245 
 
 The insolent soldiers plundered at will ; while Sextus 
 Pompey, being master of the sea, cut off all foreign com- 
 munication, and prevented the people from receiving their 
 usual supplies of corn. To these mischiefs were added the 
 commencement of another civil Avar. 19. Fulvia, the wife 
 of Antony, whom he had left behind at Rome, felt for some 
 time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try every 
 method of bringing back her husband from Cleopa'tra. 20. 
 She considered a breach with Augustus as the only probable 
 means of rousing him from his lethargy ; and, accordingly, 
 with the assistance of Lucius, her brother-in-law, she began 
 to sow the seeds of dissension. The pretext was, that 
 Antony should have a share in the distribution of lands as 
 well as Augustus. 21. This produced negociations between 
 them, and Augustus offered to make the veterans themselves 
 umpires in this dispute. .Lucius refused to acquiesce; and 
 being at the head of more than six legions, mostly com- 
 posed of such as were dispossessed of their lands, he re- 
 solved to compel Augustus to accept of whatever terms he 
 should offer. Thus a new war was excited between Augus- 
 tus and Antony ; or, at least, the generals of Antony assumed 
 the sanction of his name. 22. Augustus was victorious ; 
 Lucius was hemmed in between two armies, and constrained 
 to retreat to Peru'sia, where he was closely besieged by the 
 opposite party. He made many desperate sallies, and Ful- 
 via did all in her power to relieve him, but without success, 
 so that, being at last reduced to extremity by famine, he 
 delivered himself up to the mercy of the conqueror. Augus- 
 tus received him honourably, and generously pardoned hiita 
 and all his followers.* 
 
 23. Antony having heard of his brother's overthrow, and 
 of his wife being compelled to leave Italy, was resolved to 
 oppose Augustus. He accordingly sailed at the head of a 
 considerable fleet, and had an interview with Fulvia at 
 Athens. 24. He much blamed her for occasioning the late 
 disorders, testified the utmost contempt for her person, and, 
 leaving her upon her death-bed, hastened into Italy to fight 
 Augustus. They both met at Brundu'sium, and it was now 
 thought that the flames of civil war were going to blaze out 
 once more. 25. The forces of Antony were numerous, but 
 
 * He, however, displayed his usual cruelty towards the inhabitants^ 
 causing three hundred senators to be sacrificed at an altar erected to the 
 memory of Julius Csesar, and delivering up the city to plunder and th 
 flames. 
 
 x 2
 
 246 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 mostly newly raised ; however, he was assisted by Sextus 
 Pompei'us, who, in those oppositions of interest, was daily 
 coming into power. Augustus was at the head of those 
 veterans who had always been irresistible, but who seemed 
 no way disposed to fight against Antony, their former gene- 
 ral. 26. A negociation was therefore proposed, and a re- 
 conciliation was effected : all offences and affronts Avere 
 mutually forgiven ; and, to cement the union, a marriage 
 was concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of 
 Augustus. 27. A new division of the Roman empire was 
 made between them ; Augustus was to have command of 
 the West Antony of the East ; while Lepidus was obliged 
 to content himself with the provinces in Africa. As for 
 Sextus Pompei'us, he was permitted to retain all the islands 
 he already possessed, together with Peloponnesus ; he was 
 also granted the privilege of demanding the consulship, 
 though absent, and of discharging that office by a friend. 
 It was stipulated to leave the sea open, and to pay the peo- 
 ple what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a general peace 
 was concluded, to the great satisfaction of the people, who 
 now expected an end to all their calamities. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What ensued on the death of Brutus! 
 
 2. Were the triumviri possessed of equal power ? 
 
 3. What were their first measures ? 
 
 4. By what were the people most affected 1 
 
 5. What observation has been made on these events 1 
 
 6. What was the consequence of the establishment of their power * 
 
 7. Whither did Antony betake himself for that purpose ? 
 
 8. How was he employed 1 
 
 9. By what means did Cleopatra incur his displeasure 1 
 
 1 0. What personal advantages did she possess ? 
 
 11. Did she appear before Antony as an humble suppliant? 
 
 12. What was the result of the interview 1 
 
 13. How was Augustus employed in the mean time? 
 
 14. What recompense had he promised these troops? 
 
 15. What was the consequence of this tyranny? 
 
 16. What remarkable person was among the sufferers T 
 
 17. Was his request granted? 
 
 1 8. What was the state of Italy at this time ? 
 
 19. What occasioned it ? 
 
 20. What did she consider as the most probable means of reclaiming 
 
 him?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 247 
 
 21. Were terms of accommodation offered and accepted ? 
 
 22. What was the event of the war ! 
 
 23. What was Antony's conduct on the occasion 1 
 
 24. Did he approve of his wife's proceedings ? 
 
 25. Were the two armies of nearly equal strength? 
 
 26. What was the consequence 1 
 
 27. What further measures were adopted ? 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 1. THE only obstacle to the ambition of Augustus was 
 Antony, whom he resolved to remove ; and for that purpose 
 rendered his character at Rome as contemptible as he pos- 
 sibly could. In fact, Antony's conduct did not a little con- 
 tribute to promote the endeavours of his ambitious partner. 
 2. He had marched against the Parthians with a prodigious 
 army, but was forced to return with the loss of the fourth 
 part of his forces, and all his baggage. 
 
 3. However, Antony seemed quite regardless of contempt: 
 alive only to pleasure, and totally disregarding the business 
 of the state, he spent his whole time in the company of 
 Cleopatra, who studied every art to increase his passion 
 and vary his entertainments. 4. Few women have been so 
 much celebrated for the art of giving novelty to pleasure, 
 and making trifles important. Still ingenious in filling up 
 the time with some new strokes of refinement, she was at 
 one time a queen, then a bac'chanal, and sometimes a hun- 
 tress. 5. Not contented with sharing with her all the de- 
 lights which Egypt could afford, Antony was resolved to 
 enlarge his sphere of luxury, by granting her some of those 
 kingdoms which belonged to the Roman empire. He gave 
 her all Pheni'cia, Celo-Syria, and Cy'prus, with a great 
 part of Cili'cia, Ara'bia, and Jude'a, gifts which he had no 
 right to bestow, but which he pretended to grant in imitation 
 of Hercules. 6. This complication of vice and folly at last 
 totally exasperated the Romans, and Augus'tus, willing to 
 take the advantage of their resentment, took care to exag- 
 gerate all his defects. 7. At length, when he found the 
 people sufficiently irritated against him, he resolved to send 
 Octa'via, who was then at Rome, to Antony, as if with a 
 view of reclaiming her husband; but, in fact, to furnish 
 a sufficient pretext for declaring war against him, as he kiie 1 " 
 she would be dismissed with contempt.
 
 248 HISTORY or ROME. 
 
 8. Antony was now in the city of Leucop'olis, revelling 
 with Cleopatra, when he heard that Octa'via was at Athens, 
 upon her journey to visit him. This was very unwelcome 
 news both to him and Cleopa'tra ; the latter, fearing the 
 charms of her rival, endeavoured to convince Antony of the 
 strength of her passion, by her sighs, her looks, and well- 
 feigned melancholy. He frequently caught her in tears, 
 which she seemingly attempted to hide, and of which she 
 appeared extremely reluctant to tell him the cause. 9. These 
 artifices, together with the ceaseless flattery and importunity 
 of her creatures, prevailed so much on Antony's weakness, 
 that he commanded Octa'via to return home without seeing 
 her; and still more to exasperate the people of Rome, he 
 resolved to repudiate her, and take Cleopa'tra as his wife. 
 10. He accordingly assembled the people of Alexandria in 
 the public theatre, where was raised an alcove of silver, 
 under which were placed two thrones of gold, one for him- 
 self, and the other for Cleopa'tra. There lie seated himself, 
 dressed as Bacchus, while Cleopatra sat beside him, clothed 
 in the ornaments and attributes of I'sis, the principal deity of 
 the Egyptians. 11. On that occasion he declared her queen 
 of all the countries which he had already bestowed upon 
 her, while he associated Csesa'rio, her son by Caesar, as her 
 partner in the government. To the two children of himself 
 by her, he gave the title of King of Kings, with very ex- 
 tensive dominions ; and, to crown his absurdities, he next 
 sent a minute account of his proceedings to the two consuls 
 at Rome. 
 
 12. In the mean time, Augustus had a sufficient pretext 
 for declaring war, and informed the senate of his intentions. 
 However, he deferred the execution of his design for a 
 while, being then employed in quelling an insurrection of 
 the Illy'rians. 13. The following year was chiefly taken 
 up in preparations against Antony, who, perceiving his in- 
 tentions, remonstrated to the senate, that he had many 
 causes of complaint against his colleague, who had seized 
 upon Sicily without affording him a share ; alleging that 
 he had also dispossessed Lep'idus, and kept to himself the 
 province he had commanded ; and that he had divided all 
 Italy among his own soldiers, leaving nothing to recom- 
 pense tnose in Asia. 14. To this complaint Augustus was 
 content to make a sarcastic answer, implying that it was 
 absurd to complain of his distribution of a few trifling dis- 
 tricts in Italy, when Antony, having conquered Par'thia,
 
 "THE EMPIRE. 249 
 
 might now reward his soldiers with cities and provinces.* 
 15. This sarcasm provoked him to send his army without 
 delay into Europe, to meet Augustus, while he and Cleo- 
 pa'tra followed to Sa'mos,t in order to prepare for carrying 
 on the war with vigour. 16. When arrived there, it was 
 ridiculous enough to behold the odd mixture of preparations 
 for pleasure and for war. On one side, all the kings and 
 princes from Egypt to the Euxine Sea had orders to send 
 him supplies of men, provisions, and arms ; on the other, 
 comedians, dancers, buffoons, and musicians, were ordered 
 to attend him. 
 
 17. His delay at Sa'mos, and afterwards at A'thens, 
 where he carried Cleopa'tra to receive new honours, proved 
 extremely favourable to the arms of Augustus, who was at 
 first scarcely in a situation to oppose him, had he gone into 
 Italy ; but he soon found time to put himself in a condition 
 for carrying on the war, and shortly after declared it against 
 him in form. At length both sides found themselves in 
 readiness to begin, and their armies were suitable to the 
 greatness of the empire for which they contended. 18. The 
 one was followed by all the forces of the East ; the other 
 drew after him all the strength of the West. Antony's force 
 composed a body of one hundred thousand foot, and twelve 
 thousand horse, while his fleet amounted to five hundred 
 ships of war. Augustus mustered but eighty thousand foot, 
 but equalled his adversary in the number of cavalry ; his fleet 
 was but half as numerous as Antony's ; however, his ships 
 were better built, and manned with better soldiers. 
 
 10. The great decisive engagement, which was a naval 
 one, was fought near Ac'tium,| a city of Epi'rus, at the 
 entrance of the gulf of Ambra'cia. Antony ranged his 
 ships before the mouth of the gulf; and Augustus drew up 
 his fleet in opposition. Neither general assumed any fixed 
 station to command in, but went about from ship to ship, 
 wherever his presence was necessary. In the mean time 
 the two land armies, on the opposite sides of the gulf, were 
 drawn up, only as spectators of the engagement, and en- 
 
 * The severity of this sarcasm lay in its being directly contrary to 
 truth, as Antony had been defeated by the Par'thians. 
 
 j- Samoa, a celebrated island in the Arehipel'ago. It has been ren- 
 dered famous for the worship and a temple of Juno, with a noted Asylum. 
 Its capital was of the same name, and is memorable for the birth of 
 Pythagoras. 
 
 $ Actium is famous for a temple of Apollo.
 
 250 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 couraged the fleets, by their shouts, to engage. 20. The 
 battle began on both sides after a manner not practised 
 upon former occasions. The prows of their vessels were 
 armed with brazen beaks, with which it was usual to drive 
 furiously against each other; but Antony's ships being large, 
 unwieldy, and badly manned, were incapable of the neces- 
 sary swiftness, while those of Augustus, from the lightness 
 of their construction, were fearful of the rude encounter : 
 the battle, therefore, rather resembled a land fight, the ships 
 being brought alongside each other. They fought with great 
 ardour, without advantage on either side, except from a small 
 appearance of disorder in the centre of Antony's fleet. 21. 
 But, all on a sudden, Cleopa'tra determined the fortune of 
 the day. She was seen flying from the engagement with 
 her sixty sail, struck, perhaps, with the terrors natural to 
 her sex ; and, to increase the general amazement, Antony 
 himself precipitately followed, leaving his fleet at the mercy 
 of the conquerors ; while the army on land submitted, being 
 thus abandoned by their general. 
 
 22. When Cleopa'tra fled, Antony pursued her in a quin- 
 quireme,* and coming alongside her ship, entered it without 
 any desire of seeing her. She was in the stern, and he 
 went to the prow, where he remained silent and melan- 
 choly. In this manner he continued three whole days, 
 during which, either through indignation or shame, he 
 neither saw nor spoke to Cleopa'tra. The queen's female 
 attendants, however, reconciled them, and every thing went 
 on as before. 23. Still he had the consolation to suppose his 
 army cWfnWrfetlm* tS-iUI^^l^rdingjy despatched 
 ordeis to conduct it into Asia. But he was soon undeceived 
 when he arrived in Africa, where he was informed of their 
 submission to his rival.t 24. This so transported him with 
 rage, that with difficulty he was prevented from killing him- 
 self. At length, at the entreaty of his friends, he returned to 
 Alexandria. 25. Cleopa'tra seemed to retain that fortitude 
 in her misfortunes, which had utterly abandoned her ad- 
 mirer. Having amassed considerable riches, by means of 
 confiscations and other acts of violence, she formed a very 
 
 * A gallev with five banks of oars. 
 
 f They continued unshaken in their fidelity for seven days after the 
 battle of Actium, notwithstanding the advantageous offers made them by 
 Augustus, in hopes Antony would return and pu* himself at their head , 
 but finding themselves disappointed, and abandored by their principal 
 officers, they at length surrendered.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 251 
 
 Sea-fight, near Actium. 
 
 singular and unheard of project. 26. This was to convey 
 her whole fleet over the Isthmus of Su'ez into the Red Sea, 
 and thereby save herself, with all her treasures, in another 
 region beyond the power of Rome. 27. Some of her ves- 
 sels were actually transported thither, pursuant to her or- 
 ders ; but the Arabians having burnt them, and Antony 
 dissuading her from the design, she abandoned it for the 
 more improbable scheme of defending Egypt against the 
 conqueror. 28. She omitted nothing in her power to put 
 this in practice, and made all kinds of preparations for war, 
 hoping, at least, by these means to obtain better terms from 
 Augustus. In fact, she had been more in love with An- 
 tony's fortune than his person ; and if she could have fallen 
 upon any method of saving herself, though even at his ex- 
 pense, there is little doubt but she would have embraced it 
 with gladness. 29. She had still hopes from the power of 
 her charms, though she was almost arrived at the age of 
 forty : and was desirous of trying upon Augustus those arts 
 which had already been so successful. Thus, in three em- 
 bassies which were sent from Antony to Augustus in Asia, 
 the queen had always her secret agents, charged with pro- 
 posals in her name. Antony desired no more than that his 
 life might be spared, and to have the liberty of passing the 
 remainder of his days in obscurity. To these requests 
 Augustus made no reply. 30. Cleopa'tra also sent him 
 public proposals in favour of her children ; but at the same 
 time privately resigned to him her crown, with all the en- 
 signs of royalty. To the queen's public proposal no an-
 
 252 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 swer was given ; to her private offer he replied by giving 
 her assurances of his favour, in case she would send away 
 Antony, or put him to death. 31. These private negocia- 
 tions were not so concealed but they came to the knowledge 
 of Antony, whose jealousy and rage every occurrence now 
 contributed to heighten. He built a small solitary house 
 upon a mole in the sea, and shut himself up, a prey to those 
 passions that are the tormentors of unsuccessful tyranny. 
 There he passed his time, shunning all commerce with man 
 kind, and professing to imitate Timon,* the man-hater. 32. 
 However, his furious jealousy drove him from this retreat 
 into society ; for hearing that Cleopa'tra had secret confer- 
 ences with one Thyrsus, an emissary from Augustus, he 
 seized upon him, ordered him to be cruelly scourged, and 
 sent him back to his patron. At the same time he sent 
 letters by him importing that Thyrsus had been chastised 
 for insulting a man in misfortunes ; but withal he gave 
 Augustus permission to revenge himself by scourging Hip- 
 par'chus, Antony's freedman, in the same manner. The 
 revenge, in this case, would have been highly pleasing to 
 Antony, as Hippar'chus had left him, to join the fortunes of 
 his more successful rival. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What obstacle remained to the ambition of Augustas, and how did 
 
 he attempt its removal 7 
 
 2. How was Antony at this time employed 
 
 3. Did he keenly feel his misfortune 1 
 
 4. Was she eminently skilled in the art of pleasing 1 
 
 5. Was not Antony lavish in his favours to her ! 
 
 6. What was the consequence of this folly ? 
 
 7. By what means did he seek a quarrel 1 
 
 8. How was this measure approved by Antony and Cleopatra 1 
 
 9. What imprudent resolutions did he adopt] 
 VO. Did he do this publicly 1 
 
 11. What farther favours did he bestow on herl 
 
 ! 2. Did Augustus immediately commence hostilities ] 
 
 * Ti'mon, the misanthrope, was born near Athens, B. C. 420. He 
 declared himself the enemy of the human race, and had a companion 
 named Apeman'tus, who possessed a similar disposition. The latter 
 asking him one day why he paid such respect to Alcibi'ades, " It is," 
 said the churl, " because I foresee he will prove the ruin of the Athe'ni- 
 dns, my countrymen." (Plutarch.)
 
 THE EMPIRE/ 253 
 
 13. What complaints did Antony make of Augustus] 
 
 14. Did Augustus notice these accusations'! 
 
 15. What effect had his reply on Antony! 
 
 16. Were these military preparations formidable? 
 
 17. What advantages did Antony ofTer Augustus? 
 
 18. What was the respective strength of the armies? 
 
 19. Describe the preparations for this great conflict? 
 
 20. Was the engagement well contested ? 
 
 21. What extraordinary circumstance decided its fate? 
 
 22. Did he reproach Cleopatra for her timidity ! 
 
 23. Had Antony any resources left ! 
 
 24. How did he receive this news? 
 
 25. How did Cleopatra act in this exigence ? 
 
 26. What was this project ? 
 
 27. Was it put in execution? 
 
 28. How did she attempt this, and with what views ? 
 
 29. What farther hopes had she of favour? 
 
 30. What proposals did she make, and how were they received ! 
 
 31. Was Antony aware of these negociations ? 
 
 32. Did he persist in thus secluding himself? 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 1. AUGUSTUS advanced with another army against Pellu'- 
 siuin,* which, by its strong situation, might have retarded 
 his progress for some time. But the governor of the city, 
 either wanting courage to defend it, or previously instructed 
 by Cleopa'tra to give it up, permitted him to take posses- 
 sion ; so that Augus'tus had now no obstacle in his way to 
 Alexandria, whither he marched with all expedition. 2. 
 Antony, upon his arrival, sallied out to oppose him, fighting 
 with desperation, and putting the enemy's cavalry to flight. 
 3. This slight advantage once more revived his declining 
 hopes ; and, being naturally vain, he re-entered Alexan'dria 
 in triumph. Then going, armed as he was, to the palace, 
 and embracing Cleopa'tra, he presented to her a soldier who 
 had distinguished himself in the engagement. 4. The queen 
 rewarded him very magnificently, presenting him with a 
 helmet and breastplate of gold. With these, however, the 
 soldier deserted in the night to the other army, prudently 
 resolving to secure his riches by keeping on the strongest 
 side. 5. Antony, not able to bear this defection without 
 fresh indignation, resolved to make a bold expiring effort by 
 
 A strong city of Ejypt
 
 254 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 sea and land, out previously offered to fight his adversary 
 in single combat. Augus'tus, however, too well knew ilia 
 inequality of their situations to comply with this forlorn 
 proposal ; he, therefore, coolly replied, " Antony has ways 
 enough to die besides in single combat." 
 
 6. The next day, he posted the few troops he had re- 
 maining upon a rising ground near the city, whence he sent 
 orders to his galleys to engage the enemy. There he waited 
 to be a spectator of the combat ; and at first he had the sa- 
 tisfaction to see them advance in good order. 7. But his 
 joy was soon turned into rage, when he beheld his ships 
 only saluting those of Augus'tus, and both fleets uniting to- 
 gether and sailing back into the harbour, and at the same 
 time his cavalry deserting him. He tried, however, to lead 
 on his infantry ; but these were easily vanquished, and he 
 himself compelled to return into the town. 8. His fury 
 was now ungovernable, crying out as he passed that he was 
 betrayed by Cleopa'tra, and delivered up to those who, for 
 her sake alone, were his enemies. In these suspicions he 
 was not deceived ; for it was by secret orders from the 
 queen that the fleet passed over to the enemy. 
 
 9. Cleopa'tra had for a long while dreaded the effects of 
 Antony's jealousy ; and had some time before prepared a 
 method of obviating the effects of any sudden sallies it 
 might produce. 10. Near the temple of Isis she had 
 erected a building, which was seemingly designed for a 
 sepulchre. Hither she moved her treasure and most valua- 
 ble effects, covering them with torches, fagots, and other 
 combustible matter. 11. This sepulchre she designed to 
 answer a double purpose, as well to screen her from the 
 sudden resentments of Antony, as to make Augustus believe 
 that she would burn all her treasure, in case he refused 
 proper terms of capitulation. Here, therefore, she retired 
 from Antony's fury shutting the fortified gates, and giving 
 orders to have it reported that she was dead. 12. This news 
 soon reached Antony, and it recalled all his former love and 
 tenderness. Subject to every gust of passion, and each of 
 them in the extreme, he now lamented her death with the 
 same violence that he had just before seemed to desire it. 
 " Miserable man !" exclaimed he, " what is there now worth 
 living for ? since all that could soothe or soften my cares 
 is departed ! O Cleopa'tra ! our separation does not so much 
 afflict me, as the disgrace I suffer, in permitting a woman to 
 instruct me in the ways of dying." 13. He now called to
 
 THE EMPIRE. 255 
 
 Death of Erot. 
 
 him one of his frcedmen, named Eros, whom he had en- 
 gaged, by oath, to kill him, whenever fortune should drive 
 him to this last resource, and commanded him to perform 
 his promise. This faithful follower drew his sword, as if 
 going instantly to strike the blow, when, turning his face, 
 he plunged it into his own bosom, and dropped at his mas- 
 ter's feet. 14. Antony, for a while, hung over his faithful 
 servant, charmed with his fidelity. Then snatching up the 
 sword he stabbed himself in the belly, and fell backward 
 upon a couch. 15. The wound was mortal; yet the blood 
 stopping, he recovered .his spirits, and earnestly conjured 
 those who were come into the room to put an end to his 
 life; but they all fled, seized with fright and horror. 16. 
 He continued in this miserable condition till he was in- 
 formed by one of the queen's secretaries, that his mistress 
 was still alive, and begged that he would suffer himself to 
 be transported to the monument where she was. He was 
 accordingly brought to the sepulchre ; but Cleopa'tra, at- 
 tended by her two women only, durst by no means per- 
 mit the gate to be opened, but from the window threw 
 down fords, with which, with great difficulty, they drew 
 him up. 17. Antony, bathed in his blood, held out his 
 hands to Cleopa'tra, and faintly endeavoured to raise him- 
 self from the couch on which he had been laid. The 
 queen gave way to sorrow, tore her clothes, beat her breast, 
 and kissing the wound of which he was dying, called him 
 her husliiuid, her lord, her emperor. 18. Antony entreated 
 her to moderate the transports of her grief, and to preserve 
 her life, if she could be able to do it with honour. "As for
 
 256 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 me, lament not my misfortunes," he said ; " but congratulate 
 me upon the happiness which I have enjoyed ; I have lived 
 the greatest and most powerful of men ; and though I fall, 
 my fate is not ignominious ; a Roman myself, I am, at last, 
 by a Roman overcome?' Having thus said, he expired. 
 
 19. Proculei'us now made his appearance by command 
 of Augus'tus, who had been informed of Antony's desperate 
 conduct. He was sent to try all means of getting Cleopa'tra 
 into his power. 20. Augustus had a double motive for his 
 solicitude on this occasion ; one was to prevent her de- 
 stroying the treasures she had taken with her into the tomb ; 
 the other to preserve her person, as an ornament to grace 
 his triumph. 21. Cleopa'tra, however, was upon her guard, 
 and rejected any conference with Proculei'us, except through 
 the gate, which was well secured. At length, having pro- 
 cured a ladder, he, with two of Augustus's soldiers, entered 
 by the same window through which Antony had been drawn 
 up. Cleopa'tra, perceiving what had happened, drew a 
 poinard, that hung at her girdle, to stab herself; but Procu- 
 lei'us forced it from her. 22. Augustus, pleased to find her 
 in his power, sent Epaphrodi'tus to bring her to his palace, 
 and to watch her with the utmost circumspection. He was 
 ordered to Use her, in every respect, with that deference and 
 submission which were due to her rank, and to do every 
 thing in his power to render her captivity tolerable. 
 
 23. Though kings and generals made interest for Antony's 
 body, in order to pay the last honours to it, this consolation 
 was reserved for Cleopa'tra. She alone was permitted to 
 have the honour of granting Antony the rites of burial, and 
 was furnished with every thing becoming his dignity to 
 receive, or her love to offer. 24. Yet still she languished 
 under her new confinement. Her many losses, her frantic 
 sorrow, the blows which she had given her bosom, pro- 
 duced a fever, which she wished to increase. She resolved, 
 by abstaining from nourishment, to starve herself to death, 
 under the pretence of a regimen necessary for her disorder. 
 25. But Augus'tus, being made acquainted with the real 
 motive by her physicians, began to threaten her, with regard 
 to the safety of her children, in case she should perish. The 
 fear of being the cause of their death was a motive she could 
 not resist. Cleopa'tra, therefore, allowed herself to bo 
 treated as was thought proper, and she recovered. 
 
 26. In the mean time Augustus made his entry into Alex- 
 an'dria, taking care to mitigate the fears of the inhabitants,
 
 THE EMPIRE. 237 
 
 hy conversing familiarly with Ar'cus, a philosopher, and a 
 native of the place. The citizens, however, trembled at his 
 approach. And when he placed himself upon the tribunal, 
 they prostrated themselves, with their faces to the ground, 
 before him, like criminals who waited the sentence for their 
 execution. 27. Angus 'tus presently ordered them to rise, 
 telling them that three motives induced him to pardon them : 
 his respect for Alexander, who was the founder of their city ; 
 his admiration of its beauty ; and his friendship for Ar'cus, 
 their fellow citizen. 28. Two only of particular note were 
 put to death upon this occasion ; Antony's eldest son, An- 
 tyl'lus, and Ceesa'rio, the son of Julius Caesar, both betrayed 
 into his hands by their respective tutors, who themselves 
 suffered for their perfidy shortly after. As for the rest of 
 Cleopa'tra's children, he treated them with great gentleness, 
 leaving them to the care of those who were intrusted with 
 their education, to whom he gave orders to provide them 
 with every thing suitable to their birth. 29. Cleopa'tra, 
 being recovered, Augus'tus visited her in person: she re- 
 ceived him lying on a couch ; but, upon his entering the 
 apartment, rose up, habited in a loose robe, and prostrated 
 herself before him. Her misfortunes had given an air of 
 severity to her features ; her hair was dishevelled, her voice 
 trembling, her complexion pale, and her eyes swollen with 
 weeping ; yet, still, her natural beauty seemed to gleam 
 thiough the distresses that surrounded her ; and the grace 
 of her motions, and the alluring softness of her looks, still 
 bore testimony to the former power of her charms. 30. 
 Augus'tus raised her with his usual complaisance, and, de- 
 siring her to sit, placed himself beside her. 31. Cleopa'tra 
 had been prepared for this interview, and made use of every 
 art to propitiate the conqueror. She tried apologies, en- 
 treaties and allurements, to obtain his favour and soften his 
 resentment. She began by attempting to justify her con- 
 duct; but when her skill failed against manifest proofs, she 
 turned her defence into supplications. She reminded him 
 of Caesar's humanity to those in distress ; she read some of 
 his letters to her, full of tenderness, and expatiated upon the 
 intimacy that subsisted between them " But of what ser- 
 vice," cried she, " arc now all his benefits to me ! Why did 
 I not die with him ! Yet, still he lives methinks I see him 
 still before me ! he revives in you." 32. Augus'tus, who 
 was IKI stranger to this method of address, remained firm 
 against all attacks ; answering with a cold indifference 
 Y 2
 
 258 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 which obliged her to give her attempts a different turn 
 33. She now addressed his avarice, presenting him with an 
 inventory of her treasure and jewels. This gave occasion 
 to a very singular scene, that may serve to show that the 
 little decorums of breeding were then by no means attended 
 to as in modern times. 34. One of her stewards having 
 alleged, that the inventory was defective, and that she had 
 secreted a part of her effects, she fell into the most extrava- 
 gant passion, started from her couch, and snatching him by 
 the hair, gave him repeated blows on the face. Augus'tus, 
 smiling at her indignation, led her to the couch, and desired 
 her to be pacified. To this she replied, that it was insuf- 
 ferable to be insulted in the presence of one whom she so 
 highly esteemed. " And admitting," cried she, " that I 
 have secreted a few ornaments, am I to blame, when they 
 are reserved, not for myself, but for Liv'ia and Octa'via, 
 whom I hope to make my intercessors with you ?" 35. The 
 apology, which intimated a desire of living, was not dis- 
 agreeable to Augustus, who politely assured her she was at 
 liberty to keep whatever she had reserved, and that in every 
 thing she should be indulged to the height of her expects 
 tions. He then took leave, and departed, imagining he had 
 reconciled her to life, and to the indignity of being shown 
 in the intended triumph, which he was preparing for his re- 
 turn to Rome ; but in this he was deceived. 36. Cleopa'tra 
 had all this time corresponded with Dolabel'la, a young Ro- 
 man of high birth in the camp of Augustus, who, from com- 
 passion, or perhaps from stronger motives, was interested in 
 her misfortunes. By him she was secretly informed lha 
 Augustus determined to send her and her children, within 
 three days, to Rome, to grace his triumphant entry. 37. 
 She, at length, therefore, determined upon dying; but first 
 throwing herself upon Antony's coffin, bewailed her cap- 
 tivity, and renewed her protestations not to survive him. 
 Having bathed, and ordered a sumptuous banquet, she at- 
 tired herself in the most splendid manner. After partaking 
 of the banquet, she commanded all, except her two women, 
 to leave the apartment. She had contrived to have an asp 
 secretly conveyed to her in a basket of fruit, and then wrote 
 to Augustus, to inform him of her fatal purpose, desiring t6 
 be buried in the same tomb with Antony. 38. Augustus, 
 upon receiving the letter, instantly despatched messengers 
 in hopes to stop the fulfilment of her intentions ; but they 
 arrived too late. Upon entering the chamber, they beheld
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 259 
 
 Death of Cleopatra. 
 
 Cleopa'tra lying dead upon her couch, arrayed in royal 
 robes. Near her, I'ras, one of her faithful attendants, was 
 stretched at the feet of her mistress ; and Char'mion,* 
 the other, scarcely alive, was settling the diadem upon 
 Cleopa'tra's head. " Alas !" cried one of the messengers, 
 " is this well done, Charmion ?" " Yes," replied she, " it 
 is well done such a death becomes a glorious queen, de- 
 scended from a race of glorious ancestors." Pronouncing 
 those words, she dropped and expired with her much loved 
 mistress.! 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 \. What new conquest was achieved by Augustas 1 
 
 2. What was Antony's conduct on his arrival 1 
 
 3. Was he elated by this slight success ? 
 
 4. How was he rewarded, and in what manner did he evince liis grati- 
 
 tude ? 
 
 5. What were Antony's feelings and conduct on the occasion ? 
 
 6. Did he attempt farther hostilities ? 
 
 7. Was this satisfaction well founded ? 
 
 8. How was he affected by this ill success ? 
 
 9. Was Cleopatra prepared for these misfortunes ? 
 
 10. What precautions had she taken? 
 
 1 1. What was her design in building this sepulchre? 
 
 12. Was Antony affected by this news 1 
 
 Pronounced Kar'mion. 
 
 f Cleopatra wa.s forty years old at the time of her death, and haJ 
 lived twelve years with Antony.
 
 260 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 13. What followed ? 
 
 14. Did Antony persist in his purpose T 
 
 15. Did he immediately expire? 
 
 16. Had he another interview with Cleopatra? 
 
 17. 18. Relate the particulars of this interview 1 
 
 1 9. How did Augustus act on this occasion ? 
 
 20. Why was Augustus anxious to preserve the life of Cleopatra? 
 
 21. Did he obtain ready admittance to her, and what was the conse- 
 
 quence ? 
 
 22. How was she treated ? 
 
 23. By whom were the last honours paid to Antony ? 
 
 24. Did this kindness reconcile her to her situation? 
 
 25. By what means did Augustus overcome her resolution ? 
 
 26. What circumstances attended the entrance of Augustus into Alex 
 i andria ? 
 
 27. Were their fears realized ? 
 
 28. Who fell victims on the occasion ? 
 
 29. Did Augustus visit Cleopatra, and how was he received ? 
 
 30. What was his conduct towards her ? 
 
 31. How did Cleopatra conduct herself at this interview 1 
 
 32. Was Augustus moved by her artifices? 
 
 33. Mention her next attempt and its consequence. 
 
 34. Relate the particulars. 
 
 35. Was the apology accepted ? 
 
 36. With whom did Cleopatra correspond, and what did she learn ? 
 
 37. What resolution did she form, and how did she accomplish it ? 
 
 38. Did not Augustus attempt to prevent her resolution, and was h 
 
 successful ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 1. BY the death of Antony, Augus'tus having become 
 master of the Roman empire, returned to Rome in triumph ; 
 where, by feasts and magnificent shows, he began to obliter- 
 ate the impressions of his former cruelty ; and thencefor- 
 ward resolved to secure, by his clemency, a throne, the 
 foundations of which were laid in blood. 2. He was now 
 at the head of the most extensive empire that mankind had 
 ever beheld. The former spirit of the Romans, and those 
 characteristic marks that distinguished them from others, 
 were now totally lost. The city was inhabited by a con- 
 course from all the countries of the world ; and being con- 
 sequently divested of all just patriotic principles, perhaps a
 
 THE EMPIRE. 261 
 
 monarchy is the best form of government that could be found 
 to unite its members. 3. However, it was very remarkable, 
 that during these long contentions among themselves, and 
 these horrid devastations by civil war, the state was daily 
 growing more formidable and powerful, and completed the 
 destruction of all the kings who presumed to oppose it. 
 
 4. The first care of Augus'tus was to assure himself of 
 the friends of Antony ; to which end he publickly reported 
 that he had burnt all Antony's letters and papers without 
 reading them, convinced that, while any thought themselves 
 suspected, they would be fearful of even offering him their 
 friendship. 
 
 5. He had gained the kingdom by his army, but he re- 
 solved to govern it by the senate. This body, though greatly 
 fallen from its ancient splendor, he knew to be the best 
 constituted, and most remarkable for wisdom and justice. 
 To the senate, therefore, he gave the chief power in the ad- 
 ministration of his government, while he himself secured 
 the fidelity of the people and the army by donatives, and 
 acts of favour. 6. By these means the odium of severity 
 fell upon the senate, and the popularity of pardon was solely 
 his own. Thus restoring splendor to the senate, and dis- 
 countenancing corruption, he pretended to reserve to him- 
 self a very moderate share of authority, to which none 
 could object : namely, power to compel all ranks of the state 
 to do their duty. 7. This was, in fact, reserving absolute 
 dominion in his own hands ; but the misguided people be- 
 gan to look upon his moderation with astonishment : they 
 considered themselves as restored to their former freedom, 
 except the capacity of promoting sedition ; and the senate 
 supposed their power re-established in all things but their 
 tendency to injustice. It was even said that the Romans, 
 by such a government, lost nothing of the happiness that 
 liberty could produce, and were exempt from all the misfor- 
 tunes it could occasion. 8. This observation might have 
 some truth under such a monarch as Augustus now appeared 
 to be ; but they were afterwards taught to change their sen- 
 timents under his successors, when they found themselves 
 afflicted with all the punishments that tyranny could inflict, 
 or sedition make necessary. 
 
 9. After having established this admirable order, Augus- 
 tus found himself agitated by difl'erent passions ; and con- 
 sidered, a long time, whether he should keep the empire, or 
 restore the people to their ancient liberty. 1 0. But he adopted
 
 262 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 the advice of Maece'nas, which was, to continue in power: 
 and he was afterwards swayed by him on every occasion. 
 By the advice of that minister, he became gentle, affable, and 
 humane : he encouraged men of learning, and gave them 
 much of his time and his friendship. These in their turn 
 relieved his most anxious hours, and circulated his praise 
 throughout the empire. 
 
 11. Thus having given peace and happiness to his sub- 
 jects, and being convinced of the attachment of all orders 
 of the state to his person, he resolved upon impressing the 
 people with an idea of his magnanimity, by making a show 
 of resigning his authority. 12. To this end, having pre- 
 viously instructed his creatures in the senate how to act, he 
 addressed them in a studied speech, importing the difficulty 
 of governing so extensive an empire ; a task to which, he 
 said, none but the immortal gods were equal. He modestly 
 urged his own inability, though impelled by every motive 
 to undertake it ; and then, w^ith a degree of seeming gene- 
 rosity, freely gave up all that power which his arms had 
 gained, and Avhich the senate had confirmed, giving them 
 to understand, that the true spirit of the Romans was not 
 lost in him. 13. This speech operated upon the senate va- 
 riously, as they were more or less in the secret. Many be- 
 lieved the sincerity of his conduct as an act of heroism une 
 quailed by any thing that had hitherto appeared ; others, 
 though ignorant of his motives, distrusted his designs. Some 
 there were, who, having greatly suffered during the popular 
 commotions, were fearful of their being renewed ; but the 
 majority, who were properly instructed by his ministers, fre- 
 quently attempted to interrupt him while speaking, and 
 received his proposals with pretended indignation. 14. 
 These unanimously besought him not to resign the adminis- 
 tration ; and, upon his continuing to decline their request, 
 tuey in a manner compelled him to comply. However, that 
 his person might be in greater security, they immediately 
 decreed that the pay of his guard should be doubled. 15. 
 On the other hand, that he might seem to make concessions 
 on his side, he permitted the senate to govern the weak, in- 
 ternal provinces, while the most powerful provinces, and 
 those that required the greatest armies for their defence, 
 were taken entirely under his own command. Over these 
 he assumed the government for ten years only, leaving the 
 people still in hopes of regaining their ancient freedom 
 at the same time, however, laying his measures so well
 
 THE EMPIRE. 20.1 
 
 that his government was renewed every ten years, to his 
 death. 
 
 16. This show of resignation only served to confirm him 
 in the empire, and in the hearts of the people. New hon- 
 ours were heaped upon him. He was now first called Au- 
 gustus (a name I have hitherto used as that by which he is 
 best known in history.) A laurel was ordered to be planted 
 at his gates. That house was called the palace wherever 
 he made his abode. He was confirmed in the title of father 
 of his country, and his person declared sacred and inviola- 
 ble. 17. In short, flattery seemed on the rack to find out 
 new modes of pleasing him ; but, though he despised the 
 arts of the senate, he permitted their homage, well knowing 
 that, among mankind, titles produce a respect which enforces 
 authority. 
 
 18. Upon entering into his tenth consulship, the senate, 
 by oath, approved of all his acts, and set him wholly above 
 the power of the laws. They, some time after, offered to 
 swear not only to all the laws he had made, but such as he 
 should make for the future. 19. It was customary with 
 fathers, upon their death-beds, to command their children 
 to carry oblations to the Capitol, with an inscription, that at 
 the day of their deaths they left Augustus in health. It was 
 determined that no man should be put to death on such days 
 as the emperor entered the city. Upon a dearth of provi- 
 sions, the people entreated him to accept of the dictatorship ; 
 but he would by no means assume the title of dictator, 
 which had been abolished by law. 
 
 20. An accumulation of titles and employments did not 
 in the least diminish his assiduity in fulfilling the duties of 
 each. Several very wholesome edicts were passed by his 
 command, tending to suppress corruption in the senate, and 
 licentiousness in the people. 21. He ordained that none 
 should exhibit a show of gladiators without an order from 
 the senate; and then not oftener than twice a year, nor with 
 more than a hundred and twenty at a time. This law was 
 extremely necessary at so corrupt a period of the empire, 
 when armies of these unfortunate men were brought at onre 
 upon the stage, and compelled to fight, often, till half of thorn 
 were slain. 22. It had been usual also with the knights, 
 and women of the first distinction, to exhibit themselves as 
 dancers upon the theatre ; he ordered that not only these, 
 but their children and grand-children should be restrained 
 from such exercises for the fulure. 23. He fined many
 
 264 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 that hail refused to marry at a certain age, and rewarded 
 such as had many children. He enacted that the senators 
 should be held in great reverence ; adding to their dignity 
 what he had taken from their power. 24. He made a law, 
 that no man should have the freedom of the city without a 
 previous examination into his merit and character. He ap- 
 pointed new rules and limits to the manumission of slaves, 
 and was himself very strict in the observance of them. With 
 regard to dramatic performers, of whom he was very fond, 
 he severely examined their morals, not allowing licentious- 
 ness in their lives, nor indecency in their actions. Though 
 he encouraged the athletic exercises, he would not permit 
 women to be present at them. 25. In order to prevent 
 bribery in suing for offices, he took considerable sums of 
 money from the candidates by way of pledge ; and if any 
 indirect practices were proved against them, they were 
 obliged to forfeit all. 26. Slaves had been hitherto dis- 
 allowed to confess anything against their own masters ; but 
 he abolished the practice, and first sold the slave to another, 
 which altering the property, his examination became free. 
 27. These and other laws, all tending to extirpate vice or 
 deter from crimes, gave the manners of the people another 
 complexion ; and the rough character of the Roman soldier 
 was now softened into that of the refined citizen.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the consequence of the death of Antony 1 
 
 2. What was the character of the Roman people at this time ? 
 
 3. Did these convulsions weaken the empire 1 
 
 4. What was the first care of Augustus ] 
 
 5. In what way did he propose to govern 1 
 
 6. What were the consequences of this conduct 1 
 
 7. What advantages did the Romans fancy they enjoyed ? 
 
 8. Was this observation correct 1 
 
 9. What conflicting passions agitated the mind of Augustus 7 
 0. Whose advice did he adopt, and what was that advice ? 
 
 '. 1 . What artifice did he employ to confirm his power ! 
 
 12. How did he make his intentions known 1 
 
 13. What effect was produced by this proposal 1 
 
 14. What was their conduct on this occasion ? 
 
 x * In his sixth consulship Augustus commanded a census to be made, 
 when there was found the astonishing number of 4,060,000 inhabitants 
 in Rome, which was fifty miles in circumference.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 265 
 
 1 5. What farther artifices did he employ 1 
 
 1 6. What were the consequences of this afl'ected moderation ? 
 
 17. Was he imposed upon by these arts? 
 
 18. What farther instances of abject servility did the senate display t 
 
 19. What else was done to his honour ? 
 
 20. Did these honours render him remiss 1 
 
 21. What salutary law did he enact ! 
 
 22. What next 1 
 
 23. What regulations concerning marriage, and respect to senators, dii 
 
 he enforce ? 
 
 24. IIow did he improve the morals of the people 1 
 
 25. How did he prevent bribery 7 
 
 26. By what means did he promote justice? 
 
 27. What was the consequence of these regulations 1 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. AUGUSTUS, by his own example, tended greatly to hu- 
 manize his fellow-citizens ; for being placed above all equal- 
 ity, he had nothing to fear from condescension. He was 
 familiar with all, and suffered himself to be reprimanded 
 with the most patient humility. Though, by his sole autho- 
 rity, he could condemn or acquit whomsoever he thought 
 proper, he gave the laws their proper course, and even 
 pleaded for persons he desired to protect. 2. When the 
 advocate for Pri'mus* desired to know, with an insolent air, 
 what brought Augustus into court, the emperor calmly re- 
 plied, " The public good." When one of his veteran sol- 
 diers entreated his protection, Augustus bid him apply to an 
 advocate. " Ah !" replied the soldier, " it was not by proxy 
 that I served you at the battle of Ac'tium." Augustus was 
 so pleased that he pleaded his cause and gained it for him. 
 One day a petition was presented to him with so much awe 
 as to displease him. " Friend," cried he, " you seem as if 
 you were offering something to an elephant rather than to a 
 man ; be bolder." 3. Once as he was sitting in judgment, 
 Maece'nas perceiving that he was inclined to be severe, and 
 not being able to get to him through the crowd, he threw a 
 paper into his lap, on which was written, " Arise, execu- 
 tioner !" Augustus read it without displeasure, and imme- 
 
 M. Primus, while governor of Macedon, had made an irruption into 
 the country of the Odrysians ; for this he was prosecuted, and pleaded 
 that it was by the emperor's orders. Augustus denying this, L. Mureua 
 put the impudent question to him mentioned in the text. 
 
 z
 
 266 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 diately rising, pardoned those whom he was disposed tc 
 condemn. 4. But what most of all showed a total altera- 
 tion, was his treatment ol I'orne'lius Cinna, Pompey'g 
 grandson. This nobleman had entered into a conspiracy 
 against him : Augustus sent for the other conspirators, re- 
 primanded them, and dismissed them. But resolving to 
 mortify Cinna by the greatness of his generosity " I have 
 twice, says he, " given you your life, as an enemy and as a 
 conspirator : I now give you the consulship ; let us therefore 
 be friends for the future ; let us contend only in showing 
 whether my confidence or your fidelity shall be victorious." 
 
 5. In the practice of such virtues he passed a long reign. 
 In fact, he seemed the first Roman who aimed at gaining a 
 character by the arts of peace, and who obtained the affec- 
 tions of the soldiers without any military talents of his own : 
 nevertheless, the Roman arms, under his lieutenants, were 
 crowned with success. 
 
 6. But he had uneasiness of a domestic nature that dis 
 tressed him. He had married Liv'ia, the wife of Tibe'rius 
 Nero, by the consent of her husband, when she was six 
 months advanced in her pregnancy. She was an imperious 
 woman, and, conscious of being beloved, controlled him at 
 her pleasure. 7. She had two sons, Tibe'rius the elder, 
 and Dru'sus, who was born three months after she had been 
 married to Augustus, and who was thought to be his own 
 son. The elder of these, Tibe'rius, whom he afterwards 
 adopted, and who succeeded him in the empire, was a good 
 general, but of a suspicious and obstinate temper, and of a 
 conduct so turbulent and restless, that he was at last exiled 
 for five years to the island of Rhodes, where he chiefly 
 spent his time in a retired manner, conversing with the 
 Greeks, and addicting himself to literature, of which, how- 
 ever he afterwards made but a bad use. 
 
 8. But the greatest affliction that Augustus experienced 
 was from the conduct of his daughter Julia, whom he had 
 by Scribo'nia, his former wife. Julia, whom he mairied to 
 his general Agrip'pa, and afterwards to Tibe'rius, set no 
 bounds to her misconduct. She was arrived at that excess 
 of wickedness, that the very court where her father presided 
 was not exempt from her infamies. 9. Augustus, at first, had 
 thoughts of putting her to death : but, after consideration, 
 he banished her to Pandata'ria.* He ordered that no per- 
 
 * An island on the coast of Lucania, in Italy ; now called Santa 
 Maria. 

 
 THE EMPIRE. 267 
 
 son should come near her without his permission, and sent 
 her mother Scribo'nia along with her, to bear her company. 
 When any one attempted to intercede for Julia, his answer 
 was, " that fire and water should sooner unite than he with 
 her." 10. Augustus, having survived most of his contem- 
 poraries, at length, in the seventy-fourth year of his age, 
 began to think of retiring from the fatigues of state, and of 
 constituting Tibe'rius his partner in the throne. He desired 
 the senate to salute him no longer at the palace, nor take it 
 amiss, if, for the future, he could not converse with them as 
 formerly. 11. From that time Tibe'rius was joined Cu. c. 
 in the government of the provinces with him, and ( 762. 
 invested with nearly the same authority. However, Augus- 
 tus could not entirely forsake the administration, which 
 habit had rendered a source of pleasure ; and he still con- 
 tinued a watchful guardian, and showed himself, to the last, 
 a lover of his people. 12. Finding it now, therefore, very 
 inconvenient to come to the senate, by reason of his age, he 
 desired to have twenty privy-counsellors assigned him for a 
 year ; and it was decreed, that whatever measures were re- 
 solved upon by them and the consuls, should have entirely 
 the force of a law. 13. He seemed apprehensive of his ap- 
 proaching end, for he made his will, and delivered it to the 
 vestal virgins. He then solemnized the census, or number- 
 ing the people, whom he found to amount to four millions 
 one hundred and thirty-seven thousand ; which shows Rome 
 to be equal to four of the greatest cities of modern times. 
 
 14. While these ceremonies were performing, in the midst 
 of a mighty concourse of people in the Cam'pus Mar'tius, 
 it is said that an eagle flew round the emperor several 
 times, and, directing its flight to a neighbouring temple, 
 perched over the name of Agrippa : this omen was, by 
 the augurs, conceived to portend the death of the emperor. 
 
 15. Shortly after, having accompanied Tibe'rius in his 
 march into Illyr'ia, he was taken ill. Returning thence, 
 he sent for Tibe'rius and his most intimate friends. 
 A few hours before his death he ordered a looking-glass to 
 be brought, and his hair to be adjusted with more than usual 
 care. He then addressed his friends, whom he beheld sur- 
 rounding his bed, and desired to know whether he had pro- 
 perly played his part in life ; to which, being answered in 
 the affirmative, he cried out with his last breath, " Then 
 give me your applause." Thus, at the age of seventy-six* 
 after reigning forty-four years, he expired in the arms of 

 
 208 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Liv'ia, bidding her remember their marriage and their last 
 farewell.* 
 
 16. The death of the emperor caused inexpressible grief 
 throughout the whole empire. It was, by some, supposed 
 that his wife Liv'ia had some hand in hastening it, with a 
 view to procure the succession more speedily for her son. 
 However this was, she took care, for a time, to keep the im- 
 portant event concealed, by guarding all the passages to the 
 palace ; sometimes giving out that he was recovered, and 
 then pretending a relapse. At length, having settled the 
 succession to her mind, she published the emperor's death ; 
 and at the same time, the adoption of Tibe'rius to the em- 
 pire. 17. The emperor's funeral was performed with great 
 magnificence. The senators being in their places, Tibe'rius, 
 on whom that care devolved, pronounced a consolatory ora- 
 tion. After this his will was read, wherein he made Tibe'- 
 rius and Liv'ia his heirs. 18. He was studious of serving his 
 country to the very last, and the sorrow of the people seemed 
 equal to his assiduity. It was decreed, that all the women 
 should mourn for him a whole year. Temples were erected 
 to him, divine honours were allowed him, and one Nume'- 
 rius At'ticus, a senator, willing to convert the adulation of 
 the times to his own benefit, received a large sum of money 
 for swearing that he saw him ascending into heaven ; so 
 that no doubt remained among the people concerning his 
 divinity. 
 
 19. Such were the honours paid to Augustus, whose 
 power began in the slaughter, and terminated in the happi- 
 ness of his subjects ; so that it was said of him, " that it 
 had been good for mankind if he had never been born, or 
 if he had never died." 20. It is possible that the cruelties 
 exercised in his triumvirate were suggested by his colleagues. 
 In the case of Caesar's death, he might think that revenge 
 was virtue. Certain it is, that severities were necessary to 
 restore public tranquillity ; for, until the Roman spirit should 
 be eradicated, no monarchy could be secure. 21. He in 
 dulged his subjects in the appearance of a republic, while 
 
 * The date of Augustus's reign is here reckoned from the death of 
 Antony, when he became sole monarch ; but if it be reckoned from his 
 first coming into power, soon after the death of Julius Caesar, it is nearly 
 66 years. Augustus carried on his wars principally by his lieutenants, 
 but he went personally into Spain and Gaul. His bravery, however, 
 has been greatly called in question, and many flagrant instances of his 
 cowardice recorded. How true they may be is not easy to determine. .
 
 THE EMPIRE. 269 
 
 he made them really happy in the effects of a most absolute 
 monarchy, administered with the most consummate prudence. 
 In this last quality he seems to have excelled most mon- 
 archs ; and. indeed, could we separate Octavius from Au- 
 gustus, he was one of the most faultless princes in history. 
 22. About this time our Saviour was born in Jude'a.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 \. What was the general conduct of Augustus ? 
 
 2. Mention some instances of his moderation 1 
 
 3. What farther instance of his moderation is on record ? 
 
 4. How did he most decidedly show the alteration in his disposition 1 
 
 5. In what was he particularly remarkable 7 
 
 6. Was he happy in domestic life ? 
 
 7. What family had she, and what was the character of her son ? 
 
 8. Had he no other domestic trials ? 
 
 9. In what way was she punished 1 
 
 10. Was the reign of Augustus of considerable length? 
 
 11. Did he associate Tiberius with him in the government ? 
 
 12. By what means did he lighten the burden of government ? 
 
 1 3. By what measure did he prepare for his approaching end ? 
 
 14. What omen portended his death? 
 
 15. How did he meet his end ? 
 
 16. How were the people affected by his death, and why was it for 
 
 time concealed? 
 
 17. How was his funeral celebrated? 
 
 18. What honours were decreed him ? 
 
 19. Were those honours deserved? 
 
 20. What excuses may be made for his early cruelties ? 
 
 21. By what means did he secure his power ? 
 
 22. What remarkable event happened in his reign ? 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. TIBE'RIUS was fifty-six years old when he took upon 
 him the government of the Roman empire. He C u. c.762. 
 had lived in a state of profound dissimulation A. B. 1 0. 
 under Augustus, and was not yet hardy enough to sho\r 
 himself in his real character. In the beginning of his 
 reign nothing appeared but prudence, generosity, and cle 
 
 * The temple of Janus vras now shut for the third time since tc 
 foundation of the city. 
 
 z 2
 
 4t\3 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 mency.* 2. But the successes of his nephew, German 'i- 
 cus, son of his late brother Dru'sus, over the Germans, first 
 brought his natural disposition to light, and discovered the 
 malignity of his mind without disguise. 3. He was hardly 
 settled on his throne, when he received intelligence that the 
 legions in Panno'nia, hearing of the death of Augustus, and 
 desirous of novelty, had revolted ; but these were soon 
 quieted, and Percen'nius, their leader, slain. 4. A com- 
 motion in Germany was attended with much more important 
 consequences. The legions in that part of the empire were 
 conducted by German'icus, a youth of most admirable quali- 
 ties, who had been, at the late emperor's request, adopted, in 
 order to succeed to the empire. These forces had taken the 
 opportunity of his absence to revolt, and now began to 
 affirm that the whole Roman empire was in their power, 
 and that its principal grandeur was owing to the success of 
 their arms ; when German'icus returned, therefore, they 
 unanimously resolved to choose him emperor. 5. This 
 general was the darling of the soldiers, and almost idolized, 
 so that he might, with very little difficulty, have raised him- 
 self to the highest dignity in the state ; but his duty pre- 
 vailed over his ambition ; he rejected their offers with the 
 utmost indignation, and used the most indefatigable endeav- 
 ours to quell the sedition. This he effected, though with 
 extreme hazard, by cutting off many of the principal revolt- 
 ers, and then by leading the troops against the Germans, 
 who were considered as the common enemies of the empire. 
 6. Tiberius was as much pleased with the loyalty of 
 German'icus, as he was distressed at his superior popular- 
 ity ; his success, also, immediately after, against the Ger- 
 mans, still more excited the emperor's envy and private 
 disgust. He overthrew the enemy in several battles, sub- 
 duing many wild and extensive countries. 7. These victo- 
 ries, however, only served to inflame the emperor's jealousy; 
 and every virtue in the general now became a new cause of 
 offence. This dislike began to appear by Tiberius's making 
 use of every pretence to draw German'icus from the legions ; 
 but he was obliged to postpone his purpose on account of 8 
 domestic insurrection made in Italy by one Cle'mens, whom 
 he put to death by a private execution in a secret apartment 
 of the palace. 
 
 * He began his reign, however, with the murder of Agrippa Posthu-' 
 cms, the grandson of Augustus.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 271 
 
 9. Having thus got rid of his domestic enemy, he turned 
 his thoughts to the most specious means of bringing home 
 German'icus from the legions in Germany. He began by 
 procuring him a triumph for his late victories, and *hen 
 writing to him to return in order to enjoy those honours 
 which the senate had decreed ; adding, that he had reaped 
 enough of glory in a country to which he had been sent 
 nine times, and been each time victorious ; concluding, that 
 so great a number of triumphs was sufficient ; and the most 
 signal vengeance which could be inflicted on this turbulent 
 people was to permit them to continue their intestine divi- 
 sions. 10. German'icus was met on his return, many miles 
 from the city, by a vast multitude, who received him with 
 marks of adoration rather than respect. The gracefulness 
 of his person ; his triumphal chariot, in which were carried 
 his five children ; and the recovered standards of the army 
 of Va'rus, threw the people into a phrenzy of joy and ad- 
 miration.* 
 
 11. German'icus was now appointed to a new dignity. 
 He departed from Rome on an expedition to the east, car- 
 rying with him his wife Agrippi'na, and his children. 12. 
 But Tibe'rius, to restrain his power, had sent Cne'ius Pi'so 
 governor into Syr'ia. This Pi'so was a person of furious 
 and headstrong temper, and, in every respect, fit to execute 
 those fatal purposes for which he was designed. 13. His 
 instructions were, to oppose German'icus upon every occa- 
 sion, to excite hatred against him, and even to procure his 
 death if an opportunity should offer. He accordingly took 
 every opportunity of abusing German'icus ; and taxed him 
 with diminishing the Roman glory, by his peculiar protec- 
 tion of the Athe'nians. 14. German'icus disregarded his 
 invectives, being more intent on executing the business of 
 his commission, than on counteracting the private designs 
 of Pi'so. 15. Piso, however, and his wife Planci'na, who 
 is recorded as a woman of an implacable and cruel dispo- 
 sition, continued f defame him. German'icus opposed 
 only patience and condescension to all their invectives, and, 
 with that gentleness which was peculiar to him, repaid their 
 resentments by courtesy. 1 6. He was not ignorant of their 
 motives, and was rather willing to evade than oppose their 
 
 * Varus had been surprised by the Germans, defeated, and his whole 
 army cut to pieces. Augustus was so grieved at this disgrace and losn, 
 that, for a long time, he wore mourning, and frequently was heard to 
 cry out, in the agony of his grief, " Restore me my legions, Varu*.**
 
 272 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 enmity. He, therefore, took a voyage Into Egypt, under 
 pretence of viewing the celebrated antiquities of that coun- 
 try ; but, in reality, to avoid the machinations of Pi'so, and 
 those of his wife, which were still more dangerous. 17. 
 Upon his return he fell sick, and, M r hether from a mind pre- 
 viously alarmed, or from more apparent marks of treachery, 
 he sent to let Pi'so know, that he broke off all further con- 
 nections. Growing daily worse, his death appeared to bt 
 inevitable. 18. Finding his end approaching, he addressed 
 his friends, who stood around his bed, to the following ef- 
 fect: " Had my death been natural, I might have reason to 
 complain of being thus snatched away from all the endear- 
 ments of life, at so early an age ; but my complaints are 
 aggravated, in falling the victim of Pi'so's and Planei'na's 
 treachery. Let the emperor, therefore, I conjure you, know 
 the manner of my death, and the tortures I suffer. Those 
 who loved me when living those who even envied my for- 
 tune will feel some regret, when they hear of a soldier, 
 who had so often escaped the rage of the enemy, falling a 
 sacrifice to the treachery of a woman. Plead then my cause 
 before the people you will be heard with pity and if my 
 murderers should pretend to have acted by command, they 
 will either receive no credit or no pardon." 19. As he 
 spoke these words, he stretched forth his hand, which his 
 weeping friends tenderly pressing, most earnestly vowed 
 that they would lose their lives rather than their revenge. 
 The dying prince, then turning to his wife, conjured her, by 
 her regard to his memory, and by all the bonds of nuptial 
 love, to submit to the necessity of the times, and to evade 
 the resentment of her more powerful enemies by not op- 
 posing it.* 20. Nothing could exceed the distress of the 
 whole empire, upon hearing of the death of German'icus, 
 and the people of Rome seemed to set no bounds to it. 21. 
 In this universal confusion, Pi'so seemed marked for de- 
 struction. He and his wife stood charged with the death 
 of German'icus, by giving him a slow poison. Indeed, 
 even the emperor himself, with his mother Liv'ia, incurred 
 a share of the general suspicion. 22. This was soon after 
 greatly increased by the arrival of Agrippi'na, the widow 
 of German'icus, a woman of invincible courage, and in 
 
 * Germanicus died in the 34th year of his age, and was universally 
 mourned for, not only by the Roman people, but by the princes in 
 alliance with Rome, and even by the proud monarch of Parthia. (Suet. 
 1. 4. c. 5.)
 
 THE EMPIRE. 273 
 
 high esteem for her virtue. She appeared bearing the urn 
 containing the ashes of her husband, and, attended by all 
 her children, went to the tomb of Augustus. 23. When she 
 approached the city, she was met by the senate and people 
 of Rome, both with acclamations and expressions of sorrow. 
 The veteran soldiers, who had served under German'icus, 
 gave the sincerest testimonies of their concern. The mul- 
 titude, while the ashes were depositing, regarded the cere- 
 mony in profound silence ; but presently broke out into 
 loud lamentations, crying out, The commonwealth is now 
 no more. 
 
 24. Tibe'rius permitted the accusation of Pi'so, though 
 he was justly supposed to be merely the instrument of his 
 own vengeance. This general was accused before the sen- 
 ate of the death of German'icus, and of other crimes. 
 
 25. He put an end to his trial, which had been drawn 
 out to a great length, by committing suicide.* His wife 
 Planci'na, who was universally believed to be most culpa- 
 ble, escaped punishment by the interest of Liv'ia. 
 
 26. Tibe'rius, having now no object of jealousy to keep 
 him in awe, began to pull off the mask, and appear more 
 in his natural character than before. 27. In the beginning 
 of his cruelties, he took into his confidence Seja'nus, a 
 Roman knight, who found out the method of gaining his 
 affection by the most refined degree of dissimulation, and 
 was an overmatch for his master in his own arts.t It is not 
 well known whether he was the adviser of all the cruelties 
 that ensued ; but certain it is, that from the beginning of 
 his ministry, Tibe'rius seemed to become more fatally sus- 
 picious. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What were the age and character of Tiberius on his accession 1 
 
 2. What first showed him in his true colours ? 
 
 * He was found in the morning with his throat cut, and his sword 
 lying by him ; but whether this was done by his own hand, or by the 
 orders of Tiberius, is not known. (Tacitus.) 
 
 j- Sejanus, though simply a Roman knight, was descended from an 
 illustrious family, and was, in the very beginning of Tiberius's reign, 
 associated with his father in the command of the prsetorian guards. By 
 removing these from their usual quarters in the city, and uniting them 
 in one body in a camp, he laid the foundation of that power, which they 
 afterwards usurped, of disposing of the empire at their pleasure.
 
 274 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 3. What was the first news he heard ? 
 
 4 Was there not a more formidable revolt? 
 
 5. Did Germanicus accept this dignity ? 
 
 6. Did Tiberius properly appreciate this conduct ! 
 
 7. Was he pleased with his success 1 
 
 8. How did this appear ? 
 
 9. What followed this execution? 
 
 10. How was Germanicus received? 
 
 11. How was he next employed? 
 
 12. What restraints were imposed on him? 
 
 1 3. What were Piso's instructions, and how did he execute them t 
 
 14. How did Germanicus act on the occasion ? 
 
 15. Did Piso persevere in his base attempts ? 
 
 1 6. Was Germanicus aware of their design ? 
 
 17. What happened on his return ? 
 
 18. Repeat his speech on his death-bed. 
 
 19. What farther passed on this occasion! 
 
 20. Was his untimely end lamented ? 
 
 21. Who incurred the popular hatred on this occasion? 
 
 22. How was this increased ? 
 
 23. What honours were paid her? 
 
 24. Was the tyrant's vile agent rewarded for his services ? 
 
 25. What was the issue ? 
 
 26. How did Tiberius conduct himself after this? 
 
 27. Who was his prime minister ? 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 1. SEJA'NTJS began his administration by using all bis 
 address to persuade Tiberius to retire to some agreeable re- 
 treat, remote from Rome ; from this he expected many ad- 
 vantages, since there could be no access to the emperor but 
 through him. 2. The emperor, either prevailed upon by 
 his persuasions, or pursuing the natural turn of his temper, 
 left Rome and went into Campa'nia, under pretence of de- 
 dicating temples to Ju'piter and Augustus. Growing weary, 
 however, of places where mankind might follow him with 
 their complaints and distresses, he withdrew himself into 
 the delightful island of Ca'preae ; and buried in this retreat, 
 gave himself up to abandoned pleasures, regardless of the 
 miseries of his subjects. 3. From this time he became 
 more cruel, and Seja'nus increased his distrusts. Secret 
 spies and informers were placed in all parts of the city, who 
 converted the most harmless actions into subjects of offence. 
 4. In consequence of this, Ne'ro and Dru'sus, the children 
 of German'icus, were declared enemies to the state, and
 
 THE EMPIRE. 275 
 
 afterwards starved to death in prison ; while Agrippi'na, 
 their mother, was sent into banishment. Sabi'nus, Asm'ius, 
 Gal'lus, and Syria'cus, were, upon slight pretences, con- 
 demned and executed. 5. In this manner Seja'nus pro- 
 ceeded, removing all who stood between him and the empire ; 
 and every day increasing his confidence with Tibe'rius, and 
 his power with the senate. The number of his statues ex- 
 ceed-ed even those of the emperor ; people swore by his 
 fortune, in the same manner as they would have done had 
 he been upon the throne ; and he was more dreaded than 
 even the tyrant who actually enjoyed the empire. 6. But 
 the rapidity of his rise seemed only preparatory to the 
 greatness of his downfall. All we know of his first dis- 
 grace with the emperor is, that Sati'rus Secun'dus was the 
 man who had the boldness to accuse him of treason ; and 
 Anto'nia, the mother of German'icus, seconded the accusa- 
 tion. 7. The senate, who had long been jealous of his 
 power, and dreaded his cruelty, immediately took this op- 
 portunity of going beyond the orders of Tibe'rius ; instead 
 of sentencing him to imprisonment, they directed his exe- 
 cution.* 8. Whilst he was conducting to his fate, the peo- 
 ple loaded him with insult and execration ; pursued him 
 with sarcastic reproaches ; and threw down his statues. He 
 himself was strangled by the executioner. 
 
 9. His death only lighted up the emperor's rage for far- 
 ther executions. Planci'na, the wife of Pi'so, and others, 
 were put to death for being attached to Seja'nus. He began 
 to grow weary of single executions, and gave orders that 
 all the accused should be put to death together, without fur- 
 ther examination. The whole city was, in consequence, 
 filled with slaughter and mourning. 10. When one Car- 
 nu'lius killed himself, to avoid the torture, " Ah !" cried 
 Tibe'rius, " how has that man been able to escape me !" 
 When a prisoner had earnestly entreated that he would not 
 defer his death : " Know," said the tyrant, " I am not suf- 
 ficiently your friend to shorten your torments." 
 
 * To such a pitch of meanness were the Roman senators arrived, that 
 when the emperor's letu>r arrived, the senators, thinking it contained 
 orders for bestowing on Sejanus the tribunltial power, crowded around 
 him, each striving to be foremost in congratulating him on his new dig- 
 nity; but they no sooner learned the real contents of the fatal letter 
 than all forsook him; even those who sat near him removed to another 
 part of the house, lest they should be accounted his friends. (Dio.) The 
 populace likewise broke in pieces those very statues which, a few hour* 
 before, they had adored.
 
 276 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 11. In this manner he lived, odious to the world, inJ 
 troublesome to himself; an enemy to the lives of others, a 
 tormentor of his own.* At length, in the 22d year of his 
 reign, he began to feel the approaches of dissolution, and 
 his appetite totally forsook him. 12. He now, therefore, 
 found it was time to think of a successor, and fixed upon 
 Calig'ula :t willing, perhaps, by the enormity of Calig'ula's 
 conduct, with which he was well acquainted, to lessen the 
 obloquy of his own. 
 
 13. Still, however, he seemed desirous to avoid his end ; 
 and strove, by change of place, to cut off the inquietude of 
 his own reflections. He left his favourite island, and went 
 upon the continent; and at last, fixed at the promontory of 
 Mise'num.J There he fell into faintings, which all believed 
 to be fatal. 14. Calig'ula supposing him actually dead, 
 caused himself to be acknowledged by the Praetorian sol- 
 diers^ and went forth from the emperor's apartment amidst 
 the applauses of the multitude ; when, all of a sudden, he was 
 informed that the emperor was likely to recover. 15. This 
 unexpected account filled the whole court with terror and 
 alarm ; every one who had before been earnestly testifying 
 his joy, now reassumed his pretended sorrow, and forsook 
 the new emperor, through a feigned solicitude for the fate of 
 the old. 16. Calig'ula seemed thunderstruck; he preserved 
 a gloomy silence, expecting nothing but death, instead of the 
 empire at which he aspired. 17. Marco, however, who was 
 hardened in crimes, ordered that the dying emperor should 
 be despatched, by smothering him with pillows ; or, as 
 some will have it, by poison. Thus died Tibe'rius in the 
 
 * It has been well said of Tiberius, " This great prince this sovereign 
 of Rome with his numerous armies, his prsetorian bands, and his un- 
 limited power, was in hourly fear of secret assassins, incessantly racked 
 by his own apprehensions ; with all the eclat of empire, the most miser- 
 able being in his dominions. His power, indeed, was unlimited, but so 
 was his misery ; the more he made others suffer, the faster he multi- 
 plied his own torments. Such was his situation and life, and such are 
 the natural consequences of the abuse of power." 
 
 f He was so named from caliga, a sort of military boot which he 
 usually wore. 
 
 t A promontory, port, and town in Italy, near Naples. 
 
 The Praetorian bands were instituted by Augustus, to guard his 
 person, and maintain his authority. Under bold and warlike emperors, 
 they were kept in tolerable subjection : but when the reins of govern- 
 ment were held by feeble hands, they became the disturbers, instead of 
 preservers, of the public peace ; and, at length, deposed and set up em- 
 perors at their pleasure.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 277 
 
 seventy-eighth year of his age, after reigning C u - c - 780. 
 twenty-two years. ^ A. D. 37. 
 
 18. It was in the eighteenth year of this emperor's reign 
 that Christ, (after having spent two years in the public min- 
 istry, instructing the multitude in the way of salvation,) was 
 crucified; as if the universal depravity ol mankind wanted 
 no less a sacrifice than this to reclaim them. Pi'late sent to 
 Tibe'rius an account of Christ's passion, resurrection, and 
 miracles, and the emperor made a report of the whole to the 
 senate, desiring that Christ might be accounted a god by the 
 Romans. 19. But the senate, displeased that the proposal 
 had not come first from themselves, refused to allow of his 
 apotheosis ; alleging an ancient law, which gave them the 
 superintendence in all matters of religion. They even went 
 so far as to command, by an edict, that all Christians should 
 leave the city ; but Tibe'rius, by another edict, threatened 
 death to such as should accuse them ; by which means they 
 continued unmolested during the rest of his reign. 
 
 20. The vices of Calig'ula were concealed under the ap- 
 pearance of virtue in the beginning of his reign. In less 
 than eight months, however, every trace of moderation and 
 clemency vanished ; while furious passions, unexampled 
 avarice, and capricious cruelty, reigned uncontrolled; and 
 pride, impiety, lust, and avarice, appeared in all their native 
 deformity. 
 
 21. Calig'ula's pride" first appeared in his assuming to 
 himself the title of ruler ; which was usually granted only 
 to kings. He would also have taken the crown and diadem, 
 had he not been advised, that he was already superior to all 
 the monarchs of the world. 22. Not long after he assumed 
 divine honours, and gave himself the names of such divini- 
 ties as he thought most agreeable to his nature. For this 
 purpose he caused the heads of the statues of Jupiter, and 
 some other gods, to be struck off, and his own to be put in 
 their places. He frequently seated himself between Castor 
 and Pollux, and ordered that all who came to this temple to 
 worship should pay their adorations only to himself. 23. How- 
 ever, such was the extravagant inconsistency of this unac- 
 countable idiot, that he changed his divinity as often as he 
 changed his clothes ; being at one time a male deity, at 
 another a female ; sometimes Jupiter or Mars ; and not un- 
 frequently Venus or Diana. 24. He even built and dedi- 
 cated a temple to his own divinity, in which his statue of 
 gold was every day dressed in robes similar to those which 
 
 2 A
 
 278 Hisronv OF ROME. 
 
 he himself wore, and worshipped by crowds of adorers 
 His priests were numerous ; the sacrifices made to him 
 were of the most exquisite delicacies that could he procured ; 
 and the dignity of the priesthood was sought by the most 
 opulent men of the city. However, he admitted his wife 
 and his horse to that honour ; and to give a finishing stroke 
 to his absurdities, became a priest to himself. 25. His 
 method of assuming the manners of a deity was not less ri- 
 diculous ; he often went out at full moon, and courted it in 
 the style of a lover. He employed many inventions to imi- 
 tate thunder, and would frequently defy Jupiter, crying out 
 with a speech of Homer, " Do you conquer me, or I will 
 conquer you." He frequently pretended to converse in 
 whispers with the statue of Jupiter, and usually seemed 
 angry at its replies, threatening to send it back into Greece, 
 whence it came. Sometimes, however, he would assume a 
 better temper, and seem contented that Jupiter and he should 
 dwell together in amity. 
 
 26. Of all his vices, prodigality was the most remarkable, 
 and that which in some measure gave rise to the rest. The 
 luxuries of former emperors were simplicity itself when 
 compared to those which he practised. He contrived new 
 ways of bathing, when the richest oils and most precious 
 perfumes were lavished with the utmost profusion. His 
 luxuries of the table were of immense value, and even jew- 
 els, as we are told, were dissolved in his sauces. He some- 
 times had services of pure gold presented before his guests, 
 instead of meat, observing that a man should be an econo- 
 mist or an emperor. 
 
 27. The manner in which he maintained his horse will 
 give some idea of his domestic extravagance. He built a 
 stable of marble, and a manger of ivory ; and whenever the 
 animal, which he called Incita'tus, was to run in the race, he 
 placed sentinels near its stable, the night preceding, to pre- 
 vent its slumbers from being broken.* 
 
 Some still more extraordinary accounts are given of this horse : i l 
 is said that he appointed it a house, furniture, and kitchen, in order to 
 treat all its visitors with proper respect. Sometimes he invited Incita'- 
 tus to his own table, and presented it with gilt oats, and wine in a gol- 
 den cup. He would often swear, "by the safety of his horse 1" and it 
 is even said that it was his intention to have appointed it to the consul- 
 ship, had not his death prevented it
 
 THE EMPIRE. '270 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the first measure of Stjanus? 
 
 2. Did the emperor yield to his persuasions ? 
 
 3. What consequences ensued from this measure 1 ? 
 
 4. Who were the first sufferers ? 
 
 6. Did Sejanus increase his influence 1 
 
 6. Was this elevation permanent 1 
 
 7. To what punishment was he condemned ? 
 
 8. What occurred at his execution 7 
 
 9. Was this the only victim to the cruelty of Tiberius ? 
 
 10. How did Tiberius aggravate his cruelties? 
 
 11. Did these cruelties long continue? 
 
 12. How did he act on this? 
 
 13. Was he resigned to his fate? 
 
 14. What followed on this ? 
 
 15. How was this news received ? 
 
 16. Did Caligula boldly meet the consequences? 
 
 17. How was this averted ? 
 
 18. What highly remarkable event happened in this reign? 
 
 1 9. Was his desire gratified ? 
 
 20. What was the conduct of Caligula on this occasion? 
 
 2 1 . By what acts did he display his pride ? 
 
 22. Did his arrogance carry him farther than this? 
 
 23. Under what name did he assume divine honours? 
 
 24. Of what farther absurdities was he guilty ? 
 
 25. Relate other follies of his ? 
 
 26. What was his principal vice ? 
 
 27. Give an instance of his domestic extravagance ? 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 1. THE impiety, however, of Calig'ula was but subordi- 
 nate to his cruelties. He slew many of the senate, and after- 
 wards cited them to appear. He cast great numbers of old 
 and infirm men to the wild beasts, to free the state from 
 such unserviceable citizens. He usually fed his wild beasts 
 with the bodies of those wretches whom he condemned ; 
 and every tenth day sent off numbers of them to be thus 
 devoured, which he jocosely called clearing his accounts. 
 One of those who was thus exposed, crying out that he was 
 innocent,* Calig'ula ordered him to be taken up, his tongue 
 
 * One day on visiting the amphitheatre, fmdinc; there were no criminals 
 condemned to fight with wild beasts, he ordered numbers of the specta- 
 tors to be thrown to them, previously causing their tongues to be cut out, 
 .hat they might not, by their cries, disturb his inhuman diversions.
 
 280 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to be cut out, and then thrown into the amphitheatre as be 
 fore. 2. He took delight in killing men with slow tortures, 
 that, as he expressed it, they might feel themselves dying, 
 being always present at such executions himself, directing 
 the duration of the punishment, and mitigating the tortures 
 merely to prolong them. 3. In fact, he valued himself for 
 no quality more than his unrelenting temper, and inflexible 
 severity, when he presided at an execution. 4. Upon one 
 occasion, being incensed with the citizens, he wished that 
 the Roman people had but one neck, that he might dispatch 
 them at one blow. 
 
 5. Such insupportable and capricious cruelties produced 
 many secret conspiracies against him ; but they were for 
 a while deferred upon account of his intended expedition 
 TJ. c. 793. > against the Germans and Britons. 6. For this 
 A. D. 41. 5 purpose he caused numerous levies to be made, 
 and talked with so much resolution, that it was universally 
 believed he would conquer all before him. 7. His march 
 perfectly indicated the inequality of his temper; sometimes 
 it was so rapid that the cohorts were obliged to leave their 
 standards behind them ; at other times it was so slow, that 
 it more resembled a pompous procession than a military ex- 
 pedition. 8. In this disposition he would cause himself to 
 be carried on a litter, on eight men's shoulders, and ordered 
 all the neighbouring cities to have their streets well swept 
 and watered, that he might not be annoyed with dust. 9. 
 However, all these mighty preparations ended in nothing. 
 Instead of conquering Britain, he merely gave refuge to one 
 of its banished princes ; and this he described, in his letter 
 to the senate, as taking possession of the whole island. 
 10. Instead of conquering Germany, -he only led his army 
 to the seashore in Gaul : there, disposing his engines and 
 warlike machines with great solemnity, and drawing up his 
 men in order of battle, he went on board his galley, with 
 which coasting along, he commanded his trumpets to sound, 
 and the signal to be given as if for an engagement. 11. His 
 men, who had previous orders, immediately fell to gathering 
 *he shells that lay upon the shore into their helmets, as their 
 spoils of the conquered ocean, worthy of the palace and the 
 capitol. 12. After this doughty expedition, calling his army 
 together, like a general after victory, he harangued them in 
 a pompous manner, and highly extolled their achievements ; 
 then, distributing money among them, and congratulating 
 them upon their riches, he dismissed them, with orders to
 
 THE EMPIRE. 281 
 
 be joyful : and, that such exploits should not pass without 
 a memorial, he ordered a lofty tower to be erected by the 
 seaside.* 
 
 13. Cassius Cher'ea, a tribune of the Praetorian bands, 
 was the person who at last freed the world from this tyrant. 
 Besides the motives which he had in common with other 
 men, he had received repeated insults from Calig'ula, who 
 took all occasions of turning him into ridicule, and im 
 peaching him with cowardice, merely because he happened 
 to have an effeminate voice. Whenever Cher'ea came to 
 demand the watch-word from the emperor, according to 
 custom, he always gave him either Venus, Adonis, or some 
 such, implying softness and effeminacy. 
 
 14. Cher'ea secretly imparted his design to several sena- 
 tors and knights, whom he knew to have received personal 
 injuries from Calig'ula. While these were deliberating 
 upon the most certain and speedy method of destroying the 
 tyrant, an unexpected incident gave new strength to the 
 conspiracy. 15. Pempe'dius, a senator of distinction, being 
 accused before the emperor of having spoken of him with 
 disrespect, the informer cited one Quintil'ia, an actress, to 
 confirm the accusation. 16. Quintil'ia, however, was pos- 
 sessed of a degree of fortitude not frequently found even 
 in the other sex. She denied the fact with obstinacy ; and, 
 being put to the torture, bore the severest tortures of the 
 rack with unshaken constancy. 17. Indeed, so remarkable 
 was her resolution, that though acquainted with all the par- 
 ticulars of the conspiracy, and although Cher'ea was the 
 person appointed to preside at her torture, she revralrd 
 nothing ; on the contrary, when she was led to the rack, 
 she trod upon the toe of one of the conspirators, intimating 
 at once her knowledge of their conspiracy, and her resolu- 
 tion not to divulge it. 18. Thus she suffered, until all her 
 limbs were dislocated ; and, in that deplorable state, was 
 presented to the emperor, who ordered her a gratuity for 
 what she had endured. 
 
 19. Cher'ea could no longer contain his indignation, at 
 being thus made the instrument of a tyrant's cruelty. After 
 several deliberations of the conspirators, it was at last re- 
 solved to attack him during the Palatine games, which 
 
 * It is said that the tower which stands at the entry of the port of 
 Cologne, culled La tour d'ordre, is that built by Calig'ula on this oc- 
 casion. 
 
 2 A 2
 
 282 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 lasted four days,* and to strike the blow when his guards 
 should not have the opportunity to defend him. 20. The 
 first three days of the games passed. Cher'ea began to ap- 
 prehend that deferring the completion of the conspiracy 
 might be the means of divulging it ; he even dreaded that 
 the honour of killing the tyrant might fall to the lot of some 
 other person bolder than himself. At last he resolved to 
 defer the execution of his plot only to the day following, 
 when Calig'ula should pass through a private gallery, to 
 some baths near the palace. 
 
 21. The last day of the games was more splendid than 
 the rest; and Calig'ula seemed more sprightly and conde- 
 scending than usual. He enjoyed the amusement of seeing 
 the people scramble for the fruits and other rarities by his 
 order thrown among them, being no way apprehensive of 
 the plot formed for his destruction. 22. In the mean time 
 the conspiracy began to transpire : and, had he any friends 
 remaining, it could not have failed of being discovered. A 
 senator who was present, asking one of his acquaintance if 
 he had heard any thing new, and the other replying in the 
 negative, said "you must know, that this day will be repre- 
 sented the death of a tyrant." The other immediately un- 
 derstood him, but desired him to be cautious. 23. The 
 conspirators waited many hours with extreme anxiety ; and 
 Calig'ula seemed resolved to spend the whole day without 
 any refreshment. So unexpected a delay exasperated 
 Cher'ea ; and, had he not been restrained, he would sud- 
 denly have perpetrated his design in the midst of all the peo- 
 ple. 24. At that instant, while he was hesitating, Aspore'- 
 nus,t one of the conspirators, persuaded Calig'ula to go to 
 the bath, and take some slight refreshment, that he might 
 the better enjoy the rest of the entertainment. 25. The 
 emperor, rising up, the conspirators used every precaution 
 to keep off the throng, and to surround him themselves, 
 under pretence of great assiduity. Upon his entering a little 
 vaulted gallery that led to the bath, Cher'ea struck him to 
 the ground} with his dagger, crying out, " Tyrant, think upon 
 
 * Palatine games were so called from their being celebrated on the 
 Palatine Hill, which was the most considerable of the seven hills on 
 which Rome was built. This was the first hill occupied by Rom'uhis, 
 and where he fixed his residence, and kept his court; as also did Tul'- 
 lus, Hostil'ius, Augus'tus, and all the succeeding emperors ; and hence 
 ; t is that the residence of princes is called Palatium or Palace. 
 
 j- He is, by some called Am'pronus.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 283 
 
 this." The other conspirators closed in upon him ; and 
 while the emperor was resisting, and crying out that ne was 
 not yet dead, they dispatched him with thirty wounds. 
 
 26. Such was the merited death of Calig'ula, in the 29th 
 year of his age, after a short reign of not four years. His 
 character may be summed up in the words of Sen'eca ; 
 namely, " Nature seemed to have brought him forth, to show 
 what mischief could be effected by the greatest vices support- 
 ed by the greatest authority." 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Of what enormities was Caligula guilty 1 
 
 2. How did he heighten his cruelties ? 
 
 3. On what did he chiefly value himself? 
 
 4. What monstrous wish did he express ? 
 
 5. What was the consequence of such atrocities ? 
 
 6. What preparations did he make 1 
 
 7. How did his disposition display itself on this occasion 1 
 
 8. How did he sometimes travel ? 
 
 9. What exploits did he perform ? 
 
 10. Did he not make a show of some great enterprise T 
 
 11. How did it end? 
 
 12. Of what farther follies was he guilty ? 
 
 13. By whom was he assassinated, and by what provocations was nil 
 
 fate hastened? 
 
 14. Were others made privy to the design? 
 
 15. Relate this incident. 
 
 16. Did Quintilia confirm the accusation? 
 
 17. What rendered this resolution more remarkable? 
 
 18. What was the result ? 
 
 19. Was the crisis much longer deferred? 
 
 20. Was this resolution put in practice ? 
 
 21. Was Caligula at all apprehensive of what was in agitation? 
 
 22. Was the secret, inviolably kept ? 
 
 23. How was the design nearly frustrated? 
 
 24. What induced Caligula to alter his intention? 
 
 25. Relate the manner of his death. 
 
 26. Repeat the summary of his character as given by Seneca. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 u. c. 794. A; D. 42. 
 
 1. As soon as the death of Calig'ula was made public it 
 produced the greatest confusion. The conspirators, who 
 only aimed at destroying a tyrant, without attending to the
 
 
 284 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 appointment of a successor, had all sought safety by retiring 
 to private places. 2. Some soldiers happening to wander 
 about the palace, discovered Clau'dius, Calig'ula's uncle, 
 lurking in a secret place where he had hid himself. Of this 
 person, who had hitherto been despised for his imbecility, they 
 resolved to make an emperor : and accordingly they carried 
 him upon their shoulders to the camp, where they proclaim- 
 ed him at a time when he expected nothing but death. 
 
 3. Clau'dius was now fifty years old. The complicated 
 diseases of his infancy had, in some measure, affected all the 
 faculties of his mind as well as body, and he seemed, both 
 in public and domestic life, incapable of conducting himself j 
 with propriety.* 
 
 4. The commencement of his reign, however, as had been 
 the case with all the bad emperors, gave the most promising 
 hopes. It began by an act of oblivion for all former words and 
 actions, and by disannulling all the cruel edicts of Calig'ula. 
 5. He showed himself more moderate than his predecessors 
 with regard to titles and honours. He forbade all persons, 
 under severe penalties, to sacrifice to him, as they had done 
 to Calig'ula. He was assiduous in hearing and examining 
 complaints ; and frequently administered j ustice in person 
 with great mildness. To his solicitude for the internal ad- 
 vantages of the state, he added that of a watchful guardian- 
 ship over the provinces. He restored Jude'a to Her'od 
 Agrip'pa,t which Calig'ula had taken from Her'od Antipas, 
 his uncle, the man who had put John the Baptist to death, 
 and who was banished by order of the present emperor.f 
 
 I 6. He even undertook to gratify the people by foreign 
 
 * His mother Anto'nia, used to call him a human monster; and his 
 nephew, Calig'ula, when he had butchered many of his kindred, saved 
 him merely for a laughing-stock. The kindest word Agustus gave him 
 was that of Misel'lus, (poor wretch.) This example was followed by 
 others. If he happened to come to table when the guests had taken their 
 places, no one showed him the least civility ; and when he slept, as he 
 sometimes did, after meals, they would divert themselves by throwing 
 the stones of fruit at him, or by wakening him with a blow of a rod or 
 whip. 
 
 f Her'od Agrip'pa was the grandson of Herod the Great ; who, at the 
 birth of our Saviour, caused all the infants of Bethlehem to be massacred, 
 in hopes that he would fall in the number. Her'od Agrip'pa to please 
 the Jews, also persecuted the Christians ; and put to death St. James the 
 Great. 
 
 $ He put to death Chcr'ea and some others of the murderers of his 
 nephew.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 285 
 
 *v A 
 
 
 Triumph of CUndiui. 
 
 The Britons, who had for nearly a hundred years 
 been left in quiet possession of their own island, began to 
 seek trie mediation of Rome, to quell their intestine commo- 
 tions. 7. The principal man who desired to subject his 
 native country to the Roman dominion, was one Ber'icus, 
 who persuaded the emperor to make a descent upon the 
 island, magnifying the advantages that would attend the con- 
 quest of it. 8. In pursuance of his advice, therefore, Plau'- 
 tius, the praetor, was ordered to go into Gaul, and make 
 preparations for this great expedition. At first, indeed, his 
 soldiers seemed backward to embark, declaring that they 
 were unwilling to make war beyond the limits of the world; 
 for so they judged Britain to be. However, they were at 
 last persuaded to go, and the Britons were several times 
 overthrown. 
 
 9. These successes soon after induced Claud'ius to go in- 
 to Britain in peiMm, under pretence that the natives C A - D - 
 were still seditious, and had not delivered up some ^ 46. 
 Roman fugitives, who had taken shelter among them. 
 10. However, this exhibition seemed rather calculated for 
 show than service : the time he continued in Britain, which 
 was in all but sixteen days, was more taken up in receiving 
 homage than extending his conquests. 11. Great rejoicings 
 were made upon his return to Rome : the senate decreed 
 him a splendid triumph; triumphal arches were erected to 
 I is honour, and annual games instituted to commemorate 
 his victories. 12. In the mean time the war was vigorously 
 prosecuted by Plau'tius, and his lieutenant Vespasian, who
 
 286 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 
 
 according to Sueto'nius, fought thirty battles, and reduced a 
 part of the island into the form of a Roman pro- C A. D 
 vince. 13. However, this war broke out afresh (51. 
 under the government of Osto'rius, who succeeded Plau' 
 tius. The Britons, either despising him for want of expe- 
 rience, or hoping to gain advantages over a person newly 
 come to command, rose up in arms, and disclaimed the Ro- 
 man power. 14. The Ice'ni, who inhabited Suffolk, Nor- 
 folk, Cambridge, and Huntingdonshire; the Can'gi, in Wilt- 
 shire and Somersetshire ; and the Brigan'tes, in Yorkshire, 
 &c. made a powerful resistance, though they were at length 
 overcome ; but the Silu'res, or inhabitants of South Wales, 
 under their king Carac'tacus, were the most formidable op- 
 ponents the Roman generals had ever yet encountered. 
 15. This brave barbarian not only made a gallant defence, 
 but often claimed a doubtful victory. He, with great con- 
 duct, removed the seat of war into the most inaccessible 
 parts of the country, and for nine years kept the Romans in 
 continued alarm. 
 
 16. Upon the approach of Osto'rius, however, Carac'ta- 
 cus, finding himself obliged to come to a decisive engage- 
 ment, addressed his countrymen with calm resolution, tell- 
 ing them that this battle would either establish their liberty, 
 or confirm their servitude ; that they ought to remember the 
 bravery of their ancestors, by whose valour they were deli- 
 vered from taxes and tribute ; and that this was the time to 
 show themselves equal to their progenitors. 17. But no- 
 thing that undisciplined valour could perform availed against 
 the conduct of the Roman legions. After an obstinate fight, 
 the Britons were entirely routed : the wife and daughter of 
 Carac'tacus were taken prisoners ; and he himself, seeking 
 refuge from Cartisman'dua, queen of the Brigan'tes, was 
 treacherously delivered up to the conquerors. 18. When 
 he was brought to Rome, nothing could exceed the curiosity 
 of the people to behold a man who had, for so many years, 
 braved the power of the empire. Carac'tacus testified no 
 marks of base dejection. When he was led through the 
 streets, and observed the splendor of every object around 
 him " Aias !" cried he, " how is it possible that people 
 possessed of such magnificence at home, could think of en- 
 vying Carac'tacus a humble cottagt? in Britain !" 19. When 
 he was brought before the emperor, while the other prison- 
 ers sued for pity with the most abject lamentations, Carac'- 
 tacus stood before the tribunal with an intrepid air, and
 
 THK KMPIRE. 287 
 
 though he was willing to accept of pardon, was not mean 
 enough to sue for it. " If," said he, " 1 had yielded imme- 
 diately, and without opposing you, neither would my for- 
 tune have been remarkable, nor your glory memorable ; you 
 could not have been victorious, and I had been forgotten. 
 If now, therefore, you spare my life, I shall continue a per- 
 petual example of your clemency." Clau'dius generously 
 pardoned him, and Osto'rius was decreed a triumph. 
 
 20. In the beginning of his reign Clau'dius gave the 
 highest hopes of a happy continuance ; but he soon began 
 to lessen his care for the public, and to commit to his fa- 
 vourites all the concerns of the empire. This prince, weak 
 from his infancy, was little able, when called to govern, to 
 act but under the direction of others. 21. One of his chief 
 instructors was his wife Messa'lina : whose name is become 
 a common appellation for women of abandoned character. 
 By her was Clau'dius urged on to commit cruelties, which 
 he considered only as wholesome severities ; while her 
 crimes became every day more notorious, and exceeded 
 what had ever been in Rome. For her crimes and enormi- 
 ties, however, she, together with her accomplice Cai'us 
 Sil'ius, suffered that death they both had so justly deserved. 
 
 22. Clau'dius afterwards married Agrippi'na, the (laugh- 
 ter of his brother German'icus, a woman of a cruel and am- 
 bitious spirit, whose only aim being to procure the succes- 
 sion of Nero, her son by a former marriage, she treated 
 Claudius with such haughtiness, that he was heard to de- 
 clare, when heated with wine, that it was his fate to smart 
 under the disorders of his wives, and to be their execu- 
 tioner. 23. This expression sunk deep in her mind, and 
 engaged all her faculties to prevent the blow ; she therefore 
 resolved not to defer a deed which she had meditated long 
 before, which was to poison him. She for some time de- 
 bated within herself in what quantity the poison should be 
 administered, as she feared that too strong a dose would dis- 
 cover the treachery, while one too weak would fail of its 
 effect. 24. At length she determined upon a poison of sin- 
 gular efficacy to destroy his intellects, and yet not suddenly 
 to terminate his life ; it was given among mushrooms, a 
 dish the emperor was particularly fond of. 25. Shortly af- 
 ter he had eaten, he dropped down insensible ; but this 
 caused no alarm, as it was usual with him to eat till he had 
 stupified his faculties, and been obliged to be carried from 
 the table to his bed. 26. His constitution, however, seem
 
 ii88 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 eil to overcome the effects of the potion; but Agrippi'na 
 resolving to make sure of him, directed a wretch of a phy* 
 sician, her creature, to introduce a poisoned feather into his 
 throat, under pretence of making him vomit, and thus to 
 dispatch him, which had its intended effect. Thus died 
 Clau'dius the First, the complicated diseases of whose in- 
 fancy seemed to have affected and perverted all the faculties 
 of his mind. He was succeeded by Nero, the son of Agrip- 
 pi'na by her first husband. Nero had been adopted by 
 Clau'dius. 
 
 Questions for Examination . 
 
 1 . What happened on the death of Caligula ? 
 
 2. Who was appointed his successor ? 
 
 3. What was the character of Claudius? 
 
 4. How did he conduct himself! 
 
 5. By what farther acts did he distinguish his accession ? 
 
 6. Did he adopt any warlike measure? 
 
 7. By whom was he persuaded to interfere 1 
 
 8. Who was sent into that country, and what occurred in consequence* 
 
 9. What resolution did Claudius form? 
 
 10. Did he perform any memorable exploits? 
 
 11. Was his return celebraied ? 
 
 12. Was the war in Britain now at an end ? 
 
 13. Did this finish the war? 
 
 14. Who were the most formidable adversaries of the Romans? 
 
 15. How did he distinguish himself? 
 
 16. By what means did he strengthen the courage of his troops ? 
 
 17. Were his efforts successful ? 
 
 18. What happened on his arrival in Rome ? 
 
 1 9. What was his behaviour before the emperor ? 
 
 20. Did Claudius continue to govern well? 
 
 21. Who was the chief instigator of his cruelties? 
 
 22. Who was the second wife of Claudius, and what was her conduct 
 
 towards him ? 
 
 23. What was the consequence of this unguarded expression? 
 
 24. On what did she at length resolve ? 
 
 25. What effect did it produce ? 
 
 26. Did he recover ?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 280 
 
 Rome Nt oo fin, by order of Nero. 
 
 SECTION vn. 
 
 u. c. 793 A. D. 55. 
 
 1 . NERO, though but seventeen years old, began his reign 
 with the general approbation of mankind. He appeared 
 just, liberal, and humane. AVhen a warrant for the execu- 
 tion of a criminal was brought to be signed, he would cry 
 out with compassion, " Would to heaven that I had never 
 .earned to write !" 
 
 2. But as he increased in years, his native disposition be- 
 gan to show itself. The execution of his mother Agrippi'na 
 was the first alarming instance he gave of his cruelty. After 
 attempting to get her drowned at sea, he ordered her to be 
 put to death in her palace ; and coming to gaze upon the 
 dead body, was heard to say, that he had never thought his 
 mother so handsome a woman. 
 
 3. The mounds of virtue being thus broken down, Nero 
 gave a loose to appetites that were not only sordid, but in- 
 human. There was a sort of odd contrast in his disposition ; 
 for while he practised cruelties sufficient to make the mind 
 shudder with horror, he was fond of those amusing arts 
 which soften and refine the heart. He was particularly ad- 
 dicted, even from childhood, to music, and not totally igno- 
 rant of poetry ; chariot-driving was his favourite pursuit; 
 and all these he frequently exhibited in public. 
 
 4. Happy had it been for mankind, had he confined him- 
 self to these ; and contented with being contemptible, sought 
 not to become formidable also. His cruelties exceeded all 
 his other extravagances. 5. A great part of the city o 
 
 2 B
 
 290 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Rome was consumed by fire in his time, and to him most 
 historians ascribe the conflagration. It is said that he stood 
 upon a high tower, during the continuance of the flames, 
 enjoying the sight, and singing, in a theatrical manner to 
 his harp, verses upon the burning of Troy. None were 
 permitted to lend assistance towards extinguishing the 
 flames ; and several persons were seen setting fire to the 
 houses, alleging that they had orders for so doing. 6. How- 
 ever this be, the emperor used every art to throw the odium 
 of so detestable an action from himself, and fix it upon the 
 Christians, who were at that time gaining ground in Rome. 
 7. Nothing could be more dreadful than the persecution 
 raised against them upon this false accusation. Some were 
 covered with the skins of wild beasts, and, in that disguise, 
 devoured by the dogs ; some were crucified, and others 
 burnt alive. " When the day was not sufficient for thejr 
 tortures, the flames, in which they perished," says Ta'citus, 
 " served to illuminate the night ;" while Nero, dressed in 
 the habit of a charioteer, regaled himself with a view of their 
 tortures from his gardens, and entertained the people at one 
 time with their sufferings, at another with the games of the 
 circus. 8. In this persecution St. Paul was beheaded, and 
 St. Peter crucified, with his head downwards ; a mode of 
 death he chose, as being more dishonourable than that of 
 his divine Master. 
 
 9. A conspiracy formed against Nero, by Piso, a man of 
 great power and integrity, which was prematurely dis- 
 covered, opened a train of suspicions that destroyed many 
 of the principal families in Rome, 10. The two most re- 
 markable personages who fell on this occasion, were Sen'- 
 eca, the philosopher, and Lucan the poet, his nephew. 
 Nero, either having real testimony, or else hating him for 
 his virtues, sent a tribune to Sen'eca,* informing him that 
 he was suspected as an accomplice. The tribune found the 
 philosopher at table with Pauli'na, his wife ; and informing 
 him of his business, Sen'eca replied without emotion, that his 
 welfare depended upon no man ; that he had never been ac- 
 
 * Sen'eca, a celebrated philosopher, and a son of Sen'eca the orator, 
 was born at Corduba, in Spain, A. D. 8. This town was ako the birth- 
 place of his father. (Strabo and Lucan.) Corduba was founded by the 
 Romans, B. C. 150: and in process of time it became the residence of 
 the Moorish kings, and where they continued till their expulsion into 
 Africa. It was in the vicinity of this city that Caesar fought his last ba> 
 tie with the sons of Pompey
 
 THE EMPIRE. 291 
 
 customed to indulge the errors of the emperor, and would 
 not do it now. 11. When this answer was brought to 
 Nero, he demanded whether Sen'eca seemed afraid to die ; 
 the tribune replying that he did not appear in the least ter- 
 rified ; " Then go to him again," cried the emperor, " and 
 give him my orders to die." Accordingly he sent a centu- 
 rion to Sen'eca, signifying that it was the emperor's plea- 
 sure that he should die. Sen'eca seemed no way discom- 
 posed, but displayed the fortitude of conscious integrity. 
 He endeavoured to console his wife, and exhorted her to a 
 life of persevering virtue. 12. She seemed resolved, how- 
 ever, not to survive him, and pressed her request to die 
 with him so earnestly, that Sen'eca, who had long looked 
 upon death as a benefit, at last gave his consent ; and the 
 veins of both their arms were opened at the same time. 13. 
 As Sen'eca was old, and much enfeebled by the austerities 
 of his life, the blood flowed but slowly ; so that he caused 
 the veins of his legs and thighs to be opened also. His 
 pains were long and violent, but they were not capable of 
 repressing his fortitude or his eloquence. He dictated a dis- 
 course to two secretaries, which was read with great avidity 
 after his death, but which has since perished in the lapse of 
 time. 14. His agonies being now drawn out to a great 
 length, he at last demanded poison from his physician ; but 
 this also failed of its effect, his body being already exhausted, 
 and incapable of exciting its operation. He was from this 
 carried into a warm bath, which only served to prolong his 
 sufferings ; at length, therefore, he was put in a stove, the 
 vapour of which quickly dispatched him. 15. In the mean 
 time his wife, Pauli'na, having fallen into a swoon with the 
 loss of blood, had her arms bound up by her domestics, and 
 by this means survived her husband for some years ; but by 
 her conduct during the rest of her life, she seemed never to 
 forget her affection and his example. 
 
 16. The death of Lucan was not less remarkable. After 
 he had lost a great quantity of blood from the veins of his 
 arms, perceiving his hands and legs already dead, while the 
 vital parts still continued warm and vigorous, he called to 
 mind the description of his own poem of the Pharsa'lia, of 
 a person dying in similar circumstances, and expired 
 while he was repeating the passage. 
 
 17. The death of C. Patro'nius, about this Cu. c. 817. 
 time, is too remarkable to be passed over in ( A. D. 66. 
 silence. This person, whom some historians suppose to be
 
 292 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the author of the piece entitled T. Petro'nii Arbi'tri Saty' 
 ricon, was an Epicu'rean, both in principle and practice. In 
 a court like that of Nero, he was esteemed for his refine- 
 ments in luxury, and became the emperor's tutor in this ex- 
 quisite art. 18. Accused of being privy to Piso's conspi- 
 racy, he was committed to prison. Petro'nius, who could 
 not endure the anxiety of suspense, resolved upon putting 
 himself to death, by causing his veins to be opened. 19. In 
 the mean time, he conversed with his friends, not upon 
 maxims of philosophy, or grave subjects, but upon such 
 topics as had amused his gayest revels. He listened while 
 they recited the lightest poems ; and by no action, no word, 
 no circumstance, showed the perplexity of a dying person. 
 20. Shortly after him, Numi'cius Thermus, Bare'a Sora'- 
 nus, and Pe'tus Thra'sea, were put to death. The valiant 
 Cor'bulo, who had gained Nero so many victories over 
 the Parthians, followed next. Nor did the empress Pop- 
 pae'a herself escape. 21. At length human nature grew 
 weary of bearing her persecutor; and the whole world 
 seemed to rouse, as if by comncon consent, to rid the earth 
 of a monster. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What was Nero's conduct at the commencement of his reign ? 
 
 2. Did this disposition continue? 
 
 3. What was there peculiar in his disposition ? 
 
 4. Were these his greatest faults ? 
 
 5. Of what heinous crime is he accused 1 
 
 6. On whom was the odium of this barbarous action cast ? 
 
 7. What was the consequence to these unhappy men 1 
 
 8. What eminent persons suffered on this occasion? 
 
 9. Did not these cruelties give birth to conspiracies ? 
 
 10. What persons of note suffered in consequence \ 
 
 11. Did this defence save his life? 
 
 1 2. Were his exhortations effectual ? 
 
 13. Relate the circumstances of Seneca's death? 
 
 14. Were not other means resorted to ? 
 
 15. Did not Paulina survive him 1 
 
 16. Dscribe the death of Lucan. 
 
 17. What other victim of Nero's cruelty deserves mention * 
 
 18. What brought him into danger ! 
 1 9 How did he meet death ? 
 
 20. Were not other illustrious persons sacrificed ? 
 321 Were these cruelties committed with impunity ?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 293 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 1. SER'VIUS GALBA, at that time governor of Spain, was 
 lemarkable for his wisdom in peace, and his courage in war; 
 but as a display of talents under corrupt princes is danger- 
 ous, he, for some years, had seemed to court obscurity and 
 an inactive life. 2. Willing, however, to rid his country of 
 the monster that now occupied the throne, he accepted the 
 invitation of Vindex, to march with an army towards Rome. 
 3. From the moment he declared against Nero, the tyrant 
 considered himself as fallen. He received the account as 
 he was at supper, and instantly struck with terror, over- 
 turned the table with his foot, breaking two crystal vases of 
 immense value. He fell into a swoon, and on his recovery 
 tore his clothes and struck his head, crying out, " that he 
 was utterly undone." 4. He now called for the assistance 
 of Locus'ta, a woman famous in the art of poisoning, to 
 furnish him with the means of death ; but being prevented 
 in this, and the revolt becoming general, he went in person 
 from house to house ; but the doors were shut against him. 
 Being reduced to a state of desperation, he desired that one 
 of his favourite gladiators might dispatch him ; but even in 
 this request not one would obey. " Alas," cried he, " have 
 I neither friend nor enemy ?" then running desperately 
 forth, he seemed resolved to plunge headlong into the Ti'ber. 
 5. But his courage failed him ; he made a sudden stop, as 
 if willing to re-collect his reason, and asked for some sacred 
 place where he might reassume his courage, and meet death 
 with becoming fortitude. 6. In this distress, Pha'on, one 
 of his freedmen, offered him his country-house, about four 
 miles distant, where he might for some time remain con- 
 cealed. Nero accepted the offer ; and, with his head % co- 
 vered, hiding his face with his handkerchief, he mounted on 
 horseback, attended by four of his domestics, of whom the 
 wretched Sporus was one. 7. His journey, though short, 
 was crowded with adventures. An earthquake gave him the 
 first alarm. The lightning from heaven next flashed in his 
 face. Round him he heard nothing but confused noises 
 from the camp, the cries of the soldiers imprecating a thou- 
 sand evils upon his head. 8. A traveller, meeting him on 
 the way, cried, " Those men are in pursuit of Nero." An- 
 other asked him if there was any news of Nero in the city. 
 His horse taking fright at a dead body that lay near the 
 2B 2
 
 294 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 road, he dropped his handkerchief, when a soldier address- 
 ing him by name, he quitted his horse, and forsaking the 
 highway, entered a thicket that led towards the back part 
 <f Pha'ron's house, making the best of his way among the 
 feeds and brambles with which the place was overgrown. 
 0. During this interval, the senate, finding the Practo'rian 
 guards had taken part with Galba, declared him emperor, 
 and condemned Nero to die, mo' re majo'rum; that is, ac- 
 cording to the rigour of the ancient laws. 10. When he 
 was told of the resolution of the senate, he asked what was 
 meant by being punished according to the rigour of the an- 
 cient laws ? To this it was answered, that the criminal was 
 to be stripped naked, his head fixed in a pillory, and in that 
 posture he was to be scourged to death. 11. Nero was so 
 terrified at this, that he seized two poniards, which he had 
 brought with him : after examining their points, he returned 
 them, however, to their sheaths, pretending that the fatal 
 moment was not yet arrived. 12. He then desired Sporus 
 to begin the lamentations which were used at funerals ; he 
 next entreated that one of his attendants would die, to give 
 him courage by his example, and afterwards began to re- 
 proach his own cowardice, crying out, " Does this become 
 Nero ? Is this trifling well-timed ? No ! let me be cour- 
 ageous !' In fact, he had no time to spare ; for the sol- 
 diers who had been sent in pursuit of him, were just then 
 approaching the house. 13. Upon hearing, therefore, the 
 sound of the horses' feet, he set a dagger to his throat, with 
 which, by the assistance of Epaphrod'itus, his freedman 
 and secretary, he gave himself a mortal wound. 14. How- 
 ever, he was not yet dead when one of the centurions, en- 
 tering the room and pretending that he came to his relief, 
 attempted to stop the blood with his cloak. But Nero, re- 
 garding him with a stern countenance, said, " It is now too 
 late ! Is this your fidelity ?" Upon which, with his eyes 
 fixed and frightfully staring, he expired ; exhibiting, even 
 after death, a ghastly spectacle of innoxious tyranny. 15. 
 He reigned thirteen years, seven months, and twenty-eight 
 days, and died in the thirty-second year of his age. 
 
 16. Galba Avas seventy-two years old when he was de- 
 u. c. 820. } clared emperor, and was then in Spain with his 
 A. D.69. 5 legions. He soon found that his being raised 
 to the thnne was but an inlet to new disquietudes. 17. He 
 seemed to have three objects in view : to curb the insolence 
 of the soldiers ; to punish those vices which had risen to an
 
 THE EMPIRE. 295 
 
 enormous height in the last reign ; and to replenish the ex- 
 chequer, which had been drained by the prodigality of his 
 predecessors. 18. However, permitting himself to be go- 
 verned by favourites, he at one time showed himself severe 
 and frugal ; at another remiss and prodigal ; condemning 
 some illustrious persons without any hearing, and pardon- 
 ing others, though guilty. In consequence of this, seditions 
 were kindled, and factions promoted. 
 
 19. Galba was sensible that, besides his age, his want of 
 an heir rendered him less respected: he resolved, therefore, 
 to adopt a person whose virtues might deserve such ad- 
 vancement, and protect his declining age from danger ; but 
 his favourites wished to give him an heir of their own 
 choosing ; so that there arose a great contention among 
 them upon this occasion. ' 20. Otho made earnest applica- 
 tion for himself, alleging the great services he had done the 
 emperor, as being the first man of note who came to his as- 
 sistance when he declared against Nero. 21. However, 
 Galba, being fully resolved to consult the public good alone, 
 rejected his suit ; and, on a day appointed, ordered Piso 
 Lucia'nus to attend him. The character given by histo- 
 rians of Piso is, that he was every way worthy of the 
 honour designed him. 22. Taking this youth by the hand, 
 Galba adopted him to succeed in the empire, giving him the 
 most wholesome lessons for guiding his future conduct. 
 Piso showed that he was highly deserving this distinction , 
 in all his deportment there appeared such modesty, firmness, 
 and equality of mind as bespoke him rather capable of dis- 
 charging than ambitious of obtaining his present dignity. 
 2M. Hut the army and the senate did not seem equally dis- 
 interested upon this occasion ; they had been so long used 
 to bribery and corruption, that they could now bear no em- 
 peror who was not in a capacity of satisfying their avarice. 
 The 'adoption, therefore, of Piso, was coldly received ; for 
 his virtues were no recommendation in a time of universal 
 depravity. 
 
 24. Otho, who had long been a favourite of Galba, and 
 hoped to be adopted a successor in the empire, finding him- 
 self disappointed, and stimulated by the immense load of 
 debt which he had contracted by his riotous way of living, 
 resolved upon obtaining the empire by force, since he could 
 not do it by peaceable succession. Having corrupted the 
 fidelity of the army, he stole secretly from the emperor 
 while he was sacrificing, and, assembling the soldiers, he,
 
 296 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 in a short speech, urged the cruelties and the avarice of 
 Galba. 25. Finding his invectives received with universal 
 shouts by the army, he entirely threw off the mask, and 
 avowed his intention of dethroning him. The soldiers being 
 ripe for sedition, immediately seconded his views, and taking 
 Otho upon their shoulders, declared him emperor ; and to 
 strike the citizens with terror, carried him, with their swords 
 drawn, into the camp. 
 
 26. Soon after, finding Galba in some measure deserted 
 by his adherents, the soldiers rushed in upon him, trampling 
 under foot the crowds of people that then filled the forum. 
 
 27. Galba seeing them approach, seemed to recollect all his 
 former fortitude ; and bending his head forward, bid the 
 assassins strike it off, if it were for the good of the people. 
 
 28. The command was quickly obeyed. The soldier who 
 struck it off stuck it upon the point of a lance, and con- 
 temptuously carried it round the camp ; his body remaining 
 unburied in the streets till it was interred by one of his 
 slaves. His short reign of seven months was as illustrious 
 by his own virtues as it was contaminated by the vices of 
 his favourites, who shared in his downfall. 
 
 29. Otho, who was now elected emperor, began his reign 
 by a signal instance of clemency, in pardoning Marius Cel- 
 sus, who had been highly favoured by Galba ; and not con- 
 tent with barely forgiving, he advanced him to the highest 
 honours, asserting that " fidelity deserved every reward." 
 
 30. In the mean time, the legions in Lower Germany 
 having been purchased by the large gifts and specious pro- 
 mises of Vitel'lius their general, were at length induced to 
 proclaim him emperor ; and, regardless of the senate, they 
 declared that they had an equal right to appoint to that high 
 station, with the cohorts at Rome. 
 
 31. Otho departed from Rome with all haste to give 
 Vitel'lius battle. The army of Vitel'lius, which consisted 
 of seventy thousand men, was commanded by his generals 
 Va'lens and Cecin'na, he himself remaining in Gaul, in 
 order to bring up the rest of his forces. Both sides hasten- 
 ened to meet each other with so much animosity and preci- 
 pitation, that three considerable battles were fought in the 
 space of three days, in all of which Otho and the Romans 
 had the advantage. 32. These successes, however, were 
 but of short continuance, for Va'lens and Cecin'na, Avho had 
 hitherto acted separately, joining their forces, and strength- 
 ening their armies with fresh supplies, resolved to come to
 
 THE EMPIRE. 297 
 
 a general engagement. Otho's forces were partially over- 
 thrown at Bedria'cum, a village near Cremo'na, in Lom- 
 bardy, in Italy ; and though he had still numerous armies 
 at his devotion, he killed himself shortly after, having 
 reigned three months and five days, and was succeeded by 
 Vitel'lius. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the character of Sergius Galba! 
 
 2. Did he at length emerge from his obscurity ? 
 
 3. Was he formidable to Nero 1 
 
 4. What was the conduct of Nero on this emergency ! 
 
 5. Did he actually do so ? 
 
 6. Was his request complied with 1 
 
 7. What befell him by the way 1 
 
 8. What farther happened 1 
 
 9. What occurred in the interval ! 
 
 10. How did Nero receive this intelligence? 
 
 1 1 Did he resolve to await this terrible punishment 1 
 
 12. How did he contrive to put off the fatal moment! 
 
 13. What at length put an end to this irresolution 1 
 
 14. Was he dead when the soldiers arrived 1 
 
 15. How long did he reign 1 
 
 16. What was the age of Galba on his accession! 
 
 17. What were his principal views! 
 
 18. Was his conduct regular and consistent! 
 
 19. What important measure did he adopt! 
 
 20. Who was the chief candidate on the occasion ! 
 
 21. Was he chosen ! 
 
 22. Was Piso the chosen successor, and what was his character ! 
 
 23. Was this adoption generally approved ! 
 
 24. Did not Otho attempt to set him aside ! 
 
 25. Was he favourably received ? 
 
 26. Did Galba suppress this rebellion ! 
 
 27. What was his behaviour on the occasion ! 
 
 28. Was this command obeyed, and what treatment did Galba cxp 
 
 rience ! 
 
 29. How did Otho commence his reign ! 
 
 30. Did he reign without a rival ! 
 
 3 1 . What was the consequence of this rivalship ! 
 33. Was Otho finally successful!
 
 298 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 A. D. 70. 
 
 1. VITEL'LIUS was declared emperor by the senate, and 
 received the marks of distinction which were now accus 
 tomed to follow the appointments of the strongest side. 
 
 2. Upon his arrival at Rome, he entered the city, not as 
 a place he came to govern with justice, but as a town that 
 was become his own by the laws of conquest. 
 
 3. Vitel'lius soon gave himself up to all kinds of luxury 
 and profuseness ; but gluttony was his favourite vice. His 
 entertainments, seldom indeed at his own cost, were pro- 
 digiously expensive. He frequently invited himself to the 
 tables of his subjects ; in the same day breakfasting with 
 one, dining with another, and supping with a third. 4. By 
 such vices and by enormous cruelties, he became a burthen 
 to himself, and odious to all mankind. Having become in- 
 supportable to the inhabitants of Rome, the legions of the 
 East unanimously resolved to make Vespa'sian emperor. 
 
 5. During the preparations against him, Vitel'lius, though 
 buried in sloth and luxury, resolved to make an effort to 
 defend the empire ; and his chief commanders, Va'lens and 
 Cecin'na, were ordered to make all possible preparations to 
 resist the invaders. 6. The first army that entered Italy 
 with a hostile intention, was under the command of Anto'- 
 nius Pri'mus, who was met by Cecin'na, near Cremo'na. 
 A battle was expected to ensue ; but a negociation taking 
 place, Cecin'na was prevailed upon to change sides, and 
 declared for Vespa'sian.* His army, however, quickly re- 
 pented of what they had done, and, imprisoning their gene- 
 rs.1, attacked Anto'nius, though without a leader. 7. The 
 engagement continued the whole night ; and in the morning, 
 after a short repast, both armies engaged a second time ; 
 when the soldiers of Anto'nius saluting the rising sun, ac- 
 cording to custom, the Vitel'lians supposed that they had 
 received new reinforcements, and betook themselves to 
 flight, with the loss of thirty thousand men. 
 
 8. In the mean time, Vitel'lius made offers to Vespa'sian 
 of resigning the empire in his favour, provided his life were 
 
 * Vespasian was at that time conducting the war in Jude'a, in Asia.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 209 
 
 spared, and a sufficient revenue allotted for his support. 
 In order to enforce this proposal, he issued from his palace 
 in deep mourning, with all his domestics weeping round him. 
 &. He then went to offer the sword of justice to Cecil'ius, 
 the consul, which he refusing, the abject emperor prepared 
 to lay down the ensigns of empire in the Temple of Concord ; 
 but being interrupted by some who cried out, that he him- 
 self was Concord, he resolved, upon so weak an encourage- 
 ment, still to maintain his power, and immediately prepared 
 for his defence. 
 
 10. During this fluctuation of counsels, one Sabi'nus, who 
 had advised Vitel'lius to resign, perceiving his desperate 
 situation, resolved, by a bold step, to favour Vespa'sian ; 
 and accordingly seized upon the capitol. But he was pre- 
 mature in his attempt ; for the soldiers of Vitel'lius attacked 
 him with great fury ; and prevailing by their numbers, soon 
 laid that beautiful building in ashes. 11. During this dread- 
 ful conflagration, Vitel'lius was feasting in the palace of Ti- 
 be'rius, and beheld all the horrors of the assault with satis- 
 faction. 12. Sabi'nus was taken prisoner, and shortly after 
 executed by the emperor's command. Young Domi'tian, 
 his nephew, who was afterwards emperor, escaped by flight, 
 in the habit of a priest ; and the rest, who survived the fire, 
 were put to the sword. 
 
 13. But Anto'nius, Vespa'sian's commander, being ar- 
 rived before the walls of the city, the forces of Vitel'lius re- 
 solved upon defending it to the utmost extremity. It was 
 attacked with fury; while the army within, sallying out 
 upon the besiegers, defended it with equal obstinacy. The 
 battle lasted the whole day ; the besieged were driven back 
 into the city, and a dreadful slaughter made of them in the 
 streets which they vainly attempted to defend. 
 
 14. Vitel'lius was soon found hidden in an obscure cor- 
 ner, whence he was taken by a party of the conquering sol- 
 diers. Still, however, desirous of adding a few hours to his 
 miserable life, he begged to be kept in prison till the arrival 
 of Vespa'sian at Rome, pretending that he had secrets of 
 importance to discover. 15. But his entreaties were vain ; 
 the soldiers binding his hands behind him, and throwing a 
 halter round his neck, led him along, half naked, into the 
 public forum, loading him with all the bitter reproaches their 
 malice could suggest, or his cruelty might deserve. At 
 length, being come to the place of punishment, they put him 
 to death with blows : and then dragging the dead body
 
 300 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 through the streets with a hook, they threw it, with all possi 
 ble ignominy, into the river Tiber. 
 
 16. Vespa'sian was now declared emperor by the unani- 
 A. D. > mous consent both of the senate and the army ; and 
 70. 5 dignified with all those titles which now followed 
 rather the power than the merit of those who were appointed 
 to govern. 17. Having continued some months at Alexan'- 
 dria, in Egypt, where it is said he cured a blind man and a 
 cripple by touching them, he set out for Rome. Giving his 
 son, Ti'tus, the command of the army that was to lay siege 
 to Jerusalem, he himself went forward, and was met many 
 miles from Rome by all the senate, and the inhabitants, who 
 gave the sincerest testimony of their joy, in having an em- 
 peror of such great and experienced virtue. 18. Nor did he 
 in the least disappoint their expectations ; as he showed him- 
 self equally assiduous in rewarding merit and pardoning his 
 adversaries ; in reforming the manners of the citizens, and 
 setting them the best example in his own. 
 
 19. In the mean time Titus carried on the war against 
 the Jews with vigour. This obstinate and infatuated people 
 had long resolved to resist the Roman power, vainly hoping 
 to find protection from heaven, which their impieties had 
 utterly offended. 20. Their own historian represents them 
 as arrived at the highest pitch of iniquity ; while famines, 
 earthquakes, and prodigies, all conspired to forebode their 
 approaching ruin. 21. Nor was it sufficient that heaven and 
 earth seemed combined against them ; they had the most 
 bitter dissensions among themselves, and were divided into 
 two parties, who robbed and destroyed each other with im- 
 punity : constantly pillaging, yet boasting their zeal for the 
 religion of their ancestors. 
 
 22. At the head of one of these parties was an incendiary, 
 whose name was John. This fanatic affected sovereign 
 power, and filled the whole city of Jeru'salem, and all the 
 towns around, with tumult and pillage. In a short time a 
 new faction arose, headed by one Si'mon, who, gathering 
 together multitudes of robbers and murderers who had lied 
 to the mountains, attacked many cities and towns, and re- 
 duced all Idume'a under his power. 23. Jeru'salem, at 
 length, became the theatre in which these two demagogues 
 exercised their mutual animosity : John was possessed of 
 the temple, while Si'mon was admitted into the city; both 
 equally enraged against each other ; while slaughter and de- 
 vastation were the consequence of their pretensions. Thus
 
 THE KMPIRK. 301 
 
 J [ a city formerly celebrated for peace and unity, become 
 the seat of tumult and confusion. 
 
 24. In this miserable situation, Ti'tus began his opera- 
 tions within six furlongs of Jeru'salem, during the feast of 
 the passover, when the place was filled with an infinite mul- 
 titude of people, who had come from all parts to celebrate 
 that great solemnity. 25. The approach of the Romans 
 produced a temporary reconciliation between the contending 
 factions within the city ; so that they unanimously resolved 
 to oppose the common enemy, and decide their domestic quar- 
 rels at a more convenient season. 26. Their first sally, which 
 was made with much fury and resolution, put the besiegers 
 into great disorder, and obliged them to abandon their camp, 
 and fly to the mountains ; however, rallying immediately 
 after, the Jews were forced back into the city, while Ti'tus, 
 in person, showed surprising instances of valour and con- 
 duct. 
 
 27. The city was strongly fortified with three walls on 
 every side, except where it was fenced by precipices. Ti'- 
 tus began by battering down the outward wall, which, after 
 much fatigue and danger, he effected ; in the mean time 
 showing the greatest clemency to the Jews, and offering 
 them repeated assurances of pardon. Five days after the 
 commencement of the siege, Ti'tus broke through the se- 
 cond wall ; and though driven back by the besieged, he re- 
 covered his ground, and made preparations for battering the 
 third wall, which was their last defence. 28. But first he 
 sent Jose'phus, their countryman, into the city, to exhort 
 them to yield ; who using all his eloquence to persuade them, 
 was answered only with scoffs and reproaches. 29. The 
 siege was now therefore carried on with greater vigour than 
 before ; formidable engines for throwing darts and stones 
 were constructed, and as quickly destroyed by the enemy. 
 At length it was resolved in council to surround the whole 
 city with a trench, and thus prevent all relief and all suc- 
 cours from abroad. 30. This, which was quickly executed, 
 seemed no way to intimidate the Jews. Though famine, 
 and pestilence its necessary attendant, began now to make 
 the most horrid ravages among them, yet this desperate peo- 
 ple still resolved to hold out. 31. Ti'tus now cut down all 
 the woods within a considerable distance of the city ; and 
 causing more batteries to be raised, he at length beat down 
 the wall, and in five days entered the citadel by force. 32. 
 The Jews, however, continued to deceive themselves with 
 2C
 
 302 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 absurd expectations, while many false prophets deluded the 
 multitude, by declaring that they should soon have assist- 
 ance from God. The heat of the battle was now gathered 
 round the inner wall of the temple, while the defendants 
 desperately combatted from the top. 33. Ti'tus was de- 
 sirous of saving this beautiful structure ; but a soldier casting 
 a brand into some adjacent buildings, the fire communi- 
 cated to the temple ; and notwithstanding the utmost en- 
 deavours on both sides, the whole edifice was quickly con- 
 sumed. 34. The sight of the temple in ruins effectually 
 served to damp the ardour of the Jews. They now began 
 to suppose that heaven had forsaken them, while their cries 
 and lamentations echoed from the adjacent mountains. Even 
 those who were almost expiring, lifted up their dying eyes 
 to bewail the loss of their temple, which they valued more 
 than life itself. 35. The most resolute, however, still en- 
 deavoured to defend the upper and stronger part of the city, 
 named Sion ; but Ti'tus, with his battering engines, soon 
 made himself entire master of the place. 36. John and 
 Simon were taken from the vaults where they had concealed 
 themselves ; the former was condemned to perpetual im- 
 prisonment, and the latter reserved to grace the conqueror's 
 triumph. The greatest part of the populace were put to the 
 sword ; and the city was, after a six month's siege, entirely 
 razed, and its site ploughed up ; so that according to our 
 Saviour's prophecy, not one stone remained upon another. 
 Those who perished in this siege amounted to about a mil- 
 lion ; the captives to almost a hundred thousand.* 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Who succeeded Otho? 
 
 2. In what way did he assume the sovereignty ? 
 
 3. How did he conduct himself in his new station ? 
 
 4. What were the consequences of this conduct? 
 
 5. Did Vitellius tamely submit to his rival 1 
 
 6. Who first commenced hostilities 1 
 
 7. What followed 1 
 
 8. What was the conduct of Vitellius on this occasion 1 
 
 9. What farther measures did he adopt? 
 
 10. Were the friends of Vespasian idle at this juncture ? 
 
 1 1. How was Vitellius engaged at the time of this disaster ? 
 
 1 2. What became of Sabinus ? 
 
 * The destruction of Jerusalem happened in the year of our Lord 70
 
 THE EMPIRE. 303 
 
 13. What was the consequence of this success on the part of Vitellius ! 
 
 14. What became of the fallen emperor ! 
 
 15. Was his request granted 1 
 
 1 6. Did Vespasian quietly succeed ? 
 
 17. What were his first measures 1 
 
 18. Were they disappointed in their expectations 1 
 
 19. What was the state of the Jewish war! 
 
 20. What was the state of the Jewish nation 1 
 
 21. Were they united among themselves 1 ! 
 
 22. Who were at the head of these factions ? 
 
 23. What was the chief theatre of their enormities 1 
 
 24. At what remarkable season did Titus commence his attack ' 
 
 25. What effect did this attack produce ? 
 
 26. Did the Jews bravely defend their city ? 
 
 27. What progress did Titus make in the siege 1 
 
 28. Did he make no attempt to persuade the Jews to surrender ! 
 
 29. What measures were then adopted 1 
 
 30. Did these formidable measures terrify the Jews 1 
 
 31. By what means did Titus gain the city 1 
 
 32. Was all opposition now at an end ! 
 
 33. Was the temple destroyed ? 
 
 34. What effect did this sad event produce ? 
 
 35. Were there none who attempted farther resistance ? 
 
 36. What became of the inhabitants and their chiefs 1 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 1. UPON the taking of Jerusalem, the soldiers would have 
 crowned Titus as conqueror ; but he modestly refused the 
 honour, alleging, that he was only an instrument in the 
 hand of heaven, that manifestly declared its wrath against 
 the Jews. 2. .At Rome, however, all men's mouths were 
 filled with the praises of the conqueror, who had not only 
 showed himself an excellent general, but a courageous com- 
 batant. His return, therefore, in triumph, with Vespa'sian 
 his father, was marked with all the magnificence and joy in 
 the power of men to express. All things that were es- 
 teemed valuable or beautiful were brought to adorn this 
 great occasion. 3. Among the rich spoils were exposed 
 vast quantities of gold, taken out of the temple ; but the 
 Book of the Holy Law was not the least remarkable among 
 the magnificent profusion. 4. This was the first time that 
 ever Rome saw the father and the son triumphant together. 
 A triumphal arch was erected upon this occasion, on which 
 were described the victories of Titus over the Jews ; and it 
 remains almost entire to this day.
 
 04 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 5. Few emperors have received a better character from 
 historians than Vespasian ; yet his numerous acts of gene- 
 rosity and magnificence could not preserve his character 
 from the imputation of rapacity and avarice ; for it is well 
 known that he descended to some very unusual and dis- 
 honourable imposts. 
 
 6. Having reigned ten years, beloved by his subjects, and 
 deserving their affection, he was seized with an indisposition 
 at Campa'nia, which he perceived would be fatal. 7. Find- 
 ing his end approaching, he exerted himself, and cried out, 
 " An emperor ought to die standing ;" whereupon, raising 
 himself upon his feet, he expired in the arms of those who 
 sustained him. 
 
 8. Titus was joyfully received as emperor, and began his 
 A. D. } reign with the practice of every virtue that became 
 79. 5 a sovereign and a man. During the life of his 
 father, there had been many imputations against him both 
 for cruelty, lust, and prodigality ; but upon his exaltation to 
 the throne, he seemed to have entirely taken leave of his 
 former vices, and became an example of the greatest mode- 
 ration and humanity. 9. His first step towards gaining the 
 affections of his subjects, was the moderating of his pas- 
 sions, and bridling his inclinations. 10. He discarded those 
 who had been the ministers of his pleasures, though he 
 had formerly taken great pains in the selection. 11. This 
 moderation, added to his justice and generosity, procured 
 him the love of all good men, and the appellation of the 
 Delight of Mankind; which all his actions seemed calcu- 
 lated to insure. 
 
 12. Ti'tus took particular care to punish all informers, 
 false witnesses, and promoters of dissension. Wretches 
 who had their rise in the licentiousness and impunity of 
 former reigns, were now become so numerous, that their 
 crimes called loud for punishment. 13. Of these he daily 
 made public example, condemning them to be scourged in 
 the public streets, dragged through the theatre, and then 
 banished into the uninhabited parts of the empire, or sold 
 as slaves. 14. His courtesy and readiness to do good have 
 been celebrated even by Christian writers ; his principal 
 rule being, not to send away a petitioner dissatisfied. One 
 night, recollecting that he had done nothing beneficial to 
 mankind during the day, he cried out, " I have lost a day !" 
 A sentence too remarkable not to be had in remembrance. 
 
 15. In the first year of his reign, an eruption of Mount
 
 THE EMPIRE. 305 
 
 Vesu'vius overwhelmed many towns,* throwing its ashes 
 into countries more than a hundred miles distant. Upon 
 this memorable occasion, Pliny, the naturalist, lost his life ; 
 being impelled by too eager a curiosity to observe the erup- 
 tion, he was suffocated in the flames. 16. This and other 
 disasters were, in some measure, counterbalanced by the 
 successes in Britain, under Agrico'la. This excellent gene- 
 ral, having been sent into Britain towards the latter end of 
 Vespasian's reign, showed himself equally expert in quell- 
 ing the refractory, and civilizing those who had formerly 
 submitted to the Roman power. 17. The Ordovi'ces, or 
 inhabitants of North Wales, were the first that were sub- 
 dued. He then made a descent upon the isle of An'gle- 
 sey, which surrendered at discretion. 18. Having thus ren- 
 dered himself master of the whole country, he took every 
 method to restore discipline to his whole army, and to in- 
 troduce politeness among those whom he had conquered. 
 He exhorted them, both by advice and example, to build 
 temples, theatres, and stately houses. He caused the sons 
 of their nobility to be instructed in the liberal arts, and to 
 be taught the Latin language ; and induced them to imitate 
 the Roman modes of dress and living. 19. Thus, by de- 
 grees, this barbarous people began to assume the luxurious 
 
 * Hcrcula'neum, Pompe'ii, &c. This eruption happened August 
 21, A. D. 79. These towns, after having been buried under the lava 
 for more than 1600 years, were discovered in the beginning of the last 
 century: Hercula'neum, in 1713, about 24 feet under ground, by la- 
 bourers digging a well, and Pompe'ii 40 years after, about 12 feet below 
 the surface ; and from the houses and streets which, in a great measure, 
 remain perfect, have been drawn busts, statues, manuscripts, paintings, 
 &c. which contribute much to enlarge our notions concerning the an- 
 cients, and develope many classical obscurities. (Mala.) In the year 
 following this dreadful eruption, a fire happened at Rome, which con- 
 sumed the capitol, the pantheon, the library of Augustus, the theatre 
 of Pompey, and a great many other buildings. In the ruins of Hercu- 
 la'neum rain li;ive lately been found loaves which were baked under 
 the reign of Titus, and which still bear the baker's mark, indicating the 
 quality of the flour, which was probably prescribed by the regulation of 
 the police. There have also been found utensils of bronze, which, in- 
 stead of being tinned, like ours, arc all silvered ; the ancients doubtless 
 preferred this method, as more wholesome and more durable. The ex- 
 cavations at Pompe'ii continue to furnish the royal museum at Naplea 
 with all kinds of valuable objects: some buildings have lately been 
 discovered at Pompe'ii, remarkable for the richness of their architecture. 
 At Paggo'ia, another town buried by the lava from Vesuvius, some 
 icpulchres have been found, which are stated to be magnificently 
 adorned with sculpture of the finest kind. 
 2 c 2
 
 306 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 manners of their conquerors, and even to outdo them in all 
 the refinements of sensual pleasure. 20. Upon account of 
 the successes in Britain, Titus was saluted Impera'tor* for 
 the fifteenth time ; but he did not long survive this honour, 
 being seized with a violent fever at a little distance from 
 Rome. He expired shortly after, but not without suspicion 
 of treachery from his brother Domi'tian, who had long 
 wished to govern. He died in the forty-first year of his age, 
 having reigned two years, two months, and twenty days. 
 
 21. The beginning of Domi'tian's reign was universally 
 A. D. } acceptable to the people, as he appeared equally 
 81. ) remarkable for his clemency, liberality and jus- 
 tice.t 22. But he soon began to show the natural deformity 
 of his mind. Instead of cultivating literature, as his father and 
 brother had done, he neglected all kinds of study, addicting 
 himself wholly to meaner pursuits, particularly archery and 
 gaming. 23. He was so very expert an archer, that he would 
 frequently cause one of his slaves to stand at a great dis- 
 tance, with his hand spread as a mark, and would shoot his 
 arrows with such exactness, as to stick them all between 
 his fingers. 24. He instituted three sorts of contests to be 
 observed every five years, in music, horsemanship and 
 wrestling ; but at the same time he banished all philoso- 
 phers and mathematicians from Rome. 25. No emperor 
 before him entertained the people with such various and ex- 
 pensive shows. During these diversions he distributed great 
 rpwards, sitting as president himself, adorned with a purple 
 robe and crown, with the priests of Ju'piter, and the col- 
 lege of Fla'vian priests about him. 26. The meanness of 
 his occupations in solitude, was a just contrast to his exhi- 
 bitions of public ostentation. He usually spent his hours 
 of retirement in catching flies, and sticking them through 
 with a bodkin ; so that one of his servants, being asked if 
 the emperor Avere alone, answered, that he had not so much 
 as a fly to bear him company. 27. His vices seemed every 
 day to increase, and his ungrateful treatment of Agrico'la 
 afforded a convincing proof of his natural malevolence. 28. 
 
 * Impera'tor, a title of honour among the Romans, conferred on vic- 
 torious generals by their armies, and afterwards'by the senate. 
 
 f It is a remarkable fact, that the most odious tyrants that ever sat on 
 the Roman throne, commenced their reigns with a display of all the 
 virtues that adorn humanity : on the contrary, Augustus, who was truly 
 the father of his people, began his reign with cruelties that afforded but 
 a melancholy presage of his future administration.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 307 
 
 Domi'tian was always particularly fond of obtaining a mill " 
 tary reputation, and therefore felt jealous of it in others 
 He had marched some time before into Gaul, upon a pre- 
 tended expedition against the Catti, a people of Germany, 
 and without even seeing the enemy, resolved to have the 
 honour of a triumph upon his return to Rome. For that 
 purpose he purchased a number of slaves, whom he dressed 
 in German habits, and at the head of this miserable pro- 
 cession he entered the city, amid the apparent acclamations 
 and concealed contempt of all his subjects. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How did Titus conduct himself after this important conquest! 
 
 2. How was he received at Rome ! 
 
 3. What were the most remarkable among the spoils! 
 
 4. What peculiarity attended this triumph! 
 
 5. What was the character of Vespasian ! 
 
 6. How many years did Vespasian reign ! 
 
 7. Did he not display great resolution at the hour of death ? 
 
 8. How did Titus commence his reign ! 
 
 9. By what means did he gain the love of his subjects! 
 
 10. What sacrifices did he make for this purpose ! 
 
 11. Did he succeed in his views! 
 
 12. What class of delinquents met his most decided disapprobation ! 
 
 13. What punishment was inflicted on them ! 
 
 14. WhaJ were his chief virtues ! 
 
 15. What remarkable event occurred in this reigu, and what eminent 
 
 personage became its victim ! 
 
 16. By what successes was this disaster counterbalanced! 
 
 17. What were his first enterprizes! 
 
 1R. What methods did he take to civilize the conquered countries! 
 
 1 9. Were his measures successful ! 
 
 20. Did Titus long enjoy the glory of this conquest ! 
 
 21. How did Domitian commence his reign ! 
 
 22. Did he persevere in his meritorious conduct! 
 
 23. In what exercise did he excel ! 
 
 24. Did he encourage the arts and sciences ! 
 
 25. Was he magnificent in his exhibitions ! 
 
 26. How did he employ himself in private ! 
 
 27. Did time render him less vicious ! 
 
 28. By what means did he attempt tc acquire military fame !
 
 308 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 1. THE success of Agric'ola in Britain affected Domit'ian, 
 with an extreme degree of envy. This excellent general 
 pursued the advantages which he had already obtained ; he 
 subdued the Caledo'nians, and overcame Gal'gacus, the 
 British chief, who commanded an army of thirty thousand 
 men ; afterwards sending out a fleet to scour the coast, he 
 discovered Great Britain to be an island. He likewise dis- 
 covered and subdued the Orkneys ; and thus reduced the 
 whole into a civilized province of the Roman empire. 2. 
 When the account of these successes was brought to Do- 
 mitian, he received it with a seeming pleasure, but rea} 
 uneasiness. He thought Agric'ola's rising reputation a tacit 
 reproach upon his own inactivity ; and instead of attempting 
 to emulate, he resolved to suppress the merits of his ser- 
 vices. 3. He ordered him, therefore, external marks of 
 approbation, and took care that triumphal ornaments, statues, 
 and other honours should be decreed him ; but at the same 
 time he removed him from his command, under a pretence 
 of appointing him to the government of Syria. 4. By these 
 means Agric'ola surrendered up his province to Sallus'tius 
 Lucul'lus, but soon found that Syria was otherwise disposed 
 of. Upon his return to Rome, which was privately and by 
 night, he was coolly received by the emperor ; and dying 
 some time after in retirement, it was generally supposed 
 that his end was hastened by Domi'tian's direction. 
 
 5. Domi'tian soon found the want of so experienced a 
 commander, in the many irruptions of the barbarous nations 
 that surrounded the empire. The Sarma'tians in Europe, 
 joined with those of Asia, made a formidable invasion, at 
 once destroying a whole legion, and a general of the Romans. 
 The Da'cians, under the conduct of Dece'balus, their king, 
 made an irruption, and overthrew the Romans in several 
 engagements. 6. At last, however, the barbarians were 
 repelled, partly by force, and partly by the assistance of 
 money, which only served to enable them to make future 
 invasions with greater advantage. 7. But in whatever man- 
 ner the enemy might have been repelled, Domi'tian was 
 resolved not to lose the honours of a triumph. He returned 
 in great splendour to Rome ; and, not contented with thus 
 triumphing twice without a victory, he resolved to take the
 
 THE EMPIRE. 3(J9 
 
 surname of German'icus, for his conquests over a people 
 with whom he never contended. 
 
 8. In proportion as the ridicule increased against him, his 
 pride seemed every day to demand greater homage. He 
 would permit his statues to he made only of gold and silver ; 
 he assumed to himself divine honours ; and ordered that all 
 men should address him by the same appellations which 
 they gave to the Divinity. 9. His cruelty was not inferior 
 to his arrogance ; he caused numbers of the most illustrious 
 senators and others to be put to death, upon the most trifling 
 pretences. One ^E'lius La'ma was condemned and executed 
 only for jesting, though there was neither novelty nor 
 poignancy in his humour. Occea'nus was murdered only for 
 celebrating the nativity of O'tho. Pomposia'nus shared the 
 same fate, because it was foretold by an astrologer that he 
 should be emperor. Sallus'tius Lucul'lus his lieutenant in 
 Britain, was destroyed only for having given his name to a 
 new sort of lances of his own invention. Ju'nius Rus'ti- 
 cus died for publishing a book, in which he commended 
 Thra'sea and Pris'cus, two philosophers, who opposed 
 Vespa'sian's coming to the throne. 
 
 10. Lu'cius Anto'nius, governor of Upper Germany, 
 knowing how much the emperor was detested at home, re- 
 solved upon striking for the throne ; and accordingly as- 
 sumed the ensigns of imperial dignity. 11. As he was at 
 the head of a formidable army, his success remained a long 
 time doubtful ; but a sudden overflow of the Rhine dividing 
 his army, he was set upon at that juncture by Norman'dus, 
 the emperor's general, and totally routed. The news of this 
 victory, we are told, was brought to Rome by supernatural 
 means, on the same day that the battle was fought. 12. 
 Domi'tian's severity was greatly increased by this short- 
 lived success. In order to discover the accomplices of the 
 adverse party, he invented new tortures : sometimes cutting 
 off the hands at other limes thrusting fire into the bodies 
 of those whom he suspected of being his enemies. 13. In 
 the midst of these severities, he aggravated his guilt by hy- 
 pocrisy never pronouncing sentence without a preamble 
 full of gentleness and mercy. The night before he crucified 
 the comptroller of his household, he treated him with the 
 most flattering marks of friendship, and ordered him a dish 
 of meat from his own table. He carried Areti'nus Cle'mons 
 with him in his own litter the day he resolved upon his 
 death. 14. He was particularly terrible to the senate ana
 
 310 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 nobility, the whole body of whom he frequently threat- 
 ened to extirpate entirely. At one time he surrounded the 
 senate-house with his troops, to the great consternation of 
 the senators. At another, he resolved to amuse himself 
 with their terrors in a different manner. 15. Having invited 
 them to a public entertainment, he received them all very 
 formally at the entrance of his palace, and conducted them 
 into a spacious hall, hung round with black, and illuminated 
 by a few melancholy lamps, that diffused no more light than 
 was just sufficient to show the horrors of the place. All 
 around were to be seen coffins, with the names of each of 
 the senators written upon them, together with other objects 
 of terror, and instruments of execution. 16. While the 
 company beheld all these preparations with silent agony, 
 several men having their bodies blackened, each with a 
 drawn sword in one hand, and a flaming torch in the other, 
 entered the halt, and danced round them. 17. After some 
 time, when, from the knowledge of Domi'tian's capricious 
 cruelty, the guests expected nothing less than instant death, 
 the doors were set open, and one of the servants came to 
 inform them, that the emperor gave all the company leave 
 to withdraw. 
 
 18. His cruelties were rendered still more odious by his 
 avarice. 19. The last part of the tyrant's reign was more 
 insupportable than any of the preceding. Ne'ro exercised 
 his cruelties without being a spectator ; but a principal part 
 of the Roman miseries, during his reign, was to behold 
 the stern air and fiery visage of the tyrant, which he had 
 armed against sensibility by continued intemperance, direct- 
 ing the tortures, and maliciously pleased with adding 
 poignance to every agony. 
 
 20. But a period was soon to be put to this monster's 
 cruelties. Among the number of those whom he at once 
 caressed and suspected, was his wife, Domi'tia, whom he 
 had taken from ^E'lius La'ma, her former husband. 21. It 
 was the tyrant's method to put down the names of all such 
 as he intended to destroy, in his tablets, which he kept 
 about him with great circumspection. Domi'tia fortunately 
 happening to get a sight of them, was struck at finding her 
 own name in the catalogue of those destined to destruction. 
 22. She showed the fatal list to Norba'nus and Petro'nius, 
 prefects of the prretorian bands, who found themselves 
 among the numbe v of devoted victims ; as likewise to 
 Steph'anus, the comptroller of the household, who came
 
 THE EMPIRE. 311 
 
 into the conspiracy with alacrity. They fixed upon lire 
 eighteenth day of September for the completion of their 
 great attempt. 23. Upon the emperor's preparing to go to 
 the bath on the morning of that day, Petro'nius his cham- 
 berlain came to inform him that Steph'anus desired to speak 
 upon an affair of the utmost importance. The emperor hav- 
 ing given orders that his attendants should retire, Steph'anus 
 entered with his hand in a scarf, which he had worn thus 
 for some days, the better to conceal a dagger, as none were 
 permitted to approach the emperor with arms. 24. He be- 
 gan by giving information of a pretended conspiracy, and 
 t.xhibited a paper, in which the particulars were specified. 
 While Domi'tian was reading the contents with eager curi- 
 osity, Steph'anus drew his dagger and struck him with much 
 violence ; but the wound not being mortal, Domi'tian caught 
 hold of the assassin and threw him upon the ground, calling 
 out for assistance. But Parthe'niusvSvith his freedman, a 
 gladiator, and two subaltern officers, now coming in, they 
 ran furiously upon the emperor and dispatched him: Steph'- 
 anus, however, was slain by the guards, but the other con- 
 spirators escaped in the tumult. 
 
 25. It is rather incredible, what some writers relate con- 
 cerning Apollo'nius Tyane'us, who was then at Ephesus. 
 This person, whom some call a magician, and some a phi- 
 losopher, but who more probably was only an impostor, 
 was, just at the minute in which Domi'tian was slain, lee 
 turing in one of the public gardens of the city ; but stopping 
 short, on a sudden he cried out, " Courage, Steph'anus, 
 strike the tyrant !" then, after a pause, " Rejoice, my friends, 
 the tyrant dies this day ; this day do I say ? the very 
 moment in which I kept silence he suffered for his crimes ! 
 He dies !" 
 
 26. Many prodigies are said to have portended his death; 
 and if the Roman historians are to be credited, more preter- 
 natural appearances and predictions announced this event, 
 than its importance deserved.* The truth seems to be, thai 
 a belief in omens and prodigies was again become prevalent, 
 as the people were evidently relapsing into pristine bar- 
 oarity, ignorance being ever the proper soil for a harvest of 
 imposture. 
 
 * In the reign of Domi'tian, a violent persecution raged against the 
 Christians. During this persecution St. John was confined to the Isle 
 of Patmos, in the Archipelago, where he wrote the Apoc'alypse, or Ko- 
 velation.
 
 312 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What advantages did Agricola gain in Britain 1 
 
 2. How did Domitian receive the account of Agricola's success 1 
 
 3. In what way did the emperor treat him ? 
 
 4. To whom did Agricola surrender up his province ? 
 
 5. What Rations afterwards made irruptions into the Roman provit 
 
 cesl 
 
 6. By what means were the barbarians at length repelled ? 
 
 7. What surname did Domitian assume 1 
 
 8. To what extravagance did his pride lead him 1 
 
 9. What trifling pretexts were made use of by Domitian to put to 
 
 death some of the most illustrious Romans 
 
 10. Who now assumed the ensigns of the imperial dignity 1 
 
 1 1. By what general was Lucius Antonius defeated 1 
 
 12. What new cruelties were resorted to by the emperor 1 
 
 1 3. By what hypocritical conduct was he distinguished 1 
 
 14. To whom was he particularly terrible ? 
 
 15. 16, 17. What terrific ceremonies did he invent on one occasion 1 
 
 18. Was the result fatal to them 1 
 
 19. Did not his cruelties become still more insupportable at the latter 
 
 part of his reign 1 
 
 20. Who was among the number that he at the same time caressed and 
 
 suspected 1 
 
 21. Whose name did Domitia discover among his list of victims? 
 
 22. To whom did she show the fatal list, and what was resolved on ? 
 
 23. What means were used by Stephanus to assassinate the emperor 1 
 
 24. Relate the particulars of the assassination. 
 
 25. What exclamation is Apollonius Tyaneus said to have made at 
 
 Ephesus, at the time of Domitian's death 1 
 
 26. Did not the Romans relapse, into their pristine state of barbarity 
 
 bout this period 1 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 SECTION L 
 
 THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS OF ROME. 
 
 1. WHEN it was publicly known that Domi'tian* was slain, 
 the senate began to load his memory with every reproach 
 His statues were commanded to be taken down, and a de- 
 cree was made, that all his inscriptions should be erased, 
 his name struck out of the registers of fame, and his funeral 
 
 * Domi'tian was the last of those emperors commonly called the 
 Twelve CjEsars.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 313 
 
 obsequies omitted. 2. The people, who now took but lit- 
 tle part in the aflairs of government, looked on his death 
 with indifference ; the soldiers alone, whom he had loaded 
 with favours, and enriched by largesses, sincerely regretted 
 their benefactor. 
 
 3 The senate, therefore, resolved to provide a successor 
 before the army could have an opportunity of taking the ap- 
 pointment upon itself, and Cocce'ius Ner'va was chosen to 
 the empire the same day on which the tyrant was slain. 4- 
 He is said to have been of an illustrious family in Spain, 
 and above sixty-five years old when he was called to the 
 throne, an elevation which he owed solely to his virtues, 
 moderation, respect to the laws, and the blameless tenor of 
 his life. 
 
 5. The people, long accustomed to tyranny, regarded 
 Nerva's gentle reign with rapture, and even gave to his im- 
 becility (for his humanity was carried too far for justice) the 
 name of benevolence. 6. Upon coining to the throne he 
 solemnly swore, that no senator of Rome should be put to 
 death by his command during his reign, though guilty of the 
 most heinous c-imes. 7. This oath he so religiously ob- 
 served, that when two senators had conspired his death, he 
 used no kind of severity against them ; but, sending for 
 them to let them see he was not ignorant of their designs, 
 he carried them with him to the public theatre ; there pre- 
 senting each a dagger, he desired them to strike, assuring 
 them that he should make no resistance. 8. He had so lit- 
 tle regard for money, that when one of his subjects found a 
 large treasure, and wrote to the emperor for instructions how 
 to dispose of it, he received for answer, that he might use 
 it ; the finder however replying, that it was a fortune too 
 large for a private person to use, Nerva, admiring his hon- 
 esty, wrote him word that then he might abuse it.* 
 
 9. A sovereign of such generosity and mildness was not, 
 however, without his enemies. Vigil'ius Ru'fus, who had 
 opposed his accession, was not only pardoned, but made his 
 colleague in the consulship. Calpur'nius Cras'sus also, 
 with some others, formed a conspiracy to destroy him ; but 
 Nerva was satisfied with banishing those who were culpa- 
 ble, though the senate were for inflicting more rigorous 
 punishments. 10. But the most dangerous insurrection was 
 
 j^^p 
 
 * Nerva, the most remarkable man in Rome for bin virtues, recalled 
 all the Christians who had been banished or had emigrated under tin 
 persecution of Domi'tian. 
 
 2D
 
 314 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 that of the praetorian bands, who, headed by Caspa'rius 
 Olia'nus, insisted upon revenging the late emperor's death, 
 whose memory was still dear to them, from his frequent 
 liberalities. 11. Nerva, whose kindness to good men ren- 
 dered him more obnoxious to the vicious, did all in his 
 power to stop the progress of this insurrection ; he presented 
 himself to the mutinous soldiers, and laying bare his bosom, 
 desired them to strike there rather than be guilty of so much 
 injustice. 12. The soldiers, however, paid no regard to his 
 remonstrances ; but seizing upon Petro'nius and Parthe'nius, 
 slew them in the most ignominious manner. Not content 
 with this, they even compelled the emperor to approve of 
 their sedition, and to make a speech to the people, in which 
 he thanked the cohorts for their fidelity. 
 
 13. So disagreeable a constraint upon the emperor's in- 
 clinations was in the end attended with the most happy 
 effects, as it caused the adoption of Trajan* to succeed him ; 
 for, perceiving that in the present turbulent disposition of 
 the times, he stood in need of an assistant in the empire, 
 setting aside all his own relations, he fixed upon Ul'pius 
 Tra'jan, an utter stranger to his family, who was then go- 
 vernor in Upper Germany, as his successor. 14. About 
 three months after this, having put himself into a violent 
 passion with one Reg'ulus, a senator, he was seized with a 
 fever of which he died, after a reign of one year, four months, 
 and nine days. 
 
 15. He was the first foreigner that ever reigned in Rome, 
 and justly reputed a prince of great generosity and modera- 
 tion. He is also celebrated for his wisdom, though with 
 less reason ; the greatest instance given of it during his 
 reign, being the choice of his successor. 
 
 16. On hearing of the death of Nerva, Trajan prepared 
 v. c. 851.? to come to Rome from Germany, where he 
 A. D. 98. 5 was governor. He received upon his arrival 
 a letter from Plu'tarch, the philosopher, who had the honour 
 of being his master, to the following purport : " Since 
 your merits and not your importunities, nave advanced you 
 to the empire, permit me to congratulate you on your vir- 
 tues, and my own good fortune. If your future government 
 
 * It was customary among the Romans, for a person destitute of a 
 son to adopt one from another family ; and the son thus adopted became 
 immediately invested with the same rights and privileges as if he had 
 been bom to that station ; but he had no longer any claim on the family 
 to which he originally belonged.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 915 
 
 proves answerable to your former worth, I shall be happy"; 
 but if you become worse for power, yours will be the dan- 
 ger, and mine the ignominy of your conduct. The error* 
 of the pupil will be charged upon his instructor. Sen'eca 
 is reproached for the enormities of Nero ; and Soc 'rates and 
 Quintil'ian have not escaped censure for the misconduct of 
 their respective scholars. But you have it in your power to 
 make me the most honoured of men, by continuing what 
 you are. Retain the command of your passions ; and make 
 virtue the rule of all your actions. If you follow these in- 
 structions, then will I glory in having presumed to give 
 them : if you neglect what I advise, then will this letter be 
 my testimony that you have not erred through the counsel 
 and authority of Plu'tarch." I insert this letter, because it 
 is a striking picture of this great philosopher's manner of 
 addressing the best of princes. 
 
 17. This good monarch's application to business, his 
 moderation towards his enemies, his modesty in exaltation, 
 his liberality to the deserving, and his frugal management 
 of the resources of the state, were the subjects of panegyric 
 among his contemporaries, and continue to be the admira- 
 tion of posterity. 
 
 18. The first war he was engaged in after his coming to 
 the throne was with the Da'cians, who, during the reign of 
 Domi'tian, had committed numberless ravages upon the pro- 
 vinces of the empire. To revenge these, he raised a power- 
 ful army, and with great expedition marched into those bar- 
 barous countries, where he was vigorously opposed by De- 
 ceb'alus, the Da'cian king, who for some time withstood his 
 boldest efforts. 19. At length, however, this monarch being 
 constrained to come to a general battle, and no longer able 
 to protract the war, was routed with great slaughter. The 
 Roman soldiers upon this occasion wanting linen to bind up 
 their wounds, the emperor tore his own robes to supply 
 them. 20. This victory compelled the enemy to sue for 
 peace, which they obtained upon very disadvantageous 
 terms ; their king coming into the Roman camp, and ac- 
 knowledging himself a vassal of the Roman empire. 
 
 21. Upon Trajan's return, after the usual triumphs and 
 rejoicings, he was surprised with an account that the Da'- 
 cians had renewed hostilities. Deceb'alus, their king, was 
 a second time adjudged an enemy to the Roman state, and 
 Tra'jan again entered his dominions. 22. In order to be 
 enabled to invade the enemy's territories at pleasure, he un-
 
 316 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 dertook a most stupendous work, which was no less than 
 building a bridge across the Dan'ube. 23. This amazing 
 structure, which was built over a deep, broad, and rapid 
 river, consisted of more than twenty-two arches ; the ruins, 
 which remain to this day, show modern architects how far 
 they were surpassed by the ancients, both in the greatness 
 and boldness of their designs. 24. Upon finishing this 
 work, Trajan continued the war with great vigour, sharing 
 with the meanest of his soldiers the fatigues of the cam- 
 paign, and continually encouraging them to their duty by his 
 own example. 25. By these means, notwithstanding the 
 country was spacious and uncultivated, and the inhabitants 
 brave and hardy, he subdued the whole, and added the 
 kingdom of Da'cia as a province to the Roman empire. De- 
 ceb'alus made some attempts to escape ; but being sur- 
 rounded, he slew himself. 26. These successes seemed to 
 advance the ompire to a greater degree of splendor than it 
 had hitherto acquired. Ambassadors came from the inte- 
 rior parts of India, to congratulate Trajan on his successes, 
 and solicit his friendship. On his return, he entered Rome 
 in triumph, and the rejoicings for his victories lasted a hun- 
 dred and twenty days. 
 
 27. Having given peace and prosperity to the empire, he 
 was loved, honoured, and almost adored. He adorned the 
 city with public buildings ; he freed it from such men as 
 lived by their vices ; he entertained persons of merit with 
 familiarity ; and so little did he fear his enemies, that he 
 could scarcely be induced to suppose he had any. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How was the account of Domitian's death received? 
 
 2. Was he regretted by any description of his subjects ? 
 
 3. What consequences ensued from this regret 1 
 
 4. Who was Cocceius Nerva 1 
 
 5. Was his government acceptable to the people 1 
 
 6. What afforded a presage of his future mild administration? 
 
 7. Did he keep this oath inviolate ? 
 
 8. Was Nerva avaricious ? 
 
 9. Was his reign free from disturbances ? 
 
 1 0. Were all conspiracies repressed from this time 7 
 
 1 1 . Did Nerva exert himself to quell it ? 
 
 1 2. Were his endeavours successful ? 
 
 13. What important consequences ensued from thest commotions? 
 II. What occasioned his death 7
 
 1HE EMPIRB- 317 
 
 15. What was his character ? 
 
 16. How did Trajan act on his accession, and what advice did he re- 
 
 ceive 1 
 
 1 7. What sentiments did his subjects entertain of their new emperor 1 
 
 18. With whom did he commence hostilities ! 
 
 19. What was the event of the campaign 1 
 
 20. What was the consequence of this victory 1 
 21 Did peace continue long 1 
 
 22. What great undertaking did he accomplish in this expedition 1 
 
 23. Was it a difficult work 1 
 
 24. What followed the building of the bridge ? 
 
 25. What was the event of this second campaign? 
 
 26. What advantages arose from this conquest * 
 
 27. Did Trajan suffer prosperity to make him neglectful of his duties ! 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. IT had been happy for Trajan's memory, had he shown 
 equal clemency to all his subjects ; but about the ninth year 
 v. c. 860. > of his reign, he was persuaded to look upon 
 A. D. 107. 3 the Christians with a suspicious eye, and great 
 numbers of them were put to death by popular tumults and 
 judicial proceedings. 2. However, the persecution ceased 
 after some time ; for the emperor, finding that the Chris- 
 tians were an innocent and inoffensive people, suspended 
 their punishments. 
 
 3. During this emperor's reign there was a dreadful in- 
 surrection of the Jews in all parts of the empire. This 
 wretched people, still infatuated, and ever expecting some 
 signal deliverance, took the advantage of Tra'jan's expedi- 
 tion to the east, to massacre all the Greeks and Romans 
 whom they could get into their power. 4. This rebellion 
 first began in Cyre'ne, a Roman province in Africa ; from 
 thence the flame extended to Egypt, and next to the island ^ 
 of Cyprus. Dreadful were the devastations committed by 
 these infatuated people, and shocking the barbarities exer- 
 cised on the unoffending inhabitants. 5. Some were sawn 
 asunder, others cast to wild beasts, or made to kill each 
 other, while the most unheard-of torments were invented 
 and exercised on the unhappy victims of their fury. Nay, 
 to such a pitch was their animosity carried, that they actu- 
 ally ate the flesh of their enemies, and even wore their skins. 
 6. However, these cruelties were of no long duration : the 
 governors of the respective provinces making head againat 
 2 o2
 
 318 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 their tumultuous fury, caused them to experience the hor 
 rors of retaliation, and put them to death, not as human be 
 hgs, but as outrageous pests of society. In Cy'prus it was 
 wade capital for any Jew to set foot on the island. 
 
 7. During these bloody transactions, Tra'jan was prose 
 cuting his successes in the east, where he carried the Ro 
 man arms farther than they had ever before penetrated ; but 
 resolving to visit Rome once more, he found himself too 
 weak to proceed in his usual manner. He therefore deter- 
 mined to return by sea ; but on reaching the city of Seleu'- 
 A. D. > cia, he died of an apoplexy, in the sixty-third year 
 117-5 of his age, after a reign of nineteen years, six 
 nsonths, and fifteen days. 
 
 8. A'drian, the nephew of Trajan, was chosen to succeed 
 him. He began his reign by pursuing a course opposite to 
 that of his predecessor, taking every method of declining 
 war, and promoting the arts of peace. His first care was 
 to make peace with the Par'thians, and to restore Chos'roes, 
 for he was satisfied with preserving the ancient limits of the 
 empire, and seemed no way ambitious of extensive con- 
 quest. 
 
 9. A'drian was one of the most remarkable of the Roman 
 emperors for the variety of his endowments. He was highly 
 skilled in all the accomplishments both of body and mind. 
 He composed with great beauty, both in prose and verse ; 
 he pleaded at the bar, and was one of the best orators of his 
 time. 10. Nor were his virtues fewer than his accomplish- 
 ments. His moderation and clemency appeared by pardon- 
 ing the injuries which he had received when he was yet but 
 a private man. One day meeting a person who had formerly 
 been his most inveterate enemy " My good friend," said 
 he, " you have escaped ; for I am made emperor." He was 
 affable to his friends, and gentle to persons of meaner sta- 
 tions ; he relieved their wants, and visited them in sickness ; 
 it being his constant maxim, that he had been elected em- 
 peror, not for his own good, but for the benefit of mankind 
 at large. 
 
 11. These virtues were, however, contrasted by vices of 
 considerable magnitude ; or rather, he wanted strength of 
 mind to preserve his rectitude of character without deviation. 
 
 12. He was scarcely settled on the throne, when several 
 of the northern barbarians began to devastate the frontier 
 provinces of the empire. These hardy nations, who now 
 found the way to conquer, by issuing from their forests, and
 
 THE EMPIRE. 319 
 
 then retiring on the approach of a superior force, began to 
 be truly formidable to Rome. 13. A'drian had thoughts of 
 contracting the limits of the empire, by giving up some of 
 the most remote and least defensible provinces ; in this, how- 
 ever, he was overruled by friends, who wrongly imagined 
 that an extensive frontier would intimidate an invading ene- 
 my. 14. But though he complied with their remonstrances, 
 he broke down the bridge over the Dan'ube, which his pre- 
 decessor had built, sensible that the same passage which was 
 open to him, was equally convenient to the incursions of his 
 barbarous neighbours. 
 
 15. Having staid a long time at Rome, to see that all things 
 were regulated and established for the safety of the public, 
 he prepared tc make a progress through his whole empire. 
 16. It was one of his maxims, that an emperor ought to imi- 
 tate the sun, which diffuses warmth and vigour over all parts 
 of the earth. He, therefore, took with him a splendid court, 
 and a considerable force, and entered the province of Gaul, 
 where he caused the inhabitants to be numbered. 17. From 
 Gaul he went into Germany, thence to Holland, and after- 
 wards passed over into Britain ; where, reforming many 
 abuses, and reconciling the natives to the Romans, he, for 
 the better security of the southern parts of the kingdom, 
 built a wall of wood and earth, extending from the river 
 E'den, in Cumberland, to the Tyne, in Northumberland, to 
 prevent the incursions of the Picts, and other barbarous 
 nations of the north. 18. From Britain, returning through 
 Gaul, he directed his journey to Spain, his native country, 
 where he was received with great joy. 19. Returning to 
 Rome, he continued there for some time, in order to prepare for 
 his journey into the east, which was hastened by a new in- 
 vasion of the Par'thians. His approach compelling the 
 enemy to peace, he pursued his travels without molestation. 
 He visited the famous city of Athens ; there making a con- 
 siderable stay, he was initiated into the Eleusin'ian mysterio, 
 which were accounted the most sacred in the Pagan my- 
 thology, and took upon him the office of archon or chief 
 magistrate. 20. In this place, also, he remitted the severity 
 of the Christian persecution. He was even so far reconciled, 
 to their sect, as to think of introducing Christ among the num- 
 ber of the gods. 21. From thence he Tossed over into 
 Africa, and spent much time in reforming abuses, regula- 
 ting the government, deciding controversies, and erecting 
 magnificent buildings. Among the rest, he ordered Car-
 
 320 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 thage* to be rebuilt, calling it after his own name, Adri- 
 an'ople.t 22. Again he returned to Rome ; travelled a second 
 time into Greece ; passed over into Asia Minor ; from thence 
 into Syr'ia ; gave laws and instructions to all the neighbouring 
 kings; entered Pal'estine, Arabia, and Egypt, where he 
 caused Pompey's tomb, that had been long neglected, and 
 almost covered with sand, to be repaired and beautified. 23 
 He gave orders for the rebuilding of Jerusalem ; which was 
 performed with great expedition by the assistance of the Jews, 
 who now began to conceive hopes of being restored to their 
 longlost kingdom. 24. But these expectations only served to 
 aggravate their calamities : for, being incensed at the privileges 
 which were granted the Pagan worshippers in their new 
 city, they fell upon the Romans and Christians that were dis- 
 persed throughout Jude'a, and unmercifully put them all to 
 the sword. 25. A'drian, sending a powerful body of men 
 against them, obtained many signal, though bloody victories, 
 over the insurgents. The war was concluded in two years, 
 by the demolition of above one thousand of their best towns, 
 and the destruction of nearly six hundred thousand men in 
 battle. 
 
 26. Having thus effectually quelled this dangerous insur- 
 rection, he banished all those who remained in Judea ; and 
 by a public decree forbade them to come within view of 
 their native soil. But he was soon after alarmed by a dan- 
 gerous irruption of the barbarous nations to the northward 
 of the empire ; who, entering Me'dia with great fury and 
 passing through Arme'nia, carried their devastations as far 
 as Cappado'cia. Preferring peace, however, upon any 
 terms, to an unprofitable war, A'drian bought them off by 
 large sums of money ; so that they returned peaceably into 
 their native wilds, to enjoy their plunder, and to meditate 
 fresh invasions. 
 
 * Car' thage, the celebrated capital of Africa Pro'pria, was built by the 
 Tyr'ians, under Dido. This city, the mistress of Spain, Si'cily, and Sar- 
 din'ia, was long the rival of Rome, till it was totally destroyed by Scip'io 
 the Second, surnamed Africa'nus, B. C. 147. In its height of prosperity, 
 it contained upwards of 700,000 inhabitants. 
 
 } This must be distinguished from Adrian'ople, the second city of 
 European Turkey, which was founded about A.M. 2782, and repaired 
 Dy the emperor Adrian, A. D. 122. Hence its name.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 321 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Was Trajan uniformly merciful? 
 
 2. Was the persecution of long duration 
 
 3. What remarkable event happened in this reign ? 
 
 4. Where did the rebellion principally rage? 
 
 5. What were these barbarities ? 
 
 6. Were no steps taken to repress this insurrection ? 
 
 ' 7. How was Trajan employed at this time, and what was hia end * 
 
 8. Who succeeded him ? 
 
 9. What was the character of Adrian ? 
 
 10. Was he a virtuous character ? 
 
 1 1. Were not his virtues counterbalanced ? 
 
 1 2. By whom was the empire now invaded ? 
 
 13. What wise measure did Adrian contemplate? 
 
 14. What remarkable edifice did he destroy ? 
 
 15. Was he attentive to the concerns of the empire ? 
 
 16. Why did he do this? 
 
 17. What places did he next visit? 
 
 18. Whither did he next proceed ? 
 
 19. Mention his further progress, and the incidents that occurred 
 
 20. Was he merciful to the Christians ? 
 
 21. Whither did he next repair, and how did he employ himself? 
 
 22. Proceed in the description of his route. 
 
 23. Did he not favour the Jews ? 
 
 24. Did they profit by this favourable disposition in the emperor ? 
 
 25. Was this cruelty punished ? 
 
 26. What followed this dangerous insurrection ? 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. HAVING spent thirteen years in travelling and reforming 
 the abuses of the empire, A'drian at last resolved to end his 
 fatigues at Rome. 2. Nothing could be more grateful to 
 the people than his resolution of coming to reside for tho 
 rest of his days among them ; they received him with the 
 loudest demonstrations of joy ; and though he now began to 
 grow old and unwieldy, he remitted not the least of his for- 
 mer assiduity and attention to the public welfare. 3. His 
 chief amusement was in conversing with the most celebrated 
 men in every art and science, frequently asserting, that he 
 thought no kind of knowledge inconsiderable, or to be ne- 
 glected, either in his private or public capacity. 4. He 
 ordered the knights and senators never to appear in public, 
 but in the proper habits of their orders. He forbade masters
 
 322 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 to kill their slaves, as had been before allowed ; but ordained 
 that they should be tried by the laws. 5. He still further 
 extended the lenity of the laws to those unhappy men, who 
 had long been thought too mean for justice : if a master was 
 found killed in his house, he would not allow all his slaves 
 to be put to the torture as formerly, but only such as might 
 have perceived and prevented the murder. 
 
 6. In such employments he spent the greatest part of his 
 time ; but at last finding the duties of his station daily in- 
 creasing, and his own strength proportionally upon the de- 
 cline, he resolved on adopting a successor, and accordingly 
 chose Antoni'nus to that important station. 
 
 7. While he was thus careful in providing for the future 
 welfare of the state, his bodily infirmities became so insup- 
 portable, that he vehemently desired some of his attendants 
 to dispatch him. 8. Antoni'nus, however, would by no 
 means permit any of the domestics to be guilty of so great 
 an impiety, but used all the arts in his power to reconcile 
 the emperor to sustain life. 9. His pain daily increasing, 
 he was frequently heard to cry out, " How miserable a thing 
 it is to seek death, and not to find it !" After enduring some 
 time these excruciating tortures, he at last resolved to observe 
 no regimen, saying, that kings sometimes died merely by 
 the multitude of their physicians. 10. This conduct served 
 to hasten that death he seemed so ardently to desire ; and it 
 was probably joy upon its approach which dictated the cele- 
 brated stanzas that are so well known ;* and while repeating 
 which he expired, in the sixty -second year of his age, after 
 a prosperous reign of twenty-one years and eleven months. 
 
 * These stanzas are 
 
 Animula, vagula, blandula, 
 Hospes, comesque corpork 
 Quae nunc abibis in loca, 
 Pallidula, rigida, nudula 1 
 Nee, ut soles, dabis jocos. 
 
 Tmis imitated by Prior : 
 
 Poor little pretty fluttering thing, 
 
 Must we no longer live together 1 
 And dost thou prune thy trembling wing 
 
 To take thy flight thou know'st not whither 1 
 Thy hum'rous vein, thy pleasing folly, 
 
 Lie all neglected, all forgot ; 
 And pensive, wav'ring, melancholy, 
 
 Thou dread'st and hop'st thou know'st not what
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 11. Titus Antoni'nus, his successor, wna born at La- 
 vin'ium, near Rome, rmv his ancestors came originally from 
 Nismes, in Gaul. His father was a nobleman, who Cu. c. 
 had enjoyed the highest honours of the empire. At 891 
 the time of his succeeding to the throne he was above fifty 
 years old, and had passed through many of the most im- 
 portant offices of the state with great integrity and applica- 
 tion. 12. His virtues in private life were no way impaired 
 by his exaltation, as he showed himself one of the most ex- 
 cellent princes for justice, clemency, and moderation ; his 
 morals were so pure, that he was usually compared to Numa, 
 and was surnamed the Pious, both for his tenderness to his 
 predecessor A'drian, when dying, and his particular attach- 
 ment to the religion of his country. 
 
 13. He was an eminent rewarder of learned men, to 
 whom he gave large pensions and great honours, collecting 
 them around him from all parts of the world. 14. Among 
 the rest, he sent for Apollo'nius, the famous stoic philoso- 
 pher, to instruct his adopted son, Mar'cus Aure'lius. Apol- 
 lo'nius being arrived, the emperor desired his attendance ; 
 but the other arrogantly answered, that it was the scholar's 
 duty to wait upon the master, not the master upon the scholar. 
 15. To this reply, Antoni'nus only returned with a smile, 
 "That it was surprising how Apollo'nius, who made no 
 difficulty of coming from Greece to Rome, should think it 
 hard to walk from one part of Rome to another ;" and im- 
 mediately sent Mar'cus Aure'lius to him.* 16. While the 
 good emperor was thus employed in making mankind happy, 
 in directing their conduct by his own example, or reproving 
 their follies by the keenness of rebuke, he was seized with 
 a violent fever, and ordered his friends and principal officers 
 to attend him. 17. In their presence he confirmed the 
 adoption of Mar'cus Aure'lius ; then commanding the 
 golden statue of Fortune, which was always in the chamber 
 of the emperors, to be removed to that of his successor, he 
 expired in the seventy-fourth year of his age, after a pros 
 perous reign of twenty-two years and almost eight months.t 
 
 * Antoni'nus being made a model of wisdom and virtue, he was as 
 much respected by foreigners as by his own people ? 
 
 | This emperor was remarkably favourable to the Christians, and 
 wrote thus to his governors in Asia: " If any one shall, for the future, 
 molest the Christians, and accuse them merely on account of their re- 
 ligion, let the person who is arraigned be discharged, though he w found 
 to be a Christian, and the accuser be punished according to the rigour 
 of the law."
 
 324 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 18. Mar'cus Aure'lius, though left sole successor to the 
 v. c. > throne, took Lu'cius Ve'rus as his associate and 
 914.5 equal, in governing the state. 19. Aure'lius was 
 the son of An'nius Ve'rus, of an ancient and illustrious 
 family, which claimed its origin from Nu'ma. Lu'cius Ve'- 
 rus was the son of Com'modus, who had been adopted by 
 A'drian, but died before he succeeded to the throne. 20. 
 Aure'lius was as remarkable for his virtues and accomplish- 
 ments, as his partner in the empire was for his ungovern- 
 able passions and debauched morals. The one was an ex- 
 ample of the greatest goodness and wisdom ; the other of 
 ignorance, sloth, and extravagance. 
 
 21. The two emperors were scarcely settled OH the 
 throne, when the empire was attacked on every side, from 
 the barbarous nations by which it was surrounded. The 
 Cat'ti invaded Germany and Rhoe'tia, ravaging all with fire 
 and sword ; but were repelled by Victori'nus. The Britons 
 likewise revolted, but were repressed by Capur'nius. 22. 
 But the Parthians, under their king Volog'esus, made an ir- 
 ruption still more dreadful than either of the former ; de- 
 stroying the Roman legions in Arme'nia ; then entering 
 Syria, they drove out the Roman governor, and filled the 
 whole country with terror and confusion. To repel this 
 barbarous eruption, Ve'rus went in person, being accom- 
 panied by Aure'lius part of the way. 
 
 23. Ve'rus, however, proceeded no farther than An'tioch, 
 and there gave an indulgence to every appetite, rioting in 
 excesses unknown even to the voluptuous Greeks ; leaving 
 all the glory of the field to his lieutenants, who were sent to 
 repress the enemy. 24. These, however, fought with great 
 success ; for in the four years that the war lasted, the Ro- 
 mans entered far into the Parthian country, and entirely sub- 
 dued it ; but upon their return their army was wasted to less 
 than half its original number by pestilence and famine. 25. 
 This, however, was no impediment to the vanity of Ve'rus, 
 who resolved to enjoy the honours of a triumph, so hardly 
 earned by others. Having appointed a king over the Arme'- 
 nians, and finding the Parthians entirely subdued, he as- 
 sumed the titles of Arme'nius and Parthi'cus ; and on his 
 return to Rome, he partook of a triumph with Aure'lius, 
 which was solemnized with great pomp and splendour. 
 
 26. While Ve'rus was engaged in this expedition, Aure'- 
 lius was sedulously intent upon distributing justice and hap- 
 piness to his subjects at home. He first applied himself to
 
 THE KMPIRK. 3'29 
 
 flie regulation of public affairs, and to the correcting of such 
 faults as he found in the laws and policy of the state. 27. 
 In this endeavour he showed a singular respect for the sen- 
 ate, often permitting them to determine without appeal ; so 
 that the commonwealth seemed in a manner once more re- 
 vived under his equitable administration. 28. Besides, such 
 was his application to business, that he often employed ten 
 days together on the same subject, maturely considering it 
 on all sides, and seldom departing from the senate-house till 
 the assembly was dismissed by the consul. 29. But he was 
 daily mortified with accounts of the enormities of his col- 
 league ; being repeatedly assured of his vanity and extrava- 
 gance. 30. However, feigning himself ignorant of these 
 excesses, he judged marriage to be the best method of re- 
 claiming him ; and, therefore, sent him his daughter Lu- 
 cil'la, a woman of great beauty, whom Ve'rus married at 
 Antioch. 31. But even this was found ineffectual, for Lu- 
 cil'la proved of a disposition very unlike her father ; and, in- 
 stead of correcting her husband's extravagances only con- 
 tributed to inflame them. 32. Aure'lius still hoped that, 
 upon the return of Ve'rus to Rome, his presence would 
 keep him in awe, and that happiness would at length be re- 
 stored to the state. In this he was also disappointed. Hia 
 return seemed fatal to the empire ; for his army carried 
 back the plague from Par'thia, and disseminated the infec- 
 tion into the provinces through which it passed. 
 
 33. Nothing could exceed the miserable state of things 
 upon the return of Ve'rus. In this horrid picture were re- 
 presented an emperor, unawed by example or the calamities 
 surrounding him, giving way to unheard-of crimes ; a raging 
 pestilence spreading terror and desolation through all parts 
 of the western world ; earthquakes, famines, inundations, 
 almost unexampled in history ; the products of the earth 
 through all Italy devoured by locusts ; the barbarous nations 
 around the empire taking advantage of its various calamities, 
 and making their irruptions even into Italy itself. 34. The 
 priests doing all they could to put a stop to the miseries of 
 the state, by attempting to appease the gods, vowing and 
 offering numberless sacrifices ; celebrating all the sacred 
 rites that had ever been known in Rome. 35. To crown 
 the whole, these enthusiasts, as if the impending calamities 
 had not been sufficient, ascribed the distresses of the slate 
 to the impieties of the Christians. A violent persecution 
 
 2E
 
 326 HISTORY or HOME. 
 
 ensued in all parts of the empire ; and Justin Martyr, 
 Polycarp'us, and a prodigious number of less note, suffered 
 martyrdom. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Did Adrian enjoy repose from this time ? 
 
 2. Was this resolution agreeable to the people ? 
 
 3. How did he amuse himself.' 
 
 4. What new edicts did he issue ? 
 
 5. Did he not ameliorate the condition of slaves ? 
 
 6. Was he still equal to the fatigues of the empire 7 
 
 7. Were not his sufferings great ? 
 
 8. Were his wishes complied with ? 
 
 9. Were these arts successful ? 
 
 10. What was the consequence of this conduct? 
 
 1 1. Who was his successor? 
 
 1 2. Did he preserve his virtue on his exaltation ? 
 
 1 3. Was he a favourer of learning 1 
 
 14. What anecdote is related of one of these T 
 
 15. What was the emperor's reply ? 
 
 16. Did he experience a long and prosperous reign ? 
 
 17. Whom did he appoint as his successor? 
 
 18. Was Marcus Aurelius sole emperor? 
 
 19. Who were Aurelius and Lucius Verus? 
 
 20. Were their characters similar ? 
 
 2 1 . Was their reign peaceable ? 
 
 22. Was there not a more formidable invasion still ? 
 
 23. Did Verus show himself worthy of the trust? 
 
 24. Were they successful ? 
 
 25. Did Verus appear to feel this misfortune ? 
 
 26. How was Aurelius employed in the mean time? 
 
 27. Did he do this solely by his own authority ? 
 
 28. Was he hasty in his decisions ? 
 
 29. Was he acquainted with the follies of his colleague? 
 
 30. How did he attempt his reformation ? 
 
 31. Was this effectual! 
 
 32. What farther hopes did Aurelius entertain ? 
 
 33. What was the state of the empire at this period ? 
 
 34. What were the means made use of to avert these calamities ? 
 
 35. To whom were they imputed? 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 1. IN this scene of universal tumult, desolation and dis- 
 tress, there was nothing left but the virtues and the wisdom 
 of one man to restore tranquillity and happiness to the em-
 
 THE EMPIRE. 327 
 
 pire. 2. Aure'lius began his endeavours by marching against 
 the Marcoman'ni and Qua'di, taking Ve'rus with him, who 
 reluctantly left the sensual delights of Rome for the fatigues 
 of a camp. 3. They came up with the Marcoman'ni near 
 the city of Aquile'ia, and after a furious engagement, routed 
 their whole army ; then pursuing them across the Alps, 
 overcame them in several contests ; and, at C u. c. 922. 
 last, entirely defeating them, returned into Italy A. D. 169. 
 without any considerable loss. 4. As the winter was far ad- 
 vanced, Ve'rus was determined on going to Rome, in which 
 journey he was seized with an apoplexy that put an end to 
 his life, at the age of thirty-nine, having reigned in con- 
 junction with Aure'lius nine years. 
 
 5. Aure'lius, who had hitherto sustained the fatigues of 
 governing, not only an empire, but his colleague, began to 
 act with greater diligence, and more vigour than ever. After 
 thus subduing the Marcoman'ni, he returned to Rome, where 
 he resumed his attempts to benefit mankind by a farther re- 
 formation. 
 
 6. But his good endeavours were soon interrupted by a 
 renewal of the former wars. In one of the engagements 
 that ensued, he is said to have been miraculously relieved 
 when his army was perishing with thirst, by the prayers of 
 a Christian legion* which had been levied in his service ; 
 for we are told, that there fell such a shower of rain, as in- 
 stantly refreshed the fainting army. The soldiers were 
 seen holding their mouths and their helmets towards heaven, 
 to catch the water which came so wonderfully to their relief. 
 7. The same clouds which served for their rescue, discharged 
 so terrible a storm of hail, accompanied with thunder, against 
 the enemy, as astonished and confused them. By this un- 
 looked-for aid, the Romans, recovering strength and cournirc, 
 renewed the engagement with fresh vigour, and cut the 
 enemy to pieces. 8. Such are the circumstances of an 
 event, acknowledged by Pagan as well as Christian writers ; 
 only with this difference, that the latter ascribe the miracle 
 to their own, the former to the prayers of their emperor. 
 However this be, Aure'lius seemed so sensible of miracu- 
 lous assistance, that he immediately relaxed the persecution 
 against the Christians, and wrote to the senate in their favour. 
 
 9. Soon after this event, Avid'ius Cas'sius, one of the 
 
 * Legion, a Ixxly of soldiers in the Roman army, consisting of 300 
 horse and 4000 foot. Figuratively, an army, a military force, or any 
 great number
 
 328 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 generals who had fought with such success against th 
 Parthians, assumed the imperial purple, but was shortly 
 after killed in an engagement. When his head was brought 
 to Aure'lius, he expressed great sorrow, turned his eyes 
 away, and caused it to be honourably interred, complaining 
 that he had been robbed of an opportunity of showing mercy 
 On being blamed for his too great lenity to the relatives and 
 friends of Cas'sius, he sublimely replied, " We have no 
 lived nor served the gods so ill, as to think that they would 
 favour Cas'sius." 
 
 10. He usually called philosophy his mother, in opposi 
 tion to the court, which he considered as his step-mother 
 He also frequently said, " the people are happy whose 
 kings are philosophers." He was, independent of his dig- 
 nity, one of the most considerable men then existing ; and, 
 though he had been born in the meanest station, his merits 
 as a writer (for his works remain to this day) would have 
 insured him immortality. 
 
 11. Having thus restored prosperity to his subjects, and 
 peace to mankind, news was brought him that the Scyth'ians, 
 and other barbarous nations of the north, were up in arms, 
 and invading the empire. 12. He once more, therefore, 
 resolved to expose his aged person in the defence of his 
 country, and made speedy preparations to oppose them. 
 He went to the senate, and desired to have money out of 
 the public treasury. He then spent three days in giving 
 the people lectures on the regulation of their lives ; and, 
 having finished, departed upon his expedition, amidst the 
 prayers and lamentations of his subjects. Upon going to 
 open his third campaign, he was seized at Vienna with 
 the plague, which stopped his farther progress. Nothing, 
 however, could abate his desire of being beneficial to man- 
 kind. 14. His fears for the youth and unpromising dis- 
 position of Com'modus, his son and successor, seemed 
 to give him great uneasiness. He therefore addressed his 
 friends and the principal officers that were gathered round 
 his bed, expressing his hope, that as his son was now losing 
 his father, he would find many in them. 15. While thus 
 speaking, he was seized with a weakness which stopped his 
 utterance, and brought on death. He died in the fifty-ninth 
 year of his age, having reigned nineteen years. It seemed 
 as if the glory and prosperity of the empire died with this 
 greatest of the Roman emperors.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 329 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 '. To whom did the Romans look for a restoration of the tranquillity 
 of the empire? 
 
 2. Against whom did Aurelius march, and who accompanied him! 
 
 3. Where did they come up with the Marcomanni, and what was the 
 
 result of the engagement? 
 
 4. What was the fate of Verus ? 
 
 5 How did Aurelius act on his return to Rome ? 
 
 6. What miraculous event was ascribed to the prayers of a Christian 
 
 legion 1 
 
 7. How did it operate on the enemy 1 
 
 8. Did not Aurelius, in consequence, interest himself in favour of the 
 
 Christians ? 
 
 9. What reply did Aurelius make to those who blamed him for his 
 
 lenity to the friends of Cassius ? 
 
 10. What sayings are recorded of him, and what was his character ? 
 
 11. What news was brought to Aurelius soon after peace had been 
 
 restored ! 
 
 12. In what way did he occupy himself previous to his departure to 
 
 oppose the enemy ? 
 
 13. At what place was he seized with the plague? 
 
 14. What seemed to give him great uneasiness? 
 
 15. How old was Aurelius when he died, and how many years had ho 
 
 reigned ? 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM COMMODUS TO THE TRANSFERRING OF THE SEAT OF 
 EMPIRE, UNDER CONSTANTINE, FROM ROME TO CONSTAN- 
 TINOPLE. V. C. 933. A. D. 180. 
 
 
 
 1. THE merits of Aurelius procured Commodus an easy 
 Accession to the throne.* He was acknowledged emperor 
 by the army, by the senate and people, and afterwards by 
 nil the provinces. 
 
 JJ. But his whole reign was a tissue of wantonness and 
 folly, cruelty and injustice, rapacity and corruption. So 
 strong a similitude was there between his conduct and that 
 of Domi'tian, that a reader might imagine he was going over 
 the history of the same reign. 3. He spent the day in 
 
 * Com'modus was the first emperor that was born in hia fathr' 
 reign, and the second that succeeded his father in the empire. 
 2 E 2
 
 330 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 feasting, and the night in the most abominable wickedness 
 He would sometimes go about the markets in a frolic, with 
 small wares, as a petty chapman ; sometimes he affected to 
 be a horse-courser ; at other times he drove his own chariot, 
 ..-in a slave's habit. Those he promoted resembled himself, 
 being the companions of his pleasures, or the ministers of 
 his cruelties. 
 
 4. If any person desired to be revenged on an enemy, by 
 bargaining with Com'modus for a sum of money, he was 
 permitted to destroy him in any manner he thought proper. 
 He commanded a person to be cast to the wild beasts for 
 reading the life of Calig'ula in Sueto'nius. He ordered 
 another to be thrown into a burning furnace, for accidentally 
 overheating his bath. He would sometimes, when he was 
 in a pleasant humour, cut off men's noses, under pretence 
 of shaving their beards ; and yet he was himself so jealous 
 of all mankind, that he thought it necessary to be his own 
 barber. 
 
 5. At length, upon the feast of Janus, resolving to fence 
 before the people, as a common gladiator, three of his friends 
 remonstrated with him upon the indecency of such behaviour: 
 these were Lae'tus, his general; Elec'tus, his chamberlain; 
 and Mar'cia, of whom he always appeared excessively fond. 
 6. Their advice was attended with no other effect than that 
 of exciting him to resolve upon their destruction. 7. It was 
 his method, like that of Domi'tian, to set down the names 
 of all such as he intended to put to death in a roll, which 
 he carefully kept by him. However, at this time, happen- 
 ing to lay the roll on his bed, while he was bathing in 
 another room, it was taken up by a little boy whom he pas- 
 sionately loved. The child, after playing with it some time, 
 brought it to Mar'cia, who was instantly alarmed at the con- 
 tents. 8. She immediately discovered her terror to Lae'tus 
 and Elec'tus, who, perceiving their dangerous situation, in- 
 stantly resolved upon the tyrant's death. 9. After some 
 deliberation, it was agreed to dispatch him by poison ; but 
 this not succeeding, Mar'cia hastily introduced a young man, 
 called Narcis'sus, whom she prevailed upon to assist in 
 strangling the tyrant. Com'modus died in the thirty-first 
 year of his age, after an impious reign of twelve years and 
 nine months. 
 
 10. Such were the secrecy and expedition with which 
 u. c. 945. ) Com'modus was assassinated, that few were 
 A. D. J92. 5 acquainted with the real circumstances of his
 
 THE EMPIRE. 33. 
 
 death. His body was wrapt up as a bale of useless furni- 
 ture, and carried through the guards, most of whom were 
 either drunk or asleep. 
 
 11. Hel'vius Per'tinax, whose virtues and courage ren- 
 dered him worthy of the most exalted station, and who had 
 passed through many changes of fortune, had been previ- 
 ously fixed upon to succeed him. When, therefore, the 
 conspirators repaired to his house, to salute him emperor, 
 he considered it as a command from the emperor Com'mo 
 dus for his death. 12. Upon Lae'tus entering his apartment, 
 Per'linax, without any show of fear, cried out, that for many 
 days he had expected to end his life in that manner, won- 
 dering that the emperor had deferred it so long. He was 
 not a little surprised when informed of the real cause of their 
 visit ; and being strongly urged to accept of the empire, he 
 at last complied. 13. Being carried to the camp, Per'tinax 
 was proclaimed emperor, and soon after was acknowledged 
 by the senate and citizens. They then pronounced Com'- 
 modus a parricide, an enemy to the gods, his country, and 
 all mankind ; and commanded that his corpse should rot 
 upon a heap of dirt. 14. In the mean time they saluted Per'- 
 tinax as emperor and Caesar, with numerous acclamations, 
 and cheerfully took the oaths of obedience. The provinces 
 soon after followed the example of Rome ; so that he began 
 his reign with universal satisfaction to the whole empire, in 
 the sixty-eighth year of his age. 
 
 15. Nothing could exceed the justice and wisdom of this 
 monarch's reign, during the short time it continued. But 
 the praetorian soldiers, whose manners he attempted to re- 
 form, having been long corrupted by the indulgence and pro- 
 fusion of their former monarch, began to hate him for his 
 parsimony, and the discipline he had introduced among them. 
 
 16. They therefore resolved to dethrone him ; and accord- 
 ingly, in a tumultuous manner, marched through the streets 
 of Rome, entered his palace without opposition, where a 
 Tungrian soldier struck him dead with a blow of his lanco. 
 
 17. From the number of his adventures he was called the 
 tennis-ball of fortune ; and certainly no man ever went 
 through such a variety of situations with so blameless a 
 character. He reigned but three months. 
 
 18. The soldiers having committed this outrage, made 
 u. c. 954. > proclamation, that they would sell the empire 
 A. D. 201.3 to whoever would purchase it at the highest 
 price. 19. In consequence of this proclamation, two bidders
 
 332 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 were found, namely, Sulpicia'nus and Did'ius. The former 
 a consular person, prefect of the city, and son-in-law to the 
 late emperor Per'tinax. The latter a consular person like- 
 wise, a great lawyer, and the wealthiest man in the city 
 
 20. Sulpicia'nus had rather promises than treasure to be- 
 stow. The offers of Did'ius, who produced immense sums 
 of ready money, prevailed. He was received into the camp, 
 and the soldiers instantly swore to obey him as emperor. 
 
 21. Upon being conducted to the senate-house, he addressed 
 the few that were present in a laconic speech, " Fathers, 
 you want an emperor, and I am the fittest person you can 
 choose." The choice of the soldiers was confirmed by the 
 senate, and Did'ius was acknowledged emperor, in the fifty- 
 seventh year of his age. 22. It should seem, by this weak 
 monarch's conduct when seated on the throne, that he 
 thought the government of an empire rather a pleasure than 
 a toil. Instead of attempting to gain the hearts of his sub- 
 jects, he gave himself up to ease and inactivity, utterly re- 
 gardless of the duties of his station. He was mild and gen- 
 tle indeed, neither injuring any, nor expecting to be injured. 
 23. But that avarice by which he became opulent, still fol- 
 lowed him in his exaltation ; so that the very soldiers who 
 elected him soon began to detest him, for qualities so oppo- 
 site to a military character. 24. The people also, against 
 whose consent he was chosen, were not less his enemies. 
 Whenever he issued from his palace, they openly poured 
 forth their imprecations against him, crying out, that he was 
 a thief, and had stolen the empire. 25. Did'ius, however, 
 patiently bore all their reproach, and testified his regard by 
 every kind of submission. 26. Soon after Seve'rus, an Af- 
 rican by birth, being proclaimed by his army, began his 
 reign by promising to revenge the death of Per'tinax. 
 
 27. Did'ius upon being informed of his approach towards 
 Rome, obtained the consenUof the senate to send him am- 
 bassadors, offering to make him a partner in the empire. 28. 
 But Seve'rus rejected this offer, conscious of his own 
 strength, and of the weakness of the proposer. The sen- 
 ate appeared to be of the same sentiment ; and perceiving 
 the timidity and weakness of their present master, abandoned 
 him. 29. Being called together, as was formerly practised 
 R the times of the commonwealth, by the consuls, they 
 unanimously decreed, that Did'ius should be deprived of the 
 empire, and that Severus should be proclaimed in his stead. 
 They then commanded Did'ius to be slain, and sent messen-
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 gers for this purpose to the palace, who, having found him, 
 with a few friends that still adhered to his interest, th.^y 
 struck oil' his head. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Did Comraodus succeed peaceably 7 
 
 2. Did he imitate his father's virtues 7 
 
 3. Mention some of his follies 1 
 
 4. Mention some of his wanton cruelties ? 
 
 5. Who remonstrated with him on this conduct 1 
 
 6. What effect did this remonstrance produce 7 
 
 7. How was this discovered ? 
 
 8. What was the consequence 7 
 
 9. How was it affected 1 
 
 10. Were the circumstances of his death generally known ' 
 
 11. Who succeeded him 1 
 
 12. Did Pertinax discover any signs of fear 1 
 
 13. What ensued on his compliance 7 
 
 14. Was he acceptable to the Roman people 7 
 
 15. How did ho govern 7 
 
 16. What was the consequence 1 
 
 17. By what appellation was he distinguished, and why T 
 
 18. How was the imperial purple next disposed of! 
 
 19. Who were the candidates 1 
 
 20. Who was the successful candidate 7 
 
 21. Was he acknowledged by the senate 7 
 
 22. What was his conduct as emperor 7 
 
 23. What gained him the hatred of the soldiers 7 
 
 24. Was he a favourite of the people 7 
 
 25. How did Didius bear this 7 
 
 26. What new competitor for the throne appeared 7 
 
 27. How did Didius act on this occasion 7 
 
 28. Was his offer accepted 7 
 
 29. What was the event 7 
 
 ' 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. SEVE'RUS having overcome Niger, A. D. 194, and \lbi' 
 mis, A. D. 198, who were his competitors for the empire, 
 assumed the reins of government, uniting great vigour with 
 the most refined policy ; yet his African cunning was con- 
 sidered as a sin^uhir defect in him. 2. He is celebrated for 
 his wit, learning, and prudence; but execrated for his per
 
 334 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 fidy and cruelty. In short, he seemed equally capable of 
 the greatest acts of virtue, and the most bloody severities. 
 
 3. He loaded his soldiers with rewards and honours, giv- 
 ing them such privileges as strengthened his own power, 
 while they destroyed that of the senate ; for the soldiers, 
 who had hitherto showed the strongest inclination to an 
 abuse of power, were now made arbiters of the fate of em- 
 perors. 
 
 4. Being thus secure of his army he resolved to give way 
 to his natural desire of conquest, and to turn his arms against 
 the Parthians, who were then invading the frontiers of the 
 empire. 5. Having, therefore, previously given the govern- 
 ment of domestic policy to one Plau'tian, a favourite, to 
 whose daughter he married his son Caracal'la, he set out 
 for the east, and prosecuted the war with his usual expedi- 
 tion and success. 6. He compelled submission from the 
 king of Arme'nia, destroyed several cities of Ara'bia Felix, 
 landed on the Parthian coast, took and plundered the fa- 
 mous city of Ctes'iphon, marched back through Pal'estine 
 and Egypt, and at length returned to Rome in triumph. 
 
 7. During this interval, Plau'tian, who was left to direct 
 the affairs of Rome, began to think of aspiring to the empire 
 himself. Upon the emperor's return, he employed a tribune 
 of the praetorian cohorts, of which he was commander, to 
 assassinate him, and his son Caracal'la. 
 
 8. The tribune informed Seve'rus of his favourite's 
 treachery. He at first received the intelligence as an im- 
 probable story, and as the artifices of one who envied his 
 favourite's fortune. However, he was at last persuaded to 
 permit the tribune to conduct Plau'tian to the emperor's 
 apartments to be a testimony against himself. 9. With this 
 intent the tribune went and amused him with a pretended 
 account of his killing the emperor and his son ; desiring 
 him, if he thought fit to see them dead, to go with him to 
 the palace. 10. As Plau'tian ardently desired their death, 
 he readily gave credit to the relation, and, following the tri- 
 bune, was conducted at midnight into the innermost apart- 
 ments of the palace. But what must have been his surprise 
 and disappointment, when, instead of finding the emperor 
 lying dead, as he expected, he beheld the room lighted up 
 with torches, and Seve'rus surrounded by his friends, pre- 
 pared in array to receive him. 11. Being asked by the em- 
 peror, with a stern countenance, what had brought him 
 there at that unseasonable time, he ingenuously confessed
 
 THT EMPIRE. ,'(.'{.") 
 
 the whole., entreating forgiveness for what he had intended. 
 P<J. The emperor seemed inclined to pardon ; but Caracal'la, 
 his son, who from the earliest age showed a disposition to 
 cruelty, ran him through the body with his sword. 
 
 13. After this, Seve'rus spent a considerable time in 
 visiting some cities in Italy, permitting none of his officers 
 to sell places of trust or dignity, and distributing justice with 
 the strictest impartiality. He then undertook an expedition 
 into Britain, where the Romans were in danger of being 
 destroyed, or compelled to fly the province. After appoint- 
 ing his two sons, Caracal'la and Ge'ta, joint successors in 
 the empire, and taking them with him, he landed in Britain, 
 A. D. 208, to the great terror of such as had drawn down his 
 resentment. 14. Upon his progress into the country, he 
 left his son Ge'ta in the southern part of the province, 
 which had continued in obedience, and marched, with his 
 son Caracal'la, against the Caledo'nians. 15. In this expe- 
 dition, his army suffered prodigious hardships in pursuing 
 the enemy ; they were obliged to hew their way through 
 intricate forests, to drain extensive marshes, and form 
 bridges over rapid rivers ; so that he lost fifty thousand men 
 by fatigue and sickness. 16. However, he surmounted 
 these inconveniences with unremitting bravery, and prose- 
 cuted his successes with such vigour, that he compelled the 
 enemy to beg for peace ; which they did not obtain without 
 the surrender of a considerable part of their country. 17. 
 It was then that, for its better security, he built the famous 
 wall, which still goes by his name, extending from Solway 
 Frith on the west, to the German Ocean on the east. He 
 did not long survive his successes here, but died at York, 
 in the sixty-sixth year of his age, after an active, though 
 cruel reign of about eighteen years. 
 
 18. Caracal'la and Ge'ta, his sons, being acknowledged 
 as emperors by the army, began to show a Cu. c. '.'il. 
 mutual hatred to each other, even before their A. n. "2 I I 
 arrival at Rome. But this opposition was of no long con- 
 tinuance ; for Caracal'la, being resolved to govern alone, 
 furiously entered Ge'ta's apartment, and, followed by ruf- 
 fians, slew hinj. in his mother's arms. 
 
 19. Being thus sole emperor, he went on to mark his 
 course with blood. Whatever was done by Domi'tian or 
 Ne'ro, fell short of this monster's barbarities.* 
 
 Being offended by the Alcxan'drians, he commanded them to b* 
 put to the sword, without distiiK-lion of sex, age, or condition; every
 
 330 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Massacre of the Alexandrian). 
 
 20. His tyrannies at length excited the resentment of 
 Macri'nus, the commander of the forces in Mesopota'mia, 
 who employed one Mar'tial, a man of great strength, and a 
 centurion of the guards, to dispatch him. 21. Accordingly, 
 as the emperor was riding out one day, near a little city 
 called Carrse, he happened to withdraw himself privately, 
 upon a natural occasion, with only one page to hold his 
 horse. This was the opportunity Mar'tial had so long and 
 ardently desired : when, running to him hastily, as if he 
 had been called, he stabbed the emperor in the back, and 
 killed him instantly. 22. Having performed this hardy 
 attempt, he, with apparent unconcern, returned to his troop ; 
 but, retiring by insensible degrees, he endeavoured to secure 
 himself by flight. His companions, however, soon missing 
 him, and the page giving information of what had been done, 
 he was pursued by the German horse, and cut in pieces. 
 
 23. During the reign of this execrable tyrant, which con- 
 tinued six years, the empire was every day declining ; the 
 soldiers were entirely masters of every election ; and as 
 there were various armies in different parts, so there were 
 as many interests opposed to each other. 
 
 24. The soldiers, after remaining without an emperor 
 t7. c. 970. } two days, fixed upon Macri'nus, who took all 
 A. D. 217. 5 possible methods to conceal his being privy to 
 Caracal'la's murder. The senate confirmed their choice 
 shortly after ; and likewise that of his son, Diadumenia'nus, 
 whom he took as partner in the empire. 25. Macri'nus 
 
 house was filled with carcases, and the sheets were obstructed with dead 
 oodles ; this was merely in revenge for some lampoons they had pub- 
 lished against him.
 
 THE KMPIRE. 337 
 
 was fifty-three years old when he entered upon the govern- 
 ment. He was of obscure parentage ; some say by birth a 
 Moor, who, by the mere gradation of office, being made 
 first prefect of the pnetorian bands, was now, by treason 
 and accident, called to fill the throne. 
 
 26. He was opposed by the intrigues of Mosa, and her 
 grandson Heliogaba'lus ; and being conquered by some se- 
 ditious legions of his own army, he fled to Chalcedon,* 
 where those who were sent in pursuit overtook him, and 
 put him to death, together with his son Diadumenia'nus, 
 after a short reign of one year and two months. 
 
 27. The senate and citizens of Rome being obliged to 
 submit, as usual, to the appointment of the army, Helioga- 
 ba'lus ascended the throne at the age of four- ? u. c. 971. 
 teen. His short life was a mixture of effemi- 5 A. D. 218. 
 nacy, lust, and extravagance. 28. He married six wives in 
 the short space of four years, and divorced them all. lit; 
 was so forrd of the sex, that he carried his mother with him 
 to the senate-house, and demanded that she should always 
 be present when matters of importance were debated. He 
 even went so far as to build a senate-house for women, 
 appointing them suitable orders, habits and distinctions, of 
 which his mother was made president. 29. They me- 
 several times ; all their debates turned upon the fashions of 
 the day, and the different formalities to be used at giving 
 and receiving visits. To these follies he added cruelty and 
 boundless prodigality ; he used to say, that such dishes as 
 were cheaply obtained were scarcely worth eating. 
 
 30. However, his soldiers mutinying, as was now usual 
 with them, they followed him to his palace, pursuing him 
 from apartment to apartment, till at last he was found con- 
 cealed in a closet. Having dragged him from thence through 
 the streets, with the most bitter kivectives, and dispatched 
 him, they attempted once more to squeeze his pampered 
 body into a closet; but not easily eflectiii" this, they throw 
 it into the Tiber, with heavy weights, that none might 
 afterwards find it, or give it burial. This was the ignomi- 
 nious death of Heliogaba'lus, in the eighteenth year of hia 
 age, after a detestable reign of four years. 
 
 * A city of Bithyn'ia, in Asia Minor, opposite to Constantinople, 
 2 F
 
 338 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 I. Who succeeded Didius Julianus? 
 
 2. What was the character of Severus 1 
 
 3. By what means did he strengthen his power ? 
 
 4. What were his first acts ? 
 
 5. To whom did he commit the government in his absence 1 
 
 6. What were his exploits '! 
 
 7. How did Plautian conduct himself in this important post * 
 
 8. How was this treachery discovered ? 
 
 9. How was this effected ? 
 
 10. Did Plautian fall into the snare? 
 
 1 1 . How did he act on the occasion 1 
 
 12. Was he pardoned 1 
 
 13. How did Severus next employ himself? 
 
 14. What were his first measures in Britain ? 
 
 15. Was it a difficult campaign ? 
 
 1 6. Did he overcome these difficulties ? 
 
 1 7. What famous work did he execute, and where did he die ? 
 
 18. Who succeeded him, and how did the two emperors regard each 
 
 other? 
 
 1 9. What was the conduct of Caracalla on thus becoming sole emperor ? 
 
 20. Were these cruelties tamely suffered ? 
 
 21. How was this effected I 
 
 22. Did the assassin escape ? 
 
 23. What was the state of the empire during this reign ? 
 
 24. Who succeeded CaracaHa? 
 
 25. Who was Macrinus ? 
 
 26. By whom was he opposed, and what was his fate * 
 
 27. How did Heliogabalus govern ? 
 
 28. Give a few instances of his folly ? 
 
 29 Did they enter into his views, and of what farther follies and vice* 
 
 was he guilty ? 
 30. What was his end ? 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 1. HELIOGABA'LUS was succeeded by Alexander, his 
 cousin-german,* who, being declared emperor without op- 
 position, the senate, with their usual adulation, C u. c. 975. 
 were for conferring new titles upon him ; but ^A.D.222. 
 he modestly declined them all. 2. To the most rigid jus- 
 tice he added the greatest humanity. He loved the good, 
 and was a severe reprover of the lewd and infamous. His 
 accomplishments were equal to his virtues. He was an 
 
 A Terra generally applied to the children of brothers or sisters.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 3.'W 
 
 excellent mathematician, geometrician, and musician ; lie 
 was equally skilful in painting and sculpture ; and in poetry 
 few of his time could equal him. In short, such were his 
 talents, and such the solidity of his judgment, that though 
 but sixteen years of age, he was considered equal in wis- 
 dom to a sage old man. 
 
 3. About the thirteenth year of his reign the Upper Ger- 
 mans, and other northern nations, began to pour down in 
 immense swarms upon the more southern parts of the em- 
 pire. They passed the Rhine and the Danube with sucli 
 fury, that all Italy was thrown into the most extreme con- 
 sternation. 4. The emperor, ever ready to expose his per- 
 son for the safety of his people, made what levies he could, 
 and went in person to stem the torrent, which he speedily 
 effected. It was in the course of his successes against the 
 enemy that he was cut off by a mutiny among his own sol- 
 diers. He died in the twenty-ninth year of his age, after a 
 prosperous reign of thirteen years and nine days. 
 
 5. The tumults occasioned by the death of Alexander be- 
 ing appeased, Max'imin, who had been the C u. c. 988. 
 chief promoter of the sedition, was chosen em- ^ A. D. 235. 
 peror. 6. This extraordinary man, whose character de- 
 serves a particular attention, was born of very obscure 
 parentage, being the son of a poor herdsman of Thrace. He 
 followed his father's humble profession, and had exercised 
 his personal courage against the robbers who infested that 
 part of the country in which he lived. Soon after, his am- 
 bition increasing, he left his poor employment and enlisted 
 in the Roman army, where he soon became remarkable for 
 his great strength, discipline, and courage. 7. This gigan- 
 tic man, we are told, was eight feet and a half high , he had 
 strength corresponding to his size, being not more renmrk- 
 able for the magnitude than the symmetry of his person. 
 His wife's bracelet usually served him for a thumb ring, 
 and his strength was so great that he was able to draw a 
 carriage which two oxen could not move. He could strike 
 out the teeth of a horse with a blow of his fist, and break 
 its thigh with a kick. 8. His diet was as extraordinary as 
 his endowments : he generally ate forty pounds weight of 
 flesh every day, and drank six gallons of wine, without com- 
 mitting any debauch in either. 9. With a frame so athletic, 
 he was possessed of a mind undaunted in danger, neither 
 fearing nor regarding any man. 10. The first time he wan 
 made known to the emperor Seve'rus, was while IK
 
 340 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 celebrating games on the birth-day of his son Ge'ta. He 
 overcame sixteen in running, one after the other ; lie ihen 
 kept up with the emperor on horseback, and having fatigued 
 him in the course, he was opposed to seven of the most ac 
 tive soldiers, and overcame them with the greatest ease. 
 11. These extraordinary exploits caused him to be particu- 
 larly noticed ; he had been taken into the emperor's body 
 guard, and by the usual gradation of preferment came to be 
 chief commander. In this situation he had been equally re- 
 markable for his simplicity, discipline, and virtue ; but, 
 upon coming to the empire, he was found to be one of the 
 greatest monsters of cruelty that had ever disgraced power ; 
 fearful of nothing himself, he seemed to sport with the ter- 
 rors of all mankind. 
 
 12. However, his cruelties did not retard his military 
 operations, which were carried on with a spirit becoming a 
 better monarch. He overthrew the Germans in several bat- 
 tles, wasted all their country with fire and sword for four 
 hundred miles together, and formed a resohition of subduing 
 all the northern nations, as far as the ocean 1 3. In these 
 expeditions, in order to attach the soldiers more firmly to 
 him, he increased their pay ; and in every duty of the camp 
 he himself took as much pains as the meanest sentinel in 
 his army, showing incredible courage and assiduity. In 
 every engagement, where the conflict was hottest, Max'imin 
 was seen fighting in person, and destroying all before him ; 
 for, being bred a barbarian, he considered it his duty to com- 
 bat as a common soldier, while he commanded as a general. 
 
 14. In the mean time his cruelties had so alienated the 
 minds of his subjects, that secret conspiracies were secretly 
 aimed against him. None of them, however, succeeded, 
 till at last his own soldiers, long harassed by famine and 
 fatigue, and hearing of revolts on every side, resolved to 
 terminate their calamities by the tyrant's death. 15. His 
 great strength, and his being always armed, at first deterred 
 them from assassinating him ; but at length the soldiers, 
 having made his guards accomplices in their designs, set 
 upon him while he slept at noon in his tent, and without 
 opposition slew both him and his son, whom he had made 
 his partner in the empire. 16. Thus died this most re 
 markable man, after an usurpation of about three years, in 
 the sixty-fifth year of his age. His assiduity when in a 
 humble station, and his cruelty when in power, serve to 
 evince, tha* there are some men whose virtues are fitted for
 
 THE EMPIRE. 341 
 
 obscurity, as there are others who only show themselves 
 great when placed in an exalted station. 
 
 17. The tyrant being dead, and his body thrown to dogs 
 and birds of prey, Pupie'nus and Balbie'nus, Cu.c. 991. 
 who had usurped the imperial purple, continu- A. D. 238. 
 ed for some time emperors, without opposition. 18. But, 
 differing between themselves, the praetorian soldiers, who 
 were the enemies of both, set upon them in their palace, at a 
 time when their guards were amused with seeing the Capit'o- 
 line games ; and dragging them from the palace towards the 
 camp, slew them both, leaving their dead bodies in the 
 street, as a dreadful instance of unsuccessful ambition. 
 
 19. In the midst of this sedition, as the mutineers were 
 v.c. 991. > proceeding along, they by accident met Gor'- 
 A. D. 238. 3 dian, the grandson of him who was slain in 
 Africa : him they declared emperor on the spot. 20. This 
 prince was but sixteen years old when he began to reign, 
 but his virtues seemed to compensate for his want of expe- 
 rience. His principal aims were to unite the opposing 
 members of government, and to reconcile the soldiers and 
 citizens to each other. 21. The army, however, began as 
 usual to murmur ; and their complaints were artfully fo- 
 mented by Philip, an Arabian, who was praitorian prefect, 
 and aspired to the sovereignty. Things thus proceeded 
 from bad to worse. 22. Philip was at first made equal to 
 Gor'dian in the command of the empire ; shortly after he 
 was invested with the sole power ; and at length, finding 
 himself capable of perpetrating his long meditated cruelty, 
 Gor'dian was by his order slain, in the twenty-second year 
 of his age, after a successful reign of nearly six years. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . Who succeeded Heliogabalus T 
 
 2. What was his character ? 
 
 3. Was his reign peaceable 1 
 
 4. How did Alexander act on the occasion ? 
 
 5. Who succeeded Alexander ] 
 
 6. Who was Maximin 1 
 
 7. Describe his person. 
 
 8. What farther distinguished him ? 
 
 9. Was his mind proportioned to his body ? 
 
 10. How did he attract the notice of Scverus 1 
 
 1 1. By what means did he attain rank in the army ? 
 
 12. Was he equally a terror to his foreign enemies ! 
 
 2r3
 
 *<J2 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 13. By what means did he gain the confidence of his soldiers ? 
 
 14. What effect had his cruelties on the minds of his subjects? 
 Ifi. How did they accomplish their purpose? 
 
 To. How long did he reign, and what inference may be drawn from his 
 
 conduct ? 
 
 17. Who next mounted the imperial throne? 
 J8. What was their end 1 
 '9. Who succeeded Pupienus and Balbienus ? 
 
 20. What were the character and views of this prince ? 
 
 21. Was his administration approved of by all ? 
 
 22. Did Philip accomplish his ambitious design ? 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 u. c. 996. A. D. 243. 
 
 1. PHILIP having thus murdered his benefactor, was so 
 fortunate as to be immediately acknowledged emperor by the 
 army. Upon his exaltation he associated his son, a boy of 
 six years of age, as his partner in the empire ; and, in order 
 to secure his power at home, made peace with the Persians, 
 and marched his army towards Rome. 2. However, the 
 army revolting in favour of De'cius, his general, and setting 
 violently upon him, one of his sentinels at a blow cut off 
 his head, or rather cleft it asunder, separating the under jaw 
 from the upper. He died in the forty-fifth year of his age, 
 after a short reign of about five years. 
 
 3. De'cius was universally acknowledged as his succes- 
 u. c. 1001.7 sor. His activity and wisdom seemed, in 
 
 A. D. 248. 3 some measure, to stop the hastening decline 
 of the Roman empire. The senate seemed to think so 
 highly of his merits, that they voted him not inferior to 
 Tra'jan ; and indeed he appeared in every instance to con- 
 sult their dignity, and the welfare of all the inferior ranks of 
 people. 4. But no virtues could now prevent the approach- 
 ing downfall of the state ; the obstinate disputes between 
 the Pagans and the Christians within the empire, and the 
 unceasing irruptions of barbarous nations from without, en- 
 feebled it beyond the power of remedy. 5. He was killed 
 in an ambuscade of the enemy, in the fiftieth year of his 
 age, after a short reign of two years and six months. 
 
 6. Gal'lus, who had betrayed the Roman army, had ad- 
 TJ. c. 1004. > dress enough to get himself declared emperor 
 
 A. D. 251. 5 by that part of it which survived the defeat;
 
 THE EMPIRE. 343 
 
 he was forty-five years old when he began to reign, and was 
 descended from an honourable family in Rome. 7. He was 
 the first who bought a dishonourable peace from the enemies 
 of the state, agreeing to pay a considerable annual tribute to 
 the Goths, whom it was his duty to repress. He was re- 
 gardless of every national calamity, and was lost in debauch- 
 ery and sensuality. The Pagans were allowed a power of 
 persecuting the Christians through all parts of the state. 8. 
 These calamities were succeeded by a pestilence from heaven, 
 that seemed to have spread over every part of the earth, and 
 continued raging for several years, in an unheard-of manner ; 
 as well as by a civil war, which followed shortly after be- 
 tween Gallus and his general ^Emilia'nus, who, having gain- 
 ed a victory over the Goths, was proclaimed emperor by 
 his conquering army. 9. Gallus hearing this, soon roused 
 from the intoxications of pleasure, and prepared to oppose 
 his dangerous rival : but both he and his son were slain by 
 ^Emilia'nus, in a battle fought in Mo^sia. His death was 
 merited, and his vices were such as to deserve the detesta- 
 tion of posterity. He died in the forty-seventh year of his 
 age, after an unhappy reign of two years and four months, 
 in which the empire suffered inexpressible calamities. 
 
 10. The senate refused to acknowledge the claims of 
 ^Emilia'nus ; and an army that was stationed C u. c. 1006. 
 near the Alps chose Vale'rian, who was their ( A. D. ~~>H. 
 commander, to succeed to the throne. 11. He set about re- 
 forming the state with a spirit that seemed to mark a good 
 and vigorous mind. But reformation was now grown almost 
 impracticable. 12. The Persians under their king Sapor, 
 invading Syr'ia, took the unfortunate Vale'rian prisoner, as 
 he was making preparations to oppose them ; and the indig- 
 nities as well as the cruelties, which were practised upon 
 this unhappy monarch, thus fallen into the hands of his ene- 
 mies, are almost incredible. 13. Sapor, we are told, used 
 him as a footstool for mounting his horse ; he added the bit- 
 terness of ridicule to his insults, and usually observed, that 
 an attitude like that to which Vale'rian was reduced, was the 
 best statue that could be erected in honour of his victory. 
 14. This horrid life of insult and sufferance continued for 
 seven years ; and was at length terminated by the cruel Per- 
 sian commanding his prisoner's eyes to be plucked out, and 
 afterwards causing him to be flayed alive. 
 
 15. When Vale'rian was taken prisoner, Galic'nus, l:is 
 ton, promising to revenge the insult, was chosen emperoi.
 
 344 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 U. c. 1012.) being then about forty-one years old. How- 
 A. D. 259. 5 ever, it was soon discovered thai ne sought 
 rather the splendours than the toils of empire ; for, after 
 having overthrown Ingen'uus, who had assumed the title of 
 emperor, he sat down, as if fatigued with conquest, and gave 
 himself up to ease and luxury. 16. At this time, no less 
 than thirty pretenders were seen contending with each other 
 for the dominion of the state, and adding the calamities of 
 civil war to the rest of the misfortunes of this devoted em- 
 pire. These are usually mentioned in history by the name 
 of the thirty tyrants. 17. In this general calamity, Galie'- 
 nus, though at first seemingly insensible, was at length 
 obliged for his own security to take the field, and led an army 
 to besiege the city of Milan, which had been taken by one 
 of the thirty usurping tyrants. In this expedition he was 
 slain by his own soldiers : Mar'tian, one of his generals, 
 having conspired against him. 
 
 18. Fla'vius Clau'dius being nominated to succeed, was 
 u. c. 1021. > joyfully accepted by all orders of the state, 
 A. D. 268. 5 ar >d his title confirmed by the senate and the 
 people. 19. He was a man of great valour and conduct, 
 having performed the most excellent services against the 
 Goths, who had long continued to make irruptions into the 
 empire; but, after a great victory over that barbarous people, 
 he was seized with a pestilential fever at Ser'mium in Pan- 
 no'nia, of which he died, to the great regret of his subjects, 
 and the irreparable loss of the Roman empire. 
 
 20. Upon the death of Clau'dius, Aure'lian was acknow- 
 u. c. 1023. > ledged by all the states of the empire, and as- 
 A. D. 270. 5 sumed the command with a greater share of 
 power than his predecessors had enjoyed for a long time be- 
 fore. 21. This active monarch was of mean and obscure 
 parentage in Da'cia, and about fifty-five years old at the time 
 of his coming to the throne. He had spent the early part 
 of his life in the army, and had risen through all the grada- 
 tions of military rank. He was of unshaken courage and 
 amazing strength. He, in one engagement, killed forty of 
 the enemy with his own hand ; and at different times above 
 nine hundred. In short, his valour and expedition were 
 such, that he Avas compared to Julius Caesar ; and, in fact, 
 only wanted mildness and clemency to be every way his 
 equal. 22. Among those who were compelled to submit to 
 his power, was the famous Zeno'bia, queen of Palmy 'ra. 
 He subdued her country, destroyed her city, and took her
 
 THE EMPIRE. 345 
 
 prisoner. Longi'nus, the celebrated critic, who was secre- 
 tary to the queen, was by Aure'lian's order put to death. 
 Zcno'bia was reserved to grace his triumph ; and afterwards 
 was allotted such lands, and such an income, as served to 
 maintain her in almost her former splendour. 23. But the 
 emperor's severities were at last the cause of. his own de- 
 struction. Mnes'theus, his principal secretary, having been 
 threatened by him for some fault which he had committed, 
 formed a conspiracy against him, and as the emperor passed, 
 with a small guard, from Ura'clea, in Thrace, towards By- 
 zan'tium, the conspirators set upon him at once and slew 
 him, in the sixtieth year of his age, after a very active reign 
 of almost five years. 
 
 24. After some time the senate made choice of Ta'citus, 
 a man of great merit, and no way ambitious C u. c. 1028. 
 of the honours that were offered him, being at ^ A. D. 275. 
 that time seventy-five years old. 25. A reign begun witli 
 much moderation and justice, only wanted continuance to 
 have made his subjects happy : but after enjoying the empire 
 about six months, he died of a fever in his march to oppose 
 the Persians and Scyth'ians, who had invaded the eastern 
 parts of the empire. 26. During this short period the senate 
 seemed to have possessed a large share of authority, and the 
 histories of the times are liberal of their praises to such 
 emperors as were thus willing to divide their power. 
 
 27. Upon the death of Ta'citus, his half-brother took upon 
 himself the title of emperor, in Cile'sia : but being twice 
 defeated by Pro'bus, he killed himself in despair, when the 
 whole army, as if by common consent, cried out that Pro'- 
 bus should be emperor. 28. He was then forty-four years 
 old ; was born of noble parentage, and bred a soldier. He 
 began early to distinguish himself for his discipline and va- 
 lour : being frequently the first man that scaled the walls, 
 or that burst into the enemy's camp. He was equally re- 
 markable for single combat, and for having saved the lives 
 of many eminent citizens. Nor were his activity and cour- 
 age when elected to the empire less apparent than in his 
 private station. 29. Every year now produced new calami- 
 ties to the state ; and fresh irruptions on every side threat- 
 ened universal desolation. Perhaps at this time no abilities, 
 except those of Pro'bus, were capable of opposing such 
 united invasions. 30. However, in the end, his own mu- 
 tinous soldiers, taking their opportunity, as he was marching 
 into Greece, seized and slew him, after he had reigned bix
 
 346 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 years and four months with general approbation. He was 
 succeeded by Ca'rus. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Did Philip succeed without opposition? 
 
 2. Was his reign of long duration 1 
 
 3. What was the character of Decius ? 
 
 4. Did he restore the empire to its former grandeur ? 
 
 5. What was his end 1 
 
 6. Who succeeded him? 
 
 7. What was his character ? 
 
 8. What farther calamities distinguished this reign ? 
 
 9. What effect had this news on Gallus 1 
 
 1 0. Who succeeded Gallus 1 
 
 1 1 . What were his first acts and their effects ? 
 
 12. What disaster befel him? 
 
 13. How was he treated in captivity ? 
 
 14. Did he long suvive this cruelty 1 
 
 15. Who succeeded him? 
 
 16. Was Galienus the only pretender to the throne 1 ? 
 
 17. What measures did Galienus adopt on this ? 
 
 18. Who succeeded Galienus ? 
 
 1 9. What were his character and end ] 
 
 20. Who succeeded Claudius ? 
 
 21. Who was Aurelian? 
 
 22. Over whom did he triumph? 
 
 23. What occasioned his destruction? 
 
 24. Who succeeded Aurelian ? 
 
 25. Did he govern well ? 
 
 26. What distinguished his reign t 
 
 27. Who succeeded Tacitus ? 
 
 28. What were the qualifications of Probus? 
 
 29. What was the state of the empire at this time 1 
 SO. What was the end of Probus ? 
 
 SECTION V. 
 \j. c, 1035. A. D. 282. 
 
 f 1. CA'RUS, who was praetorian prefect to the deceased 
 emperor, was chosen by the army to succeed him ; and he, 
 to strengthen his authority, united his two sons, Cari'nus 
 and Nume'rian, with him in command ; the elder of whom 
 was as much sullied by his vices, as the younger was re- 
 markable for his virtues, his modesty, and courage. 
 
 2 The next object of Ca'rus was to punish the mur-
 
 THE EMPIRE. 347 
 
 derers of Pro 'bus, and procure public tranquillity Several 
 nations of the west having revolted, he sent his son Cari'nus 
 against them, and advanced himself against the Sarma'tians, 
 whom he defeated, with the loss of sixteen thousand men 
 killed, and twenty thousand prisoners. Soon after this he 
 entered Persia, and removed to Mesopota'mia. Vera'nes 
 the second, king of Persia, advancing against him, was de- 
 feated, and lost Ctes'iphon, his capital. This conquest 
 gained Ca'nis the surname of Per'sicus ; but he had not 
 enjoyed it long, when he was struck dead, by lightning, in 
 his tent, with many of his attendants, after a reign of about 
 sixteen months. Upon the death of Ca'rus, the imperial 
 power devolved on his sons Cari'nus and Nume'rian, \vlio 
 reigned jointly. In the first year of their accession, having 
 made peace with the Persians, Cari'nus advanced against 
 Ju'lian, who had caused himself to be proclaimed in Vene'- 
 tia,* and whom he defeated ; when he returned again into 
 Gaul. 
 
 3. Cari'nus was at this time in Gaul, but Nume'rian, the 
 younger son, who accompanied his father in his expedition 
 was inconsolable for his death, and brought such a disorder 
 upon his eyes, with weeping, that he was obliged to be car- 
 ried along with the army, shut up in a close litter. 4. The 
 peculiarity of his situation, after some time, excited the 
 ambition of A 'per, his father-in-law, who supposed that he 
 could now, without any great danger, aim at the empire 
 himself. He therefore hired a mercenary villain to murder 
 the emperor in his litter ; and, the better to conceal the fact, 
 gave out that he was still alive, but unable to endure the 
 light. 5. The offensive smell, however, of the body, at 
 length discovered the treachery, and excited an universal 
 uproar throughout the whole army. 6. In the midst of this 
 tumult, Diocle'sian, one of the most noted commanders of 
 his time, was chosen emperor, and with his own hand slew 
 A'per, having thus, as it is said, fulfilled a prophecy, that 
 Diocle'sian should be emperor after he had slain a boar.t 
 
 7. Diocle'sian was a person of mean birth ; he received 
 his name from Dio'clea, the town in which Cc. c. 1057. 
 he was born, and was about forty years old A. D. 284. 
 when he was elected to the empire. He owed his exalta- 
 tion entirely to his merit ; having passed through all the 
 gradations of office with sagacity, courage, and success. 
 
 Now called Venice. f A'pcr signifies a boar,
 
 348 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 8. In his time, the northern hive, as it was was called, 
 poured down its swarms of barbarians upon the Roman 
 empire. Ever at war with the Romans, they issued forth 
 whenever that army that was to repress their invasions was 
 called away; and upon its icturn, they as suddenly with- 
 drew into their cold, barren, and inaccessible retreats, which 
 themselves alone could endure. 9. In this manner the 
 Scyth'ians, Goths, Sarma'tians, Ala'ni, Car'sii, and Qua'di, 
 came down in incredible numbers, while every defeat seemed 
 but to increase their strength and perseverance. 10. After 
 gaining many victories over these, and in the midst of his 
 triumphs, Diocle'sian and Maxim'ian, his partners in the 
 empire, surprised the world by resigning their dignities on 
 the same day, and both retiring into private stations. 11. In 
 this manner Diocle'sian lived some time, and at length died 
 either by poison or madness, but by which of them is uncer- 
 tain. His reign of twenty years was active and useful ; and 
 his authority, which was tinctured with severity, was adapted 
 to the depraved state of morals at that time. 
 
 12. Upon the resignation of the two emperors, the two 
 r. c. 1057. 7 Caesars, whom they had before chosen, were 
 A. D. 304. ) universally acknowledged as their successors, 
 namely, Constan'tius Chlo'rus, so called from the paleness 
 of his complexion, a man virtuous, valiant, and merciful; 
 and Gele'rius, who was brave, but brutal, incontinent and 
 cruel. 13. As there was such a disparity in their tempers, 
 they readily agreed, upon coming into full power, to divide 
 the empire. Constan'tius was appointed to govern the 
 western parts, and died at York, in Britain, A. D. 396, ap- 
 pointing Con'stantine, his son, as his successor. Gale'rius 
 was seized with a very extraordinary disorder, which baffled 
 the skill of his physicians, and carried him off. 
 
 14. Con'stantine, afterwards surnamed the Great, had 
 u. c. 1064. 7 some competitors at first for the throne. 
 A.D. 311. 5 Among the rest was Maxen'tius, who was at 
 that time in possession of Rome, and a stedfast assertor of 
 Paganism. 15. It was in Constantine's march against that 
 usurper, we are told, that he was converted to Christianity, 
 by a very extraordinary appearance. 16. One evening, the 
 army being on its march towards Rome, Constantino was 
 intent on various considerations upon the fate of sublunary 
 things, and the dangers of his approaching expedition. 
 Sensible of his own incapacity to succeed without divine 
 issistance, he employed his meditations upon the opinions
 
 THE EMPIRE. 349 
 
 that weir then agitated among mankind, and sent tip his 
 ejaculations to heaven to inspire him with wisdom to choose 
 the path he should pursue. As the sun was declining, there 
 suddenly appeared a pillar of light in the heavens, in the 
 fashion of a cross, with this inscription, EN TOrrn NIKA, IN 
 THIS OVERCOME. 17. So extraordinary an appearance did 
 not fail to create astonishment, both in the emperor and his 
 whole army, who reflected on it as their various disposi- 
 tions led them to believe. Those who were attached to 
 Paganism, prompted by their aruspices, pronounced it to 
 be a most inauspicious omen, portending the most unfor- 
 tunate events ; but it made a different impression on th 
 emperor's mind ; who, as the account goes, was farther en- 
 couraged by visions the same night, 18. He, therefore, the 
 day following, caused a royal standard to be made, like that 
 which he had seen in the heavens, and commanded it to be 
 carried before him in his wars, as an ensign of victory and 
 celestial protection. After this he consulted with the prin- 
 cipal teachers of Christianity, and made a public avowal of 
 that holy religion. 
 
 19. Con'stantine having thus attached his soldiers to his 
 interest, who were mostly of the Christian persuasion, lost 
 no time in entering Italy, with ninety thousand foot and 
 eight thousand horse, and soon advanced almost to the very 
 gates of Rome. Maxen'tius advanced from the city with an 
 army of a hundred and seventy thousand foot, and eighteen 
 thousand horse. 20. The engagement was fierce and 
 bloody, till the cavalry of the latter being routed, victory 
 declared upon the side of his opponent, and he himself w:\s 
 drowned in his flight by the breaking down of a bridge, as 
 lie attempted to cross the Tiber. 
 
 21. In consequence of this victory, Con'stantine entered 
 the city, but disclaimed all the praises which the senate and 
 people were ready to offer ; and ascribed his successes to a 
 superior power. He even caused the cross, which he was 
 said to have seen in the heavens, to be placed at the right 
 hand of all his statues, with this inscription : " That under 
 the influence of that Victorious Cross, Con'stantine had 
 delivered the city from the yoke of tyrannical power, and 
 had restored the senate and people of Rome to their ancient 
 authority." He afterwards ordained that no criminal tOionld, 
 for the future, suffer death upon the cross, which had for- 
 merly been the most usual way of punishing slaves cnn 
 victed of capital offences. 22. Edicts were soon after issued, 
 2G
 
 350 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 declaring that the Christians should be cased of all their 
 grievances, and received into places of trust and authority. 
 
 23. Things continued in this state for some time. Con'- 
 stantine contributing every thing in his power to the interest 
 of religion, and the revival of learning, which had long been 
 upon the decline, and was almost wholly extinct in his do- 
 minions. 24. But, in the midst of these assiduities, the 
 peace of the empire was again disturbed by the preparations 
 of Maxim'ian, who governed in the east ; and who, desirous 
 of a full participation of power, marched against Licin'ius 
 with a very numerous army. 25. In consequence of this 
 step, after many conflicts, a general engagement ensued, in 
 which Maxim'ian suffered a total defeat ; many of his 
 troops were cut to pieces, and those that survived submitted 
 to the conqueror. Having, however, escaped the general 
 carnage, he put himself at the head of another army, resolv- 
 ing to try the fortune of the field ; but his death prevented 
 the design. 26. As he died by a very extraordinary kind 
 of madness, the Christians, of whom he was the declared 
 enemy, did not fail to ascribe his end to a judgment from 
 heaven. But this was the age in which false opinions and 
 false miracles made up the bulk of every history. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. Who succeeded Probus? 
 
 2. Mention the actions of Carus, and the manner of his death 1 
 
 3. How were his sons affected by this catastrophe ? 
 
 4. What was the consequence 1 
 
 5. How was this atrocious act discovered ? 
 
 6. Did Aper reap the reward of this treachery ? 
 
 7. Who was Dioclesian? 
 
 8. By whom was the empire now invaded ? 
 
 9. Were they effectually repelled 1 
 
 10. What remarkable event now occurred 1 
 
 11. What was the end of Dioclesian ? 
 
 12. Who succeeded Dioclesian and Maximian? 
 
 1 3. How did they conduct the administration 1 
 
 14. Did Constantme succeed without any opposition? 
 
 15. Did not a remarkable occurrence happen about this time ? 
 
 16. Repeat the particulars? 
 
 17. What effect had this appearance on the emperor and his men 1 
 
 18. What orders did he issue in consequence ? 
 
 1 9. What was the respective strength of the hostile armies ? 
 
 20. What was the result of the engagement ? 
 
 21. What use did Constantino make of his victory?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 351 
 
 22. What edicts did he publish on the occasion ? 
 
 23. How was Constantine employed after this 1 
 
 24. Did the peace long continue ? 
 
 25. What was the consequence 1 
 
 26. To what was his death ascribed ! 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 1. CON'STANTINE and Licin'ius thus remaining undis- 
 puted possessors of, and partners in the empire, all things 
 promised a peaceable continuance of friendship and power. 
 2. However, it was soon found that the same ambition that 
 aimed after a part, would be content with nothing less than 
 the whole. Pagan writers ascribe the rupture between 
 these two potentates to Con'stantine ; while the Christians, 
 on the other hand, impute it wholly to Licin'ius. 3. Both 
 sides exerted all their power to gain the ascendancy ; and at 
 the head of very formidable armies came to an engagement 
 near Cy'balis, in Panno'nia. 4. Con'stantine, previous to 
 the battle, in the midst of his Christian bishops, begged the 
 assistance of heaven ; while Licin'ius, with equal zeal, 
 called upon the Pagan priests to intercede with the gods in 
 their favour. 5. The success was on the side of truth. 
 Con'stantine, after experiencing an obstinate resistance, be- 
 came victorious, took the enemy's camp, and after some 
 time compelled Licin'ius to sue for a truce, which was 
 agreed upon. 6. But this was of no long continuance ; for, 
 soon after, the war breaking out afresh, the rivals came 
 once more to a general engagement, and it proved decisive. 
 Licin'ius was entirely defeated, and pursued by Con'stan- 
 tine into Nicome'dia, where he surrendered himself up to 
 the victor ; having first obtained an oath that his life should 
 be spared, and that he should be permitted to pass the re- 
 mainder of his days in retirement. 7. This, however, Con'- 
 stantine shortly after broke ; for either fearing his designs, 
 or finding him actually engaged in fresh conspiracies, ho 
 commanded him to be put to death, together with Mar'tian, 
 his general, who some time before had been created Caesar. 
 
 8. Con'stantine being thus become sole monarch, re- 
 solved to establish Christianity on so sure a basis that no 
 new revolution should shake it. He commanded that, in nil 
 the provinces of the empire, the orders of the bishops should 
 be implicitly obeyed. He called also a general council, in
 
 352 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 order to repress the heresies that had already crept into the 
 church, particularly that of A'rius. 9. To this council, at 
 which he presided in person, repaired about three hundred 
 and eighteen bishops, besides a multitude of presbyters 
 and deacons ; who all, except about seventeen, concurred 
 in condemning the tenets of A'rius, who, with his associ 
 ates, was banished into a remote part of the empire. 
 
 10. Thus he restored universal tranquillity to his domi- 
 nions, but was not able to ward off calamities of a more do- 
 mestic nature. As the wretched historians of this period are 
 entirely at variance with each other, it is not easy to ex- 
 plain the motives which induced him to put his wife Faus'ta, 
 and his son Cris'pus, to death. 
 
 11. But it is supposed, that all the good he did was not 
 equal to the evil the empire sustained by his transferring the 
 imperial seat from Rome to Byzan'tium, or Constantino'ple, 
 as it was afterwards called. 12. Whatever might have been 
 the reasons which induced him to this undertaking ; whether 
 it was because he was offended at some affronts he had re- 
 ceived at Rome, or that he supposed Constantino'ple more 
 in the centre of the empire, or that he thought the eastern 
 parts more required his presence, experience has shown that 
 they were all weak and groundless. 13. The empire had 
 long before been in a most declining state : but this, in a 
 great measure, gave precipitation to its downfall. After this, 
 it never resumed its former splendour, but, like a flower 
 transplanted into a foreign clime, languished by degrees, and 
 at length sunk into nothing. 
 
 14. At first, his design was to build a city, which he 
 might make the capital of the world : and for this purpose 
 he made choice of a situation at Chal'cedon, in Asia Minor ; 
 but we are told that, in laying out the ground plan, an eagle 
 caught up the line, and flew with it over to Byzan'tium, a 
 city which lay on the opposite side of the Bosphorus. 15. 
 Here, therefore, it was thought expedient to fix the seat of 
 empire ; and, indeed, nature seemed to have formed it with 
 all the conveniences, and all the beauties which might in- 
 duce power to make it the seat of residence. 
 
 16. It was situated on a plain, that rose gently from the 
 water : it commanded that strait which unites the Mediter- 
 ranean with the Euxine sea, and was furnished with all the 
 advantages which the most indulgent climate could bestow. 
 
 1**. The city, therefore, he beautified with the most mag- 
 nificent edifices ; he divided it into fourteen regions ; built
 
 THE EMPIRE. 353 
 
 a capitol, an amphitheatre, many churches, Cu. c. 1084. 
 and other public works ; and having thus A. D. 330. 
 rendered it equal to the magnificence of his first idea, he 
 dedicated it in a very solemn manner to the God of martyrs ; 
 and in about two years after repaired thither with his whole 
 court. 
 
 18. This removal produced no immediate alteration in 
 the government of the empire. The inhabitants of Rome, 
 though with reluctance, submitted to the change ; nor was 
 there, for two or three years, any disturbance in the state, 
 until at length the Goths, finding that the Romans had with- 
 drawn all their garrisons along the Danube, renewed their 
 inroads, and ravaged the country with unheard-of cruelty. 
 19. Con'stantine, however, soon repressed their incursions, 
 and so straitened them, that nearly a hundred thousand of 
 their number perished by cold and hunger. 
 
 20. Another great error ascribed to him is, the dividing 
 the empire among his sons. Con'stantine, the emperor's 
 eldest son, commanded in Gaul and the western provinces ; 
 Constan'tius, the second, governed Africa and Illyr'icum ; 
 and Con'stans, the youngest, ruled in Italy. 21. This di- 
 vision of the empire still further contributed to its downfall ; 
 for the united strength of the state being no longer brought 
 to repress invasion, the barbarians fought with superior 
 numbers, and conquered at last, though often defeated. 
 AVhen Con'stantine was above sixty years old, and had 
 reigned about thirty, he found his health decline. 
 
 22. His disorder, which was an ague, increasing, he wont 
 to Nicome'dia, where, finding himself without hopes of a 
 recovery, he caused himself to be baptised. He soon after 
 received the sacrament, and expired. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the state of the empire at this period 7 
 
 2. Was this peace lasting, and by whom was it broken 1 
 
 3. Was the contest likely to be vigorous? 
 
 4. In what way did the two emperors prepare for the conflict 7 
 
 5. What was the result 7 
 
 6. Was this truce religiously observed 7 
 
 7. Did Constantine fulfil his engagement 7 
 
 8. What was Constantino's resolution on becoming sole monarch, and 
 
 what steps did he take 7 
 
 0. By whom was it attended, and what was the result 7 
 10. Was he happy in hit domestic relations 7 
 2 o 2
 
 354 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1 1. Was the removal of the scat of the empire beneficial to the state? 
 
 12. Were his reasons for doing so well grounded? 
 
 13. What was the consequence 1 
 
 14. What was his original intention, and what induced him to alter it , 
 
 15. Was it a convenient spot ? 
 
 16. Describe its situation. 
 
 17. What alteration did he make, and to whom was it dedicated ! 
 
 1 8. What was the immediate effect of this transfer 1 
 
 19. Were they vigorously opposed? 
 
 20. Of what error is Constantine accused besides 1 
 
 21. What was the consequence of this division 1 
 
 22. Relate the particulars of his death. 
 
 Dr. Goldsmith having concluded his History too abruptly, it has been 
 thought advisable to cancel his last Chapter, and substitute the fol- 
 io-wing brief notice of the events which occurred from the death of 
 Constantine to thejinal extinction of the Empire of the West. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF CONSTANTINE TO THE RE-UNION OF 
 THE ROMAN EMPIRE UNDER THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. 
 
 1. THE character of the prince who removed the seat of 
 empire and made a complete revolution in the civil and reli- 
 gious institutions of his country, is naturally one on which 
 the opinions of historians are divided, according to their sen- 
 timents respecting the great changes that he effected. The 
 heathen writers describe him as a monster of tyranny ; the 
 Christian fathers are anxious to conceal his faults and exag- 
 gerate his virtues, as if the nature of Christianity was in 
 some degree affected by the character of its first and greatest 
 patron. The truth is, that the character of Constantine, like 
 that ol' other great conquerors, varied with the circumstances 
 of his life. While engaged in the contest for empire, while 
 employed in making unparalleled political changes, he dis- 
 played the fortitude of a hero, and wisdom of a legislator ; 
 but when complete success reduced him to inactivity, when 
 his vigorous mind was no longer stimulated by fear or hope, 
 prosperity roused all his bad passions by affording an oppor- 
 tunity for their indulgence ; and the virtues which had insured
 
 THE EMPIRE. 355 
 
 victory disappeared when there was no longer any stimulus 
 to rouse them into action. The fourteen years of profound 
 peace that preceded the emperor's death, form a period of 
 great external splendour, but of real and rapid decay ; the 
 court was distinguished at once by avarice and prodigality ; 
 the money raised by heavy taxes, unknown in former ages, was 
 lavished on unworthy favourites or wasted in idle exhibitions 
 of magnificence. 2- A mind relaxed by prosperity is pecu- 
 liarly open to suspicion ; the ears of the monarch were 
 greedily lent to every tale brought to him by malignant spies 
 and informers ; such encouragement increased the number 
 of those wretches ; every street and almost every house in 
 the capital, contained some one ever on the watch to pick 
 up any unguarded expression which might be distorted into 
 treason or sedition. It was not likely that a monarch who 
 had consented to the murder of his own son, on the most 
 groundless charges, would be more merciful to those who 
 had no natural claims upon his forbearance; execution fol- 
 lowed execution with fearful rapidity, until the bonds of so- 
 ciety were broken, and every man dreaded his neighbour, 
 lest by misinterpreting a word or look, he should expose him 
 to the indiscriminate cruelty of the sovereign. 
 
 3. The example of their father's tyranny produced an 
 effect on the minds of his sons, which no education, however 
 excellent or judicious, could remove. Pious Christian pas- 
 tors, learned philosophers, and venerable sages of the law, 
 were employed to instruct the three princes, Constant! 'MI 
 Constan'tius, and Con'stans ; but the effects of their labours 
 never appeared in the lives of their pupils. 
 
 4. For some reasons which it is now impossible to dis- 
 cover, the great Constantine had raised two of his nephews 
 to the rank of princes, and placed them on an equality with 
 his own children. Before the emperor's body was consigned 
 to the tomb, this impolitic arrangement brought destruction 
 on the entire Flavian family. A forged scroll was produced 
 by the bishop of Nicome'dia, purporting to be Constantino's 
 last will, in which he accused his brothers of having given 
 him poison, and besought his sons to avenge his death. ." 
 Constan'tius eagerly embraced such an opportunity of 
 destroying the objects of his jealousy ; his two uncles, I 
 
 of his cousins, the patrician Opta'lus, who married the late 
 emperor's sister, and the prefect Abla'vius, whose chief 
 crime was enormous wealth, were subjected t<>a mock trial, 
 and delivered to the executioner. Of so numerous a family
 
 356 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Gal'lus and Julian alone were spared ; they owed thei r 
 safety to their concealment, until the rage of the assassins 
 had abated. 6. After this massacre, the three brothers, 
 similar in name, and more alike in crime, proceeded to di- 
 vide their father's dominions : Constantine took for his share 
 the new capital and the central provinces Thrace and the 
 East were assigned to Constan'tius ; Con'stans received 
 Italy, Africa, and the western Illy'ricum. 
 
 7. The weakness produced by this division encouraged 
 the enemies of the Romans, whom the dread of Constan- 
 tine's power had hitherto kept quiet, to take up arms. Of 
 these the most formidable was Sa'por king of Persia. 8. 
 The abilities of Sapor showed that he merited a throne ; he 
 had scarcely arrived at maturity when he led an army against 
 Tha'ir king of Arabia, who had harassed Persia during his 
 minority ; the expedition was completely successful. Tha'ir 
 was slain, and the kingdom subdued. The young conqueror 
 did not abuse his victory ; he treated the vanquished with 
 such clemency, that the Arabs gave him the title of Dou- 
 lacnaf or protector of the nation. 
 
 9. On the death of Constantine, Sa'por invaded the east- 
 A. D. > ern provinces of the Roman empire ; he was vigor- 
 338. 5 ously opposed by Constan'tius, and the war was 
 protracted during several years with varying fortune. At 
 the battle of Sin'gara, the Romans surprised the Persian 
 camp, but were in their turn driven from it with great 
 slaughter by the troops which Sapor had rallied . The eldest 
 son of the Persian king was, however, brought off as a pri- 
 soner by the Romans, and the barbarous Constan'tius or- 
 dered him to be scourged, tortured, and publicly executed. 
 10. Though Sa'por had been victorious in the field, he failed 
 in his chief design of seizing the Roman fortresses in Meso- 
 pota'mia ; during twelve years he repeatedly besieged Ni'- 
 sibis, which had been long the great eastern bulwark of the 
 empire, but was invariably baffled by the strength of the 
 place, and the valour of the garrison. At length both parties 
 became wearied of a struggle which exhausted their re- 
 sources, and new enemies appearing, they resolved to con- 
 clude a peace Sa'por returned home to repel an invasion 
 ol the Scythians ; Constan'tius, by the death of his two bro- 
 thers, found himself involved in a civil war which required 
 his undivided attention. 
 
 1 1 Constan'tine had scarcely been seated on his throne, 
 when he attempted to wrest from Con'stans some of the pro-
 
 THK r.MPiur. 357 
 
 vinces which had been assigned as his portion. He rashly 
 U"d his army over the Julian Alps, and devastated the country 
 round Aquile'ia where, falling into an ambuscade, he perished 
 ing'.oriously. Con'stans seized on the inheritance of the d- 
 ceased prince, and retained it during ten years, obstinately 
 refusing to give any share to his brother Constan'tius. 12 
 But the tyranny of Con'stans at last became insupportable. 
 Magnen'tius, an enterprising general, proclaimed himself 
 emperor, nnd his cause was zealously embraced by the army. 
 Con'stans was totally unprepared for this insurrection ; de- 
 serted by all except a few favourites, whom dread of the 
 popular haired they had justly incurred prevented from de- 
 sertion, he attempted to escape into Spain, but was over- 
 taken at the foot of the Pyrenees, and murdered. 13. The 
 prefectures ol Gaul and Italy cheerfully submitted to the 
 usurpation of Magnen'tius ; but the legions of Illyr'icum 
 elected their general, Vetra'nio, emperor, and his usurpation 
 was sanctioned by the princess Constanti'na, who, regard- 
 less of her brother's rights, placed the diadem upon his head 
 with her own hands. 14. The news of these events 
 hastened the return of Constan'tius to Europe ; on his ar- 
 rival at the capital, he received embassies from the two 
 usurpers, offering terms of accommodation ; he rejected the 
 terms of Magnen'tius with disdain, but entered into a nego- 
 ciation with Vetra'nio. The Illyrian leader, though a good 
 general, was a bad politician ; he allowed himself to be 
 duped by long discussions, until the greater part of his army 
 had been gained over by Constan'tius ; he then consented 
 to a personal interview, and had the mortification to see his 
 soldiers, with one accord, range themselves under the ban- 
 ners of their lawful sovereign. Vetra'nio immediately fell 
 at the feet of Constan'tius, and tendered his homage, which 
 was cheerfully accepted ; he was not only pardoned, but re- 
 warded ; the city of Pru'sa, in Bythnia, was allotted to him 
 as a residence, and a pension assigned for his support. 15. 
 The war against Magnen'tius was maintained with great ob- 
 stinacy, but at first with little success ; the emperor was con- 
 fined in his fortified camp, while the troops of the usurper 
 swept the surrounding country, and captured several import- 
 ant posts. Constan'tius was so humbled, that he even pro- 
 posed a treaty, but the terms on which Mairucii'tius insisted 
 were so insulting, that the emperor determined to encounter 
 the hazard of a battle. Scarcely had he formed this resolu- 
 tion, when his army was strengthened by the accession of
 
 358 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Sylva'nus, a general of some reputation, who, with a large 
 body of cavalry, deserted from the enemy. - 
 
 16. The decisive battle betAveen the competitors for the 
 empire, was fought under the walls of Mur'sa, a city on the 
 river Drave. Magnen'tius attempted to take the place by 
 storm, but was repulsed ; and almost at the same moment, 
 the imperial legions were seen advancing to raise the siege. 
 The army of Magnen'tius consisted of the western legions 
 that had already acquired fame in the wars of Gaul ; with 
 battalions of Germans and other barbarous tribes, that had of 
 late years been incorporated with the regular forces. In ad- 
 dition to the imperial guards, Constan'tius had several troops 
 of those oriental archers, whose skill with the bow was so 
 justly celebrated ; but far the most formidable part of his 
 army were his mail-clad cuirassiers, whose scaly armour, 
 and ponderous lances, made their charge almost irresistible. 
 The cavalry on the emperor's left wing commenced the en- 
 gagement, and broke through the Gallic legions in the first 
 charge ; the hardy veterans again rallied, were again charged, 
 and again broken ; at length, before they could form their 
 lines, the light cavalry of the second rank rode, sword in 
 hand, through the gaps made by the cuirassiers, and com- 
 pleted their destruction. Meantime, the Germans and bar- 
 barians stood exposed, with almost naked bodies, to the de- 
 structive shafts of the oriental archers ; whole troops, stung 
 with anguish and despair, threw themselves into the rapid 
 stream of the Drave, and perished. Ere the sun had set, 
 the army of Magnen'tius was irretrievably ruined ; fifty-four 
 thousand of the vanquished were slain, and the loss of the 
 conquerors is said to have been even greater. 
 
 17. From this battle the ruin of the Roman empire may 
 be dated ; the loss of one hundred thousand of its best and 
 bravest soldiers could not be repaired, and never again did 
 any emperor possess a veteran army equal to that which fell 
 on the fatal plains of Mur'sa. The defeat of Magnen'tius 
 induced the Italian and African provinces to return to their 
 allegiance ; the Gauls, wearied out by the exactions which 
 distress forced the usurper to levy, refused to acknowledge 
 his authority, and at length his own soldiers raised the cry 
 of " God save Constan'tius." To avoid the disgrace of a 
 public execution, Magnen'tius committed suicide, and several 
 members of his family imitated his example. The victor 
 punished with relentless severity all who had shared in the 
 guilt of this rebellion ; and several who had been compelled
 
 THE EMPIRE. 359 
 
 to join in it by force shared the fate of those by whom it 
 had been planned. 
 
 18. The Roman empire was now once more united under 
 a single monarch ; but as that prince was wholly destitute- 
 of merit, his victory served only to establish the reign of 
 worthless favourites. Of these the most distinguished was 
 the chamberlain, Euse'bius, whose influence was so great 
 that he was considered the master of the emperor ; and to 
 whose instigation many of the crimes committed by Con- 
 stan'tius must be attributed. 
 
 19. Gal'lus and Ju'lian, who had escaped in the general 
 massacre of the Flavian family, were detained as prisoners 
 of state in a strong castle, which had once been the residence 
 of the kings of Cappado'cia. Their education had not been 
 neglected, and they had been assigned a household propor- 
 tionate to the dignity of their birth. At length the emer- 
 gencies of the state compelled Constan'tius to nominate an 
 associate in the government of the empire ; and Gal'lus now 
 in the twenty-fifth year of his age, was summoned from his 
 retirement, invested with the title of Caesar, and married to 
 the princess Constan'tina. 20. The latter circumstance 
 proved his ruin ; stimulated by the cruel ambition of his 
 wife, he committed deeds of tyranny, which alienated the 
 affections of his subjects, and acts bordering on treason, that 
 roused the jealousy of Constan'tius. He was summoned to 
 appear at the imperial court to explain his conduct, but was 
 seized on his journey, made a close prisoner, and transmit- 
 ted to Po'la a town in Ist'ria, where he was put to death. 
 
 21. Julian, the last remnant of the Flavian family, was, 
 through the powerful intercession of the the empress, spared, 
 and permitted to pursue his studies in Athens. In that city, 
 where the Pagan philosophy was still publicly taught, the 
 future emperor imbibed the doctrines of the heathens, and 
 thus acquired the epithet of Apostate, by which he is unen- 
 viably known to posterity. Julian was soon recalled from 
 his retirement, and elevated to the station which his unfor- 
 tunate brother had enjoyed. His investiture with the royal 
 purple took place at Milan, whither Constantius had pro- 
 ceeded to quell a new insurrection in the western provinces. 
 
 22. Hefore the emperor returned to the east, he determined to 
 revisit the ancient capital ; and Rome, after an interval of 
 more than thirty years, became for a brief space the 
 dence the sovereign. He signalized his visit by presenting 
 to the city an obelisk, which at a vast expense he procured
 
 300 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 to be transported from Egypt. 23. The renewed efforts of 
 the Persians and other enemies of the empire in the East, 
 recalled Constan'tius to Constantinople, while Julian was 
 employed in driving from Gaul the barbarous tribes by which 
 it had been invaded. The conduct of the young Caesar, both 
 as a soldier and a statesman, fully proved that literary habits 
 do not disqualify a person from discharging the duties of ac- 
 tive life ; he subdued the enemies that devastated the coun- 
 try, and forced them to seek refuge in their native forests ; 
 he administered the affairs of state with so much wisdom, 
 temperance, and equity, that he acquired the enthusiastic 
 love of his subjects, and richly earned the admiration of 
 posterity. 24. The unexpected glory obtained by Julian, 
 awakened the jealousy of Constan'tius ; he sent to demand 
 from him a large body of forces, under the pretence that 
 reinforcements were wanting in the East; but the soldiers 
 refused to march, and Julian, after some affected delays, 
 sanctioned their disobediance. A long negociation, in which 
 there was little sincerity on either side, preceded any hostile 
 step ; both at length began to put their armies in motion, 
 but the horrors of civil war were averted by the timely death 
 of Constan'tius, who fell a victim to fever, aggravated by his 
 impatience, at a small village near Tar'sus in Cili'cia. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the character of Constantine the Great? 
 
 2. Did any evil result from the employment of spies 1 
 
 3. In what manner were the sons of Constantine educated ? 
 
 4. What conspiracy was formed against part of the imperial family 1 
 
 5. Did any of the Flavian family escape from the massacre ? 
 
 6. How was the empire divided between the sons of Constantine * 
 
 7. Who was the most formidable enemy of the empire ? 
 
 8. How did the king of Persia beb ave in the Arabian war ? 
 
 9. What were the chief events in the war between Sapor and Con- 
 
 stantius 1 
 
 10. How were Sapor and Constaiitius forced to make peace ? 
 1 1 What was the fate of the younger Constantine 1 
 
 12. By whom was Constans dethroned 1 
 
 13. What parties embraced the cause of Vetranio? 
 
 14. How did Constantius treat the Illyrian general 1 
 
 15. Was Magnentius deserted by any of his forces'? 
 
 16. What were the circumstances of the battle of Mursa ? 
 
 17. What important results were occasioned by this great battle? 
 
 18. Who was the prime minister of Constantius? 
 
 19. Whom did the emperor select as an associate ?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 3fll 
 
 20. How was Callus brought to an untimely end * 
 
 21. Where was Julian educated ! 
 
 22. Did Constantius visit Rome ! 
 
 23. How did Julian conduct himself in Gaul ? 
 
 24. What led to the war between Julian and Constantius T 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. JULIAN was in his thirty-second year when by the 
 death of his cousin he. became undisputed sovereign of the 
 Roman empire ; his worst error was his apostacy from 
 Christianity ; he hted the religion he had deserted, and la- 
 boured strenuously to substitute in its place an idle system 
 which combined the most rational part of the old heathen 
 system with the delusive philosophy of the schools. Vanity 
 was his besetting sin ; he chose to be considered a philoso- 
 pher rather than a sovereign, and to acquire that title he 
 thought fit to reject the decencies of this life, and the best 
 guide to that which is to come. A treatise is extant from 
 Julian's pen, in which he expatiates with singular comply 
 cency on the filth of his beard, the length of his nails, and 
 the inky blackness of his hands, as if cleanliness was in- 
 consistent with the philosophic character ! In every other 
 respect, the conduct of Julian merits high praise ; he was 
 just, merciful, and tolerant; though frequently urged to be- 
 come a persecutor, he allowed his subjects that freedom of 
 opinion which-he claimed for himself, unlike Constan'tius. 
 who, having embraced the Arian heresy, treated his Catho- 
 lic subjects with the utmost severity. 2. But, though Ju- 
 lian would not inflict punishment for a difference of opinion, 
 he enacted several disqualifying laws, by which he laboured 
 to deprive the Christians of wealth, of knowledge, and of 
 power ; he ordered their schools to be clflsed, and he jea- 
 lously excluded them from all civil and military offices. 3. 
 To destroy the effects of tha4 prophecy in the Gospel to 
 which Christians may appeal as a standing miracle in proof 
 of revelation, the condition of the Jews, Julian deter- 
 mined to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem, and restore the 
 children of Israel to the land of their fathers. Historians 
 worthy of credit inform us, that his plan was defeated by a 
 direct miraculous interposition, and there are few, historical 
 facts supported by more decisive testimony ; but even if the 
 miracle be denied, the prophecy must be considered as hav- 
 2 H
 
 363 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Julian the Apostate, ordering the Christian schools to be closed. 
 
 ing received decisive confirmation, from the acknowledged 
 fact, that the emperor entertained such a design, and was un- 
 able to effect its accomplishment. 4. The mutual hatred 
 of the Pagans and Christians would probably have rekindled 
 the flames of civil war, had not Julian fallen in an expedi- 
 tion against the Persians. 5. The emperor triumphantly 
 advanced through the dominions of Sa'por as far as the Ti'- 
 gris ; but the Asiatics, though defeated in the field, adopted 
 means of defence more terrible to an invader than arms 
 They laid waste the country, destroyed the villages, and 
 burned the crops in the Roman line of inarch ; a burning 
 sun weakened the powers of the western veterans, and 
 when famine was added to the severity of the climate, their 
 sufferings became intolerable. 6. With a heavy heart Ju- 
 lian at last gave orders to commence a retreat, and led his 
 exhausted soldiers back over the desert plains which they 
 had already passed with so much difficulty. The retro- 
 grade march was terribly harassed by the light cavalry of 
 the Persians, a species of troops peculiarly fitted for desul- 
 tory warfare. The difficulties of the Romans increased at 
 every step, and the harassing attacks of their pursuers be- 
 came more frequent and more formidable ; at length, in a 
 skirmish which almost deserved the name of a battle, Julian 
 was mortally wounded, and with his loss the Romans dearly 
 purchased a doubtful victory. 
 
 7. In the doubt and dismay which followed the death of 
 Julian, a few voices saluted Jo'vian, the first of the imperial 
 domestics, with the title of emperor, and the army ratified 
 the choice. The new sovereign successfully repelled some 
 fresh attacks of the Persians, but despairing of final success,
 
 THE EMPIRE. 
 
 J63 
 
 JovUo Uiulog the edict In favour of ChrlitUcit j. 
 
 he entered into a treaty with Sa'por, and purchased a peace, 
 or rather a long truce of thirty years, by the cession of se- 
 veral frontier provinces. 8. The first care of Jo'vian was 
 to fulfil the stipulated articles ; the Roman garrisons and 
 colonies so long settled in the frontier towns tfflt they es- 
 teemed them as their native soil, were withdrawn ; and the 
 Romans beheld with regret the omen of their final destruc- 
 tion in the first dismemberment of the empire. Tl 
 edict in the new reign contained a repeal of Julian's disquali- 
 fying laws, and a grant of universal toleration. This judi- 
 cious measure at once showed how ineffectual had been the 
 efforts of the late emperor to revive the fallen spirit of pa- 
 ganism ; the temples were immediately deserted, the 
 sacrifices neglected, the priests left alone at their altars ; 
 those who, to gratify the former sovereign assumed the dress 
 and title of philosophers, were assailed by such storms of 
 ridicule, that they laid aside the designation, shaved their 
 beards, and were soon undistinguished in the general mass 
 of society. 9. Jo'vian did not loin: survive this peaceful 
 triumph of Christianity ; after^yreign of eight months, hft 
 was found dead in his bed^^Hg been suffocated by the 
 mephitic vapours which a cBffcoal fire extracted from the 
 fresh plaster on the walls of his apartment. 
 
 10. During ten days the Roman empire remained ^ A - D - 
 without a sovereign, but finally the soldiers elevated ( 364. 
 to the imperial purple, Valerrtinian, the son of count Gra- 
 tian, an officer of distinguished merit. He chose as his 
 associate in the government his brother Valnis, whose only 
 claim seems to have rested on fraternal affection ; to him he 
 entrusted the rich prefecture of the East, while he himself
 
 364 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 assumed the administration of the western provinces, and 
 fixed the seat of his government at Milan. 11. Though in 
 other respects cruel, Valentinian was remarkable for main- 
 taining a system of religious toleration ; but Valens was far 
 from pursuing such a laudable course. He had imbibed the 
 errors of Arius, and bitterly persecuted all who remained 
 faithful to the Catholic doctrines. By this unwise conduct 
 he provoked a formidable rebellion, which was headed by 
 Proco'pius, an able general, whom unjust persecution had 
 stimulated to revolt. 12. The success of the usurper was 
 at first 'se great, that Va'lens was ready to yield up his 
 throne p but being dissuaded from this inglorious resolution, 
 he entrusted the conduct of the war to the aged prefect Sal- 
 lust, who had twice refused 'the imperial diadem. The fol- 
 lowers of Proco'pius soon deserted to those leaders whose 
 names were endeared to their recollections by the remem- 
 brance of former glories ; and the unfortunate leader, forsaken 
 by all, was made prisoner and delivered to the executioner. 
 
 ^ 13. Intfhe mean time, Valenti'nian was engaged in a des- 
 perate warfare with the German and other barbarous nations, 
 who had recovered from the losses which they had suffered 
 under^fu'lian. On every frontier of the western empire 
 hord^of enemies appeared, eager for plunder, regardless 
 of their own lives, and merciless to those of others. 14. 
 The Picts and Scots rushed from the mountains of Caledo'- 
 nia upon the colonies of North Britain, and devastated the 
 country with fire and sword, almost to the walls of London. 
 The task of quelling these incursions was entrusted to the 
 gallant Theodo'sius, and the event proved that Valentinian 
 could not have made a better choice. In the course of two 
 campaigns, the invaders were driven back to their forests, 
 and a Roman fleet sweeping the coasts of Britain, made 
 them tremble fjr the safety of their own retreats. 
 
 15. The success of the emperor against the Saxons, the 
 Franks, the Alleman'ni, the Qua'di, and other tribes on the 
 Rhine and Danube, was notSjess conspicuous than that of 
 Theodo'sius in Britain. 16. The Qua'di, humbled by a 
 severe defeat, sent ambassadors to deprecate his displeasure ; 
 but while Valenti'nian was angrily upbraiding the deputies 
 for their unprovoked hostility, he ruptured a blood-vessel 
 and died almost instantaneously. He was succeeded by his 
 
 sons Gra'tian and Valenti'nian II. 
 
 17. A much more important change took place in the 
 
 cistern world ; the first admission of the barbarian tribes into
 
 THE EMPIRE. 365 
 
 The body of Vilrnl, found upon the field of battle. " 
 
 the empire, which they finally destroyed. The na- C A. D. 
 tion of the Goths had been from remote ages settled 376. 
 on the banks of the Danube, and were by that river dhided 
 into two nations, the Ostrogoths on the east, and the Visi< 
 goths on the west. They had for many years enjoyed th 
 blessings of profound peace under the go^rnment of t 
 king Herman 'ric, when they were suddenly alarmed by 
 appearance of vast hordes of unknown enemies on their 
 northern and eastern frontiers. These were the Huns, a 
 branch of the great Mongolian race, which, from the earliest 
 time, had possessed the vast and wild plains of Tartary. Ter- 
 rified by the numbers, the strength, the strange features and 
 implacable cruelty of such foes, the Goths deserted their 
 country, almost without attempting opposition, and sup- 
 plicated the emperor Va'lens to grant them a settlement 
 in the waste lands of Thrace. This request was cheer- 
 fully granted, and the eastern -empire was supposed to be 
 strengthened by the accession of a million of valiant subjects, 
 bound both by interest and gratitude to protect its frontiers. 
 18. But the avarice of Vu'lcns and his ministers defeated 
 these expectations ; instead of relieving their new subjects, 
 the Roman governors took advantage of their distress to 
 plunder the remains of their shattered fortunes, and to re- 
 duce their children to slavery. Maddened by such oppres- 
 sion, the Goths rose in arms, and spread desolation over 
 the fertile plains of Thrace. Va'lens summoned his 
 nephew, Gratian, to his assistance ; but before the emperor 
 of the west arrived, he imprudently riurajrrd the Goths near 
 Adrianople, and with the greater part of his army fell on 
 2 M 2
 
 366 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the field. 19. This was the most disastfSus defeat which 
 the Romans had sustained for several centuries ; and there 
 was reason to dread that it would encourage a revolt of the 
 Gothic slaves in the eastern provinces, which must termi- 
 nate in the ruin of the empire. To prevent such a catas- 
 trophe, the senate of Constantinople ordered a general mas- 
 sacre of these helpless mortals, and their atrocious edict was 
 put into immediate execution. 20. The Goths attempted to 
 besiege both Adrianople and Constantinople, but, ignorant 
 of thwart of attacking fortified places, they were easily re- 
 pelle]^; but they however succeeded in forcing their way 
 through the Thracian mountains, and spread themselves 
 over the provinces to the west, as far as the Adriatic sea and 
 the confines of Italy. The march of the emperor Gratian 
 had been delayed by the hostility of the Alleman'ni, whom 
 he subdued in two bloody engagements ; but as he advanced 
 towards Adrianople, fame brought the news of his uncle's 
 defeat and death, which he found himself unable to revenge. 
 ^21. Feeling that the affairs of the East required the direc- 
 Baon of a mind more energetic than his own, he determined 
 ^to invest with the imperial purple, Theodo'sius, the son of 
 jtkt general who had rescued Britain from the barbarians. 
 "^rTow great must have been his confidence in the fidelity of 
 his new associate, who had a father's death to revenge ; for 
 ithe elder Theodo'sius, notwithstanding his splendid services, 
 had fallen a victim to the jealous suspicions of the emperor ! 
 
 22. The reign of Theodo'sius in the East lasted nearly 
 sixteen years, and was marked by a display of unusual 
 vigour and ability. He broke the power of the Goths by 
 many severe defeats, and disunited their leading tribes by 
 crafty negociations. But the continued drain on the popu- 
 lation, caused by the late destructive wars, compelled him 
 to recruit his forces among the tribes of the barbarians, and 
 a change was thus made in the character and discipline of 
 the Roman army, which in a later age produced the most 
 calamitous consequences. The exuberant zeal, which led 
 him to persecute the Arians and the pagans, occasioned 
 fome terrible convulsions, which distracted the empire, and 
 were not quelled without bloodshed. He, however, pre- 
 served the integrity of the empire, and not a province \vas 
 lost during his administration. 
 
 23. The valour which Gratian had displayed in the early 
 part of his life, rendered the indolence and luxury to which 
 he abandoned himself, after the appointment of Theodo'sius,
 
 THE EMPIRE. 367 
 
 more glaring. The general discontent of the army induced 
 Max'imus, the governor of Britain, to raise the standard of 
 revolt, and, passing over to the continent, he was joined by 
 the greater part of the Gallic legions. When this rebellion 
 broke out Oratian was enjoying the sports of the field in 
 the neighbourhood of Paris, and did not discover nis dan- 
 ger until it was too late to escape. He attempted to save 
 nis life by flight, but was overtaken by the emissaries of the 
 usurper, near Lyons, and assassinated. 24. Theodo'sius 
 was induced to make peace with Max'imus, on condition 
 that the latter should content himself with the prefecture of 
 Gaul, and should not invade the territories of the younger 
 Valentin'ian. 25. Ambition hurried the faithless usurper 
 to his ruin ; having by perfidy obtained possession of the 
 passes of the Alps, lie led an overwhelming army into Italy, 
 and Valenti'nian, with his mother Justi'na, were scarcely 
 able, by a hasty flight, to escape to the friendly court of 
 Theodo'sius. 
 
 26. The emperor of the East readily embraced the rniisc 
 of the fugitives; the numerous troops of barbarian cavalry, 
 which he had taken into pay, enabled him to proceed wiUi 
 a celerity which baffled all calculation. 27. Before Alaxi- 
 mus could make any preparations for his reception, Theo- 
 dosius had completely routed his army, and was already at 
 the gates of Aquilei'a, where the usurper had taken'refuge. 
 The garrison, secretly disinclined to the cause of Maximus, 
 made but a faint resistance, the town was taken, and the 
 unfortunate ruler led as a captive into the presence of hi* 
 conqueror, by whom he was delivered to the executioner. 
 
 Theodo'sius, having re-established the authority of thn 
 youthful Valentin'ian, returned home. But the emperor of 
 the West did not long enjoy his restored throne ; he was 
 murdered by Arbogas'tes, his prime minister, who dreaded 
 that the abilities displayed by the young prince would en- 
 able him, when arrived to maturity, to shake ofl'the authority 
 of an unprincipled servant. 28. The assassin was afraid 
 himself to assume the purple, but he procured the election 
 of Euge'nius, a man not wholly unworthy of empire. Theo- 
 do'sius was called by these events a second time to Italy; 
 lie passed the Alps, but found his further progress impeded 
 by the judicious disposition which Arbogas'tes had made of 
 his forces. Defeated in his first attack, Theodo'sius renewed 
 the engagement on the following ilay, and being aided by 
 the seasonable revolt of some Italian legions, obtained a
 
 368 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 complete victory. Euge'nius was taken prisoner, and put 
 to death by the soldiers. Arbogas'tes, after wandering some 
 time in the mountains, lost all hope of escape, and termi~ 
 nated his life by suicide. 
 
 29. The empire was thus once more reunited under the 
 government of a single sovereign ; but he was already 
 stricken by the hand of death. The fatigues of the late 
 campaign proved too much for a constitution already broken 
 by the alternate pleasures of the palace and the toils of the 
 ramp; four months after the defeat of Euge'nius, he died at 
 Milan, universally lamented. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the character of Julian! 
 
 2. To what disqualifications did he subject the Christians ? 
 
 3. How was Julian frustrated in his attempt to weaken the prophetic 
 
 evidence of Christianity? 
 
 4. How was a civil contest between the Pagans and Christians averted ? 
 
 5. What success had Julian in the Persian invasion 7 
 
 6. How did Julian die 1 
 
 7. Who succeeded Julian? 
 
 8. What were the most important occurrences in the reign of Jovian 1 
 
 9. W T hat caused Jovian's death T 
 
 10. Who were the successors of Jovian T 
 
 1 1 . How did Valens provoke a revolt 1 
 
 12. By what means was the rebellion of Procopius suppressed 1 
 
 13. What barbarous nations attacked the Roman empire ? 
 
 14. In what state was Britain at this period 1 
 
 15. Over what enemies did the emperor triumph? 
 
 1 6. What occasioned the death of Valentinian 1 
 
 17. What caused the introduction of the Goths into the Roman empire \ 
 
 18. How did the imprudence of Valens cause his destruction ? 
 
 19. What atrocious edict was issued by the senate of Constantinople ? 
 
 20. How was Gratian prevented from avenging his uncle's death ? 
 
 21. To whom did Gratian entrust the eastern provinces ? 
 
 22. How did Theodosius administer the government of the East ? 
 
 23. By whom was Gratian deposed and slain ? 
 
 24. On what conditions did Theodosius make peace with Mazimus 7 
 
 25. Were these conditions observed ? 
 
 26. How did the war between Theodosius and Maximus terminate ? 
 
 27. Did Valentinian long survive his restoration ? 
 
 28. How did Theodosius act on the news of Valentinian's murder ? 
 
 29. What caused the death of Theodosius ?
 
 THE EMPIRE. 369 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS TO THE SUBVERSION Ot 
 THE WESTERN EMPIRE. 
 
 1. THE memory of their father's virtues protected the 
 feeble youth of Arca'dius and Hono'rius, the sons of Theo- 
 do'sius ; by the unanimous consent of mankind, they were 
 saluted emperors of the East and West, and between them 
 was made the final and permanent division of the Roman 
 empire. Though both parts were never re-united under a 
 single ruler, they continued for several centuries to be con- 
 sidered as one empire, and this opinion produced important 
 consequences even in a late period of the middle ages. The 
 dominions of Arca'dius extended from the lower Danube to 
 the confines of ^Ethiopia and Persia ; including Thrace, 
 Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt. Hono'rius, a youth 
 in his eleventh year, received the nominal sovereignty of 
 Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain, with the provinces of 
 No'ricum, Panno'nia, and Dalma'tia. The great and martial 
 prefecture of Illyr'icum was divided equally between the two 
 princes, the boundary line of whose dominions consequently 
 nearly coincided with that which separates the Austrian states 
 from the Turkish provinces. 2. The Western empire, to 
 the history of which we must now confine ourselves, though 
 equal to the Eastern in extent, wealth, and population, 
 incomparably weaker, and already appeared rapidly tending 
 to decay. The Caledonians in Britain, and the Genmn 
 tribes on the northern frontiers, harassed the imperial troops 
 by frequent incursions ; on the east, the Goths were hoifrly 
 becoming more formidable, and the African provinces were 
 threatened by the Moors. 3. The internal state of the em- 
 pire furnished little ground for hope that these various ene- 
 mies could be subdued ; the principle of union no longer 
 existed; the proud title of Roman citizen was an empty 
 name, Rome itself had ceased to be the metropolis, and wa 
 now only protected by the memory of her former gre:i' 
 
 4. Stil'icho, a general of superior abilities, ;\ntl a statesman 
 of profound wisdom, acted as the giiardiait of Hono'rius. 
 He was descended from the perfidious race of the Vandals, 
 and unfortunately possessed, in an eminent degree, ihecun-
 
 370 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ning, treachery, and cruelty that characterised his nation 
 The administration of the Eastern empire was entrusted by 
 Arca'dius, to Rufi'nus, who possessed all the bad qualities 
 of Stil'icho without his redeeming virtues. The ministers 
 of the two empires hated each other most cordially, and 
 each secretly sought to remove his powerful rival ; but the 
 superior craft of Stil'icho, and his great influence over the 
 soldiers, made him conqueror. 5. He was ordered to lead 
 into the East a fair proportion of the army which Theodo'- 
 sius had assembled, and in obedience to the requisition, he 
 marched towards Constantinople, at the head of the Gothic 
 legions. The approach of his great rival with a powerful 
 army alarmed the timid Rufi'nus ; he obtained a peremptory 
 edict from Arca'dius, commanding Stil'icho to return to Italy, 
 and the promptitude with which the order was obeyed lulled 
 the Eastern minister into fatal negligence. The troops ar- 
 rived near Constantinople, under the guidance of Gai'nas a 
 Gothic leader, and the emperor, accompanied by his minister, 
 came out to welcome and review the soldiers. As Rufi'nus 
 rode along the ranks, endeavouring to conciliate favour by 
 studied courtesy, the wings gradually advanced, and enclosed 
 the devoted victim within the fatal circle of their arms. Be- 
 fore he was aware of his danger, Gai'nas gave the signal of 
 death ; a soldier rushing forward plunged his sword into his 
 breast, and the bleeding corpse fell at the very feet of the 
 alarmed emperor. 6. His mangled body was treated with 
 shocking indignity, and his wife and daughter would have 
 shared his fate, had they not placed themselves under the 
 protection of religion, and sought refuge in the sanctuary. 
 
 7. Stil'icho derived no advantage from this crime which he 
 had planned, but not executed ; Arca'dius chose for his new 
 minister, Eutro'pius, one of his servants, and Gai'nas de- 
 clared himself the determined enemy of his former general. 
 
 8. The national hatred between the Greeks and the Romans 
 was excited by the rival ministers, and thus at a moment 
 when union alone would delay ruin, the subjects of Arca'- 
 dius and Hono'rius were induced to regard each other not 
 only as foreigners, but as enemies. 9. The revolt of Gil' 
 do, in Africa, under the pretence of transferring his al- 
 legiance from the Western to the Eastern empire, was sanc- 
 tioned by the court of Constantinople. Such an event was 
 peculiarly alarming, as Italy at the time imported most of 
 the corn necessary to the subsistence of the people, from 
 the African provinces. The vigoar of Stil'icho warded off
 
 THE EMPIRE. 371 
 
 the danger; lie sent a small but veteran army into Africa, 
 before which Gildo's hosts of unarmed and undisciplined 
 barbarians fled almost without a blow. The usurper was 
 taken and executed; his partizans were persecuted witli 
 merciless impolicy. 
 
 10. The Goths, who had remained quiet during the reign 
 of the great Theodo'sius, disdained submission to his un- 
 warlike successors ; under the pretence that the subsidy 
 prudently paid them by the late emperor was withheld, they 
 raised the standard of revolt, and chose for their leader 
 Al'aric, the most formidable enemy that the Romans had 
 hitherto encountered. Instead of confining his depredations 
 to the northern provinces, already wasted by frequent incur- 
 sions, Alaric resolved to invade Greece, where the din of 
 arms had not been heard for centuries. 11. The barbarian 
 encountered little or no resistance, the memorable pass of 
 Thermop'ylae was abandoned by its garrison ; Athens pur- 
 chased inglorious safety by the sacrifice of the greater part 
 of its wealth ; the Corinthian isthmus was undefended, and 
 the Goths ravaged without opposition the entire Peloponne'- 
 sus. Unable to protect themselves, the Greeks sought the aid 
 of Stilicho, and that great leader soon sailed to their M 
 ance ; he inflicted a severe defeat on the Goths, but neglected 
 to improve his advantages ; and before he could retrieve 
 his error, news arrived that the faithless court of Constanti- 
 nople had concluded a treaty of peace with Al'aric. Stili- 
 cho, of course, returned to Italy; while the eastern empe- 
 ror, with incomprehensible folly, nominated the Gothic 
 leader, master-general of eastern Illyr'icum. 
 
 12. Italy soon excited the ambition and cupidity of Alaric; 
 he determined to invade that country, and, after surmount- 
 ing all impediments, appeared with his forces before the im- 
 perial city of Milan. The feeble Hono'rius would have fled 
 with his effeminate court into some remote corner of Gaul, 
 had not the indignant remonstrances of Stil'icho induced 
 him to remain, until he could assemble forces sufficient to 
 protect the empire. For this purpose the brave general 
 hurried into Gaul, assembled the garrisons from the lYontirr 
 towns, recalled a legion from Britain, and strengthened his 
 forces by taking several German tribes into pay. 13. Hut 
 before Stil'icho could return, the empire had been brought 
 to the very brink of ruin ; Hono'rius, affrighted by the ap- 
 proach of the Goths, fled from Milan to As'ta, ami 
 there closely besieged. When the town was on the poini
 
 372 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 of capitulating, the emperor was saved by the opportune 
 arrival of Stil'icho, before whom Alaric retired. He was 
 closely pursued, and the armies of the Romans and barba- 
 rians came to an engagement nearly on the same ground 
 where Alarms had so many years before defeated the Cimbri 
 14. The Goths were completely beaten, and a second vic- 
 tory obtained over them near Vero'na seemed to insure the 
 deliverance of Italy ; but Al'aric was still lormidable, and 
 the favourable terms granted him by Stil'icho, proved, that 
 in the opinion of that general, the Gothic king, though de- 
 feated, was unconquered. 
 
 15. The late invasion so alarmed the timid Hono'rius, 
 that he resolved to fix his residence in some remote and 
 strong fortress ; and for this purpose he selected Raven 'na, 
 an ancient city, but which had not previously obtained no- 
 toriety. 1 6. Before Italy had recovered from the terrors of 
 the Gothic invasion, a new host of barbarians rushed from 
 the shores of the Baltic, bore down before them all opposi- 
 tion in Germany and Gaul ; and had passed the Alps, the 
 Po, and the Apennines, ere an army could be assembled to 
 resist them. 17. Radagai'sus, the leader of these hordes, 
 was a more formidable enemy even than Alaric ; the Goths 
 had embraced Christianity, and their fierce passions were in 
 some degree moderated by the mild precepts of the gospel ; 
 but Radagai'sus was a stranger to any religion but the cruel 
 creed of his fathers, which taught that the favour of the 
 gods could only be propitiated by human sacrifices. 18. The 
 wealthy city of Florence was besieged by the barbarians, 
 but its bishop, St. Ambrose, by his zealous exhortations, 
 and by holding out the hope of divine assistance, prevented 
 the garrison from yielding to despair. Stil'icho a second 
 time earned the title of the deliverer of Italy ; Radagai'sus 
 was defeated and slain ; but the remains of his forces es- 
 caped into Gaul, and spread desolation over that entire pro- 
 vince, from which the garrisons had been withdrawn for the 
 defence of Italy. 19. An usurper, named Constantine, 
 about this time appeared in Britain, and soon established his 
 authority both in Gaul and Spain, which had been virtually 
 deserted by the emperor. Al'aric offered his services to 
 repress the rebellion, and to purchase either his assistance 
 or his forbearance, a large subsidy was voted to him by the 
 senate, through the influence of Stil'icho. 20. But the 
 reign of this great man was drawing fast to a close ; Olym'- 
 pius, a miserable favourite, who owed his first elevation to
 
 THE EMPIRE. 373 
 
 Stil'icho, filled the emperor's mind with suspicion, and a 
 secret resolution to destroy the minister was adopted. 21. 
 By exciting the jealousy of the legions against the auxiliary 
 forces that Stil'icho employed, Olym'pius was enabled to 
 
 gain the army to his side, and the lasx ~~,,pOrter of the 
 
 Roman name fell by the swords of those soldiers whom he 
 had so often led to victory. His friends, including the best 
 and bravest generals of the army, shared his fate ; many of 
 them were racked, to extort from them a confession of a 
 conspiracy which never existed ; and their silence under the 
 tortures at once proved their own innocence and that of their 
 leader. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . What division was made of the Roman empire between the sons of 
 
 Theodosius 1 
 
 2. By what enemies was the Western empire assailed ? 
 :i. What was the internal condition of the state ? 
 
 4. To what ministers did the emperors trust the administration T 
 6. How did Stilicho prevail oer Kufinus? 
 
 6. What instances of savage cruelty were exhibited by the murderer* 
 
 of Rufinus? 
 
 7. Did Stilicho derive any advantage from the death of his rival ? 
 
 8. What rivalry broke out between the subjects of the eastern and 
 
 western empire 1 
 
 9. How did the revolt of Gildo in Africa end ? 
 
 1 0. Why did the Goths attack the eastern empire ! 
 
 1 1. How did the Gothic invasion of Greece end 1 
 
 !2. Did the western emperor display any courage when Italy WM in- 
 vaded! 
 
 1 3. How was Honorius saved from ruin ? 
 )4. Was this defeat destructive of the Gothic power? 
 
 15. Where did Hoaorius fix the seat of his government? 
 
 16. What new hordes invaded Italy? 
 
 17. Why were the northern barbarians more formidable than the Goths T 
 
 18. How was Florence saved? 
 
 19. On what occasion was a subsidy voted to A lane 1 
 
 20. Who conspired against Stilicho? 
 
 21. In what manner was Stilicho slain ? 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 1. AL'ARIC, posted on the confines of Italy, watched the 
 distractions of the peninsula with secret joy; he had been 
 unwisely irritated by the delay of the subsidy which had 
 2 I
 
 374 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 formerly beer, promised him, and when payment was finally 
 refused, he once more led his followers into Italy. 2. The 
 A. D. } feeble successors of Stil'icho had made no prepara- 
 408. 5 tions for resistance ; they retired with their mastei 
 into the fortress of Raven'na, while the Goths, spreading 
 ruin in their march, advanced to the very walls of Rome. 
 Six hundred years had now elapsed since an enemy had 
 appeared to threaten THE ETERNAL CITY ; a worse foe than 
 Hannibal was now at their gates, and the citizens were 
 more disabled by luxury from attempting a defence, than 
 their ancestors had been by the carnage of Can'nae.* 3. The 
 strength of the walls deterred the Goth from attempting a 
 regular siege, but he subjected the city to a strict blockade. 
 Famine, and its usual attendant, pestilence, soon began to 
 waste the miserable Romans ; but even the extreme of mi- 
 sery could not induce them to sally forth, and try their for- 
 tune in the field. They purchased the retreat of Al'aric by 
 the sacrifice of their wealth ; and the victorious Goth formed 
 his winter quarters in Tuscany, where his army was rein- 
 forced by more than forty thousand of his countrymen who 
 had been enslaved by the Romans. 
 
 4. The presence of a victorious leader, with one hundred 
 thousand men, in the very centre of Italy, ought to have 
 taught the imperial court at Raven'na prudence and mode- 
 ration ; but such was their incredible folly that they not only 
 violated their engagements with Al'aric, but added personal 
 insult to injury. Rome was once more besieged, and as 
 Al'aric had seized the provisions at Os'tia, on which the 
 citizens depended for subsistence, the Romans were forced 
 to surrender at discretion. 5. At the instigation of the 
 Gothic king, At'talus, the prefect of the city, was invested 
 with the imperial purple, and measures were taken to com- 
 pel Hono'rius to resign in his favour. But At'talus proved 
 utterly unworthy of a throne, and after a brief reign was 
 publicly degraded ; the rest of his life was passed in ob- 
 scurity under the protection of the Goths. 6. A favourable 
 opportunity of effecting a peace was now offered, but it was 
 again insolently rejected by the wretched Hono'rius, and a 
 herald publicly proclaimed that in consequence of the guilt 
 of Al'aric, he was for ever excluded from the friendship and 
 nlliance of the emperor. 
 
 7. For the third time Al'aric proceeded to revenge the 
 
 * See Chapter xv. Sect. ii.
 
 THE EMPIRE. 375 
 
 insults of the emperor on the unfortunate city of Rome. 
 The trembling senate made some preparations for defence 
 but they were rendered ineffectual by the treachery of a 
 slave, who betrayed one of the gates to the Gothic legions 
 That city which had been for ages the mistress of the world, 
 became the prey of ruthless barbarians, who spared, indeed, 
 the churches and sanctuaries, but placed no other bound to 
 their savage passions. For six successive days the Goths 
 revelled in the sack of the city ; at the end of that period 
 they followed Al'aric to new conquests and new devasta- 
 tions. 8. The entire south of Italy rapidly followed the 
 fate of the capital, and Al'aric determined to add Sicily to 
 the list of his triumphs. Before, however, his army could 
 pass the Strait, he was seized with an incurable disease, and 
 his premature death protracted for a season the existence of 
 the Western empire.* 9. Al'aric was succeeded by his 
 brother Adol'phus, who immediately commenced negocia- 
 tions for a treaty ; the peace was cemented by a marriage 
 between the Gothic king and Placid'ia, the sister of the em- 
 peror. The army of the invaders evacuated Italy, and 
 Adol'phus, leading his soldiers into Spain, founded the 
 kingdom of the Visigoths. 10. Adolphus did not long sur- 
 vive his triumphs ; Placid'ia returned to her brother's court, 
 and was persuaded to bestow her hand on Constan'tius, the 
 general who had suppressed the rebellion of Constan'tine. 
 Britain, Spain, and part of Gaul had been now irrecoverably 
 lost ; Constan'tius, whose abilities might have checked the 
 progress of ruin, died, after the birth of his second child ; 
 Placid'ia retired to the court of Constantinople, and at length 
 Hono'rius, after a disgraceful reign of twenty-eight years, 
 terminated his wretched life. 
 
 11. The next heir to the throne was Valenti'nian, th 
 son of Placid'ia; but John, the late emperor's secretary, 
 took advantage of Placid'ia's absence in the east, to seize 
 
 * The ferocious character of the barbarians was displayed in the fune- 
 ral of their chief. The unhappy captives were compelled to divert the 
 stream of the river Busenti'nus, which washed the walls of Consen'tim, 
 (now Cosenza, in farther Cala'bria, Italy,) in the bed of which the royal 
 sepulchre was formed : with the body were deposited much of the 
 wealth, and many of the trophies obtained at Rome. The river was 
 then permitted to return to its accustomed channel, and the prisoner* 
 employed in the work were inhumanly massacred, to conceal the spot 
 in which the deceased hero was entombed. A beautiful poem on this 
 nil-jrrt, entitled, The Dirge of Alaric the VUijroth, has appeared, which 
 is attributed to the honourable Edward Evnrit.
 
 376 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 on the government. The court of Constantinople promptly 
 sent a body of troops against the usurper, and John was 
 surprised and taken prisoner at Raven'na. 12. Valenti'nian 
 III., then in the sixth year of his age, was proclaimed em- 
 peror, and the regency entrusted to his mother, Placid'ia. 
 The two best generals of the age, ^E'tius and Bon'iface, 
 were at the head of the army, but, unfortunately, their mu- 
 tual jealousies led them to involve the empire in civil war. 
 13. Bon'iface was recalled from the government of Africa 
 through the intrigues of his rival, and when he hesitated to 
 comply, was proclaimed a traitor. Unfortunately the Afri- 
 can prefect, unable to depend on his own forces, invited the 
 Vandals to his assistance. Gen'seric, the king of that na- 
 tion, passed over from Spain, which his barbarous forces 
 had already wasted, and the African provinces were now 
 subjected to the same calamities that afflicted the rest of the 
 empire. 14. Bon'iface became too late sensible of his error; 
 he attempted to check the progress of the Vandals, but was 
 defeated, and Africa finally wrested from the empire. He 
 returned to Italy, and was pardoned by Placid'ia ; but the 
 jealous ^E'tius led an army to drive his rival from the court; 
 a battle ensued, in which ^E'tius was defeated ; but Bon'i- 
 face died in the arms of victory. Placid'ia was at first de- 
 termined to punish ^E'tius as a rebel ; but his power was 
 too formidable, and his abilities too necessary in the new 
 dangers that threatened the empire ; he was not only par- 
 doned, but invested with more than his former authority. 
 
 15. The hordes of Huns that had seized on the ancient 
 territory of the Goths, had now become united under the 
 ferocious At'tila, whose devastations procured him the for- 
 midable name of " The Scourge of God." The Eastern 
 empire, unable to protect itself from his ravages, purchased 
 peace by the payment of a yearly tribute, and he directed 
 his forces against the western provinces, which promised 
 richer plunder. He was instigated also by secret letters 
 from the princess Hono'ria, the sister of the emperor, who 
 solicited a matrimonial alliance with the barbarous chieftain. 
 ^E'tius being supported by the king of the Goths, and some 
 other auxiliary forces, attacked the Huns in the Catalaunian 
 plains, near the modern city of Chalons in France. 16. 
 After a fierce engagement the Huns were routed, and it was 
 not without great difficulty that At'tila effected his retreat. 
 The following year he invaded Italy with more success ; 
 peace, however, was purchased by bestowing on him the
 
 THE EMPIRE. 377 
 
 hand of the princess Hono'ria, with an immense dowry. 
 Before the marriage could be consummated, At'tila was found 
 dead in his bed, having burst a blood-vessel during the ni^ht. 
 
 17. The brave vE'tius was badly rewarded by the wretched 
 emperor for his eminent services ; Valentinian, yielding to 
 his cowardly suspicions, assassinated the general with his 
 own hand. 18. This crime was followed by an injury to 
 Max'imus, an eminent senator, who, eager for revenge, 
 joined in a conspiracy with the friends of ^E'tius ; tln-y 
 attacked the emperor publicly, in the midst of his guards, 
 and slew him. 
 
 19. The twenty years which intervened between the 
 assassination of Valentinian, and the final destruction of the 
 "Western empire, were nearly one continued series of intes- 
 tine revolutions. 20. Even in the age of Cicero, when tho 
 empire of Rome oeemed likely to last for ever, it was stated 
 by the augurs that the twelve vultures seen by Romulu?,* 
 represented the twelve centuries assigned for the fatal period 
 of the city. This strange prediction, forgotten in ages of 
 peace and prosperity, was recalled to the minds of men 
 when events, at the close of the twelfth century, showed 
 that the prophecy was about to be accomplished. It is not, 
 of course, our meaning, that the ominous flight of birds, the 
 prophetic interpretation, and its almost literal fulfilment, 
 were any thing more than an accidental coincidence ; but, it 
 must be confessed, that it was one of the most remarkable 
 on record. 
 
 21. Maximus succeeded to the imperial throne, and found 
 that the first day of his reign was the last of his hap-,': 
 On the death of his wife, whose wrongs he had so severely 
 revenged, he endeavoured to compel Eudox'ia, the widow 
 of the murdered emperor, to become his spouse. In her 
 indignation at this insulting proposal, Eudox'ia did not 
 hesitate to apply for aid to Gen'seric, king of those Vandals 
 that had seized Africa; and the barbarian king, glad of such 
 a fair pretence, soon appeared with a powerful fleet in the 
 Tiber. 22. Max'imus was murdered in an insurrection, 
 occasioned by these tidings ; and Gen'seric, advancing to 
 Rome, became master of the city, which was for fourteen 
 days pillaged by the Moors and Vandals. Eudox'i 
 reason to lament her imprudent conduct ; she was carried 
 off a captive by the ferocious Vandal, along with her two 
 
 See Chapter i. 
 2 I 2
 
 378 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 daughters, the last of the family of the great Theo'dosius 
 and many thousand Romans were at the same time dragged 
 into slavery. 
 
 23. The army in Gaul saluted their general, Avi'tus, em- 
 peror, and the Roman senate and people at first acquiesced 
 in the choice. But Avi'tus was soon found unfit to hold the 
 reins of power at a time of so much danger and difficulty ; 
 the senate, influenced by Ri'cimer, the commander of the 
 barbarian auxiliaries, voted his deposition. He died shortly 
 sfter, whether by disease or violence is uncertain. 
 
 24. The powerful Ri'cimer now placed upon the throne 
 Ju'lian Majo'rian, who united in an eminent degree the 
 qualities of a brave soldier and a wise statesman. The 
 fwasts of Italy had long been wasted by Gen'seric, king of 
 the Vandals, and in order to put an end to their incursions, 
 the emperor determined to attack the pirates in Africa, the 
 ecat of their power. The judicious preparations which he 
 made were disconcerted by treason ; Ri'cimer, who had 
 hoped to rule the empire while Majo'rian enjoyed the empty 
 title of monarch, was disappointed by the abilities which 
 the new emperor displayed. Some of his creatures be- 
 trayed the Roman fleet to the torches of the Vandals ; and 
 Ri'cimer took advantage of the popular discontent occa- 
 sioned by this disaster, to procure the dethronement of his 
 former friend. Majo'rian died five years after his deposi- 
 tion, and the humble tomb which covered his remains was 
 consecrated by the respect and gratitude of succeeding gen- 
 erations. 
 
 25. Ri'cimcr's next choice was more prudent ; at his in- 
 stigation the obsequious senate raised to the throne Lib'ius 
 Sev'erus, of whom history records little more than his ele- 
 vation, and his death, which occurred in the fifth year after 
 his election. During the nominal reign of Sev'erus and the 
 interregnum that followed, the entire power of the state was 
 possessed by Ri'cimer, whom barbarian descent alone pre- 
 vented from being acknowledged emperor. He was unable, 
 however, to protect Italy from the devastations of the Van- 
 dals ; and to obtain the aid of Le'o, the Eastern emperor, 
 lie was forced to acknowledge Anthe'mius, who was nomi- 
 nated to the throne of the West by the court of Constanti- 
 nople. 
 
 26. The perfidious Ricimer soon became dissatisfied with 
 Anthe'mius, and raised the standard of revolt. Marching to 
 Rome he easily became master of the city, and Anthe'mius
 
 THE EMPIRE. 379 
 
 Fall of ConiUntinople. I 
 
 was slain in the tumult. The unhappy Romans were agaia. 
 subjected to all the miseries that military licentiousness 
 could inflict ; for forty days Ricimer exulted in the havoc 
 and ruin of the imperial city ; but a disease, occasioned hy 
 excessive intemperance, siezed on his vitals, and death freed 
 Rome from the tyrant. 
 
 27. Olyb'ius, the successor of Anthe'mius, dying after a 
 short reign of three months, Glyce'rius, an obscure soldier, 
 assumed the purple at Raven'na, but \vassoondcthroned l>y 
 Ju'lius Nc'pos, whom the court of Constantinople supported. 
 A treaty by which the most faithful provinces of Gaul \\--\-- 
 yielded to the Visigoths, produced so much popular discon- 
 tent, that Op's'tes, a general of barbarian auxiliaries, was 
 encouraged to revolt, and Ne'pos, unable to defend the 
 throne, abdicated, and spent the remainder of his unhon- 
 oured life in obscurity. 
 
 28. Ores'tes placed the crown on the head of his son 
 Rom'ulus Momyl'lus, better known in history by the name 
 of Augus'tulus. He was the last of the emperors; before 
 he had enjoyed his elevation many months, he was de- 
 throned by Odoa'cer, a leader of the barbarian troops, and 
 banished to a villa that once belonged, to the, wealthy I.u- 
 cul'lus, where he was supported by a pension allowed him 
 by the conqueror.* 29. Odoa'cer assumed the title ( A. D. 
 of king of Italy, but after a reign of fourteen years, ( 470. 
 
 See Chapter
 
 380 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 he was forced to yield to the superior genius of Theod'oric, 
 king of the Ostrogoths, under whose prudent government 
 Italy enjoyed the blessings of peace and prosperity, to 
 which the country had been long a stranger. 
 
 30. Thus finally fell the Roman empire of the west, 
 while that of the east survived a thousand years, notwith- 
 standing its fierce internal dissensions, which alone would 
 have sufficed to destroy any other ; and the hosts of bar- 
 barians by which it was assailed. The almost impregnable 
 situation of its capital, whose fate usually decides that of 
 such empires, joined to its despotism, which gave unity to 
 the little strength it retained, can alone explain a phenome- 
 non unparalleled in the annals of history. At length, on 
 the 29tli of May, 1453, Constantinople was taken by Mo- 
 hammed the Second, and the government and religion es- 
 tablished by the great Constantine, trampled in the dust by 
 the Moslem conquerors. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1 . Wliat induced Alaric to invade Italy a second time 7 
 
 2. Did the emperor and his ministers make adequate preparations for 
 
 resistance 1 
 
 3. How was Alaric induced to raise the siege of Rome 1 
 
 4. Why did Alaric besiege Rome a second time ! 
 
 5. Whom did the Goths make emperor 1 
 
 6. What favourable opportunity of making peace did HOJVVUU * we 1 
 
 7. By what means did the Goths become masters of Rome 1 
 
 8. Where did Alaric die ? 
 
 9. What events marked the reign of Adolphus 1 
 
 10. What remarkable persons died nearly at the same timet 
 
 1 1. What was the fate of the usurper John 1 
 
 12. To whom was the government entrusted during Valentipi&* * m> 
 
 nority 1 
 
 13. Bv whom were the Vandals invited to Africa 1 
 
 14. What was the fate of Boniface 1 
 
 15. How were the Huns instigated to invade Italy ? 
 j.G. Under what circumstances did Attila die 1 
 
 17. Of what great crimes was Valentinian III. guilty t 
 
 1 8. How was Valentinian slain ? 
 
 19. 20. What strange prophecy was now about to be fulfilled] 
 
 21. What terminated the brief reign of Maximus 1 ? 
 
 22. Had Eudoxia reason to lament her invitation to the Vandals i 
 
 23. Why was the emperor Avitus dethroned 1 ? 
 
 24. How did Ricimer procure the deposition of Majorian ! 
 
 25. What changes followed on the death of Majorian 1
 
 TI1K I..MPIRE. 381 
 
 2R. How did Ricimer terminate his dextrurtive rarrrr ? 
 
 27. What changes took place after the death of Arthemius 1 
 
 28. Who was the last Roman emperor 1 
 
 29. What kingdoms were founded on the ruins of the western empire ! 
 
 30. How was the ej istence of the eastern empire prolonged 7 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE DIFFERENT BARBAROUS TRIBES 
 THAT AIDED 15 DESTROYING THE ROMAN EXPIRE. 
 
 1. WE have already mentioned that the barbarous nations 
 which joined in the destruction of the Roman empire, were 
 invited to come within its precincts through (he weakness or 
 folly of successive sovereigns who recruited their armies from 
 those hardy tribes, in preference to their own subjects, ener- 
 vated by luxury and indolence. The grants of land, and the 
 rich donations by which the emperors endeavoured to secure 
 the fidelity of these dangerous auxiliaries, encouraged them 
 to regard the Roman territories as their prey ; and being 
 alternately the objects of lavish extravagance and wanton 
 insult, their power was increased at the same time that their 
 resentment was provoked. 2. Towards the close of the 
 year 406, the Vandals, the Suevi, and the Alans, first 
 sounded the tocsin of invasion, and their example was fol- 
 lowed by the Goths, the Burgundians, the Alleman'ni, the 
 Franks, the Huns, the Angli, the Saxons, the Heruli, and 
 the Longobar'di, or Lombards. The chief of these nations, 
 with the exception of the Huns, were of German origin. It 
 is not easy in evt-ry instance to discover the original 6 
 these several tribes, and trace their successive migration.*, 
 because, being ignorant of letters, they only retained some 
 vague traditions of their wanderings. 
 
 THE VANDALS AND ALANS 
 
 3. This tribe was, like the Burgundians and Lombards, a 
 branch of the ancient Sue'vi, :uul inhabited that part oi 
 many which lies between the Elbe and the Vis'tula. Bcinjj 
 joined by some warriors from Sr:mtlin:ivi:i, they :uh 
 towards the south, and established theniM-Ues in thrf 
 of Da'cia which included the modern province of Tn
 
 382 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 va'n'a, and part of Hungary. Being oppressed in their new 
 settlement by the Goths, they sought the protection of Con 
 stantine the Great, and obtained from him a grant of lands 
 in Pannonia, on condition of their rendering military service 
 to the Romans. 4. About the commencement of the fifth 
 century, they were joined by the ALANS, a people originally 
 from mount Cau'casus, and the ancient Scythia : a branch 
 of which having settled in Sarma'tia, near the source of the 
 Borysthenes (Dnieper), had advanced as far as the Danube, 
 and there made a formidable stand against the Romans. In 
 their passage through Germany, the Vandals and Alans were 
 joined by a portion of the Suevi, and the confederate 
 tribes entering Gaul, spread desolation over the entire coun- 
 try. 5. From thence the barbarians passed into Spain and 
 settled in the province, from them named Vandalu'sia, since 
 corrupted to Andalusia. On the invitation of Count Boni- 
 face, the Vandals proceeded from Spain to Africa, where 
 they founded a formidable empire. After remaining masters 
 of the western Mediterranean for nearly a century, the east- 
 ern emperor Justinian sent a formidable force against them 
 under the command of the celebrated Belisa'rius. This 
 great leader not only destroyed the power of these pirates, 
 but erased the very name of Vandals from the list of nations. 
 
 THE GOTHS. 
 
 6. The Goths, the most powerful of these destructive na- 
 tions, are said to have come originally from Scandina'via ; 
 but when they first began to attract the notice of historians, 
 we find them settled on the banks of the Danube. Those 
 who inhabited the districts towards the east, and the Euxine 
 sea, between the Ty'ras (Dniester) the Borys'thenes (Dnie- 
 per) and the Tan'ais (Don) were called Ostrogoths ; the 
 Visigoths extended westwards over ancient Dacia, and the 
 regions between the Ty'ras, the Danube, and the Vistula. 
 7. Attacked in these vast countries by the Huns, as has 
 been mentioned in a preceding chapter, some were subju- 
 gated, and others compelled to abandon their habitations. 
 They obtained settlements from the emperors, but being 
 unwisely provoked to revolt, they became the most formi- 
 dable enemies of the Romans. After having twice ravaged 
 Italy and plundered Rome, they ended their conquests by 
 establishing themselves in Gaul and Spain. 
 
 8. The Spanish monarchy of the Visigoths, which in its 
 flourishing state comprised, besides the entire peninsula,
 
 THE EMPIRE. 383 
 
 the province of Septima'nia (Lungttcdoc) in Gaul, and 
 Maurita'nia, Tingeta'na, (north-western Africa) on the op- 
 posite coasts of the Mediterranean, lasted from the middle 
 of the fifth to the commencement of the eighth century, M hen 
 it was overthrown by the Moors. 9. The Thuringians, 
 whom we find established in the heart of Germany, in the 
 middle of the fifth century, appear to have been a bram-h of 
 the Visigoths. 
 
 THE FRANKS. 
 
 10. A number of petty German tribes having entered into 
 a confederacy to maintain their mutual independence, took 
 the name of Franks, or Freemen. The tribes which thus 
 associated, principally inhabited the districts lying between 
 the Rhine and the Weser, including the greater part of Hol- 
 land and Westphalia. 11. In the middle of the third cen- 
 tury, they invaded Gaul, but were defeated by Aurelian, 
 who afterwards became emperor. In the fourth, and to- 
 wards the beginning of the fifth century, they permanently 
 established themselves as a nation, and gave the name of 
 Prancia, or France, to the provinces lying between the 
 Rhine, the Weser, the Maine, and the Elbe ; but about the 
 sixth century that name was transferred to ancient Gaul, 
 when it was conquered by the Franks. 
 
 THE ALLEMANNL 
 
 12. The Alleman'ni were another confederation of Ger- 
 man tribes, which took its name from including a great va- 
 riety of nations. It is scarcely necessary to remark, that the 
 name is compounded of the words all and man which still 
 continue unchanged in our language. Their territories ex- 
 tended between the Danube, the Rhine, and the Main' 
 they rendered themselves formidable to the Romans by th-ir 
 frequent inroads into Gaul and Italy during the third and 
 fourth centuries. 
 
 THE SAXONS AND ANGLES. 
 
 13. The Saxons began to be conspicuous about the 
 
 of the second century. They were then settled beyond the 
 Elbe, in modern Hnlstrin ; having for their neighbours the 
 ANGLI, or ANGLES, inhabiting Sleswick. These nation* 
 were early distinguished as pirates, and their plundering 
 expeditions kept the shores of western Europe in cor 
 alarm. Being invited by the Britons to assist in repelling
 
 384 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the invasions of the Picts, they subdued the southern part 
 of the island, which has ever since retained the name of 
 England, from its conquerors the An'gli. When the 
 Franks penetrated into Gaul, the Saxons passed the Elbe, 
 and seizing on the vacated territory, gave the name of Sax- 
 ony to ancient France. 
 
 THE HUNS. 
 
 14. The Huns were the most ferocious and sanguinary 
 of the barbarians. They seem to have been originally Kal- 
 muck or Mongolian Tartars, and, during the period of their 
 supremacy, seem never to have laid aside the savage cus- 
 toms which they brought from their native deserts. 15. Af- 
 ter having expelled the Goths from the banks of the Danube, 
 they fell upon the eastern empire, and compelled the court 
 of Constantinople to pay them tribute. They then, under 
 the guidance of Attila, invaded Italy, and after devastating 
 the peninsula, captured and plundered Rome. After the 
 death of Attila, the Huns were broken up into a number of 
 petty states, which maintained their independence until the 
 close of the eighth century, when they were subdued by 
 Charlemagne. 
 
 THE BURGUNDIANS. 
 
 16. The Burgundians were originally inhabitants of the 
 countries situated between the Oder and the Vistula. They 
 followed nearly the track of the Visigoths, and at the be- 
 ginning of the fifth century had established themselves on 
 the Upper Rhine and in Switzerland. On the dissolution 
 of the empire, they seized on that part of Gaul, which from 
 them retains the name of Burgundy. 
 
 THE LOMBARDS, THE GEPIDJS, AND THE AVARS. 
 
 17. The Lombards, more properly called Longo-bardi, 
 from the length of their beards, are supposed by some to 
 have been a branch of the Sue'vi, and by others to have mi- 
 grated from Scandina'via. They joined with the Avars, a 
 fierce Asiatic people, in attacking the Gep'idse, then in pos- 
 session of that part of Dacia lying on the left bank of the 
 Danube, but who are supposed to have come thither from 
 some more northern country. The Avars and Lombards 
 triumphed, but the former soon turned their arms against 
 their allies, and compelled them to seek new habitations. 
 18. About the middle of the sixth century they invaded
 
 THE EMPIRE. 385 
 
 Italy, which the Eastern emperors had just before wrested 
 from the Turks, and made themselves masters of the north- 
 ern part, which has since borne the name of Lombard)-. 
 
 THE SLA'VI. 
 
 19. These were the last of the barbarian hordes, and ar 
 not mentioned by any author before the sixth century. Tln-y 
 first appeared in the east of Europe, and spreading them- 
 selves over the central provinces, occupied the greater part 
 of the countries that now constitute the dominions of Aus- 
 tria. The Sla'vi warred chiefly against the Eastern empire, 
 and their contest with the Grecian forces on the Danube, in 
 the sixth and seventh centuries, shook the throne of Con- 
 itantinople. The VKNE'DI and the AN'TES were tribes of 
 the Slavi. 
 
 THE NORMANS. 
 
 20. The piratical inhabitants of Norway and Denmark 
 were called by the Franks, Normans, or, Men of the North ; 
 in Ireland they were named Ostmen, or, Men of the East. 
 Their depredations began to attract notice early in the 
 seventh century, but did not become formidable before the 
 ninth : when they obtained possession of that part of France 
 now called Normandy. In the two following centuries 
 they wrested England from the Saxons, and established 
 kingdoms in Sicily and southern Italy. 
 
 THE BULGARIANS. 
 
 21. The Bulgarians were of Scythian or Tartar origin, 
 and became formidable to the Eastern empire in the latter 
 part of the seventh century. In the beginning of the ninth, 
 Cruni'nus, their king, advanced to the gates of Constanti- 
 nople ; but the city proving too strong, he seized Adrianople, 
 and returned home loaded with booty. The successors of 
 Cruni'nus did not inherit his abilities, and the Bulgarian! 
 soon sunk into coiMSUcative insignificance. 
 
 THE SARACENS MOORS AND TURKS. 
 
 22. In concluding this chapter, it may be proper to giv 
 some account of the subverters of the Eastern empire, and 
 of their iaruption into Europe. The Arabs, called i 
 middle agls Saracens, are supposed to be descended from 
 Ishmael, the son of Abraham and Hagar. During all the 
 changes of dynasties and empires in the eastern and westru 
 
 2 X
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 world, the) retained their independence, though almost con 
 stantly at war with the surrounding states. " Their hand was 
 against every man, and every man's hand was against them." 
 In the beginning of the seventh century, Mohammed, a native 
 of Mecca, descended from a noble family, laid claim to the 
 title of a prophet, and being aided by a renegade Christian, 
 formed a religious system, which, after encountering great 
 opposition, was finally adopted by the principal tribes of 
 Arabia. The successors of Mohammed, called Caliphs, re- 
 solved to propagate the new religion by the sword, and con- 
 quered an empire, more extensive than that of the Romans 
 had been. The entire of central and southern Asia, includ- 
 ing Persia, India, and the provinces of the Eastern empire 
 owned their sway ; northern Africa was soon after subdued, 
 and in the beginning of the eighth century, the Saracenic 
 Moors established their dominion in Spain. 23. It is pro- 
 bable, even, that all Europe would have submitted to their 
 yoke, if the French hero, Charles Martel,* had not arrested 
 their victorious career, and defeated their numerous armies 
 on the plains of Poitiers, A. D. 732.1 
 
 24. The empire of the Caliphs soon declined from its 
 original splendour, and its ruin finally proceeded from the 
 same cause that produced the downfall of Rome, the em- 
 ployment of barbarian mercenaries. The soldiers levied 
 by the Caliphs, were selected from the Tartar tribes that had 
 embraced the religion of Mohamme'd ; .they were called 
 Turcomans or Turks, from Turkistan, the proper name of 
 western Tartary. These brave, but ferocious warriors, soon 
 wrested the sceptre from the feeble caliphs, and completed 
 the conquest of western Asia. The crusades for a time de- 
 layed the fate of the Greek empire, but finally the Turks 
 crossed the Hellespont, and having taken Constantinople, 
 (A. D. 1453,) established their cruel despotism over the fair- 
 est portion of Europe. 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. How were the barbarians first brought into the Roman empire ? 
 
 2. When did the first great movement of the Northern tribes take 
 
 place ? 
 
 3. Where did the Vandals first settle 1 
 
 
 
 * See Taylor's History of France. 
 
 j- Here also the heroic Black Prince took John, king of France, 
 prisoner See Taylor's France.
 
 TUB EMPIRE. 387 
 
 4. From whence did the Alans come ? 
 
 5. In what countries did the Vandals establish their power ! 
 
 6. Where did we first find the (Joths wttlrd ! 
 
 7. To what countries did the Goths remove ? 
 
 8. How long did the kingdom of the Visigoths continue! 
 
 9. What branch of the Goths settled in Germany ? 
 
 10. From what did the Franks derive their name 1 
 
 1 1. Which was the ancient, and which the modem France T - 
 
 12. What is the history of the AMpmaiint? 
 
 13. In what countries did the Saxons and Angles settle! 
 
 14. Whence did the Huns come ' 
 
 15. How far did their ravages extend ? 
 
 16. What territory did the Burgundian* seize* 
 
 17. How did the alliance between the Lombards and Avan itjurr the 
 
 former people 1 
 
 18. Where was the kingdom of the Lombards established ! 
 
 19. What is told respecting the Slavi ! 
 
 20. Who were the Normans ! 
 
 21. What is the history of the Bulgarians ! 
 
 22. What great conquests were achieved by the Arabs under Moham- 
 
 med and his successors 1 
 
 23. By whom was the Saracenic career of victory checked ! 
 
 24. How was the empire of the Turks established ! 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 1. JUDEA became a Roman province some years before 
 the birth of Jesus Christ, and the Jews, who had hitherto 
 been conspicuous for their attachment to their native land, 
 were induced, by the spirit of trade, to spread themselves 
 over the empire. 2. The exclusive nature of their religion 
 kept them in a marked state of separation from their fellnw 
 subjects; the worshipper of Osi'ris scrupled not to otFer 
 sacrifices to Jupiter ; the Persian, the Indian, and th- 
 man, bowed before the Roman altars; but the sons of ' 
 ham refused to irive tho glory of their God to graven ii;, 
 and were regarded by their idolatrous neighbours at first 
 with surprise, and afterwards with contempt. 3. Tlie ap- 
 pearance of the Messiah in Palestine, and the m.r mlou* 
 circumstances of his life, death, and resurrection, did not fill 
 the world with their fame, because his preaching was prin- 
 cipally ad'hv.ssed lo his countrymen, the lir.-t oliject of his 
 mission bciny " the lost sheep of the house of LSI
 
 388 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 4. The disciples, after their Divine Master was tnk:n 
 from tl.em, proceeded to fulfil his last commandments, by 
 preaching the gospel " to every nation," and an opportunity 
 of spreading its blessings was afforded by Jewish syna- 
 gogues having been previously established in most of the 
 great cities through the empire. Independent of the sus- 
 taining providence of its Almighty Author, there were many 
 circumstances that facilitated the progress and prepared the 
 way for the final triumph of Christianity. 5. In the first 
 place, Paganism had lost its influence ; men secretly laughed 
 at the fabulous legends about Jupiter and Rom'ulus, the sa- 
 crifices had become idle forms, and the processions a useless 
 mockery. Philosophers had not scrupled to cover with 
 ridicule the whole system of Heathenism, and there were 
 not a few who professed themselves Atheists. 6. Without 
 some system of religion society cunnot exist ; for a sanction 
 stronger than human laws is necessary to restrain the vio- 
 lence of passion and ardent desires. The innate feeling 
 that our existence is not dependent on our mortal frame, 
 disposes men to search for some information respecting a 
 future state ; the heathen system was at once obscure and 
 absurd ; the philosophers avowedly spoke from conjecture ; 
 but by the Gospel, " life and immortality were brought to 
 light." 7. The influence of a purer faith was discernible 
 in the lives and actions of the first Christians ; they lived 
 in an age of unparalleled iniquity and debauchery, yet they 
 kept themselves " unspotted from the world ;" those who 
 were once conspicuous for violence, licentiousness, and 
 crime, became, when they joined the new sect, humble, 
 temperate, chaste, and virtuous ; the persons who witnessed 
 such instances of reformation were naturally anxious to 
 learn something of the means by which so great a change 
 had been effected. 8. A fourth cause was, that Christianity 
 offered the blessings of salvation to men of every class ; it 
 was its most marked feature, that " to the poor the gospel 
 was preached," and the wretch who dared not come into 
 the pagan temple, because he had no rich offering to lay 
 upon the altar, was ready to obey the call of him who of- 
 fered pardon and love " without money and without price." 
 
 9. In the course of the first century of the Christian era, 
 churches were established in the principal cities of the em- 
 pire, but more especially in Asia Minor ; and the progress 
 of Christianity, which had been at first disregarded, began 
 to attract the notice of the ruling powers. Too indolent
 
 Till EMPIRE. 
 
 to investigate the claims of Christianity, and by no means 
 pleased with a system which condemned their vices, the 
 Rjman rulers viewed the rapid progress of the new religion 
 with undisguised alarm. The union of the sacerdotal and 
 magisterial character in the Roman policy, added personal 
 interest to the motives that urged them to crush this rising 
 sect; and the relentless Ne'ro at length kindled the torch of 
 persecution. 10. But " the blood of the martyrs proved the 
 seed of the Church ;" the constancy with which they sup 
 ported the most inhuman tortures, their devotion and firm 
 reliance on their God in the moments of mortal agony, in- 
 creased the number of converts to a religion which could 
 work such a moral miracle. Persecution also united the 
 Christians more closely together, and when the reign of ter- 
 ror ended with the death of Nero, it was found that Chris- 
 tianity had derived additional strength from the means taken 
 to insure its destruction. 
 
 11. The successive persecutions inflicted by the policy 
 or the bigotry of the following emperors had precisely the 
 same results ; and at length the Christians had acquired 
 such strength, that their aid, as a body, became a matter of 
 importance in contests for the empire. 
 
 12. The mild administration of Constantino, while ho 
 was only prefect of Gaul, the protection which he afforded 
 to the Christians, and the favour that he showeJ to their 
 religion, induced them to aid him with all their might in hi* 
 struggle for the throne. Brought thus into contact with the 
 professors of the new doctrine, Constantino was induced to 
 examine the foundations of its high claims perfect convic- 
 tion was the result, and on his accession to the imperial 
 purple, the Christian church was legally established. 13. 
 During the reign of the apostate Julian, Christianity wan 
 discouraged, but not persecuted ; his premature death, how 
 ever, removed the last impediment to its final triumph, 
 which was consummated in the reign of the great Theodo'- 
 sius. 14. Under that emperor the last vestiges of the pagan 
 worship were destroyed, its idols overthrown, its altars de- 
 molished, and its temples closed. The world had b< 
 
 ripe for such a revolution, as the temples had been long 
 before almost universally abandoned. 
 
 15. Since that period Christianity has prevailed in Eu- 
 rope, and funned the great bond of the social happiness and 
 the great source of the intellectual eminence enjoyed in thai 
 quarter of the globe. Let us hope that the exertion* 
 2 K 2
 
 390 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 made to diffuse its blessings over the benighted portions of 
 the earth will prove successful, and that " peace and happi- 
 ness, truth and justice, religion and piety" will prevail from 
 pole to pole 
 
 Questions for Examination. 
 
 1. What was the state of the Jews at thf toming of Christ! 
 
 2. How were the Jews preserved separate from other natior/s ? 
 
 3. What probable cause may be assigned for the neglect of the Chris- 
 
 tian miracles 1 
 
 4. How did the dispersion of the Jews afford an opportunity for the 
 
 propagation of Christianity ? 
 
 5. What was the state of paganism when Christianity was first 
 
 preached 1 
 
 6. What great mystery is brought to light by the gospel 1 
 
 7. How did the lives of the first Christians contribute to the rapid 
 
 progress of Christianity ? 
 
 8. To what class of people was the gospel more particularly addressed? 
 
 9. What induced the rulers of the Roman empire to persecute Chris- 
 
 tianity 1 
 
 10. Was Christianity crushed by persecution 1 
 
 11. What proves the great strength early acquired by Christians? 
 
 12. By whom was Christianity legally established 1 
 
 13. Under whose government did it receive a slight check? 
 H. "When were the last vestiges of paganism abolished? 
 
 15. What have been the political effects of the establishment of Chris- 
 tianity ?
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 
 
 MM 
 
 (Supposed) Pelasgic migration to Italy 14 
 
 1 184 (Supposed) Arrival of ^Gneas in Latium 19. 6: 
 
 753 (Supposed) foundation of the city of Rome S3. 65 
 
 750 Union of the Romans and Sabines 69 
 
 716 Death of Romulus 70 
 
 714 Virtuous Administration of Numa 71 
 
 6? 1 Accession of Tullus Hostilius 73 
 
 665 Duel between the Horatii and Curiatii Destruction of 
 
 Alba ih. 
 
 639 Accession of A ncus Martins 75 
 
 gjg C Tarquinius Priscus 77 
 
 The Augurs acquire importance in the state 78 
 
 C Death of Tarquinius Priscus 79 
 
 578 < Accession of Servius Tullius 80 
 
 ( The establishment of the Centuries 32. 80 
 
 C Murder of Servius Tullius 82 
 
 534 < Accession of Tarquinius Super bus 83 
 
 (_ Gabii taken by stratagem 64 
 
 - C Expulsion of Tarquinius Superbu* 87 
 
 I Establishment of Consuls 88 
 
 KAQ 5 Conspiracy for the restoration of the Tarquinii ih. 
 
 Jtt I Death of Brutus 89 
 
 507 War with Porsenna 90 
 
 498 Lartius the first Dictator created 93 
 
 ._ C The Human populace retire to MODS Sacer 94 
 
 f Tribunes of the people appointed 35 95 
 
 C Exile of Coriolanus 97 
 
 487s Rome besiegi-d by Coriolanus 98 
 
 CHis retreit and death 100 
 
 484 Condemnation and death of Caasiui 
 
 459 First Dictatorship of Cincinnatus 1"! 
 
 457 Second ditto 
 
 454 The Romans semi to Athens for Solon's lawn 35 
 
 451 The laws of the Twelve Table* The Decemviri H'7 
 
 449 The expulsion of the Decemviri 
 
 443 Military Tribunes chosen instead of Consuls 
 
 442 The Censorship instituted 
 
 439 Maeiius murdered by Ahala 
 
 406 The si. <>t' \Vii begun II* 
 
 396 Veii taken by Cnmillus 120 
 
 391 The (.'auN itn.i.Ie Italv 1M 
 
 5 The battle of A Ilia. Rome sacked by ihe Gaols 
 
 " ? The C J.uil. .lefeatod l.y r'amUlui 
 
 883 Manlius put to death on a charge of ttraun 129 
 
 891
 
 392 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 
 
 B.C. PAGB 
 
 361 Curtius devotes himself in the Forum 129 
 
 342 Beginning of the Samnite war 131 
 
 ooq $ Manlius puts his son to death for disobedience 133 
 
 Deci us devotes himself for his country 134 
 
 320 A Roman army forced to surrender to the Samnites in 
 
 the Caudine Forks 136 
 
 280 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, invades Italy 137 
 
 272 finally defeated by Curius Dentatus 142 
 
 270 Tarentum surrendered to the Romans 143 
 
 264 Commencement of the first Punic war 144 
 
 260 The Carthaginian fleet defeated by Duilius 145 
 
 256 Regulus defeated by Xantippus 147 
 
 252 Regulus sent to negociate peace. His death 148 
 
 241 End of the first Punic war 150 
 
 r~The temple of Janus shut, and Rome at peace, for the 
 
 234 < first time since the death of Numa ib. 
 
 (_Literature cultivated at Rome 151 
 
 229 War with the Illyrians ib. 
 
 (""The Gauls invade Italy a second time ib. 
 
 225 < are defeated by Marcellus, who gains the 
 
 C. spolia opima 1 52 
 
 (The second Punic war begins ib. 
 
 9 . Q J Hannibal invades Italy 153 
 
 8 i Battle of the Ticenus 154 
 
 (_ of the Trebia ib, 
 
 217 of the lake Thrasymene 155 
 
 216 of Cannffi 157 
 
 214 The Romans begin an auxiliary war against Philip of 
 
 Macedon 163 
 
 Syracuse taken by Marcellus 160 
 
 Asdrubal defeated and slain ib. 
 
 Battle of Zama and end of the second Punic war 161 
 
 Philip conquered by the Romans 164 
 
 The Romans wage war against Antiochus ib. 
 
 Death of Hannibal 1 65 
 
 Commencement of the second Macedonian war ib. 
 
 Macedon became a Roman province 166 
 
 The third Punic war begins ib. 
 
 Carthage destroyed by Scipio, and Corinth by Mu- 
 
 nimius 167 
 
 132 Sedition of Tiberius Gracchus 168 
 
 126 Revolt of the slaves in Sicily 170 
 
 122 Seditions of Caius Gracchus ib. 
 
 121 Murder of Caius Gracchus. Persecution of the popular 
 
 party 173 
 
 111 The Jugurthine war begins, and lasts five years 176 
 
 91 The social war begins, and lasts three years 179 
 
 89 The Mithridatic war begins, and lasts twenty-six years ib. 
 
 88 The civil war between Marius and Sylla ib. 
 
 Cruelties of Marius 182 
 
 36 "* Death of Marius. . ,
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 393 
 
 MM 
 
 82 Sylla created dictator 184 
 
 78 DeathofSylla 185 
 
 73 The insurrection of the slaves under Spartacus. . .note, ib. 
 
 66 Mithridates conquered by Pompey 187 
 
 63 Catiline's conspiracy detected 188 
 
 60 The first Triumvirate. Cesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 191 
 65 Cesar invades Britain 192 
 
 63 Crassus slain in Parthia 194 
 
 60 Civil war between Cesar and Pompey 195 
 
 48 $ The battle of Pharsalia 206 
 
 Death of Pompey 21 1 
 
 47 Alexandria taken by Cesar 219 
 
 ,- C The war in Africa 222 
 
 i Death of Cato 223 
 
 ,, C The war in Spain 224 
 
 The battle of Munda ib. 
 
 44 Cesar murdered in the senate-house 228 
 
 C Formation of the second Triumvirate Antony, Octa- 
 43 < vius (Augustus) and Lepidus 231 
 
 CThe Proscription. The murder of Cicero 232 
 
 42 The battle of Philippi 237 
 
 32 Octavius (Augustus,) and Antony prepare for war ... 247 
 31 The battle of Actium 249 
 
 f" The death of Antony 255 
 
 30 < Alexandria surrendered 366 
 
 C Death of Cleopatra 
 
 27 The title of Augustus given to Octavius 263 
 
 A.D. 
 
 4 Birth of Jisui CHRIST (four years before the vulgar 
 
 era) 2b9 
 
 14 Death of Augustus 
 
 19 Death of Gcrmanicus by poison *7J 
 
 26 The retreat of Tiberius to Caprea 
 
 31 Disgrace and downfall of Sejanus 
 
 33 The Crucifixion 2 ? 7 
 
 37 The Accession of Caligula 
 
 41 Caligula murdered by Cherca 
 
 43 Claudius invades Britain 
 
 61 Caractacus carried captive to Rome 
 
 64 Nero succeeds Claudius 
 
 69 Nero murders his mother . . . . ~. 
 
 64 First general persecution of the Christian*,.. 
 
 65 Seneca, Lucan, and others, executed for conspiracy 
 
 68 Suicide of Nero. Accession jf Galba 
 
 C Death of Galba 
 
 69 < 1). feat and death of Otho 
 
 ( D-r.-ut and d.-aih of VitflliuB. Accession of Vetpwian 
 
 70 Siege and capture of Jerusalem 
 
 ' Death of VemuUn. Accession of Titu* 
 
 Eruption of Vesuvius: destruction of Herculancum. . 
 8 1 Death of Titus. .* cccsion of Domitian
 
 394 CHRONOLOGICAL^ INDEX. 
 
 A. D. 
 
 88 The Dacian war 308 
 
 9 g C Assassination of Domitian. 311 
 
 Accession of Nerva 313 
 
 98 Death of Nerva. Accession of Trajan 314 
 
 107 Third general persecution of the Christians 317 
 
 117 Death of Trajan. Accession of Adrian 318 
 
 121 A wall to restrain the incursions of the Picts and Scois 
 
 erected in Britain by Adrian 319 
 
 131 Great rebellion of the Jews 320 
 
 138 Death of Adrian. Accession of Antoninus Pius. . . .322, 323 
 
 161 Accession of Marcus Aurelius, and Lucius Verus .... 324 
 
 162 The Parthian war ,. ib. 
 
 169 The war with the Marcomanni 327 
 
 180 5 -Death f Marcus Aurelius 328 
 
 (_ Accession of Commodus 329 
 
 192 5 Commodus murdered by Marcia and Lsetus 330 
 
 Assassination of Pertinax 331 
 
 200 5 > ^'^ ie '^ oman em pi re offered for sale ib. 
 
 Scverus subdues the Parthians 334 
 
 211 Death of Severus at York. Accession of Caracalla and 
 
 Geta 335 
 
 217 Assassination of Caracalla 336 
 
 218 Accession of Heliogabal us 337 
 
 222 ^ ^ s m " lscra b' e death ib. 
 
 Accession of Alexander Severus 338 
 
 235 Death of Alexander. Maximin elected emperor 339 
 
 236 Assassination of Maximin , 340 
 
 238 Accession of Gordian 7 _ . 
 
 244 His murder by Philip 5 
 
 248 Philip killed by his soldiers : succeeded by Decius. . . . 342 
 
 251 Decius slain in an ambuscade: succeeded by Gallus. . ib. 
 
 254 Death of Gallus : a disputed succession 343 
 
 270 Accession of Aurelian 344 
 
 275 Brief reign of Tacitus 345 
 
 282 Assassination of the emperor Probus ib. 
 
 284 Accession of Dioclesian 347 
 
 304 The reign of Constantius and Galerius 348 
 
 312 Victory of Constantino over Maxentius 349 
 
 J19 Favour showed to the Christians 350 
 
 324 Defeat of Licinius 351 
 
 325 Legal establishment of Christianity 351 389 
 
 328 The seat of government removed from Rome to Byzan- 
 tium, which city from thenceforward takes the name 
 
 of Constantinople, from the emperor Constantino . . . 352 
 C Death of Constantine, and division of the empire 
 
 337 < among his sons 353 
 
 Destruction of the Flavian Family 355 
 
 338 War between Constantius and Sapor 356 
 
 340 Constantine the younger defeated and slain by his 
 
 brother Constans 357 
 
 350 Constans killed by Magnentius ib.
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 
 
 393 
 
 A. D. . i * 
 
 351 Magnen tius totally defeated at the fatal 'vttle of 
 
 Mursa 358 
 
 354 Gallas put to death by Constantius 369 
 
 360 The civil war between Constantiui and Julian prevent- 
 ed by the death of the former 360 
 
 362 Julian's attempt to rebuild the temple of Jerusalem de- 
 
 feated 361 
 
 363 Death of Julian in the Persian war. Brief reign of 
 
 Jovi&n 362 
 
 364 The empire divided between Valentinian and Yalens. . 363 
 - C The Goths permitted to settle in Thrace 365, 382 
 
 ' (_ First appearance of the Huns in Europe 365 
 
 373 The emperor Valeria defeated bj the Goths at Adriano- 
 
 ple ib. 
 
 Theodosius becomes emperor of the East 866 
 
 The usurper Maximus defeated and slain 367 
 
 Reunion of the Eastern and Western empires, under 
 
 Theodosius 368 
 
 395 Death ni' 'IT..'".'. -^ius. :i:i,! f.n.J s.'j.arat;..;; tf\ ]}.t-l- 
 
 tern and Western empires ib. 
 
 398 Revolt of Gildo in Africa 370 
 
 405 Stilicho obtains two victories over the Goths 371 
 
 406 The Vandals and Alans settle in Gaul % & . . . . 372, 382 
 
 408 Alaric, king of the Goths, besieges Rome 374 
 
 410 Rome taken and plundered by the Goths 375 
 
 412 Beginning of the Vandal kingdom in Spain 382 
 
 415 Commencement of the kingdom of the Visigoths. . .375, 382 
 
 423 Death of Honorius. Accession of Valentinian 375 
 
 430 The Vandals invited to Africa by count Boniface. . .376, 381 
 447 The Huns under the guidance of Attila, ravage Eu- 
 rope 376 
 
 449 The Britons, deserted by the Romans, invite the Sax- 
 ons and Angles to their assistance 383 
 
 455 Rome taken and plundered by Genicric, the king of the 
 
 African Vandals 377 
 
 476 Augustulus, the last emperor of the Weat depoaod. Odo- 
 
 acer takes the title of king of Italy 
 
 1453 Subversion of the Eastern empire 3SO, 396 
 
 END
 
 
 ~^ 
 
 ^^^f
 
 ""^^l III I I II II 
 
 A 000 897 831 4