LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 CALlfORNi* 
 
 SAN DIEGO
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OK 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL M. SMUCKER, A.M., 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE COURT AHD REIGN OP CATHERINE IT.," "EMPEROR 
 NICHOLAS i.," "MEMORABLE SCENES IN FRENCH BISTORT," ETC. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 I. W. BRADLEY. 48 NORTH 4rH 8T 
 185S.
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by 
 J. W. BRADLEY, 
 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Easter* 
 District of Pennsylvania. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA : 
 
 SIERKOTTPKD BT 6 EURO K CHARLES. 
 PRINTED BT KING * BAIRD.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE want of a complete and satisfactory yet suc- 
 cinct and popular life of Alexander Hamilton, has 
 long been felt by the reading public ; and when we 
 remember the very eminent position which he occu- 
 pies in American history, it is somewhat singular 
 that no attempt has been made to execute such a 
 work. The Memoir published by his son, John C. 
 Hamilton, is excellent as far as it goes; although it is 
 not only unfinished, but is also too cumbersome and 
 diffuse for the popular reader. The small work of 
 Dr. Renwick, though well adapted to the purpose 
 for which it was written, was necessarily very super- 
 ficial and incomplete. I am not aware that any 
 other reliable Memoir of Hamilton is in existence. 
 
 In the preparation of the following pages, I have 
 freely used and appropriated all the sources of infor- 
 mation which were accessible to me on the subject. 
 1* (v)
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 These include the most important publications 
 which were cotemporary with the events narrated ; 
 together with all the published works of Hamilton, 
 and the existing biographies of himself, his asso- 
 ciates, and his opponents. The fierce passions and 
 jealousies of that memorable era in which Hamil- 
 ton figured and flourished, have now been laid to 
 rest in the slumber of the tomb ; and he who at- 
 tempts at the present day to write the history of 
 this great man, may claim at least one advantage 
 over his predecessors that he has no temptation 
 from party prejudice and bias, either to color, ex- 
 aggerate, or suppress the truth. 
 
 The remarkable incidents of Hamilton's career 
 will never lose their singular power to attract and 
 instruct mankind ; for they furnish impressive illutj- 
 trations both of the brightest and the basest ele- 
 ments of human character. The brightest all ap- 
 pertained to himself; the basest belonged to those 
 by whom he was surrounded and assailed. Few- 
 men have ever lived whose virtues were so trans- 
 cendent, whose motives were so disinterested, whose 
 usefulness was so extensive and so permanent; yet 
 there never lived a uiau against whom the enviov-a,
 
 PREFACE. VU 
 
 the malicious, and the vile, fabricated so many 
 baseless and absurd slanders, and illustrated by 
 the aspersions which they cast upon him, and by 
 the filthy slime of their hate with which they en- 
 deavored to pollute him, how despicable humanity 
 in their own persons could become. To a very 
 eminent degree Hamilton paid the natural pen- 
 alty which superior genius and distinction must 
 always suffer from the envious, the disappointed, 
 and the obscure. 
 
 With the lapse of time the false impressions 
 which once existed in reference to the political 
 principles and personal qualities of the subject of 
 this history, have gradually become, in a great 
 measure, rectified. I have attempted in the fol- 
 lowing pages to aid in accomplishing this result. 
 My endeavor has been to describe Hamilton pre- 
 cisely as he was; neither to set down aught in 
 malice, nor yet unfairly to extenuate. I remem- 
 bered the severe order given by Cromwell to the 
 limner who executed his portrait, to paint him as 
 he was, and not to omit the warts which embel- 
 lished his stern visage. Such defects as Hamilton 
 really possessed have not been overlooked. The
 
 Vlii PREFACE. 
 
 immortal statesman and orator would himself have 
 directed his biographers thus to write of him, had 
 he lived to guide and counsel them. And after 
 having thus been true to history in exhibiting what 
 may have been defective in the principles or the 
 conduct of Hamilton, we are convinced that every 
 impartial reader must admit that, if Washington 
 is esteemed first in war, in peace, and in the hearts 
 of his countrymen, Hamilton, beyond all question, 
 deserves to be regarded as the second. 
 
 SAMUEL M. SMUCKER. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, November, 1856.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Ml 
 
 PREFACE 5 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Mission of American Statesmen First Colony Founded in 
 America Successive Establishment of all the American 
 Colonies Their Growth The " Old French War" Sub- 
 sequent History of the Colonies The Stamp Act Con- 
 duct of the British Parliament Outbreak of the Revo- 
 lutionary Struggle First Meeting of the Continental 
 Congress Declaration of American Independence The 
 Grand Drama begins 15 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth of Alexander Hamilton His Ancestors His Early 
 Schooling Enters a Counting-house Propitious Acci- 
 dent Sails for New York His Studies at Elizabethtown 
 He enters Columbia College' His Studious Habits and 
 Progress His First Public Oration Its Effects and Pro- 
 mise of Future Success 25 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Colonial Affairs in New York in 1774 Dr. Cooper Dr. 
 Ingles Dr. Seabury Hamilton's First Political Pam- 
 phlet Its Merits and Effects Increase of . Hamilton's 
 Fame Incidents of 1775 He enters the Continental 
 Army in 1776 Is appointed Private Secretary and Aid- 
 de-Camp to Washington Gains Washington's entire 
 
 Confidence His Conduct in his New Sphere 34 
 
 (ix)
 
 X CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 MM 
 
 Events of 1777 Conspiracy against Washington in the 
 Army and in Congress Hamilton's Mission to Gates 
 His Success Events of 1778 Hamilton's Conduct at 
 Monmouth Lee's Retreat Lee's Subsequent Court Mar- 
 tial Hamilton's Growing Fame His Popularity with 
 the Army Lafayette 59 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Events of 1780 Financial Difficulties of the Colonies Ha- 
 milton's Financial Schemes Robert Morris Bank of 
 United States Proposed Hamilton's Letter to Robert 
 Morris French Aid sent to the Colonies Causes of the 
 Friendly Interposition of France Treason of Arnold 
 Hamilton's Projects for the National Prosperity Hia 
 Letter to James Duane Hamilton appointed Minister 
 to France He Declines 73 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Marriage of Hamilton Quarrel between Hamilton and 
 Washington Hamilton Retires from the Camp His 
 Plan of a National Bank Writes the Continentalist 
 He Returns to the Camp Incidents at Yorktown He- 
 roism of Hamilton at the Capture of Cornwallis Glo- 
 rious Results of that Victory Hamilton Returns to 
 Albany Commences the Study of the Law Is Ap- 
 pointed Receiver of Continental Taxes His Admission 
 to the Bar 91 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Hamilton Elected a Member of Congress His Activity 
 there His Financial Expedients Revolutionary Claims 
 Assists in Arranging the Preliminaries of Peace be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain Claims of the 
 Continental Army on Congress His Views on Taxation 
 and Imports Supports the Establishment of a Military 
 Hospital His Labors as Chairman of the Military Com- 
 mittee Revolt among the Pennsylvania Troops of the 
 Continental Army 122
 
 CONTENTS. XI 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PAQB 
 
 Hamilton Returns to Albany Resumes the Practice of 
 the Law Particulars Respecting the First Case His 
 Forensic Learning and Eloquence His Publication of 
 " Phocion" Its Effects He Drafts his Constitution of 
 the Bank of New York Hamilton's Views on the Sub- 
 ject of American Stavery His Conduct in Reference 
 to a Slave Lafayette's Opinions on the same subject... 146 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Establishment of the Society of the Cincinnati Its Consti- 
 tution and Purposes Popular Prejudice against it Jef- 
 ferson's Opinions in Reference to it The Convention at 
 Annapolis Hamilton's Activity and Influence in that 
 Body Is Elected a Member of the New York Legisla- 
 ture His Labors there Is the means of Establishing 
 the New York University 161 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Difficulties between the States of Vermont and New York 
 Hamilton's Speech on the Subject A Federal Constitu- 
 tion Proposed by Hamilton Condition and Wants of the 
 Country Articles of Confederation Virginia Proposes 
 a Federal Convention Hamilton Chosen to Represent the 
 State of New York in it His Important Labors in that 
 Convention Drafts the Constitution of the United States 
 Provisions of that Constitution Great Difficulties to 
 be Overcome Its Final Adoption 176 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The First Election of Federal Officers Reluctance of Wash- 
 ington to accept the Presidency His Letters on the sub- 
 ject Washington is Elected President State of Parties 
 in the United States at that time Selection of Washing 
 ton's Cabinet Hamilton chosen Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury His first Report on Public Credit His Report on 
 the Revenue Origin of the Animosity between Hamil- 
 ton and Jefferson Hamilton'sReport on a National Bank
 
 Xli CONTENTS. 
 
 BASS 
 
 Controversy respecting State Power and Federal Rights 
 Fierce conflicts in Washington's Cabinet His attempt 
 to Harmonize its Members 206 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The Authorship of the Federalist Its Relative Position in 
 American Literature The Period of its Publication Its 
 General Scope and Purpose Its Specific Parts or Sub- 
 divisionsIts General Conclusions and Results its Pe- 
 culiarities of Style Its Clearness Beauty Logical 
 Power Metaphysical Profundity Colossal Thoughts 
 Antithetical Force Employs Contributions and Illustra- 
 tions from every Department of Science Influence of the 
 Federalist on American Affairs Its Foreign Fame and 
 Influence Its future Conservative Influence on the Ame- 
 rican Union 257 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Proceedings of M. Genet Remonstrance of the British 
 Minister Conflicts in the Cabinet Opinion of Hamilton 
 respecting Prizes taken in War Le Petit Democrat 
 Hamilton's Report on the Public Credit His various 
 other Reports as Secretary of the Treasury He Writes 
 his celebrated Pacificus Changes in Washington's Ca- 
 binet Hamilton Resigns as Secretary of the Treasury 
 Opposition of Albert Gallatin to Washington Hamil- 
 ton Vindicates the President 282 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Charge of Officiat Fraud made against Hamilton He De- 
 fends Himself Affair of Maria Reynolds Conspiracy to 
 Extort Money Perverted by Hamilton's Enemies to serve 
 Party Purposes His Final and Triumphant Vindication 
 of Himself Hamilton Devotes himself to the Labors of hia 
 Profession Writes Camillus Threatened War with 
 France Active Measures of Defense taken by the United 
 States The Difficulties Finally Adjusted Hamilton Pub- 
 lishes Manlius and The Stand He Writes Washington's 
 Farewell Address HO
 
 CONTEXTS. Xlll 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 PAQS 
 
 New York Political Parties Their Origin and History 
 The Whigs and Tories General Schuyler George Clin- 
 ton Aaron Burr His Political Career Burr's Efforts 
 in 1800 to Secure the Triumph of the Anti-federal Party 
 in New York Hamilton's Energetic Efforts to Defeat 
 them Burr Elected Vice-President of the United States 
 Death of Hamilton's Son in a Duel Observations of 
 Burr in reference to this Event 319 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Growing Hostility between Burr and Hamilton Their Re- 
 spective Qualities and Dissimilarity of Character Burr 
 becomes a Candidate for the office of Governor of New 
 York He is Defeated by the Efforts of Hamilton Commu- 
 nication of Dr. Cooper First Letter of Burr to Hamilton 
 Hamilton's Reply The succeeding Correspondence be- 
 tween them Futile Efforts at Conciliation 330 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Burr's Explanation of his Grievances Mr. Van Ness Judge 
 Pendleton Hamilton's Honorable Concessions Burr 
 Challenges Hamilton The Challenge Accepted Further 
 Attempts of Judge Pendleton to conciliate and avoid a 
 Meeting His Failure 342 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Hamilton Prepares for the Meeting His Will His Written 
 Testimony against Duelling Time and Place for the In- 
 terview Appointed Meeting of the Parties Rules to 
 Govern their Conduct Hamilton falls 355 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Nature of Hamilton's Wound He is Removed to the 
 House of Mr. Bayard His Interview with Dr. Mason 
 His Interview with Bishop Moore He Receives the 
 Lord's Supper His Religious Opinions Ilia Last Inter- 
 view with his Family His Death His Funeral Oration
 
 XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 PAOl 
 
 of Gouverneur Morris Universal Sorrow at his Death 
 He-marks of Burr on Hamilton's Death 366 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Effects of Hamilton's Death His Peculiar Intellectual 
 Qualities His Logical Powers His Fertile Imagination 
 His Profound Learning His Untiring Industry His 
 Abilities as a Writer His Eloquence as a Speaker His 
 Moral Qualities His Integrity His Sincerity His For- 
 titude as a Soldier His Unequaled Abilities as a States- 
 man and Patriot His Failings His Duel with Burr 
 His Personal Appearance Subsequent History of Mrs. 
 Hamilton Her Interview with Aaron Burr Her Death 
 * ate of Burr 283
 
 ALEXANDEE HAMILTON 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 MISSION OF AMERICAN STATESMEN FIRST COLONY FOUNDED IN AMERICA 
 SUCCESSIVE ESTABLISHMENT OF ALL THE AMERICAN COLONIES 
 THEIR GROWTH TBE "OLD FRENCH WAR" SUBSEQUENT BISTORT OF 
 THE COLONIES THE STAMP ACT CONDUCT OF THE BRITISH PARLIA- 
 MENT OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE FIRST MEETING 
 OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDE- 
 PENDENCE THE GRAND DRAMA BEGINS. 
 
 THE genius and enterprise of Columbus dis- 
 covered an unknown world ; but it fell to the lot 
 of other men to perform the noble task of adorn- 
 ing that world with the triumphs of civilization, 
 with the trophies of art and science, with fair, 
 stately, and enduring structures of civil and reli- 
 gious liberty. In the accomplishment of this mis- 
 sion, some of the most remarkable personages who 
 ever lived were called into prominence and activity ; 
 and in the fulfillment of the destiny designated for 
 them by Providence, they won for themselves undy- 
 ing names, and erected monumenta oere perenniont, 
 which will engage and retain the admiration of 
 
 (15)
 
 16 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 men in all coming time. One of the most distin- 
 guished of these was Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 As the life and abilities of this great man were 
 devoted to the establishment of the government, 
 and the attainment of the liberties of the American 
 confederacy, it may not be inappropriate to preface 
 the history of his remarkable career, by a brief 
 survey of those events which immediately preceded 
 his appearance on the scene of action, and which 
 directly prepared the way for his own subsequent 
 achievements. 
 
 The first attempt to found a colony in the new 
 world was made by Sir Walter Raleigh, in the year 
 1585. It failed ; but the enterprise was more suc- 
 cessfully renewed by Captain John Smith, in Vir- 
 ginia, in 1607. That colony located at Jamestown 
 was destined to live, though brought on several 
 critical occasions to the verge of ruin. In the same 
 year a small colony was also attempted on the 
 Kennebec River, but it did not succeed. Yet the 
 reports which were conveyed to England, in refer- 
 ence to the new continent, were the cause of the 
 emigration of the Puritans, who, in 1620, founded 
 the Plymouth colony in the province of Massachu- 
 setts. In 1636 the colony of Rhode Island was 
 commenced by Roger Williams ; and in the same year 
 that of Connecticut was established by a clergyman
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 17 
 
 named Hooker, who, like Williams, was an emi- 
 grant and an exile from Massachusetts. In 1623 New 
 Hampshire was first settled, Maine in 1635, Maryland 
 in 1633, South Carolina in 1650, New York about 
 1600, New Jersey in 1664, and Pennsylvania in 1682. 
 The other colonies were afterward founded and 
 established at successive periods ; sometimes by 
 emigration from the older communities already 
 named, and sometimes by direct emigration from 
 the countries of Europe. Georgia was the last of 
 the thirteen original colonies which was estab- 
 lished, having been founded by General Oglethorp, 
 in 1732. 
 
 During the progress of a century this family of 
 incipient empires flourished together in harmony ; 
 gradually increasing their strength, numbers, and 
 resources. The only foe with whom they had to 
 contend were the fierce savages of the primitive 
 wilds, whose ancient and untilled heritage they had 
 rudely appropriated to themselves. Many dark and 
 bloody scenes were enacted between the belligerent 
 races, some of the thrilling details of which have 
 now descended to oblivion ; but stout hearts were 
 often requisite in those primeval times, to resist 
 undismayed the vengeance of the despoiled and 
 enraged children of the forest. 
 
 In 1754 the first conflict with an external and
 
 18 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 civilized foe took place. Then the old French war 
 occurred between the British colonies, and those of 
 the French, in Canada, and along the Mississippi. 
 The question of boundary between England and 
 France had, for many years, been a subject of use- 
 less and unavailing negotiation. The sword alone 
 Beemed able to solve the difficulty. In 1753 France 
 endeavored, by establishing a chain of military 
 posts along the Ohio River and the Lakes, to con- 
 nect together their possessions in Canada with those 
 on the Mississippi, and thus to confine the British 
 colonists to a small and narrow territory along the 
 Atlantic Ocean, and perhaps eventually even to 
 expel them entirely from the country. Various 
 conflicts ensued between the British and French 
 colonial troops. In 1755 the memorable defeat 
 of Braddock took place at Fort Du Quesne, and 
 during three succeeding campaigns the French con- 
 tinued to triumph. On the accession of William 
 Pitt to the British ministry in 1756, the tide of 
 conquest was turned, the French were repeatedly 
 routed, and in 1762, after hostilities had raged for 
 eight years, a general peace was concluded, by which 
 France ceded Canada to Britain ; and Spain, un- 
 willing to encounter the uncertainties of a conflict 
 with a triumphant and formidable power, ex- 
 changed the Floridas for Cuba.
 
 OF ALEXANDEK HAMILTON. 19 
 
 The British colonies then continued to flourish 
 with increased prosperity ; but a dark cloud began 
 to hover over them. In 1765, under the auspices 
 of Mr. Grenville, the British minister, the British 
 parliament passed the celebrated and obnoxious 
 Stamp Act, by which it was enacted that all legal 
 instruments should be written only on stamped 
 paper or parchment, in order to be valid. The 
 price of this stamped paper was excessive ; and 
 during the seven months which elapsed before the 
 act was ordered to take effect, the voice of murmur 
 and discontent began to be heard in the American 
 colonies. At first that discontent was uttered in 
 whispers. It then became louder and louder. At 
 length it sounded in thunder-tones, which reverbe- 
 rated over the whole length and breadth of the 
 continent. The first organized resistance was made 
 in the Virginia House of Burgesses. There, for 
 the first time, the eloquent voice of Patrick Henry 
 was heard, and he concluded his first speech in 
 defense of American liberties, by declaring: 
 "That every individual who, by speaking or act- 
 ing, should assert or maintain that any person or 
 body of men, except the General Assembly of the 
 province, had any right to impose taxation there, 
 should be deemed an enemy to his majesty's colony." 
 Soon the flame spread far and wide. The Assembly
 
 20 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of Massachusetts passed a resolution in favor of 
 the meeting of a Continental Congress, and pro- 
 posed a day for its convocation in the city of New 
 York. The proposition was accepted by all the 
 other colonies, excepting four, and their deputies 
 assembled at the appointed time. But their mea- 
 sures were as yet indecisive; and they adjourned 
 without having accomplished any thing, except the 
 adoption of a Declaration of Rights. 
 
 When the time arrived for the Stamp Act to go 
 into operation, it was generally disregarded through- 
 out the colonies. Associations were formed against 
 importing British manufactures until the law should 
 be repealed. The lawyers were prohibited from 
 commencing any suits for money due to any 
 inhabitant of England. The consequence of these 
 vigorous measures was that in March, 1766, the 
 British parliament repealed the obnoxious law. 
 But at the same time they passed an act authoriz- 
 ing duties on glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea 
 imported into the colonies. The parliament doubt- 
 less supposed that if the colonists could abandon 
 the use of stamped paper, they could not deny 
 themselves the luxuries and conveniences of life. 
 This measure only kindled the fires of opposition 
 and rebellion still more fiercely than before. The 
 Assembly of Massachusetts, having passed resolu-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 21 
 
 tions exceeding in boldness and severity those of 
 any other deliberative body in the colonies, were 
 dissolved by George III. In 1768, Mr. Hancock's 
 sloop Liberty was seized at Boston, for not having 
 entered all the wines contained in her cargo ; and 
 British ships and regiments were sent to Boston to 
 aid the British revenue officers. The colonies re- 
 mained hostile and rebellious. This attitude of af- 
 fairs induced the repeal, in 1770, of all the obnox- 
 ious duties, excepting that imposed upon tea. Large 
 consignments of this article were sent by the British 
 East India Company to several American ports. 
 In New York and Philadelphia the popular fury 
 prevented the attempt to discharge the cargoes. 
 At Boston, the tea sent for the supply of that port 
 being consigned to the particular friend of the Bri- 
 tish governor, Hutchiuson, seemed to be in a fair 
 way of delivery, when a party of patriots, disguised 
 as Indians, boarded the ships, broke open the boxes 
 and threw the contents into the sea. 
 
 The British parliament became enraged at this 
 decisive step. They passed an act by which they 
 closed the port of Boston, and removed its custom- 
 house and trade to Salem. They remodeled the 
 charter of the colony of Massachusetts, by which 
 the whole executive government was taken from 
 the people, and the nomination and appointment to
 
 22 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 all important offices was vested in the crown. Thus 
 the property, life and liberty of the colonists were 
 subjected to the arbitrary caprice of the British 
 monarch. 
 
 This act of outrageous and unwarranted despot- 
 ism threw the whole continent into a blaze of pa- 
 triotic indignation, which was increased when Gen- 
 eral Gage arrived at Boston, in 1774, with a large 
 British force, with the avowed purpose of dragoon- 
 ing the rebellious inhabitants into submission. 
 His troops took military possession of Boston, and 
 fortified it. At this crisis all the colonies, then 
 thirteen in number, determined to summon a Con- 
 tinental Congress, for the purpose of deliberating 
 on the existing state of their affairs, and ascertain- 
 ing what course they would in future pursue. The 
 deputies met in Philadelphia on the 5th of Septem- 
 ber, 1774. Fifty-four delegates appeared, and took 
 their seats in the first Continental Congress. They 
 met in a now obscure building entitled Carpenter's 
 Hall, which deserves the immortal honor of be- 
 ing the birthplace of the American republic. Pey- 
 ton Randolph of Virginia was chosen president. 
 Among them were found the Adamses, the Living- 
 stons, the Henrys, the Lees, the Randolphs, the 
 Rutledges, and the Jays. It was here that the 
 matchless and thrilling eloquence of Patrick Henry
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 23 
 
 was first beard in the Congress of the nation. 
 After its organization, he was the first to break the 
 long and painful pause which ensued. He spoke, 
 and the pathos and power of that great speech have 
 been recorded and remembered by generations since, 
 and the fame of it has gone forth over all the world. 
 The Congress unanimously published a Declaration 
 of Rights, formed an association not to import or 
 use British goods, sent a petition to the King of 
 England, published an address to the inhabitants 
 of that kingdom, another to the residents of Ca- 
 nada, and a third to the citizens of the colonies. 
 
 Incensed by these decisive measures the British 
 parliament, instead of retracing their steps or con- 
 ciliating the malecontents, passed an act restraining 
 the trade of the middle and southern colonies to 
 Great Britain, Ireland, and the "West Indies. This 
 additional outrage aroused the patriotic indignation 
 of the whole country. The day for the amicable 
 adjustment of the difficulties between the colonies 
 and the mother country had now passed by forever. 
 Preparations were industriously made throughout 
 all the States for conflict with the British forces, 
 and soon the lurid flames of war were kindled. 
 The first revolutionary blood was spilt at Lex- 
 ington. That battle aroused the continent 
 throughout the full extent of its countless vales,
 
 24 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 its fertile plains, its pathless forests, and its moun- 
 tain heights. The glorious struggle for liberty had 
 in fact begun. In July, 1776, Congress proclaimed 
 the Declaration of American Independence ; and 
 immediately afterward General Washington as- 
 Bumed the command of the continental army, then 
 assembled around the British batteries at Boston. 
 Another era of imrnortal deeds had dawned upon 
 the world, and the .chief actors were preparing to 
 enter on the stage and play their destined parts.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 25 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 BIRTH OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON HIS ANCESTORS HIS EARLY SCHOOL- 
 ING ENTERS A COUNTING-HOUSE PROPITIOUS ACCIDENT SAILS FOR 
 NEW YORK HIS STUDIES AT ELIZABETH-TOWN HE ENTERS COLUMBIA 
 COLLEGE HIS STUDIOUS HABITS AND PROGRESS HIS FIRST PUBLIC 
 ORATION ITS EFFECTS AND PROMISE OF FUTURE SUCCESS. 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON was a native of the Island 
 of Nevis, in the British West Indies. lie was born 
 on the eleventh day of January, 1759. His ances- 
 tors on the paternal side were Scotch; and were 
 connected with the great clan of the Harailtous, 
 which has long possessed no inconsiderable conse 
 quence in Scottish history. His father had been 
 reared in Scotland to mercantile pursuits ; and being 
 allured by the favorable prospects of trade which in- 
 vited him to St. Christopher, he removed thither 
 when comparatively young, and had there engaged 
 in business. 
 
 Hamilton's mother was of French extraction, and 
 was directly descended from one of those noble old 
 Hugonots who, after the infamous revocation of the 
 Edict of Nantes by Louis 5IV., in 1685, had deserted 
 his native laud rather than basely betray his religion, 
 and had sought a refuge and a home on one of the 
 8 (25)
 
 SG THE LITE AND TIMES 
 
 blooming and verdant islands, which lie embosomed 
 amid the western main. The mother of Hamilton 
 was a woman of superior intelligence and rare beauty. 
 When very young she had married a wealthy Dane, 
 named Lavine, against her own wishes, at the in- 
 stance of her family. But the parties were quite 
 uncongenial in their tastes and characters ; and the 
 union proving a source of much misery to the lady, 
 she applied for and obtained a divorce. She then 
 removed to St. Christopher, and several years after- 
 ward became the wife of James Hamilton, and the 
 mother of Alexander. 
 
 Whilst he was very young, Hamilton's mother 
 unfortunately died, and left him to the charitable 
 care and protection of her relatives. They did not 
 neglect the trust, and sent the orphan boy to school 
 at Vera Cruz. His father was at that time very 
 much impoverished, and he remained in that condi- 
 tion until his death in 1799. Alexander, who was 
 diminutive for his age, was entirely dependent on 
 his mother's, relatives not only for support, but also 
 for the future guidance of his life. Yet at this early 
 period the superior intelligence of the child attracted 
 general attention ; and those who were interested in 
 his fate already began to indulge hopes of a brighter 
 future for him, than the misfortunes of the com- 
 mencement of his career had seemed to presage.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 27 
 
 Yet the extent of his literary advantages was very 
 limited. His schooling did not long continue. He 
 had the good fortune at that time to enlist the 
 charitable regard of a Presbyterian clergyman name4 
 Knox, and from him he received some useful in- 
 struction and many valuable hints. These were of 
 great service to a youth so intelligent and so ardent 
 in the pursuit of knowledge as Hamilton ; but he 
 was compelled by circumstances to relinquish his 
 studies in 1769, and enter the counting-house of 
 Nicholas Cruger at Vera Cruz. In this situation he 
 devoted himself attentively to the details of business; 
 and his superior abilities and probity soon secured 
 him the confidence of his employer. At the age of 
 fourteen he was intrusted by him with the entire 
 care of his establishment, during his absence on a 
 visit to the United States in 1770. 
 
 Nevertheless during the period of Hamilton's con- 
 nection with Mr. Cruger, his active and inquiring 
 mind was not content with the mere details and 
 responsibilities of business, but he employed his 
 leisure in extending his knowledge. He studied 
 mathematical science, chemistry, history, and gene- 
 ral literature. He seemed to be conscious that a 
 higher destiny awaited him, than that which lay 
 immediately before and around him; and he was 
 assiduous in the acquisition of knowledge and the
 
 28 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 training of those superior faculties whose mighty 
 and restless energies he already felt working within 
 him. 
 
 While thus uncertain as to his future destiny, an 
 accident occurred which immediately gave it a para- 
 mount and an appropriate direction. In 1772 a 
 furious and destructive tornado, such as the tropical 
 climes alone experience, swept over the Leeward 
 Islands of the West Indies, carrying ruin and deso- 
 lation along its pathway. The stoutest hearts were 
 appalled by the fearful havoc which ensued; and 
 while the public mind was still filled with awe and 
 consternation at its effects, a description of the hur- 
 ricane and of its consequences appeared in the public 
 journal of the Island of St. Christopher. 
 
 In this event originated the future greatness and 
 celebrity of Hamilton. The description in question 
 was written with such ability, and bore throughout 
 such unquestionable evidences of a superior intellect, 
 that it attracted universal attention, and inquiries 
 were industriously made for its author. When it 
 was discovered that a lad so young, so small, so 
 friendless as Hamilton, had penned that powerful 
 production, the interest was increased tenfold ; and 
 many friends arose around him who offered to send 
 him to the United States in order to complete his edu- 
 cation. He gladly embraced the opportunity. He
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON-. 29 
 
 received letters of introduction from Mr. K.nox to 
 Dr. Mason and other distinguished clergymen in 
 New York, and ample means were furnished him 
 for his immediate support. In October, 1772, he 
 sailed from the West Indies ; bade farewell to the 
 home of his childhood ; and set foot on that land 
 with whose rising splendors his own name and fame 
 were destined afterward to become so closely and so 
 honorably identified. 
 
 Having arrived in New York and presented his 
 letters of introduction, Hamilton concluded, in ac- 
 cordance with the advice of his friends, to commence 
 his studies at the Grammar-school of Elizabeth- 
 town, then ably conducted by Francis Barber. His 
 industry and application here were such as to war- 
 rant the brightest prospects of his future success. 
 In winter he frequently continued his studies till 
 midnight. In summer the early hour of six found 
 him intently at his books. Scarcely a year elapsed 
 before he was deemed fit, by his instructors, to enter 
 college. He accordingly visited Dr. Witherspoon, 
 at that time president of Princeton College, for the 
 purpose of being admitted to the Freshman class. 
 Hamilton however desired to make one* condition 
 with the faculty of the college, preliminary to his 
 matriculation, a condition which furnishes singular 
 evidence both of his attainments, of his future pur-
 
 SO THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 poses of application, and of his confidence in the 
 Buecess of his endeavors. He wished to stipulate 
 that he might be permitted to advance from one 
 class to another, not by the usual gradations of pro- 
 gress but with as much rapidity as his improvement 
 in learning would enable him to do. This proviso 
 was in opposition to the usages and rules of the col- 
 lege; for if it were granted to one, it might be 
 demanded by many; and such an arrangement would 
 eoon throw all the classes into confusion. In re- 
 fusing his application Dr. Witherspoon however 
 added, that he regretted the necessity which pre- 
 vented him from complying with Mr. Hamilton's 
 request, " inasmuch as he was convinced that the 
 young gentleman would do honor to any seminary 
 in which he should be educated." 
 
 Hamilton proceeded from Princeton to New 
 York, and there entered the institution now known 
 as Columbia College. In addition to the usual col- 
 legiate course he studied anatomy. He then thought 
 it not improbable that he might devote his future 
 life to the profession of medicine. He is repre- 
 sented as being, even at this early period of his 
 life, unusually devout; that he was regular in his 
 attendance on public worship ; that he prayed night 
 and morning on his knees ; that his prayers were 
 marked by unusual eloquence and fervor ; and that
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 31 
 
 he was a firm and sincere believer in the truth and 
 divine origin of Christianity. One of his poetical 
 productions at this time was a hymn entitled the 
 "Soul entering into bliss." Yet he was remarkable 
 also for the cheerfulness and elasticity of his tem- 
 per, and was not reluctant occasionally to enter 
 into every species of innocent and honorable amuse- 
 ment. 
 
 But the most stirring and portentous times were 
 now approaching in the land of his adoption ; and 
 while Hamilton was still a member of the college, 
 his great talents were drawn out into active play 
 by the force of unexpected circumstances, while 
 yet a mere youth. At the early age of seventeen 
 he took his place prominently among American 
 orators and patriots ; and his great political and na- 
 tional career may be said to have commenced before 
 he left the quiet and contemplative shades of the 
 academy. 
 
 The circumstances of the case were these. In 
 the year 1769, the colony of New York, like the 
 rest of the nation, was in a state of intense excite- 
 ment. Resistance to the increasing tyranny of the 
 British crown had already begun. Furious conflicts 
 daily arose between the incensed populace and the 
 civil and military powers of the colony. A duty 
 having been laid on tea, the British ministry deter-
 
 32 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 mined that none of that article should be imported 
 except through the East India Company, whose 
 privileges were exorbitant. The people determined 
 to resist this arbitrary enactment the forerunner, 
 as they justly feared, of other and more detestable 
 encroachments on their liberties. The British min- 
 isters then took the first step pf retaliation, and, 
 as we have said, closed the port of Boston an 
 act of the most ruinous tyranny. A resolution 
 being formed to summon a general Continental 
 Congress, to take into consideration the existing 
 evils and the peculiar state of the country, de- 
 legates were to be elected to this Congress from 
 the State of New York. The republicans or pa 
 triots desired that these delegates should be chosen 
 by the whole mass of the people. The British min- 
 istry claimed the exclusive right to nominate them. 
 On July 6th, 1774, a great assembly of the people 
 was held in the suburbs of the city of !N"e\v York, 
 and this meeting at last determined to take deci- 
 sive steps. But harmony of sentiment did not by 
 any means pervade the assembly. The ministry 
 were not without the aid of their hired representa- 
 tives among its members present ; and the discus- 
 sions were both animated, hostile, and bitter. 
 
 It was on this interesting and important occasion 
 that Alexander Hamilton, then seventeen years of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 33 
 
 age, ventured to come forward to address the mul- 
 titude. At first, the youthful appearance and di- 
 minutive form of the orator, operated strongly 
 against him. He also displayed that modesty and 
 hesitation of manner which is usually an attendant 
 of the first inexperienced efforts of great oratorical 
 abilities. But he had not proceeded far in his 
 address before he recovered his self-confidence, 
 and then the vigor of his thoughts, the clearness 
 and precision of his language, the force of his 
 reasoning, his eloquence, his pathos, his persua- 
 sive power, as well as the singular appropriateness 
 of his delivery, commanded the most intense 
 admiration. When he concluded his speech, his 
 ability and fame had been placed beyond the reach 
 of dispute or question ; and he became at once a 
 person of consequence, around whom the future 
 hopes and interests of the patriots clustered. He 
 was thenceforward known in ~New York as the 
 "eloquent collegian." Yet notwithstanding this 
 flattering opening of his public career, Hamilton 
 still retained for the present his connection with 
 the college, and continued to pursue his studies 
 there with his former earnestness and diligence.
 
 34 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 COLONI/iL AFFAIRS IK NEW YORK IN 1774 DR. COOPER DR. INGLES 
 DR. 8EABDRY HAMILTON'S FIRST POLITICAL PAMPHLET ITS MERITS 
 AND EFFECTS INCREASE OF HAMILTON'S FAME INCIDENTS OF 1775 
 HE ENTERS THE CONTINENTAL ARMY IN 1776 IS APPOINTED PRIVATE 
 SECRETARY AND AID-DE-CAMP TO WASHINGTON GAINS WASHINGTON'S 
 ENTIRE CONFIDENCE HIS CONDUCT IN HIS NEW SPHERE. 
 
 DURING 1774 the political excitement in New- 
 York became more and more intense. In Sep- 
 tember of that year the Congress had assembled in 
 Philadelphia, and measures of resistance to George 
 III. had been deliberated on and adopted. The 
 community had become divided into two great 
 parties ; but in New York, as elsewhere, the 
 patriots were vastly in the majority. The chief 
 supporters of British despotism and supremacy 
 were the Episcopal clergy, who derived their ap- 
 pointments and their livings from the crown, and 
 who had been taught to regard the king as supreme 
 head both of the church and state. 
 
 A written controversy now ensued on the sub- 
 ject of colonial affairs in New York, and a series 
 of pamphlets were issued on both sides of the 
 dispute. It was in this controversy, in which some
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 35 
 
 ot the ablest men then living participated, that the 
 youthful Hamilton won his second wreath of laurels, 
 and received the meed of well-deserved renown. 
 Rev. Dr. Cooper, the president of King's or Colum- 
 bia College, published a labored defense of the acts 
 of the British monarch. He was followed on the 
 same side by Dr. Ingles, father of the subsequent 
 Bishop of Nova Scotia, Dr. Chandler, Dr. "Wilkins, 
 and Dr. Seabury, afterward Bishop of Connec- 
 ticut. On the side of the people were found Gov- 
 ernor Livingston of ISTevv Jersey, Mr. John Jay, 
 and Mr. Hamilton, all of whom put forth in reply 
 pamphlets of equal power, and of superior truth 
 and conclusiveness. Dr. Seabury published his 
 "Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continen- 
 tal Congress." Dr. Wilkins wrote his " Congress 
 Canvassed by a "West Chester Farmer." Mr. Ha- 
 milton, several weeks after the appearance of the 
 latter, published " A Full Vindication of the Mea- 
 sures of Congress from the Calumnies of their Ene- 
 mies, in answer to a letter under the signature of 
 A West Chester Farmer, whereby his sophistry is 
 exposed, his cavils confuted, his artifices detected, 
 and his wit ridiculed, in a general address to the 
 inhabitants of America, and a patricular address 
 to the farmers of the province of New York. 
 Printed by James Livingston, 1774."
 
 36 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 The character of Hamilton's style as a writer, at 
 this early period, may be inferred from the follow- 
 ing short extract from this essay: "Tell me not 
 of the British commons, lords, ministers, ministe- 
 rial tools, placemen, pensioners, parasites I scorn 
 to let my life and property depend upon the plea- 
 sure of any of them. Give me the steady, uniform, 
 unshaken security of constitutional freedom give 
 me the right of trial by a jury of my own neigh- 
 bors, and to be taxed by my own representatives 
 only. What will become of the laws and courts of 
 justice without this? The shadow may remain, 
 but the substance will be gone. I would die to 
 preserve the law upon a solid foundation ; for, take 
 away liberty, and the foundation is destroyed." 
 
 The West Chester Farmer soon replied to this 
 pamphlet in terms of great bitterness and severity. 
 This brought out an answer again from Hamilton, 
 more lengthy and elaborate than the first. It was 
 a pamphlet of seventy-eight pages, entitled " The 
 Farmer Refuted ; or, a more Comprehensive and 
 Impartial View of the Disputes between Great Bri- 
 tain and the Colonies, and intended as a Further 
 Vindication of the Congress. By a Sincere Friend 
 to America. 1775." 
 
 The great ability displayed in these several pam- 
 phlets, their calm and sagacious spirit, and the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 87 
 
 jclear conviction which they carried to every impar- 
 tial mind, attracted universal attention. Their au- 
 thor was at first unknown. By some they were 
 attributed to Governor Livingston, by others to 
 Mr. Jay; and the great fame of these distinguished 
 men was even augmented by their supposed author- 
 ship of these productions. Dr. Cooper, president 
 of the very institution in which Hamilton was then 
 a pupil, insisted that Mr. Jay must be, and alone 
 could have been, their author. "When it was hinted 
 that Alexander Hamilton, a youth of eighteen, was 
 suspected by some to have written them, he treated 
 the suggestion as absurd in the extreme. Never- 
 theless the truth came out at last; and it was proved 
 by Messrs. Troup and Mulligan, two associates of 
 Hamilton to whom he had read a portion of the 
 manuscript, that he alone was the author. 
 
 It may readily be supposed that the public an- 
 nouncement of this established fact, added greatly 
 to the fame of the youthful aspirant. He was univer- 
 sally regarded as an intellectual prodigy ; and bright 
 hopes were not unreasonably entertained that one 
 possessed of such superior gifts, and such rare ability 
 to use them, would yet attain high eminence. He 
 then received the honorable title of the " Vindi- 
 cator of the Congress." 
 
 A sublime and imposing epoch had now arrived 
 4
 
 38 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 in history. During several centuries the North 
 American continent had heen gradually filling up 
 with immigrants from various countries of the old 
 world, but especially from the British empire. The 
 colonists found these realms a vast wilderness, in- 
 habited only by rude and ferocious savages. For 
 many years they lived and toiled surrounded by great 
 perils, with the bloody tomahawk constantly hang- 
 ing over their heads, and the terrific war-whoop ever 
 resounding in their ears. Shut out from all frequent 
 or easy intercourse with the civilized world, they 
 endeavored to develope the rich resources of their 
 adopted home. They planted and tilled. They felled 
 the sturdy giants of the forest. They sowed, reaped 
 and built. And soon a fair and fertile paradise arose 
 around them, blooming with natural and artificial 
 loveliness, to reward their faithful industry, and to 
 bless them and their children with the rich fruition of 
 all that men most highly cherish. They had left be- 
 hind them, beyond the rolling main, the detested fet- 
 ters of the tyrants under whom their forefathers had 
 groaned ; and no footmark of a despot had ever yet 
 polluted the virgin land of their adoption. Already 
 faint glimpses of the coming splendor and glory of 
 this new world illumined the horizon, streamed 
 across the distant Atlantic, and attracted the atten- 
 tion of European monarchs. The sovereign of Eng-
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 39 
 
 land especially, was strongly moved. The majority 
 of the colonists had been, and were even still, his 
 subjects. He thought their prosperity deserved and 
 invited taxation. They should not be exempt from 
 the ponderous burdens under which all his other 
 subjects groaned. He laid heavy taxes, and refused at 
 the same time the coordinate right of representation. 
 The injured colonists, who had now at last struggled 
 through sufferings, perils, and toils innumerable, up 
 to the possession of wealth, consequence, and power, 
 without the least assistance and protection from the 
 mother country, began to show signs of restlessness 
 and dissatisfaction. Soon a storm of patriotic in- 
 dignation burst forth over the whole land. The 
 thirteen colonies became agitated like a wild and 
 heaving ocean, and the horizon was overhung with 
 dark and fearful portents. The sleeping spirit of 
 Hampden and Cromwell was aroused. The threat- 
 enings of enraged and besotted kings were defied ; 
 and zealous patriots might be seen flying to and fro 
 in hot haste, proclaiming the necessity of unyielding 
 resistance to foreign oppression; while here and 
 there might be heard, amid the discordant tumult, 
 the savage night-yell of cowardice and conservatism. 
 A deadly conflict was inevitable; a conflict on the 
 issue of which depended the fate of countless mil-
 
 40 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 lions yet unborn, and of vast realms then just strug- 
 gling into political existence. 
 
 As may readily be supposed, the outbreak of the 
 American Revolution attracted the attention of the 
 whole civilized world. Nor was that attention shun- 
 ned by those who had determined to throw off the 
 supremacy of England. They proclaimed to the 
 world that they held it as self-evident truths that all 
 men are created free and equal, and that all men 
 possess the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness. They boldly set forth the 
 outrages which the King of Great Britain had already 
 inflicted, and still purposed to inflict, upon them; 
 how he had attempted to establish an absolute 
 tyranny over them ; how he had withheld his assent 
 to the most useful and necessary laws ; how he had 
 refused them the right of representation, and had 
 yet imposed on them heavy taxes ; how he had dis- 
 solved their representative assemblies for resisting 
 his unjust invasions of their liberty ; how he had 
 endeavored fo prevent the population .of the States, 
 and had put forth his utmost efforts to restrict im- 
 migration; and how, by many other base acts of 
 hostility to their interests, and tyranny over their 
 rights, he had rendered himself their uncompromis- 
 ing and eternal foe. They concluded by pledging 
 their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 41 
 
 the support of the cause in which they had engaged. 
 Europe especially gazed with profound attention on 
 the conflict about to commence. Her inhabitants, 
 bound in heavy chains, viewed it with silent and 
 vmuttered but ardent hope for the patriots. Her 
 tyrants, trembling on their rotten thrones, regarded 
 its progress and issue with painful doubt and appre- 
 hension. The great problem of these latter ages was 
 now about to be solved; whether the long night of 
 tyranny was ever to end over the civilized world, 
 and whether the glorious morn of hope and freedom 
 was destined at length to dawn, and dispel, the 
 gloom of many centuries. 
 
 "Washington having been chosen by the Conti- 
 nental Congress as commander-in-chief of all the 
 armies of the United Colonies, at once accepted 
 the important and difficult trust. He refused all 
 compensation for his services; but stated that he 
 would keep an account of his actual expenditures 
 during the continuance of his office, which, as he 
 supposed, Congress would eventually repay. 
 
 Yet it must be confessed that the prospects of the 
 revolutionists were not very encouraging. To con- 
 front the gigantic power of England, then as- 
 suredly the first nation in Europe and confessedly 
 the mistress of the seas, the confederate colonies 
 mustered in the camp at Cambridge fourteen thou- 
 4*
 
 42 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 sand, five hundred men. But even this insignificant 
 force was rendered in a great measure inefficient by 
 other serious disadvantages. They were in want of 
 ammunition. The magazines could furnish but nine 
 cartridges for each man. The troops were almost 
 destitute of clothing, and also of tents. Their arms 
 were inferior in quality and deficient in number. 
 Only a small proportion either of the officers or of 
 the men had ever received much military training, 
 or were familiar with military tactics. 
 
 Yet none of these great disadvantages discouraged 
 the new commander. He busily set himself to work 
 to improve the condition and the training of his 
 troops. Boston was then occupied by the British 
 army under General Gage, and soon the town was 
 closely blockaded by the American troops. In 
 January, 1776, Washington summoned a council of 
 war, and proposed to their consideration theprojectof 
 making a general assault. The decision was favor- 
 able to the attempt ; and as a preparatory step he 
 fortified the "heights of Dorchester, in order to annoy 
 the British ships in the harbor, and assail the town. 
 On the 2d of March Washington began a general 
 bombardment of the British lines. So vigorously 
 was this effected during the tw r o succeeding weeks, 
 that the British commander determined at length to 
 evacuate his dangerous and untenable position.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 43 
 
 This purpose was carried into effect on the 17th 
 of March ; and the troops, marching forth from 
 their intrenchments, embarked on board the fleet, 
 and sailed from Nantasket road. Thus complete 
 success attended the exertions of the American 
 commander, in the first important scene of his 
 career. One of the chief cities of the colonies was 
 released from the grasp of the foe; and fortune, 
 which ever smiles upon the brave, seemed to be pro- 
 pitious to the patriots. 
 
 On evacuating Boston, General Howe had sailed 
 for Halifax. From that port he directed his course 
 to the city of New York. On the 3d of July he 
 disembarked his forces on Staten Island, and found 
 the inhabitants strongly in favor of British rule. At 
 this period, large reinforcements arrived from Eng- 
 land, and the invading army numbered about twen- 
 ty-five thousand regular troops. To this well-fed, 
 well-trained, vigorous and efficient force, "Washing- 
 ton had but seventeen thousand men to oppose, 
 three thousand of whom were on the sick list. Yet 
 with this great disproportion in numbers, the Ame- 
 rican general prepared to meet the British in a 
 general engagement. 
 
 The battle of Brooklyn ensued. The two armies 
 were drawn out in the best manner which, the ex- 
 ceedingly irregular nature of the ground permitted.'
 
 44 
 
 There was indeed but little of that gorgeous dis- 
 play of military power and splendor, which at- 
 tended the great engagements in which Marlbo- 
 rough and Napoleon commanded. The appearance 
 of the Continental troops especially was scarcely 
 more martial or imposing than that of well-regu- 
 lated militia. On the 27th August, at half past 
 eight, the battle began. The immense extent of 
 ground over which the combatants were scattered, 
 rendered the movements of the day exceedingly 
 irregular and indecisive. The American troops iu 
 various quarters were broken, driven back, and 
 hemmed in by the skillful marches and counter- 
 marches of the British regulars. They were pur- 
 sued to and fro alternately by the Hessians and the 
 English, and many were slain, wounded, and cap- 
 tured. It was a disastrous day for the Americans. 
 One thousand and ninety-seven prisoners were 4 
 made by the British, among whom were Generals 
 Sullivan, Stirling, and Woodhull. Probably the 
 entire loss, of the Americans may have amounted 
 to two thousand men, that of the British to four 
 hundred. 
 
 On the night of the 28th of August, "Washington 
 retreated from Long Island. This retreat was con- 
 ducted in the most admirable order, and with such 
 superior skill that all the stores of the Americans
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 45 
 
 and their ammunition were secured, notwithstand- 
 ing the utmost vigilance of the British outposts. 
 Washington has been severely censured by military 
 men for the conduct and the issue of this disastrous 
 >lay. But their strictures are undeserved. The 
 object of "Washington was to defend the city of 
 New York from the British troops ; and at the 
 same time to waste away the campaign in move- 
 ments which, even if they were not decisively in 
 favor of his troops, would harass and dishearten 
 his assailants. An indecisive battle would help to 
 accomplish this result. But the real cause of the 
 disaster of Brooklyn was the want of cavalry in the 
 Continental army. There was not a single troop 
 of horse among them. All those operations, both 
 of offense and defense, in which celerity of move- 
 ment was of essential importance, were necessarily 
 impossible. And besides all this, the British troops 
 had vastly the advantage in numbers, in discipline, 
 in ammunition, and in position. The influence of 
 this defeat on the public mind was most discou- 
 raging. The popular enthusiasm was much dimin- 
 ished. The American troops immediately evacu- 
 ated New York, and the British entered it. Wash- 
 ington still retreated, and took possession of a 
 favorable position at White Plains. He w r as inde- 
 fatigable in his exertions to discipline, accoutre,
 
 46 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 and encourage his troops ; and in some few skir- 
 mishes, which took place between separate detach- 
 ments of both parties, the Americans obtained the 
 advantage. 
 
 On the 25th of October, General Howe deter- 
 mined to attack Washington in his fortified position 
 at White Plains. The militia in the American 
 army fled upon the first assault of the British. The 
 regular troops made a longer resistance ; but they 
 too eventually retreated, though in good order. 
 The victory again belonged to the British. "Wash- 
 ington prudently continued to retire, while General 
 Howe made his preparations to invade New Jersey. 
 Two important garrisons those of Fort Lee and 
 Fort Washington, lay in his route, which it behooved 
 him to take. After a spirited resistance both of 
 these fortresses surrendered to the assailants. The 
 garrison which manned Fort Washington became 
 prisoners of war. During Washington's further 
 retreat through New Jersey he was compelled to 
 sacrifice his-heavy cannon and military stores. The 
 position and prospects of the patriots had already, 
 at the termination of the second campaign, become 
 apparently desperate. Posted at Newark, Wash- 
 ington endeavored to concentrate at one point the 
 scattered troops of the different colonies some 
 from Massachusetts, some from Connecticut, some
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 47 
 
 from Pennsylvania. It was the 1st of December, 
 1776, and never did a more gloomy future seem to 
 appal a commander. The American forces from 
 the first had been inferior to their opponents in 
 every respect in numbers, in ammunition, in dis- 
 cipline, and in experience. At that moment the 
 continued series of disasters which had occurred 
 subsequent to the evacuation of Boston, had de- 
 pressed the spirits of the whole people, as well as 
 of the army, to the lowest ebb. The same patriots 
 who, at the commencement of the conflict had been 
 ardent, enthusiastic, and confident, now began se- 
 riously to despair of the republic. At this moment 
 also the period of the enlistment of a large portion 
 of the Continental troops expired, and whole compa- 
 nies, in spite of the utmost exertions of Washington, 
 disbanded and returned home. It was confidently 
 expected that, in a few weeks, the whole army would 
 dwindle away and disappear. Those who remained 
 in camp seemed to be in constant danger of being 
 surrounded and destroyed, by the much larger force 
 mustered by the British. Then Philadelphia would 
 immediately become the prey of the triumphant 
 invaders. "Worse than all this, there was foul trea- 
 son even in the patriot camp. General Howe had 
 issued a proclamation insuring pardon and immu- 
 nity to all who, within sixty clays, would renew
 
 48 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 their allegiance to the British king. An insurrec- 
 tion soon occurred in Monmouth county, New 
 Jersey, against the Continental government ; and 
 even several American generals, who had previously 
 stood high in the confidence of the commander-in- 
 chief, of Congress, and of the whole country, began 
 perfidiously to tamper with British officials, and to 
 take steps preparatory to making a transfer of their 
 allegiance from the ruined and subjugated colonial 
 government to the now victorious and resistless 
 English despot. 
 
 In this dark hour of disaster and gloom "Wash- 
 ington preserved his serenity, his confidence, and 
 his hope. He readily perceived that some decisive 
 movement was absolutely necessary to inspire con- 
 fidence again into the people and the army, and 
 he determined to make it. It was then the middle 
 of winter. His shattered and broken army lay in 
 their feeble and hastily prepared works on the 
 Pennsylvania side of the Delaware. He formed 
 the daring "plan of attacking several of the British 
 posts on the Delaware, in New Jersey, at the same 
 moment, so as to deliver Philadelphia from the 
 impending danger of invasion, and compel the 
 British to release New Jersey from the grasp in 
 which they then held it. The latter were posted at 
 Trenton, Bordeutown, Mount Holly, and the White
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 49 
 
 Horse, though large divisions were also placed at 
 Princeton, Brunswick, and Elizabethtown. On the 
 night of the 25th of December the cold ,was in- 
 tense, and the earth was deluged with sleet, snow 
 and hail. General Washington resolved on this 
 night to march in person with one division of his 
 army, consisting of twenty-five hundred men, upon 
 the British posted in Trenton. General Irvine was 
 directed to cross the Delaware opposite Trenton, 
 and secure the bridge below the town ; while Ge- 
 neral Cadvvallader was ordered to cross at Dunk's 
 Ferry, and attack the British at Mount Holly. All 
 these movements were to be accomplished simul- 
 taneously, with secreey and celerity ; and had the 
 plans of the commander-in-chief been promptly 
 carried out, their success would have been com- 
 plete and overpowering. The chief obstacle wa8 
 the state of the ice and of the weather, which im- 
 peded the troops in their attempt to cross the Dela- 
 ware. In the end, that portion alone of the Ame- 
 rican army which Washington himself led, was 
 able to effect a passage in time, and with this por- 
 tion alone he achieved a brilliant victory. He 
 reached the British position at Trenton at eight in 
 the morning, and instantly commenced an attack 
 with the utmost fury and impetuosity. The British 
 soon began to waver, then to flee. Washington 
 5
 
 50 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 intercepted tliem in their flight, and after a brisk 
 conflict compelled them to surrender. About one 
 thousand of them were made prisoners, fifty were 
 killed and wounded. Among the number of the slain 
 was Colonel Rawle, their commander. So intense 
 was the cold that two American soldiers were frozen 
 to death. Five hundred British escaped from the 
 lower end of Trenton, in consequence of the failure 
 of that portion of the plan intrusted to General 
 Irvine. The condition of the river also rendered it 
 impossible for General Cadwallader to transport 
 his artillery over it, and accordingly he was com- 
 pelled to relinquish his design on Mount Holly. 
 
 The victory of Washington at Trenton was com- 
 plete. He had accomplished, in the dead of winter, 
 one of the most daring and successful feats recorded 
 in military annals. ' He had even surprised the vi- 
 gilant and able commanders who led the British 
 veterans, and had taken captive a large and im- 
 portant portion of their army. But his career of 
 success did-not terminate here. One of the strong- 
 est positions of the foe was at Princeton. "Wash- 
 ington pressed forward to attack them. The battle 
 of Princeton ensued, in which the British were 
 totally defeated one hundred were killed, and three 
 hundred taken prisoners. The chief loss of the 
 Americans was in the death of General Mercer.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 51 
 
 Lord Corn wall is, the British commander, endea- 
 vored immediately after this success, to assail and 
 crush the patriot army before they could reach 
 Brunswick, which was their next object of attack. 
 Under these circumstances, Washington deemed it 
 prudent to abandon this portion of his bold design. 
 His exhausted troops were without blankets, with- 
 out provisions, arid many of them were barefooted, 
 and marked their painful progress over the frozen 
 earth, with the traces of their blood. He therefore 
 retired into shelter at Morristown for the rest of 
 the winter. 
 
 These heroic and triumphant operations of Wash- 
 ington and his co-patriots, revived at once the 
 drooping spirits of the colonies. Joy and hope 
 illumed that gloomy horizon which had settled 
 down so sadly over the whole nation. The British 
 officers and men were astonished at these displays 
 of unexpected vigor and bravery ; and their com- 
 mander began seriously to reflect upon the difficulty 
 of subjugating a people, whose army few, ragged, 
 naked, without ammunition and without provisions, 
 could rise in the midst of winter, invested with such 
 desperate and resistless power, and strike so fatal 
 a blow upon their confident and well-appointed foes. 
 The patriots were filled with encouragement and 
 hope ; while the covert and yet undeclared traitors
 
 52 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 in their camp, thought it advisable still to dissem- 
 ble for a time their infamous purposes, and post- 
 pone the consummation of their perfidy until a 
 more propitious hour. 
 
 It was in June, 1775, that Hamilton published 
 his pamphlet, entitled "Remarks on the Quebec 
 Bill," the object of which production was to show 
 that the British ministry had abandoned all regard 
 to the principles of the English constitution, and 
 were prepared to commit the greatest outrages on 
 the liberties of the colonies ; and he illustrated his 
 subject by an allusion to some of the measures 
 adopted in reference to the government of the Bri- 
 tish province of Canada. This essay displayed the 
 same superior traits of mind which had marked its 
 predecessors, and still added to his fame. 
 
 Hamilton, at this stirring period, took part also 
 in the public deliberative assemblies of the people 
 in New York. Congress having declared their de- 
 termination to resist British tyranny by force of 
 arms, and having appealed to the colonies for their 
 support, Hamilton immediately commenced the 
 study of military tactics, and joined a volunteer 
 corps commanded by Major Fleming, who had for- 
 merly been in the British service. This company 
 having been commanded by the people to remove 
 the cannon from the Battery, Hamilton aided in
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 53 
 
 the work ; and while so doing a companion was 
 shot down by his side, from the British vessel in 
 the harbor, which endeavored to prevent the exe- 
 cution of their purpose. Meanwhile he continued 
 his studies in the military art, aided by a, British 
 bombardier, who instructed him in pyrotechnics 
 and gunnery. 
 
 In January, 1776, he joined an artillery company 
 which had been raised in New York, and in a few 
 weeks he received the rank of " Captain of the 
 Provincial Company of Artillery." A portion of 
 the last remittance which he received from his 
 generous friends in Yera Cruz, he appropriated to 
 the recruiting of this company. In September, 
 1776, he entered active service at the battle on 
 Brooklyn Heights; and in the retreat of the Ame- 
 rican lines on that disastrous day, as already narrated, 
 he performed the difficult service of bringing up the 
 rear, having lost his baggage and a field-piece. 
 
 From Brooklyn the broken army of the Ameri- 
 cans retired to Harlem, near New York. It having 
 been determined that a stand should here be made, 
 Hamilton commenced instantly to fortify his por- 
 tion of the line. While actively superintending 
 and assisting in this work, he was thrown for the 
 first time in contact with the commander-in-chief. 
 Entering into conversation with the young engineer, 
 5*
 
 54 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 while thus engaged, the penetrating eye of Washing- 
 ton BOOH detected his superior abilities and energy; 
 and he invited Hamilton to visit him in his mar- 
 que*e. This was the commencement of that faithful 
 friendship which afterward continued unabated be- 
 tween these remarkable men, during so many dark 
 years of uncertainty and vicissitude, and during 
 those brighter ones of triumph and splendor which 
 happily succeeded. 
 
 In the important events w r hich ensued, Hamil- 
 ton took a prominent and honorable share. At 
 the battle of White Plains his gallantry again at- 
 tracted the attention of the commander-m-ehief. 
 When the harassed and broken army of the patriots 
 retreated to JSTorth Castle, Hamilton was placed in 
 command of an important post near Fort Washing- 
 ton, and did something to stem the tide of the con- 
 querors. When Fort Washington fell, Hamilton 
 proposed to Washington to attempt its recapture 
 with a small body of troops ; but the desperate 
 though patriotic rashness of his plans induced the 
 prudent chief to decline it. In this gloomy hour of 
 American history, when triumph ai'ter triumph had 
 infused an arrogant hope into the British officers 
 and soldiers, and their opponents were almost driven 
 to despair, Washington conceived and executed the 
 brilliant enterprises of Trenton and Princeton. In
 
 OF ALEXANDEll HAMILTON. 55 
 
 these important actions, and especially in that of 
 Princeton, Hamilton's services were of great value. 
 As the American troops were retiring toward New 
 Brunswick, they were pursued by the British under 
 Lord Cornwallis. The Americans were but three 
 thousand in number ; they had exhausted their am- 
 munition ; many were but half clothed ; and many 
 even were unarmed . The British host n umbered eight 
 thousand men, well-fed, well-accoutred, and inflated 
 with arrogant assurances of victory. As the rear of 
 the ragged Americans was crossing the Raritan, the 
 British van appeared in sight. At this crisis Hamil- 
 ton effected a diversion in favor of the patriot army 
 by planting his artillery on a high ground which 
 commanded the ford of the river, and playing so 
 effectively on the British lines as to delay their pro- 
 gress, and enable "Washington to make good his re- 
 treat. When the American army went into winter 
 quarters at Morristown, on March 1st, 1777, 
 Hamilton was justly rewarded for his services by 
 the appointment of aid-de-camp and private secre- 
 tary to Washington, with the rank of lieutenant- 
 colonel. 
 
 The duties which devolved upon Hamilton in this 
 new sphere, were onerous and important. The 
 high estimate of his abilities already formed by 
 Washington induced him to intrust to Hamilton
 
 56 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 not merely the subordinate functions usually devolv- 
 ing upon his aids, but those of a higher and more 
 difficult character. He was invited to assist in ar- 
 ranging the plaus of the campaigns; in devising 
 means for the concentration, increase and support of 
 , the army ; and in confirming the resolution and 
 unity of the various portions of the confederacy. 
 The intelligence, sagacity and integrity of Hamilton, 
 had already won the full confidence of Washington 
 of a man remarkable for his reserve and prudence ; 
 a man of ,whom it has been said, that no one could 
 ever boast of having been on familiar terms with 
 him ; a man whose prevailing sobriety and caution 
 were so great, that he was rarely or never known to 
 laugh. To Hamilton alone Washington confided 
 the most difficult and elaborate communications 
 which emanated from head-quarters, both to Con- 
 gress and to private citizens, which he did not him- 
 self compose. "The pen of our army," says Troup, 
 " was held by Hamilton ; and for dignity of manner, 
 pith of matter, and elegance of style, General Wash- 
 ington's letters are unrivaled in military annals." 
 
 Hamilton also corresponded largely with patriots 
 in the State of New York, who, knowing his in- 
 fluence with the commander-in-chief, and his own 
 superior sagacity, conferred with him, at the instance 
 of the Convention, in reference to their prospects and
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 67 
 
 condition. From the camp at Morristown Hamil- 
 ton wrote letters full of prudent advice and counsel 
 to Kobert E. Livingston, who had been appointed 
 by the Convention to correspond with him. This 
 incident furnishes a convincing proof of the very 
 high position which had already been attained by 
 this youthful exile of the age of twenty-one. 
 
 Nor amid these stirring scenes did Hamilton for- 
 get his kind friends in the land of his birth. They 
 viewed his advancement in life with constant watch- 
 fulness and interest, notwithstanding the remoteness 
 of their position. To the Reverend Mr. Knox he 
 wrote in July, 1777, describing the state of the con- 
 test, the plans and purposes of each of the combat- 
 ants, and dwelling upon the probable aid of France, 
 and the final issue of the struggle. These letters 
 are evidences of the fact that, though he loved his 
 adopted country well, he had not forgotten those 
 who, in the hour of his need, had so kindly be- 
 friended him. 
 
 In August, 1777, Hamilton was sent to Congress 
 to confer, on behalf of Washington, with that body 
 upon the propriety of either an attack upon New 
 York, then held by the British, or a decisive move- 
 ment on the Hudson to oppose the advance of Bur- 
 goyne. While this deliberation was pending, a 
 British fleet appeared off the Capes of Virginia. 
 This fact proved that au attack on Philadelphia was
 
 58 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 contemplated by the enemy. To protect that im- 
 portant city Washington took post at the Forks of 
 the Brandywine; and the battle of that name en- 
 sued between him and General Howe. In the retreat 
 which followed this defeat, Hamilton, in the heroic 
 performance of his duty, was placed in a position of 
 imminent peril, and his escape from death was deemed 
 almost miraculous. He attempted to destroy a 
 small store of provisions which lay on the Schuyl- 
 kill, in the route of the victorious British. While 
 thus engaged, the enemy suddenly came upon him. 
 Hamilton and four of his men retreated to a boat 
 on the river, entered it, and commenced to row for 
 their lives. While thus employed volley after volley 
 were discharged into the boat, and three out of the 
 five who occupied it were wounded, before they 
 escaped beyond the reach of the enemy's fire. After 
 this adventure, Hamilton was dispatched by Wash- 
 ington to Philadelphia, for the purpose of raising 
 contributions to the future support of the army from 
 the ladies ol" that city. He addressed them a letter, 
 which has always been much admired for the supe- 
 riority and brilliancy of its style. Its success was in 
 the highest degree encouraging. Hamilton spent the 
 winter of 1777 with Washington in his quarters on 
 the eastern bank of the Sclmylkill above Philadel- 
 phia; and was present in the indecisive engagement 
 at Germ&ntown.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 59 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 BVENTS OF 1777 CONSPIRACY AGAINST WASHINGTON IN THE ARMY AND 
 IN CONGRESS HAMILTON'S MISSION TO GATES HIS SUCCESS EVENTS 
 OP 1778 HAMILTON'S CONDUCT AT MONMOUTH LEE'S RETREAT LEE'S 
 SUBSEQUENT COURT-MARTIAL HAMILTON'S GROWING FAME HIS POPU- 
 LARITY WITH THE ARMY LAFAYETTE. 
 
 THE year 1777 is remarkable in the history of the 
 American Revolution, as the one in which con- 
 spiracy was formed and carried to a considerable 
 length against the commander-in-chief of the conti- 
 nental armies. 
 
 The origin of this base cabal is to he found in the un- 
 just dissatisfaction of the community at the repeated 
 defeats which the army under "Washington had suf- 
 fered, and in the unprincipled ambition of General 
 Gates, the fortunate conqueror of General Burgoyne. 
 The American people in this instance forgot, to 
 some extent, their usual sense of justice and reason ; 
 for they blamed Washington because Philadelphia 
 and New York had fallen into the hands of the 
 enemy, and because the latter had been victorious 
 in a series of hard fought conflicts ; although they 
 knew that the continental army was small in num- 
 ber, composed in a great measure of raw recruits,
 
 60 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 half naked, without arms, without ammunition, 
 without every thing which gives efficiency and con- 
 fidence to a martial host ; while, on the other hand, 
 they also knew that the British forces were uni- 
 formly vastly superior in numbers, superior in disci- 
 pline, abundantly supplied with arms, ammunition, 
 and stores, and encouraged by a large and considera- 
 ble portion of disaffected people. 
 
 When "Washington went into winter quarters, 
 after the occupation of Philadelphia by the British, 
 the Legislature of Pennsylvania addressed a remon- 
 strance to Congress on the subject, in which they 
 gave utterance to sentiments of dissatisfaction with 
 the commander-in-chief. Congress then appointed 
 a new board of war, of which General Gates, whom 
 many wished to make the rival of Washington, was 
 made president, and Generals Mifflin and Conway ; 
 bitter enemies of Washington, were appointed m em- 
 bers. General Gates, elated by his success in the 
 capture of Burgoyne, was not unwilling to lend 
 himself to the base uses of this faction. General 
 Con way, whom Washington justly stigmatizes in 
 one of his letters, as " a dangerous incendiary, in 
 which character the country will sooner or later 
 know him," was particularly active in his secret and 
 public hostility to Washington. All the disasters 
 and defeats of the war were ascribed to the incom-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 61 
 
 petency of that general. The exploit of Gates was 
 triumphantly pointed at as an evidence of what a 
 commander of real ability and energy could effect. 
 Oonway asserted that " Heaven has been determined 
 to save the country, or a weak general and bad 
 counselors would have ruined it." To Gates an 
 independent command was given by the Board of 
 "War, in the north, which interfered with the free- 
 dom and efficiency of Washington's movements. 
 Calumnies, both secret and public, were widely dif- 
 fused against him, in every possible way, by the 
 disaffected. Mr. Laurens, the President of Congress, 
 received anonymous letters full of the basest and 
 vilest charges against him. These letters Mr. Lau- 
 rens sent to "Washington to apprize him of what was 
 going on. In answer to the communication of that 
 patriot which accompanied the infamous missives, 
 Washington, whose great and serene soul remained 
 undisturbed amid the dangers, difficulties, and mise- 
 ries of his position, answered as follows: 
 
 " I was not unapprized that a malignant faction 
 had been for some time forming to my prejudice, 
 which, conscious as I am of having done all in my 
 power to answer the important purposes of the trusts 
 reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on 
 a personal account; but my chief concern arises 
 from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences 
 6
 
 62 THE, LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 which intestine dissensions may produce to the 
 common cause. 
 
 ''The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many 
 serious charges, and it is my wish that it may be sub 
 mitted to Congress. 
 
 " My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of 
 me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and 
 that motives of policy deprive me of the defense I 
 might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. 
 They know I cannot combat their insinuations, how- 
 ever injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the 
 utmost moment to conceal." 
 
 General Mifflin, the quarter-master general of the 
 army, was another of the chief causes of the difficul- 
 ties which existed. After this cabal had carried on 
 their schemes for some time, public sentiment crushed 
 their influence so completely that their malignant 
 efforts produced no results. General Mifflin at last 
 felt constrained by the force of public opinion to re- 
 sign his post. 
 
 How Washington felt and acted under the opera- 
 tion of these machinations, we feel naturally curious 
 to inquire ; and his conduct and temper on this oc- 
 casion must go far in deciding our estimate of his 
 extraordinary character. Endowed with a mind not 
 only of colossal strength, but of singular firmness, 
 these aspersions caused neither agitation nor excite-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 63 
 
 ment; though not to feel in some degree indignant, 
 would have been to possess attributes superior to 
 those of humanity. In his answer to General Gates, 
 calling for the name of the informer, there is but 
 one expression which implied any degree of undue 
 excitement, where he says: "Pardon me then, for 
 adding, that, so far from conceiving the safety of the 
 States can be affected, or in the smallest degree in- 
 jured, by a discovery of this kind, or that I should 
 be called upon in such solemn terms to point out 
 the author, that I considered the information as 
 coming from yourself, and given with a friendly 
 view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me 
 against a secret enemy, or in other words, a danger- 
 ous incendiary, in which character, sooner or later, 
 this country will know General Conway." 
 
 At this time the army was barefooted, naked, and 
 without provisions, the fault of which was exclu- 
 sively in Congress and in the depreciated currency of 
 the country; and imagination, in its wildest crea- 
 tions, cannot conceive sufferings more intense than 
 were this winter endured by the American army. 
 
 How acutely "Washington felt, and sympathized 
 with these sufferings, might be shown by multiplied 
 evidences of his humane feelings; but we shall con- 
 fine ourselves to part of one of his letters to Governor 
 Livingston : " I sincerely feel for the unhappy con-
 
 64 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 dition of our poor fellows in the hospitals, and wish 
 my powers to relieve them were equal to my incli- 
 nation. It is but too melancholy a truth, that our 
 hospital stores of every kind are lamentably scanty 
 and deficient. I fear there is no prospect of their 
 being soon in a better condition. Our difficulties 
 and distresses are certainly great, and such as wound 
 the feelings of humanity : our sick, naked ! our 
 well, naked ! our unfortunate men in captivity, 
 naked !" 
 
 The army was now melting away, owing to the 
 depreciation of continental money, which reduced 
 the officers to beggary, and the soldiers to naked- 
 ness. "Washington recommended increased pay, 
 half pay, and a pension system, and submitted to 
 Congress an elaborate, able, and comprehensive sys- 
 tem for the organization of the army, as well as for 
 the commissary department in particular ; to which 
 Congress conformed in their new regulations. 
 
 Still the famine in the army prevailed, and every 
 hour threatened to dissolve it notwithstanding the 
 herculean labors of Washington to exhort the 
 States to action, and to stimulate the Congress to 
 energy. Mutiny was often manifested by the starv- 
 ing troops, and as often suppressed ; but nothing 
 could have crushed it but the deep affection which 
 most of the men cherished for their great com-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. C5 
 
 mander, who possessed that indescribable quality 
 which attached both officers and soldiers to his 
 person, and inspired them all with veneration and 
 respect. To this quality alone in the general, is to 
 be ascribed the preservation of the army at this 
 perilous crisis. 
 
 Perhaps no man ever received so signal and com- 
 plete atonement from the party guilty of an injury, 
 as did General Washington, when the following let- 
 ter from General Conway, who had been seriously 
 wounded in a duel, was addressed to him: 
 
 " Philadelphia, July 23, 1778. 
 
 "Sm, I find myself just able to hold the pen 
 during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of 
 expressing my sincere grief for having done, writ- 
 ten, or said any thing disagreeable to your excel- 
 lency. My career will soon be over; therefore 
 justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sen- 
 timents. You are, in my eyes, the great and good 
 man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration and 
 esteem of these States, whose liberties you have 
 asserted by your virtues. 
 
 " I am, with the greatest respect, Sir, &c." 
 
 During this trying season, the darkest in the per- 
 sonal history of Washington, Hamilton remained 
 his faithful friend, and one of his most trusted con- 
 6*
 
 6G THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 fidants. He boldly defended his conduct from every 
 charge. He was chosen by "Washington to visit 
 General Gates in his camp at Albany, in order to 
 induce him to detach a considerable portion of his 
 army, and send it to the assistance of the main force 
 encamped near Philadelphia. On his arrival in Al- 
 bany Hamilton had an interview with General Gates 
 in reference to the object of his mission. After some 
 deliberation he assented; and eventually resolved to 
 send the weakest of the three brigades under hia 
 command, which did not muster more than six hun- 
 dred men fit for duty. As soon as Hamilton ascer- 
 tained this fact, he strongly represented to General 
 Gates the impropriety of this selection ; and urged 
 that one of the other brigades, commanded by Gene- 
 rals Nixon or Glover, should be dispatched for 
 that service. The energetic remonstrance of Hamil- 
 ton accomplished his purpose ; and General Glover's 
 brigade was ordered to join the main army near 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 So efficient were the services rendered by Hamil- 
 ton at this period, that they elicited from the com- 
 mander-in-chief the following letter, dated amid the 
 gloomy and wintry scenes of Valley Forge, Novem- 
 ber 15th, 1777. "I have duly received your several 
 favors from the time you left me, to that of the 12th 
 instant. I approve entirely of all the steps you have
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 67 
 
 taken, and have only to wish that the exertions of 
 those you have had to deal with had kept pace with 
 your zeal and good intentions. I hope your health 
 will, before this, have permitted you to push on the 
 rear of the whole reinforcement beyond !N"ew Wind- 
 sor. Some of the enemy's ships have arrived in the 
 Delaware, but how many have troops on board I 
 cannot exactly ascertain. The enemy has lately 
 damaged Fort Mifflin considerably, but our people 
 keep possession, and seem determined to do so to the 
 last extremity. Our loss in men has been but small 
 Captain Treat is unfortunately among the killed. 
 I wish you a safe return." Such were the terms of 
 familiar confidence which the most reserved and dis 
 tant of men employed in his private correspondence 
 with a youth of twenty-one, who had been selected 
 among many brave and older men to perform a ser- 
 vice of great difficulty, importance, and danger. 
 
 During the campaign of 1778 Hamilton continued 
 in the suite of "Washington, and actually was engaged 
 in the service. His conduct at the battle of Mon- 
 mouth was brilliant in the extreme, and was of signal 
 benefit in counteracting the singular proceedings 
 of General Lee. 
 
 On the 18th of June, the British army marched to 
 Haddonfield, Is"ew Jersey. Sir Henry Clinton, with 
 the force under his command, approached Amboy
 
 68 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 by way of Monmouth. "Washington summoned a 
 council of war to decide whether an attack on Clinton 
 would then be desirable. The council advised that, no 
 attack should be ventured. General Washington was 
 strongly convinced of the propriety of an opposite 
 course. In this judgment General Greene and Col. 
 Hamilton, at that time the two officers who pos- 
 sessed the largest share of the confidence of their 
 commander, agreed with him that the opportunity 
 was favorable to attack the retreating foe. "Wash- 
 ington gave orders for the pursuit. On the 28th of 
 June the American army came up to the British, 
 whom they found intrenched on the heights of 
 Monmouth. General Lee, at break of day, was or- 
 dered to commence the attack. Washington was 
 coming up with the main army. At the suggestion 
 of Hamilton, General Greene was ordered to file off 
 with the right wing, to protect the right of the army. 
 "Wayne was ordered by Lee to leave his own de- 
 tachment and take the command of the front. The 
 former immediately sent word back to General Lee, 
 that the enemy were retreating in great disorder, 
 and urged him to push forward the rest of his troops 
 in pursuit. The foremost regiment of the Ameri- 
 cans, commanded by Col. Butler, were then attacked 
 by a body of British horse, but were so gallantly 
 received that they were broken, thrown into coufu-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 69 
 
 si on and routed. Wayne Btill pressed on to the 
 charge with his characteristic heroism. The enemy, 
 overborne by his impetuosity, were in full retreat, 
 when the order came forward from General Lee to 
 retrext. Hamilton was the first to rejoin Washing- 
 ton, and to inform him of this singular and disas- 
 trous movement. Washington's outbursts of passion 
 were very few; but when they did come, they were 
 terrific. That which occurred on this occasion 
 seemed to have exceeded in fury all others of which 
 history makes mention ; and the cause of his irritation 
 appears to have justified its intensity. As soon as he 
 was informed of the retreat of the advanced corps, 
 he gave vent to his indignation, jumped from his 
 horse, pushed forward toward the fugitives, and ral- 
 lied them. Meanwhile he advanced to the spot 
 where General Lee stood, and addressed him in 
 words of just indignation, which their author and 
 the occasion have rendered memorable. He then 
 ordered Wayne to renew the combat, and a cannon- 
 ade to be opened upon the enemy. He directed 
 Colonels Ramsey and Stewart to reform the division 
 under General Lee, and press on to the charge. 
 
 The retreat ordered by Lee had inspirited the 
 British, who had halted to resume the conflict. 
 They advanced on the artillery which had been 
 posted on the right. Hamilton formed Varnurn's
 
 70 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 brigade and charged the enemy at their head. In 
 tliis gallant service his horse was shot under him. 
 The engagement on the right was sharp, and Gene- 
 ral Greene commanded there with signal ability. 
 "Washington followed up the attack on the centre, 
 and the artillery placed there, under General Knox, 
 did great execution upon the enemy's front. The battle 
 was still undecided when night fell; but the British 
 took advantage of the darkness, retreated, and em- 
 barked at Sandy Hook. The Americans remained 
 masters of the battle field, and encamped that night 
 upon the ensanguined plain. 
 
 The services of Hamilton on this occasion were 
 highly appreciated by Washington. He inserted a 
 high eulogium upon him, in his dispatch to Con- 
 gress, which at Hamilton's own request was after- 
 ward expunged. A cotemporary writer speaking 
 of Hamilton at Mon mouth, says: "I am happy 
 to have it in my power to mention the merit of 
 Col. Hamilton. He was incessant in his endeavors 
 during the day in reconnoitering the enemy, in ral- 
 lying, and in charging ; but whether he or Col. 
 Laurens deserves most of our commendation is 
 somewhat doubtful. Both had their horses shot 
 under them, and both exhibited singular proofs of 
 bravery." 
 
 The court-martial which afterward examined the
 
 OF ALEXANDER* HAMILTON. 71 
 
 conduct of General Lee, found him " guilty of dis- 
 obedience of orders in not attacking the enemy, or 
 misbehavior, by making an unnecessary and dis- 
 orderly retreat, and of disrespect to the commander- 
 in-chief." He was suspended from his command 
 for twelve months, and afterward, on January 10th, 
 1780, was entirely dismissed from the service. About 
 this period, Hamilton again distinguished himself 
 in a literary way, by the publication of some letters 
 exposing the malfeasance of a member of Congress 
 in speculating in flour, by which the difficulties and 
 privations of the army were much augmented. 
 These letters were signed " Publius," a name which 
 he afterward immortalized in the Federalist. Mr. 
 Troup very truly asserts that the style and vigor 
 of these letters more nearly resembled those of 
 Junius than any other production in the lan- 
 guage. 
 
 The abilities and services of Hamilton had by this 
 time, in spite of his youth, rendered him one of the 
 most distinguished persons in the army. Nor did 
 his great fame surround and afflict him with the 
 jealousy of his associates. He was then as popular 
 as he was eminent. This unusual circumstance 
 arose from, the superior affability and generosity of 
 his temper. He was a great favorite with the 
 soldiers. He was also very popular with the of-
 
 72 THE LIFE' AND TIMES 
 
 ficers, and especially with the large number of 
 foreign officers who were in the service, in conse- 
 quence of his familiarity with the French language 
 which they spoke. He numbered among his inti- 
 mate friends Baron Steuben, Lafayette, Fleury, 
 La Luzerne, and Du Portail. And above all, he 
 enjoyed the full confidence of that great man, who 
 was slow to confide, and slower still to love; but 
 who already cherished this favorite youth with an 
 affection as rare as it was honorable. 

 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 73 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EVENTS OP 1780 FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF THE COLONIES HAMIL- 
 TON'S FINANCIAL SCHEMES ROBF.RT MORRIS BANK OF UNITED STATES 
 PROPOSED HAMILTON'S LETTER TO ROBERT MORRIS FRENCH AID SENT 
 TO THE COLONIES CAUSES OF THE FRIENDLY INTERPOSITION 
 FRANCE TREASON OF ARNOLD HAMILTON'S PROJECTS FOR THE NA- 
 TIONAL PROSPERITY HIS LETTER TO JAMES DUANE HAMILTON AP- 
 POINTED MINISTER TO FRANCE HE DECLINES. 
 
 THE revolutionary struggle continued : but by the 
 year 1780 the conflict had resolved itself chiefly 
 into a rivalry in financial ability and resource be- 
 tween the mother country and the colonies. It then 
 seemed that whichever party could continue the war 
 the longest, possessed the best guarantees of perma- 
 nent and final success. 
 
 Under such circumstances the active and patriotic 
 mind of Hamilton soon reverted to the elaboration' 
 of such financial schemes, as he supposed would re- 
 lieve the distress of the country, and furnish new 
 munitions of war to the patriots. He addressed a 
 letter to Robert Morris, a distinguished member of 
 Congress from Pennsylvania, disclosing a plan for 
 increasing the pecuniary resources of the colonies. 
 The letter was anonymous ; and the writer assigned 
 7
 
 74 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 as a reason why he chose that method of communi- 
 cation rather than through the public press, that the 
 discussion of the subject involved allusions to the 
 weakness and poverty of the country, the exposure 
 of which would be exceedingly prejudicial to the 
 cause of liberty. The writer then proceeds to dis- 
 cuss the plan proposed, the nature of the existing 
 currency, the amount of taxes, of domestic and fo- 
 reign trade, of the depreciation of the currency, and of 
 its consequence, a want of confidence in the com- 
 munity. He states that the expedient of a foreign 
 loan was a good one; but that this was liable to 
 great objections, and that he had another remedy to 
 propose which was still more efficient, and free from 
 all objection. This plan was the establishment of 
 an American Bank, to be chartered by Congress for 
 the period of ten years, and to be termed the Bank 
 of the United States. The basis of this institution 
 was to be a foreign loan of two millions of pounds, to 
 be used in the bank as a portion of its stock ; a sub- 
 scription to be opened for stock to the amount of 
 two hundred millions of dollars more, the payments to 
 be guaranteed by the government on the dissolution 
 of the bank by ten millions of specie, or by a bona 
 fide equivalent currency. The bank notes were to 
 be made payable to the bearer in three months, at ten 
 per cent. An annual. loan often millions of pounds
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 75 
 
 was to be furnished to Congress by the bank at four 
 per cent. The letter contained other items, more 
 fully explaining the ideas of the writer. He sketched 
 the details which would be necessary to give ef- 
 ficiency to the operation of the institution. He 
 proposed the appointment of a Minister of Finance. 
 He suggested that Congress should establish the 
 bank, set it in operation, and superintend its pro- 
 gress. He closed by asserting that Mr. Robert 
 Morris was in his judgment the most suitable person 
 in the nation to be placed at the head of such an 
 institution. 
 
 This production, when its authorship became 
 known, won for Hamilton the not undeserved title 
 of the "Founder of the Public Credit of the United 
 States." It exhibited .the superior powers of his 
 capacious and many-sided intellect in a new depart- 
 ment. Able as a political writer on great national 
 issues, able as a soldier, bold, prudent, eloquent as 
 he had already proved himself to be, in every posi- 
 tion in which he had been placed, he now esta- 
 blished a high reputation as a financier. His clear 
 and sagacious views attracted and deserved the more 
 attention, because at that time the science of finance 
 was but little known in the colonies. His intellec- 
 tual vigor enabled him to rise triumphantly above 
 the prevalent prejudices and contracted ideas of
 
 76 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 that day, and to lay open to view new and unappro- 
 priated fields for the advancement of the national 
 credit and wealth ; and with the attainment of this 
 result, to furnish the necessary material aid to carry 
 on the great struggle for liberty which then engaged 
 and exhausted the nation. 
 
 This letter of Mr. Hamilton was not without its 
 results. Shortly after its receipt, the plan of a bank 
 in Pennsylvania was introduced founded upon pri- 
 vate contribution only, possessing a capital of three 
 hundred thousand pounds. Its purpose was to fur- 
 nish the army with a supply of provisions and am- 
 munition. The hint also given by Hamilton in this 
 letter in reference to the establishment of executive 
 departments in the Federal government were so 
 valuable that they approved themselves highly to the 
 judgment of Robert Morris, justly termed the great 
 financier of the Revolution, were pressed by him 
 upon the consideration of Congress, and were finally 
 adopted by that body with little variation from the 
 details suggested by Mr. Hamilton. 
 
 In July, 1780, an expedition arrived from France 
 to the assistance of the colonies. This auspicious 
 event infused new courage into the desponding but 
 patriotic hearts of thousands. The causes which led 
 France at that period to interest herself so effectu- 
 ally in the dispute between Great Britain and the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 7T 
 
 colonies may be found in the remote recesses of 
 events which have generally escaped the scrutiny 
 of historians. It was not because France could at 
 that time well afford the proffered assistance. It 
 vas not because Louis XVI. then sat securely on 
 his throne, and feared no domestic and internal 
 commotions. It was not because the French mon- 
 arch and his ministers loved liberty, or those who 
 were its partisans and representatives. The cause 
 of this opportune succor thus vouchsafed by Bour- 
 bon tyrants to American patriots and jacobins, was 
 to be found in an old grudge which France enter- 
 tained against England, in consequence of the in- 
 terference of the latter in her own colonial strifes 
 and difficulties. Genoa had ceded the Island of 
 Corsica to France ; but the inhabitants were restive 
 under the transfer, and preferred their old masters, 
 the Genoese. In 1768, a rebellion against the su- 
 premacy of France had broken forth, led on by 
 Paoli, a distinguished and influential citizen. At 
 this crisis the British ministry dispatched an emis- 
 sary to Corsica, to offer assistance to the insurgents. 
 That assistance was accepted ; and many thousand 
 stand of arms were secretly sent from the Tower of 
 London to the rebels. France discovered this in- 
 terference, notwithstanding the secresy which was 
 thrown around it, and it was not forgotten. She 
 7*
 
 78 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 awaited the day of vengeance. Paoli, in spite of 
 the succor which was sent him, was defeated, and 
 compelled: to flee from Corsica to Leghorn, and 
 thence to England.* At length that -day of 
 vengeance had arrived; and a French armament 
 was sent to the aid of the rebel colonies in America. 
 How singular was it that the same monarch who, in 
 subsequent years, was destined to become the victim 
 of the Jacobins, should himself have aided so effec- 
 tually the cause of liberty ! And how remarkable 
 was it that Louis XVI., by thus dispatching assist- 
 ance to the American revolutionists, and securing 
 their eventual triumph, should by that very act 
 have consummated an event which became the most 
 potent cause of the outburst of that same revolution 
 which afterward overturned his own dynasty, which 
 hurled him from the throne, which consigned him 
 and his queen to the guillotine, and which entailed 
 innumerable miseries on his kingly race ! 
 
 The first object proposed by the combined French 
 and American forces was a descent on New York, 
 to rescue it from the grasp of the British. This 
 project was afterward abandoned, and the- French 
 fleet proceeded to Newport. A personal interview 
 was planned between the American commander 
 
 See the Conference of Dunant with General Paoli, July 24th, 
 1768, detailed in Graf ton's Autobiography, p. 210.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 79 
 
 and Admiral Kocliambeau. This meeting took 
 place at Hartford, on the 20th of September.' 
 Washington was accompanied on this occasion by 
 Lafayette, McHenry, and Hamilton. The interview 
 was satisfactory in its results. It enabled the com- 
 manders of the respective forces to arrange their 
 plans more definitely for the future. But the se- 
 lection of Hamilton on this very important occa- 
 sion, to accompany Washington, is an incident 
 which reflects high honor on the youthful patriot. 
 
 This was the period of the memorable treason of 
 Arnold. When returning from Hartford, Washing- 
 ton was first apprized of the flight of that traitor 
 and the arrest of Andre. In reference to the fall 
 of the British officer who was thus involved in the 
 punishment which Arnold deserved, Hamilton, 
 moved by a generous sympathy for the fate of one 
 so young, so chivalrous, and so promising, exerted 
 his utmost efforts to discover some legal and hon- 
 orable expedient to save him. When all proved 
 unavailing, he felt deeply for the unfortunate offi- 
 cer, and published a narrative of the facts in the 
 case, in a letter to his friend Laurens, which reflects 
 equal credit, both upon his intellect and his heart. 
 It was a model of elegance, clearness, simplicity 
 and force in the art of narration. 
 
 In a letter to Miss Elizabeth Schuyler, the
 
 80 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 daughter of the distinguished general of that name, 
 Hamilton describes the execution of Andre with 
 graphic power ; and thus speaks of that melancholy 
 occurrence: "Poor Andre suffers to day; every 
 thing that is amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in de- 
 licate sentiment, and accomplished manners, pleads 
 for him ; but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacri- 
 fice. He must die. I send you jny account of 
 Arnold's affair, and to justify myself to your sen- 
 timent, I must inform you that I urged a com- 
 pliance with Andre's request to be shot, and I do 
 not think it would have had an ill effect ; but some 
 people are only sensible to motives of policy, and 
 sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it." 
 Genius and virtue threw all the fascinating hues 
 of romance around the execution of this ill-fated son 
 of destiny. Brave, generous, and lofty, endowed 
 with the most exalted sense of honor, and a gal- 
 lantry approaching the spirit of the old cavaliers 
 of romance, .possessing talents of the highest order, 
 and an intellect cultivated to the most brilliant 
 point of perfection; joined to all those refined sen- 
 sibilities which constitute the poetry of life, and 
 rescue men from the groveling vices and debasing 
 passions of our kind, Andre became an object of 
 interest and concern to all, but in a particular 
 manner to Washington; who, bfing so richly
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 81 
 
 gifted with the same attributes, became fully qua- 
 lified to appreciate his virtues, and to sympathize 
 acutely in his misfortune. But however deeply ho 
 might feel, his natural firmness and heroic sense 
 of duty to his country, and to liberty, constrained 
 him by every obligation of patriotic duty to en- 
 force the verdict of the court martial; and if a tear 
 fell to moisten the paper, when he appended his 
 signature to the warrant for the execution, it was 
 the hallowed tribute which nature, in a virtuous 
 bosom, ever pays to the afflictions of a noble mind, 
 and redeemed the act of state policy from every 
 trace of revenge, cruelty, or design. 
 
 The unceasing efforts of the British government 
 to rescue Andre from his impending fate, did honor 
 to the country in whose service his life was so fruit- 
 lessly sacrificed, and they wipe away some of the 
 dark stains occasioned by the honors and rewards 
 they bestowed on the traitor-knave who had enticed 
 him into so disgraceful an end, and who, while 
 virtue continues to be cherished, or patriotism re- 
 warded with the applause of men, will be doomed 
 to everlasting execration, as one who combined 
 splendor of talents with the perfection of crime, 
 and whose name will be appropriated by the remot- 
 est generations of mankind, to cover with the 
 leprosy of infamy all those vile deeds, whose atro-
 
 82 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 city may fail to be expressed in the common words 
 of our language, but which will find an ample sub- 
 stitute in the name of Benedict Arnold. 
 
 Allied to some of the first families of Great Bri- 
 tain, and placed by royal patronage in the highest 
 path of preferment, the fate of Major Andre pro- 
 duced an impression which extended even to the 
 heart of the throne. Contracted in vows of love 
 to one of the most beautiful and accomplished 
 daughters of England, the fate of Andre became a 
 touching theme for the poet, as well as an instruc- 
 tive moral to the historian ; and while the bosom 
 of beauty sighed over his fate, the lyre of the min- 
 strel tuned a plaintive melody to his melancholy 
 and ill-fated love. 
 
 By Washington only could the execution of a 
 sentence which awakened such profound and uni- 
 versal sympathy, have been fulfilled without pro- 
 ducing imputations of cruelty, and a vindictive 
 thirst for blood. But the mild benevolence of 
 his heart, the lofty justice of his mind, and the 
 exalted purity of his intentions, interposed the bul- 
 wark of humanity against the remotest suspicion 
 of want of clemency. Washington never shed human 
 blood but with anguish, and on occasions of the 
 most dire necessity. He took no delight in scenes 
 of carnage, and never exposed the lives of his sol-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON". 83 
 
 diers more than was absolutely necessary to the 
 purpose in hand ; being more frugal of the expen- 
 diture of life than any general who ever led a 
 squadron to the field, in any age or country. 
 
 The entire safety of the American cause pleaded 
 with irresistible eloquence in favor of the execution 
 of Andre; and the flight and escape of Arnold 
 added weight to every consideration of policy that 
 operated to induce the doom of the former. The 
 attempt of the British alone to enter the American 
 camp with overflowing purses of gold, tempting the 
 weak and corrupting the wicked, demanded exem- 
 plary punishment on the part of the commander- 
 in-chief; and however sophistry might quibble 
 about the justice of the sentence of the court mar- 
 tial, on the ground that Andre did not enter the 
 American lines in disguise, the fact never was dis- 
 puted that he was arrested in disguise within the 
 American lines. 
 
 The whole deportment of Major Andre, however, 
 was so frank, manly, and honorable, as to enlist 
 among his warmest champions and admirers the 
 most zealous friends of American independence, 
 who only regretted that fortune should have favored 
 the flight of the infamous traitor Arnold, while 
 adversity cast her toils around his brilliant but less 
 fortunate victim: for Andre confessed, with the
 
 84 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 frankness of a soldier, and the veracity of a man 
 of. honor, the object of his visit to West Point; 
 and instead of obscuring the case by equivocations 
 and concealment, threw himself at once on the 
 magnanimity of his foes, by avowing his real de- 
 signs. It will, however, notwithstanding the fact 
 of his disguise, ever remain a disputed point, 
 whether he could strictly be viewed in the light of 
 a spy; but the necessity of his execution was 
 placed beyond a doubt, and his claim to be set at 
 liberty, under all the circumstances, never could 
 be fully established. Yet his death did not sully 
 his fame, or cover him with opprobrium having 
 died like a hero as he had lived like a man of bra- 
 very and honor. The most rigid patriot may shed 
 a tear over his fate, may feel esteem for his virtues, 
 and may express admiration for his heroism, valor, 
 and genius. 
 
 It is worthy of note that, at this early period, 
 while the colonies were involved in a struggle, the 
 issue of which to most observers yet seemed doubt- 
 ful; while the minds of the most sagacious of 
 American patriots were content to dwell on the 
 present energies and wants of the country, the 
 superior intellect of Hamilton already traveled 
 forward to the future, discerned the ultimate issue 
 of the conflict, and contemplated and discussed 

 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 85 
 
 those great national measures which would then 
 become essential to the establishment of the na- 
 tional unity, harmony, and prosperity. In a letter 
 written to James Duane, a distinguished patriot, 
 in 1780, he discusses with a masterly hand, the 
 nature and history of republican governments ; the 
 proper sources of legitimate power among them; 
 the dangers which surround them; the just pro- 
 portion and distribution of power; and the advan- 
 tages of a confederacy of States. He depicts the 
 evils which have afflicted ancient and modern re- 
 publics, and portrays their causes. He draws les- 
 sons of profound political wisdom from their expe- 
 rience and their misfortunes. He speaks wisely 
 of the taxes, imports, commerce and revenue of 
 free and representative States. He describes the 
 proper distribution of the executive departments, 
 the officers of the Federal government, and the 
 just establishment and support of an army; and 
 proposes wise and judicious remedies for all the 
 evils which had occurred, and which might occur, 
 in the administration of a free, federative, repub- 
 lican government; how to proportion the taxes, 
 how to collect them ; how to increase the revenue 
 of the country without encroachments on personal 
 liberty ; and how a National Bank might be estab- 
 lished and conducted, which would prove a safe, 
 8
 
 8G THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 permanent source of individual and national wealth 
 and prosperity. This production of this gifted 
 statesman, written at that early period, and with 
 the few lights then existing on the subject, by 
 which he indicates the very principles which were 
 afterward in great part incorporated into the 
 Federal Constitution itself, is an unequalled mo- 
 nument of his intellect; and proves, that the or- 
 phan boy of Nevis was in truth one of nature's 
 master-pieces, born to assume a high and distin- 
 guished place in the history of his times. 
 
 The dissensions which now arose in Congress, ge- 
 nerated by the quarrels and jealousies of our min- 
 isters at foreign courts, produced no little elation 
 in the minds of our enemies. The real character 
 of the state of the country, at this period, will be 
 best delineated by a letter written by Washington 
 himself, to one of his ablest political friends, in 
 which he says : "I am particularly desirous of a free 
 communication of sentiments with you at this time, 
 because I view things veiy differently, I fear, from 
 what people in general do, who seem to think the 
 contest at an end, and that to make money, and get 
 places, are the only things now remaining to be 
 done. I have seen, without despondency, even for 
 a moment, the hours which America has styled her 
 gloomy ones; but I have beheld no day since the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 87 
 
 commencement of hostilities, when I have thought 
 her liberties in such imminent danger as at present. 
 Friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down 
 the goodly fabric we have hitherto been raising, at 
 the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure ; 
 and unless the bodies politic will exert themselves 
 to bring things back to first principles, correct 
 abuses, and punish our internal foes, inevitable ruin 
 must follow. Indeed, we seem to be verging so 
 fast to destruction, that I am filled with sensations 
 to which I have been a stranger until within these 
 three months. Our enemies behold with exultation 
 and joy how effectually we labor for their benefit 
 and from being in a state of absolute despair, and 
 on the point of evacuating America, are now on 
 tiptoe. Nothing, therefore, in my judgment, can 
 save us but a total reformation in our own conduct, 
 or some decisive turn of affairs in Europe. The 
 former, alas! (to our shame be it spoken,) is less 
 likely to happen than the latter, as it is now consist- 
 tent with the views of the speculators, various tribes 
 of money makers, and stock-jobbers of all denomi- 
 nations, to continue the war for their own private 
 emolument, without considering that this avarice 
 and thirst for gain must plunge every thing, inclu- 
 ding themselves, in one common ruin. 
 
 " It is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that
 
 88 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Congress is- rent by party that much business of a 
 trifling nature, and personal concernment, with- 
 draws their attention from matters of great na- 
 tional moment at this critical period: when it is 
 
 r 
 also known that idleness and dissipation take place 
 
 of close attention and application. Believe me 
 when I tell you there is danger of it. I have pretty 
 good reasons for thinking that administration, a 
 little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, 
 and negociate a peace with us upon almost any 
 terms ; but I shall be much mistaken if they do not 
 now, from the present state of our currency, dis- 
 sensions, and other circumstances, push matters to 
 the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure, will 
 prevent it but the interruption of Spain, and their 
 disappointed hope from Russia." 
 
 Thus, with a comprehensive eye and an ever 
 wakeful patriotism, did "Washington penetrate to 
 the causes of weakness, lament the obstacles to 
 our independence, and labor to soothe irritation, 
 remove difficulties, and promote union, harmony, 
 and success. But whatever hopes the English might 
 then cherish from existing dissensions were speedily 
 dissipated by that recuperative energy and common 
 sense of danger, which recalled the minds of men 
 from the spoils of victory to the acquisition of per- 
 manent and rational liberty.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 89 
 
 Active hostilities were now transferred from the 
 northern and middle States to South Carolina and 
 Georgia, where a large body of tories, disaffected to 
 the cause of freedom, inspired the enemy with san- 
 guine hopes of making an easy conquest of those 
 States ; in which attempt they at first but too well 
 succeeded. 
 
 Serious discontents of a seditious character, hav- 
 ing appeared in the Jersey brigade, Washington, 
 with his usi:al address and patriotism, labored to 
 arrest it by the persuasion of his eloquence. The 
 want of pay, and other evils incident to a deranged 
 and rotten currency, were of too deep a nature to 
 be very patiently borne or easily healed. 
 
 Washington now directed his attention to the 
 Indian settlements; and having dispatched Colonel 
 Van Schaik and General Sullivan against some of 
 the towns of the Onandagoes, a complete devasta- 
 tion of their country and farms was effected. 
 
 In November, 1780, the American Congress had 
 concluded to send an Envoy Extraordinary to 
 France, for the purpose of procuring from that 
 country more extensive and efficient aid. Colonel 
 Hamilton was selected by Washington, by Lafay- 
 ette, and other leading statesmen, to fill this import- 
 ant post. At first it seemed probable that the 
 proffered service would be accepted. But at that
 
 90 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 moment information arrived that Henry Laurens, 
 formerly President of Congress, who had been ap- 
 pointed a commissioner to negotiate a treaty with 
 the United Provinces, had been arrested in Eng- 
 land and imprisoned. This induced a desire on 
 the part of Hamilton's friend, Col. Laurens, the 
 son of the captive commissioner, to go abroad in 
 order to obtain his father's release. As soon as 
 Hamilton learned the willingness of his friend to 
 undertake the mission, he generously relinquished 
 all pretensions of his own, and insisted on the ap- 
 pointment of Mr. Laurens. On the llth of De- 
 cember, 1780, that gentleman was accordingly 
 elected by Congress as Envoy of the colonies to 
 France. Previous to the departure of Mr. Lau- 
 rens, General "Washington desired that he should 
 be furnished with a minute letter of instructions, 
 which, as Lafayette suggested, would add consider- 
 able weight and efficiency to his representations. 
 The honorable and difficult task of preparing this 
 letter was committed by "Washington to the execu- 
 tion of Mr. Hamilton ; and it was composed with 
 his usual prudence, ability, and success.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 91 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 MARRIAGE OF HAMILTON QtTARREL BETWEEN HAMILTON AND WASHING- 
 TON HAMILTON BETIRKS FROM THE CAMP HIS PLAN OP A NATIONAL 
 BASK WRITES THE CONTINENTALIST HE RETURNS TO THE CAMP 
 INCIDENTS AT YORKTOWN HEROISM OP HAMILTON AT THE CAPTURE OF 
 CORNWALLIS GLORIOUS RESULTS OF THAT VICTORY HAMILTON RE- 
 TURNS TO ALBANY COMMENCES THE STUDY OP THE LAW 18 APPOINTED 
 RECEIVER OF CONTINENTAL TAXES HIS ADMISSION TO THE BAR. 
 
 THESE interesting occurrences in the life of Ha- 
 milton were concluded toward the end of the year, 
 by his marriage with Miss Elizabeth Schuyler, the 
 second daughter of General Philip Schuyler, the 
 eminent revolutionary soldier and patriot. This 
 event took place at Albany, the residence of the 
 bride's father, on the 14th of December, 1780. 
 
 Among the many gallant and distinguished young 
 men who were known to the family circle of Ge- 
 neral Schuyler, not a few might have reasonably 
 aspired to the honor of the lady's hand. But 
 among that brilliant company the young "West 
 Indian, then in his twenty-fourth year, and already 
 classed with the most eminent soldiers and patriots 
 of the land, triumphantly bore away the prize, 
 lie was indeed not undeserving of this preference*
 
 92 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 He was young, handsome in person, of spotless 
 character, of splendid abilities, possessing a high 
 fame, and enjoying the most flattering prospects of 
 the future. The bride was beautiful, accomplished, 
 talented, and well-born. Her vivacity, intelligence, 
 and amiability, had rendered her an universal fa- 
 vorite in the polished circles of Albany, at that time 
 one of the most select and cultivated towns in the 
 country. Rarely had a more distinguished and 
 appropriate match been accomplished; and the 
 many friends of the young couple rejoiced at their 
 felicity. This union, as might readily be supposed, 
 was congenial in the highest degree; and was pro- 
 ductive of the utmost happiness. They enjoyed 
 twenty-four years of domestic comfort, which 
 seemed but to increase, as the progress of time accu- 
 mulated new honors on the head of the gifted 
 statesman; until at last, the bloody hand of one 
 who has not inappropriately been termed his assas- 
 sin, ended a career of unsurpassed usefulness and 
 honor, by a violent death and a premature grave. 
 
 A few weeks after the marriage of Hamilton, on 
 the 16th of February, 1781, a somewhat singular 
 and disagreeable incident occurred between himself 
 and the commander-in-chief, which exerted some 
 influence on his future career. 
 
 He had now been nearly four years ill the family
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 93 
 
 of Washington, as his aid-de-camp. He had se- 
 cured, by his superior abilities and integrity, the 
 first place in his confidence. But the position had 
 always been one in some respects disagreeable to 
 Hamilton, inasmuch as it placed him in a state of 
 dependence on the will and subject to the caprices 
 of another. On the day just mentioned a breach 
 occurred between them which put an end to this 
 relation, though between men of such intelligence 
 and such integrity it could not diminish their mutual 
 confidence and respect. 
 
 The incidents of the dispute were these ; and tri- 
 vial enough they were to have led to such important 
 consequences. "Washington and Hamilton passed 
 each other on the stairs at the head-quarters of the 
 army, then located at Morristown, in New Jersey. 
 The general said he wished to speak to Hamilton. 
 The latter answered that he would wait on him im- 
 mediately. Hamilton went below and delivered a 
 letter of importance to Mr. Tilghman, which was 
 to be sent immediately to 'the Commissary, as it 
 contained an order of the most pressing nature. 
 As Hamilton reascended the stairs he was met by 
 General Lafayette. The latter detained him a few 
 moments in conversation. When Hamilton reached 
 the head of the stairs he met General "Washington, 
 who had left his own apartment and conie forward
 
 94 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to accost him. Pie exclaimed in an angry tone: 
 " Col. Hamilton, you have kept me waiting for you 
 these ten minutes. I must tell you, sir, you treat 
 me with disrespect." Hamilton replied : " I am 
 not conscious of it, sir; hut since you have thought 
 it necessary to tell me so, we part." " Very well, 
 sir," responded "Washington, "if it be your choice." 
 
 Such was the cause of this unfortunate difficulty. 
 The truth was that Washington, harassed by ten 
 thousand cares, had in a moment of thoughtlessness 
 given way to a little petulance which was quite excus- 
 able; and that Hamilton, wearied with the disagree- 
 able dependence which always attends the position 
 and functions of an aid-de-camp, determined to em- 
 brace the opportunity thus afforded to put an end 
 to a relation which he had long endured only from 
 patriotic and disinterested motives, and from a 
 powerful attachment to the person and career of 
 Washington. 
 
 True to the greatness of his character, scarcely 
 an hour had elapsed before Washington sent Mr. 
 Tilghman to-Hamilton to express to him his great 
 confidence in his abilities, integrity, and usefulness, 
 and desired to heal the difference which had been 
 caused by a moment of unguarded irritation. But 
 Hamilton persisted in his resolution to embrace 
 that opportunity to withdraw from the general's
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 95 
 
 family, and to enter on a more free and uncon- 
 strained career; and therefore, while giving utter- 
 ance to the boundless admiration and honor with 
 which he regarded the commander-in-chief, de- 
 clined to change his resolution to withdraw from 
 his family. Yet this separation, unpleasant as it 
 was to both parties, did not in the least impair 
 their friendship ; and in subsequent years Hamilton 
 still stood first in the confidence of "Washington, 
 for ability, integrity, and patriotism. 
 
 Hamilton applied to the commander-in-chief, 
 shortly after this separation,, for an independent 
 command. But there were insuperable difficulties 
 in the way, arising from the jealousy of older offi- 
 cers in seeing a younger one promoted over them ; 
 and the request was refused. Lafayette, who was 
 stationed at this period at Richmond, in command 
 of the southern portion of the army, invited Ha- 
 milton to take command of the artillery companies 
 in that service, and urgently pressed upon him to 
 comply with the offer. 
 
 But Hamilton's mind was at this period, in April, 
 1781, engaged in elaborating several financial 
 schemes intended to relieve the pecuniary wants of 
 the country ; and the fruit of his investigation he 
 embodied in another letter to Robert Morris, dis- 
 cussing the causes of the depreciation of the Con
 
 96 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 tinental currency, indicating the most efficient 
 means for increasing its value, and detailing a 
 charter for a bank, to be adopted and incorporated 
 by Congress. In this communication he boldly 
 asserts the principle that, " it is in a National Bank 
 alone, that we can find the ingredients to constitute a 
 wholesome, solid, and beneficial paper credit." The 
 opinion entertained of this elaborate and lengthy 
 production by the distinguished financier to whom 
 it was addressed, maybe inferred from the follow- 
 ing words contained in the letter sent by Mr. Mor- 
 ris in reply to Hamilton : " My office is new, (Su- 
 perintendent of Finance,) and I am young in the 
 execution of it. Communications from men of 
 genius and abilities will always be acceptable, and 
 yours will ever command the attention of your 
 obedient humble servant." The plans suggested 
 by Mr. Hamilton were submitted by Mr. Morris to 
 Congress, and adopted on the 26th of May, 1781. 
 
 The next project of Mr. Hamilton had reference 
 to the future establishment of a convention of 
 States. In- order to promote the consummation of 
 this result, he devoted himself to the composition 
 of a series of masterly essays, under the title of the 
 Continentalist, the first number of which appeared 
 in July, 1781. They present a worthy foreshadowing 
 of the unrivaled power and splendor which were
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 97 
 
 destined afterward to shine forth from every page 
 of "Publius" in the Federalist. In these essays he 
 discussed the defects of the existing confederacy 
 between the colonies ; asserts the propriety and 
 advantage of concentrating efficient power in the 
 central government ; and exposes the absurdity of 
 that jealousy of the federal authority which some 
 of the colonies had displayed. He clearly described 
 the powders with which an efficient federal govern- 
 ment ought to be invested. He showed how it 
 ought to regulate trade, how it should grant boun- 
 ties and premiums, how it should impose duties, 
 appoint officers of the customs, lay embargos, levy 
 taxes, dispose of unseated lands, appropriate the 
 products of the mines, and appoint ail officers in the 
 land and naval service. 
 
 He established, with great clearness and force of 
 reasoning, the position that, in all federative go- 
 vernments, the great danger is, lest in consequence 
 of the jealousies of its members, its powers will be 
 too much restricted; that it will not possess suf- 
 ficient resources to protect itself, and thereby pre- 
 serve the blessings which such a union is intended 
 to confer ; and that it is never possible, in the nature 
 of things, for the central power to become formida- 
 ble to the general liberty. "A mere regard to the 
 interests of the confederacy, will never be a princi- 
 9
 
 98 THE LIFE AND T*MES 
 
 pie sufficiently active to curb the ambition and in- 
 trigues of different members. Force cannot affect it. 
 A contest of arms will seldom take place between the 
 common sovereign and a single refractory member, 
 but between distinct combinations of the several 
 parts against each other, a sympathy of situations 
 will be apt to produce associates to the disobedient." 
 At the early age of twenty-four, the prophetic eye 
 of this in-born statesman foresaw, even while the 
 country was panting and fainting under the ponder- 
 ous load of a protracted war with the greatest of 
 European powers, and the issue seemed doubtful 
 even to the most patriotic and sanguine, he then 
 foresaw the future splendors of the land of his adop- 
 tion. Says he: "There is something noble and 
 magnificent in the perspective of a great Federative 
 Republic, closely linked in the pursuit of a common 
 interest, tranquil and prosperous at home, respecta- 
 ble abroad; there is something proportionably 
 diminutive and contemptible in the prospect of a 
 number of petty States, with the appearance only 
 of union, Barring, jealous and perverse, without 
 any determined direction, fluctuating and unhappy 
 at home, weak and insignificant by their dissensions 
 in the eyes of other nations. Happy America, if 
 those to whom thou hast intrusted the guardian- 
 ship of thy infancy, know how to provide for thy
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 99 
 
 future repose; but 'miserable and undone if their 
 negligence or ignorance permits the spirit of dis- 
 cord to erect her banners on the ruins of thy tran- 
 quillity." 
 
 In the spring of 1781, hostilities with England were 
 again resumed, and the revolutionary struggle pro- 
 ceeded. "Washington resolved to attack New York, 
 and preparatory to that decisive movement he judged 
 it advisable to hold an interview with the French 
 commander, General Rochambeau. For this purpose 
 he again visited Newport. The degree of confidence 
 and esteem which "Washington still entertained for 
 Hamilton, notwithstanding their temporary cool- 
 ness, may be inferred from the following letter, 
 which was written at this time : " Dear Hamilton 
 I shall be obliged to you for the answer to the 
 address, as soon as it is convenient to you. If we 
 do not ride to the Point to see the fleet pass out, I 
 am to have a conference with the Count de Roch- 
 ambeau, and the engineer, directly after breakfast, 
 at which I wish you to be present. I am sincerely 
 and affectionately yours." 
 
 From Newport, Hamilton returned to Albany, 
 and remained there a short time. In July, finding 
 that his application for a separate command in the 
 army would not be complied with, he wrote to 
 Washington enclosing his commission. lie proba-
 
 100 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 bly did this at the suggestion, certainly with the 
 approval, of his young wife. "Washington declined 
 to receive the resignation of Col. Hamilton, and 
 promised to bestow the coveted command on the 
 first available opportunity. This offer was accepted 
 by Hamilton, and he withdrew his resignation. 
 He returned to the camp at Dobb's Ferry, a posi- 
 tion on the Hudson river, twenty miles above New 
 York. 
 
 It was at this time Washington received the first 
 information of the arrival of the French squadron 
 imder the Count de Grasse, off the coast of Virginia. 
 A council of war was instantly summoned, at which 
 "Washington invited Mr. Hamilton to be present. 
 After considerable discussion it was determined to 
 relinquish the proposed attack on New York, and 
 by a forced march to proceed toward Virginia. It 
 was hoped that by an effective union with the 
 approaching French armament, the capture or 
 defeat of Cornwallis at Yorktown might be accom- 
 plished. 
 
 To render the consummation of this glorious 
 enterprise more certain, it was kept studiously con- 
 cealed, and a false destination of the army was an- 
 nounced. Sir Henry Clinton, the commander of the 
 British forces in New York, was completely duped. 
 But one difficulty impeded the execution of the bold
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 101 
 
 plan which had been adopted by General Washing- 
 ton. This was the want of the necessary means to 
 remove the army to its distant destination. In this 
 crisis, the great talents of Eobert Morris as a finan- 
 cier were brought into requisition. He undertook 
 to obtain the necessary means. In an incredibly 
 short space of time he secured all the transport ves- 
 sels on the Delaware, provided supplies of provisions 
 along the whole intended route of the army, and 
 even raised a portion of the necessary funds on his 
 own private responsibility. If the capture of Corn- 
 wallis covered the American arms with imperisha- 
 ble glory ; if it was the means of terminating that 
 long, exhaustive struggle with an honorable peace; 
 if that peace opened the way to the future power 
 and prosperity of these confederate States ; if, in a 
 word, the triumph at Yorktown was the birth-cause 
 of the present greatness and felicity of this republic ; 
 then no inconsiderable degree of the merit of all 
 these fortunate results is due to the energy, ability, 
 and patriotism of Robert Morris, at this critical and 
 decisive moment of American history. 
 
 When the army was about to march for Virginia, 
 Hamilton received his wished-for command, and 
 prepared to accompany the expedition. His only 
 regret upon this distant venture, was the pain which 
 .his absence would inflict on his oun bride. His
 
 102 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 own feelings on the subject may be inferred from 
 the following extract from a letter to her which he 
 wrote from the camp : "A part of the army, my 
 dear girl, is going to Virginia, and I must of neces- 
 sity be separated at a much greater distance from 
 my beloved wife. I cannot announce the fatal 
 necessity, without feeling every thing that a fond 
 husband can feel. lam unhappy; lam unhappy 
 beyond expression. I am unhappy because I am 
 to be so remote from you ; because I am to hear 
 from you less frequently than I am accustomed to 
 do. I am miserable because I know you will be so ; 
 I am wretched at the idea of flying so far fronf you 
 without & single hour's interview, to tell you all my 
 pains and all my love. But I cannot ask permission 
 to visit you. It might be thought improper to leave 
 my corps at such a time, and upon such an occasion. 
 I must go without seeing you ; I must go without 
 embracing you ; alas ! I must go. But let no idea 
 other than of the distance we shall be asunder, dis- 
 quiet you." 
 
 On the " 22d August, 1781, the march com- 
 menced, and on the 6th September the army reached 
 the head of the Elk. From this point Hamilton 
 again wrote to his wife. He says: "I cannot re- 
 fuse myself the pleasure of writing you a few lines. 
 Constantly uppermost in my thoughts and affec-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 103 
 
 tions, I am happy only when my movements are 
 devoted to some office that respects you. I would 
 give the world to be able to tell you all I feel, and 
 all I wish ; but consult your own heart, and you 
 will know mine. What a world will soon be be- 
 tween us ? To support the idea, all my fortitude 
 will be insufficient. What must be the case 
 with you, who have the most female of female 
 hearts. I sink at the perspective of your distress, 
 and I look to Heaven to be your guardian and sup- 
 port. Every day confirms me in the intention of 
 renouncing public life, and devoting myself wholly 
 to you. Let others waste their time arid their tran- 
 quillity in a vain pursuit of power and glory; be it 
 my object to be happy in a quiet retreat, with my 
 better angel." 
 
 On the 22d of September the allied armies 
 reached the harbor between Jamestown and Wil- 
 Hamsburg. On the 28th they arrived before the 
 enemy's works at Yorktown. The position of 
 Cornwallis was one of considerable strength, and 
 its defenses had been judiciously erected. It was si- 
 tuated on a peninsula formed by the junction of 
 the York and James rivers, near their approach 
 to the Chesapeake. To this position Cornwallis 
 had been driven, by being intercepted in his 
 retreat into the interior of Virginia on the one
 
 104 TJIE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 side, and by the squadron of De Grasse, which 
 excluded all deliverance from the British fleet at 
 sea. On this point therefore he had concentrated 
 all his forces, amounting to seven thousand men, 
 and had determined, to make a spirited resistance. 
 On one hand, to the west, he was protected by an 
 arm of the river, by a deep morass, and by a pre- 
 cipitous ravine. To the north, the high banks 
 of the river were unfavorable to an attack ; and he 
 had mounted them with a formidable array of artil- 
 lery. Several British ships of war were stationed 
 in the river at this point, to co-operate in the de- 
 fense. On' the south and southwest, his camp was 
 protected by an extensive and formidable line of 
 field fortifications. 
 
 On the 6th of October the American army took 
 their position and opened their first parallel. They 
 were then six hundred yards from the enemy's 
 works. Hamilton now moved his corps of light 
 infantry within the works. Six heavy batteries, 
 partly French and partly American, played conti- 
 nually on the British lines, and did immense execu- 
 tion. One of the men-of-war in the river, being set on 
 fire by a red hot shot from a French battery, burned 
 to the water's edge. On the 12th the second pa- 
 rallel was opened, and the allies were now within 
 three hundred and fifty yards of the enemy's bat-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 105 
 
 teries. The bombardment continued without in- 
 termission day and night. At this point of the 
 siege, two batteries, detached from the rest of the 
 works of the besieged, greatly annoyed the assail- 
 ants ; and it became necessary to take them by as- 
 sault. The work on the extreme left was assigned 
 to an American detachment ; that on the right to a 
 French. The former was commanded by Col. Ha- 
 milton, the latter by De Viomenil. 
 
 The signal for the commencement of this peri- 
 lous service, was the discharge of a 'shell from 
 the American battery, to be answered by a corres- 
 ponding one from the French. The signal being 
 given at the appointed time, Hamilton rushed for- 
 ward at the head of his detachment to the attack. 
 So great was his impetuosity that, before his men 
 had ascended the abatis, he had mounted on the 
 parapet ; and there he stood with three only of his 
 gallant soldiers, waving to his corps to advance. 
 Under a heavy and destructive fire the heroic com- 
 pany pressed onward. Soon they reached the coun- 
 terscarp, passed the ditch and palisades, and en- 
 tered with their commander into the work. Here 
 a sharp conflict ensued; but soon the ardor and 
 bravery of the assailants overpowered the defend- 
 ers of the redoubt, and it was taken. As' soon as 
 the enemy ceased to resist, quarter was allowed
 
 106 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 them. No one was slain who yielded ; although a 
 more sanguinary policy might readily have heen 
 defended, in view of the ferocity which had fre- 
 quently characterized the conduct of the British on 
 former occasions. Only a few days before an Ame- 
 rican colonel had been wantonly slain, after he had 
 been captured, when reconnoitering the position 
 of the enemy, in violation of every dictate of honor 
 and humanity. But Col. Hamilton forbade his men 
 to retaliate on this occasion, though an opposite 
 course oould have been so well justified. 
 
 After the capture of both of the redoubts, the 
 allies moved forward and drew their third parallel. 
 The fate of the besieged now became desperate. 
 They endeavored on the night of the 15th to release 
 themselves by a vigorous sortie. This also proved 
 unsuccessful. An attempt was then made by Corn- 
 wallis to cross the river in boats to Gloucester, and 
 escape thence by land to New York. In this pur- 
 pose he was defeated by the vigilance of the Ame- 
 ricans, who erected new batteries on the river 
 banks ; and "by the occurrence of a furious storm, 
 which opportunely arose, tore the boats from their 
 moorings and drove them down the river. The 
 allies now prepared to make a general assault along 
 vhe whole line of their works; but before they 
 could execute this purpose, Washington received
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 107 
 
 proposals of surrender from Lord Cornwallis. Soon 
 a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon ; and 
 after the terms of capitulation had been discussed 
 and arranged, Cornwallis surrendered. Colonel 
 Laurens, the friend of Hamilton, whose father was 
 still a captive of the British king, in the Tower of 
 London, was selected most appropriately to receive 
 the sword of the vanquished tool of despotism. 
 This glorious event may be said to have virtually 
 ended the war ; and thus in its closing and most 
 memorable scene, Hamilton was permitted to en- 
 act a highly important and honorable part. 
 
 Every event on the part of the United States had, 
 for some time, been conspiring to render a peace 
 absolutely necessary to their preservation. The trea- 
 sury was exhausted. No portion of the taxes could 
 be realized; the army was discontented, because it 
 was impoverished ; and it was seditious, because 
 smarting under wrongs which it had power, as well 
 as inclination, to redress. Washington, ever watch- 
 ful over the welfare of his country, had exhausted 
 the resources of his genius, the influence of his 
 character, and the force of his eloquence, to remove 
 or mitigate these evils ; but in vain : even his in- 
 fluence was compelled to yield beneath a combina- 
 tion of evils, which no human fortitude could endure, 
 nor patience submit to. Still, Washington had the
 
 108 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 singular address and good fortune not to quell the 
 spirit which sought for justice, but to turn the feel- 
 ings that were inflamed by wrongs into a harmless 
 channel. On this occasion, his services to his coun- 
 try were not of less importance than his most bril- 
 liant military achievements ; and being based on 
 feelings of equity, benevolence, and justice, they far 
 eclipse in moral grandeur the most sanguine trophies 
 that a martial victor ever displayed to the applause 
 of people intoxicated by the false glare of glory. 
 
 Thus terminated the war of seven years for Ame- 
 rican Independence, of which Hamilton had been, 
 in so great a measure, the pillar and support ; 
 which originated in a difference apparently trifling ; 
 which was prosecuted through a series of difficulties 
 and embarrassments unexampled in the history of 
 mankind ; and which was finally achieved by those 
 unseen combinations and auspicious events which 
 baffle and perplex the sagacity of man, at the 
 same time that they excite his gratitude and admi- 
 ration. 
 
 Throughout this long and arduous struggle, the 
 whole American people displayed those virtues 
 which most ennoble human nature ; and their pa- 
 tience, toil, bravery, and forbearance, entitle them 
 to rank with any nation on the face of the globe. 
 But iii a peculiar manner \yere they indebted to
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 109 
 
 those solid virtues in the character of "Washing- 
 ton, which combined with his high faculties of 
 genius and intellect to conduct them triumphantly 
 through its fiery ordeal, and place them on the emi- 
 nence whose lofty and glittering peak attracted the 
 attention and applause of the world. Commenced 
 without preparation, equally destitute of mone} r , 
 arms and discipline, the revolution depended almost 
 wholly for success upon the genius and resources of 
 the commander-in-chief, whose peculiar character 
 alone fitted him to uphold it amidst adversity, rally 
 it under defeat, and preserve it unbroken amidst 
 convulsions. The experience in the case of General 
 Gates fully evinced what would have been its me- 
 lancholy catastrophe, had the impetuous ambition 
 of a fiery and adventurous commander led on its 
 starved battalions ; or an intriguing and unprincipled 
 adventurer, like Conway or Arnold, had the dis- 
 bursement of its funds, or the management of that 
 suffering and seditious mass of undisciplined men, 
 who could only be preserved in subordination by the 
 personal influence of George "Washington his vir- 
 tues, his genius, and his patriotism. 
 
 On the 25th of November, 1783. the British eva- 
 cuated New York, and the American troops took 
 possession of the town. Washington, accompanied 
 by Governor Clinton, now made his public entry 
 10
 
 110 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 into the city ; after which he proposed to bid adieu 
 to his companions in arms, prior to a resignation of 
 his military command. 
 
 The account which Gordon has given us of this 
 parting scene, would suffer hy any abridgment : 
 " This affecting interview took place on the 4th of 
 December. At noon, the 'principal officers of the 
 army assembled at Francis' tavern ; soon after which 
 their beloved commander entered the room. His 
 emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling 
 a glass, he turned to them and said, 'With a heart 
 full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; 
 I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be 
 as prosperous and happy as your former ones have 
 been glorious and honorable.' Having drank, he 
 added, * I cannot come to each of you to take my 
 leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of } 7 ou 
 will come and take me by the hand.' General Knox 
 being nearest, turned to him ; incapable of utter- 
 ance, "Washington grasped his hand, and embraced 
 him. In the same affectionate manner, he 'took 
 leave of eaclr succeeding officer. In every eye stood 
 the tears of dignified sensibility ; and not a word 
 was articulated to interrupt the majestic silence and 
 the tenderness of the scene. Leaving the room, he 
 passed through the corps of light infantry, and 
 walked to Whitehall, where a barge awaited to carry
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Ill 
 
 him to Pawles' Hook. The whole company fol- 
 lowed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected 
 countenances, testifying the feelings of delicious 
 melancholy which no language can describe. Hav 
 ing entered the barge, he turned to the company_ 
 and, waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. 
 They paid him the same affectionate compliment, 
 and after the barge had left them, returned in the 
 same solemn manner to the place where they had 
 assembled." 
 
 Congress was then in session at Annapolis, and 
 thither "Washington repaired to resign his commis- 
 sion into their hands. This eventful incident took 
 place on the 23d of December, 1783. Having been 
 introduced by the secretary, he delivered the fol- 
 lowing address : 
 
 " MR. PRESIDENT : The great events on which my 
 resignation depended, having at length taken place, 
 I have now the honor of offering my sincere congra- 
 tulations to Congress, and of presenting myself be- 
 fore them, to surrender into their hands the trust 
 committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of 
 retiring from the service of my country. 
 
 " Happy in the confirmation of our independence 
 and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity 
 afforded the United States of becoming a respecta- 
 ble nation, I resign with satisfaction the appoint-
 
 112 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 ment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my 
 abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which 
 however was superseded by a confidence in the 
 rectitude bf our cause, the support of the SU- 
 PREME POWER OF THE UNION, and the patronage of 
 Heaven. 
 
 " The successful termination of the war has veri- 
 fied the most sanguine expectations ; and my grati- 
 tude for the interposition of Providence, and the 
 assistance I have received from my countrymen, 
 increases with every review of the momentous 
 contest. 
 
 "While I repeat my obligations to the army in 
 general, I should do injustice to my own feelings, 
 not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar ser- 
 vices and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who 
 have been attached to my person during the war. 
 It was impossible the choice of confidential officers 
 to compose my family should have been more for- 
 tunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular, 
 those who have continued in the service to the pre- 
 sent moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and 
 patronage of Congress. 
 
 "I consider it as an indispensable duty to close 
 this last act of my official life, by commending the 
 interests of our dearest country, to the protection of
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 113 
 
 Almighty God, and those who have the superintend- 
 ence of them to his holy keeping. 
 
 "Having now finished the work assigned me, I 
 retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding 
 an affectionate address to this august body, under 
 whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my 
 commission, and take my leave of all the employ- 
 ments of public life." 
 
 To this address Congress returned an appropriate 
 reply, couched in the language of gratulation, grati- 
 tude and affection. 
 
 Finding himself thus relieved from the cares of 
 public life, he now retired to Mount Vernon, fol- 
 lowed by the esteem, admiration, and love of the 
 whole American people. 
 
 It would, perhaps, have been more consonant witn. 
 the- unobtrusive and simple principles of genuine 
 republicanism, had this virtuous and laudable feel- 
 ing of veneration for their late chief been restrained 
 within the limits of addresses, resolutions, and decla- 
 rations of gratitude and attachment; instead of 
 manifesting its extravagance in statues, monuments, 
 and cc.lumns, whose pomp seemed to imitate the 
 tinsel of royal governments, and might tend to cor- 
 rupt the integrity of republican truth. Great as 
 the immortal founder of the Republic was by nature, 
 end still greater by his achievements, no outward 
 10*
 
 114 THF LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 homage could increase his glory, no splendor of mag- 
 nificence could inflate him with pride. 
 
 Unmoved by the torrent of adulation which flowed 
 upon him, he devoted his hours to domestic happi- 
 ness, and the pursuits and improvements of agricul- 
 ture, which had always been his favorite occupation. 
 His feelings on his retirement will be best un- 
 derstood by his own expression of them. In a letter 
 to Governor Clinton, three days after his reaching 
 Mount Yernon, he says : " The scene is at length 
 closed. I feel myself eased of a load of public care, 
 and hope to spend the remainder of my days in cul- 
 tivating the affections of good men, and in the prac- 
 tice of the domestic virtues." In another to Lafay- 
 ette, he thus unfolds the sound philosophy of his 
 mind and the benevolent emotions of his heart : " At 
 length, my dear Marquis, I have become a private 
 citizen on the banks of the Potomac, and, under the 
 shadow of ray own vine and my own fig tree, free 
 from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of 
 public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil 
 enjoyments," of which the soldier, who is ever in 
 pursuit of fame the statesman, whose watchful days 
 and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes 
 to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin 
 of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient 
 for us all and the courtier, who is always watching
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 115 
 
 the countenance of his prince, in the hope of catch- 
 ing a gracious smile, can have very little conception. 
 I have not only retired from all public employments, 
 hut am retiring within myself, and shall be able to 
 view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of pri- 
 vate life, with heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of 
 none, I am determined to be pleased with all ; and 
 this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, 
 I will move gently down the stream of life, until I 
 sleep with my fathers." , 
 
 It was evident, however, that this desire of private 
 contentment required a struggle ; and that his mind, 
 long accustomed to public command, could not im- 
 mediately subside into the tranquil current of domes- 
 tic ease. In a letter to General Knox, he thus de- 
 picts this difficulty of weaning his thoughts from the 
 turmoil of public affairs : "I am just beginning to 
 experience the ease and freedom from public cares, 
 which, however desirable, takes some time to realize ; 
 for, strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, 
 that it was not until lately I could get the better of 
 my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I awoke 
 in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day, 
 and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many 
 things in my mind, that I was no longer a public 
 man, or had any thing to do with public transac- 
 tions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied
 
 116 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 traveler must do, who, after treading many a pain- 
 ful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is 
 eased of the latter, having reached the haven to 
 which all the former were directed, and from his 
 house-top is looking back, and tracing with an eager 
 eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quick- 
 sands and mires which lay in his way, and into 
 which none but the all-powerful Guide and Dis- 
 penser of human events, could have prevented his 
 falling." 
 
 He now devoted himself to agriculture and to plans 
 of internal improvement; for which purpose he ex- 
 plored the western parts of Virginia, Ohio, and 
 Pennsylvania, and particularly directed his attention 
 to the advancement of the navigation of the Potomac 
 and James rivers. Extending his views to the western 
 country, he prepared a luminous exposition of the 
 sound policy of connecting that section of the Union 
 more closely with the eastern States, by means of in- 
 ternal improvements. 
 
 After these events, toward the close of 1781, 
 Hamilton "returned to his wife at Albany. He 
 spent the ensuing winter in the enjoyment of do- 
 mestic happiness in the family of General Schuyler. 
 The proclamation of a peace was confidently expected 
 in the spring of 1782 ; and it became necessary for him 
 to select some pursuit or profession to which his ener-
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 117 
 
 gies and talents might in future be directed. After 
 considerable deliberation, he determined to devote 
 himself to the profession of the law. Happily for 
 the interests of his adopted country, his great abili- 
 ties were to be still consecrated to her service; and 
 lie was destined to become one of the most promi- 
 nent and useful of those master spirits who moulded 
 her constitution, who enacted her laws, who com- 
 bined and consolidated her resources, and who elabo- 
 rated for her that glorious career which she has 
 since so happily completed. Hamilton accordingly 
 apprized General Washington of his withdrawal 
 from active service. He then resumed his residence 
 at Albany; and inviting his old friend Colonel 
 Troup to make his house his home, he commenced 
 the study of the law. 
 
 To this dry and intricate science Hamilton now 
 devoted himself with his characteristic ardor ; and 
 his vastly superior talents well adapted him to the 
 comprehension of legal principles, and to the acquisi- 
 tion of legal knowledge. It is not singular therefore 
 that his progress was rapid. Hamilton acquired in 
 a day what an ordinary student could scarcely com- 
 pass in a week. At the same time it was happily 
 the case, that the jurisprudence which he was called 
 upon to study was comparatively simple. Its chief 
 burden consisted in the acquisition of the principles
 
 11.8 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of the common law of England, which was also 
 the law of the colony of ~New York. The vast 
 bulk of precedents and reported cases which over- 
 power the strongest mind of the present day, with 
 their enormous mass and their infinite and frequently 
 contradictory variety, did not then exist. We will 
 not be surprised therefore to learn that Hamilton 
 prepared himself for admission to the bar in the 
 incredibly short period of four months, and that he 
 was licensed as an attorney at the end of that time. 
 "We know of but a single instance of a similar na- 
 ture in the history of the great men of our coun- 
 try; and, strange to say, that man was closely 
 and fatally connected with the career and fate of 
 Hamilton. It was Aaron Burr. Yet short as 
 was this period of probation, Hamilton's success 
 in legal studies may be inferred from the fact, that 
 during that time lie prepared a "Manual on the Prac- 
 tice of the Law," which possessed superior merit; 
 and which, says his friend Troup, himself a well- 
 read lawyer, "served as an instructive grammar. to 
 future students, and became the groundwork of 
 subsequent enlarged practical treatises." 
 
 It was also during the progress of his hurried 
 though competent preparation for the bar, that Ha- 
 milton received a distinguished evidence of the 
 esteem and confidence of Robert Morris, at that 
 time the Superintendent of Finance to the United
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 119 
 
 States. This gentleman offered Hamilton the re- 
 sponsible office of Receiver of the Continental 
 Taxes in the State of New York. 
 
 This honorable offer Hamilton at first declined. 
 The quota of taxes for New York was about three 
 hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. He 
 was offered a fourth per cent, on the amount col- 
 lected. Mr. Morris concludes the letter proposing 
 the appointment by saying : " I make no profes- 
 sions of my confidence and esteem, because I hope 
 none are necessary ; but if they are, my wish that 
 you would accept the offer I make, is the strongest 
 evidence I can give of them." But upon examin- 
 ing the nature of his duties as Receiver, and the 
 amount of salary which he would probably realize 
 from the appointment, not exceeding, as he sup- 
 posed, a hundred pounds; and finding that those 
 duties would seriously interfere with his legal stu- 
 dies, Hamilton concluded to decline the offer. He 
 informed Mr. Morris of this determination by letter. 
 That gentleman, still unwilling to lose the services 
 of so able and valuable an officer, modified his 
 proposal to Mr. Hamilton in such, a way that both 
 the salary would be increased, and his duties would 
 be of such, a nature only as not to interfere with 
 his legal studies. This second and more urgent 
 proposition on the part of Mr. Morris, Hamilton 
 thought it his duty to accept.
 
 120 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 He immediately proceeded to Poughkeepsie, 
 where the Legislature of New York then was in 
 session, in order to convince that body of the ne- 
 cessity of providing copious supplies for the Conti- 
 nental treasury, and establish a more efficient 
 method of collecting the taxes. He requested to 
 have a conference with a committee of both Houses 
 of the Legislature, in order to urge a revisal of the 
 tax laws. As the result of his efforts, the State 
 Senate adopted a series of resolutions to the effect, 
 that " the present system of the States exposes the 
 cause to a precarious issue ; that the radical source 
 of most of the embarrassments is the want of suffi- 
 cient power in Congress to effectuate that ready 
 and perfect co-operation of the different States on 
 which their immediate safety and future happiness 
 depend ; that experience has demonstrated the con- 
 federation to be defective in several essential points, 
 particularly in not vesting the federal government 
 either with a power of providing revenue for itself, 
 or with ascertained and productive funds, secured 
 by a sanction so solemn and general as would in- 
 spire the fullest confidence in , them and make 
 them a substantial basis of credit; and that it is 
 essential to the common welfare that there should 
 be, as soon as possible, a conference of the whole 
 States on the subject." 
 
 These resolutions were drawn up by Hamilton,
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. l'2l 
 
 and were unanimously passed by the Legislature of 
 New York, July 22d, 1782. At his suggestion a 
 joint committee of both Houses were appointed to 
 report at the next session a system for establishing 
 such fund within the State as were best suited to 
 answer its purposes, and those of the United States ; 
 and for the more effectual collection of taxes. 
 
 On the same day of the passage of these resolu- 
 tions, the Legislature of New York elected Hamil- 
 ton a representative in Congress. He immediately 
 informed Mr. Robert Morris of the progress which 
 had been made in the functions of his office, and 
 resigned it, in consequence of his election to the 
 National Legislature. After the adjournment of 
 the State Legislature, Mr. Hamilton returned to 
 Albany, and was after examination admitted to the 
 bar. He then arranged his affairs so as to enable 
 him to assume the high and responsible duties 
 which would devolve upon him, as a representative 
 of one of the leading States in the Union in the 
 federal Congress. And all this brilliant array of 
 literary, military, and professional triumphs, had 
 been won by the orphan boy of the distant island 
 of the Indian seas, at twenty-five years of age ! 
 We question whether so rapid and so brilliant a 
 career is presented by the history of any other 
 statesman of any age or country. 
 11
 
 122 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HAMILTON ELECTED A MEMBER OP CONGRESS HIS ACTIVITY THERE HH 
 FINANCIAL EXPEDIENTS REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS ASSISTS IN ARRANG- 
 ING THE PRELIMINARIES OP PEACE BETWEEN THE UNITED STA-TES AND 
 GREAT BRITAIN CLAIMS OP THE CONTINENTAL ARMY ON CONGRESS 
 HIS VIEWS ON TAXATION AND IMPORTS SUPPORTS THB ESTABLISHMENT 
 OP A MILITARY HOSPITAL HIS LABORS AS CHAIRMAN OP THE MILI- 
 TARY COMMITTEE REVOLT AMONG THE PENNSYLVANIA TROOPS OF THB 
 CONTINENTAL AKMY. 
 
 E now enter upon that portion of the career 
 of Hamilton when, for the first time, he moves in 
 a sphere well adapted to his great abilities, and 
 when he takes a distinguished part in the formation 
 of the laws, constitution, and government of one of 
 the greatest empires on the earth. We see him then 
 taking the lead while a mere youth, with masterly 
 skill and power, among aged, experienced, and re- 
 nowned statesmen ; and we find him at length in- 
 corporating Jiis own principles and ideas into the 
 very heart of that master-piece of modern states- 
 manship the Federal Constitution; which will 
 remain through all coming time a sublime monu- 
 ment of political wisdom and sagacity. 
 
 Hamilton took his first seat in Congress on the 
 25th of November, 1782. Elias Boudinot, of
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 123 
 
 Jersey, was elected president. The sessions were 
 held in Philadelphia. Thirty members composed 
 the body; the most distinguished among whom 
 were Clymer, "Witherspoon, Rutledge, Elsworth. 
 Lee, Madison, and Sullivan. Of Hamilton's fitness 
 for the post which he now occupied, some idea may 
 be formed from the opinion of him expressed at 
 this time, and in reference to his connection with 
 Congress, by Washington. To General Sullivan, a 
 delegate from IsTew Hampshire, he wrote : " I can 
 venture to advance, from a thorough knowledge 
 of him, that there are few men to be found of his 
 age who have a more general knowledge than he 
 possesses; and none whose soul is more firmly en- 
 gaged in the cause, or who exceeds him in probity 
 or in sterling virtue." 
 
 On the 4th of December Hamilton made his first 
 motion in Congress. It was for the appointment 
 of a committee of conference with the Legislature 
 of Pennsylvania, in reference to the settlement of 
 her accounts with the United States, and the sus- 
 pension of the interest due on certain classes of 
 certificates. The then existing state of the national 
 finances was evidently such as to render the pay- 
 ment of these demands on Congress impossible 
 from the national resources. There were but two 
 courses which that body could adopt. One of these
 
 124 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 was to make some substantial provision for the fu- 
 ture payment of her claims by some newly devised 
 expedient ; or to permit Pennsylvania to withhold 
 her own contribution to the federal government, 
 and appropriate it to the liquidation of the claims 
 of her own citizens on the confederation. In refer- 
 ence to this subject, and in answer to the loud 
 clamors and just demands of the army of those 
 hardy and gallant men who had fought the battles 
 of the Revolution, and stained its fields with their 
 blood, Hamilton proposed, on December 6th, that 
 the " Superintendent of Finance should represent 
 to the States the indispensable necessity of their 
 complying with the requisition for raising a sum 
 equal to a year's interest of the domestic debt, and 
 two millions for the current service, and to point 
 out the embarrassments which resulted from appro- 
 priations by the States of the moneys required by 
 Congress; assuring them that they were determined 
 to make the fullest justice to the public creditors 
 an . invariable object of their counsels and exer- 
 tions." Efe also proposed the appointment of a 
 deputation to Rhode Island, to urge the grant of 
 the imports as a measure essential to the very safety 
 and reputation of these States, and proposed even 
 the draft of an ordinance for its collection. The 
 deputation to Rhode Island was appointed by Con-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 125 
 
 gress; and Hamilton himself prepared the letter 
 which Congress addressed to the governor of that 
 State, dated December llth, 1782. 
 
 Other financial cares claimed the immediate atten- 
 tion of Congress. One of these was the redemption 
 of the old Continental bills which had been issued 
 during the war, and which had especially flooded 
 New England. The southern States were opposed 
 to the redemption of these bills. A motion was 
 made to invite each State to redeem their quotas 
 of the bills on principles of substantial justice. 
 This proposition was lost; and Hamilton then 
 moved that Congress redeem the notes "at the 
 rate of one to forty" the rate of depreciation es- 
 tablished by Congress. Finally, the whole attempt 
 to redeem these old bills was abandoned ; and they 
 still remain to this day scattered over the land, 
 worthless save as impressive mementos of the ex- 
 pedients, the poverty, the patriotism, and the rude 
 typography of the memorable period which tried 
 men's souls ! 
 
 The next topic which came up for consideration 
 was the claims of the officers of the revolutionary 
 army. Their memorial was referred by Congress 
 to a committee of which Mr. Hamilton was chair- 
 man. They reported on the 25th of January, 1783; 
 and their report discussed five points the means 
 11*
 
 126 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of present payment; a settlement of arrearages of 
 pay and security for what was already due ; a com- 
 mutation of the half pay for an equivalent in gross ; 
 and a settlement of the accounts of the deficiencies 
 of rations and compensation, and a similar settle- 
 ment in reference to clothing and compensation 
 due in default of it. 
 
 The establishment of a permanent national re- 
 venue, a measure vitally essential to the future 
 prosperity and security of the nation, now occupied 
 the attention of Mr. Hamilton. He brought the 
 subject in a legitimate way before Congress. The 
 expedient which, after much deliberation, he pro- 
 posed, was the valuation and appropriation of the 
 public lands to that purpose. He suggested that 
 when the valuation of these lands was finished, 
 Congress should finally adjust the accounts of the 
 United States with the States separately, agreeably 
 to the standard thus made, making equitable abate- 
 ments to such as have been more immediate suffer- 
 ers by the war; and that in the mean time they 
 would adhere to the proportions already established 
 by Congress, in the temporary adjustment of their 
 accounts with the federal government. 
 
 At this period Hamilton proposed a resolution 
 in Congress, which was honorable both to himself 
 and to its subject. He moved and carried that
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 127 
 
 "the commander-in-chief be informed that Con- 
 gress would be always happy to receive his senti- 
 ments on the political and military affairs of these 
 States, the utility of which they have on so many 
 occasions experienced." 
 
 Until this period the deliberations of the Ameri- 
 can national legislature had always been conducted 
 with closed doors. At an early stage of our coun 
 try's history, this precaution had been judicious and 
 even necessary ; and it frequently kept important in 
 telligence from the possession of the enemy. After 
 the termination of the war this advantage no longer 
 existed. On the contrary, other preponderating 
 disadvantages operated against the continuance of 
 the usage. The deliberations of that body were 
 rendered liable to constant misrepresentation. The 
 timid viewed Congress as the theatre only for the 
 conflict of hostile intrigues ; and the influence of the 
 great deliberative assembly of the nation had on 
 these accounts begun perceptibly to decline. Never- 
 theless, the judicious exertions of Mr. Hamilton to 
 change the prevalent custom at that time failed. 
 The existing prejudices were found to be then in- 
 surmountable. The delegate from Rhode Island 
 remarked that "if the member from New York 
 wished to display his eloquence, he might address 
 the people from the balcony." Other observations
 
 128 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "of a similar spirit were not wanting from several of 
 the representatives from other States. Hamilton 
 was compelled reluctantly to abandon a reform 
 which subsequent experience has proved to have 
 been most judicious. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton took an important part in arranging 
 the preliminaries of peace between the United 
 States and England ; and in establishing that 
 peace on terms the most favorable to this country. 
 After the intelligence of the signature of the pre- 
 liminary articles had been received, he himself 
 prepared the instrument of final ratification. To his 
 friend, Mr. Jay, the plenipotentiary of the United 
 States to the Court of St. James, Mr. Hamilton 
 wrote as follows : " Though I have not performed 
 my promise of writing to you, which I made you 
 when you left this country, yet I have not the less 
 interested myself in your welfare and success. I 
 have been witness with pleasure to every event 
 which has had a tendency to advance you in the es- 
 teem of your country, and I may assure you with 
 sincerity that it is as high as you could wish. 
 
 "The peace, which exceeds in the goodness of its 
 terms, the expectations of the most sanguine, does 
 the highest honor to those who made it. It is the 
 more agreeable, as the time was come when think- 
 ing men began to be seriously alarmed at the inter-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON'. 129 
 
 nal embarrassments and exhausted state of this 
 country. 
 
 " We have now happily concluded the great work 
 of independence; but much remains to be done to 
 reap the fruits of it. Our prospects are not flatter- 
 ing. Every day proves the inefficiency of the pre- 
 sent confederation ; yet the common danger being 
 removed, we are receding instead of advancing in a 
 disposition to amend its defects. The road to popu- 
 larity in each State is, to inspire jealousies of the 
 power of Congress ; though nothing can be more 
 apparent than that they have no power, and that 
 for the want of it the resources of the country, during 
 the war, could not be drawn out, and we at this mo- 
 ment experience all the mischief of a bankrupt 
 and ruined credit. It is to be hoped that when 
 prejudice and folly have seen themselves out of 
 breath, we may return to reason, and correct our 
 errors." 
 
 Already at this early period the germ of that evil 
 had taken root, which was calculated to weaken the 
 power of the central government, and which has 
 been one of the greatest obstacles with which the ad- 
 vancement of this confederacy has had to contend. 
 In reference to this subject, the following remarks 
 of Hamilton are here not inappropriate : 
 
 " Upon my first going into Congress I discovered
 
 H'O THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 symptoms of a party too well disposed to subject 
 the interests of the United States to the manage- 
 ment of France. Though I felt in common with 
 those who had participated in the Revolution, a lively 
 sentiment of good-will toward a power whose co- 
 operation, however it was and ought to have been 
 dictated by its . own interest, had been extremely 
 useful to us, and had been afforded in a liberal and 
 handsome manner. Yet, tenacious of the real in- 
 dependence of our country, and dreading the pre- 
 ponderance of foreign influence as the natural dis- 
 ease of popular government, I was struck with 
 disgust at the appearance, in the very cradle of our 
 republic, of a party actuated by an undue complai- 
 sance to a foreign power, and I resolved at once to 
 resist this bias in our affairs ; a resolution which has 
 been the chief cause of the persecution I have en- 
 dured in the subsequent stages of my political 
 life."* 
 
 The claims of the army and the officers had iiot 
 yet been finally settled. The Legislature of Massa- 
 chusetts passed a resolution declaring that justice 
 had not been done in the passage of the grant of 
 half pay, inasmuch as it was more than an adequate 
 reward for their services, and inconsistent with that 
 
 See Life of Hamilton, by John C. Hamilton, Vol. II. p. 152.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 131 
 
 equality which ought to subsist among citizens of 
 free and republican States; and that it tended to 
 exalt some citizens in wealth and grandeur to the 
 injury and oppression of others. The army had not 
 yet been disbanded ; and they adopted a resolution 
 on the 15th of March, 1783, to the effect that they 
 entertained the fullest confidence in the justice of 
 Congress and their country, and were persuaded 
 that they would not be discharged and dismissed, 
 until their claims on the Federal government were 
 settled. 
 
 Congress appointed a committee to report on this 
 important subject, of which Mr. Hamilton was 
 nominated chairman. Before they reported, Hamil- 
 ton addressed a communication to Washington on 
 the subject, desiring his advice. The great difficulty 
 was, that the powers which Congress then possessed 
 under the Articles of Confederation of 1781, did not 
 enable or permit them to do any thing more than 
 recommend the provision of funds for this purpose 
 to the respective States ; and it was already apparent 
 that the States seemed to be jealous of the growing 
 disposition in certain quarters to invest the Federal 
 Legislature with an enlargement of their preroga- 
 tives. A plan had been devised by Hamilton in- 
 tended to obviate this difficulty, by funding the 
 public debt.
 
 132 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Hamilton was interested in behalf of the army, 
 lie had witnessed its prodigious toils and sufferings 
 during the protracted struggle which had just ended. 
 During its progress sixty-six battles had been fought 
 by those heroes, whose survivors now demanded the 
 payment of their stipulated wages. Hamilton was 
 distressed at the evidences which were apparent, 
 that the people were ungrateful to their deliverers, 
 and were disposed to withhold the means necessary 
 to liquidate these claims. He concludes his letter 
 to "Washington with these words: "I have an indif- 
 ferent opinion of the honesty of this country, and 
 ill-forebodings of its future system. Your excel- 
 lency will perceive I have written with sensations of 
 chagrin, and will make allowance for coloring, but 
 the general picture is too true. God send us all 
 more wisdom." 
 
 In reply to this letter Washington remarks : " I 
 read your private letter of the 25th with pain, and 
 contemplated the picture it had drawn with aston- 
 ishment and horror. But I will yet hope for the 
 best. The idea of redress by force is too chimerical 
 to have had a place in the imagination of any seri- 
 ous mind in this army; but there is no telling what 
 unhappy disturbances may result from distress, and 
 distrust of justice ; and as the fears and jealousies 
 of the army are alive, I hope no resolution will be
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 133 
 
 come to for disbanding or separating the lines, till 
 the accounts are liquidated. The suspensions of the 
 officers are afloat, notwithstanding the resolutions 
 which have passed on both sides ; and any act which 
 can be construed into an attempt to separate them 
 before the accounts are settled will convey the most 
 unfavorable ideas of the rectitude of Congress; 
 whether well or ill founded matters not, the conse- 
 quences will be the same." Washington then pro- 
 ceeds to mention, " in strict confidence," a scheme 
 which had been devised secretly to make the oiH- 
 cers of the army " puppets to establish continental 
 funds." 
 
 The situation of Mr. Hamilton between these con- 
 flicting parties was difficult and unpleasant. In 
 this crisis he determined to use his utmost efforts to 
 induce Congress to comply with the claims of the 
 army, and to prevail upon the States to vest in Con- 
 gress the necessary enlargement of their power so 
 to do, in order that the public faith, which he justly 
 denominated the "corner stone of public safety," 
 might be preserved unimpaired and unquestioned. 
 In the end his labors were not without producing 
 the desired result. 
 
 In April, 1783, the question of the surrender of 
 prisoners and the evacuation of the military posts 
 came np for final settlement. A difficulty arose in 
 12
 
 134 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Congress as to whether the treaty specifying these 
 points meant the provisional and preliminary treaty 
 which had Ibeen already concluded, and whether 
 these measures should he carried out immediately 
 after the adoption of that treaty; or whether the 
 final and definite treaty which was yet to be con- 
 summated was the one intended. Mr. Hamilton 
 suggested the propriety of the latter construction ; 
 inasmuch as he held it injudicious to make a total 
 restoration of prisoners until they are willing to fix 
 the precise period of their departure from the 
 country.* 
 
 Hamilton was chairman of the committee on 
 peace arrangements. In a letter to Mr. Robert 
 Morris, the Superintendent of Finance, he proposed 
 the establishment of a National Marine, in accord- 
 ance with the ideas which he had advanced at large 
 in the Continentalist ; inasmuch as to a commer- 
 cial people maritime power must be a primary object 
 of attention, and because a navy cannot be created 
 or maintained without ample resources. He also 
 suggested more directly and minutely the establish- 
 ment of a national coinage. His views on the lat- 
 ter subject were original and profound ; and though 
 he had but recently devoted some attention to tho 
 
 See the Madison Debates. I. pp. 443, 444.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 135 
 
 perusal of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, and 
 had in consequence derived no small advantage from 
 that able work, yet his views were more enlarged 
 than his, and much better adapted to the peculiar 
 situation and wants of the country as it then existed, 
 lie prepared and submitted to Congress a catalogue 
 of the proper articles for taxation. In addition to 
 the regular impost, he proposed a graduated house 
 tax, a land tax, and various other specific taxes. 
 His arrangement of these items was such that the 
 easiest taxes fell upon articles of luxury, and the 
 lightest on articles of necessity. He held the doc- 
 trine that the genius of liberty reprobates every 
 thing in taxation, which is arbitrary, discretionary, 
 and uncertain. It requires that every man should 
 know exactly how much, by the operation of a re- 
 gular and impartial rule, the State demands of his 
 profits and his substance for the support of the 
 great ends of government. 
 
 Hamilton further proposed, that the States should 
 confer on the federal government the power of 
 levying, for the use of the United States, specific 
 duties on certain enumerated imported articles, and 
 a duty of five per cent, ad valorem upon all other 
 goods, excepting arms, ammunition, clothing, and 
 articles imported for the use of the United States. 
 He proposed that these duties should be applied to
 
 136 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the discharge only of the interest or principal of 
 the debts contracted for the support of the war, 
 and to be continued for twenty-five years. The 
 collectors were to be appointed by the States, but 
 were to be amenable to Congress alone. If no 
 State made an appointment of collectors within a 
 certain time, then Congress should themselves ap- 
 point. He suggested such an amendment to the 
 Articles of Confederation, as would provide that all 
 public charges and expenses should be defrayed 
 out of a common, treasury, to be supplied by the 
 States, in proportion to the number of inhabitants 
 of every age, sex, and condition, excepting Indiana 
 not paying taxes in each State, according to the 
 laws of each State. These resolutions, when ac- 
 ceded to by every State, were to form an irrevoca- 
 ble and independent compact, without the concur- 
 rence of all the States, or a majority of the States 
 represented in Congress. He also proposed that 
 wool-cards, cotton-cards, and the wire for making 
 them, should be exempt from taxation, in order 
 the more effectually to promote domestic industry. 
 Congress eventually adopted his suggestions, Mas- 
 sachusetts and Rhode Island alone objecting. 
 
 At this period Mr. Morris, the Superintendent 
 of Finances, threatened to resign his office. The 
 possibility of such an event afflicted Hamilton, who
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 137 
 
 well knew the great value of that officer's services 
 to the country. After the passage of the revenue 
 bill, a committee was appointed of whom Hamil- 
 ton was one, to confer with him on the subject. 
 The reasons which Mr. Morris gave for his intended 
 course were the continued refusal of Congress to 
 make an effectual provision to liquidate the public 
 debts, and the probability which impended there- 
 from, that his administration would end in dis- 
 grace ; and that the overthrow of the national credit 
 and the ruin of his private fortune would ensue, 
 Congress finally passed a resolution, after the re- 
 port of the committee had been received, to the 
 effect that the public service required that Mr. Mor- 
 ris should remain in office until the reduction of 
 the army, and the completion of the financial ar- 
 rangements connected with it. 
 
 Important labors now occupied the attention of 
 Hamilton as chairman of the military committee. 
 On May 1st, 1783, he submitted a report, propos- 
 ing the reduction of the corps of invalids. It pro- 
 vided full pay for life to all those officers who were 
 seriously disabled. It proposed the establishment 
 of a hospital for all the non-commissioned officers 
 and soldiers who were proper inmates for it, to be 
 there supported for life, providing them also with 
 rations and clothing. In order more effectually to 
 1-2*
 
 138 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 accomplish these desirable results, Hamilton of 
 fered a resolution which contained the following 
 considerations : It asserted " the indispensable ne- 
 cessity of making the army, when reduced, an ad 
 vance of pay before they leave the field; and as 
 there are many other engagements for which the 
 public faith is pledged, that the States be called 
 upon, in the most solemn manner, to make every 
 effort for the collection of taxes ; and that Congress 
 confidently rely, for an immediate and efficacious 
 attention to the present requisition, upon the dis- 
 position of their constituents, not only to do justice 
 to those brave men who have suffered and sacri- 
 ficed so much in the cause of their country, and 
 whose distresses must be extreme, should they be 
 sent from the field without a payment of a part of 
 their well-earned dues ; but also to enable Congress 
 to maintain the faith and reputation of the United 
 States, both which are seriously concerned in re- 
 lieving the necessities of a meritorious army and 
 fulfilling the public stipulations. That the Super- 
 intendent of Finance be directed to make the ne- 
 cessary arrangements for carrying the views of Con- 
 gress in execution ; and that he be assured of their 
 firm support towards fulfilling the engagements he 
 has already taken or may take on the public ac- 
 count during his continuance in office ; and that a
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 139 
 
 further application should be made to the king of 
 France of an additional loan of three millions of 
 livres." 
 
 Anxious that no effort should be omitted for the 
 fulfillment of the pledges given by Congress to ap- 
 portion to the troops specific quantities of land, he 
 prepared a resolution "that a committee should be 
 appointed to consider of the best manner of carrying 
 into execution the engagements of the United 
 States for certain allowances of land to the army at 
 the conclusion of the war." This subject was re- 
 ferred to a committee for consideration. After its 
 deliberations were concluded, Hamilton drew up a 
 report, which was adopted. It provided that until 
 the lands granted by Congress should be located 
 and surveyed, certificates should be given to the 
 officers and soldiers as evidences of their claims, 
 and to the legal representatives of those who had 
 fallen during the war. Congress at length began 
 to entertain the same apprehensions which afilicted 
 Washington ; and a resolution was offered to dis- 
 charge that part of the army which had been en- 
 listed for service during the war. Hamilton pro- 
 posed as a substitute, that the commander-in-chief 
 be instructed to grant furloughs to those soldiers 
 who had enlisted for the war, with an assurance of 
 their permanent discharge immediately after the
 
 140 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 conclusion of the definitive treaty, and that they 
 should then be conducted to their homes in a man- 
 ner most convenient to themselves, and that they 
 should be allowed to retain their arms which, 
 though the property of the State, had become en- 
 deared to them as mementos of their past services. 
 
 The attention of this great statesman whose 
 capacious and vigilant mind seemed to grasp intui- 
 tively all the multiform interests and wants of the 
 nation then struggling into political existence, and 
 who, at this early age of twenty-six, displayed a 
 profundity and universality of mind unequalled 
 in the whole history of statesmen was turned 
 to the removal of all the obstacles which still 
 impeded the execution of the treaty with Eng- 
 land ; and to measures intended to secure the fron- 
 tiers of the United States. And in order to pre- 
 vent any infractions of the treaty by the United 
 States, he introduced a resolution requiring the re- 
 moval of all obstructions to the recovery of debts, 
 the restitution of all confiscated property on re- 
 ceiving an' - equivalent, and the future disconti- 
 nuance of all confiscations, as being in harmony 
 with that spirit of moderation and liberality which 
 ought ever to characterize the deliberations and 
 measures of a free and enlightened people. 
 
 In the performance of his duties as chairman of the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 141 
 
 military committee, Hamilton undertook to remedy 
 the existing evils in the Quartermaster General'8 
 department. He saw and felt the difficulties which 
 attended the proper establishment of military sup- 
 plies. He proposed that that officer should be in- 
 trusted with the appointment of all the sub-officers 
 of that department; that he should give them their 
 designations; that he should apportion their pay; 
 and that he should specify the means of transpor- 
 tation to be allowed to each rank in the army, and 
 their respective amount of forage and subsistence. 
 
 As chairman of the committee on peace arrange- 
 ments, he prepared a report in reference to the de- 
 partment of foreign affairs. It provided that the 
 secretary of that department should occupy the 
 position of chief of the diplomatic corps. It as- 
 serted that it was his duty to lay before Congress 
 such plans for conducting the political and commer- 
 cial intercourse of the United States with foreign 
 powers as might appear to him to be best adapted 
 to promote their interests. It allowed him the 
 same salary as was provided for a minister to a 
 foreign court; and permitted him to have an official 
 secretary to be nominated by himself, who was to 
 receive the same compensation as the secretary of 
 an embassy. The report also specified the salary 
 of each minister, and declared him to be possessed
 
 142 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of consular powers in the country in which he re- 
 sided, and as having full control over all vice-con- 
 suls and commercial agents. Vice-consuls were to 
 be appointed without salaries, and to be permitted 
 to engage in trade. 
 
 The ideas of Mr. Hamilton in reference to a peace 
 establishment, may be inferred from the following 
 provisions contained in his report on that subject. 
 He recommended an armament in each State, con- 
 sisting of four regiments of infantry and one of artil- 
 lery, with two additional battalions, to be incorpo- 
 rated in a corps of engineers, and a regiment of 
 dragoons. He proposed that the States should 
 intrust to Congress the right to appoint the regi- 
 mental officers; and he suggested that no officer 
 should consider it a violation of his rights, if any 
 other officer, who has had an opportunity to dis- 
 tinguish himself, and has done so, should receive 
 an extra promotion on that account. He recom- 
 mended the appointment of an agent of marine, to 
 prepare the way for the future erection of maritime 
 fortifications ; to obtain information in reference to 
 the establishment of ports, and the formation of a 
 navy. He suggested the building of arsenals, and 
 the manufacture of such articles as were necessary 
 for military operations, sufficient to equip ninety thou- 
 sand men. He named Springfield, "West Point,
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 143 
 
 and Camclen, as suitable places of deposit. The 
 details of a general hospital for invalid soldiers 
 were also given. He proposed the appointment 
 of a military board to revise the regulations and 
 digest a general ordinance for service of the troops 
 of the United States, and another for the service of 
 the militia. 
 
 The deliberations of Congress were at this crisis 
 interrupted by an unexpected occurrence, which, 
 at that critical period of our national history might 
 have led to the most serious results. 
 
 The old levies of the Continental army had 
 quietly disbanded and returned home, satisfied with 
 the poor and inadequate provision which Congress 
 had made for the payment of the sums which were 
 due them at the termination of the war. The new 
 levies, many of whom had never seen a battle, were 
 neither so patriotic nor so reasonable. A portion 
 of these were stationed in the barracks at Phila- 
 delphia and Lancaster. They refused to accept 
 their discharges, without immediate payment. They 
 presented a petition to Congress stating that fact. 
 Congress took no notice of it. The insurgents from 
 Lancaster marched to Philadelphia, and great fears 
 were entertained that the bank would be attacked, 
 and that plunder and rapine would ensue. Con- 
 gress removed to Princeton, and ordered General
 
 144 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 St. Glair to inform the malecontents that if they re- 
 turned to Lancaster, their demands would be com 
 plied with. They refused to do so. An attempt 
 was made to induce the executive of Pennsylvania 
 to call out the militia to preserve the public peace. 
 He declined. Congress then ordered General Howe 
 to march to Philadelphia to disarm the insurgents, 
 and to bring their leaders to trial. These decisive 
 measures were found to be effectual ; and the rebel- 
 lion was quickly quelled. Hamilton was the chair- 
 man of the committee which waited on the execu- 
 tive of Pennsylvania ; and to his suggestions the final 
 establishment of tranquillity and order was in a great 
 measure attributable. This labor concluded his 
 public services, during the eight months of his con- 
 nection with this important session of Congress/ 
 
 Before the adjourment of this Congress Hamil- 
 ton had prepared a series of resolutions, in view of 
 the existing defects of the Confederation, by whioh 
 Congress invited the attention of the States to the 
 necessity of a revisal and amendment of it. These 
 resolutions earnestly recommended to the several 
 States to appoint a convention, with full powers to 
 revise the Confederation, and to adopt and propose 
 such alterations as to them should seem necessary, 
 to be finally approved or rejected by the States re- 
 spectively; and that a committee be appointed to
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 145 
 
 prepare an address on the subject. But after ma- 
 ture consultation with, his friends in Congress, he 
 came to the conclusion that the movement was 
 premature, and that the people and their represen- 
 tatives were not yet prepared for so important and 
 vital a proposition. Yet this suggestion of Hamilton 
 became eventually the initiatory idea of that mag- 
 nificent fabric of a general government, whose 
 splendid and harmonious proportions now adorn 
 the land of the Revolution; which now embraces 
 within its capacious arms the inhabitants of a vast 
 continent, and is the nursing mother to the freest 
 and most prosperous government and people on the 
 globe ! 
 
 13
 
 14G THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 HAMILTON RETURNS TO ALBANY RESUMES THE PRACTICE OF THE LAW 
 PARTICULARS RESPECTING HIS FIRST CASK HIS FOKENSIO LEARNING 
 AND ELOQUF.NCE HIS PUBLICATION OF " PHOCION" ITS EFFECTS 
 HE DRAFTS THK CONSTITUTION OF THB BANE OF NEW YORK HAMIL- 
 TON'S VIEWS ON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN SLAVERY HIS CONDUCT 
 IN REFERENCE TO A SLAVE LAFAYETTE'S OPINIONS ON THE SAMB 
 8C EJECT. 
 
 AFTER the adjournment of Congress Hamilton 
 retired, in October, 1783, to his family at Albany. 
 His career in the National Legislature had covered 
 him with glory. His abilities had there outshone 
 all his associates, both as an orator, as a statesman, 
 as a financier, as a writer, and as a publicist. He 
 may without the least exaggeration be termed a 
 prodigy ; especially when his career is viewed with 
 reference to his youthful age, and to the small pro- 
 portion of ^preliminary instruction which he had 
 enjoyed. At the age of twenty-six he had been 
 the leading spirit, the commanding genius, of the 
 great American Continental Congress! And this 
 rare and remarkable pre-eminence had been willingly 
 and not grudgingly assigned him by the aged fa- 
 thers of the Republic, who saw with pride and
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON*. 147 
 
 without envy the splendid superiority of their 
 youthful associate, and were anxious to appropriate 
 them to the service of their common country. He 
 had long possessed the full confidence of "Washing, 
 ton. He had now secured the admiration and es- 
 teem of both the nation and of their chosen repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 It was the purpose of Hamilton on returning to 
 Albany, to retire from the cares of political life, 
 and devote himself entirely to the profession which 
 he had chosen. From Albany he intended, imme- 
 diately after the evacuation of New York by the 
 British, to remove thither. lie did so in November, 
 1783. Before leaving Philadelphia, he had written 
 to his wife with his usual ardor and affection : " I 
 give you joy of the happy conclusion of this im- 
 portant work in which your country has been en- 
 gaged. Now, in a very short time, I hope we shall 
 be happily settled in New York. My love to your 
 father. Kiss my boy a thousand times. A thou- 
 sand loves to yourself." Such were the domestic 
 feelings of the great master intellect of the revolu- 
 tionary era of American history ! 
 
 It may readily be supposed that the national fame 
 which Hamilton had already acquired, together with 
 his own indomitable industry and his transcendent 
 abilities, would soon procure for him a large and
 
 148 THE LIFE AXD TIMES 
 
 lucrative practice in the legal profession. Such was 
 the fact. During five years he devoted himself in a 
 very considerable degree to his professional duties, 
 and he very soon acquired a high fame as an advo- 
 cate. The richness of his mind prevented him from 
 becoming a mere case-lawyer. He did not convert 
 his memory into a lumbering depository of prece- 
 dents. Yet he was familiar with the principles of 
 the science ; and this knowledge, together with his 
 rare eloquence, his vigorous logic, his persuasive 
 and attractive manner, rendered him the most 
 efficient and popular advocate at the New York 
 bar, with the exception of Aaron Burr alone. That 
 great, bad man, with the candor which usually at- 
 tends true genius, acknowledged the superior talents 
 and eloquence of his rival ; and frequently spoke of 
 him as a man of fertile imagination and a powerful 
 declaimer.* 
 
 The very first case in which Hamilton was era- 
 ployed was one of more than ordinary interest. 
 It was tried in the Mayor's Court of New York. 
 The suit was brought to recover the rents, issues, 
 and profits of property which was held by the 
 defendant under an order of Sir Henry Clinton ; 
 and was founded on what was known as the Tres 
 
 See Memoirs of Aaron Burr, by M. L. Davis, Vol. II. p. 22.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 149 
 
 pass Act. This act allowed suits to be brought by 
 persons who had deserted their residences in conse- 
 quence of the invasion of the British, against those 
 who had occupied them during the war ; and took 
 away the plea, in defense of that occupancy, that 
 they were authorized by a military order. The de- 
 fense contended that the present case was not with- 
 in the statute ; that the suit was barred by the laws 
 of nations ; and that the recent treaty extinguished 
 the right of action given by the statute. 
 
 This suit possessed great interest inasmuch as its 
 decision, immediate or final, would decide the fate 
 of other property to an immense amount. It was con- 
 tended that the national faith and honor were in- 
 volved in the issue. It would determine whether 
 the State tribunals w r ould recognize the laws of 
 nations and of the confederacy as the rule of their 
 decisions, when these came in conflict with a mere 
 local statute. The parties to the present cause were, 
 as plaintiff, a fugitive and exile, a poor American 
 widow, whose whole worldly wealth was involved 
 in the issue ; and a defendant, a rich English mer- 
 chant, and a partisan of the British king. The 
 cause was tried while party spirit still ran high, in a 
 court-room which itself bore evidences of the recent 
 occupancy of a brutal and savage foreign soldiery. 
 The attorney-general appeared for the plaintiff, and
 
 150 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 in behalf of the State authority. Mr. Hamilton 
 had been retained by the aristocratic and detested 
 foreigner. 
 
 Never did an advocate defend a more unpopular 
 cause. Yet never did an advocate display more 
 eloquence, more ingenuity, more ability. Ilamilton 
 began by asserting that the position of the respec- 
 tive parties to the suit, whether rich or poor, was an 
 indifferent inquiry. He looked only at the abstract 
 justice of the case. He dwelt eloquently upon the 
 importance of the principle at issue. He declared 
 that the decision would affect the reputation of the 
 young Republic in the distant nations of Europe, 
 who had just learned with surprise and perhaps with 
 envy, of the establishment of the liberties and the 
 vindication of the glory of the American name. It 
 would decide the future complexion of our jurispru- 
 dence. It was the first case of the kind, and would 
 form the precedent of hundreds to come, which 
 would hereafter determine the destination of mil- 
 lions of property. 
 
 He then asserted that the laws of nations, and the 
 laws of war, form part of and were recognized by 
 the Common Law of England. He stated the two 
 great divisions of the laws of nations, the internal, 
 binding on the consciences of nations ; the external, 
 controlled by positive enactments; the former in-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 151 
 
 voluntary, the second voluntary and arbitrary. He 
 proceeded to define the proper method of the con- 
 struction of statutes, and applied the principle con- 
 tended for to that case. He went into an examina- 
 tion of the jurisdiction of the court ; and explained 
 the distinctions which were to be allowed between a 
 citizen and a British subject in the United States, 
 who claimed the protection of international law. 
 He concluded with a bold exposure of the fraud and 
 injustice of the plaintiff's demand, and with an 
 effective appeal to preserve the faith and honor of 
 the nation, thus pledged in the articles of peace to 
 those who held titles to property obtained during 
 the foreign occupancy of the city. He concluded 
 not unfitly with Seneca's well known maxim : "Fides 
 isanctijicissimum liumani pectores bonum est." 
 
 The logic and eloquence of Hamilton won the day, 
 notwithstanding that a powerful current of popular 
 prejudice ran against his cause. A decision was 
 entered in favor of the defendant. The court also 
 ruled that " our Union is known and legalized in 
 our Constitution, and adopted as a fundamental 
 law in the first act of our legislature. The federal 
 compact has vested Congress with full and exclusive 
 powers to make peace and war. This treaty they 
 have made and ratified, and rendered its obligation 
 perpetual; and we are clearly of opinion that no
 
 152 THE LIFE AKD TIMES 
 
 State in this Union can alter or abridge, in a single 
 point, the Federal Articles or the Treaty." 
 
 Although the learning and ability of the defen- 
 dant's advocate could convince the court, it could 
 not overpower the force of popular prejudice. A 
 town meeting was called, which, while compliment- 
 ing Hamilton for the ability displayed by him in 
 the conduct of the cause, proceeded to stigmatize the 
 decision of the court as having a tendency to curtail 
 the liberties of the people ; asserting that if their in- 
 dependence was worth fighting for to obtain, it was 
 worth contending for to perpetuate. The legisla- 
 ture were memorialized on the subject; and that 
 subservient body decreed that the court's decision 
 was subversive of all law and order, and that here- 
 after such men only should be appointed as judges 
 who would administer the laws fearlessly, intelli- 
 gently, and justly. 
 
 The result of this his first cause was to elevate 
 Hamilton very greatly in public estimation as an ad- 
 vocate. The more wealthy portions of the citizens 
 regarded hrs. course with great favor; and very soon 
 their approval took substantial forms of patronage, 
 by intrusting to his care their commercial interests, 
 when litigated in courts of justice. 
 
 The excitement produced by the trial of this im- 
 portant case long continued to agitate the commu-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 158 
 
 nity. Hamilton thought it advisable to publish a 
 labored argument on the principles involved in the 
 case ; and it appeared under the title of "Phocion." 
 This production, written with his usual ability, con- 
 tains an earnest appeal to the friends of liberty, and 
 to the true Whigs, on the enormity of recent laws 
 passed by men who were bent on mischief, who 
 were practising on the passions of the people, and 
 who were propagating the most inflammatory and 
 pernicious doctrines. This production appeared in 
 1784, when the author was twenty-seven years of 
 age.* It was eagerly read throughout the whole 
 country, and was republished in London. It drew 
 forth many answers. One alone was worthy of 
 notice ; and it was signed "Mentor." To this Hamil- 
 ton rejoined in a production entitled : " Phocion's 
 Second Letter, containing Kemarks on Mentor's 
 Reply." 
 
 An idea of the style and spirit of this celebrated 
 production may be formed from the following ex- 
 tract. The clearness, force and beauty of his com- 
 position will strike every appreciative reader. 
 
 " The body of the people of this State are too 
 firmly attached to the democracy, to permit the 
 principles of a small number to give a different tone 
 
 * See Works of Alexander Hamilton, edited by John C. Hamilton, 
 Vol. II. p. 400.
 
 154 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to tliat spirit. The present law of inheritance, making 
 an equal division among the children of the parents' 
 property, will soon melt down those great estates, 
 which, if they continued, might favor the power of 
 the few. The number of the disaffected, who are 
 so from speculative notions of government, is small. 
 The great majority of those who' took part against 
 us, did it from accident, from the dread of the 
 British power, and from the influence of others to 
 whom they had been accustomed to look up. Most 
 of the men who had that kind of influence are 
 already gone. The residue and their adherents 
 must be carried along by the torrent, and with veiy 
 few exceptions, if the government is mild and just, 
 will soon come to view it with approbation and 
 attachment. There is a bigotry in politics as well 
 as in religion, equally pernicious to both. The 
 zealots of either description are ignorant of the ad- 
 vantage of a spirit of toleration. It is remarkable, 
 though not extraordinary, that those characters, 
 throughout the States, who have been principally 
 instrumental in the Eevolution, are the most opposed 
 to persecuting measures. Were it proper, I might 
 trace the truth of this remark, from that character 
 which has been the first in conspicuousness, through 
 the several gradations of those, with very few ex-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 155 
 
 ceptions, who either in the civil or military line 
 have borne a distinguished part." 
 
 He concludes as follows : 
 
 " Those who are at present intrusted with power 
 in all these infant republics, hold the most sacred 
 deposit that ever was confided to human hands. It 
 is with governments as with individuals, first im- 
 pressions and early habits give a lasting bias to the 
 temper and character. Our governments hitherto 
 have no habits. How important to the happiness, 
 not of America alone, but of mankind, that they 
 should acquire good ones ! If we set out with jus- 
 tice, moderation, liberality, and a scrupulous regard 
 to the constitution, the government will acquire a 
 spirit and tone productive of permanent blessings 
 to the community. If, on the contrary, the public 
 councils are guided by humor, passion, and preju- 
 dice if, from resentment to individuals or a dread 
 of partial inconveniences, the constitution is slighted 
 or explained away upon every frivolous pretext the 
 future spirit of government will be feeble, distracted, 
 and arbitrary. The rights of the subject will be the 
 sport of every vicissitude. There will be no set- 
 tled rule of conduct, but every thing will fluctuate 
 with the alternate prevalency of contending fac- 
 tions. 
 
 " The world has its eye upon America. The no-
 
 156 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 ble struggle we have made in the cause of liberty, 
 has occasioned a kind of revolution in human senti- 
 ment. The influence of our example has penetrated 
 the gloomy regions of despotism, and has pointed 
 the way to inquiries which may shake it to its deep- 
 est foundations. Men begin to ask every where, 
 ' Who is this tyrant, that dares to ljuilt his greatness 
 on our misery and degradation ? What commis- 
 sion has he to sacrifice millions to the wanton appe- 
 tites of himself and the few minions that surround 
 his throne ?' 
 
 " To ripen inquiry into action, it remains for us to 
 justify the Revolution by its fruits. If the conse- 
 quences prove that we have really asserted the cause 
 of human happiness, what may not be expected 
 from so illustrious an example ? In a greater or less 
 degree, the world will bless and imitate. 
 
 "But if experience, in this instance, verifies the 
 lesson long taught by the enemies of liberty that 
 the b-ulk of mankind are not fit to govern them- 
 selves that they must have a master, and were only 
 made for the- rein and the spur we shall then see 
 the final triumph of despotism over liberty. The 
 advocates of the latter must acknowledge it to be an 
 ignis fatuus and abandon the pursuit. With the 
 -greatest advantages for promoting it that ever a 
 people had, we shall have betrayed the cause, of human
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 157 
 
 nature! Let those in whose hands it is placed, 
 pause for a moment, and contemplate with an eye 
 of reverence the vast trust committed to them. Let 
 them retire into their own bosoms and examine the 
 motives which there prevail. Let them ask them- 
 selves this solemn question Is the sacrifice of a 
 few mistaken or criminal individuals an ohject 
 worthy of the shifts to which we are reduced to 
 evade the constitution and our national engage- 
 ments ? Then let them review the arguments that 
 have been offered with dispassionate candor, and if 
 they even doubt the propriety of the measures they 
 may be about to adopt, let them remember that in a 
 doubtful case the constitution ought never to be 
 hazarded without extreme necessity." 
 
 So effectively did " Phocion" tell on the feelings 
 and interests of the opponents of Hamilton, that the 
 most furious animosity was aroused against him. 
 An association of these men formed themselves into 
 a club, and at one of their secret meetings they re- 
 solved that Hamilton should be challenged, and 
 that in case the first challenger should fall, the 
 whole club would challenge him in succession, 
 should it be necessary, in order to compass his 
 death. But one member opposed this infamous 
 proposition ; and that member was " Mentor." The 
 individual who had assumed this pseudonym wua 
 14
 
 158 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 named Isaac Ledgard, and lie at once bad the honor 
 and magnanimity to declare : " This, gentlemen, 
 cannot be. What ? You write what you please ; and 
 because you cannot refute what he writes in reply, 
 you form a combination to take his life." The pro- 
 position was at length abandoned. Some time after- 
 ward Hamilton, who had heard of this conspiracy 
 and its defeat, dined in company with Ledgard. 
 Hearing him addressed as "Mentor," Hamilton im- 
 mediately arose and taking him by the hand said : 
 " Then you, my dear sir, are the friend who saved 
 my life." Ledgard replied: "That, you know, is 
 what you did for me." 
 
 Although Hamilton was at this period deeply en- 
 gaged in his professional pursuits, he found time to 
 direct his attention to the financial interests of his 
 own State. The operation of the Bank of North 
 America having given much dissatisfaction even to 
 its friends, the establishment of a Bank of New 
 York was proposed, and its plan submitted to the 
 examination of Hamilton. While this enterprise was 
 tinder consideration, the plan of a Land Bank was 
 devised by Chancellor Livingston, and a petition was 
 offered to the legislature for a charter. This was a 
 dangerous and objectionable scheme, but one which, 
 seemed to obtain much favor with the people. 
 They rashly supposed that it would be a veritable
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 159 
 
 "philosopher's stone," and turn rocks, earth, and 
 trees into gold. 
 
 The constitution of the Bank of New York which 
 Hamilton drew up was adopted ; half a million of 
 dollars were subscribed at a single meeting; and 
 he was chosen one of its directors, and ap- 
 pointed chairman of the committee to prepare its 
 by-laws. 
 
 At that early period of the history of the Ame- 
 rican Confederacy, the subject of negro slavery 
 had not attracted a large degree of attention, or 
 possessed a vital interest. A single instance only 
 is recorded in the life of Hamilton, in which he 
 came personally and directly in contact with the 
 subject. An association was formed in 1784, in 
 New York, opposed to the existence of slavery in 
 that State, and designed to accomplish its gradual 
 and legal removal. Lafayette, still the personal and 
 intimate friend of Hamilton, alluded in one of his 
 letters to this subject: "I find in one of your Ga- 
 zettes an association against the slavery of negroes, 
 which seems to be worded in such a way as to give 
 no offense to the moderate men in the southern 
 States. As I have ever been partial to my brethren 
 of that color, I wish, if you are in the society, you 
 would move in your own name for my being ad- 
 mitted on the list." This association was a branch
 
 160 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of a similar one already established in Philadel- 
 phia. John Jay was its president. Hamilton was 
 one of its leading members, and was chairman of 
 a committee appointed to devise ways and means 
 to accomplish the object of the society. 
 
 In performance of his duty as chairman of this 
 committee he proposed a resolution in the society 
 to the effect, that every member of it should manu- 
 mit his own slaves. This resolution was warmly de- 
 bated and then postponed. He himself never owned 
 a slave, and consequently had none to manumit; but 
 having been informed that a domestic whom he 
 had hired was about to be sold by her master, he 
 purchased her freedom for her. He thus practically 
 obeyed the injunction contained in the resolution 
 which he had proposed to the society ; but which 
 few of the members were willing to imitate or exe- 
 cute. Disgusted with their inconsistency and self- 
 ishness, he afterward discontinued his attendance 
 on their meetings; although his own sentiments 
 on this grave question never were known to have 
 undergone any alteration.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. ]C1 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OP THE SOCIETY OP THE CINCINNATI ITS CONSTITUTION 
 AND PURPOSES POPULAR PREJUDICE AGAINST IT JEFFERSON'S OPI- 
 NIONS IN REFERENCE TO IT THE CONVENTION AT ANNAPOLIS HAMIL- 
 TON'S ACTIVITY AND INFLUENCE IN THAT BODY IS ELECTED A MEM- 
 BER OF THE NEW YORK LEGISLATURE HIS LABORS THERE IS TH8 
 MEANS OF ESTABLISHING THE NEW YORK UNIVERSITY. 
 
 THE year 1786 still finds the illustrious, and 
 even yet youthful, subject of this memoir actively 
 devoted to his professional duties in N"ew York. 
 Nevertheless he took a prominent share in many 
 movements which concerned the honor and pros- 
 perity of the country. One of these was with refe- 
 rence to the celebrated society of the Cincinnati. 
 
 This association had been formed immediately 
 after the conclusion of the revolutionary war. Its 
 members were composed of the officers of the army, 
 and it was established at the encampment on the 
 Hudson. Its avowed and only object was to aid in 
 preserving the liberties which its members had aided 
 so effectually to obtain ; and more especially to pro- 
 mote national union, and render permanent the 
 mutual affection of the officers by acts of brotherly 
 courtesy and beneficence. It is enough to say in 
 14*
 
 102 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 defense of tliis society, that George "Washington 
 was president-general. It had separate branches, 
 composed of the officers who resided in each State, 
 connected with and subordinate to the general so- 
 ciety. One of the peculiar features of the society 
 was that its members were composed, not only of 
 the officers then living, of all grades, but that the 
 succession of membership should continue to their 
 eldest male posterity. 
 
 There was evidently nothing dangerous or anti- 
 republican in the principles and purposes of this 
 organization. Its chief aim was to keep alive the 
 memory of those stirring times, and of those great 
 toils and labors, in which its members had partici- 
 pated. It was natural that, after seven years of as- 
 sociation together in such scenes as those which cha- 
 racterized the progress of the revolutionary struggle, 
 its actors should not wish to let their recollection and 
 their freshness perish ; but rather to cherish them 
 in full and cheerful remembrance, as long as was 
 compatible with the inevitable mutability of all 
 human affairs. 
 
 Singular as it may now appear, this society be- 
 came the object, in the year 1786, of violent popu- 
 lar prejudices and abuse. It was asserted that the 
 society was intended to create a race of hereditary 
 patricians, to invade and endanger the liberties of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON". 163 
 
 the country; and that it was repugnant to the ge- 
 nius of free institutions. 
 
 Nor was this opposition confined to the vulgar 
 and the ohscure. Many persons joined in the cla 
 mor, who, having only been engaged in the civil 
 service, were jealous of every thing with which 
 they were not identified. Mr. Jefferson advised 
 the Cincinnati that they would do better and wiser 
 to melt down their eagles. Mr. Adams denounced 
 the association as an inroad on the first principles 
 of equality, and as an institution intended to sow the 
 seeds of vanity, ambition, corruption, discord and 
 sedition among the community. 
 
 A general meeting of the society was at length 
 called, in consequence of the popular outcry. 
 "Washington presided over its deliberations. A mo- 
 tion was made to abolish the hereditary provision 
 in the constitution of the society. The State so- 
 ciety of New York also met on July 4th, 1780. 
 Before this body Hamilton delivered an oration on 
 the subject; and as chairman of a committee he 
 presented a report, in which his views of the pro- 
 posed change are embodied. He strongly opposed 
 the abolition of the hereditary provision, as being 
 necessary to the perpetuation of the society, and 
 as being harmless in itself. At the same time, how- 
 ever, he recommends several alterations in the con-
 
 164 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 stitution of minor importance. He suggested that 
 there should be a distinction established between 
 honorary and regular members. His suggestions 
 were eventually adopted ; and the progress of time 
 has long since clearly evinced not only the total 
 absurdity of the outcry which was made against 
 the Cincinnati at that period, but also the harm- 
 lessness, the propriety, and the excellence of the 
 institution in every imaginable respect. It remains 
 to this day one of the purest, noblest, and most ho- 
 norable mementos of the most glorious era of Ame- 
 rican history. Her medals still bear upon them, 
 not unfitly, the appropriate maxim : Omnia reliquit 
 servare rempublicam; and they still proclaim the pa- 
 triotic principle and hope, in reference to the liber- 
 ties which its members themselves had purchased : 
 Esto perpetua. 
 
 An invidious mind might detect a spark of pride 
 in this sentiment, but a liberal one can perceive 
 nothing except the most exalted patriotism ! 
 
 The pride of station, and the ostentation of rank 
 peculiar to Toyal governments, are not only neces- 
 sary to the safety of the king, but indispensable to 
 the pomp and glitter of a court ; hence they are as 
 foreign to the simplicity of a republic, and to. the 
 virtuous habits of a free people, as pure republican 
 principles would be inconsistent with, as well as
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1C5 
 
 destructive of, royal power and regal magnifi- 
 cence. 
 
 Happily for the fame of Hamilton the project 
 for the establishment of the society of the Cin- 
 cinnati did not originate with him. "This idea, 
 (says Marshall) was suggested by General Knox, 
 and matured in a meeting composed of the gene- 
 rals, and of deputies from the regiments, at which 
 Major-General le Baron Steuben presided. An 
 agreement was then entered into, by which the offi- 
 cers were to constitute themselves into one society 
 of friends, to endure as long as they should endure* 
 or any of THEIR ELDEST MALE POSTERITY; and in fai- 
 lure thereof, any collateral branches who might be 
 judged worthy of becoming its supporters and 
 members were to be admitted into it. To mark 
 their veneration for that celebrated Roman, between 
 whose situation and their own, they found some 
 similitude, they were to be denominated the "So- 
 ciety of the Cincinnati." Individuals of the re- 
 spective States, distinguished for their patriotism 
 and abilities, might be admitted as honorary mem- 
 bers for life, provided their numbers should at no 
 time exceed a ratio of one to four. 
 
 "The society was to be designated by A MEDAL OP 
 GOLD, representing the American eagle, bearing on 
 its breast the devices of the ORDER, which was to be 
 suspended by a deep blue ribbon, edged with white,'
 
 166 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 &c. Of this new order, "Washington was unani- 
 mous!}* chosen president. 
 
 "Without experiencing any open opposition," 
 (says Marshall) "this institution was carried into 
 complete effect; and its honors, especially by the 
 foreign officers, were sought with great avidity. 
 But soon after it was organized, those jealousies, 
 which in its first moments had been concealed, 
 burst forth into open view. In October, 1783, a 
 pamphlet was published by Mr. Burk, of South Ca- 
 rolina, for the purpose of rousing the apprehen- 
 sions of the public, and of directing its resentments 
 against the society. Perceiving in the Cincinnati 
 the foundation of an hereditary order, whose 
 base, from associating with the military the chiefs 
 of the powerful families in each State, would ac- 
 quire a degree of solidity and strength admitting 
 of any superstructure, he portrayed, in that fervid 
 and infectious language which is the genuine off- 
 spring of passion, the dangers to result from the 
 fabric uhich would be erected on it. The minis- 
 ters of tbT United States too, in Europe, and the 
 political theorists who cast their eyes toward the 
 west for support to favorite systems, having the 
 privileged orders constantly in view, were loud 
 in their condemnation of an institution, from 
 which a race of nobles was expected to spring.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 167 
 
 Throughout every State the alarm was spread, and a 
 high degree of jealousy pervaded the mass of the 
 people." 
 
 Hamilton endeavored to procure a modification 
 of some of the more aristocratic features of the in- 
 stitution, but his efforts were without success. 
 
 The same apprehensions in reference to this so- 
 ciety have contined to exist until the present period, 
 although they are much diminished by the extinc- 
 tion of its original members, and by the progress 
 of free and liberal principles. 
 
 In a letter to General Washington, dated April 
 16, 1784, Air. Jefferson gives, at full length, hia 
 objections to the institution of the Cincinnati, from 
 which we introduce the following brief passage: 
 " The objections of those who are opposed to the 
 institution shall be briefly sketched. You will rea- 
 dily fill them up. They urge that it is against the 
 confederation, against the letter of some of our con- 
 stitutions, against the spirit of all of them; that 
 the foundation on which all these are built is the 
 natural equality of man, the denial of every pre- 
 eminence but that annexed to legal office, and par- 
 ticularly the denial of a pre-eminence by birth ; 
 that however, in their present dispositions, citizens 
 might decline accepting honorary installments into 
 the order, a time may come when a well directed
 
 168 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 distribution of them might draw into the order all 
 the men of talents, of office, and wealth; and, in 
 this case, would probably procure an engraftmeiit 
 into the government; that in this they will be sup- 
 ported by their foreign members, and the wishes 
 and influence of foreign courts; that experience 
 has shown that the hereditary branches of modern 
 governments are the patrons of privilege and pre- 
 rogative, and not of the natural rights of the people, 
 whose oppressors they generally are; that, besides 
 these evils, which are remote, others may take place 
 more immediately; that a distinction is kept up 
 between the civil and military, which it is for the 
 happiness of both to obliterate; that when the 
 members assemble they will be proposing to do 
 something, and what that something may be, will 
 depend on actual circumstances ; that being an or- 
 ganized body, under habits of subordination, the 
 first obstruction to enterprise will be already sur- 
 mounted ; that the moderation and VIRTUE of a single 
 character have probably prevented this revolution from 
 being closed, as most others have been, by a subversion 
 of that liberty it was intended to establish; that he is 
 not immortal, and his successor, or some of his suc- 
 cessors, may be led by false calculations into a less 
 certain road to glory." 
 
 It has always been known that Mr. Jefferson was 
 opposed to the institution of the Cincinnati, as con-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON 169 
 
 taining the germ of an hereditary nobility; but to 
 what precise extent he carried his objections, 
 it is difficult to discover. The foregoing letter, 
 published by his grandson, in the volume that con- 
 tains his memoir of his own life, throws some 
 light on the subject. It appears, from the preced- 
 ing extract, that he opposed it on the broadest 
 grounds of democracy, equality, and popular sove- 
 reignty and rule. 
 
 His letters from Paris in 1785 and '86, to Wash- 
 ington himself, as well as others, breathe the purest 
 attachment and the highest veneration for that 
 great patriot ; from whom he does not seem to have 
 become alienated till subsequent events and his own 
 ambition generated feelings of an opposite nature : 
 all produced by the new situation which he was 
 called to occupy in the government. It is re- 
 markable also that at the dates here referred to, he 
 took peculiar pleasure in discoursing on matters 
 connected with pomp, splendor, and ceremony; so 
 that the Court of Versailles, instead of disgusting 
 his republican taste, seems on the contrary to have 
 been highly pleasing to him. Being intrusted at 
 this time with a commission to procure an artist to 
 execute an equestrian statue of Washington, he ap- 
 pears to have taken great pleasure, and spent much 
 labor in that undertaking ; which led him to a pro- 
 tracted correspondence, in which his overflowing 
 16
 
 170 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 affection for "Washington was constantly manifested, 
 which could not fail to awaken in the breast of 
 the first President a corresponding sentiment of 
 attachment, esteem, and confidence. 
 
 During this year (1786) Hamilton's career was dis- 
 tinguished by the active and eflicient part which he 
 took in the Annapolis convention. He had never 
 abandoned his views in reference to the great design 
 of a national constitution. He wished that New York 
 should definitively adopt or reject the revenue system 
 of 1783 ; and in case she rejected it, that she should 
 appoint commissioners to attend the Annapolis con- 
 vention, the aims and .purposes of which were solely 
 commercial. He regarded this commercial conven- 
 tion as a preliminary measure to a general convention 
 to form a federal constitution. Commissioners to the 
 Annapolis convention were appointed by the legis- 
 lature of New York, of whom Hamilton was one. 
 New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania also ap- 
 pointed commissioners. Those selected by New 
 York, in addition to Hamilton, were Duane, K. R. 
 Livingston, R. C. Livingston, Benson, and Ganse- 
 voort. Benson and Hamilton alone proceeded to 
 Annapolis.* After some deliberation a committee 
 
 * The States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
 and North Carolirfa had also appointed commissioners ; but they 
 did not attend. New York, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and 
 Is'ew Jersey alone were represented.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 171 
 
 was appointed to prepare an address to the States, 
 and the draft of this address was written by Hamil- 
 ton. It was offered and adopted on the 14th Sep- 
 tember, 1786. 
 
 This address described with great force and clear- 
 ness the condition of the States, and the necessity 
 for a more efficient government. It urged the pro- 
 priety of a speedy meeting of delegates from all the 
 colonies of the Confederacy. It asserted that impor- 
 tant defects existed in the commercial system of the 
 federal government; that, in consequence, embar- 
 rassments characterized the existing state of our na- 
 tional affairs, both foreign and. domestic ; that the 
 best remedy for these would be the assembling of a 
 general convention from all the States ; that a suit- 
 able time and place for the assembling of such a con- 
 vention would be the second Monday of May, 1787, 
 at Philadelphia; and that the great aim and pur- 
 pose of that convention should be to render the 
 constitution of the federal government adequate 
 to meet the existing exigencies of the Union ; and 
 report such an act for that purpose to the United 
 States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to 
 by them, and afterward confirmed by the Legisla- 
 ture of each State, will most effectually provide for 
 the same. 
 
 Immediately after the adjournment of the Con-
 
 172 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 vention of Annapolis, which had resulted only in 
 recommending wise and judicious measures to the 
 several colonies, Hamilton was elected to the Legis- 
 lature of New York. That State had, under the 
 guidance of its governor, Clinton, obstinately re- 
 fused to acquiesce in the adoption of the proposed 
 revenue system of 1783. It was thought by the 
 party at whose head Clinton stood, that the interests 
 of New York as a separate State were different 
 from, and antagonistic to the operation of the system 
 of 1783, which nearly all the other members of the 
 confederacy had approved. One of the provisions 
 of that law was, that the revenues due to the federal 
 government from the State should be collected by- 
 federal officers, who were amenable only to the 
 authority of the United States. The idea of State 
 aggrandizement alone guided the policj' of Governor 
 Clinton, forgetful of the necessity and duty of 
 protecting, in a confederacy like this, the interesta 
 of the central government. 
 
 At this period the influence of Governor Clinton, 
 who had already occupied his high place for nearly 
 ten years, was almost supreme in New York ; but 
 Hamilton was nominated for the assembly by the 
 wise and patriotic party who opposed his contracted 
 policy ; and as their representative he was elected, his 
 great personal popularity contributing in no small
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 173 
 
 degree, to the accomplishment of this result. Gene- 
 ral Schuyler was at the same time their candidate 
 for the Senate. The legislature met in January, 
 1787, in the city of New York. The opening ad- 
 dress of the governor was referred to a committee of 
 which Hamilton was a member. He drew up its re- 
 port. The committee having made a report in which 
 they abstained from either censuring or commend- 
 ing the conduct of Governor Clinton, Hamilton 
 addressed the house.* His speech was lengthy, but 
 plain, simple, and argumentative. He went over the 
 whole subject involved in the controversy. He pro- 
 posed conciliation, and an acquiescence with the 
 recommendation of Congress on the subject of the 
 revenue. But so strong were the prevalent preju- 
 dices, and so powerful was the party of Governor 
 Clinton, that when the vote was taken on the re- 
 port, the conciliatory substitute which Hamilton had 
 offered was rejected by thirty-six to nine. 
 
 Hamilton's presence in the Legislature of 1787 
 was marked by his usual industry and ability. He 
 moved a reference of the laws which seemed appa- 
 rently to contravene the provisions of the late treaty 
 
 * The chief dispute about the conduct of the governor was, 
 whether or not he should have called a meeting of the legislature at 
 an earlier date, according to the requisition of Congress, in order to 
 approve of the act of 1783. 
 
 15*
 
 174 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 with Great Britain ; another relative to debts due 
 to persons within the enemy's lines; and another iu 
 reference to the Trespass Act, already referred to in 
 these pages. lie took a prominent part in a dis- 
 cussion which arose in regard to excluding from, 
 seats in the legislature all those who were either 
 pensioners or officers of the federal government. 
 lie delivered an elaborate speech in reference 
 to the election laws, and upon the important 
 question whether the legislature possessed the 
 power of abridging the constitutional rights of 
 the people. 
 
 As a member of the Committee of Ways and 
 Means, he brought forward a plan which he had 
 long before matured, to exclude arbitrary valuations 
 in taxation. His great purpose was to substitute a 
 mode by which each individual might himself esti- 
 mate the amount of his taxes, without being de- 
 pendent on the caprices of another, and to secure, 
 as far as possible, certainty and equality in taxation. 
 He also directed his attention to criminal jurispru- 
 dence. He proposed a law for the speedy trial of 
 small offenders. He introduced clearer definitions 
 of all the grades of crime, and a more efficient 
 method of obtaining the operation and benefit of the 
 Habeas Corpus Act. In all his proposed amend- 
 ments in reference to criminal law, benevolence to
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 the fallen, and clemency to the guilty, were the 
 leading principles which guided him. He devised a 
 plan to build up a great system of public instruction 
 upon comprehensive principles, to incorporate that 
 system into the public policy of the State, and to 
 render it by constant and familiar use an indis- 
 pensable and cherished want of the community. 
 He proposed an institution for public instruction 
 under the form and title of a University, to be 
 known as the "University of the State of New 
 York ;" and to his energy and enlightened patriot- 
 ism that city is indebted for the stately presence 
 and benignant influence of her noble University ; 
 and for the establishment of several of the most 
 useful Academies which now exist throughout the 
 State.
 
 176 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN THE STATES OF VERMONT AND NEW YORK 
 HAMILTON'S SPEECH ON THE SUBJECT A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION PRO- 
 POSED BY HAMILTON CONDITION AND WANTS OF THE COUNTRY ARTI- 
 CLES OF CONFEDERATION VIRGINIA PROPOSES A FEDERAL CONVENTION 
 HAMILTON CHOSEN TO REPRESENT THE STATE OF NEW YORK IN IT 
 HIS IMPORTANT LABORS IN THAT CONVENTION DRAFTS THE CONSTITU- 
 TION OF THE UNITED STATES PROVISIONS OF THAT CONSTITUTION 
 6REAT DIFFICULTIES TO BE OVERCOME ITS FINAL ADOPTION. 
 
 IN March, 1787, a crisis of great importance and 
 danger occurred in our national history. The State 
 of Vermont was at that time, in effect, an independ- 
 ent sovereignty. She had never united with the 
 confederacy. She was a stranger, and seemed soon 
 about to assume the attitude of an enemy to the 
 Union. Many of the inhabitants of New York had 
 purchased from that State lands in the disputed terri- 
 tory claimed by Vermont. Mr. Hamilton, then a mem- 
 ber of the N"ew "York Legislature, introduced a bill 
 " to authorize the delegates of New York in Congress 
 to accede to and confirm the independence and sove- 
 reignty of the people inhabiting the district of country 
 commonly called Vermont." He accompanied this 
 bill with appropriate remarks, showing how it was
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 177 
 
 the only means of quieting the existing disturb- 
 ance,,and averting the impending dangers of intes- 
 tine war. 
 
 The bill was violently opposed by counsel in be- 
 half of those citizens who claimed lands within the 
 jurisdiction of that State. Richard Harrison, a 
 distinguished lawyer of New York, was heard in 
 their behalf at the bar of the House. He argued 
 against the bill with great learning and ability. He 
 attempted to prove that it was unconstitutional, 
 impolitic, and destructive of the rights of the citizens 
 of New York. Mr. Hamilton responded ; and his 
 argument was one of unsurpassed power and elo- 
 quence. He vindicated his bill by showing that the 
 State was under no obligations from the principles 
 involved in the social compact whatever they might 
 be pleased to do from generosity or policy to in- 
 demnify the citizens of New York for losses sus- 
 tained by a violent dismemberment of a part of the 
 body politic, which they did not possess the power 
 to prevent or to reclaim. This speech, together 
 with one which he delivered in favor of the cession 
 of the five per centum imposts to the United States, 
 were justly regarded as perfect models of senatorial 
 argument and eloquence, were universally admired 
 at the time by men of all parties, and contributed 
 in no small degree to elevate his already exalted
 
 178 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 fame. In the speech in reference to the impost he 
 took a comprehensive view of the history and con- 
 dition of the Union, and clearly demonstrated that 
 there was no constitutional impediment to the pas- 
 sage of the bill; that there was not the slightest 
 danger to be apprehended to the liberty of the 
 people by intrusting the power in question to the 
 United States ; that the measure was highly advan- 
 tageous in consequence of its influence on the 
 revenue ; and that our national affairs would soon 
 be involved in ruin, if the chaos which then existed 
 and pervaded every portion of them, to a greater or 
 less extent, was permitted to continue. It was on 
 this occasion that he made the following remarkable 
 declaration : " If in the public stations I have filled 
 I have acquitted myself with zeal, fidelity and dis- 
 interestedness; if in the private walks of life my 
 conduct has been unstained by any dishonorable 
 act; I have a right to the confidence of those to 
 whom I address myself."* 
 
 After the conclusion of his speech on the subject 
 of the dispute with Vermont, the question was taken, 
 and the bill recognizing the independence of that 
 State, on the condition that she united with the 
 
 * See a " Brief Review of the Public Life and Writings of Gene- 
 ral Hamilton" in the Albany Sentiuel," New York, Hopkins & 
 Seymour, 18u4.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 179 
 
 confederacy, was passed. This happy result averted 
 the horrors of a civil war, which at that crisis im- 
 pended very closely over the respective States to 
 the issue. 
 
 We have now arrived at that point, in the career 
 of this remarkable man so full of intellectual re- 
 sources, so patriotic, so indefatigable, so sagacious, 
 so eloquent, and so profound, that his labors and his 
 abilities seem to transcend, even in the most cautious 
 judgment, those of any other statesman of ancient 
 or modern times ; when he performs his most im- 
 portant service to his country, and erects a monu- 
 ment to his own fame more honorable and more 
 permanent than fell to the lot of any other Ameri- 
 can patriot, save Washington alone. "We mean the 
 formation and adoption of the Federal Constitution 
 which now unites, governs, and protects this glori- 
 ous Union with such prosperity and splendor. A 
 few remarks in reference to the state and wants of 
 the country, at that important period, will not be in- 
 appropriate as preliminary to a relation of Hamil- 
 ton's agency in reference to the matter. 
 
 After the termination of the Revolutionary war, 
 the States were governed by the Articles of Confed- 
 eration or Union which had been formed under the 
 influence and pressure of the common danger. The 
 progress of time soon very clearly proved that they
 
 180 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 furnished no solid foundation for the establishment 
 and perpetuity of the government. The prevalence 
 of peace and prosperity introduced many selfish and 
 conflicting interests, the disposition and control 
 of which were not provided for. A radical and 
 thorough reform now became absolutely indispensa- 
 ble; and the wisest and ablest statesmen of the 
 land readily acknowledged and felt this necessity. 
 The original compact required the concurrence of 
 seven States to the validity of every act of legisla- 
 tion, and of nine to some of the most important of 
 them. The consequence was that frequently some 
 of the States were not represented in some of the 
 sessions of the general Congress; or were repre- 
 sented by one member only, or by an even number. 
 The result of this was that in many cases these 
 States had n-o voice in the passage of the laws, or 
 their votes being equal were of no effect. 
 
 The existing bond of union was not only defec- 
 tive in its powers, but also in the means of execut- 
 ing them. All its acts were of none effect in the 
 respective States unless approved by the legislatures 
 of those States. The laws of Congress were de- 
 pendent on the support and endorsement of the State 
 laws in order to give them validity and effect. The 
 general government was thus totally paralyzed. No 
 sufficient fund could be provided to liquidate the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 181 
 
 interest of the national debt. The consequence wag 
 that the public securities of the United States fell to 
 one-tenth of their nominal value. The soldiers of 
 the Revolution, who had bought with their toils and 
 blood the liberties of the land, had received a certi- 
 ficate for the payment of their dues, which necessity 
 often compelled them to sell, and for which they 
 could obtain but an insignificant equivalent. The 
 man of wealth who had made loans to the Conti- 
 nental government in the hour of its darkest neces- 
 sity, was deprived not only of his interest, but even 
 of a portion of his principal. An apology and ex- 
 cuse had been embraced for the non-fulfillment of 
 the private contracts which had been formed, in con- 
 sequence of this dereliction of the government. 
 The results of all these evils were in the highest 
 degree disastrous. Mutual confidence was in a great 
 measure destroyed. The moral tone of the com- 
 munity was seriously deteriorated. Heavy restric- 
 tions were placed on American commerce. The in- 
 tercourse with the British West Indies, from which 
 the colonies had derived large supplies of gold and 
 silver, was forbidden and cut off by the British 
 government. Spain resisted their right to navigate 
 the Mississippi river. Their safety in the Mediterra- 
 nean sea was put in jeopardy. Being no longer 
 protected by the power and awe of the British flag, 
 16
 
 182 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 American ships were attacked in those and the ad- 
 jacent waters by the Algerine pirates ; and they 
 were thus compelled to abandon a most lucrative 
 trade, or else insure their cargoes at a most ruinous 
 premium. Thus in reality many of the evils which 
 ensued after the attainment of independence, were 
 even greater than those which the British" despot 
 
 had inflicted previous to the outbreak of the Revo- 
 
 
 
 hition. The people imagined that with the attain 
 rneiit of liberty they had secured boundless pros 
 perity, that all their misfortunes and troubles were 
 at an end ; but they discovered that they had 
 secured freedom without its appropriate concomi- 
 tants, and the name of an independent nation with 
 out its influence, its position, and its attributes. 
 
 The operation of these pernicious causes led some 
 to adopt violent unconstitutional and pernicious re- 
 medies. Riots and insurrections had occurred in 
 Massachusetts; the arsenal was attacked, and a 
 demand made of the legislature to reduce the taxes. 
 Other outbursts in other directions took place, all 
 of which, to discerning minds, were portents of 
 greater evils yet to come. It became absolutely ne- 
 cessary to adopt some efficient remedy, if the pros- 
 perity of the country was to be rescued from the 
 impending ruin. Accordingly James Madison, in 
 the name of Virginia, made a proposition to all the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 183 
 
 other States of the Confederation to meet in general 
 convention, in order to digest a form of government 
 equal and adapted to the growing exigencies of the 
 colonies. The State of Virginia, immediately after 
 the adjournment of the Convention at Annapolis, 
 appointed seven commissioners to the general con- 
 vention. New Jersey was the second to adopt the 
 proposition ; and on the 23d of November she selected 
 commissioners with similar powers. Pennsylvania 
 was the third, and appointed her representatives on 
 the 30th of December, 1786. At first the State of 
 New York was not disposed to co-operate. Some of 
 her leading statesmen were misled by the selfish 
 policy of Governor Clinton, who still wished to 
 aggrandize the State at the expense of the federal 
 government. Hamilton put forth his utmost efforts 
 to counteract this pernicious and short-sighted po- 
 licy. Congress then sat in the city of New York, 
 lie mixed daily with the members. He used every 
 possible method of conciliation toward the national 
 representatives and those of the legislature of the 
 State. His house was their frequent resort ; and by 
 the charms of his eloquence, and by his unequaJed 
 powers of conversation, he endeavored to convince 
 all men of the necessity and value of a more perfect 
 and efficient union. He condemned those who 
 asserted that it was unsafe to confer great fiscal
 
 184 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 powers on Congress, because it was a body without 
 checks, while at the same time they refused to alter 
 and amend its constitution in such a manner as to 
 render it both responsible and efficient. At length 
 on the 8th of March, 1787, New York concurred, 
 and appointed delegates to the Convention. These 
 were Chief Justice Yates, Hamilton, and Lansing.* 
 On the 9th of April, Massachusetts appointed five 
 deputies. At length, on the 25th of May, represen- 
 tatives from every State in the Union except Rhode 
 Island met in Philadelphia. They chose General 
 Washington as president. They deliberated with 
 closed doors until the 17th of September, and during 
 the interval they had adopted the new plan of na- 
 tional government now known and revered through- 
 out the civilized world, as the " Constitution of the 
 United States of America." This constitution was 
 signed by Washington as president of the Conven- 
 tion, and was approved by him. Copies of it were 
 gent to the legislatures of the different States for 
 their approval. It was submitted by the several 
 legislatures to Conventions appointed in each State 
 by the people. And it was at length, after thorough 
 and mature deliberation, adopted and approved by 
 every one of the then existing States. 
 
 * See Senate Journal of New York, February 28th, 1787.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 185 
 
 The agency of Hamilton in this celebrated Con- 
 vention was of the first prominence and importance. 
 The details of his activity were not then known, in- 
 asmuch as the deliberations were held with closed 
 doors. Yet the nature and value of his labors \ve 
 may now readily estimate from facts that have since 
 become known.* That Convention, to whose hands 
 was committed the creation of that sublime and 
 omnific instrument which was destined to mould the 
 character and future career of this vast confederacy, 
 which even now in half a century rivals in mag- 
 nitude, in power, and in glory, the empires of 
 Augustus or Charlemagne, were duly impressed 
 with the importance of the functions confided 
 to their hands ; and yet they intrusted to Hamil- 
 ton, still a young man of thirty years, the most 
 responsible and difficult portions of their duty. A 
 committee was first appointed to frame the standing 
 rules of the Convention. "Wythe of Virginia, Pinck- 
 ney of South Carolina, and Hamilton, were appointed 
 the members of that committee. They reported, and 
 their report, with some unimportant amendments, 
 was adopted. On the 29th of May, fifteen proposi- 
 
 * The Journal of the Debates of the Federal Convention was 
 published by order of Congress, March 27th, 1818. It is an incident 
 here worthy of note, that Mr. Madison survived all the other mem - 
 oers of that Convention. 
 
 16*
 
 186 TIIE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 tions suggesting the establishment of a national 
 government were laid before the Convention by 
 Edmund Randolph of Virginia. The Convention 
 resolved itself into a committee of the whole to dis- 
 cuss these propositions. Different members then 
 addressed the committee at length. Charles Pinck- 
 ney was the first. Hamilton, in his argument, con- 
 tended that a national government ought to be esta- 
 blished consisting of a supreme legislative, judicial, 
 and executive branches; and that the right of suffrage 
 in the National Legislature ought to be apportioned 
 to the number of free inhabitants and not to the 
 quotas of contribution. The discussions in the Con- 
 vention were protracted and deliberate. An im- 
 portant theme of debate which arose, was, whether 
 the Convention should recommend the establish- 
 ment of a national government, or whether it should 
 propose mere articles of confederation. Hamilton 
 contended, as might have been expected, for the 
 former. In fact two parties existed in the Conven- 
 tion, at the head of one of which was Hamilton, the 
 federalist, and at the head of the other was Madison, 
 the radical or democrat. Hamilton contended that 
 the National Legislature should have the power 
 to negative all the laws of the States which to them 
 appeared improper. He thought that this power
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 187 
 
 would create a mutual dependence between the 
 general and state authorities. 
 
 Neither of the parties seemed able to harmonize 
 on the plans already proposed. It appeared as if 
 their deliberations would eventually prove futile 
 and productive of no result. During the sessions of 
 the Convention, and while the discussion of Mr. 
 Randolph's propositions was progressing, Hamilton 
 had been busily preparing a plan of government in 
 which, while he closely adhered to the great princi- 
 ples which should lie at the basis of a republic, en- 
 deavored to impart to it the permanency, vigor and 
 efficiency which characterize a constitutional and 
 limited monarchy. On the 18th of June he ad- 
 dressed the committee of the whole at length ; and 
 proposed the chief ideas of the system which he in- 
 tended to submit. This celebrated speech, of which 
 the systematic and logical skeleton still remains 
 among his papers,* was pronounced by Gouverneur 
 Morris to have been the most able and impressive he 
 had ever heard ; and during its delivery he read the 
 elaborate plan of government which he had pre- 
 pared ; a plan so fully and perfectly matured by his 
 sagacious and powerful mind, that it might have 
 gone into immediate effect the very day of its 
 
 See Life of Hamilton, by J. C. Hamilton, Vol. II. p. 481
 
 1 <8 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 adoption. It consisted of ten articles, each article 
 being subdivided into sections. 
 
 The first article declared that the supreme legisla- 
 tive power ought to be vested in an assembly and 
 senate, subject to a negative ; that the supreme 
 executive power should be intrusted to a president ; 
 and the supreme judicial authority vested in a court 
 consisting of not less than six nor more than twelve 
 justices. 
 
 The second article proposed that the representa- 
 tives should be chosen by the free male citizens of 
 the several States of the Union, all of whom of the 
 age of twenty-one years and upward should be en- 
 titled to an equal vote. 
 
 The third article related to the second branch of 
 the legislature, or senate. The fourth article had re- 
 ference to the chief executive, the mode of his elec- 
 tion, his prerogatives, and his duties. The fifth 
 article discussed the office of the chief justice, of the 
 other justices, of the trial by jury. The various 
 other articles which followed were intended to meet 
 the different exigencies in national history which 
 might occur ; the establishment of the army, the 
 protection of property, the execution and fulfillment 
 of treaties, the creation of new States, and the 
 common rights and immunities which, in every part 
 of the confederacy, should forever be the possession
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 189 
 
 of every American citizen. The tenth article finally 
 provided that the new constitution should be sub- 
 mitted to Conventions of the people of each State, 
 consisting of deputies chosen by their respective 
 legislatures. "When the constitution had thus been 
 fully and finally ratified, Congress were to give no- 
 tice of a time and place of meeting of the senators 
 and representatives from all the States ; a majority 
 of whom when assembled should, by a plurality 
 of votes in joint ballot, elect a president of the United 
 States ; and the government thus organized under 
 the new constitution should commence its operation. 
 Such was the plan devised by the sagacious and 
 profound intellect of Hamilton. The great principle 
 which lay at the foundation of his system was that, 
 in order to render the confederacy powerful, pros- 
 perous, and enduring, the national government 
 ought to have sufficient authority and vigor dele- 
 gated to it by the State government, to enable it to 
 support itself without the aid or interference of the 
 State governments. He contended that the first 
 branch of the national legislature should be elected 
 directly by the people, and not by the State legisla- 
 tures ; because the period might arrive when the 
 State legislatures would cease to exist. As to the se- 
 cond branch, the senate, he asserted that they should 
 be chosen by the people through the agency of
 
 190 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 electors. He held and repeatedly uttered the great 
 doctrine, that true liberty was to be found neither in 
 despotism, nor in the extremes of democracy, but in 
 moderate governments alone; for too much de- 
 mocracy leads to popular despotism. 
 
 The views of Jefferson, the illustrious father of 
 American democracy, in reference to the federal 
 Constitution, may be ascertained from the following 
 extracts from his letters ; and are interesting in this 
 connection. 
 
 "This Convention met at Philadelphia. It eat 
 with closed doors, and Ijept all its proceedings secret 
 until its dissolution on the 17th of September, when 
 the results of its labors were published all together. 
 I received a copy early in November, and read and 
 contemplated its provisions with great satisfaction. As 
 not a member of the Convention, however, nor pro- 
 bably a single citizen of the Union had approved it 
 in all its parts, so I too found articles which I thought 
 objectionable. The absence of express declarations 
 insuring freedom of religion, freedom of the press, 
 freedom of the person, under the uninterrupted pro- 
 tection of the habeas corpus, and trial by jury in 
 civil as well as in criminal cases, excited my jeal- 
 ousy ; and the re-eligibility of the president for life 
 I quite disapproved. I expressed freely, in letters 
 to ray friends, and more particularly to Mr. Madi-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Ijl 
 
 son and General Washington, my approbations and 
 objections. How the good should be secured, and 
 the ill brought to rights, was the difficulty. To 
 refer it back to a new Convention might endanger 
 the loss of the whole. My first idea was, that the 
 nine States first acting should accept it uncon- 
 ditionally, and thus secure what in it was good ; and 
 that the four last should accept on the previous con- 
 dition that certain amendments should be agreed 
 to ; but a better course was devised of accepting the 
 whole, and trusting that the good sense and honest 
 intentions of our citizens would make the altera- 
 tions which should be deemed necessary. Accord- 
 ingly all accepted, six without objection, and seven 
 with recommendations of specified amendments. 
 Those respecting the press, religion, and juries, with 
 several others of great value, were accordingly made ; 
 but the habeas corpus was left to the discretion of 
 Congress, and the amendment against the re-eligi 
 bility of the president was not proposed. My fears 
 of that feature were founded on the importance of 
 the office, on the fierce contentions it might excite 
 among ourselves, if continuable for life, and the 
 dangers of interference, either with money or arms, 
 by foreign nations, to whom the choice of an Ame- 
 rican president might become interesting. Exam- 
 ples of this abounded in history ; in the case of the
 
 192 *HE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Roman emperors, for instance of the popes, while 
 of any significance of the German emperors, the 
 kings of Poland, and the deys of Barbary. I had 
 observed, too, in the feudal history, and in the recent 
 instance particularly of the Stadtholder of Holland, 
 how easily offices or tenures for life slide into in- 
 heritances. My wish therefore was, that the pre- 
 sident should be elected for seven years, and be in- 
 eligible afterward. This term I thought sufficient 
 to enable him, with the concurrence of the legisla- 
 ture, to carry through and establish any system of 
 improvement he should propose for the general good. 
 But the practice adopted, I think, is better allow^ 
 ing his continuance for eight years, with a liability 
 to be dropped at half-way of the term, making that 
 a period of probation. That this continuance should 
 be restrained to seven years was the opinion of the 
 Convention at an earlier stage of its session, when 
 it voted that term by a majority of eight against 
 two, and by a simple majority that he should be in- 
 eligible a second time. This opinion was confirmed 
 by the House so late as July 26th, referred to the 
 committee of detail, reported favorably by them, 
 and changed to the present form by final vote, on 
 the last day but one only of their session. Of this 
 change, three States expressed their disapprobation 
 New York, by recommending an amendment that
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 193 
 
 the president should not be eligible a third time, 
 and Virginia and North Carolina that he should not 
 be capable of serving more than eight in any term 
 of sixteen years ; and although this amendment has 
 not been made in form, yet practice seems to have 
 established it. The example of four presidents vo- 
 luntarily retiring at the end of their eighth year, 
 and the progress of public opinion that the principle 
 is salutary, have given it in practice the force of 
 precedent and usage; insomuch, that should a pre- 
 sident consent to be a candidate for a third election, 
 I trust he would be rejected, on this demonstra- 
 tion of ambitious views. 
 
 "But there was another amendment, of which 
 none of us thought at the time, and in the omission 
 of which lurks the germ that is to destroy this happy 
 combination of national powers in the general 
 government for matters of national concern, and in- 
 dependent powers in the States for what concerns 
 the States severally. In England it was a great 
 point gained at the Revolution that the commis- 
 sions of the judges, which had hitherto been during 
 pleasure, should thenceforth be made during good 
 behavior. A judiciary dependent on the will of the 
 king, had proved itself the most oppressive of all 
 tools in the hands of that magistrate. Nothing then 
 could be more salutary than a change there to the 
 17
 
 194 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 tenure of good behavior; and the question of good 
 behavior left to the vote of a simple majority in the 
 two houses of Parliament. Before the Revolution, 
 \ve were all good English whigs, cordial in their 
 free principles and in their jealousies of their execu- 
 tive magistrate. These jealousies are very apparent 
 in all our State constitutions; and in the general 
 government, in this instance, we have gone even 
 beyond the English caution, by requiring a vote of 
 two-thirds, in one of the houses, for removing a 
 judge ; a vote so impossible, where any defense is 
 made, before men of ordinary prejudices and pas- 
 sions, that our judges are effectually independent 
 of the nation. Bnt this ought not to be. I would not, 
 indeed, make them dependent on the executive 
 authority, as they formerly were in England ; but 
 I deem it 'indispensable to the continuance of this 
 government, that they should be submitted to some 
 practical and impartial control; and that this, to be 
 impartial, must be compounded of a mixture of 
 State and Federal authorities. It is not enough 
 that honest men are appointed judges. All know 
 the influence of interest on the mind of man, and 
 how unconsciously his judgment is warped by that 
 influence. To this bias add that of the esprit dii 
 corps, of their peculiar maxim and creed that 'it is 
 the office of a good judge to enlarge his jurisdiction,'
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 195 
 
 and the absence of responsibility; and how can we 
 expect impartial decision between the general 
 government, of which they are themselves so emi- 
 nent a part, and an individual State, from which 
 they have nothing to hope or fear? "We have seen, 
 too, that contrary to all correct example, they are in 
 the habit of going out of the question before them, 
 to -throw an anchor ahead, and grapple further hold 
 for future advances of power. They are then, in 
 fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily work- 
 ing to undermine the independent rights of the States, 
 and to consolidate all power in the hands of that 
 government in which they have so important a 
 freehold estate." 
 
 In a letter to F. Hopkinson, dated Paris, March 
 13th, 1789, he avows himself an advocate of a con- 
 solidated government, and disclaims the suspicion 
 of being an anti-federalist. " You say that I have 
 been dished up to you as an anti-federalist, and ask 
 me if it be just. My opinion was never worthy 
 enough of notice, to merit citing ; but since you ask 
 it, I will tell it to you. I am not a federalist, be- 
 cause I never submitted the whole system of my 
 opinions to the creed of any party of men whatever, 
 in religion, in philosophy, in politics, or in any 
 thing else, where I was capable of thinking for my- 
 self. Such an addiction is the last degradation of
 
 196 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 a free and moral agent. If I could not go to hea- 
 ven but with a party, I would not go there at all. 
 Therefore I protest to you, I am not of the party of 
 federalists. But I am much farther from that of the 
 anti-federalists. I approved from the first of the 
 great mass of what is in the new constitution ; the 
 consolidation of the government; the organization 
 into executive, legislative, and judiciary ; the sub- 
 division of the legislative ; the happy compromise 
 of interests between the great and little States, by 
 the different manner of voting in the different 
 houses ; the voting by persons instead of States ; 
 the qualified negative on laws given to the. execu- 
 tive, which, however, I should have liked better, if 
 associated with the judiciary also, as in New York ; 
 and the power of taxation. I thought at first that 
 the latter might have been limited. A little re- 
 flection soon convinced me it ought not to be. 
 "What I disapproved from the first moment, also, 
 was the want of a Bill of Rights, to guard liberty 
 against the legislative as well as executive branches 
 of the government; that is to say, to secure freedom 
 in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from 
 monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, 
 freedom from a permanent military, and a trial by 
 jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the 
 land. I disapproved also the perpetual re-eligibility
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 197 
 
 of the, president. To these points of disapprobation 
 I adhere. My first wish was, that the nine first 
 Conventions might accept the constitution, as the 
 means of securing to us the great mass of good it 
 contained, and that the four last might reject it, as 
 the means of obtaining amendments. But I was 
 corrected in this wish the moment I saw the much 
 better plan of Massachusetts, and which had never 
 occurred to me. "With respect to the declaration of 
 rights, I suppose the majority of the United States 
 are of my opinion: for I apprehend all the anti- 
 federalists, and a very respectable portion of the 
 federalists, think that such a declaration should now 
 be annexed. The enlightened part of Europe have 
 given us the greatest credit for inventing this in- 
 strument of security for the rights of the people, and 
 have been not a little surprised to see us so soon 
 give it up. With respect to the re-eligibility of the 
 president, I find myself differing from the majority 
 of my countrymen ; for I think there are but three 
 States of the eleven which have desired an altera- 
 tion of this. And, indeed, since the thing is esta- 
 blished, / would wish it not to be altered during the 
 life of our great leader, whose executive talents 
 are superior to those, I believe, of any man in the 
 world, and who alone, by the authority of his name 
 and the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is 
 17*
 
 198 THF LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 fully qualified to put the new government so under 
 way, as to secure it against the efforts of opposi- 
 tion. But having derived from our error all the 
 good there was in it, I hope we shall correct it the 
 moment we can no longer have the same name at 
 the helm." 
 
 The views of Hamilton gradually gained favor 
 with the most ahle and enlightened members of the 
 Convention. Judge Read, a delegate from Dela- 
 ware, remarked : " I would have no objection if the 
 government was more national. The plan of the 
 gentleman from New York is certainly the best. 
 But the great evil is the unjust appropriation of the 
 public lands. If there was but one national govern- 
 ment, we would be all equally interested." 
 
 It is unnecessary for us to narrate in these pages 
 the details of the deliberations which took place 
 in this memorable Convention. "While that body 
 was still in session, a mysterious report was promul- 
 gated in New York, by the enemies of a National 
 Confederacy, to the effect that the Convention in- 
 tended to establish a monarchy, and to place at its 
 head the Prince Bishop of Osnaburgh.* This 
 
 * The " Bishop of Osimburgh" was the titular dignity which 
 belonged to one of the princes of the royal family of England. It 
 was derived from Osnaburgh, a city of Hanover, and was one of the 
 appendages of the dynasty of the reigning house of Hanover. Al
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 109 
 
 absurd report, in the existing state of public ex- 
 citement and apprehension, was not without its 
 weight. This circumstance increased Hamilton's 
 anxiety for the establishment of an energetic national 
 government. He continued to take an active par- 
 ticipation in all the debates ; and hence Dr. Wil- 
 liam Samuel Johnson, a delegate. from Connecticut, 
 very truly observed, that if "the Constitution did 
 not succeed on trial, Mr. Hamilton was less respon- 
 sible for that result than any other member, for he 
 fully and frankly pointed out to the Convention 
 what he apprehended were the infirmities to which 
 it was liable. And that if it answered the fond ex- 
 pectations of the public, the community would be 
 more indebted to Mr. Hamilton than to any other 
 member ; for after its essential outlines were agreed 
 to, he labored most indefatigably to heal those in- 
 firmities, and to guard against the evils to which 
 they might expose it." 
 
 When the Convention at last came to vote on 
 the adoption of the Constitution which had been 
 proposed and discussed, a few members opposed it, 
 and refused to append their signatures. Among 
 
 the time of the Revolution this title nnd dignity belonged to Prince 
 William Henry, Duke of Clarence. Hence the proposition seated 
 to have been made in the Convention, was nothing less than the 
 re-establishment of British rule in the colonies, in the person of one 
 of the princes of the blood.
 
 
 200 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 these were the deputies from the State of New 
 York; and accordingly the name of Hamilton ap- 
 pears alone subscribed to it. Three others also 
 refused to sign it. These were Gerry, Mason, and 
 Randolph. 
 
 The federal Constitution, as finally adopted and 
 recommended by the Convention, eventually se- 
 cured the approbation of all the States, and went 
 into operation on the first "Wednesday in March, 
 1789.* Twelve additional articles were afterward 
 adopted, at different periods, as soon as they were 
 rendered necessary by the exigencies of the nation. 
 Although some considerable changes were intro- 
 duced into the first draft, as submitted by Hamilton, 
 yet it may with justice be said, that the present 
 Constitution of the United States, the most perfect 
 piece of political machinery which the world has 
 ever seen ; beautiful, complete, harmonious, and effi- 
 cient, as the experience of more than half a century 
 has proved it to be ; was the production of the mas- 
 terly mind of Hamilton, and proceeded from his hand, 
 like Minerva from the brain of Jove, a form of 
 matchless beauty and perfection. "With great truth 
 has the profound statesman Guizot declared, in his 
 able work on the character of "Washington, that 
 "Hamilton must be classed among the men who 
 
 * See 5 Wheaton's Reports, p. 420.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 201 
 
 have best known the vital principles and funda- 
 mental conditions of a government ; not of a gov- 
 ernment such as this, but of a government worthy 
 of its mission and of its name. There is not in the 
 Constitution of the United States an element of 
 order, of force, or of duration, which he has not 
 powerfully contributed to introduce into it and to 
 give it a predominance." 
 
 After the publication of the Constitution, and 
 while the people were discussing its merits through- 
 out the whole nation, complaints were made against 
 Mr. Hamilton to the effect that he had proposed mea- 
 sures to the Convention which were in substance mon- 
 archical. This absurd charge drew forth a voluntary 
 vindication from the celebrated Luther Martin, who, 
 in a publication, declared " that Hamilton, in a most 
 able and eloquent address, did express his general 
 ideas upon the subject of government, and of that 
 government which would, in all human probability, 
 be most advantageous for the United States I ad- 
 mit; but in thus expressing his sentiments he did 
 not suggest a wish that any one officer of the 
 government should derive his power from any other 
 source than the people ; that there should be in any 
 instance an hereditary succession to office ; nor that 
 any person should continue longer than during 
 good behavior." During the period that the Con-
 
 ~02 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Btitution was under popular scrutiny, and in order 
 to counteract the absurd prejudices which not a few 
 designing demagogues were active in disseminating 
 both publicly and secretly among the people, the 
 celebrated series of essays entitled the Federalist 
 was written. Its authors were Hamilton, Madison, 
 and Jay; but the largest and most valuable por- 
 tion of the work was composed by Mr. Hamilton. 
 This is one of the most able and profound produc- 
 tions of any land or age, and deserves to take a 
 permanent and undisputed place by the side of the 
 great works of Burlamaqui, Grotius, and Mon- 
 tesquieu, in the science of Political Philosophy. 
 
 But in order to oppose more directly the tide of 
 popular prejudice and ignorance against the new 
 Constitution, Hamilton published another essay, in 
 which he holds the following language : " The new 
 Constitution has, in favor of its success, these cir- 
 cumstances : A very great weight of influence of 
 the persons who framed it, particularly in the uni- 
 versal popularity of General Washington. The 
 good-will of the commercial interest throughout 
 the States, which will give all its efforts to the 
 establishment of a government capable of regulat- 
 ing, protecting, and extending the commerce of the 
 LTnion. The good- will of most men of property 
 in the several States, who wish a government of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 203 
 
 the Union able to protect them against domestic 
 violence and the depredations which the democratic 
 spirit is apt to make on property, and who are be- 
 sides anxious for the respectability of the nation. 
 The hopes of the creditors of the United States 
 that a general government, possessing the means 
 of doing it, will pay the debt of the Union. A 
 strong belief of the people at large of the insuffi- 
 ciency of the present confederation to preserve the 
 existence of the Union, and of the necessity of the 
 Union to their safety and prosperity; of course, a 
 strong desire of a change* and a predisposition to 
 receive well the propositions of the Convention." 
 
 He also predicted that if the Constitution were 
 adopted, Washington would be elected the first 
 President; that that event would insure a wise and 
 prudent administration; that such an administration 
 would secure the confidence and affection of the 
 whole nation; and that thus the central govern- 
 ment would acquire more consistency and power 
 than by the letter of the Constitution it was entitled 
 to receive. 
 
 In the end, the predictions of this great man and 
 profound statesman were fully realized. The Con- 
 stitution, which he chiefly elaborated, was finally 
 adopted ; and has since become the subject of the 
 constant eulogy of myriads of eloquent tongues,
 
 204 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 and has received the admiration of the whole 
 civilized world. The merit of Hamilton in connec- 
 tion with it can now scarcely be estimated ; but 
 when a thousand years of unequaled national pros- 
 perity and glory shall have rolled over this con- 
 federacy, which his great plastic hand moulded into 
 so compact, so beautiful, and so consistent a mass ; 
 when five hundred millions of beings shall inhabit 
 this continent, turning by their thrifty industry 
 all her boundless plains and valleys into blooming 
 and fruitful gardens ; and when, from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific shore an empire of freemen shall here 
 live and reign under the benign control of that 
 Constitution, being ten times greater than any pre- 
 vious empire that ever existed on the earth ; then, 
 indeed, may the vast services and the venerable 
 name of Alexander Hamilton be cherished with 
 the profound reverence and the high appreciation 
 which they abundantly deserve.* 
 
 In the summer of 1788 the Convention of the State 
 
 * The following observation states clearly and beautifully one of 
 the chief attributes or characteristics of this celebrated work: 
 
 "CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. Like one of those won- 
 drous rocking stones reared by the Druids, which the finger of & 
 child may vibrate to the centre, yet the might of an army co-iild not 
 move it from its place, our Constitution is so nicely poised and 
 balanced, that it seems to sway with every breath of opinion, yet so 
 firmly rooted in the heart and affections of the people, that the 
 wildest storms of treason and fanaticism break over it in vain." 
 B. C. Wmihrop.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 205 
 
 of Xew York met, of which Hamilton was a memher. 
 During the six weeks of its continuance he was 
 actively employed in using his influence to induce 
 that great State to adopt the federal Constitution, 
 and unite with the confederacy. To his exertions 
 it is mainly due that New York became a member 
 of this great family of nations. His speeches be- 
 fore this Convention set forth, with great power and 
 eloquence, the same doctrines which are defended 
 in the Federalist. The most remarkable are those 
 in which he vindicated the constitutional stability 
 and permanency of the United States Senate ; and 
 clearly proved that the organization of that branch 
 of the government ought to possess sufficient power 
 to correct the prejudices, to control the passions, 
 and to resist the fluctuations of the popular branch 
 of the government.* 
 
 * See Works of Alexander Hamilton, by J. C. Hamilton, 7 vols. 
 8vo. Vol. II. p. 467. 
 
 18
 
 206 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE FIRST ELECTION OF FEDERAL OFFICERS RELUCTANCE OF WASHING- 
 TON TO ACCEPT THE PRESIDENCY HIS LETTERS ON THE SUBJECT 
 WASHINGTON IS ELECTED PRESIDENT STATE OF PARTIES IN THE 
 UNITED STATES AT THAT TIME SELECTION OF WASHINGTON'S CABINET 
 HAMILTON CHOSEN SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY HIS FIRST RE- 
 PORT ON PUBLIC CREDIT HIS REPORT ON THE REVENUES ORIGIN OP 
 THE ANIMOSITY BETWEEN HAMILTON AND JEFFERSON HAMILTON'S RE- 
 PORT ON A NATIONAL BANK CONTROVERSY RESPECTING STATE POWER 
 ANll FEDERAL RIGHTS FIERCE CONFLICTS IN WASHINGTON'S CABINET 
 BIS ATTEMPT TO HARMONIZE ITS MEMBERS. 
 
 AFTER the adoption of the federal Constitution, 
 the next step in the progress of the government, in 
 1789, was the election of federal officers. The 
 unanimous voice of a grateful nation loudly 
 invited "Washington to occupy the highest seat 
 within their gift. He alone possessed the full and 
 absolute confidence of the whole people, as yet dis- 
 trustful and suspicious of the rival claims and in 
 terests of sections ; and it was believed that he 
 alone possessed the intelligence, patriotism, firm- 
 ness, knowledge of the wants of the whole con- 
 federacy, and the experience which the crisis de- 
 manded. 
 
 Nothing but a high sense of public duty induced
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 207 
 
 the Father of his country to accept the proffered 
 elevation. He was then fifty-seven years of age. 
 He had borne the innumerable labors and trials of 
 the revolutionary struggle, and had now retired ta 
 the shades of private life, to enjoy the tranquillity 
 and repose which he so much needed ; yet, ever true 
 to the behests of a lofty and unselfish patriotism, he 
 was willing to make any sacrifice which his country 
 might demand of him. On the 30th of April, 1789, 
 he took the oath of office, and entered on the per- 
 formance of his duties. Profound wisdom and 
 prudence characterized all his acts from the mo- 
 ment of his entrance into office. To one of those 
 who, previous to his inauguration, had requested an 
 appointment under government, he replied in the 
 following impressive language : 
 
 " Should it become absolutely necessary for me to 
 occupy the station in which your letter presupposes 
 me, I have determined to go into it perfectly free 
 from all engagements, of every nature whatsoever. 
 
 "If I declined the task it would be upon quite 
 another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced 
 season of life, my increasing fondness for agricul- 
 tural amusements, and my growing love of retire- 
 ment augment and confirm my decided predilec- 
 tion for the character of a private citizen, yet it 
 will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to
 
 208 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 which my former reputation might be exposed, or 
 the "terror of encountering new fatigues and trou- 
 bles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; but, 
 that a belief that some other person, who had less 
 pretense and less inclination to be excused, could 
 execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. 
 To say more would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of 
 a refusal beforehand might incur the application of 
 the fable in which the fox is represented as under- 
 valuing the grapes he could not reach. You will 
 perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed (and 
 which you will be pleased to consider in the light 
 of a confidential communication) that my inclina- 
 tions will dispose and decide me to remain as I am, 
 unless a clear and insurmountable conviction should 
 be impressed on my mind that some very disa- 
 greeable consequences must, in all human proba- 
 bility, result from the indulgence of my wishes." 
 
 In answer to a letter from General Lincoln, on the 
 same subject, he thus expressed himself, in language 
 so earnest and with feeling so intense, as to leave 
 no room for" suspicion that he sincerely desired to 
 escape further honors, and repose amid the tran- 
 quil shades of his estate. " I would willingly pass 
 ove : n silence that part of your letter in which 
 you mention the persons who are candidates for the 
 two first ofiices in the executive, if I did not fear
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 209 
 
 the omission might seem to betray a want of confi 
 dence. Motives of delicacy have prevented me 
 hitherto from conversing, or writing on this subject, 
 whenever I could avoid it with decency. I may, 
 however, with great sincerity, and I belive without 
 offending against modesty, or propriety, say to you, 
 that I most heartily wish the choice to which you 
 allude might not fall upon me ; and that if it should, 
 I must reserve to myself the right of making up 
 my final decision, at the last moment, when it can 
 be brought into one view, and when the expediency 
 or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously 
 determined than at present. But be assured, my 
 dear sir, if from any inducement I shall be per- 
 suaded ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as 
 I know my own heart) from any of a private or per- 
 sonal nature. Every personal consideration con- 
 spires to rivet me (if I may use the expression) to 
 retirement. At my time of life, and under my cir- 
 cumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me 
 from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of 
 my countrymen had made my services absolutely 
 necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might 
 induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of 
 my own reputation and private ease to the good of 
 my country. After all, if I should conceive myself 
 in a manner constrained to accept, I call heaven to 
 18*
 
 210 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 witness that this very act would be the greatest sa- 
 crifice of my personal feelings and wishes that ever 
 I have been called upon to make. It would be to 
 forego repose and domestic enjoyment for trouble, 
 perhaps for public obloquy : for, I should consider 
 myself as entering upon an unexplored field, en- 
 veloped on every side with clouds and darkness. 
 
 " From this embarrassing situation I had natu- 
 rally supposed that my declarations at the close of 
 the war would have saved me ; and that my sincere 
 intentions, then publicly made known, would have 
 effectually precluded me forever afterward from 
 being looked upon as a candidate for any office. 
 This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in 
 old age, I had still carefully preserved, until the 
 public papers, and private letters from my corres- 
 pondents, in almost every quarter, taught me to 
 apprehend that I might soon be obliged to answer 
 the question, whether I would go again into public 
 life or not." 
 
 In his answer to a letter from Lafayette, press- 
 ing him on the same point, he repeats the same 
 sentiments with this addition: "Nothing short of 
 a conviction of duty will induce me again to take 
 an active part in public affairs. And, in that case, 
 if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my en 
 deavors shall be unremittingly exerted (even at the
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 211 
 
 hazard of former fame or present popularity) to ex- 
 tricate my country from the embarrassments in 
 which it is entangled through want of credit, and 
 to establish a general system of policy which, if 
 pursued, will insure permanent felicity to the com- 
 monwealth. I think I see a path, as clear and as 
 direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attain- 
 ment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, 
 industry, and frugality are necessary to make us 
 a great and happy people. Happily, the present 
 posture of afl'airs, and the prevailing disposition of 
 my countrymen, promise to co-operate in establish- 
 ing those four great and essential pillars of public 
 felicity." 
 
 At length the election for electors of President 
 and Vice-President, under the new Constitution, 
 took place ; and on the 6th of April, 1789, the votes 
 were opened and counted in the Senate ; when it 
 appeared that George Washington was unanimously 
 elected President of the United States by the people, 
 and John Adams chosen Yice-President, to serve 
 for four years from the 4th of March, 1789. 
 
 "When we consider the existing animosity of .par- 
 ties, the great proportion of the people who were al- 
 ready arrayed under the banners of the anti-federal- 
 its, and the violent efforts which were made to impede 
 the first operations of the new Constitution, it will
 
 212 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 excite some surprise, that even the great popular 
 weight of Washington's character should have 
 frowned down all opposition to him ; and that the 
 people of so immense and diversified a region of 
 country should have united, without a dissenting 
 voice among the electors, in conferring upon him the 
 supreme executive power of the Union. 
 
 As affording some evidence of the reluctance 
 with which he consented to assume this new dignity, 
 and as illustrative of that modesty and diffidence 
 which were natural to his great mind, we quote an 
 extract from one of his letters to General Knox, 
 upon the subject of his elevation to office. "I feel 
 for those members of the new Congress who, 
 hitherto, have given an unavailing attendance at 
 the theatre of action. For myself, the delay may 
 be compared to a reprieve ; for, in confidence, I 
 tell you (with the world it would obtain little credit] 
 that my movements to the chair of government will 
 be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a 
 culprit who is going to the place of his execution ; 
 so unwilling am I, in the evening of life, nearly 
 consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode 
 for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency 
 of political skill, abilities, and inclinations, which are 
 necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that 
 I am embarking the voice of the people, and a good
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 213 
 
 name of my own on this voyage; but, what returns 
 will be made for them, Heaven alone can foretell. 
 Integrity and firmness are all I can promise. These, 
 be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, 
 although I may be deserted by all men ; for, of the 
 consolations which are to be derived from these, 
 under any circumstances, the world cannot deprive 
 me." 
 
 His election was announced to him at Mount 
 Vernon, on the 14th of April, 1789, by Charles 
 Thompson, Secretary of the late Congress ; and 
 two days afterward he set out to assume the duties 
 of government, accompanied by Mr. Thompson and 
 Colonel Humphreys. In his diary he has thus 
 described his feelings upon this eventful occasion: 
 " About ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, 
 to private life, and to domestic felicity, and, with a 
 mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensa- 
 tions than I have words to express, set out for New 
 York in company with Mr. Thompson and Colonel 
 Humphreys, with the best dispositions to render 
 service to my country, in obedience to its call, but 
 with less hope of answering its expectations." 
 
 "We have already adverted to the two great parties 
 into which the country was divided ; one in favor 
 of the sovereignty of the States, and the other inclin- 
 ing to invest the federal government with powers so
 
 214 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 absolute and unlimited, as to make the Union para- 
 mount, and reduce the States to entire subserviency 
 to the Union ; one being in favor of the nation 
 the other giving the preference to a cluster of inde- 
 pendent republics. Hence a wide contrariety of 
 opinion necessarily prevailed as to the measures to be 
 adopted to sesure union without endangering liberty. 
 
 Many of the officers of the army had been elected 
 to the Congress of 1783, and these formed the head 
 of that party which inclined to invest supreme 
 power in the federal government. 
 
 At the head of this party, for such it indubitably 
 was, stood Washington aud Hamilton, both unsur- 
 passed in genius and talent unrivaled in purity and 
 patriotism. 
 
 "We have alluded to the manner in which the 
 military attitude of Washington and his contact with 
 the civil power had gradually invited him into 
 speculations on government peculiar to the practical 
 statesman ; and that sad experience of the evils of a 
 relaxed syslem of polity had deeply imbued his 
 mind in favor of that high-toned authority which 
 approves of martial discipline and vigor. In ac- 
 cordance with these ideas, prompted by his extreme 
 solicitude for the good of his country, he addressed, 
 on the 8th of June, 1783, a circular letter to the 
 governors of the several States respectively, from
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 215 
 
 wLich we introduce the following extracts. Speak- 
 ing of the option of government left to the United 
 States, he says: "This is the time of their politi- 
 cal probation ; this is the moment when the 
 eyes of the whole world are turned upon them ; 
 this is the moment to establish or ruin their na- 
 tional character forever; this is the favorable mo- 
 ment to give such a tone to our federal government 
 as will enable it to answer the ends of its institu- 
 tion, or this may be the ill-fated moment for relax- 
 ing the powers of the Union, annihilating the ce- 
 ment of the confederation and exposing us to become 
 the sport of European politics, which may play one 
 State against another to prevent their growing im- 
 portance, and to serve their own interested purposes. 
 For, according to the system of policy the States 
 shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; 
 and by their confirmation or -lapse, it is yet to be 
 decided whether the Revolution must ultimately 
 be considered as a blessing or a curse a blessing or 
 a curse, not to the present age alone, for with 
 our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be in- 
 volved. 
 
 "There are four things which I humbly conceive 
 are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to 
 say to the existence of the United States as an in- 
 dependent power.
 
 216 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 " 1st. An indissoluble Union of the States under 
 one federal head. 
 
 "2d. A sacred regard to public justice. 
 
 " 3d. The adoption of a proper peace establish- 
 ment ; and 
 
 " 4th. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly 
 disposition among the people of the United States, 
 which will induce them to forget their local prejudices 
 and politics, to make those mutual concessions which 
 are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some in- 
 stances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the 
 interest of the community. 
 
 " These are the pillars on which the glorious 
 fabric of our independency and national character 
 must be supported. Liberty is the basis, and who- 
 ever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn 
 the structure, under whatever specious pretext he 
 may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, 
 and the severest puishment which can be inflicted 
 by his injured country." 
 
 Such sentiments as these not only ennoble and 
 dignify, but Immortalize their author; and whatever 
 prejudices he may have cherished in favor of a vig- 
 orous authority in the Union, they were more than 
 atoned for by the purity of his patriotism, and by 
 the exalted honesty of his purposes. 
 
 Again in the same letter, breathing nothing but
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 217 
 
 the loftiest patriotism, he says : " It is only in our 
 united character that we are known as an empire, 
 that our independence is acknowledged, that our 
 power can be regarded, or our credit supported 
 among foreign nations. The treaties of the Eu- 
 ropean powers with the United States of America 
 will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. 
 "We shall be left nearly in a state of nature, or we 
 may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there 
 is a natural and necessary progression from the ex- 
 treme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny, and 
 that arbitrary power is most easily established on 
 the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness." 
 
 Other and stronger letters from his friends in dif- 
 ferent sections of the Union pressed him upon the 
 same point; and among other reasons urged by his 
 friend Colonel Lee, was the apprehension that the 
 rally of the enemies of the Constitution, which was 
 made in the several States in opposition to the new 
 Constitution, would certainly prove but too success- 
 ful were any other less popular character placed in 
 the presidential chair. 
 
 In his reply to the letter of Colonel Lee, General 
 "Washington remarks: "Your observations, on the 
 solemnity of the crisis and its application to myself, 
 bring before me subjects of the most momentous 
 and interesting nature. In our endeavors to estab- 
 19
 
 218 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 lish a new general government, the contest, nation- 
 ally considered, seems not to have been so much for 
 glory as existence. It was for a long time doubtful 
 whether we were to survive as an independent re- 
 public, or decline from our federal dignity into 
 insignificant and wretched fragments of empire. 
 The adoption of the Constitution so extensively, 
 and with so liberal an acquiescence on the part of 
 the minorities in general, promised the former; but 
 lately the circular letter of New York has mani- 
 fested, in my apprehension, an unfavorable, if not 
 an insidious tendency to a contrary policy. I still 
 hope for the best; but before you mentioned it, I 
 could not help fearing it would serve as a standard 
 to which the disaffected might resort. It is now 
 evidently the part of all honest men, who are friends 
 to the new Constitution, to endeavor to give it a 
 chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carry- 
 ing it fairly into effect in the first instance." 
 
 The oath of office was administered to the Presi- 
 dent by Mr. Livingston, Chancellor of the State of 
 jSTew York, in that city, in presence of an immense 
 concourse of people. John Adams of Massachu- 
 setts, had been chosen Yice-President. Immediately 
 retiring to the senate chamber, "Washington ad- 
 dressed both Houses in an impressive and appro- 
 priate speech. He renounced all pecuniary com
 
 OF ALEXA^ULK HAMILTON. 219 
 
 pensation for his services, as he had done as corn- 
 mander-in-chief of the Continental army, charging 
 the government only for his actual expenses. He 
 stated briefly the principles which should guide 
 him in the administration of public affairs, and 
 commended the interests of his country to the bless- 
 ing of Heaven. 
 
 The responses of the several Houses were appro- 
 priate, and in part as follows : 
 
 In their answer to his speech the Senate say : " The 
 unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your 
 favor is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, con- 
 fidence, and affection of the citizens of America, and 
 is the highest testimonial at once of your merit and 
 their esteem. "We are sensible, sir, that nothing 
 but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have 
 called you from a retreat chosen with the fondest 
 predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to 
 the repose of declining years. "We rejoice, and with, 
 us all America, that in obedience to the call of our 
 common country you have returned once more to 
 public life. In you all parties confide; in you all 
 interests unite ; and we have no doubt that your past 
 services, great as they have been, will be equaled 
 by your future exertions ; and that your prudence 
 and sagacity as a statesman will tend to avert the 
 dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability
 
 220 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to the present government, and dignity and splen- 
 dor to that country which your skill and valor as a 
 soldier so eminently contributed to raise to inde- 
 pendence and to empire." 
 
 The answer of the House of Representatives 
 glowed with equal affection for the person and cha 
 racter of the President. 
 
 " The representatives of the people of the United 
 States," says this address, " present their congratu- 
 lations on the event by which your fellow-citizens 
 have attested the pre-eminence of your merit. You 
 have long held the first place in their esteem. You 
 have often received tokens of their affection. You 
 now possess the only proof that remained of their 
 gratitude for your services, of their reverence for 
 your wisdom, and of their confidence in your vir- 
 tues. You enjoy the highest because the truest 
 honor, of being the first magistrate by the unani 
 mous choice of the freest people on the face of the 
 earth." 
 
 The government being thus inaugurated, "Wash- 
 ington proceeded to nominate the officers of his 
 cabinet. From his letter already quoted it may 
 justly be inferred that his selections were made 
 freely, deliberately, and with a regard only to the 
 merits of the candidates and their ability to pro- 
 mote the public welfare.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 221 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was placed at the head of the 
 department of Foreign Affairs, now denominated 
 the Department of State. Colonel Hamilton was 
 appointed Secretary of the Treasury. General Knox 
 was made Secretary of War. Edmund E-andolph 
 was chosen Attorney-General. John Kutledge, 
 John "Wilson, "William Gushing, Robert Harrison, 
 and John Blair were designated as Justices of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States. John Jay 
 was selected to fill the high post of Chief 
 Justice. 
 
 In the peculiar circumstances of financial want and 
 derangement in which the nation was then placed, 
 the most important post in the cabinet was that 
 assigned by the impartial and discerning choice of 
 "Washington to Mr. Hamilton, then aged thirty-two 
 years. On him devolved the ponderous task of re- 
 storing public credit, of introducing order and 
 arrangement into that vast mass of chaos in which 
 the finances of the nation had been thrown by the 
 struggles and losses of the Revolution, and its suc- 
 ceeding jealousies and strifes. He was expected to 
 devise means to obtain a revenue at once ample 
 and secure; and yet to secure it without imposing 
 serious burdens on the people, and without exciting 
 hostility and jealousy against the new government 
 in any portion of the antagonistic States. A more 
 19*
 
 222 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 herculean and difficult undertaking than this could 
 not possibly be imagined or imposed. 
 
 Hamilton entered upon the performance of his 
 new duties with his usual industry, sagacity, and 
 success. On the 21st of September, 1789, Congress 
 passed a resolution to the effect that the Secretary 
 of the Treasury should submit a report containing a 
 plan for the support of the public credit. In this 
 able report he held, that it was agreed by all parties 
 that the foreign debt should be provided for accord- 
 ing to the precise terms of the contract ; and it was 
 to be regretted that, in reference to the domestic 
 debt, the same unanimity of sentiment did not 
 prevail. 
 
 He discussed at length the disputed point, 
 whether a discrimination ought to be made between 
 original holders of the public securities and the 
 present possessors by purchase. He contended that 
 no such discrimination should be made. He next 
 proceeded to the inquiry whether any difference 
 ought to be made between the creditors of the 
 Union and ttiose of the separate States; and held 
 that no such difference should exist. He asserted 
 that ''both descriptions of debt were contracted for 
 the same objects, and were in the main the. same."* 
 
 See Works of Alexander Hamilton, by his Son. Vol. II. p. 200, 
 et seg.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 223 
 
 Equity required the same measure of retribution for 
 all. He declared that many potent reasons existed 
 why the State debts contracted" for such objects 
 should be assumed by the federal government. He 
 proceeded into an elaborate discussion of all the 
 points of his subject ; and proposed as a remedy for 
 the existing debts that a loan should be opened to 
 the full amount of the liabilities, both those of the 
 States and of the general government. To enable 
 the national treasury to support the increased de- 
 mand which was thus made upon it, he proposed 
 an increase of the duties on imported wines, spirits, 
 tea, and coffee, as well as a duty on home-made 
 spirits. 
 
 This report of Hamilton's is justly regarded as 
 one of his ablest efforts. It called forth at the time 
 the most extravagant praise and the most bitter 
 censure. And it especially deserves attention inas- 
 much as the opposition which was directed against 
 its adoption, constitutes the foundation of the first 
 systematic resistance to the principles on which the 
 government was then administered. On the 8th of 
 February, Mr. Fitzsimmons proposed several resolu- 
 tions in support of the principles asserted in the 
 report. The first of these referred to a provision 
 for the foreign debt, and was adopted by the House 
 unanimously. The second was in favor of appro
 
 2'J4 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 printing permanent funds for the payment of the 
 interest of the domestic debt, and for the gradual 
 redemption of the principal. This resolution called 
 forth the most determined opposition. It was as- 
 serted that the United States were not under obli- 
 gation to pay their domestic creditors the sums 
 specified in their certificates of debt; because the 
 original holders had parted with them for two shil- 
 lings, sixpence in the pound. It was proposed by 
 others, that the federal government should pay the 
 present holders of assignable paper the highest 
 price it had borne in the market, and to give the 
 balance to the original holder. This proposi- 
 tion, after a long debate, was rejected by a large 
 majority. 
 
 The report of Ilamilton also recommended that 
 the federal government should assume all those 
 debts which the individual States had incurred dur- 
 ing the war, for the support of it. When the army 
 had demanded compensation for the depreciation 
 of their pay, this burden, at the earnest request of 
 Congress, had been assumed by the respective States. 
 Some of the States had funded this debt, and had 
 paid the interest on it. Others had made no provi- 
 sion for the payment of the interest. But all had 
 done something, by way of taxes, paper money, or 
 purchase, to diminish the principal. These debts
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 225 
 
 Hamilton now proposed should be resumed by 
 Congress. The resolution which was offered in 
 the House, having reference to this portion of the 
 secretary's report, unchained the fiercest passions 
 of men, and convulsed the representatives of the 
 people, and the nation itself, with strange and un- 
 seemly violence ; for it held that these State debts 
 ought to be assumed by the general government. 
 It was condemned on various grounds. Its uncon- 
 stitutionally was loudly asserted. It was affirmed that 
 by this assumption the general government would 
 acquire a dangerous and preponderating power, and 
 that the consequence and influence of the State go- 
 vernments would be perniciously diminished. 
 
 After a long and fierce discussion, the resolution 
 was finally carried by a small majority. But very 
 soon after its passage the representatives from the 
 State of North Carolina arrived, and took their 
 seats in Congress. The resolution was then recom- 
 mitted, and then after another protracted debate it 
 was lost by a small majority. It was afterward 
 brought forward again under the modified form of 
 allowing the general government to assume specific 
 sums from each State ; but this attempt also failed, 
 and the bill was finally sent to the Senate, containing 
 a provision for those creditors only whose certificates
 
 226 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of debt purported to be payable by the United 
 States. 
 
 After the defeat of General St. Clair in the war 
 for the defense of the northwest frontier, against the 
 Miami Indians, Washington recommended the aug- 
 mentation of the national forces. This proposition 
 created the most furious and bitter hostility; but was 
 finally passed. The increased expenses of the war thus 
 demanded an increase of the revenue ; and the com- 
 mittee to whom the subject was referred, offered a 
 resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury 
 to report his opinion as to the best method of rais- 
 ing those supplies which the increased expenses of 
 the government demanded. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton accordingly made his report. He 
 recommended an increase of the duties on the im- 
 ports. This report was referred to a committee of 
 the whole House in which resolutions were passed, 
 which were intended to form the basis of a bill. 
 Hamilton had recommended that the appropriation 
 of funds for the payment of the interest and the 
 gradual redemption of the principal of the national 
 debt, should be not only sufficient but also perma- 
 nent. After a full discussion, thirty-one members 
 voted in favor of limiting the duration of the bill, 
 and thirty against it. The motion was lost by the 
 vote of the Speaker of the House.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 227 
 
 It was during the progress of the year 1790 that 
 the irreconcilable hostility arose between Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, the Secretary of State, and Mr. Hamilton. 
 Their differences originated at an early stage of the 
 administration, and they grew in fierceness with 
 the progress of time. It may have arisen, in the 
 first instance, from personal dislike and jealousy 
 between those distinguished men, and from minor 
 differences in their policy. But soon their measures 
 became so widely incongruous, that it seems strange 
 that they could have acted with any efficiency in 
 the same Cabinet. Mr. Jefferson probably felt the 
 overshadowing power of Hamilton's genius, and the 
 effect of his supreme influence with the President. 
 Mr. Jefferson was an ultra democrat. He enter- 
 tained no fears as to the stability of the government. 
 He had the most unbounded confidence of the abi- 
 lity of the masses to rule themselves. He thought 
 that the people could not err. He felt no appre- 
 hensions of the undue encroachments of the popu- 
 lar power; no jealousy of the State sovereignties 
 curtailing the authority of the central or federal go- 
 vernment. His constant policy, like that of Gover- 
 nor George Clinton of New York, seems to have 
 been to limit and hamper the exercise of the powers ' 
 vested in the government of the United States, as 
 being the only possible source whence danger to
 
 228 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the liberties of the people might arise. On the 
 contrary, Mr. Hamilton was the firm advocate of a 
 general government which should possess in itself 
 sufficient powers and resources to maintain the 
 credit and secure the unity and prosperity of the 
 whole nation. He had long observed the evils which 
 resulted from the absolute sovereignty of the States, 
 and of the injury which resulted from their dispo- 
 sition and ability to exercise a pernicious control 
 over every measure of the general government. 
 He also thought that the habits and feelings of the 
 American people were then calculated to inspire 
 prepossessions in favor of State interests, rather 
 than the national welfare. 
 
 This schism in the members of the administra- 
 tion was loudly supported by their respective par- 
 tisans of the press. The Gazette of the United 
 States defended the policy of Hamilton. The Na 
 tional Gazette, edited by a clerk in the Department 
 of State, was arrayed on the side of Mr. Jefferson. 
 The minor papers of the country took sides with 
 the one or the other of these great journals, accord- 
 ing to their respective views. This discord in his 
 cabinet was a source of much regret and sorrow to 
 "Washington. He foresaw its consequences, but 
 was unable to heal the difficulty. The whisky 
 insurrection in the western part of Pennsylvania,
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 229 
 
 resulted from the high state of excitement which 
 then pervaded the public mind in reference to the 
 execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits 
 distilled within the United States. 
 
 On the 5th November, 1790, Congress again con- 
 vened. Shortly after its opening a motion was 
 made to the effect, that measures for the reduction 
 of so much of the public debt as the United States 
 have a right to redeem ought to be adopted ; and 
 that the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to 
 report a plan for that purpose. In his report, in 
 response to this order, Hamilton proposed that the 
 internal taxes should be extended either to plea- 
 sure horses or to pleasure carriages, as the legisla- 
 ture might consider most suitable. 
 
 On the 13th December, 1790, Hamilton submitted 
 to Congress his views in reference to the establish- 
 ment of a National Bank, in accordance with a call 
 made on him by that body upon the subject. In 
 that report every argument which was adapted to 
 prove the utility and expediency of such an insti- 
 tution was most ably and clearly set forth. His 
 report was indeed so profound, and so completely 
 exhausted the w r hole subject, that all the discus- 
 sions \vhich have since taken place in reference to 
 it, are merely variations and reiterations of what 
 lie himself advanced. Many arguments were used 
 20
 
 230 THE LIFE AXD TIMES 
 
 against the adoption of his proposition. It was 
 held to be decisive against it, that no express au- 
 thority had been given to the general government 
 to create a bank. The constitutionality of such an 
 institution was denied. Mr. Madison was the chief 
 opponent of the bank ; and yet it may be observed, 
 that afterward, when President of the United 
 States, he himself frequently recommended the 
 establishment of similar institutions as the only re- 
 medy for the financial troubles of the community, 
 and himself signed the charter of the second Bank 
 of the United States. The charter of the bank 
 proposed by Hamilton at length passed both Houses 
 of Congress; it then received the approval of Wash- 
 ington; and has since been indorsed by the favor- 
 able legal judgments of Chief Justices Jay, Ellsworth, 
 and Marshall. The first Bank of the United States 
 was chartered for twenty years. Its capital was ten 
 millions, in shares of four hundred dollars each. 
 The installment certificates were in such great de- 
 mand that they rose to an advance of two hundred 
 dollars, on the first payment of twenty-five dollars. 
 Branches, under the titles of offices of discount and 
 deposit, were established in the chief cities of the 
 United States. The chief bank was located in 
 Philadelphia, at that time the seat of the federal 
 government.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 231 
 
 The debate on this question again arrayed par- 
 ties in fierce opposition, and even divided the cabi- 
 net to a degree that menaced its total rupture. 
 Washington took the opinion of his constitutional 
 advisers on this important question. Mr. Jefferson 
 and Mr. Randolph were of opinion that Congress, 
 by the passage of the bill, had obviously trans- 
 cended the powers vested in them by the constitu- 
 tion. On the other hand, General Hamilton main- 
 tained it to be purely constitutional. The President 
 required from each their arguments in writing, which 
 being submitted, his habitual propensity to add 
 vigor to the Union, inclined him to the conviction 
 that the bank was fully authorized by the Constitu- 
 tion, and he accordingly gave the sanction of his 
 signature to the act of incorporation. It cannot be 
 doubted, however, that his mind had been long pre- 
 determined in favor of the measure; and that how- 
 ever he might hold his judgment open to a convic- 
 tion of its illegality, should it be made so to appear 
 to him ; yet that his wishes and affections toward 
 it, as a favorite feature of his federal policy, had 
 closed those avenues to conviction which can only 
 bias the understanding when the feelings are neutral, 
 and the desires uninfluenced toward a particular 
 conclusion. 
 
 The controversy on Federal Power and State
 
 232 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Rights was now started afresh on the Bank question , 
 and federalism and anti- federalism were discussed 
 through all their aspects by enthusiastic champions , 
 the sovereignty of the States being supposed by 
 the latter to constitute the palladium of liberty, 
 and the supremacy and power of the Union being 
 deemed essential by the latter to the preservation of 
 law, order, justice, property, subordination, and peace. 
 
 The scheme of the National Bank was hailed with 
 rapture by those who had become suddenly en- 
 riched by the funding of the public debt ; and in 
 proportion as it strengthened the moneyed interest, 
 did it provoke the hostility and censure of the mid- 
 dle and poorer classes, in whom are often to be 
 found the sincere advocates of the true principles of 
 rational liberty. 
 
 From this moment of the incorporation of the 
 Bank of the United States, parties thenceforth as- 
 sumed their perfect forms of organization and prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 From this period also we may date an irre- 
 concilable rupture between Mr. Jefferson and 
 General Hamilton ; the former the vigorous oppo- 
 nent, and the latter the resolute advocate, of the 
 banking and funding system. 
 
 Washington now made an excursion into the 
 I* Mithern States, subsequently to the dissolution of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 233 
 
 the first Congress, on the 3d of March, 1791; where 
 his reception by men of all parties, proved the fact 
 that he united all hearts; and that however the 
 measures or the Constitution of government might 
 be censured and disapproved, none would refuse to 
 pour the grateful homage of their hearts into the 
 bosom of their veteran chief. 
 
 The second Congress assembled in Philadelphia 
 on the 24th of October, 1791. The apportionment 
 bill now proved another cause of excitement, and 
 divided parties' by a broad line of separation. In 
 this debate Mr. Giles, who was in favor of a full 
 representation of the people, used these arguments ; 
 that the corruption of the British parliament was 
 not owing to their numbers, but other causes, and 
 " among these were the frequent mortgages of the 
 funds, and the immense appropriations at the disposal 
 of the executive." " An inequality of circumstances," 
 he continued, " produces revolutions in govern- 
 ments, from democracy to aristocracy and monarchy. 
 Great wealth produces a desire of distinctions, rank 
 and titles. The revolutions of property in this 
 country have created a prodigious inequality of cir- 
 cumstances. Government has contributed to this 
 inequality. The Bank of the United States is a 
 most important machine in promoting the objects of 
 this moneyed interest. This bank will be the most 
 20*
 
 234 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 powerful engine to corrupt this House. Some of 
 the members are directors of this institution ; and 
 it will only be by increasing the representation that 
 an adequate barrier can be opposed to this moneyed 
 interest. The strong executive of this govern 
 ment ought to be balanced by a full representation 
 in this House." 
 
 The defeat of General St. Clair, who had been 
 dispatched against the hostile Miami Indians, now 
 threw a momentary gloom over the administration 
 of Washington ; and Congress proceeded to aug- 
 ment the army to five thousand men ; after which on 
 the 8th of May, 1792, that body adjourned to the 
 first Monday in November. 
 
 Every day added virulence and asperity to the 
 opposition of parties; and as new measures de- 
 veloped more fully the discrepancy of their princi- 
 ples, so did they augment the inveteracy of their 
 mutual dislike ; and while we confess the truth, we 
 must also deplore the fact, that the power of interest 
 rather than the love of truth, or the practice pf 
 virtue, engendered their animosity, and eventually 
 exasperated differences of opinion into an implacable 
 hostility of feeling and passion. 
 
 The complaints of the opposition, however, were 
 not destitute of some substantial and established facts 
 to sustain them. The creation of the national debt, by
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 235 
 
 the funding of the depreciated public responsibili- 
 ties, had engendered, it was alleged, a necessity for 
 taxation on the people, when there existed no neces- 
 sity for funding, in order to make the rich more 
 affluent and the poor more needy; besides being 
 the assumption of a debt which properly belonged to 
 the individual States. Funding naturally led to ex- 
 cise, and begat a series of oppressive taxes which 
 excited public clamor, and might produce a civil 
 \var ; besides which such taxes were partial in their 
 operation, and must be unproductive unless extorted 
 by arbitrary means, and wrung from the hand of 
 labor at the point of the sword. In truth the 
 ground of opposition included the best principles of 
 humanity, benevolence, peace, and industry, against 
 abstract equity, rigid justice, and the inflexible 
 severity of efficient power, ready to punish with 
 death for the inability to comply with exorbitant 
 demands. 
 
 Other grounds of opposition were also advanced, 
 but were less tenable and more resolvable into the 
 spirit of party than based on the solid principles of 
 liberty, or the incontestable dictates of reason. A 
 qualified exception, however, must be made to this 
 remark in the case of the Bank of the United 
 States ; and in order to escape any imputation of 
 prejudice, we shall cite, in the words of Judge Mar-
 
 236 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 shall himself, as we have previously done on several 
 occasions from the same motive. 
 
 The opposition contended that : " The banish- 
 ment of coin would he completed by ten millions of 
 paper money in the form of bank bills, which were 
 then issuing into circulation. Nor would this be 
 the only mischief resulting from the institution of 
 the bank. The ten or twelve per cent, annual profit 
 paid to the lenders of this paper medium, would be 
 taken out of the pockets of the people, who would 
 have had without interest, the coin it was banish- 
 ing; that all the capital employed in paper circu- 
 lation is barren and useless, producing like that on 
 a gaming table, no accession to itself, and is with- 
 drawn from commerce and agriculture, where it 
 would have produced addition to the common mass. 
 The wealth, therefore, heaped upon individuals by 
 the funding and banking systems would be produc- 
 tive of general poverty and distress ; and that in ad- 
 dition to the encouragement these measures gave to 
 vice and idleness, they had furnished effectual 
 means of corrupting such a portion of the Legisla- 
 ture as turned the balance between the honest 
 voters. This corrupt squadron deciding the voice 
 of the Legislature, had manifested their dispositions 
 to get rid of the limitations imposed by the Consti- 
 tution ; limitations on the faith of which the States
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 237 
 
 acceded to that instrument. They were pro- 
 ceeding rapidly in their plan of absorbing all 
 power, invading the rights of the States, and con- 
 verting the federal into a consolidated govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " That the ultimate object of all this was to pre- 
 pare the way for a change from the present repub- 
 lican form of government to that of a monarchy 
 of which the English constitution was to be the 
 model. So many of the friends of monarchy were 
 in the Legislature, that aided by the corrupt squad 
 of paper dealers who were at their devotion, they 
 had a majority in both Houses. The republican 
 party, even when united with the anti-federalists, 
 continued a minority." These arguments were ably 
 replied to on the opposite side. 
 
 These grave charges and imputations, however, 
 were not so much intended to apply to "Washington 
 and his measures, as to Colonel Hamilton, the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury and the ostensible head of the 
 consolidated federal party. 
 
 In respect to General "Washington, the purity oi 
 his heart and character repelled the approximation 
 of the foul elements of party. His views were na- 
 tional ; every pulsation of his heart was for his coun- 
 try's good ; and being exalted above the influence of 
 interest by every consideration of character and popu-
 
 238 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 larity with the whole people, it was utterly impossi- 
 ble that any party could claim him as its sole leader, 
 or that any of his measures or views could be re- 
 ferred or traced to party motives. If he did enter- 
 tain one supreme sentiment, it was an honest one, 
 and that was a candid preference for a government 
 of law and force to a government of opinion a con- 
 viction which may be traced to the fact, that he 
 acquired his education under the strict notions of 
 the monarchy, and contracted his habits in the em- 
 ployment of the royal government as a military man : 
 being still not less a republican in principle nor 
 less an American in practice. 
 
 These conflicts of party opinions would have been 
 overlooked by Washington and wholly disregarded, 
 had they not invaded the tranquillity of his cabinet ; 
 and arrayed in fierce hostility the Secretary of State 
 against the Secretary of the Treasury. These officers, 
 from the first moment of their entrance into the cabi- 
 net, had disagreed upon principles of essential im- 
 portance to the harmony of the administration. This 
 radical contrariety in their characters and views, 
 naturally became augmented with the lapse of time ; 
 and every measure of government conduced more 
 or less to widen the breach, as they more clearly 
 demonstrated the irreconcilable hostility of their 
 doctrines, measures and opinions. Mr. Jefferson liad
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 239 
 
 been from the first a warm champion of liberty, 
 and opposed to the federal Constitution as imply- 
 ing a power or supremacy over the sovereignty of 
 the States ; and General Hamilton was the most 
 prominent of those who favored a federal govern- 
 ment, whose power should supersede opinion, and 
 moderate the rights of the States. On the same 
 principle Mr. Jefferson was partial to France, and 
 Mr. Hamilton partial to England ; and inimical to 
 France, as Mr. Jefferson was hostile to England, 
 and her monarchical tendencies. 
 
 To trace all the forms of this hostility is not con- 
 sistent with the object of this biography. As it 
 affected "Washington, it caused him the deepest 
 mortification and chagrin ; so much so as to draw 
 from him the following letters to the Secretary of 
 State and Secretary of the Treasury, conceived in 
 the purest spirit of patriotism, and breathing the 
 fond affection of a father toward his children. The 
 first letter bears the date of August 23d, 1792. 
 Having entered into a review of the delicate exter- 
 nal relations of the United States, he thus digressed 
 to the main topic of his epistle : " How unfortu- 
 nate, and how much is it to be regretted, then, that 
 while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed 
 enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions 
 should be harrowing ami tearing onr vitals. The
 
 240 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 last, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, 
 and the most afflicting of the two ; and without 
 more charity for the opinions of one another in 
 governmental matters, or some more infallible crite- 
 rion by which the truth of speculative opinions, be- 
 fore they have undergone the test of experience, are 
 to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of 
 fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not imprac- 
 ticable, to manage the reins of government, or to 
 keep the parts of it together ; for if, instead of lay- 
 ing our shoulders to the machine, after measures 
 are decided on, one pulls this way and another 
 that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, 
 it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my 
 opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and pros- 
 perity that ever was presented to man, will be lost, 
 perhaps forever. 
 
 " My earnest wish and my fondest hope there- 
 fore is, that instead of wounding suspicions and 
 irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, 
 mutual forbearances, and temporizing, yielding on 
 all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will 
 go on smoothly, and if possible more prosperously. 
 "Without them, every thing must rub, the wheels of 
 government will clog, our enemies will triumph, 
 and by throwing their weight into the disaffected
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 241 
 
 scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric 
 we have been erecting. 
 
 "I do not mean to apply this advice, or these 
 observations, to any particular person or character. 
 I have given them in the same general terms to 
 other officers of the government, because the dis- 
 agreements which have arisen from difference of 
 opinions, and the attacks which have been made 
 upon almost all the measures of government, and 
 most of its executive officers have for a long time 
 past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot 
 fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences at 
 home and abroad." The letter to General Hamil- 
 ton was almost an exact copy of this to Mr. Jefferson. 
 Another was also addressed by him to Mr. Randolph, 
 the Attorney-General. 
 
 As some curiosity may naturally be felt to see 
 the report of Mr. Jefferson upon the Bank of the 
 United States, and as it is to be found in but few 
 works easily accessible to the general reader, we 
 here extract it. 
 
 " The Bill for establishing a National Bank, under- 
 takes among other things, 
 
 "1st. To form the subscribers into a corporation. 
 
 " 2d. To enable them in their corporate capacities 
 to receive grants of land, and so far, is against the 
 laws of mortmain. 
 21
 
 242 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 " 3d. To make alien subscribers capable of hold- 
 ing lands; and so far is against the laws of 
 alienage. 
 
 "4th. To transmit these lands on the death of a 
 proprietor, to a certain line of successors ; and so far 
 changes the course of descents. 
 
 "5th. To put the lands out of the reach of forfei- 
 ture or escheat ; and so far, is against the laws of 
 forfeiture and escheat. 
 
 " 6th. To transmit personal chattels to successors 
 in a certain line ; and so far is against the laws of 
 distribution. 
 
 " 7th. To give them the sole and exclusive right of 
 banking under the national authority; and so far, is 
 against the laws of monopoly. 
 
 " 8th. To communicate to them a power to make 
 laws paramount to the laws of the States ; for so 
 they must be construed to protect the institution 
 from the control of the State legislatures ; and so, 
 probably, they will be construed. 
 
 "I consider the foundation of the Constitution as 
 laid on the ground that 'all powers not delegated 
 to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
 hibited by it to the States, are reserved to the 
 States or to the people.' (Twelth amendment.) 
 To take a single step beyond the boundaries thus 
 specially drawn around the powers of Congress, \a
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 243 
 
 to take possession of a boundless field of power, no 
 longer susceptible of any definition. 
 
 " The incorporation of a bank, and the powers as- 
 Bumed by this bill, have not, in my opinion, beeij 
 delegated to the United States by the Constitution. 
 
 " I. They are not among the powers specially enu- 
 merated. For these are, 
 
 "1. A power to lay taxes for the purpose of pay- 
 ing the debts of the United States ; but no debt is 
 paid by this bill, nor any tax laid. Were it a bill 
 to raise money, its origination in the Senate would 
 condemn it by the Constitution. 
 
 "2. To 'borrow money.' But this bill neither 
 borrows money, nor insures the borrowing of it. 
 The proprietors of the bank will be just as free as 
 any other money holders, to lend or not to lend 
 their money to the public. The operation proposed 
 in the bill, first to lend them two millions, and then 
 borrow them back again, cannot change the nature 
 of the latter act, which will still be a payment, and 
 not a loan, call it by what name you please. 
 
 " 3. * To regulate commerce with foreign nations, 
 and among the States, and with the Indian tribes.' 
 To erect a bank, and to regulate commerce, are very 
 different acts. He who erects a bank, creates a 
 subject of commerce in its bills : so does he who 
 makes a bushel of wheat, or who digs a dollar out
 
 244 THF LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of the mines. Yet neither of these persons regu- 
 late commerce thereby. To make a thing which 
 may be bought and sold, is not to prescribe regu- 
 lations for buying and selling. Besides, if this were 
 an exercise of the power of regulating commerce, 
 it would be void, as extending as much to the in- 
 ternal commerce of every State, as to its external. 
 For the power given to Congress by the Constitu- 
 tion, does not extend to the internal regulation of 
 the commerce of a State, (that is to say, of the 
 commerce between citizen and citizen,) which re- 
 mains exclusively with its own legislature, but to 
 its external commerce only ; that is to say, its com- 
 merce with another State, or with foreign nations, 
 or with the Indian tribes. Accordingly, the bill 
 does not propose the measure as a ' regulation of 
 trade,' but as 'productive of considerable advan- 
 tage to trade.' 
 
 " Still less are these powers covered by any other 
 of the special enumerations. 
 
 "II. Nor are they within either of the general 
 phrases, which are the two following: 
 
 "1. To lay taxes to provide for the general wel- 
 fare of the United States; that is to say, 'to lay 
 taxes for the purpose of providing for the general 
 welfare.' For the laying of taxes is the power, and 
 the general welfare the purpose, for which the power
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 24 
 
 is to be exercised. Congress are not to lay taxes 
 ad libitum, for any purpose they please ; but only to 
 pay the debts, or provide for the welfare of the Union, 
 In like manner, they are not to do any tiling they 
 please, to provide for the general welfare, but only 
 to lay taxes for that purpose. To consider the lat- 
 ter phrase, not as describing the purpose of the first, 
 but as giving a distinct and independent power to 
 do any act they please, which might be for the good 
 of the Union, would render all the preceding and 
 subsequent enumerations of power completely use- 
 less. It would reduce the whole instrument to a 
 single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with 
 power to do whatever would be for the good of the 
 United States; and as they would be the sole judges 
 of the good or evil, it would be also a power to do 
 whatever evil they pleased. It is an established 
 rule of construction, where a phrase will bear either 
 of two meanings, to give it that which will allow 
 some meaning to the other parts of the instrument, 
 and not that which will render all the others use- 
 less. Certainly, no such universal power was meant 
 to be given them. It was intended to lace them up 
 straightly within the enumerated powers, and those 
 without which, as means, these powers could not be 
 carried into effect. It is known that the very power 
 now proposed as a means was rejected as an end by 
 21*
 
 216 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the Convention which formed the Constitution. A 
 proposition was made to them to authorize Con- 
 gress to open canals, and an emendatory one to 
 empower them to incorporate; but the whole was 
 rejected, and one of the reasons of rejection urged 
 in debate was, that they then would have a power 
 to erect a bank, which would render the great cities, 
 where there were prejudices and jealousies on that 
 subject, adverse to the reception of the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 "2. The second general phrase is, 'to make all 
 laws necessary and proper for carrying into execu- 
 tion the enumerated powers.' But they can all be 
 carried into execution without a bank. A bank, 
 therefore, is not necessary, and consequently, not 
 authorized by this phrase. 
 
 " It has been much urged, that a bank will give 
 great facility or convenience in the collection of 
 taxes. Suppose this were true ; yet the Constitu- 
 tion allows only the means which are 'necessary,' 
 not those which are merely convenient, for effect- 
 ing the enumerated powers. If such a latitude of 
 construction be allowed to this phrase, as to give 
 any non-enumerated power, it will go to every one ; 
 for there is no one which ingenuity may not torture 
 into a convenience in some way or other to some one 
 of so long a list of enumerated powers. It would
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 247 
 
 swallow up all the delegated powers, aiid reduce 
 the whole to one phrase, as before observed. There- 
 fore it was that the Constitution restrained them to 
 the necessary means, that is to say, to those means 
 without which the grant of the power would be nu- 
 gatory. 
 
 "But let us examine this 'convenience,' and see 
 what it is. The report on this subject, (page 2,) states 
 the only general convenience to be, the preventing 
 the transportation and retransportation of money be- 
 tween the States and the treasury. (For I pass over 
 the increase of the circulating medium ascribed to it 
 as a merit, and which, according to my ideas of paper 
 money, is clearly a demerit.) Every State will have 
 to pay a sum of tax money into the treasury ; and 
 the treasury will have to pay, in every State, a part 
 of the interest on the public debt, and salaries to 
 the officers of government resident in that State. 
 In most of the States there will still be a surplus 
 of tax money to come up to the seat of government 
 for the officers residing there. The payments of 
 interest and salary in each State may be made by 
 treasury orders on the State collector. This will 
 take up the greater part of the money he has col- 
 lected in his State, and consequently prevent the 
 great mass of it from being drawn out of the State. 
 If there be a balance of commerce m favor of that
 
 248 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 State, against the one in which the government re- 
 sides, the surplus of taxes will be remitted by the 
 bills of exchange drawn from that commercial bal- 
 ance. And so it must be if there were a bank. 
 But if there be no balance of commerce, either di- 
 rect or circuitous, all the banks in the world could 
 not bring the surplus of taxes but in the form of 
 money. Treasury orders, then, and bills of ex- 
 change, may prevent the displacement of the main, 
 mass of the money collected, without the aid of any 
 bank ; and where these fail, it cannot be prevented, 
 even with that aid. 
 
 " Perhaps, indeed, bank bills may be a more con- 
 venient vehicle than treasury orders. But a little 
 difference in the degree of convenience, cannot con- 
 stitute the necessity which the Constitution makes 
 the ground for assuming any non-enumerated 
 power. 
 
 " Besides, the existing banks will, without doubt, 
 enter into arrangements for lending their agency, 
 and the more favorable, as there will be a competi- 
 tion among them for it. Whereas, this bill delivers 
 us up bound to the National Bank, who are free to 
 refuse all arrangements but on their own terms, and 
 the public not free on such refusal to employ any 
 other bank. That of Philadelphia, I believe, now 
 does this business by their post notes, which, by an
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 249 
 
 arrangement with the treasury, are paid by any 
 State collector to whom they are presented. This 
 expedient alone suffices to prevent the existence 
 of that necessity which may justify the assumption 
 of a non-enumerated power as a means for carrying 
 into effect an enumerated one. The thing may be 
 done, arid has been done, and well done, without 
 this assumption; therefore it does not- stand on 
 that degree of necessity which can honestly jus- 
 tify it. 
 
 "It may be said that a bank whose bills would 
 have a currency all over the States, would be more 
 convenient than one whose currency is limited to a 
 single State. So it would be still more convenient 
 that there should be a bank whose bills should have 
 a currency all over the world. But it does not fol- 
 low from this superior conveniency, that there ex- 
 ists any where a power to establish such a bank, or 
 that the world may not go on very well without it. 
 
 " Can it be thought that the Constitution intended 
 that for a shade or two of convenience, more or less, 
 Congress should be authorized to break down the 
 most ancient and fundamental laws of the several 
 States, such as those against mortmain, the laws of 
 alienage, the rules of descent, the acts of distribu- 
 tion, the laws of escheat and forfeiture, and the 
 laws of monopoly ? Nothing but a necessity iuvin-
 
 250 I'HE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 cible by any otlier means, can justify such a pros- 
 tration of laws which constitute the pillars of our 
 whole system of jurisprudence. "Will Congress be 
 too straight-laced to carry the Constitution into 
 honest effect, unless they may pass over the founda- 
 tion laws of the State governments for the slightest 
 convenience to theirs? 
 
 "The negative of the President is the shield pro- 
 vided by the Constitution, to protest against the 
 invasions of the legislature ; first, the rights of the 
 executive; second, of the judiciary; third, of the 
 States and State legislatures. The present is the 
 case of a right remaining exclusively with the States, 
 and is, consequently, one of those intended by the 
 Constitution to be placed under his protection. 
 
 "It must be added, however, that unless the Presi- 
 dent's mind, on a view of every thing which is 
 urged for and against this bill, is tolerably clear that 
 it is unauthorized by the Constitution, if the pro 
 and the con hang so even as to balance his judg- 
 ment, a just respect for the wisdom of the legisla- 
 ture would naturally decide the balance in favor of 
 their opinion. It is chiefly for cases where they are 
 clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest, that 
 the Constitution has placed a check in the negative 
 of the President." 
 
 The subsequent operation and success of the bank
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 251 
 
 gave ample proof of the vast financial ability of 
 Hamilton. Commerce was immensely increased. 
 The intercourse between the respective States was 
 greatly facilitated by an equalization of the ex- 
 changes. The price of the public debt rose to its 
 par value. The revenues of the government were 
 placed beyond the possibility of plunder, and were 
 distributed to the distant parts of the confederacy 
 without expense to the government. Notwithstand- 
 ing all this, the bank had many and fierce oppo- 
 nents, even during the period of its untrammeled 
 and therefore successful operation. The partisans of 
 Hamilton became immensely wealthy from the in- 
 crease of the value of the public stocks. He him- 
 self remained comparatively poor. But his oppo- 
 nents reviled him as the patron of moneyed 
 monopolies, as the friend of the aristocracy, as the 
 patron even of monarchy. Some adored him as the 
 financial savior of the country ; some execrated him 
 as the author of grievous evils, both present and to 
 come. If ever any man experienced the utmost 
 extremes of popular adulation and of popular hate, 
 it was the founder of the first Bank of the United 
 States. 
 
 On the 4th of August, 1790, Congress passed 
 an act, authorizing the President to borrow any 
 sum not exceeding twelve millions of dollars to
 
 252 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 be applied to the payment of the foreign debt. 
 Another act allowed him to obtain a loan not ex- 
 ceeding two millions to be applied to the reduc- 
 tion and extinguishment of the domestic debt. 
 
 "Washington delegated the power to contract 
 these loans to Mr. Hamilton. His commission to 
 do so was accompanied by written instructions, 
 directing him to pay such portions of the foreign 
 debt as should fall due at the end of the year 1791 ; 
 but leaving him, in regard to the remainder, to be 
 guided by what seemed to him to be promotive of 
 the interest of the United States. In accordance 
 with these instructions Hamilton negotiated two 
 loans in 1790, and others at a subsequent date. 
 
 At this period the domestic debt of the United 
 States brought a low price in the market. Con- 
 sequently foreign capital was directed into the 
 country for its purchase. The immediate appro- 
 priation of the sinking fund to this object, would 
 require a large portion of the debt, and would 
 naturally increase its appreciation. Accordingly 
 Hamilton had, with the concurrence of Washing- 
 ton, directed a portion of the first loan to be paid 
 in discharge of the installments of the foreign 
 debt, which were actually due; and had drawn the 
 rest of it into the treasury to be appropriated to 
 the sinking fund for liquidating the domestic debt.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 253 
 
 In the payment of the debt of the United States 
 to France, a portion of it was converted into sup- 
 plies for the island of St. Domingo, then suffering 
 under great calamities. This was done in response 
 to the application of the French minister. This 
 method of payment was agreeable to both debtor 
 and creditor, was in accordance with the dictates of 
 humanity, and was every way equitable in itself. 
 
 On the 23d of January, 1792, Mr. Giles proposed 
 in Congress resolutions requiring information in re- 
 ference to the various items connected with these 
 loans. In his speech he insinuated charges of a se- 
 rious nature against the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 lie intimated that a large balance of the moneys re- 
 mained unaccounted for. The resolutions were 
 agreed to, and in a short time Hamilton sent in his 
 report containing full information in reference to all 
 the points demanded. Foiled by the clearness and 
 conclusiveness of the statements made and proved in 
 this report, Mr. Giles changed his position. On the 
 27th February he offered another series of resolutions, 
 lie abandoned the charge that a balance remained 
 unaccounted for ; but condemned the Secretary for 
 neglect of duty in violating the law of the 4th 
 August, 1790, in deviating from the instructions of 
 Washington in negotiating a loan at the bank while 
 public moneys lay unappropriated in its vaults, and 
 22
 
 254 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 with indecorum to the House, in presuming to cen- 
 sure its motives in the passage of the previous reso- 
 lutions. A debate of great bitterness and fierceness 
 ei.f-ued on the resolutions of Mr. Giles; but it ter- 
 minated, as it must needs have done, in the rejec- 
 tion of all the resolutions, the highest number of 
 representatives voting in their favor being only 
 sixteen. 
 
 In 1793 the second term of Washington's adminis- 
 tration commenced. Though anxious to retire from 
 the heavy and thankless burden of public cares, he 
 was prevented from doing so by the unanimously 
 expressed wish of the nation. Mr. Adams of Massa- 
 chusetts was selected Vice-President, in opposition 
 to Governor George Clinton of New York. Mr. 
 Hamilton was continued by the President in the 
 office of Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 One of the most prominent incidents connected 
 with the second administration of ^Washington, was 
 the short war between the United States and France. 
 It grew out of the events connected with the war 
 which had been proclaimed between France and 
 England. The unfortunate Louis XVI. had ex- 
 piated on the scaffold the crime of having been born 
 the inheritor of the throne of the Bourbons, for of no 
 other crime had he been guilty, whatever his prede- 
 cessors might have done ; and the French republic, 
 then tuniultuously seething under the insane guid-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 255 
 
 ance of the Jacobins, seemed determined to diffuse 
 the evils of discord and war as far as possible among 
 surrounding nations. The treaties which were then 
 in existence between France and the United States, 
 bound the latter by certain obligations, which, if 
 strictly construed and carried out, would compel 
 thorn to become a party to the war against England. 
 To some extent this obligation was admitted ; and 
 money had been advanced to France to support the 
 war. But the new government of that country 
 seemed to be resolved upon extreme measures in 
 every thing, and appeared determined to compel the 
 United States to take a more decided stand, and to 
 become a direct belligerent. It soon became appa- 
 rent that vigorous preparations were being made 
 to fit out privateers in American ports, to sail under 
 French colors, for the purpose of plundering British 
 commerce. This was carrying the interpretation of 
 the existing treaties further than the President and 
 his cabinet were disposed to permit. 
 
 Washington summoned a meeting of his cabinet 
 for the purpose of deliberating on the matter. He 
 submitted to them the questions whether a procla- 
 mation of neutrality should be made ; whether a 
 resident minister from the French Republic should 
 be received ; whether a qualified or an absolute recep- 
 tion should be extended to him ; and whether, under 
 the existing circumstances of the two countries,
 
 256 . THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the guarantee to aid each other contained in the 
 ireaty of alliance was binding, and should be exe- 
 cuted ? In answer to these questions, the cabinet 
 unanimously advised that a proclamation should be 
 issued, forbidding the citizens of the United States 
 to take part with either of the belligerents, and that 
 a minister from the French Republic ought to be re- 
 ceived. On the other points submitted, a diversity 
 of sentiment existed in the cabinet. Jefferson and 
 Randolph, the friends of extreme democracy, were 
 in favor of an unqualified reception of the French 
 minister. Hamilton and Knox, the representatives 
 of the federal school, were opposed to the direct re- 
 cognition of the existing government of France. 
 They did not suppose that that government would 
 be permanent ; and they feared that its recognition 
 by the United States would lead to difficulties w r ith 
 other European powers. They believed and held 
 that the guarantees existing in the treaty with 
 France had reference to a defensive war, and to 
 that only. 
 
 In the present instance, contrary to his usual cus- 
 tom, Washington approved the sentiments of Jeffer- 
 son and Randolph. A proclamation of neutrality 
 was made, and the French ambassador was received 
 with the same formalities, and on the same terms, 
 with which the representatives of the defunct mon- 
 archy of the Bourbons had been welcomed.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 257 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE AUTHORSHIP OP THE FEDERALIST ITS RELATIVE POSITION IN AME- 
 RICAN LITERATURE THE PERIOD OP ITS PUBLICATION ITS GENERAL 
 SCOPE AND PURPOSE ITS SPECIFIC PARTS OR SUBDIVISIONS ITS 
 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS AND RESULTS ITS PECULIARITIES' OF STYLE 
 ITS CLEARNESS BEAUTY LOGICAL POWER METAPHYSICAL PROFUN- 
 DITY COLOSSAL THOUGHTS ANTITHETICAL FORCE EMPLOYS CONTRI- 
 BUTIONS AND ILLUSTRATIONS FROM EVERY DEPARTMENT OF SCIENCE 
 INFLUENCE OF THE FEDERALIST ON AMERICAN AFFAIRS ITS FOREIGN 
 FAME AND INFLUENCE ITS FUTURE CONSERVATIVE INFLUENCE ON THE 
 AMERICAN UNION. 
 
 A BRIEF examination of the peculiar characteris- 
 tics of the Federalist may here be both appropriate 
 and useful, in enabling us to form a clearer and 
 more impartial estimate of the intellectual qualities 
 and the political sentiments of the subject of this 
 memoir. In speaking of the Federalist in this con- 
 nection, we only refer to that part of it of which 
 Hamilton was the acknowledged author, and which 
 indeed constitutes much the largest portion of the 
 whole work. The contributions of Jay were of but 
 little consequence ; and although those of Madison 
 were more numerous and extensive than his, yet 
 they were not sufficiently ample to impress upon the 
 entire work the distinctive character and elements 
 22*
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of his own mind. The Federalist is in reality tb*} 
 production of Hamilton. It bears upon it the 
 stamp of his great intellect ; it owes its existence to 
 his suggestion; its general plan and outline are 
 his ; its most thorough and labored discussions 
 emanated from his pen ; and its influence and 
 celebrity are indissolubly connected with his peer- 
 less and undying fame. 
 
 The Federalist is justly regarded as the great 
 American classic in political science. No produc- 
 tion which has emanated from any American states- 
 man can compete with it in profundity, ability, and 
 power. The great constitutional arguments of Mr. 
 "Webster, and the elaborate treatise of Mr. Calhoun 
 on the Constitution, are its acknowledged inferiors. 
 It holds the same high place in American literature 
 which the Letters of Junius, and the Reflections of 
 Burke on the French Revolution, occupy in British 
 literature; while it possesses one great advantage 
 over these celebrated works, in the fact that 
 their discussions are based upon transient and tem- 
 porary events, which, however important and ab- 
 sorbing they may have been at the period of their 
 occurrence, lost their supreme and overwhelming 
 interest with the steady progress of time. The 
 Federalist is founded upon a theme equally perma 
 nent and glorious one which will continue to in-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 259 
 
 terest and benefit our race as long as true liberty 
 exists upon the earth : and not only as long as the 
 American confederacy shall continue to flourish, 
 but even while it retains a place in the memory of 
 mankind. It is a complete commentary upon the 
 Constitution of the United States, which is fully 
 worthy of its subject; it is a magnificent superstruc- 
 ture erected in perfect harmony with the symmetrical 
 and beautiful proportions of the foundation upon 
 which it is reared, and destined to be coequal with 
 it in duration and celebrity. 
 
 The first publication of the Federalist began in 
 the daily journals in November, 1787, and it con- 
 tinued till June, 1788. It attracted universal at- 
 tention at the time ; and to the influence which it 
 wielded the speedy and unanimous adoption of the 
 federal Constitution by all the States is in a great 
 measure to be attributed. Its general scope and 
 purpose were to afford the American people, at the 
 period when they were discussing the provisions 
 and merits of that Constitution previous to its final 
 adoption a thorough exposition of the principles 
 which should characterize a federal representative 
 government. It combines in harmonious propor- 
 tions an ardent attachment to the principles of 
 rational liberty, with a clear and impartial state- 
 ment of the dangers which result from an excessive
 
 2GO THE LIFE AND TIMES , 
 
 and undue jealousy of the power intrusted to the 
 central government, in those unsound and badly 
 constructed republics which, in former ages, have 
 arisen, flourished, foundered, and fallen; and it 
 draws lessons of wisdom from their misfortunes. 
 Or, in the words of Hamilton himself: " I propose 
 to discuss the following interesting particulars : the 
 utility of the Union to your political prosperity : the 
 insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve 
 that Union : the necessity of a government at least 
 equally energetic with the one proposed, to the 
 attainment of this object : the conformity of the 
 proposed Constitution to the true principles of re- 
 publican government: its analogy to your own 
 State constitution : and lastly, the additional secu- 
 rity which its adoption will afford to the preserva- 
 tion of that species of government, to liberty and to 
 prosperity." 
 
 In pursuance of this purpose the Federalist enters 
 upon a wide and extended range of argument. It 
 first takes into consideration, and discusses at length, 
 the dangers which threaten the country from foreign 
 force and foreign influence. It then approaches the 
 internal condition of the colonies, and examines the 
 dangers which impended of wars and conflicts be- 
 tween the respective States, exposing clearly the 
 causes which may lead to such unfortunate results.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 2G1 
 
 It discusses the effects of internal war in producing 
 standing armies, and various other institutions 
 which are unfriendly to liberty. It treats succes- 
 sively of the utility of the Union as a safeguard 
 against domestic faction and insurrection ; the 
 utility of the Union in respect to commerce and the 
 establishment of a navy ; its utility in promoting a re- 
 venue ; and in reference to the promotion of public 
 economy. It then proceeds to examine the objection 
 to its positions drawn from the extent of country 
 included in the Union ; and the defects of the old 
 confederation in relation to the principle of legisla- 
 tion for the States in their collective capacities. 
 Examples are adduced to show that the uniform 
 tendency of federal governments is rather to anarchy 
 and rivalry among the respective members, than 
 to tyranny in the central power. The other themes 
 discussed at length may be summed up as follows : 
 concerning the militia, taxation, and various objec- 
 tions to these points answered ; a general view of the 
 powers proposed to be vested in the Union ; an 
 examination of the comparative means of influence 
 possessed by the federal and State governments ; 
 concerning the House of Eepresentatives, and the 
 qualifications of its members, their term of service, 
 and the ratio of representation; concerning the 
 constitution of the Senate, and the number, quali-
 
 262 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 fications, and election of its members ; of the 
 capacity of the Senate as a court for the trial of 
 impeachments ; of the President and his powers, 
 functions, term of service, eligibility to re-election, 
 the veto power, his command of the national forces, 
 and his power to pardon ; concerning the appoint- 
 ment of the executive council, and the appointment 
 of the other officers of the government; an examina- 
 tion of the constitution of the judicial department, 
 and its powers, responsibilities, the distribution of its 
 authority, and the trial by jury. The whole discus- 
 sion concludes with the examination of various 
 miscellaneous questions and objections, which 
 gives additional completeness and effect to the 
 argument. 
 
 The general results to which this profound and 
 able investigation leads, the system of government 
 which it gradually, beautifully, and harmoniously 
 elaborates, the doctrines which it asserts, and which 
 it moulds into a complete and symmetrical whole, 
 may be found fully displayed in the Constitution 
 of the United States. This fact at once establishes 
 the reasonableness, wisdom, and justice of the sen- 
 timents contended for in the Federalist. It is an 
 unimpeachable guarantee, the value of which in- 
 creases with the progress of time, and with the 
 augmenting unparalleled prosperity of the brother-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 263 
 
 hood of nations which flourishes under its beni<*- 
 
 & 
 
 nant operation. In these doctrines are concentrated 
 the accumulated political wisdom of all past ages, 
 which has been obtained sometimes by the pro- 
 found study of great statesmen in other times and 
 countries, sometimes by the triumph and felicity of 
 great States and communities which have existed 
 under similar institutions elsewhere ; and some- 
 times by the melancholy disasters and ruin of vast 
 republics which mistook anarchy for freedom, 
 the shadow of liberty for the substance, and even- 
 tually became the victims of irresponsible, tumul- 
 tuous, and perverted power. 
 
 The discussion of the doctrines defended in the 
 Federalist is beyond the province of the biographer 
 of their author; but an examination of the style 
 with which he utters them, and of the dress in 
 which he clothes his thoughts, may not be inap- 
 propriate. 
 
 The style of Hamilton bore the impress of the 
 peculiar qualities of his mind. It was clear, ner- 
 vous, ornate, and always appropriate to the nature 
 of the subject under discussion. In some of his 
 reports as Secretary of the Treasury, when he is 
 compelled to enter into dry statistical details, his 
 btyle is plain and direct, without any effort at orna- 
 ment or display. In the Federalist, whenever the
 
 2G4 
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 grandeur or the profundity of the themes discussed 
 invited him to a labored exercise of his high pow- 
 ers, his full strength was displayed ; the eagle then 
 plumed his wings for an ambitious flight toward 
 the sun, and few could soar as high or as majesti- 
 cally as he. One of Hamilton's qualities as a writer 
 in the Federalist was his clearness of statement. 
 As an instance of this we may quote the following 
 extract : 
 
 " If the circumstances of our country are such as 
 to demand a compound, instead of a simple a 
 confederate, instead of a sole government, the es- 
 sential point which will remain to be adjusted, will 
 be to discriminate the objects, as far as it can be 
 done, which shall appertain to the different pro- 
 vinces or departments of power : allowing to each 
 the most ample authority for fulfilling those which 
 may be committed to its charge. Shall the Union 
 be constituted the guardian of the common safety ? 
 Are fleets, and armies, and revenues, necessary to 
 this purpose ? The government of the Union must 
 be empowered to pass all laws, and to make all re- 
 gulations which have relation to them. The same 
 must be the case in respect to commerce, and to 
 every other matter to which its jurisdiction is per- 
 mitted to extend. Is the administration of justice 
 between the citizens of the same State the proper
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 265 
 
 department of the local governments. These must 
 possess all the authorities which are connected with 
 this object, and with every other that may be al- 
 lotted to their particular cognizance and direction. 
 ISTot to confer in each case a degree of power com- 
 mensurate to the end, would be to violate the most 
 obvious rules of prudence and propriety, and im- 
 providently to trust the great interests of the nation 
 to hands which are disabled from managing them 
 with vigor and success."* 
 
 Many examples occur of great beauty of diction 
 and of imagery, such as are rarely to be found in 
 the dry details of state papers. As an instance we 
 may quote the following : 
 
 " It is impossible to read the history of the petty 
 republics of Greece and Italy, without feeling sen- 
 sations of horror and disgust at the distractions 
 with which they were continually agitated ; and at 
 the rapid succession of revolutions by which they 
 were kept perpetually vibrating between the ex- 
 tremes of tyranny and anarchy. If they exhibit 
 occasional calms, these only serve as short-lived 
 contrasts to the furious storms that are to succeed. 
 If now and then intervals of felicity open them- 
 selves to view, we behold them with a mixture of 
 regret arising from the reflection, that the pleasing 
 
 * See Federalist, No. XX11I.
 
 266 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Bcenes before us are soon to be overwhelmed by the 
 tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage. If 
 momentary rays of glory break forth from the 
 gloom while they dazzle us with a transient and 
 fleeting brilliancy, they at the same time admonish 
 us to lament, that the vices of government should 
 pervert the direction, and tarnish the lustre of those 
 bright talents and exalted endowments for which 
 the favored soils that produced them have been so 
 justly celebrated. 
 
 "But it is not to be denied, that the portraits 
 they have sketched of republican government, 
 were too just copies of the originals from which 
 they were taken. If it had been found impracti- 
 cable to have devised models of a more perfect 
 structure, the enlightened friends of liberty would 
 have been obliged to abandon the cause of that spe- 
 cies of government as indefensible. The science of 
 politics, Jiowever, like most other sciences, has re- 
 ceived great improvement. The efficacy of various 
 principles is now well understood, which were either 
 not known at all, or imperfectly known to the an- 
 cients. The regular distribution of power into dis- 
 tinct departments ; the introduction of legislative 
 balances and checks ; the institution of courts com- 
 posed of judges, holding their offices during good 
 behavior; the representation of the people in the
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 267 
 
 legislature, by deputies of their own election ; 
 these are either wholly new discoveries, or have 
 made their principal progress toward perfection iii 
 modern times."* 
 
 As a remarkable example of the symmetry which 
 characterizes the structure of the sentences of Ha- 
 milton in the Federalist, may be adduced the pol- 
 ished paragraph with which he concludes the Sixty- 
 seventh paper of the series : 
 
 "I have taken the pains to select this instance 
 of misrepresentation, and to place it in a clear and 
 strong light, as an unequivocal proof of the unwar- 
 rantable arts which are practiced, to prevent a fair 
 and impartial judgment of the real merits of the 
 plan submitted to the consideration of the people. 
 Nor have I scrupled, in so flagrant a case, to indulge 
 a severity of animadversion, little congenial with 
 the general spirit of these papers. I hesitate not 
 to submit it to the decision of any candid and 
 honest adversary of the proposed government, whe- 
 ther language can furnish epithets of too much as- 
 pc rity for so shameless and so prostitute an attempt 
 to impose on the citizens of America." 
 
 The logical strength of Hamilton's style, where 
 logical strength was either requisite or appropriate, 
 is 5>ne of the most remarkable features of his com- 
 
 * Federalist, No. IX.
 
 268 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 position. Often his ideas assume colossal forms and 
 proportions ; and when he utters them they come 
 down with sledge-hammer power and weight. 
 These indicate the vast momentum and grasp of 
 his intellect; and they remind the reader more suc- 
 cessfully than any other existing production of the 
 prodigious conceptions of Demosthenes, and the 
 ponderous thoughts of Webster. Of this quality 
 the following extract is an appropriate example : 
 
 " Our own experience has corroborated the les- 
 sons taught by the examples of other nations; that 
 emergencies of this sort will sometimes exist in 
 all societies, however constituted; that seditions 
 and insurrections are, unhappily, maladies as inse- 
 parable from the body politic, as tumors and erup- 
 tions from the natural body; that the idea of go- 
 verning at all times by the simple force of law, 
 (which we have been told is the only admissible 
 principle of republican government) has no place 
 but in the revery of those political doctors, whose 
 sagacity disdains the admonitions of experimental 
 instruction. " 
 
 " Should such emergencies at any time happen 
 under the national government, there could be no 
 remedy but force. The means to be employed must 
 be proportioned to the extent of the mischief. If 
 it should be a slight commotion in a small part of a
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 269 
 
 State, the militia of the residue would be adequate 
 to its suppression : and the natural presumption is, 
 that they would be ready to do their duty. An 
 insurrection, whatever may be its immediate cause, 
 eventually endangers all government. Kegard to 
 the public peace, if not to the rights of the Union, 
 would engage the citizens, to whom the contagion 
 had not communicated itself, to oppose the insur- 
 gents; and if the general government should be 
 found in practice conducive to the prosperity and 
 felicity of the people, it were irrational to believe 
 that they would be disinclined to its support."* 
 
 "Whoever carefully examines this remarkable pro- 
 duction will be struck with the fact, that not merely 
 were all the elaborate graces of composition at the 
 command of Hamilton ; not only was he able to 
 polish both superficial and profound thoughts with 
 the beauty and elegance even of Isocrates him- 
 self; but that, whenever the nature of the discus- 
 sion required or even permitted it, he reveled with 
 equal ease in the most profound metaphysical and 
 philosophical speculations, and expressed the most 
 abstruse conceptions in the clearest and most intel- 
 ligible manner. As an instance of this we may 
 cite the illustration with which he opens the dis- 
 cussion of the Twenty-first number: 
 
 * Federalist, No. XXVIII. 
 
 23*
 
 270 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 "In disquisitions of every kind, there are certain 
 primary truths, or first principles, upon which all 
 subsequent reasonings must depend. These contain 
 an internal evidence, which, antecedent to all re- 
 flection or combination, commands the assent of 
 the mind. Where it produces not this effect, it 
 must proceed either from some disorder in the or- 
 gans of perception, or from the influence of some 
 strong interest, or passion, or prejudice. Of this 
 nature are the maxims in geometry, that the whole 
 is greater than its parts ; that things equal to the 
 same, are equal to one another; that two straight 
 lines cannot inclose a space; and that all right 
 angles are equal to each other. Of the same nature 
 are these other maxims in ethics and politics, that 
 there cannot be an effect without a cause; that the 
 means ought to be proportioned to the end; that 
 eveiy power ought to be commensurate with its ob- 
 ject; that there ought to be no limitation of a 
 power destined to effect a purpose which is itself 
 ncapable of limitation. And there are other truths 
 in the two latter sciences, which, if they cannot 
 pretend to rank in the class of axioms, are such 
 direct inferences from them and so obvious in them- 
 selves, and so agreeable to the natural and unso- 
 phisticated dictates of common sense, that they 
 challenge the assent of a sound and unbiased
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 271 
 
 mind, with a degree of force and conviction almost 
 equally irresistible." 
 
 Thus it was that, on every suitable occasion, 
 Hamilton summoned contributions illustrative of 
 his subject, and auxiliary to his purpose,-from every 
 domain of science from history, both ancient and 
 modern, from natural philosophy, poetry, jurispru- 
 dence, moral philosophy, political economy and 
 metaphysics. He seems to be at home everywhere ; 
 and no intellectual problem appeared to be too pro- 
 found for his facile and masterly grasp. 
 
 As a specimen of antithetical force and clear- 
 ness, as well as of rapidity and comprehensiveness 
 of style, the following passage will compare favor- 
 ably with any thing to be found in the writings of 
 the great masters of English composition. In re- 
 ference to the proposed powers to be vested in 
 Congress to make treaties, he says : 
 
 " These two clauses have been the sources of 
 much virulent invective, and petulant declamation, 
 against the proposed Constitution. They have been 
 held up to the people in all the exaggerated colors 
 of misrepresentation ; as the pernicious engines by 
 which their local governments were to be destroyed, 
 and their liberties exterminated; as the hideous 
 monster whose devouring jaws would spare neither 
 sex nor age, nor high nor low, nor sacred nor pro
 
 272 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 fane; and yet, strange as it may appear, after all 
 this clamor, to those who may not have happened 
 to contemplate them in the same light, it may be 
 affirmed with perfect confidence, that the constitu- 
 tional operation of the intended government would 
 be precisely the same, if these clauses were entirely 
 obliterated, as if they were repeated in every arti- 
 cle. They are only declaratory of a truth, which 
 would have resulted by necessary and unavoidable 
 implication from the very act of constituting a fe- 
 deral government, and vesting it with certain speci* 
 tied powers. This is so clear a proposition, that 
 moderation itself can scarcely listen to the railings 
 which have been so copiously vented against this 
 part of the plan, without emotions that disturb its 
 equanimity."* 
 
 A very remarkable attribute of the discussions 
 of the Federalist is the fullness, completeness, and 
 exhaustive thoroughness with which they expound 
 every subject, dive beneath the surface of things, 
 and completely fathom its utmost depths. To illus- 
 trate fully this peculiarity it would be necessary to 
 quote from that work at length, and to point out 
 how, in some wide range of inquiry and argument, 
 Hamilton sweeps along with a powerful and majes- 
 tic wing over the farthest aud utmost bounds of 
 
 Federalist, No. XXXIII.
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 273 
 
 the debated land. This our limits forbid. But the 
 following extract will illustrate to a very small extent 
 this quality of the movement of Hamilton's mind, 
 in his contributions to the Federalist. When speak- 
 ing of the propriety of making the President of 
 the United States eligible to re-election to office, 
 after the conclusion of his first term of service, he 
 says: 
 
 " The administration of government, in its largest 
 sense, comprehends all the operations of the body 
 politic, whether legislative, executive, or judiciary; 
 but in its most usual, and perhaps in its most pre- 
 cise signification, it is limited to executive details, 
 and falls peculiarly within the province of the exe- 
 cutive department. The actual conduct of foreign 
 negotiations, the preparatory plans of finance, the 
 application and disbursement of the public moneys 
 in conformity to the general appropriations of the 
 legislature, the arrangement of the army and navy, 
 the direction of the operations of war; these, and 
 other matters of a like nature, constitute what 
 seems to be most properly understood by the ad- 
 ministration of government. The persons, there- 
 fore, to whose immediate management these differ- 
 ent matters are committed, ought to be considered 
 as the assistants or deputies of the chief magistrate ; 
 and on this account, they ought to derive their
 
 274 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 offices from his appointment, at least from his nomi- 
 nation, and to be subject to his superintendence. 
 This view of the thing will at once suggest to us 
 the intimate connection between the duration of the 
 executive magistrate in office, and the stability of 
 the system of administration. To undo what has 
 been done by a predecessor is very often considered 
 by a successor as the best proof he can give of his 
 own capacity and desert; and in addition to this 
 propensity, where the alteration has been the result 
 of public choice, the person substituted is warranted 
 in supposing that the dismission of his predecessor 
 has proceeded from a dislike to his measures, and 
 that the less he resembles him the more he will re- 
 commend himself to the favor of his constituents. 
 These considerations, and the influence of personal 
 confidences and attachments, would be likely to 
 induce every new President to promote a change of 
 men to fill the subordinate stations; and these 
 causes together could not fail to occasion a disgrace- 
 ful and ruinous mutability in the administration of 
 the government."* 
 
 Such are the literary peculiarities, and these are 
 some of the doctrines discussed in this remarkable 
 production. It is not singular, therefore, that the 
 
 Federalist, No. LXXII
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 275 
 
 influence which the Federalist has exerted upon the 
 political Constitution and organization of the repub- 
 lics of this confederacy during past time, should 
 have been immense. Such has been the fact. It 
 was the chief means of securing the adoption of 
 the federal Constitution, in the first instance, at a 
 period when the highest interests of the nation de- 
 manded the immediate concentration, fusion, and 
 combination of the several States ; and at a time 
 also when the intensity of party strifes, the bitter- 
 ness of sectional hatred, and the fierce jealousy of 
 rival commonwealths, rendered the attainment of 
 such a result in the highest degree difficult and un- 
 certain. 
 
 Nor did the conservative and beneficial influence 
 of the Federalist terminate there. It has ever since 
 moulded the opinions of the wisest, ablest, and best 
 of American statesmen. It has been the fountain 
 whence they drew their most intelligent views of 
 the true principles of government, both as to its 
 construction and its administration. The conse- 
 quence has been, that the influence of the principles 
 established by the Federalist, has been seen and 
 illustrated in the constitutions and laws of all the 
 more youthful members of this Union; whereby, as 
 they successively become entitled to admission to 
 fellowship with the older communities, their State
 
 276 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 governments have always been consonant and ho- 
 mogeneous in their cardinal features with those to 
 whom they desire to become united. The conse- 
 quence has been that the various members which 
 now constitute this confederacy are as one people ; 
 and no inconsiderable share of the merit of pro- 
 ducing this felicitous result is due to the influence 
 exerted by the able and profound discussions of the 
 Federalist. 
 
 The wise and learned of Europe have also appre- 
 ciated the superior merit of this production. Shortly 
 after its first appearance, the Federalist was trans- 
 lated into French by M. Buisson, and published in 
 Paris. In that country it has taken its place by the 
 side of Montesquieu's "Spirit of Laws." It has 
 been republished in Switzerland, and has been there 
 honored as the worthy associate of the great work 
 of Burlamaqui on the same subject. It is known 
 and appreciated in every country of Europe, just in 
 proportion as the liberty of the press and liberty 
 of speech are possessed and enjoyed. 
 
 It has been asserted by political philosophers of 
 no mean ability, that the tendencies of all free 
 governments are to the possession of still greater 
 freedom, until their liberty, however rational and 
 well-grounded it may have been in the first instance, 
 degenerates into anarchy and destructive license. If
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 277 
 
 eucli should be the future experience of the United 
 States, the influence of the Federalist will not fail 
 in generations yet to come to counteract and resist 
 such a ruinous result. Its conservative power will 
 but increase in proportion as the wise lessons of 
 experience are added to the profound speculations 
 of theory. The arguments with which it shields 
 and shelters the great central power in the Confe- 
 deracy from the conflicting jealousies of the sepa- 
 rate States, both as against itself and as against 
 each other, will only become more unanswerable 
 and convincing, in proportion as a departure from 
 its sage counsels drags the ship of state nearer to 
 the verge of the precipice of ruin. As this great 
 work aided so effectually in securing the first adop 
 tion of the Constitution; as it is vivified by the 
 same intellectual life; as it is instinct with the 
 same patriotic genius; so the benignant influence 
 of both will be coeval in duration ; the Federalist 
 will always serve to increase and perpetuate the 
 supremacy of the Constitution ; and when at length 
 the Constitution falls, if it ever does fall, it will 
 bury beneath its melancholy ruins the fair and 
 beauteous superstructure which the same skillful 
 and masterly hands have thus reared upon it. 
 
 It has frequently been asserted, that notwith- 
 standing the positions assumed and defended by 
 24
 
 278 THF LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Mr. Hamilton in the Federalist, he was really in 
 favor of the election of a President for life, and 
 of other monarchical or anti-republican sentiments 
 and measures. The following important letter of 
 Mr. Hamilton, addressed in the first instance to 
 Timothy Pickering, will controvert and disprove 
 this charge in the most direct and satisfactory 
 manner: 
 
 "NEW YORK, Sept. 16, 1803. 
 
 "MY DEAR SIR: I will make no apology for my 
 delay in answering your inquiry, some time since 
 made, because I could offer none which would sa- 
 tisfy myself. I pray you only to believe that it 
 proceeded from any thing rather than from want of 
 respect or regard. I shall now comply with your 
 request. 
 
 " The highest toned propositions which I made 
 in the Convention, were for a President, Senate, 
 and Judges, during good behavior; a House of Re- 
 presentatives for three years. Though I would 
 have enlarged the legislative power of the general 
 government," yet I never contemplated the abolition 
 of the State governments; but, on the contrary, 
 they were, in some particulars, constituent parts of 
 my plan. 
 
 " This plan was, in my conception, conformable 
 with the strict theory of a government purely re-
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 279 
 
 publican ; the essential criteria of which are, that 
 the principal organs of the executive and legisla- 
 tive departments be elected by the people, and hold 
 the office by a responsible and temporary or defea- 
 sible nature. 
 
 "A vote was taken on the proposition respecting 
 the executive. Five States were in favor of it 
 among these Virginia; and though, from the man- 
 ner of voting by delegations, individuals were not 
 distinguished, it was morally certain, from the 
 known situation of the Virginia members, (six in 
 number, two of them, Mason and Randolph, pro- 
 fessing popular doctrines,) that Madison must have 
 concurred in the vote of Virginia. Thus, if I 
 sinned against republicanism, Mr. Madison is not 
 less guilty. 
 
 "I may truly, then, say that I never proposed 
 either a President or Senate for life; and that I 
 neither recommended nor meditated the annihila- 
 tion of the State governments. 
 
 "And I may add that, in a course of the discus- 
 sions in the Convention, neither the propositions 
 thrown out for debate, nor even those who voted in 
 the earlier stages of deliberation, were considered 
 as evidence of a definitive opinion in the proposer 
 or voter. It appeared to be in some sort under- 
 stood that, with a view to free investigation, experi-
 
 280 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 mental propositions might be made, which were to 
 be received merely as suggestions for consideration. 
 Accordingly, it is a fact that my final opinion was 
 against an executive during good behavior, on account 
 of the increased danger to the public tranquillity 
 incident to the election of a magistrate of his de- 
 gree of permanency. In the plan of a Constitution 
 which I drew up while the Convention was sitting, 
 and which I communicated to Mr. Madison about 
 the close of it, perhaps a day or two after, the office 
 of President has no longer duration than for three 
 years. 
 
 "This plan was predicated upon these bases: 
 1. That the political principles of the people of 
 this country, would endure nothing but a repub- 
 lican government. 2. That in the actual situation 
 of the country it was itself right and proper that 
 the republican theory should have a full and fair 
 trial. 3. That to such a trial it was essential that 
 the government should be so constructed as to give 
 it all the energy and the stability reconcilable with 
 the principles of that theory. These were the ge- 
 nuine sentiments of my heart, and upon them I 
 then acted. 
 
 "I sincerely hope that it may not hereafter be 
 discovered that, through want of sufficient atten- 
 tion to the last idea, the experiment of republican
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 281 
 
 government, even in this country, has not been as 
 complete, as satisfactory, and as decisive as could 
 be wished. 
 
 "Very truly, dear sir, your friend and servant, 
 
 A. HAMILTON." 
 24*
 
 282 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CIIAPTEK XII. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OP M. GENET REMONSTRANCE OP THE BRITISH MINISTER 
 CONFLICTS IN THE CABINET OPINION OP HAMILTON RESPECTING PRIZES 
 TAKEN IN WAR LE PETIT DEMOCRAT HAMILTON'S REPORT ON THE PUBLIC 
 CREDIT HIS VARIOUS OTHER REPORTS AS SECRETARY OP THE TREA- 
 SURY HE WRITES HIS CELEBRATED PACIFICUS CHANGES IN WASH- 
 INGTON'S CABINET HAMILTON RESIGNS AS SECRETARY OF THE STATE 
 TREASURr OPPOSITION OF ALBERT OALLATIN TO WASHINGTON HAMIL- 
 TON VINDICATES THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 THE minister whom the French republic sent to 
 the United States, in the year 1793, was M. Genet, 
 a person not unknown at home in the bloody 
 annals of Jacobin violence and triumph. He ar- 
 rived at Charleston, South Carolina, on the 8th of 
 April. His object in sailing for Charleston and 
 not for Philadelphia, where the federal government 
 was then located, obviously was, that he might be 
 nearer to the "West Indies, which furnished a more 
 favorable position for the resort and protection of 
 privateers. He immediately began to authorize 
 the fitting out and arming of vessels at Charleston, 
 the enlisting of men, and the giving of commissions, 
 to commit hostilities on a nation with whom the 
 United States were then at peace. 
 
 The course of conduct pursued by this Jacobin
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 283 
 
 immediately drew forth from Mr. Hammond, tho 
 British minister, a decided remonstrance. On the 
 16th of May, Genet arrived at the seat of govern- 
 ment. The party in the community who favored 
 his principles and measures, prepared for him a 
 puhlic triumphal entry. Soon after his arrival ha 
 .received various addresses of congratulation from 
 the citizens of Philadelphia. Large numbers of 
 them waited on him in person, and expressed their 
 fervent gratitude for the efficient assistance which 
 the French nation had furnished to the United 
 States ; giving utterance to exultation at the recent 
 success of their arms ; and expressing a conviction 
 that the future welfare and safety even of the 
 United States depended on the continued perpetuity 
 and triumph of the French republic. M. Genet 
 responded to these absurd utterances in terms 
 which indicated how highly they gratified him, and 
 inflated both his self-consequence and his hopes. 
 . Several days after his arrival M. Genet was pre- 
 sented to the President, by whom he was received 
 in the most cordial and friendly manner. In the 
 conversation, which passed between them, the 
 French minister gave Washington the most po- 
 sitive assurances that France did not wish or ex- 
 pect to engage the United States as a party to the 
 war. !But he soon acted in direct hostility to this
 
 284 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 declaration. A British vessel, the Grange, in sail- 
 ing from the port of Philadelphia, was attacked and 
 captured by the French frigate L'Ambuscade, be- 
 fore she had cleared the Capes of the Delaware. 
 
 This outrage at once brought matters to a crisis. 
 Mr. Hammond immediately demanded the restitu- 
 tion of the prize. When the dispute came up for 
 adjudication in the Cabinet, it was unanimously 
 agreed that the jurisdiction of every independent 
 nation within its own territory, being of a nature 
 to exclude the exercise of any authority therein by 
 any foreign power, the acts complained of by the 
 British minister were not warranted by the treaty, 
 were unjustifiable encroachments on the national 
 sovereignty of the United States, and were viola- 
 tions of neutral rights which the government could 
 not permit. As to the delicate question of the res- 
 titution of the prizes already taken, the Cabinet 
 was divided. Jefferson and Randolph maintained, 
 that vessels which had been captured on the high 
 eeas, and brought into the ports of the United 
 States, by vessels fitted out and commissioned in 
 their ports, ought not to be restored.* Hamilton 
 
 * Mr. Jefferson maintained the same position in & letter to M. 
 Genet himself, July 24, 1793; in which he says: "I believe it can- 
 not be doubted that by the general law of nations, the goods of a 
 friend found in the vessels of an enemy are free, and the goods of 
 an enemy found in the vessels of a friend, are lawful prize." See 
 " Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France,
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 285 
 
 and Knox contended for the opposite opinion. 
 "Washington deliberated long and cautiously in re- 
 ference to this disputed point. The Secretary of 
 State was directed to communicate to M. Genet 
 and Hammond the conclusion of the President in 
 reference to the first question discussed and settled ; 
 and circular letters were sent to all the executives 
 of the States, requiring their co-operation in the 
 execution of the policy adopted by government. 
 
 The French minister was intensely excited and 
 offended at the conclusions already arrived at by the 
 American cabinet. He denounced them as opposed 
 to national rights, to the laws of nations, and as sub- 
 versive of the existing treaties between the two 
 nations. He was encouraged in his violence by a 
 great party in the community who were in oppo- 
 sition to the existing administration; and intoxi- 
 cated by their adulation, as well as ignorant of the 
 determined' character of "Washington, he adopted 
 one of the most extraordinary expedients recorded 
 in history. He threatened to make an appeal from 
 the decision of the federal government to the voice 
 of the people ! He contended that the real govern- 
 ment of a free community rested, not in the dele- 
 addressed by Robert Goodloe Harper, of South Carolina, to his con- 
 stituents, May 1797, page 13." Mr. Jefferson proceeds to say: "We 
 have established a contrary principle, that free ships shall make free 
 goods, in our treaties with France, Holland and Prussia." Ibid. p. 14.
 
 280 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 gated authorities, but in the people alone ; that in 
 a democratic State the people, and they only, pos- 
 sessed the real sovereignty.* 
 
 This expedient, so perfectly French and Jacobin 
 in its nature, might have had considerable efficiency 
 in the land of Marat, Danton and the carmagnoles; 
 but it would not answer in the land of the Pilgrims 
 
 * The style adopted by this distinguished individual may be in 
 fci'red from the following extract from his inflated communications 
 to Washington; 
 
 " Every obstruction by the government of the United States to 
 the arming of French vessels, must be an attempt on the rights of 
 man, upon which repose the independence and laws of the United 
 States a violation of the ties which unite the people of France 
 and America, and even a manifest contradiction of the system of 
 neutrality of the President ; for in fact, if our merchant vessels, 
 or others, are not allowed to arm themselves, when the French alone 
 are resisting the league of all the tyrants against the liberty of the 
 people, they will be exposed to inevitable ruin in going out of the 
 ports of the United States ; which is certainly not the intention of 
 the people of America. Their fraternal voice has resounded from 
 every quarter around me, and their accents are not equivocal. They 
 are pure as the hearts of those by whom they are expressed ; and 
 the more they have touched my sensibility, the more they must in- 
 terest in the happiness of America the nation I represent ; the more 
 I wish, sir, that the federal government would observe, as far as in 
 their power, the public engagements contracted by both nations; 
 and that, by this generous and prudent conduct, they will give at 
 least to the world the example of a true neutrality, which does not 
 consist in the cowardly abandonment of their friends in the moment 
 when danger menaces them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do 
 no better, to the obligations they have contracted with them. It is 
 by such proceeding that they will render themselves respectable to 
 all the powers that they will preserve their friends, and deserve to 
 augment their numbers."
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 287 
 
 and the Cavaliers, in the home of Washington and 
 Hamilton. This insane appeal of Genet at once 
 alarmed, offended, and insulted the whole nation. 
 They became apprehensive for the honor and inde- 
 pendence of their country. The difficulties were 
 increased by the presence in the port of Philadel- 
 phia of a French privateer called Le Petit Demo- 
 crat ; which was about to sail thence on a priva- 
 teering cruise. Genet refused to delay the departure 
 of this vessel as requested to do, until the matters 
 in dispute were adjusted. Hamilton recommended 
 that she should be detained in port by force. Jef- 
 ferson, however, dissented from so vigorous and 
 decisive a measure. "Washington thus expressed 
 himself in reference to it. " Is the minister of the 
 French republic to set the acts of government at 
 defiance with impunity, and threaten the executive 
 with an appeal to the people? "What must the 
 world think of such conduct, and of the American 
 government in submitting to it?" Washington, 
 finally requested the recall of M. Genet; and with 
 unexpected subserviency to the cause of right and 
 justice, he was in consequence superceded. Never- 
 theless the American envoys at Paris, Messrs. 
 Pinckney and Marshall, were ordered to quit the 
 territory of France; and the difficulties increased
 
 288 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 between the two countries to such a degree that it 
 resulted in a declaration of hostilities. 
 
 In his addresses to the National Legislature, 
 "Washington had frequently urged the adoption of 
 measures which might accomplish the gradual 
 diminution of the public debt. In this patriotic 
 purpose he was constantly supported by Mr. Hamil- 
 ton. The indefatigable Secretary of the Treasury 
 endeavored to explore new sources of revenue. Yet 
 new taxes constantly excited the popular clamor, 
 however indispensable they were to the support and 
 the efficiency of the government. "While Congress 
 was engaged in discussing a report made by a select 
 committee, on a resolution moved by Mr. Smith of 
 South Carolina, to the effect that further provision 
 should be made for the reduction of the public debt, 
 Hamilton addressed a letter to the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, informing them that he had digested 
 and prepared a plan for the increase of the na- 
 tional revenues, and for the elevation of the public 
 credit.* This report was regarded as a master-piece 
 of financial ability. 
 
 This great statesman, wearied with the thankless 
 cares of office, and seeing the necessity of providing 
 
 * Report on Public Credit, sent to the House of Representatives, 
 January 16th, 1795. See Works of Alexander Hamilton, by J. C. 
 Hamilton, Vol. III. p. 457, tt seq.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 289 
 
 for the future support of his family, and the increase 
 of his private fortune, now determined to devote his 
 talents to his profession. On the 1st of December, 
 1794, he gave notice to the President that he desired 
 his resignation of office to take place on the 31st of 
 January, 1795. During the latter part of his ad- 
 ministration he had submitted to the National 
 Legislature several additional reports connected 
 with the great questions and interests of his office, 
 all of which were characterized by his usual ability 
 and profundity. One of these reports recommended 
 the establishment of a mint.* Another referred to 
 the subject of manufactures, communicated to the 
 House of Representatives in December, 1791. f A 
 third discussed the question of duties on spirits, 
 communicated in March, 1792.J A fourth ex- 
 amined thoroughly and profoundly the principle 
 of loans, and was communicated to the National 
 Legislature in February, 1793. 
 
 With labors such as these the connection of Mr. 
 Hamilton with the federal government was about to 
 terminate. There never lived a minister whose 
 conduct and career excited such enthusiastic praise 
 on the one hand, and such bitter execration on the 
 
 See Works of Alexander Hamilton, Vol. III. p. 149, et seq. 
 f Ibid. p. 192, et &e%. % Ibid. p. 297. \ Ibid. p. 371, et tey.
 
 290 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 other. Yet the steady lapse of years has now 
 clearly demonstrated, even by the admissions of his 
 former opponents, that his system was a profoundly 
 wise, patriotic, and judicious one. He has very 
 justly been denominated the "founder of the public 
 credit of the United States." The great cardinal 
 principle which guided all his measures as Secretary 
 of the Treasury was the establishment of good faith, 
 by the punctual performance of contracts, as the 
 foundation of national credit. And to increase the 
 confidence of the world in the credit of the nation, 
 he repeatedly urged upon Congress the propriety 
 of renouncing expressly, by the passage of special 
 acts, all right to tax the public funds, or to seques- 
 ter on any pretext the property of foreigners. It 
 was his policy to enable the country to develope in 
 every way its immense resources. Under his ad- 
 ministration the finances advanced to a state of 
 prosperity which was then unequaled ; so much so, 
 as even to attract the attention, elicit the praise, and 
 command the confidence of the nations of Europe. 
 He never patronized the doctrine, as his enemies 
 falsely charged, that a public debt was a public 
 blessing; but he uniformly and consistently held, 
 that the progressive accumulation of debt was the 
 natural disease of all governments ; that it ought to 
 be guarded against with inflexible perseverance and
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 291 
 
 thoughtful prudence. He held it to be a funda- 
 mental maxim in the system of public credit, that 
 the creation of a public debt, when it became un- 
 avoidable, should always be accompanied with the 
 means of its final extinguishment. In his lastreport, 
 he strongly recommended a provision for augment- 
 ing the sinking fund, so as to render it commensu- 
 rate with the entire debt of the United States ; and 
 he proposed to secure that fund by a sanction the 
 most inviolable w T hich could have been devised, 
 which was to make the application of the fund 
 to the object a part even of the contract with the 
 creditor.* 
 
 * " Seldom has any minister excited the opposite passions of love 
 and hate in a higher degree than Colonel Hamilton. His talents 
 were too prominent not to receive the tribute of profound respect 
 from all; and his integrity and honor as a man, not less than his 
 official rectitude, though slandered at a distance, were admitted to be 
 superior to reproach by those enemies who knew him. 
 
 " But with respect to his political principles and designs, the 
 most contradictory opinions were entertained. While one party 
 sincerely believed his object to be the preservation of the Consti- 
 tution of the United States in its purity ; the other, with perhaps 
 equal sincerity, imputed to him the insidious intention of subvert- 
 ing it. While his friends were persuaded that, as a statesman, he 
 viewed foreign nations with an equal eye, his enemies could per- 
 ceive in his conduct only hostility to France and attachment to her 
 rival. 
 
 " In the good opinion of the President, to whom he was best 
 known, he had always held a high place; and he carried with him 
 out of office the same cordial esteem for his character, and respect 
 for his talents, which had induced liis appointment." See Marshall's 
 Life of Washington, p. 343.
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Mr. Hamilton's report on manufactures is a pro- 
 duction of unsurpassed ability. It is probably the 
 most elaborate of all his reports. It is distinguished 
 by its profound research and investigation. It 
 struck a deadly blow to the then prevalent and 
 fashionable tenets of the French economists, as well 
 as to the kindred theories advocated by Adam Smith 
 in his celebrated "Wealth of Nations." It defended 
 the principles of the mercantile system, and proved 
 that while the theories of the Scotch philosopher are 
 beautiful and even amusing in the abstract, they are 
 not susceptible of a practical realization. Smith 
 attacked the manufacturing and mercantile interests, 
 as founded on an oppressive monarchy; and as- 
 serted the absolute freedom of commerce and in- 
 dustry, as unimpeded by legislative enactments and 
 the restrictions of government. Hamilton com- 
 bated some of the principles involved in this doctrine, 
 and adopted the mercantile system on the basis of 
 Belf-defense. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton, while Secretary of the Treasury, 
 was Washington's constitutional adviser in relation 
 to the duties of his office ; and few matters of im- 
 portance were transacted without his approval. 
 The times were exceedingly critical; and the pro- 
 foundest statesmen were often at fault. It was the 
 period of the first French Revolution. The whole
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 293 
 
 civilized world had caught the insane excitement 
 which agitated that nation, and seemed to be in a 
 state bordering on convulsion and ruin. Xot con- 
 tent with establishing radicalism on a bloody throne 
 in the chivalrous land of Bayard, Turenne, and 
 Conde'; not satisfied with enthroning a licentious 
 and ribald infidelity in the temples where the 
 sublime eloquence of Massillon and Bossuet had 
 resounded ; the French persisted in becoming the 
 crusaders of their rotten political and religious 
 creeds, and involved other nations in commotion. 
 They attacked contiguous countries on the conti- 
 nent, especially Holland ; and passing over the seas 
 assailed England, and sought even to embroil the 
 United States. To the prudence, ability, and saga- 
 city of two men chiefly, this country was indebted 
 to her comparative repose and prosperity in that 
 portentous hour ; and those men were Washington 
 and Hamilton. The celebrated essay termed Paci- 
 ficus was written by the latter in the summer of 
 1793, in defense of the lawfulness and expediency 
 of "Washington's "Proclamation of Neutrality," in 
 opposition to the restless and dangerous intrigues 
 of M. Genet. In that work he clearly proves that 
 the President had competent authority to issue that 
 proclamation ; that it was simply a declaration of 
 the already existing law of the land, which asserted
 
 294 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the neutrality of our government ; that as constitu- 
 tional executor of the laws, it was his duty to see 
 that neutrality maintained; that the United States 
 were under no obligation from existing treaties with 
 France to become a party to the war; that consider- 
 ing the peculiar origin of the war the United States 
 had the most conclusive reasons against any such 
 interference; that gratitude to our benefactors for 
 their opportune and generous aid in the hour of our 
 greatest necessity, was not a sufficient reason why 
 we should become a belligerent power; and that in 
 fact the United States were not the debtors to the 
 then existing government in France, but to the one 
 which that government had overthrown to the 
 fallen Bourbons, to the deadly and ruined foe of the 
 triumphant faction which then held a usurped and 
 pernicious power. 
 
 Having retired from the office of Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Mr. Hamilton returned to New York and 
 resumed the practice of the law. After twenty 
 years spent m the public service he had accumulated 
 nothing. Very soon his professional profits becamo 
 considerable. He stepped 1 at once from the bottom 
 to the summit of that eminence, in the painful and 
 slow ascent of which so many toil for years. But 
 the splendid abilities and the universal fame of 
 Hamilton rendered his progress entirely different
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 295 
 
 from that winch marks the career of ordinary men. 
 He soon began to reap the abundant harvest which 
 such talents, such industry, and such fame richly 
 deserve. 
 
 His retirement was not long uninterrupted. He 
 was soon called upon to vindicate the character and 
 integrity of his friend, the chief magistrate of the 
 nation, from the foul charges which an infamous 
 party-hatred preferred against him. Both the mili- 
 tary and political character of "Washington were 
 furiously assailed. The republican or radical party 
 asserted that he was totally destitute of merit, 
 either as a soldier or as a statesman. Even his per- 
 sonal qualities as a man were ridiculed and cen- 
 sured. It was asserted that he had violated the 
 Constitution in the recent treaty which had been 
 made with England through the agency of Mr. Jay ; 
 and an impeachment even was threatened against 
 him,* whom all wise and good men now designate 
 as the patriot who possessed the severest virtue 
 known in modern times ; who happily mingled in 
 one the characters of Aristides, Cincinnatus, and 
 Scipio. It was also asserted that he had drawn 
 from the Treasury for his private use, more than the 
 amount of salary allowed him by law. To support 
 
 * See " Marshall's Life of Washington," Vol. I. p. 349.
 
 296 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 this last infamous assumption, extracts from the ac- 
 counts of the Treasury Office were laid before the 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 Hamilton came forward boldly to the defense of 
 his ancient friend. He denied publicly and of- 
 ficially in the journals that the appropriations made 
 by the government had ever been exceeded. The 
 infamous charge was again repeated and insisted 
 on ; and then was seen that most despicable specta- 
 cle which a degraded humanity ever exhibits, when 
 it eagerly seizes the opportunity to exult in the 
 degradation of exalted personages and of immortal 
 names which they had long been compelled to re- 
 spect and esteem. These unfortunate circumstances 
 induced Hamilton to prepare and publish a more 
 explicit and full explanation. He proved that 
 "Washington had himself never received in person 
 any portion of his salary ; but that the money had 
 all been received and disbursed by the person who 
 superintended the expenses of his household. He 
 showed that it was the practice of the Treasury, 
 when a certain sum had been appropriated for the 
 current year, to pay it to that gentleman when called 
 upon. The expenses of some periods of the year 
 sometimes exceeded the allowance, and at others 
 they fell short of it. Sometimes money was paid in 
 advance and sometimes money stood to the credit
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 297 
 
 of the President's household. In all these matters 
 "Washington himself had never personally inter- 
 fered. So complete was the vindication published 
 by Hamilton of his illustrious friend, that even the 
 foul tongue of faction was at last silenced ; and the 
 public confidence was restored again to the founder 
 of the Republic. 
 
 But these incidents, among the last which occurred 
 during the administration of Washington, and which 
 for a short period very considerably disturbed his 
 repose, serve pre-eminently to show the instability 
 and worthlessness of the popular judgment. In 
 spite of all the unequaled assurances which the 
 long career of public service, extending for nearly 
 forty years, in which "Washington had occupied posi- 
 tions of high trust and importance, that his integrity 
 and virtue were immaculate, the voice of the 
 insane and ungrateful populace charged him with 
 being a thief, and even threatened him with au 
 impeachment ! 
 
 Mr. Hamilton had been the chief support of the 
 two administrations of Washington ; and when its 
 jurisdiction terminated it left the country in a high 
 state of prosperity. At home a sound condition 
 of public credit had been established. An immense 
 floating debt had been securely funded in such a 
 manner, that all the creditors of the nation were
 
 298 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 perfectly satisfied. The difficulties which are usu- 
 ally connected with a system of internal taxation 
 Tvere gradually removed. The authority of the 
 central government, once viewed by the States 
 with so much jealousy, and yet so indispensable to 
 the prosperity, unity, and harmony of the whole, 
 was finally established. A considerable portion of 
 the public debt had already been discharged, and a 
 method for the payment of the balance provided. 
 The agricultural and commercial wealth of the na- 
 tion had been nurtured and increased. The nume- 
 rous tribes of Indians who occupied the territories 
 which lay between the confines of civilization and 
 the Mississippi were awed into a respectful peace, 
 and had become the Allies of the white race. That 
 humane system was already begun which has since 
 to some extent been pursued, by which the children 
 of the forest were civilized, and furnished with the 
 blessings and conveniences of settled life. Abroad, 
 all the differences of the nation had been happily 
 adjusted. Spain had been conciliated, and the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi had been acquired. 
 Treaties had been formed with Algiers and Tri- 
 poli, which secured to American commerce free 
 access to the ports of the Mediterranean. The 
 various members of the Confederacy had been 
 moulded into a vigorous and harmonious whole.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 299 
 
 A great and powerful nation had arisen on the 
 wide-spread ruins of British despotism. Wash- 
 ington retired at last to the shades of Mount Ver- 
 non, surrounded with the applause of grateful and 
 appreciative millions, in order there to glido down 
 the vale of years unobtrusively, in the enjoyment 
 of that repose to which he had been so long a 
 stranger. And to Hamilton all these happy re suits 
 were due, in no inconsiderable degree.
 
 300 TIIE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CHARGES OP OFFICIAL FRAUD HADE AGAINST HAMILTON HE DEFENDS 
 HIMSELF AFFAIR OF MARIA REYNOLDS CONSPIRACY TO EXTORT MONET 
 PERVERTED BY HAMILTON'S ENEMIES TO SERVE PARTY PURPOSES 
 HIS FINAL AND TRIUMPHANT VINDICATION OF HIMSELF HAMILTON DE- 
 VOTES HIMSELF TO THE LABORS OF HIS PROFESSION WRITES CAMIL- 
 L0S THREATENED WAR WITH FRANCE ACTIVE MEASURES OF DE- 
 FENSE TAKEN BY THE UNITED STATES THE DIFFICULTIES FINALLY 
 ADJUSTED HAMILTON PUBLISHES MANLIUS AND THE STAND HK 
 WRITES WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 
 
 DURING that excited period of American history 
 which is comprised within the second administra- 
 tion of Washington, party hostility was not con- 
 fined to assaults upon the chief magistrate alone. 
 The conduct of the leading members of his Cabinet 
 was violently and bitterly assailed. While yet in 
 office, Mr. Hamilton had successfully vindicated him- 
 self against several of these attacks. Immediately 
 after his retirement he was compelled again to as- 
 sume the defensive. In a work published in 1797, 
 entitled the "".History of the United States for the 
 year 1796," charges of peculation and fraud in the 
 revenue were renewed against him.* Then ensued 
 
 * See "Observations on certain Documents contained in Nos. V. 
 and VI. of the History of the United States, for the year 1796, in 
 which the charge of speculation against Alexander Hamilton is fully 
 refuted. Written by Himself. Philadelphia, printed for John 
 Feuuo, by Johu Bioren, 1797."
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 301 
 
 one of the most unfortunate incidents in the life 
 of Hamilton. In order to defend himself against 
 the alleged crime of dishonesty as a public officer, he 
 was compelled to acknowledge and expose his weak- 
 ness as a man. There are spots even on the disc of the 
 sun ; and the only defect in the character of Alex- 
 ander Hamilton was the one which was dragged 
 into public view by the defense which he made ou 
 this occasion. Impartial history dares not wholly 
 overlook the incidents connected with this affair, 
 arid Hamilton's exalted fame can well afford to 
 bear the brief recital of them. 
 
 In the year 1791, while the seat of government 
 was located at Philadelphia, a female of more than 
 ordinary beauty of person called at the residence 
 of Mr. Hamilton in that city, and desired to have 
 a private interview with him. She stated she was 
 a native of the city of New York, and a sister of 
 Mr. George Livingston ; that knowing Mr. Hamil- 
 ton had resided in that city she had ventured to 
 call upon him to obtain assistance to return thither, 
 as she had been recently deserted by her husband, 
 James Reynolds, without any means of support. 
 Mr. Hamilton, with his usual generosity of dispo- 
 sition, complied ; and at her earnest request visited 
 her at her lodgings. An intimacy then ensued. 
 There is reason to believe that the whole intrigue 
 20
 
 302 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 was arranged between the husband and wife, for 
 the express purpose of extorting money from the 
 Secretary of the Treasury ; for soon afterward 
 James Reynolds himself appears upon the scene of 
 action, loudly asserting that his conjugal rights 
 and honor had been invaded, and that the offender 
 snould be made to pay heavy penalties for the out- 
 rage. Mrs. Reynolds acted her part with all the 
 adroitness and duplicity of a consummate trickster. 
 Sums of money not much exceeding a thousand 
 dollars, were obtained from time to time by threats 
 from their victim. At length Reynolds demanded 
 employment as a subordinate agent in the office 
 then held by Mr. Hamilton; but the latter, having 
 found reason to suspect that Reynolds was a prac- 
 ticed knave, was too honorable to sacrifice the 
 public interest and his duty to his country to his 
 personal security and private reputation. The de- 
 mand of Reynolds was peremptorily refused. This 
 wretch then determined upon having revenge. He 
 obtained the aid of an accomplice named Clingman, 
 as vile and as unprincipled as himself. They finally 
 consented to accept a thousand dollars, as a com- 
 pensation in full for all the injuries which Reynolds 
 supposed himself to have endured. This salvo to 
 his wounded honor was paid. Reynolds then by 
 letter invited Hamilton to renew his visits to hia
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 303 
 
 wife. The fair lady was herself also importunate 
 in her requests to the same effect; and Hamilton 
 complied. Further demands for money were then 
 subsequently made, which were not satisfied to 
 their full extent. 
 
 Reynolds, his wife, and Clingman from that 
 moment began systematically to blacken the cha- 
 racter and reputation of Mr. Hamilton, and to 
 spread the most injurious reports respecting him. 
 These soon reached the ears of the members of 
 Congress. On the 15th December, 1792, Messrs. 
 Monroe, Yenable, and Muhlenberg waited on Mr. 
 Hamilton, and informed him that they felt it their 
 duty to say that they had heard of a very improper 
 pecuniary connection between himself and Mr. 
 James Reynolds; that they had become possessed 
 of some documents of a suspicious character; that 
 they felt compelled to lay the matter before the 
 President ; but that before doing so, they thought 
 proper to give him the opportunity of an explana- 
 tion. Mr. Hamilton promptly replied that he pos- 
 sessed documents which conclusively proved that 
 his relation to Reynolds was one entirely of a per- 
 sonal nature, having nothing whatever to do with 
 affairs either of speculation or of government. On 
 presenting those proofs for inspection, the three 
 gentlemen declared themselves perfectly convinced
 
 804 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 of Hamilton's innocence, even before he had 
 concluded his explanations; and desired him 
 not to continue them. He insisted however ou 
 completing his defense. They were then entirely 
 satisfied of Mr. Hamilton's innocence; and even 
 apologized for having introduced the subject to his 
 notice. 
 
 There this disagreeable matter ended, until the 
 appearance of the "History of the United States 
 for 1796." The enemies of Mr. Hamilton in that 
 work denied that the intercourse between him and 
 the lady in question was an affair of the heart, but 
 contended that it was one of financial speculation. 
 The letters of Mrs. Reynolds to Mr. Hamilton 
 themselves proved the utter absurdity of this 
 charge, and were published by him in connection 
 with his defense. The fact was that this romantic 
 connection was seized upon by Colonel Burr, and 
 other political and implacable foes of Mr. Hamilton, 
 to cover him with the foulest and falsest charges 
 of official dishonesty; but the consequence was, 
 that the defense made by the accused was so over- 
 whelmingly convincing and satisfactory, that it 
 resulted only in the exposure of an amiable and 
 chivalrous weakness in Mr. Hamilton, of which the 
 world had not suspected him so high, so stainless,
 
 OF ALIXANDER HAMILTON. 305 
 
 and so unimpeachable was his character in every 
 other imaginable particular.* 
 
 On retiring from his official station, Mr. Hamil- 
 ton devoted himself to his professional duties. He 
 was soon surrounded with a very large and lucra- 
 tive practice. He became a great favorite with the 
 New York merchants, and they confided their most 
 important interests to his care. The treaty which 
 had been negotiated with England having again 
 called forth the most furious hostility against "Wash- 
 ington, Mr. Hamilton devoted the summer of 1795 
 to a defense of the provisions of this treaty in a 
 series of essays under the signature of " Camillus."t 
 This is one of the most lengthy and labored of his 
 various productions. The first twenty-two num- 
 bers are appropriated to an investigation of the 
 ten permanent articles of this treaty. The doc- 
 trines defended in these letters remain to this day 
 the undisputed law of the land. The remaining 
 portion of the work discusses that part of the 
 
 Reynolds andClingman having both been arrested on the charge 
 of perjury, whereby they had obtained money dishonestly from the 
 Treasury of the United States, it furnished a favorable opportunity 
 to connect Mr. Hamilton's name with the affair through his relation 
 to lleyuolJs's wife. See "Observations on the History of the United 
 States for the year 1796, by Alexander Hamilton," &c., in Appen- 
 dix ISo. I. of that work. There is also evidence to prove that the 
 f;isc';nating " Mrs. Reynolds ' was not in fact the wife of Reynolds, 
 but the mistress both of Reynolds and of Clingman. 
 
 j- See Hamilton's Works by his son, Vol. VII., p. 172, et teq.
 
 806 TIIF LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 treaty which was commercial and temporary, and 
 which has already expired by its own limitation. 
 The ability displayed in this production renders it 
 one of the most complete and satisfactory exposi- 
 tions or discussions of a complicated diplomatic 
 question, which is in existence. The positions as- 
 sumed by Mr. Hamilton, in reference to the bene- 
 ficial operation of this treaty, have long since been 
 amply vindicated and proved by the lapse of time. 
 The main question in dispute was not whether the 
 treaty was in all respects the most desirable which 
 could have been devised, but whether the treaty 
 did not adjust, in a fair and reasonable manner, the 
 existing differences between the two nations; and 
 whether both the interests and the honor of the 
 United States did not then require its adoption. 
 Very soon the storms of opposition which arose 
 against the treaty, and against those who framed and 
 approved it, subsided; and " Camillus" aided very 
 effectually in the attainment of this desirable result. 
 The most important articles were the third, which 
 discussed the commercial intercourse between the 
 United States and Canada, and the tenth, which 
 provided against the confiscation of private debts 
 in time of war. The argument of "Camillus" on 
 the latter point forms an independent treatise of 
 itself; and constitutes such a chapter on an impor-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 307 
 
 tant doctrine of the law of nations as Grotius and 
 Brinckershoek might themselves have produced. 
 It views the subject in a comprehensive light, both 
 with reference to reason and principle, to policy 
 and expediency, to the sentiments of the most emi- 
 nent jurists and the general usage of civilized na- 
 tions ; and next to the Federalist will constitute the 
 most remarkable and permanent literary monument 
 of the genius of its author. 
 
 The country was now menaced with a war with 
 France ; and its two most distinguished citizens, 
 Washington and Hamilton, were forced from their 
 retirement by a strong sense of public duty, to 
 take a prominent part in its incidents. The recall 
 of M. Genet had not, as it was hoped, settled the 
 difficulty between the two countries. Three pleni- 
 potentiaries had been sent to France after the de- 
 parture of M. Genet, of whom General Pinckney 
 was the chief. For a considerable period no offi- 
 cial intelligence reached the United States in refe- 
 rence to their negotiations at Paris. At length iu 
 January, 1798, dispatches were received from them 
 stating that an unfavorable state of things existed. 
 In the succeeding spring they advised the American 
 government of the total failure of their endeavors to 
 adjust the existing disputes. The French Directory, 
 under various and absurd pretexts, delayed to recog-
 
 308 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 i 
 
 nize the emissaries of the United States. They 
 were repeatedly insulted and assailed by persons 
 acting under the influence of the existing govern- 
 ment, demanding money from the United States 
 as an indispensable preliminary before any other 
 steps could be taken, not only of reconciliation 
 with France but also of negotiation on the subjects 
 of the proposed treaty. They attempted basely to 
 work upon the fears of the American plenipoten- 
 tiaries. The superior and overwhelming power of 
 France was dwelt upon. Allusions were made to 
 her triumphs over the United Netherlands, over 
 the republic of Geneva, over the Swiss cantons, 
 over Genoa and Venice all of which had either 
 been vanquished by her invincible arms or crushed 
 by her more formidable embraces. At that very 
 moment she was actively engaged in fitting out a 
 vast and powerful armament in the ports of the 
 Mediterranean, for some distant and unrevealed 
 expedition of conquest and plunder. The inference 
 plainly hinted at was, that it was intended for the 
 anticipated" conflicts with the United States of 
 America. 
 
 At length the American envoys were compelled 
 to refuse all further personal communication with 
 the haughty and insulting statesmen who then held 
 a despotic but transient and pernicious power in
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 309 
 
 France. They addressed a communication to the 
 "Minister of Exterior Relations," in which they 
 explained their position, their purposes, and their 
 duties. This prudent step produced no effect. The 
 insults of France became even more intolerable. 
 Her cruisers waged open and undisguised hostili- 
 ties on American commerce. The flag of the 
 United States was insulted by her ships on every 
 sea, and furnished a sufficient provocation for the 
 assault and capture of every vessel over which jt 
 waved. 
 
 At last the American envoys were ordered to 
 quit the French territories. These events were 
 then officially communicated to Congress. A nar- 
 rative of them was published ; and it excited to an 
 intense degree the just indignation and resentment 
 of the whole nation. Congress resolved to adopt 
 vigorous measures of retaliation and defense. The 
 most important of these was the establishment of 
 a regular army. As soon as this purpose was made 
 known, the whole community with one voice again 
 invited General "Washington to emerge from his 
 honorable retirement, and assume the chief com- 
 mand. He was the only person who, in that high 
 place, could allay existing jealousies, could com- 
 mand the confidence of the whole people, and
 
 S10 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 could enlist in the public service the best talents of 
 every class and every party. 
 
 In reply to a letter from the President he wrote : 
 " In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I 
 should not intrench myself under cover of age and 
 retirement, if my services should be required by my 
 country to assist in repelling it." He added that 
 his principles through life had been such, that he 
 could never withhold his services from his country 
 in any emergency of her history. But he intimated 
 that several provisos would accompany his accept- 
 ance of the responsible trust of commander-in-chief. 
 He made it a conditio sine qua non that Mr. Hamil- 
 ton should be appointed to the post of second in 
 command as Inspector-general. By this arrange- 
 ment he would occupy the place of Washington as 
 military chief when the army was not engaged in 
 actual service ; and in case of his death, which 
 subsequently occurred, Hamilton would assume 
 the post of commander-in-chief of the American 
 armies. 
 
 The moment the French Directory discovered that 
 the United States had taken decisive steps of resist- 
 ance and defense, they assumed a more rational and 
 conciliatory tone. As soon as Congress uttered 
 haughty and determined language, and impera- 
 tively demanded a relinquishrnent of the arrogant
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 311 
 
 and unjust claims of the French for large pecuniary 
 advances, their communications were treated with 
 more deference.* The Directory soon made indirect 
 overtures of a pacific nature, and three American 
 envoys were again sent to Paris. On their arrival, 
 they found the French government sternly grasped 
 by the strong arm of Napoleon ; with whom they 
 soon succeeded in making an amicable adjustment 
 of the differences between the two countries. Thus 
 the evils of war were happily averted ; the blessings 
 of peace were secured ; the Father of his country 
 again, and for the last time, gracefully withdrew 
 into the shades of retirement; and Hamilton pur- 
 sued his professional career. During the period 
 that an anticipated war with France occupied the 
 public attention, Hamilton had published a series 
 of essays under the titles of " The Stand" and " Titus 
 Manlius," the purport and effect of which were, to 
 arouse the country to a sense of their impending 
 danger, and induce them to provide vigorous and 
 
 * Actual hostilities had commenced at sea. Two severe and well 
 fought conflicts took place between the American frigate Constella- 
 tion, of thirty-eight guns, and the French frigate L'Insurgente, of 
 forty ; and between the Constellation and La Vengeance, of fifty guns. 
 L'Insurgente was captured. La Vengeance after having struck her 
 colors, escaped at night. These brilliant triumphs of Com. Trux- 
 ton opened the eyes of the French Directory, and quickly modified 
 their policy toward the United States.
 
 312 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 efficient means for the national defense.* Hamil- 
 ton continued in the office of commander-in-chief 
 of the American armies, to which post he succeeded 
 on the death of Washington, until the disbandment 
 of the forces in the summer of 1800. While he 
 occupied this high office he bestowed the most un- 
 wearied efforts to the organization and discipline of 
 the troops. He industriously studied the science of 
 war, and its cognate themes of mathematics, geome- 
 try and engineering. Had actual hostilities com- 
 menced after the death of Washington, Hamilton 
 would doubtless have succeeded to the military fame 
 and glory of that great man. It is scarcely possible 
 to estimate the splendor of those achievements, 
 which his transcendent abilities would have a- 
 chieved in a high position so worthy of his genius, 
 and in a glorious cause whose success so completely 
 absorbed his sympathies. It is probable that Ha- 
 milton would have stood second in the military 
 annals of the nation, as he now stands in her civil 
 history. In that case it is neither extravagant or 
 rhapsodical to affirm that the celebrity which would 
 suiTOund the name of Hamilton would exceed that 
 of any other statesman and hero of modern times. 
 The prophetic and sagacious eye of Washington 
 
 See Works of Hamilton, by his son, Vol. VII., p. 590.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 313 
 
 doubtless anticipated this result when he demanded 
 the appointment of Hamilton as his coadjutor. It 
 was at the termination of this service, when he 
 again resumed his professional duties, that Mr. 
 Hamilton declared with the proud independence of 
 his nature, that he would never again accept of any 
 public office, unless, in the event of a foreign war, 
 he should be called on to expose his life in the ser- 
 vice and defense of his country.* 
 
 Having resumed once more his professional duties, 
 it was not long before Mr. Hamilton was called 
 upon to perform the last office of friendship for his 
 illustrious friend Washington. With great pro- 
 priety that distinguished sage and patriot deter- 
 mined, before he left this stage of action, to bequeath 
 to the country which he had so ably and faithfully 
 served, a legacy of wise counsels, of sagacious prin- 
 ciples, of prudent cautions, and of benignant prayers 
 and blessings. Distrusting his own abilities as a 
 writer, impaired as they somewhat were by the pro- 
 gress of age and infirmity, to do full justice to his 
 own thoughts and feelings on so memorable an 
 occasion, he looked around him for a coadjutor 
 among the statesmen of the land, to whose talents, 
 prudence and patriotism he could intrust the first 
 
 * See " Hamiltoniad," in two books. Philadelphia, 1804. Ap- 
 pendix, p. 54. 
 
 27
 
 314 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 draft of so important an instrument. It is not the 
 least among the many brilliant honors which so 
 proudly cluster around the name and genius of 
 Hamilton, that he, while still comparatively a young 
 man, was selected by "Washington for that great 
 task.* Never was a high and solemn trust more 
 faithfully and ably executed. That sublime pro- 
 duction known as Washington's Farewell Address, 
 is an immortal legacy of inestimable political truth, 
 not only to the freemen of our own confederacy, but 
 to the whole human family, whose aspirations seek 
 after the attainment of true liberty, elevation and 
 felicity. Its style comports with the dignity of the 
 subject and of the occasion ; and no more impres- 
 sive spectacle is presented by the checkered page of 
 history than the great Father of his Country, after 
 having served her so well in both the highest mili- 
 tary and civil trusts, voluntarily retiring to the 
 shades of domestic repose, and thence, e'er he passes 
 quietly from the scene which his matchless virtues 
 had illumined with so many unfading splendors, 
 addressing to liis fellow-citizens counsels which, if 
 
 * See Works of A. Hamilton, by his son, Vol. VII., p. 676, et seq. 
 Hamilton also drafted Washington's Message to Congress relative to 
 the Treaty with Great Britain ; and also Washington's Speech to 
 Congress, December, 17%. See Hamilton's Works, Vol. VII., p. 
 
 'ibl, ft SC<][.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 315 
 
 followed would conduct their country, through long 
 ages to come, along a pathway of unrivaled pros- 
 perity, security and glory ! And how honorable 
 was it that the youthful pen of Hamilton should 
 have heen selected from among those of many im- 
 mortal men, to give force and utterance to the pre- 
 cepts of such a man on such an occasion ! No 
 observer of history can fail to note the contrast 
 which exists between the farewell of Washington to 
 the world, and that of Napoleon, his great rival in 
 the supremacy of modern fame. The one is all 
 serenity, tranquillity, joy, at the growing happiness 
 of his country ; and satisfaction at the part which he 
 had been permitted to play in her establishment 
 and elevation. The other is furious and indig- 
 nant as he is rudely expelled from the gilded halls 
 of Fontainebleau by the fierce and revengeful 
 power of a confederate continent which he had 
 cursed and ruined. He execrates his evil fortune ; 
 raves in impotent paroxysms of alternate fury and 
 despair; and dies at last in exile on a detested 
 rock, amid the ocean waste, uncheered either 
 by pleasing recollections of the past or by 
 grateful anticipations of the future ! "Washington 
 dies like a sage and a patriot; Napoleon fumes out 
 the last remains of life as a brigand and an ad- 
 venturer !
 
 816 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Mr. Hamilton received the news of the death of 
 his illustrious friend with sentiments of profound sor- 
 row. He rightly appreciated the importance of that 
 event ; and felt that now the immense restraint which 
 the exalted and severe virtue of "Washington had 
 always exercised over the impulses of party discord 
 would be removed ; and he viewed the consequences 
 not without deep apprehension. But personal feel- 
 ings also mingled with his emotions of regret. The 
 venerable form of Washington, and his wise coun- 
 sels, were connected with the earliest associations 
 of his own manhood. Together they had endured the 
 toils, had fought the battles, had suffered the defeats, 
 and had achieved the victories of the great Revolution. 
 Together their patriotic hearts had exulted at its 
 triumphant close; and when the jubilant shouts of 
 millions of freemen rent the heavens and shook 
 the earth, they had shared their mutual and con- 
 gratulatory joy. Together they had often contem- 
 plated the sublime perspective of thia vast republic, 
 towering toward heaven in matchless symmetry, 
 beauty and vigor, and extending its immense pro- 
 portions over the whole length and breadth of the 
 continent; and had rejoiced with a gratitude not uri- 
 mingled with fears, that they had been permitted to 
 act so prominent a part in its creation. But now that 
 confidential intercourse, so agreeable and so honor-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 317 
 
 able to both, had forever terminated. Of all the 
 statesmen who mourned the death of Washington, 
 Hamilton felt the affliction the most deeply, and 
 appreciated its importance the most profoundly. 
 
 When reflecting upon the character and career 
 of "Washington which thus terminated, the mind 
 becomes impressed with a degree of solemn awe 
 and reverence which are inspired by the contem- 
 plation of no other human being. We seem to be 
 gazing upward to the summit of that Olympus on 
 which he now serenely sits, as upon the form of 
 one who belonged to that majestic race of beings 
 to whom the ancient Greeks and Eomans ascribed 
 qualities and honors almost divine, to some mo- 
 dern Achilles, Hercules, or Theseus. Other dis- 
 tinguished men inspire us with a noble, but with 
 a much less profound and impressive, sentiment. 
 Frederic the Great excites our admiration for his 
 superior strategic skill as a warrior. William Pitt 
 and Hamilton extort our applause for the splendor 
 of their stately and resistless eloquence. We com- 
 mend Marlborough and Wellington for their uni- 
 form and singular success on the battle-field. We 
 admire Metternich and Talleyrand for the profun- 
 dity and intricacy of their state-craft. We at once 
 praise and pity Napoleon for the grandeur and the 
 insanity both of his intellect and his ambition. 
 27*
 
 318 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 But to Washington alone, of all illustrious men, do 
 we ascribe the full perfection of heroism ; and him 
 only do we contemplate with a reverence and ad- 
 miration which are unmixed with the slightest alloy 
 of censure, untarnished by the least sentiment of 
 detraction. Of him alone can we say that his va- 
 rious qualities were precisely such, and so propor- 
 tioned and balanced, as, under the peculiar circum- 
 stances of the case, all wise and good men would 
 wish them to have been. In a word, "Washington 
 was a masterpiece of human excellence on whom 
 no improvement could scarcely have been effected, 
 even by that great creative power which first called 
 him into existence !
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 319 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 NEW YORK POLITICAL PARTIES THEIR ORIGIN AND HISTORY THE WHIGS 
 AND TORIES GENERAL SCHUYLER GEORGE CLINTON AARON BURR 
 HIS POLITICAL CAREER BURR'S EFFORTS IN 1800 TO SECURE THK 
 TRIUMPH OP THE ANTI-FEDERAL PARTY IN NEW YORK HAMILTON'S 
 ENERGETIC EFFORTS TO DEFEAT THEM BURR ELECTED VICE-PRESIDENT 
 OF THE UNITED STATES DEATH OF HAMILTON'S SON IN A DUEL OB- 
 SERVATIONS OF BURR IN REFERENCE TO THIS EVENT. 
 
 ALTHOUGH it had been Hamilton's settled pur- 
 pose, after removing the helmet from his brow and 
 resuming his professional life in New York, to con- 
 fine himself chiefly to professional duty, yet his 
 great eminence as a statesman naturally placed him 
 at the head of the federal party in that State, and 
 drew him into co-operation with the measures of 
 its leaders. The federal administration of the elder 
 Adams gradually became unpopular with the na- 
 tion. The death of Washington, the acknowledged 
 chief of the party, completed the certainty of its down- 
 fall. Mr. Hamilton having retired both before and 
 during the administration of Mr. Adams from all 
 participation in the direction of public affairs, was 
 not in the least degree responsible for the errors of 
 that administration. When Mr. Jefferson was
 
 320 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 elected President, Hamilton became the leader of 
 the federal opposition in the State of New York. 
 In order to appreciate his position and his policy in 
 this new sphere, it will be necessary for us very 
 briefly to survey the rise and progress of the two 
 great parties into which that State was divided, at 
 the period of Mr. Hamilton's life which now comes 
 under consideration. 
 
 Immediately after the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, two parties were formed in the State of New 
 York the whigs and tories. In a short time the 
 wings became themselves divided into subordinate 
 factions. At the first State election which followed, 
 in 1777, General Schuyler was the candidate of the 
 one for the office of governor, and Mr. George 
 Clinton became the candidate of the other. The 
 latter was successful ; and from that day the hosti- 
 lity between the two parties was continued and 
 gradually augmenting. Thus in 1780 General 
 Schuyler became a candidate for a seat in Congress; 
 but was beaten by L'Hommidieu, the representative 
 of the Clinton faction. 
 
 As will readily he supposed, Mr. Hamilton, being 
 a relative of General Schuyler, as well as a fede- 
 ralist in sentiment, harmonized from the first with 
 the party of that leader. His superior talents gra- 
 dually gave him a prominence among them. That
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 321 
 
 party then included among their number many of 
 the oldest and most influential families of the Colo- 
 nial era the Jays, the Livingstons, the Van Ren- 
 Bellaers, the Bensons, the Varicks. In January, 
 1788, the Legislature directed a State Convention to 
 be called, to whom the adoption of the federal 
 Constitution should be referred. In this Conven- 
 tion the Schuyler party first received the specific 
 epithet of federals, and the Clinton party that of 
 anti-federals. The former were more powerful 
 than their opponents in the southern district of New 
 York. By their influence the federal Constitution 
 was finally adopted by the State. About the year 
 1784, Aaron Burr first began to assume a promi- 
 nent position in the anti-federal or whig party. He 
 was at that time elected by them to represent the 
 city and county of New York in the Legislature. 
 In 1789 he was appointed through their influence 
 the Attorney-General of the State. By them he 
 was elected in 1791 a Senator of the United States. 
 Through their assistance he was afterward chosen 
 to the office of Judge of the Supreme Court. He 
 still remained one of their leaders and favorites 
 until he was elected a member, and even the presi- 
 dent, of the Convention which was called to revise 
 the Constitution of the State; and by their influence 
 and intrigues he was at last elevated, in 1800, to
 
 322 THE LIFE AND TIMKS 
 
 the high dignity of Vice-Presideut of the United 
 States. 
 
 Soon after the adoption of the new State Consti- 
 tution the anti-federal party became known by a 
 designation which more clearly and accurately ex- 
 pressed their sentiments, and were called demo- 
 crats. From the year 1790 to 1800 these two 
 parties were alternately triumphant in the State and 
 city of New York. The federal party were desir- 
 ons that the United States should engage in a war 
 with France; the democrats opposed it During 
 the administration of Mr. Adams party-spirit ran 
 BO high, and became so bitter, that it was deemed 
 advisable for the security of the public peace to pass 
 a sedition law. Soon the democratic party in the 
 State became subdivided into three factions. The 
 Clintons led the first; the Livingstons, who had de- 
 serted the federalists, the second; Aaron Burr the 
 third. The superior talents of this last individual 
 had excited the apprehensions and the hostility of 
 the other two parties ; and their opposition to him 
 was chiefly one of personal dislike and not of poli- 
 tical principle or antagonism. 
 
 In 1800 Mr. Burr put forth his utmost exertions 
 to unite together these three different factions of 
 the democratic party. He succeeded in combining 
 them on the ticket nominated in the city of New
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 023 
 
 York for the Assembly. That ticket included such 
 men as George Clinton, Horatio Gates, Broekholst 
 Livingston, John Svvartwout, and Henry Rutgers. 
 These were among the most eminent and popular 
 citizens in the State. The federal party, headed 
 by Mr. Hamilton, made prodigious exertions to 
 defeat this ticket. Both Mr. Burr and Mr. Hamil- 
 ton were incessantly active; and even at the polls 
 they endeavored to influence the votes of the citi- 
 zens. Sometimes they met at the same places, and . 
 alternately addressed the crowds in able and elo- 
 quent harangues. On the 1st of May, 1800, the 
 polls were closed. After a hard struggle the demo- 
 crats triumphed. The downfall of the federalists 
 seemed to be complete and final. The latter were 
 then disposed to adopt the most ultra measures to 
 prevent so unfortunate a result ; and the report was 
 current that, having at that time a majority in the 
 Legislature, they proposed to Governor Jay to sum- 
 mon an extra session of that body, for the purpose 
 of changing the mode of choosing the electors for 
 President of the United States, and placing the 
 selection in the hands of the people by districts. 
 This expedient would have given the federalists a 
 majority in the ensuing ballot for President and Vice- 
 President ; and this result wonld have altered the 
 whole aspect of American aftairs. The proposition
 
 824 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 was in fact made to Governor Jay, himself a fede- 
 ralist, but he refused to acquiesce in its execution, 
 because it seemed to him to be a measure of doubt- 
 ful propriety and expediency. 
 
 In the year 1800 the administration of Mr. Adams 
 drew near its close. The political excitement 
 which pervaded the country was intense. The can- 
 didates for the offices of President and Vice-Presi- 
 dent were Adams and Jefferson, Charles Pinckney 
 and Burr. During the summer of 1800 Mr. Ha- 
 milton wrote an elaborate pamphlet, entitled "A 
 letter from Alexander Hamilton concerning the 
 public conduct and character of John Adams, Esq., 
 President of the United States." Its object was to 
 secure the vote of the State of South Carolina in 
 favor of Mr. Piuckney ; and the intention had been 
 to circulate it extensively in that State immediately 
 before the election. This would probably have 
 given Mr. Pinckney a majority of votes in the elec- 
 toral college over Mr. Adams, by which means the 
 latter would have been chosen to the Vice-Presi- 
 dency only. Yet the two highest offices in the na- 
 tion would still have been occupied by federalists. 
 
 Mr. Burr now adopted an expedient by which he 
 supposed that the forces of the federal party might 
 be effectually distracted, and the democratic inte- 
 rests be promoted in those States in which the elec-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 325 
 
 tion liad not yet taken place. Mr. Hamilton's 
 pamphlet was then passing through the press. A 
 copy of it was secretly obtained by Burr, and ex- 
 tracts from it were published in the Aurora and 
 the New London Bee. The consequences of this 
 maneuver were such as its shrewd projector had 
 anticipated. The federal party instantly became 
 violently convulsed ; and at length it split into two 
 hostile fragments. It occasioned the total defeat 
 of the federal party in South Carolina. The saga- 
 cious measures and restless activity of Mr. Burr 
 at length secured the entire defeat of the federal 
 party in 1800, and completed the revolution which 
 then took place in the politics of the country. 
 
 The democratic party were triumphant. Demo- 
 cratic electors were chosen by the legislatures of a 
 majority of the States. When the college convened 
 two candidates for the presidency were found to 
 have enlisted all their suffrages. These were Messrs. 
 Jefferson and Burr. At first Mr. Burr was only 
 designed for the office of Vice-President; but 
 when the balloting began it appeared that he had 
 an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson. In 
 this emergency, according to the provisions of the 
 Constitution, the decision devolved upon the House 
 of Representatives. Thirty-five ballots were taken, 
 and the same proportion of votes and the same iu- 
 28
 
 826 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 decisive result prevailed. The whole number of 
 electoral votes given were one hundred and thirty- 
 eight. Seventy of these were necessary to a choice. 
 Both candidates numbered seventy-three votes. 
 Georgia polled four votes. It was contended that 
 these had been illegally returned. If they had been 
 deducted from the ballots, neither candidate would 
 have had a competent number of votes. A union 
 might then have been made with the federal elec- 
 tors in the college. But that expedient was not 
 resorted to. On the thirty-sixth ballot, which took 
 place on the 17th February, 1801, Mr. Jefferson 
 was declared duly elected. He had received the 
 votes of ten States, which gave him the requisite 
 majority. Aaron Burr having received the next 
 highest number of votes, was chosen Vice-Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 In reference to the details of this celebrated con- 
 test, various rumors were prevalent at the time 
 derogatory to the integrity both of Jefferson and 
 Burr. One, of these, referring to the latter, was, 
 that he had secretly connived with the federalists in 
 order to obtain the predominance over Mr. Jeffer- 
 son. So generally was this report circulated and 
 believed, that from that moment Burr began to 
 
 O 
 
 lose the confidence and favor of the democratic 
 party. He published a statement in vindication of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 327 
 
 himself, in a letter to Governor Bloom/field of 
 Jersey, in September, 1802, in which he denied the 
 charge. It is a circumstance worthy of note, as 
 illustrating the great magnanimity and honesty of 
 Mr. Hamilton, that although this accusation pre- 
 vailed very shortly after the infamous trick of Burr, 
 by which he had divided and shattered the federal 
 party, yet Hamilton directly declared in a written 
 and published communication, that he had no per- 
 sonal knowledge of, or belief in, the existence of 
 any negotiations between Mr. Burr and the mem- 
 bers of the federal party.* 
 
 The opponents of Mr. Hamilton did not recipro- 
 cate these feelings of just and impartial forbearance. 
 He and his friends became the objects of the most 
 unrelenting persecution. The press was particu- 
 larly vile and calumnious on this occasion ; and 
 some of its members even went so far as to charge 
 Mr. Hamilton with a design to establish a mon- 
 archy in the United States, on the ruins of the 
 federal government, which he himself had aided so 
 efficiently to erect. This last charge, publicly re- 
 peated by the president of a political club, in a writ- 
 ten and printed address, excited the indignation of 
 Philip Hamilton, the eldest sou of General Hamil- 
 
 * See New York Evening Post, October 13th, 1802.
 
 328 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 ton, to such a degree, that lie challenged the un- 
 principled slanderer of Lis father's fame. The 
 combatants met, and the unfortunate result of 
 the conflict was, that Philip Hamilton fell a victim 
 to the vileness of political hatred, and to mis- 
 taken notions both of chivalrous honor and of 
 filial duty.* 
 
 During the administration of Jefferson, the fede- 
 ral party in New York formed a respectable mino- 
 rity. Burr supposed that, by the union of his 
 numerous personal friends with the democratic 
 forces, and by means of an accomplished fusion with 
 a portion of the federal party, he might be elected 
 Governor of that State. Accordingly in February, 
 1804, he was nominated for that office by a public 
 meeting in the city of ISTew York, composed of per- 
 sons belonging to these three classes. Morgan 
 Lewis was nominated by the opposing faction. 
 Both candidates were democrats, and both received 
 
 Aaron Burr writes in the following cool and satirical manner 
 to his idolized -daughter, the beautiful Theodosia, in reference to 
 this sad event : 
 
 " You have learned from the newspapers (which you never read) 
 the death of Philip Hamilton. Shot in a duel with Backer, the 
 lawyer. Some dispute at a theatre, arising, as is said, out of poli- 
 tics. The story is variously related ; will give you a concise 
 
 summary of the facts, in fifteen sheets of paper, with comments, 
 and moral and sentimental reflections. To this I take the liberty of 
 referring you. A. BURR."
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 329 
 
 the support of portions of the democratic and fede- 
 ral parties. The excitement became intense. Never 
 had political and personal hostility been displayed 
 in so extreme a degree. General Hamilton regard- 
 ing Burr as an unprincipled and dangerous man, 
 exerted all his influence, as might have been ex- 
 pected, to defeat his election. The press teemed 
 with the most atrocious libels ; but in these Hamil- 
 ton had no share. The result of the canvass was 
 that Burr was defeated; and the activity and in- 
 fluence of Hamilton mainly contributed to the 
 accomplishment of so desirable a result. The State 
 of New York was thus rescued from the official in- 
 fluence and presence of a man, whom the general 
 and impartial voice of the nation, and of the world, 
 has since stigmatized precisely in the terms em- 
 ployed in reference to him by Mr. Hamilton. 
 They have marked him as a dangerous, unscru- 
 pulous, and unprincipled aspirant; over whose 
 able mind principle and duty exercised no sway ; 
 and as one who deserves to occupy a place in 
 history' hard by the bad and ignominious eminence 
 which has been accorded to Benedict Arnold. 
 28*
 
 330 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 6ROWINQ HOSTILITY BETWEEN BURR AND HAMILTON THEIR REPI-ECTIVB 
 QUALITIES AND DISSIMILARITY OP CHARACTERS BURR BECOMES A 
 CANDIDATE FOR THE OFFICE OF GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK HE IS DE- 
 FEATED BY THE EFFORTS OF HAMILTON COMMUNICATION OF DR. 
 COOPER FIRST LETTER OF BURR TO HAMILTON HAMILTON'S REPLY 
 THE SUCCEEDING CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THEM FUTILE EFFORTS 
 AT CONCILIATION. 
 
 WE have now arrived at that melancholy crisis in 
 the career of this celebrated man, at which he be- 
 came the victim of the malignant hate and insatia- 
 ble vengeance of his ancient foe. The hostility and 
 rivalry which existed between Burr and Hamilton 
 had been of long standing. The dissimilarity which 
 existed in their moral natures would inevitably have 
 brought them into collision. Burr was crafty, sel- 
 fish, unscrupulous, and. ambitious. He could as- 
 sume all shapes and forms of political and moral 
 character, in order to promote his personal interests. 
 His chief agents and favorite means in the accom- 
 plishment of his ends were secresy and cunning. 
 From his youth he delighted to throw a vail of ob- 
 scurity and darkness over all his actions, even where 
 obscurity and darkness were not necessary to the
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 331 
 
 attainment of success. In. weaving the intricate 
 mazes of political intrigue, in the skillful use of 
 unscrupulous means, in the concentration and com- 
 bination of effective forces and heterogeneous ele- 
 ments, in perseverance amid difficulties, in fortitude 
 in the midst of dangers, in coolness, calmness, and 
 determination, Aaron Burr had no superior among 
 modern statesmen. He was eloquent ; but his elo- 
 quence was simple, unstrained, unadorned, and dis- 
 played its superior power only by the effectiveness 
 with which it commanded the reasons and swayed the 
 wills of men. He cared but little for his country's 
 glory ; his only idol was himself. He entertained 
 no faith in moral obligations ; scarcely believed in 
 the existence of a supreme governor of the Uni- 
 verse; and was, in every sense, a great, gifted, cor- 
 rupt, and dangerous man. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was directly the opposite of 
 his rival, both in his mental and moral qualities. 
 He was honest and consistent in his political belief. 
 He was very open, candid, and impulsive in his 
 nature. He too was eloquent; but his eloquence 
 was stately, gorgeous, ornate, and polished. He 
 more nearly resembled Edmund Burke both as a 
 writer, a speaker, and a statesman, than any other 
 distinguished man of modern times: There was no se- 
 crecy, craft, or duplicity in his composition. He loved
 
 332 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 his country with a lofty, generous and disinterested 
 patriotism ; and to her glory his great talents and 
 unwearied services were constantly devoted. He 
 was no civilized heathen ; but believed in the Chris- 
 tian faith, acknowledged the moral obligation of 
 man to his Creator, and was guided in general by 
 a regard to the claims of moral duty.* The best 
 estimate of his character may be drawn from the 
 single fact that, until Washington's death, he re- 
 mained his bosom friend, his chief favorite, his inti- 
 mate and confidential associate.f 
 
 * In contrast with this clement in Hamilton's character, the 
 reader may infer, from the following extract, that of Hamilton's 
 great political opponent, Thomas Jefferson, the leading anti-fede- 
 ralist : 
 
 In a letter of May 1st, 1794, to Tench Coxe, he thus vents bis 
 indignation and hatred against kings and priests: "Your letters 
 give a comfortable view of French affairs, and later events seem to 
 confirm it. Over the foreign powers, I am convinced they will 
 triumph completely ; and I cannot but hope that that triumph, and 
 the consequent disgrace of the invading tyrants, is destined, in the 
 order of events, to kindle the wrath of the people of Europe against 
 those who have dared to embroil them in such wickedness, and to 
 bring at length, kings, nobles, and priests to the scaffolds which 
 they have been so- long deluging with human blood. I am still warm 
 whenever I think of these scoundrels, though I do it as seldo n as I 
 can, preferring infinitely to contemplate the tranquil growth of my 
 lucerne and potatoes." 
 
 j- That Hamilton was ambitious will not be denied; but his was 
 an honorable ambition, and such as Washington himself describes 
 it, in a letter to John Adams dated " Mount Veruou, September 
 25th, 1798." "An ambition of that laudable kind which prompts a
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 333 
 
 Between such men as Burr and Hamilton a deter- 
 mined hostility was inevitable. Even had they not 
 been political rivals, the opposition of their personal 
 qualities would have made them detest each other; 
 but when the former cause of dislike was super- 
 added to the latter, their antagonism became bitter 
 and irreconcilable. This feeling reached its climax 
 during the contest for governor in the State of Xew 
 York in 1804, when Hamilton succeeded in defeat- 
 ing the aspirations of Burr for the gubernatorial 
 chair. Burr, irritated and incensed beyond mea- 
 sure at this result, determined to wreak a deadly 
 and implacable revenge; a revenge which would 
 be satiated only by the blood of his intended victim. 
 He industriously sought a pretext for that pur- 
 pose ; nor was he long in finding one suited to hia 
 infamous design. Among the many and virulent 
 libels with which the press had teemed during 
 the contest, not a few of the most irresponsible of 
 them meddled with the name of Hamilton, as 
 being the chief opponent of Burr ; and one of 
 these libels, written by Charles D. Cooper, was seized 
 upon by Burr as suitable to the accomplishment of 
 his intended vengeance. 
 
 a man to execel in whatever he takes in hand. He is enter- 
 prising, quick in his perceptions, aud his judgment is intuitively 
 great."
 
 334 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 On the 17th of June, 1804, Burr informed hia 
 intimate friend Judge Van Ness, that he had de- 
 termined to demand from General Hamilton an 
 explanation and an apology for the various censures 
 which, at different times, he had passed upon his 
 personal and political character. He pointed out to 
 Mr. Van Ness a letter contained in a published 
 journal and signed by Dr. Cooper, in which that wri- 
 ter used these emphatic words to his correspondent : 
 " I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion 
 which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr." 
 Burr requested Mr. Van Ness to deliver to Mr. Ha- 
 milton a note upon the subject. Mr. Van Ness 
 complied ; and on the same day the following letter 
 was conveyed to Mr. Hamilton : " Sir : I send for 
 your perusal a letter signed Charles D. Cooper, 
 which, though apparently published some time ago, 
 has but very recently come to my kuoAvledge. Mr. 
 Van Ness, who does me the favor to deliver this, 
 will point out to you that clause of the letter to 
 which I particularly request your attention. 
 
 "You must perceive, sir, the necessity of a 
 prompt and unqualified acknowledgment or denial 
 of the use of any expressions which would warrant 
 the assertions of Mr. Cooper. I have the honor to 
 be your obedient servant, kc." 
 
 Upon reading the note of Burr, and the clause
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 835 
 
 pointed out by Mr. Van Ness, Hamilton replied 
 that the matter demanded some consideration be- 
 fore he would be prepared to give an answer. Se- 
 veral days afterward Hamilton wrote and deliv- 
 ered the following answer to the letter of Mr. Burr: 
 " NEW YORK, June 20, 1804. 
 
 "SiR : I have maturely reflected on the subject of 
 your letter of the 18th inst., and the more I have 
 reflected the more I have become convinced that I 
 could not, without manifest impropriety, make the 
 avowal or disavowal which you seem to think ne- 
 cessary. The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness 
 is in these terms: 'I could detail to you a still 
 more despicable opinion which General Hamilton 
 has expressed of Mr. Burr.' To endeavor to dis- 
 cover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged 
 to seek in the antecedent part of this letter for the 
 opinion to which it referred as having been already 
 disclosed. I found it in these words : ' General 
 Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared, in sub- 
 stance, that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dan- 
 gerous man, and one wlio ought not to be trusted with 
 the reins of government.' 
 
 " The language of Doctor Cooper plainly implies 
 that he considered this opinion of you, which he 
 attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he anirms 
 that I have expressed some other more despicable,
 
 336 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or 
 where. 'Tis evident that the phrase 'still more 
 despicable' admits of infinite shades, from very 
 light to very dark. How am I to judge of the de- 
 gree intended ? Or how shall I annex any precise 
 idea to language so indefinite ? 
 
 " Between gentlemen, despicable and more despicable 
 are not worth the pains of distinction ; when, there- 
 fore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion 
 which is specifically ascribed to me, I must con- 
 clude that you view it as within the limits to which 
 the animadversions of political opponents upon 
 each other may justifiably extend, and, conse- 
 quently, as not warranting the idea which Doctor 
 Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise 
 inference could you draw as a guide for your con- 
 duct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed 
 an opinion of you still more despicable than the one 
 which is particularized? How could you be sure 
 that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds 
 which you would yourself deem admissible between 
 political opponents ? 
 
 " But I forbear further comment on the embarrass- 
 ment to which the requisition you have made natu- 
 rally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample 
 illustration, though nothing could be more easy 
 than to pursue it.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 337 
 
 "Repeating that I cannot reconcile it with pro- 
 priety to make the acknowledgment or denial you 
 desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible, on 
 principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the 
 justice of the inferences which may be drawn by 
 others from whatever I have said of a political op- 
 ponent in the course of fifteen years' competition. 
 If there were no other objection to it, this is suffi- 
 cient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and 
 delicacy to injurious imputations from every person 
 who may at any time have conceived the import of my 
 expressions differently from what I may then have 
 intended or may afterward recollect. I stand ready 
 to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any 
 precise or definite opinion which I may be charged 
 with having declared of any gentleman. More than 
 this cannot fitly be expected from me; and, espe- 
 cially, it cannot be reasonably expected that I shall 
 enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague 
 as that you have adopted. I trust, on more reflec- 
 tion, you will see the matter in the same light with 
 me. If not, I can only regret the- circumstance, 
 and must abide the consequences. 
 
 " The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen 
 by me till after the receipt of your letter. I have 
 the honor to be, &c." 
 
 This letter, which so clearly and fairly points out 
 29
 
 338 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the ambiguity of the charge made against him, 
 and the obvious unfairness of holding himself re- 
 sponsible for the inferences which other persons 
 may be disposed to draw from his conduct and lan- 
 guage, was delivered to Mr. Burr on the 21st of June. 
 The following reply was then sent by him to Mr. 
 Hamilton: "Sir: Your letter of the 20th has been 
 this day received. Having considered it atten- 
 tively, J regret to find in it nothing of that since- 
 rity and delicacy which you profess to value. 
 
 "Political opposition can never absolve gentle- 
 men from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the 
 laws of honor and the rules of decorum. I neither 
 claim such privilege, nor indulge it in others. 
 
 " The common sense of mankind affixes to the 
 epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper the idea of dishonor. 
 It has been publicly applied to me under the sanc- 
 tion of your name. The question is not whether 
 he has understood the meaning of the word, or has 
 used it according to syntax, and with grammatical 
 accuracy; but whether you have authorized this 
 application, either directly or by uttering expres- 
 sions or opinions derogatory to my honor. The 
 time 'when' is in your own knowledge, but no way 
 material to me, as the calumny has now first been 
 disclosed so as to become the subject of my notice, 
 and as the effect is present and palpable. Your
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 letter has furnished me with new reasons for requir- 
 ing a definite reply. I have the honor to be your 
 ohedient servant, &c." 
 
 On reading this letter Mr. Hamilton remarked, 
 that it was not such a one as he had hoped to have 
 received. He observed that it contained several 
 expressions which were offensive, and seemed to 
 prevent any further reply. He contended to Mr. 
 Van Ness, that Mr. Burr should have demanded 
 more specifically what he had said in the hearing 
 of the informant, Dr. Cooper, in order that he 
 might make either an explanation, a denial, or an 
 acknowledgment. He would have given such a re- 
 sponse frankly as the truth in the case might have 
 demanded. Mr. Hamilton then informed Mr. Van 
 Ness, that for the purpose of giving further oppor- 
 tunity for the adjustment of the difficulty, he would 
 consider the last letter of Colonel Burr as with- 
 drawn ; but if that proposal was not agreeable, Mr. 
 Hamilton had no further reply to make, and Mr. 
 Burr must pursue such a course as he deemed pro- 
 per in the premises. Mr. Hamilton requested Mr. 
 Van Ness to convey these sentiments to Mr. Burr, 
 and offered to commit his refusal to answer in writ- 
 ing if Mr. Van Ness desired it; which offer that 
 gentleman declined. 
 
 This reply was reported to Burr, who then re-
 
 240 THE LIFE AND TTMK3 
 
 sided at his country-house in the vicinity of New 
 York, on the same day. Mr. Van Ness received an 
 answer the next day to the letter of Mr. Hamilton, 
 from his antagonist. That letter was not delivered 
 in consequence of the absence of Mr. Hamilton at 
 his summer residence at Richmond Hill, near New 
 York; hut Mr. Yan Ness informed Mr. Hamilton 
 by letter that he desired to wait upon him, and 
 wished to know when he was at leisure to receive 
 him. To this note Mr. Hamilton wrote the follow- 
 ing reply : " Sir : I was in town to-day till half-past 
 one. I thank you for the delicacy which dictated 
 your note to me. If it is indispensable the com- 
 munication should be made before Monday morn- 
 ing, I must receive it here ; but I should think this 
 cannot be important.* On Monday, by nine o'clock, 
 I shall be in town at my house in Cedar street, No. 
 52, where I should be glad to see you. An addi- 
 tional reason for preferring this is, that I am unwil- 
 ling to occasion you trouble. With esteem I am 
 your obedient servant, &c." 
 
 The next day, Saturday, June 22d, Mr. Hamilton 
 called upon Mr. Pendleton, his personal friend, and 
 communicated to him the incidents which had oc- 
 curred. He informed him that he considered the 
 
 * Mr. Van Ness had abstained from conveying a challenge to Mr. 
 Hamilton at his country residence, as his family were then residing 
 there with him.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 841 
 
 letters of Burr rude and offensive, and that he could 
 not perceive how it was possible for him to return 
 any other answer to them than he had done ; that 
 lie had proposed that Mr. Burr should withdraw 
 the second letter, which was the most offensive of 
 the two, in order that he might substitute for it one 
 which would admit of a conciliatory answer. Mr. 
 Hamilton then gave Mr. Pendleton, who was to 
 act as his second in the anticipated meeting, the 
 following letter to be delivered to Mr. Van Ness. 
 " NEW YORK, June 22, 1804. 
 
 "SiR: Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, 
 made a demand, in my opinion, unprecedented and 
 unwarrantable. My answer, pointing out the em- 
 barrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less 
 exceptionable course. You have not chosen to do 
 it ; but, by your last letter, received this day, con- 
 taining expressions indecorous and improper, you 
 have increased the difficulties to explanation intrin 
 sically incident to the nature of your application. 
 
 " If by a ' definite reply' you mean the direct 
 avowal or disavowal required in your first letter, I 
 have no other answer to give than that which has 
 already been given. If you mean any thing differ- 
 ent, admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you 
 should explain. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 
 29* ALEX. HAMILTON."
 
 342 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BURR'S EXPLANATION OF HIS GRIEVANCES MB. VAN NESS JUDGE PEN- 
 DLETON HAMILTON'S HONORABLE CONCESSIONS BURR CHALLENGES 
 HAMILTON THE CHALLENGE ACCEPTED FURTHER ATTEMPTS OP JUDGK 
 PKNDLETON TO CONCILIATE AND AVOID A MEETING HIS FAILURE. 
 
 AT nine o'clock on Monday, June 25th, Mr. Van 
 Ness called at the town residence of Mr. Hamilton, 
 No. 52 Cedar street, for the purpose of receiving a 
 reply from him, delivering an invitation to the 
 field, and making some verbal statements from Mr. 
 Burr, explanatory of his position and his feelings. 
 Mr. Burr had instructed Mr. Van Ness to say, that 
 he did not believe that a political rivalry should au- 
 thorize any liberties, which were otherwise unwar- 
 ranted, to be taken between the respective parties. 
 lie held that his own conduct toward his political 
 opponents had always been to speak of them with 
 respect, either to do justice to their merit, or else 
 to be silent as to their defects ; and that this 
 had invariably been his course in reference to 
 Jay, Adams, Hamilton, and his other political ri- 
 vals. Mr. Burr believed that there had been no 
 reciprocity of this generous feeling on the part 
 of Mr. Hamilton ; and that for several years he
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 313 
 
 had approved the basest slanders which had heeu 
 propagated in reference to him. He declined to 
 particularize these offenses, as that course would 
 only increase the existing irritation; but having 
 exercised a forbearance which had at length as- 
 sumed the form even of humiliation, he had deter- 
 mined to go no further. He had come to the con- 
 clusion that Mr. Hamilton entertained the settled 
 purpose to insult and disgrace him ; to violate all the 
 courtesies of life toward him ; to persist in a con- 
 firmed and implacable malevolence against him ; and 
 Mr. Burr therefore had no other alternative than to 
 adopt the course which he had chosen. He did not 
 seek revenge ; he only desired to vindicate his honor. 
 Mr. Van Ness was then about to offer Hamilton 
 the challenge of Burr when he replied, that he had 
 prepared a written answer to Mr. Burr's last letter, 
 which he had given to Judge Pendleton to be de- 
 livered to him. Mr. Van Ness replied that he had 
 understood Mr. Hamilton, at the conclusion of their 
 last interview, to decline giving any written response 
 to Col. Burr's preceding letter ; but that if he had 
 concluded to do otherwise, he would be pleased to re- 
 ceive it. He accordingly called on Mr. Pendletou, 
 and received from him the communication of Mr. 
 Hamilton for Mr. Burr, contained in the conclusion 
 of the preceding chapter. After that letter had
 
 344 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 been conveyed to Mr. Burr another interview fol- 
 lowed between the seconds; at which Mr. Van 
 Ness informed Mr. Pendleton that the letter had 
 been delivered, and that, in the opinion of Mr. Burr 
 it amounted to nothing more than the verbal reply 
 he had already received, and that it left the whole 
 business precisely where it then was ; that Mr. Burr 
 had explicitly stated what his grounds of complaint 
 were against Mr. Hamilton, for which he had de- 
 manded reparation ; and that he did not choose to 
 make any more minute explanation on the subject. 
 What Mr. Burr peremptorily demanded was, a 
 general disavowal on the part of Mr. Hamilton of 
 any intention, at any time or place, to utter ex- 
 pressions derogatory to his honor. Mr. Pendleton 
 informed Mr. Van Ness that he believed Mr. 
 Hamilton would have no objection and find no dif- 
 ficulty in making such a declaration, and proposed 
 to wait on him to ascertain whether such was the 
 fact. The interview was then suspended for that 
 purpose. Mr. Pendleton called on Mr. Hamilton 
 in order to ascertain his wishes on that point. The 
 latter at once declined making any such avowal, 
 which would have been both derogatory to his own 
 honor and inconsistent with the truth. Mr. Pen- 
 dleton informed Mr. Van Ness of the result of his 
 interview with Mr. Hamilton ; but he further inti-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 345 
 
 mated to him that if a letter was written to Mr. 
 Hamilton, which would enahle him to explain whe- 
 ther he had charged Colonel Burr with any parti- 
 cular instance of dishonorable conduct, or had in 
 any way impeached his private character in any 
 conversation alluded to by Dr. Cooper, or in any 
 other instance which might be specified, Mr. Ha- 
 milton would then be able to answer consistently 
 with his honor and the truth; that the conversation 
 held with Dr. Cooper by him alluded entirely to 
 political subjects; that it did not attribute to him 
 any instance of dishonorable conduct, and did not 
 refer to his private character. Mr. Hamilton in- 
 structed his friend further to state, that if Mr. Burr 
 would specify any other particular language or con 
 versation, in which he charged that his honor had 
 been assailed, Mr. Hamilton would at once return a 
 frank avowal or denial, as the case might be.* 
 
 Every impartial person will suppose that this 
 statement would have satisfied even the punctilious 
 enmity of Colonel Burr. The latter had charged 
 
 * Mr. Hamilton instructed Pendleton to say more explicitly that 
 the exact expressions of the conversation held with Dr. Cooper, at 
 Albany, he could not remember, but to the best of his recollection 
 it consisted of comments on the political principles and views of 
 Colonel Burr, and the results which might be expected from them, 
 in the event of bis election as governor, -without reference to any 
 particular instance of past conduct, or to his private character.
 
 846 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Mr. Hamilton with insulting his honor in a conver- 
 sation with Dr. Cooper. ISTo particular words were 
 specified ; the complaint was general, and referred 
 to the conversation as a whole. In answer to that 
 charge Mr. Hamilton replies in general, that no 
 insult or injury to the private character of Mr. Burr 
 was intended in the conversation alluded to by Dr. 
 Cooper the very one specified by Mr. Burr, as 
 containing the objectionable expressions. But Col. 
 Burr was determined not to be satisfied with any 
 fair and just explanation. He thirsted for the blood 
 of his adversary ; and nothing but such a dishonor- 
 able avowal as he knew Mr. Hamilton was the last of 
 living men to make, would propitiate him. He in- 
 formed Mr. Pendleton therefore, through Mr. Van 
 Ness, that he considered Mr. Hamilton's proposition 
 as a mere evasion, which exhibited a desire to leave 
 the injurious impressions which had been made by 
 his slanderous statements still in existence; and that 
 having begun to vindicate his honor he should per- 
 sist in it till that vindication was complete. The 
 communication of Mr. 'Van Ness to Mr. Pendleton, 
 expressive of the views of Mr. Burr, was as follows : 
 1 "SiR: The letter which you yesterday delivered 
 to me, and your subsequent communication, in Co- 
 lonel Burr's opinion, evince no disposition on the 
 part of General Hamilton to come to a satisfactory
 
 OF ALEXANDER, HAMILTON. 347 
 
 accommodation. The injury complained of and the 
 reparation expected are so definitely expressed in 
 Colonel Burr's letter of the 21st instant, that there 
 is not perceived a necessity for further explanation 
 on his part. The difficulty that would result from 
 confining the inquiry to any particular times and 
 occasions must be manifest. The denial of a speci- 
 fied conversation only would leave strong implica- 
 tion that on other occasions improper language had 
 been used. When and where injurious opinions 
 and expressions had been uttered by General Hamil- 
 ton must be best known to him, and of him only 
 will Colonel Burr inquire. No denial or declaration 
 will be satisfactory unless it be general, so as wholly 
 to exclude the idea that rumors derogatory to 
 Colonel Burr's honor has originated with General 
 Hamilton, or have been fairly inferred from any 
 thing he has said. A definite reply to a requisition 
 of this nature was demanded by Colonel Burr's 
 letter of the 21st instant. This being refused, in- 
 vites the alternative alluded to in General Hamil- 
 ton's letter of the 20th. 
 
 "It was required by the position in which the 
 controversy was placed by General Hamilton on 
 Friday (June 22d) last, and I was immediately fur- 
 nished with a communication demanding a personal 
 interview. The necessity of this measure has not,
 
 348 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 in the opinion of Colonel Burr, been diminished by 
 the general's last letter, or any communication 
 which has since been received. I am, consequently, 
 again instructed to deliver you a message as soon 
 as it may be convenient for you to receive it. I 
 beg, therefore, you will be so good as to inform 
 me at what hour I can have the pleasure of seeing 
 you. Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 &c." 
 
 On communicating to Mr. Hamilton the contents 
 of this letter, he at once perceived the determina- 
 tion of Colonel Burr not to be appeased. He saw 
 that his antagonist instead of facilitating an accom- 
 modation, had even enlarged and extended the 
 grounds of inquiry ; and instead of proposing a spe- 
 cific case for explanation and adjustment, had un- 
 warrantably demanded what was in substance the 
 same as an examination into all his most confiden- 
 tial correspondence and conversations, during the 
 whole period of his acquaintance with Colonel Burr. 
 He asserted that he was willing to meet any parti- 
 cular case, when specified, with a full acknowledg- 
 ment or denial ; but he declared that he could not be 
 called upon to answer at large every thing that he 
 may have said at any time or place in reference to 
 Mr. Burr. He justly refused to be interrogated 
 generally as to all the countless rumors which were
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 349 
 
 afloat derogatory to the character of Colonel Burr, 
 many of which were doubtless even unknown to 
 him. Nevertheless he asserts his unwillingness to 
 come to any explanation or accommodation of the 
 difficulty, unless it be a perfectly honorable one. 
 He added that he saw very clearly, in the course of 
 conduct pursued by Mr. Burr, a predetermined hos- 
 tility which, he did not doubt, would be still ad- 
 hered to, and which precluded the possibility of an 
 amicable arrangement. 
 
 The positions thus assumed by Mr. Hamilton 
 were undeniably true, as will be apparent from the 
 correspondence itself. So plainly do they approve 
 themselves to every impartial mind, so clearly do they 
 involve Burr in an evident determination to shed 
 blood, that he thought it necessary to accompany 
 the challenge which ensued with the following ex- 
 planatory letter from his principal, in order to give 
 some show of decency to his pertinacious and un- 
 yielding vengeance. 
 
 " SIR : The letter which I had the honor to re- 
 ceive from you, under date of yesterday, states, 
 among other things, that, in General Hamilton's 
 opinion, Colonel Burr has taken a very indefinite 
 ground, in which he evinces nothing short of pre- 
 determined hostility, and General Hamilton thinks 
 it inadmissible that the inquiry should extend to 
 30
 
 350 THE LIFE AND TOIES 
 
 Ins confidential as well as other conversations. To 
 this Colonel Burr can only reply, that secret whispers 
 traducing his fame and impeaching his honor are at 
 least equally injurious with slanders publicly ut- 
 tered ; that General Hamilton had at no time and 
 in no place, a right to use any such injurious expres- 
 sion ; and that the partial negative he is disposed to 
 give, with the reservations he wishes .to make, are 
 proofs that he has done the injury specified. 
 
 " Colonel Burr's request was, in the first instance, 
 proposed in a form the most simple, in order that 
 General Hamilton might give to the affair that 
 course to which he might be induced by his temper 
 and his knowledge of facts. Colonel Burr trusted 
 with confidence that from the frankness of a soldier 
 and the candor of a gentleman, he might expect an, 
 ingenuous declaration. That if, as he had reason to 
 believe, General Hamilton had used expressions 
 derogatory to his honor, he would have had the 
 magnanimity to retract them ; and that if, from his 
 language, injurious inferences had been improperly 
 drawn, he would have perceived the propriety of 
 correcting errors which might thus have been widely 
 diffused. With these impressions Colonel Burr was 
 greatly surprised at receiving a letter which he con- 
 sidered as evasive, and which, in manner, he deemed 
 not altogether decorous. In one expectation, how-
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 351 
 
 ever, he was not wholly deceived ; for the close of 
 General Hamilton's letter contained an intimation 
 that, if Colonel Burr should dislike his refusal to 
 acknowledge or deny, he was ready to meet the 
 consequences. This Colonel Burr deemed a sort of 
 defiance, and would have felt justified in making 
 it the basis of an immediate message : but, as the 
 communication contained something concerning the 
 indefiniteness of the request; as he believed it 
 rather the offspring of false pride than of reflection; 
 and as he felt the utmost reluctance to proceed to 
 extremities while any other hope remained, his re- 
 quest was repeated in terms more explicit. The 
 replies and propositions on the part of General 
 Hamilton have, in Colonel's Burr's opinion, been 
 constantly, in substance, the same. 
 
 " Colonel Burr disavows all motives of predeter- 
 mined Hostility, a charge by which he thinks insult 
 added to injury. He feels as a gentleman should 
 when his honor is impeached or assailed; and, 
 without sensations of hostility or wishes of revenge, 
 lie is determined to vindicate that honor at such 
 hazard as the nature of the case demands. 
 
 "The length to which this correspondence has 
 extended only tending to prove that the satisfac- 
 tory redress, earnestly desired, cannot be attained, 
 he deems it useless to offer any proposition except
 
 852 TTTE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the single message which I shall now have the 
 honor to deliver. With great respect, jour obedient 
 servant, &c." 
 
 Upon the receipt of the preceding letter and the 
 challenge, Mr. Pendleton informed Mr. Van Xess 
 that Mr. Hamilton desired the postponement of tho 
 interview until after the close of the circuit of the 
 Supreme Court then in session at Kew York. He 
 stated that he had some important causes then 
 about to be tried, and that if he should withdraw 
 his services from his clients at that moment it would 
 involve them in great trouble and inconvenience. 
 This request was complied with, and the meeting 
 postponed until Mr. Pendleton should inform Mr. 
 
 Van Xess that Mr. Hamilton was at leisure to meet 
 
 i 
 
 Mr. Burr. At this interview Mr. Pendleton offered 
 to Mr. Van Xess the following statement of Mr. 
 Hamilton in reference to the existing difficulties ; 
 but that gentleman refused to receive it, alleging, 
 that by the acceptance of the challenge, all further 
 communication of any kind was precluded : 
 
 "Whether the observations on this letter are 
 designed merely to justify the result which is in- 
 dicated in the close of the letter, or may be intended 
 to give an opening for rendering any thing explicit 
 which may have been deemed vague heretofore, 
 can only be judged of by the sequel. At any rate,
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON". 353 
 
 it appears to me necessary not to be misunder- 
 stood. Mr. Pendleton is therefore authorized to 
 say, that in the course of the present discussion, 
 written or verbal, there has been no intention to 
 evade, defy, or insult, but a sincere disposition to 
 avoid extremities, if it could be done with pro- 
 priety. With this view General Hamilton has been 
 ready to enter into a frank and free explanation 
 on any and every object of a specific nature ; but 
 not to answer a general and abstract inquiry, em- 
 bracing a period too long for any accurate recol- 
 lection, and exposing him to unpleasant criticisms 
 from, or unpleasant discussions with, any and every 
 person who may have understood him in an un- 
 favorable sense. This (admitting that he could 
 answer in a manner the most satisfactory to Colonel 
 Burr) he should deem inadmissible in principle and 
 precedent, and humiliating in practice. To this, 
 therefore, he can never submit. Frequent allusion 
 has been made to slanders said to be in circulation. 
 Whether they are openly or in whispers, they have 
 a form and shape, and might be specified. 
 
 " If the alternative alluded to in the close o^ 
 the letter is defii i lively tendered, it must be ac- 
 cepted ; the time, place, and manner to be after- 
 ward regulated. I should not think it right, in the 
 midst of a circuit court, to withdraw my services 
 30*
 
 854 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 from those who may have confided important inte 
 rests to me, and expose them to the embarrassment 
 of seeking other counsel, who may not have time 
 to be sufficiently instructed in their causes. I shall 
 also want a little time to make some arrangements 
 respecting my own affairs."
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 355 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 HAMILTON PREPARES FOR THE MEETING HIS WILL HIS WRITTEN TESTI- 
 MONY AGAINST DUELLING TIME AND PLACE FOR THE INTERVIEW AP- 
 POINTED MEETING OF THE PARTIES RULES TO GOVERN THEIR CONDUCT 
 HAMILTON FALLS. 
 
 THUS was the illustrious victim dragged to the 
 altar of sacrifice ! The implacable hate of Burr 
 demanded the life-blood of this great statesman 
 and patriot, who had so long and so often foiled 
 his unprincipled schemes of ambition and aggran- 
 dizement, and in so doing had so well served his 
 country. Yet we cannot but pause here a moment, 
 and reflect upon the excessive scrupulousness of that 
 delicate sense of honor which prevented Hamilton 
 from saying to his foe, that he had satisfactorily 
 explained the specific charge in reference to the 
 conversation held with Dr. Cooper; that he had dis- 
 avowed any strictures upon his private character; 
 that all men had a right to express their opinion u.s 
 to the tendency of the political opinions and mea- 
 sures of a public man, and especially of a candidate 
 for a high and important public office ; and that for 
 BO doing no demand of justice or reason, nor even
 
 856 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 the principles of the code of honor more properly 
 termed the code of infamy, and stamped as such by 
 the laws of many civilized States could require 
 him to offer his life in atonement* 
 
 "With what feelings of regret must not snch a 
 man as Hamilton have prepared himself for that 
 final meeting ? He knew that Colonel Burr was 
 an adept in the use of deadly weapons ; and that 
 in all probability, he should fall. In that event he 
 had much to lose. The heart of an affectionate 
 wife would be rent with agony; his young chil- 
 dren would be rendered fatherless; his country 
 would be deprived of his future useful ness; and one 
 of the most brilliant and successful careers ever 
 run by a patriotic and honorable aspirant would 
 end prematurely in darkness and gloom. 
 
 Nor can we fail to admire the self-possession, the 
 constancy, and the firmness of mind with which this 
 remarkable man conducted the important and re- 
 sponsible professional affairs which demanded his 
 attention in the interval between the acceptance of 
 the challenge and the hour of meeting. No per- 
 turbation or anxiety was apparent to the most 
 scrutinizing observer of that intelligent and expres- 
 sive countenance. If sorrowful thoughts of those 
 whom he would leave behind him ever forced 
 themselves on his attention, they were vailed from
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 357 
 
 the view of others; and never, in the whole course 
 of his professional life had General Hamilton been 
 more eloquent, more learned, more sagacious, or 
 more triumphant in the trial of his causes than 
 during the three last weeks of his labors at the bar. 
 
 As the circuit drew toward its close he began to 
 prepare his affairs for the contemplated meeting. 
 His first act was to execute his will. It was as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "In the name of God, Amen. I, Alexander 
 Hamilton, of the city of New York, counselor-at- 
 law, do make this my last will and testament as 
 follows : First. I appoint John B. Church, Nicholas 
 Fish, and Nathaniel Pendleton, of the city aforesaid, 
 Esquires, to be executors and trustees of this my 
 last will, and I devise to them, their heirs and as- 
 signs as joint tenants and not as tenants in com- 
 mon, all my estate real and personal whatsoever, 
 and wheresoever, upon trust at their discretion, to 
 sell and dispose of the same at such time and times, 
 in such manner, and upon such terms as they the 
 survivors and survivor shall think fit, and out of 
 the proceeds to pay all the debts which I shall owe 
 at the time of my decease ; in whole, if the fund be 
 sufficient; proportionably, if it shall be insufficient; 
 and the residue, if any there shall be, to pay and
 
 358 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to deliver to my excellent and dear wife Elizabeth 
 Hamilton. 
 
 "Though if it should please God to spare my 
 life, I may look for a considerable surplus out of 
 my present property ; yet, if he should speedily call 
 me to the eternal world, a forced sale, as is usual, 
 may possibly render it insufficient to satisfy my 
 debts. I pray God that something may remain for 
 the maintenance and education of my dear wife 
 and children. But should it, on the contrary hap- 
 pen, that there is not enough for the payment of 
 my debts, I entreat my dear children, if they or 
 any of them should ever be able, to make up the 
 deficiency. I without hesitation commit to their 
 delicacy a wish that is dictated by my own. Though 
 conscious that I have too far sacrificed the interests 
 of my family to public avocations, and on this 
 account have the less claim to burden my children, 
 yet I trust in their magnanimity to appreciate, as 
 they ought, this my request. In so unfavorable an 
 event of things, the support of their dear mother, 
 with the most respectful and tender attention, is a 
 duty, all the sacredness of which they will feel. 
 Probably her own patrimonial resources will pre- 
 serve her from indigence. But in all situations 
 they are charged to bear in mind that she has been 
 to them the most devoted and best of mothers.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 359 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed 
 my hand, the 9th day of July, 1804." 
 
 Having performed this last duty to his family, 
 General Hamilton next acquitted himself of that 
 which he owed to his country and to the' world, by 
 placing on record his protest against the prevalence 
 and power of the barbarous code to which he him- 
 self was about to fall a victim. Among the papers 
 which he left behind him was the following :* 
 
 " On my expected interview with Colonel Burr, 
 I think it proper to make some remarks explana- 
 tory of my conduct, motives, and views. I was 
 certainly desirous of avoiding this interview for the 
 most cogent reasons. 
 
 "1. My religious and moral principles are strong- 
 ly opposed to the practice of duelling, and it would 
 ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood 
 of a fellow-creature in a private combat forbidden 
 by the laws. 
 
 " 2. My wife and children are extremely dear to 
 me, and my life is of the utmost importance to 
 them in various views. 
 
 * Mr. Hamilton also wrote a letter for Mrs. Hamilton, to be de- 
 livered in case he fell. In it he assured her that he had taken all 
 possible means to avoid the duel, except in acting in such a manner 
 as would forfeit her esteem ; that he had determined not to fire at 
 Burr, and that he expected to fall. He asked her forgiveness for 
 inflicting so much pain, and commended her and her children to 
 God.
 
 360 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 " 3. I feel a sense of obligation toward my cre- 
 ditors; who, in case of accident to me, by the 
 forced sale of my property, may be in some degree 
 sufferers. I did not think myself at liberty, as a 
 man of probity, likely to expose them to this 
 hazard. 
 
 "4. I am conscious of no ill-will to Colonel Burr 
 distinct from political opposition, which, as I trust, 
 has proceeded from pure and upright motives. 
 
 "Lastly, I shall hazard much, and can possibly 
 gain nothing by the issue of the interview. 
 
 " But it was, as I conceive, impossible for me to 
 avoid it. There were intrinsic difficulties in the 
 thing, and artificial embarrassments from the man- 
 ner of proceeding on the part of Colonel Burr. 
 
 " Intrinsic, because it is not to be denied that my 
 animadversions on the political principles, charac- 
 ter, and views of Colonel Burr have been extremely 
 severe ; and, on different occasions, I, in common 
 with many others, have made very unfavorable cri- 
 ticisms on pajticular instances of the private con- 
 duct of this gentleman. 
 
 " In proportion as these impressions were enter- 
 tained with sincerity, and uttered with motives and 
 for purposes which might appear to me commend- 
 able, would be the difficulty (until they could be 
 removed by evidence of their being erroneous) of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 361 
 
 explanation or apology. The disavoioal required of 
 me by Colonel Burr, in a general and definite form, 
 was out of my power, if it had really been proper for 
 me to submit to be so questioned ; but I was sin- 
 cerely of the opinion that this could not be ; and 
 in this opinion I was confirmed by that of a very 
 moderate and judicious friend whom I consulted. 
 Besides that, Colonel Burr appeared to me to as- 
 sume, in the first instance, a tone unnecessarily pe- 
 remptory and menacing; and, in the second, posi- 
 tively offensive. Yet I wished, as far as might be 
 practicable, to leave a door open for accommoda- 
 tion. This, I think, will be inferred from the writ- 
 ten communications made by me and by my direc- 
 tion, and would be confirmed by the conversations 
 between Mr. Van Ness and myself, which arose out 
 of the subject. 
 
 " I am not sure whether, under all the circum- 
 stances, I did not go further in the attempt to ac- 
 commodate than a punctilious delicacy will justify. 
 If so, I hope the motives I have stated will excuse 
 me. 
 
 " It is not my design, by what I have said, to affix 
 any odium on the character of Colonel Burr in this 
 case. He doubtless lias heard of animadversions of 
 mine which bore very hard upon him; and it is pro- 
 bable that, as usual, they were accompanied with 
 31
 
 362 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 some falsehoods. He may have supposed himself 
 under a necessity of acting as he has done. I hope 
 the grounds of his proceeding have been such as' 
 ought to satisfy his own conscience. 
 
 " I trust, at the same time, that the world will do 
 me the justice to believe that I have not censured 
 him on light grounds nor from unworthy induce- 
 ments. I certainly have had strong reasons for what 
 I have said, though it is possible that in some particu- 
 lars I have been influenced by misconstruction or mis- 
 information. It is also my ardent wish that I may 
 have been more mistaken than I think I have been ; 
 and that he, by his future conduct, may show him- 
 self worthy of all confidence and esteem, and prove 
 an ornament and blessing to the country. 
 
 " As well, because it is possible that I may have 
 injured Colonel Burr, however convinced myself 
 that my opinions and declarations have been well 
 founded, as from my general principles and temper 
 in relation to similar affairs, I have resolved, if our 
 interview is conducted in the usual manner, and it 
 pleases God to "give me the opportunity, to reserve 
 and throw away my first fire ; and I have thoughts 
 even of reserving my second, and thus giving a 
 double opportunity to Colonel Burr to pause and 
 repent. 
 
 "It is not my intention, however, to enter into
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 363 
 
 any explanation on the ground. Apology, from 
 principle I hope rather than pride, is out of the 
 question. 
 
 " To those who, with me, abhorring the practice 
 of duelling, may think that I ought on no account 
 to have added to the number of bad examples, I an- 
 swer, that my relative situation, as well in public as 
 in private, enforcing all the considerations which 
 constitute what men of the world denominate honor, 
 imposed on me, as I thought, a peculiar necessity 
 not to decline the call. The ability to be in future 
 useful, whether in resisting mischief or effecting 
 good in those crises of our public affairs which 
 seem likely to happen, would probably be insepara- 
 ble from a conformity with public prejudice in this 
 particular." 
 
 On Friday, July 6th, the circuit having termi- 
 nated, Mr. Pendleton informed Mr. Yan Ness that 
 Mr. Hamilton would be prepared to meet Mr. Burr 
 at any time after the succeeding Sunday. On the 
 following Monday the particulars of the duel were 
 arranged. On "Wednesday the llth of July, 1804, 
 the parties met at seven o'clock in the morning at 
 "Weahawken, three miles above Iloboken, on the 
 Jersey shore, opposite to New York. 
 
 Eager for the conflict and the slaughter, Colonel 
 Burr arrived first upon the ground. "When his an-
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 tagonist appeared they formally exchanged saluta- 
 tions. The seconds then proceeded to make the 
 necessary Arrangements. They measured the dis- 
 tance, which was ten paces. They cast lots for the 
 choice of position and for the right to give the word 
 to fire. Both of these fell to the second of General 
 Hamilton. The pistols were then loaded in each 
 other's presence. The parties then took their re- 
 spective stations. Mr. Pendleton explained the 
 rules which were to govern the combatants in 
 firing. These were as follows: The parties being 
 placed at their positions, the second who gives the 
 word shall ask them whether they are ready. Being 
 answered affirmatively, he shall say : Present! After 
 this order, the parties shall present and fire when 
 they please. If one fires before the other, the oppo- 
 site second shall say, one, two, three, fire; and he 
 shall then fire or lose his shot. Mr. Pendleton hav- 
 ing inquired whether the parties were ready, and 
 "being answered affirmatively, gave the word present. 
 Mr. Burr fired instantly. Mr. Pendleton always main- 
 tained that Mr. Hamilton did not fire first, and that 
 he did not fire at all, at his opponent. Mr. Van 
 Ness always insisted that Mr. Hamilton did fire 
 first, and at his antagonist. The declaration of Mr. 
 Hamilton himself, as contained in the document 
 which he prepared before the conflict, would clearly
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 indicate that it was not his intention to fire at Mr. 
 Burr; and a declaration of purpose from a man of 
 such unimpeachable veracity and integrity as Mr. 
 Hamilton is as conclusive as any extrinsic and com- 
 petent testimony. "What ever the real fact may have 
 been, Mr. Burr was uninjured ; and Mr. Hamilton 
 instantly fell. It is said that at the first moment, 
 Burr seeing Hamilton fall advanced toward him a 
 few steps rapidly, with a manner and gesture which 
 seemed indicative of regret. But this incident, if it 
 actually occurred, was doubtless a hypocritical part 
 of the drama which, on this remarkable occasion, he 
 had determined to play. No further communication 
 took place between the principals, and Colonel Burr 
 without speaking a word turned away and left the 
 field. He returned immediately to New York, in 
 the barge which had conveyed him to the scene of 
 conflict. And thus, 
 
 "A falcon towering in his pride of place, 
 Was by a mousing owl hawk'd at and kill'd." 
 
 31*
 
 366 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 CHAPTER XYHI. 
 
 THE NATURE OP HAMILTON'S WOUND HE IS REMOVED TO THE HOUSE Of 
 MR. BAYARD HIS INTERVIEW WITH DR. MASON HIS INTERVIEW WITH 
 BISHOP MOORE HE RECEIVES THE LORD'S SUPPER HIS RELIGIOUS 
 OPINIONS HIS LAST INTERVIEW WITH HIS FAMILY HIS DEATH HIS 
 FUNERAL ORATION OP GOUVERNEUR MORRIS UNIVERSAL SORROW AT 
 HIS DEATH REMARKS OP BURR ON HAMILTON'S DEATH. 
 
 THE instant General Hamilton was struck, he 
 raised himself involuntarily on his toes, turned a 
 little to the left, at which moment Mr. Pendleton 
 maintained his pistol went off, and fell heavily on 
 his face. The ball had struck the second or third 
 false rib, and fractured it about the middle. It then 
 passed through the liver and the diaphragm, and as 
 far as was subsequently ascertained, lodged in tbe 
 first or second lumbar vertebra. The vertebra in 
 which it was ^lodged, was considerably splintered, 
 so that the spiculce were perceptible to the touch of 
 the finger. The moment Hamilton fell his attend- 
 ant surgeon, Dr. Hosack, ran to his assistance. He 
 found him supported in the arms of Mr. Pendletou. 
 Perceiving the physician, Hamilton said feebly: 
 " This is a mortal wound, doctor." He then sank
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 3G7 
 
 away and appeared to be lifeless. His pulses were 
 not perceptible; his respiration was entirely sus- 
 pended; and the motion of his heart had ceased. 
 He was then supposed to be already dead. 
 
 As soon as Hamilton was conveyed to the barge, 
 and felt the cool breezes from the river, he began 
 
 ' O 
 
 to revive. Some imperfect efforts to breathe were 
 for the first time perceptible. In a few minutes 
 he heaved a labored sigh, and became sensible to 
 the effects of hartshorne. His eyes opened slightly, 
 and wandered to and fro. At length he said: " My 
 vision is indistinct." His pulse then became per- 
 ceptible, his respiration was more regular, and his 
 sight returned. In a few minutes turning to the 
 case of pistols which was lying in the boat, he said : 
 " Pendleton knows that I did not intend to fire at 
 him." Mr. Pendleton had already informed Dr. 
 Hosack to that effect. By this time his lower ex- 
 tremities had lost all feeling, and Hamilton plainly 
 expressed the opinion that he entertained no hopes 
 that he should long survive. The posture of his 
 limbs was changed, but to no purpose. On ap- 
 proaching the shore he said : " Let Mrs. Hamilton 
 be immediately sent for let the event be gradu- 
 ally broken to her; but give her hopes." On 
 arriving at the shore a cot was instantly prepared, 
 upon which he was conveyed from the wharf to Mr.
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Bayard's residence. Along the route large crowds 
 of weeping and lamenting citizens assembled 
 around the dying statesman ; he alone appeared 
 tranquil and composed. Even when be saw the 
 anguish of his family, his equanimity was not dis- 
 turbed. 
 
 Having reached the residence of his friend he 
 became more languid. Mixed wine and water were 
 given him, which restored him somewhat. He then 
 complained of a pain in his back. Large doses of 
 laudanum were subsequently administered ; yet the 
 agony which he endured during the whole of that 
 day was most intense. From the first his physi- 
 cians entertained no hopes of his recovery. The 
 surgeons who were on board the French frigates, 
 then riding in the harbor, were invited to render 
 their assistance. After receiving a full description 
 of the wound, and examining the person of the pa- 
 tient, they decided that the case was hopeless. 
 
 During this day, General Hamilton, perceiving 
 that his last hour was approaching, desired to re- 
 ceive the succors of religion. He sent for his 
 friend, the celebrated Dr. John M. Mason, a Pres- 
 byterian clergyman, who immediately answered the 
 call and hurried to Hamilton's bedside. As soon 
 as Dr. Mason entered Mr. Hamilton said, that he 
 desired to have the sacrament administered to him.
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTOX. GG9 
 
 Dr. Mason replied, that it gave him unutterable 
 pain to receive from him any request with which ho 
 could not possibly comply ; that the discipline and 
 doctrines of his church forbade him to administer 
 the Lord's Supper privately to any person under 
 any circumstances. But he informed Mr. Hamilton 
 that the sacrament was " an exhibition and pledge 
 of the mercies which the Son of God had pur- 
 chased ; that the absence of the sign does not ex- 
 clude from the mercies signified, which were acces- 
 sible to him by faith in their gracious author." 
 Hamilton answered : "I am aware of that ; it is only 
 as a sign that I wanted it." Dr. Mason continued 
 that he "had nothing to address to him in his af- 
 fliction but that same Gospel of the grace of God, 
 which it was his office to preach to the most ob- 
 scure and illiterate ; that in the sight of God all 
 men were on a level, as all have sinned and corne 
 short of his glory; and that they must apply to him 
 for pardon and life, as sinners whose only refuge is 
 in his grace, reigning by righteousness through the 
 Lord Jesus Christ." Hamilton replied: "I per- 
 ceive it to be so; I am a sinner; I look to his 
 mercy." Dr. Mason then adverted to "the infinite 
 merit of the Redeemer as the propitiation for sin, 
 the sole ground of our acceptance with God, the 
 sole channel of his favor to us;" and cited the fol-
 
 S70 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 lowing passages of Scripture: "There is no other 
 name given under heaven among men, whereby we 
 must be saved but the name of Jesus. He is able 
 to save to the uttermost them who come unto God 
 by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession 
 for them. The blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth 
 from all sin." 
 
 The subject of the duel was then introduced, and 
 Dr. Mason said to him, that it was not necessary 
 that he should be reminded of the moral aspects 
 of that matter; that the blood of Christ was as 
 effectual to wash away the guilt of that trangres- 
 sion as any other; and that there alone he must 
 seek for deliverance from guilt, for peace of con- 
 science, and for hope of future salvation. Mr. Ha- 
 milton assented with strong emotion to these state- 
 ments, and expressed his utter abhorrence of the 
 whole transaction. He said: " It was always against 
 my principles. I used every expedient to avoid the 
 interview ; but I have found, for some time past, 
 that my life must be exposed to that man. I went 
 to the field determined not to take his life." He 
 expressed the anguish of his mind in recollecting 
 what had passed, and his hope of forgiveness with 
 his God. 
 
 Dr. Mason then recurred " to the topic of the 
 divine compassion ; the freedom of pardon in Christ
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 371 
 
 to perishing sinners." Said he: "That grace, my 
 dear General, which brings salvation is rich." Ha- 
 milton replied: "It is rich grace." "On that 
 o-race," continued Dr. Mason, "a sinner has the 
 highest encouragement to repose his confidence, 
 because it is tendered to him upon the surest foun- 
 dation, the Scripture testifying that we have re- 
 demption through the blood of Christ, and the for 
 giveness of sius according to the richness of his 
 grace." At that expression General Hamilton re- 
 leased the hand of the clergyman which till then 
 he had held, and clasping his own together, looking 
 toward heaven said : " I have a tender reliance on 
 the mercy of the Almighty, through the merits of 
 the Lord Jesus Christ." He then closed his eyes, 
 seemingly engaged in prayer. As soon as he 
 opened them again Dr. Mason continued : " The 
 simple truths of the Gospel, which require no ab- 
 struse investigation, but faith in the veracity of 
 God who cannot lie, are best suited to your present 
 condition, and they are full of consolation." "I 
 feel them to be so," said he. He then requested 
 Dr. Mason to pray for him ; and while the clergy- 
 man knelt in prayer the voice of the dying man 
 was distinctly heard accompanying him. When he 
 concluded, Hamilton said: "Amen, God grant it!" 
 As Dr. Mason was taking his leave he remarked
 
 372 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 to Mr. Hamilton that there was one request which he 
 had to make of him, and being asked what it was, 
 replied that whatever might be the issue of his 
 affliction, he would give his testimony against the 
 practice of duelling. Said he in reply: "I will ; I 
 have done it. If that be the issue," (meaning his 
 death) "you will find it in writing. If it please 
 God that I recover, I shall do it in a manner which 
 will effectually put me out of its reach in future." 
 When Dr. Mason recurred to the importance of 
 renouncing every other trust for the eternal world, 
 except the mercy of God in Christ, with a particu- 
 lar reference to the duel, Mr. Hamilton was much 
 affected, and said : " Let us not pursue that subject 
 any further; it agitates me." The clergyman then 
 took his leave ; and as he left the apartment he heard 
 the dying statesman exclaim: "God be merciful to 
 me a sinner !" Dr. Mason called again the next morn- 
 ing, but Mr. Hamilton was then beyond the power 
 of conversation. He was surrounded by his weep- 
 ing family and friends. He still retained the same 
 composure and serenity; and his great intellect 
 was unclouded to the last. 
 
 It was still however the wish of Mr. Hamilton, 
 dictated by his own religious convictions, to receive 
 the communion of the Lord's Supper. Accord- 
 ingly after the departure of Dr. Mason, he sent for
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAiMILTON. 373 
 
 Bishop Moore, of the Episcopal church, accompa- 
 nied with the request that he would perform that 
 office. On the first interview the mind of the 
 bishop was not clear upon the propriety of doing so 
 to one who had been a party to a duel, and who 
 was not a communicant of the church. Upon fur- 
 ther deliberation, however, he returned to the 
 chamber of Mr. Hamilton to converse with him in 
 reference to his religious views. When he entered, 
 Mr. Hamilton said : " My dear sir, you perceive my 
 unfortunate situation, and no doubt have been 
 made acquainted with the circumstances which led 
 to it. It is my desire to receive the Communion 
 at your hands. I hope you will not conceive that 
 there is any impropriety in my request. It has 
 been for some time past the wish of my heart, and 
 it was my intention to take an early opportunity of 
 uniting myself to the church by the reception of 
 that holy ordinance." Bishop Moore replied that 
 Mr. Hamilton must be sensible of the delicate situ- 
 ation in which he was placed; that however desir- 
 ous he might be to afford consolation to a fellow 
 mortal in distress, it was his duty as a minister of 
 the Gospel to hold up the law of God as paramount 
 to all other law ; and that therefore under the in- 
 fluence of such sentiments he must unequivocally 
 condemn the practice which had brought him to 
 32
 
 374 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 his present unhappy condition. Mr. Hamilton ac- 
 knowledged the propriety of these sentiments, and 
 declared that he regarded his interview with Mr. Burr 
 with sorrow and contrition. Bishop Moore then 
 asked him : " Should it please God to restore you 
 to health, will you never be again engaged in a 
 similar transaction? And will you employ all your 
 influence in society to discountenance this barba- 
 rous custom?" His answer was: "That, sir, is my 
 deliberate intention." 
 
 The conversation then turned upon the subject 
 of the Communion. The bishop dwelt upon the 
 requisite qualifications of those who wished to be- 
 come partakers of that holy ordinance. He pro- 
 pounded the following questions to Mr. Hamilton : 
 " Do you sincerely repent of your past sins ? Have 
 you a lively faith in God's mercy through Christ, 
 with a thankful remembrance of the death of 
 Christ ? And are you disposed to live in love and 
 chanty with all men?" Mr. Hamilton lifted up 
 his hands and said : "With the utmost sincerity of 
 heart I can answer those questions in the affirma- 
 tive. I have no ill-will against Colonel Burr. 1 
 met him with a fixed resolution to do him no harm. 
 I forgive all that happened." The bishop then 
 continued that the terrors of the law were intended 
 only for those who were obdurate and impenitent;
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 375 
 
 tLjit the blessings of the Gospel were promised to the 
 contrite and penitent ; and that as he professed him- 
 self to be of the latter class, the Communion would 
 be administered to him. Mr. Hamilton received 
 this sacrament with the utmost devoutness and so- 
 lemnity, and expressed "the strongest confidence 
 in the mercy of God, through the intercession of 
 the Redeemer." After this duty had been per- 
 formed one only yet remained; but it was the most 
 painful of all. No incident in the wide and 
 diversified range of human suffering and misfor- 
 tune exceeds in intensity of sadness and wo, the 
 scene which occurred in the chamber of that dying 
 and murdered statesman, when he bade his last 
 farewell to his afflicted family. At the sight of his 
 children as they surrounded his bed, seven in num- 
 ber, his utterance forsook him. He opened his 
 eyes, gave them all one long last look of affection, 
 and then closed them again until they were re- 
 moved. The grief of Mrs. Hamilton at this crisis 
 became frantic. It was apprehended that her reason 
 would sink under its weight. Mr. Hamilton alone 
 could calm her spirit. He addressed her frequently 
 in a firm yet affectionate and impressive manner, 
 with these remarkable words : " Remember, my 
 Eliza, you are a Christian." 
 
 Having embraced his wife for the last time, he
 
 87G THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 calmly composed himself -to die; and he expired 
 the day after the fatal meeting, at two o'clock in 
 the afternoon. Thus passed away from the earth 
 one of the most gifted, powerful, and illustrious 
 spirits which has ever figured upon the great and 
 wondrous stage of human affairs.* The grief 
 which pervaded the whole nation at this lamentable 
 event was profound and universal. It exceeded 
 even that which ensued upon the death of Wash- 
 ington ; because the departure from life of that 
 great patriot was neither violent nor premature. 
 He had completed his glorious career; and expired 
 when full of years and honors. The death of 
 Hamilton, however, was regarded universally as a 
 murder, and as a sacrifice made to the implacable 
 hate of his antagonist, who had clearly evinced a 
 determination to accept of no explanation or apo- 
 logy, except such as would have degraded and in- 
 jured his victim in the eyes of the world. f 
 
 * See New York Evening Post, July 14, 1804. 
 
 f The very day after Hamilton's death, his assassin very coolly 
 wrote the following letter to his son-in-law, Joseph Alston, while 
 he was surrounded by a whole community convulsed with paroxysms 
 of grief; 
 
 NEW YOKK, July 13, 1804. 
 
 " General Hamilton died yesterday. The malignant federalists or 
 tories, and the imbittered Clintonians, unite in endeavoring to excite 
 public sympathy in his favor and indignation against his antagonist. 
 Thousands of absurd falsehoods are circulated with industry. The
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 377 
 
 Mr. Hamilton expired on Thursday, and his 
 funeral took place on the succeeding Saturday. 
 The scene was one of the utmost solemnity and im- 
 pressiveness. By common consent all business was 
 suspended. Sorrow seemed to be stamped on every 
 countenance ; and all the inhabitants of the city 
 crowded to pay the last testimonial of respect and 
 affection to the illustrious dead. During the inter- 
 val between his death and funeral, many societies 
 and corporations in New York held meetings and 
 passed resolutions of condolence. The chief mer- 
 chants met at the Tontine Coffee House. The flags 
 of all the shipping were hoisted at half-mast. The 
 Common Council assembled, passed resolutions of 
 regret, and ordered that all the bells of the corpora- 
 tion and of the churches in the city should be 
 muffled and tolled at intervals during the entire day 
 of the buriral. The members of the Bar met, and 
 passed resolves such as are rarely equaled in depth 
 of sincerity and profound respect, by those which 
 are usually elicited from the members of that body, 
 even on the decease of their most illustrious breth- 
 
 most illiberal means are practiced in order to produce excitement, 
 and for the moment with effect. 
 
 " I propose leaving town for a few days, and meditate also a jour- 
 ney for some weeks, but whither is not resolved. Perhaps to States- 
 burgh. You will hear from me again in about eight days. 
 
 A. BCER." 
 
 32*
 
 878 THE LIFE AXD TIMES 
 
 ren. The military forces of the city were ordered 
 to parade on the occasion of the funeral, and be 
 prepared to confer the highest military honors over 
 the grave. The students of law, the students of 
 Columbia College, the members of the General 
 Society of Mechanics and Traders of New York, 
 the members of the St. Andrew's Society, all assem- 
 bled, recorded their grief, and determined to attend 
 the funeral. The Brothers of the Ancient Society of 
 Tammany resolved to meet by tribes in the Great 
 "Wigwam, and follow under the orders of their 
 Grand Sachem, the funeral cortege of their fallen 
 hero to the tomb. 
 
 When the hour appointed for the funeral arrived, 
 a more imposing scene had never been witnessed on 
 this continent, than that which was then presented. 
 The Society of the Cincinnati very properly took 
 charge of the last obsequies of their departed bro- 
 ther. Twenty-three different orders, societies, and 
 corporations joined the funeral procession, besides 
 the military, array, composed of both infantry and 
 artillery. The great standard of the order of the 
 Cincinnati, which Washington himself had conse- 
 crated, shrouded in crape, was carried in the proces- 
 sion in the rear of the corpse. Solemn martial 
 music, hallowed in the memories of not a few then 
 present by many revolutionary scenes, reverberated
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 
 
 through the silent air, and drew tears from myriads 
 of eyes. At twelve o'clock the procession moved. 
 The pall was supported by eight of the most dis- 
 tinguished citizens of the State of New York, the 
 personal friends of the deceased. On the top of the 
 coffin were placed the general's hat and sword. His 
 old charger, which had carried him over more than 
 one field of blood, was dressed in mourning and led 
 behind the bier. When the immense procession 
 arrived at Trinity Church on Broadway, Governeur 
 Morris, surrounded by the four sons of General 
 Hamilton, delivered an oration characterized by 
 solemn and appropriate eloquence, from a stage 
 erected in front of the church. The multitude were 
 bathed in tears, while the impressive voice of tho 
 orator gave utterance to thoughts which found a 
 ready echo in every heart. Speaking of the illus- 
 trious dead, he said : "You have long witnessed his 
 professional conduct and felt his unrivaled elo- 
 quence. You know how well he performed the 
 duties of a citizen. You know that he never courted 
 your favors by adulation or the sacrifice of his own 
 judgment. You have seen him contending against 
 you, saving your dearest interests as it were in 
 spite of yourselves. And now you feel and enjoy 
 the benefits resulting from the firm energy of his 
 conduct. Bear this testimony to tbe memory of
 
 380 THE LTFE AND TIMES 
 
 my departed friend. I charge you to protect Ms fame. 
 It is all he has left all that these poor orphan chil- 
 dren will inherit from their father. But, my coun- 
 trymen, that fame may be a rich treasure to you 
 also. Let it be the test by which to examine those 
 who solicit your favor. Disregarding professions 
 view their conduct, and on a doubtful occasion ask, 
 Would Hamilton have done this thing ? 
 
 "You all know how he perished. On this last 
 scene I cannot, I must not dwell. I might ex- 
 cite emotions too strong for your better judg- 
 ment. Suffer not your indignation to lead to any 
 act which might again offend the insulted majesty 
 of the law. On his part, as from his lips, though 
 with my voice, for his voice you will hear no 
 more, let me entreat you to respect yourselves." 
 
 After the conclusion of the address of Mr. Morris, 
 the corpse was committed to its last resting place, 
 and the impressive service of the Episcopal Church 
 was read by Bishop Moore. The solemnities were 
 then terminated by the discharge of three volleys of 
 musketry over the grave. 
 
 Throughout the whole nation meetings were 
 held, and resolutions of condolence and sympathy 
 at the national loss were passed. Orations were 
 delivered in which, for once, the loftiest eloquence 
 found a fitting theme for its sublimest flights. At
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 381 
 
 Boston and Philadelphia the demonstrations of re- 
 gret were universal and impressive. In the former 
 city, Harrison G. Otis was selected to give form and 
 utterance to the universal sorrow. Said he elo- 
 quently : " Must we realize that Hamilton is no 
 more ! Must the sod not yet cemented on the tomb 
 of "Washington, and still moist with our tears, be so 
 soon disturbed to admit the beloved companion of 
 "Washington, the partner of his dangers, the object 
 of his confidence, the disciple who leaned upon his 
 bosom ! Insatiable Death ! "Will not the heroes 
 and statesmen whom mad ambition has sent from 
 the crimsoned fields of Europe, suffice to people 
 thy dreary dominions ! Thy dismal avenues have 
 been thronged with princely martyrs and illustri- 
 ous victims. Crowns and sceptres, the spoils of 
 royalty, are among thy recent trophies, and the 
 blood of innocence and valor has flowed in torrents 
 at thy inexorable command. Such have been thy 
 ravages in the old world. And in our infant coun- 
 try, how small was the remnant of our revolutionary 
 heroes ! Could not our "Warren, our Montgomery, 
 our Mercer, our Greene, and our "Washington ap- 
 pease thy vengeance !" And with appropriate and 
 truthful words the orator concludes : 
 
 " The universal sorrow manifested in every part 
 of the Union, upon the melancholy exit of this
 
 382 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 great man, is an unequivocal testimonial of the 
 public opinion of his worth. The place of his resi- 
 dence is overspread with a gloom which bespeaks 
 the presence of a public calamity; and the preju- 
 dices of party are absorbed in the overflowing tide 
 of national grief."* 
 
 " So stream the sorrows that emoalm the brave ; 
 The tears which virtue sheds on glory's grave." 
 
 * See "Eulogy on General Alexander Hamilton, pronounced at 
 the request of the citizens of Boston, July 26th, 1804, by the Hon. 
 Harrison G. Otis. New York, 1804."
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 383 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE EFFECTS OF HAMILTON'S DEATH HIS PECULIAR INTELLECTUAL QUA- 
 LITIES HI8 LOGICAL POWERS HIS FERTILE IMAGINATION HIS PRO- 
 FOUND LEARNING HIS UNTIRING INDUSTRY HIS ABILITIES AS A WRITER 
 HIS ELOQUENCE AS A SPEAKER HIS MORAL QUALITIES HIS INTE- 
 GRITY HIS SINCERITY HIS FORTITUDE AS A SOLDIER HIS UNE- 
 QUALED ABILITIES AS A STATESMAN AND PATRIOT HIS FAILINGS 
 HIS DPEL WITH BURR HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE SUBSEQUENT 
 HISTORY OF MRS. HAMILTON HER INTERVIEW WITH AARON BURR HEB 
 DEATH FATE OF BURR. 
 
 THE premature death of Hamilton was a na- 
 tional calamity. It is not difficult to predict to 
 what exalted posts of honor he would have been 
 promoted, had he lived. Possessing, as he did, the 
 full confidence of the nation, having filled import- 
 ant offices of trust with the purest integrity and 
 the highest praise ; being devoted to the interests 
 of his country ; his faculties being matured by ex- 
 perience, and his knowledge of the wants of the 
 nation enlarged by study and observation ; it is not 
 improbable that a very few years would have seen 
 him occupying the presidential chair. And if, as 
 was probable, that event occurred during the exist- 
 ence of the war of 1812, Mr. Hamilton would, by 
 virtue of his office, have been commander-in-chief 
 of the American armies ; and it is but a reasonable
 
 384 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 inference to suppose that his military genius would 
 have shone forth in that great crisis more resplen- 
 dent than ever. In a word, the completed and fully 
 consummated career of Alexander Hamilton would 
 without much douht have been the brightest, loftiest, 
 and noblest presented in the whole range of Ame- 
 rican history. 
 
 All this fair picture was spoiled by the malignity 
 of his bitterest foe, Aaron Burr. A nation's tears 
 were shed over the grave of his illustrious victim, 
 and the undying curses of all virtuous men, in all 
 coming time, were secured to the perpetrator of 
 his murder. Before concluding this volume we will 
 make a few observations upon the history, character, 
 genius, and fame of Hamilton, such as will enable 
 us better to estimate the position which he deserves 
 to hold on the page of American history. 
 
 The chief qualities of the mind of Alexander 
 Hamilton were a clear and vigorous reasoning fa- 
 culty, and a chaste and prolific imagination. He 
 possessed a rare and beautiful proportion of these 
 cardinal mental qualities. In the discussion of 
 any subject he seized hold of the main points with 
 the vigor of an intellectual giant, and handled them 
 skillfully, gracefully, and with ease. No matter 
 how abstruse the details of a discussion or an in- 
 quiry might be to other men, his well-trained and
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 385 
 
 powerful intellect followed out and unraveled all its 
 intricacies, and showed them up clearly to view. 
 No matter how profound and deep a theme might 
 be, Hamilton easily and perseveringly sounded its 
 lowest and obscurest depths, and revealed them 
 plainly to the observation of men. He was always 
 thorough and exhaustive in his researches, as his 
 reports as Secretary of the Treasury will clearly 
 evince. He dived to the bottom of every subject. 
 Having laid down his premises plainly and fairly, 
 he argues from those premises with the most logi- 
 cal clearness, accuracy, and force. His reasoning 
 forms a chain of iron which a giant cannot break. 
 But that iron chain, though ponderous and power- 
 ful, was a gilded one. It was burnished with all the 
 beauty and polish of a rich imagination. Few 
 writers in our language, not even those who have 
 cultivated elegance and euphony of style as their 
 sole accomplishment, and whose entire attention has 
 been devoted to the labor limae, excelled him in 
 this particular. His essays, pamphlets, and reports 
 are masterpieces ; each perfect, symmetrical and 
 finished in itself. 
 
 This merit becomes the more extraordinary when 
 
 we remember the vast quantity of his writings. He 
 
 did not confine his powej s to the elaboration of a 
 
 few great productions, and exhaust upon them all 
 
 33
 
 386 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 his mental resources. His intellect. was too prolific 
 and too rich for any such aim. The number and 
 amount of Hamilton's writings are prodigious. 
 They occupy seven large octavo volumes, exclusive 
 of the Federalist. They are more numerous than 
 the productions of Burke, Bolingbroke, Brougham, 
 "Webster, or Quincy Adams ; nor are the writings 
 of any modern or ancient statesman, except per- 
 haps Cicero alone, equal in amount to those of Ha- 
 milton. Nor should it be forgotten, in our estima- 
 tion of his intellectual resources, that he was not a 
 recluse whose life was passed in the quietude and 
 retirement of his study. The largest portion of his 
 time was spent in the hurry and bustle of public 
 business, in the official bureau, in the courts of 
 justice, in giving professional counsel, in the po- 
 pular and deliberative assembly. 
 
 In this last sphere of intellectual activity Hamil- 
 ton shone with unsurpassed brilliancy; for as an 
 orator he had no superior. His manner of delivery 
 was easy, graceful, and impressive. His utterance 
 was fluent, unembarrassed, and self-possessed. His 
 eloquence was Ciceronian rather than Demosthe- 
 nian; and while, when occasion served, he could 
 thunder with a power and effectiveness not unwor- 
 thy of the ancient and implacable foe of Philip of 
 Macedon, his more prevalent style was that of
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 887 
 
 i 
 
 suavity, melody, and grace. He spoke as if the 
 Attic Bee dwelt forever on his lips. In a delibera- 
 tive assembly, in the courts of justice, or in the 
 halls of the academy, the eloquence of Hamilton 
 was a model of perfection. He was the pride and 
 delight of all who could appreciate the beauties of 
 a polished, consummate, and masterly eloquence. 
 Even his great rival and enemy, Aaron Burr, was 
 compelled to concede Hamilton's supremacy in this 
 respect. 
 
 His literary and scientific attainments were by no 
 means limited. His knowledge was extensive and 
 accurate. Possessing a retentive memory, clear 
 discrimination, and indomitable industry, he soon 
 mastered the details of every branch of learning to 
 which his attention was directed, and made them 
 his own. In his youth he spent only three years 
 in Columbia College; yet during that period he 
 rendered himself familiar with classical languages 
 and learning, with, general history, with the mathe- 
 matics and exact sciences. "We have already seen 
 liow, in four short months, he acquired a competent 
 knowledge of the dry and abstruse learning, both of 
 the common and the statute law, and prepared him- 
 self for admission to the bar. His subsequent and 
 rapid rise to the first eminence in that profession 
 among rivals and associates of the highest abilities,
 
 388 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 as soon as lie devoted himself actively to his profes- 
 sional career, clearly evince how superior his legal 
 gifts and attainments were. Had he lived, it is not 
 improbable that he would have become one of the 
 most celebrated and profound jurists of the laud 
 His associates at the bar, usually so jealous of su 
 perior genius and of unusual success, regarded him 
 with pride, and rarely with envy. He possessed 
 the fullest confidence of the courts. In the trial 
 of causes, and in the discussion of legal principles, 
 it was truly said of him, by one eminently compe- 
 tent to judge, that "without ever stopping or even 
 hesitating, by a rapid and manly march he led the 
 listening judge and the fascinated juror, step by 
 step, through a delightsome region, brightening aa 
 he advanced, till his argument rose to demonstra- 
 tion, and eloquence was rendered useless by con- 
 viction."* 
 
 The moral qualities of Hamilton were such as 
 every wise and good man must esteem. His inte- 
 grity and honesty were unimpeachable. This trait 
 in his character first won him the confidence of 
 Washington, and rendered him his bosom friend 
 
 * See "Discourse delivered in the North Dutch Church, in the 
 city of Albany, occasioned by the ever to be lamented death of Ge- 
 neral Alexander Hamilton, on 29th July, 1804, by Eliphalet Nott, 
 A. M., Pastor of the Presbyterian Church in said city. New York, 
 1804."
 
 OP ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 389 
 
 while yet almost a youth. During the progress of 
 the revolutionary war, he intrusted Hamilton with 
 the most important secret missions, in preference 
 to all his other officers and subordinates. After the 
 elevation of Washington to the presidency, he con- 
 ferred on Hamilton the most important and respon- 
 sible post in his Cabinet; for at that critical period 
 the finances of the country were the most difficult 
 matter of adjustment which demanded the atten- 
 tion of government. Hamilton was appointed Se- 
 cretary of the Treasury with the approval of the 
 greatest financier who has ever adorned American 
 history.* The manner in which he performed his 
 difficult duties has ever been the subject of universal 
 praise. Twice in the House of Eepresentatives did 
 his personal and political opponent, Mr. Giles, move 
 an inquiry into the details of his official acts. 
 Twice was the most searching and malignant inves- 
 tigation entered into in reference to the Treasury 
 department. And twice were the committees, with 
 Giles himself at their head, compelled to report 
 that, after the most thorough examination, not the 
 smallest inaccuracy, not the slightest negligence, 
 aot the least dishonesty, could be detected in the 
 
 * Washington, in the first instance, selected Robert Morris as Se- 
 cretary of the Treasury. That gentleman declined, and recom- 
 mended Mr. Hamilton, knowing that he would be acceptable to the 
 President See "Sullivan's Familiar Letters," Boston, 1834, p. 40. 
 Rft#
 
 300 THE LlfE AND TIMES 
 
 administration of the Treasury office under Mr. 
 Hamilton. 
 
 In truth, his abilities in this department saved 
 this country from ruin. Exhausted by the revolu- 
 tionary struggle, it had become a financial desert. 
 The barren rock of the national finances towered 
 in loneliness and desolation over the waste. Hamil- 
 ton, like Moses of old, smote that rock with the 
 potent rod of a magician, and instantly golden 
 streams issued forth to fertilize, adorn, and enrich 
 the desert. The public credit of the nation had 
 long been sick. At length it had yielded to the 
 power of a fatal disease and expired. It became a 
 lifeless corpse, and was rapidly becoming putrid 
 and offensive. Hamilton touched that corpse with 
 the skill and power of a worker of miracles, 
 and instantly it sprang into life again. Nor was it 
 a feeble and languishing life, but the life of a vigor- 
 ous, graceful, and resistless giant, whose powers 
 filled the world with respect and admiration. 
 
 As a soldier Hamilton was eminently brave, chi- 
 valrous, and prudent. No charge of cowardice or 
 pusillanimity was ever made against him. His 
 whole conduct during the war, his heroism at York- 
 town, where he triumphantly led the forlorn hope ; 
 and his unnecessary meeting of Burr on " the field 
 of honor," all evince that he was brave even to a
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 391 
 
 fault. And yet, as a conqueror, he was humane 
 and benevolent. lie spared the effusion of human 
 blood in every instance in which it was possible. 
 "When victory favored his arms, he did not sully his 
 glory by cruelty or malice, or wantonly riot in hu- 
 man suffering. In his social and domestic qualities 
 Hamilton was kindly, generous, and affectionate. 
 In him the friendless found a friend, the fatherless 
 a father, and the poor a benefactor, a protector, and 
 an advocate. When the rich oppressed the indi- 
 gent, when the powerful threatened the defenseless, 
 when those in high places ventured to outrage jus- 
 tice, then it was that Hamilton displayed the true 
 grandeur and dignity of his nature, in defending 
 the innocent, the defenseless, and the injured, with 
 a scathing power of eloquence which filled the 
 observer with mingled terror and admiration. 
 When he perished, among the myriads of eyes 
 which wept, there were not a few of the widows 
 and orphans of the land who blessed his memory, 
 and shed bitter tears over his untimely fate. In his 
 domestic circle, he was ever most tenderly beloved, 
 and he was eminently happy in that circle. 
 
 But the chief glory of Hamilton was his celebrity 
 as a statesman. He appeared upon the troubled 
 ocean of the revolutionary era ; he rose at once to a 
 loftv eminence; and there he stood amid the furi-
 
 592 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 ously tossing and heaving floods, firm as a rock, 
 towering in lonely majesty, with Washington only 
 at his side ; and visible from afar as a noble monu- 
 ment of greatness, unshaken by the raging storms 
 aoove him or by the rolling waters beneath him. 
 The part which Hamilton played in the organization 
 and establishment of the federal government of this 
 glorious republic, and his subsequent administration 
 of its difficult and involved financial affairs, will re- 
 main until the latest period of recorded time, as 
 one of the most honorable memorials in the history 
 of statesmen. His task, which he so successfully 
 accomplished, was more difficult than most men, at 
 this late day, would readily imagine. We now be- 
 hold the fair and perfect proportions of the edifice 
 which he erected; but we do not see the horrid 
 and repulsive chaos out of which he evoked so 
 much order, beauty, and symmetry. That chaos 
 seemed to most men, as it lay spread out in hideous 
 and involved masses over the whole continent, im- 
 mediately after the conclusion of the revolutionary 
 war, utterly beyond the possibility of adjustment 
 arid arrangement. Thirteen conflicting and rival 
 States, each with her own interests, passions, and 
 jealousies to satisfy and to harmonize, formed the 
 incongruous and heterogeneous bulk out of which 
 the American confederacy was to be constructed.
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 3 ,3 
 
 It seemed a task which no human skill coi Id 
 achieve. Yet it was not too difficult or too elal o- 
 rate for the genius and the skill of Hamilton. Out 
 of all this boundless chaos, out of this immer se 
 mass of conflicting elements, the fair and majestic 
 form of the American Federal Constitution gradu- 
 ally arose, created by the masterly touch of his 
 hand, and eventually overshadowed the whole con- 
 tinent with its glory and benignant operation. As 
 long as this confederacy shall survive the storms, of 
 time ; as long as the land of Washington shall re- 
 main the home of freemen and the asylum of the 
 oppressed ; as long as the pen of history shall 
 record how powerful, happy, and glorious Ameri- 
 cans have been under the influence and protection 
 of this government and this Constitution, so long 
 will the fame of Hamilton survive, fresh and fade- 
 less, as the first of American statesmen, and as the 
 the second of her patriots and her heroes. The name 
 and fame of Hamilton will not die, until that dark 
 day shall come when the name and fame of Wash- 
 ton will also be remembered no more.* 
 
 And yet Hamilton had his failings. We do 
 
 * The permanent reduction of the national debt of the United 
 States was due to the operation of the last report made by Mr. 
 Hamilton, previous to his retirement from the Treasury, on th 
 public credit See "Sullivan's Familiar Letter?," p. 62.
 
 394 THE LIFE ASD TIMES 
 
 not attempt to disguise them. He was a man of 
 strong natural passions : nor were those passions 
 always kept under the control of that severer 
 virtue which religion requires. Had not this one 
 blemish existed in his character, the old adage, Hu- 
 manum est errare, would for once have lost its univer- 
 sal applicability and its oracular truth. Yet none 
 are perfect ; and had Hamilton been absolutely free 
 from fault, he had not been human. But the errors 
 which he actually committed were as trifles when 
 compared with the errors, of a similar description, 
 which have been habitually perpetrated by many 
 men who aspire to no humble place in the pan- 
 theon of human fame and virtue. 
 
 The chief error of Hamilton's life was his duel 
 with Aaron Burr. It has been said of him that he 
 should have had moral courage enough to de- 
 cline the challenge ; and that he should have 
 known, that his honorable career as a soldier and 
 officer during the Revolution had sufficiently estab- 
 lished his reputation for bravery to have defied the 
 charge of cowardice under any circumstances. But 
 it should be remembered also that public opinion at 
 that period, was not as hostile to the practice of duel- 
 ing as it is at present. And especially should it be 
 borne in mind that Hamilton was a military man ; 
 that his antagonist was a military man ; and that
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 395 
 
 the prejudices of military men on this subject are 
 stronger, in the very nature of things, than those 
 of other persons. Yet even these prejudices Hamil- 
 ton had in a great measure overcome ; and he had 
 determined, in case he survived his interview with 
 Burr, to have made a public protestation against 
 the usage of dueling, and thrown all the weight of 
 his influence against it. 
 
 The comparative innocence of Hamilton, even in 
 that meeting, was more clearly evinced by the fact 
 that it was his expressed determination not to fire 
 at his opponent. This intention he declared both 
 to his second Mr. Pendleton, and in writing pre- 
 vious to the interview. His only fault was his rash 
 exposure of his own life to the malignant vengeance 
 of his enemy. For this crime we may hope he has 
 amply atoned by his death, and by the many match- 
 less virtues which adorned his life. He himself 
 assigned a reason of no trifling moment for hia 
 intention to meet Col. Burr, which is in itself 
 highly honorable to him. He asserted that he 
 believed that if he declined the conflict, it would 
 injure his future usefulness to his country, in the 
 prosecution of those great measures which he yet 
 contemplated, in consequence of the prevalent pre- 
 judices which then existed in the community in 
 favor of duelling. Patriotic motives, therefore, lay
 
 396 THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 at the bottom even of the greatest aiid most fatal 
 error of his life. 
 
 The personal appearance of Mr. Hamilton was 
 pleasing and attractive. When at the age of thirty- 
 eight, he resumed the practice of the law in New 
 York, in 1795, he was thus described : He was 
 under the middle size, thin in person, and very 
 erect, courtly and dignified in his bearing. His 
 hair was combed back from his forehead, pow- 
 dered, and collected in a cue behind. His com- 
 plexion was very delicate and fair, his cheeks rosy, 
 and the whole expression pleasing and cheerful. 
 His forehead was lofty, capacious and prominent. 
 His appearance accorded well with the expectations 
 which his prodigious fame excited. His voice was 
 musical, his manner frank and impulsive. His 
 ordinary dress was a blue coat with gilt buttons, a 
 white silk waistcoat, black silk small-clothes, and 
 white silk stockings. His figure, though slight, was 
 well proportioned and graceful. His appearance 
 and carriage betokened the possessor of a masterly 
 intellect, and one fully conscious of his powers. 
 
 It was the singular fate of the wife of Alexander 
 Hamilton to survive him more than fifty years. 
 During that long interval of widowhood, she re- 
 ceived the boundless respect and sympathy of a 
 grateful nation. Immediately after her husband's
 
 0* ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 397 
 
 death, she wrote tie following appropriate letter in 
 reply to a communication of condolence sent her 
 by the Order of the Cincinnati, to which her husband 
 had belonged, and of which he had been President- 
 General. 
 
 " ALBANY, August llth, 1804. 
 
 " SIK : To the distress of a heart so deeply af- 
 flicted as mine, from the irreparable loss of a most 
 amiable and affectionate husband, I trust the re- 
 spectable society in which you preside will impute 
 the delay of an acknowledgment for their consola- 
 tory letter, couched in terms that evince their sym- 
 pathy emanates from the heart. 
 
 " Although great mitigation of that affliction, 
 with which I am so severely depressed, can only be 
 hoped from the mercies of the Divine Being, in 
 whose dispensations it is the duty of his creatures 
 humbly and devoutly to acquiesce ; yet the wounded 
 heart derives a degree of consolation from the ten- 
 derness with which its lot is bewailed by the virtu- 
 ous, the wise, and humane and also from that high 
 honor and respect with which the memory of the 
 dear deceased has been commemorated by them, 
 and those contemplated in the resolutions of the 
 Society of the Cincinnati, transmitted by you, and 
 for which you, sir, will be pleased to convey my 
 warmest thanks to that respectable body. 
 34
 
 398 T1IE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 " I reciprocate with sensibility your and their re- 
 commendation of me to the Divine care and protec- 
 tion. May they ever enjoy it, and without alloy. 
 I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, 
 &c." 
 
 Once only during the progress of her life was she 
 afflicted with the sight of her husband's murderer. 
 In the year 1822 she was traveling from New York 
 to Albany on one of the boats on the Hudson 
 river. The company had been summoned to din- 
 ner. "When Mrs. Hamilton had almost reached her 
 seat in the dining saloon, on raising her eyes she 
 perceived Aaron Burr standing directly opposite to 
 her, with the narrow width of the table alone be- 
 tween them. The shock was too much for her 
 system, she uttered a loud scream, fell, and was 
 carried in a fainting state from the apartment. As 
 eoon as she recovered she insisted on being set on 
 shore at the first landing-place. She refused to 
 journey farther on a vessel which contained the 
 detested form of Aaron Burr. It is said that, after 
 the removal of Mrs. Hamilton from the dining 
 saloon, Burr deliberately sat down and ate a hearty 
 dinner with the utmost composure. The latter 
 years of this excellent woman were spent in acts of 
 charity and benevolence, in a public institution in 
 the vicinity of New York. She died at length in
 
 OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 399 
 
 1854, at the age of ninety-seven years and three 
 months. Her husband was not unavenged. Besides 
 the mighty load of universal obloquy and hate 
 which overwhelmed Burr as the murderer of an 
 innocent and illustrious victim, poverty and suffer- 
 ing attended him during his remaining years. 
 Thus when wandering in France, an exile and an 
 outcast, suspected and frowned on by Napoleon, he 
 records as follows in his diary of November 23, 1810 : 
 " Nothing from America, and really I shall starve. 
 Borrowed three francs to-day. Four or five little 
 debts keep me in constant alarm; all together, 
 about two Louis. 
 
 " December 1, 1810. came in upon me 
 
 this morning, just as I was out of bed, for twenty- 
 seven livres. Paid him, which took literally my 
 last sous. "When at Denon's, thought I might as 
 well go to St. Pelasgie ; set off, but recollected I 
 owed the woman who sits in the passage two sous 
 for a cigar, so turned about to pursue my way by 
 the Pont des Arts, which was within fifty paces ; re- 
 membered I had not wherewith to pay the toll, 
 being one sous ; had to go all the way round by the 
 Pont Royal, more than half a mile." 
 
 Burr was subsequently afflicted with the mysteri- 
 ous and premature death of his daughter, Theodosia 
 Alston, one of the most beautiful and accomplished
 
 400 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF HAMILTON. 
 
 women of her time. She and her son were sup- 
 posed to have been lost at sea. At length this 
 aged curse of his country and disgrace of his race 
 died at New York, on the 14th of September, 1836, 
 in the eighty-first year of his age. He survived his 
 duel with General Hamilton more than thirty years ; 
 and during that long and cheerless interval he 
 passed through scenes of trial, anxiety, and suffer- 
 ing which would have completely crushed any in- 
 tellect riot as powerful, and any heart not as ada- 
 mantine, as his own.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 FUNERAL PROCESSION OF HAMILTON. 
 
 THE Society of the Cincinnati being charged with the 
 direction of the funeral ceremonies of its President-General, 
 the following is the order of procession which will take 
 place to-morrow at ten o'clock, as commemorative of an 
 event of the deepest national regret. 
 
 ORDER OF PROCESSION. 
 
 1. The Military Corps, commanded by Col. Morton. 
 
 2. The Society of the Cincinnati. 
 
 3. Clergy of all denominations. 
 
 4. The Corpse. 
 
 5. The General's Horse. 
 
 6. Relations of the deceased. 
 
 7. Physicians. 
 
 8. The Judges of the Supreme Court. 
 
 9. Mr. Gouverneur Morris in his carriage. 
 
 10. Gentlemen of the Bar and Students at Law. 
 
 11. The Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of the State. 
 
 12. The Mayor and Corporation of the City. 
 
 13. Members of Congress and Civil Officers of the United 
 States. 
 
 14. The Ministers, Consuls, and Residents of Foreign 
 Powers. 
 
 15. The Officers of the Army and Navy of the United 
 States. 
 
 34* (401)
 
 402 APPENDIX. 
 
 16. Military and Naval Officers of Foreign Powers. 
 1*7. Militia Officers of the State. 
 
 18. President, Directors, and Officers of the respective 
 Banks. 
 
 19. Chamber of Commerce and Merchants. 
 
 20. Marine Society, Wardens of the Port, and Masters 
 and Officers of all vessels in the Harbor. 
 
 21. The President, Professors, and Students of Colum- 
 bia College. 
 
 22. The different Societies in such order as their respec 
 tive Presidents may arrange. 
 
 23. The Citizens in general. 
 
 The Military Corps commanded by Col. Morton being 
 ordered to parade in the Park at 10 o'clock, accompanied 
 with six pieces of Artillery, two of the pieces will remain 
 on the ground under the command of Capt. Maclean, and 
 will fire minute guns from the movement of the Corpse until 
 it arrives at Trinity Church. 
 
 FUNERAL OBSEQUIES. 
 
 On Saturday, the next day, the remains of ALEXANDER 
 HAMILTON were committed to the grave, with every possi- 
 ble testimony of respect and sorrow. The following will 
 present the reader with a correct account of the manner in 
 which the sad solemnities were conducted. 
 
 The Military, under the command of Lientenant-Col. 
 Morton, were dcawn up in front of Mr. Church's house, in 
 Robinson -street, where the body had been deposited. On 
 the appearance of the Corpse it was received by the whole 
 line with presented arms, and saluted by the officers; 
 melancholy Music by a large and elegant Band. 
 
 The Military then preceded the bier, in open column 
 and inverted order, the left in front, with arms reversed, 
 the Band playing a Dead March. At 12 o'clock the pro-
 
 FUNERAL PROCESSION OF HAMILTON. 403 
 
 cession moved in the following order, through Beekman, 
 Pearl, and Whitehall-streets, and up Broadway to the 
 Church : 
 
 The Artillery. 
 
 The- 6th Regiment of Militia. 
 Flank Companies. 
 Cincinnati Society. 
 
 A numerous train of Clergy of all denominations. 
 
 THE CORPSE WITH PALL BEARERS. 
 
 The General's horse appropriately dressed. 
 
 His Children and Relatives. 
 
 Physicians. 
 Gouverneur Morris, the funeral orator, in his carriage. 
 
 The Gentlemen of the Bar, all in deep mourning. 
 
 The Lieutenant-Governor of the State, in his carriage. 
 
 Corporation of the city of New York. 
 
 Resident Agents of Foreign Powers. 
 
 Officers of our Army and Navy. 
 Military and Naval Officers of Foreign Powers. 
 
 Militia Officers of the State. 
 The various Officers of the respective Banks. 
 
 Chamber of Commerce and Merchants. 
 Wardens of the Port, and Masters of vessels in the Harbor. 
 The President, Professors, and Students of Columbia Col- 
 lege, in mourning gowns. 
 St. Andrew's Society, mostly in mourning. 
 Tammany Society. 
 Mechanic Society. 
 Marine Society. 
 Citizens in general. 
 The Pall was supported by 
 General Matthew Clarkson, 
 Oliver Wolcott, Esquire, 
 Richard Harison, Esquire,
 
 404 APPENDIX. 
 
 Abijah Hammond, Esquire, 
 Josiah Ogdeu Hoffman, Esquire, 
 Richard Varick, Esquire, 
 William Bayard, Esquire, and 
 His Honor Judge Lawrence. 
 
 On the top of the coffin was the General's hat and sword ; 
 his boots and spurs reversed across the horse. His gray 
 horse, dressed in mourning, was led by two black servants 
 dressed in white, and white turbans trimmed with black. 
 
 The streets were lined with people ; doors and windows 
 were filled principally with weeping females ; and even the 
 house tops were covered with spectators, who came from 
 all parts to behold the melancholy procession. 
 
 When the advance platoon of the Military reached the 
 Church, the whole column wheeled backward by sections 
 from the flanks of platoons, forming a lane, bringing their 
 muskets to a reversed order, and resting the cheek on the 
 butt of the piece in the customary attitude of grief. Through 
 the avenue thus formed, the Corpse, preceded by the clergy 
 of different denominations and Society of Cincinnati, and 
 followed by the relations of the deceased, and different pub- 
 lic bodies, advanced to the Church, the Bands, with drums 
 muffled, playing all the time a pensive, solemn air.
 
 DEATH- BED SCEXE OP AARON BURR. 405 
 
 No. IT. 
 
 DEATH-BED SCEXE OP AAROX BURR. 
 
 IT has generally been believed that Burr died an unbe- 
 liever, refusing religious consolation. A distinguished 
 Episcopal minister, in preaching a sermon to the young 
 men of Washington city, alluded to Col. Burr's supposed 
 religious infidelity, which led to the following highly inte- 
 resting letter of the venerable Rev. Dr. Yanpelt: 
 
 " THURSDAY, HAMMOND-ST., X. Y., Dec. 13, 1855. 
 
 " Mr. Sam. C. Reid, Jr. My dear Sir : I received yours 
 of Monday, 10th inst., last evening, in which you ' desire 
 me to give you a full statement of all the facts concerning 
 the last moments of Colonel Aaron Burr,' &c. In com- 
 pliance with your desire, I state that in the summer, about 
 the 20th June, 1836, Colonel A. Burr came to Port Rich- 
 mond Hotel, Staten Island, where he took board, near which 
 I theu- resided, as also did the relative and friend of Colonel 
 Burr, Judge Ogden Edwards. The Colonel (Burr) being 
 a valetudinarian, in feeble health, Judge Edwards solicited 
 me, as often as I conveniently could, to visit him, and ad- 
 minister the consolation of religion to him, which, he said, 
 was desired by Col. Burr, and would be agreeable to him. 
 
 Accordingly, from that time till the 13th of September, 
 1836, the day on which he died at the said Port Richmond 
 House, I visited him as a minister of the Gospel, once or 
 twice a week. At these consecutive interviews I was uni- 
 formly received by him with his accustomed politeness and 
 urbanity of manner. The time spent with him at each inter- 
 view which was an hour, more or less was chiefly employed
 
 40G APPENDIX. 
 
 in religious conversations, adapting to his declining health, 
 his feeble state of body, and his advanced age, concluding 
 by prayer to Almighty God for the exercise of his great 
 mercy, the influence of his Holy Spirit and divine blessing. 
 In all which he appeared to take an interest and be pleased, 
 and particularly would thank me tor the prayers I offered 
 up in his behalf, for my kind offices, and the interest I took 
 in his spiritual welfare, saying it gave him pleasure to see 
 me and hear my voice. And when I reminded him of the 
 advantages he had enjoyed, of his honored and pious an- 
 cestry, viz. : his father a minister of the Gospel, and Presi- 
 dent of the College at Princeton, New Jersey, and his mo- 
 ther a descendant of the learned and celebrated divine 
 Jonathan Edwards ; and that doubtless many prayers had 
 gone up to Heaven from the hearts of his parents for his 
 well-being and happiness, it seemed to affect him. And 
 when I asked him as to his views of the Holy Scriptures, 
 he responded ' They are the most perfect system of truth 
 the world has ever seen.' So that judging from his own 
 declaration and behavior to me, as his spiritual adviser, he 
 was not an atheist nor a deist. 
 
 "I did not administer the holy sacrament to him, nor did 
 he suggest and request me to do it. 
 
 " In regard to other topics, in the course of repeated con- 
 versations, he remarked he was near General Montgomery 
 when he fell at Quebec ; and that notwithstanding that dis- 
 aster, if the army had pushed on, they would have suc- 
 ceeded. In reference to the affair and death of General 
 Hamilton but little was said. He intimated, however, that 
 he was provoked to that encounter. 
 
 " At my last interview with him, about 12 o'clock at noon, 
 the day he departed this life, about 2 o'clock, p. M., as 
 aforesaid, September 13, 1836, I found him as usual,
 
 DEAT1I BED SCENE OF AARON BURR. 407 
 
 pleased to see me, tranquil in mind, and not disturbed by 
 bodily pain. 
 
 "Observing a paleness and change in his countenance, and 
 nis pulse tremulous, fluttering and erratic, I asked him how 
 he felt. He replied, not so well as when I saw him last. 
 I then said, ' Colonel, I do not wish to alarm you, but 
 judging from the state of your pulse, your time with as is 
 short,' He replied, 'I am aware of it.' It was then 
 near 1 o'clock, p. M., and his mind and memory seemed 
 perfect. I said to him, ' In this solemn hour of your appa- 
 rent dissolution, believing, as you do, in the sacred Scrip- 
 tures, your accountability to God, let me ask you how you 
 feel in view of approaching eternity ; whether you have 
 good hope, through grace, that all your sins will be par- 
 doned, and God will, in mercy, pardon you, for the sake 
 of the merits and righteousness of his beloved son, our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, who in love suffered and died for us the 
 agonizing, bitter death of the cross, by whom alone we can 
 have the only sure hope of salvation ?' To which he said, 
 with deep and evident emotion, ' On that subject I am 
 coy ;' by which I understood him to mean, that on a subject 
 of such magnitude and momentous interest, touching the 
 assurance of his salvation, he felt coy, cautious (as the word 
 denotes) to express himself in full confidence. 
 
 "With his usual cordial concurrence and manifest desire 
 we kneeled in prayer before the throne of heavenly grace 
 imploring God's mercy and blessing. He turned in his 
 bed, and put himself in an humble devotional posture, and 
 seemed deeply engaged in the religious service, thanking 
 me, as usual, for the prayer made for him. 
 
 " Calm and coanposed, I recommended him to the mercy of 
 God and to the word of his grace, with a lust farewell. 
 At about 2 o'clock, p. M., without a groan or a struggle, 
 he breathed his last. His death was easy and gcutle as a
 
 408 APPENDIX. 
 
 taper in the socket, and as the summer's wave that dies 
 upon the shore. Thus died Col. Aaron Burr. 
 
 " His first funeral service was performed by me in the Port 
 Richmond House, where he died. Thence we took his 
 remains to the chapel of Princeton College, N. J., where 
 Dr. Carnahan, the President, and myself, performed his 
 last funeral service before the students, the faculty, the 
 military, and a numerous assemblage, and he was buried, 
 as he requested, in the sepulchre of his ancestors. 
 
 " With respects, P. J. VANPELT." 
 
 THE END.
 
 CATALOGUE 
 
 OF 
 
 VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS, 
 
 PUBLISHED AMD SOLD BT 
 
 ). W. BRADLEY, 48 North 4th St, Philadelphia, 
 L. P. CEOWN & Co., 61 Cornhill, Boston; 
 
 M. BRADLEY, 24 High St, New Haven ; and 
 H. A. TAXES, 57 Genwee St, Auburn, N. Y. 
 
 They are printed on fine white paper, and bound in 
 the most substantial manner. They include the best 
 works written by T. S. ARTHUR, the most popular ol 
 living authors. Over 100,000 of his books are sold am 
 Dually. 
 
 ARTHUR'S SKETCHES OF LIFE AND CHA. 
 
 RACIER. An octavo volume of ever 400 pages, beautifully 
 illustrated, and bound in the best English muslin, gilt $2.08. 
 
 NOTICES Or TUB PRESS. 
 
 The present volume, containing more than four hur dred finely 
 printed octavo pages, is illustrated by splendid engri* &>frt, and 
 Bade particularly valuable tt those who like to " see the .* 
 they talk withal," by a correct likeness of the author,
 
 In the princely mansions of the Atlantic merchants, and in th 
 fade log-cabins of the backwoodsmen, the name of Arthur if 
 equally known and cherished as the friend of virtue. Graham't 
 Magazine. 
 
 We would not exchange our copy of these sketches, with ita 
 tory of " The Methodist Preacher," for any one of the gilt-edged 
 nd embossed annuals which we have yet seen. Lady's Nation*! 
 Magattine. 
 
 The first story in the volume, entitled " The Methodist Preacher, 
 or Lights and Shadows in the Life of an Itinerant," is alone 
 worth the price of the work. Evening Bulletin. 
 
 It is emphatically a splendid work. Middletown Whig. 
 
 Its worth and cheapness should place it in every person's hand* 
 who desire to read an interesting book. Odd Fellow, Boonsboro'* 
 
 "The Methodist Preacher," "Seed-Time and Harvest," "Dyed 
 in the Wool," are full of truth as well as instruction, and any one 
 of them is worth the whole price of the volume. Lowell &ay- 
 ttar, Rev. D. C. Eddy, Editor. 
 
 There is a fascination about these sketches which so powerfully 
 interests the reader, that few who commence one of them will 
 part with it till it is concluded ; and they will bear reading re- 
 peatedly. Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald. 
 
 Those who have not perused these model stories have a rich 
 feast in waiting, and we shall be happy if we can be instrumental 
 in pointing them to it Family Visitor, Madison, Oeo. 
 
 No library for family reading should be considered complete 
 without this volume, which is as lively and entertaining in it* 
 Character as it is salutary in its influence. N. Y. Tribune. 
 
 The work is" beautifully illustrated. Those who are at all ac- 
 quainted with Arthur's writings need hardly be told that the pre- 
 ent work is a prize to whoever possesses it. N. Y. Snn. 
 
 We know no .better book for the table of any family, whether 
 regarded for its float exterior or valuable contents. Vox Pvpuli, 
 Lowell. 
 
 The name of the author is in itself a sufficient recommenda- 
 tion of the work. Lawrence Sentinel. 
 
 T. 6. Arthur is one of the best literary writers of the age.- 
 Watchman, Circleville, Ohio. 
 
 The name alone of the author is a sufficient guaranty to tha
 
 reading public of its surpassing merit. The Aryui, 
 Mitt. 
 
 Probably he has not written a line which, dying, he could wish 
 to erase. Parkersburg, ( Fa.) Gazette. 
 
 LIGHTS AND SHADOWS OF REAL LIFE, 
 
 with an autobiography and portrait of the author, over Wl 
 pages octavo, with fine tinted engraving*. $2.00. 
 
 NOTICES OF THE PRESS. 
 
 In this volume may be found a "moral suasion," which cannot 
 bat affect for good all who read. The mechanical execution of 
 the work is very beautiful throughout. New Haven Palladium. 
 
 It is by far the most valuable book ever published of his 
 Torks, inasmuch as it is enriched with a very interesting, though 
 orief autobiography. American Courier, 
 
 No family library is complete without a copy of this book. 
 Scot?* Weekly Paper. 
 
 No better or worthier present could be made to the young; no 
 offering more pure, charitable, and practicable could be tendered 
 to those who are interested in the truly benevolent reforms of the 
 day. Oodey's Lady's Book. 
 
 The paper, the engravings, the binding, and the literary con- 
 tents, are all calculated to make it a favourite. Penn. Inquirer. 
 
 This volume cannot be too highly recommended. If. Y. T~i- 
 Jtttne. , 
 
 More good has been effected, than by any other single medium 
 that we know of. A r . Y. Sun. 
 
 The work should be upon the centre-table of every paren* is 
 the land. National Temperance Magazine. 
 
 LEAVES FROM THE BOOK OF HUMAN LIFE. 
 
 Large 12mo. 328 pages. With 30 illustrations and itotl 
 plate. $1.00. 
 
 NOTICES OF THIS PRESS. 
 
 A single story is worth the price charged for the book. /*# 
 Nfteburyporl, Man.
 
 4 
 
 GOLDEN GRAINS FROM LIFE'S HARVEST- 
 
 FIELD, bound in full gilt, with a beautiful mezzotint engrar- 
 ing. 12mo. 240 pages. 75 cts. 
 
 NOTICES OF THE PRESS. 
 
 It is not too much to gay, that the Golden Grains here pro- 
 ented to the reader, are such as will be productive of a far 
 greater amount of human happiness than those in search of which 
 o many are willing to risk domestic peace, health, and even life 
 itself, in a distant and inhospitable region. 
 
 These narratives, like all of those which proceed from the sam 
 able pen, are remarkable not only for their entertaining and 
 lively pictures of actual life, but for their admirable moral ten- 
 dency. 
 
 It is printed in excellent style, and embellished with a mezzo- 
 tint engraving. We cordially recommend it to the favour of our 
 readers. Godey'i Lady's Magazine. 
 
 TEN NIGHTS IN A BAR ROOM, AND WHAT 1 
 
 SAW THERE. This powerfully written work, the last and 
 best by its popular Author, is meeting with immense sales, 
 ten thousand copies having been ordered within a mon'h of 
 publication. Young men wishing to do good, and at the same 
 time make money, will find a rare chance in selling this book. 
 It is a large 12mo, of 240 pages, illustrated with a beautiful 
 mezzotint engraving, by Sartain ; printed on fine white pa- 
 per, and bound in the best English muslin, gilt back, and sold 
 at 76 cents. In extra full gilt edge, back and sides, $1.00. 
 
 ffBB FOLLOWING ARE A FEW OF TBK MANY NOTICES OF THE PHK8BI 
 
 This is a temperance volume, written in the author's plain, 
 (Mart-searching style. Dollar Newspaper. 
 
 This volume is the last of those admirable temperance tales, by 
 which the author is doing and has done so much good. J 
 
 Powerful an'.l seasonable. N. Y. Independent.
 
 Its neenes are painfully graphic, and tarnish thrilling arg*. 
 fcents for the temperance cause. Norton'i Lit. Gazette. 
 
 Written In the author's most forcible and vigorous style. 
 fnhigh Val. Times. 
 
 In the "Ten Nights in a Bar-room," some of the consequence* 
 f tavern-keeping, the "sowing of the wind" and "reaping the 
 wtirlwind" are followed by a "fearful consummation," and th 
 "closing scene," presenting pictures of fearful, thrilling interest 
 One touching passage supplies the beautiful mezzotint illustra- 
 tions by Sartain. Am. Courier. 
 
 The sketches are powerfully written, to show the downward 
 career of the tempter and the tempted, and the inevitable ruin 
 which must follow. There is no exaggeration in these pages 
 they seem to have been filled up from actual observation. Mr. 
 Artbjur has given efficient aid to the cause of reform by these in- 
 tensely interesting sketches, and we predict for them an exten- 
 sive sale. Philadelphia Sun. 
 
 The exciting influences of the wine cnp, its consequent respon- 
 sibility, and the inevitable results accruing from a free indulgence, 
 in the intoxicating draught, are not only truthfully, but vividly 
 portrayed in the author's best style. Daily Newt. 
 
 This is a strong temperance book, from the prolific pen of 
 popular writer. U. S. Journal. 
 
 We are glad to see Mr. Arthur again in the temperance field. 
 He has long been one of our best writers. Journal Am. Tem. 
 Union. 
 
 Arthur's tales usually bear a character of simplicity and truth- 
 fulness possessing strong attractions for the generality of readers, 
 and especially for those in the daily enjoyment of country life. 
 He seldom seems to study for effect, except it be in closely por- 
 traying real life. In these aspects the work before us is emi- 
 mently successful. N. Y. Sun. 
 
 The book exhibits many of the horrors of bar-room life, with, 
 cot however being defaced by some of its most disgusting pro* 
 {unties and brutalities. Saturday Evening Pott. 
 
 We have read it with the most intense interest, and commend 
 It as a work calculated to do an immense amount of good. < 
 
 taster Exprett.
 
 6 
 
 ^ j have given this excellent work a esreful perusal, and an. 
 hesitatingly recommend it to all lovers of good reading. It illus- 
 trates rum-drinking so truthfully, that the most skeptical must 
 confess that the truth is not exaggerated. We wish that all 
 lovers of bar-rooms and rum would read the book. It will pay 
 them richly V> do so. N. Y. Northern Blade. 
 
 It is sufficient commendation of this little volume to say that il 
 is from, the graphic pen of T. S. Arthur, whose works will bo read 
 and re-read long after he has passed away. He is as true to na- 
 ture, as far as he attempts to explore it, as Shakspeare himself, 
 and his works, consequently, have an immense popularity. The 
 best of all is, that his writings tend to make men better as well 
 as wiser. This little volume is a thrilling temperance story, 
 showing the progress from temptation to utter ruin, and the 
 remedies for the evils set forth. The volume is beautifully printed 
 and bound. New Haven Palladium. 
 
 It is one of the tales of an author who has no superior in the 
 country in developing the different passions of the human heart 
 .Veto Haven Jour. & Courier. 
 
 There are many scenes unequalled for pathos and beauty, and 
 many, too, which are painful in their sharply-defined outlines of 
 horror and profanity. The death of little Mary can scarcely be 
 surpassed, while the closing pnges of the book, picturing the 
 downfall of the tavern, amid the wreck of worldly hopes and the 
 ruin of every thing that makes life worth the living for, a dark 
 climax of vice and unrestrained indulgence, in their sad and 
 necessary results, are too gloomy and too painfully real for com- 
 ment. N. Y. Home Journal. 
 
 This is the title of a new temperance tale by T. S. Arthur, who 
 has been very successful in works of this kind. His pictures are 
 vividly drawn, and his sketches of thrilling interest Newark 
 (N. J.) EagU. 
 
 A new temperance volume, which displays the dark sides o) 
 fcar-room life, and the general intent if to favour the passage of 
 prohibitory law. Newark (N. J.) Advertiser. 
 
 THE FIRESIDE ANGEL. 64 pages, 32mo, with 
 
 an engraving. Bound in muslin, gilt edges. 26 cents.
 
 MORAL TALES FOR THE PEOPJ 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 VJIB M%mm. 
 
 A STORY FOR MY YOUNG COUNTRYWOMEN 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 3? HE WXIFZS. 
 A STORY FOR MY YOUNG COUNTRYWOMEN. 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 A STORY FOR MY YOUNG COUNTRYWOMEN. 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 JLSS SIHSli; 
 
 OR, MARRIAGE AND CELIBACY CONTRASTER 
 
 IN A SERIES OF DOMESTIC PICTURES.
 
 8 
 VOL. V. 
 
 A STORY OF MARRIED LIFE. 
 
 VOL. VL 
 
 OR, BEFORE AND AFTER MARRIAGE. 
 
 VOL. VII. 
 
 i 
 
 OR, THE RUNAWAY MATCH. 
 
 OR, THE INDiSCRETiON. 
 VOL. vm. 
 
 AN AMERICAN STORY OF REAL LIFE.
 
 9 
 
 VOL. IX. 
 
 IR A DAUGHTER'S LOVE AND OTHER TALES. 
 
 VOL.*. 
 
 V2E8 
 
 VOL. XL 
 
 IPS! niJL&VYB WXfSB. 
 
 OR, TWO ERAS }H MY LIFE.
 
 10 
 
 VOL. XII. 
 
 i 
 
 OR, THE PALACE AND THE POOR HOUSE. 
 
 A Eomance of Real Life. 
 
 WHICH MAKES THE LADY. 
 
 The phive twelve volumes, 18mo., Muslin, Gilt Back, may 
 be had separately, or in Boxes containing the sett. 38 Cents 
 per Volume. 
 
 Also, in Pour Volumes, 12mo., Muslin, Gilt Back. $1. each. 
 
 " They are the Tery best of Mr. Arthur's moral tales, and should be 
 a fixture in every household, being not only pleasant stories, hut the 
 purest of moral lessons. If such fictions only as these were placed in the 
 hands of our young people, and adopted as models, we would bare no rea- 
 son to fear for them, whatever their condition in life might be." City Item, 
 
 " The honorable and virtuous sentiments, and the practical good sense 
 which pervades all the works of Mr. Arthur, are conspicuous iu the 3ou- 
 Uuts of the moral library." Oodey's Lady't Book. 
 
 " Mr. Arthur's moral stories have justly received high commendation. 
 Their object is to Improve, refine, and elevate the mdnd and the manners." 
 Alexandria Gazette. 
 
 * They are all of thrilling interest and high moral tendencies and 
 khouldbe in every family.'' Fttdrickibwrg, Fa. TVeto*
 
 no
 
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