BOLSHEVISM/ 
 
 PAUL MILIUKOV LLD.
 
 BOLSHEVISM 
 
 AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER
 
 BOLSHEVISM : AN 
 INTERNATIONAL 
 
 DANGER ITS DOCTRINE 
 AND ITS PRACTICE THROUGH 
 WAR AND REVOLUTION 
 
 PAUL MILIUKOV, LL.D. 
 
 Author of " Russia and its Crisis " 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 597-599 FIFTH AVENUE 
 
 1920
 
 First published in 1920 
 
 (All rights reserved)
 
 PREFACE 
 
 SOME time ago people who tried to prove to European 
 public opinion that Russian Bolshevism was an im- 
 minent danger to the whole of the world's civiliza- 
 tion invariably met with the ready objection, that 
 Bolshevism belonged entirely and exclusively to Russia, 
 and that it was no concern of any other country. 
 Since then reflection and experience have taught 
 people better, and we now often find that the word 
 " Bolshevism " is applied to purely European pheno- 
 mena which have little to do with Russian Bolshevism. 
 The truth is that Bolshevism has two aspects. One 
 is international ; the other is genuinely Russian. 
 The international aspect of Bolshevism is due to its 
 origin in a very advanced European theory. Its 
 purely Russian aspect is chiefly concerned with its 
 practice, which is deeply rooted in Russian reality 
 and, far from breaking with the " ancient regime," 
 reasserts Russia's past in the present. As geological 
 upheavals bring the lower strata of the earth to the 
 surface as evidence of the early ages of our planet, 
 so Russian Bolshevism, by discarding the thin upper 
 social layer, has laid bare the uncultured and un- 
 organized substratum of Russian historical life. That 
 is why Mr. Lenin may be considered both as a sup- 
 porter of the Revolutionary Syndicalism of Georges
 
 6 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Sorel, so far as his international face is concerned, and 
 as an inheritor of the old tradition of the Russian 
 Pugachevs, Razins, and Bolotnikovs the great social 
 rebels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
 
 My object in this book is to study the international 
 aspect of Bolshevism. A few months ago I planned 
 a larger book, in which this subject was to enter as 
 a first chapter, to be closely followed by the study of 
 Russian Bolshevism from within, i.e. in its national 
 aspect. Three more chapters were to be devoted 
 to the study of anti-Bolshevist Russia, of the Russian 
 borderlands, and of the relations between dismembered 
 Russia and her former Allies. But now I see that 
 it will take much more time and space than I expected 
 to cover the whole ground. The first chapter has 
 grown into a small book, while I was writing it, and 
 I decided to publish it separately. The international 
 aspect of Bolshevism has been, up to now, far less often 
 treated as a whole than its purely Russian internal 
 aspect. That is why this little work may fill a gap 
 in the literature on Bolshevism until the appearance 
 of a better and more elaborate exposition. 
 
 It also proved not so difficult and inconvenient as 
 it might seem to detach the international side of Bol- 
 shevism from the Russian. In the first place, so far 
 as its theory is concerned, Bolshevism is not Russian, 
 but European, and international. This may not be uni- 
 versally known, and the first part of the book is written 
 in order to trace Bolshevism to its European source. 
 
 Secondly, the Russian practice of Bolshevism did 
 not enrich the European theory with any valuable 
 positive data. Mr. Lenin's renowned " Decrees," as 
 applied to Russian reality, were nothing but " scraps
 
 PREFACE 7 
 
 of paper," and the purely political triumph of Bol- 
 shevism in Russia is no proof that its social teachings 
 can be applied at all. The apparent progress of Bol- 
 shevism can be only explained by the extraordinary 
 favourable conditions created, first by war, and then 
 by the Revolution. But these conditions are common 
 to Russia with all European countries. That is why 
 in the second part of the book Russia is treated only 
 as a particularly favourable background for the inter- 
 national development of Bolshevism. I trace this 
 development through five consecutive stages. After 
 a few unsuccessful attempts to graft the new Bolshevist 
 start on the former (the " Second ") International 
 Social-Democratic organization, the initiators of revo- 
 lutionary communism try to find for it a new form, 
 corresponding to their new doctrine. This is the 
 " Third Internationale." After these first two stages 
 of ideological incubation extremely favoured, how- 
 ever, by war conditions and by German war tactics 
 the Russian Revolution is the third stage of the 
 Bolshevist progress, representing the first embodiment 
 of the theory. I have had to explain just how 
 and why an economically backward country has 
 become a Promised Land of Revolutionary Socialism. 
 I have found the explanation both in historical 
 and national conditions, and in the uncertain and 
 wavering attitude of Moderate Socialism, which is 
 not a Russian, but an international feature. The 
 next the fourth stage is that of the inverted action 
 of Russian Bolshevism on the European Internation- 
 alism. It first takes the form of an international 
 mission of the Russian Revolution to finish the war 
 by a " Democratic peace." This mission is accepted
 
 8 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 by the Allied national Socialism on the condition of 
 a decisive move of the Russian armies for final victory. 
 At that stage the influence of the Russian Extremism 
 is entirely dependent on the success of the Russian 
 offensive of 1917. The offensive fails, and the Russian 
 Soviet's scheme for an International Conference at 
 Stockholm is simply shelved. The fifth stage is that 
 of the Russian military collapse accompanied by the 
 growing success of the Bolshevist propaganda in Ger- 
 many. The Bolshevist Soviet's rule reveals itself 
 on that occasion, not as an efficient experiment in 
 Socialism, but as it really is a huge and powerful 
 machine for the propaganda of the World Revolution. 
 From the height of his Kremlin seat of power Lenin 
 now convokes the Third Internationale, as a prelimin- 
 ary measure to the conquest of the world. National 
 Socialism replies by convoking the Congress at Berne 
 of the " Second " Internationale. But the minutes 
 of this Congress, with its uncertain psychology and 
 wavering logic, clearly witness to the causes of the 
 growing international danger of Bolshevist propaganda. 
 Part III of the book undertakes to show what really 
 has been done by Bolshevist propaganda to prepare 
 the so-much-hoped-for World Revolution. People who 
 are inclined to underrate the Bolshevist danger, or 
 those who obstinately pretend that no reliable informa- 
 tion is available on the subject, will be startled by the 
 little selection of the first-hand evidence which even 
 at present is sufficiently abundant not only to prove 
 the general trend of the Bolshevist Internationalist 
 activity, but also to draw a more or less detailed picture 
 of the methods and results of this activity. Attempts 
 to revolutionize Germany and Austro-Hungary, and
 
 PREFACE 9 
 
 thus to take possession of " the first link in the chain " 
 of the World Revolution, are here related in the first 
 place. Then follows a review of the Bolshevist pro- 
 paganda in neutral countries their first stepping-stone 
 to the World's Revolution. A short account of the 
 Bolshevist connections and deeds in the Allied countries, 
 in the colonies, and all the world over, completes the 
 picture. Detached features and facts of that general 
 outline are, of course, much better known at the places 
 to which they refer. This or that particular detail 
 may prove incorrect or untrue. New disclosures may 
 throw much better light on the secret springs behind 
 events. But all this can hardly alter the chief features 
 of the picture drawn, or change its general meaning. 
 At any rate, the first attempt to collect and co-ordinate 
 the matter more or less known to every newspaper 
 reader, and thus to corroborate the concordant 
 evidence by showing its place in the whole, seemed 
 to me worth trying, owing to the great importance of 
 the subject and to the political necessity of drawing 
 practical inferences in good time to prevent the worst. 
 My personal views of Bolshevism are sufficiently 
 clear, and need not be emphasized any further. But 
 I trust that the impartial reader will find my exposition 
 of facts unbiassed and unprejudiced by any personal 
 view. The partisans of Bolshevism will hardly find 
 the work done by their heroes minimized by me. But 
 I also hope that their enemies will not find that I have 
 purposely exaggerated the Bolshevist danger by paying 
 too much attention to it. The best way to win the 
 game is not to represent one's adversary as being too 
 stupid, or too dishonest and selfish, or too weak and 
 careless. I prefer to see my enemy at his best in order
 
 10 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the better to understand and the better to defeat 
 him. 
 
 One of the features of this book, which may provoke 
 criticism, is my exposure of the part unconsciously 
 or pusillanimously played in the temporary success 
 of Bolshevism by their party opponents, the Moderate 
 Socialists. I bear no grudge against such of them who 
 really preserved their faith which they have in common 
 with the Bolshevists. But such as understand that 
 false inferences drawn by Bolshevism are to a great ex- 
 tent due, not to the lack of logic, but to false premisses, 
 which are to be reconsidered and I think that they 
 are the great majority well, such people show the 
 lack of moral courage and of mental sincerity, when, 
 in their discussions with the Bolsheviks, they admit 
 the obviously inadmissible starting-points, and shift the 
 argument to the ground where they are easily beaten 
 by the Bolshevists' outward consistency and unswerving 
 logic. As long as this confusion of thought remains 
 unchanged, their influence on the popular mind will 
 be lost, and they will be doomed to fight demagogy 
 with another demagogy less convincing and less emo- 
 tional. While weakening themselves, they also weaken 
 their natural allies among the Democratic and Radical 
 parties, and they leave the decision with two political 
 extremes : aimless Revolution and baseless Reaction.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE 5 
 
 PART I 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE OF BOLSHEVISM . 19-48 
 
 1. THE ORIGIN OF THE BOLSHEVIST DOCTRINE (1905-1914). . 19-33 
 
 Utopian and " scientific " elements in Marxism (19-20). 
 Lenin's negative attitude towards immediate Socialist Revolu- 
 tion in 1905 (20-21). The Revolution of 1905 gives a push 
 to Socialistic Utopianism (21-22). A new start in France, by 
 Georges Sorel (22). From " fatalism " of the " scientific " 
 Marxism to the proletarian " freedom " (23). " Class " 
 versus " party " (24). " Proletarian violence " versus Social 
 Peace (25). " International Revolution " versus Nation and 
 State (26-27). " Economic Organization " versus " Politi- 
 cal Society " (27-28). New step forward by Lenin (28). 
 The political role of the " conscious minority " (29-30). Syn- 
 thesis of Syndicalism and Bolshevism : " government by 
 minority" (30) ; Direct action versus Democracy (31). The 
 weakness of Moderate Socialism and patched-up resolutions 
 of 1904-1912 (31-33)- 
 
 2. THE PROMOTERS OF THE INTERNATIONALIST DOCTRINE IN 
 
 THE WORLD WAR 33-48 
 
 The chance of National and International currents in Social- 
 ism (33-34). Inconsistency of doctrine with tactics of 
 " National Defence " (34-35). Three fallacies shared by 
 National Socialists. " War unavoidable under Capitalism " 
 (35). " Every Capitalist State Imperialistic " (36). The 
 wrong use of " self-determination " principle (37). Inter- 
 nationalists' scheme for a new offensive (the " Third Inter- 
 national ") (38-39). Germany's use of Internationalist 
 slogans (39-41). Internationalists gain by being employed 
 as " agents " of trouble (41-42). The role of German Social 
 Democracy (42-43). The " secret diplomatists " of Inter- 
 nationalism (43). Parvus a typical " agent " (43-45). 
 M. Parvus' ring (45-48). 
 
 11
 
 12 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 PART II 
 
 PAGE 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF BOLSHEVISM THROUGH WAR 
 
 AND REVOLUTION (1914-1919) 49-127 
 
 The five stages of progress (49-51). 
 
 1. THE ATTEMPTS TO USE THE " SECOND INTERNATIONAL " 
 
 (1914-1915) 51-53 
 
 Attempts to convoke International Socialists to discuss 
 peace conditions (51-52). A new start in Berne for the 
 International " proletarian class war " (52). The passage to 
 the second stage (53). 
 
 2. DOCTRINE OF THE " THIRD INTERNATIONAL " (ZIMMER- 
 
 WALD-KlENTHAL) AND ITS SPREAD IN igi6 . . . 53~63 
 
 The composition of the Zimmerwald Congress (53-54). The 
 Extremist doctrine formulated (55-56). Formal call to 
 mutiny waived (56-57). More outspoken language used 
 by the International Socialist Commission in Berne, 
 and by the Kienthal Conference (57). The success of 
 Revolutionary Socialism in Germany (58-59). Zimmerwald- 
 ism in France (59-62). Zimmerwaldism in Great Britain 
 under the cover of " Pacifism " (62-63). 
 
 3. THE FIRST VICTORY OF INTERNATIONAL EXTREMISM IN 
 
 THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION (1917) 63-83 
 
 The two Revolutions : the National and the Defeatist in 
 March and November, 1917 (63). Why Russia proved 
 particularly receptive to the Extremist propaganda (63-64). 
 Lenin's view on Russia's unpreparedness for Socialism (65). 
 Preparedness for practical Anarchism and " Class War " ; 
 lack of conscious Nationalism (65-66). War weariness and 
 desertion (66). The war popular in its initial stage 
 (66-67). Zimmerwaldism in Russia (67-68). The Tsar's 
 blindness and the Duma's failure to enforce moderate 
 concessions (68). Revolution unavoidable and uncon- 
 trollable (68-69). The Duma's part in maintaining the 
 " sacred national unity " for the first two months of Revolu- 
 tion (69-70). The part of the " Soviet " and the Extremist 
 anti-war propaganda (70-72). M. Goldenberg s crude 
 alternative : Kail the Army (and the War), or Kill the (Ex- 
 tremist) Revolution ? (72-73). The Soviet's new start in 
 foreign politics (73-74). Ambiguous attitude of Allied 
 Socialists (74-75). Allied Socialist Ministers' failure to 
 treat with the Soviet (75-76). Their unconscious help to 
 Extremist tendencies (76-77). Albert Thomas's effort to 
 bring about the " coalition " Government under Kerensky's
 
 CONTENTS 18 
 
 PAGE 
 
 guidance, conditional upon the army's new offensive (77-78). 
 My personal attitude (78-79). A. Henderson's share in the 
 Russian Revolution's failure (79). Russia ripe for Bol- 
 shevism (79-80). Moderate Socialists' loss of popularity 
 (80-82). Lenin's demagogy (82-83). Pure Zimmerwaldism 
 wins the game (83). 
 
 4. INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION ON EUROPEAN 
 
 INTERNATIONALISM, 1917 83-99 
 
 The failure of the Russian offensive makes the attitude of 
 the Allied Moderate Socialists untenable (83-84). The 
 chances of the " Democratic Peace " tested by the vicissitudes 
 of the scheme for convoking the International Socialist Con- 
 gress at Stockholm (84-85). German and neutral Socialists' 
 part in the scheme (85-86). The Soviet's attempt under the 
 Extremists' guidance to intercept the initiative (87-89). 
 The " Third International " Conference, or the General 
 Conference in Stockholm ? (89-90). The Allied Socialists' 
 conditional consent (90-91). The Russian delegation to 
 Stockholm in London and Paris (91-92). The Russian 
 retreat of July, its explanation by General Denikin (92-93). 
 The change of attitude toward the Russian delegation 
 (93-94). The Stockholm Conference shelved (94-96). The 
 recrudescence of " militarism " in Berlin and Paris (96-99). 
 
 5. THE BOLSHEVIST COLLAPSE IN WAR AND TRIUMPH IN PROPA- 
 GANDA, 1917-1919 99-127 
 
 No illusions as to the immediate results (99-100). " Direct 
 action " aim by itself (100-101). Tactics of reckless bluff 
 (101). Negotiations a means of propaganda (101-102). 
 Trotsky's astonishment at German realistic " impudence " 
 (103). Confident appeal to the " peoples " (103-104). Cre- 
 dulity as to the success of the coming Revolution in Germany 
 (105-106). " Neither peace nor war " tactics (106). Bol- 
 shevist pamphlets in German trenches (107-108). The Soviet 
 rule as a means of propaganda of a general conflagration 
 (108-109). Germany's apparent success (109-110). The pro- 
 gress of Bolshevist propaganda in Germany (110-112). The 
 German collapse (112). " The universal Revolution in sight ' ' 
 (112-113). "Soviets" or "The League of Nations": 
 Lenin or Wilson ? (113-114). The " Holy Alliance," or 
 .... the Prinkipo proposal ? (114-115). Prinkipo to be 
 used for propaganda (115-116). Lenin's " sound strategy " 
 to postpone operations until the moral disintegration of the 
 enemy (117). Lenin's invitation to the First Congress 
 of the Thinl International (118-119). A review of the Bol- 
 shevist parties in the world (119-120). Their programme 
 (120-121). The Congress of the Second International at
 
 14 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Berne on February 3-8, 1919 (121). Hjalmar Branting's 
 resolution (121-123). Concessions to Bolshevism in other 
 drafts of Resolutions (123-124). The pro-Bolshevist opposi- 
 tion at the Congress (124-125). The vote pro and contra 
 Bran ting (125). The International danger of Bolshevism 
 increased by that vacillation (125-127). 
 
 PART III 
 
 BOLSHEVISM OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 
 
 (1918 ) 128-294 
 
 The existence of an organized conspiracy for a World Revolu- 
 tion (128-131). 
 
 1. THE " FIRST LINK IN THE CHAIN " GERMANY AND CENTRAL 
 
 EUROPE 131-147 
 
 M. Joffe's propaganda in Berlin (131-134). M. Joffe's 
 legacy (134). Bolshevik's alliance with Liebknecht 
 against Scheidemann, as represented by Radek's mission 
 (134-138). Their part in the January rising (138-139). Pre- 
 paration for the Third Revolution (139-140). The Bol- 
 sheviks on the Rhine (140-141), and in other provinces 
 of Germany (141). The part played by Bolsheviks in 
 the March rising in Berlin (141-143). The Bolsheviks in 
 Munich (143-144). The part played by Russian prisoners 
 (145). The Bolsheviks' failure in Germany (146-147). 
 
 2. THE BOLSHEVIST SCHEME FOR FEEDING AND CONQUERING 
 
 GERMANY 147-159 
 
 The grain fund for the World Revolution (147-148). The Red 
 Army (148-149). The scheme for the Revolutionary spring 
 offensive (149-150). Preparations in East Prussia (150-151). 
 Germans help Bolsheviks in occupied provinces of Russia 
 (151-152). The tactics of the German Government (153- 
 155). Negotiations with the Ukraine (155). Bolshevist 
 propaganda in Poland (155-156). Bolsheviks and German 
 public opinion (156-158). The wavering policy of the Allies 
 and the part played by Kolchak and Denikin's offensive 
 in the failure of the Bolshevist spring military action (158-159). 
 
 3. THE BOLSHEVIKS IN HUNGARY AND IN GERMAN AUSTRIA . 160-177 
 
 A Revolution backed by national feeling (159-160). The 
 influence of the,Belgrade Armistice and of the Peace Confer- 
 ence Policy (160-162) Count Karolyi in touch with the
 
 CONTENTS 15 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Bolsheviks (162-163). The false Red Cross Delegates 
 and the Hungarian prisoners of war (164-165). The Bol- 
 shevist bloodless victory in Budapest (165-166). Wireless 
 communications with Lenin (166-167). The Treaty between 
 Bela Kun and Lenin (168-169). Self-confidence enhanced 
 by General Smuts' mission (169). Hungarian Bolsheviks' 
 counter-proposals (169-170). A start for the World Revolu- 
 tion (170-171). The moment of despondency (171-172). 
 Bolshevism in the Austro-German Republic (172-173). Riot- 
 ing in Vienna (173-174). A temporary success in Slovakia 
 (175). Lenin's reliance on his methods (176). Forged 
 banknotes (177). 
 
 4. THE BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA IN NEUTRAL COUNTRIES . 178-189 
 
 The meeting of the Third International on March 2-5, 1919, 
 in Moscow (178-179). A Socialist mission to Russia (179- 
 180). The Moscow Conference an answer to it (180-181). 
 Bolshevist preparation for world propaganda (181-182). 
 Neutral countries the first stepping-stone (182-183). 
 The Russian Bolshevist mission in Switzerland (183-184). 
 Mr. Vorovsky's activity in Sweden (184-186). Bolsheviks 
 in Norway (186). In Denmark (187). In Holland (187-188). 
 The part played by Russian Red Cross institutions in Bol- 
 shevist propaganda (188-189). 
 
 5. BOLSHEVIST CONNECTIONS AND AIMS IN THE ALLIED 
 
 COUNTRIES 189-243 
 
 The Russian aim of the Bolshevist propaganda : " Hands- 
 off Russia " (189-191). The German aim : mitigating the 
 Peace Treaty conditions (191-192). A larger circle of propa- 
 ganda (192-193). Two measures of judgment (193-194). 
 The narrower circle of properly Bolshevist organized action 
 (194). The Revolutionary Great Britain (194-195). Bol- 
 shevist pamphlets and manifestoes reach England (195-197). 
 British Socialist organizations endorse " Communism " 
 (197-200). The self-confident stage of the movement (200- 
 202). " Direct (industrial) Action " versus " Parliamentary 
 (political) Action " (202-204). Mr. A. Henderson's com- 
 promise (204-206). The more consistent attitude of the pro- 
 Bolsheviks (206). Bolshevist influences in the British 
 industrial unrest (206-207). The Glasgow agitators (207-208). 
 Programmes of the Clyde Workers' Committee and the Sparta- 
 cist Union compared (208-212). Appeals to violence (212- 
 213). The Parliamentary Committee's opposition to Ex- 
 tremism (213-214). Labour leaders' wavering attitude (214- 
 215). The " Triple Alliance " at work (215-216). The 
 Southport resolutions (216-219). The Trade Unions' Con- 
 gress at Glasgow (219-221). Vorvi&rts on the results of the
 
 16 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 PAGE 
 
 British Extremist movement (221-222). Bolshevism in 
 France (222). The elements of difference from Eng- 
 land (222-223). The elements of similarity (223-224). 
 Albert Thomas and Bolshevism (224-225). France and 
 Internationalism (226-227). The Lucerne Congress (227- 
 229). Extremism victorious (229). The International 
 strike of July 21 (229-231). The failure explained by 
 Jouhaux (231-233). The Syndicalist Congress at Lyon 
 (233-235). Extremist elements in the Syndicalist resolu- 
 tion (235-237). Bolshevism in Italy checked by National- 
 ism (237-238). Attempts at strikes defeated (238-240). The 
 November General Elections in France, Belgium, and Italy 
 (240-243). 
 
 6. THE BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA OUTSIDE EUROPE. . . 243-294 
 
 The Bolshevist propaganda in Non-European languages 
 (243-244). The Bolshevist propaganda in Ireland (244-245). 
 Connections with Germany and with the British Extremists 
 (245-247). The " Soviets " for Ireland (247). Govern- 
 ment's action (247-248). The Extremist propaganda in 
 India (248-249). German connections (249). Bolshe- 
 vist agents in India (250). A correspondence between 
 Petrograd and Delhi (250-251). Road to India kept open 
 (252). Who is "professor" Baranatulla ? (253). Nego- 
 tiations with Afghanistan (253-255). Preparations for 
 the last refuge of Bolshevism in China or in Turkestan 
 (255-258). Extremist influences in the Egyptian unrest 
 (259-260). The Bolsheviks in South Africa (260-261). 
 In Australia (261-262). Bolshevist " literature " for 
 America (263). Bolshevist " aliens " in Canada (263- 
 265). Resolutions of the Calgary Conference (265-266). 
 Attempts at general strikes in Winnipeg, Toronto, 
 etc. (266-268). Opposition of soldiers and citizens (268). 
 Strong action by the Government (268-269). Bol- 
 shevism in the United States (269). Pro-German and 
 Pacifist propaganda before the war (269-270). Revolu- 
 tionary Socialism victorious at the St. Louis Convention 
 (270-271). The part of aliens (271-272). Trotsky's per- 
 sonal influence (272-273). American " commissaries " 
 sail for Russia (273). Their part in Bolshevist adminis- 
 tration (273-275). Raymond Robins' Bolshevist secretary 
 (275-276). Robins favours the " World Revolution " : his 
 excuse (276). Ambassador Francis, Colonel Thompson, 
 Captain Sadoul influenced by Robins (277-278). President 
 Wilson's message to the Bolshevist Congress and the " slap 
 in the face " (278). Bolshevist agitators sail for America: 
 Gumberg, Reinstein, John Reed, Albert Rhys Williams (279- 
 281). The success of the Bolshevist propaganda (281-282). 
 Co-operation with Anarchists : the bomb plots (282-283).
 
 CONTENTS 17 
 
 Connections with I.W.W. (283). " I.W.W.'s " pro- 
 gramme of Revolution (283-285). Revolutionary elements 
 in the Labour movement (285). America's peculiarity 
 (286). Failure of the Industrial Conference makes 
 trade-unionism join the National Strike movement (286 
 287). The miners' strike as differentiated from the steel 
 strike (287-288). The Government's firm stand (288-289). 
 Raid on Extremist organizations and disclosures on the 
 " Union of Russian Workers " (289-290). The Russian 
 manifesto planning a Bolshevist Revolution (290-291). 
 Measures against the aliens (291). Deadlock in negotia- 
 tions with Labour (292). National Socialism, trade- 
 unionism (293). Farmers as anti-Bolshevist agents (293- 
 294)- 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Lenin's prophesies (295). Will the Russian Revolu- 
 tion fail ? (295-296). Will the " World Revolution " 
 succeed ? (296). International danger of Bolshevism 
 diminishing ; its catchwords still alive (296-297). " Non- 
 intervention " movement consistently Bolshevistic (297-298). 
 
 EPILOGUE. 
 
 A new wave of Bolshevism in Europe as a result of changed 
 policy toward Russia (299-300). The Third International 
 meets in Amsterdam (300-301). The Strassburg Con- 
 ference's attempt at a reconstruction on a larger basis 
 (302). Last symptoms (303).
 
 PART I 
 
 i. THE ORIGIN OF THE BOLSHEVIST DOCTRINE 
 (1905-1914). 
 
 IT is a moot question whether Bolshevism and its 
 European counterpart, " Revolutionary Syndicalism," 
 can be called Socialism at all. Mr. Lenin, in his very 
 first speech after returning to Revolutionary Russia 
 through Germany in the famous " sealed railway 
 carriage " (April 1917), exhorted his followers to throw 
 away Socialism as " dirty linen," and to unfold the 
 banner of " Communism." 
 
 It comes practically to the same thing when Georges 
 Sorel classifies his " Revolutionary " Syndicalism, not 
 as a breach with Marxian Socialism, but rather as a 
 return to the true, the initial reading of Karl :Marx's 
 doctrine. The distinction between " Revolutionary " 
 and " Reformist " Socialism exists in Marxism itself, 
 and it develops into a patent contradiction in its history. 
 While the Marxism of 1848 is predominantly Revolu- 
 tionary and Utopian, its application to the Parlia- 
 mentary life of German Social Democracy is essentially 
 reformist and scientific. Marx's followers had to choose 
 between the Utopian " Communist Manifesto " of 1847 
 
 19
 
 20 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 and the Reformist " Erfurt Programme " of 1891, 
 between Karl Marx and Ferdinand Lassalle. 1 
 
 The majority of the party at the Hanover Congress 
 of 1899 chose the reformist reading, and thus the largest 
 Socialist party of the world, under a constitutional 
 regime, although a very imperfect one, took the line 
 of peaceful Parliamentary work for social reform, 
 while relegating " social revolution " to some 
 obscure future, as nothing but its final goal, there- 
 by renouncing the Revolutionary tactics of a direct 
 " class war." 
 
 Russian Social Democracy, confined under Tsarism 
 to a few conspirative circles of intellectuals and some 
 intelligent workmen, and led by political refugees 
 from abroad, could not possibly go that way. Party 
 leaders had no choice between Parliamentary work 
 there being no Parliament under the Autocracy and 
 social revolution, which they thought Russia was not 
 ripe for. Unwillingly they had to accept the especi- 
 ally Russian watchword of " political revolution," as a 
 preliminary and unavoidable condition to any further 
 social struggle. Lenin himself, at the time of the first 
 Russian Revolution in 1905, had written the following 
 lines in a leaflet entitled Two Tactics : " The low 
 degree of economic development in Russia, as well as 
 the low degree of the conscious class organization of 
 the workman, i.e. both objective and subjective agents, 
 do not permit in any way of an immediate and complete 
 liberation of the working class. One must be quite 
 
 1 The practical proposals of the " Erfurt Programme," 
 which are not revolutionary but reformist, were first formulated 
 in the " Chemnitz/' " Eisenach," and " Gotha " programmes 
 in 1866, 1869, and 1875, chiefly under the influence of the 
 followers of Ferdinand Lassalle.
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 21 
 
 ignorant in order not to see that the democratic over- 
 throw which is being achieved under our eyes presents 
 a bourgeois character. One must possess a most 
 naive optimism in order to forget just how little the 
 working masses are informed as to the aims and methods 
 of Socialism. Therefore, so long as the working class 
 lacks a conscious organization, so long as it does not 
 possess the necessary education to carry on the class 
 struggle against the bourgeoisie, there can be no question 
 about a socialist revolution." 
 
 In full contradiction to this remarkable statement, 
 now so completely forgotten, that very Revolution of 
 1905 gave a strong push to Socialistic Utopianism. 
 The " dictatorship of the proletariat," organized into 
 " Soviets," had already been tried in the autumn of 
 1905 by the same leaders, Parvus and Trotsky, who 
 repeated the experiment, under better conditions, 
 in 1917. They were responsible for the failure of the 
 first Revolution, which collapsed as soon as " class 
 war " and " social revolution " were substituted for 
 political and bourgeois revolution, the only possibly 
 types according even to the view of Lenin. That 
 the autocracy has not surrendered since 1905, and that 
 a kind of sham constitutionalism existed between 1905 
 and 1917, thus paving the way for the second Revolu- 
 tion, we owe to the Bolsheviks of 1905. They bore 
 that name even then. It means " those in the majority," 
 because at the Congress of the " Russian Democratic 
 Social Party," held in London in 1903, this group had 
 outvoted the others on a question of tactics and in- 
 ternal organization. Their ultimate aim then was the 
 same as it is now. Economically backward Russia, 
 brought to a state of effervescence by an unsuccessful
 
 22 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 war of 1904, was to be used as fuel for a universal 
 conflagration in countries better prepared to experi- 
 ment in Socialism. 
 
 It is particularly noticeable after 1905 that Revolu- 
 tionary and Utopian tendencies revived also in Inter- 
 national Socialism. And it is neither half-autocratic 
 Russia, nor the country of Junkerdom Germany 
 but the accomplished democracy of France, which 
 serves as a basis for a new and bolder start. The 
 spirit of the new movement is best characterized by 
 the titles of the two leading productions of its chief 
 spokesman, Georges Sorel : Reflections on Violence ' 
 (first published in Mouvement Socialiste at the beginning 
 of 1906), and The Illusions of Progress. Despair of 
 Democracy, despair of Science : such are the pessi- 
 mistic backgrounds upon which a new generation in 
 France was weaving the tangled web of their political 
 super-optimism. No positivism of the older genera- 
 tion of Taine and Renan. No belief in rationalism 
 and intellectualism. Les Mefaits des Intellectuels is 
 the title of the book of Sorel's colleague, Eduard Berth. 
 Oh, the " little " science la petite science which " feigns 
 to attain the truth by attaining the lucidity of exposi- 
 tion " and shirks the " obscurities." Let us go back 
 to the darkness of the subconscious, the psychological 
 source of every inspiration ; back to the integral phil- 
 osophy of Bergson, the new maitre (who disdainfully 
 disclaims the honour of having served as a teacher of 
 Syndicalism) ; back to the " myth " of the general 
 strike. One is tempted to say : " Back to the famous 
 formula : Credo, quia absurdum." 
 
 The practical aim and result of this protest against 
 1 London : George Allen and Unwin, Ltd.
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 23 
 
 " rationalism," in the name of the " integral intuition," 
 is to shift the ground from theory to practice, from 
 scientific law to conscious volition. " Syndicalism," 
 says Eduard Berth (Mouvement Socialiste, 1907), 
 " transfers the idea of catastrophe from the pole of 
 fatalism to the opposite pole of the workmen's freedom. 
 Its principal object is to rouse the proletariat from 
 passiveness to activity." " Direct action " is thus 
 substituted for a slow development of a Socialist over- 
 throw in the future. The " myth " of a general strike 
 is the immediate aim of such direct action, and it is 
 quite unnecessary nay, even dangerous to go beyond 
 that aim and " to argue learnedly about the future." 
 " We are not obliged to indulge in lofty reflections 
 about philosophy, history, or enonomics," Sorel says. 
 " A general strike is indeed the myth in which Socialism 
 is wholly comprised, i.e. a body of images capable of 
 invoking instinctively all the sentiments which corre- 
 spond to the different manifestations of the Socialist 
 war against modern society. Strikes have engendered 
 in the proletariat the noblest, deepest, and most moving 
 sentiments that they possess. We thus obtain the 
 intuition of Socialism such as no language can give us 
 with perfect clearness, and we obtain it as a whole, 
 it is perceived instantaneously." From this point of 
 view an " inspiring struggle " for the struggle's sake 
 is an aim in itself, says Pouget (Le Parti du Travail) : 
 " Revolution is a work of all moments, of to-day as 
 well as of to-morrow : it is a continuous action, an every 
 day fight without truce or delay against the powers 
 of aggression and extortion." Such a direct action, 
 affirms Lagardelle (1906), demonstrating the conscious- 
 ness and the will of workmen, is " self-sufficient " ; it
 
 24 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 demonstrates " the beginning and the end of Syndi- 
 calism." 
 
 This is where Revolutionary Syndicalism differen- 
 tiates itself from Socialism. " Socialism, like any 
 other party organism," M. Lagardelle goes on to say, 
 " touches the workman only as an elector, as a member 
 of the political society mixed together with citizens 
 belonging to other classes. On the contrary, the class 
 organization considers him exclusively in his quality 
 of working man as a member of the economic society, 
 i.e. at the moment of his dissociation from all other 
 classes and his opposition to them. Party and class 
 thus find themselves at opposite points of view, and their 
 tactics can only be antagonistic." Of the two notions, 
 " class " is a natural combination, while " party " 
 is artificial and intellectual, whether it be " Radical," 
 " Socialist," or " Labour." 
 
 Here it is also that Revolutionary Syndicalism ab- 
 jures the basic idea of Democracy : the political equality 
 of all members of human society held under common 
 obligation to adapt their individual benefits to the 
 interests of the whole. " The working class," M. 
 Lagardelle writes, " makes use of political Democracy 
 only the better to destroy it." It does not recognize 
 any other law or obligation but the law of " class war." 
 
 Says M. Merrheim (Mouvement Socialiste, February 
 1910) : " Syndicalism does not confine itself to any 
 legal boundaries ; it would contradict its very substance 
 if it did. It breaks through every barrier, legal or illegal, 
 which would stem its tide. Moreover, it does this not 
 by fits and starts, not through mediation, but every 
 day." There is only one thing which may indeed 
 retard this rapid course toward the unknown, to the
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 25 
 
 " mythic " Social Revolution. This is readiness on 
 the part of the " middle classes " to yield and to make 
 peace, combined with readiness to negotiate on the 
 part of the " working class aristocracy," their acknow- 
 ledged leaders. This is the only issue that Georges 
 Sorel is particularly afraid of, as it is likely to soften 
 the warlike spirit of the working class, and thus to post- 
 pone their victory in the struggle. " To repay with 
 black ingratitude the benevolence of those who would 
 
 _ 
 
 protect the worker, to meet with insults the speeches 
 of those who advocate human fraternity, and to reply 
 by blows at the advocates of those who would propagate 
 social peace all this is assuredly not in conformity 
 with the rules of fashionable Socialism . . . but it 
 is a very practical method of showing the bourgeois 
 that they must mind their own business." The " Re- 
 formists " of Socialism and of Syndicalism were coming 
 to the conclusion that Marx's prediction about the 
 widening chasm between the " expropriators " and the 
 " expropriated " did not correspond to reality, which 
 consisted rather in the " blunting " of social contra- 
 dictions, thus verging towards social peace. But just 
 here Revolutionary Syndicalism steps in. " Marx 
 thought," Sorel goes on to say, " that the bourgeoisie 
 need not be excited by the use of force. Now we are in 
 the presence of a new and unforeseen fact : a bourgeoisie 
 which tries to attenuate the force it possesses. Shall 
 we believe that the Marxist conception is dead ? By 
 no means, because proletarian violence appears on the 
 stage at the very time when attempts are being made 
 to mitigate conflicts by social peace. The proletarian 
 violence hedges the employers within their role of pro- 
 ducers, and thus tries to restore the structure of classes
 
 26 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 which were going to mix themselves in the democratic 
 bog. Violence gives back to the proletariat their 
 natural weapon of the class struggle, by means of 
 frightening the bourgeoisie and " profiting by the 
 bourgeois dastardness (la Idchete bourgeoise) in order to 
 impose on them the will of the proletariat." 
 
 Before we proceed further it is very important to 
 state that this point of view is substantially international. 
 In order to fight out their class war successfully, the 
 working class must rid itself not only from party obli- 
 gations and from solidarity with Democracy, but also 
 from all pledges to Nation and State. " For a Revolu- 
 tionary Syndicalist," says M. Brouilhet (Le Conflict des 
 Doctrines), " the idea of native country is not necessary. 
 It seems rather artificial, and does not correspond 
 to his interests. On the contrary, it associates groups 
 whose interests are conflicting, and it directs that 
 loosely connected aggregate, called patriotism, against 
 classes, whose interests are identical." The Enquete of 
 the Mouvement Socialiste into the idea of " fatherland " 
 in 1905 gave the result foreshadowing the attitude 
 taken by the internationalist currents of Socialism 
 ten years later. " The Workmen's Fatherland," M. T. 
 Bled says, " is their class ; their internationalism knows 
 no boundaries. Capitalism is for them the only enemy 
 to fight with." M. Bousquet says : " All wars are 
 the work of capitalists, and serve their interests." 
 " The only legitimate war," in M. Challaye's opinion, 
 " is the revolt of all proletarians against all capitalists." 
 And M. Lagardelle draws from his Enquete the conclu- 
 sion that " anti-militarist and anti-patriotic proga- 
 ganda has no other meaning but the destruction of 
 State. Its aim is to unsettle the army and to destroy
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 27 
 
 the fatherland, because the institution of the army and 
 the idea of fatherland help to maintain the existence 
 of the State." This sentence, preceding by ten years 
 Zimmerwald and Kienthal, is quite seriously meant. 
 " The Syndicalists," affirms M. Lagardelle, " fight the 
 State for the same reason as they fight the employers : 
 both are joint forces which play into the hands of each 
 other. The destruction of State is a preliminary con- 
 dition to the truimph of the proletariat." 
 
 Revolutionary Syndicalism verges here into Anarchism. 
 And, indeed, genuine Anarchists have tried to represent 
 Syndicalists as " Anarchists who are unconscious of 
 themselves " (les Anarchistes qui s'ignorent). The whole 
 current is sometimes classified as " Anarcho-syndical- 
 ism." This is, however, quite wrong, and the Italian 
 Syndicalist, Labriola, was right in stating that the 
 Syndicalists' anti-Statehood is very different to the 
 Anarchists'. "The first strives to transfer the authority 
 of the State to the Syndicate it is thus for discipline 
 and organization ; while the Anarchist's anti-Statehood 
 abolishes all authority and repudiates every kind of 
 government." One might add that as the destruction 
 of the State was supposed to follow the advent of the 
 " mythical " general strike, it was relegated to the 
 obscure sphere of the future where no predictions were 
 to be attempted, and towards which an attitude of 
 mere class enthusiasm was to be fomented among the 
 masses. Every time that Lagardelle or Berth try to 
 elucidate this question, they fall back upon old Proud- 
 honian formulas and demonstrate that they are not 
 quite clear on the subject themselves. Says Lagardelle, 
 while protesting against Rousseau's political atomism 
 and equality fiction : " The existence of the State is
 
 28 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 possible only as long as it bases itself on the fiction 
 of general ' citizenship ' and throws into the shade 
 the difference between working men, capitalists, landed 
 proprietors, etc. The State will disappear the very 
 day when it will no more represent general interest 
 as opposed to the interests of individuals. Should 
 political parties be composed exclusively of workmen, 
 capitalists, and agriculturists, and should they pursue 
 their material aims alone, without minding such general 
 tasks which political society is expected to solve, the 
 State machinery thus left to work in the vacuum will 
 run down by itself." Economic organization will 
 take the place of political society, and it will take the 
 form of a federation of autonomous syndicates and 
 professional unions. 
 
 An important change in this attitude toward the 
 State has since taken place. With the advent of Mr. 
 Lenin's millennium in Russia, the obscure transitional 
 stage from the general strike to the Social Revolution 
 was filled up with new " inspiring " images much 
 more in harmony with the " violence " theory. Of 
 course, Mr. Lenin, too, is sure of the final destruction 
 of the State institutions. But meantime he is quite 
 determined to use them for " the dictatorship of 
 the proletariat." A few weeks before his triumph 
 in Petrograd Mr. Lenin wrote his leaflet entitled : 
 Shall the Bolsheviks remain in Power ? Here he bluntly 
 states his attitude toward the State. Of course, he 
 says, we preached the destruction of the State as 
 long as it was in possession of our enemies. But why 
 should we do it after having ourselves taken the helm ? 
 The State is, indeed, an organized rule by a minority 
 . . . of privileged classes. Let us in our turn
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 29 
 
 substitute our minority for theirs, and let us run the 
 machinery ! 
 
 Here we come to the central point of the tactics 
 of Revolutionary Syndicalism. It was called the 
 tactics of " impatience." In order for this tactics to 
 be efficient it was not enough to rid the class from its 
 obligations towards party, nation, and State. It was 
 quite consistent and necessary to rid the " impatient " 
 ones within the class itself of the inertia of its passive 
 members. For direct action to become possible, a 
 minority within the minority was to be organized, 
 namely, the " conscious minority " in the midst of the 
 unconscious throng. Says Lagardelle : " Direct action 
 presupposes an active interference by a daring minority. 
 The mass, unwieldy and clumsy as it is, must not here 
 speak out its mind in order to start the struggle, as 
 happens in Democracy. Figures do not make law, and 
 numbers do not rule. A select group (une elite) is 
 formed, and owing to its qualities it allures the masses 
 and directs them on the path of combat." ' The 
 most conscious and brave lead . . . the mass, seeing 
 their action, instinctively follows." According to M. 
 Pouget (1907), the " conscious minority " is even 
 obliged to act, if it is unwilling to surrender its demands 
 and its strivings to the inertia of the mass, which revels 
 in the state of economic slavery. The minority, con- 
 scious of its aim, acts without heeding the amorphous 
 or the refractory mass ; as opposed to Democracy, 
 which through the machinery of universal suffrage 
 gives the lead to the unconscious and lazy, or rather to 
 their elected representatives, thus stifling the minority 
 which looks to the future. This method is fully 
 justified by the attitude of the masses themselves
 
 30 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Says Brouilhet (Les Conflicts) : " The masses expect 
 to be treated with violence, and not to be persuaded. 
 They always obediently follow when a single man 
 or a clique shows the way. Such is the law of collec- 
 tive psychology." One might suggest that it is not the 
 best way to educate the masses in political conscious- 
 ness, and that the " law of collective psychology " is 
 here used in the same manner as in Macchiavelli's 
 theory or in the practice of Autocracy. But Revolu- 
 tionary Syndicalism does not shirk the comparison. 
 Its political romanticism, its excursions in the sphere 
 of the subconscious, its repudiation of democratic 
 principles, its hero-worship in short, all its psychology 
 it shares in common with the opposite, the reactionary 
 pole of that generation of French writers and politicians. 
 The observation has been more than once made, that 
 over the head of Democracy Syndicalism stretches 
 forth its hand to Royalism. Sorel and Berth, indeed, 
 fight the same enemy as Charles Maurras, and very often 
 they use the same weapon. 
 
 Government by minority : This is the last word of 
 Syndicalism which it has in common with Bolshevism, 
 not only in theory, but also in practice. That is why 
 there exists such a strong undercurrent of sympathy 
 with the Bolshevist experiment in Russia amongst 
 all partisans of a direct social revolution the world 
 over. The negative side of the Revolutionary Syndi- 
 calist doctrine, its repudiation of Democracy, is also 
 common to Bolshevism. Both are against Parliamen- 
 tary action, against universal suffrage, against every- 
 thing which provides for equal rights to every " citizen," 
 and thus, quite consistently, against guarantees of 
 political freedom for all. Under the regime of class
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 31 
 
 war there can exist no rules of clemency and humanity, 
 not even such minima as are established by the Hague 
 Conventions. No mediation or arbitration is possible 
 between relentless foes the international proletariat, 
 and its " coward " enemy, the " capitalist." No com- 
 pact is admissible even with those " traitors " among 
 the Socialists who wish to join hands with " political 
 Democracy." 
 
 It must be pointed out that we do not meet with the 
 same state of mind on the side of Moderate Socialism. 
 Far from denouncing the extreme tendencies ol Revolu- 
 tionary Syndicalism, Moderate Syndicalists and Socia- 
 lists, the " Reformists," always tried to keep in contact 
 with the Extremists while preserving their own atti- 
 tude of " political action." As a result of this, at 
 every clash of opinion, the Revolutionary Syndicalists 
 always won in the debates, while their opponents with 
 difficulty carried patched-up conciliatory resolutions 
 in Socialist Congresses. The tactics of " direct action " 
 were approved by a great majority of 825 against 369 
 at the Syndicalist (C.G.T.). Congress at Bourges (1904). 
 At the next Congress at Amiens (1906), in compliance 
 with the demands of the Revolutionaries, such as 
 Merrheim, the Syndicalist tactics were proclaimed 
 independent from party discipline : Syndicalists were 
 left free to carry on a "a ceaseless fight against every 
 legality, every power, and all enemy forces," while the 
 party was kindly permitted to " strive for social reform." 
 The Socialist Congress at Limoges, two weeks after the 
 Amiens decision, under Jaures' influence, endorsed this 
 decision by admitting a " combined action " of both 
 Syndicalists and politicians, as equally necessary for 
 fully enfranchising the working class. It "invited the'
 
 82 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 militants to do their best to dissipate all misunderstanding 
 between the C.G.T. (Confederation Generate du Travail) 
 and the Socialist party." In vain Guesde tried to prove 
 (next year, 1907, at the Congress of Nancy) how artificial 
 and contradictory this decision was. In vain he at- 
 tempted again and again to subordinate Syndicalist 
 tactics to those of the Socialist party. The " disease 
 of unity," to use Herve's expression, again had the upper 
 hand, and a new conciliatory resolution by Jaures was 
 carried .by an insignificant majority. The debate was 
 reopened at Toulouse in 1908, the question being 
 discussed thoroughly. But the resolution was the 
 same : all differences of opinion, important as they 
 were, were drowned in the benevolent utterances of 
 Jaures' concluding speech. The conciliation achieved 
 was merely that of phrase and style. Every practical 
 issue discussed at the Nismes Congress of 1910, at the 
 St.Quentin Congress of 1911, or at the Lyons Congress of 
 1912, repeatedly revealed the incompatibility of the two 
 tendencies within the party. The Syndicalist Congress 
 of 1912 reaffirmed the decision of Amiens and severely 
 criticized the " salon Socialism," while pointing out 
 the difference between true proletarians and intellectuals 
 belonging to the Bar and the engineering professions. 
 
 Moderate Socialism even then persisted in its con- 
 ciliatory attitude. " Why does this tyrannic minority 
 lead the Socialist party in the way it is not willing 
 to go ? " M. Fourniere asks in his book on The Socialist 
 Crisis (1908), and he gave a scathing answer. " All 
 of us, beginning with extreme Anarchists and ending 
 with genuine Parliamentary Socialists, drag along the 
 same chain, the chain of fear, lest we should appear 
 not so advanced as people who lead. Pale and dis-
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 33 
 
 concerted, we all press forward in a state of revolu 
 tionary panic which would be ridiculous were not the 
 abyss so close. How shall we keep clear of it when 
 the tail carries the head with it ? " It is very interesting 
 to remark that this was in 1911 the opinion of M. 
 Albert Thomas, the prominent Reformist Syndicalist, 
 who has since played such an important part in organiz- 
 ing the munition work of his country. " The party has 
 not the courage," says he, " explicitly to oppose ideas 
 to ideas, tactics to tactics, doctrine to doctrine : it 
 sticks to ' unanimity formulas,' which, owing to their 
 fatally uncertain character, can have neither the value 
 nor the fecundity of a rule of action." We shall 
 see later on that Albert Thomas himself succumbed 
 to the same deficiency of Moderate Socialism. 
 
 2. THE PROMOTERS OF THE INTERNATIONALIST 
 DOCTRINE IN THE WORLD WAR. 
 
 The World War thus found the World Socialism in 
 a state of confusion and helplessness. It looked, though, 
 as if war in itself might bring about a stoppage on the 
 edge of the " abyss." Had not Sorel himself in his 
 book On Violence foreseen that a great war might 
 stiffen the energy of the bourgeoisie, and bring to power 
 men possessing the will to govern ? On the other hand, 
 was it not more likely that a war of exhaustion would 
 give a new chance for a revival of anti-militarist and 
 anti-patriotic propaganda, having the avowed aim of 
 dissolving the army, ruining the " fatherland," dis- 
 carding the State institutions, and thus helping enor- 
 mously towards some attempts on a larger scale at a 
 proletarian upheaval ?
 
 34 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Both hopes and fears have been realized. The 
 bracing influence of war, as well as its relaxing influence, 
 have proved equally efficient ; the former chiefly at 
 the beginning of the war, the latter, unhappily, as the 
 end approached, and particularly after the Armistice. 
 The issue between Reformist and Revolutionary 
 Socialism and Syndicalism has, accordingly, remained 
 unsettled. It is being waged to-day. But one con- 
 clusion at least might be drawn from the new experiences 
 of war-time : that of the incompatibility of national 
 and patriotic tendencies of Socialist thought and tactics 
 with international class war strivings. Whether the 
 lesson has been really learnt, I dare not say. I mean, 
 of course, learnt by the national side, because on the 
 international side the incompatibility of class war and 
 social revolution with " political Democracy " and 
 Moderate Socialism always has served as a starting- 
 point for further argument and action. And even 
 now, while the Reformist and National Socialists 
 were very slow to admit the criminality of the tactics 
 of the Internationalist Extremists, the latter have 
 not wavered a moment in proclaiming the Reformists 
 and Nationalists " traitors " to the proletarian cause. 
 The attitude on both sides has remained the same as 
 at pre-war Congresses : conciliatory and evasive on 
 the part of the Moderates, militant and self-reliant on 
 the part of the Extremists. 
 
 We need not dwell long upon the activity of the 
 Socialists who made " sacred union " with the bourgeois 
 parties. Everybody knows how important their con- 
 tribution was, both in material and moral prepara- 
 tion, for the allied victory. But it is equally im- 
 portant to point out that their doctrine was and
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 35 
 
 remained inconsistent with their new tactics of " national 
 defence." Even now and perhaps now less than ever 
 they have not found the " courage " to oppose 
 " ideas to ideas, tactics to tactics, doctrine to doctrine." 
 Practically they stuck to many internationalist doctrines 
 on which, quite consistently, their opponents have based 
 their Extremist tactics. That is why, strong as their 
 national policy was, they have always been powerless 
 to reconcile it with their own international theory. 
 That is also why they were gradually losing their hold 
 over the masses, while their opponents were gaining 
 ground. One cannot lead if he does not know whither 
 he goes. 
 
 I must particularly mention three leading ideas 
 which have helped the Extremists to gain the lead 
 while they perplexed the Moderates and threw them off 
 the scent. The first is that wars are unavoidable in 
 a world of capitalist production, and they can only be 
 stopped by the international victory of Socialism. 1 
 The second idea is that all capitalist societies are 
 
 1 This point is often mentioned in the resolutions of patriotic 
 Socialists. E.g., that is how the Allied Socialists who met in 
 London in February 1916 expressed this idea in their reso- 
 lution. " The conference does not fail to recognize the exist- 
 ence of general and deep causes of the European conflict, which 
 is a monstrous product of antagonisms that rend asunder the 
 capitalist society, and of a policy of aggressive colonialism and 
 imperialism, which International Socialism has never ceased 
 to combat, and for which all Governments bear their portion 
 of responsibility." ..." Remaining true to the principles of 
 the International," they expressed their hope that soon the 
 proletarians of all countries, recognizing the identity of their 
 fundamental interests, will find themselves united against 
 capitalist militarism and imperialism. The manifesto of the 
 first National Congress of the French Socialist party during 
 the war (December 29, 1915) declares : " The Socialist party 
 knows that as long as the iniquity of capitalism lasts . . . the 
 dangers of war will co-exist with capitalism."
 
 86 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 imperialistic, i.e. they strive for annexations. The third 
 is that the " self-determination " principle must be 
 given free play for all " oppressed " nationalities. 
 There is a good deal of truth in all these ideas, but not 
 one of them can be accepted without strong reserva- 
 tions. Capitalism is an international factor working 
 not for, but against military conflicts. If there is 
 truth in Mr. Norman Angell's assertions, that war in 
 modern times is useless and futile, because " conquest 
 (extension of territory) is not necessary for the welfare 
 of an expanding people in the modern world," it is 
 chiefly based on the growing international influence 
 of the world's industrialism. Not capitalism in itself, 
 but the exclusively " national " system of capitalist 
 production is dangerous, and if carried to extremes is 
 likely to become incompatible with the peace of the 
 world. But this is just the case in Germany, a newly 
 industrialized state which has preserved its mediaeval 
 militarist tradition. This is, of course, " imperialism " 
 in the offensive sense of the word. But it is too far- 
 fetched to draw the inference that every " capitalistic " 
 Government is bound to be " imperialistic." For an 
 Internationalist Socialist this inference is important, 
 because he directly draws from it a further conclusion : 
 that " peoples " which are supposed to be generally 
 Pacifist must " impose their will " upon the " Govern- 
 ments " which are generally accused of being " imperial- 
 istic " and " Never Endians " (jusqu'au-boutistes). To 
 be sure, under Democracy " Governments " represent 
 " peoples," and particularly so in the state of war ; 
 the German " people " as represented by its Social 
 Democracy has backed even its semi-autocratic Govern- 
 ment, which was doubtless " imperialistic." But an
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 87 
 
 Internationalist Socialist of the Entente pretends not 
 to make war on the " German people " ; he only fights 
 the German " Government," while he also preserves 
 the right, which is also his duty, of fighting his own 
 Government for being "imperialistic." 1 
 
 The " self-determination " principle, if applied in its 
 larger and more general sense, may, of course, apparently 
 justify such a universal use of the term " imperialism." 
 Great Britain may well accept as its slogan Imperium 
 et libertas. And Russia may claim not to be " im- 
 perialistic " at all, but self-sufficient within her immense 
 space of one-sixth of the world's surface. Neither 
 one nor the other may ask for annexations. Never- 
 theless, both Great Britain and Russia possess some 
 " oppressed " nationalities " annexed " many centuries 
 ago. Such is the law of the growth in any large state. 
 Well, this is sufficient for them to be declared " im- 
 perialistic," and for " oppressed " nationalities, such 
 as Ireland, Egypt, India, the Baltic Provinces, 
 Ukraine, Georgia, to be taught to ask for " dis- 
 annexation." 
 
 This is a state of mind or, rather, the state of doc- 
 trine which was bound to bring patriotic and national 
 Socialists into trouble, while depriving them of any 
 firm basis in their quarrel with the Internationalists. 
 
 1 Cf. the declaration of the Parliamentary Socialist Group 
 in France on the occasion of the vote of war credits, on June 15, 
 1917 : " The Socialist party affirms that it considers it to be 
 its right and even its direct duty to seek, with the Socialists 
 of other countries, for the means of bringing the governed to 
 impose their will on the governors, to use Mr. Wilson's ex- 
 pression." Cf. the Daily News of January 29, 1918 : " The 
 people of Germany, like every other peaceful people, are the 
 victims of a system which places the control of mankind in 
 the hands of military castes."
 
 88 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 The latter only were consistent with their common 
 doctrine, while opposing the idea of the solidarity of 
 classes to that of the solidarity of the nation, in war 
 time. The tactics of August 4, 1914, were certainly 
 inconsistent with this international doctrine of 
 Socialism. That is why Mr. Lenin's argument was 
 irrefutable, when, quite a year and a half before the 
 Bolshevist victory in Russia, he was speaking in his 
 customary style on the subject of the French and 
 other national Socialists : and he said, " Not only 
 capitalists are lying, but also people like Renaudel, 
 Sembat, Longuet (Longuet, too !), Scheidemann, Hynd- 
 man, Kautsky, Plekhanov and Co. Powerless diplo- 
 matists, they greatly injure the workmen's movement 
 by their defence of a fiction of unity, because thus 
 they impede the necessary union between the opposition 
 groups in all countries, in order to create the Third Inter- 
 nationale." * 
 
 The immediate aim of Bolshevism is here quite 
 clearly stated. The " Second International " was to 
 be proclaimed dissolved and non-existent, because of 
 the " treason " of national Socialists, who voted war 
 credits in all belligerent countries, thus forsaking the 
 ground of International Socialism. Instead of that 
 " Second International," the headquarters of which had 
 been transferred during the war from Brussels to 
 the Hague, a new " International " was to be created, 
 which should include only the revolutionary minorities 
 of International Socialism, excluding the Parliamentary 
 and Reformist majorities. " One must start a move- 
 
 1 N. Lenin. On the task of the opposition in France. 
 A letter to Comrade Sarafoff, published on February 10, 
 1916.
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 39 
 
 ment," says the Bulletin of the Socialist International 
 Committee, created in Berne for this very purpose, 
 " which will have strength enough to eliminate at once 
 the leading social-patriotic organizations. ... A new 
 International can only be built on the basis of the 
 unfaltering principles of Revolutionary Socialism. The 
 allies of Governments, Ministers, domesticated Deputies, 
 advocates of Imperialism, agents of capitalist diplomacy, 
 grave-diggers of the Second International, cannot take 
 part in its creation." 
 
 It was here that Germany saw her chance. Among 
 the documents published by the " Committee on 
 Public Information " in Washington there is one which 
 is worth remembering : * 
 
 CIRCULAR. 
 February 13, 1915. 
 
 PRESS DIVISION OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, 
 BERLIN, 
 
 TO 
 
 ALL AMBASSADORS, MINISTERS AND CONSULAR OFFICIALS 
 IN NEUTRAL COUNTRIES. 
 
 You are hereby advised that in the country to which you are 
 accredited special offices are to be established for the organi- 
 zation of propaganda in the countries of the Powers which are 
 in a state of war with Germany. The propaganda will be con- 
 nected with the stirring up of social unrest and strikes resulting 
 therefrom ; of revolutionary outbreaks ; of separatism among 
 the component parts of the States ; of civil war ; and will also 
 comprise agitation in favour of disarmament and the discon- 
 
 1 The German Bolshevik Conspiracy, War Information Series, 
 No. 20, October 1918. Signed by the Committee on Public 
 Information, George Creel, Chairman. The document quoted 
 is published in the Appendix I, under the heading " Documents 
 circulated by the anti-Bolsheviks in Russia." These documents 
 were sent from Petrograd to the Volunteer Army Staff in 
 Novocherkassk in December 1917.
 
 40 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 tinuance of the war butchery. You are requested to co-operate 
 and to favour in every way the managers of the said offices. 
 These persons will present to you proper credentials. 
 
 (Signed) BARTHELM. 
 
 The whole set of these documents was declared to 
 be a forgery, for reasons which may be conclusive only 
 for some of them. But even if they were all forgeries, 
 the document quoted is only a good abstract of what 
 is generally known from other sources. Archibald's 
 papers presented to Parliament are known to every- 
 body. I personally heard of such an office as is men- 
 tioned in the document quoted from a Russian revolu- 
 tionary, who, when he had made his appearance in it 
 (in Stockholm), had been asked whether he came from 
 Mr. Lenin, and following upon his embarrassed answer, 
 it had been proposed as a test that he should blow up 
 a railway bridge or smuggle arms into Finland for a 
 remuneration of some thousand roubles. The Russian 
 Intelligence Office had quite a dossier of such informa- 
 tion regarding the Bolshevik leaders, and the Bolsheviks' 
 first concern during all the Bolshevist risings in Petro- 
 grad was to take possession of it and to destroy the docu- 
 ments. But a portion of this information was published 
 with the consent of the Provisional Government during 
 the first Bolshevik rising in July, and I know from an 
 absolutely reliable source that a part of the documents 
 published in the appendix of the American leaflet also 
 comes from the Government offices. So far as the 
 quoted statement of the aims of German propaganda 
 and its destruction policy in war-time is concerned, 
 we find full confirmation of it in another document 
 published in the French Yellow Book and dated 
 Berlin, March 19, 1913. Under Point II, " Aims and
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 41 
 
 Duties of our National Policy," in case of a continental 
 war, the German report, received " from a trustworthy 
 source," says : " There need be no anxiety about the 
 fate of our colonies. The final result in Europe will 
 settle that. On the other hand, disturbances must be 
 stirred up in N. Africa and in Russia. This is a means 
 for absorbing forces of the enemy. It is, therefore, 
 vitally necessary that through well-chosen agents we 
 should get into contact with influential people in Egypt, 
 Tunis, Algiers, and Morocco [in 1917 the Report might 
 rather mention Turkey and the Caucasus] in order 
 to prepare the necessary measures in case of a European 
 War. ... A first attempt made a few years ago gave 
 us the necessary contact. Unfortunately, the rela- 
 tions established then have not been sufficiently 
 consolidated. Whether we like it or not, we shall 
 have to resort to preparations of this sort in order 
 rapidly to bring the campaign to an end. Risings 
 in time of war created by political agents require 
 careful preparation by material means. They must 
 break out simultaneously with the destruction of 
 means of communication. They should be directed 
 by those to be found amongst influential religious, or 
 political chiefs." 
 
 When the long-looked-for and " carefully-prepared " 
 war finally broke out in the following year, " political 
 chiefs " had been found amongst the Russian refugees 
 of the " Defeatist " type, while " well-chosen agents " 
 among the German Social Democracy had done what 
 they could in order to secure " influential people " in 
 neutral and, if possible, even in the enemy countries. 
 There is no doubt that " material means " have been 
 spent in profusion. It is unnecessary to say that not
 
 42 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 every " head " or " chief " was to be bought by money ; 
 but when aims coincided and lines of action ran parallel, 
 why not use all means to come as soon as possible to 
 the universal outbreak which will destroy even such 
 " capitalists " as were shortsighted enough to help 
 their enemies with money ? 
 
 The point is that, owing to these tactics of supporting 
 extremists in enemy countries the demarcation line 
 between Parliamentary and Revolutionary Socialism, 
 which, as we have seen already, has not been very 
 distinctly drawn in doctrine, was bound to be finally 
 obliterated in a search for internal enemies in conflicting 
 States. French and British Moderate Socialists used 
 to send congratulations to German Spartacists, while 
 German " Majority " Socialists, through the inter- 
 mediacy of neutrals, encouraged French and British 
 Defeatists, Bourderons and Marrheims, Lansburys and 
 Morels. 1 
 
 Of course, it is chiefly German Social Democracy 
 which is especially responsible for fanning into flame 
 the extreme internationalist doctrine, for giving it a 
 new body and setting astir its spirit. German Social 
 Democracy was also rent in twain by two opposite cur- 
 rents. One was ready to support the State in every war, 
 on the principle, " My country, right or wrong." The 
 other ready to oppose the State also in every war, on 
 the principle of the " class war " against all " capitalist " 
 Governments. There were between the two extremes 
 the same intermediate shades of opinion : one ready 
 
 1 George Lansbury wrote in the then Daily Herald : " To 
 make our protest effective the working men on whom transport 
 and communication depends ought to oppose its use ; they 
 must strike against war ! " I find this quotation in Larkin's 
 book on National Socialism.
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 43 
 
 to support the State in a defensive war, the other ready 
 to fight it in an aggressive war. In order to decide 
 whether the war was aggressive or defensive intermin- 
 able discussions were also carried on regarding the 
 responsibility for the origin of the war and about war 
 aims, " Imperialistic " or otherwise (Schuldfrage and 
 Kriegsziele). But so far as propaganda in enemy 
 countries was concerned, every difference of opinion 
 disappeared. Noske, together with Liebknecht, was 
 carrying on propaganda amongst the workmen in 
 Brussels, while Bernstein, according to his own avowal, 
 was helping Scheidemann, Sudekum, and Richard 
 Fisher " to create sentiments favourable to Germany 
 amongst the Socialists of neutral countries." These 
 exertions, supported by " material means," proved very 
 successful. Quite a number of neutral Socialists have 
 made themselves commis-voyageurs or rather " secret 
 diplomatists " of extreme Internationalism in their 
 dealings with public opinion within the Entente Powers. 
 Such were, e.g., the Swiss Socialists, Greulich, Flatten, 
 Robert Grimm, the Italian Morgari, the Dane Borgbjerg, 
 the Bulgar- Rumanian Rakovsky, and, in a less offensive 
 way, the Dutch Troelstra, etc. A particularly instruc- 
 tive case is that of the Russian, Parvus, if not the 
 initiator, in any case the best and most efficient promoter 
 of Russian Bolshevism. Who is Parvus, or, as his real 
 name is, Alexander Helfant ? Let me answer by quoting 
 a page by a thorough connoisseur of the Bolshevist 
 " secret diplomacy," the Swiss Socialist Grumbach. 
 " A Russian by birth, he had to leave his country as 
 a revolutionary a long time ago. In Prussia he belonged 
 to Social Democracy, and proved so radical that the 
 Prussian Government exiled him as an undesirable
 
 44 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 alien. He fled to Munich, the German Capua, but he 
 did not remain there. Turkey attracts him. After 
 the Young Turk Revolution, he emerges in Constanti- 
 nople. He is at home in the Ministry of Finance, and 
 he also is at home in the harem. He frequently con- 
 tributed to Tanin, the organ of the Young Turks, and 
 he acts as correspondent at the Bosphorus for the 
 German Social Democratic Press, in order to defend 
 the Young Turkish regime. The war breaks out, and 
 Parvus' activity becomes marvellous. He buys grain, 
 he sells grain. He writes articles always for the 
 ' sacred cause ' of Europe, which he finds well served, 
 because it is the German armies which defend it. 
 ' Turkey must fight on the side of Germany, for Euro- 
 pean civilization and for Russian freedom.' That is 
 what he says and writes. ' Bulgaria must fight on 
 the side of Turkey and Germany for European civiliza- 
 tion and for Russian freedom.' That is what he is 
 never tired of repeating. He goes to Sofia, he makes 
 a great speech wherein he asks Bulgarian Socialists 
 to recognize that Germany is a champion of Right. 
 The Socialists of Sofia, although they are Bulgarian 
 patriots, find his argument strange, but they keep 
 silent. Our man goes farther, to other countries, to 
 Germany, to Prussia. The formerly ' undesirable 
 alien,' exiled from the hospitable soil of Prussia, has 
 now got into favour in Berlin. Supreme authorities 
 appreciate very much the new feathers of this bird of 
 passage with whose doings they are well acquainted. 
 They recognize in these small, wily eyes and flat nose 
 of the new Young Turk, formerly Russian (Jew), coming 
 from Stambul in a halo of highest introductions, a glare 
 of the pure patriotism of a Prussian neophyte ; and all
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 45 
 
 doors open themselves before Parvus all doors, and 
 perhaps a certain number of hands (pockets) into 
 which this beneficent genius pours his gifts, to the great 
 pleasure of such as receive and also to the great satis- 
 faction of the Treasury. He who had had nothing, now 
 possesses, as a Prussian citizen, a fortune of one million. 1 
 He buys houses in Berlin for himself and for his satellites, 
 he founds periodicals in order theoretically to justify 
 militarist Socialism and to make propaganda for German 
 Messianism, and he pays well he pays very well. 
 Men of mark who, before the war, enjoyed an undis- 
 puted reputation as untractable Social Democrats, 
 Heinrich Cunow, the late editor of Vorwdrts, Conrad 
 Hanisch, a most sympathetic man and a member of 
 the Prussian Diet, Dr. Paul Lensch, formerly editor 
 of the Leipziger Volkszeitung, and a member of 
 the Reichstag, all receive fixed salaries for regu- 
 larly expressing their views in Parvus' organ, the 
 Bell (Die Glocke}. Heilmann, the prominent braillard, 
 formerly chief editor of the Chemnitzer Volksstimme, 
 is put at the head of the International Correspondence 
 just acquired by Parvus. Along with them some 
 gentlemen of less importance and some distinguished 
 nonentities enter into the same ring of Parvus.' But 
 the patron himself, who commands and supplies funds, 
 only rarely condescends to write articles. How could 
 he find time for it? He travels too often to Switzerland, 
 to Denmark, to Sweden, to Norway, and, in order to 
 do it with more comfort, he has flats in Copenhagen, 
 in Stockholm, in Constantinople, and in Berlin. In some 
 
 1 At a later date (July 30, 1919) Mr. Bourtsev's newspaper 
 La Cause Commune communicated that Parvus' savings, con- 
 fiscated at the Copenhagen banks, amount to five million crowns.
 
 46 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 cities he possesses automobiles. All owned by a man 
 who before the war had nothing. Nowadays he writes, 
 he receives, he speaks for the Governments of Turkey, 
 of Germany, of Bulgaria. He creates connections 
 everywhere ; he carries on a coal business with Danish 
 and Norwegian syndicates." Mr. Grumbach might add 
 that Parvus has very cleverly entangled the whole 
 Danish Social Democracy in his profiteering coal busi- 
 ness. He knew from the German Government the 
 exact moment when the blockade was to be enforced 
 and English coal was to disappear from the market. 
 He got permission, equivalent to a monopoly, to import, 
 in advance, a great quantity of German coal, and 
 thus, with a capital of 25,000 crowns, during one year 
 and a half he made net profits for his shareholders 
 (of whom he was the most important) amounting to 
 1,900,000 crowns. Parvus also carried on business 
 with Russia, through the intermediary of his agent 
 in Stockholm, Ganetsky-Furstenberg, and under cover 
 of business transactions he subsidized his Russian friends 
 with money. At the same time in the Bell he pro- 
 pagated Imperialistic Socialism, while in Russia he 
 helped to promote Revolutionary Extremism. Mr. 
 Grumbach mentions a conversation he had had with 
 Lenin, in order to show that this side of Parvus' activity 
 was no mystery to the Bolshevist leader. When one 
 day Grumbach told Lenin that Parvus intended to 
 visit him at Berne, Lenin grinned maliciously and 
 said : " Let the scoundrel come, and I'll throw him 
 downstairs." Very little time passed, and the 
 " scoundrel " became a " comrade," who was sent by 
 the Central Committee of the German Social Democrats 
 to congratulate the Bolshevist delegation in Stockholm
 
 THE INTERNATIONAL DOCTRINE 47 
 
 with the full success of Parvus' propaganda. On 
 November 17, 1917, the delegation, composed of 
 " scoundrels " of the same type (Karl Radek, popu- 
 larly called " Kradek," i.e. the " thief," Ganetsky and 
 Orlowsky), announced in its official organ that " Com- 
 rade Parvus conveyed to them the greetings of the 
 German Social Democrat Majority, which declares its 
 solidarity with the Russian proletariat in its demands 
 for a direct armistice and immediate peace negotiations 
 on the basis of democratic peace without annexations 
 and indemnities." 
 
 German Social Democrats, indeed, had good reasons 
 to rejoice. The great success of Revolutionary Ex- 
 tremism in Petrograd has crowned their two years' 
 exertions. It is true that the German Moderate Majority, 
 while greeting the Russian Spartacists, forgot the French 
 proverb, " tel qui rit vendredi, dimanche pleurera." 
 
 " I recollect," Mr. Grumbach says, " a discussion 
 I had one day with Lenin, on the probability of a revolu- 
 tion in Germany. Lenin had told me that he /irmly believed 
 in a revolution in Germany, if only revolution could be 
 first victorious in Russia." Of the two, Lenin and 
 Scheidemann, it was Lenin who was right. What 
 had been meant initially by Germans to be nothing 
 but a ruse de guerre against the Entente has since 
 become a very effective means for bringing about the 
 international conflagration. Of course, this result has 
 been achieved, not owing to some intrinsic value of 
 the mischievous doctrine, used as an explosive, but 
 chiefly owing to the exceptional state of mind of the 
 European nations, produced by a protracted war. 
 The only people who really knew what they were 
 driving at were Mr. Lenin's partisans. They used
 
 48 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the war-time psychology of masses, conflicting Govern- 
 ments' and peoples' enmities, the inconsistencies of 
 Moderate Socialists, and last, but not least, the 
 " scoundrels " espionage and secret diplomatists' 
 unrelenting activity for their own unvarying purpose 
 of spreading Bolshevism all over Europe.
 
 PART II 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF BOLSHEVISM THROUGH 
 WAR AND REVOLUTION 
 
 I CANNOT tell the long story in detail here, but it 
 is important to bear in mind at least the general out- 
 lines of it, in order that the connection of events might 
 not be forgotten too soon. The first step consisted in 
 preparatory attempts to use the whole of International 
 Socialism against such national fractions of it as had 
 contracted a " sacred union " or burgfrieden with the 
 bourgeois parties and Governments. When this attempt 
 failed, the second step was immediately set in motion. 
 It was to detach " revolutionary " fractions of Inter- 
 national Socialism from patriotic " majorities," to 
 connect them together, to work out their common 
 doctrine and tactics, based on the general weariness of 
 the masses, and, finally, to use their growing disaffection 
 for revolutionary experiments in " Communist " Social- 
 ism. The third step was reached as soon as one of 
 these attempts had succeeded at the point of least 
 resistance, which was Russia. Its chief aim and meaning 
 was to transform the national revolution which broke 
 out against the Tsarist Autocracy into a social revolution 
 against the bourgeois and " capitalist " classes. With 
 German help and with a kind of half-conscious con- 
 
 4 *9
 
 50 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 nivance of Moderate Socialism, this aim has also been 
 attained. Then a fourth step followed which consisted 
 in an attempt to substitute civil war amongst the classes 
 for international war in the trenches. At least two 
 countries, Russia and Germany, were to be implicated, 
 in order that this attempt might succeed and that inter- 
 national strikes might be stopped. But in Germany 
 social revolution was late in coming, and it was Russia 
 alone that had meantime to suffer from the consequences 
 of her military breakdown in the trenches and the 
 internal social war. The fifth step was taken after 
 the Armistice. It consisted in an attempt to use the 
 Bolshevist dictatorship of the proletariat on a larger 
 scale as a fuel to kindle a similar fire amongst the 
 peoples of both Central Empires and the Entente 
 Powers indiscriminately. Whether this will be the 
 last and the least successful step of the Bolshevist 
 scheme, or the first one in some new series of coming 
 events, it is impossible to foresee and useless to foretell. 
 But for anyone who wishes clearly to trace consecutive 
 events, it is necessary to keep firmly in mind their 
 development by way of the five stages mentioned. 
 They may be classified as follows : 
 
 (1) The disruption of the Second " Inter- 
 national " ; 
 
 (2) The Zimmerwald-Kienthal doctrine as a 
 basis for the Third, the " revolutionary " Inter- 
 national ; 
 
 (3) The Bolshevist advent in Russia ; 
 
 (4) Brest-Litovsk a temporary eclipse of Bol- 
 shevist schemes for Europe ; and 
 
 (5) A renewed Bolshevist attack on the hour-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 51 
 
 geoisie and democracy in Europe, through the inter- 
 mediary of European " Spartacists." 
 
 The international aspect of Bolshevism can be clearly 
 seen in this connection. 
 
 It is necessary to write a book in order to collect 
 the overwhelming evidence which may be adduced as 
 a proof of the statements made. Lacking the space, I 
 may be permitted to give a few hints and illustrations 
 as to the chief points of the whole story. 
 
 i. THE ATTEMPTS TO USE THE " SECOND 
 INTERNATIONAL " (1914-15). 
 
 It begins, in 1914, with a series of unsuccessful 
 attempts, backed by the German Social Democrats, to 
 organize a meeting of Socialist representatives of all 
 countries, in order to discuss the question of peace, 
 on the basis of the status quo (all these attempts are 
 posterior to the battle of the Marne). The Italian and 
 Swiss Socialists, Turati and Greulich, were first to 
 formulate a proposal to this effect at their Congress, 
 at Lugano, on September 22, 1914. The Dutch Socialist, 
 Troelstra, succeeded in moving the International Socialist 
 Bureau to Amsterdam, in place of Brussels, and the 
 reorganized Bureau, with the full approval of the German 
 Government, proposed to convoke an International 
 Socialist Congress at the Hague. The French Adminis- 
 trative Committee of the party refused to attend ; 
 the Independent Labour Party nominated Mr. A. 
 Henderson as its representative. The Congress did 
 not meet. At that time a meeting of Revolutionary 
 Syndicalists in France proposed to remove the centre
 
 52 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 of the Syndicalist International from Berlin to Berne 
 (" as Germany might object to the choice of a purely 
 Latin centre " Geneva is meant). The President of 
 this centre, Legien, proposed to summon an Inter- 
 national Congress of Syndicalists in Amsterdam. This 
 time it was the turn of the English Syndicalists to 
 refuse. In January 1915 the Internationalists scored 
 a partial success. A conference of neutral Socialists 
 met on January I2th in Copenhagen ; English and 
 French Socialists were also asked to come, but not the 
 Belgians, who were reputed to be irrevocably national. 
 There was a tinge of international extremism in the 
 resolutions voted by this Congress, so far as general 
 statements were concerned, but no decisions on tactics 
 were taken. A new tournee by the Italian Morgari 
 (May 1915) to Berne, Paris, and London was again a 
 failure, with the exception that the existence of Ex- 
 tremist minorities was proved in France and Belgium. 
 After an equally unsuccessful attempt by the Swiss 
 party administration to convoke, not a Congress, but 
 a meeting of the International Socialist Bureau repre- 
 sentative of all countries, the Swiss tried to summon a 
 Conference in Zurich for May 3oth. The greater maj ority 
 of Socialist parties invited did not reply at all or sent 
 negative answers. Then a new start was made by the 
 Central Committee of the Italian party, which, on May 15, 
 1915, decided to address itself exclusively to such 
 groups and parties as were likely to adopt the views 
 of extreme internationalism, namely to " oppose the 
 policy of internal peace and to promote a combined 
 and simultaneous movement of the Socialists of different 
 countries against the war, on the basis of the proletarian 
 class war." A preliminary meeting of the initiators,
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 53 
 
 held in Berne on July nth, determined more precisely 
 the aims and the methods to be approved by the pro- 
 posed Conference. The Labour Leader endorsed the 
 opinion of this particular group, and thus has marked 
 for England the passage from the first stage of the 
 Extremist propaganda to the second. " We should 
 prefer by far to see the old International reconstituted," 
 the organ of the Independent Labour Party says on 
 August 12, 1915 ; " but if it is impossible, we agree with 
 the Italian comrades that direct efforts must be tried 
 in order to build a new International representing neutral 
 parties and anti-war Socialists of belligerent countries." 
 This, indeed, had been attempted on September 5-8, 
 1915, at Zimmerwald (a Swiss village near Berne), and 
 which was nearly achieved half a year later, on April 
 27-30, 1916, at Kienthal (another Swiss village). The 
 initiators had good reason to conceal their conferences 
 from a too close observation by Governments and 
 public opinion, and they purposely avoided meeting 
 in larger centres. They attained their aim. The 
 mysterious names of Zimmerwald and Kienthal have 
 since become slogans of Extremist revolutionary pro- 
 paganda the world over, modest and insignificant as 
 the beginning had been. 
 
 2. DOCTRINE OF THE " THIRD INTERNATIONAL " AND 
 ITS SPREAD IN 1916. 
 
 Only the Italian and Rumanian Socialist parties were 
 officially represented at Zimmerwald. The Independent 
 Labour Party as well as the British Socialist party 
 accepted the invitation, but were prevented from attend- 
 ing by the Government, which refused passports to
 
 54 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Messrs. Jowett and Bruce Glasier. The Swiss party 
 permitted its members to be present personally, but 
 only later, at the Congress of Aarau, identified itself 
 with the decisions taken at Zimmerwald. The French, 
 German, and Belgian Majority Socialists were not even 
 asked to participate, " owing to their present attitude." 
 Individual French and German Socialists were present : 
 the former without the permission, the latter with the 
 permission of their Governments. They even published, 
 while at the Congress, a joint declaration, in order to 
 state publicly that " this war was not their war." 
 The renowned formula of a " peace without annexations 
 on the basis of self-determination of peoples " first 
 made its appearance in this declaration. But the chief 
 feature of the Zimmerwald Conference was the pre- 
 dominance in it of Eastern-European Socialists : 
 Russians, Poles, Letts, Rumanians, and Bulgarians. 
 These were also the elements representing the " left 
 wing " of Zimmerwald. Such notorious Bolsheviks as 
 Lenin, Rakovsky, Ganetsky, and Radek were among 
 the chief promoters of the Zimmerwald resolutions, 
 along with Martov (Zederbaum), P. Axelrod, Chernov, 
 and Lapinsky. They did not succeed, however, in 
 inducing the Conference straightway to accept in its 
 whole purport their revolutionary doctrine. The 
 amendments of the extreme wing were rejected, on the 
 ground that the new tactics proposed had not been 
 put on the programme and previously discussed ; while 
 their acceptance by the Conference might disrupt 
 internationalist elements which otherwise would cling 
 together. But even the statements made unanimously 
 by the Conference were sufficient to stamp its resolu- 
 tions as extremist and revolutionary, and to differentiate
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 55 
 
 its members not only from " Socialist patriots," but 
 even from the so-called " centre " (Kautsky, Haase, 
 and the group of " Arbeitsgemeinschaft " in Germany 
 all of them belonging to the " Minority," as well as 
 Longuet and Pressemane in France). The " right 
 wing " of the Zimmerwald Conference, in fact, did 
 gravitate to this " centre," but it was overawed by the 
 exponents of extreme tendencies. 
 
 The three salient points in the " Zimmerwald Mani- 
 festo " are as follows : 
 
 1. The responsibility for the war is not to be thrown 
 
 upon Germany, but upon 
 
 the ruling forces of the capitalist society in whose hands 
 the destinies of peoples have rested monarchical as well as 
 republican Governments, secret diplomacy, powerful combines 
 of employers, bourgeois parties, capitalist Press, Churches all 
 these agents bear the full burden of responsibility for this war, 
 which has originated in the social order preserved by them 
 and nourishing them, and which is being now carried on in their 
 interests. 
 
 2. The war aims : not national victory, but 
 
 the struggle for " Socialism," for peace without annexations 
 and contributions, which is possible only on the condition of 
 the repudiation of all desire for violating the rights and liberties 
 of peoples. (Then follows the formula of the declaration isued 
 by the French and German members of the Conference.) 
 
 3. The aim of the Conference is not only to bring 
 
 about peace, but 
 
 in view of the intolerable situation (created by the suspension 
 of the class war by the Socialist patriots, who not only vote 
 war credits, but take part in the Governments' propaganda 
 amongst the neutrals, and even become " hostages of national 
 unity," as Ministers in War Cabinets), we who have put our-
 
 56 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 selves not on the ground of national solidarity with the class 
 of employers, but on the ground of the international solidarity 
 of the proletariat and of class war, met in order to re-establish 
 international bonds torn asunder, and to call the working class 
 to recollect their duty towards themselves. . . . Proletarians ! 
 At the beginning of the war we gave our working power, our 
 courage, our endurance to the service of the ruling classes. 
 Now we must begin a struggle for our own cause, for the sacred 
 aim of Socialism, for the liberation of oppressed peoples and 
 enslaved classes by means of an uncompromising proletarian 
 class war. . 
 
 What remained, then, for the " left wing " to sub- 
 scribe to more than that ? The Russians, the Poles, and 
 " comrade " Radek wished the manifesto to state in a 
 more outspoken way that no real peace was possible 
 unless the very basis of the social structure is changed, 
 and that one must accordingly " attack the very 
 foundations of society " without waiting any longer 
 for the results of the " imperialistic stage " to develop 
 in full. ' The struggle for peace must simultaneously 
 be a revolutionary struggle against capitalism." 
 
 Owing to the indecision of the more judicious section 
 of the Conference, the formal call to mutiny was omitted 
 from the text of the manifesto ; but it still remained 
 there so far as the spirit of the manifesto is concerned. 
 The members of the Conference did not wish, for the 
 same reason, to make a show of organizing a new 
 International ; but they left behind them a nucleus of 
 the new organization, the " International Socialist Com- 
 mission at Berne," whose President was to be the notori- 
 ous Robert Grimm, a man who knew how to combine 
 " extremely Radical declarations with an entirely 
 opportunist practice." As, for the time being, " ex- 
 tremely Radical declarations " were all that were wanted 
 for the Extremist propaganda, Grimm was the right
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 57 
 
 man, particularly if led by one of the Oriental 
 throng, the " Italian " of Russian descent, Angelica 
 Balabanova. 
 
 The I.S.C. at Berne has complete! everything that 
 was missed by Lenin in Zimmerwald, while speaking 
 always in the name of the " second Zimmerwald Con- 
 ference " at Kienthal which was even more mysterious 
 than the first one. The amendment of the first Con- 
 ference was expanded into the glowing appeal of May i, 
 1916, to the " conquest of political power and abro- 
 gation of private property by the working class " as 
 the " only means to prevent war in future," and to 
 the struggle by " all means at their disposal " for 
 " immediate peace without annexations." 
 
 The resolution of the Kienthal Conference declared 
 that all demands of the " bourgeois or Socialist pacifism," 
 such as limitation of armaments, obligatory arbitration, 
 and even the building up of " small nations " into 
 States, are nothing but " new illusions," and that 
 the only " durable " peace can be attained by the 
 Socialist upheaval. Moreover, the Kienthal Conference 
 or the I.S.C. at Berne in its name declared the former 
 Executive Committee of the I.S.B. at the Hague guilty 
 of " National Socialism," and put it under the close 
 supervision of the " organizations which joined the 
 I.S.C. at Berne." For these a special " discipline " 
 was proclaimed necessary, which put them " above all 
 other party duties." " The nationalist sections of the 
 internationalist proletariat who have forgotten their 
 supreme duty, by this very fact, set free their members 
 from every obligation towards them." 
 
 Here was the " Third International " in a nutshell. 
 Its doctrine and the nucleus of its organization were
 
 58 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 now ready. It was the time to put its propaganda in 
 hand and for its practical application. 
 
 There is no doubt that during 1916 a great success 
 was scored by that propaganda in all the countries of 
 Europe. Curiously enough, this success was particularly 
 obvious and strong in the very country which tried to 
 use Revolutionary Socialism as a war weapon, i.e. 
 Germany. As a sequel to the Kienthal decisions 
 typewritten letters, composed by different authors, 
 but signed by the same pseudonym of " Spartacus " 
 (especially ascribed to Liebknecht), began to be secretly 
 circulated within a carefully chosen circle of confidential 
 correspondents. They were chiefly directed, not against 
 the " Socialist patriots," but against the more Radical 
 group which formed the " right wing " at Zimmerwald, 
 the so-called " centre." Such attacks quite coincide 
 with Lenin's advice in his memorandum to the Swiss 
 Party (end 1916). Lenin qualifies there the conciliatory 
 attitude of Kautsky and Haase, and even of the seven- 
 teen Extreme members of the Reichstag, as being an 
 " obstacle to the Revolutionary Social Democracy," 
 " which ties their hands, impedes the free display of 
 their action, and thus discourages the masses by a 
 lack of consistency between principles and practice." 
 
 At that very time the question had been raised 
 in the Reichstag and in the country about the coming 
 split between Parliamentary and Revolutionary Social- 
 ism, and the " central " elements were thwarting the 
 decision. The split was finally achieved in January 
 1917, owing to the aggressive attitude of the Majority 
 Socialists, who ejected from the party such members 
 and local organizations as agreed with the resolutions 
 of a Minority Conference of January 7th, held in Berlin.
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 59 
 
 The new Minority Conference at Gotha, April 6-8, 
 had decided to organize a new " Independent S.D. 
 Party." The " Spartacus " group took part in it, while 
 the other Extremist section, the " International Social- 
 ists," remained outside. The influence of the Russian 
 Revolution on the organization and activity of the new 
 party is quite obvious. Its popularity among the 
 masses may be inferred from the fact that while the 
 membership of the old party decreased in the six months 
 following the creation of the new party from 243,061 
 to 150,000, the numbers of the paying members of the 
 Independent Party amounted at the same date (Sep- 
 tember 1917) to 120,000. 
 
 Serious attempts at propagating the Zimmerwald- 
 Kienthal doctrine and tactics were also made in the 
 Entente countries. Here also they have not achieved 
 the complete victory of revolutionary extremism, but 
 they have strengthened extreme tendencies, and thus 
 have made necessary a move to the left in the general 
 attitude of the parties. Bourderon one of the two 
 French representatives at Zimmerwald on his return 
 to France, proceeded to ask the Seine Federation to 
 recall Socialist Ministers from the Cabinet, to dissolve 
 the " sacred union," to refuse war credits, and to blame 
 the Parliamentary fraction and the administrative organ 
 of the party for their tactics. Then M. Longuet, the 
 leader of the Minority, who, too, had visited Switzer- 
 land and had seen Bernstein and Kautsky, declared 
 that " without Internationalism there can be no Social- 
 ism," and demanded the re-establishment of relations 
 with all sections of the International, including German 
 Social Democracy. The number of mandates to the 
 National Congress received by the representatives of
 
 60 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the three currents of French Socialism represented in 
 figures their comparative strength : 
 
 Mandates. Votes. 
 
 Majority (Renaudel) .. .. 26 6,121 
 
 Minority (Longuet) . . . . 16 3,826 
 
 Extremists (Bourderon) . . . . 2 545 
 
 At the Congress, in order to prevent disunion, the 
 Majority had to accept a conciliatory formula (Renaudel- 
 Longuet), which was then carried by an overwhelming 
 majority ; but the Minority was not satisfied with the 
 concessions given. The opposition to the initial attitude 
 of " sacred union " with the bourgeoisie for the aims of 
 " national defence " was increasing throughout 1916, 
 and at the beginning of 1917, under the influence of 
 the propaganda directed by the new " travellers " to 
 Kienthal members of the House Brizon, Raffin- 
 Dugens and Al. Blanc. Attempts had been made to 
 disseminate anti-war views in the army. The National 
 Congress at the end of 1916 was to be held behind closed 
 doors, and this precautionary measure proved opportune, 
 if one may judge by an incident which leaked out and 
 produced the impression of a scandal when it appeared 
 in the Press. When M. Goude, himself a member of 
 the Minority, pronounced from the tribune the words : 
 " I am an eager partisan of national defence, we all 
 agree to it," somebody cried out : " No ! " The great 
 majority of the audience supported the protest with 
 frantic applause. All the resolutions of the party in 
 1916 reflect this growing spirit of criticism and oppo- 
 sition. French Socialists grew more impatient to learn 
 from the Government its " war aims," in order that 
 the war might not " be protracted " owing to some 
 aggressive aims. They now wanted the war to be
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 61 
 
 finished " as soon as possible." They do not wish to 
 crush Germany or to ruin her economically. They 
 asked the Government to be " on the watch, and not 
 to let pass any serious possibility of making peace." 
 They even appeal to " representatives of all belligerent 
 countries to bring pressure to bear upon their Govern- 
 ments " in order to force them to renounce " annexa- 
 tionist tendencies." To be sure, they repudiate the 
 Zimmerwald-Kienthal doctrine, and they persist in 
 asking German Socialists for preliminary explanations 
 of principles before any personal meeting and discussion 
 with them at some international gathering. But they 
 prepare for the possibility of such a meeting on Inter- 
 nationalist lines, while breaking one by one the ties 
 of the " sacred union." Their unwillingness to share 
 in ministerial responsibility steadily grows ; they give 
 notice to the Government of their intention to withdraw 
 their representatives from the Cabinet ; and, indeed, 
 Sembat did not enter the new Cabinet of Briand 
 (November 1916). Albert Thomas remained, but the 
 decision of the National Congress of December 1916 
 to this effect was adopted only by 1,637 votes against 
 1,282 given to two other motions. Thomas is asked 
 " vigorously to ensure the national defence," but . . . 
 " in order to obtain the rapid end of the war for a peace 
 which must be a triumph of justice." In short, to 
 state it in the words of their political opponent, Maurras, 
 the French Majority Socialists " have yielded to the 
 menaces of their dissenters in everything that was asked 
 for by these imperious schismatics, and the official 
 organ of the patriotic majority has, in fact, served to 
 propagate the ideas of the Minority. One dreamt of 
 disarming them with concessions, but one was simply
 
 62 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 recruiting for them their adepts, their adherents, their 
 zealous followers." 
 
 Thus the Majority paved the way to the final vic- 
 tory of the Minority, which actually took place later, 
 under the influence of the Russian Revolution. 
 
 It is unnecessary for me to expatiate upon the fact 
 that the same conversion has taken place in public 
 opinion of England. The only difference was perhaps 
 that, owing to the comparative weakness of Socialism 
 proper in this country, the anti-war and pro-" Inter- 
 national " propaganda here took to the less offensive 
 watchword of " Pacifism," and that its teaching, 
 primarily confined to a small group of idealists, only 
 lately and slowly has evolved into a demagogic campaign 
 by class war protagonists. Of course, at the very 
 beginning of the war even here there was no lack of 
 direct German influences, together with idealistic and 
 religious motives, working for socialistic solutions and 
 " conscientious objections " to war. 
 
 As early as April 1915, at the Congress of Norwich, 
 Messrs. Keir Hardie, Jowett, Bruce Glasier, and others 
 had already spoken for the benefit of German 
 " comrades " against . . . British . . . imperialism and 
 militarism ; they already advocated direct international 
 socialistic action for immediate peace. The Congress 
 decided that Socialists must renounce fighting, even in 
 case of enemy invasion, and by 243 votes to 9 they 
 carried a vote of condemnation of the Labour party 
 for its participation in the recruiting campaign. But 
 it is particularly in the second half of 1916 that the 
 so-called (unjustly) " Pacifist " propaganda began to 
 influence larger circles of public opinion. Anyhow, 
 when the Russian Revolution broke out in March 1917
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 68 
 
 there existed a ready current of sympathy for its most 
 extreme achievements. 
 
 3. THE FIRST VICTORY OF INTERNATIONAL EXTREMISM 
 IN THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 There were two Russian Revolutions which were 
 quite dissimilar : that of March and that of November 
 1917. The first was national and patriotic, and was 
 led by the Duma representatives. The second was 
 due to the Internationalist propaganda, introduced 
 into Russia from the outside. It was led by the group 
 of Russian refugees we know, and it was strongly 
 supported by International Socialists, not only of 
 extreme, but also of more moderate description. The 
 national Revolution of March originated in a strong 
 pro-war sentiment which had brought Russian public 
 opinion to the conclusion that no victory could be won 
 under autocratic rule, suspected of pro-Germanism. 
 The Extremist (Bolshevist) Revolution of November 
 was " Defeatist " in its origin, and it won the victory 
 in Russia for the Zimmerwald and Kienthal International 
 doctrine. 
 
 Why is it that Russia of all countries has become 
 a field for social experiment ? Many causes peculiar 
 to Russia combine to make this country particularly 
 receptive of the Extremist international propaganda. 
 " Defeatism " was in Russia not the result of recent 
 anti-militarist and anti-patriotic propaganda, but an 
 old tradition amongst intellectuals, contracted during 
 many decades of years of struggle against the Auto- 
 cracy. Lenin only tried to make use of that old habit 
 when at the beginning of the war he began his Defeatist
 
 64 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 propaganda. " As things actually are," he says, in 
 October 1914, in his organ published at Geneva, "it is 
 impossible, from the point of view of the international 
 proletariat, to say which would be the lesser evil for 
 Socialism, an Austro-German defeat or a Franco-Russo- 
 English defeat. But for us, Russian Social Democrats, 
 there can be no doubt that, from the point of view of 
 the working classes and of the toiling masses of all the 
 Russian peoples, the lesser evil would be a defeat of 
 the Tsarist monarchy. . . . We cannot ignore the fact 
 that this or that issue of the military operations will 
 facilitate or render more difficult our work of liberation 
 in Russia. And we say : ' Yes, we hope for the defeat 
 of Russia because it will facilitate the internal victory 
 of Russia the abolition of her slavery, her liberation 
 from the chains of Tsarism.' ' Thus the particularly 
 Russian Extremist point of view seemed to coincide 
 with " the point of view of the international prole- 
 tariat." To be sure, the aims of the international 
 proletariat namely, " Revolutionary Socialism " had 
 been formulated, as we have just pointed out, under 
 the strong influence of Russian abstract dogmatism. 
 The doctrine of pure " class war " developed particularly 
 and took a refined shape in hotbeds of Russian emigres 
 circles, in the atmosphere of the endless disputes of 
 a few intellectuals specially trained in Marx's teachings. 
 In a sense, Bolshevism was the peculiar product of 
 Russian culture, grafted on International Socialism, 
 before it was reimported to Russia. According to 
 Marxists themselves, the Russian soil was not prepared 
 for an early experiment in Socialism. To state it in 
 Lenin's own terms (in his leaflet on Two Tactics, published 
 in Geneva 1905) : " Whoever wants to try any path
 
 65 
 
 to Socialism other than political Democracy, he will 
 inevitably come to absurd and reactionary conclusions 
 both in an economical and a political sense. If some 
 workmen ask us, ' Why not achieve the maximum 
 programme ? ' we shall answer them by pointing out just 
 how alien to Socialism the democratic masses are, how 
 undeveloped the class contradictions, how unorganized 
 the proletarians. Just try to organize hundreds of 
 thousands of workmen all over Russia ! Try to teach 
 millions to sympathize with your programme ! Try 
 to do that without limiting yourself to sonorous but 
 empty anarchical phrases, and you will see at once 
 that the largest possible realization of democratic 
 reforms is necessary and requisite for the spreading 
 of socialistic enlightenment, and for introducing appro- 
 priate organization." 
 
 This is all very wise, but this sound reasoning was 
 invariably thrown overboard at the moment of revo- 
 lutionary outbreaks. Were not, indeed, these outbreaks 
 chiefly due to that very unpreparedness of the masses, 
 which precluded in advance the possibility of any last- 
 ing result ? Was it not that very lack of organization 
 and of the political education of the masses which made 
 them blindly believe in the Bolshevists' promises and 
 follow their demagogical lead ? Revolutionary Social- 
 ism repudiated State institutions ; but the Russian 
 peasants have never learnt to defer to the State. They 
 were, so to say, born anarchists, and Tolstoy reflects 
 very adequately the soul of the Russian peasant. 
 Revolutionary Socialism preached class war and hatred 
 of superior social strata. But in Russia the upper 
 social layers were of comparatively recent origin ; to 
 a large extent they owed their privileged position to 
 
 5
 
 66 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the State, and were bound to yield even to a gentle 
 pressure from below. Revolutionary Socialism exe- 
 crated " imperialism " and " nationalism " ; but the 
 Russian masses simply did not know anything about 
 the international situation. They were unable to 
 consider the interests of the State as a whole, and as 
 opposed to the interests of other State units. They 
 practically had not yet reached the stage of conscious 
 nationalism and patriotism. 
 
 To speak to these masses about " war aims " was 
 labour lost ; but they understood the weariness of 
 war exertions and the hardships of life in the trenches. 
 They did not understand a word of the so-called " demo- 
 cratic " formula about " annexations " and " contri- 
 butions " and " self-determination," but they only too 
 well understood what " immediate peace " meant ; 
 while " fraternization " with the enemy in the trenches 
 was quite easy for men who had learnt to hate the name 
 of " German," but proved unable to connect that 
 abstract idea with people who, after a laborious day of 
 warfare, treated them to vodka and schnapps and called 
 them " brethren." When, into the bargain, they were 
 promised the long-hoped-for " partition " of the land 
 as soon as as they returned home, it was easy to under- 
 stand that desertion from the ranks, in order to reach 
 home first, was not at all considered to be a disgrace 
 and a crime. 
 
 After all, in spite of what is said, the war perhaps 
 for the first time in Russian history was, at the be- 
 ginning widely popular, and Russian Socialists were 
 forced to acknowledge the fact. Berlin newspapers 
 were publishing telegrams about " Revolution in 
 Russia " during the first days of the war. Far from
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 67 
 
 this being true, a strike which perhaps not without 
 German " material help " was about to start was at 
 once stopped by the workmen themselves as soon as 
 war broke out. " Unlike the Russo-Japanese War, the 
 present war has become popular among the masses," 
 a Social Democratic report stated to the Conference in 
 Copenhagen. " A great majority of Russian citizens," 
 says the Russian correspondent of a German Socialist 
 newspaper (Leipziger Volkszeitung), " and among them 
 many Social Democrats, are convinced that Germany 
 is waging an aggressive war . . . the war is becoming 
 more and more popular in Russia . . . the present 
 situation bears no resemblance to that which existed 
 ten years ago. The war was then a dynastic 
 war, while to-day we are witnessing a people's 
 war." 
 
 " There is no desire that Russia should be defeated 
 to be observed among the working classes," states 
 another correspondent of the Russian Social Democratic 
 newspaper in Paris. 
 
 However, the socialistic fractions of the Duma at 
 once differentiated themselves from their European 
 comrades by abstaining from the vote of war credits. 
 Later on, the idea of Zimmerwald was accepted by all 
 Russian Socialists : Kerensky, Tsereteli, and Tshkeidse 
 called themselves Zimmerwaldians. Five working men 
 deputies of the Social Democratic fraction of the Duma 
 were found in possession of a draft of a Defeatist reso- 
 lution drawn up by Lenin. They were put on their 
 trial and condemned to deportation to Siberia. This 
 only made things worse. As early as 1916 a Defeatist 
 propaganda was rife among workmen and in the army, 
 as well as among the prisoners of war in Germany.
 
 68 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 A Russian newspaper, the Russian Messenger, published 
 in Berlin, was regularly smuggled into the Russian 
 trenches. I personally, as a member of the Duma, 
 received many letters from soldiers at the front which 
 proved that the demoralization of the army had already 
 begun before the Revolution of March 1917. 
 
 Revolution became unavoidable in Russia after the 
 autumn of 1915, when the Tsar ignored the last attempt 
 of the Duma majority to bridge the chasm between 
 him and public opinion by working out a moderately 
 progressive programme and nominating a Ministry 
 " enjoying the confidence of the country." Moreover, 
 he dismissed, one by one, the eight members of the 
 Cabinet (among them Mr. Sazonov) who were inclined 
 to adopt a conciliatory attitude, and he put in their 
 place unswerving reactionaries. On the other hand, 
 public opinion became more radical, and would not 
 be satisfied with anything less than a Parliamentary 
 regime. Revolutionary and republican tendencies began 
 to take root. 
 
 A revolutionary overthrow during the war was by 
 itself almost equivalent to a catastrophe. It is easy 
 to understand that the more experienced politicians 
 could not at once decide to join hands with the revolu- 
 tionaries ; but the Tsarist regime has proved itself 
 incapable of organizing national defence, and it was 
 strongly suspected of the wish to prevent revolution 
 by a speedy end of the war which would be to the benefit 
 of the Germans. Revolution was now becoming 
 necessary for patriotic reasons. The more advanced 
 groups begun to plan a dynastic overthrow. The 
 scandals of Court life under the influence of the famous 
 Rasputin served to endorse the decision. The assas-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 69 
 
 sination of Rasputin by aristocratic conspirators gave 
 two months' respite to the Tsar, but he was blind to 
 the coming danger. The Tsarina dissuaded him from 
 making any concessions, and quoted the example of 
 the French Revolution. The Duma leaders prepared 
 to take the power which was bound to fall from the 
 hands of the mad Autocrat into the hands of popular 
 politicians. The Tsar decided to dissolve the Duma. 
 At that very moment, but without any connection with 
 the dissolution of the Duma, a real Revolution broke 
 out, starting from different sources and basing itself 
 on forces differing from such as had been confidently 
 expected by the Duma. The Duma was prepared to 
 deal with a dynastic overthrow ; it was taken unawares, 
 as everybody was, including the Socialist leaders, by 
 the soldiers' outbreak of March I2th. Yet the Duma 
 took the lead, and by taking sides with the Revolu- 
 tion decided its success. All Russia knew the names 
 of the first revolutionary Ministers and believed in 
 them. The " bloodless " victory of the Revolution, the 
 direct submission of the army commanders, and the 
 hurried resignation of the Tsar who had signed 
 the Act already prepared in 1905 all this was due to 
 the Duma's participation in the movement. Thus the 
 Russian Revolution, as a whole, has nothing to do 
 with any kind of international propaganda. Such 
 German propaganda among the workmen, or Socialist 
 and Radical propaganda amongst soldiers, as may 
 be traced, cannot account either for its deeper causes 
 or for its speedy success. But after success had been 
 achieved, internationalist propaganda immediately set 
 to work in order to steer the course of the patriotic 
 Revolution into the anti-militarist channel. It took
 
 70 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 eight months and four consecutive changes of Govern- 
 ment to make the change complete. 
 
 During the first two months the First Provisional 
 Government set up by the Duma Executive Committee 
 succeeded in maintaining the " sacred national unity." 
 Its first act was to declare that far from weakening 
 the military forces of Russia the Revolution would 
 inspire them with new enthusiasm, and that the war 
 would be prosecuted in complete harmony with the 
 Allies, on the basis of the existing accords and treaties. 
 But on the very first day of the Revolution a new force 
 appeared on the stage which worked in the opposite 
 direction. " The Council (Soviet) of Workmen and 
 Soldiers " met at once in the Taurida Palace. The 
 Soviet represented Revolutionary Socialism, though it 
 disguised itself under the name of " Revolutionary " 
 Democracy. At first the Soviet did not claim formal 
 power, but it pretended to " push " the Provisional 
 Government, chiefly in regard to its military tactics 
 and its foreign policy. At the same time it profited 
 by the complete political freedom given by the Revolu- 
 tion, in order to make propaganda and to organize the 
 masses. 
 
 The whole movement was led by men who evidently 
 were familiar with the ideas of Extremist international- 
 ism and who fully shared its aims. Through a Special 
 " Committee for the Contact " of the Soviet with the 
 Government they, from the very beginning, tried to 
 wring from the Government decisions necessary for 
 the weakening of discipline in the army, the grant of 
 funds for propaganda, and, finally, urged the acceptance 
 of the Zimmerwald doctrine in foreign politics. When 
 they met with resistance they started an agitation
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 71 
 
 against the Ministers of War and Foreign Affairs 
 (Mr. Guchkov and myself). Bolshevism at that first 
 period of the Revolution had not yet differentiated 
 itself from the more moderate socialistic currents, 
 and it was so much the easier for it to keep the 
 whole movement in hand. Without knowing it, the 
 official Socialist leaders of the Soviet, who had won 
 their popularity as Duma delegates, Kerensky, 
 Tchkeidse, Skobelev, etc., submitted themselves to 
 the guidance of more obscure people, who were 
 hurriedly coming back to Petrograd from their 
 Siberian exile, from Paris, Geneva, London, and New 
 York, and who were far better informed regarding the 
 tactics of an Internationalist Revolution. 
 
 Already before their arrival the first decisive steps had 
 been taken in the name of the Soviet against military 
 discipline and against the further prosecution of war, 
 steps which bear witness to the initial confusion of 
 Extremist and Moderate ideas in the Russian Revo- 
 lution. I mean the famous " Prikaz (Order) No. i," 
 of March I7th, and the " Appeal of the Soviet to the 
 Peoples of the Whole World," of March 27, .1917. 
 
 " Prikaz No. i " gave a signal by introducing into 
 all army units elected committees of soldiers, abolishing 
 outward marks of respect due to officers, and controlling 
 by the Soviets the possession of arms and all " political 
 manifestations " by the army. The draft of the Order 
 made its appearance, nobody knew where from, on the 
 second day of the Revolution. The Provisional Govern- 
 ment rejected its contents and refused to accept it as 
 one of the conditions of its support by the Soviet. 
 On the following morning the Soviet published it in 
 its name, and although the publication had no legal
 
 72 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 character, in spite of the opposition of the military 
 commanders, its dispositions were enacted first in 
 Petrograd, then in Moscow, and finally at the Front, 
 in the ranks of the fighting army. A special committee, 
 presided over by General Polivanov, the former War 
 Minister, expanded it into what was called " The 
 Soldiers' Charter," and although the War Minister of 
 the Revolution, Mr. Guchkov, would not sign it and 
 resigned, " The Soldiers' Charter " was signed by his 
 successor in office, Mr. Kerensky, in May. It thus 
 became " the last nail in the coffin of the army," 
 according to General Alexiev, the then Commander- 
 in-Chief's telling expression. 
 
 " Prikaz No. i," a representative of the Soviet, 
 Joseph Goldenberg, explained to M. Claude Anet in 
 July, " was not a mistake, but a necessity. The day 
 we made the Revolution, we understood that the army 
 would crush it if it was not destroyed itself. We had 
 to choose between the army and the Revolution, and 
 we did not hesitate." 
 
 This is a crude, but true statement. In a sense Mr. 
 Goldenberg was right. The army, if left to itself, would 
 stifle the kind of Extremist Revolution he had in view, 
 while for the first two months it was sure to protect 
 the National Revolution headed by the First Provisional 
 Government. Evidently Mr. Goldenberg's friends knew 
 very well what they were driving at. The Moderate 
 Socialists did not yet realize it, but they followed the 
 lead of the Extremists. 
 
 Mr. Goldenberg's reasoning was also extended to 
 the problem of war and peace in general. " If the 
 Revolution does not kill the war, the war will kill the 
 Revolution " ; so ran the current formula, not as yet
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 73 
 
 adorned with arguments borrowed from the Zimmerwald 
 ideology. To stop the war on the front from the inside 
 a new and more systematic propaganda was started 
 in the trenches, in addition to that from Berlin, as 
 soon as the opposition on the part of commanding 
 officers to the free admission of agitators and periodicals 
 from Petrograd was disposed of. The increasing in- 
 fluence of Extremist newspapers in the trenches will 
 be seen from the following figures of copies, sent from 
 Moscow only : 
 
 r, March a4 -April. Mayi-Junen. 
 
 (The Truth) .. 7,972 copies 6,999 copies 
 
 Soldatskaya Pravda (The 
 
 Soldiers' Truth) .. 2 ,ooo 61,525 
 
 Social Democrat . . .. 30,375 32,711 
 
 Then means had to be provided for stopping the 
 war from the outside. Within a fortnight from the 
 beginning of the Revolution the attention of the Soviet 
 was drawn from military questions to those of foreign 
 politics and diplomacy. A special Committee for 
 Foreign Affairs was started within the Soviet, and it 
 was allowed to have free telegraphic communications 
 and its own service of diplomatic couriers with Stock- 
 holm. The whole machinery of extreme internationalist 
 propaganda as herein described was now at the disposal 
 of the Soviets or rather had secured a chance of 
 profiting by the Soviet inexperience, in order to make 
 a tool of it. However, at the beginning, the Soviet 
 leaders had the illusion of leading, and they were very 
 proud to start on a new world mission for a " democratic 
 peace and the fraternity of nations." 
 
 In their appeal of March 2 ;th they proclaimed a 
 new era of a "decisive struggle with the predatory
 
 74 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 tendencies of the Governments of all countries." 
 " Conscious of her revolutionary strength, Russian 
 Democracy (the Soviet leaders were careful to speak, 
 not in the name of " Socialism," but in the name of 
 " Democracy ") declares that it will in every way 
 counteract the predatory politics of its own ruling 
 classes, and it invites all the peoples of Europe to 
 collective and decisive action for the benefit of peace." 
 " Workmen of all countries, we fraternally tender our 
 hands to you over the mountains of fraternal corpses 
 . . . and we entreat you to restore and to corroborate 
 international unity. ..." 
 
 This was indeed a new factor and a new test in 
 the struggle of the conflicting tendencies in Socialism. 
 The National Socialists of the Entente countries at once 
 felt their position extremely endangered by the blow 
 which came from an Allied country. Their chief 
 concern now was to know whether the Russian Revolu- 
 tion would increase or diminish the chances of victory 
 over the Central Empires. But they were exceedingly 
 embarrassed in stating this point in the terms of their 
 own socialistic terminology. We have seen how am- 
 biguous it was : this ambiguity now served the cause 
 of the enemy. Anyhow, they now hurried to Russia 
 in order to see for themselves what was to be done to 
 ward oft the danger. The Deputies of Parliaments 
 and political parties, French, British, Italian, were 
 followed by Socialist Ministers of Allied countries : 
 Albert Thomas, Arthur Henderson, Emile Vander- 
 velde. They came with the optimistic idea that a 
 good talk with their Russian " comrades " would be 
 sufficient to edify them and to put them on the right 
 path of wisdom, while the bourgeois leaders, too much
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 75 
 
 steeped in their " old regime " tradition, would be 
 easily made to understand the necessity of concessions 
 to the coming " Democracy " in order to take the wind 
 out of the Extremists' sails. 
 
 Directly they arrrived in Russia they saw at once 
 the intrinsic falsehood of their attitude. It was no 
 use talking a different language to the Extremists, the 
 Soviet, the Duma, or the Government. The Socialist 
 Ministers' arrival was immediately followed by an article 
 in the Stockholm Politiken, which classified them as 
 contaminated by the " sacred union " with bourgeois 
 parties, as sharing their " imperialism," and as coming 
 to Russia in order to force her to protract the war and 
 to stifle her Revolution. In the Soviet they met at 
 once with insidious questions : " What about India, 
 and Ireland, and Morocco ? Why have no representa- 
 tives of your Minorities come with you ? What is 
 your attitude toward your ' Capitalist ' Governments ? " 
 And when the turn of the delegates came to put questions 
 about the exact meaning of " contributions " and 
 " annexations " and " self-determination," and how to 
 conciliate all these slogans of the "sacred democratic" 
 formula with war indemnities, with the disannexation 
 of Alsace-Lorraine, and so on, they were hardly listened 
 to ; they invariably met with subterfuge and reticence, 
 and were politely refused any definite promise. They 
 might have seen at once that their mission had failed. 
 Instead of that they remained week after week carrying 
 on negotiations with the Soviet, " throwing out the 
 ballast " of their convictions, and seemingly making 
 the Soviet's ideology their own. They finally won 
 nothing, and on the eve of their departure the three 
 Socialist Ministers were obliged to state, in very strong
 
 76 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 language, that they were not satisfied with the result 
 of their protracted negotiations. Without even waiting 
 for that, the Soviet Committee for its part published a 
 statement to the effect that their pourparlers with the 
 National Socialist Ministers did not in the least prejudice 
 their general standpoint, which was against any com- 
 promise with the Governments, and was entirely for 
 changing the war with the enemy into a class war with 
 capitalism. 
 
 Unhappily, while not succeeding in their own mission, 
 the Socialist Ministers very seriously compromised the 
 success of the Russian Revolution. They came to 
 Russia at the moment when the Revolution was at the 
 cross-roads, and no fatal decisions had yet been taken 
 by the Provisional Government. The Soviet at least 
 formally recognized the Government as the sole legal 
 power, and promised it conditional support. There 
 was, as yet, no question of the formal responsibility 
 of the Government to the Soviet or to the political 
 parties. The policy of the First Provisional Government 
 was weak and vacillating, but its moral influence in 
 the country was still strong much stronger than that 
 of any subsequent Government. Representatives of 
 the troops from the Front came daily to the Maryinsky 
 Palace, where the Cabinet held its meetings, and they 
 implored the Government not to yield and not to 
 share its power with the Soviet. The leaders of the 
 Soviet themselves were persuaded that nothing but a 
 bourgeois Republic was possible in Russia. Their only 
 wish was to " push " the Government in their direction, 
 while influencing it and criticizing it from the outside. 
 They understood particularly Mr. Tsereteli that every 
 attempt to share power with the Government would
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 77 
 
 only weaken their hold upon the working masses without 
 giving more power either to themselves or to the 
 Cabinet. " Why do you want us to enter the Cabinet ? " 
 Mr. Tsereteli said to the partisans of the idea of a 
 " Coalition " Ministry. " We shall only impede your 
 action while dictating to you uncompromising decisions 
 in the form of ' ultimatums/ and in case you do 
 not consent to them, we shall be obliged to leave the 
 Ministry, thus rousing comment." 
 
 The only alternative was for themselves to share in 
 a policy of compromise but this seemed impossible 
 to a Russian Socialist. However, French and British 
 Socialists had come from countries where compromise 
 was for the last three years particularly the rule of 
 socialistic activity. They measured Russia by their 
 own political standard, and as they came to Russia 
 at the moment when they were obliged to compromise 
 with their minorities, led by Longuet and Henderson, 
 why not arrange for a compromise with Tsereteli and 
 Tchkeidse, the Georgian Socialists who had become 
 Russian leaders ? Their mistaken idea was that by 
 arranging for a " Coalition " they would strengthen 
 the Government, and that by yielding to the Soviet's 
 Pacifism they would strengthen the enthusiasm of the 
 army. It was M. Albert Thomas, in particular, who 
 dealt the final blow to the First Provisional Government, 
 while energetically working to bring about the first 
 Coalition. 
 
 The only Socialist in the First Government, Mr. 
 Kerensky, who has just declared the former foreign 
 policy of Russia to be only a " personal opinion " of 
 the Foreign Minister, was about to go to the War 
 Office on the condition that he should try to overcome
 
 78 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 with his personal influence the growing demoralization 
 of the army and to force it, by the power of his oratory, 
 to an offensive movement. The kind of official op- 
 timism which was then predominant, along with growing 
 uneasiness, among the Allied Socialist Ministers, is 
 characterized in M. Vandervelde's book on Three 
 Aspects of the Russian Revolution. 1 
 
 Even people like M. Claude Anet were singing the 
 praises of Mr. Kerensky's " juvenile courage." In 
 Russia people knew Mr. Kerensky's deficiencies, but 
 Mr. Kerensky had now become the national hero, and 
 one began to hope against hope that everything would 
 be all right. Only specialists knew that under the state 
 of mind then existent in the army no offensive was 
 possible, that any offensive movement was bound to 
 rouse opposition among the soldiers and would end in 
 a disaster. It is enough to say that women's " shock 
 battalions " were to be formed as one of the measures 
 to inspire self-confidence and courage in the regular 
 troops, in order to understand just how desperate the 
 situation was already. 
 
 Personally, as Foreign Minister in the First Provisional 
 Government, I was unable to agree to the so-called 
 policy of " peace without annexations and contributions, 
 on the self-determination principle," because I knew 
 there was German intrigue and the spirit of Zimmerwald 
 behind it. I knew it was the first step to a separate 
 peace, because no general peace on that basis was 
 possible, and no war was possible in Russia after the 
 promulgation of a formula which would be understood 
 by the soldiers as a promise of immediate peace. Neither 
 could I accept the idea of a Coalition with Moderate 
 1 London : George Allen & Unwin, Ltd.
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 79 
 
 Socialists, because I knew how uncertain their tactics 
 were, and how much their popularity depended on 
 their sticking to Extremist solutions. When asked 
 for advice by the Premier, Prince Lvov, I told him that 
 we had to choose between two courses : that of a strong 
 power, necessary to save the Revolution from its 
 excesses, which would necessitate a policy like that 
 of Noske's to-day, and the course of compromise 
 with Zimmerwaldism, which would bring about chaos, 
 anarchy, civil war, and a separate peace. I must state 
 it again that the second alternative was chosen under 
 the strong influence of M. Albert Thomas, whose 
 authority seemed beyond dispute to our inexperienced 
 politicans. Then Mr. Henderson came to tell us that 
 the workmen's control of factories had nothing incon- 
 venient about it, because there was already a precedent 
 for it in the State control introduced in England during 
 war-time. The parallel was incomplete and utterly 
 misleading ; but here, as in the case of the Coalition 
 Ministry and the coming offensive, it helped very much 
 to push the Russian Revolution along the way which 
 could not but prove fatal to it. 
 
 The result is known to everybody. In two months 
 there came the collapse of the Russian offensive, in 
 half a year the complete victory of the internationalist 
 current in the Revolution, and in nine months Brest- 
 Litovsk. As a consequence of the demoralization of 
 the army and of its retreat, hundreds of thousands of 
 deserters flooded the country, which they found deprived 
 of all its former administrative authorities. They brought 
 trouble and disorders to towns and villages, and they 
 entirely blocked all means of communication. It was 
 under their influence that the peasants, who until then
 
 80 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 had kept comparatively quiet, started the distribution 
 of land the burning of landowners' houses, and the 
 " creating of the new Law," as was the current expression 
 of the Socialist Revolutionaries, the predominating 
 agrarian party. The cities had already, by that time, 
 become isolated from the villages. All commerce was 
 stopped, factories were closed. No manufactured goods 
 were sent to villages. No grain was sold in exchange 
 to the cities, unemployment speedily grew, the first 
 symptoms of famine and disease already made their 
 appearance. Bolshevism was promising peace, food, 
 land, and workmen's control of the factories. Russia 
 was ripe for Bolshevism. 
 
 The story of its increasing success was only recently 
 told by one of its leaders, Mr. Trotsky. 1 Of course, 
 Mr. Trotsky tells it from his own point of view, and 
 he states the facts in terms of his own ideology, while 
 very often distorting them or in ignorance of their 
 full meaning. But substantially he is right in his 
 explanations of the loss of popularity by the Moderate 
 Socialist leaders of the Soviet, as also in his statements 
 regarding the growing Bolshevist success among the 
 Petrograd workmen and soldiers. Mr. Tsereteli was 
 also right in his forebodings as to the result of his 
 and his friends taking part in the Government. The 
 opinion of the man in the street, a workman or a soldier 
 of Petrograd, was, in April, as M. Anet states it in his 
 diary under the dates April I3~26th, that war must 
 be stopped at once, and the only obstacle was that 
 " Germany would not make peace with Guchkov and 
 Miliukov : accordingly they must go. As soon as a 
 
 1 History of the Russian Revolution to Brest Litovsk (George 
 Allen & Unwin, Ltd.).
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 81 
 
 true Democracy assumes power, the German Socialists 
 will overthrow William and will unite with us." 
 
 Meantime, the Moderate Socialists were entering 
 the Cabinet with a firm decision, which became nearly 
 a moral obligation, to start an offensive, which could 
 not but be explained as prolonging the war and making 
 common cause with " British and French capitalists." 
 Says Mr. Trotsky : "At that time they spoke of the 
 offensive in exactly the same terms in which Social 
 Patriots of all countries had spoken at the beginning 
 of the war about the necessity of supporting the 
 cause of national defence, of strengthening the sacred 
 unity of the nation, etc. All their Zimmerwaldian 
 Internationalism vanished as if by magic." Moreover, 
 although they never wished to take any coercive 
 measures against Leninite open appeals to mutiny, they 
 had to share the responsibility for such half-hearted 
 measures as were finally taken by the Government 
 after the first Bolshevist rising of July I4~i6th. On 
 taking the helm they soon learnt the appalling in- 
 sufficiency of the vanishing State resources to cope 
 with increased social demands, and they tried to impart 
 to the masses some of their new knowledge, warning 
 them against demagogic exaggerations and explaining 
 to them the unachievable character of Bolshevist 
 promises. They were practically now speaking the 
 same language as the bourgeois politicians, but they 
 were using it in complete contradiction to what was 
 considered to be the true socialistic doctrine and the 
 true tactics of " Revolutionary Democracy." That is 
 why they quickly lost ground and why the Bolshevik 
 leaders gained ground amongst the Petrograd masses. 
 Amongst the uncertain and the wavering the Bolsheviks 
 
 6
 
 82 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 were the only people who knew what they wished to 
 do, and who were ready to use force in order to achieve 
 their aims. On the day after his arrival in Russia, 
 on April I7th, Mr. Lenin made public his " personal " 
 points, which started with the assertion that " no con- 
 cessions, not even the smallest ones, to revolutionary 
 defencism (i.e. the point of view of national defence) 
 are possible, because war remains predatory and im- 
 perialistic, owing to the capitalistic character of this 
 Government." 
 
 Moderate Socialists are " cheated by the bourgeoisie," 
 and they are to be taught that " no truly democratic 
 peace, no peace without violence is possible without 
 the overthrow of capitalism." " This view must be 
 largely propagated in the army," which must be 
 taught to " fraternize." The first stage of the 
 Revolution which is characterized by the bourgeois 
 possession of power owing to the lack of con- 
 sciousness and organization of the proletariat must 
 yield to the second stage, which must give power to 
 the proletarians and poorest peasants. " The first 
 step towards it is to protest against the parliamentary 
 republic, and to insist on the handing over the power 
 to the Soviets. Police, army, and officials are to be 
 abolished, proprietors' estates confiscated, all land 
 and all banks are to be " nationalized." 
 
 It will not be, as yet, equivalent to " introducing 
 Socialism," but it will make an immediate transition 
 to control by the Soviet, to collective production and 
 the distribution of produce. ' The initiative must 
 be taken for organizing a new International against 
 Social Chauvinists and against the Centre." It is 
 explained that International Socialists give that name
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 83 
 
 of the Centre to " the current that vacillates between 
 Chauvinism (" Defencism ") and Internationalism, e.g. 
 Kautsky and Co., in Germany ; Longuet and Co., in 
 France ; Tchkeidse and Co., in Russia ; Turati and Co., 
 in Italy ; Ramsay Macdonald and Co., in England, 
 etc." 
 
 Pure Zimmerwaldism was to be opposed to " un- 
 principled nebulousness and political servility " of 
 Zimmerwaldian renegades the " lower middle-class 
 Democrats," as Mr. Trotsky misleadingly calls the 
 Moderate Socialists. And pure Zimmerwaldism has 
 won the game. It is impossible to state here in detail 
 just how it happened, but Mr. Trotsky has told his 
 version of the story, and I told mine in another place. 1 
 The reader may be referred to both. The point is 
 the same in both readings, namely, that International 
 Socialism has gained the upper hand over the National 
 Revolution. Whatever be the result of this change 
 for Russia, in Europe it is a most important episode 
 and a link in the chain in the history of rising Inter- 
 nationalism. 
 
 4. INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION ON 
 EUROPEAN INTERNATIONALISM. 
 
 We have now seen the kind of influence that European 
 Internationalism has had upon the course of the Russian 
 Revolution. Let us trace the inverse influence which 
 the internationalized Russian Revolution has had upon 
 European Internationalism. 
 
 Had M, Albert Thomas's exertions been successful, 
 
 1 See my History of the Second Russian Revolution, now in 
 process of publication in Russia,
 
 84 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 and had Mr. Kerensky's speeches been able to regenerate 
 the " democratized " Russian Army, the flexible socialis- 
 tic majorities in the Entente countries might have been 
 stiffened. The inevitable failure of the Russian offen- 
 sive was bound, on the contrary, to make their immediate 
 position untenable and to strengthen both extremes 
 at their expense : the " bourgeois militarism " and the 
 Extremist Internationalism. After all, the vicissitudes 
 and the final issue of the war, not parliamentary dis- 
 cussions and the resolutions of congresses, decided the 
 fate of all three currents. Whether it was to be the 
 peace " without victory " of President Wilson of 1916, 
 or a " peace of understanding " (Verstandigungsfriederi) 
 of the German Reichstag of July 1917, or a " peace 
 of violence," in case of the complete defeat of either 
 one side, had to be determined on the battlefield. 
 
 The Russian Revolution was also considered as a 
 new factor, but not so much owing to the exalted 
 mission assumed by its socialist leaders, as because 
 of the changes likely to result from the state of mind 
 of the Russian fighting forces. The chances of a 
 " democratic peace " as proposed by the Soviet being 
 enforced were rising and falling in exact proportion 
 with the number of enemy troops which the Russian 
 front was able to detain. 
 
 We can easily trace the seemingly complicated story 
 of these fluctuations to the above mentioned cause, 
 when studying the rise and fall of a new international 
 enterprise started under the auspices of the Russian 
 Revolution. I mean the renewed attempt to convoke 
 a Conference of Socialists of all countries in Stockholm. 
 The two first stages of this story follow the beaten track. 
 Suggested by Germans, the idea was taken up by pro-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 85 
 
 German neutrals. It is the third stage that is new : 
 that where the customary participation of neutrals is 
 intercepted by that unforeseen agent the indiscrirni- 
 nating Zimmerwaldians of the Russian Soviet. It is 
 here that fluctuations begin. 
 
 To start at the beginning. The Soviet's Appeal of 
 March 27th " to the peoples of the whole world " set 
 Internationalist Socialists of all countries to work. It 
 directly invited Germany to take up the Zimmerwald 
 and Kienthal scheme. Lenin himself might be entirely 
 satisfied with the Soviet's proposal to Germany to 
 imitate the Russian example and " to overthrow the 
 yoke of the autocratic regime, to desist from serving 
 an instrument of rapine and violence for kings, land- 
 owners, and bankers, and with united effort to stop 
 the fearful slaughter dishonouring humanity and ob- 
 fuscating the great days of Russia's era of freedom." 
 This invitation elicited only a very reserved and 
 dry response on the part of the German Social Demo- 
 crats. They were against interference in any one's 
 internal affairs ; so far as Germany was concerned, the 
 great majority of Germans were Monarchists, and they 
 would be quite satisfied with democratic reform, without 
 asking for a Republic. Of course, the German Minority, 
 which had just, under the influence of the Russian 
 Revolution, separated itself from the old party, and had 
 at the Congress of Gotha (April 6-8th) assumed a new 
 organization and the new name of the " Independent 
 S.D. Party," did not agree to that view. 
 
 During the debate following Bethmann-Hollweg's 
 resignation (July I4th) the Independent Socialists pro- 
 posed an amendment including the " pure " Russian 
 formula for " democratic peace," and they wound up
 
 86 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 by a demand for " democratization which will cul- 
 minate in the creation of a Socialist Republic." 
 
 Far from sharing such views at home, the Majority 
 Socialists were busily aiding in importing them into 
 revolutionized Russia. A lively interchange of views 
 and journeys to and from Berlin had begun. Already 
 at the beginning of April, not only a batch of Russian 
 Bolsheviks with Mr. Lenin at the head, was hurriedly 
 forwarded to Russia via Germany from Switzerland, 
 with the active help of Swiss Internationalists, but 
 signals were given to the Austrians, Adler, Renner, 
 and Seitz, who followed directly on Mr. Lenin's heels 
 via Berlin to Copenhagen, and there discussed matters 
 with Scheidemann and Stauding, after having discussed 
 them previously with Count Czernin. A few days 
 later the same route, Berlin-Copenhagen-Stockholm, 
 was pursued by Dutch members of the old Socialist 
 International Bureau (transferred to the Hague from 
 Brussels), Troelstra, Albarda, Van Kol, followed by 
 the Secretary, M. Camille Huysmans. While in 
 Berlin Troelstra secured the official consent of the 
 German Majority Socialists not to object to the par- 
 ticipation of the Minority at the Conference. The 
 Minority, to be sure, was less conciliatory. Franz 
 Mehring wrote to the Petrograd Soviet " protesting 
 energetically against the admission," of the Majority 
 and " refusing to take part " in a Conference whose 
 only purpose evidently was " to promote the interests 
 of the German Government." The admission of such 
 " faithful slaves of the German Government," as 
 " Scheidemann and Siidecum and all the other so- 
 called Socialists . . . would be a severe blow to Inter- 
 national Socialism."
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 87 
 
 Such an appeal, of course, did not go unheeded by 
 the Soviet Zimmerwaldians. They looked askance 
 at National Socialist Deputies and Ministers coming 
 to Russia. How could they allow them to appropriate 
 for themselves the initiative of a Conference towards 
 which their own attitude was, as M. Vandervelde very 
 well stated, that of "a kind of Messianic faith ? " 
 " They believe," M. Vandervelde goes on saying, 
 " that the prestige of their Revolution would put them 
 in a position to impose their peace formula on the other 
 Socialist parties, including the German Majority 
 Socialists." 
 
 The Entente Socialists might find it rather " para- 
 doxical to suppose that to induce the Russian soldiers 
 to fight, one must put before them the idea of a Con- 
 ference in favour of peace." It was, of course, para- 
 doxical and utterly false, but the idea had become 
 current, as we saw it, already in 1916 among European 
 Socialist minorities. Mr. Tsereteli and Mr. Kerensky 
 were repeating to MM. Albert Thomas and Emile 
 Vandervelde what they might have learnt from M. 
 Longuet and Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, had they not 
 been taught in a more direct way by the Zimmerwald 
 and Kienthal resolutions. The chief point is, though, 
 that Tsereteli and Kerensky were led by people who 
 understood the gist of the Zimmerwald doctrine better 
 than they did, and they only repeated words which 
 from their own point of view had no other meaning 
 than that of gaining them the favour of the " revolu- 
 tionary " Democracy. It was the real leaders of 
 International Extremism who prepared the draft of 
 a new appeal issued by the Soviet on June 3, 1917. 
 Here we find the entire doctrine of Zimmerwald
 
 88 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 embodied, without any compromise or misguiding 
 comment. 
 
 After having told the story of their having " forced " 
 the Government to accept the " democratic " formula 
 of peace, they gave motives for their decisions of 
 May 9-i5th to take the initiative in convoking the 
 International Conference at Stockholm : 
 
 The Soviet of Working Men and Soldiers thinks that the 
 cessation of war and the establishment of international peace 
 . . . can only be attained by a united international effort of 
 workmen's parties and syndicates of belligerent and neutral 
 countries for an energetic and tenacious struggle against universal 
 slaughter. The first necessary and decisive step in order to 
 organize such an international movement is the convocation of 
 an International Conference. Its principal task must be to bring 
 about an agreement between the representatives of the Socialist 
 proletariat on the subject of liquidating the policy of the sacred 
 union with the Governments and with imperialist classes which 
 precludes all struggle for peace, and also on the subject of the 
 methods of such a struggle. . . . Are invited parties and 
 organizations of working classes which share in these 
 opinions and are ready to unite their efforts for the sake of 
 their realization. 
 
 The Soviet is also firmly persuaded that parties and organi- 
 zations which do accept this invitation will also accept the 
 inflexible obligation to apply in reality all decisions of that 
 Conference. 
 
 It is now easy to understand why the Soviet 
 particularly emphasized the necessity for all socialistic 
 minorities to be present at Stockholm. They were the 
 only parties capable of sharing in the programme, 
 tactics, and the discipline of Zimmerwald-Kienthal. On 
 May gth the Executive Committee of the Soviet sent 
 special telegrams to England, France, Italy, Switzer- 
 land, and Sweden in order to " invite comrades Brizon, 
 Longuet, and other representatives of the French 
 Socialistic Opposition, representatives of the Inde-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 89 
 
 pendent Labour Party, the British Socialist party, 
 and the Italian Social Democratic party to send their 
 delegates to Petrograd." 
 
 This was not very much different from Robert 
 Grimm's invitation to Stockholm, extended in the name 
 of the Berne I.S.C. to " parties and organizations 
 sharing the watchwords : war against the conciliation 
 of parties, renewal of the class war, demand for an 
 immediate armistice, and the conclusion of peace with- 
 out contributions and annexations on the basis of free 
 self-determination of peoples." 
 
 This " third Zimmerwald Conference " was to meet 
 on May i8th, ten days before the date initially fixed 
 by the " Dutch-Scandinavian Committee " for a general 
 Socialistic Conference, in order " to work out a uniform 
 platform " and to control the latter (cf. supra, p. 57). 
 It is worth while enumerating the socialistic organiza- 
 tions which received Robert Grimm's invitation : the 
 list will show at once the sphere of the influence of 
 Zimmerwald-Kienthal doctrine and tactics. They 
 are : 
 
 The Soviet of Working Men and Soldiers. 
 
 The Central Committee and the Organization Committee of 
 The Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. 
 
 The Central Committee of Russian Social Revolutionary Party 
 of an Internationalist Tendency. 
 
 The Central Committee of Jewish Labour " Bunds " in Poland, 
 Lithuania and Prussia. 
 
 The German Independent Social Democratic Labour Party. 
 
 The French Social Democratic Minority of Zimmerwald 
 Tendency. 
 
 The Italian Social Democratic Party. 
 
 The Polish Socialistic Party. 
 
 The Bulgarian Social Democratic Party (the " Left " 
 one). 
 
 Rumanian Social Democratic Party. 
 
 British Independent Labour Party.
 
 90 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Swedish, Danish and Norwegian Social Democratic Unions 
 ol Young Men. 
 
 Norwegian Social Democratic Party. 
 Serbian Social Democratic Party. 
 
 Attempts of the Entente Socialists to change that 
 state of mind of the Soviet were quite hopeless. The 
 Belgians decidedly refused to confer with the Germans. 
 The French Deputies (Moutet, Cachin, Lafont) were 
 so strongly impressed by the Soviet's extremism that 
 on their return to France they advocated a policy of 
 the largest concessions. 
 
 Arthur Henderson, after having agreed with his 
 colleagues in a common refusal to participate in a 
 full conference, finally consented to a consultative con- 
 ference. Albert Thomas, who was particularly re- 
 sponsible for the first Coalition compromise, was also 
 especially eager to help the Russian Socialistic Govern- 
 ment to the anticipated military success. However, 
 he consented to accept the Conference with certain 
 reservations, which were practically equivalent to a 
 refusal. The French party, as represented by its 
 Permanent Administrative Commission, had just 
 (April 27th) denied the right of the Dutch Socialists to 
 speak in the name of the International, and had refused 
 to go to a Conference convoked under an obvious incite- 
 ment of the Austro-German Socialists who had not 
 yet repudiated their guilt of complicity with their 
 aggressive Government, and who now hoped that an 
 amnesty would be extended to them by the Russian 
 Revolution. But as soon as the National Congress 
 of the party (May 29th) learnt from Messrs. Cachin 
 and Moutet of the initiative of the Soviet, the draft 
 of a resolution strongly denouncing the International's
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 91 
 
 powerlessness was withdrawn, and was replaced by one 
 accepting " the initiative of the Russian comrades," 
 and consenting to send a delegation to Stockholm in 
 order " to prepare for peace according to the principles 
 formulated by the Revolutionary Government and by 
 the Socialists in Russia." 
 
 A Russian delegation, sent by the Soviet, was also 
 hurrying to Stockholm, and National Socialists of the 
 Allied countries were happy to elicit at least one con- 
 cession from the Soviet, to wit, a consent to discuss 
 matters previously at an inter-Allied Socialist Con- 
 ference in London. On their arrival in London the 
 Russian delegates were met by Messrs. Jowett, Ramsay 
 Macdonald, Roberts, and Wardle, in the name of the 
 I.L.P., whose guests they were considered to be. This 
 was quite sufficient to classify them truly with the 
 Extremists of this country and to warn the great majority 
 of real Workmen's organizations against them. A 
 manifesto issued by the " League of British Workmen " 
 severely criticized their declaration, asked the Russian 
 " comrades " to mind their own business, and expressed 
 an " earnest hope that neither the Parliament nor 
 the nation will permit itself to be lulled by words," 
 while ignoring the fact that " the ideas of the Russian 
 Revolutionaries run counter to British national sover- 
 eignty." In vain Arthur Henderson tried to conciliate 
 Labour opinion and to persuade it to reconsider the 
 decision, taken half a year before by the Trade Union 
 Congress, not to go to the Conference. In Paris the 
 Russian delegates also met with difficulties concerning 
 the composition of the proposed Conference : the 
 French would not admit the newly-formed minorities 
 and their central organ in Berne ; while the Russians,
 
 92 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 as we have seen, were making of it a leading feature 
 and an unalterable condition of the renascence of the 
 International. 
 
 Whether or not Russian Zimmerwaldism would 
 succeed in wringing involuntary concessions from the 
 socialistic majorities of the Allied countries, entirely 
 depended on the success or failure of that enterprise 
 which forced Allied Socialists to coax the Russian 
 tovarischi (comrades) of the Soviet the Russian 
 offensive. 
 
 In the third week of July news came to hand reporting 
 that after the first brilliant successes of the Russian 
 offensive, exclusively due to newly-organized " shock 
 battalions " and to the personal gallantry of the officers, 
 the body of the army, without being defeated in battle, 
 turned their backs to the enemy. Before the end of 
 July it became clear that the retreat was not accidental, 
 and that it was not to be stopped by Mr. Kerensky's 
 means of persuasion. 
 
 On July zgth General Denikin told it to the Revolu- 
 tionary War Minister in the same plain and outspoken 
 manner as he was wont to use when addressing the 
 authorities of the ancient regime. He quoted a number 
 of instances in order to show just how inadequate and 
 transient the impression of Mr. Kerensky's speeches 
 was on the army, and, on the other hand, how thoroughly 
 destructive was the process of the so-called " democrat- 
 ization " of the army for preserving its discipline and 
 its loyalty to the commanding staff. Among other 
 things General Denikin quoted a report of the Com- 
 mander of the ist Corps of the Siberian Army, which 
 I reproduce here in order to show how utterly unjust 
 and misleading it is to explain the Russian defeat
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 93 
 
 by anything else than the state of mind of soldiers 
 depraved by an extremist propaganda : 
 
 Everything promised the success of the operations : a care- 
 fully-worked-out scheme, powerful artillery which worked 
 admirably, favourable weather which hindered the Germans' 
 use of the superiority of their aviation, our numerical prepon- 
 derance, facilities for moving reserves at any chosen moment, 
 the abundance of munitions, a happy choice of the sector for 
 attack, permitting us to place our artillery in the vicinity of 
 the enemy's trenches without observation, a large number of 
 guns well hidden owing to the configuration of the ground, the 
 short distance between the two lines, an absence of natural 
 obstacles which would force us to attack under enemy fire. . . . 
 A success, a brilliant success crowned our effort with compara- 
 tively small losses on our side. Three fortified lines were taken. 
 There remained before us only a few fortifications, and the battle 
 might soon have taken the character of a complete destruction 
 of the enemy, whose artillery was silenced ; more than 1,400 
 were taken prisoners, a great number of machine guns were 
 captured. Besides, the enemy suffered great losses in dead 
 and wounded, and one might, with certainty, say that ere long 
 the units before us would have been entirely disabled. . . . 
 Barely three or four batteries kept firing on our front, and, 
 now and then, as many machine guns. Rifle shots were scarce. 
 . . . But night came. ... I immediately began to receive 
 disquieting news from commanders. Quite a mass of soldiers, 
 by whole companies, began of their own will to retreat from 
 the first line which remained unattacked. In certain regiments 
 only commanders with their staffs and a few soldiers stayed 
 within the zone of fire. . . . Having thus, within the space 
 of one day, passed from the joy of approaching victory wrung 
 from the enemy under most favourable circumstances to the 
 horror of seeing the fruits of this victory voluntarily abandoned 
 by the combating masses, at the moment when victory was as 
 much a necessity to our native country as air and water are 
 to man, I was brought to understand that we, the chiefs, were 
 quite powerless to change the fatal psychology of the masses, 
 and I wept long and bitterly. . . . 
 
 On the receipt of news of the Russian military 
 collapse, readiness to defer to the wishes of the Soviet 
 at once disappeared. " Let us not shut our eyes to 
 reality," one of the Russian delegates, Mr. Rubanovitch,
 
 94 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 said to the Executive Committee of Peasants' Deputies 
 on September gth. " If the appeal to Revolutionary 
 Democracy on behalf of peace is to be heeded, the 
 fighting force of the Russian Revolutionary Army 
 must be reconstituted. Failing this, there is no sal- 
 vation, and no struggle for peace is possible." 
 
 Indeed, all leading Socialists who committed them- 
 selves to the Soviet proposal now hastily withdrew 
 their consent, on the plausible pretext that the Russian 
 Government themselves no longer insisted on backing 
 the Stockholm Conference. Arthur Henderson, who 
 still favoured it, at the end of July had to resign his 
 place in the Cabinet (July 29th) ; a month later 
 (August 22nd) he was disavowed by the Trade Union 
 Congress in Blackpool, which, by an overwhelming 
 majority of 2,049,000 against 91,000, carried a resolu- 
 tion to the effect that, " At present a Conference in 
 Stockholm has no chance of success." 
 
 Albert Thomas proved more flexible and farseeing. 
 Already on August 2nd, in his speech delivered at 
 Champial, he declared that the Conference was " un- 
 timely," and that the chief reason for consenting to it 
 namely, " the feeling of admiration for the Russian 
 Revolution, and the desire to help it in an active way " 
 no longer existed, because " the effort we were willing 
 to make is not considered desirable by the Russian 
 Government." 
 
 As a consequence of that change, differences of 
 opinion among Moderate Socialists on the subject of 
 Stockholm so much increased, that the preliminary 
 inter-Allied Conference in London (August 29th to 
 September 2nd) proved unable to come to unanimous 
 conclusions. The declaration of the majority, in slightly
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 95 
 
 veiled expressions, acknowledged the failure of the 
 Russian Revolution " to rouse popular energy against 
 the militarism of the Central Empires," and formally 
 limited the meaning of all three principles of the 
 Russian " democratic " formula : " without contribu- 
 tions," " without annexations," and " self-determina- 
 tion." 
 
 Even Mr. Henderson had now to declare that, owing 
 to " the inability of the inter- Allied Conference to come 
 to any even approximate agreement," the International 
 Conference " would be not merely harmful, but disas- 
 trous." " We cannot meet in an International Con- 
 ference so long as no common ground of understanding 
 between the working classes of the Allied nations has 
 been discovered." 
 
 The only " common ground " was, indeed, that of 
 Zimmerwald-Kienthal ; and as soon as it appeared 
 useless to seek for it any longer, even such hypocritical 
 and half-hearted concessions as had been made to the 
 Russian Revolution were withdrawn. Even the 
 " optimist," M. Vandervelde, discussing the new 
 situation a little later, made some melancholy remarks 
 which may serve for drawing the veil over the past. 
 
 " Riga is taken ; Courland is conquered ; the lines 
 in the north are broken, and, which is infinitely more 
 grave than the worst defeats, the question is being 
 asked if the Revolutionary armies are still capable, 
 not of a great offensive, but simply of holding out 
 against the attacks of the enemy. Meanwhile, in the 
 interior the authority of the Provisional Government 
 is tottering. The Soviets are discussing when they 
 should be acting, party and class antagonisms are 
 dominating the preoccupations of public safety, and
 
 96 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 in this immense country, where so many nationalities 
 meet, one looks in vain for any sign of a national spirit. 
 We must expect in these conditions that in Paris, as 
 in London, the Conservatives, who have been forced to 
 keep silence during the first successes of the Revolution, 
 will to-day open their mouths to judge and to condemn." 
 M. Vandervelde was perfectly right in his forebodings, 
 with the exception that, perhaps, he, too, might open 
 his mouth in order " to judge and to condemn " the 
 kind of help given by his colleagues to bring about 
 that lamentable result. In London, in Paris and in 
 Berlin, too the greater part of public opinion, Par- 
 liaments, and Government resumed an uncompromising 
 attitude : the period of concessions to Internationalism 
 had passed with the passing success of the Russian 
 Revolution. 
 
 In Berlin the parliamentary bloc which carried the 
 Reichstag resolution of July igth (on " a peace of 
 understanding," with which " forced acquisitions of 
 territory are inconsistent ") was dissolved in October : 
 the " Independents " were isolated, and while they 
 were carrying on a criminal propaganda in the Navy, 
 the old party declared itself at the Wiirzburg Congress 
 (October i4th-2Oth) ready to change their irrespon- 
 sible attitude towards the State. The new Chancellor 
 Michaelis, whose nomination was intended to conciliate 
 the parliamentary bloc without making them any sub- 
 stantial concessions, told the Budget Committee of 
 the Reichstag that the Government reserved for them- 
 selves full liberty of action so far as war aims were 
 concerned, and the Foreign Minister, Kiihlmann, 
 finally declared (October gth) that Germany will never 
 yield on the Alsace-Lorraine question.
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 97 
 
 The newly-built Jingo " party of the Fatherland " 
 had won the ascendancy, and, as a result, Michaelis 
 had to go (October 28th), his place being taken by a 
 still more conservative politician, Count Hertling, 
 nominated by the Emperor without previously consulting 
 the Reichstag, as had been the case with Michaelis. 
 
 In France the drift of events was in the same direction. 
 At the Congress of Bordeaux (October 6th-gth) the 
 Socialist Majority reasserted its predominance. The 
 resolution of the Congress is a curious mixture of former 
 internationalist illusions still retained, at least so far 
 as terminology is concerned, and a dawning consciousness 
 of " the meaning of events and the pressure of realities," 
 which " oblige the Allies to bring up to the maximum 
 their military, diplomatic, and economical action," and 
 " not to neglect any form of action (i.e. including par- 
 ticipation in the Cabinet and the voting of credits)." 
 They still asserted their willingness to participate in the 
 International Conference (which had been postponed 
 on the pretext of the refusal of passports to the Ex- 
 tremists by the Governments) ; but having grown 
 suspicious, they now wanted " all " Socialist parties 
 (i.e. the Zinimerwaldian minorities included) and 
 " particularly and fraternally " the Russians of the 
 Soviet to speak their mind fully and openly and to 
 present a " detailed " answer to the Dutch-Norwegian 
 " Questionnaire " as they themselves had done. The 
 resolution was carried by 1,552 votes against two dis- 
 sentient groups of the minority, one of which was 
 ready to vote war credits (about 400), and another which 
 was against any help to the Government (about 120). 
 Partisans of the Russian compromise preached by 
 Messrs. Lafont and Moutet had lost ground and abstained 
 
 7
 
 98 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 from voting, but they were few (85). Mr. Alexander 
 Varenne was right when he summed up the final result 
 as extremely favourable, " the majority for sharing in 
 the Government having reached two-thirds, and the 
 majority for voting credits four-sixths." 
 
 That is why the Government felt strengthened and 
 unswervingly repudiated internationalist views on 
 " secret diplomacy " and on " war aims." Ribot and 
 Painleve could answer Kuhlmann's " Never " : " We 
 shall have both victory and Alsace-Lorraine." To be 
 sure, the composition of the Government, owing to 
 the combined attacks from both extreme wings, Royalist 
 and Socialist, had been twice modified. After Painleve 
 (August 3oth), Clemenceau took up the presidency 
 (November I3th). But the spirit of national resistance 
 was only strengthened by the change. " I shall make 
 no promises, I shall make war," M. Clemenceau was 
 heard saying in his declaration. 
 
 Interrupted by a Deputy, " What about your war 
 aims ? " M. Clemenceau gave a plain answer : " My 
 aim is victory ! We will try to be a Government. 
 I share many of your (Extreme Left) prejudices, but I 
 differentiate from you when you wish to introduce 
 perspectives of pure reasoning into the world of reality." 
 And he proudly concluded : "If we see the dawn of 
 the day when we can hail victory, I wish you on that 
 day to inflict the vote of censure on me. I will then 
 retire satisfied." M. Clemenceau has lived up to the 
 day he so confidently predicted. 
 
 Internationalism was on the wane all over Europe 
 just at the moment when it carried its decisive victory 
 in Petrograd. It seemed as if the advent of Bolshevism 
 in Russia was to mark the end of Bolshevism as an
 
 99 
 
 international peril. Far from that being the case, the 
 danger was only beginning to develop. 
 
 5. THE BOLSHEVIST COLLAPSE IN WAR AND TRIUMPH 
 IN PROPAGANDA. 
 
 Not only in order to be fair to the Bolshevist leaders, 
 but simply to understand them, one must not judge 
 them by the immediate results of their " direct action " 
 Did not Lenin himself say (supra, pp. 20 and 65) that 
 one must be naive and ignorant to think that a backward 
 country like Russia is capable of becoming a Socialistic 
 Community over night ? And did not the Bolsheviks 
 always protest against the supposition that, while 
 destroying the Russian Army and putting their country 
 at the mercy of Germany, they really expected the 
 German " imperialists " to favour Russia with a " demo- 
 cratic peace." 
 
 A few days after the Bolshevist trial revolt in July, 
 Mr. Lenin repeated what he said twelve years earlier, 
 namely, that Russia was not ripe for an immediate 
 socialistic overthrow. And Mr. Trotsky, in his published 
 account on his part in the Brest-Litovsk negotiations, 
 says, of course, a little post factum : " When the will 
 of history summoned revolutionary Russia to initiate 
 peace negotiations, we had no doubt whatever that, 
 failing the intervention of the decisive power of the 
 world's revolutionary proletariat, we should have to 
 pay in full for over three and a half years of war. We 
 knew perfectly well that German Imperialism was an 
 enemy imbued with the consciousness of its own colossal 
 strength, as manifested so glaringly in the present 
 war."
 
 100 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 No, the Bolshevik leaders were neither " naive " 
 nor " ignorant." They " perfectly well knew " what 
 the immediate result of their tactics was bound to be. 
 If, in full consciousness of their ominous conduct, they 
 were determined to disregard this result, it was because 
 of the final aim they pursued, which is known to us 
 as the aim and the tactics of Revolutionary Syndicalism. 
 According to those tactics " direct action " was the 
 aim in itself, quite independently from its practical 
 results, owing to its intrinsic educational value. Was 
 not the Revolution, in the view of the Syndicalists, 
 the work of " every day and every hour ? " 
 
 The result will come sooner or later : that was the 
 firm belief of that revolutionary doctrine, but the only 
 means to hasten its advent was to go on fighting for it. 
 Mr. Lenin states it in utterances which might be signed 
 by Georges Sorel. " If Socialism," he says to the 
 Congress of the Peasants a fortnight after his triumph 
 in Petrograd (November 1917), " can only be enacted 
 when the intellectual development of all will permit 
 it, we shall not see the advent of Socialism even after 
 500 years. But more advanced elements such as the 
 Bolshevist Party in the present case must carry with 
 them the masses without letting themselves be stopped 
 by the fact that the average mentality of the masses 
 is not what it ought to be. We must lead the 
 masses by using the Soviets as organs of popular 
 initiative." 
 
 Mr. Trotsky repeats the same refrain in his book. 
 " One must always remember that the masses of the 
 people have never been in possession of power, that 
 they have always been under the heel of other classes, 
 and that therefore they lack political self-confidence
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 101 
 
 Any hesitation shown in revolutionary centres has an 
 immediate deteriorating effect upon them. Only 
 when the revolutionary party firmly and unflinchingly 
 speeds to its goal can it help the working masses to 
 overcome all the slavish instincts inherited from 
 centuries, and lead the masses to victory. Only a 
 resolute offensive secures victory with a minimum ex- 
 penditure of strength and with the fewest losses." 
 
 It is only when we consider in this light the " resolute 
 offensive " now begun by the Bolsheviks for the 
 " democratic peace " that we can understand why 
 people who were not at all stupid, and some of whom 
 were clever, were unable to foresee the results obvious 
 to everybody. Theirs was a method of unswerving 
 bluff, almost grandiose in its unattainable cynicism. 
 " Soldiers ! Workmen ! Peasants ! " the new Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Trotsky, shouted four days after 
 the Bolshevist victory : " Your Soviet Government will 
 not permit your despatch anew to slaughter under 
 the cudgels of a foreign bourgeoisie. Do not be afraid 
 of menaces. The peoples of Europe, attenuated by 
 suffering, are with us. They all want an immediate 
 peace. Our prcposal of an armistice will resound as 
 a bell of salvation. The peoples of Europe will not 
 permit the bourgeois Governments to strike at the 
 Russian people, whose only fault was to wish for peace 
 and the fraternity of peoples." That very day (Novem- 
 ber nth) Lenin explains to the Central Executive 
 Committee that it was in consequence of the same 
 system that the Russians were not going to address 
 themselves for opening negotiations with the enemy 
 to supreme military authorities, but that " it was 
 necessary to address the soldiers directly, because
 
 102 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 peace was to be concluded not from above, but from below, 
 thanks to the activity of the soldiers themselves." 
 " That is why," Lenin said, " we addressed our appeal 
 to fraternize not to the army, but to every single 
 regiment." Could that self-reliance be abashed by 
 severe lessons administered to Bolshevist negotiators 
 by German generals ? Of course not. The more 
 insolent the Germans were, the worse the conditions 
 of peace they proposed the best for the aims of the 
 world's propaganda of Bolshevism. Well, Mr. Trotsky 
 says in his inimitable slang (November igth), the 
 representatives of the Kaiser have consented " to pass 
 under the yoke " of the great Bolshevist power. " While 
 sitting with them at the same table (instead of discussing 
 peace with the ' peoples ') we shall put to them un- 
 equivocal questions, and we shall admit no subterfuges. 
 The whole trend of negotiations, every word uttered 
 by us and by them, will be recorded and sent by wireless 
 to all the peoples who will be judges of our negotiations. 
 The German and the Austrian Governments, under 
 the pressure of their lower strata, have already consented 
 to be subpoenaed to sit on the defendants' bench. 
 Be sure, comrades, that the Public Prosecutor, 
 in the person of the Russian revolutionary dele- 
 gation, will prove the right man in the right 
 place ! " 
 
 Moreover, " France and England will be obliged to 
 join in peace negotiations. If they do not join, then 
 their peoples, after having been informed of the trend 
 of the negotiations, will drive them there with lashes, 
 and the Russian representative will make their accu- 
 sations at the bar of justice " (November 2ist). 
 
 A few days later Mr. Trotsky is a little aston-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 108 
 
 ished. The Germans, past masters in bluff, easily 
 outran their inexperienced pupils. " It must be can- 
 didly admitted," Mr. Trotsky states, " that we did 
 not anticipate that the actual proposals of the German 
 Imperialists would be separated by such a wide gulf 
 from the formulae presented to us by Kiihlmann on 
 December 25th as a sort of plagiarism of the Russian 
 Revolution (no annexations, etc.). We, indeed, did 
 not expect such an acme of impudence." But, of 
 course, General Hoffmann was no match for Leo 
 Trotsky. 
 
 What is the use of proposing " predatory conditions 
 of peace " on the part of the Germans ? what is the 
 reason for fear on the part of the Bolsheviks ? Anyhow, 
 these are " no negotiations. We shall have to carry on 
 other negotiations with Germany, when Liebknecht is 
 at the head of the revolutionary proletariat of Germany, 
 and together with him we shall readjust the map of Europe." 
 
 To attain that aim one single thing is necessary : 
 time to edify the European masses. Propaganda is 
 the chief point, and the very negotiations present an 
 interest for the Bolsheviks only so far as they give 
 opportunities for propaganda and protract the con- 
 clusion of peace. " We do not take into consideration 
 that it is peace negotiations we carry on with Germany. 
 We speak to them our customary revolutionary lan- 
 guage." " Other negotiations, a true diplomacy of the 
 trenches " will be carried in the ranks of the Austro- 
 German Army through a special newspaper, the Torch, 
 published in German. " We declared that on this point 
 we shall not enter into discussion with German generals, 
 but we will only talk with the German people." 
 
 It is true that already in October the German
 
 104 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 " Independents " wished their Russian comrades to 
 know that " we cannot expect a Revolutionary move- 
 ment in Germany to come soon : our Russian comrades 
 must not count upon it." But the Russian comrades 
 were bound to count upon it, because otherwise their 
 game of hazard was lost. Even if they were wrong, 
 and failed, it would not matter. Anyhow, it would 
 be a new and better record for the future. They were 
 really lost only in one case : if they became untrue to 
 their final aim. 
 
 " We made it the aim and purpose of our diplomacy," 
 Mr. Trotsky says in his book, not to win a good peace 
 for Russia which was impossible but to " enlighten 
 the popular masses, to open their eyes as to the nature 
 of the policy of their respective Governments, and to 
 fuse them in one common struggle against, and hatred 
 of, the bourgeois-capitalist regime." "In so far as 
 we could not pledge ourselves to change the balance 
 and correlation of the world's powers in a very short 
 period of time, we openly and honestly declared that 
 the Revolutionary Government might, under certain 
 circumstances, be compelled to accept an annexationist 
 peace. For not the acceptance of a peace forced upon 
 us by the course of events, but an attempt to hide its 
 predatory character from our own people, would have 
 been the beginning of the end of the Revolutionary 
 Government." 
 
 It was, as one may see, quite an easy game : one 
 had only to oppose to every step of German diplomacy 
 a renewed appeal to the " peoples," without heeding 
 any practical consequences. Even if Germany had 
 to win, to dismember Russia, to defeat her Allies, to 
 establish its domination over Europe, what did it
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 105 
 
 matter ? The " common struggle against, and hatred 
 of, the bourgeois-capitalist regime " was bound to come 
 anyhow. Measured by that supreme criterion, every- 
 thing else dwindled down to insignificance, and it was 
 quite immaterial whether that final result was attained 
 by victory or by temporary compromise, by promises 
 given and not fulfilled, by any kind of " predatory 
 peace " extorted by the " capitalists " and forcibly 
 acceded to by the Internationalists. Anything that 
 might hasten the final upshot was to be resorted to, 
 while no promise and no obligation could be con- 
 sidered binding towards " sworn enemies of the ' pro- 
 letariat.' " 
 
 Of course, it is not only the Messianic idea of a Com- 
 munist millennium to come that makes the Bolsheviks 
 believe in the infallibility of their tactics. It is also 
 their reading of current events, in which they display 
 extreme credulity in regard to the signs of approaching 
 catastrophe. It was not mere bluff when the Pravda 
 stated on November 13, 1917 : " William knows that 
 in case he gives an unsatisfactory answer German 
 proletarians and peasants will reply by an outburst 
 of indignation, a cry of revolt which will prove fatal 
 to him." This also was the state of mind of Trotsky 
 during the Brest - Litovsk negotiations. " In the 
 interval, which lasted ten days," he says in his book, 
 " serious disturbances broke out in Austria, and strikes 
 took place among the labouring class there." This he 
 describes as " the first act of recognition on the part 
 of proletariat of the Central Powers of our methods 
 of conducting the peace negotiations, in the face of the 
 annexationist demands of German Imperialism." 
 Later on, the official Isvestia will agree, to be sure :
 
 106 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 " we were deceived by the Austro-German strike, which 
 made us to use Herzen's expression mistake the 
 second month of pregnancy for the ninth." But 
 directly they console themselves with a new manifes- 
 tation of their self-conceit. " In our turn we repaid 
 the German Imperialists a hundredfold when we induced 
 them fatally to believe that on the fields of Champagne 
 they might look forward to as speedy successes as they 
 reaped on the snowy plains of Russia." The Bolsheviks 
 thus even construe the military successes of the Allies 
 as one more proof of the intrinsic merits of their inter- 
 nationalist method of fighting with words ! 
 
 Pursuing that course, after many more deceptions 
 and disillusions, Mr. Trotsky finally recurred to means 
 " unused in the world's history," to use his grandilo- 
 quent style. He declared that he would neither sign, 
 nor fight. To confound the guilty conscience of the 
 " imperialist " enemy Government, the Russian Army 
 was to be formally demobilized. The Russian front, 
 thus left without defence, was " handed over to the 
 protection of German workmen." That was, of course, 
 consistent with the doctrine, but not in the least 
 convincing. " Imperialistic " Germany immediately 
 made use of that charitable decision and . . . started 
 on the occupation and subsequent dismemberment of 
 Russia. This, too, was explained by the Bolsheviks as 
 the very pitch of Russian success ! Mr. Zinoviev, the 
 dictator of Petrograd, on January 30, 1918, wrote in 
 his Red Journal : " We dealt a terrible blow to the 
 world's Imperialism, when, three months ago, we began 
 our peace negotiations. Now we deal to that Imperial- 
 ism a deadly blow by our new formula < " He meant 
 Mr. Trotsky's formula : Neither peace nor war.
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 107 
 
 There was a system in this madness. And it was 
 this system which, in a sense, revealed its strength. 
 Both German and Bolshevist plenipotentiaries at Brest- 
 Litovsk understood very well where that strength lay. 
 Mr. Kamenev, one of the negotiators, stated quite 
 frankly to a French journalist (Robert Vaucher) : 
 " We protracted negotiations for three months," he 
 said, " in order to give time for our propaganda to 
 pervade Germany . . . and as soon as the Germans 
 saw that we were dragging out discussion they at once 
 changed their tone. . . . They became arrogant as 
 soon as they heard Trotsky speak of the revolution 
 in Germany. ' These people,' they said to themselves, 
 ' have come here not to make peace, but to foment 
 revolution.' And indeed we had many opportunities 
 of meeting soldiers who were disaffected. ..." As a 
 matter of fact, during the negotiations Mr. Kamenev 
 was particularly anxious to extract from the German 
 military command a direct permission to send Bolshevist 
 incendiary pamphlets to the German trenches, and 
 through Germany to the French and British front. 
 He candidly avowed that this was an integral part of 
 " the system of the revolutionary struggle for peace." 
 Moreover, the Bolsheviks did not even wait for per- 
 mission. A pamphlet signed by Lenin and Trotsky 
 was spread " in millions of copies " among the German 
 soldiers at the very time when negotiations were being 
 carried on. The secretary of the Russian delegation, 
 Mr. Karahan, had a serious talk on this subject with 
 the German delegates. They drew his attention to 
 the " disloyalty " of the method under which the Russian 
 Government was openly preaching rebellion against 
 the very Government with whose representatives it
 
 108 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 was treating. " It looks as if the Russians do not 
 mean it seriously and are not sincere in their desire to 
 conclude peace. . . ." 
 
 Of course, they were sincere in that they considered 
 the peace negotiations as one of the means for making 
 propaganda and for preparing the international con- 
 flagration. And the worse this peace was for their 
 country, the better it suited their purpose. They did 
 not make any secret of their point of view. They were 
 quite outspoken and candid. In hundreds of speeches, 
 newspaper articles, formal declarations, they were 
 never tired of repeating the same basic idea. The 
 Revolution in Russia did not aim at making Russia 
 a Socialistic State. It was to last as long as it was 
 necessary to kindle the fire elsewhere. That is why 
 propaganda was an essential feature of the whole 
 scheme : and this in a double sense. In the first place, 
 the new Soviet organization, by the very fact of its 
 existence, was to work as a sample, a living means of 
 propaganda. In the second place, the Communist 
 Government had to make use of its power in order to 
 apply to other countries the system used by the Germans 
 towards the Bolsheviks. It has now become possible 
 for them to use for international propaganda the 
 financial resources of the Russian State. The only 
 leading idea, the beginning and the end of the Bolshevist 
 political wisdom, was to remain long enough in possession 
 of that power to see the results of their international 
 work. They had no doubt as to the fruition of these 
 results. Their only apprehension was lest Bolshevism 
 in Russia should be stifled beforehand by foreign 
 " capitalists " and " imperialists." 
 
 But, according to a new version of Bolshevist
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 109 
 
 optimism, " capitalists " were themselves doing Bolshe- 
 vist business. Three weeks after the signing of the 
 Brest-Litovsk peace, and a week after its ratification 
 by the All-Russian Soviet, the Petrograd correspondent 
 of the Daily News formulated Mr. Lenin's theory as 
 follows (March 22, 1918) : " The task of the Soviets 
 is to hold on until the mutual exhaustion of the fighting 
 groups of European capital brings about revolution 
 in all countries." Meantime, Mr. Trotsky, who ex- 
 changed the Foreign Office for the War Office, would 
 prepare his voluntary and democratic " Red Army " 
 in order to impose his Communist law on a revolu- 
 tionized world. 
 
 The events which followed Brest-Litovsk did not 
 seem to justify these sanguine forecasts. The German 
 armies flooded the South Russian plain. Count Mirbach 
 played the master in Moscow and treated the Bolshevik 
 authorities in a high-handed way. Puffed up with 
 their victory in the East, the German armies were 
 preparing for a final blow in the West. In Germany 
 itself and in the Reichstag there was no more talk of 
 " peace by negotiation." The peace that was to follow 
 the successful offensive of April and May had to be 
 a " German peace." The democratic formula of the 
 parliamentary bloc of July igth was no more spoken 
 about, or it was even openly repudiated. The Allied 
 countries France particularly lived through what was 
 called their " darkest hour." If the spirit was un 
 daunted, human material was becoming exhausted 
 while the Americans were only just beginning to cross 
 and their military value was as yet unknown. The 
 hour seemed to have struck for the German victory 
 on the continent. Was it within the limits of human
 
 110 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 foresight to surmise that before a half-year elapsed all 
 that glory would pass away like a summer dream ? 
 
 The Bolsheviks knew it better than anybody else. 
 A curious mixture of crazy dreamers in their aims, 
 and cynical realists in their methods of action, they 
 learnt by Russian experience just how exceptionally 
 favourable the conditions of wartime and war weariness 
 were for their revolutionary propaganda. The only 
 doubtful point was whether Germany, so famous for 
 her civic discipline, would dissolve as easily as the 
 country of Tolstoy had done. They were quite confident 
 that Germany would. They knew that the same 
 process of dissolution of the army which brought them 
 to power in Russia was at the same time going on in 
 the ranks of the German soldiers. Doubtless they were 
 in contact with " Spartacists." Rosa Luxembourg had 
 written to a Russian Socialist as early as July 1917 
 (quoted by John Reed in his leaflet Red Russia) : 
 " The Russian Revolution was everything to us, too. 
 Everything in Germany was tottering, falling. . . . 
 For months the soldiers of the two armies fraternized, 
 and our officers were powerless to stop it." Since 
 November, after the Bolshevist victory, the contact 
 with German (and foreign, in general) revolutionaries 
 had become much more regular. New means of action 
 were now available. One of them, and a very efficient 
 one, was the teaching of internationalist doctrines 
 to German and Austrian prisoners in Russia, and then 
 sending them home. This was just what the Germans 
 had been doing and the effect was similar. 
 
 During the summer months of 1918 Germany more 
 than once acknowledged the success of that propaganda 
 by repeatedly protesting against it. On May loth
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 111 
 
 Count Mirbach addressed his ultimatum to the Soviet 
 Government, enjoining them to stop their revolutionary 
 propaganda amongst the war prisoners. On June 6th 
 Kiihlmann sent a note to the Soviet demanding the 
 immediate dissolution of committees for war prisoners 
 and the arrest of their presidents. Austria, also, 
 insisted that revolutionary propaganda among the 
 Austro-Hungarian prisoners should be discontinued. 
 A week later the Viennese Press deplored the Bolshevist 
 epidemics let loose in Austria by prisoners back from 
 Russia. 
 
 The agitation had become still easier since the day 
 (May 2nd) when Mr. Joffe unfolded the Red Banner on 
 the Bolshevist Embassy in Berlin. Berlin was shocked 
 by the fact that the new Ambassador, instead of 
 starting on a round of official visits, entered directly 
 into contact with the German Socialist Minority. 
 The systematic financing of the " Spartacists " evidently 
 dated from this time. It was now fair to state that 
 the Bolsheviks were " repaying " the German " capital- 
 ists " who had supplied them with money for their 
 original propaganda and " direct action." Curiously 
 enough, for a time, both the old and the new tactics 
 of working with the Germans for " peace propaganda " 
 in Allied countries, and working against the Germans 
 for a revolution in their own country, went together. 
 Up to the last detail the Bolsheviks used all the methods 
 of German agitation and " destruction." A special 
 " Bureau of International Revolutionary Propaganda " 
 was " attached to the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs." 
 They printed pamphlets and periodicals in every 
 foreign language, and they used diplomatic couriers 
 and friendly Legations in order to spread that literature
 
 112 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 in and outside Europe. A Weltr evolution (World 
 Revolution) was published for the Germans. The 
 Troisieme Internationale " (The Third International) was 
 issued by the " French section " in French. Series of 
 " Russian Revolutionary Pamphlets " by Lenin, Philips 
 Price, etc., had been published in English in Petrograd 
 and in Moscow, before they began to be printed by the 
 I.L.P., B.S.P., or W.S.F. in London. 
 
 It is easy to understand the exultation of the Bol- 
 sheviks at the first symptoms of the real German 
 collapse. Was not it the beginning of the realization 
 of their prophecies, and did not it strengthen enormously 
 the probability of their forecasts for a World Revolution 
 to follow ? Vorwarts was the first to recognize their 
 part in it, in an editorial which was prohibited by the 
 German censor, but as a sign and a proof of mutual 
 contact appeared in the Bolshevist Pravda (Truth) 
 on October igth. " The cause of that complete change 
 in the situation," Vorwarts asserted, " must not be 
 sought in military success or defeat, but in the fact 
 that the hopes of the Russian Bolsheviks begin to 
 accomplish themselves. The Universal Revolution is 
 already in sight. Bolshevism is not confined to Russian 
 frontiers. Conditions necessary for its existence obtain 
 in all countries. In all countries the spirit of Bol- 
 shevism has made immense progress, and it becomes a 
 danger for the bourgeoisie. From this point of view 
 the armistice and the peace negotiations were considered 
 as a subterfuge used by the international bourgeoisie 
 in order to save their cause from the social revolution." 
 And the editorial of the Truth on the subject was 
 boldly entitled: "League of Nations or ... the 
 Third International." " The Government of the
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 113 
 
 working class alone can liberate Germany from an 
 inevitable smash and can fearlessly reject the judgment 
 of the international bigot (Wilson), while giving over 
 the cause of peace to the new Third International." 
 " We must recollect," Lenin said at the solemn meeting 
 of the Moscow Soviet Central Executive Committee, 
 on October 22nd, " that in the chain of revolutions 
 the chief link is the German one. The success of the 
 World Revolution depends on it much more than on 
 any other." But " the same force that has destroyed 
 Germany is also at work in England and in America." 
 And he reviewed the state of internationalist propaganda 
 in Bulgaria and Serbia, in the small States of Austria, 
 in Germany, in Italy, in France, and in England. His 
 conclusion was : " That is how a universal phenomenon 
 reveals itself before us : Bolshevism has become the 
 universal theory and practice of the world's proletariat." 
 " Never before was the universal proletarian revolution 
 as close as it is now." A few days later the Petrograd 
 dictator, Zinoviev, developed the same subject at a 
 meeting of the Petrograd Soviet. " Let them laugh 
 at the fact that there will be a working men's revolution 
 in Berlin. The bourgeoisie is so blind as to say : let 
 the revolution come wherever it likes, but not in our 
 country. Well, the advent of a revolution in Berlin 
 means its simultaneous growth in Paris. . . . The 
 bankers of France and of London will soon learn that 
 the revolution in Berlin was not a feast, but a memento 
 won', which had to remind them of their coming per- 
 dition." At that very time Liebknecht was set free 
 from his prison (October 23rd), and the Russian work- 
 men's organizations greeted him as a leader of the 
 World Revolution. " We know it for sure that you 
 
 8
 
 114 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 will put yourself at the head of German workmen, 
 soldiers, and peasants, and after having helped them 
 to the victory over their own bourgeoisie, you will, 
 shoulder to shoulder with the Russian proletariat, 
 advance on the last and decisive struggle with the 
 expiring world's imperialism, and build on its ruins 
 the world's social Republic of the Soviets." Trotsky, in 
 his turn, at a popular meeting in Petrograd on October 
 igth, ventures to " prophesy " : " Let only the ring 
 of German militarism be disjointed, and a revolution 
 will be kindled in France. The barricades in Berlin 
 will the very next day bring forth barricades in Paris. 
 In full confidence we now say to Poincare, Clemenceau, 
 and to the bigot Wilson : ' You will not frighten us ; 
 you will have your revolution, and we must only wait 
 and keep in being.' ' 
 
 Of course, the Bolsheviks were very far from adopting 
 " wait and see " tactics. They proved extremely 
 active in coming into contact with kindred Extremist 
 Internationalist elements all over the world, sending 
 them money, leaflets, and instructions through the 
 agents of their foreign propaganda. After the Armistice, 
 in a still larger degree than during the war, they 
 considered written and oral propaganda to be their 
 chief aim and weapon. And they made everything 
 else subservient to it. They expected the opposite side, 
 the bourgeoisie and the Governments, to be as keen and 
 to become as active in defending their interests as they 
 themselves were. That is why Lenin declared that, 
 in spite of the proximity of the World Revolution, 
 " the situation was never so dangerous for Bolshevism 
 as it has become now." After the Armistice they 
 expected the Allies to pass through the Straits to
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 115 
 
 Southern Russia, and they, in Trotsky's speech on 
 October I2th, beforehand declared that the Southern 
 Front, and particularly the Don region, will now " become 
 the wedge of the World Revolution." Events have 
 since proved that they strongly overrated the cleverness 
 and the capability of the Allies for large scale initiative. 
 The new " Holy Alliance " of the bourgeois Governments 
 was late in coming. Moderate Socialism and Labour 
 opinion strongly favoured the Russian Soviet experi- 
 ment. And instead of an Allied armed force, there 
 finally came to Moscow from the Paris Peace Conference, 
 the " Prinkipo " proposal of January 22, 1919. The 
 " bigot " Wilson, far from taking up the part assigned 
 to him by the Bolsheviks, namely, that of " the leader 
 of the common bourgeois front " as opposed to " Lenin's 
 front of the World Revolution," has shown an un- 
 mistakable leaning towards recognizing the Bolshevik 
 Government as representing the real will of the Russian 
 people. 
 
 After the first moments of astonishment and in- 
 credulity, the Bolsheviks at once saw their chance and 
 tried to use it. They never refused a proposal to 
 come and to discuss matters not even at Brest- 
 Litovsk. Discussion meant propaganda. We have 
 an interesting account of an extraordinary meeting of 
 a Bolshevist War Council at the Kremlin, in Moscow, 
 upon the reception of the Entente invitation. The 
 story is told by a Bolshevik official, who enjoyed Lenin's 
 confidence, but who served the Bolsheviks against his 
 will and convictions. 1 All the leading Bolsheviks 
 
 1 See Daily Chronicle of March 6th, a telegram from Geneva, re- 
 producing a correspondence from Kiel, whither the said official flew 
 from Moscow.
 
 116 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 were present : Lenin, Trotsky, Chicherin, Lunachar- 
 sky, Rakovsky, Kamenev, Karakhan, and Zinoviev, 
 Trotsky reported on the military and political situation. 
 Although the Soviet armies were able to hold their 
 own, he said, they would hardly prove capable of 
 withstanding an attack by disciplined, well-equipped 
 troops with heavy artillery. The internal situation 
 was very critical, almost desperate, as the Soviet 
 Republic was being dangerously undermined by famine, 
 plague, crime, and the utter moral disintegration of 
 the Russian people. Accordingly, Trotsky insisted on 
 sending delegates to Prinkipo in order to obtain a 
 truce a new " breathing space," to use Lenin's utter- 
 ance in Brest-Litovsk days and, if possible, recognition 
 from the Allies. The chief objection of Zinoviev and 
 Kamenev was, that the character of the Soviet Republic 
 would be altered and eventually destroyed by nego- 
 tiations with bourgeois Governments. But Chicherin, 
 Trotsky's successor in the Foreign Office, retorted that, 
 on the contrary, such negotiations would give them 
 new means of struggle. Recognition would enable 
 the Soviet to send Ambassadors to all European capitals ; 
 the Ambassadors would enjoy the usual prerogatives 
 of diplomatic secrecy, and thus ideal opportunities 
 would be given for effective propaganda and the pre- 
 paration of a World Revolution. The method had 
 been already successfully used by Joffe in Berlin, and 
 by Lit vino v in London. And then Lenin developed 
 his theory of using that method. ' The successful 
 development of the Bolshevik doctrine throughout the 
 world," he declared, " can only be effected by means 
 of periods of rest during which we may recuperate and 
 gather new strength for further exertions. We are
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 117 
 
 to-day in the position of a victorious army, which has 
 conquered two-thirds of the enemy's territory, but is 
 forced to interrupt its offensive in order to establish 
 new lines of communication, organize new depots, and 
 bring up more heavy guns, ammunition, and fresh 
 reserves. I have never hesitated," he asserted, " to 
 come to terms with bourgeois Governments, when by so 
 doing I thought I could weaken the bourgeoisie and 
 strengthen the proletariat in all countries. It is sound 
 strategy in war to postpone operations until the moral 
 disintegration of the enemy renders the delivery of a 
 mortal blow possible. This was the policy we adopted 
 towards the German Empire, and it has proved success- 
 ful. The time has now come for us to conclude a second 
 Brest-Litovsk Treaty, this time with the Entente. 
 We must make peace not only with the Entente, but 
 also with Poland, Lithuania, and the Ukraine, and all 
 the other forces which are opposing us in Russia. We 
 must be prepared to make every concession, promise, 
 and sacrifice in order to entice our foes into the conclusion 
 of this peace. They will proclaim to the world that 
 they have subdued us, and that the Soviet Republic 
 has capitulated unconditionally. Let them ! We shall 
 know that we have but concluded a truce, permitting 
 us to complete our preparations for a decisive onslaught 
 which will assure our triumph." A decision was here- 
 upon adopted, which has since greatly served pro- 
 Bolsheviks in the Allied countries to confound public 
 opinion and really to entice a part of it to pass 
 to the side of the Bolsheviks : namely, it was 
 decided not only to accept the Entente's proposal 
 to come to Prinkipo, but even to offer financial 
 guarantees and economic concessions to the " greedy
 
 118 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 capitalists " in such regions of Russia as were not 
 possessed by the Bolsheviks, such as the Urals or 
 Siberia. 
 
 Did the Soviet really mean to be false to the prole- 
 tarian " character of the Soviet republic," and thus 
 to sap its moral and theoretical foundations ? Of 
 course, not in the least. Just a couple of weeks before 
 the Kremlin decision was taken on January 23rd 
 Lenin had in his turn sent by invitation a wireless : 
 not to discuss matters with the bourgeois Governments, 
 but to convene the first Congress of the new (the 
 " Third ") International, whose origins in Zimmerwald 
 and Kienthal we already know. The full doctrine of 
 " Revolutionary " Communism is here restated. The 
 wireless states the dangers which menace the World 
 Revolution, namely : (i) the " complete bankruptcy of 
 the two Socialist and Social Democratic parties since 
 the war and the Revolution " ; and (2) the " coalition 
 of the capitalist States in order to stifle the Revolution, 
 under the hypocritical banner of the League of Nations." 
 The very reason for convoking the Third International 
 was that the " traitor " Socialists were convoking the 
 Second, in order to " aid once more their Governments 
 and their bourgeoisie to cheat the working class." 
 The Moscow invitation reminded the pro-Bolsheviks 
 in Europe that " the old International divided itself 
 in three principal currents : (i) That of Socialists 
 " openly patriots," against whom " only a fight without 
 mercy is possible " ; (2) " Minoritarians," led by 
 Kautsky, always wavering and incapable of taking a 
 decisive line of action : towards such the right tactics 
 consist in " severely criticizing their leaders, detaching 
 from them truly revolutionary elements, and syste-
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 119 
 
 matically disjoining their followers " ; (3) in the third 
 place, the " left revolutionary wing." The invitation 
 to take part in the Congress was addressed to this last 
 category : to Revolutionary " Socialists and Com- 
 munists of Zimmerwald and Kienthal colouring." It 
 is important to point out just which were the parties 
 invited from different countries and classified with the 
 Bolsheviks. Here is the list in full, as it is given in 
 the telegram : 
 
 1. The " Spartacus " League (Germany). 
 
 2. The Bolsheviks, or the Communist party (Russia). 
 The Communist parties of 
 
 3. German Austria. 
 
 4. Hungary. 
 
 5. Finland. 
 
 6. Poland. 
 
 7. Esthonia. 
 
 8. Latvia. 
 
 g. Lithuania. 
 
 10. White Russia. 
 
 11. Ukrainia. 
 
 12. The revolutionary elements of the Czechs. 
 
 13. The Socialist Democratic party of Bulgaria. 
 
 14. The Socialist Democratic party of Rumania. 
 
 15. The left wing of the Social Democratic party in Serbia. 
 
 16. The left wing of the Social Democratic party in Sweden. 
 
 17. The Socialist Democratic party in Norway. 
 
 1 8. The groups recognizing the principle of class struggle in 
 Denmark. 
 
 19. The Communist party in Holland. 
 
 20. The revolutionary elements of the Workmen's party in 
 Belgium. 
 
 21 and 22. Groups and organizations belonging to the 
 Socialist and Syndicalist movement in France, which are, in 
 general, united. 
 
 23. The left wing of the Social Democratic party in Switzer- 
 land. 
 
 24. The Socialist party in Italy. 
 
 25. The elements of the left wing of the Socialist party in 
 Spain.
 
 120 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 26. The elements of the left wing of the Socialist party in 
 Portugal. 
 
 27. The British Socialist Party (the elements closest to us 
 are represented by MacLean). 
 
 28. I.S.P.K. (England). 
 
 29. I.W.W.K. (England). 
 
 30. I.W.W. (Great Britain). 
 
 31. The revolutionary elements of the working organizations 
 in Ireland. 
 
 32. The revolutionary elements of the Shop Stewards (Great 
 Britain) . 
 
 33. S.L.P. (America). 
 
 34. The elements of the left wing of the Socialist party in 
 America (tendencies represented by Debs and by the League 
 of the Socialist propaganda). 
 
 35. American W.W. (Workers of the World ?) 
 
 36. W.W. in Australia. 
 
 37. American Workers' International Industrial Union. 
 
 38. The Socialist groups of Tokio and of Samoa, represented 
 by Genkkayma ; and 
 
 39. The Socialist International youth. 
 
 These were the elements likely to represent the 
 ' Third International," the " revolutionary," according 
 to Lenin. His views as to the common platform uniting 
 all these groups are also settled. The following is an 
 abstract of principles to be laid down as the basis of 
 the new " organ of combat," which was to be started 
 by the proposed Congress : 
 
 1. The present period is that of the dissolution and the break- 
 down of the whole capitalist system of the world. 
 
 2. The task of the proletariat to-day consists in immediately 
 taking possession of the power of government, in order to sub- 
 stitute for it the apparatus of the proletarian power. 
 
 3. This new apparatus of government must incorporate the 
 dictatorship of the working class, and in some places also that 
 of petty peasants and agricultural workers, i.e. the weapon of 
 a systematic overthrow of the exploiting classes. 
 
 4. The dictatorship of the proletariat must pursue the direct 
 expropriation of capitalism and the abolition of private owner- 
 ship of the means of production, which implies under the name 
 of Socialism the suppression of private property and its transfer
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 121 
 
 to the proletarian State, under the Socialist administration of 
 the working class . . . the abolition of capitalist agricultural 
 production, monopolization of great commercial firms. . . . 
 
 5. In order to secure the Socialist Revolution, the disarmament 
 of the bourgeoisie and of its agents, as well as the general arming 
 of the proletariat, are necessary. 1 
 
 We see that Lenin was right while asserting that 
 the only aim of his proposals to the Entente was to 
 secure a longer life for the existence of the Russian 
 Bolshevist experiment, in order that he might prepare 
 the "mortal blow" to its enemy, "capitalism." Before 
 we proceed further, it is important to learn what 
 was, then, the answer of the " central " and 
 the " patriotic " Socialists to that attempt to 
 organize international Zimmerwaldism and to make 
 war on the old organization of the " Second " Inter- 
 national. 
 
 This answer has been given by the Congress of the 
 Second International, which really took place in Berne 
 on February 3-8, 1919. It is couched in terms of the 
 resolution proposed by Hjalmar Branting, and voted 
 by the great majority of the Conference. Taken as 
 a whole, particularly if one does not know anything 
 about the debates, the resolution sounds very sa<is- 
 factory. As the text of Branting's resolution is 
 not sufficiently known, I reproduce it here in 
 extenso : 
 
 The Conference welcomes the great political revolutions in 
 Russia, in Austria-Hungary, and in Germany, which have 
 broken the old Imperialist and militarist regimes and overthrown 
 their Governments. 
 
 The Conference invites the Socialist working masses of 
 
 1 I take the text of the wireless from the cho de Paris, 
 January 25, 1919.
 
 122 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 these countries to develop the Democratic and Republican 
 institutions, within whose framework the work of the Socialist 
 transformation may be accomplished. Pending these decisive 
 hours, when the problem of the Socialist refounding of the 
 world assumes the character of burning actuality which it never 
 has had before, the working masses must unanimously arrive 
 at a clear insight as to the paths which will lead them to their 
 emancipation. 
 
 In complete accord with all Congresses of the International, 
 the Berne Conference immovably stands upon the soil of 
 Democracy. A social reorganization, more and more deeply 
 imbued with Socialism, cannot be achieved, and particularly can- 
 not keep firm, if it does not rest upon the conquests of Democracy, 
 and if it does not strike roots in the principles of freedom. 
 
 These constituent elements of every Democracy are : liberty 
 of speech and of the Press, the right of union, universal suffrage, 
 a parliamentary system with such institutions as guarantee the 
 co-operation and the expression of the will of the people. The 
 right of coalition, etc., are, at the same time, for the proletariat, 
 the weapon of their class struggle. In relation to certain events 
 which have recently happened, the Conference is anxious to 
 emphasize the constructive character of the Socialist programme. 
 True socialization implies a methodic development of different 
 branches of economic activity under the control of a demo- 
 cratized nation. Arbitrarily to take possession of some concerns 
 by small groups of workmen does not mean introducing 
 Socialism. It is nothing else than capitalism with numerous 
 shareholders. 
 
 The idea of the Conference being that no efficient socialistic 
 development is possible except under the law of Democracy, 
 it follows that from the very beginning one must eliminate all 
 methods of socialization which can have no chance of winning the 
 adherence of the majority of the people. The danger would still 
 increase, if such a dictatorship leaned upon only a part of the 
 proletariat. The unavoidable consequence of such a regime would 
 be the paralyzing of all forces of the proletariat by a fratricidal 
 war. The end will be a dictatorship of reaction. 
 
 The Russian delegates have proposed to send to Russia a 
 mission composed of representatives of all Socialist currents 
 and nominated by the Conference, in order impartially to report 
 on the economic and political situation in Russia. The Con- 
 ference is fully conscious of the difficulties inherent in such a 
 task. Nevertheless, considering the general interest which 
 exact knowledge of all facts connected with these movements 
 of popular unrest presents to the Socialist proletariat of all 
 countries, the Conference gives a mandate to the permanent
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 128 
 
 Commission to organize a delegation charged with this mission 
 to Russia. 
 
 The Conference decides to put Bolshevism on the order of 
 the day for the next Congress, and gives a mandate to the Per- 
 manent Commission to prepare the question. 
 
 But the Conference wants forthwith to draw attention to 
 the fact that famine and distress let loose by the war in all the 
 world, and particularly in vanquished countries, were bound to 
 generate social disorganization. The Governments had better 
 realize their own responsibility in these cases instead of using 
 Bolshevism as a bugbear, and under this name denouncing 
 all risings of proletarians brought to despair. Counter-revolu- 
 tionary forces are already everywhere at work. The Conference 
 warns those who at this hour hold the fate of the world in their 
 hands against the dangers of a policy of Imperialism as well 
 as that of the military and economic enslavement of peoples. 
 The Conference invites the Socialists of the whole world to 
 close their ranks, in order not to deliver the peoples to inter- 
 national reaction and to do everything for Socialism and 
 Democracy united to triumph everywhere. 
 
 All this is excellent. But if one knows the precedents 
 and the consequences of this admirable product of 
 Mr. Branting's statesmanlike wisdom, one cannot help 
 seeing in it the case of 
 
 Video meliora, proboque, 
 Deteriora sequor. 
 
 (" I see and approve better things: I follow the worse.") 
 
 Mr. Branting's resolution was a successful and happy 
 attempt to achieve a compromise on five other resolu- 
 tions : by Wells (the delegate of the German Majority), 
 Kurt Eisner, Ramsay Macdonald, Renaudel, and 
 Branting himself. The first four contained elements 
 which remind one of Lenin's characteristics of the 
 wavering " Centre." Either they predicted the direct 
 and imminent advent of Socialism, or they engaged 
 the proletariat of the whole world to organize themselves 
 in a " practical " way to start an immediate struggle
 
 124 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 against capitalism, or they wished the Conference to 
 demand the socialization of production and the seizure 
 of power by the working class, or they made it the aim 
 of the Russian Mission " to study thoroughly the Russian 
 essay in social revolution," thus implying the possibility 
 of using it as an example and a precedent, and from 
 that point of view they naturally condemned " every 
 intervention, military or other, by the Governments, 
 whose purpose would be to destroy the Socialist regime 
 of other countries." Adler and Longuet introduced a 
 counter-resolution which wound up with a protest 
 against Branting's resolution. They represented it as 
 a danger and an obstacle which it really was in 
 order to secure the adhesion of the pro-Bolshevist groups 
 and parties mentioned in Lenin's appeal. They 
 wanted to " reconstitute the international front," 
 including the " revolutionary and conscious proletariat," 
 i.e. the Zimmerwaldians. So far as Russian Bolshevism 
 is concerned, they did not wish to base themselves on 
 evidence given by the Russian " Mensheviks " (" Minori- 
 tarians ") present, as being one-sided and biased. 
 They insisted on both sides being given a hearing 
 before any decision was taken. They also drew attention 
 to the fact that " the whole parties, like those of Italy, 
 Serbia, Rumania, Switzerland (all ' Bolshevist ' in 
 their majority) absented themselves from the Congress 
 of the Second International." Some others, they said, 
 " submitted repugnantly." It was evidently these 
 latter which made every effort in order to prevent the 
 Conference judging and sentencing the Bolshevist theory 
 and practice. Fritz Adler even menaced the Com- 
 mission by stating that if the discussion on Bolshevism 
 was opened in plenum, thirty-three delegates (they
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 125 
 
 were ninety-seven in all) would leave the Conference. 
 Someone else proposed to adjourn the decision. And, 
 indeed, the majority consented not to count the votes 
 given, but to ask the parties present to give their views 
 and their motives for adhering to this or that resolution, 
 Branting's or Adler-Longuet's. The result was never- 
 theless very instructive. The following section sup- 
 ported Branting : 
 
 Germany (Majority and Mi- France (the former Majority) 
 
 nority) Finland 
 
 Alsace Georgia 
 
 German Austria (half of the Hungary 
 
 Delegation) Italy (Socialist Reformists) 
 
 Argentina Latvia 
 
 Armenia Palestine 
 
 Bohemia Poland 
 
 Bulgaria Russia 
 
 Great Britain Sweden 
 
 Denmark Ukrainia 
 Esthonia 
 
 The following supported Adler-Longuet : 
 
 France (the new Majority) Spain 
 
 German Austria (the other half) Greece 
 Norway Holland 
 
 Now, Lenin was evidently right in stating that the 
 probability of Bolshevism winning its cause before 
 the International Socialist tribunal consisted in the 
 vacillation and uncertainty of the aims and methods 
 of the so-called " Centre." But even such Socialists 
 as Albert Thomas, Renaudel, and other delegates of 
 the former Majority, were wavering. One should 
 read their written declaration on the subject of 
 their participation in the Berne Conference in order 
 to see the contrast between the clearness and con-
 
 126 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 sistency of their negative attitude towards Bolshevism 
 and the internal contradictions and confusion in 
 their positive statements as to the policy and 
 doctrine of International Socialism. Now, as ten 
 and fifteen years before, we see them again " affirm 
 the legitimacy of resorting to revolutionary means, 
 but," at the same time, " recommend legal action, 
 political and parliamentary, which originates in 
 universal suffrage." They " know that the triumph 
 of Socialism depends on the evolution of capitalism 
 itself," and they " eliminate the destructive methods." 
 But, on the other hand, they find it possible to assert 
 that " the war has opened all brains ... to the con- 
 ception that the hour of the wholesale transformation 
 is close at hand, if the people knew how to act." They 
 thus think " intimately to connect revolutionary ideal- 
 ism, having a clear view of total emancipation, with a 
 plea for patient and co-ordinate action." In fact, they 
 do not go beyond a purely mechanical juxtaposition 
 of conflicting terms. The psychological reason for this 
 aberration of logic is evident : il faut hurler avec les 
 loups. 
 
 This also enormously increases the international 
 danger of Bolshevism. The Bolsheviks were winning 
 not so much by their own strength as by the weak- 
 ness and inconsistency of their antagonists within 
 the sphere of doctrine shared by both. They were 
 winning in the common audience by simplicity and 
 consistency of action, following upon that doctrine. 
 The Socialist opponents of Bolshevism, instead of 
 repudiating the very doctrine whose inferences clash 
 with reality, preferred to resort to sophistic explana- 
 tions which are easily used as convincing proofs of
 
 PROGRESS THROUGH WAR 127 
 
 their hypocrisy and selfishness, which are intended 
 to " cheat " the proletariat. Thus real demagogues 
 go for honest men, while sincere Democrats, not 
 without plausible reasons, become suspected of 
 demagogy.
 
 PART III 
 
 BOLSHEVISM OUT FOR A WORLD 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 HOWEVER it be, one cannot deny that the atmosphere 
 created by war was favourable to Bolshevist propaganda. 
 And the Bolsheviks used their chance to the full. There 
 is an element of secrecy and conspiracy in their doings 
 which, of course, cannot now be completely revealed. 
 But it is sufficient to register the facts of outbreaks 
 and strikes whose connection with Bolshevism was 
 made known during the eight months that separate 
 the Armistice of November n, 1918, from the Peace 
 of June 29, 1919, in order to see how widespread their 
 propaganda really is, which are the elements that share 
 in it, what was their chance of success in the past, 
 and what may become of it in the future. One need 
 not impute to Bolshevism what, as a matter of fact, 
 can be explained by the spirit of time or by a natural 
 upshot of some long process of struggle But if even 
 one confines oneself to the specific elements of the 
 Soviet doctrine and practice, one must realize that 
 their influence is being felt very largely, if even not 
 very deeply, all over the world. I do not mean the 
 Bolshevist programme only, which is the substitution of 
 a rule by the Soviets' selected rings basing their power 
 
 128
 
 129 
 
 on the allegiance of the " conscious minority " of the 
 working class, accompanied by the disarming of the 
 bourgeoisie and the arming of the proletariat, for the 
 parliamentary rule by democratic majorities. I mean 
 also the direct and often personal connection of and 
 intercourse between the organized units of the Bolshevist 
 propaganda in the chief centres of the Old and the 
 New World. No international inquest has been started 
 so far in order to detect all the meshes of that largely 
 ramified network of the " direct action " policy. Such 
 knowledge of it as is possessed by departments of 
 political intelligence in different countries is naturally 
 kept to themselves. But even the piecemeal evidence 
 which has oozed out through the Press, although subject 
 to verification and correction, is already ample enough 
 to permit of important cross-examination and corre- 
 sponding inferences. 
 
 Let us begin with quoting in full an important docu- 
 ment published by the Gazette de Hollande at the end 
 of March 1919. It contains detailed instructions to 
 Bolshevist agents abroad, drawn up at a Council held 
 at the Kremlin in November 1918, at which Lenin 
 presided, and Trotsky, Radek, and Chicherin were 
 present. A copy of this document fell into the hands 
 of the Ukrainian General Staff. It is as follows : 
 
 REVOLUTIONARY WORK OF THE BOLSHEVIST 
 (COMMUNIST) PARTY. 
 
 The work of the Bolshevist organizations in foreign countries 
 is denned as follows : 
 
 i . In the domain of international politics : 
 
 (a) To support Chauvinist movements and national 
 conflicts. 
 
 9
 
 130 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 (b) To provoke agitation in order to bring about national 
 conflicts. 
 
 (c) To make attempts on the representatives of foreign 
 Powers. 
 
 By these means internal disturbances and coups d'etat will 
 be brought about, and there will be increased Social Democratic 
 agitation. 
 
 2. In the domain of internal politics : 
 
 (a) To compromise by all possible means the influential 
 men in the country, to make attempts on the men in power, 
 and to provoke agitation against the Government. 
 
 (b) To provoke general and partial strikes, to damage 
 machinery and boilers, and to spread propagandist litera- 
 ture. 
 
 By these means coups d'etat will be facilitated, and it will 
 be possible to seize the supreme power. 
 
 3. In the economic domain : 
 
 (a) To provoke and support railway strikes, to blow 
 up bridges and railway lines, and do everything to dis- 
 organize transport. 
 
 (b) To impede and prevent the provisioning of the towns 
 with corn, to create financial difficulties and inundate the 
 market with forged banknotes. Special Committees should 
 be formed. 
 
 In this way an economic upheaval will bring about the in- 
 evitable collapse, and the coup d'etat will receive the sympathy 
 of the masses. 
 
 4. In the military domain : 
 
 (a) To conduct a vigorous propaganda among the troops. 
 To excite conflicts between officers and men, and to insti- 
 gate attempts on superior officers. 
 
 (b) To blow up arsenals, bridges, railways, and powder 
 magazines, and to seize consignments of raw materials 
 destined for factories and workshops. 
 
 The complete annihilation of the army will be effected, and 
 the soldiers will adopt the Social Democratic labour programme. 
 
 5. Investigations and espionage for use in war-time. 
 
 (a) Investigations and espionage of a strategic nature : 
 in the army, in the fortresses, in the workshops, exact 
 estimate of armed forces, information as to their moral.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 181 
 
 (b) Investigations and espionage of a tactical nature, at 
 the front and behind the lines. 
 
 (c) Investigations and espionage in naval matters : 
 information regarding location of squadrons, dockyards, 
 naval bases. 
 
 One may remark that, although composed a year 
 after the Bolshevist conquest of Russia, these instructions 
 very faithfully represent the German pattern, more 
 suitable for the World War than for the World 
 Revolution. But the programme is obviously revised 
 and enlarged with such details added as were gained 
 as the result of a year's experience of Bolshevist propa- 
 ganda abroad. It is to be seen that if considered 
 from this point of view nearly all the methods 
 indicated in the instructions find their counterpart in 
 the real propaganda work achieved by the Bolshevist 
 emissaries. 
 
 i. THE " FIRST LINK IN THE CHAIN " GERMANY 
 AND CENTRAL EUROPE. 
 
 The " first link in the chain " of the coming World 
 Revolution, according to Lenin's statement, was to 
 be furnished by Germany. It was to be expected that 
 the utmost exertions of the Bolsheviks immediately 
 after their gaming possession of political power, would 
 be directed this way. We have already mentioned 
 their early relations with the German " Spartacists." 
 We saw also that, since M. Joffe settled in Berlin as a 
 " Russian " Ambassador, in May 1918, these relations 
 have become systematic to the great offence of the then 
 official Germany. But while preparing a revolution in 
 Germany M. Joffe had to deal not only with Spartacists,
 
 132 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 who were a small and uninfluential political group. 
 We even learn " from an absolutely reliable source " 
 (via Geneva, see Daily Chronicle, April 5th) that at 
 that time " the Spartacists were by no means on 
 intimate terms with the Bolsheviks, whom they dis- 
 trusted on account of their secret relations with Count 
 Hertling's Government." " Admiral von Hinze, then 
 Foreign Secretary, and Herr Streseman, the notorious 
 National Liberal leader, were daily guests at Joffe's 
 well-supplied table, from which even Independent 
 Socialist leaders like Haase were rigidly excluded." 
 M. Joffe, of course, had good reasons for not letting 
 Haase appear at his table, because he was working with 
 the Independents in secret, preparing for an armed 
 rising. Preparations were made, not by the recognized 
 leaders of the party, but by the members of its left 
 wing, including such local leaders of the Independent 
 Socialists as Emil Barth, who secured a considerable 
 quantity of arms and munitions which were distributed 
 secretly to trusted adherents, and kept in concealment 
 in expectation of the moment to strike. Barth asserted 
 that the money for this purpose was given to him by 
 " wealthy sympathizers with the Independent Socialist 
 movement." But a special correspondent of the 
 Daily Telegraph who gave the first detailed account of 
 the German outbreak (Daily Telegraph, January i, 1919), 
 found it " more probable that hie (Barth) obtained the 
 money from Joffe." " However that may be," he 
 adds, "it is certain that Joffe gave large sums of 
 money to the Spartacus group, so that the preparations 
 for the Berlin Revolution were financed mainly by the 
 Russian Bolshevists." 
 The Government knew that very well, and towards
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 183 
 
 the end of October, when everything was ready for a 
 rising, they decided to act. They discovered Bolshevist 
 literature in a diplomatic courier's bag which burst 
 open in the street, and used that proof of M. Joffe's 
 guilt in order to " say him farewell." 
 
 Vorwarts itself was finding at that time that " the 
 position of Joffe has become untenable." After his 
 departure from Berlin the Wolf Agency, controlled by 
 the new Socialist Government, published on December 
 3rd (1918) the following disclosure : 
 
 The Bolshevist Embassy at Berlin did not satisfy itself with 
 distributing leaflets for propaganda, but were also buying arms 
 and munitions. In a compartment occupied by the " departed " 
 Embassy a bundle of papers was found containing certain bills 
 bearing dates from September 2ist to October 3ist, 1918, and 
 referring to 150 Mauser revolvers, 28 Brownings, 23 parabellum, 
 and 27,000 cartridges. Thus once more the declaration of 
 Radek is confirmed, according to which Article 2 of the Brest- 
 Litovsk Treaty did not prevent the Russian Government from 
 making Revolution propaganda. 
 
 Far from being offended by this disclosure, Joffe 
 used that opportunity to compliment himself upon his 
 real part in the German Revolution which he vauntingly 
 asserted to have been much greater than is admitted 
 in Wolff's revelations. He answered by a wireless sent 
 to the address of Haase (Frankfurter Zeitung, December 
 loth) as follows : 
 
 It was through the intermediary of the Independent Social 
 Democratic Party that I was able to extend my propaganda 
 by leaflets. As to the purchase of arms, the figures published 
 are not exact. The bills discovered referred only to the arms 
 destined for Russia. The quantity of arms bought and delivered 
 to the Acting People's Commissary, Mr. Barth, is, as you know, 
 far larger. Also the published item of money given does not corre- 
 spond to reality : it was not 150,000 marks which ivere handed 
 over to Mr. Barth for the purchase of arms, but many hundreds
 
 134 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 of thousands of marks. I am anxious to emphasize these two 
 points ; I congratulate myself and I rejoice on having person- 
 ally, in accord with the Independent Ministers, contributed to 
 the victory of the German Revolution. 
 
 But this is not all. M. Joffe did not mention that 
 even after his departure (on November 5th) he left with 
 his friends in Berlin considerable sums for fomenting 
 further trouble in Germany. This was formally avowed 
 by Herr Oscar Cohn, the Independent Socialist leader 
 and solicitor to the Bolshevik Embassy in Berlin, at 
 that time Under-Secretary of State, on the occasion of 
 a new outbreak at Christmas 1918. M. Cohn declared 
 that M. Joffe had 4,000,000 marks placed at his disposal 
 by the Soviet for propaganda purposes. The day before 
 he left Berlin M. Joffe attempted to draw out the 
 balance, but failed to do so, purely through a technical 
 mistake on the part of the bank officials (Central News, 
 via Amsterdam ; see Daily Telegraph, January 2nd). 
 The Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung even stated that the 
 agents of the Russian Bolshevik Government still had 
 12,000,000 marks available for further propaganda 
 in Berlin. It may be that this was a new influx of 
 money brought to Berlin by Radek, the unofficial envoy 
 of Mr. Lenin accredited this time not to the German 
 Socialist Government, but to the Spartacus Group,, who 
 passed the frontier at the end of December without 
 the permission of the German Government. 1 
 
 1 A further disclosure by M. Cohn (see The Times, March 7, 
 1919) may account for the difference between the two state- 
 ments quoted. I render it in the authentic text of The Times 
 Special Correspondent from the Hague, March 2nd : " Con- 
 siderable alarm has been excited in German political circles by 
 Thursday's (February 27th) proceedings in the debate on the 
 new Army Bill at Weimar (at the Constituent Assembly), when 
 Herr Noske extracted from the Independent Deputy Cohn the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 135 
 
 A few remarks are necessary to explain this new stage 
 of the Bolshevik policy, drifting from Kaiser to Barth, 
 and from Barth to Liebknecht. After the November 
 victory over William by a united Socialist front, there 
 followed the process of disassociation among the Socialist 
 parties. The Ebert-Scheidemann Government was 
 that of the Majority Socialists, and the " Asrath " 
 (Arbeiterund Soldatenrath, the Workers' and Soldiers' 
 Council) was composed almost exclusively of the re- 
 presentatives of that party. The Independents took 
 part in the Ministry, but at the same time, in connection 
 with the Spartacists, they planned a new outbreak 
 against the Moderate Socialists. The latter were not 
 able entirely to throw overboard their relations with 
 the radical bourgeois parties, and were vehemently 
 accused by the Independents of drifting to the Right. 
 They thought it their duty to convoke the Constituent 
 Assembly, while the Spartacists and even the left wing 
 of the Independents were quite determined, following 
 the Russian example, not to permit its meeting. The 
 part of the Bolshevist agents in that struggle was a 
 foregone conclusion. 
 
 That part has also been revealed by the Bolsheviks 
 
 astounding confession of his financial relations with Joffe when 
 that individual was the Russian Soviet Envoy at Berlin. Herr 
 Cohn said that he acted as a ' legal adviser ' to the Soviet 
 Mission at Berlin, and that Joffe, on leaving the German 
 capital on November 5th, transferred to him a ' round million ' 
 for continuing payments to ' the 300 officials of the 
 Mission,' together with the control of a balance of 10,500,000 
 roubles standing to Russian credit at Mendelsohn's Bank in 
 Berlin. The latter sum was ostensibly designed for the support 
 of Russian civilian prisoners in Germany. Heir Cohn, who 
 said he regarded these balances as ' party funds,' openly 
 admitted having applied certain sums out of them to subsi- 
 dizing two needy party journals."
 
 136 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 themselves. The Bolshevist theorician and journalist, 
 M. Bucharin, told us in his organ, Severnaya Communa, 
 how Liebknecht had gone to the Russian Embassy in 
 Berlin for support when the Government first tried to 
 prevent his agitation in the factories, etc. Bucharin 
 says that Liebknecht came to the Embassy in the 
 greatest excitement, asking for advice and support. 
 It was then unanimously decided that Liebknecht 
 should be supported on condition that he declared the 
 following policy : dissolution of the Reichstag, terror 
 against the bourgeoisie, army officers, and against all 
 who opposed him. Liebknecht agreed to the terms, 
 and, says Bucharin, he was at once furnished with 
 material and means for his campaign against the 
 Government (see the telegram from Amsterdam, 
 January nth, in the Sunday Times, January I2th). 
 
 It is obvious that then it was decided in Moscow to 
 send to Berlin the new unofficial envoy, M. Radek. 
 In his speech to the crowd on November gth M. Radek 
 declared that himself and his friends were " invited 
 to Berlin," and that he was leaving to-morrow to 
 "help his brethren." His arrival was, however, post- 
 poned ; but another Russian agent, Herr Eichorn, who had 
 been employed at the Russian Embassy in propaganda 
 before the first Revolution, for a monthly salary of 
 1,500 marks, in his new quality of Berlin Police Presi- 
 dent, was strenuously preparing the second Revolution 
 this time against Scheidemann. On the Christmas 
 Eve 1918 the sailors from Wilhelmshaven, who had 
 been quartered at the Royal Palace, began heavy street- 
 fighting. Provoked by that mutiny, the Government 
 decided to apply strong measures, which, in a very 
 short space of time, quelled the insurrection, but brought
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 137 
 
 about open conflict between the Moderate and the 
 Independent Socialist members of the Government. 
 Three Independent Ministers left the Cabinet. The 
 place of one of them was taken by Noske, the " blood- 
 hound." At that moment M. Radek suddenly appeared 
 in Berlin at the opening of the Workmen's Congress on 
 December 3oth. Liebknecht proposed the organization 
 of a new " Revolutionary Communistic Labour Party 
 of the German Spartacus-bund." " Comrade " Radek 
 seconded in an address delivered in the name of the 
 Russian Soviet. A few days later, on January 5th, 
 1919, according to a revelation " from an absolutely 
 reliable source," by the Geneva correspondent of the 
 Daily Chronicle (April 5th), a formal treaty was concluded 
 between Liebknecht and Radek, as " Plenipotentiary 
 of the Russian Soviet Republic." The act of signing 
 took place in a little bare room of Rosa Luxembourg's 
 on the top floor of a tenement in the proletarian quarter 
 of the city. By the terms of the treaty Lenin under- 
 took to 
 
 1. Recognize Liebknecht as President of the German Soviet 
 Republic. 
 
 2. Furnish important funds for Spartacist propaganda. 
 
 3. Place specially trained agents at the disposal of the 
 Spartacists. 
 
 4. Order Soviet armies to take the offensive and cross the German 
 frontier in support of a simultaneous Spartacist rising in Berlin. 1 
 
 Liebknecht, on his part, pledged himself to 
 
 1. Establish a Soviet Government in Germany immediately 
 upon his advent to power. 
 
 2. Observe faithfully and put into practice all the teachings 
 of Lenin's doctrine. 
 
 1 On that very day, January 5th, Vilna was taken and the 
 Bolshevists were seriously threatening the Polish frontier.
 
 138 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 3. Raise a Red Army of 500,000 men to be placed under 
 the supreme command of the Commissary for War at 
 Moscow. 
 
 Such was to be the beginning of the World Revolu- 
 tion ; and, indeed, a rising in Berlin was once more 
 started the very next day after the alleged date of the 
 signature of the treaty. In Vorwarts of January 5th 
 an interesting article appeared, signed by the Socialist 
 journalist Friedrich Stampfer, which opened with a 
 vigorous denunciation of the Bolshevists' attempt to 
 bring the Russian Red Army to Berlin. Meanwhile 
 the three promoters of the World Revolution, Eichorn, 
 Liebknecht, and Radek, directed the military operations 
 on the streets of Berlin from their headquarters in a 
 great brewery in the Prenzlauerallee. 
 
 The results are well known. After receiving strong 
 reinforcements of Government troops, Noske again 
 suppressed the rising. It took about ten days (January 
 6th-i5th) to stifle it. The last day Liebknecht and 
 Rosa Luxembourg were murdered. Eichorn and Radek 
 went into hiding in Berlin. The Berlin Government 
 " in view of the support given by Russian Bolsheviks 
 to the Spartacus mutiny," sent (January 2Oth) a 
 wireless, " lodging the strongest protest against this 
 inadmissible and criminal interference in the internal 
 affairs of Germany." 
 
 " There are irrefutable proofs to hand that the move- 
 ment was supported by Russian official personages, 
 who took part in the movement," says the message. 
 It winds up with a menace, " that the sharpest measures 
 will be taken against all those Russians who have been 
 guilty of supporting the revolutionary movement." 
 And, indeed, at the Russian Legation " large stores of
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 139 
 
 arms and ammunition were found. Much of the 
 ammunition found bore Russian marks. On a 
 Russian woman arrested 16,500 marks were found." 
 (The Times correspondent, Copenhagen, January 
 I 5 th.) 
 
 Nevertheless, neither the Spartacists nor their 
 Russian friends were willing to stop their underground 
 activity. They were busy preparing for the third 
 Revolution. By that time they had already spread 
 their propaganda all over Germany, and for a time they 
 transferred their leading centres from Berlin to Wil- 
 helmshaven the German " Kronstadt " to Brunswick, 
 Dusseldorf, Munich, etc. Their avowed aim was flbw 
 not to permit the meeting of the Constituent Assembly 
 in Weimar. For that purpose they first boycotted 
 the elections, and then, when the elections gave a 
 relative majority to the Old Party (" Majority," which 
 received 39*3 per cent, of the votes cast), and strongly 
 increased the bourgeois parties of " Democrats " and 
 the " popular Christian " Centre (iQ'5 per cent, and i8'9 
 per cent, of the vote), they decided to follow the Russian 
 example and to disperse the Assembly on the day of 
 its meeting, on February 6th, with the help of a new 
 rising. It was to start from different centres and 
 converge on Weimar. Beside the navy, they now had 
 the support of some groups in the army, and a section 
 of the Independents joined them. The Government, 
 on their part, sent troops to Weimar, in order to protect 
 the Assembly. 
 
 At that stage of the struggle there is also no lack of 
 evidence of the part played by the Bolshevist propa- 
 gandists and revolutionaries. Already, on January gth, 
 H. E. Bailey, the correspondent of the Daily Telegraph
 
 140 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 (see January I3th), communicated r that " Bolshevism 
 is on the Rhine," and he goes on to say : " The leader 
 of the rising is one Ochel, who was before the war a 
 marriage broker, during the war a deserter, and who 
 has lately published in Holland a violent pamphlet 
 of his own. A Russian Jewess called Feuerstein, who 
 came to Dusseldorf in some capacity connected with 
 the Bolshevik news agency in Germany, is believed 
 to provide a link with Petrograd." Fighting went on 
 for many weeks in Dusseldorf. 
 
 There was similar news from Duisburg, the important 
 Rhine manufacturing town at the outlet of the Ruhr 
 Valley, on the edge of the then neutral territory facing 
 the Belgian zone (Morning Post, February 2ist). 
 " Here, too, a general strike has been proclaimed by the 
 Spartacists as a protest against the advance of Govern- 
 ment troops from Minister. Mulheim, Hamborn (?), and 
 Dusseldorf contain a large number of revolutionaries. 
 The attack on Duisburg was a Bolshevist movement 
 engineered by ex-soldiers formerly serving on the 
 Eastern Front, and a number of Russians who have been 
 drifting about the towns in the neutral zone. Russian 
 money has been in evidence among the discontented miners, 
 ironworkers, and bargemen, and a Russian is one of the 
 most active members of the Soldiers' Council." A few 
 days later (February 24th) The Times correspondent 
 communicates, via Stockholm, that " in the Ruhr 
 district the situation has improved since February 2ist, 
 
 1 The same news is given by M. W. Nevinson in the Daily 
 News on January I3th. According to him, Mr. Ochel was 
 formerly a matrimonial agent, and during the war editor of 
 the Kampf in Holland, supported by a Russian Jewess named 
 Feuerstein, who has arrived from Russia as agent of the 
 Bolshevists, apparently with money.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 141 
 
 and one of the reasons for the collapse " of the Spartacist 
 attempt, he suggests, is " that the funds of the revolu- 
 tionary committees have been exhausted since Radek's 
 arrest and imprisonment " (see p. 142). 
 
 We meet with the same thing in Northern, Eastern 
 and Southern Germany. Dr. Schroder, " with the aid 
 of a German-Russian Bolshevist, named Sturm, has 
 both organized and financed the Spartacist movement 
 in Hamburg since November loth ; most of the funds 
 are provided by Sturm." This is stated by The Times 
 special correspondent from Berlin (March 22nd). At 
 Dantzig, according to the same witness, " a Spartacist 
 outbreak had been arranged for a certain day, and 
 reports of the secret police showed that the adherents 
 were many thousands." The argument used is the 
 same as in M. Sturm's propaganda shortage of food. 
 
 The attempted dispersal of the Weimar Assembly 
 on February 8th did not succeed, owing to the strong 
 measures taken by Noske. But in Berlin at the same 
 time a new rising took place, and again the evidence 
 proves the participation of the Russian Bolsheviks in 
 this third outbreak, carefully prepared in advance. Says 
 the correspondent of the Daily Chronicle (March loth) 
 about the " inner story " of that movement : ' The 
 most striking piece of information and it is incon- 
 trovertible is, that the real leadership is in the hands 
 of Russians. With Spartacist rebels as their lieutenants, 
 they have their headquarters in Berlin, and a secret 
 organization whose tentacles stretch northwards to 
 Bremen, westwards to Dusseldorf, and southwards to 
 Munich. Preparations for the latest coup began 
 immediately after the murder of Liebknecht and 
 Rosa Luxembourg. The loss of the Spartacist
 
 142 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 leaders is ... turned to profit by the Bolshevik 
 chiefs. It gave to the authorities a sense of false 
 security, and made it easier for the Russians to 
 carry out their secret preparations for the next move. 
 Radek was soon arrested by the Government (about 
 January 2oth), with his secretary Gutemann, upon 
 whom " highly important documents were found," 
 according to the Berliner Tageblatt. But his prepara- 
 tions for a new outbreak in Berlin were so well made 
 that the arrest did not prevent its coming, on March 4th 
 and the following week. The Geneva correspondent 
 of the Daily Chronicle (March I3th) emphasizes a new 
 feature in that recurring mutiny. It may, he states, 
 " be fitly described as a revolt of the underworld. It 
 was chiefly among the criminal classes that Radek 
 recruited his fighting force. So minutely had the 
 insurrection been prepared, that, in spite of the arrest, 
 some week before, of Radek and eighty-six Spartacist 
 leaders, the remaining Communist chiefs were able to 
 execute the plans without difficulty. The Spartacist 
 forces amounted to about 10,000 men, mostly deserters, 
 apaches, and escaped convicts, reinforced by sailors 
 of the Naval Division. Emerging suddenly from their 
 haunts in the cellars and slums of Berlin's East End, 
 this army of criminals directed its attack against police 
 stations, and spent its fury on policemen, its hereditary 
 foes." 
 
 The insurrection was finally stifled. Their last 
 stand was in the Lichtenberg quarter. When one of 
 the Spartacists' nests was here denounced and thirty 
 rebels were arrested, it appeared, according to The Times 
 correspondent, via Stockholm (March I5th), that they 
 were " under the leadership of a Russian Bolshevik,
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 143 
 
 who on December iSth had come from Russia and 
 obtained provisional Prussian citizenship." 
 
 The position of the Government in Prussia, in spite 
 of all ominous predictions, was now strengthened, owing 
 to the decried policy of Noske. But at that time the 
 Bolshevists had the upper hand in Bavaria. The signal 
 here was given by the murder (on February 2ist) 
 of the Munich Prime Minister, Kurt Eisner. On the 
 following day the Munich Women's, Peasants', and 
 Soldiers' Council in a stormy meeting proclaimed a 
 Soviet Republic in Bavaria. The part of the Russian 
 Bolshevists in that move can be guessed from the fact 
 that the Russian Bolshevist, Dr. Levien, had been 
 made a member of the Executive Committee. When, 
 a few days later, the Congress of the Councils met in 
 the Diet building, it had to receive a deputation of 
 workmen, which asked for the institution of relations 
 with Russia and the occupation of the Russian Legation 
 by a representative of the Russian Soviet Republic. 
 Dr. Levien declared in advance to a correspondent 
 (The Times, March ist) that his party was out to establish 
 a proletarian dictatorship in Bavaria ; the Diet would 
 cease to exist. " If, however," he said, " the Congress 
 (of the Councils) thinks fit to decide that the Diet 
 should be maintained, we shall oppose that decision." 
 The Congress began by ordering the Munich newspapers 
 to publish a proclamation " to Prussia and Scheide- 
 mann," whose slogan was : " Whatever the next few 
 days may bring in Munich, no intervention by the 
 State : hands off Bavaria." At the same time, measures 
 were taken to extend the movement for proclaiming 
 " Soviet republics " all over Germany. For that aim, 
 a general strike and a simultaneous rising was announced
 
 144 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 for March 5th. " The most alarming feature in the whole 
 situation " a Berlin correspondent states, " is the 
 similarity of the proceedings to the methods of the 
 Bolshevists in Russia " (The Times, March 3rd). The 
 observation is completed by a correspondent from 
 Berne (the same day) : the Communist current " gains 
 much under the able leadership of Levien." On 
 February 27th Levien declared that nothing less than 
 the annihilation of the bourgeoisie could safeguard 
 Socialism. " On February 28th Levien's proposal 
 for the establishment of a Soviet Republic in Bavaria 
 was lost, though, by an overwhelming majority of the 
 Council's Congress (234 votes against 70). But then 
 a compromise was unanimously accepted to the effect 
 of building a National Soviet, as a sort of First Chamber 
 with powers to initiate legislation, to refer parliamentary 
 decisions to a vote of the whole people, and to co-operate 
 in the administration. On March 3rd the ordered 
 general strikes began in different parts of Germany, 
 in order to second M. Levien's rejected proposal. 1 
 
 It is unnecessary to say how the strike movement 
 fell flat and quiet has been restored. But for our purpose 
 it is important to register The Times correspondent's 
 
 1 The precedents of Max Levien, the virtual dictator of 
 Munich, told by the Frdnkische Tagespost, are as follows : Max 
 Levien was the son of a prosperous Moscow merchant. He 
 took part in the Russian Revolution of 1905 and was arrested, 
 but escaped to Munich, where he made the acquaintance of 
 Lenin and became a Bolshevist. On the outbreak of the war 
 he served in a Munich regiment, but was soon sent back from 
 the front to a military camp. In November 1918 he joined 
 Eisner in Munich, and after the murder of the latter came into 
 prominence. After the second Revolution Levien was invari- 
 ably accompanied by an armed bodyguard. In spite of his 
 extraordinary brutality, he had a large following, especially in 
 decadent literary circles of Swabians.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 145 
 
 news (March nth) that as a last refuge the Spartacists 
 " succeeded in conveying some arms to Russian prisoners 
 encamped at Ruhleben," and that " some or all the 
 5,000 Russians there got away during the night." The 
 Munich authorities later on (see Morning Post, April 2ist) 
 recurred to the same measure : they " have liberated 
 the Russian prisoners of war at Buchheim Camp and 
 armed them." We must add that after the insurrection 
 was stifled fifty-two Russian prisoners were shot who 
 had participated in the fighting and who were dressed 
 in German uniforms (see Morning Post, May Qth). In 
 Saxony, after order had been restored by the Govern- 
 ment troops, among the arrested eighteen Russians were 
 found. Detailed plans had been discovered in the 
 possession of the ring-leader, for the murder of the 
 War Minister and others, also for the union of Saxony 
 with the Russian Soviet Republic (The Times, April I7th, 
 correspondence from Berne). 
 
 The March (6th-i3th) Insurrection in Berlin was 
 not brought to a close by a compromise which the 
 Independents were proposing ; Noske insisted on an 
 " unconditional surrender " after the movement had 
 been crushed with arms. The Government has not 
 become weaker for that. On the contrary, this time 
 the Bolshevist attempts at introducing a Soviet Republic 
 in Germany were definitely disposed of. The complicity 
 of the Independents, and the open alliance of the 
 Spartacists with the Russian Bolsheviks, have helped 
 very much to discredit both groups in public opinion. 
 
 The confident predictions of a new " June Revolution " 
 did not materialize. The programme for this Revolution 
 was now ready : the recognition of the Council's system, 
 the establishment of direct economic and political 
 
 10
 
 146 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 relations with the Soviet Russia, the disbandment 
 of Government forces, the disarmament of the police, 
 and the establishment of a revolutionary workmen's 
 army. More than once this programme has been pro- 
 claimed in resolutions of working men's meetings, 
 conferences, and congresses. A general strike was 
 repeatedly tried to carry the programme. But the good 
 common sense of the great majority of the population 
 and the sound feeling for self-preservation amidst what 
 may be described the most dangerous crisis in Germany's 
 history have preserved her from chaos and serious civil 
 war. The apparent exception, such as a temporary 
 triumph of the extremist tendencies in Munich, only 
 serves to confirm the rule. The whole of Bavaria 
 finally proclaimed itself against the small throng of 
 Levien's followers. The Constitutional Bavarian 
 Ministry, that of Hofmann, has been reconstituted. 
 The overthrow of the Soviet Government (on April nth) 
 in Munich passed off extremely quietly, nearly without 
 resistance. ' The house of cards of the foreign intriguers 
 has collapsed," the Premier's proclamation ran. " All 
 decrees of the Soviet Government are annulled." 
 
 It is true that within forty-eight hours the Soviet 
 was again in power, but the Communist leaders them- 
 selves admitted that the maintenance of their regime 
 was " in any circumstances unlikely," and that " the 
 movement was premature." On May ist Munich was 
 captured by Government troops Bavarian, Wiirtem- 
 berg, and Prussian. This time the Communists defended 
 themselves desperately, as it was their last chance. 
 Their leaders were arrested, sentenced to death or killed 
 by the crowd, for having had in their turn murdered 
 and mutilated the hostages. The execution of Levine
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 147 
 
 (not to be confounded with the Russian Bolshevik 
 leader) a month later provoked strong protests on 
 the part of all Socialist parties, but all their appeals 
 to a new general strike were of no consequence. They 
 were unable to undermine the power of Scheidemann- 
 Noske's Government, and only demonstrated their own 
 weakness. 
 
 2. THE BOLSHEVIST SCHEME FOR FEEDING AND 
 CONQUERING GERMANY. 
 
 The chief trump of Russian Bolsheviks was thus 
 beaten. Germany was evidently unwilling to serve as a 
 " first link in the chain " of the World Revolution. 
 
 It may have come out otherwise, if promises given by 
 the Bolsheviks to Spartacists and Independents could 
 be fulfilled. They were two : feeding Germany and 
 sending a Red Army to help German revolutionaries. 
 It sounded rather queer that starving Russia should 
 seriously think of feeding Germany ; but the idea 
 of it was conceived very early as a constitutive part 
 of the whole scheme of the World Revolution. A few 
 days after the release of Liebknecht from his prison, 
 on October 27, 1918, the Petrograd Truth (Pravda) 
 states : " We must directly and in a business-like 
 manner attend to it in order that we shall have a pro- 
 vision of grain for German revolutionaries, and forward 
 that supply to help Liebknecht and Adler." At the 
 same time, a meeting of different Soviet organizations 
 in a provincial town of Kostroma resolved " to build 
 the grain fund of the World Revolution, to assign 
 for it one-tenth of all grain stores in the province, 
 and to oblige every landowner to deliver for that fund
 
 148 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 one-hundredth of grain at his disposal. . . . All 
 provinces must carry the same decision . . . the fund 
 must be called ' The Grain Fund of Karl Lieb- 
 knecht and Frederic Adler.' This will show that food 
 is not destined for Imperialists and compromisers of 
 Germany and Austria, but for revolutionary working 
 people who follow Liebknecht and Adler." It is 
 known that " compromisers " of the Scheidemann 
 type have contemptuously refused the Bolshevist 
 proposal to send food for German Revolution, and 
 preferred to address themselves to Americans. In their 
 turn they used the Brussels Agreement with the Allies 
 on the delivery of provisions for political purpose 
 of defeating strikes. A stipulation was introduced 
 in the Agreement that no share of the provisions shall 
 reach workmen on strike, or those unemployed who are 
 unwilling to accept work. Revolutionary organizations 
 were perfectly right to denounce that measure as a 
 weapon specially aimed at them, and while trying to 
 impede the import of food from the Allies they never 
 stopped promising their adherents that " grain will come 
 from the Russian Bolsheviks." x 
 
 Anyhow, grain could come from Russia only with the 
 Bolshevist Army, and there was already a " Red Army " 
 in existence. By the spring of 1919 it made out 
 about 500,000 bayonets. The " democratization " which 
 helped to dissolve the Russian Army of 1917 has been 
 since long thrown overboard by Trotsky. The dis- 
 ciplinary power of the commanding staff was nearly 
 completely restored. The officers were closely watched 
 
 1 See e.g. The Times, March igth and March 22nd (the 
 Hamburg strike against the sailing of ships to fetch food), the 
 Morning Post, March 6th, the Daily News, March
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 149 
 
 by " Communist " commissaries, and shot at the 
 slightest suspicion. The newly-conscripted soldiers 
 fought unwillingly, and were always ready to desert, or 
 to go to the other side. But they were, too, threatened 
 by summary executions of their comrades at the first 
 attempt to treason. Last, not least, if there was any 
 motive which was likely to arouse the patriotic feeling 
 of that rather heterogeneous mass, it was, to be sure, 
 the idea of still fighting the Germans -no matter 
 whether they were " Imperialists " or " Communists." 
 There existed also a scheme for fighting German 
 " Imperialists " from outside, all along with preparing 
 a revolutionary outbreak from within. When, on 
 February I2th, Karl Radek, who was busy preparing 
 the " third Revolution " in Germany, was arrested in his 
 Spartacist-Bolshevik propaganda bureau in Wilmersdorf 
 (Berlin), letters, pamphlets, and lists were discovered 
 at his office, which proved that " a great Bolshevik 
 revolutionary stroke throughout Germany had been 
 planned to take place in the spring, whilst at the same 
 time a Bolshevik army was to attack Germany on the 
 Eastern frontier." (Wireless Press from Berlin, Daily 
 Telegraph, February I5th.) Another German Govern- 
 ment wireless message, sent a week later (Daily Telegraph, 
 February 22nd), says : " Stockholm reports that the 
 Bolshevik troops have planned a great spring offensive. 
 Revolution is to be carried to Bohemia, Slavonia, 
 Hungary, and Austria. The offensive is to start 
 simultaneously against Poland and against Eastern 
 Prussia. The munition factories are working feverishly. 
 The telegram of The Times correspondent from Helsing- 
 fors (from February I7th) states that an offensive 
 movement was at that very time started against the
 
 150 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Baltic Provinces. " Trotsky, on February I5th, ordered 
 the Bolshevist Army in Esthonia and Livonia to attack 
 on all sectors of the Narva, Pskofl, and Wolmar 
 fronts. . . . The order to attack was given in 
 accordance with a resolution passed at a secret 
 meeting of the Petrograd Soviet on February I2th." * 
 Another telegram from Helsingfors (The Times, 
 March 3rd) communicates that on February 25th, at 
 the Pan-Russian Soviet Congress, Trotsky made a 
 speech on foreign policy, in which he reviewed the 
 military situation. He said : " We have four tasks 
 to achieve : to advance to the coasts of Murman and 
 Archangel ; to take possession of the river exits to 
 the Black Sea ; to reach the former frontiers of East 
 Prussia ; and to chase the enemy from the Urals. 
 We shall achieve them, cost what it may." 
 
 Preparations were being made, too, in East Prussia 
 at that time in order to meet the coming Red Army. 
 Reuter sent news from Basle on February 27th that, 
 " according to the Frankfurter Zeitung throughout 
 East Russia, pamphlets are being distributed calling 
 on the people to destroy the railways ' in order to hasten 
 the victory of the Communists in Germany.' Russian 
 Bolsheviks are also reported to be in East Prussia in 
 large numbers." Very interesting and much more 
 
 1 Mr. Ransome states that most of the Soviet leaders have 
 at that very time (February loth) " in spite of themselves, 
 acquired a national domestic point of view " namely, that 
 " they were thinking less about World Revolution than about 
 getting bread to Moscow. Only continued warfare forced 
 upon them could turn their desire for peace into desperate, 
 resentful aggression " (Six Weeks in Russia, p. 33). Whatever 
 the motive, or their psychology, the " World Revolution " 
 continued to be on the day order. It was, moreover, the only 
 justification and guarantee for further existence of Bolshevism 
 (see pp. 54-6, his talk with Mr. Bucharin).
 
 151 
 
 detailed intelligence on the subject has been wired to 
 The Times by their Special Correspondent from the 
 Hague (on March I7th). It runs as follows ; 
 
 According to the advices from Berlin, Otto Petz, President 
 of the German Soviet in Petrograd, has reported to Lenin and 
 to Trotsky that Radek has succeeded in forming twenty-eight 
 separate Bolshevist organizations in Germany. The ultimate 
 purpose of these organizations is " to spread the idea of a World 
 Revolution of the proletariat deep into the heart of the occupied 
 regions of Western Germany." The same report estimates 
 that up to January 2oth no less than 11,000,000 roubles 
 (nominally {i, 100,000) had been expended for Radek's " mission 
 to Germany." 
 
 The German Soviet in Petrograd publishes the news-sheets, 
 all of which are printed in German and are largely smuggled 
 into East Prussia. The greater part of East Prussia, and several 
 districts in West Prussia, are now under martial law. In 
 Petrograd the German Soviet has also established a Bolshevist 
 school for German war prisoners. About 10,000 of these men 
 are expected to pass through the school, and as soon as they 
 have completed their training they are sent across the frontier 
 to assist in the work of propaganda. At Nijny Novgorod and 
 Samara there are collecting centres for German prisoners who 
 have returned from Siberia, and these are being formed into 
 the so-called " Western Communist Division," which is to be 
 20,000 strong. This division is being drilled for service in the 
 event of a Bolshevist invasion of Germany, but will also be 
 available for propaganda work. In Petrograd, moreover, the 
 likeliest recruits are being drafted to a so-called " Liebknecht 
 Brigade," which is now about 3,000 strong. The whole system 
 is so arranged that German prisoners have no desire but to 
 join these fighting formations or starve. 
 
 The use of war prisoners for Communist aims is here 
 the same as had been made by the Germans of the 
 Ukrainian prisoners for the invasion of the non- 
 Bolshevist Russia, or, as we have just seen, having 
 been made by the Spartacists of the Russian prisoners 
 to support the Communist uprisings. A very ambiguous 
 part in the game was played by German military units 
 in the occupied provinces of Russia. Whatever be
 
 152 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the opinion of their Government and it hardly could 
 remain pro-Bolshevist facing the Spartacist danger 
 inside they very often quite openly helped the 
 Bolsheviks in their offensive movement towards 
 the German frontier. In an official communique 
 issued by the Provisional Governmet of Latvia (see 
 Morning Post, January i, 1919) we meet with a 
 formal complaint that " the German Authorities are 
 acting in conjunction with the Bolsheviks." As 
 proofs are given that the Germans 
 
 (i) Inform the Bolsheviks of the precise date of the evacua- 
 tion of every place ; 
 
 (ii) Leave to the Bolsheviks railway material (Dorpat, Dvinsk, 
 Rezekhne), armoured trains (Walk), arms, ammunition, 
 food, and clothing ; 
 
 iii) Prepare systematically the handing over of the country 
 to the Bolsheviks (Riga) ; 
 
 (iv) Often give up the authority to the Bolsheviks even before 
 the evacuation of the place by military forces (Dvinsk, 
 Vilna, Minsk) ; and 
 
 (v) Share food^and other goods with the Bolsheviks. 
 
 One need not put in doubt the veracity of all these 
 statements, which I might confirm from personal 
 observation in the South of Russia. But the motive 
 of the tactics mentioned may not always be a desire 
 to help the Bolsheviks. A Riga telegram to the 
 Localanzeiger (The Times, January 3rd) is perfectly 
 right in its assertion that " the obvious desire of the 
 German troops is to be sent home as quickly as possible. 
 They do not wish to be involved in any conflicts with 
 the Bolshevists." The same reason has been shared 
 by the great majority of the Allied troops worn out by 
 the protracted war. We do not know whether the 
 Bolshevist spring offensive against Poland had been
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 153 
 
 really planned " some months ago (i.e. at the end of 
 1918)," as a result of " a secret agreement " between the 
 German General Staff, represented by Hindenburg and 
 the Soviet rulers in Moscow (see Daily Chronicle, March 
 8th, correspondence from Geneva). But we also cannot 
 dismiss the official denial by the German Government 
 of any " secret understanding " with the Soviet Republic, 
 and its assertion that, on the contrary, it " has broken 
 off relations with the Soviet Republic, following upon 
 its having been ascertained that the latter had used 
 its political representative in Berlin (evidently Radek) 
 for the purpose of bringing about a continuation of 
 the war by means of propaganda against the Entente " 
 (Daily News, January 7th). We learn the same from 
 Herr Barth. Speaking at a meeting of Independent 
 Socialists, he said : " The Independents prevented 
 the Government from declaring war on Russia, 
 which it intended to do some weeks ago, and again 
 five days ago, when the Poles requested us to supply 
 them with arms." Herr Barth even expressly men- 
 tioned, as " M. Radek's view," the opinion " that the 
 German and Russian States should offer united re- 
 sistance to the Entente " (Daily Telegraph, January 
 6th). The fact is, that the traditional policy of 
 Germany toward Bolshevism consisted in supporting 
 it and using it for their own aims ; but just at that 
 time, owing to the acute struggle of the Spartacists 
 in conjunction with the Bolsheviks, against the 
 Scheidemann-Noske Government, this latter was 
 shifting the ground and was really on the verge of 
 declaring war on Bolshevist Russia. The Spartacists 
 and the Bolsheviks tried to join hands in East Prussia ; 
 the Government ; was obliged to do something in order
 
 154 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 to prevent their union. The situation is made quite 
 clear by the following correspondence from Berlin 
 (on March 29th) in the Daily Chronicle : 
 
 It is ominous that it is in the eastern parts of the country 
 that the greatest efforts are being made (by the Spartacists) . 
 In East Prussia the Spartacist movement takes on more and 
 more the definite character of the Russian Bolshevism. The 
 Spartacists are endeavouring to get into and preserve definite 
 touch with the Russian Bolsheviks, and the hope is entertained 
 of bringing about a move of Russian Bolshevik troops towards 
 and into Germany. . . . Some sort of connection has been 
 already achieved with the Russian " comrades," and it is obvious 
 that there is considerable activity on both sides to achieve this 
 end. Recent events in Konigsberg, for example, have not 
 received a great deal of attention. The world heard of the 
 occupation of the city by German Government troops, and of 
 some street fighting, etc., without attributing great importance 
 to the matter. The Russian Bolsheviks boast of their close 
 alliance with the German Spartacists, and the action in Konigs- 
 berg was undoubtedly undertaken to combat the establishment of 
 communications by way of Kovno and Konigsberg between the 
 Spartacists and the Bolsheviks. 
 
 I may add a quotation from the speech of Mr. Zinoviev, 
 the Petrograd dictator, on the occasion of the festivities 
 on March ist to celebrate the assassination of Alex- 
 ander II in 1881. Speaking at an official assembly 
 of the Soviet, the President of the Petrograd 
 " Commune " said (see The Times, March 6th) : 
 
 Our heroic army is destined to fight not only here in Russia, 
 but also in the streets and squares of London, Paris, and Rome, 
 for the great ideal of Communism. Recently, by concentrating 
 a considerable number of troops near the Finnish frontier under 
 the guise of manoeuvres, we have said to all Europe : " Beware, 
 bourgeoisies, before you touch the Red Lion. You shall not 
 take Petrograd except by passing over our dead bodies." Thanks 
 to our efforts, we find ourselves to-day in direct communication 
 with the German Spartacists, and soon our actions will be co-ordin- 
 ated. Unfortunately, during the last days of the war, Hindenburg 
 succeeded in seizing on our eastern Prussian frontier wagons
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 155 
 
 and arms destined for the Red Army ; but we shall soon replace 
 them, and then the bourgeoisies of London and Paris will tremble 
 anew. 
 
 According to a telegram from Stockholm (Daily Telegraph, 
 March loth), Trotsky also at that time boasted in a 
 speech that " the Red Army will soon march victoriously 
 over the whole world, and Russian Bolsheviks will 
 fight on the barricades soon to be erected in the streets 
 of London, Berlin, Rome, and Paris." 
 
 It would be too long to dwell upon all preparatory 
 measures taken by the Bolsheviks for their invasion 
 in the spring into newly-built border States of Russia. 
 But we must still mention their negotiations in February 
 and March with the Ukraine directorate in order to 
 conclude an alliance " against attack, in particular 
 by the Entente, Poland and Rumania," to last " until 
 the moment when every nation in Europe declares in 
 favour of the revolution " (a proposal by the extreme 
 Ukrainian parties despatched to Lenin via Budapest, 
 see the Daily Telegraph, April gth, a telegram from 
 Warsaw). It is also important to touch upon the 
 Bolshevist activity in Poland, for which a vote of 
 27,000,000 roubles per month is said by Reuter (Paris, 
 March 26th) to have been without discussion passed 
 by the Central Executive of the Soviets. The account 
 of this propaganda given by the Warsaw correspondent 
 of the Morning Post (March 27th) is so typical, that 
 we may be permitted to quote that evidence in full : 
 
 About the middle of December there appeared in Warsaw 
 a Russian representing himself as the agent of an important 
 Russian charity interested in relieving the distress of the thou- 
 sands of Russians who were at that time, and still are, swarming 
 through Poland homeward bound from Germany. This man, 
 who from the first professed the strongest sort of Monarchist
 
 156 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 views, was amply financed, and asserted that he had succeeded 
 in bringing a large amount in Tsar roubles across the border 
 by bribing a Bolshevist official. 
 
 Almost coincident with his arrival there appeared in Warsaw 
 four other men, who travelled with neutral passports, and also 
 claimed to represent a charitable organization, though not the 
 same as that mentioned by the first man. They proposed to 
 be interested in destitute Poles. I have seen these individuals, 
 who were stylishly dressed and had cultivated cosmopolitan 
 manners. On the strength of their representation that supplies 
 were actually on their way for the relief of Polish sufferers, the 
 Government granted them certain facilities. The first sus- 
 picions attached to them when it was found that the promised 
 relief was not forthcoming. The situation was becoming acute 
 when the four men appeared at the Polish Foreign Office, accom- 
 panied by the Russian who was earlier on the scene, and 
 announced that they had made an arrangement whereby the 
 charitable organization represented by the quartette would 
 undertake the work which the Russian originally planned to 
 do, and that this would involve large disbursements from a 
 fund ostensibly for the benefit of Russian prisoners of war. 
 Nothing more was said then of the promised assistance to the Poles. 
 
 Accordingly, at a large concentration camp for Russians 
 established at Povonsky, on the outskirts of Warsaw, active 
 work was apparently begun, and thus the matter stood for 
 some time, during which the four alleged neutrals travelled 
 quietly about the country a good deal. Then came a sudden 
 development. No fewer than 436 prisoners in the concen- 
 tration camp simply disappeared in one night. An investi- 
 gation was begun by the Polish authorities, and it was soon 
 ascertained that the fugitives had scattered themselves all 
 over Poland, a fair number, however, remaining in Warsaw 
 and its vicinity. Not a few, it was found, had gone to Lublin, 
 where trouble was anticipated, as was the case also in Warsaw. 
 These men, who were either agents of the Germans, or during 
 the period of their internment had been thoroughly inocu- 
 lated with Bolshevist doctrines and methods of propaganda, 
 were being regularly supplied with considerable sums of money 
 by the four alleged charity workers. Also, it was finally discovered 
 that the Russian who arrived first was the former head of a Bolshevist 
 seminary in Petrograd. 
 
 In the face of the Bolshevist menace from the East 
 the German opinion stood divided. The Government 
 inclined to a sincere rapprochement to the Entente,
 
 from which side food was expected to come soon. In 
 an appeal to the troops issued by Hindenburg on 
 February I4th the aim of the German army under his 
 command was described as " defence of our territory 
 against our new enemy, Bolshevism, which threatens 
 civilization." 
 
 On the contrary, the opponents to the Government 
 from the extreme parties wished to fight the Entente 
 in alliance with the Bolsheviks. The objection that in 
 this case the Entente army will start on an invasion 
 of Germany was met with a self-confident assertion 
 that the invasion of the revolutionary Germany 
 will present a new chance for bringing about a 
 World Revolution. " The Entente soldiers, they 
 answered, will become infected with revolutionary 
 spirit, and thus the Revolution will be carried 
 into the West, and the World Revolution will be 
 set loose." There existed also an intermediate 
 current of opinion, represented, e.g., by Erzberger, who 
 tried to use Bolshevism not as a weapon to fight with, 
 but as a threat looming in the eyes of the Entente, in 
 order to get more concessions and better conditions 
 of peace. Erzberger himself told a correspondent of 
 the Morning Post (February I4th) that he already 
 earned a certain success with the Allies owing 
 to this argument. " During the first Armistice 
 negotiations," he said, " the Entente refused to believe 
 in the reality of the Bolshevism menace altogether. 
 During the second Armistice negotiations, in December, 
 they admitted that it represented a real danger to 
 Germany. Finally, in the last Armistice negotiations 
 they could no longer deny that Bolshevism had become 
 a menace to the Entente itself." According to Erzberger,
 
 158 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 it was even agreed " not to allow Russian prisoners of 
 war to return to Russia, where they might be impressed 
 into the Bolshevist army (which was regularly the case) , 
 but to keep them in German internment camps under 
 the discipline of Russian volunteer officers, to the 
 exclusion of Soldiers' Councils, and under the super- 
 vision of the Entente." It may be also that, on the 
 other hand, the use drawn from the argument of 
 Bolshevist menace was the reason why the secret 
 machinery of German-Bolshevik relations was kept in 
 existence. The double-minded argument thus continued 
 to be based on double-minded policy. While propos- 
 ing to the Entente to "' prevent the world from being 
 flooded with Bolshevism," the Germans at the same time 
 may have used the Bolshevist advance from the East, 
 particularly to Poland, in order to improve their own 
 strategic position on the Eastern Marches. 
 
 Here, as well as in other questions touching Russia, 
 the Allies have not evolved any scheme for consistent 
 policy. They did not intend and practically were 
 not strong enough to take the place of the retiring 
 Germans. Their military help at that time was quite 
 inadequate. The small borderland States now in pro- 
 cess of making were to all purposes left to themselves. 
 At some other place I shall describe the state of things 
 that ensued more in detail. The point to be emphasized 
 here is, first, that the Bolshevist military invasion under 
 the conditions of a systematic Bolshevist propaganda, 
 strongly supported with money, on one hand, and of 
 no Allied policy, tortuous German tactics and internal 
 weakness of local populations, on the other hand, 
 might easily succeed, if the invasion of Prussia were 
 the one and the single military action planned by the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 159 
 
 Bolsheviks in the spring of 1919. But we already saw 
 that as a matter of fact this was to be only the one of 
 the four actions to be enterprised during the summer 
 campaign of 1919. The other three were to be conducted 
 against three other fronts, the Northern (Murmansk 
 and Archangel), the Eastern (Kolchak), and the Southern 
 (Denikin and the Ukraine). It is particularly Kolchak's 
 and Denikin's offensive operations which were to be 
 warded off, and it is fair to say that if the Bolshevist 
 military contribution to the World Revolution had 
 completely failed in 1919, it was chiefly due to the 
 non-Bolshevist Russia's relentless fight against the 
 Bolsheviks. This is also the answer to the question, 
 Where was loyal Russia at the end of the World 
 War ? and what the war still going on in the east of 
 Europe meant for the whole of the world ? 
 
 It is owing to the necessity of dividing their newly- 
 built Red Army into four bodies that the Bolshevist 
 aggression failed to accomplish Mr. Trotsky's schemes, 
 and had in the first half of the year no success at all in 
 the North and in the East. However, it partly and 
 temporarily succeeded in the South because of the 
 transient collapse of the Don Cossacks and the half- 
 hearted policy of the Allies on the Black Sea shore and 
 in the Ukraine. Busy with struggle for existence on 
 all these fronts, the Bolsheviks had no possibility to 
 develop their own offensive towards Germany. That 
 is why even the insufficiently equipped national troops 
 of the borderlands proved capable to stop their military 
 advance. 1 
 
 1 Since these lines had been written, Mr. Winston Churchill 
 confirmed the argument adduced by some very interesting 
 statements in his speech at the House ot Commons on 
 November 5th.
 
 160 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 3. THE BOLSHEVIKS IN HUNGARY. 
 
 The Bolsheviks did not succeed in breaking through 
 the girdle of the frontier States of the West, such as 
 Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland. They were more 
 successful in the South- West, owing not to their arms, 
 but to their propaganda. The same local agent, the 
 national feeling, which made out the chief obstacle to 
 their penetration to borderlands, turned to be their 
 ally in Hungary. 
 
 From the very beginning of 1918 circumstances in 
 Hungary were particularly favourable for an extremist 
 propaganda. According to Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett's 
 illuminating evidence in the Daily Telegraph, 1 the 
 " National Council " that overthrew the Government 
 on October 3ist, and declared Hungary a Republic on 
 November i6th, had been formed in January 1918 of 
 the leaders of the Radical Wing of the old Independent 
 party, the Jewish Mama, and the Social Democrats. 
 " The Government," Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett states, 
 " since the declaration of the Republic may be described 
 as half a Cabinet and half a Soviet." A few lines from 
 a speech by Mr. Pogany, delivered on March 2, 1919, 
 in Szatmar, may illustrate that characteristic. Mr. 
 Pogany was the representative of the Soldiers' Council 
 at the War Office, and he spoke from the same platform 
 with the Minister President Count Karolyi. 
 
 I came here to preach rebellion ... to preach revolution, 
 to set fire . . . against those great landowners, capitalists, 
 army contractors, bankers, and high clergy, who sweat the 
 labouring population of this country. But I came here also 
 to incite sedition against Czech bourgeoisie and the Rumanian 
 
 1 His correspondence have been published on March 8th, 
 nth, 25th, 26th, 27th, April ist, 4th, 7th, I7th, 22nd.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 161 
 
 proprietory Bojars . . . against those who destroy the unity 
 of the Hungarian people. We cannot allow that Hungary and 
 Czecho-Slovakia should organize on different lines. Hungary 
 can only be saved by the International Social Democratic idea, 
 by the united front of the World Revolution. We must stick 
 together, because Rumanian peasants, the Hungarian prole- 
 tariat, Russian, French, and English workmen are all one. 
 
 Thus nationalist idea was welded together with the 
 Bolshevist one, as they already had been in the Bolshe- 
 vist " Imperialism " of Lenin. Count Karolyi, who 
 was not a Socialist, but a Pacifist, at the same occasion 
 came out on the same strongly-nationalist lines. He 
 declared that " unless the Conference of Paris safe- 
 guarded the integrity and independence of the Hungarian 
 people they would never lay down their arms until they 
 had driven their enemies from their native soil." 
 Unhappily, the Armistice at Belgrade, concluded by 
 Count Karolyi with General Franchet d'Esperay on 
 November 8, 1918, did not secure to Count Karolyi 
 the support upon which to lean. It was followed by 
 territorial encroachments from all nationalities allied 
 with the Entente, Czechs, Rumanians, and Serbs, at 
 the expense of the Hungarian " integrity." According 
 to The Times correspondent (March 24th), " it greatly 
 strengthened the hands of the Bolshevist elements 
 who were working to stir up an ill-feeling against the 
 Entente." At the same time, it brought together the 
 most opposite political groups in one feeling of national 
 offence, and thus prepared a very large national basis 
 for a Bolshevik overthrow. Such statesmen as Count 
 Andrassy declared that " rather than suffer the amputa- 
 tion of half of their territories, the Magyars would make 
 common cause with the Bolsheviks (see his interview in 
 Le Journal by a correspondent from Berne on April 3rd) . 
 
 11
 
 162 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 The connection between the policy of the Conference 
 of Paris and the Bolshevist Revolution in Budapest 
 is very eloquently stated by Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett 
 in a correspondence written three weeks before that 
 Revolution (on March 6th see the Daily Telegraph, 
 March nth) : 
 
 It would be impossible to exaggerate the dangers of the 
 present situation in Hungary in regard to its external affairs. 
 The delays of the Conference of Paris in fixing the ultimate 
 boundaries of the nation, the failure to listen to any official 
 expression of Hungarian public opinion up to this time, and 
 the permitting of the armed occupation of more than half her 
 former territory, before the Conference has given its decision, 
 by the Rumanians, Czecho-Slovaks and Jugo-Slavs, is having 
 a deplorable effect on the Hungarian people, and is endangering 
 once again the peace of Europe. It has had the effect of creating 
 a national feeling throughout the country amongst all classes, 
 and however much the nation may seem divided in regard to 
 internal affairs, it stands absolutely solid in its determination 
 to insist on President Wilson's formula that every people has 
 the right to live under the flag of its own choosing. From the 
 ultra-Conservatives to the most extreme Social Democrats, you only 
 hear the same expressions of opinion, namely, that there will 
 be no peace in this part of Europe if Hungarian territory is 
 taken from her. . . . Every day the feeling is growing in strength. 
 1 have talked with elder statesmen like Count Apponyi, with 
 President Karolyi, with Moderate Socialists like Bohm, the 
 Minister of War, with the extreme wing of Social Democrats 
 led by Pogany . . . the most powerful man in Hungary to-day, 
 with the working classes, and with leaders of all shades of public 
 opinion. All declare that the people will never lay down their 
 arms if their richest districts, on which they are dependent for 
 food and coal, are taken from them, leaving them at the mercy 
 of their neighbours. 
 
 This is the soil on which the Bolshevist propaganda 
 thrived, and this time attained its aim. The head of 
 the Government, Count Karolyi, took it under his 
 protection so far as this propaganda was directed against 
 the neighbouring nations. M. Vaida Voevod, the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 168 
 
 Rumanian Minister for Transylvania, in his long inter- 
 view published by Le Matin (March 25th), has stated 
 that " as soon as he came into power, Count Karolyi 
 founded a Bolshevist propaganda bureau at Budapest, 
 whence were issued proclamations in Czech, Serbian, 
 and Rumanian, which were disseminated in Croatia, 
 Transylvania and Slovakia by agents or from aero- 
 planes. This bureau was in close touch with the Russian 
 Bolshevists. When the Rumanian troops occupied 
 Marmaros Sziget, in Northern Hungary, they made 
 prisoner 800 armed Bolshevists who had come from 
 Russia, via Eastern Galicia. Karolyi and Lenin were 
 in constant communication through the wireless station 
 at Budapest." Dr. Harold Williams also confirms 
 in the Daily Chronicle (March 26th) that " Lenin 
 saw the possibilities of Budapest long ago, and just 
 after the Armistice he sent there his friend Rakovsky, 
 who was received by the Karolyi Government and 
 permitted to carry on propaganda among Slovaks, 
 Serbs, and Transylvanian Rumanians. He also worked 
 among the Magyars, and when he returned to Russia 
 left behind him a band of trained agents well supplied 
 with funds and having a nucleus among returned 
 prisoners of war, who had been subjected to intense 
 propaganda in Russia." On February 23, 1919, 
 the Communists tried their first stroke in Gratz (Styria). 
 On that occasion the Hungarian Government proceeded 
 to arrests. Seventy-six Communists were arrested, 
 and at the judicial examination they admitted that 
 they worked with Russian gold and spent 300,000 
 kronen (about 17,000) monthly. The correspondent 
 of the Daily Telegraph, Mr. Leonard Spray, has received 
 further interesting details on that subject from a corre-
 
 164 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 spondent at Budapest, before the outbreak (see March 
 26th). According to it, " so long ago as last January 
 the police at Vienna and at Budapest discovered that 
 delegates from the Russian Red Cross, who were supposed 
 to have been sent to assist the repatriation of Russian 
 prisoners "just as we saw it in Poland "were nothing 
 other than Bolshevik agents, and that they were dis- 
 pensing large sums of Russian and Austrian money 
 in order to gain adherents in Vienna and Budapest 
 The leader of the movement was found to be Bela Kun. 1 
 He was arrested, and acknowledged that he had received 
 all the money he required from Russia, and that it was 
 brought by private couriers. ... A few days ago the 
 Hungarian police received information which led them 
 to suspect the real character of the party of 100 supposed 
 Red Cross delegates, whose arrival had been announced. 
 They were stopped at the frontier, and were found to 
 be in possession of 2,000,000 roubles. On cross- 
 examination, they admitted that their true purpose 
 for coming was to support the movement in Hungary." 
 At the same day, another correspondent of the same 
 newspaper, Mr. Beaumont, telegraphed from Milan 
 
 * Bela Kun, born in 1886 at Szilagycseh, in Transylvania, 
 formerly a Hungarian journalist, secretary and treasurer of 
 the Workmen's Association at Temesvar, became a lieutenant, 
 and was taken prisoner by the Russians at Przemsl. Kerensky 
 is said to have appointed him chief of propaganda among the 
 prisoners, but he worked for the Bolsheviks, made friends with 
 Lenin, and when the latter gained power he organized the 
 first Bolshevik Mission formed from prisoners of war returning 
 to Hungary after Brest-Litovsk. It is said that Lenin fur- 
 nished him with money to found a Communist paper, the Voros 
 Nysag, which he edited for a time after his return from captivity. 
 He was inclined to go a little too fast for Karolyi, and was 
 arrested for organizing a Communist demonstration in Buda- 
 pest and assaulting the police (February). After the Revolution 
 of March 2ist he became Foreign Minister.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 165 
 
 that the ground for the Hungarian Bolsheviks " was 
 prepared by a large influx of Hungarian prisoners of 
 war from Russia. It may be safely estimated," he 
 asserts, " that more than 100,000 of these prisoners, 
 all tainted with Bolshevism, Communist, and Anarchist 
 ideas, and scientifically instructed by the Russian leaders, 
 have entered Hungary within the last four months. 
 It is no impossible boast, therefore, of the new revolu- 
 tionary Government in Budapest that it can get up, 
 or has already at hand, an army of 70,000 former 
 
 prisoners of war." It was coupled with another boast, 
 
 
 
 that " a Bolshevik army of 300,000 men is waiting on 
 the borders of the Bukovina and in the Ukraine to come 
 to the aid of Hungary." The Deutsches Volksblatt of 
 Vienna, which communicated that news, claimed also 
 to be informed by one who had just (before March 24th) 
 arrived from the north of Hungary, that Hungarian 
 troops are already being concentrated according to 
 plans made in common understanding between Moscow 
 and Budapest. 
 
 Hungary was thus quite ripe for a Bolshevist revolu- 
 tion, when a new Note by the Entente on the establish- 
 ment on the frontier of a neutral zone, which the 
 Hungarians understood to be identical with the future 
 political boundary of Hungary, 1 gave signal for the 
 outbreak. Karolyi resigned on March 2ist. A " Soviet 
 Government " took his place. Everything was achieved 
 in a bloodless way. Next day the following dialogue 
 by wireless ensued between Budapest and Moscow : 
 
 1 Colonel Vix formally denied that interpretation. He stated 
 that the President of the Republic was informed that the aim 
 of the Entente is to separate the " Hungarian troops from the 
 Rumanians by means of a sharply-defined neutral zone."
 
 166 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 " The Hungarian Soviet Republic requests Comrade Lenin 
 to come to the telegraph apparatus." Twenty minutes later 
 Moscow replied : " Lenin is at the apparatus. I request Comrade 
 Bela Kun, Commissary for Foreign Affairs, to come to the tele- 
 graph apparatus." Budapest replied : " Instead of Bela Kun, 
 who is at present attending a Council sitting, Ernst For, a 
 member of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist 
 party, is at the apparatus. The Hungarian proletariat, which 
 yesterday took the entire State power into its hands, has intro- 
 duced the dictatorship of the proletariat into the country, and 
 greets you as the leader of the international proletariat. We express 
 to you our revolutionary solidarity, and tender our greetings 
 to the entire revolutionary Russian proletariat." Lenin sub- 
 sequently replied ; " Your message to the Congress of the 
 Communist party of Bolshevist Russia was received with tremen- 
 dous enthusiasm. In order to communicate the decisions of 
 the Moscow Congress, and likewise to report on the military 
 situation, it is necessary to maintain permanent wireless com- 
 munication between Budapest and Moscow. With Communist 
 greetings and handshake." LENIN. 
 
 We have many specimens of that interchange of 
 wireless communications which followed that advice. 
 It apparently began by a note of doubt on the part of 
 Moscow whether what existed in Budapest was really 
 a Communist Republic. " Please inform me," Lenin 
 asked Bela Kun, " what real guarantees you have 
 that the new Hungarian Government is really Com- 
 munistic and not merely Socialistic ; THAT is, Social- 
 traitorous (socialverratherisch}. It is quite certain that 
 owing to peculiar circumstances it would be a mistake 
 for the Hungarian revolution to imitate our Russian 
 tactics in its detail. I must warn you against this 
 mistake." Bela Kun sends a detailed reply to his 
 master. He states that within three days a decree 
 for the nationalization of all land, as well as a decree 
 for the annulment of loans, will be issued in Hungary. 
 He claims that the power is fully in the hands of the 
 Soviets. He says that his influence upon the masses
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 167 
 
 is very great, and that the shaping of the Soviets depends 
 entirely upon him. The regulations for the elections 
 of the Soviets are on the Russian model. . . . Soviets 
 have been formed already in every village. Concerning 
 the military situation, Bela Kun answers that no serious 
 operations affecting Hungary have so far been under- 
 taken by the Entente Powers ; also that the organization 
 of the Red Army makes progress and that Russian 
 prisoners have been enrolled in the Red Army. He 
 takes care to add that there is great unrest in 
 Austria and in Southern Germany, and that decisive 
 events are expected to occur within a few days. In 
 his speech before the delegates of the old Communist 
 party Bela Kun repeats conscientiously Lenin's lesson. 
 " The Soviet constitution is being worked out at 
 present on the basis of Lenin's instructions. It is 
 not necessary, however, literally to copy the Russian 
 constitution. We must learn from the mistakes of 
 the Russian Revolution. The dictatorship does not in 
 every case signify terrorism " and so on. 
 
 Measures which were not considered to be " mistakes," 
 but obviously were thought to be the very substance 
 of Communist legislation and which have been, accord- 
 ingly, immediately realized in Hungary were the 
 " socialization " of all banking institutions and safes, of 
 all dwelling-houses, the sanction of " illegal " marriages 
 and illegitimate children, etc. Subsequently, the 
 Hungarian reformers asked for further inspiration 
 from Moscow. An intercepted wireless message to 
 Chicherin requests the despatch of all Russian Bolshevist 
 decrees and regulations, together with other Bolshevist 
 literature, to Proskurov (Podolia), thence to be fetched 
 by an aerial messenger.
 
 168 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 The hopes ran high at that first real achievement in 
 the line of the World Revolution. In an interview 
 published by the Berliner Tageblatt a few days after 
 the Revolution the Hungarian Ambassador at Vienna 
 said : " We are joined to the Russian Soviet Republic 
 by a very strong military and political treaty. . . . 
 I do not believe the Governments of the Entente will 
 venture into war against a world's movement such as 
 Bolshevism, for the revolution in Hungary is only a 
 step on the way to a World Revolution. . . . We 
 are inspired by the same ideas which guide the Russian 
 Soviet Government." Later on (April 24th) The Times 
 correspondent published the contents of the agreement 
 between Bela Kun and Lenin, referred to by the 
 Hungarian Ambassador. It was as follows : 
 
 1. An Alliance is agreed upon between the Soviets of 
 Hungary, Ukrainia, and Russia. 
 
 2. Up to the time of the other European States going over 
 to the Soviet regime, they will give each other military and 
 material assistance. 
 
 3. Movements of troops will be made only after a preliminary 
 understanding among the different Soviet States. 
 
 4. They will attack the Entente, and especially Poland and 
 Rumania. 
 
 On April i6th Pogany, while on a trip to Vienna, 
 confirmed these hopes and expectations. Interviewed 
 by a representative of Der Neue Tag, he said : " In 
 one week we shall be in direct relations with Russia 
 and the Ukraine, and shall obtain the foodstuffs as 
 well as the raw materials necessary for our industries, 
 so that the hopes of the bourgeoisie that we shall be 
 defeated by hunger and want are destroyed. I admit 
 that Communism cannot win only a partial victory. 
 But the Soviet block, consisting of Russia, the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 169 
 
 Ukraine, Germany, and Serbia, would easily be able 
 to deal with the industrial opposition of the capitalist 
 States." 
 
 This state of self-confidence was still enhanced by 
 General Smuts' Mission to Budapest. To use Mr. 
 Ashmead-Bartlett's judicious expression, " the Entente, 
 by its error in sending General Srrmts on his Mission, has 
 put a premium on Bolshevism." " The Soviet Govern- 
 ment expected force," he states on April loth, " and, 
 to their amazement, they found recognition. The 
 only satisfaction to be got out of this miserable business 
 is the fact that the Soviet Government are now so 
 confident that they have laid all their cards on the 
 table." 
 
 And, indeed, General Smuts has come to propose 
 the raising of the blockade, and an invitation of the 
 Hungarian delegates to the Peace Conference before 
 the final frontiers should be decided. In exchange, 
 he demanded the formal recognition of the Note on 
 the neutral zone. 
 
 On the morning of Saturday, April 5tb, Bela Kun was 
 ready to accept these advantageous proposals. But 
 subsequently he conferred with Lenin by wireless, 
 and, on Lenin's advice, on the afternoon he rejected 
 the proposals. On Saturday night General Smuts 
 steamed out of Budapest. 
 
 What the Hungarian Bolsheviks now asked for was 
 complete freedom to exploit Bolshevism throughout the 
 world. " We request the convocation of the Con- 
 ference proposed by us," they said, " to consist of the 
 representatives of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, 
 Bohemia, Rumania, Serbia, Jugo-Slavia and German 
 Austria, to meet as quickly as possible in Prague or
 
 170 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Vienna, and to proceed on parallel lines with the 
 negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference." They 
 also wished "to be enabled to maintain, both in the 
 countries enumerated and in other countries, economic 
 representatives." That is how even the moderate 
 Socialist leaders, interviewed by Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett, 
 explained their demands and their expectations (the 
 Daily Telegraph, April 8th). 
 
 The Entente is now utterly powerless and dare not send 
 troops anywhere, through fear of the infection of Bolshevism, 
 and therefore are willing to negotiate with the Bolshevik leaders. 
 ... If they came here, they would join the ranks of our 
 " International " regiments within a week. ... In reality we 
 Bolsheviks of the world have won the victory. We shall sweep 
 over Europe, and every one will have to join us. ... Now all 
 cards are in our hands. . . . 
 
 So far as their further plans were concerned, 
 Bohm, Pogany and other leaders explained them as 
 follows : 
 
 In three weeks we shall have 150,000 perfectly equipped, 
 trained men. In six weeks we expect to have 500,000 men 
 trained or partly trained. The Entente will not be able to 
 interfere, as they have no troops. We carry on the real war- 
 fare by propaganda. . . . Don't you realize what a wonderful 
 position geographically Hungary has as a starting-place of 
 Bolshevism ? We are surrounded with discontented peoples, 
 all ready to accept our principles. For the moment we shall 
 not bother with Austria. They are already Bolsheviks, but 
 they are dependent on Allies' food, and say they must wait 
 before joining us. We shall start with Czecho-Slovakia. After 
 Czecho-Slovakia comes the turn of Rumania, but that country 
 may adopt Bolshevism at any moment. Bulgaria also is quite 
 ready to throw in her lot with us. Jugo-Slavia will follow as 
 a matter of course, and then we shall arrive as a solid body at 
 the frontiers of Italy. You will see that in three months Italy 
 will come over to us. Then, on April 8th, there will be a com- 
 bined meeting of Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils in Berlin. 
 We have absolutely certain information that Germany will 
 adopt Bolshevism. . . . How long do you think France will
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 171 
 
 hold out ? Why, we will eat her up in a few months, and then 
 will come the turn of England. Do you realize that all the 
 English propaganda is already printed ? r None of you seem 
 to understand how well organized the forces of Bolshevism are. 
 We have every scrap of paper ready for Czecho-Slovakia, 
 Rumania, Bulgaria, Italy, France, and England. No country 
 will be able to hold out against us. a 
 
 Before the end of April, however, this magniloquence 
 gave way to blank despondency. Russian troops, 
 grain, and raw materials, so lavishly promised, were not 
 forthcoming. The Hungarian Red Army proved in- 
 capable to cope with the advancing forces of Rumanians, 
 Czechs, and Slovaks. Finally, news has come from 
 Vienna that the Entente has given France a free hand 
 to deal with Hungary and occupy Budapest. For 
 a time the Soviet Government in Budapest thought that 
 their days were numbered. Colonel Wedgwood spoke 
 in the House of Commons about the " assassination 
 of the revolution in Hungary " (May 5th). Much 
 more appropriately, Bela Kun uttered the supposition 
 that " the Entente has condemned us to the fate of the 
 Paris Commune." As April passed while Europe had 
 not turned Communist, there was a talk in the Cabinet 
 
 1 See Ransome, Six Weeks in Russia, p. 24. 
 
 * See also the correspondence from Helsingfors to The Times 
 on March I7th. " The Executive Committee at Moscow, on 
 the initiative of Trotsky, has ordered the Red General Staff 
 to prepare with all haste a scheme for the formation of an army 
 of 150,000 men to invade Germany at the end of April or the 
 middle of May, via Poland and Courland. The principal object 
 of this army will be to support the Spartacists in Germany and 
 to put on a war footing several hundred thousand Russian 
 prisoners for a defensive OK offensive movement on the line 
 of the Elbe in the event of the Entente Governments still refusing 
 to conclude a peace with the Bolshevists. The general idea 
 of this plan is attributed to a certain Major Busch, a former 
 German prisoner who is playing a prominent role in Moscow, 
 declaring himself a Communist and a Spartacist."
 
 172 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Council of resigning and handing over power to a purely 
 or predominantly Socialist Government. 
 
 Having received some new wireless councils from 
 Lenin, and having won some military success over 
 Rumanians, the Communist Government decided to 
 hold on up to the last. The purely Leninite argument 
 preferred by Kun was : " Even if we fall, we should 
 fall in such a way that we benefit and strengthen the 
 cause of the international proletariat." 
 
 Under circumstances obtaining it meant that one 
 shall use the " breathing space " left to them by the 
 indecision and procrastination policy of the Allies 
 in order to expand their propaganda to the neighbouring 
 States of the former Austria-Hungary. " I will speak 
 frankly," Bela Kun is reported in the Pester Lloyd to 
 have said. " My personal opinion (in advocating des- 
 perate resistance) is in no way based upon military con- 
 siderations, perhaps not even upon political groups, but 
 derived from my past career (as a chief of propaganda) . 
 It is that, if it be possible, we should not defend 
 Budapest here, but at the Wiener Neustadt " (on the 
 Austrian frontier, near Vienna). 
 
 However, as a contrast to Germany, the newly-born 
 Austro-German Republic, led by a temporary Executive 
 composed of moderate Socialists (Dr. Seitz, Renner, 
 and Bauer) succeeded to keep the country quiet and to 
 preserve it from Bolshevik and Spartacist excesses 
 up to the day of February 16, 1919, when general 
 elections were held. They passed under the double 
 flag, national and red, of union with Germany and 
 Socialism. The Social Democrats had the relative 
 majority of 70 members ; the Clerical Socialists 62 ; 
 the other parties, mostly German Nationalists, 27.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 178 
 
 The outstanding fact which dominated all politics was 
 the desperate financial, economic, and food position. 
 The population, particularly the lower middle and the 
 labouring classes, were brought to the very verge of 
 starvation, and their life and death question was 
 that of the smooth transportation of foodstuffs by 
 Inter-Allied commission, which might be interrupted 
 by political disturbances. Coupled with the cheerful 
 character of the Viennese, this motive led to calm, 
 patient, half -apathetic endurance. 
 
 Of course, all this did not suit at all Lenin and his 
 Hungarian followers. Bohm and Pogany have visited 
 Vienna, already on the first days of their revolution, 
 obviously, not in order to negotiate with the " traitor 
 Socialists " of Dr. Seitz, Renner, and Bauer's type. 
 It was then they made their boastful declarations 
 to Mr. Ashmead-Bartlett (see above). The results were 
 not slow to follow. On March 30th there were already 
 held mass meetings in Vienna. At one such meeting, 
 convoked by the Council of Sailors, and attended by 
 representatives of soldiers an4 the Danube seamen 
 and delegates of German Councils, it was announced 
 that a dictatorship was imminent, and the proletariat 
 were exhorted to hold themselves in readiness. The 
 Communist delegate Kovacz, of Budapest, declared that 
 Hungary was prepared to feed Vienna when the latter 
 proclaimed a Soviet Republic. A resolution was passed 
 urging the immediate arming of the people, to enable 
 them to become masters of the situation, and another 
 declaring the union, military and political, of the Austrian 
 Republic with the Hungarian was also adopted. (See 
 the Daily Telegraph, April 2ist, a correspondence 
 from Berne, April 4th.) There were more serious
 
 174 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 disturbances on April i7th, when the unemployed, 
 the repatriated prisoners and war invalids tried to 
 establish barricades and to assault the Parliament House. 
 However, the rioting was severely condemned by the 
 Social Democratic party. The Social Democratic 
 " Volkswehr " (People's Militia) proved faithful to the 
 Government. The number of actual demonstrators 
 was found to be only about 1,500. Their leaders were 
 arrested, and the participation of Hungarian and Russian 
 agitators in the demonstrations has been firmly estab- 
 lished. One notorious Hungarian agitator, named 
 Steiner, was found to have in three trunks, which he had 
 just brought from Budapest, 2,000,000 crowns' worth 
 of gold, silver objects, and jewellery, all stolen by the 
 Soviet Government in Budapest, and of 600,000 crowns 
 in bonds and share certificates, taken from the 
 Budapest Commercial Bank. Steiner intended to sell 
 the securities and jewels, and use the proceeds for 
 Communist propaganda. A quantity of propagandist 
 literature was also seized by the police in his room in 
 the hotel. In spite of the arrests, the agitation has 
 not ceased. A man speaking in Russian was heard to 
 declare on April igth that if by April 22nd the Govern- 
 ment did not accede to the demands of the unemployed 
 and the war invalids it had to be swept away by force 
 of arms, in spite of the threat of the Entente to cut 
 off food supplies. Far from their doing so, a raid was 
 performed on the Hungarian Legation, in the Bankgasse, 
 by the anti-Bolsheviks on May 2nd. Close on 
 150,000,000 crowns, obviously intended for further 
 Bolshevist propaganda, were discovered and removed 
 from the Legation. 
 
 The Bolsheviks of Budapest reaped success in
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 175 
 
 Austria-Hungary only in the measure of the advance 
 of their troops. Thus, e.g., Soviet rule was declared 
 at the beginning of June in part of Slovakia as soon 
 as it was reconquered by the Red Army. Kassa 
 (Kaschau) has been evacuated by the Czechs owing to an 
 uprising organized by armed Hungarian workmen. On 
 June i6th a Communist Government was proclaimed 
 in Slovakia under the presidency of Anton Yanousek. 
 It was directly followed by a declaration of alliance 
 concluded with Soviet Russia. On June 22nd the Slovak 
 Press Bureau announced to the world that the socializa- 
 tion of all industries, banks, and larger business concerns 
 was in progress, and that a Red Guard, to which Kas- 
 chau has contributed 15,000 volunteers, was being 
 organized. Both the contents of measures fulfilled and 
 the extreme haste with which they were made public, 
 are typical for Lenin and Trotsky's general scheme. 
 They had good reasons to be in a hurry. Only a week 
 later (June 22nd) the same Slovak Bureau was forced to 
 announce that the Communist Government at Kaschau 
 has decided to resist the Czech advance. A few 
 days later Slovakia was reoccupied, and the ephemeral 
 Government of Anton Yanousek in Kaschau ceased 
 to exist. But for the Allies' mistaken policy, the same 
 should have been long since the case with Bela Kun's 
 Government in Budapest. 
 
 Anyhow, even with that non-interference policy on 
 their side, the Bolsheviks have not succeeded in sweeping 
 Austria-Hungary, just as they had not succeeded in 
 overthrowing the Scheidemann-Noske " traitorous " 
 Government. Moscow and Budapest remained the only 
 samples of the Soviet rule to edify the world. But, 
 as long as they existed, the cause of Bolshevism was not
 
 176 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 thought lost by their initiators. Lenin's view at that 
 time is made known through an interview with him, sent 
 by the Geneva correspondent of the Daily Chronicle (see 
 the Daily Chronicle, April 23rd). It is always the same 
 alternative of Bolshevism carrying the world with it 
 or perishing, and the same firm belief in the final upshot. 
 " A Communist State cannot exist in a world of 
 capitalist States. This is politically and economically 
 impossible. The Communist State must either convert 
 the capitalist States to Communism, or succumb itself to 
 capitalism. An apparent compromise between the two is 
 conceivable for a short time, but it can never be real and 
 lasting. . . . But it is with ideas, not with armies, that 
 we shall conquer the world. Capitalism carries on a more 
 effective propaganda for us amongst the masses than 
 we ourselves could ever hope to achieve by our own 
 efforts." However, in this very interview two methods 
 of active effort are mentioned by Lenin. One is finding 
 their allies wherever they are to be found. " We 
 shook hands with the French Monarchists (a French 
 officer de Lubersac) : . . . thus we merely adopted the 
 perfectly legal and approved method of manoeuvring, 
 resting, and biding our time until the rapidly ripening 
 proletarian revolution should break out in all countries." 
 The other method, whose theoretical justification is 
 revealed to us in the same interview by Mr. Lenin, is 
 falsifying money. The Bolsheviks are known to have 
 done that very cleverly on the international scale, by 
 preparing falsified German marks, British pounds 
 sterling, French francs, and American dollars. They 
 really succeeded in bringing down the currency. 
 Here we have a " scientific " explanation of that 
 method, as applied to Russia itself :
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 177 
 
 Hundreds of thousands of rouble notes are being issued daily 
 by our Treasury. This is done not in order to fill the coffers 
 of the State with practically worthless paper r but with the 
 deliberate intention of destroying the value of money as a means 
 of payment. There is no justification for the existence of money 
 in the Bolshevik State where the necessities of life shall be paid 
 for by work alone. Experience has taught us that it is impossible 
 to root out the evils of capitalism merely by confiscation and 
 expropriation. For however ruthlessly such measures may be 
 applied, astute speculators and obstinate survivors of the 
 capitalist classes will always manage to evade them and continue 
 to corrupt life of the community. The simplest way to 
 exterminate the very spirit of capitalism is, therefore, to 
 flood the country with notes of a high face-value without 
 financial guarantees of any sort. . . . But this simple process 
 must, like all the measures, be applied all over the world 
 in order to render it effective. Fortunately, the frantic finan- 
 cial debauch in which all Governments have indulged 
 during the war has paved the way everywhere for its appli- 
 cation. 
 
 Thus the lavish expense of paper money for the 
 aim of propagating the " ideas " of a rebellion of 
 paupers against the increased cost of living (ascribed 
 this time to the " lust of gain of the interna- 
 tional exploiters ") might at once pursue the double 
 object of increasing propaganda and creating new 
 cause of disaffection for its better success. This 
 also explains the enormous pecuniary resources 
 deliberately spent by the Soviet Government for 
 the expansion of their propaganda " all over the 
 world." We now come to this last chapter of our 
 inquiry on the international aspect of Russian 
 Bolshevism. 
 
 1 This is untrue, of course, as the Soviet regime could 
 not possibly exist without supplying their officials, their 
 army, and their unemployed working men in the " nation- 
 alized " concerns with that " worthless " money on the 
 increasing scale, proportionately with the fall of its 
 value. 
 
 12
 
 178 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 4. THE BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA IN NEUTRAL 
 COUNTRIES. 
 
 On March 2nd, in great secret even from Mr. 
 Ransome a queer kind of gathering met at 
 the Kremlin, Moscow. " Everybody of importance 
 was there," so runs Mr. Ransome's description : 
 " Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Chicherin, Bukharin, 
 Karakhan, Litvinov, Vorovsky, Steklov, Rakovsky, 
 representing here the Balkan Socialist Party, 
 Skripnik, representing the Ukraine. Then came 
 Stang (Norwegian Left Socialists), Grimlund 
 (Swedish Left), Sadoul (France), Finberg (British 
 Socialist Party), Reinstein (American Socialist Labour 
 Party), a Turk, a German- Austrian, a Chinese, and so 
 on." " The meeting was in a smallish room, with a 
 dais at one end, in the old Courts of Justice. The 
 Presidium was on the raised dais at the end of the room, 
 Lenin sitting in the middle behind a long, red-covered 
 table, with Albrecht, a young German Spartacist, 
 on the right, and Flatten, the Swiss, on the left." 
 " Speeches were made in all languages, though, where 
 possible, German was used, because more of the foreigners 
 knew German than knew French." " There was a 
 make-believe side to the whole affair," Mr. Ransome 
 ironically remarked, " in which the English Left Social- 
 ists were represented by Finberg and the Americans by 
 Reinstein, neither of whom had, or was likely to have, 
 any means of communicating with their constituents." 
 
 Of course, Fritz Flatten cut a really " vital figure " 
 at the Conference. One must bear in mind that Flatten, 
 together with Grimm, had been the most active in 
 plotting the German-Bolshevik conspiracy ; that as
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 
 
 early as 1915 they had started separating the " revolu- 
 tionary " International from the old one the " Third " 
 from the " Second " through Zimmerwald and 
 Kienthal, and that when the time had come to intro- 
 duce the new plant into Russia, they easily got 
 permission from Germany to let Lenin pass through 
 Germany to Petrograd, then in a state of revolution. 
 
 Everything progressed favourably for the " Third 
 International " idea : the Bolsheviks were out for a 
 World Revolution, and, as we have seen, were preparing 
 to realize the " first link in the chain " a Communist 
 revolution in the Central Empires as early as the spring 
 of 1919. They were not in the least afraid of military 
 reverses : on the contrary, they courted the danger o f 
 the Allied troops coming as they were sure they woul d 
 to help the Russian counter-revolution. They were 
 busy preparing to meet them with the only weapon they 
 possessed with " hundredweight upon hundredweight 
 of propaganda " in all possible languages, printed in 
 Petrograd. But it was a different thing if, instead of 
 armed soldiers, another kind of Socialist propaganda had 
 opposed their own. That is why they heard with 
 consternation that their chief enemy in the world of 
 ideas, the " Second International " of the Social patriots 
 and Social traitors, was resuscitated in Berne. Moreover, 
 the " Second International " seemed to start on an 
 offensive, while deciding to send a delegation to study 
 the political situation in Bolshevist Russia. Mr. Ran- 
 some tells us that since February 2Oth the question 
 of how to meet the " Commission of Inquiry " " was 
 the most debated of all political subjects." Chicherin 
 had immediately replied to Berne, saying that, " though 
 they did not consider the Berne Conference either
 
 180 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 socialistic or in any degree representative of the working 
 class, they nevertheless would permit the Commission 
 to go to Russia, and would give it every opportunity 
 of becoming thoroughly acquainted with the state of 
 affairs, just as they would any bourgeois Commission 
 directly or indirectly connected with any of the bourgeois 
 Governments, even with those then attacking Russia." 
 
 We know that the proposal to send a Commission 
 to Russia was made at the Berne Conference by the 
 sympathizers with the Bolsheviks. The latter took it, 
 instead, as a most insidious trick on the part of the 
 " Imperialist " Governments. Litvinov was heard to 
 say that " sending the Commission from Berne was the 
 most dangerous weapon yet conceived by their 
 opponents." 
 
 Many Communists severely criticized Chicherin's 
 reply, and it was then that the idea was born " to counter 
 any ill effects that might result from the expected visit " 
 of the official representatives of the Second International 
 by speedily founding in Moscow the " Third Inter- 
 national." The idea might be suggested by Flatten, 
 who hurried up to Lenin directly after the Swiss party 
 refused to take part in the Berne Conference. Mr. 
 Lansbury actually saw Flatten in Berne openly declaring 
 himself for Soviet rule. " Flatten agrees that he and 
 his friends are anti-democratic. . . . The people are too 
 ignorant, too stupid. The clear-headed, class-conscious 
 Minority, he thinks, must now use the same methods 
 as those of the governing classes, and must assume 
 control by violence and force " (the Herald, February 
 I5th). Three weeks after these purely Leninite sen- 
 tences had been uttered, we find Flatten in Moscow, 
 sitting at the table on the left hand of Lenin, presiding
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 181 
 
 at the founding of the " Third International " in 
 Moscow. 
 
 Of course, Flatten was not the only intermediary 
 between Berne and Moscow. Mr. Ransome informs 
 us that " many letters had been received from members 
 of that Conference, Longuet, for example, wishing that 
 the Communists had been represented there." " The 
 view taken in Moscow," he adds, " was that the left 
 wing at Berne was feeling uncomfortable at sitting 
 down with Scheidemann and Co. ; let them definitely 
 break with them, finish with the Second International 
 and join the Third. It was clear that this gathering 
 in the Kremlin was meant to be the nucleus of a new 
 International opposed to that which had split into 
 national groups, each supporting its own Government 
 in the prosecution of war. That was the leit motif 
 of the whole affair." " If the Berne delegates had come, 
 as they were expected, they would have been told by 
 the Communists that they were welcome visitors, but 
 that they were not regarded as representing the Inter- 
 national." The great danger of the " social-traitorous " 
 propaganda was thus averted, and an official point 
 d'appui was acquired which buttressed the Bolshevist 
 propaganda in the name of the " Third International " 
 all over the world. The work begun at Zimmerwald 
 was thus achieved in the Kremlin. 
 
 Just because it was not a new departure, but rather 
 a completion of the old, the Bolsheviks did not wait 
 for Platten's announcement (on March 5th) of the 
 foundation of the Third International in the Kremlin, in 
 order to start their propaganda on a much larger scale 
 than was necessary for preparing the immediate out- 
 break of a Communist revolution in the Central Empire
 
 182 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 (" the first link in the chain "). Already, as early as 
 January 1919, the Danish diplomatist, Mr. Scavenins, 
 in an interview with the correspondent of the National 
 Tidende, gives a general outline of the Bolshevist world 
 propaganda. " The Bolshevists," he states, " are masters 
 of the art of propaganda. This work is directed by 
 Radek (Mr. Ransome says Reinstein was at the head 
 of the department, which he condescendingly, but 
 hardly sincerely, qualifies as ' quite futile '), who has 
 under him representatives of most nationalities. He 
 (Radek) supplies the idea, and the other think it into 
 their own idiom, with their French, English, or German 
 brains. They are very clever in understanding how 
 to attack every country at its most sensitive point ; 
 for example, England in India. They have Russians 
 taught the Indian languages and send them to India 
 (according to Mr. Ransome, in February a certain 
 Mr. Eliava was going to Turkestan). They have sent 
 others to China and to Japan. They have won adherents 
 among the Chinese residents in Russia." 
 
 Mr. Scavenins, as a Danish resident, was just the man 
 to know what was going on behind the screen. It was, 
 indeed, the neighbouring neutral countries which served 
 the Bolsheviks as the first stepping-stone for their 
 propaganda at large. It was chiefly through Sweden, 
 Denmark, Switzerland, and Holland that they com- 
 municated with their adherents all over the world. 
 There they had their old connections prepared for them 
 by Germans in pre-revolutionary time : very often 
 they only had to step into the shoes of the German 
 propagandists. The best proof that the old tradition 
 of co-operation has been inherited by Republican 
 from the Imperial Germany is the nomination of German
 
 183 
 
 Ministers to the neutral Governments. Thus, for instance, 
 when Baron von Romberg's Bolshevik intrigues had 
 become intolerable to the Federal Council in Berne, 
 he was replaced by the Socialist Adolf Miiller, who had 
 been constantly on the move between Berlin and Berne, 
 serving as an important link between the Swiss and 
 the German Majority Socialists, and intimately connected 
 with people like Grimm, Nobs, Parvus, and Angelica 
 Balabanova. The work of the Russian Bolshevist 
 Mission in Switzerland is very well characterized from 
 within, as it were, by an official report of the chief 
 of the Mission, Mr. Berzin, after his expulsion from 
 this country. 1 Says Mr. Berzin : " Our expulsion 
 from Switzerland proves that to a certain extent we 
 succeeded in our work. Our most important task 
 was intelligence work. We undertook to abstain from 
 any political propaganda, and that is how we kept it ; 
 we took no part in public meetings, and we did not 
 publish newspaper articles signed with our names ; 
 in short, we carried on no open propaganda. But, 
 on the other hand, we did what we had a right to do : 
 we sent information on the Russian situation and on 
 the Bolshevist policy to other countries. We could 
 not do otherwise, because this was the chief aim of 
 our mission in Switzerland." " During the war-time 
 Switzerland had been an admirably well-located obser- 
 vation point, and our aim was to keep our Russian 
 comrades well informed about what was going on in 
 Western Europe, particularly in the Allied countries, 
 on which they had only a scanty information through 
 
 1 The minute of the sitting of the Central Committee, where 
 the report had been read, appeared in the official Izvestia, 
 November 27, 1919.
 
 184 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the channel of Germany." That the Swiss Mission 
 did much more than that is shown by the following 
 avowal of Mr. Berzin : " The existence of the Soviet 
 Mission in Berne and the enormous activity it displayed 
 in the work of propaganda, not only in Switzerland, but 
 also in the neighbouring and in more remote countries, 
 has become a danger for the bourgeois classes in Western 
 Europe." That is how Mr. Berzin explains his well- 
 deserved expulsion from Switzerland. 
 
 On the occasion of a similar expulsion of Mr. Vorovsky, 
 the Soviet's diplomatic representative in Sweden, 
 the Swedish papers published on December 10, 1918, 
 the following news (from the official Finnish source) : 
 
 On the steamer Polhem, chartered to transport the Bol- 
 shevist Minister Vorovsky to Petrograd, a number of important 
 documents were found, proving that the Bolsheviks are making 
 energetic preparations to let loose the World Revolution. The 
 headquarters of the movement are in Stockholm. Sweden 
 now has broken its diplomatic relations with (Bolshevist) Russia. 
 According to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the motive for 
 that measure was the Bolshevist propaganda in Sweden. Mr. 
 Vorovsky was at once deprived of the right to send telegrams 
 in cipher. 
 
 And, indeed, Mr. Vorovsky's sumptuous residence 
 in Stockholm had become a centre round which local 
 Bolsheviks were gathering, and from which a well- 
 organized movement, liberally supported by Russian 
 money, was spread all over the Scandinavian countries 
 and beyond. More than once Mr. Vorovsky was 
 asked to leave Sweden : but owing to the support of 
 local " Left Socialists " he always contrived to receive 
 a respite. The Socialdemocraten stated that in 
 December, at a conference of " Bolshevist representatives 
 and Scandinavian delegates," a plan had been concerted
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 185 
 
 for systematic propaganda by means of starting clubs 
 in the larger centres and disorganizing the trades 
 unions. ' Workers were to be instigated to make 
 demands which could not be conceded, thereby causing 
 strikes and leading up to a general strike. By means 
 of unlimited Russian money put at their disposal, 
 it was hoped that the agitators would in the end cause 
 a revolution, resulting in a Bolshevist dictatorship." 
 (See telegram from Copenhagen, February 2nd, by The 
 Times correspondent.) At a meeting of the " action 
 committee " of the " Left Socialists " with the repre- 
 sentatives of the trade and political unions in January 
 it was decided to arrange for a congress of workmen 
 to vote a protest against eventual Swedish intervention 
 in the internal affairs of other countries (" hands off 
 Russia " namely, Bolshevist Russia). At last, on 
 January 3ist, Mr. Vorovsky was obliged to leave. 
 On that occasion his sympathizers in Sweden gave 
 an impressive farewell banquet, thanking him for 
 " the valuable support he had given their Swedish 
 Bolshevik movement." The Daily Telegraph corre- 
 spondent from Stockholm (from February ist) says ; 
 " Vorovsky answered by a would-be pathetic speech, 
 in the course of which he blasphemously introduced 
 the saying of the ^Saviour : ' A little while and ye shall 
 not see me, and again, a while and ye shall see me.' . . . 
 The Bolshevik waves were rolling forwards from East 
 to West, and would soon attain their lofty object." 
 
 Mr. Vorovsky was so far right that, with his disappear- 
 ance, the Russian Bolshevist activity in Sweden has 
 not been stopped. If the Swedish comrades did " not 
 see him again," they went on working with his substitute, 
 a certain Mr. Frederic Stroem, whom Vorovsky left
 
 186 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 behind him as a " Consul." In April 1919 Mr. Stroem 
 was implicated in an unpleasant affair. A considerable 
 store of Mauser rifles, costing 11,000 crowns, was 
 discovered in the house of a " Left Socialist." In the 
 official report the discovery was brought into connection 
 with Mr. Stroem. He was one of the two Bolshevik 
 members in the Swedish First Chamber against 19 
 Moderate Socialists, while there were n Bolsheviks 
 against 86 Moderate Socialists in the Second Chamber. 
 But this small Minority somehow contrived to overawe 
 the Moderate Majority, and even forced them into 
 making some concessions to their purely revolu- 
 tionary programme. 
 
 To a still greater extent this was the case with 
 Norwegian Socialists. One of their leaders, Mr. Egede 
 Nissen, while in Russia, had, in a speech reported by 
 the Bolshevist newspapers, guaranteed to Lenin that 
 Norwegian comrades would go over to Bolshevism 
 within a month. This did not actually take place, 
 but here, too, from fear of losing popularity, more 
 Moderate Socialists, like M. Lian, gave way. The 
 Norwegian Socialist electorate is not Bolshevist, 
 but all party offices are run by Bolsheviks. The 
 Bolshevik Tranmael became the party secretary ; the 
 Bolshevik Scheflo became editor of the party organ 
 Social Democrat ; both represented the party at the 
 Berne Conference and voted with the Bolshevist 
 Minority. On the occasion of a Cabinet crisis in February 
 the party sent out circulars ordering the formation of 
 Soviets by all men liable to army service ; they were to 
 seize power from the officers and to enforce disarma- 
 ment. During the negotiations with the Cabinet the 
 party threatened a purely political general strike, and
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 187 
 
 Mr. Tranmael suggested the " socialization by mass 
 action," i.e. by seizing factories and workshops. But 
 here he was defeated by a small majority. 1 
 
 There was no lack of attempt to extend the Bolshevist 
 activity to Denmark ; but here the Bolsheviks utterly 
 failed. As early as August 1918 Denmark made 
 representations to Sweden on the subject of preventing 
 the incursion of the Russian Bolsheviks. As nothing 
 had been done, and Swedish Bolsheviks were in the 
 meantime carrying on propaganda in Denmark, 
 the Danish Government was compelled to make 
 stringent passport regulations (see The Times, 
 February i8th). 
 
 In order to show that Holland, too, made no exception 
 from the general rule, let me quote a telegram of The 
 Times correspondent from the Hague, on January 
 22, 1919 : 
 
 Bolshevist activities are creating very considerable uneasiness 
 among thoughtful people in Holland. Meetings to commemorate 
 Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg and to honour their memory 
 are being held throughout the country. Behind these meetings 
 are Bolshevist wirepullers. A few days ago at Oldenzaal the 
 police arrested a German, in the lining of whose cap was con- 
 cealed the sum of 60,000 marks, destined for David Wynkop, 
 who is credited with controlling the Bolshevist propaganda in 
 Holland. He is now said to be nursing the Bolshevist move- 
 ment among the numerous foreigners in Holland, especially 
 escaped Russian prisoners of war. 
 
 To prevent any further Bolshevist agents from entering 
 Holland, the frontier guard has been reinforced and the frontier 
 is very strictly watched. The Germans, too, have also lately 
 strengthened the watch on their side of the frontier. The Dutch 
 Government has temporarily interned some hundreds of miscel- 
 laneous foreigners whom it is impossible to expel. The Bolshe- 
 vist propagandists here appear to be provided with plenty 
 of money, which is brought to Holland by couriers from Russia. 
 
 1 See the Morning Post, April 23rd.
 
 188 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 It is said, apparently with truth, that several millions of marks 
 stolen from Russia have been received in this country, while 
 German and Russian newspapers are being extensively smuggled 
 into and circulated throughout the country. 
 
 All these news, coming from different European 
 centres, but coincident and practically identical, far 
 from being exaggerated, may rather be considered 
 incomplete. We learn from them much more about 
 the internal activity of the Bolshevist propaganda in 
 neutral countries than about the chief object of that 
 propaganda, which was to use neutral countries as 
 many starting-points for the propaganda abroad. One 
 single instance may explain what I mean. We have 
 seen what extensive use was made of Russian war 
 prisoners under the cover of charity institutions. The 
 reader may have inferred that at the basis of uniform 
 practice equally applied in Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
 Poland, etc., lay a uniform system. But it is only 
 by studying the history of the seizure of Russian 
 Red Cross institutions and funds by the Bolsheviks 
 in neutral countries that one may learn what that 
 system was. It happened somehow that, at a given 
 moment, Bolshevik agents took possession of Russian 
 Red Cross offices, particularly in Stockholm and in 
 Copenhagen (also under Joffe in Berlin). They were 
 able quite legally to use Red Cross funds for subven- 
 tioning Russian prisoners. But it meant practically 
 that they were organizing new contingents for the 
 Bolshevik Red Army. There were certain difficulties 
 in sending them across the frontier to Russia, but 
 somehow or other, as time went on, the enormous 
 number of over two million Russian prisoners, originally 
 kept in enemy countries, was dwindling down to less
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 189 
 
 than one million, a few hundred thousand, and 
 finally to an insignificant figure of two to three 
 hundred thousand. If even we take into consider- 
 ation the severe treatment of prisoners in concen- 
 tration camps and the resulting abnormal mortality, 
 it can hardly account for more than the loss of 
 half a million. The remainder, as we know from 
 the agreement between Foch and Hindenburg, was 
 not permitted to return to Russia, on the reason 
 of the supposed Bolshevik proclivities of a great 
 number of them. The one explanation of their dis- 
 appearance from the enemy territories is that the order 
 to stay was not always obeyed. As the number of tres- 
 passers seems too large to be explained by individual 
 initiative or by personal motives, there may have been 
 some general scheme for sending them away, and the 
 whole work could hardly be done without the connivance 
 of the enemy Governments. We are fully entitled to 
 add the new feature the exodus of the Russian 
 prisoners, partly previously trained for Bolshevism 
 to the general picture of Germano-Bolshevist plot 
 carried through neutral countries. 
 
 5. BOLSHEVIST CONNECTIONS AND AIMS IN THE 
 ALLIED COUNTRIES. 
 
 A revolution " in the streets of London, Paris, and 
 Rome " was sure to come in its turn, according to the 
 Bolshevist ideology. But it was to be the result of 
 a previous outbreak in Central Europe. The chief and 
 immediate aim of the Bolshevist propaganda in the 
 Allied countries was, therefore, not so much a direct 
 revolutionary overthrow as a weakening and paralysing
 
 190 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 of forces which might interfere with the success of revo- 
 lution in the Eastern and Central Europe. " Trotsky 
 asked us to do two things," a British Bolshevist 
 agitator, Jack Tanner, was heard saying on February 2, 
 1919, at a gathering in London l : " The first was to 
 organize agitations to stop the British Government 
 sending troops to Russia ; the second was to bring 
 about a revolution in Great Britain." " If we manage 
 the second," Jack Tanner added, " it will please 
 Trotsky and Lenin much more than the first." But 
 the first was more realizable, and in order to show 
 at once how and who in this country took to 
 the task to " please " Lenin and to satisfy the 
 demands of Trotsky I submit the following in- 
 vitation to a Mass Meeting at the Memorial Hall in 
 London : 
 
 HANDS OFF RUSSIA COMMITTEE. 
 7, FEATHERSTONE BUILDINGS, HOLBORN, W.C. i. 
 
 Hon. President : 
 N. LENIN. 
 
 Hon. Vice-Presidents : 
 KARL LIEBKNECHT, LEO TROTSKY, CLARA ZETKIN. 
 
 N.B. Owing to the bad postal and telegraphic arrangements 
 we may not get the formal consent of our Russian and 
 German comrades. We will take it for granted. 
 
 Acting President : Secretary : 
 
 W. F. Watsom T. F. Knight. 
 
 1 At 400, Old Ford Road, Bow (see Sunday Times, February 9, 
 1919). Tanner is the editor of the revolutionary sheet Solidarity, 
 published by the I.W.W. (Industrial Workers of the World). 
 Mr. David Ramsay, an organizer of the S.L.P. (Socialist Labour 
 Party), was on the platform.
 
 OUR FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 191 
 
 A MASS MEETING 
 
 To demand the IMMEDIATE withdrawal of the British Expe- 
 ditionary Forces from Russia 
 
 will be held at the 
 MEMORIAL HALL, 
 
 Farringdon Street, London, E.G. (near Ludgate Circus), 
 
 on 
 Saturday, January 18, 1919. 
 
 Doors open at 6.30 p.m. Chair will be taken at 7.30 by 
 ARTHUR MACMANUS. 
 
 Music 6.30 to 7.30 by MURIEL DAVENPORT, Pianist ; EDWARD 
 SOERMTJS, Violinist ; CEDAR PAUL, Vocalist. 
 
 Speakers : 
 
 G. A. K. LUHANI, I.W.W. DAVID RAMSAY, N.A.C., S.S., 
 
 W. Paul, S.L.P. and W.C. 
 
 E. Sylvia Pankhurst, W.S.F. Ellen Wilkenson. A.U.C.E. 
 
 W. F. Watson, L.W.C. 
 
 All Seats Free. No Tickets required. 
 
 Seats will be reserved until 7.15 for Conference delegates. 
 
 T. KEELEY & Co., Printers (T.U.), 47, Darnley Rd., Hackney, E.g. 
 
 (7.319) 
 
 On the part of the " German comrades," another 
 aim was put forward after the Armistice and made the 
 subject of propaganda in the Allied countries. Every- 
 thing was to be done in order to influence public opinion 
 to mitigate the conditions of peace. The French 
 Nationalist organ, L' Action Franfaise, had made on 
 that subject very interesting disclosures, which were 
 not refuted. I enclose the full text : x 
 
 ' L' Action Franfaise. The quoted text was published by 
 Maurice Pujo three times, on June 2ist, June 23rd, and June 25th, 
 1919, without eliciting any comment on the part of the Extreme 
 Left Wing Press. The explanations given by M. Pichon in the 
 Chamber were very evasive : he spoke of " rumours, telegrams," 
 etc., being insufficient to undertake any legal prosecution.
 
 192 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 On November 19, 1918, the German naval attache at Madrid 
 informs his principal at Berlin that his steps taken with Spanish 
 mariners and working men, especially with Socialists, have 
 already brought about certain useful results. Several telegrams 
 asking for a " peace of right " have been already sent to Mr. 
 Wilson and to the Socialists of different belligerent countries. 
 The naval attache declares himself able at any time to approach 
 " the French Socialists, Longuet in particular," in order to give 
 financial support to their efforts, and he urgently asks whether 
 he shall continue that propaganda and approach (toucher] French 
 Socialists, to obtain an undertaking that conditions of peace 
 shall be made supportable. 
 
 On November 2ist the German naval attache at Madrid pro- 
 poses a scheme of action to leading men at Berlin, in order to 
 provoke an outburst of Bolshevism in France, or, "if it is true 
 that one cannot count upon the victory of Bolshevism in 
 France," at least in some corner of that country. This would 
 be sufficient to frighten the Government and to let them take 
 into consideration the wishes expressed by Socialists concerning 
 the conditions of peace. 
 
 On November 2gth the Admiralty accepts the proposals of 
 the naval attache to act on Spanish working men through 
 agents and upon French Socialists through the intermediary 
 of Longuet, in order to obtain " supportable " conditions of 
 peace. " Do everything possible in accordance with your pro- 
 posal in agreement with your Ambassador." 
 
 On December loth the naval attache declares that the time 
 is too short for any favourable results to be obtained by propa- 
 ganda among the Spanish Socialists with the object of their 
 subsequent action on their French comrades. Nevertheless, the 
 naval attache continues this pacifist propaganda : he will send 
 tracts and other propaganda leaflets to France, to England, and 
 to Italy. But his chief object is to assist French Socialists with 
 money through the intermediary of the Spanish, who will serve 
 as men of straw. Means to get at it is open to him, but it is 
 necessary for him to know what are the sums he can make use 
 of for that purpose. 
 
 Both theses thus indicated for the Bolshevist and 
 the German propaganda in Allied countries, the non- 
 intervention in revolutionary Russia, and the lenient 
 treatment of vanquished Germany, were particularly 
 convenient in the sense that they might appeal to 
 larger masses if defended by purely humane and
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 193 
 
 democratic arguments. Every counter-propaganda was 
 doomed in advance to appear as " counter-revolu- 
 tionary " and " imperialistic." That is why Bolshevist 
 and German agents had an easy time of it as long as 
 public opinion was kept uninformed on the real subject 
 of contest. Periodicals like the New Statesman, daily 
 papers like the Manchester Guardian, without having 
 anything in common with Bolshevism or pro-Germanism, 
 did yeoman service to the Bolshevist and the German 
 cause, while stubbornly defending flagrant misstate- 
 ments profitable for both causes, and availing themselves 
 of sentimental and abstract arguments, very popular, 
 but very one-sided. Without noticing, perhaps, 
 there were always two measures for appreciating the 
 same sets of facts, coming from different sides. One 
 was ready, without proofs, to believe the worst about 
 Kolchak and Denikin, the " counter-revolutionaries," 
 while the best evidence was rejected and disposed of, 
 without discussion, as a " pack of lies " if it was likely 
 to discredit the Bolshevist rule. As a last resource, 
 when nothing could be said against overwhelming 
 evidence of Bolshevist misrule, there was the pretence 
 of not knowing anything positive and wrapping oneself 
 in silence. Former allies were treated as " traitors," 
 while the real traitors to the allied cause and German 
 agents were warmly recommended as possible allies. 
 The very term of " non-intervention " under such condi- 
 tions received a very queer and ambiguous sense. To 
 help people who never stopped fighting for the allied 
 cause, who thought their war to be a part of the World's 
 War, and who fanatically and, one might say, nearly 
 superstitiously, stuck to the allies to help them not 
 with men, but even with munitions meant " inter- 
 
 13
 
 194 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 ference." To help by the very fact of abstention 
 from this interference the other side, which was out 
 for a World Revolution, and which openly declared war 
 on all democratic " Governments," as opposed to their 
 " peoples," upon which they ruled according to peoples' 
 own consent and election that meant " non-inter- 
 ference." " Non-interference " in the choice of any 
 future form of government was wisely proclaimed as 
 an axiom by most influential popular leaders. But as 
 facts stood it meant nothing else than supporting the 
 " Soviet " rule which was no form of government at 
 all. As soon as tendencies were suspected to exist 
 for a form of government classified as undemocratic 
 all talk of non-interference ceased at once, and the 
 same people asked their Governments to interfere 
 immediately. The example of Hungary during and 
 after Bela Kun's ascendancy shows how distorted, in- 
 consistent, senseless, and inexpedient the governmental 
 line of action was bound to be under such contradictory 
 influences of a misguided public opinion. How much 
 harm has thus been done to the Russo-Allied relations 
 will be seen later. 
 
 I must emphasize once more that no necessary 
 connection exists between that state of mind produced 
 in masses and the Bolshevist conspiracy in a narrower 
 sense. The allied intellectuals, who served as inter- 
 mediaries between the few criminal initiators of a 
 conscious propaganda and the natural idealism of 
 democratic masses, cannot be accused of being moved 
 by mean motives. But it does not change anything 
 in the fact that they allowed themselves to be used for 
 the cause which is as far as possible from their lofty 
 inspirations, if considered from the merely realistic side.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 195 
 
 Whatever be the construction put upon it, the 
 Bolsheviks might be fully satisfied with the result 
 obtained. Jack Tanner was right in stating that 
 " revolution " would give Trotsky much more pleasure 
 than " non-interference." But the " non-interference " 
 propaganda created an environment most suitable for 
 a subsequent revolutionary propaganda. It was a 
 first step which led to the second. Let us now follow 
 the same trend of ideas and come to what is my proper 
 subject in this chapter : to state the narrower circle 
 of direct relations between Bolshevist Russia and 
 Spartacist Germany on the one hand and revolutionary 
 groups of Great Britain on the other. I begin with 
 Great Britain, not only because, living in this country, 
 I was able to follow more closely the developments, 
 but also, as I believe, because, owing to greater freedom 
 (" unbridled licence " is Mr. Winston Churchill's expres- 
 sion in the House of Commons) of public opinion and 
 action, the whole process may be much more easily 
 traced here than in other Allied countries, under the 
 conditions created by war. 
 
 Mr. Ransome, who tries in his description of the 
 Bolshevist doings to be as euphemistic as he possibly 
 can, assures us that " none " out of the " hundred- 
 weight of propaganda in English," printed at the 
 " quite futile departments " of a certain M. Reinstein 
 in Moscow, " by any chance ever reaches these shores." 
 I do not know whether Mr. Ransome thinks it good 
 or bad, but I can assure him that as a matter of fact 
 he is entirely mistaken. I personally possess copies 
 of English Bolshevist pamphlets, bought here, but 
 printed in Russia and bearing Russian inscriptions, 
 such as, e.g., The Typography of Ryabushinsky's
 
 196 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Comp., Strastnoy, Boulevard, Putnikovsky Lane, 3 
 Moscow, 1918. That is why I fully believe that the 
 editor of the Socialist, the official organ of the S.L.P., 
 Glasgow, is right in his objection to Mr. Ransome's 
 statements. " We would mention," he says, " that 
 Reinstein's department is not so futile as it might 
 seem. Literature does reach these shores of England 
 from Russia, and most of the leaflets and manifestoes 
 printed in England are delivered, by various means, 
 to the British troops on the Russian front. Our 
 Government will find that out when the troops return 
 to this country." But then the Socialist proves too 
 impatient to wait until its insolent prediction is fulfilled. 
 In the middle of July it prints a special " Bolshevist 
 Supplement," which is widely circulated at the 
 " Hands Off Russia " demonstrations. Here all these 
 appeals to British soldiers, sailors, and workers, said to 
 be written by Mr. Philips Price in Russia, and intended 
 for use on the Murmansk and the Archangel front, 
 are reproduced for the benefit of the London population. 
 One of these appeals declares, in the name of Bolshevist 
 Russia : " Ours is a real Labour Republic, and when 
 you come against us to overthrow the Soviets and 
 establish the kind of Democracy that exists in your 
 (i.e. Allied) countries, you are attempting to overthrow 
 the rule of the workers and re-establish the rule of 
 kings and capitalists." Another manifesto tells British 
 soldiers and sailors : " Your duty, as working men, 
 is to support Bolshevist Russia, not to fight it. Refuse 
 to be the tools of capitalists to crush your own class, 
 the workers of Russia. Demand to be sent home, 
 and when you get there, take your reckoning of the 
 gang of plunderers who have devastated the world for
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 197 
 
 their own profit. Sweep capitalism from England, as 
 we have done in Russia, and join with the workers of 
 all countries in a League of Republics of Labour." 
 Thus, out of the " Hands Off Russia " slogan a pure 
 and complete Zimmerwald programme, that of the 
 " Third International," is evolved. British revolu- 
 tionaries are being asked " to spread these appeals 
 broadcast " : "by these means we feel we can best 
 assist our Russian comrades and also carry forward 
 the fight in this country to obtain all power for the 
 workers. We must now sacrifice the national interest 
 of our rulers in order to achieve the international emancipa- 
 tion of the masses of the world." 
 
 If for purely humane and pacifist propaganda 
 circles and organizations could be used which previously 
 had been opposing war and conscription, other group- 
 ings and methods have now become necessary to carry 
 the avowedly revolutionary propaganda of the Third 
 International. We saw five British organizations of 
 that kind mentioned in Mr. Lenin's appeal convoking 
 the Third International (p. 120). But independently of 
 Mr. Lenin's qualification, we have their own avowals, 
 amply confirmed by the character of their present 
 activity. They vie with each other for the first place 
 in the new " Communist " movement. The old British 
 Socialist Party (founded 1911), in a leader of their 
 official organ the Call (August 1919), makes some 
 fresh disclosures on the subject of Russian money sent 
 to help British Bolshevism : " We, of the B.S.P., 
 conceive it to be a high honour to be called Bolsheviks, 
 because the Bolsheviks are our noble Russian comrades 
 who have overthrown the hideous tyranny of 
 Tsardom " (exact knowledge of facts is not considered
 
 198 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 obligatory at these quarters), " and who are slowly but 
 surely laying the foundations of the new civilization. 
 . . . And we would welcome any assistance they could 
 give us : either in the way of ideas, literature, or 
 money." But the B.S.P. is already behind the times, 
 as it admits of a certain usefulness for the revolution- 
 aries to control Parliament. On the occasion of the 
 Clyde strike movement the Call tries to explain to 
 the adherents of the new doctrine the advantages of 
 taking the political power. 
 
 It would have been much better to have captured the civil 
 government of Glasgow, for instance, as the control of the 
 police would then have been in the workers' hands, and they 
 would not have been ordered out to baton the workers on strike. 
 It would have been well for the workers to have captured 
 Parliament and the Government, as the latter have the control 
 of the military, and in that case the workers would not have 
 had the military called out to complete the policemen's job. 
 
 For the " Socialist Labour Party," with headquarters 
 in Glasgow, this is not at all a true rendering of Mr. 
 Lenin's teaching. They declare in the Socialist 
 (February I3th) that " the S.L.P. was the first Socialist 
 party in this country to direct the attention of the 
 working class to the impossibility of achieving the 
 Social Revolution through Parliament." It is true that 
 the S.L.P. ran three candidates at the last General Elec- 
 tion (Messrs. MacManus, W. Paul, and J. T. Murphy). 
 " But these candidates," the Socialist goes on explain- 
 ing, " two of whom fought Labour Party nominees 
 (Messrs. Hodge and Walsh), repudiated Parliamentary 
 action. They stated frankly that they had entered 
 the political field for the deliberate purpose of revolu- 
 tionary agitation, and with the intention of seeking to 
 destroy the Parliamentary institution." ' The S L.P.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 199 
 
 participated in the elections with a destructive mission : 
 it made an onslaught upon the political state, a part 
 of its revolutionary policy." And, indeed, the leaders 
 of the party have created the Clyde Workers' Committee, 
 and printed its official organ, the Worker, as well as 
 the Clyde Strike Bulletin ; they controlled the Shop 
 Stewards' movement of Scotland and England. Their 
 profession de foi is as follows : " The S.L.P. is a revolu- 
 tionary political organization seeking to build up a 
 Communist movement in this country . . . which will 
 not look to Parliament for redress ; . . . which sees 
 that the future society can only be built upon the 
 industrial field ; a movement which realizes that its 
 political work is to sweep away the mass of debris 
 which was once known as the Parliament institutions." 
 In its electoral number of the Socialist (December 12, 
 1918) the S.L.P. is still more explicit : it publishes a 
 long article recommending " A Soviet Republic for 
 Britain," and signed by the name of " Spartacus." 
 
 But in its turn the S.L.P. appears for some other 
 people to come a little too late. Miss Sylvia Pankhurst 
 claims the priority because " at our last annual confer- 
 ence at Whitsuntide, 1918, we adopted resolutions in 
 support of the Soviet form of government, and decided 
 against Parliamentary action." " We " means the 
 " Workers' Socialist Federation " (W.S.F.). But in 
 that long title the word " Socialist " begins to sound 
 rather objectionable to a Communist ear. And a new 
 " national organization " appears, which calls itself 
 simply ' The Communist League," and pretends 
 again " the first " to represent the Bolshevist doctrine 
 in its purest form. " Why not unite ? " Miss Sylvia 
 Pankhurst asks. And she decides, at a new annual
 
 200 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 conference on Whit-Sunday, 1919, to change the name 
 of the " Workers' Socialist Union " to that of " Commu- 
 nist Party," " in order to emphasize its agreement with 
 the aims and tactics of the Bolsheviks." " The newly- 
 appointed Executive Committee is instructed to ap- 
 proach other organizations of like tendencies with a 
 view to the formation of a ' United Communist Party.' ' 
 Too late, again. The " National Secretary of ' The 
 Communist League ' ' superciliously states that Miss 
 Pankhurst's organization " differs from the Communist 
 League in that the former favours palliatives, and does 
 not grip the need for the conquest of political power 
 by the workers by revolutionary social action, before 
 they can take effective measures for coping with problems 
 of social expediency." And if even the newborn 
 " Communist Party " has repudiated palliatives well, 
 " why did not our comrades find all these wonderful 
 things out before ? " J 
 
 A movement often becomes all the more doctrinaire 
 and sectarian as the chances of realizing its aims de- 
 crease. At the beginning of 1918 the movement 
 was by far more self-confident than it is now. At 
 that time people did not know much about real 
 Bolshevism, and greatly exaggerated its chances of 
 success. It was then that Mr. Williams and Mr. Smillie 
 openly advocated the " Soviet system " as the best 
 form of " dictatorship of the proletariat " suitable for 
 this country. Mr. Maxim Litvinov, the unrecognized 
 Bolshevist Ambassador in London, recommended Mr. 
 
 1 See the Communist, organ of the Communist League, vol. i, 
 No. 2, June-July 1919. It seems that, owing to this criticism, 
 the use of the name " Communist Party " was a little postponed 
 by Miss Sylvia Pankhurs
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 201 
 
 Robert Smillie as " the most outstanding figure in the 
 British Labour movement," which was, as a whole, 
 to be taken advantage of for the advent of Bolshevism 
 in Great Britain. 1 " We should have a responsible and 
 authoritative body," Mr. Smillie said, " which could 
 occupy a position in this country comparable to the 
 all-Russian Soviet meeting and shaping policy in 
 Petrograd." Whether Mr. Smillie meant here something 
 like the " Triple Alliance of railwaymen, miners, and 
 transport workers," whose chairman he was, remains 
 to be elucidated. But the fact is, that attempts have 
 been made to use the " Triple Alliance " as a weapon 
 to bring about political strikes, whose aim may have 
 been to " render Russia the best assistance we could," 
 and " at once to form a Soviet Workers' Government, 
 as the time is now arriving for the workers to control 
 their own destiny " (Mr. Smillie's letter to Reunion of 
 Rebels, November 9, 1918). In that connection the 
 Press recently reminded its readers 2 that as early as 
 June 3, 1917, Mr. Smillie presided at the " most bogus, 
 the most dishonest, and most corrupt conference at 
 Leeds, where he approved of the proposal to form 
 Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, and that after the 
 Conference the Provisional Committee, of which Mr. 
 Smillie was a member, proceeded to organize district 
 conferences (the country was divided into thirteen 
 districts) for the purpose of setting up Workers' and 
 Soldiers' Councils. The secretary was Mr. Tom Quelch, 
 who wrote in the Call, June 28, 1917 : " After thirty 
 years of persistent Socialist propaganda in this country 
 
 1 See the interview with Smillie in the Herald, January 19, 
 1918. 
 
 2 The Morning Post, August 22nd, Mr. R. Smillie, III.
 
 202 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 we believe there is sufficient Socialist consciousness 
 among the workers to accomplish the revolution if 
 means can be found to give it complete and definite 
 expression. The Workers' and Soldiers' Councils will 
 provide the means." 
 
 Coming back to the present time, we may judge of 
 the aims of extreme leaders of the Labour movement, 
 like Mr. Tom Williams, in threatening the general 
 strike by the " Triple Alliance " from his article in the 
 Call on February 20, 1919 : 
 
 The industrial kings will reel on their thrones ere this struggle 
 ends. Mr. Bonar Law will find that long before March 3ist, 
 when his Committee is due to report, the miners and their 
 colleagues of the Triple Alliance have shaken the Government 
 to its foundations. . . . One thing is certain. With the con- 
 certed action of miners, railwaymen, and transport workers, 
 justice can be wrung from their oppressors and a clear lead 
 given not only to the workers of Great Britain, but to the workers 
 of the World. 
 
 In a more definite way the Call declared that the 
 " Triple Alliance is taking the place of the Government," 
 and that " the Triple Alliance is compelling Parliament 
 to use its authority for an industrial purpose." 
 " That way," it stated, " lies the emancipation of 
 Labour. To-day, miners, railwaymen, transport 
 workers are leagued together : to-morrow, their alli- 
 ance will spread until it is a league of all the working 
 class. Then we shall not knock at the doors of 
 Parliament. We shall command it." 
 
 We know that others wished not to " command," 
 but to " destroy," the Parliament, and not to " knock 
 at its doors," but at once to use " direct action." 
 This was the chief point in dispute between different 
 currents of the Labour opinion. The alternative was
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 203 
 
 quite clearly stated in a controversy between Mr. 
 Vernon Hartshorn, one of the promoters of the new 
 tactics, and Professor Hearnshaw, the author of a 
 very remarkable book on Democracy at the Cross-ways 
 (see the Observer, June 8th and June I5th). Mr. 
 Hartshorn's contention was, that " industrial action " 
 (which is a technical term for direct action) can be 
 resorted to as soon as Labour leaders find that the 
 Government exceeds its " mandate," given by the 
 sovereign people at the last elections to the majority 
 of the House. In particular, Mr. Hartshorn found that 
 no " mandate " was given to the Government " for the 
 wicked and wanton capitalistic war on Russia " and 
 " for the attitude of hostility which the British 
 Government is displaying towards any attempt 
 to set up a Socialist Government on the Continent 
 (Bolshevist Russia and Hungary are evidently 
 meant)." Guilty of " political treachery," such a 
 house of representatives can have no moral claim 
 to the obedience of the people, and the " direct 
 action " of the Triple Alliance against them is fully 
 justified. 
 
 Of course, Professor Hearnshaw's answer was, that 
 " the principle of the specific mandate is one which no 
 believer in representative democracy can accept without 
 demur." " Members of Parliament are representatives, 
 and not delegates." " The remedy for a Parliament 
 which (in the opinion of some) has ceased to represent 
 the electorate truly, is not the ' direct action,' but 
 rather a reform of the electoral system. . . . Direct 
 action means the abandonment of the force of argument 
 for the argument of force. It means the coercion of 
 the majority by an organized minority. It means the
 
 204 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 substitution of violence for reason. ... It means the 
 dictatorship of a small and extreme oligarchy of doc- 
 trinaire Socialists and Syndicalists who have captured 
 the machinery of the great industrial unions and are 
 using it for political ends. It means, of course, the 
 negation of Democracy." " Mr. Hartshorn is wrong," 
 is Professor Hearnshaw's just conclusion, " and I am 
 convinced that if the views which he advocates should 
 prevail, this country would sink into an anarchy of 
 civil war and revolution, out of which it would ulti- 
 mately emerge in a state of ruin comparable only to 
 that now exhibited by Russia." 
 
 It is very characteristic of the situation, that this 
 sound and consistently democratic reasoning could be 
 used by more moderate Labour leaders, like Messrs. 
 Henderson, Clynes, etc., only when brought in harmony 
 with their basic idea of class struggle. Constitutional 
 methods might be resorted to on the admission that 
 the working class in their turn will become a majority. 
 This is how, for instance, Mr. Arthur Henderson states 
 it in his speech at a Labour conference on September 
 4th : " When organized workers have taken hold of 
 the machinery of government as they may presently 
 be called upon to do (cheers) what, I ask, will be our 
 position ? Are we prepared to allow a minority in 
 opposition to Labour's programme of social and economic 
 betterment to defeat that policy by unconstitutional 
 methods ? If I know anything of organized Labour, 
 it compels me to say this : a Labour Government would 
 fight to the last ditch against any policy of direct action 
 by any minority by whatever name it might care to 
 call itself (cheers). Therefore we ought not to set a 
 bad example. We ought not to take the responsibility
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 205 
 
 of adopting a policy of direct action against a Govern- 
 ment whose policy we may strongly oppose. Rather 
 ought we to set our faces firmly against any attempt 
 to substitute such methods for the orderly procedure 
 of our Parliamentary Constitution." This is all very 
 well, but does it mean that, indeed, Mr. Henderson 
 would oppose any attempt at a direct action " by any 
 minority, by whatever name it might care to call 
 itself " ? By no means, because in the same speech 
 we read, a few lines earlier, that if the minority might 
 call itself the Triple Alliance, the case would be different. 
 " I do not admit that organized workers can entirely 
 forego the weapon of strike action." ... Of course, 
 it is the " mistaken policy adopted by some in our 
 movement who would use this weapon on all occasions 
 and for all purposes " ; but " until society is much 
 better organized than it is at present . . . organized 
 workers must retain this weapon of the right to strike." 
 Flagrant inconsistency is here hidden behind shifting 
 terms evasively used. " Right to strike " is one thing ; 
 " general strike " is another ; " industrial action " 
 for political purpose, " direct action " is again something 
 quite different. The point in dispute is, as Mr. 
 Henderson himself clearly states it, " to introduce 
 methods that may be necessary in the world of industry 
 into the field of politics." And he further on admits 
 that this extension of methods " may be necessary in 
 another country," i.e. where there is no chance for 
 Labour to get a majority in the House. His only con- 
 tention is that this policy is unnecessary in England. 
 " We are too ready to emulate the policy adopted in 
 other countries, without having sufficient regard as to 
 whether it is necessary in a country like ours to adopt
 
 206 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 exactly the same methods that may be necessary in 
 another country." Far from being a repudiation 
 of revolutionary tactics, it is its confirmation, 
 with the only (and temporary ?) exception of 
 England. 
 
 Pure Internationalists of the " Third International " 
 here, as eve^where, oppose to that wavering and 
 insincere attitude a firm resolve to fight out their class 
 struggle to the bitter end by openly violent means, 
 the same in all countries. Of course they are few in 
 England as yet, and their connections are to be easily 
 traced to the same international channels of Bolshevism 
 and Communism, as already known to us. But their 
 influence on the working masses is increasing, and it 
 is felt far beyond purely Bolshevist circles. It may be 
 asked, How can we distinguish the specific Bolshevist 
 influence amongst larger currents of Labour movement ? 
 Some answer may be found if we consider the great 
 popularity acquired by the " Hands Off Russia " 
 slogan. It is by no means connected with the direct 
 interests of working classes, while, on the contrary, 
 it is very closely connected with the scheme of the 
 World Revolution. However, it was made one of the 
 principal demands of Labour, as formulated by the 
 Triple Alliance, and finally endorsed by the Trades 
 Unions Congress in Glasgow. Even so far as purely 
 industrial demands for shorter hours and higher wages, 
 as well as the chief issue of the moment, " nationaliza- 
 tion " are concerned, one can discern the " political " 
 use of these demands from merely industrial. When 
 bolder demands are hurriedly substituted for such as 
 become immediately realizable (e.g. 44- and 4O-hour 
 week instead of 48), there remains little doubt about
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 207 
 
 the political purpose of a strike. " Nationalization " 
 is often repudiated by the Extremists as a right 
 theoretical solution of their problem ; if at the same 
 time it is violently urged as a political issue of the 
 moment, one can be sure that the use of it is pre- 
 eminently tactical. But, then, Bolshevist influence 
 can be also verified by studying just by whom such 
 solutions are advocated. The strikes for political 
 purposes were regularly unauthorized by the governing 
 bodies of the trade unions whose members are 
 involved. In some cases they were emphatically 
 repudiated by the trade unions executives. We 
 learn, e.g., who are the initiators of simultaneous 
 strikes in Belfast, Glasgow, and London, at the end 
 of January 1919, from the following " Call to Arms," 
 largely circulated a week before (see The Times, 
 January 28th) : 
 
 The joint committee representing the official and unofficial 
 sections of the industrial movement, having taken into con- 
 sideration the reports of the shop stewards in the various 
 industries, hereby resolve to demand a ^o-hour maximum working 
 day for all workers as an experiment, with the object of 
 absorbing the unemployed. A general strike has been declared 
 to take place on Monday, January 27th, and all workers are 
 expected to respond. 
 
 Who are the people behind that " Call " ? Glasgow 
 is the storm corner, the notorious Clyde Workers' 
 Committee is the working weapon, and among the 
 ringleaders there are people like William Gallagher, 
 the President of this Committee, a fervent adherent 
 of the Soviet system, preaching revolution " as soon 
 as possible," many times arrested for sedition, and 
 sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment for circu- 
 lating the article in the Worker, under the title : " Should
 
 208 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the Workers Arm ? ' There is Councillor Emanuel 
 Shinwell, another speaker at revolutionary meetings 
 and a candidate to the " Soldiers' and Workers' Council," 
 a man with both Russian and Irish connections. 
 There is David Kirkwood, formerly chief shop steward 
 and another delegate to the Soldiers' and Workers' 
 Council, an organizer of strikes under the Clyde 
 Workers' Committee, preaching " bloodshed " and 
 violence at the meetings. Mr. McManus, the editor of 
 the Glasgow Socialist, one of the most active members of 
 the Committee, in touch with Syndicalist agitators 
 and with the I.I.W., strongly opposed to the official 
 union leaders. 1 All these people had been working 
 against war and conscription, and preaching " an 
 immediate armistice on all fronts." Now they preach 
 Spartacism and Bolshevism. We can trace their 
 doctrine and their practice to their German and Bolshe- 
 vist origin, if we compare the " Programme of the 
 Clyde Workers' Soviet Committee," dated " Glasgow, 
 June 2, 1919," with the " official declaration of the 
 Spartacus Union," " published by the British Socialist 
 Party," as No. II of the International Socialist Library 
 in London, on May 1919, and freely circulated in 
 bookshops and at the meetings. Another pamphlet 
 of the same kind, written by Klara Zetkin, is published 
 by the Socialist Labour Party in Glasgow. It is de- 
 clared in the first pamphlet, entitled The German 
 Spartacists, their Aims and Objects : " Only the 
 world-wide proletarian revolution can . . . put an 
 end to the mutual extermination of the peoples, provide 
 work and bread for all, and bring peace, freedom, and 
 true culture to tortured humanity. . . . The present 
 1 See The Times, February 7, 1919.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 209 
 
 system of production . . . must be abolished. . . . The 
 proletarian mass must substitute its own class organs 
 The Workers' and Soldiers' Councils for the 
 inherited organs of capitalist class rule : the Federal 
 Council, Municipal Councils, Parliaments. . . . The 
 proletarian mass must fill all governmental positions, 
 must control all functions, must test all requirements 
 of the State on the touchstone of Socialist aims and 
 the interests of its own class. . . . Only by a stubborn 
 fight with capital ... by means of strikes, and by 
 creating their permanent representative organs, can 
 the workers secure control, and, finally, the actual 
 administration of production. ... It were madness to 
 suppose that capitalists will submit voluntarily to 
 the Socialist verdict . . . that they will calmly surrender 
 their property. . . . This resistance must be put down 
 with an iron hand. . . . The threatening dangers of 
 counter-revolution must be met by the arming of the 
 people and the disarming of the ruling classes." This 
 last scheme is then developed into a complete programme 
 of " immediate means for making the Revolution 
 secure." The programme of the Clyde Workers' 
 Committee follows closely that of the Spartacus 
 Union : 
 
 Clyde Workers' Committee. The Spartacus Union. 
 
 1. The disarming of all non- I. i. The disarming of the 
 proletarian soldiers. entire police force, of all officers, 
 
 as well as of the non-prole- 
 tarian soldiers. 
 
 2. The seirure of arms and 2. The seizure of all supplies 
 ammunition by the Workers' of arms and ammunition, as 
 and Soldiers' Councils. well as of all war industries 
 
 by the Workers' and Soldiers' 
 Councils. 
 
 14
 
 210 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Clyde Workers' Committee. 
 
 3. The arming of the entire 
 labour population as a Red 
 Army. 
 
 The Spartacus Union. 
 
 3. The arming of the entire 
 adult male population as the 
 Workers' Militia. The forma- 
 tion of a Red Guard of the 
 workers as the active part of 
 the Militia, for the effective 
 protection of the Revolution 
 against counter-revolutionary 
 plots and risings. 
 
 4. Voluntary discipline of 
 the soldiers in place of the 
 present brutal and degrading 
 slavery. All superiors to be 
 nominated by the rank and 
 file. Abolition of courts-mar- 
 tial. 
 
 4. Abolition of the com- 
 manding power of officers and 
 non-commissioned officers. The 
 substitution of the voluntary 
 discipline of the soldiers for 
 the old brutal barrack dis- 
 cipline. Election of all supe- 
 riors by the rank and file, with 
 the right to recall these 
 superiors at any time. Aboli- 
 tion of courts-martial. 
 
 5. Nomination of authorized 
 representatives of the Soldiers' 
 and Workers' Councils for all 
 political organs. 
 
 6. Substitution of authorized 
 representatives ( Vertrauens- 
 manner) of the Workers' and 
 Soldiers' Councils for all poli- 
 tical organs and authorities 
 of the old regime. 
 
 6. Creation of a Revolution- 
 ary Tribunal to try the men 
 chiefly responsible for the harsh 
 treatment accorded our com- 
 rades now in prison, and of 
 political prisoners. 
 
 7. Creation of a Revolu- 
 tionary Tribunal to try the 
 men chiefly responsible for 
 the war and its prolongation, 
 namely, the two Hohenzollerns, 
 Ludendorff, Hindenburg, Tir- 
 pitz, and their fellow-criminals, 
 as well as all conspirators of 
 the counter-revolution. 
 
 7. Immediate seizure of all 
 means of subsistence to secure 
 success to the Revolution. 
 
 8. Immediate seizure of all 
 means of subsistence to secure 
 provisions for the people.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 211 
 
 Clyde Workers' Committee. 
 
 8. Removal of Parliament 
 and Municipal Councils, to be 
 taken over by the Revolution- 
 ary Council. 
 
 9. Abolition of all class dis- 
 tinctions, titles and orders ; 
 social equality of the sexes. 
 
 The Spartacus Union. 
 
 II. i. Removal of all Par- 
 liaments and Municipal Coun- 
 cils, their functions to be taken 
 by the Workers' and Soldiers' 
 Councils and by the com- 
 mittees and organs of the 
 latter bodies. 
 
 2. 3. 4. ... 
 
 5. Abolition of all class dis- 
 tinctions, titles and orders ; 
 complete legal and social equal- 
 ity of the sexes. 
 
 10. Reduction of working 
 hours to avoid unemployment 
 and to conform to the limita- 
 tion of the working day to six 
 hours and a minimum wage 
 of seven pounds per working 
 week. 
 
 6. Radical social legislation, 
 reduction of working hours to 
 avoid unemployment and to 
 conform to the physical ex- 
 haustion of the working class 
 occasioned by the World's 
 War ; limitation of the working 
 day to six hours. 
 
 7. ... 
 
 11. Confiscation of all Crown 
 estates and revenues, which 
 will become common property. 
 
 12. Annulment of State debts 
 and other debts. 
 
 13. Expropriation of all land 
 and properties, funds, and other 
 securities now in possession 
 of the ruling and non-pro- 
 letarian classes. 
 
 III. i. Confiscation of all 
 Crown estates and revenues 
 for the benefit of the people. 
 
 2. Annulment of the State 
 debts and other public debts, 
 as well as all war loans. 
 
 3. Expropriation of the land 
 held by all large and medium 
 agricultural concerns. . . . 
 
 5. ... Confiscation of all pro- 
 perty exceeding a certain limit. 
 
 14. Expropriation of all 
 banks, mines, industrial and 
 commercial undertakings by 
 the Revolutionary Committee. 
 
 4. Nationalization by the 
 Republic of Councils of all 
 banks, coal mines, as well as 
 all large industrial and com- 
 mercial undertakings.
 
 212 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Clyde Workers' Committee. The Spar locus Union. 
 
 15. The Republican Com- 6. The Republic of Councils 
 
 mittee to take over all means to take over all public means 
 
 of communication, traffic, and of transport and communi- 
 
 means of transport. cation. 
 
 LONG LIVE THE REVOI.U- IV. . . . V. . . . Our motto 
 
 TION AND THE RED ARMY IN towards the enemy is : " Hand 
 BRITAIN. on Throat and knee on Breast." 
 
 It is not the custom of the British to express them- 
 selves so drastically, as " hand on throat and knee on 
 breast." But " drastic " action has also here become 
 nearly a synonym for " direct action." " We are no 
 partisans of violence," Mr. Philip Snowden said in his 
 presidential address to the Twenty-seventh Annual Con- 
 ference of the Independent Labour Party, held at Easter 
 1919. " But ... if the Revolution has to be achieved 
 in Great Britain by violence it will come in that way 
 because of the resistance of the Old Order to the New 
 Birth. If those who now control Governments . . . 
 will resist, . . . they will have to be dispossessed. 
 . . . We, who boast that we have in us the blood of 
 heroes and of martyrs, will not shrink from our grave 
 task. We will not betray our comrades in other lands 
 who are dying for International Socialism. . . . Some 
 will fall, but the Cause will go forward." The difference 
 is not great between this slightly covered paraphrase 
 of the Spartacist thesis and the direct call to " British 
 Workers " which ends with the appeal : " Get ready 
 for the Revolution." This last document was found 
 with the similar " literature " at an agitator's house : 
 a bogus printer's name was on it ; it reminded the 
 " fellow workers " that their " comrades in Russia and 
 Hungary have taken the only action possible. . . .
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 213 
 
 They have revolted and overthrown the master class ; 
 they have abolished private ownership, and brought 
 about a Social Revolution ; they are . . . making 
 good progress towards getting the things that we all 
 desire." The document went on : " What are we 
 going to do ? " " Will the engineers of this country 
 continue to make munitions to be used against the 
 workers of Russia and Hungary ? Will the workers 
 continue to load ships with those munitions ? Will 
 the sailors still work the ships carrying food, clothes, 
 and munitions out of this country for the anti-Bolshe- 
 viks who are fighting our comrades in Russia ? " The 
 success of the same kind of propaganda in other 
 countries was then pointed out. " Italian sailors have 
 refused to carry munitions to be used against the 
 Russian workers. Norwegian seamen are boycotting 
 all goods of the anti-Bolsheviks. Fellow workers, 
 Italy and France are in revolt. The workers of these 
 two countries are asking us British workers to join 
 with them in a General Strike." " Put no trust in 
 Parliament ; . . . prepare to take action." 
 
 Under the conditions of the post-war industrial 
 unrest, the propaganda of unconstitutional action 
 has met with more success than is, perhaps, generally 
 realized. Of course, responsible statesmen and Labour 
 leaders have tried to stem the flood. The Parliamentary 
 Committee of the Trades Union Congress as early as 
 mid-February 1919, in a Manifesto strongly reproved 
 " attempts on the part of minorities to set aside agree- 
 ments arrived at by the well-established and constitu- 
 tional procedure," and to ask, e.g. for 44- and 4O-hour 
 working week. " Unauthorized strikes," the Manifesto 
 declared, " cannot and must not be tolerated." At a
 
 214 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 later date (in May) the Parliamentary Committee 
 refused to call a special congress at the request of the 
 powerful Triple Alliance to discuss direct action. The 
 President of the Committee, Mr. Stuart Bunning, in 
 his presidential address at the opening of the Annual 
 Trades Union Congress at Glasgow, on September 8th, 
 defended the line taken by the Committee, and strongly 
 objected to the idea of a national strike on political 
 issues. In case of its success, he said, " If the 
 Government fought it meant revolution. The project 
 therefore resolved itself into a desperate gamble, with 
 the lives of men, women, and children for the 
 stakes." 
 
 Far from bringing the rank and file to reason, such 
 arguments only served to discredit and to isolate leaders, 
 who most decidedly opposed the current. Such as 
 wished to preserve their influence and personal 
 authority have learnt the lesson, and tried to adapt 
 their views to the new terminology. The cleverest 
 and most successful have made a selection of catchwords. 
 They gave up defending such as met with stubborn 
 prejudice on the part of the working classes, while 
 they were of no consequence to actual Labour issues 
 (" the intervention " in Russia, the " blockade " of 
 Bolshevism) ; they took up the defence of the chief 
 practical issue, which marked the line of cleavage in 
 the attitude toward Labour demands (" nationaliza- 
 tion "), and they used as a permanent threat against 
 the Government the chief tactical issue which they 
 were unable to believe and to join in : " Direct 
 action." As a result of these half concessions and 
 half-hearted defence on the part of the most 
 influential and responsible leaders, the whole move-
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 215 
 
 ment gradually drifted into the channel desired by 
 the Extremists. 
 
 The miners took the lead. A direct influence 
 through propaganda by the Clyde Bolshevists can be 
 traced in the influential South Wales Branch (about 
 200,000 members) of that powerful Miners' Federation 
 of Great Britain (about 850,000). The Federation of 
 eighteen to twenty district associations is strongly 
 centralized, and the influence of the Executive 
 is particularly strong. We know the views of 
 Mr. Smillie, and we can easily guess in what 
 direction this influence has been used. As a 
 result the industrial strikes of the end of January, 
 with their strongly pronounced political background, 
 have evolved into consistent and systematic tactics 
 of squeezing out from the Government industrial 
 concessions without withdrawing political aims. The 
 other constituent parts of the Triple Alliance followed 
 the miners at a distance. At the annual council meeting 
 of the National Transport Workers' Federation at 
 Swansea (Jime 6th) Mr. Havelock Wilson, Will Thorne, 
 and Mr. Ben Tillet tried to prove that " the leaders 
 of that movement steered straight for the rocks and 
 were doing it in a very dishonest manner." Mr. 
 Wilson testified that " the rank and file of Labour " 
 was not concerned about watchwords like " raising 
 the blockade," or the release of conscientious objectors, 
 or even conscription. Concerning Russia, he said : 
 " Mr. Williams has declared that Lenin and Trotsky 
 are decent fellows. I declare that they are two damned 
 rogues, and I have more evidence of this rascality than 
 Mr. Williams may have as to their being white angels." 
 But the motion of Mr. Wilson was defeated by 213,000
 
 216 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 against 67,000, although Mr. Ben Tillet's motion, 
 directing the Executive " to refrain from committing 
 the Unions affiliated to the Federation to strike action 
 without a ballot vote being taken of the Unions con- 
 cerned," was carried. 
 
 The third constitutive part in the Triple Alliance, 
 the railwaymen, were less moderate and kept the 
 balance between the two former. At the conference 
 of their National Union at Plymouth (June igth) they 
 were much more outspoken on what they called " the 
 invasion of Russia with the avowed intention to crush 
 the present Government of that country." That 
 " system of government " was classified by the orators 
 (Walker, Brown) as "a real working-class system 
 not governed by representatives, but by delegates who 
 could be recalled." ' They were never going to get 
 economic emancipation for the working class," they 
 confidently asserted, " except on the lines of inter- 
 national working-class solidarity. They would, no 
 doubt, be called Bolsheviks, but when that term was 
 applied to them they were being honoured, not 
 dishonoured. Bolshevism was Socialism with its 
 working-class clothes on." The resolution asking for 
 immediate withdrawal of all British troops and the 
 terminating of interference with the internal affairs of 
 Russia was carried without opposition, two delegates 
 only refraining from voting. 
 
 On June 25th-27th, at Southport, the Conference 
 of the Labour Party, with nearly 1,000 delegates 
 present from trade unions, trade councils, local Labour 
 parties, and Socialist societies, claiming a total member- 
 ship of about 3,000,000, once more discussed the 
 question of initiating a general strike for political
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 217 
 
 objects. These objects were formulated in four 
 catchwords, of withdrawing British troops from Russia, 
 raising the blockade, repealing the Military Service 
 Act, and releasing conscientious objectors. The extreme 
 point of direct action was again urged by Mr. Smillie 
 and Mr. Williams against the defenders of the constitu- 
 tional action, who found that "it is both unwise and 
 undemocratic, because we fail to get a majority at the 
 polls to turn round and demand that we should substi- 
 tute industrial action ; this would be an innovation in 
 this country which few responsible leaders welcome." 
 " I don't want us," said Mr. Ben Tillett, " to be led by 
 the nose by professional politicians and their satellites ; 
 the Trade Union movement will not allow you to boss 
 them." However, by a majority of two to one 
 (1,893,000 against 935,000) the Conference passed a 
 resolution obviously intended to " boss " the Trade 
 Union movement. It demanded the immediate cessa- 
 tion of Allied operations in Russia, the removal of the 
 censorship, and instructed the National Executive of 
 the party " to consult the Parliamentary Committee 
 of the Trades Union Congress with a view to effective 
 action being taken to enforce these demands by the unre- 
 served use of their political and industrial power." The 
 spirit in which this resolution was conceived was still 
 more emphasized by the formal approval given by the 
 Conference to the decisions of the delegates of the 
 Labour and Socialist movements in Great Britain, 
 France, and Italy, meeting at Southport. Demonstra- 
 tions were to be organized on July 20th and 2ist in all 
 Allied countries in order to protest " against the help 
 given to the reactionary elements in their attempts to 
 triumph over the revolutions and over the new
 
 218 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 democracies." At these demonstrations the following 
 resolution was to be submitted : " That this demonstra- 
 tion sends fraternal greetings to the working-class 
 movements of France and Italy, which are joining 
 to-day in manifestations of international solidarity 
 and goodwill. ... It welcomes the revolutions which 
 have destroyed the old order in Russia, Germany, 
 Austria-Hungary, and elsewhere, and declares that the 
 associations of the Governments now engaged for 
 hostilities and in equipping with arms and munitions 
 the leaders of the counter-revolutions in these countries 
 will, if successful, wrest from the working classes the 
 social and political gains won by these revolutions, 
 and are inspired by the interests of capitalism and 
 monarchy. It further declares that it is the duty of 
 the working classes in every country to demand that 
 military operations against the Socialist Republics of 
 Europe should be stopped and the economic and food 
 blockade against them be withdrawn immediately, 
 and that they should be left free from interference to 
 settle for themselves the forms of the government 
 which they wish to adopt and which should then be 
 recognized by other Governments. To this end it is 
 the further duty of the working-class movement to 
 demand action in the various Parliaments and to bring 
 whatever pressure it can command in view of its national 
 circumstances upon the governing authorities of the 
 various countries." This was the " slippery slope " 
 to use the expression of Mr. W. Brace, M.P., at 
 Southport, upon which the " revolting minority " 
 was drawing the " successful democratic body " of 
 Trade Unions. It was now left to the Annual Trades 
 Union Congress to decide whether the Labour move-
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 219 
 
 ment as a whole would endorse the scheme, initially 
 outlined by such organizations as " Hands Off 
 Russia " Committees and Workers' Committees of 
 different localities. 
 
 The Trades Union Congress met at Glasgow on the 
 second week of September. The President, Mr. Stuart 
 Bunning, in his presidential address, at once pointed 
 out what was the issue between the Extremists and 
 the responsible leaders of the Trade Union movement. 
 " This Congress," he said, " has never yet accepted 
 the policy of a national strike on industrial matters 
 which are the subject of its primary function. I do 
 not think it has ever seriously discussed a national 
 strike on a political issue, still less on several political 
 issues, on some of which there were sharp divisions 
 among our own people." And, indeed, the forces of 
 resistance to extremism by more moderate elements 
 proved rather strong. The Parliamentary Committee, 
 which at the beginning received a covered vote of 
 blame for not calling a special Congress to discuss the 
 four planks of the Extremist platform (by 2,586,000 
 to 1,876,000), was finally re-elected by a very strong 
 vote of 3,882,000 to 2,050,000. Two candidates of the 
 most radical group of the Triple Alliance, the miners, 
 polled only 1,969,000 and 1,505,000, and were thus 
 rejected. Out of the two chief points at issue, direct 
 action and nationalization, the open revolutionary one 
 was evaded, and the direct challenge of Mr. Tom Shaw, 
 M.P., to the defenders of direct action, such as Mr. 
 Smillie and Mr. Williams, was declined. Mr. Shaw's 
 proposal to move a resolution " that this Congress 
 declares against the principle of direct action in purely 
 political matters " was shelved by a " previous
 
 220 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 question." But that very attitude showed clearly 
 that face to face with Mr. Smillie's followers ' no other 
 tactics but that of drift was possible. That was, indeed, 
 Mr. Thomas's tactics, whose resolution on the withdrawal 
 of British troops from Russia, and on the repeal of the 
 Conscription Act, was supported by Mr. Smillie, while 
 himself he seconded Mr. Smillie's resolution on nation- 
 alization. The first resolution was carried with only 
 two dissentient voices, the second had the over- 
 whelming majority of 4,478,000 votes against 77,000 
 of Mr. Havelock Wilson's Union (the Sailors and 
 Firemen). Both resolutions wound up by the instruc- 
 tion to the Parliamentary Committee to call a special 
 Trade Union Congress " to decide what action shall 
 be taken," or even (in the second resolution) to decide 
 " the form of action to be taken to compel the Govern- 
 ment," in case of their refusal to comply with the 
 Trade Unions' demands. The " direct action " was 
 thus to remain as a menace, while Russia's defence 
 against Lenin was finally dropped, even by the most 
 moderate Labour leaders. They might be fully aware 
 that Bolshevist Russia, as Mr. Tom Shaw stated it, 
 " was not socialistic," that " to call it republic was a 
 misuse in terms," and that " Litvinov himself told us 
 at Nottingham that Democracy was merely a word." 
 But they acted as if they fully believed in Mr. Smillie's 
 statement, that " there was no greater Labour question 
 in the world than that of intervention in Russia," 
 because " the Socialists in Russia, led by Lenin, 
 
 1 They were thought to consist of the 700,000 miners, most, 
 if not all, of the 500,000 railwaymen, some sections of the 
 250,000 transport workers, the 300,000 engineers, and a large 
 number of the smaller Trade Unions. The vote for two 
 (defeated) Miners' candidates makes out their general item.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 
 
 were fighting the fight of Socialism for the whole 
 world." 
 
 I am not going to discuss the elements of Bolshevism 
 and that of sound Labour movement in the attempts 
 to practice direct action through national strikes on 
 presumably industrial issues. One of these attempts 
 preceded, the other closely followed, the Trades Union 
 Congress in Glasgow. Both were started by the more 
 advanced members of the Triple Alliance, the Miners 
 and the Railwaymen. In both the leaders closely 
 connected with the Socialism, such as Messrs. Smillie 
 and Cramp, took the leading part, to the great 
 detriment of the community and the " direct actors " 
 themselves. I do not pretend to prophesy what will 
 be the further developments, and whether the special 
 Congress foreshadowed by the Glasgow resolution will 
 meet and decide upon direct action on openly acknow- 
 ledged political issues. But I must emphasize that 
 political issues have already been influenced by the 
 attitude of Labour in the sense foreseen and looked for 
 by the Bolshevist propaganda. The Government have 
 been handicapped in their foreign policy by the people 
 who think that Lenin is " fighting the fight of Socialism 
 for the whole world." And if the cause of Lenin will 
 be lost, it is not owing to the lack of " intervention " 
 in his favour on the part of his friends in England. 
 So far as the other issue of the international Labour 
 movement is concerned, that of Germany, I may be 
 permitted to quote the leading article of the Vorwarts 
 on September i8th, discussing the chances of the 
 revision of the Peace Treaty. " There are two possible 
 means to that end," the writer says, " one being the 
 League of Nations, which would mean long delay,
 
 222 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the other, infinitely more desirable, ' revolutionizing ' 
 the Western Powers. The results of the Trades Union 
 Congress in Glasgow are very important from this 
 standpoint. The fact of British organized Labour 
 becoming more extreme and the resolution by a majority 
 of the Congress to employ every means, even direct 
 industrial action (meaning a political strike en masse], 
 to force the Government to do its will or overthrow 
 it, are phenomena of very far-reaching significance 
 for Germans as well as for the British. There is a 
 possibility in the immediate future of a Labour Govern- 
 ment in England " which will result, according to the 
 Vorwarts, in Messrs. Ramsay Macdonald and A. Hender- 
 son replacing Lloyd George and Churchill. " What this 
 would mean for the German workers clearly appears 
 from the resolutions of the Southport Congress in July 
 and the declaration of the British delegation at the 
 Lucerne Congress in August. . . . The assumption of 
 Government in England by the working class would 
 mean a speedy and whole-hearted revision of the Ver- 
 sailles Peace Treaty and the liberation of the German 
 nation from the yoke of capitalist slavery." 
 
 I need not dwell so long upon the Bolshevist move- 
 ment in other Allied countries, France and Italy, the 
 general character of the phenomena there being the 
 same as in England. The chief difference is that both 
 these countries, not enjoying the advantages of " insu- 
 larity," do not also share in its drawbacks, and are 
 much more imbued with national feeling as opposed 
 to invading internationalism. That is why the 
 internationalist movement, if even it takes here 
 much more uncompromising forms and attitudes, is 
 more clearly differentiated from other political currents,
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 223 
 
 and better kept within its own limits, thus becoming 
 less contagious for larger masses. The fact that a far 
 greater part of the population there belongs to the 
 agricultural class than is the case in England contributes 
 to the same result. There is, namely, much less hope 
 left of arriving at the " dictatorship of the proletariat " 
 by the method of Parliamentary action, and the only 
 way which remains is, indeed, violence. We must not 
 forget that the doctrine of violence and of the Commu- 
 nist rule by minority has been first worked out in 
 France. The " petty bourgeoisie " of agriculturists 
 here, as well as in Russia, cannot appreciate the 
 advantages of a Communist Republic. That is also, 
 perhaps, the reason why the Communist verbiage here 
 being much more daring and sonorous, the net result 
 of it is much less significant than in this country. There 
 is, so to speak, much less genuineness and much more 
 hypocrisy in it. The Vorwdrts, obviously, is led by 
 the right instinct, while putting all their hopes, not on 
 France or Italy, but on England. 
 
 So far as similarity of developments within Socialism 
 itself is concerned, the best evidence is that of M. 
 Albert Thomas. i " The Socialist groups in France," 
 says M. Thomas, " since the Armistice have been 
 torn by two conflicting tendencies. One set argues as 
 follows : The war has upset the capitalist system. 
 The middle class has proved itself incapable. It can 
 no longer hold in leash popular forces in revolt. Old 
 social bulwarks are crumbling. For two years, in spite 
 of all predictions to the contrary, Bolshevism has 
 prevailed in Russia. Germany, full of her own troubles, 
 has so far only dallied with revolution. The Soldiers' 
 
 1 See The Times, French number, September 6, 1919, p. 35.
 
 224 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 and Workers' Councils are awaiting their opportunity. 
 It is only as a result of the intrigues of the Entente 
 that Bolshevism has failed in Hungary. The peace 
 which has been imposed by the victorious nations is 
 a peace of Imperialism and of plunder pure and simple. 
 The time has arrived for revolutions in the West. The 
 old Parliamentarianism has had its day. Democracy 
 is nothing more than a middle-class conception. Here, 
 in France, too, we must establish the dictatorship 
 of the proletariat. To this argument the reply is as 
 follows : ' It is certain that labour has achieved new 
 rights and is entitled to assert them. It is certain that 
 political democracy must expand into a vast social 
 democracy, whose principle must henceforth determine 
 the policy of each and every nation in the family of 
 nations. No doubt these changes must take place 
 with but little delay, and the rights of the producers 
 be proclaimed in the creation of the machinery of 
 production on the basis of collectivism. But this 
 profound revolution must be carried out in an orderly 
 and legal way, chiefly through the education of the 
 proletariat. Political revolution is one thing, social 
 revolution is another, far more delicate, far more 
 complex. Following upon any sudden and violent 
 seizure of political power, triumphant Socialism would 
 be called upon to carry out a vast labour of methodical 
 organization. Our duty is to insist that this work 
 should be undertaken forthwith.' ' 
 
 M. Albert Thomas is still more explicit in his small 
 
 leaflet, Bolchevisme ou Socialisme, distributed amongst 
 
 his political friends. 1 Here he defends the second 
 
 view, which is now only shared by the minority of the 
 
 1 Berger Levrault, Nancy, Paris, Fevrier 1919, p. 16.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 225 
 
 Party, since the majority in July 1918 has become 
 Bolshevist and Zimmerwaldian. M. Thomas reproduces 
 in full the argument of his opponents in order to refute 
 it. No, he states, one cannot deny that the Bolsheviks 
 have committed atrocities and violated all liberties. 
 No, one cannot compare Russian Bolshevism with the 
 French Revolution, since Lenin asserts what Robes- 
 pierre had never asserted that 130,000 Bolsheviks 
 can govern 100,000,000 inhabitants. No, one cannot 
 abstain from action in Russia, if even to defend 
 the borderlands of Russia arid to bring the Bolshevist 
 Government to reason. No, fighting the Bolsheviks 
 does not mean committing treason on Socialism ; on 
 the contrary, it means serving Socialism. No, the 
 Bolshevist " revolutionism " is no excuse for them, 
 because, in the first place, revolution does not necessarily 
 mean violence ; and, in the second place, no revolu- 
 tionary outbreak can be successful under the conditions 
 of universal reconstruction. No, the working class 
 must not isolate oneself by taking the attitude of 
 irreducible hostility against the rest of the nation. The 
 whole nation must take up the realizable elements of 
 the working men's programme, and this is the only 
 safe way to assure its success. 
 
 One sees at once that within the French Socialist 
 party, which has much more right in France to be 
 considered as representing the whole Labour movement, 
 the situation is by far more serious than it is the 
 case in this country. Bolshevism and international 
 revolution is the chief issue. M. Albert Thomas belongs 
 to the extreme right of the French Socialism, while 
 the views he combats are shared by the great majority. 
 The question was even raised as to the exclusion from 
 
 15
 
 226 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the Party of M. Albert Thomas and his adherents for 
 having voted the Budget after the Armistice. After 
 a violent and protracted debate at the last National 
 Congress of the Party (September 12, 1919), the passion- 
 ate appeal for preserving the unity of Party has prevailed, 
 and the sentence of excommunication was defeated by 
 1,427 votes against 490. But the crime of their having 
 voted the military credits was severely condemned, 
 and henceforth refractory members were menaced with 
 expulsion. The international point of view has thus 
 won a decisive victory over the national in the post-war 
 Socialism in France. 
 
 France has remained what it has always been : the 
 intellectual centre of revolutionary extremism. The 
 " National Socialism," planned by MM. Laskine, 
 Zevaes, and the men from La Victoire, seems to have 
 little chance of success. The question which is being 
 discussed now is, not how to reconcile Socialism with 
 patriotic issues, but how to reconcile the Second Inter- 
 national with the Third Berne with Moscow. That 
 is why all international issues of the proletarian move- 
 ment start from, or finish with, Paris. That is also 
 why the questions at issue are treated by the French 
 leaders with the refinement of ideology which is unknown 
 elsewhere, and can only be compared to that of the 
 Russian " intelligentsia." The subjects of inter- 
 nationalist discussion are, of course, in France the same 
 as everywhere : direct action, national strike, inter- 
 vention in Russia, the iniquities of the " capitalist " 
 Peace Treaty. But, in the first place, here they are 
 treated more profusely, and, perhaps, in a different 
 order of their importance ; and, secondly, it is chiefly 
 in France that they are made use of for international
 
 227 
 
 discussion and international action. We may quote, 
 as two outstanding instances, the Congress of Lucerne 
 and the attempt to organize an international " sympa- 
 thetic strike " of July 21, 1919. 
 
 The Lucerne Conference of August 2, 1919, was 
 intended to do preparatory work for the plenary 
 International Congress at Geneva, February 2, 1920. 
 But the revolutionary Socialists were too impatient 
 and too much dissatisfied with the moderation of the 
 decisions taken by the Berne Conference six months 
 ago, not to use their opportunity. The character of 
 debate at Lucerne has indeed demonstrated the great 
 gain of the ground by the extremist Socialism in a 
 short space of the last half a year. M. Marcel Cachin 
 was the spokesman of the French majority, and that is 
 how he formulated his view on the very day of the 
 opening of the Conference (see L'Humanite, August 4, 
 1919). He accused the Executive Commission of the 
 Berne Conference of inactivity and slackness. " One 
 wished to act in a diplomatic way, while the people 
 wanted energetic appeals to action. Discreet pressure 
 upon statesmen of the Allied bourgeoisie was attempted. 
 The attempts remained without result. These tactics 
 made the Berne International lose the confidence, not 
 of the governing personalities of the Entente, but also 
 of the peoples. It is high time to break with such 
 methods if one does not wish to see this confidence 
 irrevocably lost. One must propose to the proletariat 
 a pondered programme of a positive action. It is 
 important to understand that political and economical 
 framework of the bourgeois society is going to collapse, 
 and that our duty is not to strive to respect them at 
 any cost, but to break them, in order that Socialism shall
 
 228 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 be born. Neither democracy, nor parliamentarianism, 
 as they are understood by the bourgeois rulers, are able, 
 without profoundest transformations, to be equal to the 
 new state of things which is being created under our eyes. 
 The Lucerne Conference, lest it fail in its turn, must boldly 
 define its action, push the energies of the masses to the 
 maximum, and keep in closest contact with them." 
 
 Arthur Henderson, Ramsay Macdonald, Emil Vander- 
 velde, proved quite out of date when measured by 
 that last word of Socialist wisdom, not to speak of 
 Edward Bernstein, whose speech was respectfully 
 listened to in silence as a voice from the tomb. Did 
 not Mr. Macdonald defend the obsolete " conceptions 
 of democratic Socialism," and insist that " we must 
 declare ourselves for Democracy ? " Did not Mr. 
 Henderson think it a " duty of Labour leaders to 
 enlighten the Government " and to "warn them against 
 the terrible spasm of despair and rage bound to seize 
 the peoples of Europe before the end of the winter ? " 
 And did not the pat; larch of revisionism, Edward 
 Bernstein, declare against the principle of Workers' 
 Councils, while still adhering to the " admirable weapon 
 of the universal suffrage " ? Of course, all that old 
 rubbish could not move the interpreters of the new 
 doctrine like Longuet or Cachin. Instead, they found 
 supporters in the persons of Mr. Troelstra and the 
 young representative of the German Independents, 
 Mr. Hilferding. Both Longuet and Hilferding threat- 
 ened to break with the Second International and to 
 pass to the Third, if the decisions of the Conference 
 are not sufficiently extremist ; and both declared that 
 the cause of the International stands and falls with 
 the fate of the " Eastern revolutions " in Russia and
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 229 
 
 Hungary. " One must first of all take vigorous action 
 (they do not speak here of " non-intervention ") to 
 prevent the Socialist Revolution from being crushed," 
 were M. Longuet's words. The Independents, M. 
 Hilferding said, " will never consent to condemn the 
 Bolsheviks," and M. Longuet outdid him. Why, we 
 must express " popular sympathy with Bolsheviks, 
 prosecuted by the bourgeois Governments." One can 
 easily understand the allusion of M. Camille Huysmans 
 saying : " Certain delegates whom the war had separ- 
 ated are now much closer to each other than certain 
 others who had fought at their side during the war." 
 One cannot better emphasize the work done at Lucerne. 
 Internationalism was here finally substituted for the 
 point of view of National Defence and the " Sacred 
 Union." The majority of the Congress proved to be 
 on the side of the Extremists, as may be judged by the 
 approval given to some amendments moved by Mr. 
 Mistral, in order to define the principles and the aim of 
 Socialism as essentially revolutionary and communist. 
 
 "It is a long, long way from Berne to Lucerne," 
 M. Marcel Cachin said. One might add that the way 
 is still longer from Lucerne to the real surroundings in 
 which the fight of socialistic parties in different countries 
 is being fought. The great distance from doctrine to 
 its application can be easily traced in one single instance 
 where an attempt was made to bring about a compara- 
 tively modest international action in compliance with 
 the demands of the resurgent International. 
 
 The initiative this time was taken by Italy. As 
 early as April, after five months' propaganda in the 
 official newspaper, the Avanti, an attempt has been 
 made to begin a Bolshevist movement by a twenty-four
 
 230 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 hours' general strike. The strike was arranged in 
 secrecy by the Federal Labour Exchange, and has 
 come as a surprise in Rome. Processions were to 
 march down the Corso ; a big mass meeting was to be 
 held at the Piazza del Popolo, in commemoration, as 
 the posters intended to announce, of the Spartacists 
 who were killed in Berlin, and a holiday was to be 
 taken in honour of Lenin. Demonstrations were 
 prohibited by the Government, and the strike proved 
 a complete failure. But the idea remained, and was 
 made international on the occasion of the arrival at 
 Rome and Milan of M. Longuet and Mr. Ramsay 
 Macdonald. After the Amsterdam International Con- 
 gress in April Mr. Macdonald came, in June 1919, to 
 Italy and to Switzerland, with the mission to convert 
 local Socialist parties to the Second International 
 from the Third. But he returned with an opposite 
 mission. The Italians said the Second International 
 was too tame for them, and instead of propagating unity 
 he had better start a propaganda for really important 
 issues ; action in favour of Bolshevist Russia and 
 protest against the " imperialistic " peace of Versailles. 
 At Milan M. Longuet joined in the deliberations, and 
 the question of a general strike in all three countries 
 was discussed. Mr. Macdonald warned them that 
 success was very doubtful in England, but M. Longuet 
 eagerly took up the suggestion. The Confederal 
 National Committee of the French Union of Syndi- 
 cates had already (May 26th-27th) decided on an in- 
 ternational strike of twenty-four hours. The spirit and 
 the initial aims were identical with those discussed at 
 Milan. It is once more corroborated by the Manifesto 
 of the German Independents on the subject of their
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 231 
 
 strike. This is how they state it in an Appeal pub- 
 lished by the Freiheit : 
 
 The movement of the militant proletariat is making con- 
 siderable progress . . . ; the class struggle is extending and 
 strikes root everywhere. . . . Gradually one begins to realize 
 that it is not imperialistic peace that will achieve the great 
 social transformation for which war served as an important stimu- 
 lant ; the aim of liberation can only be attained by the revolu- 
 tionary effort of the working class, by destruction of capitalism, 
 by the realization of Socialism by a proletarian dictature. These 
 ideas are striking root even among the working men of the vic- 
 torious countries. On July 21, the French, English, and Italian 
 proletarians propose to make an imposing demonstration and to 
 start on strike of protest against the imperialist violence manifested 
 in the Treaty of Versailles, as well as against the help given by 
 the Governments to the Russian reactionaries. The proletariat 
 of a great number of neutral countries are also decided to take 
 part in this manifestation in order to transform it into a mani- 
 festation of international solidarity and Socialist combativeness. 
 
 We have here a new instance of the working of the 
 same pro-German machinery known to us on the occa- 
 sion of so many attempts to impose on the Allied coun- 
 tries a peace of understanding in war-time. 
 
 The Administrative Committee of the C.G.T. (Con- 
 federation Generate du Travail) took up the scheme. 
 But it was unable to carry it through in its original 
 purity. Responsible leaders of French Syndicalism knew 
 only too well that attempts to use strikes for avowedly 
 revolutionary aims invariably end in a fiasco. There 
 was much shooting and rioting in Paris on May ist, 
 but there were nearly no representatives of the great 
 Trade Unions taking part in the armed conflicts with the 
 police. Out of the ninety-seven men armed with 
 revolvers and knuckle-dusters who were arrested, the 
 great majority were young people whose heads had 
 been turned by the Bolshevik propaganda, or men with 
 criminal records, mostly foreigners Italians, Russians,
 
 232 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Turks, Spaniards, and Swiss. An attempt to censure 
 the Executive of the Railway Union at its Congress for 
 their half-hearted support of the May ist demonstra- 
 tions ended in a vote of confidence to the Executive 
 (represented by Mr. Bidegaray) by 174,319 against 
 71,749. When metal-workers on strike addressed them- 
 selves to the interfederal cartel of working organiza- 
 tions with the proposal to help them by proclaiming 
 a general strike on political issues (demobilization, 
 amnesty, and non-intervention in Russia), the " cartel " 
 replied (on June 25th) that under existing conditions 
 they are powerless to make tolerably efficient a decision 
 to that effect. That is why the Administrative Com- 
 mission of the C.G.T., while arranging for a twenty- 
 four hours' strike in France, preferred to change the 
 motive, and to put in the first place, together with the 
 political issues proposed, la vie chere the high cost 
 of living thus making the strike run on economic 
 issue. There was no lack in grandiloquent appeals, all 
 preparations having been made, all measures taken, 
 all orders given for the strike to be really magnificent 
 and imposing. But at the last hour, on July i8th, 
 profiting by an anti-ministerial vote of the Chamber on 
 questions of economy, the Administrative Commission 
 withdrew its orders and cancelled its dispositions, while 
 declaring that " the new situation created by the vote 
 makes a new examination necessary." After every- 
 thing had been said and written to cover the retreat, 
 Jouhaux, in his great speech before the National Council 
 of the C.G.T., on July 22nd, explained the real reason 
 of the sudden change of decision : 
 
 The wish to have a thing done is not enough to make that 
 thing possible. In spite of men's will, circumstances are some- 
 times stronger than their will. I am not of those who think
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 233 
 
 that we must be taken in tow by the events. We must, how- 
 ever, deal with realities. . . . 
 
 Jouhaux went even further and gave his own view 
 as to what " revolution " is. It is not the thing which 
 one suggests sometimes by " rolling three capital R's," 
 not a " catastrophic act bringing about the downfall 
 of a system." " For conscious revolutionists," it is, 
 on the contrary, " a long process of evolution which 
 gradually penetrates a system, the action that saps 
 a regime, and which, within that system, creates a new 
 organism to take its place." " It is not sufficient to 
 go out into the streets, to build barricades, to make a 
 general strike. . . . A revolution which ends in famine is 
 not a revolution ; it is the destruction of it. ... To make 
 revolution means to start on a large constructive busi- 
 ness. Well, such a revolution cannot be achieved by 
 verbiage it needs will and judgment. It needs action 
 of a persevering and tenacious energy." M. Jouhaux 
 reminds his audience that only a small minority among 
 their members was ready for such an action, and still more 
 so after the great influx of new members, who do not know 
 much about internal divisions within Syndicalism itself. 
 
 The result is that M. Jouhaux in Syndicalist move- 
 ment, as well as M. Thomas in Socialist movement, 
 now belongs to the right wing. He in his turn had to 
 defend himself against violent accusations of having 
 collaborated with the bourgeois during war-time. 
 " Jouhaux shares the responsibility with such people 
 as favoured the war," M. Monatte violently shouted 
 at the last Congress of C.G.T. at Lyon (September 
 1919). The other opponent, M. Monmousseau, said : 
 " We must return to the true Socialist idea of class 
 war, instead of class co-operation." And he very
 
 234 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 strongly blamed the Syndicalist leaders for their lack 
 of combativeness on chief international issues. " One 
 has not made a sufficient stand against the unheard-of 
 campaign which poisoned the public opinion on and about 
 July 2ist. One has not made a satisfactory propaganda 
 in the country to raise the working class in favour of 
 the revolutions in Russia and in Hungary. . . . One 
 must have done everything in order to save Bela Kun." 
 
 Even Merrheim, the Zimmerwaldian, is now accused 
 of being too moderate, and he avowed that he had told 
 Lenin at Zimmerwald that France was not ready to 
 raise the war of masses against the war and to start 
 on building of the " Third International," as Lenin 
 had insisted already at that time. " The truth is," 
 Mr. Merrheim bluntly said, " that in France there is 
 revolutionary situation, but there is no revolutionary 
 spirit." Mr. Jouhaux's answer was as conciliatory as 
 he could afford : "If one understands under class co- 
 operation taking responsibility for the acts of the 
 Government, I have not co-operated. But if it means 
 going wherever necessary for the welfare of the working- 
 class interest, then, of course, I have co-operated." 
 
 The vote of the Congress at Lyon, as at the contem- 
 poraneous Socialist Congress, was making for unity. 
 Jouhaux's report was approved by 1,393 votes against 
 588. But here, as there, unity has been preserved only 
 by way of drifting to the left of the whole movement. 
 On December igth a very drastic resolution to this 
 effect was carried by the great majority of 1,633 against 
 323. The Congress repeated the Amiens declaration 
 of independence of the Syndicalist movement from all 
 political parties (meaning Socialism), and " once more " 
 reasserted that the " Syndicalist ideal can only be
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 235 
 
 reached by the complete transformation of the 
 Society." The class struggle was declared to be 
 " a fact from which Syndicalism desires to draw all 
 the consequences." 
 
 " As this struggle cannot end in any other way but 
 suppression of all classes, the Syndicalism to make no 
 equivocation possible declares that in its origin, as 
 well as in its present character and in its permanent 
 ideal, it is a revolutionary force." Again and again, 
 " to avoid ambiguity," the declaration asserts that 
 Syndicalism " prepares " (which is a concession to 
 " ambiguity ") the " integral emancipation which can- 
 not be otherwise realized than by the capitalist expro- 
 priation," and that it " preaches " (another concession), 
 as a means of action, the general strike. . . . More- 
 over, the declaration emphasizes that it "in a perma- 
 nent way proclaims that basic conception of Syndicalist 
 tactics, which is direct action." But (a third con- 
 cession) " the declaration cannot make believe that this 
 action finds its exact and exclusive (concession to ex- 
 tremist side) expression in acts of violence or surprise, or 
 that it can be considered as a weapon that can be utilized 
 by any organization external to Syndicalism." Ob- 
 viously, they meant to leave for themselves the mono- 
 poly of " violence," thus trying to obviate the objections 
 that they were " preaching " civil war ! In the same 
 spirit of class egoism the declaration went on saying 
 that " collective conventions " of the working men with 
 the employers have only one value : that of " trans- 
 formation " ; "it would be a mistake to look at them 
 as a co-operation." Their chief aim is "to reduce the 
 relations between employer and employee to a bar- 
 gaining which encourages effort without diminishing
 
 236 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 energy." 1 The declaration, moreover, points out that 
 no exertion to increase productivity of work is " recon- 
 cilable with the present regime." The leading idea of 
 Syndicalism in determining their tactics is that " the 
 powerlessness of the ruling class and of political organi- 
 zations (Parliament is meant) from day to day becomes 
 more evident, and so much the stronger appears the 
 necessity for working men to face responsibilities in the 
 management of Society." 
 
 " Management " is here used instead of " Adminis- 
 tration," as a consequence of the basic idea of anarchical 
 Syndicalism, that the " new order of things " is to be 
 founded " not on authority, but on exchange ; not on 
 domination, but on reciprocity ; not on sovereignty, 
 but on social compact." From this point of view the 
 Congress of Lyon is quite sure that not only the " daily 
 work of the Syndicate prepares this overthrow of values," 
 but even immediate solutions can be achieved " without 
 delay," namely, nationalization of the transport, mines, 
 water currents, and great credit organizations. However, 
 they do not forget to explain that nationalization " does 
 not mean state property." " Knowing the powerless- 
 ness of political institutions, and the character of power, 
 we do not intend to increase and enlarge the functions 
 of the State nor to resort to a system which would make 
 substantial industries depend on officialism and red 
 tape." Not at all. " We understand by nationaliza- 
 tion confiding national property to people who are in- 
 terested in it to associated producers and consumers." 
 
 Last, not least, the Congress of Lyon would not 
 forget the Russian Revolution. Their resolution " once 
 
 1 Ramener ces relations a un march6 qui encourage 1'effort 
 sans diminuer l'6nergie.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 237 
 
 more proclaims the inalienable right of the peoples for 
 self-determination, expresses profound sympathy for the 
 Russian Revolution, protests against every continua- 
 tion of the armed intervention in Russia, and against 
 a blockade reducing the people to famine because of its 
 guilt of having risen against the oppressor." 
 
 The Congress also takes practical steps in order to 
 sabotage the intervention. All Syndicalist organiza- 
 tions of transport are intimated to refuse to transport 
 arms and munitions destined to the armies of Kolchak, 
 and Denikin. The " reactionary " policy of the Allies 
 helping both of them is severely censured ; the Congress 
 " exacts that peace shall be concluded with the Russian 
 Revolution." Such is the last word of Syndicalism, 
 and we can see that it completely coincides with the 
 aims and the methods of the Bolshevik propaganda. 
 If the danger is not so great as it looks, it is chiefly 
 due not to the intentions of the authors of the Lyon 
 resolutions, but to the fact disclosed by Mr. Merrheim. 
 In France this revolutionary verbiage is very strong, 
 but the true revolutionary spirit among the masses is 
 decisively lacking. . . . One may differ in explanation 
 but the fact itself is repeatedly asserted by such revolu- 
 tionaries, even the Extremists who are sincere with 
 themselves and with the public. 
 
 The difference between words and deeds which we 
 saw increasing the other side of the Channel reaches 
 its climax in Italy. The " official " Socialist party of 
 this country is one of the most extremist on the Con- 
 tinent. After having to the last opposed Italy's en- 
 trance into the war, they took a prominent part in all 
 German plotting for strengthening the international 
 opposition to war. They, to be sure, were not guilty
 
 238 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 of voting military credits or otherwise co-operating 
 with the bourgeois classes. But, then, they met with a 
 growing wave of national feeling tinted with Irredent- 
 ism, all the more unquiet and feverish as national 
 claims of Italy met with obstacles on the part of the 
 Peace Conference. Italy was, perhaps, the only country 
 where, after the Armistice, the Premier was able to de- 
 clare, as an argument for the vote of confidence, that 
 war was not yet over, that difficulties, far from being 
 removed, now only began, and that there could be no 
 talk of demobilization. (Orlando, December 15, 1918.) 
 And M. Nitti was, of course, the only Minister of 
 Finance who could second M. Orlando by saying that, 
 to extricate the country from her new obligations, and 
 to wind up the national success, one thing was needed : 
 taxes, taxes, and taxes. That state of feeling was bound 
 to influence even the Extremist Socialists. They were 
 divided in two sections : Confederates and Indepen- 
 dents. The Confederates, who had denounced the war, 
 were now striving to overthrow the regime and to 
 establish a Communist Republic under proletarian dic- 
 tatorship. The Independents, who had approved Italy's 
 belligerency, were now disappointed in the results. 
 They wish to forestall and hinder the vaster strike 
 planned by the Confederates for the revolutionary 
 purposes. But just like moderate Socialist trimmers 
 in France and in Great Britain, they still have pro- 
 claimed a strike on the plausible ground to protest 
 against the high cost of living. 1 
 
 But even that milder attitude met with patrotic 
 opposition of one part of the population and with the 
 
 1 See Dr. E. T. Dillon's correspondence in the Daily Telegraph 
 on June 20, 1919.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 239 
 
 apathy of the other. As early as February 24, 1919, 
 Signor Serrati, fresh from his Turin prison, bitterly 
 complained that it was the Socialist party alone which 
 was so much more active than any other. At the 
 same time he told his admirers that Russia was the only 
 nation which had found the right way to treat the claims 
 of the proletariat. In April the Parliamentary Group 
 of the official Socialist party tried to bridge the chasm 
 between the two extremes of Bolshevism favouring 
 the " action " and patriotism refusing co-operation. 
 They published a Manifesto where they tried to unite 
 all elements in a common protest against the Paris Con- 
 ference preparing a peace that would " rival Brest - 
 Litovsk." In case the events should justify this 
 assumption, the Parliamentary Group called for a 
 general strike. As a matter of fact, an attempt for a 
 twenty-four hours' strike was tried in Rome, on April 
 loth, by the Federal Labour Exchange. But most of 
 the local labour organizations refused to adhere to it, 
 as the avowed aim of the strike leaders was to start 
 by this strike a Bolshevist movement. The strike fell 
 flat, and only provoked strong patriotic demonstrations 
 against the strikers. 
 
 A week later another attempt at a general strike was 
 tried by the Extremists in Milan, Turin, Genoa, 
 Bologne, and Brescia. After three days this movement 
 was also defeated. In July a new wave of unrest passed 
 through the Italian provinces, and the Socialists tried 
 to base upon it their scheme for bringing about an 
 international strike in favour of Bolshevism. The 
 Parliamentary Group of the party had at that time 
 voted an order of the day inviting their members to 
 refuse every co-operation with the ruling classes, even
 
 240 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 in the form of mixed committees, and to organize Work- 
 men's Committees, where they had not yet been started. 
 The second order of the day was to the effect directly 
 to introduce into the Chamber the questions of 
 amnesty, demobilization and cessation of all hos- 
 tilities against the Soviet Republics in Russia and 
 Hungary. The unity of international direction is well 
 proved by these decisions. But the only practical 
 manifestation of that unity, the strike of July 2ist, 
 was not a success in Italy any more than in France. 
 
 The new Premier, M. Nitti, sent a circular to the 
 Prefects in order to prevent disturbances. " The 
 Governments which do not defend themselves," he 
 said, " have no reason to exist ; institutions which do 
 not make themselves respected are not durable ; liberty 
 and democracy do not live where there is no force to 
 defend them." 
 
 These sound maxims were followed ; the big Unions, 
 in great majority, proved against the strike. The 
 next day the Avanti declared that, among its 
 advantages, one was undoubted : that of having 
 " elucidated the Parliamentary situation." 
 
 Before I close this chapter I have to mention the 
 important results of the political elections in three 
 Allied countries on mid-November, which took place 
 after the above lines had been written. In France 
 these results confirm entirely my reading of the situa- 
 tion created by the violent pro-Bolshevist propaganda. 
 The nation emphatically disavowed this propaganda. 
 
 Not only the leader of the " Defeatists," M. Longuet 
 was beaten heavily at the poll. Even the more moderate 
 Renaudel, who committed the mistake of surrendering 
 his former, more reasonable, position for the new
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 241 
 
 extremism of his successors in the editorship of 
 L'Humanite, fell through. Even M. Franklin Bouillon, 
 who conducted a furious campaign against the Peace 
 Treaty, was beaten by M. Tardieu, one of its chief pro- 
 moters. On the other hand, the four Socialists who were 
 excluded from the party as " traitors " for having voted 
 military credits were all returned. The Old Socialist 
 " renegades," like M. Briand and M. Millerand, were 
 elected. Moreover, the leading men of the Extreme 
 Nationalist campaign, such as Maurice Barres and Leon 
 Daudet, from the Action Franfaise, were also returned. 
 This result presents a very interesting parallel to the 
 British Parliamentary elections of December 1918. 
 The Extremist Socialists, as well as the inconsistent 
 Radical Liberals, there as well as here disappeared from 
 their respective Houses. In both cases, also, the nation 
 demonstrated their tiredness of the old gang of 
 politicians by electing an unusually large number of 
 quite new members. 
 
 On the contrary, in Belgium the Socialists have 
 reaped the reward for their patriotic attitude towards 
 the war and for their strongly anti-Bolshevist and 
 anti-German propaganda in the international Socialist 
 circles. They polled the heaviest vote in the country, 
 numbering 675,000 as .against 620,000 Catholics and 
 310,000 Liberals. They are here particularly bent on 
 " reconstruction " after the war, and their choice con- 
 firmed the popular wish to see Belgium recovered 
 as soon as possible from the economic ruin to which 
 German occupation had brought this unfortunate 
 country. 
 
 It is not so easy to bring the result of the Italian 
 elections into harmony with our observations. The 
 
 16
 
 242 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Socialists here have got more than twice as many 
 Deputies in the Chamber as they had before, chiefly 
 at the expense of severely defeated Nationalists. Their 
 extremist pro-Bolshevist attitude apparently did not 
 interfere with their success. Of course, it does not yet 
 mean that the Italian Socialists' electoral success is 
 to be explained by their extremism. In electing them, 
 the chief motive of the Italian elector seems to have 
 been more negative than positive. It was not so much 
 approval of Socialism as entire disapproval of the 
 Government accused of having been too weak both 
 towards the Allies and the Italian Nationalists. 
 Another form of manifesting this feeling of dissatisfac- 
 tion was an abnormally high " absenteeism " from the 
 elections. Only 26 per cent, electors voted, and, owing 
 partly to this apathy of the Liberal bourgeoisie, partly 
 to extremely complicated electoral system newly in- 
 troduced, only the best organized parties, such as 
 Socialists and Catholics, profited by the situation. It 
 must be noticed that the great number of the Socialists 
 elected did not at all belong to the extremist set. 
 
 Even such an organ as the New Statesman, which is 
 always sympathetic to international Bolshevism, and 
 which tries to explain the defeat of Socialism in France 
 in the same way as British Radicals used to explain 
 the December Parliamentary elections, namely, that 
 the election was fought on a panic issue " even the 
 New Statesman understands the general meaning of the 
 November elections. " The nation is tired," this 
 periodical states, " and there is a widespread longing 
 for tranquillity. To many who have that feeling the 
 Socialist programme seemed to offer only a promise 
 of new adventures and continued strife and a strife
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 243 
 
 for something too remote and too negative." We 
 are here, obviously, as far as possible from the immediate 
 advent of the " dictatorship of the proletariat " by 
 means of a violent " direct action." 
 
 6. THE BOLSHEVIST PROPAGANDA OUTSIDE 
 EUROPE. 
 
 It would take another book to draw up a detailed 
 report on the Bolshevist propaganda in colonies and 
 dependencies of the European Powers in the New World, 
 Asia, Africa, and Australia. To write such a book one 
 must base oneself on the results of local studies, which 
 hardly exist at this moment, and, at all events, cannot 
 be consulted. But the picture of the Bolshevist activity 
 for the World Revolution would remain incomplete 
 should we have to omit this chapter at all. We must 
 satisfy ourselves with getting a flying glimpse on the 
 unexplored field. A few lines of a newspaper telegram 
 from another hemisphere are sometimes sufficient to 
 show us that the same things are happening in those 
 remote countries as are familiar to us from our every- 
 day's experience. 
 
 We already know that the Bolsheviks paid great 
 attention to having their literature translated into 
 every possible language. From Petrograd and Moscow, 
 from Stockholm and Copenhagen, they were spreading 
 their pamphlets and appeals in every possible direction. 
 A correspondent from Copenhagen (Morning Post, July 
 19, 1919) testifies that " both here and in Stockholm it 
 is possible to get Bolshevist propagandist literature in 
 any language, from the original Russian to Chinese and 
 Hindustani, or for no race is too small for conversion
 
 244 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 to Portuguese, and even to Malayan and Turkoman." 
 When the luggage of the Bolshevist diplomats was 
 arrested in the steamer Eskiltuna III, it proved to con- 
 tain (as the Helsingfors Hufvudstads Cladet described it) 
 leaflets in Hebrew, South Slav dialects, and Kirghiz. 
 The Moscow Pravda then declared that these pamphlets 
 were destined " for the conversion of the Western 
 Imperialist States and their vassals in Europe and 
 Asia." The " vassals," such as Ireland, Egypt, India, 
 etc., were given particular attention on the basis of the 
 " self-determination " principle in its Bolshevist reading. 
 Russian immigrants all over the world and German 
 machinery were largely made use of wherever they could 
 present a point of support for the preachers of the Third 
 International's crusade. Distinction must be drawn 
 between that wholesale propaganda at random and 
 specially chosen territories where enormous quantities 
 of publications were thrown in close connection with 
 changing strategical designs of Bolsheviks. To-day it 
 is Finland, to-morrow Ukraine, then Ireland, America, 
 the Near or the Far East, Afghanistan, India, China. 
 One might read the story of universal schemes of Bol- 
 shevism while following up this changing trend of their 
 propagandist currents. 
 
 Let us begin our short review by the Sinn Fein's con- 
 tact with the Russian Bolsheviks. A short message, 
 sent from Helsingfors on April 25th, may introduce the 
 subject. " The Council of People's Commissaries," 
 the telegram says, " has rescinded the vote of 
 300,000,000 roubles for propaganda in France. In- 
 stead they have voted the sum of 500,000,000 roubles 
 monthly for the bureau of general foreign propaganda. 
 The first payment of 500,000,000 roubles, for the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 245 
 
 month of February, was sent to the Sinn Feiners in 
 Ireland. (The second, for March, was sent to the 
 Spartacists in Germany.) 1 
 
 Far from me be the idea of identifying Sinn Fein with 
 Bolshevism. The relations between the two is, perhaps, 
 in the best way characterized by the correspondence 
 published in New York at the beginning of June 1919, 
 between the Bolshevist " Ambassador," Mr. Martens, 
 and another nonentity, the " Envoy of the Republic 
 of Ireland," Mr. McCartan. It is the Bolshevik who 
 tries to prove that practically there is no essential 
 difference between Sinn Fein and the Russian-Soviet 
 Republicans. Mr. McCartan reports that "the Republic 
 of Ireland regards the political system adopted by the 
 free people in Russia as a concern only of Russians." 
 But he finally admits that there should exist between 
 the Irish and the Russian Extremists " that sense of 
 brotherhood which common purpose can alone induce." 
 This is the very sense of brotherhood which at the 
 time of preparing the Irish Rebellion of 1916 had 
 existed between James Connolly's Internationalist and 
 Syndicalist " Citizens' Army," and the extreme national- 
 istic body of the " Irish Volunteers." Both represented 
 the forces of revolutionary overthrow, and on that basis 
 had concluded their working alliance. 
 
 Bolshevism here stepped into the shoes of Germans 
 and Irish-Americans, through whose intermediary 
 the revolutionary elements of 1914-16 have found 
 and learnt to know each other. Their more con- 
 genial lever in the Irish movement was the Irish 
 Labour Party, which was very strongly influenced by 
 Russian Bolshevism, and which stood in direct con- 
 1 See The Times, April 3Oth.
 
 246 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 nection with the leaders of the Clyde Labour movement. 
 Mr. John Gallagher, on whom a detailed plan for an 
 uprising in Ireland was found on October 29, 1918, and 
 who refused to recognize the British Court, as being 
 composed of representatives of an " enemy in 
 occupation," reminds us of William Gallagher, the 
 President of the Clyde Workers' Committee. Another 
 Clyde shop steward and strike leader, Mr. MacManus, 
 confessed himself to have been in closest intimacy 
 with James O' Connolly, the leader of the Irish Rebellion 
 and the President of the proclaimed " Irish Republic." 
 He fully approved (the Socialist, April I7th) of Con- 
 nolly's guiding principle : " It is a revolutionary's duty 
 to encourage and to aid the development of any and 
 every crisis, and latterly to set about transforming it 
 into a revolutionary situation." This explains to us the 
 part of revolutionary Socialism in the Irish Nationalist 
 movement. When at the General Elections the Sinn 
 Fein swept the country and won 73 mandates to Parlia- 
 ment out of the whole number of 105, many of the active 
 members proved to have been active participants at 
 the Irish Rebellion of 1916. No wonder that at the 
 meetings of the pretended Irish " Parliament " at 
 Dublin purely Bolshevist speeches were pronounced 
 and the Russian Revolution met with entire approval. 
 Mrs. Markewicz, a Russian and a turbulent type, who 
 in 1916 had been O'Connolly's fellow-leader of the 
 " Citizens' Army," was one of the first to start on a 
 propaganda of Russian Bolshevism. So far she suc- 
 ceeded, and a notable group within the Irish Transport 
 and General Workers' Union was brought to regard 
 Bolshevism as Labour's ideal, and to advocate violent 
 methods of action. " The named Union," says Mr.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 247 
 
 O'Brien, the Secretary of the Irish Labour Party, in an 
 American interview, " since 1916 increased its member- 
 ship from 8,000 to 80,000 ; it is now the head and front 
 of the party." Mr. O'Brien asserts that the whole 
 party " is in close sympathy with international Labour 
 all over the world, more especially with the Industrial 
 Workers of the World and kindred unions in Australia 
 and on the Continent." At the same time it is " friendly 
 with Sinn Fein, whose ideals and objects are the same." 
 Now, the official organ of the Irish Transport and 
 General Workers' Union, the Voice of Labour, openly 
 declares that they already introduced a Soviet regime 
 in Ireland. " We have organized," the newspaper 
 says, " bodies representative of the three constituent 
 elements of Soviets, namely, workers, soldiers, and 
 peasants. ... At present we have what corresponds to 
 Workers' Councils in most towns . . . and in nearly 
 every country we have Peasants' Councils in some form 
 or other, and all these are linked up in a kind of loose 
 federation." 
 
 Revolutionary aims and methods of Sinn Fein, 
 especially of its " physical force " group, have become 
 so obvious, and the reminiscences of 1916 are as yet so 
 fresh, that there was ample ground for Government 
 action. On September I2th a proclamation was issued 
 by the Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland prohibiting and 
 suppressing the Sinn Fein " Parliament " (the Dail 
 Eireann), the Sinn Fein organizations, clubs, the Irish 
 Volunteers, etc. At the same time a series of raids were 
 carried out by the police and military force in Sinn 
 Fein premises, newspaper offices and residences, both 
 in Dublin and in provinces. Many documents were 
 seized and numerous arrests made. The next day the
 
 248 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Trades Union Congress at Glasgow expressed " its pro- 
 found sympathy with our Irish brethren in their hours 
 of repression." In face of this conflict between official 
 prosecution and extremist opinion the leaders of the 
 Sinn Fein remain self-confident. It would be prema- 
 ture to say what will be the upshot of the conflict, but 
 one is fully entitled to bring the acute state of things 
 in Ireland now obtaining under the same head with 
 other phenomena of post-war unrest, fostered and 
 promoted, among other causes, by direct Bolshevist 
 influences. 
 
 We now pass to another instance of the extremist 
 application of the self-determination principle India. 
 Here, as well as in Ireland, the extremist propaganda for 
 independence tried to make any moderate reform im- 
 possible. Here also, as well as there, evidence is handy 
 to prove the existence of an external organization trying 
 to work through the Indian extremists by using violent 
 methods of action. We can even surmise, with a great 
 degree of certainty, that in India, as in Ireland, this 
 organization was working for a certain time, and that 
 here, as well as there, Russian Bolsheviks only stepped 
 into the shoes of Germans. The specifically Russian work 
 of propaganda was being done through the channel of 
 Moslem and Pan-Turkish movement, and signs of it are 
 obvious in the part played by the Indian Moslem 
 elements in the April rioting at the Punjab. Mohamme- 
 dans have been foremost in the work of riot and destruc- 
 tion in Ahmedabad and Delhi. The scheme for an 
 Indian revolution included, as well as that for a revolu- 
 tion in Ireland, as a first step, systematic attacks on 
 railways, telegraphs, and other means of communica- 
 tion, and all these attacks have been tried in Northern
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 249 
 
 India. 1 The chief motive for incitement to trouble 
 was that stated by the Secretary of State for India, Mr. 
 Montagu, in the course of the debate at the Commons 
 on May 22, 1919 : "I put first among the political 
 causes (of disturbance) the perturbation and per- 
 plexity caused to the Mohammedan world by the 
 discussion arising out of the defeat of Turkey." 
 
 So far as Germany is concerned, we have, besides 
 voluminous evidence collected in Justice Rowlatt's 
 Report and Sir Valentine Chirrol's collection, Mrs. 
 Annie Besant's recent testimony (The Times, June 10, 
 1919) that " the revolutionary party in India was 
 supported largely by German money, which had been 
 used for many years in the effort to cause unrest. Even 
 before the war money had been spent freely on German 
 propaganda work, which was carried largely by German 
 missionaries who taught children to ' call for the 
 German Kaiser ' instead of for our own King-Emperor. 
 The first results," Mrs. Besant adds, " of German pro- 
 paganda were the revolutionary movement in the Punjab 
 and Bengal." The Times correspondent from Lahore 
 (April 25th) is also induced to conclude that German 
 agents are behind the movement by the fact " that 
 the outbreaks coincide with the stiffening of Germany 
 on the peace terms, and follow closely on the Egyptian 
 outbreak." This may seem too far-fetched, as the 
 cause of simultaneity of these outbreaks may also lie 
 in the general state of unrest after the war. However 
 
 1 The Morning Post correspondent on April 3oth suggested 
 that the aim of breaking up the railway system was " to cut 
 out an enclave in the centre of the Punjab, consisting of the 
 three districts of Lahore, Amritsar, and Gujranwala, wherein, 
 securely separated from the outer world, they would be free 
 to pursue their work.
 
 250 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 it be, the part of the Bolsheviks in the Indian trouble 
 is even more obvious than the part of the Germans. 
 
 On March 20th The Times special correspondent at 
 Helsingfors described the contents of a letter addressed 
 by the Bolshevist representative at Stockholm, Vorov- 
 sky, shortly before his expulsion, to the Extraordinary 
 Commission in Petrograd. This letter, which the 
 correspondent had himself seen, and which was in posses- 
 sion of a British subject, alleged that during 1918 the 
 Bolshevist representatives in Stockholm succeeded in 
 sending to Bombay, via London, 25,000 and explosives. 
 Bolshevist agents in India frequently assured the 
 Stockholm representatives that a Bolshevist movement 
 would certainly break out in India in March or April 
 (which really took place). The Pravda, the Soviet's 
 official organ, has declared that during the first ten months 
 of 1918 the Bureau of Mussulman Communist Organiza- 
 tions published 4,000,000 copies of news-sheets, pam- 
 phlets, and handbills in the Tartar, Turkish, Kirghiz, 
 Sart, and Hindu languages. A special organization 
 was formed in Moscow to operate in India, Persia, 
 China, Japan, and other Eastern countries. The names 
 of organizers of different branches of the Eastern propa- 
 ganda were : Mr. S. D. Mstislavsky for India, T. S. 
 Bravine for Persia, Mr. Yussupov for revolutionary 
 Islamism in general, Subchi Bey for Turkey. This is 
 " the real Russian peril " which Mr. John Pollock made 
 subject of a special article in the Nineteenth Century. 
 Concerning India in particular, a Bolshevist cor- 
 respondence has been revealed between Petrograd 
 and Delhi as early as February 1919. The Times 
 correspondent on August 2nd wired from Helsingfors 
 that an original letter came into his possession and
 
 / OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 251 
 
 is now in the hands of the British Foreign Office which 
 proves the complicity of the Bolshevist Government 
 at Petrograd with Indian revolutionaries. As a sequel 
 to some murders of Russian subjects at Stockholm, the 
 very personality of the Bolshevist agent was discovered 
 in August 1919. It was a certain Bek Hadji Tlashee, 
 a Mohammedan from the Caucasus and an adventurer 
 of the vilest type, ready to serve everybody for money. 
 In the letter mentioned above, and published in The 
 Times on August 29, 1919, this gentleman discloses 
 that he " must receive money from India," and that he 
 " only to-day received in Stockholm a wire from Bom- 
 bay that his previous telegrams have reached Delhi 
 by post." The money he wants 24,000 krons was 
 assigned (by the Extraordinary Commission at 2, 
 Gorokhovaya) in payment for the machines, the rest 
 for publishing purposes. A certain " Michael Yakovle- 
 vich intended to go back to India with machines," which 
 were ready. This news may be confronted with official 
 telegrams from India during the time of the April 
 uprising. " The Arya Samaj and Mohammedan emis- 
 saries from Delhi," we are told (Morning Post, April 2ist), 
 " are making attempts to stir up trouble in neighbour- 
 ing districts of the Punjab. In Bombay arrests have 
 been made of two agitators who were distributing 
 inflammatory leaflets." The Viceroy's report from 
 April igth states that " the city mobs (Punjab) are 
 reported to be generally composed of Mohammedan 
 Groudas (hooligans) directed by Pan-Islamic and Hindu 
 agitators." 
 
 In the article mentioned Mr. John Pollock warns the 
 English people that a great anti-British offensive is to 
 be delivered on the Indian front. And, indeed, the
 
 252 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 organization disclosed by The Times correspondent in 
 Helsingfors on March 3ist (see above) means an offen- 
 sive on a large scale. As early as the beginning of 1919 
 the intention becomes manifest to keep the road to 
 India open for Moscow. Branch offices of propaganda 
 are being opened all along the way. One has already 
 been started at Orenburg. Agitators are preparing 
 to go to Tashkent. Later on in the year Merv was 
 captured by the Bolshevists, and their forces proceeded 
 to Kushk, where they were at the very door of Herat, 
 the key to Western Afghanistan. It was at that moment, 
 on May gth, that the new Afghan Ameer, Amanullah 
 Khan, the third son of the late Habibulla, Britain's 
 faithful ally, started on war with England and passed 
 the Indian frontier. Turkish nationalist influences 
 may, to a great extent, explain the Ameer's move ; but 
 both the German and Bolshevist hand behind the 
 Turkish Pan-Islamic propaganda can be easily guessed. 
 The Bolsheviks were keen enough to see their chance, 
 and from that moment of the Ameer's open hostilities 
 against Great Britain they drew particular attention to 
 Afghanistan. Towards the end of August a Bolshevist 
 mission under M. Bravin, the before-mentioned diplo- 
 matist formerly of the Russian Legation at Teheran, 
 and afterwards Russian Vice-Consul in Seistan, a good 
 expert in the Near-Eastern questions, arrived at Cabul 
 on a special mission from Lenin. M. Bravin had an 
 audience of the Ameer, whose reception of him, accord- 
 ing to The Times, is described as " courteous, but cool." 
 Since then M. Bravin has been in continuous commu- 
 nication with Moscow through Tashkent, which has 
 become the headquarters of Bolshevist propaganda in 
 Central Asia under a certain M. Suritz. The results
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 253 
 
 were not late to appear. On May 6th the Bolshevist 
 official newspaper, Izvestia, published an interview with 
 the Hindoo professor, Baranatulla, who had just come 
 to Moscow at the head of the Afghan Mission. " I am 
 neither a Communist nor a Socialist," was Mr. Barana- 
 tulla's sincere avowal, " but my political programme 
 entails the expulsion of the British from Asia. I am 
 an implacable foe of the European capitalization of 
 Asia, the principal representatives of which are the 
 British. In this I approximate to the Communists, 
 and in this respect we are natural comrades. The 
 ideas of the Bolsheviks, whom we call the ' Intrakion,' 
 have already been absorbed by the masses of India, 
 and a small spark of active propaganda is enough to 
 set all Central Asia ablaze with revolution. ... In the 
 normal course of events it may be expected that this 
 summer will prove decisive in the liberation of India." 1 
 
 1 The precedents of the " renowned Indian Professor," 
 Mayavlevi Mohammed Baranatulla, advertised by the Soviet 
 Press, are very interesting. As early as 1915 he was sent by 
 the Germans to Afghanistan in company with the Turkish 
 officer Mohammed Kazym Beg and the German officer Wagner. 
 They had their headquarters in the Punjab and Afghanistan, 
 and extended their propaganda far beyond the limits of these 
 countries, disposing of very large sums of money and utilizing 
 their network of conspirative connections. The result of this 
 propaganda appeared already in 1916, in the form of an uprising 
 in Turkestan. Beginning with 1917, these very " Afghans " 
 were furnishing arms to Kirghiz, Turkmen, and Young Sarts, 
 thus preparing a revolt against Russia. In the spring of 1918, 
 according to instructions from Berlin, the Soviet Government 
 arranged for a solemn reception of the representatives of the 
 Mohammedan population in India, proclaimed themselves 
 protectors of the Islam all over the world, and began spreading 
 appeals " to all toiling Moslems of Russia and the East." The 
 Soviet of Turkestan nominated the Turkish captain Kadem- 
 Beg commander-in-chief of the Soviet Front of the Western 
 Turkestan, and the " Indian Professor " Baranatulla and 
 Kadem-Beg signed the Soviet appeal " To all Moslems of Asia."
 
 254 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Two days later (May 8th) the Izvestia gave an account 
 of another interview with the Russian specialist on 
 Asiatic affairs, a professional young diplomatist who has 
 gone over to the Bolsheviks, Mr. Voznessensky, manager 
 of the Eastern section of the Commissariat for Foreign 
 Affairs. According to him, Mr. Baranatulla was not 
 yet an official representative of Afghanistan, but he was 
 the personal friend of the new Ameer, and his arrival 
 foreshadowed the coming official negotiations. " We 
 of course recognize the independence of Afghanistan," 
 Mr. Voznessensky said, " and we will enter into diplo- 
 matic negotiations with Baranatulla as soon as we hear 
 officially from the Afghan Government. Afghanistan 
 is of primary importance for the propaganda in 
 Asia. Ethnographically, Afghanistan is closely con- 
 nected with India, and as an independent country, 
 united by a common religion, has an enormous influence 
 on the seventy millions of Mussulmans in India. Any 
 movement in Afghanistan has always found a lively 
 echo in India." Furthermore, the Soviet diplomatist 
 spoke of the German-Turkish plots in Afghanistan 
 during the war, and wound up by saying that now 
 Afghanistan cannot look for help either from Germany 
 or Turkey, and therefore Amanullah Khan is naturally 
 looking to (Bolshevist) Russia for assistance. 
 
 A few days after these interviews had been 
 published the Afghan troops were defeated at 
 Dakka (May i6th-i8th), and less than a month 
 after the opening of hostilities Amanullah was 
 asking Great Britain for peace. Already, at an 
 earlier date, he ordered his local governors at Jelala- 
 bad and elsewhere to discountenance any attempt 
 by Afghan subjects to interest themselves, directly or
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 255 
 
 indirectly, in the riotings in the Punjab. He has 
 forbidden the issue of passports to agitators and any 
 persons concerned in the Indian risings. But it did 
 not prevent the Afghan Government from entering into 
 negotiations with the Bolshevist Government in Moscow. 
 The People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in the 
 beginning of August addressed a Note to the Afghan 
 Foreign Minister, stating that the Soviet Government, 
 having cancelled all secret treaties concluded for the 
 enslavement of small nationalities, thus returned to 
 Persia and other Eastern peoples all that was taken 
 from them by the Russian Tsars. " The successes of 
 our troops in the East," the wireless went on saying, 
 " hold out the promise that we shall soon join forces 
 with the Siberian revolution. Despite all difficulties, 
 we can safely say that victory will be ours, not only in 
 Russia, but on an international scale." 
 
 This has been written after the retreat of Kolchak, 
 when the hopes of the Bolsheviks ran high. But the 
 leading men knew already at that time that their days 
 were numbered, and that Bolshevism in Russia is 
 doomed to failure. That is why their schemes for the 
 conquest of Asia began to acquire another meaning 
 for them. In case of a final defeat in Europe and Russia 
 they decided to transfer the centre of their world's pro- 
 paganda to Asia. They thought for a time of China. 
 It was easy for them to extend their propaganda to 
 China through the intermediary of Chinese working men 
 in Russia. A special revolutionary organization had 
 been started for that purpose very early in Moscow. 
 Later on the Bolshevist organ in Petrograd, the Njrthern 
 Commune (Sievernaya Communa) published news that 
 " the number of Chinese proletarians is growing in
 
 25C BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Soviet Russia. According to the recent registration 
 made by the Asiatic Department of the Commissary for 
 Foreign Affairs, the number of Chinese at present 
 exceed half a million (?)." The paper asserted that 
 many of them were confirmed Bolsheviks, who were in 
 close contact with the Labour and Socialist organi- 
 zations in China. Bolshevist agents disposing of large 
 sums of money, the newspaper said, are to be found 
 on the frontiers, recruiting Chinese for service in 
 Soviet Russia. 
 
 What kind of Chinamen were thus recruited can be 
 seen from a witness by Mr. Djin-Yun-Huy, a special 
 envoy of the Chinese colony at Moscow to General 
 Denikin and to the representatives of the Allied Powers 
 at Odessa. Mr. Djin-Yun-Huy declares that the Chinese 
 recruits are mostly " Chunchuses " (Chinese bandits) 
 and the most ignorant elements of the Chinese popula- 
 tion. At the head of the Executive Committee, organized 
 and paid by the Bolsheviks, is a convict escaped from 
 hard labour. The Chinese serving in the Red Army, 
 Mr. Djin-Yun-Huy asserts, are conscripted and retained 
 by force. The Danish Red Cross tried to repatriate 
 the Chinese workmen, but the attempt failed owing to 
 the obstacles put by the Bolshevik authorities. 
 
 The Bolsheviks have also made an attempt with the 
 Koreans. The Bolshevist newspaper Krasny Nabat 
 (the Red Tocsin] recently published a proclamation 
 addressed to the revolutionary organizations of the 
 Korean people. The proclamation informs the Koreans 
 that a " Korean National Union " has been formed at 
 Moscow, " whose aim is to provoke a revolution in 
 Korea and to give back to this country its independence.' 
 The Bolsheviks promise that the Korean regiments
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 257 
 
 formed in Moscow will come to the aid of this revolution. 
 " The Korean workmen resident at Moscow have ad- 
 hered to the Third International." " At the time 
 when the Red Army and the Koreans will fight the 
 Japanese on the Urals, Korea must rise and communi- 
 cate with the Government of the working men and the 
 peasants. It is only in that way that we shall succeed, 
 having united our forces, to expel the Japanese from 
 Vladivostok and from Korea. The hour of liberation 
 is drawing nigh. Koreans, make the supreme effort." 
 One may be sure that this proclamation, whatever its 
 result, has reached its destination. 
 
 But the greatest hopes of the Bolsheviks, particu- 
 larly after Kolchak had stopped his retreat and " the 
 promise to join forces with the Siberian revolution " 
 proved unrealizable, were still based on India and 
 Afghanistan. With the obvious aim of preparing for 
 themselves a solid basis of retreat through Russian 
 Turkestan, they concentrated about 100,000 Red troops 
 in that region, while at the same time guarding the access 
 to Tashkent from Orenburg by the railway line. At the 
 moment of writing these lines (mid-October) 40,000 
 of these troops were defeated by General Annenkov 
 in Eastern Turkestan. WTiether the other 60,000 
 will surrender at Tashkent, whether the corridor to 
 Orenburg will be kept open long enough for the totter- 
 ing power of the Bolsheviks in Moscow to use that 
 passage, or it will be shut up by the Orenburg and Uralsk 
 Cossacks, thus cutting the only line of retreat, remains 
 to be seen. Meantime the negotiations with the 
 Afghan Government wound up with the despatch of an 
 Ambassador to Moscow. On October loth the Afghan 
 Embassy was met by a large deputation, and the 
 
 17
 
 258 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Director of the Mussulman Near East Department, 
 " comrade " Narimanov, greeted them in Turkish. 
 He said he " purposely used the Turkish language 
 in the Red Capital in order to prove that the 
 Workers' and Peasants' Government treats all 
 peoples and languages with sincere respect." Another 
 member of the deputation, " comrade " Sultan 
 Calico, who spoke in the name of the Revolu- 
 tionary Council of the Republic, said : " Your heroic 
 country is fighting for its emancipation from the 
 age-long oppressors of the East, British Imperialism. 
 We know that you need help and support, and that you 
 expect this support from Soviet Russia. In the name 
 ... of the revolutionary organizations of the many 
 millions of the Mohammedan labouring masses of Soviet 
 Russia, I declare to you that Soviet Russia will give 
 you that assistance, as she herself is fighting against 
 international Imperialism." To which the Ambassa- 
 dor, Mohamed Vali Khan, answered : " We know 
 that the Mussulman peoples of Russia are now free, 
 and we strongly hope that, with the assistance of 
 Soviet Russia, we shall succeed in emancipating 
 Afghanistan and the rest of the East." 
 
 The measures for the Bolshevist " emancipation " 
 of the East are already being taken in close proximity 
 to Afghanistan. " News from Tashkent," The Times 
 states, " shows that the Bolshevists there, acting upon 
 instructions from Moscow, have instituted on a large 
 scale classes for instruction in Bolshevist propaganda, 
 for the purpose of training emissaries to go to India 
 and Afghanistan. These classes are conducted in the 
 Pushtu, Hindustani, and other Eastern languages, 
 and are publicly advertised in the Tashkent papers."
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 259 
 
 The same methods are thus being now used to 
 " bolshevize " the East as had proved efficient to 
 " bolshevize " Russia. Propaganda on the largest scale 
 by trained propagandists was and remains not only a 
 secondary feature of the Bolshevist domination, but the 
 chief aim and the most important application of their 
 temporary power, which justifies in their own eyes 
 their " dictatorship," as a stepping-stone to something 
 greater and more lasting to come. 
 
 So far, we cannot ascertain any direct influence of 
 the Bolshevist propaganda on the Egyptian unrest. 
 Apparently there is none. But taking it as a part of 
 the movement rife throughout the Mohammedan world, 
 we shall here find the same medium favourable for the 
 extreme Nationalist movement, and the same agents 
 active in spreading the movement as are known to us 
 in Turkey and in the Near East. The especially Egyp- 
 tian motive for unrest, the proclamation of the British 
 Protectorate on December 18, 1917, of course, counts 
 for very much in the March and April uprisings, as 
 well as the desire " to make the voice of Egypt heard 
 at the Peace Conference," steering for independence. 
 But there is hardly any doubt that some plan of using 
 the nationalistic catch- word of " Egypt for the Egyp- 
 tians," as well as the mistakes, acknowledged since, 
 of the British Administration, had been conceived in 
 advance, a long time before the actual trouble began. 
 We know already that in its origin this plan was 
 German. I do not know what were its further develop- 
 ments, but there are some features in the movement 
 (e.g. the sabotage on the railways on the most extensive 
 scale) which are known to us from revolutionary 
 attempts, both in Ireland and in India., I also find that
 
 260 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 a communique from Cairo, dated April ist (The Times, 
 April 2ist), says that the chief agents of the outbreak 
 were the same as had undergone the initial German 
 influence. " Some of the most violent attacks have 
 been led by the students and the Azharites. It would 
 be interesting to know to what extent foreign, possibly 
 German, influence and money still prevail at Al Azhar 
 University, for it is well known that the Germans long 
 before the war intrigued deeply with the Bedouin and the 
 Azharites, the groundwork being done by the notorious 
 Baron von Oppenheim, and that the German plan 
 for disorganizing Egypt during the war included the 
 active participation, not only of the Bedouin, but also 
 of the Al Azhar, where they had many emissaries." 
 The same correspondent wrote on April igth (The Times, 
 April 22nd) : " The agitators in the provinces are, it is 
 true, some out-of-work lawyers and effendis, but the 
 main source of their inspiration is the clique of officials, 
 lawyers, students, and Azharites (connected with the 
 Al Azhar University) , who are directing the strike move- 
 ment in Cairo." But here the traces are getting lost, 
 and the author of the series of articles published by 
 The Times in September recognizes that " there 
 appears to be no serious evidence of any foreign 
 propaganda or any organization linking up the 
 movement with other countries." 
 
 Quite unexpectedly, we meet with the genuine Bol- 
 shevik propaganda at the other extremity of Africa, 
 Johannesburg and Capetown. Two Russians came to 
 Durban via Mesopotamia, with passports furnished 
 by the British military authorities on the strength 
 of professed pro-Ally sympathies. Nobody knew here 
 Mr. Lapinsky (an extremist " Menshevik " member
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 261 
 
 of the Kienthal Conference) and Mr. Sosnovik. Their 
 lectures, delivered in Russian before compatriot 
 colonists, did not at once disclose their political inten- 
 tions, but subsequent speeches in English revealed them 
 to be Bolshevik propagandists. Resolutions were passed 
 by the meetings arranged by them, protesting against 
 Allied efforts to strangle workers' revolutions in Russia, 
 Germany, Austria, and other countries. This was a 
 regular " hands-off-Soviet Republic " propaganda. Both 
 gentlemen were asked by the police to leave first 
 Johannesburg and then Capetown. A small crowd of 
 revolutionary Socialists gathered at the docks to see 
 them off (they sailed from Mosambique to Lisbon). A 
 meeting was held on the quay, and Mr. Lapinsky 
 definitely threw off the mask : he declared that the 
 Russian Bolsheviks were the advance guard of the 
 World Revolution, and confidently predicted that 
 he would return to Africa and meet his local admirers 
 in very different circumstances. On the occa- 
 sion of a previous strike in Johannesburg several 
 speakers at mass meetings frankly declared that the 
 movement was not a mere strike, but an attempt 
 at revolution. Finally, the Government decided to 
 introduce a Bill for alien registration empowering 
 the Government to deport any persons joining any 
 association for the subversion of the Constitution or 
 associating themselves with propaganda aiming * r at 
 the subversion of law and order. The Bill was mainly 
 directed against Bolshevik propaganda on the Rand. 1 
 
 A turbulent demonstration in Brisbane on March 23rd 
 disclosed to the world the existence of a nucleus for 
 
 1 See The Times, April 3rd, May 22nd ; Daily Telegraph, April 
 22nd ; correspondence from Capetown.
 
 262 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Bolshevist propaganda in Australia. A large crowd, 
 chiefly composed of Russians, went in procession through 
 the streets, rioting and overpowering the police. Red 
 flags and other Bolshevik emblems were displayed and 
 the " Internationale " sung. The mounted troopers 
 were violently attacked by Russians armed with long 
 poles and other weapons, who shouted : " This is the 
 start of the revolution." Finally they entrenched 
 themselves at the Russians' headquarters, where they 
 were attacked by the returned soldiers and dispersed. 
 The inquiry has revealed that there is a considerable 
 Russian element among the waterside workers of all 
 the States. According to a Times correspondent from 
 Sydney (April 3rd), a secret society was conducting 
 Bolshevist propaganda. The organization consisted 
 of small groups of members who went by assumed 
 names. They were proselytizing by means of unsigned, 
 typewritten literature, which urged the permeation of 
 labour leagues with revolutionary Socialism. Some 
 leaders, arrested after the demonstration of March 23rd, 
 made statements in court in defence of Bolshevism. A 
 certain Simonov even claimed officially the right to 
 represent the Soviet Government in Australia. He was 
 refused recognition. The March outbreak was easily 
 stifled, but already in May we see the results of the 
 Bolshevist propaganda among the working men. A 
 wave of industrial unrest threatened to submerge 
 Australia. There was a series of strikes in almost 
 every section of Labour owing to the increased cost of 
 food. The miners three times demanded increase of 
 wages. The Victorian Railways Union passed a re- 
 solution in favour of Russian Sovietism (The Times, 
 May 1 3th)
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 263 
 
 In America the ground for Bolshevism proved to be 
 much more favourable than either Africa or Australia. 
 This is chiefly due to two causes : the far greater number 
 of Russian immigrants and incomparably greater in- 
 dustrial development. The first motive prevailed in 
 Canada, the second in the United States. 
 
 Of course, America entered into the general scheme of 
 the Bolshevist propaganda. The proofs are ample, but 
 in order to quote first hand evidence, I may refer to a 
 conversation with Lenin by Mr. Albert Rhys Williams, 
 an American correspondent and " an authorized 
 messenger from Lenin and the Soviet Government," 
 as the Socialist leaflet quoted styles him. 1 " I saw 
 Lenin the day I went away. At that particular time 
 the Americans were playing in very good there, and 
 America stood high with the Bolsheviks. They were 
 ready to make many concessions to Americans. So they 
 allowed me to collect a lot of literature to take to 
 America, and they also prepared a moving picture reel, 
 showing the creative and artistic side of the Socialist 
 Revolution, and they printed these in English ; they 
 spent hundreds of thousands of roubles on these reels 
 to show America. ... Of course, they were never 
 allowed to come over. Lenin knew it would happen. 
 He said : ' I am afraid they won't allow this literature 
 to get into America. It is pretty bad literature 
 really.' " 
 
 Lenin was right so far that in Canada severe measures 
 were taken against the spread of Bolshevist literature. 
 
 1 Questions and Answers about Russia, an Extract from a 
 Verbatim Report of a Conversation with A. R. W. reprinted from 
 The Liberator by the Worker's Socialist Federation, 400, Old Ford 
 Road, E. 3. Mr. Williams left Russia in autumn, 1918.
 
 264 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Some people, like William Watson or Harry Chesseman, 
 were sentenced to imprisonment for having seditious 
 literature in their possession as early as January 
 1919. The last sentence provoked a demonstration 
 in Toronto of 1,200 sympathizers, which proved that 
 the Bolshevist element was already strong enough in 
 that city. They were chiefly " aliens," and they used 
 every opportunity of speaking at the meetings to glorify 
 the results of Bolshevism in Russia, to attack the 
 Orders in Council which prohibited meetings of Social 
 Democrats and the circulation of seditious literature 
 during the war. They alleged that these were the signs 
 of their being " a great capitalist conspiracy to conceal 
 the true situation." This produced a very strong 
 feeling against aliens on the part of the war veterans 
 returning to Canada from the Front. They displayed 
 an equally resolute temper, and conflicts between the 
 soldiers and the foreign elements leading the extreme 
 group of the Labour opinion became an everyday 
 occurrence in Canada. The alien influence was particu- 
 larly strong in the West, owing to the composition of 
 the local population. When the war broke out there 
 were 25,000 Germans and Austrians in the Western 
 Provinces, besides many thousands of Swedes, Russians, 
 and other European nationalities. In Saskatchewan 
 60 per cent, of population are foreign-born and illiterate. 
 In the prairie Provinces there were 102,435 persons of 
 foreign birth over ten years of age who cannot speak 
 English. In the Winnipeg district there were 27,000 
 registered alien enemies. Many of the aliens belonged 
 to the Labour Unions. These foreign elements proved 
 to be a particularly docile element for the fomenters 
 of trouble. The chief leaders were also aliens having
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 265 
 
 come from Northern England and Scotland, of the same 
 extreme " pacifist " type known to us, and some Rus- 
 sians. The names of the " Red Five " of Canada are 
 R. T. Jones, of Winnipeg ; W. A. Pritchard, of Van- 
 couver ; Joseph Knight, of Edmonton ; V. R. Midgley, 
 of Vancouver ; and Joseph Maylor, of Cumberland. 
 Most of them had been opponents to conscription. 
 Warrants have been issued in June for the arrest, be- 
 sides the first two, of Sam Blumenberg and B. Drivatkin, 
 while the four aliens charged in July for sedition were 
 Blumenberg, Kharitonov, Almazov and Schoppeltrel. 
 The last five names are evidently Russian and Jewish. 
 Inspector Guthrie, of the Toronto detective force, 
 stated (end of May) that there were three Bolshevist 
 societies in the city which were working secretly to 
 encourage and maintain the industrial unrest. Of these 
 the membership was 90 per cent, foreign and 75 per cent. 
 Russian. They were careful not to appear on the strike 
 committees, but were busy sowing the seeds of revolu- 
 tion. There were, undoubtedly, similar organizations 
 at Vancouver, Victoria, and Winnipeg. 
 
 What were their aims ? It is shown by their actions. 
 As early as March 1919 the Bolshevist character of their 
 propaganda, disclosed by the decisions of the Western 
 Labour Conference at Calgary, consisting of the repre- 
 sentatives of all the Unions in Western Canada. The 
 Calgary Convention resolved to separate the Western 
 Unions from the American Federation of Labour and 
 inaugurate " a movement to consolidate all the labour 
 bodies into ' One Big Union.' ' The Convention sent 
 fraternal greetings to the Russian Soviet Government 
 and to the Spartacists in Germany. It demanded 
 the release of all political prisoners in Canada and the
 
 266 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 immediate withdrawal of the Allied troops from Russia, 
 under the threat of a general strike. It protested against 
 the further deportation of alien enemies on the ground 
 of their being true to the cause of Labour. The Van- 
 couver Trades and Labour Council endorsed the same 
 decisions. A Red Book published at Winnipeg in Rus- 
 sian outlined the general policy of Bolshevist organi- 
 zations in the United States and Canada, and stated, 
 as the cardinal principle of the movement, the over- 
 throw of the " damnable trinity of Religion, Govern- 
 ment, and Capitalism." Henceforth a campaign of 
 propaganda was started for the introduction of the 
 Russian Soviet form of government, thousands of 
 copies of Lenin's addresses were freely circulated, and 
 Bolshevist doctrine was preached for months without 
 hindrance in the cities of the Canadian Pacific Coast. 
 
 On May I5th an open revolt was tried in the shape of 
 a general strike. In the first days of the strike at 
 Winnipeg, when its spokesmen were as yet bold and 
 arrogant, they stated their aims quite plainly. " Winni- 
 peg is now governed by a Soviet," the editor of the 
 Winnipeg Socialist wrote on May i6th ; " the seat of 
 the authority has been transferred from the City Hall 
 to the Labour Temple." The Secretary of the Winni- 
 peg Trades Council told the meeting of strikers that " a 
 bigger struggle is to come for the control of all the 
 resources of the country." Mr. Ivens, the editor of 
 the Socialist, was still more outspoken. On May igth 
 he stated that " in a short time there will be no need 
 to use the weapon of the strike : we shall not need to 
 strike when we own and control industry, and we 
 won't relinquish the fight until we do control." On 
 May 23rd the Labour News, the organ of the strikers,
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 267 
 
 said : " The fight is on. It overthrew the Governments 
 in Russia, Austria, and Germany. . . . Now it has Win- 
 nipeg in its grip. . . . We shall fight until we win." 
 
 The same psychology explains the attempt to extend 
 the strike movement over all Western Canada. In 
 Toronto the President and the Secretary of the District 
 Trades and Labour Council, who represented moderate 
 elements of Labour, resigned their membership at the 
 Strike Committee because a faction of the Committee 
 was attempting to make the Toronto strike a part of 
 a Dominion-wide strike, in furtherance of the " One 
 Big Union " plan. And on June i8th, Mr. Robert- 
 son, the Minister of Labour, issued a statement showing 
 that the aim of the " sympathetic " strikes was every- 
 where the same. " The information and evidence 
 amply warrant the conclusion," Mr. Robertson said, 
 " that a seditious conspiracy was contemplated by a 
 portion of the members of the Central Strike Committee, 
 who are believed to be revolutionary and dangerous in 
 tendencies. . . . Persistent and insidious propaganda and 
 misrepresentation were being spread abroad, especially 
 among the railway employees, with a view to extending 
 the strike and utterly dislocating transportation. . . 
 From additional evidence obtained, consisting of papers, 
 pamphlets, and documents gathered by the police, the 
 citizens . . . will . . . reach a conclusion as to the 
 depth and seriousness of the conspiracy which is going 
 on, not only in Winnipeg, but generally throughout 
 Western Canada." Mr. Robertson has also disclosed 
 the fact " that in correspondence addressed to R. T. 
 Russell, Secretary of the ' One Big Union,' the pro- 
 vincial executive of Manitoba acknowledges the receipt 
 of Bolshevist money." After the arrest of Mr. Russell,
 
 268 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Mr. Robertson announced that there was positive 
 proof as to the acceptance of large sums of money during 
 March-May from Chicago, to be devoted to the spread 
 of Bolshevism and the establishment of Soviet Rule in 
 the Dominion. $29,000 was to have been sent him on 
 June i8th by special messenger from the United States. 
 The Bolshevist propaganda had met with strong 
 opposition on the part of returning soldiers, who formed 
 unions of Great War Veterans, and " the Grand Army 
 of Canada," and insisted on the deportation of aliens. 
 When the strikes began there were also organized the 
 " Committees of Citizens," which prevented the strikes 
 from becoming general, while the Veterans proposed 
 to the Government their services as constables. The 
 Government took a firm attitude towards the demands 
 of the strikers. At once the tone of the leaders of the 
 movement, as well as that of their Press, has changed, 
 but the strike movement did not stop, and the Govern- 
 ment proceeded to drastic measures. All processions 
 and congregations of crowds in the streets were for- 
 bidden by the Mayor of Winnipeg. On June 6th the 
 House of Commons and the Senate, within an hour's 
 time, passed the Bill empowering the Government 
 to deport persons advocating the overthrow of con- 
 stituted authority who are not British subjects by birth 
 in Canada, or by naturalization in Canada. The Bill 
 applied to British immigrants who were not naturalized 
 and who were believed to be largely responsible for the 
 Western Labour conditions. The Special Committee 
 was considering amendments to the criminal code, 
 declaring unlawful all associations purposing to bring 
 about governmental, industrial, or economic changes 
 by force. It also declared unlawful all attempts to
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 269 
 
 circulate or import literature advocating a resort to 
 force. Mid- June the Winnipeg strike leaders were 
 imprisoned, and further arrests contemplated at Van- 
 couver, Calgary, Edmonton, Saskatoon, Moose Jaw, 
 Regina, and Brandon. Henceforth, much less was 
 heard of the industrial unrest in Canada. 
 
 The situation in the United States is much more 
 complicated. Happily, we receive here a valuable sup- 
 port of an inquiry into the " Bolshevik propaganda " 
 by the Committee of the Judiciary of the United States 
 Senate. Hearings before a Sub-committee of this Com- 
 mittee make out a stately volume of 1,265 pages, and 
 include, along with testimonies of American witnesses 
 having visited Russia, some of them pro-Bolsheviks, 
 like Mr. John Reed, his wife, Louise Bryant, Mr. Albert 
 Rhys Williams, the notorious Mr. Raymond Robbins, 
 so much responsible for America's policy toward Bol- 
 shevism, also the testimonies of professional men 
 in the Intelligence Service, Mr. Tunney and Mr. Steven- 
 son. All these testimonies confirm what we might 
 guess from other sources. In the United States, as 
 well as in other Allied countries, but in a far larger 
 measure than elsewhere, the Bolshevist activities, just 
 as the Irish, the Indian, the Canadian, are closely in- 
 terwoven with the previous anti-Ally and pro-German 
 propaganda. Organizing strikes in the factories of 
 munitions was a part of the scheme for destruction, 
 worked out and brought into action by the Austrian 
 Consul and the German military and naval attaches. 
 Pacifist organizations such as the Emergency Peace 
 Federation and the American Neutral Conference 
 
 Committee, which existed before the declarationffof 
 
 /* 
 
 war by the United States, were also working parallel
 
 270 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 with pro-German and Bolshevist lines. The Pacifist 
 
 movement became more radical since that time, as may 
 
 be seen from the activity of the People's Council of 
 
 America for Democracy and Peace, founded on 
 
 August 7, 1917, to take the place of the two former 
 
 organizations. The advent of this organization was 
 
 hailed with enthusiasm by the German propagandists, 
 
 and wide publicity was given to it in the German organs, 
 
 such as Issues and Events, The Fatherland, etc. Among 
 
 the officers and Executive Committee are E. V. Debs 
 
 and Irving St. John Tucker, having served sentences 
 
 for violation of the Espionage Act. Mr. Stevenson 
 
 officially stated before the Senate Sub-committee that 
 
 " there are a large number of persons connected with 
 
 this organization that sympathize with the Bolshevik 
 
 and Soviet form of government." " The outgrowth 
 
 of this People's Council was the Liberty Defence Union, 
 
 in which there is a curious mixture of intelligentsia and 
 
 Anarchists, Radical Socialists, and I.W.W. Among the 
 
 members of this organization, Kate Richards O'Hare, 
 
 now serving a sentence for violation of the Espionage 
 
 Act, was an associate of Lenin and Rosa Luxembourg 
 
 in the International Socialist Bureau, the People's 
 
 House, in Brussels, before the war, in 1914." Another 
 
 delegate of the same Bureau was Mr. Victor Berger. 
 
 Both Berger and Kate O'Hare were leading members 
 
 of the " Commission on War and Militarism " at the 
 
 St. Louis Socialist Convention of April 7-17, 1917, 
 
 and they brought in the " Majority " Report of this 
 
 Committee which was adopted by the Convention. 
 
 This meant the victory of the revolutionary Socialism, 
 
 which caused the withdrawal from the party of some 
 
 of its " evolutionary " members, such as Charles Edward
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 271 
 
 Russell and John Spargo. The resolution adopted by 
 the St. Louis Convention runs as follows : 
 
 ... Be it resolved that the Socialist Party, being the 
 political arm of the working class in its fight for industrial free- 
 dom, and its power resting mainly in its clear-cut, specific 
 declaration of political and economic principles, rather than 
 in the number of votes passed for party candidates, and the 
 purpose of the Socialist movement being the emancipation of 
 the working class from economic servitude, rather than the 
 election to office of candidates, it is therefore declared to be 
 the sense of that Convention that all State organizations facing 
 the solution of this question be urged to remember that to 
 fuse and to compromise is to be swallowed up and utterly 
 destroyed ; that they be urged to maintain the revolutionary 
 position of the Socialist Party and maintain in the utmost 
 possible vigour the propaganda of Socialism, unadulterated by 
 association of office seekers, to the end that the solidarity of 
 the working class, the principles of international Socialism may 
 continue to lay the foundations for the social revolution. 
 
 The social revolution, not political office, is the end and aim 
 of the Socialist Party. No compromise, no political trading. 
 
 Senator Wolcott, in the Senate Sub-committee, 
 rather naively asked Mr. Stevenson : " Taking the great 
 body of the American people, were they not too level- 
 headed to be influenced by this outfit ? " Mr. Steven- 
 son's answer was : " We must remember, Senator, 
 that the really American people are not present in very 
 large numbers in our industrial centres. They have 
 made a very great impression on the foreign element." 
 Here we come to the specifically Bolshevist propaganda 
 among the American aliens by the Russian emigrees, 
 such as Mr. Leon Trotsky. To show at once just how 
 large their number was, I shall quote the following 
 excerpt from the testimony of Mr. Thomas J. Tunney, 
 the Inspector of Police, before the Senate Sub- 
 committee :
 
 272 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Senator Nelson : How many of those Anarchists and those 
 Radicals, I.W.W.'s and Anarchists have you in New York ? 
 
 Mr. Tunney : I believe there are 12,000 or 15,000 in New 
 York. I mean those who sympathize with the real Radical 
 movement. I should say we probably have 50,000 who more 
 or less sympathize with them. 1 
 
 Senator Nelson : They are really foreigners, are they not ? 
 
 Mr. Tunney : Mostly foreigners. 
 
 Senator Nelson : From what part of the Old Country ? 
 
 Mr. Tunney : The three principal nationalities that they 
 represent are Russians, Spaniards I am talking about the 
 Anarchist group and the Italians, mixed up with some Germans. 
 There are a few Radical Irishmen and Englishmen and a few 
 Americans. 
 
 So far as Russians (Russian Jews) are concerned, 
 special publications were issued to make Bolshevist 
 propaganda among them. Leon Trotsky was particu- 
 larly connected with the newspaper Novy Mir (the 
 New World) ; the other editors were Weinstein and 
 Brailovsky. According to Mr. Tunney's testimony, 
 Trotsky " was very often delivering lectures both to 
 Russians and Germans on anarchy and Radical 
 Socialism." He also " travelled somewhat through the 
 United States " on lecturing tours. Mr. Tunney quotes 
 some of these meetings ; one of them is particularly 
 interesting to us. Mr. Trotsky was leaving for Russia, 
 after the success of the Russian March Revolution. 
 On the night of March 26th, before he sailed from 
 New York, Mr. Trotsky addressed, " in both German 
 and Russian," a large meeting of over 1,000 " German 
 Socialists and Russians " at the Harlem River Casino. 
 He said : "I am going back to Russia to overthrow 
 the Provisional Government and stop the war with 
 Germany and allow no interference from any outside 
 Governments. I want you people here to organize 
 1 The testimony was given on January 21, 1919.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 278 
 
 and keep on organizing until you are able to over- 
 throw this darned rotten capitalistic Government of 
 this country." " He did leave the next morning, 
 with about thirty-five or forty of his associates," 
 Mr. Tunney added ; " and from that date (March 27, 
 1917) until June ist about 450 Russians left, with 
 various leaders, and they also went back to roast the 
 American Commission that was over there at that 
 time." 
 
 The fact is that there were by far more than 450 
 Russian (Jewish) refugees who left America for Russia 
 after the beginning of the Russian Revolution, to 
 play a very important part in the development of 
 Bolshevism in Russia. This fact explains many things 
 which happened since. To make clear the part of 
 American propagandists in Russia I may quote some 
 testimonies of the American eye-witnesses given before 
 the Senate Sub-committee. Here is the testimony of 
 Mr. R. B. Dennis, a teacher in North-Western Uni- 
 versity, who had worked in Russia from November 
 1917 to September 1918, first for the American 
 Y.M.C.A., and since April in the Consular Service. 
 He had been all over Russia, in Rostov, Kharkoff, 
 Moscow, Nijni Novgorod, and Petrograd. This is what 
 he says : 
 
 ... A thing that interested me very much was to discover 
 a number of men in positions of power, Commissaries in the 
 cities here and there in Russia, who had lived in America . . . 
 in the industrial centres. I met a number of them, and I sat 
 around and listened to attacks upon America that I would not 
 take from any man in this country. 
 
 Senator Wolcott : In the main, of what nationality were they ? 
 
 Mr. Dennis : Russian Hebrews. The men that I met there 
 had lived in America, according to their stories, anywhere from 
 three to twelve years . . . 
 
 18
 
 274 BOLSHEVISM : AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Senator Overman : Are these people over there, who have 
 lived in the United States, taking part in the Bolshevist move- 
 ment ? 
 
 Mr. Dennis : This is the thing that, in my opinion, backed 
 up by the opinions of other Americans, Englishmen, and French- 
 men with whom I talked when we got into Moscow, and were 
 waiting there three weeks before we got out, and comparing 
 notes, seems more interesting than the fact that they are there 
 in positions of power ; that these men were the most bitter 
 and implacable men in Russia on the programme of the exter- 
 mination, if necessary, of the bourgeois class. I never met a 
 more implacable individual than a man that they called the 
 War Commissary in Nijni-Novgorod ; he has been in this 
 country a number of years. Our general opinion in Moscow 
 was, that anywhere from 20 to 25 per cent, of Commissaries in 
 Soviet Russia had lived in America. 
 
 Senator Overman : Do you know any of them that have been 
 naturalized in this country ? 
 
 Mr. Dennis : No ... I asked two, I recall, and they said 
 they had not. . . . One man, when I bade him good-bye, said : 
 " Good-bye, I will see you in about ten years. We are coming 
 over to America to pull off this same show." 
 
 The same impressions are given by a man 
 of very different set of opinions, Mr. Raymond 
 Robins, the head of the American Red Cross 
 Mission in Russia, who functioned as unofficial 
 representative of the American Ambassador, David 
 K. Francis, with the Soviet Government. Says 
 Mr. Robins : 
 
 There was another fact of importance. There returned to 
 Russia, immediately at the beginning of the Revolution, great 
 numbers of Russians from America, immigrants, both Gentile 
 and Jew. . . . They represented genuine honest men who had met 
 America at America's worst . . . then came back to Russia and 
 spoke . . . (they) interpreted America as the capitalist's heaven 
 and the workman's hell. That was perfectly false, but it carried 
 influence, because those men spoke the language, and they came 
 back with that interpretation ; and man after man, when I 
 was fighting against the rise of Bolshevism, said : " We do not 
 care for your democracy ; we do not want political democracy ; 
 we are going to have a real economic Revolution. We did not
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 275 
 
 depose our Tsar to get twenty Tsars ; we are not going to have 
 a Tsar of oil, a Tsar of coal, a Tsar of the railroads." . . . To 
 this group (of honest men) were added the agitators who were 
 the paid agents of Germany or the doctrinaire Socialists of the 
 destructive groups, such as the I.W.W. 
 
 It is now known that it was Colonel Raymond Robins 
 who, through his private secretary, one of these 
 Russian Jews from America, Mr. Alexander Gumberg, 
 got possession of the documents serving to reveal 
 the German pecuniary connections with the Bolshe- 
 viks, both before and after the Russian Revolution. 
 Mr. Gumberg 's antecedents are particularly interesting. 
 To my knowledge (I have the following from a Russian 
 witness closely connected with Mr. Gumberg), Mr. 
 Gumberg had lived in New York for about fifteen 
 years, and he contributed to the New World (Trotsky's 
 newspaper). His brother, known under the name of 
 the Commissary Zorin, lived in the same room with 
 Trotsky during his stay in New York, a year before 
 the Revolution of 1917. This also explains the good 
 relations between Mr. Robins and the Bolshevik 
 authorities. Mr. Francis, in his testimony, wondered 
 what Colonel Robins meant by saying : "I have the 
 goods on my person," while leaving Russia via Vladi- 
 vostok. My informant helped me to solve the riddle : 
 it was platinum bought from the Bolsheviks through 
 the intermediary of Alexander Gumberg. Intimate 
 relations of Colonel Robins with that group of the 
 Bolsheviks are also proven by the fact that Radek, 
 Trotsky, and his lady secretary, saw the Americans 
 off in Moscow, and Radek said he hoped that the 
 " materials " given to them, and filling up quite a 
 railway carriage, would reach their destination, and
 
 276 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 that " soon they will accomplish the American revo- 
 lution." 
 
 Of course, Colonel Robins' present construction of 
 the aims of his activity with the Bolsheviks is quite 
 different. He agreed he knew all about the World 
 Revolution, but he intended to divert it into the 
 German channels. The following conversation at the 
 Sub-committee is characteristic of Robins' official 
 view : 
 
 Senator King : I want to call your attention that as early 
 as the 22nd of December 1917 the Bolshevik Government 
 stated that it was necessary " for us to maintain diplomatic 
 relations, not only with foreign Governments through couriers, 
 but also with the socialistic and the revolutionary parties which 
 are endeavouring to overthrow the existing Governments." 
 Do you not regard that, Colonel Robins, as a challenge by them 
 to all existing Governments and an expression of a purpose upon 
 their part to get into communication with revolutionary organi- 
 zations everywhere for the purpose of destroying all existing 
 Governments ? 
 
 Mr. Robins : Thoroughly so, and from the beginning I was 
 in full understanding of that purpose . . . but, believing that 
 as an attack on Germany, which was a danger very near, while 
 others were most remote. 
 
 Senator King : That is to say, you understood they were 
 going to light the fires of revolution everywhere ? 
 
 Mr. Robins : Wherever they could. 
 
 Senator King : And after it has burned out in Europe we 
 might extinguish it in our own country ? 
 
 Mr. Robins : After it had burned in Germany, and it had 
 been sufficient to fight the Central Powers, it would not go 
 further. 
 
 Senator King : But you knew it was the purpose to destroy 
 our Government as soon as they could ? 
 
 Mr. Robins : Everybody there knew it. 
 
 Colonel Robins has brought it so far as to persuade 
 the Ambassador Francis " to work together to that 
 end," and was clever enough to receive from the
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 277 
 
 Ambassador the following telegraphic acknowledgment 
 (May 3, 1918) : 
 
 I can understand the difficulty of the position of Lenin and 
 Trotsky and their colleagues, and know they are compelled to 
 profess when organizing an army, or preparing any kind of 
 resistance, that such is the promotion of the world-wide social 
 revolution ; at the same time you, I know, have always felt that 
 it was necessary to encourage such professions in order to organize 
 any resistance whatever to the Central Empires, and were con- 
 fident that such an organization would never be used against 
 existing Governments, including our own. But it is difficult to 
 induce our Government to accept that view. . . . You are also 
 aware of my action in bringing about the aid of the Military 
 Missions towards organizing an army (of the Soviet) . . . they 
 failed because the Home Government refused to endorse the pro- 
 gramme. 
 
 Mr. Robins also urged recognition of the Bolshevist 
 Government by the United States ; but here Mr. 
 Francis disagreed with him, although, on January 2, 
 1918, on the condition that " the Russian armies now 
 under command of the People's Commissaries commence 
 and seriously conduct hostilities against the forces of 
 Germany and her Allies," he finally consented " to 
 recommend to his Government the formal recognition 
 of the de facto Government of the People's Commis- 
 saries." If we are to believe Colonel Robins, England 
 was also involved in that scheme through the inter- 
 mediary of Colonel William B. Thompson. Says Mr. 
 Robins : " He (Colonel Thompson) left largely at 
 my earnest request that he should go out by way of 
 England, and that he should make an effort to get a 
 correct understanding of the thing in England. At 
 that time Sir George Buchanan, the British Ambas- 
 sador, and General Knox, the chief of the Military 
 Mission, were absolutely unwilling to do anything like
 
 278 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 co-operating (as the Ambassador of the United States 
 did) to try to meet the needs of the situation ; and 
 Colonel Thompson did go out and saw Lloyd George, 
 and the result was that the British High Commissioner 
 recalled the British Ambassador, Sir G. Buchanan, and 
 the chief of the British Military Mission, General 
 Knox." Mr. Robins also asserted that he had secured 
 the help of the notorious Captain Sadoul (later on 
 sentenced to capital punishment for treason), who 
 " has agreed with the position that I held and has 
 made his statement in France." Mr. Robins' reve- 
 lations throw much light on the further developments 
 of the Allied policy toward Bolshevism. But at that 
 time the encouragement of Bolshevism did not go 
 beyond the well-known telegram of President Wilson 
 to the All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, or rather, 
 on Ambassador Francis' suggestion, " to the Russian 
 people " through the Congress. The result of that step 
 was described by the Petrograd's dictator, Mr. 
 Zinoviev as a " slap in the face to the President." 
 The Congress sent their answer to the address of 
 " labouring and exploited masses in the United States," 
 and " used the occasion of the message from President 
 Wilson ... to express firm conviction that the happy 
 time is near when the labouring masses in all bourgeois 
 countries will throw off the capitalist yoke and estab- 
 lish a socialistic state of society." As at the same 
 time the Congress, contrary to Mr. Francis' expecta- 
 tions, ratified the Brest-Litovsk Peace, all hopes of 
 raising armed resistance of the Bolsheviks against the 
 Central Empires has vanished, and attempts at the 
 " recognition " and " encouragement " of Mr. Lenin's 
 Government were for a time dropped.
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 279 
 
 What has not succeeded with the Governments, as 
 a result of " diplomatic relations through couriers," 
 might still succeed in the proper sphere of the usual 
 Bolshevist action, the propaganda through " the revo- 
 lutionary parties which are endeavouring to overthrow 
 the existing Governments." They were partly the 
 same people who had tried to influence diplomacy, 
 who now redoubled their exertions to bring the 
 Bolshevist propaganda back from Russia to America. 
 
 Alexander Gumberg, Robins' secretary, performed in 
 Moscow the functions of the chief censor of telegrams 
 despatched by foreign journalists to America, England, 
 and France. No telegram passed without being con- 
 trolled by Gumberg. After his return to America, 
 Gumberg was appointed president and chief manager 
 of the Russian Telegraphic Agency (Rosta) in New 
 York. On December 23, 1917, a decree appropriated 
 2,000,000 roubles for the needs of the revolutionary 
 international movement and for the purpose of carry- 
 ing on the work of the Soviet Governments in other 
 countries besides Russia. The bureau of international 
 revolutionary propaganda was attached to the Com- 
 missary for Foreign Affairs, and another Russo- 
 American Jew, Mr. Reinstein, was appointed as its 
 head, under Radek. Two American journalists were 
 employed in that office, Mr. John Reed, a resident of 
 Oregon and a war correspondent since 1915, and Mr. 
 Albert Rhys Williams, a former Congregational minister, 
 who left the Church and devoted himself to literary 
 work for the Revolution. This is how both describe 
 their work for the Bolsheviks in their evidence before 
 the Sub-committee. Mr. Reed : " The Press Bureau 
 edited the papers. They published one paper in
 
 280 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 German, which changed its name from Die Fakel to 
 Der Volkfriede, and we got a circulation of half a 
 million a day of that ; and then we got out half a million 
 of a Hungarian paper, and a quarter of a million of 
 a Bohemian paper, and a quarter of a million of a 
 Rumanian paper, and a quarter of a million of a 
 Turkish paper ; and then we translated all the decrees, 
 etc." Mr. Williams gives the following description : 
 " They published, with those 2,000,000 roubles, three 
 pamphlets in French and English ... of those 
 2,000,000 roubles, 99 per cent. I have worked it 
 out to a figure were spent upon literature in the 
 languages of the German and Austro-Hungarian Em- 
 pires. . . . The propaganda was concentrated against 
 Germany and Austro-Hungary. They have tried to 
 get some into France and England. . . . There has 
 never been any particular attempt to get propaganda 
 into America." 
 
 This was obviously the method of self-defence on 
 the part of Mr. Williams, as well as Mr. Reed and 
 Colonel Robins, to emphasize that they were using 
 propaganda chiefly against " the German Imperialists." 
 But Mr. Williams could not conceal from the Sub- 
 committee that they also were ready to fight " every 
 imperialistic design amongst the Allies that would 
 throttle the Russian peasants and workers, and would 
 turn their natural love for America into hate." To 
 that effect Mr. Williams avowed to have " presented 
 reports to certain members of the State Department, 
 to Justice Brandeis, to Colonel House, and through 
 him to the President." But he also mentioned that 
 " in May 1918 there sprang up the idea of a Russian 
 Bureau of Public Information in America." The
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 281 
 
 Government did not permit the Bureau to open, 
 but both Mr. Williams and Mr. Reed, the un- 
 recognized representatives of the Russian Soviet 
 in America, have found other ways to carry the 
 Bolshevist propaganda into the United States. 
 They were helped by Louise Bryant, the wife of 
 Mr. Reed. 
 
 The results of the activity of these and other American 
 propagandists soon became patent. Mr. Stevenson 
 stated before the Sub-committee, as early as the end 
 of January 1919, that " the Russian Bolsheviks have 
 flooded America with propaganda literature. ... A 
 large number of documents are printed in Russian, 
 Yiddish, Finnish, and the various other languages which 
 are spoken by large groups of our foreign immigrants 
 in this country ; and besides all this, we find that 
 Socialist papers, almost without exception, encourage 
 and support this movement. . . . Immediately after 
 the signing of the Armistice there was a tremendous 
 outcrop of this propaganda. The number of meetings 
 doubled." The movement is " growing rather rapidly 
 if we can gauge it by the amount of literature that is 
 distributed and the number of meetings held. ... I 
 conceive it to be the gravest menace to the country 
 to-day." 
 
 Asked what remedy he could suggest to complete 
 his diagnosis, Mr. Stevenson said : " In the first place, 
 the foreign agitators should be deported ; the bars 
 should be put to exclude seditious literature from 
 the country ; American citizens that advocate revo- 
 lution should be punished under a law drawn for 
 that purpose." Then Mr. Stevenson recommended 
 " a counter-propaganda campaign, a campaign of
 
 282 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 education." He wound up his testimony by the state- 
 ment " that so long as the Bolsheviks control and 
 dominate the millions of Europe, so long that is 
 going to be a constant menace and encourage- 
 ment to the radical and dissatisfied elements in this 
 country." 
 
 The rapid growth of Bolshevism in the United 
 States was made easy by the co-operation of previous 
 currents of extremist movement which now made one 
 with Bolshevism. The traditional form of American 
 extremism was anarchism. Leading Anarchists, like 
 Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, made friends 
 with Trotsky while in New York. The two above- 
 mentioned leaders were later arrested and tried ; but 
 the movement was spreading, and it is no mere chance 
 that the first manifestation of the Bolshevist violence 
 took the form of a " bomb conspiracy " on the tradi- 
 tional Anarchist lines. On May ist a dozen or more 
 bombs addressed to men in all parts of the country 
 were deposited for mailing in a New York City post- 
 office. Fortunately, they were discovered in time, 
 and the only victim was a coloured servant girl, both 
 of whose hands were blown off when she opened the 
 package addressed to her master. A month later, on 
 June 2nd, another bomb demonstration succeeded so 
 far as to draw serious attention to the perpetrators 
 of the crime. Explosions took place simultaneously in 
 nine great cities of the United States : at Washington, 
 Cleveland, Newtonville, New York, Boston, Paterson, 
 Pittsburg, Philadelphia, Roxburg. Some of the pro- 
 clamations found among the wreckage in Washington 
 were by far more Bolshevist than Anarchist. Here is 
 an extract from one of them :
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 283 
 
 The powers that be made no secret of their will to stop here 
 in America the world-wide spread of revolution. The powers 
 that be must reckon that they will have to expect the fight 
 they have provoked. A time has come when the solution of 
 social questions can be delayed no longer. Class war is on, 
 and cannot cease but with a complete victory for the inter- 
 national proletariat. 
 
 Among the persons arrested there was a certain John 
 Johnson, the president of the Pittsburg branch of 
 the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.). The 
 police authorities alleged that he was the directing 
 genius of the bomb plots. He was said to have come 
 to Pittsburg at the instance of " No. 1001," which 
 is the pass number of William Haywood, the President 
 of the National Union of the I.W.W. This brings us 
 to another element which helped Bolshevism to its 
 growth in America. The Industrial Union of the 
 I.W.W. was launched at a Congress at Chicago on 
 June 27, 1905. Anarchists entered the Union ; the 
 other constituent parts of it were Parliamentary 
 Socialists of both types (revolutionary and reformist), 
 Industrial Unionists (revolutionary) , and Labour Union- 
 ists (evolutionary, nicknamed " fakir " in the I.W.W. 
 slang). In its very first declaration (" preamble " to 
 the constitution) the Union proclaimed the principle 
 of class war. " The working class and the employing 
 class have nothing in common. . . . Between these 
 two classes a struggle must go on until (see p. 284). 
 . . . The Trade Unions aid the employing class to 
 mislead the workers into the belief that the working 
 class have interests in common with their employers." 
 However, some mitigating expressions have been 
 added to the " preamble " by the " labour fakirs." 
 At the following congresses a struggle was fought out
 
 284 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 between the Evolutionists and the revolutionary leaders, 
 such as W. G. Trautmann and John R. Jordan. It 
 finished with a rupture between the " politicians " 
 and the " Industrial Unionists " at the Fourth Congress 
 of the I.W.W. It was then that the " preamble " was 
 amended in a more decisive sense, e.g. the phrase 
 following the word " until " was changed to another : 
 
 The Original Text. The Amendment. 
 
 until all the toilers come to- until the workers of the world, 
 gether on the political, as well organized as a class, take pos- 
 as on the industrial field, and session of the earth and the 
 take and hold that which they machinery of production and 
 produce by their labour through abolish the wage system, 
 an economic organization of the 
 working class, without affili- 
 ation with any political party. 
 
 Thus the development from evolutionary Socialism to 
 a form of revolutionary Syndicalism was brought to 
 a finish. To emphasize the basic principle and the 
 tactics of the renewed doctrine the following comment 
 was made on the " preamble," in a leaflet on The 
 I.W.W., its History, Structure and Methods, by 
 Vincent St. John : 
 
 It is the historic mission of the working class to do away 
 with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, 
 not only for the every-day struggle with the capitalists, but 
 also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been 
 overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the 
 structure of the new society within the shell of the old. . . . 
 In its basic principle the I.W.W. calls forth that spirit of revolt 
 and resistance that is so necessary a part of the equipment of 
 any organization of the workers in their struggle for economic 
 independence. In a word, its basic principle makes the I.W.W. 
 a fighting organization. . . . The tactics used are determined 
 solely by the power of the organization to make good in their 
 use. The question of " right " and " wrong " does not concern
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 285 
 
 us. No terms made with an employer are final. All peace so 
 long as the wage system lasts is but an armed truce. . . . Failing 
 to force concession from the employers by the strike, work is 
 resumed and " sabotage " is used. ... In short, the I.W.W. 
 advocates the use of militant " direct action " tactics to the 
 full extent of our power to make good. 
 
 Of course, it was now easy for the I.W.W. to endorse 
 the practically identical doctrine and tactics of Bolshe- 
 vism. In a pamphlet of Harrison George (The Red 
 Dawn) this identity is formally stated. " The wave 
 of bourgeois ideology," the author says, " that poured 
 into Russia now is overturned, and, with terrific 
 force, its proletarian crest sweeps outwards over Europe. 
 The war between national groups of the bourgeoisie is 
 changing, under pressure of the Russian workers, into 
 a war between classes. . . . The world proletariat 
 shall crush its enemy, without and within ; break its 
 rusty chains and establish real freedom Industrial 
 Freedom." 
 
 This is the conventional internationalist doctrine. 
 It made out the substance of the rapidly growing 
 Bolshevist propaganda amongst the American working 
 class, chiefly that layer of alien extraction amongst 
 them in the United States. The results are easily 
 guessed. Here, as everywhere, we meet with a series 
 of strikes. At the beginning, these are mostly un- 
 authorized strikes, organized by small irresponsible 
 groups, independently and sometimes against the 
 formal decisions of larger Labour organizations. At 
 a later stage, the recognized Labour leaders, even so 
 moderate as Mr. Gompers, find themselves obliged to 
 follow the general trend of Labour opinion. They 
 make concessions to it and, just as is the case in 
 Britain, proclaim strikes of their own in order to be
 
 286 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 able to control the movement. At that stage a process 
 of differentiation begins between the extremist and 
 more moderate elements in the Labour movement. 
 The Government feels obliged and encouraged to take 
 drastic measures against the extremist lead. The final 
 result here, as well as in Great Britain, is far from being 
 reached, but, as a result of repression, the extremist 
 movement for a time subsides. 
 
 So far the trend of events runs parallel to what we 
 know in Great Britain and in France. But the special 
 feature for America is that, in the first place, the 
 Labour movement is here by far not so much developed 
 as in Europe, while the capitalist side is much more 
 strongly organized and much more influential both 
 in the legislature and in the administration. In the 
 second place, as a result of a weaker combativeness 
 of the native working man which is not necessarily 
 explained by his lesser consciousness of his class interest 
 the aggressive forms of Labour movement are chiefly 
 developing amidst the aliens. That is why at the 
 beginning the whole extremist movement is repre- 
 sented by aliens. The climax is reached when national 
 Labour organizations join in it. But, then, the process 
 of differentiation of moderate from extremist element 
 is very much hastened because it finds a strong support 
 in the national movement against the alien danger. 
 
 It is not difficult to determine the exact moment 
 when the general trend of the Labour unrest from 
 extremist and alien becomes national and chiefly 
 industrial. It coincides with the moment of failure 
 of the Industrial Conference convened at Washington 
 on October 6th by President Wilson in order to let 
 the representatives of both sides, employers and
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 287 
 
 employees, discuss plans for a better understanding. 
 The Conference was preceded by the first strike on 
 a national scale, that of steel workers, declared on 
 September 2ist. It was followed by another, by far 
 more dangerous, nation-wide strike of miners, declared 
 on November i, 1919. The steel strike is described 
 by The Times correspondent from New York as "an 
 attempt by the extreme elements in the Labour move- 
 ment to take advantage of what would otherwise be 
 a sound case for the men, and to push it to what 
 amounts to an agitation in the direction of Syndicalism." 
 The strike has been initially ignored by the great 
 majority of American-born workmen. The Syndicalist 
 propaganda has had the greatest effect in Cleveland, 
 Chicago, Pittsburg, and other districts where large 
 numbers of Germans, Austrians, Russian Jews, etc., 
 are employed. The American Federation of Labour 
 with Mr. Gompers kept silent. 
 
 The case was quite different with the miners' strike, 
 which took place after the Industrial Conference had 
 broken up, owing to the uncompromising attitude taken 
 by the employers. It was then that the idea of a 
 " triple alliance " for America (industrial unions, rail- 
 ways unions, and farmers) made its appearance. Mr. 
 Gompers, who was known to be very hostile to ex- 
 tremism, but who felt now personally weakened by 
 his impotence at the Industrial Conference, was obliged 
 to make concessions. He declared now that he was 
 willing " to have full responsibility for anything that 
 might happen " in the coming struggle for the miners. 
 The coal strike was announced a few days before 
 November ist. It was intended to be a strike on 
 purely industrial issues, as differentiated from the
 
 288 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 " ill-advised " steel strike. The organized American 
 labour had this time to take sides. At a convention 
 in Cleveland the demands of the strikers were formu- 
 lated as follows : " a 60 per cent, increase in wages, 
 a six-hour day, a five-day week, weekly pay days, 
 time and a half for overtime, double time for holiday 
 work, and the abolition of the automatic penalties 
 for the failure to carry out Labour contracts." The 
 owners refused to yield, and the men refused the 
 arbitration. The first ones were too confident in their 
 strong position and wished to bring things to an 
 immediate issue rather than postpone it. On the 
 other hand, the American Trade Unionism wished to 
 keep the concessions that the war urgency brought 
 them, and if possible to enlarge them. Even such 
 moderate and sane leaders as Mr. Lewis, the President 
 of the miners' unions, found the strike inevitable, for 
 the reason that if the miners did not strike officially, 
 the collieries might, none the less, be crippled by un- 
 authorized strikes much more difficult to deal with, 
 and the whole movement will be taken up and led 
 by the Extremists. 
 
 The Government, backed by the public opinion and 
 the owners, took at once a firm stand. President 
 Wilson from his sick-bed launched a " solemn request " 
 to the miners not to strike, and in case the strike occurs 
 warned them that they will be guilty of a " grave legal 
 and moral wrong," and that the law will be enforced. 
 Federal troops in large numbers were moved to the 
 mining districts ; law offices were directed to take 
 legal action against the organizers, and an injunction 
 forbidding the coal strike was granted in the Federal 
 Court at Indianopolis on October 3ist. Further
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 289 
 
 injunctions were to be sought in the various States 
 against local leaders. 
 
 Nevertheless, on November ist 753,000 coal miners 
 stopped work. The injunction proved effective only 
 so far as no strike orders were issued by the official 
 leaders and no benefit funds disbursed. No arbitra- 
 tion was possible because the Government looked at 
 the strike as being illegal under the terms of war-time 
 legislation and refused to negotiate with men who 
 were disobeying the law. A week later, when visible 
 signs of curtailment in the expenditure of coal 
 appeared, as a result of the strikes, the Government 
 decided to resort to drastic measures against the 
 extremist and the alien element all over the country. 
 On November 8th a widespread raid on extremist 
 organizations was begun by the agents of the Depart- 
 ment of Justice. Not less than 2,500 " Radicals " 
 were arrested. Not more than 5 per cent, of the 
 persons arrested were American citizens. The pro- 
 minent feature of the whole scheme was a raid on the 
 headquarters of the " Federations of Unions of Russian 
 Workers in the United States " in New York City. 
 The number of members of the New York branch of 
 this " Federation " was said to be 7,000. According 
 to State Senator Clayton R. Lusk's testimony, on 
 September i, 1919, the Communist party was founded in 
 Chicago, as a coalition of all the Extremists, and within 
 two months seventy-five meeting places and business 
 offices of the party were opened in New York alone, 
 and vast propaganda machinery has been established 
 over all the United States. Twenty-five tons of 
 Bolshevist literature were found in possession of these 
 seventy-five meeting places, including Lenin's appeal to 
 
 19
 
 290 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 the workers in America. Funds for carrying on all this 
 propaganda, according to Senator Lusk, who presided 
 over a Legislative Committee investigating Bolshevism, 
 were " furnished mainly by large contributors abroad 
 and in this country." Half a hundred revolutionary 
 newspapers, printed in foreign languages and having 
 a circulation, largely through free distribution, of 
 3,000,000 copies in the great industrial centres, 
 were subsidized by " Parlour Bolsheviks " otherwise 
 wealthy amateur revolutionists living in New York. 
 This is confirmed by Mr. Reed's testimony before the 
 Senate Sub-committee. " You know," he said, " there 
 are some wealthy women in New York who have 
 nothing to do with their money except something like 
 that." 
 
 Some of the documents seized in the raids on the 
 Union of Russian Workers printed in Russian language 
 were made public by the authorities. Amongst 
 them there is a Manifesto outlining the plan of a Bol- 
 shevist revolution, as follows : 
 
 WHAT SHOULD BE OUR MEANS OF CARRYING ON THE FIGHT. 
 
 . . . We must conscientiously hasten the elementary move- 
 ment of the struggle of the working class. We must convert 
 small strikes into general ones, and convert the latter into an 
 armed revolt of the labouring masses against capital and the 
 State. At the time of this revolt we must at the first favour- 
 able opportunity proceed to the immediate seizure of all means 
 of production and all articles of consumption, and name the 
 working classes masters in fact of all general wealth. At the 
 same time we must mercilessly destroy all remains of govern- 
 mental authority and class domination by liberating prisoners, 
 demolishing prisons and police offices, and destroying all legal 
 papers pertaining to private ownership of property, all field 
 fences and boundaries, and burn all certificates of indebtedness. 
 In a word, we must take care that everything is wiped out off 
 the earth that is a reminder of the right of private ownership 
 of property. . . .
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 291 
 
 The membership books of the Union of Russian 
 Workers, which had sixty branches in the States, 
 contained the following preamble : 
 
 Because the struggle between the classes will only end when 
 the toiling masses, organized as a class, understand their true 
 interests, and make themselves masters of all the world's riches 
 by means of a violent social revolution, for the attainment 
 of these aims we consider of final importance the necessary 
 building up of a wide revolutionary organization of toilers 
 which, while conducting a direct struggle with all institutions 
 of capitalist government, must train the working classes to 
 take initiative and independent action, and then educate in 
 it the consciousness of the absolute necessity of a general strike 
 of social revolution. 
 
 There is not the slightest doubt as to the intense 
 resentment roused among American citizens by this 
 alien extremist propaganda. A Bill was introduced 
 to the Congress for spending 5,000,000 dollars this 
 year, and twice as much henceforth annually, for the 
 " Americanization of the alien." The Bill was sup- 
 ported officially by figures showing that some 
 3,000,000 out of 30,000,000 of alien blood cannot 
 speak English, and more than 5,000,000 cannot 
 read it. Within a three to nine years' period after 
 their arrival only 8 per cent, of Russians were stated 
 to have become citizens. " How can we," the New 
 York Tribune asked, " ever hope for a united nation 
 amidst such conditions ? What can we expect except 
 that extreme leaders, appealing to these alien groups 
 in their own tongue, can easily win them to stupid 
 .and suicidal attacks upon that which they do not 
 understand ? " 
 
 However, the question of alien propaganda could 
 not cover the other issue, that between capital and
 
 292 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 labour. As already mentioned, the coal strike was 
 backed by American Trade Unionism, and on Novem- 
 ber Qth the Executive of the American Federation of 
 Labour formally endorsed it, promised its support to 
 the miners, and appealed for support of all " workers 
 and citizens of our country." The leaders of the 
 miners, menaced by the legal prosecution, it is true, 
 took to another line of action. On November nth, 
 after a meeting lasting seventeen hours, they passed the 
 following resolution : " In obedience to the mandate of 
 the United States Court, the order of October I5th, 
 directing the cessation of the operations in the 
 bituminous coalfields, is withdrawn and cancelled." 
 " We are American," Mr. Lewis said, alluding 
 obviously to alien revolutionists ; "we cannot fight 
 our Government." Nevertheless, this resolution, 
 taken reluctantly and " under protest," was never 
 enacted. On the contrary, the relations between 
 the Government and the organized Labour have now 
 become much more acute. And the influence of 
 the Extremists was likely to increase even among 
 the native working men with the weakening of 
 their own leaders' influence, owing to the Govern- 
 ment's uncompromising attitude having forced these 
 leaders to unconditional surrender. 
 
 A new Conference between the union leaders and 
 the employers, summoned at Washington on November 
 I7th, so far from improving the situation, brought it 
 to a complete deadlock. The Secretary of Labour, 
 Mr. W. B. Wilson, having produced the figures showing 
 that the cost of living in mining districts since Decem- 
 ber 1917 had increased 79'8 per cent., suggested a 
 wage increase of 31 '6 per cent, over the existing scale
 
 OUT FOR A WORLD REVOLUTION 293 
 
 (instead of 60 per cent, demanded by the strikers), 
 coupled with a seven-hour day and a half-holiday on 
 Saturday. The owners declared Mr. Wilson's figures 
 and proposals " partisan and impossible," and they 
 offered a 20 per cent, advance in wages. Then the 
 Government interfered by proposing to the miners an 
 advance of 14 per cent, in wages. Of course, Mr. 
 Lewis flatly rejected this proposal, while the owners 
 reluctantly favoured it, although they complained that 
 with even 14 per cent, increase they would be unable 
 to continue working certain mines with thin seams. 
 Upon that the negotiations were broken off. When 
 these lines were being written the Government had 
 to choose between the extension of drastic measures 
 or further concessions to Labour. Whatever line they 
 choose, they will hardly put an end to the acute stage 
 of the class movement. It is interesting to notice the 
 birth of a new " National " Labour Party in Chicago, 
 with the State Socialism as a platform and with very 
 mixed membership, which, though, is united in a common 
 desire to oppose both the I.W.W. and the " Communist 
 Labour Party." The new party thus avoids the 
 charges of being alien and revolutionary, while it 
 remains mildly socialistic and political. But even in 
 that way the National Socialist party can hardly 
 secure the adhesion of American Trade Unionism, with 
 its still more moderate programme. In its turn, Trade 
 Unionism cannot count upon the support of the farmers, 
 who greatly outnumber the working men, and who 
 only recently replied to the appeal of Mr. Gompers 
 that they intend to stand with the bourgeoisie and the 
 property owners rather than with Labour in any class 
 struggle that may be forthcoming. This is also why,
 
 294 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 in spite of all successes of the extremist movement 
 amidst the working class, there is no real fear of the 
 " Red " peril in America. The easy cure from Bolshe- 
 vism is generally found in adequate legislation and in 
 energetic and intelligent way of handling the law. 
 It remains to be seen whether that attitude of public 
 opinion is not too much optimistic.
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 MR. RAYMOND ROBINS, speaking before the American 
 Senate Sub-committee, told them one of his conver- 
 sations with Lenin, which might serve as a motto to 
 this book. " Nicolas Lenin, sitting in the Kremlin, 
 said to me," Mr. Robins rather solemnly declared, 
 " the Russian Revolution will probably fail. We have 
 not developed far enough in the capitalist stage, we are 
 too primitive to realize the socialistic state. But we 
 will keep the flame of the Revolution alive in Russia 
 until it breaks in Europe. It will break first in Bul- 
 garia, and the Bulgarians will cease fighting. It will 
 break next in Austria, and the Austrians will cease 
 fighting. When you hear that the Workmen's, Soldiers', 
 Peasants' Soviet is in command in Berlin, remember 
 that the little man in the Kremlin told you that a 
 proletarian World Revolution was born." 
 
 I began writing this book when the Bolshevist hopes 
 for the World Revolution ran high, and when they still 
 expected the Berlin Soviet to appear very soon, as a 
 result of their military and propagandist offensive on 
 the Western frontier of Russia. When I am finishing 
 the book things have very much changed. Out of the 
 two prophecies of Mr. Lenin one is not materialized : 
 there is no revolution and no Soviet in Berlin. On 
 the contrary, the other prophecy, about the probable 
 
 205
 
 296 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 failure of the Russian Revolution, is now being proved 
 true by everything we learn from within Bolshevist 
 Russia, whatever be the result of the military pressure 
 from outside. As the Bolshevist monomaniacs, in 
 spite of all, still stick to their idea of the World Revo- 
 lution, they are now busy preparing for another stage 
 of it, which is rather defensive than offensive. It is 
 the retreat to the East, no matter which, Turkestan 
 or China. These countries are still less " developed 
 in the capitalistic stage " and still more " primitive." 
 But, obviously, " primitiveness " is the necessary 
 condition for the success, at any rate temporary, of 
 a " Communist " revolution and of a tyrannical rule 
 by the minority of a minority. 
 
 Mr. Lenin, of course, is too clever not to know that 
 this kind of revolution cannot possibly evolve into 
 anything like a " socialist state." 
 
 But what about this alternative, for the sake of 
 which all these experiments in anima vili are being 
 tried : the breaking out of the flame of the " Com- 
 munist " Revolution in Europe and in the New World ? 
 
 While I was writing on the international danger of 
 Bolshevism, this danger was gradually decreasing. 
 Does that mean that all danger is now over ? 
 
 The abstract of facts which are here collected is 
 enough to show that this is far from being the case. 
 To be sure, the abnormal conditions created by the 
 World War and the world's exhaustion, by the 
 economic and financial crisis, will be passing away, 
 rather sooner than later. With their disappearance, 
 momentary causes which were breeding unrest and 
 favouring turbulent and anti-social elements of the 
 community will also cease to work. No " proletarian
 
 CONCLUSION 297 
 
 dictatorship " is likely to develop anywhere under 
 these changing conditions. But to bring about this 
 satisfactory result, a mere " wait-and-see " policy is 
 not sufficient. If even Bolshevism is really passing 
 away as' it may one has got to take stock of the 
 rather rich inheritance of the Bolshevist ideas and 
 catchwords spread all over the world by the pro- 
 Bolshevist propaganda, and to oppose to it new 
 educational activities or legal action. 
 
 The " Hands Off Russia " slogan is the most typical 
 part of this inheritance. Shall one leave " the fire to 
 burn out " by itself in that very " hearth " of the 
 world's conflagration, in Bolshevist Russia ? The 
 advice seems to find sympathetic reception in this 
 country. Everybody agrees that without pacified 
 Russia there can be no peace in the world and no 
 League of Nations. But in flagrant contradiction 
 with this obvious truth, very prominent people go on 
 saying that the best method of bringing peace to Russia 
 consists in letting her " stew in her own juice." Mr. 
 Lloyd George even succeeded in connecting that laissez 
 faire policy with the national interest of Great Britain 
 as Beaconsfield understood it. 
 
 A future historian will be much amused on this 
 occasion to verify the common saying that " the wish 
 is the father of thought." Every kind of argument 
 was used to prove what war-wearied people desired 
 to believe, and nobody seemed to mind the otherwise 
 obvious inconsistency and fallacy of argumentation. 
 It is not my purpose here to discuss it. But this book 
 may help some future analyst to inquire into the origin 
 of common error. It is important to state that this 
 origin, without people always knowing it, is the
 
 298 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 Bolshevist propaganda. There exists no other way but 
 this to trace common blunders in framing the " Russian 
 policy " to its origin, and even to understand at all 
 the real meaning of these obvious blunders. The only 
 possible sense of the " non-intervention " policy was- 
 and still is that which pro-Bolshevist extremists of all 
 countries imply in it, namely, to save " the Russian 
 (Communist) Revolution and the Soviet Republics." 
 Only such people may claim to be consistent in urging 
 that policy, as realize that this and. nothing else is its 
 real aim and its possible result. 
 
 However weakened the international danger of 
 Bolshevism may be, the practical interest of this book 
 will still consist in stating, in an objective way, the 
 component elements of the pro-Bolshevist political- 
 psychology. Bolshevism may or may not be stifled 
 for the moment. It will hardly disappear at all. To 
 recollect and to keep present in mind its origin and its- 
 development means to be able to recognize it at its 
 single symptoms, and thus to prevent its resurrection
 
 EPILOGUE 
 
 A NEW chapter seems to be opening in the history of 
 revolutionary Internationalism. When I was finish- 
 ing the book, in November 1919, the prospects of 
 Bolshevism were rather gloomy. Moscow, the centre 
 and the source of the world propaganda, was within 
 the reach of Denikin's armies. The United States has 
 decided to break with the policy of toleration towards 
 the criminal propaganda of open revolt against the 
 State and its institutions. Attempts at open Bolshevist 
 demonstrations on an international scale had failed, 
 and the very intractability of revolutionary Extremism 
 seemed to alienate the sympathies of labouring masses. 
 General Elections in France had shown that these 
 masses did not lack the sense of patriotism and solidarity 
 roused by the great exertion of the War. 
 
 Since then a change has come owing to two principal 
 events : One is the military defeat of the centres of 
 Russian national resistance to Bolshevism ; another is 
 the triumph of the " Hands-off-Russia " policy, preached 
 by the Bolshevist supporters and now accepted by the 
 Allied Governments, especially by that in this country. 
 Both events are closely interwoven. The result of both 
 now is that a new wave of Bolshevism is rising and 
 sweeping over Europe. The visible sign of the growing 
 tide is the progress in Europe of the Third International, 
 the Bolshevist chief engine of propaganda. 
 
 Says Mr. Lincoln Eyre, a special correspondent of the
 
 300 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 New York World, in his recent article (see the Daily News, 
 February 26th) : " In the seven weeks I spent in Moscow 
 three (Communist) delegates arrived from the United 
 States, and literally scores from Germany, Hungary, 
 Austria, Switzerland, Scandinavia, Rumania, Bulgaria, 
 Italy, China, Japan, Corea, India, Afghanistan and the 
 countries of Asia Minor. The only important states 
 from which few Communistic envoys come are Great 
 Britain and France. Practically all these missionaries 
 are obliged to travel illegally, i.e. with false passports 
 or without any. They slip across the fighting front that 
 encircles the Soviet Republic in most astonishing ways, 
 risking death from all forms of hardship to reach Moscow. 
 The one-time seat of Moscovy's Emperors has become 
 to Communists of the world over what Mecca is to the 
 Mohammedan pilgrims." 
 
 Nowadays, thanks to Mr. Lloyd George's policy 
 adopted by the Allies, communication with the Com- 
 munist Mecca has become much more comfortable. 
 The " ring of fire " or " barbed wire " no longer exists. 
 Newspapers are full of correspondents' articles from Red 
 Russia, singing the praises of Lenin, Trotsky and Zino- 
 viev. The Bolshevist prison has taught even Mr. 
 Keeling to appreciate the power of Communism, and 
 if we are to believe Mr. Lansbury he has made amends. 
 Before this book is published swarms of propagandists 
 from Bolshevist Russia, disguised as negotiators, co- 
 operators or traders, are likely to invade Europe. 
 
 No wonder European Bolshevists also have grown 
 self-confident. They wear no disguise in preaching their 
 Bible. The Third International has held its new con- 
 ference in Amsterdam, in the beginning of February. 
 It was decided that " a revolutionary action of the
 
 EPILOGUE 301 
 
 workers, to force international capital to make peace 
 with Russia, is a necessary condition to save Soviet 
 Russia, and to hasten the World Revolution. To 
 further this action, the Communists of all countries 
 must utilize every strike movement, every mass demon- 
 stration (i) to place this aspect of their responsibility 
 to the Russian Revolution before the workers, (2) to 
 convince them that their interests are identical with 
 those of Soviet Russia, (3) to develop a strong feeling 
 of revolutionary solidarity and revolutionary action all 
 the world over." The resolution finishes with a confi- 
 dent forecast and a corresponding directive. " When 
 the Revolution again arises in Germany or in any other 
 country, the forces of international proletariat (especi- 
 ally the transport workers in Britain, America, France, 
 Italy, Scandinavia, Holland and Switzerland) must be 
 prepared for a general strike the moment the capitalist 
 Powers attempt intervention. The bureau is to take 
 immediate steps to prevent the workers from being 
 again forestalled by the Governments." (See The 
 Workers' Dreadnought, February 28th.) 
 
 In order to achieve this the Third International is at 
 pains to keep clear from every compromise with the 
 " reformists " or even with the " centrists." What 
 are the latter doing ? Well, as usual they are busy 
 negotiating with the Extremists to preserve the " unity " 
 of the Party. The difference is only that Longuet is 
 now playing as regards Lenin the part which Renaudel 
 had been playing in regard to Longuet. Thus in the 
 process of drifting to the Left a new stage is being 
 reached, which is very vividly reflected in the discussions 
 of the national congress in Strassburg at the end of 
 February. The resolution to leave the Second Inter-
 
 302 BOLSHEVISM: AN INTERNATIONAL DANGER 
 
 national, which does " no more correspond to the 
 revolutionary situation," was passed by an overwhelm- 
 ing majority of 4,330 votes against 337. It is true that 
 the proposal directly to adhere to the Third International 
 of Moscow was also defeated (by 2,999 against a strong 
 minority of 1,621), but it was chiefly because in any 
 case Longuet's new "centre " could not count on the 
 unconditional acceptance by the Third International, 
 for which it is already too moderate. Longuet's majority 
 still wants to preserve the contact with " the existing 
 organizations of the working masses, such as syndicates 
 and co-operatives," while the Extremist " advance 
 guard " of the proletariat wishes to detach themselves 
 from the masses in order to develop the full speed of 
 revolutionary action. The Strassburg resolutions might 
 denounce every compromise with bourgeois power. 
 They might proclaim themselves for pure class war, 
 approve of all " fundamental resolutions " of the Third 
 International of Moscow and admit the form of " Soviets " 
 as " one of the forms suitable to exercise the proletarian 
 power." Nothing short of an unconditional surrender 
 to the Extremists is acceptable to the partisans of the 
 Third International. It is doubtful whether they will 
 condescend to discuss a larger form of organization with 
 the more advanced elements of the Second International; 
 they want to keep clear of them. From this point of 
 view the attitude of the German Independents is very 
 symptomatic. In December 1919, they decided to 
 negotiate with revolutionary elements in Europe in 
 order to present themselves as a bloc at the conference 
 of the Third International. But if the bloc cannot be 
 formed, they have decided in any case to join the Third 
 International, like the Italian, Serbian, Norwegian,
 
 EPILOGUE 303 
 
 Rumanian Socialist parties and fractions of parties in 
 Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary, United 
 States and Great Britain. 
 
 I cannot dwell on the numerous symptoms of a new 
 Extremist offensive in all these countries. 1 The vote 
 of the Special Trade Union Congress in London on March 
 nth has just shown that this offensive does not always 
 succeed and that the working masses are still against 
 the Extremists. " Direct action " was rejected by a 
 huge majority of 3,732,000 against 1,015,000. But 
 here, as in Strassburg, even in defeat Extremism has 
 advanced another step. I am still optimistic, so far as 
 the decreasing influence of post-war phenomena is con- 
 cerned. But, on the other hand, one cannot ignore the 
 increasing influence of the Russian Soviet Republic on 
 the World Propaganda of Bolshevism. Hitherto one has 
 had to confess that Lenin's disciples are the only politi- 
 cians who know what they want and who act in accord- 
 ance. They meet with half-hearted and disunited opposi- 
 tion, voluntarily ignorant of their far-reaching aims, 
 unmindful of the future, and concerned exclusively with 
 small gains in the everyday struggle, with the preserva- 
 tion of their own momentary power or popularity, or 
 even with realizing the doubtful and illusory benefits 
 which the Soviet power is clever enough to dangle before 
 the " greedy capitalists." 
 
 1 The last and the most important one, as this book goes to press 
 (March igth), is an unsuccessful attempt at a military counter-revolu- 
 tion in Berlin. Far from preventing the Bolshevist " danger from 
 the East," its result was to set free the forces of Spartacism. 
 Roughly speaking, the German Kornilov and the German Kerensky 
 both repeated the mistakes of their Russian predecessors ; the former 
 by trying a desperate stroke to give Germany a strong Government, 
 the latter by refusing to come to terms with patriotic rebels. In 
 Germany, as well as in Russia, the result is the same : the door open 
 to the common enemy Bolshevism.
 
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