THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 SANSKRIT GRAMMAR, 
 
 INCLUDING BOTH THE CLASSICAL LANGUAGE, AND THE 
 OLDER DIALECTS, OF VEDA AND BRAHMANA. 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM DWIGHt/wHITNEY, 
 
 LATE PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN YALE COLLEGE, 
 
 NEW-HAVEN. 
 
 r'"' f-") 
 
 THIRD EDITION. 
 
 THIS VfORK IS COPFRIGHT. 
 
 LEIPZIG : 
 
 BREITKOPF & HARTEL. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 GINN & COMPANY. 
 1896.
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in tlie year 1870, by W. D. Whitney in tlie office 
 of tlie Librarian of Congress at Wasliington 1). C. 
 
 I'rinters: Broitlcopf & Hartel, Leipzig.
 
 pK 
 
 fc0 s^y^ 
 
 '^ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE First Edition. 
 
 It was in June, 1875, as I chanced to be for a day or 
 two in Leipzig, that I was unexpectedly invited to prepare 
 the Sanskrit g-rammar for the Indo-European series projected 
 by Messrs. Breitkopf and Hartel. After some consideration, 
 and consultation with friends, I accepted the task, and have 
 since devoted to it what time could be spared from regular 
 duties, after the satisfaction of engagements earlier formed. 
 If the delay seems a long one, it was nevertheless unavoid- 
 able; and I would gladly, in the interest of the work itself, 
 have made it still longer. In every such case, it is necess- 
 ary to make a compromise between measurably satisfying a 
 present pressing need, and doing the subject fuller justice 
 at the cost of more time ; and it seemed as if the call for 
 a Sanskrit grammar on a somewhat different plan from those 
 already in use — excellent as some of these in many respects 
 are — was urgent enough to recommend a speedy com- 
 pletion of the work begun. 
 
 The objects had especially in view in the preparation 
 of this grammar have been the following: 
 
 1. To make a presentation of the facts of the language 
 primarily as they show themselves in use in the literature, 
 and only secondarily as they are laid down by the native 
 grammarians. The earliest European grammars were by the 
 necessity of the case chiefly founded on their native prede- 

 
 yi Preface. 
 
 cessors; and a traditional method was thus established which 
 has been perhaps somewhat too closely adhered to, at the 
 expense of clearness and of proportion, as well as of scien- 
 tific truth. Accordingly, my attention has not been directed 
 toward a profounder study of the grammatical science of the 
 Hindu schools: their ' teachings I have been contented to take 
 as already reported to Western learners in the existing 
 Western grammars. 
 
 2. To include also in the presentation the forms and 
 constructions of the older language, as exhibited in the Veda 
 and the Brahmaua. Grassmann's excellent Index-Vocabulary 
 to the Rig- Veda, and my own manuscript one to the Atharva- 
 Veda (which I hope soon to be able to make public*), gave 
 me in full detail the great mass of Vedic material ; and this, 
 with some assistance from pupils and friends, I have sought 
 to complete, as far as the circumstances permitted, from the 
 other Vedic texts and from the various works of the Brah- 
 mana period, both printed and manuscript. 
 
 3. To treat the language throughout as an accented one, 
 omitting nothing of what is known respecting the nature of 
 the Sanskrit accent, its changes in combination and inflection, 
 and the tone of individual words — being, in all this, ne- 
 cessarily dependent especially upon the material presented 
 by the older accentuated texts. 
 
 4. To cast all statements, classifications, and so on, 
 into a form consistent with the teachings of linguistic science. 
 In doing this, it has been necessary to discard a few of the 
 long-used and familiar divisions and terms of Sanskrit gram- 
 mar — for example, the classification and nomenclature of 
 "special tenses" and "general tenses" (which is so indefen- 
 sible that one can only wonder at its having maintained itself 
 so long), the order and terminology of the conjugation-classes, 
 the separation in treatment of the facts of internal and ex- 
 
 * It was published, aa vol. XII. of the Journal of the American 
 Oriental Society, in 1881.
 
 Preface vii 
 
 ternal cupliouic combination, and tlie like. But care has been 
 taken to facilitate the transition from the old to the new; 
 and the changes, it is believed, will commend themselves to 
 unqualified acceptance. It has been sought also to. help an 
 appreciation of the character of the language by putting its 
 facts as far as possible into a statistical form. In this respect 
 the native grammar is especially deficient and misleading. 
 
 Kegard has been constantly had to the practical needs 
 of the learner of the language, and it has been attempted, 
 by due arrangement and by the use of different sizes of 
 type, to make the work as usable by one whose object 
 it is to acquire a knowledge of the classical Sanskrit alone 
 as those are in which the earlier forms are not included. 
 The custom of transliterating all Sanskrit words into Euro- 
 pean characters, which has become usual in European San- 
 skrit grammars, is, as a matter of course, retained through- 
 out; and, because of the difficulty of setting even a small 
 Sanskrit type with anything but a large European, it is 
 practiced alone in the smaller sizes. 
 
 While the treatment of the facts of the language has 
 thus been made a historical one, within the limits of the 
 language itself, I have not ventured to make it comparative, 
 by bringing in the analogous forms and processes of other 
 related languages. To do this, in addition to all that was 
 attempted beside, would have extended the work, both in 
 content and in time of preparation, far beyond the limits 
 assigned to it. And, having decided to leave out this ele- 
 ment, I have done so consistently throughout. Explanations 
 of the origin of forms have also been avoided, for the same 
 reason and for others, which hardly call for statement. 
 
 A grammar is necessarily in great part founded on its 
 predecessors, and it would be in vain to attempt an acknowl- 
 edgment in detail of all the aid received from other schol- 
 ars. I have had at hand always especially the very schol- 
 arly and reliable brief summary of Kielhorn, the full and
 
 viii Preface. 
 
 excellent work of Monier Williams, the smaller grammar of 
 Bopp (a wonder of learning and method for the time when 
 it was prepared), and the. volumes of Benfey and Muller. 
 As regards the material of the language, no other aid, of 
 course, has been at all comparable with the great Peters- 
 burg lexicon of Bohtlingk and Roth, the existence of which 
 gives by itself a new character to all investigations of the 
 Sanskrit language. What I have not found there or in the 
 special collections made by myself or by others for me, I 
 have called below "not quotable" — a provisional designa- 
 tion, necessarily liable to correction in detail by the results 
 of further researches. For what concerns the verb, its forms 
 and their classification and uses, I have had, as every one 
 must have, by far the most aid from Delbrlick, in his Alt- 
 indisches Verbum and his various syntactical contribu- 
 tions. Former pupils of my own. Professors Avery and 
 Edgren, have also helped me, in connection with this 
 subject and with others, in a way and measure that calls for 
 public acknowledgment. In respect to the important matter 
 of the declension in the earliest language, I have made great 
 use of the elaborate paper in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc. (print- 
 ed contemporaneously with this work, and used by me 
 almost, but not quite, to the end of the subject) by my 
 former pupil Prof. Lanman; my treatment of it is founded 
 on his. My manifold obligations to my own teacher. Prof. 
 Weber of Berlin, also require to be mentioned : among other 
 things, I owe to him the use of his copies of certain un- 
 published texts of the Briilimana period, not otherwise access- 
 ible to me; and he was kind enough to look through with 
 me my work in its inchoate condition, favoring me with 
 valuable suggestions. For this last favor I have likewise to 
 thank Prof. Delbrlick — who, moreover, has taken the trouble 
 to glance over for a like purpose the greater part of the 
 ])roof-shcets of the grammar, as they came from the press. 
 To Dr. L. von Schroder is due whatever use I have been
 
 Preface ix 
 
 able to make (imfortimately a very imperfect one) of the im- 
 portant MaitrayanirSaiiihita. * 
 
 Of the deficiencies of my mork I am, I think, not less 
 fully aware than any critic of it, even the severest, is likely 
 to be. Should it be found to answer its intended purpose 
 well enough to come to another edition, my endeavor will 
 be to improve and complete it; and I shall be grateful for 
 any corrections or suggestions which may aid me in mak- 
 ing it a more efficient help to the study of the Sanskrit 
 language and literature. 
 
 GOTHA, July 1879. 
 
 W. D. W. 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE Second Edition. 
 
 In preparing a new edition of this grammar, I have 
 made use of the new material gathered by myself during 
 the intervening years,** and also of that gathered by others, 
 so far as it was accessible to me and fitted into my plan;*** 
 and I have had the benefit of kind suggestions from various 
 quarters — for all of which I desire to return a grateful 
 acknowledgment. By such help, I have been able not only 
 to correct and repair certain errors and omissions - of the 
 first edition, but also to speak with more definiteness upon 
 
 * Since published in full by him, 1881—6. 
 ** A part of this new material was published by myself in 1885, 
 as a Supplement to the grammar, under the title "Roots, Verb-Forms, 
 and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language"'. . 
 
 *** Especially deserving of mention is Holtzmanu's collection of 
 material from the Mahabhavata, also published (1884) in the form of 
 a Supplement to this work; also Bohtlingk's similar collection from 
 the larger half of the Ramayana.
 
 X Preface. 
 
 very many points relating to the material and usages of 
 the language. 
 
 In order not to impair the applicability of the referen- 
 ces already made to the work by various authors, its para- 
 graphing has been retained unchanged throughout; for in- 
 creased convenience of further reference, the subdivisions 
 of paragraphs have been more thoroughly marked, bj letters 
 (now and then changing a former lettering); and the par- 
 agraph-numbers have been set at the outer instead of the 
 inner edge of the upper margin. 
 
 My remoteness from the place of publication has for- 
 bidden me the reading of more than one proof; but the 
 kindness of Professor Lanman in adding his revision (ac- 
 companied by other timely suggestions) to mine, and the 
 care of the printers, will be found, I trust, to have aided 
 in securing a text disfigured by few errors of the press. 
 
 Circumstances beyond my control have delayed for a 
 year or two the completion of this revision, and have made 
 it in some parts less complete than I should have desired. 
 
 New-Haven, Sept. 1888. 
 
 W. D. W.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Brief Account of the Indian Literature. 
 
 It seems desirable to give here such a sketch of the 
 history of Indian literature as shall show the relation to 
 one another of the different periods and forms of the lan- 
 guage treated in the following grammar, and the position 
 of the works there quoted. 
 
 The name "Sanskrit" (saihskrta, 1087 d, adorned, elab- 
 orated, perfected), which is popularly applied to the whole 
 ancient and sacred language of India, belongs more properly 
 only to that dialect which, regulated and established by the 
 labors of the native grammarians, has led for the last two 
 thousand years or more an artificial life, like that of the 
 Latin during most of the same period in Europe, as the 
 written and spoken means of communication of the learned 
 and priestly caste; and which even at the present day fills 
 that office. It is thus distinguished, on the one hand, from 
 the later and derived dialects — as the Prakrit, forms of 
 language which have datable monuments from as early as 
 the third century before Christ, and which are represented 
 by mscriptiorfs and coins, by the speech of the uneducated 
 characters in the Sanskrit dramas (see below), and by a limited 
 literature; the Pali, a Prakritic dialect which became the sac- 
 red language of Buddhism in Ceylon and Farther India, and is
 
 xii Introduction. 
 
 still in service there as such; and yet later and more altered 
 tongues forming the transition to the languages of modern 
 India. And, on the other hand, it is distinguished, but 
 very much less sharply and widely, from the older dialects 
 or forms of speech presented in the canonical literature, 
 the Veda and Brahmana. 
 
 This fact, of the fixation by learned treatment of an 
 authorized mode of expression, which should thenceforth be 
 used according to rule in the intercourse of the educated, 
 is the cardinal one in Indian linguistic history; and as the 
 native grammatical literature has determined the form of 
 the language, so it has also to a large extent determined 
 the grammatical treatment of the language by European 
 scholars. 
 
 Much in the history of the learned movement is still 
 obscurse, and opinions are at variance even as to points of 
 prime consequenee. Only the concluding works in the devel- 
 opment of the gramatical science have been preserved to 
 us ; and though they are evidently the perfected fruits of a 
 long series of learned labors, the records of the latter are 
 lost beyond recovery. The time and the place of the cre- 
 ation of iSanskrit are unknown; and as to its occasion, we 
 have only our inferences and conjectures to rely upon. It 
 seems, however, altogether likely that the grammatical sense 
 of the ancient Hindus was aAvakened in great measure by 
 their study of the traditional sacred texts, and by their com- 
 parison of its different language with that of contemporary 
 use. It is certain that the grammatical study of those texts 
 (9akhas, lit'ly hranclies]^ phonetic and other, was zealously 
 and effectively followed in the Brahmanic schools; this is 
 attested by our possession of a number of phonetico-gram- 
 matical treatises, praticakhyas (prati cakham belonging to 
 each several text)^ each having for subject one principal 
 Vedic text, and noting all its peculiarities of form; these, 
 botli by the depth and exactness of their own researches 
 and by the number of authorities which they quote, speak 
 plainly of a lively scientific activity continued during a long 
 time. What part, on the other hand, the notice of differ-
 
 Introduction. xui 
 
 cences between the correct speech of the learned and the 
 altered dialects of the vulgar may have borne in the same 
 movement is not easy to determine; but it is not customary 
 that a language has its proper usages fixed by rule until 
 the danger is distinctly fejt of its undergoing corruption. 
 
 The labors of the general school of Sanskrit grammar 
 reached a climax in the grammarian Panini, whose text-book, 
 containing the facts of the language cast into the highly 
 artful and difficult form of about four thousand algebraic- 
 formula-like rules (in the statement and arrangement of 
 which brevity alone is had in view, at the cost of distinct- 
 ness and unambiguousness), became for all after time the 
 avithoritative, almost sacred, norm of correct speech. Re- 
 specting his period, nothing really definite and trustworthy 
 is known^ but he is with much probability held to have 
 lived some time (two to four centuries) before the Christian 
 era. He has had commentators in abundance, and has under- 
 gone at their hands some measure of amendment and com- 
 pletion; but he has not been overthrown or superseded. 
 The chief and most authoritative commentary on his work 
 is that called the Mahabhashya great comment^ by Pa- 
 tanjali. 
 
 A language, even if not a vernacular one which is in 
 tolerably wide and constant use for writing and speaking, 
 is, of course, kept in life principally by direct tradition, by 
 communication from teacher to scholar and the study and 
 imitation of existing texts, and not by the learning of gram- 
 matical rules; yet the existence of grammatical authority, 
 and especially of a single one, deemed infallible and of pre- 
 scriptive value, could not fail to exert a strong regulative 
 influence, leading to the avoidance more and more of what 
 was, even if lingering in use, inconsistent with his teachings, 
 and also, in the constant reproduction of texts, to the grad- 
 ual effacement of whatever they might contain that was 
 unapproved. Thus the whole more modern literature of 
 India has been Paninized, so to speak, pressed into the 
 mould prepared by him and his school. What are the 
 limits of the artificiality of this process is not yet known.
 
 xiv Introduction. 
 
 The attention of special students of the Hindu grammar 
 (and the subject is so intricate and difficult that the number 
 is exceedingly small of those who have mastered it suffi- 
 ciently to have a competent opinion on such general matters) 
 has been hitherto mainly directed toward determining what 
 the Sanskrit according to Panini really is, toward explaining 
 the language from the grammar. And, naturally enough, 
 in India, or wherever else the leading object is to learn to 
 speak and write the language correctly — that is, as author- 
 ized by the grammarians — that is the proper course to 
 pursue. This, however, is not the way really to understand 
 the language. The time must soon come, or it has come 
 already, when the endeavor shall be instead to explain the 
 grammar from the language: to test in all details, so far 
 as shall be found possible, the reason of Paiiini's rules 
 (which contain not a little that seems problematical, or even 
 sometimes perverse); to determine what and how much 
 genuine usage he had everywhere as foundation, and what 
 traces may be left in the literature of usages possessing an 
 inherently authorized character, though unratified by him. 
 
 By the term "classical" or "later" language, then, as 
 constantly used below in the grammar, is meant the lan- 
 guage of those literary monuments which are written in con- 
 formity with the rules of the native grammar: virtually, the 
 whole proper Sanskrit literature. For although parts of this 
 are doubtless earlier than Panini, it is impossible to tell 
 just what parts, or how far they have escaped in their style 
 the leveling influence of the grammar. The whole, too, 
 may be called so far an artificial literature as it is written 
 in a phonetic form (see grammar, 101 a) which never can 
 have been a truly vernacular and living one. Nearly all of 
 it is metrical : not poetic works only, but narratives, histories 
 (so far as anything deserving that name can be said to exist), 
 and scientific treatises of every variety, are done into verse ; 
 a prose and a prose literatvire hardly has an existence (the 
 principal exceptions, aside from the voluminous commen- 
 taries, are a few stories, as the Da9akumaracarita and the 
 Vasavadatta), Of linguistic history there is next to nothing
 
 Introduction. xv 
 
 in it all; but only a history of style, and this for the most 
 part showing a gradual depravation, an increase of artificiality 
 and an intensification of certain more undesirable features 
 of the language — such as the use of passive constructions 
 and of participles instead of verbs, and the substitution of 
 compounds for sentences. 
 
 This being the condition of the later literature, it is of 
 so much the higher consequence that there is an earlier 
 literature, to which the suspicion of artificiality does not 
 attach, or attaches at least only in a minimal degree, which 
 has a truly vernacular character, and abounds in prose as 
 well as verse. 
 
 The results of the very earliest literary productiveness 
 of the Indian people are the hymns with which, when they 
 had only crossed the threshold of the country, and when 
 their geographical horizon was still limited to the river- 
 basin of the Indus with its tributaries, they praised their 
 gods, the deified powers of nature, and accompanied the 
 rites of their comparatively simple worship. At what period 
 these were made and sung cannot be determined with any 
 approach to accuracy : it may have been as early as 2000 
 B. C. They were long handed down by oral tradition, pre- 
 served by the care, and increased by the additions and 
 imitations, of succeeding generations; the mass was ever 
 growing, and, with the change of habits and beliefs and 
 religious practices, was becoming variously applied - — sung 
 in chosen extracts, mixed with other material into liturgies, 
 adapted with more or less of distortion to help the needs 
 of a ceremonial which was coming to be of immense elab- 
 oration and intricacy. And, at some time in the course 
 of this history, there was made for preservation a great col- 
 lection of the hymn-material, mainly its oldest and most 
 genuine part, to the extent of over a thousand hymns and ten 
 thousand verses, arranged according to traditional authorship 
 and to subject and length and metre of hymn: this collection 
 is the Rig- Veda Veda of verses (re) or of hymns. Other 
 collections were made also out of the same general mass 
 of traditional material: doubtless later, although the inter-
 
 xvi Introduction. 
 
 relations of this period are as yet too unclear to allow of 
 our speaking with entire confidence as to anything concern- 
 ing them. Thus, the Sama-Veda Veda of chants (saman), 
 containing only about a sixth as much, its verses nearly all 
 found in the Rig-Veda also, but appearing here with nume- 
 rous differences of reading: these were passages put together 
 for chanting at the soma-sacrifices. Again, collections called 
 by the comprehensive name of Yajur-Veda Veda of sac- 
 rificial formulas (yajus) : these contained not verses alone, 
 but also numerous prose utterances, mingled with the former, 
 in the order in which they were practically employed in 
 the ceremonies ; they were strictly liturgical collections. Of 
 these, there are in existence several texts, which have their 
 mutual differences : the Vajasaneyi-Samhita (in two slightly 
 discordant versions, Madhyandina and Kanva), sometimes 
 also called the White Yajur-Veda; and the various and 
 considerably differing texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, namely 
 the Taittirlya-Sarhhita, the Maitrayani-Sarhhita, the Kapis- 
 thala-Samhita, and the Kathaka (the two last not yet pub- 
 lished). Finally, another historical collection, like the Rig- 
 Veda, but made up mainly of later and less accepted 
 material, and called (among other less current naYnes) the 
 Atharva-Veda Veda of the Atharvans (a legendary priestly 
 family) ; it is somewhat more than half as bulky as the Rig- 
 Veda, and contains a certain amount of material correspond- 
 ing to that of the latter, and also a number of brief prose 
 passages. To this last collection is very generally refused 
 in the orthodox literature the Name of Veda; but for us it 
 is the most interesting of all, after the Rig-Veda, because 
 it contains the largest amount of hymn-material (or mantra, 
 as it is called, in distinction from the prose brahmana), 
 and in a language which, though distinctly less antique 
 than that of the other, is nevertheless truly Vedic. Two 
 versions of it are extant, one of them in only a single 
 known manuscript. 
 
 A not insignificant body of like material, and of various 
 period falthough doubtless in the main belonging to the 
 latest time of Vedic productiveness, and in part perhaps
 
 Introduction xvii 
 
 the imitative work of a yet more modem time), is scattered 
 through the texts to be later described, the Brahmanas and 
 the Sutras. To assemble and sift and compare it is now 
 one of the pressing needs of Vedic study. 
 
 The fundamental divisions of the Vedic literature here 
 mentioned have all had their various schools of sectaries, 
 each of these with a text of its own, showing some differ- 
 ences from those of the other schools ; but those mentioned 
 above are all that are now known to be in existence; and 
 the chance of the discovery of others grows every year 
 smaller. 
 
 The labor of the schools in the conservation of their 
 sacred texts was extraordinary, and has been crowned with 
 such success that the text of each school, whatever may 
 be its differences from those of other schools, is virtually 
 without various readings, preserved with all its peculiarities 
 of dialect, and its smallest and most exceptional traits of 
 phonetic form, pure and unobscured. It is not the place 
 here to describe the means by which, in addition to the 
 religious care of the sectaries, this accuracy was secured: 
 forms of texts, lists of peculiarities and treatises upon them, 
 and so on. When this kind of care began in the case of 
 each text, and what of original character may have been 
 effaced before it, or lost in spite of it, cannot be told. But 
 it is certain that the Vedic records furnish, on the whole, 
 a wonderfully accurate and trustworthy picture of a form of 
 ancient Indian language (as well as ancient Indian beliefs 
 and institutions) which was a natural and undistorted one, 
 and which goes back a good way behind the classical San- 
 skrit. Its differences from the latter the following treatise 
 endeavors to show in detail. 
 
 Along with the verses and sacrificial formulas and 
 phrases in the text of the Black Yajur-Veda are given 
 long prose sections, in which the ceremonies are described, 
 their meaning and the reason of the details and the accom- 
 panying utterances are discussed and explained, illustrative 
 legends are reported of fabricated, and various speculations, 
 etymological and other, are indulged in. Such matter comes
 
 xviii Introduction. 
 
 to be called brahmana (apparently relating to the hraJiman 
 or ivorship). In the White Yajur-Veda, it is separated into 
 a work by itself, beside the samliita or text of verses and 
 formulas, and is called the Catapatha-Brahmana Brahmana 
 of a hundred ways. Other similar collections are found, be- 
 longing to various other schools of Vedic study, and they 
 bear the common name of Brahmana, with the name of the 
 school, or some other distinctive title, prefixed. Thus, the 
 Aitareya and Kausitaki-Brahmanas, belonging to the schools 
 of the Rig-Veda, the Pancavinca and Sadvinea-Brahmanas 
 and other minor works, to the Sama-Veda; the Gopatha- 
 Brahmana, to the Atharva-Veda ; and a Jaiminiya- or Tala- 
 vakara-Brahmana, to the Sama-Veda, has recently (Burnell) 
 been discovered in India; the Taittiriya-Brahmana is a col- 
 lection of mingled mantra and brahmana, like the samhita 
 of the same name, but supplementary and later. These 
 works are likewise regarded as canonical by the schools, 
 and are learned by their sectaries with the same extreme care 
 which is devoted to the samhitas, and their condition of 
 textual preservation is of a kindred excellence. To a cer- 
 tain extent, there is among them the possession of common 
 material: a fact the bearings of which are not yet fully 
 understood. 
 
 Notwithstanding the inanity of no small part of their 
 contents, the Brahmanas are of a high order of interest in 
 their bearings on the history of Indian institutions; and 
 philologically they are not less important, since they re- 
 present a form of language in most respects intermediate 
 betAveen the classical and that of the Vedas, and offer spe- 
 cimens on a large scale of a prose style, and of one which 
 is in the main a natural and freely developed one — the 
 oldest and most primitive Indo-European prose. 
 
 Beside the Brahmanas are sometimes found later ap- 
 pendices, of a similar character, called Aranyakas [forest- 
 sectiotis)^ as the Aitareya-Aranyaka, Taittiriya-Aranyaka , 
 Brhad-Aranyaka, and so on. And from some of these, or 
 even from the Brahmanas, are extracted the earliest Upa- 
 ni§ads [sittings^ lectures ' on sacred suhjects) — which,
 
 Introduction. xix 
 
 however, are continued and added to down to a compara- 
 tively modern time. The Upanishads are one of the lines 
 by which the Brahmana literature passes over into the later 
 theological literature. 
 
 Another line of transition is shown in the Sutras [lines, 
 rules). The works thus named are analogous with the 
 Bruhmanas in that they belong to the schools of Vedic 
 study and are named from them, and that they deal with 
 the religious ceremonies : treating them, however, in the 
 way of prescription, not of dogmatic explanation. They, 
 too, contain some mantra or hymn-material, not found to 
 occur elsewhere. In part (crauta or kalpa-sutras) , they take 
 up the great sacrificial ceremonies, with which the Brah- 
 manas have to do; in part (grhya-sutras), they teach the 
 minor duties of a pious householder; in some cases (sa- 
 mayacarika-sutras) they lay down the general obligations of 
 one whose life is in accordance with prescribed duty. And 
 out of the last two, or especially the last, come by natural 
 development the law-books (dharma-castras), which make 
 a conspicuous figure in the later literature: the oldest and 
 most noted of them being that called by the name of 
 Manu (an outgrowth, it is believed by many, of the Manava 
 Vedic school) ; to which are added that of Yajnavalkya, and 
 many others. 
 
 Respecting the chronology of this development, or the 
 date of any class of writings, still more of any individual 
 work, the less that is said the better. All dates given in 
 Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down 
 again. Every important work has undergone so many more 
 or less transforming changes before reaching the form in 
 which it comes to us, that the question of original con- 
 struction is complicated with that of final redaction. It is 
 so with the law-book of Manu, just mentioned, which has 
 well-founded claims to being regarded as one of the very 
 oldest works of the proper Sanskrit literature, if not the 
 oldest (it has been variously assigned, to periods from six 
 centuries before Christ to four after Christ). It is so, again, 
 in a still more striking degree, with the great legendary 
 
 b*
 
 XX Introduction. 
 
 epic of the Mahabharata, The ground-work of this is 
 doubtless of very early date; but it has served as a text 
 into which materials of various character and period have 
 been inwoven, until it has become a heterogeneous mass, 
 a kind of cyclopedia for the warrior-caste, hard to separate 
 into its constituent parts. The story of Nala, and the phil- 
 osophical poem Bhagavad-Gita, are two of the most noted 
 of its episodes. The Ramayana, the other most famous epic, 
 is a work of another kind: though also worked over and 
 more or less altered in its transmission to our time, it is 
 the production, in the main, of a single author (Valmiki); 
 and it is generally believed to be in part allegorical, re- 
 presenting the introduction of Aryan culture and dominion 
 into Southern India. By its side stand a number of minor 
 epics, of various authorship and period, as the Eaghuvanea 
 (ascribed to the dramatist Kalidasa), the Maghakavya, the 
 Bhattikavya (the last, written chiefly with the grammatical 
 intent of illustrating by use as many as possible of the 
 numerous formations which, though taught by the gram- 
 marians, find no place in the literature). 
 
 The Puranas, a large class of works mostly of immense 
 extent, are best mentioned in connection with the epics. 
 They are pseudo-historical and prophetic in character, of 
 modern date, and of inferior value. Real history finds no 
 place in Sanskrit literature, nor is there any conscious 
 historical element in any of the works composing it. 
 
 Lyric poetry is represented by many works, some of 
 which, as the Meghaduta and GItogovinda, are of no mean 
 order of merit. 
 
 The drama is a still more noteworthy and important 
 branch. The first indications of dramatical inclination and 
 capacity on the part of the Hindus are seen in certain 
 hymns of the Veda, where a mythological or legendary 
 situation is conceived dramatically, and set forth in the 
 form of a dialogue — well-knoAvn examples are the dialogue 
 of Sarama and the Panis, that of Yama and his sister Yami, 
 that of Vasishtha and the rivers, that of Agni and the other 
 gods — but there are no extant intermediaries between these
 
 Introduction. xxi 
 
 and the standard drama. The beginnings of the latter date 
 from a period when in actual life the higher and educated 
 characters used Sanskrit, and the lower and uneducated used 
 the popular dialects derived from it, the Prakrits; and their 
 dialogue reflects this condition of things. Then, however 
 learning (not to call it pedantry) intervened, and stereotyped 
 the new element; a Prakrit grammar grew up beside the 
 Sanskrit grammar, according to the rules of which Prakrit 
 could be made indefinitely on a substrate of Sanskrit ; and 
 none of the existing dramas need to date from the time of 
 vernacular use of Prakrit, while most or all of them are 
 undoubtedly much later. Among the dramatic authors, 
 Kalidasa is incomparably the chief, and his Cakuntala is 
 distinctly his masterpiece. His date has been a matter of 
 much inquiry and controversy ; it is doubtless some cen- 
 turies later than our era. The only other work deserving 
 to be mentioned along with Kalidasa's is the Mrcehakatika of 
 ^udraka, also of questionable period, but believed to be 
 the oldest of the extant dramas. 
 
 A partly dramatic character belongs also to the fable, 
 in which animals are represented as acting and speaking. 
 The most noted works in this department are the Panea- 
 tantra, which through Persian and Semitic versions has made 
 its way all over the world, and contributes a considerable 
 quota to the fable-literature of every European language, 
 and, partly founded on it, the comparatively recent and 
 popular Hitopadeea [salutary instruction). 
 
 :/ -f Two of the leading departments of Sanskrit scientific 
 literature, the legal and the grammatical, have been already 
 sufficiently noticed; of those remaining, the most important 
 by far is the philosophical. The beginnings of philosophic- 
 al speculation are seen already in some of the later hymns 
 of the Veda, more abundantly in the Brahmanas and Aran- 
 yakas, and then especially in the Upanishads. The evo- 
 lution and historic relation of the systems of philosophy, 
 and the age of their text-books, are matters on which much 
 obscurity still rests. There are six systems of primary rank, 
 and reckoned as orthodox, although really standing in no
 
 xxii Introduction. 
 
 accordance with approved religious doctrines. All of them 
 seek the same end, the emancipation of the soul from the 
 necessity of continuing its existence in a succession of 
 bodies, and its unification with the All-soul; but they 
 differ in regard to the means by which they seek to attain 
 this end. 
 
 The astronomical science of the Hindus is a reflection 
 of that of Greece, and its literature is of recent date; but 
 as mathematicians, in arithmetic and geometry, they have 
 shown more independence. Their medical science, although 
 its beginnings go back even to the Veda, in the use of 
 medicinal plants Avith accompanying incantations, is of little 
 account, and its proper literature by no means ancient.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Chap. Page. 
 
 Preface v 
 
 Introduction ■ xi 
 
 I. Alphabet 1 — 9 
 
 II. System of Sounds; Pronunciation .... lo — 34 
 Vowels, 10; Consonants, 13 ; Quantity, 27; Accent, 28. 
 
 III. Rules of Euphonic Combination 34 — 87 
 
 Introductory, 34; Principles, 37; Rules of Vowel Com- 
 bination, 42; Permitted Finals, 49; Deaspiration, 53; 
 
 Surd and Sonant Assimilation, 54; Combinations of 
 Final s and r, 56; Conversion of 3 to s, 61; Con- 
 version of n to n, 54; Conversion of Dental Mutes to 
 Linguals and Palatals, 66; Combinations of Final n, 
 69 ; Combinations of Final m, 71 ; the Palatal Mutes 
 and Sibilant, and h, 72; the Lingual Sibilant, 77; 
 Extension and Abbreviation, 78 ; Strengthening and 
 Weakening Processes, 81 ; Guna and Vrddhi, 81 ; 
 Vowel-lengthening, 84; Vowel-lightening, 85; Nasal 
 Increment, 86; Reduplication, 87. 
 
 IV. Declension 88 — 110 
 
 Gendef, Number, Case, 88; Uses of the Cases, 89; 
 Endings of Declension, 103; Variation of Stem, 107; 
 Accent In Declension, 108. 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives Ill — 176 
 
 Classification etc., Ill ; Declension I., Stems in a, 112; 
 Declension 11., Stems in i and u, 116; Declension 
 III, Stems in Long Vowels (a, i, u): A. Root-words 
 etc., 124; Stems in Diphthongs, 130; B. Derivative 
 Stems etc., 131; Declension IV., Stems in r or ar, 
 137; Declension V., Stems in Consonants, 141; 
 A. Root-stems etc., 143; B. Derivative Stems in as, 
 is, US, 153; C. Derivative Stems in an, 156: D. 
 in in, 101; E. in ant or at, 163; P. Perfect Par- 
 ticiples in vans, 169; G. Comparatives in yans or 
 yas, 172; Comparison, 173.
 
 xxiv Contents. 
 
 Chap. Page. 
 
 VI. NUMEKALS 177 — 185 
 
 Cardinals, 177; Ordinals etc., 183. 
 
 VII. Pronouns 185—199 
 
 Personal, 185; Demonstrative, 188; Interrogative, 
 194; Relative, 195; other Pronouns: Emphatic, In- 
 definite, 196; Nouns used pronominally, 197; 
 Pronominal Derivatives, Possessives etc., 197; Ad- 
 jectives declined pronominally, 199. 
 
 VIII. Conjugation 200—226 
 
 Voice, Tense, Mode, Number, Person, 200; Verbal 
 ' — Adjectives and Nouns, 203; Secondary Conjugations, 
 203; Personal Endings, 204; Subjunctive Mode, 209; 
 Optative, 211 ; Imperative, 213 ; Uses of the Modes, 
 215; Participles, 220; Augment, 220; Reduplication. 
 222; Accent of the Verb, 223. 
 
 IX. The Present-System 227 — 278 
 
 General, 227; Conjugations and Conjugation Classes, 
 228; Root-Class (second or ad-class), 231; Re- 
 duplicating Class (third or hu-class), 242; Nasal 
 Class (seventh or rudh-class), 250; nu and u-Classes 
 (fifth and eighth, or su- and tan-classes), 254; na- 
 Class (ninth or kri-class), 260; a-Class (first or 
 bhvt-class), 2G4; Accented a-Class (sixth or tud- 
 class), 269; ya-Class (fourth or div-class), 271; 
 Accented ya-CIass or Passive Conjugation, 275; 
 So-called tenth or cur-class, 277 ; Uses of the Pres- 
 ent and Imperfect, 278. 
 
 X. The Perfect-System 279 — 296 
 
 Perfect Tense, 279; Perfect Participle, 291; Modes 
 of the Perfect, 292; Pluperfect, 295; Uses of the 
 Perfect, 295. 
 
 XI. The Aorist-Systems 297—330 
 
 Clas.siflcation, 297; I. Simple Aorist: 1. Root-Aorist, 
 299; Passive Aorist 3d sing., 304; 2. the a-Aorist, 
 305; II. 3. Reduplicated Aorist, 308; III. Sibilant 
 Aorist, 313; 4. the s-Aorist, 314; 5. the is-Aorist, 
 320; G. the sis- Aorist, 323; 7. the sa-Aorist, 325; 
 Precative, 326; Uses of the Aorist, 328. 
 
 XII. The Future-Systems 330—339 
 
 I. The s-Vuture, 331 ; Preterit of the s-Future, Con- 
 ditional, 334; II. The Pcriplirastio' Future, 335; 
 Uses of the Futures and Conditional, 337,
 
 Contents. xxv 
 
 Chap. Page. 
 
 XIII. Verbal adjectives and Nouns: Partici- 
 ples, Infinitives, Gerunds 340 — 360 
 
 Passive Participle in ta or na, •'540; Past Active 
 
 Partiiaple in tavant. Mi; Future Passive Parti- 
 ciples, Gerundives, 34o; Infinitives, .347; Uses of 
 the Infinitive.^, 301; Gerunds, 355; AdverWal Gerund 
 in am, 350. 
 
 XIV. Derivative or Secondary Conjugation . . 360 — 391 
 
 I. Passive, 361; II. Intensive, 362; Present-System, 
 .365; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., 370; III. Desider- 
 ative, 372; Present- System, .374; Perfect, Aorist, 
 Future, etc., 376; IV. Causative, 378; Present-System. 
 380; Perfect, Aorist, Future, etc., .383; V. Denom- 
 inative, .386. 
 
 XV. Periphrastic and Compound Conjugation 391 — 403 
 The Periphrastic Perfect, 392; Participial Periphras- 
 tic Phrases, 394; Composition with Prepositional 
 Prefixes, 395; Other Verbal Compounds, 400. 
 
 XVI. Indeclinables 403 — 417 
 
 Adverbs, 403; Prepositions, 414; Conjunctions, 416; 
 Interjections, 417. 
 
 XVII. Derivation op Declinable Stems 418 — 480 
 
 A. Primary Derivatives, 420; B. Secondary Deriva- 
 tives, 454. 
 
 XVIII. Formation of Compound Stems 480 — 515 
 
 Classification, 480; I. Copulative Compounds, 485; 
 
 II. Determinative Compounds, 489; A. Dependent 
 Compounds, 489; B. Descriptive Compounds, 494: 
 
 III. Secondary Adjective Compounds, 501 ; A. Pos- 
 sessive Compounds, 501 ; B. Compounds with Governed 
 Final Member, 511 ; Adjective Compounds as Nouns 
 and as Adverbs, 512; Anomalous Compounds 514; 
 Stem-finals altered in Composition, 514 ; Loose 
 Construction with Compounds, 515. 
 
 Appendix 516 — 520 
 
 A. Examples of Various Sanskrit Type, 516 ; B. Ex- 
 ample of Accentuated Text, 518; Synopsis of the 
 conjugation of roots bhu and kr, 520. 
 
 Sanskrit-Index 521 — 539 
 
 General-Index 540 — 551
 
 ABBREVIATIONS. 
 
 AA. Aitareya-Aranyaka. 
 
 AB. Aitareya-Brahmana. 
 AQS. A9valayana-Qrauta-Sutra. 
 AGS. Agvalayana-Grhya-Sutra. 
 Apast. Apastamba-Sutra. 
 APr. Atharva-Pratigakhya. 
 AV. Atharva-Veda. 
 
 B. or Br. Brahmanas. 
 
 BAU. Brhacl-Aranyaka-Upanisad. 
 BhG. Bhagavad-Gita. 
 BhP. Bliagavata-Purana. 
 BK. Bohtlingk and Both (Peters- 
 burg Lexicon). 
 
 C. Classical Sanskrit. 
 
 (jJatr. ^atrumjaya-Mahatmyau). 
 ^B. ^atapatha-Bralimana. 
 Q(^S. Qankhayana-^i'aiita-Siitra. 
 ^GS. QaiTkhayana-Grhya-Sutra. 
 ChU. Chandogya-Upanisad. 
 ^vU. 9veta9vatara-Upanisad. 
 DKC. Da^a-Kumara-Carita. 
 E. Epos (MBh. and R.). 
 GB. Gopatha-Brahmana. 
 GGS. Gobhiliya-Grhya-Sutra. 
 H. Hitopadega. 
 Har. Harivan^a. 
 JB. Jaimimya (orTalavakara)Brah- 
 
 niana. 
 JUB. Jaiminiya - Upanisad-Brah- 
 
 mana. 
 K. Kathaka. 
 
 Kap. Kapi.^thala-Sariilnta. 
 KB. Kausitaki- (or ^ankhayana-) 
 
 Brahmana. 
 KBU. Kausltaki-Brahmana-Upani- 
 
 sad. 
 KQS. Katyayana-^rauta-Sutra. 
 KS. Kau9ika-Sutra. 
 KSS. Katha-Sarit-Sagara. 
 KthU. Katlia Upaniwad. 
 
 KU. Kena-Upanisad. 
 
 LQS. Latyayana-Qrauta-Sutra. 
 
 M. Manu. 
 
 MaiU. Maitri-Upanisad. 
 
 MBh. Mahabharata. 
 
 MdU. Mundaka-Upanisad. 
 
 Megh. Meghaduta. 
 
 MS. Maitrayanl-Saiiihita. 
 
 Nais. Naisadluya. 
 
 Nir. Nirukta. 
 
 Pane. Pailcatantra. 
 
 PB. Pancavinga- (or Tandya-) Brah- 
 mana. 
 
 PGS. Paraskara-Grhya-Sutra. 
 
 PU. PraQna Upanisad. 
 
 R. Earn ay ana. 
 
 Ragh. Raghuvariga. 
 
 RPr. Rigveda-Pratigakhya. 
 
 RT. Raja-TaranginT. 
 
 RV. Rig-Veda. 
 
 S. Sutras. 
 
 SB. Sadviiifa-Brahniana. 
 
 Spr. Indische Spriiche (Bohtlingk). 
 
 SV. Sama-Veda^ 
 
 TA. Taittiriya-Aranyaka. 
 
 TB. Taittirlya-Brahmana. 
 
 TPr. TaittirTya-Prati§akhya. 
 
 Tribh. Tribhasyaratna (couim. to 
 TPr.). 
 
 TS. Taittiriya-Samhita. 
 
 U. Upaniaads. 
 
 V. Vedas' (RV., AV., SV.). 
 
 Vas. Vasistha. 
 
 VBS. Varaha-Brhat-Samhita. 
 
 Vet. Vetalapaiicavingati. 
 
 Vikr. Vikramorvayl 
 
 VPr. Vajasaucyi-Prati§akhya. 
 
 VS. Vajaseneyi-Sairihita. 
 
 VS. Kan. do. Kanva-text. 
 
 Y. Yajnavalkya.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ALPHABET. 
 
 1. The natives of India write their ancient and sacred 
 language in a variety of alphabets — generally, in each 
 part of the country, in the same alphabet which they use 
 for their own vernacular. The mode of writing, however, 
 which is employed throughout the heart of Aryan India, or 
 in Hindustan proper, is alone adopted by European scholars : 
 it is called the devanagari. 
 
 a. This name is of doubtful origin and value. A more comprehensive 
 name is nagari (perhaps, of the city)\ and deva-nagari is nagarl of 
 the gods^ or of the Brahmans. 
 
 2. Much that relates to the history of the Indian alphabets is still 
 obscure. The earliest written monuments of known date in the country are 
 the inscriptions containing the edicts of Acoka or Piyadasi, of about the 
 middle of the third century B. C. They are in two different systems of 
 characters, of which one shows distinct signs of derivation from a Semitic 
 source, while the other is also probably, though much less evidently, of the 
 same origin. From the latter, the Lath, or Southern A?oka character (of 
 Girnar), come the later Indian alphabets, both those of the northern Aryan 
 languages and those of the southern Dravidian languages. The nagari, 
 devanagari, Bengali, GuzeratI, and others, are varieties of its northern 
 derivatives ; and with them are related some of the alphabets of peoples 
 outside of India — as in Tibet and Farther India — who have adopted Hindu 
 culture or religion. 
 
 a. There is reason to believe that writing was first employed in India 
 for practical purposes — for correspondence and business and the like — 
 and only by degrees came to be applied also to literary use. The literature, 
 to a great extent, and the more fully in proportion to its claimed sanctity 
 and authority, ignores all written record, and assumes to be kept in existence 
 by oral tradition alone. 
 
 Wlitney, Grammar. 3. ed. I
 
 3-] 
 
 1. Alphabet. 
 
 3. Of the devanagari itself there are minor varieties, depending on 
 differences of locality or of period, as also of individual hand (see examples 
 in "Weber's catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit MSS., in Rajendralala Mitra's 
 notices of MSS. in Indian libraries, in the published fac-similes of in- 
 scriptions, and so on); and these are in some measure reflected in the type 
 prepared for printing, both in India and in Europe. But a student who 
 makes himself familiar with one style of printed characters will have little 
 difficulty with the others, and will soon learn, by practice, to read the manu- 
 scripts. A few specimens of types other than those used in this work are 
 given in Appendix A. 
 
 a. On account of the difficulty of combining them with the smaller sizes 
 of our Roman and Italic type, the devanagari characters are used below only 
 in connection with the first or largest size. And, in accordance with the 
 laudable usage of recent grammars, they are, wherever given, also trans- 
 literated, in Clarendon letters ; while the latter alone are used in the other 
 sizes. 
 
 4. The student may be advised to try to familiarize himself from 
 the start with the devanagari mode of writing. At the same time, 
 it is not indispensable that he should do so until, having learned the 
 principal paradigms, he comes to begin reading and analysing and 
 parsing; and many will find the latter the more practical, and in the 
 end equally or more effective, way. 
 
 5. The characters of the de^abnagarl alphabet, and the 
 
 European letters which will be used in transliterating them, 
 
 are as follows: 
 
 
 
 
 
 short 
 
 
 long 
 
 
 
 
 
 "sTi ^ 
 
 a 
 
 2 yi a 
 
 
 
 
 palatal 
 
 ' \ 
 
 i 
 
 ' \ ' 
 
 
 Vowels: 
 
 simple . 
 
 labial 
 
 ■■> 3 
 
 u 
 
 3" u 
 
 
 
 
 lingual 
 
 ' ^ 
 
 r 
 
 » ^ f 
 
 
 
 
 dental 
 
 9 ^ 
 
 1 
 
 • 
 
 ["> ^ 1] 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 palatal 
 
 n ^ 
 
 e 
 
 12 77 ai 
 
 
 diphthongs < 
 
 . labial 
 
 •3 Ml 
 
 o 
 
 14 gj au 
 
 Visarga 
 
 15 
 
 : h 
 
 
 
 
 
 Anusvara 
 
 10 _ 
 
 -., _- n ( 
 
 [)r m (see 
 
 73c 
 
 ). 
 
 
 
 surd 
 
 surd asp. sonant 
 
 son. asp. 
 
 nasal 
 
 
 guttural 
 
 17 ^ J 
 
 : 18 I^ 
 
 kh 19 JT 
 
 g 
 
 20 ^ gh 
 
 21 3" n 
 
 
 palatal 
 
 ■n t\ C 
 
 . 23^ 
 
 ch 21 IT 
 
 J 
 
 25 ^ jh 
 
 26 31 n 
 
 Mutes 
 
 lingual 
 
 ^' Z t 
 
 28 J 
 
 th 29 Z 
 
 d 
 
 30 ^ dh 
 
 31 HT n 
 
 
 dental 
 
 32 ^ t 
 
 33 51 
 
 th 34 ^ 
 
 d 
 
 3:- ^ dh 
 
 36 ^ n 
 
 
 labial 
 
 3- fT I 
 
 ) 3^ q] 
 
 ph 3i) of 
 
 b 
 
 40 H bh 
 
 41 If m 
 
 ?l--*^/^ 
 
 a— 
 
 4i - 
 
 •V. 
 
 Hi,
 
 Theory of this Mode op Writing. [ — 9 
 
 
 palatal 
 
 « IT y 
 
 Semivowels 
 
 lingual 
 dental 
 
 43 ^ r 
 
 44 ^ 1 
 
 
 labial 
 
 45 ^ V 
 
 
 palatal 
 
 4G 5T Q 
 
 Sibilants 
 
 lingual 
 
 47 q" 8 
 
 
 . dental 
 
 49 H 8 
 
 Aspiration 
 
 
 49 ^ h 
 
 \ 
 
 a. To these may be added a lingual 1 "^f which in some of the 
 Vedic texts takes the place of I d when occurring between two 
 vowels (54). 
 
 6. A few other sounds, recognized by the theories of the Hindu 
 grammarians, but either having no separate characters to represent 
 them or only very rarely and exceptionally written, will be noticed 
 below (71 b, c, 230). Such are the guttural and labial breathings, the 
 nasal semivowels, and others. 
 
 7. The order of arrangement given above is that in 
 which the sounds are catalogued and described by the native 
 grammarians; and it has been adopted by European scholars 
 as the alphabetic order, for indexes, dictionaries, etc. : to the 
 Hindus, the idea of an alphabetic arrangement for such 
 
 practical uses is wanting. 
 
 a. In some works (as the Petersburg lexicon), a visarga which is re- 
 garded as equivalent to and exchangeable with a sibilant (172) is, though 
 written as visarga, given the alphabetic place of the sibilant. 
 
 8. The theory of the devanagari, as of the other Indian 
 modes of writing, is syllabic and consonantal. That is 
 to say, it regards as the written unit, not the simple sound, 
 but the syllable (aksara); and further, as the substantial 
 part of the syllable, the consonant or the consonants which 
 precede the vowel — this latter being merely implied, or, 
 if written, being written by a subordinate sign attached to 
 the consonant. 
 
 9. Hence folloAv these two principles: 
 
 A. The forms of the vowel-characters given in the 
 alphabetical scheme above are used only when the vowel 
 
 1*
 
 9—] I. Alphabet. 4 
 
 foims a syllable by itself, or is not combined with a preceding 
 consonant: that is, when it is either initial or preceded by 
 another vowel. In combination with a consonant, other modes 
 of representation are used. 
 
 B. If more consonants than one precede the vowel, 
 forming with it a single syllable, their characters must be 
 combined into a single compound character. 
 
 a. Native Hindu usage, in manuscripts and inscriptions, treats 
 the whole material of a sentence alike, not separating its words from 
 one another, any more than the syllables of the same word: a final 
 consonant is combined into one written syllable with the initial vowel 
 or consonant or consonants of the following word. It never occurred 
 to the Hindus to space their words in any way, even where the mode 
 of writing admitted such treatment; nor to begin a paragraph on a 
 new line; nor to write one line of verse under another: everything, 
 without exception, is written solid by them, filling the whole page. 
 
 b. Thus, the sentence and verse-line aham rudrebhir vasubhi(j 
 caramy aham adityair uta viqvadevaih (Rig-Veda X. 125. 1: see 
 Appendix B) I icander with the Vasus, the Eudras, I icith the Adityas 
 and the All- Gods is thus syllabized: a ham ru dre bhi rva su bhi 
 9ca ra my a ha ma di tyai ru ta vi Qva de vaih, each syllable end- 
 ing with a vowel (or a vowel modified by the nasal-sign anusvara, 
 or having the sign of a final breathing, visarga, added: these being 
 the only elements that can follow a vowel in the same syllable); and 
 it is (together with the next line) written in the manuscripts after this 
 fashion : 
 
 Each syllable is written separately, and by many scribes the 
 successive syllables are parted a little from one another: thus, 
 
 and so on. 
 
 c. In Western practice, however, it is almost universally customary 
 to divide paragraphs, to make the lines of verse follow one another, 
 and also to separate the words so far as this can be done without 
 changing the mode of writing them. See Appendix B, where the verse 
 here given is so treated. 
 
 d. Further, in works prepared fo\ beginners in the language, it 
 is not uncommon to make a more complete separation of words by a
 
 5 Writing of Vowels. [ — 10 
 
 free use of the virama-sign (11) under final consonants: thus, for 
 example, 
 
 or even by indicating also the combinations of initial and final vowels 
 (126, 127): for example, 
 
 e. In transliterating, Western methods of separation of words are 
 of course to be followed; to do otherwise would be simple pedantry. 
 
 10. Under A, it is to be noticed that the modes of 
 indicating a vowel combined with a preceding consonant 
 are as follows: 
 
 a. The short 3^ a has no written sign at all; the con- 
 sonant-sign itself implies a following 5f a, unless some other 
 vowel-sign is attached to it (or else the virama: 11). Thus, 
 the consonant-signs as given above in the alphabetic scheme 
 are really the signs of the syllables ka, kha, etc. etc. (to ha). 
 
 b. The long 5TT a is written by a perpendicular stroke 
 after the consonant: thus, ^T ka, fJfT dha, ^T ha. 
 
 c. Short ^ i and long ^ i are written by a similar stroke, 
 
 which for short i is placed before the consonant and for 
 
 long i is placed after it, and in either case is connected with 
 
 the consonant by a hook above the upper line : thus, T^ ki, 
 
 ^ kl; in bhi, )ft bhl; ^ ni, ^ ni. 
 
 The hook above, turning to the left or to the right, is historically the 
 essential part of the character, having been originally the whole of it; the 
 hooks were only later prolonged, so as to reach all the vyay down beside 
 the consonant. In the MSS., they almost never have the horizontal stroke 
 drawn across them above, though this is added in the printed characters: 
 thus, originally ^ ki, 5^ ki; in the MSS., }%, 5ff) ; in print, fifi, S^. 
 
 d. The u-sounds, short and long, are written by hooks 
 attached to the lower end of the consonant-sign : thus, T\ 
 ku, ^ ku; I du, I du. On account of the necessities of 
 combination, du and du are somewhat disguised: thus, ^, 
 ^; and the forms with ^ r and ^ h are still more irregular: 
 thus, "^ ru, 1 ru; "^ hu, ^ hu.
 
 10—1 I- Alphabet. 6 
 
 e. The r- vowels, short and long, are written by a sub- 
 joined hook, single or double, opening toward the right: 
 thus, ^ kr, ^ kr; ^ dr, ^ dr. In the h-sign, the hooks 
 are usually attached to the middle: thus, ^ hr, ^ hr. 
 
 As to the combination of r with preceding r, see below, 14 d. 
 
 f. The 1-vowel is written with a reduced form of its 
 full initial character: thus, ^kl; the corresponding long has 
 no real occurrence (23 a), but would be written with a similar 
 
 reduced sign. 
 
 g. The diphthongs are written by strokes, single or 
 double, above the upper line, combined, for m o and 5(T au, 
 with the a-sign after the consonant: thus, ^ ke, ^ kai; 
 
 ^T ko, ^T kau. 
 
 h. In some devanagari manuscripts (as in the Bengali alphabet), the 
 single stroke above, or one of the double ones, is replaced by a sign like the 
 a-sign before the consonant: thus, f^ ke, RJ kai; RH ko, RTI kau. 
 
 11. A consonant-sign, however, is capable of being made 
 to signify the consonant-sound alone, without an added vowel, 
 by having written beneath it a stroke called the virama 
 [rest, stop): thus, ^ k. ^ d, ^ h. 
 
 a. Since, as was pointed out above, the Hindus write the words of a 
 sentence continuously like one word (9 a, b), the virama is in geueral called 
 for only when a final consonant occurs before a pause. But it is also oc- 
 casionally resorted to by scribes, or In print, in order to avoid an awkward 
 or difficult combination of consonant-signs: thus, 
 
 f^ZTH: lidbhih, f^SH litsu, STS't^T aiiksva; 
 and it is )ised "to make a separation of words in texts prepared for begin- 
 ners (9 d). 
 
 12. Under B, it is to be noticed that the consonant 
 combinations are for the most part not at all difficult to 
 make or to recognise for one who is familiar with the 
 simple signs. The characteristic part of a consonant-sign 
 that is to be added to another is taken (to the exclusion of 
 the horizontal or of the perpendicular framing-line, or of 
 both), and they are put together according to convenience.
 
 7 Combinations op Consonants. [ — 14 
 
 either side by side, or one above the other; in a few com- 
 binations either arrangement is allowed. The consonant that 
 is to be pronounced first is set before the other in the one 
 order, and above it in the other order, 
 
 a. Examples of the side-by-side arrangement are: TT( gga, 
 ST jja, UK pya, ^ nma, f^T ttha, "7 bhya, F^ ska, stlT sna, 
 f^ tka, 
 
 b. Examples of the above-and-below arrangement are: 
 ^ kka, W\ kva, ^ cca, ^ nja, "^ dda, H Pta, ^ tna, 
 ^ tva. 
 
 13. In some cases, however, there is more or less ab- 
 breviation or disguise of the independent form of a con- 
 sonant-sign in combination. Thus, 
 
 a. Of sfi k in "^ kta, ^ kla; and in ^^ kna etc. 
 
 b. Of cT t in fT tta; 
 
 c. Of ^ d in ?: dga, ^ dna, etc.; 
 
 d. Of IT m and IT y, when following other consonants: 
 thus, mj kya, ^ kma, ^ nma, 21 nya, ^ dma, 7^ dya, 
 ^ hma, ^ hya, ^ chya, R dhya. 
 
 e. Of 51 c, which generally becomes 5T when followed 
 by a consonant: thus, "51 cca, W cna, IT 9va, STT cya. The 
 same change is usual when a vowel-sign is added below; 
 thus, 5T 9u, ^ 9r. 
 
 f. Other combinations, of not qviite obvious value, are 
 ^ nna, ^ 11a, ^ ddha, '^ dbha, ^ sta, "^ stha ; and the 
 compounds of ^ h: as ^ hna, "^ hna. 
 
 g. In a case or two, no trace of the constituent letters 
 is recognizable: thus, cT ksa, '^ jna. 
 
 14. The semivowel ^ r, in making combinations with 
 other consonants, is treated in a wholly peculiar manner, 
 analogous with that in which the vowels are treated. 
 
 a. If pronounced before another consonant or combination 
 of consonants, it is written above the latter, with a hook
 
 14—] I. Alphabet. 8 
 
 opening to the right (much like the sign of the vowel y, 
 as written under a consonant: 10 e): thus, Sfj rka, if rsa, 
 ^ rtva, TTJ rmya, f^ rtsna. 
 
 h. Then, if a consonant-group thus containing r as 
 first member is followed by a vowel that has its sign, or a 
 part of its sign, or its sign of nasality (anusvara: 70, 71), 
 written above the line, the r-sign is placed furthest to the 
 right: thus, % rke, 5^ rkan, f^ rki, s^rki, o^j rko, spifrkm, 
 ^t rkon. 
 
 c. If r is pronounced after another consonant, whether 
 before a vowel or before yet another consonant, it is written 
 with a straight stroke below, slanting to the left: thus, 
 Vf pra, H dhra, ^ gra, ^ sra, "^ ddhra, ^ ntra, ZU grya, 
 H srva, ^ ntrya; and, with modifications of a preceding 
 consonant-sign like those noted above (13), "^ tra, 1^ dra, 
 ^ 9ra, '^ hra. 
 
 d. When ;[ r is to be combined with a following ^ r, 
 it is the vowel which is written in full, with i;:s initial 
 character, and the consonant in subordination to it: thus, 
 
 15. Further combinations, of three, or four, or even 
 five consonant-signs, are made according to the same rules. 
 Examples are: 
 
 of three consonants, W ttva, ^ ddhya, zj dvya, 51 
 drya, lU dhrya, CfS[ psva, 5:7J 9cya, ^gj sthya, ^ hvya; 
 
 of four consonants, ^ ktrya, :^ nksya, 'SJ strya, 
 rFTT tsmya; 
 
 of five consonants, fPT rtsnya. 
 
 a. The manuscripts, and the type-fonts as well, differ from one another 
 more in their management of consonant combinations than in any other respect, 
 often having pecularities which one needs a little practice to understand. It 
 is quite useless to give in a grammar the whole series of possible combinations 
 (some of them excessively rare) which are provided for in any given type- 
 font, or even in all. There is nothing which due familiarity with the simple
 
 9 Various Signs. [—18 
 
 signs and with the ahove rules of comhinatioii will not enable the student 
 readily to analyse and explain. 
 
 16. a. A sign called the avagraha {separata?') — namely | 
 ■J — is occasionally used in the manuscripts, sometimes in ' 
 the manner of a hyphen, sometimes as a mark of hiatus, j 
 sometimes to mark the elision of initial ^ a after final 17 e j 
 or 3gt o (135). In printed texts, especially European, it is ] 
 ordinarily applied to the use last mentioned, and to that 
 alone: thus, cT ^^^ te 'bruvan, W\ vT^RtrT so 'bravit, for te 
 abruvan, so abravlt. 
 
 b. If the elided initial-vowel is nasal, and has the anu- 
 svara-sign (70, 71) written above, this is usually and more 
 properly transferred to the eliding vowel; but sometimes it 
 is written instead over the avagraha-sign : thus, for so 'nciiman, 
 from so aneuman, either HT ^^TR or HT -i^WR- 
 
 c. The sign ° is used in place of something that is 
 omitted, and to be understood from the connection: thus, 
 cHi'HHVIrl^ °rTR °^ virasenasutas -tam -tena. 
 
 d. Signs of punctuation are I and II. 
 
 At the end of a verse, a paragraph, or the like, the latter of 
 them is ordinarily written twice, with the figure of enumeration 
 between : thus, || t^O ||. 
 
 17. The numeral figures are 
 
 \ 1, [^ 2, ^ 3, 9 4, H 5, h, 6, b 7, r 8, ^ 9, 0. 
 In combination, to express larger numbers, they are 
 used in precisely the same way as European digits: thus, 
 :^H 25, ^^0 630, bOOO 7000, \r^^ 1896. 
 
 18. The Hindu grammarians call the difterent sounds, and the 
 characters representing them, by a kara {i7iaker) added to the sound 
 of the letter, if a vowel, or to the letter followed by a, if a consonant. 
 Thus, the sound or character a is called akara; k is kakara; and 
 so on. But the kara is also omitted, and a, ka, etc. are used alone. 
 The r, however, is not called rakara, but only ra, or repha snarl: 
 the sole example of a specific name for an alphabetic element of its 
 class. The anusvara and visarga are also known by these names alone.
 
 19_] II. System of Sounds. 10 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SYSTEM OF SOUNDS; PRONUNCIATION. 
 I. Vowels. 
 
 19. The a, i, and u-vowels. The Sanskrit has these 
 three earliest and most universal vowels of Indo-European 
 language, in both short and long form — 5T a and ^ a, 
 < i and f i, 3 u and 3* u. They are to be pronounced in 
 the "Continental" or "Italian" manner — as in far or farther^ 
 pin and pique^ pull and I'ule. 
 
 20. The a is the openest vowel, an utterance from the expanded 
 throat, stands in no relation of kindred with any of the classes of 
 consonantal sounds, and has no corresponding semivowel. Of the 
 close vowels i and u, on the other hand, i is palatal, and shades 
 through its semivowel y into the palatal and guttural consonant- 
 classes; u is similarly related, through its semivowel v, to the labial 
 class, as involving in its utterance a narrowing and rounding of 
 the lips. 
 
 a. The Paninean scheme (commentary to Panini's grammar i. 1. 9) 
 classes a as guttural, but apparently only iu order to give tliat series as 
 well as the rest a vowel ; no one of the Praticakhyas puts a into one class 
 with k etc. All these authorities concur in calling the i- and u-vowels 
 respectively palatal and labial. 
 
 21. The short a is not pronounced 4n4vH{|^.3i-lJ|fe *h^ ^^^^^ openness 
 of a, as its corresponding:'^«Sioi% bwtu9U9.ll.yj,§. the "neutral vowel" 
 (English so-called "short t<", of hut, son, Mood, etc.). This peculiarity 
 appears very early, being acknowledged TSyPa'riiitii "and by two of the 
 Praticfikhyas (APr. i. 36; VPr. i. 72), which call the utterance samvrta, 
 covcnd. lip, diinnicd. It is wont to be ignored by Western scholars, 
 except those who have studied in India. 
 
 22. The a-vowels are the prevailing vowel-sounds of the language, 
 being about twice as frequent as all the others (including diphthongs) 
 taken together. The i-vowels, again, are about twice as numerous 
 as the u-vowels. And, in each pair, the short vowel is more than 
 twice (272 to 3 times) as common as the long.
 
 1 1 Vowels. [—27 
 
 a. For more precise estimates of frequency, of these and of the other 
 alphabetic elements, and for the way in which they were obtained, see 
 below, 75. 
 
 23. The r- and 1-vowels. To the three simple vowels 
 already mentioned the Sanskrit adds two others, the r-vowel 
 and the 1-vowel, plainly generated by the abbreviation of 
 syllables containing respectively a 3j" r or ^ 1 along with 
 another vowel: the ^ r coming almost always (see 237, 241-3) 
 from ^ ar or ^ ra, the FT I from ^[^ al. 
 
 a. Some of the Hindu grammarians add to the alphabet also a long 1; 
 but this is only for the sake of an artificial symmetry, since the sound does 
 not occur in a single genuine word in the language. 
 
 24. The vowel ^ r is simply a smooth or untrilled 
 r-sound, assuming a vocalic office in syllable-making — as, 
 by a like abbreviation, it has done also in certain Slavonic 
 languages. The vowel FT 1 is an /-sound similarly uttered 
 — like the English /-vowel in such words as able, atiffle, 
 addle. 
 
 a. The modern Hindus pronounce these vowels as rt, ri, li (or 
 even Iri), having long lost the habit and the facility of giving a vowel 
 value to the pure r- and /-sounds. Their example is widely followed 
 by European scholars; and hence also the (distorting and altogether 
 objectionable) transliterations ri, ri, li. There is no real difficulty in 
 the way of acquiring and practising the true utterance. 
 
 b. Some of the grammarians (see APr. i. 37, note) attempt to define more 
 nearly the way in which, in these vowels, a real r- or ^-element is combined 
 with something else. 
 
 25. Like their corresponding semivowels, r and 1, these vowels 
 belong respectively to the general lingual and dental classes; the 
 euphonic influence of r and r (189) shows this clearly. They are 
 so ranked in the Paninean scheme; but the Pratigakhyas in general 
 strangely class them with the jihvamuliya sounds, our "gutturals" (39). 
 
 26. The short r is found in every variety of word and of position, 
 and is not rare, being just about as frequent as long u. Long r is very 
 much more unusual, occurring only in certain plural cases of noun- 
 stems in r (371b, d, 375). The 1 is met with only in some of the 
 forms and derivatives of a single not very common verbal root (kip). 
 
 27. The diphthongs. Of the four diphthongs, two, 
 the ^ e and 5JT o, are in great part original Indo-European
 
 27—] II. System of Sounds. 12 
 
 sounds. In the Sanskrit, they wear the aspect of being 
 products of the increment or strengthening of ^ i and 3 u 
 respectively; and they are called the corresponding guna- 
 vowels to the latter (see below, 235 ff.). The other two, ^ ai 
 and ^J au, are held to be of peculiar Sanskrit growth ; they 
 are also in general results of another and higher increment 
 of ^ i and 3 u, to which they are called the corresponding 
 vrddhi-vowels (below, 235 fF.) . But all are likewise some- 
 times generated by euphonic combination (127); and m o, 
 especially, is common as result of the alteration of a final 
 W\ as (175). 
 
 28. The ^ e and 5|T o ar^, both in India and in Europe, 
 usually pronounced as they are transliterated — that is, as 
 long e- (English "long a'^Qj^^in t/iei/) and o-sounds, without 
 diphthongal character. 
 
 a. Such they _ a^pg,i,jg}itlyv,ai«6ady were to the authors of the 
 Pratigakh^'as, which, while ranking them as diphthongs (samdh.yaksara), 
 give rules respecting their pronunciation in a manner implying them 
 to be virtually unitary sounds. But their euphonic treatment (131-4) 
 clearly shows them to have been still at.^t|ie'p^^ wlign the euphonic 
 laws established themselves, as they of course were at their origin, 
 real diphthongs^ ai {a + i) and au (c H- «)• From them, on the same 
 evidence, the heavier or vrddhi diphthongs were distinguished by the 
 length of their a-element, as ui {d + i) and au {a + u). 
 
 b. The recognizable distinctness of the two elements in the vrddhi- 
 diphthongs is noticed by the Prat 9akhyas (see APr. i. 40, note); but the 
 relation of those elements is either deflned as equal, or the a is made of 
 less quantity than the i and u. 
 
 29. The lighter or guna-diphthongs are much more frequent 
 (6 or 7 times) than the heavier or vrddhi-diphthongs, and the e and 
 ai than the o and au (a half more). Both pairs are somewhat more 
 than half as common as the simple i- and u-vowels. 
 
 30. The general name given y the Hindu grammarians to the vowels 
 is Bvara tone; the simple vowels are called samanaksara homogeneous 
 si/Unble, and the diphthongs are called sarhdhyaksara combination-syllable. 
 The position of the organs in their utterance is delinod to be one of openness, 
 or of non-closure. 
 
 a. As to quantity and accent, see below, 76 ff., 80 ff.
 
 13 Mutes. [—36 
 
 II. Consonants. 
 
 31. The Hindu name for 'consonant' is vyanjana manif ester. 
 The consonants are divided by the grammarians into 8par9a co?itact 
 or mute, antahstha, intermediate or semivowel, and usman spirant 
 They will here be taken up and described in this order. 
 
 32. Mutes. The mutes, sparcja, are so called as involving a 
 complete closure or contact (sparga), and not an approximation only, 
 of the mouth-organs by which they are produced. They are divided 
 into five classes or series (varga), according to the organs and parts 
 of organs by which the contact is made; and each series is composed 
 of five members, differing according to the accompaniments of the 
 contact. 
 
 33. The five mute-series are called respectively guttural, 
 palatal, lingual (or cerebral), dental, and labial; and they 
 are arranged in the order as just mentioned, beginning with 
 the contact made furthest back in the mouth, coming for- 
 ward from point to point, and ending with the frontmost 
 contact. 
 
 34. In each series there are two surd members, two 
 sonant, and one nasal (which is also sonant) : for example, 
 in the labial series, ^ p and W\ ph, ^ b and ^ bh, and R m. 
 
 a. The members are by the Hindu grammarians called respectively j?rs^, 
 second, third, fourth, and last or fifth. 
 
 b. The surd consonants are known as aghosa toneless, and the sonants 
 as ghogavant having tone ; and the descriptions of the grammarians are in 
 accordance with these terms. All alike recognise a difference of tone, and not 
 in any manner a difference of force, whether of contact or of expulsion, as 
 separating the two great classes in question. That the difference depends on 
 vivara opening, or samvara closure (of the glottis), is also recognized 
 by them. 
 
 35. The first and third members of each series are the 
 ordinary corresponding surd and sonant mutes of European 
 languages: thus, Sfj k and JJ g, rT t and T d, q p and ^ b. 
 
 36. Nor is the character of the nasal any more doubtful. 
 What IT m is to Cf p, and '^ b, or ^ n to rT t and T d, that 
 is also each other nasal to its own series of mutes : a sonant 
 expvilsion into and through the nose, while the mouth- 
 organs are in the mute-contact.
 
 36—] II. System of Sounds. 14 
 
 a. The Hindu grammarians give distinctly this definition. The nasal 
 (anunasika passing through the nose) sounds are declared to he formed hy 
 mouth and nose together; or their nasality (anunasikya) to be given them 
 by unclosure of the nose. 
 
 37. The second and fourth of each series are aspirates: 
 thus, beside the surd mute sfj k we have the corresponding 
 surd aspirate l^ kh, and beside the sonant IT g, the corres- 
 ponding sonant aspirate ^ gh. Of these, the precise char- 
 acter is more obscure and difficult to determine. 
 
 a. That the aspirates, all of them, are real mutes or contact sounds, and 
 not fricatives (like European th and pJi and ch, etc.), is beyond question. 
 
 b. It is also not doubtful in what way the surd th, for example, differs 
 from the unaspirated t: such aspirates are found in many Asiatic languages, 
 and even in some European ; they involve the slipping-out of an audible bit 
 of Jlatus or aspiration between the breach of mute-closure and the following 
 sound, whatever it may be. They are accurately enough represented by the 
 th etc., with which, in imitation of the Latin treatment of the similar ancient 
 Greek aspirates, we are accustomed to write them, 
 
 c. The sonant aspirates are generally understood and described as made 
 in a similar way, with a perceptible A-sound after the breach of sonant mute- 
 closure But there are great theoretical difficulties in the way of accepting 
 this explanation ; and some of the best phonetic observers deny that the modern 
 Hindu pronunciation is of such a character, and define the element following 
 the mute as a "glottal buzz", rather, or as an emphasized utterance of the 
 beginning of the succeeding sound. The question is one of great difficulty, 
 and upon it the opinions of the highest authorities are much at variance. 
 Sonant aspirates are still in use in India, in the pronunciation of the vernacular 
 as well as of the learned languages. 
 
 d. By the Pratiijakhyas, the aspirates of both classes are called sosmau : 
 which might mean either accompanied hy a rush of breath (taking usman 
 in its more etymological sense), or accompanied by a spirant (below, 59). 
 And some native authorities define the surd aspirates as made by the combi- 
 nation of each surd non-aspirate with its own corresponding surd spirant ; and 
 the sonant aspirates, of each sonant non-aspirate with the sonant spirant, the 
 h-80und (below, 65). But this would make the two classes of aspirates of 
 quite diverse character, and would also make th the same as ts, th as ts, ch 
 as C9 — which is in any measure plausible only of the last. Panini has no 
 name for aspirates ; the scheme given in his comment (to i. 1. 9) attributes 
 to them mahaprana great expiration^ and to the non-aspirates alpaprana 
 small expiration. 
 
 e. It is usual among European scholars to pronounce 
 both classes of aspirates as the corresponding non-aspirates
 
 15 Guttural and Palatal Mutes. [ — 42 
 
 with a following h: for example, 21 th nearly as in English 
 boathook, W\ ph as in haphazard^ ^ dh as in madhouse, H bh 
 as in ahhor, and so on. This is (as we have seen above) 
 strictly accurate only as regards the surd aspirates. 
 
 38. The sonant aspirates are (in the opinion of most), or at least 
 represent, original Indo-European sounds, while the surd aspirates 
 are a special Indian development. The former are more than twice 
 as common as the latter. The unaspirated (non-nasal) mutes are very 
 much more frequent (5 times) than the aspirates (for the special fre- 
 quency of bh and original gh, see 50 and 6Q); and among them the 
 surds are more numerous (21/2 times) than the sonants. The nasals 
 (chiefly n a-.id m) are nearly as frequent as the surd uon-aspirates. 
 
 We take up now the several mute-series. 
 
 39. Guttural series: ^ k, 13 kh, 3T g, Sf gh, 3^ n. 
 These are the ordinary European k and ^-sounds, with their 
 corresponding aspirates and nasal (the last, like EngHsh ng 
 
 in singmg). 
 
 a. The gutturals are defined by the Praticakliyas as made by contai't of 
 the base of the tongue with the base of the jaw, and tliey are called, from 
 the former organ, jihvamiiliya tongue-root sounds. The Panineau scheme 
 describes them simply as made in the throat (kantha). From the euphonic 
 influence of a k on a following s (below, 180), we may perhaps infer that 
 in theii utterance the tongue was well drawn back in the mouth, 
 
 40. The k is by far the commonest of the gnttural series occurring 
 considerably more often than all the other four taken together. The 
 nasal, except as standing before one of the others of the same series, 
 is found only as final (after the loss of a following k: 386, 407) in 
 a very small number of words, and as product of the assimilation of 
 final k to a following nasal (161). 
 
 41. The Sanskrit guttural series represents only a minority of 
 Indo-European gutturals; these last have suffered more and more general 
 corruption than any other class of consonants. By processes of alteration 
 which began in the Indo-European period, the palatal mutes, the 
 palatal sibilant 9, and the aspiration h, have come from gutturals. 
 See these various sounds below. 
 
 42. Palatal series: r\ c. "^ eh, sT j, cK jh, 3T n. 
 
 The whole palatal series is derivative, being generated by the 
 corruption of original gutturals. The c comes from an original k — 
 as does also, by another degree of alteration, the palatal sibilant 9 
 (see below, 64). The j, in like manner, comes from a g; but the
 
 42—] 11. System op Sounds. 16 
 
 Sanskrit j includes in itself two degrees of alteration, one correspond- 
 ing to the alteration of k to e, the other to that of k to 9 (see below, 
 219). The c is somewhat more common than the j (about as four 
 to three). The aspirate ch is very much less frequent (a tenth of c), 
 and comes from the original group sk. The sonant aspirate jh is 
 excessively rare (occurring but once in RV., not once in AV., and 
 hardly half-a-dozen times in the whole older language); where found, 
 it is either onomatopoetic or of anomalous or not Indo-European origin. 
 The nasal, n, never occurs except immediately before — or, in a 
 small number of words, also after (201) — one of the others of the 
 same series. 
 
 43. Hence, in the euphonic processes of the language, the 
 treatment of the palatals is in many respects peculiar. In some 
 situations, the original unaltered guttural shows itself — or, as 
 it appears from the point of view of the Sanskrit, the palatal reverts 
 to its original guttural. No palatal ever occurs as a final. The j is 
 diiferently treated, according as it represents the one or the other 
 degree of alteration. And c and j (except artificially, in the algebraic 
 rules of the grammarians) do not interchange, as corresponding surd 
 and sonant. 
 
 44. The palatal mutes are by European scholars, as by 
 the modern Hindus also, pronounced with the compound 
 sounds of English ch and j (in church and judge). 
 
 a. Their description by the old Hindu grammarians, however, gives them 
 a not less absolutely simple character than belongs to the other mutes. They 
 are called talavya palatal^ and declared to be formed against the palate by 
 the middle of the tongue. They seem to have been, then, brought forward in 
 the mouth from the guttural point, and made against the hard palate at a 
 point not far from the lingual one (below, 45), but with the upper flat surface 
 of the tongue instead of its point. Such sounds, in all languages, pass easily 
 into the (English) ch- and j-sounds. The value of the eh as making the 
 preceding vowel "long by position" (227), and its frequent origination 
 from t + (J (203), lead to the suspicion that it, at least, may have had 
 this character from the beginning: compare 37 d, above. 
 
 45. Lingual series: Z %. Z X^i I d, ^ dh, TH n. The 
 lingual mutes are by all the native authorities defined as 
 uttered with the tip of the tongue turned up and drawn 
 back into the dome of the palate (somewhat as the usual 
 English smooth r is pronounced). They are called by the 
 grammarians murdhanya, literally head-sounds, capitals, 
 cephalics\ which term is in many European grammars
 
 17 Lingual and Dental Mutes. [—47 
 
 rendered by 'cerebrals'. In practice, among European 
 Sanskritists, no attempt is made to distinguish them from 
 the dentals: ^ t is pronounced like rT t, I d like T d, and 
 so with the rest. 
 
 46. The Unguals are another non-original series of sounds, 
 coming mainly from the phonetic alteration of the next series, the 
 dentals, but also in part occurring in words that have no traceable 
 Indo-European connection, and are perhaps derived from the ab- 
 original languages of India. The tendency to lingualizfjiion is a 
 positive one in the history of the language: dentals easily pass into 
 Unguals under the influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual 
 sounds, but not the contrary; and all the sounds of the class become 
 markedly more frequent in the later literature. The conditions of 
 their ordinary occurrence are briefly these: 1. a comes from s, much 
 more rarely from 9, j, ks, in euphonic circumstances stated below 
 (180, 218 fp.); 2. a dental mute following s is assimilated to it, 
 becoming lingual (t, th, n: 197); 3. n is often changed to n after a 
 lingual vowel or semivowel or sibilant in the same word (189 ff.); 
 4. dh, which is of very rare occurrence, comes from assimilation of 
 a dental after s (198 a) or h (222); 5. t and d come occasionally 
 by substitution for some other sound which is not allowed to stand 
 as final (142, 145-7). When originated in these ways, the lingual 
 letters may be regarded as normal; in any other cases of their 
 occurrence, they are either products of abnormal corruption, or signs 
 of the non-Indo-European character of the words in which they 
 appear. 
 
 a. In a certain number of passages numerically examined (below, 75), 
 the abnormal occurrences of lingual mutes were less than half of the whole 
 number (74 out of 159), and most of them (43) were of n: all were found 
 more frequent in the later passages. In the Rig-Veda, only 15 words have 
 an abnormal t; only 6, such a th; only 1, such a dh ; about 20 (including 
 9 roots, nearly all of which have derivatives) show an abnormal d, besides 
 9 that have nd; and 30 (including 1 root) show a n. 
 
 b. Taken all together, the linguals are by far the rarest class of 
 mutes (about I1/2 per cent, of the alphabet) — hardly half as frequent 
 even as the palatals. 
 
 47. Dental series: FT t, 51 th, T d, ^ dh, ^ n. These 
 are called by the Hindus also dantya dental, and are 
 described as formed at the teeth (or at the roots of the 
 teeth), by the tip of the tongue. They are practically the 
 equivalents of our European f, d, n. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. o
 
 47 — ] II. System of Sounds. 18 
 
 a. But the modern Hindus are said to pronounce their dentals with the 
 tip of the tongue thrust well forward against the upper teeth, so that these 
 sounds get a slight tinge of the quality belonging to the English and Modern 
 Greek i/i-sounds. The absence of that quality in the European (especially 
 the English) dentals is doubtless the reason why to the ear of a Hindu the 
 latter appear more analogous with his Unguals, and he is apt to use the Unguals 
 in writing European words. 
 
 48. The dentals are one of the Indo-European original mute- 
 classes. In their occurrence in Sanskrit tliey are just about as frequent 
 as all the other four classes taken together. 
 
 49. Labial series: cf p qf^ ph, ^ b, H bh, q m. 
 These sounds are called osthya labial by the Hindu gram- 
 maiians also. They are, of course, the equivalents of our 
 |>, 5, m. 
 
 50. The numerical relations of the labials are a little peculiar. 
 Owing to the absence (or almost entire absence) of b in Indo-European, 
 the Sanskrit b also is greatly exceeded in frequency by bh, which 
 is the most common of all the sonant aspirates, as ph. is the least 
 common of the surd. The nasal m (notwithstanding its frequent 
 euphonic mutations when final: 212 ff.) occurs just about as often as 
 all the other four members of the series together. 
 
 a. From an early period in the history of the language, but increasingly 
 later, b and v exchange with one another, or fail to be distinguished in the 
 manuscripts. Thus, the double root-forms brh and vrh, badh and vadh, and 
 so on. In the Bengal manuscripts, v is widely written instead of more original b. 
 
 51. Semivowels: IT y, T r, ^ 1, ^ v. 
 
 a. The name given to this class of sounds by the Hindu grammarians is 
 antahstha standing between — either from their character as utterances 
 iiiterracdiato between vowel and consonant, or (more probably) from the 
 circumstance of their being placed between the mutes and spirants in the 
 arrangement of the consonants. 
 
 b. The semivowels are clearly akin with the several mute series 
 in their physical character, and they are classified along with those 
 series — though not without some discordances of view — by the Hindu 
 grammarians. They are said to be produced with the organs slightly 
 in contact (iaatsprsta), or in imperfect contact (duhsprsta). 
 
 52. The 3r ^ is clearly shown by its influence in the 
 euphonic processes of the language to be a lingual sotmd, 
 or one made with the tip of the tongue turned up into the 
 dome of the palate. It thus resembles the English smooth r, 
 and, like this, seems to have been untrilled.
 
 1 9 Semivowels. [ — 55 
 
 a. The Panineau scheme reckons r as a lingual. None of the Praticakhyas, 
 however, does so ; nor are they entirely consistent with one another in its 
 description. For the most part, they define it as made at "the roots of the 
 teeth". This would give it a position like that of the vibrated r; hut no 
 authority hints at a vibration as belonging to it. 
 
 b. In point of frequency, r stands very high on the list of con- 
 sonants; it is nearly equal with v, n, m, and y, and only exceeded 
 by t. 
 
 53. The ^ 1 is a sound of dental position, and is so 
 defined and classed by all the native authorities. 
 
 a. The peculiar character of an ^-sound, as involving expulsion at the 
 side of the tongue along with contact at its tip, is not noticed by any Hindu 
 phonetist. 
 
 b. The semivowels r and 1 are very widely interchangeable in Sanskrit, 
 both in roots and in suffixes, and even in prefixes : there are few roots contain- 
 ing a 1 which do not show also forms with r; words written with the one 
 letter are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text, written 
 with the other. In the later periods of the language they are more separated, 
 and the 1 becomes decidedly more frequent, though always much rarer than 
 the r (only as 1 to 7 or 8 or 10). 
 
 54. Some of the Vedic texts have another ^sound, written with 
 a slightly different character (it is given at the end of the alphabet, 
 5 a), which^is substitjjtj^.4]Q^T a. lij^^ also .the, saiae followed 
 by h for a dli) when occiualng . between two vowels. It is, then, 
 doubtless a lingual I, one made by breach fat the side of the tongue) 
 of the lingual instead of the dental mute closure. 
 
 a. Examples are: ^"3^ lie, for 7"^ ide, but <3I idya; ^\rx>^^ 
 milhuse, for J^JG^T' midhuse, but lTT?oFT midhvan. It is especially in 
 the Rig-Veda and its auxiliary literature that this substitution is usual. 
 
 55. The IT y in Sanskrit, as in other languages generally, 
 stands in the closest relationship v^ith the vowel ^ i (short 
 or long); the two exchange with one another in cases in- 
 numerable. 
 
 a. And in the Veda (as the metre shows) an i is very often to be read 
 where, in conformity with the rules of the later Sanskrit euphony, a y is 
 written. Thus, the final i-vowel of a word remains i before an initial vowel ; 
 that of a stem maintains itself unchanged before an ending ; and an ending 
 of derivation — as ya, tya — has i instead of y. Such cases will be noticed 
 in more detail later. The constancy of the phenomenon in certain words and 
 classes of words shows that this was no merely optional interchange. Very 
 probably, the Sanskrit y had everywhere more of an i-character than belongs 
 to the corresponding European soun'l. 
 
 2*
 
 56—] II. System of Sounds. 20 
 
 56. The y is by its physical character a palatal utterance; and 
 it is classed as a palatal semivowel by the Hindu phonetists. It is 
 one of the most common of Sanskrit sounds. 
 
 57. The ^ V is pronounced as English or French v 
 (German iv) by the modern Hindus — except when preceded 
 
 I by a consonant in the same syllable, in which case it has 
 rather the sound of English w\ and European scholars follow 
 the same practice (with or without the same exception). 
 
 a. By its whole treatment in the euphony of the language, however, 
 the V stands related to an u-vo\vq\ precisely as y to an i-vowel. It 
 is, then, a v only according to the original Roman value of that 
 letter — that is to say, a 2c-sound in the English sense; though (as 
 was stated above for the y) it may well have been less markedly 
 separated from u than English w, or more like French ou in oui etc. 
 But, as the original tv has in most European languages been changed 
 to V (English), so also in India, and that from a very early time : the 
 Paninean scheme and two of the Pratigakhyas (YPr. and TPr.j distinctly 
 define the sound as made between the upper teeth and the lower 
 lip — which, of course, identifies it with the ordinary modern f-sound. 
 As a matter of practice, the usual pronunciation need not be seriously 
 objected to; yet the student should not fail to note that the rules of 
 Sanskrit euphony and the name of "semivowel" have no application 
 except to a ?^--sound in the English sense: a t'-sound (German w) is 
 no semivowel, but a spirant, standing on the same articulate stage 
 with the English ^/t-sounds and the /. 
 
 58. The V is classed as a labial semivowel by the Hindu phonet- 
 ical authorities. It has a somewhat greater frequency than the y. 
 
 a. Ill tlie Veda, under the same circumstances as tlie y (above, 55 a), 
 V is to be read as a vowel, u. 
 
 b. As to the interchange of v and b, see above, 50 a. 
 
 59. Spirants. Under the name usman (literally heat, 
 steam, flatus), which is usually and well represented by 
 spira?it, some of the Hindu authorities include all the remain- 
 ing sounds of the alphabet; others apply the term only to 
 the three sibilants and the aspiration — to which it will here 
 also be restricted. 
 
 a. The term is not found in the Paninean scheme; by different treatises 
 the guttural and labial breathings, these and the visarga, or all these and 
 anusvara, are also (in addition to the sibilants and h) called usman (see
 
 21 Sibilants. [-62 
 
 APr. i. 31 note). The organs of utterance are described as being In the 
 position of tbe mute-series to which each spirant belongs respectively, but 
 unclosed, or unclosed in the middle. 
 
 60. The H s. Of the three sibilants, or surd spirants, 
 
 this is the one of plainest and least questioned character: 
 
 it is the ordinary European s — a hiss expelled between 
 
 the tongue and the roof of the mouth directly behind the 
 
 upper front teeth. 
 
 a. It is, then, dental, as it is classed by all the Hindu authorities. 
 Notwithstanding the great losses which it sufters in Sanskrit euphony, 
 by conversion to the other sibilants, to r, to visarga, etc., it is 
 still very high among the consonants in the order of frequency, or 
 considerably more common than both the other two sibilants together. 
 
 61. The ^ s. As to the character of this sibilant, also, 
 there is no ground for real question: it is the one produced 
 in the lingual position, or with the tip of the tongue 
 reverted into the dome of the palate. It is, then, a kind of 
 i/i-sound; and by European Sanskritists it is pronounced 
 as an ordinary sh (French c/?, German sch), no attempt 
 being made (any more than in the case of the other lingual 
 sounds: 45) to give it its proper lingual quality. 
 
 a. Its lingual character is shown by its whole euphonic influence, 
 and it is described and classed as lingual by all the Hindu author- 
 ities (the APr. adds, i. 23, that the tongue in its utterance is trough- 
 shaped). In its audible quality, it is a sA-sound rather than as-sound; 
 and, in the considerable variety of sibilant-utterance, even in the 
 same community, it may coincide with the sh of some among 
 ourselves. Yet the general and normal sh is palatal (see below, 63) ; 
 and threrefore the sign s, marked in accordance with the other lin- 
 gual letters, is the only unexceptionable transliteration for the Hindu 
 character. 
 
 b. In modern pronunciation in India, s is much confounded with kh; 
 and the manuscripts are apt to exchange the characters. Some later gram- 
 matical treatises, too, take note of the relationship. 
 
 62. This sibilant (as was noticed above, 46, and will be more 
 particularly explained below, 180 flf.) is no original sound, but a 
 product of the lingualization of s under certain euphonic conditions. 
 The exceptions are extremely few (9 out of 145 noted occurrences: 
 75), and of a purely sporadic character. The Rig-Veda has (apart
 
 62—] II. System of Sounds. 22 
 
 from y sah, 182 b) only twelve words which show a s under other 
 conditions. 
 
 a. The final s of a root bas in some cases attained a more independent 
 value, and does not revert to s -when tlie euplionic conditions are removed, 
 but shows anomalous forms (225-6). 
 
 63. The 5T c. This sibilant is by all the native authorities 
 classed and described as palatal, nor is there anything in 
 its history or its euphonic treatment to cast doubt on its 
 character as such. It is, then, made with the flat of the 
 tongue against the forward part of the palatal arch — that 
 is to say, it is the usual and normal s/^-sound. By European 
 scholars it is variously pronounced — more often, perhaps, 
 as s than as sh. 
 
 a. The two sA-sounds, s and 9, are made in the same part of the 
 mouth (the s probably rather further back), but with a different part of 
 the tongue; and they are doubtless not more unlike than, for example, the 
 two ^-sounds, written t and t ; and it would be not less proper to pronounce 
 them both as one sh than to pronounce the Unguals and dentals alike. To 
 neglect the difference of s and 9 is much less to be approved. The very 
 near relationship of s and 9 is attested by their euphonic treatment, which 
 is to a considerable extent the same, and hy their not infrequent confusion 
 by the writers of manuscripts. 
 
 64. As was mentioned above (41), the 9, like c, comes from the 
 corruption of an original Z;-sound, by loss of mute-contact as well as 
 forward shift of the point of production. In virtue of this derivation, 
 it sometimes (though less often than c) "reverts" to k — that is, the 
 original k appears instead of it (43); wliile, on the other hand, as a 
 sA-sound, it is to a certain extent convertible to s. In point of frequency, 
 it slightly exceeds the latter. 
 
 65. The remaining spirant, ^ h, is ordinarily pronounced 
 like the usual European surd aspiration h. 
 
 a. This is not, however, its real character. It is defliied by all the native 
 authorities as not a surd el(3ment, but a sonant (or else an utterance inter- 
 mediate between the two); and its whole value in the euphony of the language 
 is that of a sonant: but what is its precise value is very hard to say. The 
 Paninean scheme ranks it as guttural, as it does also a: this means nothing. 
 The Pratirakhyas bring it into no relation with the guttural class; one of 
 them quotes the opinion of some authorities that "it has the same position 
 with the beginning of the following vowel" (TPr. ii. 47) — which so far 
 identifies it with our h. There is notliing in its euphonic influence to mark 
 it as retaining any trai;c of gutturally articulated character. By some of
 
 23 ViSARGA. [—69 
 
 the native phonetists it is identified -with the aspiration of the sonant 
 aspirates — with the element by which, for example, gh diffors from g. 
 This view is supported by the derivation of h from the aspirates (next 
 paragraph), by that of 1 + h from dh (54), and by the treatment of initial 
 h after a linal nuite (163). 
 
 66. The h, as already noticed, is not an original sound, but 
 comes in nearly all cases from an older gh (for the few instances of 
 its derivation from dh and bh, see below, 223 g). It is a vastly 
 more frequent sound than the unchanged gh (namely, as 7 to 1): more 
 frequent, indeed, than any of the guttural mutes except k. It appears, 
 like j (219), to include in itself two stages of corruption of gh: one 
 corresponding with that of k to c, the other with that of k to 9; 
 see below, 223, for the roots belonging to the two classes respectively. 
 Like the other sounds of guttural derivation, it sometimes exhibits 
 "reversion" (43) to its original. 
 
 67. The : h, or visarga (visarjaniya, as it is uniformly 
 called by the Pratifakhyas and by Panini, probably as belong- 
 ing to the end of a syllable), appears to be merely a surd 
 breathing, a final Zi-sound (in the European sense of A), 
 uttered in the articulating position ot the preceding vowel. 
 
 a. One Praticakhya (TPr. ii. 48) gives just this last description of it. 
 It is by various authorities classed with h, or with h and a : all of them 
 are alike sounds in whose utterance the mouth-organs have no definite 
 shaping action. 
 
 68. The visarga is not original, but always only a substitute 
 for final s or r, neither of which is allowed to maintain itself unchanged V 
 (170 flf.). It is a comparatively recent member of the alphabetic 
 system ; the other euphonic changes of final s and r have not passed 
 through visarga as an intermediate stage. And the Hindu authorities 
 are considerably discordant with one another as to how far h is a 
 necessary substitute, and how far a permitted one, alternative with 
 
 a sibilant, before a following initial surd. 
 
 69. Before a surd guttural or labial, respectively, some of the 
 native authorities permit, while others require, conversion of final s 
 or r into the so-called jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya spirants. It 
 may be fairly questioned, perhaps, whether these two sounds are not 
 pure grammatical abstractions, devised (like the long 1-vowel: 23 a) 
 in order to round out the alphabet to greater symmetry. At any 
 rate, both manuscripts and printed texts in general make no account 
 of them. Whatever individual character they may have must be, 
 it would seem, in the direction of the (German) ch- and /-sounds. 
 When written at all, they are wont to be transliterated by % and (f.
 
 70—] II. System of Sounds. 24 
 
 70. The 1 anusvara, n or rh, is a nasal sound lacking 
 that closure of the organs .which is jequired to make a 
 nasal mute or contact-sound (36); in its utterance there is 
 nasal resonahce along with some degree of openness of the 
 
 mouth. 
 
 71. There is discordance of opinion among both the Hindu phonetists 
 and their modern European successors respecting the real character of this 
 element; hence a little detail is necessary here with regard to its occurrence 
 and their views of it. 
 
 a. Certain nasals in Sanskrit are of servile character, always to be 
 assimilated to a following consonant, of whatever character that may be. 
 Such are final m in sentence-combination (2133, *^^ penultimate nasal of 
 a root, and a nasal of increment (255) in general. If one of these nasals 
 stands before a contact-letter or mute, it becomes a nasal mute correspond- 
 ing to the latter — that is, a nasal utterance in the same position of the 
 mouth-organs which gives the succeeding mute. If, on the other hand, the 
 following consonant does not involve a contact (being a semivowel or spirant), 
 the nasal element is also without contact: it is a nasal utterance with 
 un losed mouth-organs. The question is, now, whether this nasal utterance 
 becomes merely a nasal infection of the preceding vowel, turning it into a 
 nasal vowel (as in French o?i, en, un, etc., by reason of a similar loss of 
 a nasal mute); or whether it is an element of more individual cbaracter, 
 having place between the vowel and the consonant; or, once more, whether 
 it is sometimes the one thing and sometimes the other. The opinions of 
 the Pratiyakhyas and Panini are briefly as follows : 
 
 b. The Atharva-Praticakhya holds that the result is everywhere a 
 nasalized vowel, except when n or m is assimilated to a following 1; in 
 that case, the n or m becomes a nasal 1: that is, the nasal utterance is 
 made in the 1-position, and has a perceptible 1-character. 
 
 C. The other Praticakhyas teach a similar conversion into a nasal 
 counterpart to the semivowel, or a nasal semivowel, before y and 1 and v 
 (not before r also). In most of the other cases where the Atharva-Praticakhya 
 acknowledges a nasal vowel — namely, before r and the spirants — the others 
 teach the intervention after the vowel of a distinct nasal element, called the 
 anusvara after-tone. 
 
 d. Of the nature of this nasal afterpiece to the vowel no intelligibly 
 clear account is given. It is said (RPr.) to be either vowel or consonant; 
 it is declared (RPr., VPr.) to be made with the noso alone, or (TPr.) to be 
 nasal like the nasal mutes; it is held by some (RPr.) to be the sonant tone 
 of the nasal mutes; in its formation, as in that of vowel and spirant, there 
 is (RPr.) no contact. As to its quantity, see further on. 
 
 e. There are, however, certain cases and classes of cases where these 
 other authorities also acknowledge a nasal vowel. So, especially, wherever
 
 25 Anusvara. [ — 73 
 
 a final n is treated (208-9) as if it •were ns (its historically older form); 
 and also in a small number of specified words. They also mention the 
 doctrine of nasal vowel instead of anusvara as held by some (and TPr. 
 is uncertain and. inconsistent in its choice between the one and the other). 
 
 f. In Panini, finally, the prevailing doctrine is that of anusvara 
 everywhere; and it is even allowed in many cases where the Prati9akhyas 
 prescribe only a nasal mute. But a nasal semivowel is also allowed instead 
 before a semivowel, and a nasal vowel is allowed in the cases (mentioned 
 above) where some of the Praticakhyas require it by exception. 
 
 g. It is evidently a fair question whether this discordance and uncertainty 
 of the Hindu phonetists is owing to a real difference of utterance in different 
 classes of cases and in different localities, or whether to a different scholastic 
 analysis of what is really everywhere the same utterance. If anusvara 
 is a nasal element following the vowel, it cannot well be any thing but 
 either a prolongation of the same vowel-sound with nasality added, or a 
 nasalized bit of neutral-vowel sound (in the latter case, however, the altering 
 influence of an i or u-vowel on a following s ought to be prevented, which 
 is not the case: see 183). 
 
 72. The assimilated nasal element, whether viewed as nasalized \ 
 vowel, nasal semivowel, or independent anusvara, has the value of I 
 something added, in making a heavy syllable, or length by position (79). / 
 
 a. The Praticakhyas (VPr., RPr.) give determinations of the qiiantity 
 of the anusvara combining with a short and with a long vowel respectively 
 to make a long syllable. 
 
 73. a. Two different signs, ; and ^, are found in the manuscripts, 
 indicating the nasal sound here treated of. Usually they are written 
 above the syllable, and there they seem most naturally to imply a 
 nasal affection of the vowel of the syllable, a nasal (anunasika) vowel. 
 Hence some texts (Sama- and Yajur-Vedas), when they mean a real 
 anusvara, bring one of the signs down into the ordinary consonant- 
 place; but the usage is not general. As between tie 'two- signs, 
 some manuscripts enipjoy, ox.teud t»-etiq>l«yr th^-ir°'v?fiWe'" a nasalized 
 (anunasika) vowel is to be recognized, and elsewhere the i; and this 
 distlnctionjs consistently observed iu many European printed texts; 
 and the former is called the anunasika sign: but the two are doubt- 
 less originally and properly equivalent. 
 
 b. It is a very common custom of the manuscripts to write the 
 anusvara-sign for any nasal following the vowel of a syllable, either l 
 before another consonant or as final (not before a vowel), without \ 
 any reference to whether it is to be pronounced as nasal mute, nasal 
 semivowel, or anusvara. Some printed texts follow this slovenly and 
 undesirable habit; but most write a nasal mute whenever it is to be ^ 
 pronounced — excepting where it is an assimilated m (213).
 
 73—] 
 
 II. System of Sounds. 
 
 26 
 
 \ c. It is convenient also in transliteration to distinguish the as- 
 similated m by a special sign, m, from the anusvara of more inde- 
 pendent origin, n; and this method will be followed in the present work. 
 
 74. This is the whole system of sounds recognized by the written 
 character; for certain other transitional sounds, more or less widely 
 recognized in the theories of the Hindu phonetists, see below, 230. 
 
 75. The whole spoken alphabet, then, may be arranged 
 in the following manner, in order to show, so far as is 
 possible in a single scheme, the relations and important 
 classifications of its various members: 
 
 Son. 
 
 £1^ £t 
 
 19-T8 8-19 
 
 .^^ J- 
 
 o 
 1 v., u 
 
 •01 li-Sl -73 
 
 y 
 
 4-25 
 
 Surd • 
 
 Son. 
 
 Surd< 
 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 
 ■22 
 
 •35 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 •1.3 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 l^O' 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 
 
 1-31 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 5 •OS 
 
 n 
 
 1-03 
 
 1 
 
 •69 
 
 n 
 
 4-Sl 
 
 V 
 
 4^99 
 
 m 
 
 1-34 
 
 Vowels 
 
 Semivowels 
 
 Nasals 
 
 Anusvara 
 
 
 9 
 
 s 
 
 
 1^57 
 
 1-45 
 
 gh 
 
 jh 
 
 dh 
 
 •15 
 
 •01 
 
 •03 
 
 g 
 
 j 
 
 d 
 
 •82 
 
 •i)4 
 
 -J I 
 
 kh 
 
 ch 
 
 th 
 
 •13 
 
 •17 
 
 •or. 
 
 k 
 
 c 
 
 t 
 
 1-01) 
 
 b2fi 
 
 •211 
 
 Gutt. Pal. 
 
 Ling. 
 
 s 
 
 3-56 
 
 dh 
 
 •83 
 
 d 
 
 2-85 
 
 th 
 
 •.)8 
 
 t 
 
 l>'65 
 
 Dent. 
 
 Aspiration 
 Visarga 
 Sibilants 
 bh asp. 
 
 I-:;? 
 
 b unasp. 
 
 ■4'1 
 
 ph asp. 
 
 •03 
 
 p unasp. 
 
 2-4C 
 
 Lab. 
 
 Mutes 
 
 a. The figures set under the characters give the average per- 
 centage of frequency of each sound, found by counting the number 
 of times which it occurred in an aggregate of 10,000 sounds of con- 
 tinous text, in ten different passages, of 1,000 sounds each, selected 
 from different epochs of the literature: namely, two from the Rig-Veda, 
 one from the Atharva-Veda, two from different Brahmanas, and one 
 each from Manu, Bhagavad-Glta, Qakuntala, HitopadeQa, and Vasa- 
 vadatta (J.A.O.S., vol. X., p. cl).
 
 27 Quantity. [-79 
 
 III. Quantity of sounds and syllables. 
 
 76. The Hindu grammarians take the pains to define the 
 quantity of a consonant (without distinction among consonants 
 of different classes) as half that of a short vowel. 
 
 77. They also define the quantity of a long (dirgha) 
 vowel or diphthong as twice that of a short (hrasva) vowel — 
 making no distinction in this respect betAveen the guna- 
 and the vrddhi-diphthongs. 
 
 78. Besides these two vowel-quantities, the Hindus 
 acknowledge a third, called pl uta (literally swimming)^ or 
 protracted, and having three moras or three times the quantity 
 of a short vowel. A protracted vowel is marked by a follow- 
 ing figure 3 : thus, 5(1^ as. 
 
 a. The protracted vowels are practically of rare occurrence (in 
 RV., three cases; in AV., fifteen; in the Brahmana literature, decidedly 
 more ffe(Jire"Qt). They are used in cases of questioning, especially of 
 a balancing between two alternatives, and also of calling to a distance 
 or urgently. The protraction is of the last syllable in a word, or in 
 a Whole phrase; and the protracted syllable has usually the acute tone, 
 in addition to any other accent the word may have; sometimes it 
 takes also anusvara, or is made nasal. 
 
 b. Examples are: adJtiah. svid asi3d upari svid asist (RV.) teas 
 it, forsooth, below? was it, forsooth, above/ idam bhHyaa idasm iti 
 (AV.) saying, is this more, or is that? agna3i patnivaSh aomam piba 
 (TS.) O Agni! thou with thy spouse! drink the soma. 
 
 C. A diphthong is protracted by prolongation of its first or a-element : 
 thus, e to asiTo to a3u. -•'..,. -^ 
 
 d. The sign of protraction is also sometimes written as the result of 
 accentual combination, when so-called kampa occurs: see below, 87 d. 
 
 79. For metrical purposes, syllables (not vowels) are 
 distinguished by the grammarians as heavy (guru) or light 
 (laghu). A syllable is heavy if its vowel is long, or short 
 and followed by more than one consonant ("long by po- 
 sition") . Anusvara atud ,Yisg(.rsa,_-CftUftJ «a^^ulL consonants i n
 
 79—] II. System of Sounds. 28 
 
 making a heavy syllable. The last syllable of a pada (pri- 
 mary division of a verse) is reckoned as either heavy or 
 
 light. 
 
 a. The distinction in terras 'between the difference of long and short in 
 vowel-sound and that of heavy and light in syllable-construction is valuable, 
 and should be observed. 
 
 IV. Accent. 
 
 80. The phenomena of accent are, by the Hindu gram- 
 marians of all ages alike, described and treated as depend- 
 ing on a variation of tone or pitch; of any difference of 
 stress involved, they make no account. 
 
 81. The primary tones (svara) or accent-pitches are two: 
 a higher (udatta raised)^ or acute; and a lower (anudatta 
 not raised)^ or grave. A third (called svarita: a term of 
 doubtful meaning) is always of secondary origin, being (when 
 not enclitic: see below, 85) the result of actual combination 
 of an acute vowel and a following grave vowel into one 
 syllable. It is also uniformly defined as compound in pitch, 
 a union of higher and lower tone within the limits of a 
 single syllable. It is thus identical in physical character 
 with the Greek and Latin circumflex, and fully entitled to 
 
 be called by the same name. 
 
 82. Strictly, therefore, there is but one distinction of tone in the 
 Sanskrit accentual system, as described by the native grammarians 
 and marked in the written texts: the accented syllable is raised in tone 
 above the unaccented; while then further, in certain cases of the 
 fusion of an accented and an unaccented element into one syllable, 
 that syllable retains the compounded tone of both elements. 
 
 83. The svarita or circumflex is only rarely found on a pure long 
 vowel or diphthong, but almost always on a syllable in which a vowel, 
 short or long, is preceded by a y or v representing an originally acute 
 i- or u-vowel. 
 
 a. In transliteration, in this work, the udatta or acute will be 
 marked with the ordinary sign of acute, and the svarita or circumflex 
 (as being a downward slide of the voice forward) with what is usually 
 called the grave accent: thus, a, acute, ya or va, circumflex.
 
 29 Accent. [—85 
 
 84. The Pratigakhyas distinguish and name separately the circumflexed 
 tones arising by different processes of combination : thus, the circumflex is 
 called 
 
 a. Ksaipra (jMicA), -when an acute i- or u-vowel (short or long) is 
 converted into y or v before a dissimilar vowel of grave tone : thus, vyapta 
 from vi-apta, apsvant&r from apsu antar. 
 
 b. Jatya (tiative) or nitya [otvn), when the same combination lies 
 further back, in the make-up of a stem or form, and so is constant, or 
 belongs to the word in all circumstances of its occurrence: thus, kva (from 
 kua), svar (suar), nyak (niak), budhnya (^budhnia), kanya (kania), 
 nadyas (nadl-as), tanva (^tanu-a). 
 
 e. The words of both the above classes are in the_ Veda, in the great 
 majority of cases, to be read with restoration of the acute vowel as a separate 
 syllable: thus, apsu antar, suar, nadias, etc. In some texts, part of 
 them are written correspondingly : thus, suvar, tanuva, budhniya. 
 
 d. Pra9lista, when the acute and grave vpwels are of such character 
 that they a"i:e fused into a long vowel or diphthong (128 c) : thus, divi 'va 
 (RV. AV. etc.), from divi iva; sudgata (TS.), from su-udgata; nai 'va 
 '9niyat (QB.), from na eva agniyat. 
 
 e. Abhinihita, when an initial grave a is absorbed by a final acute 
 e or 6 (135 a): thus, te 'bruvan, from te abruvan; so 'bravit, from 
 so abravit. 
 
 85. But further, the Hindu grammarians agree in de- 
 claring the (naturally grave) syllable following an acute, 
 whether in the same or in another word, to be svarita or 
 Circumflex — unless, indeed, it be itself followed by an 
 acute or circumflex; in which case it retains its grave 
 tone. This is called by European scholars the enclitic or 
 dependent circumflex. 
 
 a. Thus, in tena and te ca, the syllable na and word ca are 
 regarded and marked as circumflex; but in tena te and te ca svar 
 they are grave. 
 
 b. This seems to mean that the voice, which is borne up at the higher 
 pitch to the end of the acute syllable, does not ordinarily drop to grave 
 pitch by an instantaneous movement, but descends by a more or less per- 
 ceptible slide in the course of the following syllable. No Hindu authority 
 suggests the theory of a middle or intermediate tone for the enclitic, any 
 more than for the independent circumflex. For the most part, the two are 
 identified with one another, in treatment and designation. The enclitic 
 circumflex is likewise divided into a number of sub-varieties, with different 
 names: they are of too little consequence to be worth reporting.
 
 86—] II. System of Sounds. 30 
 
 86. The essential diflference of the two kinds ot circumflex is 
 shown clearly enough by these facts: 1. the independent circumflex 
 takes the place of the acute as the proper accent of a word, while 
 the enclitic is the mere shadow following an acute, and following it 
 in another word precisely as in the same word; 2. the independent 
 circumflex maintains its character in all situations, while the enclitic 
 before a following circumflex or acute loses its circumflex character, 
 and becomes grave; moreover, 3. in many of the systems of marking 
 accent (below, 88), the two are quite differently indicated. 
 
 87. The accentuation is marked in manuscripts only of the older 
 literature: namely, in the primary Vedic texts, or samhitas, in two 
 of the Brahmanas (Taittiriya and Qatapatha), in the Taittirlya-Araiiyaka, 
 in certain passages of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, and in the Supaniadhyaya. 
 There are a number of methods of writing accent, more or less different 
 from one another: the one found in manuscripts of the Rig- Veda, 
 which is most widely known, and of which most of the others are 
 only slight modiflcatious, is as follows. 
 
 a. The acute syllable is left unmarked; the circumflex, whether 
 independent or enclitic, has a short perpendicular stroke above; and 
 the grave next preceding an acute or (independent) circumflex has a 
 short horizontal stroke below. Thus, 
 
 Sfinn agnim; ^l^TTrT j^ihoti; cF^ tanva; "ipT kva. 
 
 b. But the introductory grave stroke below cannot be given if an 
 acute syllable is initial; hence an unmarked syllable at the beginning 
 of a word is to be understood as acute; and hence also, if several 
 grave syllables precede an acute at the beginning of a sentence, they 
 must all alike have the grave sign. Thus, 
 
 ^: mdrah; cT te; ^[^C^Jh karisyasi; ^T^^TTfTT tuvijata. 
 
 c. All the grave syllables, however, which follow a marked cir- 
 cumflex are left unmarked, until the occurrence of another accented 
 syllable causes the one which precedes it to take the preparatory 
 stroke beloA^ Thus, 
 
 H^TJ|HTH«i^ sudrQikasamdrk ; 
 but H^Wt=Tin^rrTcTFT audfeikasamdrg gavam. 
 
 d. If an independent circumflex be followed by an acute (or by 
 another independent circumflex), a figure 1 is set after the former 
 circumflexed vowel if it be short, or a figure 3 if it be long, and the 
 signs of accent are applied as in the following examples: 
 
 EfC^^tT*. apsv aintah (from apsu antah); 
 ([TSrT^crf^! ray63 vanih (from rayo avanih).
 
 31 Accent. [—89 
 
 The rationale of this mode of designation is not well understood; the 
 Praticakhyas give no account of it In the scholastic utterance of the syllahle 
 so designated is made a peculiar quaver or roulade of the voice, called 
 kampa or vikampana. 
 
 e. The accent-marks are written with red ink in the manuscripts, heing 
 added after the text is written, and perhaps often by another hand. 
 
 88 a. Nearly accordant with this, the Rig-Veda method of designating 
 accent, are the methods employed in the manuscripts of the Atharva-Veda, 
 of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita, and of the Taittirlya-Saihliita, Brahmana, and 
 Aranyaka. Their differences from it are of trifling importance, consisting 
 mainly in peculiar ways of marking the circumflex that precedes an acute 
 (87 d). In some manuscripts of the Atharva-Veda, the accent-marks are 
 dots instead of strokes, and that for the circumflex is made within the 
 syllable instead of above it. 
 
 b. In most manuscripts of the Maitrayani-Samhita, the acute syllable 
 itself, besides its surroundings, is marked — namely, by a perpendicular 
 stroke above the syllable (like that of the ordinary circumflex in the RV. 
 method). The independent circumflex has a hook beneath the syllable, and 
 the circumflex before an acute (87 d) is denoted simply by a figure 3, 
 standing before instead of after the circumflexed syllable. 
 
 c. The ^atapatha-Brahmana uses only a single accent-sign, the horizontal 
 stroke beneath the syllable (like the mark for grave in RV.). This is put 
 under an acute, or, if two or more acutes immediately folloy one another, 
 only under the preceding syllable. To mark an independent circumflex, it 
 is put under the preceding syllable. The method is an imperfect one, allow- 
 ing many ambiguities. 
 
 d. The Sama-Veda method is the most intricate of all. It has a dozen 
 different signs, consisting of figures, or of figures and letters combined, all 
 placed above the syllables, and varying according both to the accentual character 
 of the syllable and to its surroundings. Its origin is obscure; if anything 
 more is indicated by it than by the other simpler systems, the fact has not 
 been demonstrated. 
 
 89. In this work, as everything given in the devanagari characters 
 is also given in transliteration, it will in general be unnecessary to 
 mark the accent except in the transliterated form; where, however, 
 the case is otherwise, there will be adopted the method of marking 
 only the really accented syllables, the acute and the independent 
 circumflex: the latter by the usual svarita-sign, the former by a small 
 u (for udatta) above the syllable: thus, 
 
 ^^ mdra, S^T ague, f^^" svar. ^^UH nadyas. 
 
 a. These being given, everything else which the Hindu theory recog- 
 nizes as dependent on and accompanying them can readily be understood 
 as implied.
 
 90—] 11. System of Sounds. 32 
 
 90. The theory of the Sanskrit accent, as here given (a consistent and 
 intelligible body of phenomena), has been overlaid by the Hindu theorists, 
 especially of the Pratigakhyas, with a number of added features, of a much 
 more questionable character. Thus : 
 
 a. The unmarked grave syllables following a circumflex (either at the 
 end of a sentence, or till the near aproach of another acute) are declared 
 to have the same high tone with the (also unmarked) acute. They are 
 called pracaya or pracita (^accumulated: because liable to occur in an 
 indefinite series of successive syllables). 
 
 b. The circumflex, whether independent or enclitic, is declared to begin 
 on a higher pitch than acute, and to descend to acute pitch in ordinary 
 cases: the concluding instant of it being brought down to grave pitch, 
 however, in the case of an independent circumflex which is immediately 
 followed by another ascent of the voice to higher pitch, in acute or inde- 
 pendent circumflex (a kampa syllable: 87 d). 
 
 c. Panini gives the ambiguous name of eTs.aqvuti-{monotone) to the 
 pracita syllables, and says nothing of the uplifting of the circumflex to 
 a higher plane ; he teaches, however, a depression below the grave pitch for 
 the marked grave syllable before acute or circumflex, calling it sannatara 
 (otherwise anudattatara). 
 
 91. The system of accentuation as marked in the Vedic texts appears 
 to have assumed In the traditional recitation of the Brahmanic schools 
 a peculiar and aitiflcial form, in which the designated syllj^bles, grave and 
 circumflex (equally the enclitic and the independent circumflex), have acquired 
 a conspicuous value, while the undesignated, the acute, has sunk into in- 
 significance. 
 
 92. The Sanskrit accent taught in the native grammars and 
 represented by the accentuated texts is essentially a system of word- 
 accent only. No general attempt is made (any more than in the 
 Greek system) to define or mark a sentence-accent, the effect of the 
 emphasis and modulation of the sentence in modifying the independent 
 accent of individual words. The only approach to it is seen in the 
 treatment of vocatives and personal verb-forms. 
 
 a. A vocative is usually without accent except at the beginning 
 of a sentence: for further details, see 314.^ 
 
 b. A personal verb-form is usually accentless in an independent 
 clause, except when standing at the beginning of the clause: for 
 further details, see 591 flf. 
 
 93. Certain other words also are, usaally or always, without 
 accent. 
 
 a. The particles ca, va, u, sma, iva, cid, svid, ha, and the Vedic 
 kam (or kam), gha, bhala, samaha, im, Bim, are always without 
 accent; also yatha in RV. (sometimes also elsewhere) in the sense of iva, 
 at the end of a pada or verse-division.
 
 33 Accent. [—96 
 
 b. The same is true of certain pronouns and pronominal stems : ma, 
 me, nau, nas, tva, te, vam, vas (491 b), ena (500), tva (503 b), 
 sama (513 c). 
 
 c. The cases of the pronominal stem a are sometimes accented and 
 sometimes accentless (502). 
 
 d. An accentless word is not allowed to stand at the beginning 
 of a sentence; also not of a pada or primary division of a verse; a 
 pada is, in all matters relating to accentuation, treated like an in- 
 dependent sentence. 
 
 94. Some words have more than a single accented syllable. 
 Such are : 
 
 a. Certain dual copulative compounds In the Veda (see 1255), as 
 mitravaruna, dyavaprthivi. Also, a few other Vedic compounds (see 
 1267 d), as bfhaspati, tanQnapat. 
 
 b. In a few cases, the further compounds and derivatives of such 
 compounds, as dyavaprthivivant, bfhaspatipranutta. 
 
 c. Infinitive datives in tavai (see 972 a), as etavai, apabhar- 
 tavai. 
 
 d. A word naturally barytone, but having its final syllable protracted 
 (see 78 a). 
 
 e. The particle vava (in the Brahmanas). 
 
 95. On the place of the accented syllable in a Sanskrit 
 
 word there is no restriction whatever depending upon either 
 
 the number or the quantity of the preceding or following 
 
 syllables. The accent rests where the rules of inflection 
 
 or derivation or composition place it, without regard to any 
 
 thing else. 
 
 a. Thus, {ndre, agnau, indrena, agnina, agninam, bahucyuta, 
 auapaeyuta, parjanyajinvita, abhimatisaha, anabhimlatavarna, 
 abhi^asticatana, hiranyava9imattania, catu9catvarin9adaksara. 
 
 96. Since the accent is marked only in the older litera- 
 ture, and the statements of the grammarians, with the 
 deduced rules of accentuation, are far from being sufficient 
 to settle all cases, the place of the stress of voice for a 
 considerable part of the vocabulary is undetermined. Hence 
 it is a general habit with European scholars to pronounce 
 Sanskrit words according to the rules of the Latin accent. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 3
 
 97—] III. Euphonic Combination. 34 
 
 97. In this work, the accent of each word and form will in 
 general be marked, so far as there is authority determining its place 
 and character. Where specific words and forms are quoted, they 
 will only be so far accentuated as they are found with accent in 
 accentuated texts. 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 RULES OF EUPHONIC COMBINATION. 
 Introductory. 
 
 98. The words in Sanskrit, as in the other languages related 
 with it, are in great part analysable into roots, suffixes of derivation, 
 and endings of inflection, these last being added mostly to stems 
 containing suffixes, but also sometimes directly to roots. 
 
 a. There are, of course, a certain numljer of uninflected -words — 
 indeclinables, particles; and also not a few that are incapable of analysis. 
 
 99. The Sanskrit, indeed, possesses an exceptionally analysable 
 character; its formative processes are more regular and transparent 
 than those of any other Indo-European tongue. Hence the prevailing 
 method of the Hindu native science of grammar, which sets up a 
 certain body of roots, and prescribes the processes by which these 
 may be made stems and words, giving the various added elements, 
 and laying down the rules by which their combination is effected. And 
 the same general method is, for like reason, followed also by European 
 grammarians. 
 
 100. The euphonic laws, accordingly, which govern the combination 
 of suffix or of ending with root or stem, possess a high practical im- 
 portance, and require to be laid down in preparation for the topics 
 of declension and conjugation. 
 
 101. Moreover, the formation of compounds, by joining two or 
 more simple stems, is extremely frequent in Sanskrit; and this kind 
 of combination has its own peculiar euphonic rules. And once more, 
 in the form of the language as handed down to us by its literature, 
 the words composing a sentence or paragraph are adapted to and 
 combined with one another by nearly the same rules which govern 
 the making of compounds; so that it is impossible to take apart and 
 understand a Sanskrit sentence without knowing those rules. Hence
 
 35 Introductory. [—103 
 
 an increased degree of practical importance belonging to the subject 
 of euphonic combination. 
 
 a. This euphonic interdependence of the words of a sentence is un- 
 known to any other language in anything like the same degree; and it 
 cannot but be suspected of being at least in part artificial, implying an 
 erection into necessary and invariable rules of what in the living language 
 were only optional practices. This is strongly indicated, indeed, by the 
 evidence of the older dialect of the Vedas and of the derived Prakritic 
 dialects, in both of wliich some of the rules (especially that as to tlie hiatus : 
 see 113) are often violated. 
 
 102. The roots which are authenticated by their occurrence in 
 the literary monuments of the language, earlier and later, number 
 between eight and nine hundred. About half of these belong fully i 
 to the language throughout its whole history; some (about a hundred . 
 and fifty) are limited to the earlier or pre-classical period ; some, » 
 again (over a hundred and twenty), make their first appearance in| 
 the later language. 
 
 a. There are in this number roots of very diverse character. Those 
 occurring only later are, at least in great part, presumably of secondary 
 origin ; and a certain number are even doubtless artificial, used once or 
 twice- because found in the root-lists of the Hindu grammarians (103). 
 But also of the rest, some are plainly secondary, while others are ques- 
 tionable; and not a few are variations or differentiated forms of one another, t 
 Thus, there are roots showing respectively r and 1, as rabh and labh, 
 raruc and mluc, ksar and ksal; roots with and without a strengthening I 
 nasal, as vand and vad, mand and mad; roots in a and in a nasal, as ' 
 kha and khan, ga and gara, ja and jan; roots made by an added a, ' 
 as tra from tr, mna from man, psa from bhas, ya from i; roots the | 
 product of reduplication, as jaks from ghas, dudh from dhii; roots with j 
 a final sibilant of formative origin, as bhaks and bhiks from bhaj, 
 naks from nacj, 9rus from (jru, has from ha; root-forms held apart by 
 a well-established discordance of inflection and meaning, which yet are 
 probably different sides of one root, as "krs drac/ ^nd 'kra plough, vid knoic 
 and vid Jind, vr enclose and vr choose ; and so on. In many such cases | 
 it is doubtful whether we ought to acknowledge two roots or only one; and 
 no absolute rule of distinction can be laid down and maintainel. 
 
 103. The list of roots given by the Hindu grammarians contains ' 
 about two thousand roots, without including all those which students of 
 the language are compelled to recognize. Considerably more than half of 
 this number, then, are unauthenticated by use ; and although some of 
 these may yet come to light, or may have existed without finding their 
 way into any of the preserved literary documents, it is certain that most 
 are fictitious : made in part for the explanation of words falsely described 
 as their derivatives, but in the main for unknown and perhaps undiscoverable 
 reasons. 
 
 3*
 
 103—] III. Euphonic Combination. 36 
 
 a. The roots unauthenticated by traceable use will be made no account 
 of in this grammar — or, if noticed, will be specifled as of that character. 
 
 104. The forms of the roots as here used will be found to differ 
 in certain respects from those given by the native grammarians and 
 adopted by some European works. Thus: 
 
 a. Those roots of which the initial n and s are regularly converted 
 to n and s after certain prefixes are by the Hindu grammarians given as 
 beginning with n and S; no western authority follows this example. 
 
 b. The Hindus classify as simple roots a number of derived stems: 
 reduplicated ones, as didhi, jagr, daridra; present-stems, as urnu; and 
 denominative stems, as avadhir, kumar, sabhag, mantr, santv, arth, 
 and the like. These are in European works generally reduced to their 
 true value. 
 
 c. A number of roots ending in an a which is irregularly treated in 
 the present-system are written in the Hindu lists with diphthongs — e or 
 ai or o; here they will be regarded as a-roots (see 251). The o of such 
 root-forms, especially, is purely arbitrary; no forms or derivatives made 
 from the roots justify it. 
 
 d. The roots showing interchangeably r and ir and ir or ur and 
 ur (242) are written by the Hindus with r or with r, or with both. The 
 f here also is only formal, intended to mark the roots as liable to certain 
 modifications, since it nowhere shows itself in any form or derivative. Such 
 roots will in this work be written with r. 
 
 e. The roots, on the other hand, showing a variation between r and 
 ar (rarely ra) as weak and strong forms will be here written with r, as by 
 the native grammarians, although many European authorities prefer the other 
 or strong form. So long as we write the unstreugthened vowel in vid and 
 91, in mud and bhii, and their like, consistency seems to require that we 
 write it in srj and kr also — in all cases alike, without reference to what 
 may have been the more original Indo-European form. 
 
 105. In many cases of roots showing more than one form, the selection ■ 
 of a representative form is a matter of comparative indifference. To deal 
 with such cases according to their historical character is the part rather of 
 an Indo-European comparative grammar than of a Sanskrit grammar. We 
 must be content to accept as roots what elements seem to have on the 
 whole that value in the existin;^; condition of the language. 
 
 106. Stems as well as roots have their variations of form (311). 
 The Hindu grammarians usually give the weaker form as the normal 
 one, and derive the other from it by a strengthening change; some 
 European authorities do the same, while others prefer the contrary 
 method; the choice is of unessential consequence, and may be deter- 
 mined in any case by motives of convenience. 
 
 107. We shall accordingly consider first of all, in the present 
 chapter, the euphonic principles and laws which govern the combination
 
 37 Introductory. [ — 109 
 
 of the elements of words and of words as elements of the sentence; 
 then will be taken up the subject of inflection, under the two heads 
 of declension and conjugation; and an account of the classes of 
 uninflected words will follow. 
 
 a. The formation of conjugational stems (tense and mode-stems; 
 also participles and infinitive) will be taught, as is usual, in connection 
 with the processes of conjugational inflection; that of uninflected 
 words, in connection with the various classes of those words. But 
 the general subject of derivation, or the formation of declinable stems, 
 will be taken up by itself later (chap. XVII.); and it will be followed 
 by an account of the formation of compound stems (chap. XVIII.). 
 
 108. It is by no means to be expected of beginners 
 in the language that they will attempt to master the rules 
 of euphonic combination in a body, before going on to learn 
 the paradigms of inflection. On the contrary, the leading 
 paradigms of declension may best be learned outright, 
 without attention, or with only a minimum of attention, 
 to euphonic rule. In taking up conjugation, however, it 
 is practically, as well as theoretically, better to learn the 
 forms as combinations of stem and ending, with attention 
 to such laws of combination as apply in the particular cases 
 concerned. The rules of external combination, governing 
 the make-up of the sentence out of words, should be 
 grappled with only when the student is prepared to begin 
 the reading or the formation of sentences. 
 
 Principles of Euphonic Combination. 
 
 109. The rules of combination (samdhi putting together) 
 are in some respects different, according as they apply — 
 
 a. to the internal make-up of a word, by the addition 
 of derivative and inflectional endings to roots and stems; 
 
 b. to the more external putting together of stems to 
 make compound stems, and the yet looser and more accidental 
 collocation of words in the sentence; 
 
 c. Hence they are usually divided into rules of internal | 
 combination, and rules of external combination.
 
 110—] III. Euphonic Combination. 38 
 
 110. In both classes of cases, however, the general principles 
 of combination are the same — and likewise, to a great extent, the 
 specific rules. The diflferences depend in part on the occurrence or 
 non-occurrence of certain combinations in the one class or the other; 
 in part, on the difference of treatment of the same sound as final of 
 a root or of an ending, the former being more persistent than the 
 latter; in part, on the occurrence in external combination of certain 
 changes which are apparently phonetic but really historical; and, most 
 frequent and conspicuous of all, on the fact that (157) vowels and 
 semivowels and nasals exercise a sonantizing influence in external 
 combination, but not in internal. Hence, to avoid unnecessary repe- 
 tition as well as the separation of what really belongs together, the 
 rules for both kinds of combination are given below in connection 
 with one another. 
 
 111. a. Moreover, before case-endings beginning with bh and s 
 (namely, bhyam, bhis, bhyas, su), the treatment of the finals of stems 
 is in general the same as in the combinations of words (pada) with 
 one another — whence those endings are sometimes called pada-end- 
 
 I ings, and the cases they form are known as pada-cases. 
 
 b. The importance of this distinction is somewhat exaggerated by the 
 ordinary statement of it. In fact, dh is the only sonant mute initial of au 
 ending occurring in conjugation, as bh in declension; and the difference 
 of their treatment is in part owing to the one coming into collision usually 
 with the final of a root and the other of an ending, and ii. part to the fact 
 that dh, as a dental, is more assimilable to palatals and Unguals than bh. 
 A more marked and problematic distinction is made between su and the 
 verbal endings si, sva, etc., especially after palatal sounds and s. 
 
 c. Further, before certain of the suffixes of derivation the final 
 of a stem is sometimes treated in the same manner as that of a Avord 
 in composition. 
 
 d. This is especially the case before secondary suffixes having a 
 >mark6dly distinct office, like the possessive mant and vant, the abstract- 
 •. making tva, the suffix of material maya, and so on; and it is much 
 
 more frequent in the later language than in the earlier. The examples are 
 
 ,', sporadic in character, and no rule can be given to cover them: for details, 
 
 ■see the various suffixes, in chap. XVII. In the RV. (as maybe mentioned 
 
 here) the only examples are vidyunmant (beside garutmant, kakud- 
 ^^ mant, etc.), prsadvant (beside datvant, marutvant, etc.), dhrsadvin 
 i (beside namasvin, etc.), (jagma (beside ajma, idhma, etc.), mrnmaya 
 
 (bcfidi! manasmaya, etc.), and ahamyu, kimyu, 9aniyu., and anhoyu, 
 
 duvoyii, askrdhoyu (beside namasyu, vacasyu, etc.); and the AV. 
 
 adds only sdhovan (IIV. sahavan). 
 
 112. The leading rules of internal combination (as already stated: 
 108) are those which are of most immediate importance to a beginner in 
 the language, since his first task is to master the principal paradigms of
 
 39 General Principles. [—117 
 
 inflection ; the rules of external combination may better be left uiitouclicil 
 until he comes to dealing with words in sentences, or to translating. Then, 
 however, they are indispensable, since the proper form of the words that 
 compose the sentence is not to he determined without them. 
 
 a. The general principles of combination underlying the euphonic 
 rules, and determining their classification, may be stated as follows: 
 
 113. Hiatus. In general, hiatus is forbidden; every 
 syllable except the initial one of a sentence, or of a word 
 or phrase not forming part of a sentence, must begin with 
 a consonant (or with more than one). 
 
 a. For details, and for exceptions, see 125 flf. 
 
 b. In the earlier language, however, hiatus in every position was 
 abundantly admitted. This appears plainly from the mantras, or metrical 
 parts of the Veda, where in innumerable instances y and v are to be read 
 as i and u, and, less often, a long vowel is to te resolved into two vowels, 
 in order to make good the metre: e. g., varyanam has to be read as 
 vari-a-na-am, sva9vyam as su-aq-vi-am, and so on. In the Brahmanas, 
 also, we find tvac, svar, dyaus described as dissyllables, vyana and 
 satyam as trisyllables, rajanya as of four syllables, and the liiie. See 
 further 129 e. 
 
 114. Deaspiration. An aspirate mute is liable to 
 lose its aspiration, being allowed to stand vmchanged only 
 before a vowel or semivoAvel or nasal. 
 
 115. Assimilation. The great body of euphonic 
 changes in Sanskrit, as elsewhere, falls under the general 
 head of assimilation — which takes place both between 
 sounds which are so nearly alike that the difference 
 between them is too insignificant to be worth preserving, 
 and between those which are so diverse as to be practically 
 incompatible. 
 
 116. In part, assimilation involves the conversion of 
 one sound to another of the same series, without change of 
 articulating position ; in part, it involves a change of position, 
 or transfer to another series. 
 
 117. Of changes within the series, the most frequent and im- 
 portant occur in the adaptation of surd and sonant sounds to one
 
 117—] III. Euphonic Combination. 40 
 
 another; but the nasals and 1 have also in certain cases their special 
 assimilative influence. Thus: 
 
 a. In the two classes of nou-nasal mutes and spirants, surd and sonant 
 are wholly incompatible ; no surd of either class can either precede or follow 
 a sonant of either. 
 
 b. A mute, surd or sonant, is assimilated hy heing changed to its 
 correspondent of the other kind ; of the spirants, the surd s is the only one 
 having a sonant correspondent, namely r, to which it is convertible in ex- 
 ternal combination (164 ff.). 
 
 c. The nasals are more freely comhinable : a nasal may either precede 
 for follow a mute of either kind, or the sonant spirant h; it may also follow 
 la surd spirant (sibilant); no nasal, however, ever precedes a sibilant in the 
 f interior of a word (it is chaTiged instead to anusvara); and in external 
 
 combination their concurrence is usually avoided by insertion of a surd mute. 
 
 d. A semivowel has still less sonantizing influence; and a vowel least 
 of all : both are freely preceded and followed by sounds of every other 
 class, in the interior of a word, 
 
 e. Before a sibilant, however, is found, of the semivowels, only r and 
 very rarely 1. Moreover, in external combination, r is often changed to its 
 surd correspondent s. 
 
 But 
 
 f. In composition and sentence-collocation, initial vowels and semi- 
 vowels and nasals also require the preceding final to be =3nant. And 
 
 g. Before a nasal and 1, the assimilative process is sometimes carried 
 further, by the conversion of a final mute to a nasal or 1 respectively. 
 
 118. Of conversions involving a change of articulate position, the 
 most important are those of dental sounds to lingual, and, less often, 
 to palatal. Thus: 
 
 a. The dental s and n are very frequently converted to s and n by 
 the assimilating influence of contiguous or neighbouring lingual sounds: the s, 
 even by sounds — namely, i- and u-vowcls and k — which have themselves 
 no lingual character. 
 
 b. A non-nasal dental mute is (with a few exceptions in external 
 combination) made lingual when it comes into collision with a lingual sound. 
 
 c. The dental mutes and sibilant are made palatal by a contiguous 
 palatal. 
 
 But also: 
 
 d. A m (not radical) is assimilated to a following consonant, of 
 whatever kind. 
 
 e. For certain anomalous cases, see 151. 
 
 119. The euphonic combinations of the palatal mutes, the palatal 
 sibilant, and the aspiration, as being sounds derived by phonetic 
 :ilteration from more original gutturals (42 ff.), are made peculiar
 
 41 General Principles. [ — 124 
 
 and complicated by two circumstances: their reversion to a guttural 
 form (or the appearance of the unaltered guttural instead of thein: 
 43;; and the different treatment of j and h according as they represent 
 one or another degree of alteration — the one tending, like c, more 
 to the guttural reversion, the other showing, like 9, a more sibilant 
 and lingual character. 
 
 120. The lingual sibilant s, also of derivative character 'from 
 dental s), shows as radical final peculiar and problematic phenomena 
 of combination. 
 
 121. Extension and abbreviation of conso- 
 nant-groups. The native grammarians allow or require 
 certain extensions, by duplication or insertion, of groups of 
 consonants. And, on the other hand, abbreviation of cer- 
 tain other groups is allowed, and found often practised in 
 the manuscripts. 
 
 122. Permitted Finals. The permitted occurrence 
 of consonants at the end of a word is quite narrowly 
 restricted. In general, only one consonant is allowed after 
 the last vowel; and that must be neither the aspiration, 
 nor a sibilant, nor a semivowel (save rarely ^ 1), nor an 
 aspirate mute, nor a sonant mute if not nasal, nor a palatal. 
 
 123. Increment and Decrement. Besides these 
 more or less regular changes accompanying the combination 
 of the parts that make up words, there is another class of 
 a different character, not consisting in the mutual adaptations 
 of the parts, but in strengthening or weakening changes of 
 the parts themselves. 
 
 124. It is impossible to carry through a perfectly systematic 
 arrangement of the detailed rules of euphonic combination, because 
 the different varieties of euphonic change more or less overlap and 
 intersect one another. The order observed below will be as follows: 
 
 1. Rules of vowel combination, for the avoidance of hiatus. 
 
 2. Rules as to permitted finals (since these underlie the further 
 treatment of final consonants in external combination). 
 
 3. Rules for loss of aspiration of an aspirate mute. 
 
 4. Rules of surd and sonant assimilation, including those for final 
 8 and r.
 
 124 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 42 
 
 5. Eules for the conversion of dental sounds to lingual and 
 
 palatal. 
 
 6. Rules for the changes of final nasals, including those in which 
 a former final following the nasal re-appears in combination. 
 
 7. Rules regarding the special changes of the derivative sounds 
 — the palatal mutes and sibilant, the aspiration, and the lingual 
 sibilant. 
 
 8. Rules as to extension and abbreviation of consonant groups. 
 
 9. Rules for strengthening and weakening processes. 
 Everywhere, rules for more sporadic and less classifiable cases 
 
 will be given in the most practically convenient connection; and the 
 Index will render what help is needed toward finding them. 
 
 Rules of Vowel Combination. 
 
 125. The concurrence of two vowels, or of vowel and 
 diphthong, without intervening consonant, is forbidden by 
 the euphony of the later or classical language. It is avoided, 
 according to the circumstances of the case, either by fusion 
 of the two concurrent sounds into one, by the reduction of 
 one of them to a semivowel, or by development of a semi- 
 vowel between them. 
 
 a. For the not infrequent cases of composition and sentence-combi- 
 nation in whicli the recent loss of a s or y or v between vowels leaves 
 a permanent hiatus, see below, 132 ff., 175-7; for certain final vowels 
 which are maintained unchanged in sentence-combination before an initial 
 vowel, see 138. 
 
 b. A very few words in their admitted written form show interior 
 hiatus; such are titaii sieve (perhaps for titasu, BR.), praiiga uat/on- 
 pole (for prayuga?); and, in RV., suliti. 
 
 c. The texts of the older dialect are written according to the euphonic 
 rules of the later language, although in them (see 113 b) the hiatus is 
 really of frequent occurrence. Hence they are not to be read as written, 
 but with constantly recurring reversal of the processes of vowel-combination 
 which they have been made artificially to undergo. See further 129 e. 
 
 d. Also in the later language, hiatus between the two padas or primary 
 divisions of a metrical line is tolerably frequent, and it is not unknown in 
 sporadic cases even in the interior of a pada. 
 
 e. The rules of vowel combination, as regards both the resulting 
 sound and its accent, are nearly the same in internal and in external 
 samdhi.
 
 43 Vowel Combination. [—127 
 
 126. Two similar simple vowels, short or long, coalesce, 
 and form the corresponding long vowel : thus, two a-vowels 
 (either or both of them short or long) form ^T a; two i-vowels, 
 ^ i; two u-vowels, 37 u; and, theoretically, two r- vowels 
 form f^ r, but it is questionable Avhether the case ever 
 practically occurs. Examples are: 
 
 H ^^^: sa ca 'prajah (ca-j-aprajah) ; 
 5lrft^ ati 'va (ati + iva) ; 
 HrtiH stiktam (su-uktam); 
 ^T^nrftrT raja "sit (raja + asit); 
 ^itn^! adhicvarah (adhi-i9varah) ; 
 sT^^HtT juhupabhrt (juhti — upabhrt). 
 
 a. A3 the atove examples indicate, it will be the practice everywhere 
 in this work, in transliteration (not in the devanagari text), to separate 
 independent words; and if an initial vowel of a following word has coalesced 
 with a final of the preceding, this will be indicated by an apostrophe — 
 single if the initial vowel be the shorter, double if it be the longer, of the 
 two different initials which in every case of combination yield the same result. 
 
 127. An a- vowel combines with a following i-vowel to 
 ^ e; with an u- vowel, to ^T o; with ^ r, to 5^" ar; with 
 ^ 1 (theoretically), to 51^ al; with ^ e or ^ ai, to ^ ai; with 
 
 -^ ^s^ 5::s^ 
 
 511 o or 5(T au, to CfT au. Examples are: 
 ^sF?r rajendra (raja-indra) ; 
 f%rTT^T^: hitopadecah (hita-upade9ah) ; 
 iT^fq': mahar§ih (maha-rsih); 
 V^ sai 'va (sa-|-eva); 
 ^TsT^n^ rajaicvaryam (raja-ai9varyam); 
 
 l^cjicfif^; divaukasah (diva-okasah); 
 
 • »^ _ _ . 
 
 scT^TPiryq" jvarausadham (jvara-ausadham). 
 
 a. In the Vedic texts, the vowel r is ordinarily written imohanged 
 after the a-vowel, which, if long, is shortened: thus, maharsih instead of 
 maharsili. The two vowels, however, are usually pronounced as one syllable. 
 
 b. When successive words like indra a ihi are to be combined, the 
 first combination, to indra, is made first, and the result is indre " 'hi 
 (not indrai " 'hi, from indra e 'hi).
 
 128 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 44 
 
 128. As regards the accent of these vowel combinations, it is 
 to be noticed that, 1. as a matter of course, the union of acute with 
 acute yields acute, and that of grave with grave yields grave; that 
 of circumflex with circumflex cannot occur; 2. a circumflex with 
 following acute yields acute, the final grave element of the former 
 being raised to acute pitch; a grave with following acute does the 
 same, as no upward slide of the voice on a syllable is acknowledged 
 in the language; but, 3. when the former of the fused elements is 
 acute and the latter grave, we might expect the resulting syllable 
 to be in general circumflex, to represent both the original tones. 
 Panini in fact allows this accent in every such case; and in a single 
 accentuated Brahmana text (^B.), the circumflex is regularly written. 
 But the language shows, on the whole, an indisposition to allow the 
 circumflex to rest on either long vowel or diphthong as its sole basis, 
 and the acute element is suffered to raise the other to its own level 
 of pitch, making the whole syllable acute. The only exception to 
 this, in most of the texts, is the combination of i and i, which be- 
 comes i: thus, divi 'va, from divi iva; in the Taittiriya texts alone 
 such a case follows the general rule, while u and u, instead, make 
 u: thus, sudgata from su-udgata. 
 
 129. The i-vowels, the u-vowels, and ^ r, before a 
 dissimilar vowel or a diphthong, are regularly converted each 
 into its own corresponding semivowel, ?T y or of v or T r. 
 Examples are: 
 
 ^r^l^ ity aha (iti + aha); 
 ^T^ madhv iva (madhu + iva); 
 ^\c^7\^ duhitrarthe (duhitr-arthej ; 
 ^?JHr stry asya (stri+asya): 
 ^U vadhvai (vadhu-ai). 
 
 a. But in internal combination the i and u-vowels are not seldom 
 changed instead to iy and uv — and this especially in monosyllables, 
 or after two consonants, where otherwise a group of consonants 
 difficult of pronunciation would be the result. The cases will be 
 noticed below, in explaining inflected forms. 
 
 b. A radical i-vowel is converted into y even before i in perfect 
 tense-inflection: so ninyima (nini -[- ima). 
 
 C. In a few sporadic cases, i and u bocomo iy and uv even in word- 
 composition : e. g., triyavi (_tri -f- avi), viyanga (vi + anga), suvita 
 (su + ita): compare 1204 b, c. 
 
 d. Not very seldom, the same word (especially as found in different 
 texts of the older language) has more than one form, showing various treatment
 
 45 Vowel Combination. [—131 
 
 of an i- or u-vowel : e. g. svar or siivar, tanve or tanuve, budhnya 
 or budhniya, ratryai or ratriyai. For the most part, doubtless, those 
 arc only two ways of writing the same pronunciation, sii-ar, budhnia, 
 and so on ; and the discordance has no other importance, historical or phonetic. 
 There is more or less of this difference of treatment of an i- or u-element 
 after a consonant in all periods of the language. 
 
 e. In the older language, there is a marked difference, in respct to 
 the frequency of vowel-combination for avoiding hiatus as compared with 
 that of non-combination and consequent hiatus, between the class of cases 
 where two vowel-sounds, similar or dissimilar, would coalesce into one (126, 
 127) and that where an i- or u-vowel would be converted into a semi- 
 vowel. Thus, in word-composition, the ratio of the cases of coalesced vowels 
 to those of hiatus are in RV. as five to one, in AV. as nineteen to one, 
 while the cases of semivowel-conversion are in RV. only one in twelve, in 
 AV. only one in five; in sentence-combination, the cases of coalescence 
 are in both RV. and AV. about as seven to one, while those of semivowel- 
 conversion are in RV. only one in fifty, in AV. one in five. 
 
 f. For certain cases of the loss or assimilation of i and u before y and 
 V respectively, see 233 a. 
 
 130. As regards the accent — here, as in the preceding case 
 (128), the only combination requiring notice is that of an acute i- or 
 u- vowel with a following grave: the result is circumflex; and such 
 cases of circumflex are many times more frequent than any and all 
 others. Examples are: 
 
 cuTy vyusti (vi-usti) ; ^M^IH abhyarcati ; 
 
 ;:j^ nadyau (nadi-au); 
 
 lH*(^ svista (su-ista); cT'^rfT tanvas (tanii-as). 
 
 a. Of a similar combination of acute r with following grave, only a 
 single case has been noted in accented texts : namely, vijnatr etat (i. e. 
 vijnatr etat: ^'B. xiv. 6. 8'i); the accentuation is in accordance with the 
 rules for i and u. 
 
 131. Of a diphthong, the final i- or u-element is changed 
 to its corresponding semivowel, q' y or ^ v, before any vowel 
 or diphthong: thus, ^ e (really ai: 28 a) becomes Wf ay, 
 and 511 o (that is, au: 28 a) becomes 5R av; ^ ai becomes 
 mU ay, and gj au becomes 5ITcT av. 
 
 a. No change of accent, of course, occurs here; each original 
 syllable retains its syllabic identity, and hence also its own tone. 
 
 b. Examples can be given only for internal combination, since in external 
 combination there are further changes: see the next paragraph. Thus, 
 
 ^^ naya (ne-a); Rm naya (nai-a); 
 
 11^ bhava (bho-a); >TR bhava (bhau-a).
 
 132—] III. Euphonic Combination. 46 
 
 132. In external combination, we have the important 
 additional rule that the semivowel resulting from the con- 
 version of the final element of a diphthong is in general 
 dropped; and the resulting hiatus is left without further 
 change. 
 
 133. That 'is to say, a final ^ e (the most frequent 
 case) becomes simply ^ a before an initial vowel (except 
 3^ a: see 135, below), and both then remain unchanged; 
 and a final 17 ai, in like manner, becomes (everywhere) 
 m a. Thus, 
 
 c\ SlTJTrrT : ta agatah (te + agatah) ; 
 
 '^X ^ nagara iha (nagare -f-iha); 
 
 ri^Hl ^I^rT tasma adadat (tasmai -f- adadat) ; 
 
 I^MI 3FfP^T striya uktam (striyai + uktam). 
 
 a. The later grammarians allow the y la such combinations to he either 
 retained or dropped; but the uniform practice of the manuscripts, of every 
 age, in accordance with the strict requirement of the Vedic grammars 
 (Praticakhyas), is to omit the semivowel and leave the hiatus. 
 
 b. The persistence of the hiatus caused by this omission is a plain 
 indication of the comparatively recent loss of the intervening consonantal 
 sound. 
 
 C. Instances, however, of the aToidance of hiatus by combination of the 
 remaining final vowel with the following initial according to the usual rules 
 are met with in every period of the language, from the RV. down; but 
 they are rare and of sporadic character. Compare the similar treatment of 
 the hiatus after a l()st final S, 176-7. 
 
 d. For the peculiar treatment of this combination in certain cases by 
 the, MS., see below, 176 d. 
 
 134. a. The diphthong o (except as phonetic alteration of final 
 as: see 175 a) is an unusual final, appearing only in the stem go 
 (361 c), in the voc. sing, of u-stems (341), in words of which the 
 final a is combined with the particle u, as atho, and in a few inter- 
 jections. In the last two classes it is uneombinable (below, 138 c,f); 
 the vocatives sometimes retain the v and sometimes lose it (the 
 practices of different texts are too different to be briefly stated); go 
 (in composition only) does not ordinarily lose its final element, but 
 remains gav or go. A final as becomes a, witii following hiatus, 
 before any vowel save a (for which, see the next paragraph).
 
 47 Vowel Combination. [—135 
 
 b. The ^ V of 5IT=T av from 3Q[T au is usually retained: 
 thus, 
 
 rTFTcT tav eva (tau + eva) ; 
 
 3HTTcI^?rFnt ubhav indragni (ubhau + indragni). 
 
 c. In the older language, however, it is in some texts dropped be- 
 fore an u-vowel: thus, ta ubhau ; in other texts it is treated like ai, or 
 loses its u-element before every initial vowel : thus, ta eva, ubha in- 
 dragni. 
 
 135. After final ^ e or ^T o, an initial ^ a disappears. 
 
 a. The resulting accent is as if tlie a were not dropped, but 
 rather absorbed into the preceding diphthong, having its tone duly 
 represented in the combination. If, namely, the e or o is grave or 
 circumflex and the a acute, the former becomes acute; if the e or 
 o is acute and the a grave, the former becomes circumflex, as usu- 
 ally in the fusion of an acute and a grave element. If both are 
 acute or both grave, no change, of course, is seen in the result. 
 Examples are: 
 
 rt -^^W^ te 'bruvan (te abruvan); 
 
 _^ O -N ^ ■" 
 
 HT ^JsTsftrT so 'bravit (sah abravit); 
 
 I^IHcTS^T 'SXH'. binsitavyo 'gnih (hinsitavyah. agnih); 
 
 in^'^ ^cfrcT yad indro 'bravit (yad indrah abravit); 
 
 U^rr^T^rn ^ST^cT yad rajanyo 'bravit (yad rajanyah 
 abravit). 
 
 b. As to the use of the avagraha sign in the case of such an elision, 
 see ahove, 16. In transliteration, the reversed apostrophe, or rough breath- 
 ing, will he used in this work to represent it. 
 
 c. This elision or absorption of initial a after final e or o, which in 
 the later language is the invariable rule, is in the Veda only an occasional | 
 occurrence. Thus, in the RV., out of nearly 4500 instances of such an > 
 initial a, it is, as the metre shows, to be really omitted only about seventy - 
 times; in the AV., less than 300 times out of about 1600. In neither 
 work is there any accordance in respect to the combination in question 
 between the written and spoken form of the text: in RV., the a is (as 
 written) elided in more tlian three quarters of the cases; in AV., in about 
 two thirds; and in both texts it is written in a number of instances where 
 the metre requires its omission. 
 
 d. In a few cases, an initial a is thtis elided, especially that of 
 atman. 
 
 e. To the rules of vowel combination, as above stated, there 
 are certain exceptions. Some of the more isolated of these will be
 
 135—] III. Euphonic Combination. 48 
 
 noticed where they come up in the processes of inflection etc.; a few 
 require mention here. 
 
 136. In internal combination: 
 
 a. The augment a makes with the initial vowel of a root the 
 combinations ai, au, ar (vrddhi-vowels: 235), instead of e, o, ar 
 fguna-vowels), as required by 127: thus, aita (a -[- ita) aubhnat 
 (a + ubhnat), ardhnot (a + rdhnot). 
 
 b. The flnal o of a stem (1203 a) becomes av before the suffix ya 
 (originally ia: 1210a). 
 
 c. The final vowel of a stem is often dropped when a secondary suffix 
 i3 added (1203 a). 
 
 d. For the weakening and loss of radical vowels, and for certain inser- 
 tions, see below, 249 ff., 257-8. 
 
 137. In external combination: 
 
 . a. The final a or a of a proposition, with initial r of a root, makes 
 
 1 ar instead of ar: Thus, archati (a + rchati), avarchati (ava + rchati), 
 uparsati (Q*B. : upa-f-rsati; but AV. uparsanti,'. 
 
 b. Instances are occasionally met with of a final a or a being lost 
 entirely before initial e or o: thus, in verb-forms, av' esyamas AB., 
 up' esatu etc. AV. ; in derivatives, as upetavya, upetr ; in compounds, 
 as da9oni, yathetam, and (permissibly) compounds with ostha (not rare), 
 otu (not quotable), odana, as adharostha or adharaustha, tilodana 
 or tilaudana; and even in sentence-combination, as iv' etayas, a9vin' 
 eva, yath' ocise (all RV.), tv' enian and tv' odman B.; and always 
 with the exclamation om or omkara. 
 
 c. The form uh from ]/vah sometimes makes the heavier or vrddhi 
 (235) diphthongal combination with a preceding a-vowel : thus, praudhi, 
 aksauhini (from pra + vidhi. etc.). 
 
 138. Certain final vowels, moreover, are uncombinable 
 (pragrhya), or maintain themselves unchanged before any 
 following vowel. Thus, 
 
 a. The vowels i, ti and e as dual endings, both of declen- 
 sional and of conjugational forms. Thus, bandhti asate imau; giri 
 arohatam. 
 
 b. The pronoun ami (nom. pi.: 501); and the Vedic pronominal 
 forms asme, yusme, tve (492 a). 
 
 c. A final o made by combination of a flnal a-vowel with the particle 
 I XL (1122 b): thus, atho, mo, no. 
 
 d. A final i of a Vedic locative case fro:n an i-stem (336 f). 
 
 e. A protracted flnal vowel (78). 
 
 , f. The flnal, or only, vowel of au interjection, as aho, he, a, i, u. 
 
 g. The older language shows occasional exceptions to these rules: thus, 
 a dual i combined with a following i, as nrpati 'va; an a elided after o, 
 as atho 'si ; a locative i turned into a semivowel, as vedy asyam.
 
 49 Permitted Finals. [ — 141 
 
 Permitted Finals. 
 
 139. The sounds allowed to occur as finals in Sanskrit 
 words standing by themselves (not in euphonic combination 
 with something following) are closely limited, and those 
 which would etymologically come to occupy such a position 
 are often variously altered, in general accordance with their 
 treatment in other circumstances, or are sometimes omitted 
 altogether. 
 
 a. The variety of consonants that would ever come at the end of either 
 an inflected form or a derivative stem in the language is very small : namely, 
 in forms, only t (or d), n, m, s ; in derivative stems, only t, d, n, r, s 
 (and, in a few rare words, j). But almost all consonants o.;cur as finals 
 of roots; and every root is liable to be found, alone or as last member of 
 a compound, in the character of a declined stem. 
 
 140. All the vowel sounds, both simple and diphthongal, 
 
 may be sounded at the end of a word. 
 
 a. But neither r nor 1 ever actually occurs; and r is rare (only as 
 neuter sing, of a stem in r or ar, or as final of such a stem in composition). 
 
 Thus, indra, Qivaya, akari, nadi, datu, camu, janayitr, agne, 
 (jivayai, vayo, agnau. 
 
 141. Of the non-nasal mutes, only the first in each series, 
 
 the non-aspirate surd, is allowed; the others — surd aspirate, 
 
 and both sonants — whenever they would etymologically 
 
 occur, are converted into this. 
 
 Thus, agnimat for agnimath, suhrt for suhrd, viriit for virudh, , 
 tristup for tristubh. I 
 
 a. In a few roots, when their final (sonant aspirate) thus ' 
 
 loses its aspiration, the original sonant aspiration of the 
 
 initial reappears: compare ^ h, below, 147. 
 
 Thus, dagh becomes dhak, budh becomes bhut, and so on. 
 The roots exhibiting this change are stated below, 155. 
 
 b. There was some question among the Hindu grammarians as to 
 whether the final mute is to be estimated as of surd or of sonant quality 
 but the great weight of authority, and the invariable practice of the manu- 
 scripts, favor the surd. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. a
 
 142 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 50 
 
 142. The palatals, however, form here (as often else- 
 where) an exception to the rules for the other mutes. No 
 palatal is allowed as final. The rK c reverts (43) to its 
 original Sff k: thus, ^T^ v5.k, 5(^FT^ anhomuk. The ^ ch 
 (only quotable in the root ^^ prach) becomes Z t: thus, 
 ^n?r prat. The sT j either reverts to its original guttural or 
 becomes Z t, in accordance with its treatment in other com- 
 binations (219): thus, fvm^ bhisak, f^TTT vir§t. The ^ jh 
 does not occur, but is by the native grammarians declared 
 
 convertible to Z t. 
 •\ 
 
 143. Of the nasals, the ^ m and ^ n are extremely 
 common, especially the former (JT m and H s are of all final 
 consonants the most frequent); the HT n is allowed, but is 
 quite rare; 3" & is found (remaining after the loss of a fol- 
 lowing ^ k) in a very small number of words (386 b, c, 
 407 a) ; 3T n never occurs. 
 
 a. But "the final m of a root is changed to n (compare 212 a, 
 below) : thus, akran from kram, agan, ajagan, aganigan from gam, 
 anau from nam, ayan from yam, pra9an from gam ; no other cases 
 are quotable. 
 
 144. Of the semivowels, the ^ I alone is an admitted 
 
 final, and it is very rare. The T r is (like its nearest surd 
 
 correspondent, V{ s: 145) changed as final to visarga. Of 
 
 U y and ^ v there is no occurrence, 
 -V ^ 
 
 145. Of the sibilants, none may stand unaltered at the 
 end of a word. The H s (which of all final consonants 
 would otherwise be the commonest) is, like ^l" r, changed to 
 a breathing, the visarga. The 51 9 either reverts (43) to its 
 original W< k, or, in some roots, is changed to ?; t (in accor- 
 dance with its changes in inflection and derivation: see 
 below, 218): thus, fer dik, but f^ vit. The q" s is like- 
 wise changed to ?; t^: thus, H\m pravrt. 
 
 a. The change of s to t is of rare occurrence : see below, 226 d.
 
 51 Permitted Finals. [—150 
 
 b. Final radical s is said ty the grammarianB to be changed to t ; but 
 no sure example of the conversion is quotable: see 168; and compare 
 555 a. 
 
 146. The compound ?T ks is prescribed to be treated 
 as simple ^ a (not becoming ^ k by 150, below). But 
 the case is a rare one, and its actual treatment in the older 
 language irregular. 
 
 a. In the only RV. cases where tlie ks has a quasi-radical character — 
 namely anak from anaks, and amyak from /myaks — the conversion ^ 
 is to k. Also, of forms of the s-aorist (see 890), we have adhak asrak, | 
 araik, etc. (for adhaks-t etc.); but also aprat, ayat, avat, asrat (for | 
 apraks-t etc.). And RV. has twice ayas from |/yaj, and AV. twice sras | 
 from |/srj (wrongly referred by BR. to ]/srans), both 2d sing., where the ^ 
 personal ending has perhaps crowded out the root-final and tense-sign. 
 
 b. The numeral sas six is perhaps better to be regarded as saks, with 
 its ks treated as s, according to the accepted rule. 
 
 147. The aspiration ^ h is not allowed to maintain i 
 itself, but (like sT J and 5T 9) either reverts to its original '' 
 guttural form, appearing as ^ k, or is changed to ?r t — 
 both in accordance with its treatment in inflection: see 
 below, 222. And, also as in inflection, the original sonant 
 aspiration of a few roots (given at 155 b) reappears when their 
 final thus becomes deaspirated. Where the ^ h is from 
 original y dh (223 g), it becomes FT t. 
 
 148. The visarga and anusvara are nowhere etymolog- 
 ical finals; the former is only the substitute for an original 
 final FT s or T r; the latter occurs as final only so far as 
 it is a substitute for ^ m (213 h). 
 
 149. Apart from the vowels, then, the usual finals, 
 nearly in the order of their frequency, are : h, IT m, ^ n, 
 cT t, ^ k, ^ p, TT t; those of only sporadic occurrence are 
 3 a, ^1, IT n; and, by substitution, - m. 
 
 150. In general, only one consonant, of whatever kind, 
 is allowed to stand at the end of a word; if two or more 
 would etymologically occur there, the last is dropped, and 
 
 again the last, and so on, till only one remains. 
 
 4*
 
 150—] III- Euphonic Combination. 52 
 
 a. Thus, tudants becomes tudant, and this tudan; udane-s 
 becomes udank (142), and this udan; and aehantst (s-aor., 3d sing., 
 of ]/cliand [890 b]) is in like manner reduced to achan. 
 
 Ib. But a non-nasal mute, if radical and not suffixal, is retained 
 after r: thus, urk from urj, vark from |/vrj, avart from |/vrt, amart 
 from ymrj, suhart from suhard. The case is not a common one. 
 
 c. For relics of former double finals, preserved by the later language 
 under the disguise of apparent euphonic combinations, see below, 207 ff. 
 
 151. Anomalous conversions of a final mute to one of another class 
 are occasionally met with. Examples are : 
 
 f a. Of final t to k: thus, 1. in a few words that have assumed a 
 
 special value as particles, as jyok, tajak (beside tajat), rdhak (beside 
 fdhat), prthak, drak; and of kindred character is khadagdant (TA.); 
 
 2. in here and there a verbal form, as savisak (AV. and VS. Kan.), 
 dambhisak (Apast.), avisyak (Parask.), ahalak (VS. MS. ; = aharat); 
 
 3. in root-finals or the t added to root-stems (383 e), as -dhrk for -dhrt 
 (Sutras and later) at the end of compounds, SU9ruk (TB.), prksu (SV.) ; 
 and 4. we may further note here the anomalous enksva (AB. ; for intsva, 
 }/idh) and avaksam (AB.), and the feminines in kni from masculines 
 in ta (1176 d). 
 
 b. Of final d or t to a lingual: thus, pad in Vedic padbhfs, 
 pddgrbhi, padbi9a; upanadbhyam (QB.); vy avat (MS. iii. 4. 9; 
 ]/vas shine), and perhaps apa 'rat (MS. ; or ]/raj ?). 
 
 e. Of k or j to t, in an isolated example or two, as samyat, asrt, 
 vigvasft (TS. K.), and prayatsu (VS. Ts.; AV. -ksu). 
 
 d. In Taittiriya texts, of the final of anustubh and tristubh to a 
 guttural: as, anustuk ca, tristugbhis, anustugbhyas. 
 
 e. Of a labial to a dental: in kakiid for and beside kakubh; in 
 samsfdbliis (TS.) from i/srp ; and in adbhis, adbhyas, from ap or 
 ap (393). Excepting the first, these look like cases of dissimilation; yet 
 examples of the combination bbh are not very rare in the older language : 
 thus, kakubbhyam, tristubbhis, kakubbhanda, anustiib bhi. 
 
 f. The forms pratidhuaas, -sa (Taittiriya texts) from pratiduh are 
 isolated anomalies. 
 
 152. For all the processes of external combination — 
 that is to say, in composition and sentence-collocation — 
 a stem-final or word-final is in general to be regarded as 
 having, not its etymological form, but that given it by the 
 rules as to permitted finals. From this, however, are to be 
 excepted the s and r: the various transformations of these 
 sounds have nothing to do with the visarga to which as
 
 53 Deaspiration. [ — 155 
 
 finals before a pause they have — doubtless at a com- 
 paratively recent period of phonetic history — come to be 
 reduced. Words will everywhere in this work be written 
 with final s or r instead of h; and the rules of combination 
 will be stated as for the two more original sounds, and not 
 for the visarga. 
 
 Deaspiration. 
 
 153. An aspirate mute is changed to a non-aspirate 
 before another non-nasal mute or before a sibilant; it stands 
 unaltered only before a vowel or semivowel or nasal. 
 
 a. Such a case can only arise in internal combination, since the 
 processes of external combination presuppose the reduction of the aspirate 
 to a non-aspirate surd (152). 
 
 b. Practically, also, the rules as to changes of aspirates concern 
 almost only the sonant aspirates, since the surd, being of later development 
 and rarer occurrence, are hardly ever found in situations that call for their 
 application. 
 
 154. Hence, if such a mute is to be doubled, it is 
 doubled by prefixing its own corresponding non-aspirate. 
 
 a. But in the manuscripts, both Vedic and later, an aspirate mute 
 is not seldom found written double — especially, if it be one of rare occvir- 
 rence: for example (RV.), akhkhali, jajhjhati 
 
 155. In a few roots, when a final sonant aspirate (^ 
 gh, ^ dh, H bh; also ^ h, as representing an original ^ gh) 
 thus loses its aspiration, the initial sonant consonant (JT g 
 or ^ d or sT b) becomes aspirate. 
 
 a. That is to say, the original initial aspirate of such roots is restored, | 
 when its presence does not interfere with the euphonic law, of comparatively I 
 recent origin, which (in Sanskrit as in Greek) forbids a root to both begin 
 and end with an aspirate. 
 
 b. The roots which show this peculiar change are: I 
 
 in gh — dagh ; 
 
 in h (for original gh) — dah, dih, duh, druh, drnh, guh ; and 
 also grah (in the later desiderative jighrksa) ; 
 
 in dh — bandh, badh, budh; ' 
 
 in bh — dabh (but only in the later desiderative dhipsa for which 
 the older language has dipsa).
 
 155 ] III. Euphonic Combination. 54 
 
 C. The same change appears when the law as to finals causes the loss 
 of the aspiration at the end of the root: see ahove, 141. 
 4 d. But from dah, duh, druh, and gvih are found In the Veda 
 
 I also forms without the restored initial aspirate: thus, daksat; aduksat; 
 ^ duduksa etc.; juguksa; mitradriik. 
 
 e. The same analogy is followed by dadh, the ahhreviated substitute 
 of the present-stems dadha, from ydha (667), in some of the forms of 
 conjugation: thus, dhatthas from dadh + thas, adhatta from adadli + 
 ta, adhaddhvam from adadh + dhvam, etc. 
 
 f. No case is met with of the throwing back of an aspiration upon 
 combination with the 2d sing. impv. act. ending dhi : thus, dugdhi, 
 daddhi (RV.), but dhugdhvam, dhaddhvam. 
 
 Surd and Sonant Assimilation. 
 
 156. Under this head, there is especially one very marked 
 and important difference between the internal combinations 
 of a root or stem with suffixes and endings, and the external 
 combinations of stem with stem in composition and of word 
 with word in sentence-making: namely — 
 
 157. a. In internal combination, the initial vowel or 
 semivowel or nasal of an ending of inflection or derivation 
 exercises no altering influence upon a final consonant of the 
 root or stem to which it is added. 
 
 b. To this rule there are some exceptions : thus, some of the derivatives 
 noted at Hid; final d of a root before the participial suffix na (957 d); 
 and the forms noted below, 161 b. 
 
 c. In external combination, on the other hand, an initial 
 sonant of whatever class, even a vowel or semivowel or 
 nasal, requires the conversion of a final surd to sonant. 
 
 d. It has been pointed out above (152) that in the rules of external 
 combination only admitted finals, along with s and r, need be taken 
 account of, all others being regarded as reduced to these before combining 
 with initials. 
 
 158. Final vowels, nasals, and FT^l are nowhere liable 
 to change in the processes of surd and sonant assimilation. 
 
 a. The r, however, has a corresponding surd in s, to which it is 
 sometimes changed in external combination, under circumstances that 
 favor a surd utterance (178).
 
 55 Assimilation. [—161 
 
 159. With the exceptions above stated, the colhsion 
 of surd and sonant sounds is avoided in combinations — 
 and, regularly and usually, by assimilating the final to the 
 following initial, or by regressive assimilation. 
 
 Thus, in internal combination: atsi, atti, atthas, atta C|/ad-f- 
 si etc.); 9agdhi, Qagdhvam yQak + dhietc); — in external combination, 
 abhud ayam, jyog jiva, sad a9itayah, tristub dpi, dig-gaja, sad- 
 aha, arcad-dhuma, brhad-bhanu, ab-ja. 
 
 160. If, however, a final sonant aspirate of a root is 
 followed by rT t or ?T th of an ending, the assimilation is in 
 the other direction, or progressive: -the combination is made 
 sonant, and the aspiration of the final (lost according to 153, 
 above) is transferred to the initial of the ending. 
 
 Thus, gh with t or th becomes gdh; dh with the same becomes 
 ddh, as buddha (>/budh -|- ta), ruddhas (]/rundh. + thas or tas) ; 
 bh with the same becomes bdh, as labdha (ylabh + ta), labdhva 
 (]/labh + tva). 
 
 a. Moreover, h, as representing original gh, is treated in the same 
 manner: thus, dugdha, dogdhum. from duh — and compare rudha 
 and lidha from ruh and lih, etc., 222 b. 
 
 b. In this combination, as the sonant aspiration is not lost but transferred, 
 the restoration of the initial aspiration (1 55) does not take place. 
 
 c. In dadh from ydha (155 e), the more normal method is followed; 
 the dh is made surd, and the Initial aspirated: thus, dhatthas, dhattas. 
 And RV. has dhaktam instead of dagdham from ydagh; and TA. has 
 inttam instead of inddham from }/idh. 
 
 161. Before a nasal in external combination, a final 
 mute may be simply made sonant, or it may be still further 
 assimilated, being changed to the nasal of its own class. 
 
 Thus, either tad namas or tan namas, vtg me or van me, bad 
 mahan or ban mahan, tristub ntinam or tristum niinam, 
 
 a. In practice, the conversion into a na^al is almost invariably made 
 in the manuscripts, as, indeed, it is by the Praticakhyas required and not 
 permitted merely. Even by the general grammarians it is required in the 
 compound sannavati, and before matra, and the suffix maya (1225): 
 thus, vanmaya, mrnmaya. 
 
 b. Even in internal combination, the same assimilation is made in 
 some of the derivatives noted at 111 d, and in the na-participles (957 d). 
 And a few sporadic instances are met with even in verb-inflection : thus.
 
 161 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 56 
 
 stinnoti, stinnuyat (MS. ; for stighn-), mrnnita {h(^S. ; for mrdn-), 
 janmayana (KS. ; for jagm-); these, however (like the double aspirates, 
 154 a), are douhtless to he rejected as false readings. 
 
 162. Before 1, a final t is not merely made sonant, but fully 
 assimilated, becoming 1: thus, tal labhate, uUuptam. 
 
 163. Before ^ li (the case occurs only in external com- 
 bination), a final mute is made sonant; and then the ^ li 
 may either remain unchanged or be converted into the 
 sonant aspirate corresponding with the former: thus, either 
 cjf^ tad hi or rTT% tad dhi. 
 
 a. In practice, the latter method is almost invariably followed; and the 
 grammarians of the Praticakhya period are nearly unanimous in requiring it. 
 The phonetic difference between the two is very slight. 
 
 Examples are: vag ghutah, saddhota (sat-j-hota), taddhita 
 (tat + hita), anustub bhi. 
 
 Combinations of final n s and T r. 
 
 164. The euphonic changes of ^ s and ^ r are best 
 considered together, because of the practical relation of 
 the two sounds, in composition and sentence-collocation, 
 as corresponding surd and sonant: in a host of cases H s 
 becomes T r in situations requiring or favoring the occur- 
 Tence of a sonant; and, much less often, ;|" r becomes ^ s 
 where a surd is required. 
 
 a. In internal combination, the two are far less exchangeable with 
 one another: and this class of cases may best be taken up first. 
 
 I 165. Final r radical or quasi-radical (that is, not belonging to 
 
 I an ending of derivation) remains unchanged before both surd and sonant 
 
 5 sounds, and even before su in declension: thus, piparsi, caturtha, 
 
 ' catursu, piirsu. 
 
 166. Final radical b remains before a surd in general, and usu- 
 ally before s, as in Qassi, 9assva, asse, a9i8su (the last is also 
 written aqihsu: 172): but it is lost in asi (|/as-|-si: 636). Before 
 a sonant (that is, bh) in declension, it is treated as in external com- 
 bination: thus, a9irbhis. Before a sonant (that is, dhj in conjugation, 
 it appears to be dropped, at least after long a : thus, gadhi, ga9adhi, 
 cakadhi (the only quotable cases); in edhi (/as + dhi: 636) the 
 root syllable is irregularly altered; but in 2d perss. pi., made with 
 flhvam, as adhvam, gadhvam, aradhvam (881 a), vadhvam ()/vas
 
 57 Final s and r. [—169 
 
 clothe), it is, on account of the equivalence and interchangeability of 
 dhv and ddhv (232), impossible to say whether the s in omitted or 
 converted into d. 
 
 a. Final radical s is very rare; RV. (twice, both 2d pers. sing.) treats 
 aghas from /ghas in the same manner as any ordinary word ending 
 in as. 
 
 b. For certain cases of irregular loss of the s of a root or tense-stem, 
 see 233 b-e. 
 
 167. In a very few cases, final radical s before 3 is changed to 
 t (perhaps by dissimilation): they are, from |/vas dwell (also sporad- 
 ically from vas sldne, ^B., and vas clothe, Har.), the future vatsyami 
 and aorist avatsam; from |/glias, the desiderative stem jighatsa. 
 
 a. For t as apparent ending of the 3d sing, in s-verhs, see 555 a. 
 
 168. According to the grammarians, the final s of certain other roots, 
 used as noun-stems, hecomes t at tlie end of the word, and hefore bh and 
 su: thus, dhvas, dhvadbhis, sradbhyas, sratsu. But genuine examples 
 of such change are not quotable. 
 
 a. Sporadic cases of a like conversion are found in the Veda: namely, 
 madbhis and madbhyas from mas : usadbhis from usas ; svatavad- 
 bhyas from svatavas; svavadbhis etc. (not qviotable) from svavas. 
 But the actuality of the conversion here is open to grave doubt; it rather 
 seems the substitution of a t-stem for a s-stem. The same is true of the 
 change of vans to vat in the declension of perfect participles (458). The 
 stem anadvaJh (404), from anas-vah, is anomalous and Isolated. 
 
 b. In the compounds ducchuna (dus-guna) and parucchepa 
 (parus-^epa), the final s of the first member is treated as if a t (203). 
 
 169. As the final consonant of derivative stems and of inflected 
 forms, both of declension and of conjugation, s is extremely frequent; 
 and its changes form a subject of first-rate importance in Sanskrit 
 euphonJ^ The r, on the other hand, is quite rare. 
 
 a. The r is found as original final in certain case-forms of stems in 
 r or ar (369 ff.) ; in root-stems in ir and ur from roots in r (383 b) ; 
 in a small number of other stems, as svar, ahar and ddhar (beside 
 ahan and udhan: 430), dvar or dur, and the Vedic vadhar, usar-, 
 vasar-, vanar-, 9rutar-, sapar-, sabar-, athar- (cf. 176 c); in a 
 few particles, as antar, pratar, punar; and in the numeral catui' 
 (482 g). 
 
 b. The euphonic treatment of s and r yielding precisely the same 
 result after all vowels except a and a, there are certain forms with regard 
 to which it is uncertain whether they end in s or r, and opinions differ 
 respecting them. Such are ur (or us) of the gen.-abl. sing, of r-stem? 
 (371 c), and us (or ur) of the 3d plur. of verbs (550 c).
 
 170 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 58 
 
 170. a. The H s, as already noticed (145), becomes 
 visarga before a pause. 
 
 b. It is retained unchanged only when followed by 
 rT t or ?I th, the surd mutes of its own class. 
 
 c. Before the palatal and lingual surd mutes — ^T c and 
 ^ eh, Z t and Z th — it is assimilated, becoming the sibilant 
 of either class respectively, namely 5T 9 or ^ s. 
 
 d. Before the guttural and labial surd mutes — Sfj k and 
 I?f kh, ^ p and QT ph — it is also theoretically assimilated, 
 becoming respectively the jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya 
 spirants (69); but in practice these breathings are unknown, 
 and the conversion is to visarga. 
 
 Examples are : to b. tatas te, eaksus te ; to e. tatag ca, tasyag 
 chaya; padas talati ; to d. nalah kamam, purusah khanati; ya9ah 
 prapa, vrksah phalavan. 
 
 171. The first three of these rules are almost universal; to the 
 last one there are numerous exceptions, the sibilant being retained (or, 
 by 180, converted into s), especially in compounds; but also, in the 
 Veda, even in sentence combination. 
 
 a. In the Veda, the retention of the sibilant in compounds is the general 
 rule, the exceptions to which are detailed in the Vedic grammars. 
 
 b. In the later language, the retention is mainly determined by the 
 , intimacy or the antiquity and frequency of the combination. Thus, the final 
 
 sibilant of a preposition or a word filling the office of a preposition before 
 a verbal root is wont to be preserved ; and that of a stem before a derivative 
 of ykr, before pati, before kalpa and kama, and so on. Examples are 
 namaskara, vacaspati, ayuskama, payaskalpa. 
 
 c. The Vcdic retention of the sibilant in sentence-collocation is detailed 
 in full in the Prati9akhyas. The chief classes of cases are: 1. the final of 
 
 i a preposition or its like before a verbal form ; 2. of a genitive before a 
 '■ governing noun : as div&s putrah, idas pade ; 3. of an ablative before 
 
 pari: as him&vatas pari; 4. of other less classifiable cases: as dyaus 
 
 pita, tris putva, yas patih, paridhis patati, etc. 
 
 > 172. Before an initial sibilant — 5T 9, ^ s, H s — H s 
 
 ; is either assimilated, becoming the same sibilant, or it is 
 [ changed into visarga. 
 
 a. The native grammarians are in some measure at variance (see 
 APr. ii. 40, note) as to which of these changes should be made, and in
 
 59 COMBINATIOKS OF FiNAL B. [ — 175 
 
 part they allow either at pleasure. The usage of the manuscripts is also 
 discordant ; the conversion to visarga is the prevalent practice, though the 
 sibilant is also not infrequently found written, especially in South-Indian 
 manuscripts. European editors generally write visarga; hut the later 
 dictionaries and glossaries generally make the alphabetic place of a word the 
 same as if the sibilant were read instead. 
 
 Examples are: manuh svayam or manus sv^ayam; indrah 9iirah 
 or indra9 qlirah; tah sat or tas sat. 
 
 173. There are one or two exceptions to these rules: 
 
 a. If the initial sibilant has a surd mute after it, the final s may be \ 
 dropped altogether — and by some authorities is required to be so dropped. , 
 Thus, vayava stha or vayavah stha; catustanam or catuhstanam. i 
 With regard to this point the usage of the different manuscripts and editions | 
 is greatly at variance. 
 
 b. Before ts, the s is allowed to become visarga, instead of being 
 retained. 
 
 174. Before a sonant, either vowel or consonant (ex- 
 cept T r: see 179), H s is changed to the sonant ^ r — 
 unless, indeed, it be preceded by 5[ a or 5(1 a. 
 
 Examples are : devapatir iva, Qrir iva ; manur gaeehati, taniir 
 apsu; svasrr ajanayat; tayor adrstakamah ; sarvair gunaih; agner 
 manve. 
 
 a. For a few cases like duda9a, dunaQa, see below, 199 d. 
 
 b. The exclamation bhos (456) loses its s before vowels and sonant i 
 consonants; thus, bho naisadha (and the s is sometimes found omitted f 
 also before surds). 
 
 c. The endings 3^ as and ^TTTT as (both of which are 
 extremely common) follow rules of their own, namely: 
 
 175. a. Final ^^ as, before any sonant consonant and 
 
 before short 51 a, is changed to 5[T o — and the ?T a after 
 
 it is lost. 
 
 b. The resulting accentuation, and the fact that the loss of a is only 
 occasional in the older language of the Veda, have been pointed out above, 
 135 a, c. 
 
 Examples are: nalo uama, brahmanyo vedavit; manobhava; 
 hantavyo 'smi; anyonya (anyas -j- anya), ya9ortham (yagas + 
 artham). 
 
 e. Final ^H as before any other vowel than ^ a loses 
 its H s, becoming simple 5( a; and the hiatus thus occasion- 
 ed remains.
 
 175 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 60 
 
 d. That is to say, the o from as is treated as an original e is treated 
 in the same situation: see 132-3. 
 
 Examples are: brhadagva uvaca, aditya iva, namaiikti, 
 vasyaisti. 
 
 176. Exceptions to the rules as to final as are: 
 
 ! a. The nominative masculine pronouns sas and esas and (Vedic) 
 
 syas (495 a, 499 a, b) lose their s hefore any sonsonant: thus, sa 
 ' dadarga he saw, esa purusah this man; hut so 'bravit he said, 
 ^ purusa esah. 
 
 b. Instances are met with, hoth in the earlier and in the later lan- 
 I guage, of effacement of the hiatus after alteration of as, hy comhination 
 
 of the remaining final a with the following initial vowel .- thus, tato 
 Vaca (tatas -)- uvaca), payosni (payas-t-usni), adhasana (adhas-f- 
 asana): compare 133 e, 177 b. In the Veda, such a comhination is 
 sometimes shown hy the metre to he required, though the written text has 
 the hiatus. But sa in RV. is in the great majority of cases combined with 
 the following vowel: e. g., se 'd for sa id, sa 'smai for sa asmai, 
 sau 'sadhih for sa osadhih; and similar examples are found also in the 
 other Vedic texts. 
 
 c. Other sporadic irregularities in the treatment of final as occur. 
 Thus, it is changed to ar instead of o once in RV. in avas, once in SV. 
 in avas (RV. avo), once in MS. in dambhisas; in bhuvas (second of 
 the trio of sacred utterances bhiis, bhuvas, svar), except in its earliest 
 occurrences; in a series of words in a Brahmana passage (TS. K.), viz. 
 jinvar, ugrar, bhimar, tvesar, 9rutar, bhiitar, and (K. only) pUtar; 
 in janar and mahar; and some of the ar-stems noted at 169 a are perhaps 
 of kindred character. On the other hand, as is several times changed to o 
 in RV. hefore a surd consonant; and sas twice, and yas once, retains its 
 final sibilant in a like position. 
 
 d. In MS., the final a left hefore hiatus hy alteration of either as 
 (o) or e (133) is made long if itself unaccented and if the following initial 
 vowel is accented: thus, sura eti (from suras + eti), nirupyata fndraya 
 (from -yate + ind-), and also karya eka- (from karyas, because virtually 
 karias) ; but aditya mdrah (from adityas + indrah), eta {tare (from 
 ete + itare). 
 
 177. Final STTH as before any sonant, whether vowel or 
 I consonant, loses its H s, becoming simple SfT a; and a hiatus 
 thus occasioned remains. 
 
 a. The maintenance of the hiatus in these cases, as in that of o and 
 e and ai (above, 133-4), seems to indicate a recent loss of the intermediate 
 sound. Opinions arc divided as to what this should have been. Some of 
 the native grammarians assimilate the case of as to that of ai, assuming
 
 gj Combinations of Final r. [ — 180 
 
 the conversion to ay in botli alike — but probably only as a matter of 
 formal convenience in rule-making. 
 
 b. Here, too (as in the similar cases of e and ai and o: 133 c, 
 176 b), there are examples to be found, both earlier and later, of effacement 
 of the hiatus. 
 
 178. Final T r, in general, shows the same form which 
 H s would show under the same conditions. 
 
 a. Thus, it becomes visarga when final, and a sibilant or visarga 
 before an initial surd mute or sibilant (170): thus, rudati punah, 
 dvas tat, sva9 ca, eatu9catvarin9at; and (111c, d) pratastana, 
 antastya, catustaya, dhtistva; pratah karoti, antahpata. 
 
 b. But original final r preceded by a or a maintains itself un- 
 clianged before a sonant: thus, punar eti, pratarjit, akar jyotih, 
 ahar damna, vardhi. 
 
 e. The r is preserved unchanged even before a surd in a number of 
 Vedic compounds: thus, aharpati; svarcanas, svarcaksas, svarpati, 
 svarsa, svarsati ; dhursad, dhursah ; piirpati, varkarya, a9irpada, 
 punartta; and in some of these the r is optionally retained in the later 
 language. The RV. also has av ar tam ah once in sentence-combinatiou, 
 
 d. On the other hand, final ar of the verb-form avar is changed to 
 o before a sonant in several cases in RV. And r is lost, like s, in one 
 or two cases in the same text: thus, aksa induh, aha eva. 
 
 179. A double r is nowhere admitted: if such would occur, either 
 by retention of an original r or by conversion of s to r, one r is 
 omitted, and the preceding vowel, if short, is made long by compen- 
 sation. 
 
 Thus, puna ramate, nrpati rajati, matu rihan, jyotiratha, 
 durohana. 
 
 a. In some Vedic texts, however, there are instances of ar changed to 
 o before initial r: thus, sv6 rohava. 
 
 Conversion of H s to ^T s. 
 
 180. The dental sibilant H s is changed to the lingual 
 ^ s, if immediately preceded by any vowel save ^ a and 
 3^ a, or by Sfi k or :|]" r — unless the H s be final, followed 
 
 a. The assimilating influence of the preceding lingual vowels and 
 semivowel is obvious enough ; that of k and the other vowels appears to 
 be due to a somewhat retracted position of the tongue in the mouth during
 
 180—] III. Euphonic Combination. 62 
 
 their utterance, causing its tip to reach the roof of the mouth more easily 
 at a point further back than the dental one. 
 
 b. The general Hindu grammar prescribes the same change after a 1 
 also; but the Prati9akhyas give no such rule, and phonetic considerations, 
 the 1 being a dental sound, are absolutely against it. Actual cases of the 
 combination do not occur in the older language, nor have any been pointed 
 out in the later. 
 
 c. The vowels that cause the alteration of s to s may be called 
 for brevity's sake "alterant" vowels. 
 
 181. Hence, in the. interior of a Sanskrit word, the dental s is 
 not usually found after any vowel save a and a, but, instead of it 
 the lingual s. But — 
 
 a. A following r prevents the conversion: thus, usra, tisras, 
 tamisra. And it is but seldom made in the forms and derivatives of 
 a root containing an r-element (whether r or r), whatever the position 
 of that element: thus, sisarti, sisrtam, sarisrpa, tistire, parisrut. 
 
 I To this rule there are a few exceptions, as vistir, vistara, nistrta, 
 ' vispardhas, gavisthira, etc. In ajusran the final s of a root is 
 preserved even immediately before r. 
 
 b. This dissimilating influence of a following r, as compared -with 
 the invariable assimilating influence of a preceding r, is peculiar and prob- 
 lematical. 
 
 c. The recurrence of s in successive syllables is sometirnes avoided by 
 leaving the former s unchanged: thus, sisaksi, but sisakti; yasisisthas, 
 but yasisimahi. Similarly, in certain desiderative formations : see below, 
 184 e. 
 
 d. Other cases are sporadic: RV. has the forms sisice and sisicus 
 ' (but sisicatus), and the stems rblsa, kista, bisa, busa, bfsaya; a 
 ; single root pis, with its derivative pesuka, is found once in ^B. ; MS. 
 "^ has mrsmrsa; musala begins to be found in AV. ; and such cases 
 } grow more numerous; for pums and the roots nins and hins, see below, 
 
 183 a. 
 
 182. On the other hand (as was pointed out above, 62), the 
 occurrence of s in Sanskrit Avords is nearly limited to cases falling 
 under this rule: others are rather sporadic anomalies — except where 
 8 is the product of 9 or ks before a dental, as is drastum, caste, 
 tvastar: see 218, 221. Thus, we find — 
 
 a. Four roots, kas, las, bhas, bhas, of which the last is common 
 and is found as early as the Brahmanas. 
 
 b. Further, in RV., asa, kavasa, casala, casa, jalasa, pasya, 
 baskaya, vasat (for vaksatP), kastha; and, by anomalous alteration 
 of original s, -sah (turasah etc.), asadha, upastiit, and probably apastha 
 and asthivant. Such cases grow more common later. 
 
 c. The numeral sas, as already noted (149 b), is more probably ^sikB.
 
 63 Conversion op s to b. [—185 
 
 183. The nasalization of the alterant vowel — or, in other words, 
 its being followed by anusvara — does not prevent its altering effect 
 upon the sibilant: thus, havinsi, parunsi. And the alteration takes 
 place in the initial s of an ending after the final s of a stem, whether 
 the latter be regarded as also changed to s or as converted into 
 visarga: thus, havissu or havihsvi, parussu or paruhsu. 
 
 a. But the s of pums (394) remains unchanged, apparently on 
 account of the retained sense of its value as pums; also that of ]/hins, 
 because of its value as hins (hinasti etc.); y/niae (RV. only) is more 
 questionable. 
 
 184. The principal cases of alteration of s in internal combination 
 are these: 
 
 a. In endings, inflectional or derivative, beginning with s — thus, 
 su; si, se, sva; s of sibilant-aorist, future, and desiderative; suffixes 
 sna, snu, sya, etc. — after a final alterant vowel or consonant of root 
 or stem, or a union-vowel: thus, juhosi, 9ese, anaisam, bhavisyami, 
 9U9riase, desna, jisnu, viksvi, akarsam. 
 
 b. The final s of a stem before an ending or suffix: thus: havisa, 
 havisas, etc., from havis ; Qaksusmant, Qociska, manusa, manusya, 
 jyotistva. 
 
 c. Roots having a final sibilant (except 9) after an alterant vowel are 
 — with the exception of fictitious ones and pis, nins, hins — regarded as 
 ending in s, not S; and concerning the treatment of this s in combination, 
 see below, 225-6. 
 
 d. The initial s of a root after a reduplication: thus, sisyade, 
 susvapa, sisasati, coskiiyate, sanisvanat. 
 
 e. Excepted is in general an initial radical s In a desiderative stem, 
 ■when the desiderative-sign becomes s: thus, sisirsati from }/sr, sisanksati 
 from }/safij. And there are other scattering cases, as tresus (perf. from 
 |/tras), etc. 
 
 185. But the same change occurs also, on a considerable scale, 
 in external combination, especially in composition. Thus : 
 
 a. Both in verbal forms and in derivatives, the final i or u of a 
 preposition or other like prefix ordinarily lingualizes the initial s of 
 the root to v/hieh it is prefixed; since such combinations are both of 
 great frequency and of peculiar intimacy, analogous with those of root 
 or stem and affix: thus, abhisac, pratistha, nfsikta, visita; anu- 
 svadham, suseka; the cases are numberless. 
 
 b. The principal exceptions are in accordance with the principles | 
 already laid down : namely, when the root contains an r-element, and when 1 
 a recurrence of the sibilant would take place. But there are also others, 
 of a more irregular character; and the complete account of the treatment 
 of initial radical s after a prefix would be a matter of great detail, and not 
 worth giving here.
 
 185 — 3 III. Euphonic Combination. 64 
 
 e. Not infrequently, the initial s, usually altered after a certain 
 prefix, retains the altered sibilant even after an interposed a of augment 
 or reduplication: thus, aty asthat, abhy astham, pary asasvajat, vy 
 asahanta, ny asadama, nir asthapayan, abhy asincan, vy astabh- 
 nat: vi tasthe, vi tasthire. 
 
 d. Much more anomalous is the occasional alteration of initial radical 
 s after an a-eleraent of a prefix. Such cases are ava stambh (against 
 ni stambh and prati stambh) and (according to the grammarians) ava 
 svan. 
 
 188. In other compounds, the final alterant vowel of the first 
 member not infrequently (especially in the Veda) lingualizes the 
 initial s of the second: for example, yudhisthira, pitrsvasr, gostha, 
 agnistoma, anustiibh, trisamdhi, divisad, paramesthin, abhisena, 
 pitrsad, purustuta. 
 
 a. A very few cases occur of the same alteration after an a-element: 
 thus, sastiibh, avastambha, savyastha, apastha, upastiit; also 
 }/sah, when its final, by 147, becomes t : thus, satrasat (but satra- 
 saham). 
 
 187. The final s of the first member of a compound often be- 
 comes s after an" alterant vowel : thus, the s of a prepositional prefix, 
 as nissidhvan, dustara (for dusstara), aviskrta; and, regularly, a 
 s retained instead of being converted to visarga before a labial or 
 guttural mute (171 a), as havispa, jyotiskrt; tapuspa. 
 
 188. Once more, in the Veda, the same alteration, both of an initial 
 and of a final s, is not infrequent even between the words composing a 
 sentence. The cases are detailed in the Praticakhya belonging to each text, 
 and are of very various character. Thus : 
 
 a. The initial s, especially of particles: as u su, hi sma, kara u 
 svxt ; — also of pronouns : as hi sah ; — of verb-forms, especially from 
 yaa: as hi stha, divi stha; — and in other scattering cases: as u stuhi, 
 nu sthiram, tri sadhastha, adhi snoh, nakih sah, yajuh skannam, 
 agnih stave. 
 
 b. A final s, oftenest before pronouns (especially toneless ones) : as 
 agnis tva, nis te, iyus te, 9ucis tvkm, sadhis tava ; — but also in 
 other cases, and wherever a final s is preserved, instead of being turned 
 into visarga, before a guttural or labial (171): as tris putva, ayus 
 krnotu, vastos patih, dyaus pita, vibhis patat. 
 
 Conversion of =7 n to m n. 
 
 189. The dental nasal ^ n, when immediately followed 
 
 by a vowel or by ^ n or R m or IT y or ^ v, is turned in- 
 •' J .^ . ^ .^ ..^ ' 
 
 to the lingual ttt n if preceded in the same word by the
 
 65 Conversion op n to n. [ — 19 1 
 
 lingual sibilant or semivowel or vowels — that is to say, 
 by q^ s, ::^ r, or ^ r oi ^ f — : and this, not only if the 
 altering letter stands immediately before the nasal, but at 
 whatever distance from the latter it may be found: unless, 
 indeed, there intervene (a consonant moving the front of 
 the tongue: namely) a palatal (except IT y), a lingual, or a 
 dental. 
 
 a. We may thus figure to ourselves the rationale of the process: in 
 the marked proclivity of the language toward lingual utterance, especially 
 of the nasal, the tip of the tongue, when once reverted into the loose lin- 
 gual position by the utterance of a uou-contact lingual element, tends to 
 hang there and make its next nasal contact in that position ; and does so, 
 unless the proclivity is satisfied by the utterance of a lingual mute, or the 
 organ is thrown out of adjustment hy the utterance of an element which 
 causes it to assume a different posture. This is not the case with the guttur- 
 als or labials, which do not move the front part of the tongue (and, as the 
 influence of k on following s shows, the guttural position favors the succes- 
 sion of a lingual) : and the y is too weakly palatal to interfere with the 
 alteration (as its next relative, the i-vowel, itself lingualizes a s), 
 
 b. This is a rule of constant application; and (as was pointed 
 out above, 46) the great majority of occurrences of n in the language 
 are the result of it. 
 
 190. The rule has force especially — 
 
 a. "When suffixes, of inflection or derivation, are added to roots or 
 stems containing one of the altering sounds: thus, rudrena, rudranam, 
 varine, varini, varini, datfni, harani, dvesani, krinami, qrnoti, 
 ksubhana, ghrna, karna, vrkna, rugna, dravina, isani, purana, 
 reknas, caksana, cikirsamana, krpamana. 
 
 b. "When the final n of a root or stem comes to be followed, in inflection 
 or derivation, by such sounds as allow it to feel the effect of a preceding 
 altering cause: thus, from y'ran, ranantl, ranyati, rarana, aranisus; 
 from brahman, brahmana, brahxaani, brahmana, brahmanya, 
 brahmanvant. 
 
 c. The form pinak (RV. : 2d and 3d sing, impf.), from >/pis, is wholly 
 anomalous. 
 
 191. This rule (like that for the change of s to s) applies strictly 
 and especially when the nasal and the cause of its alteration both lie 
 within the limits of the same integral word; but (also like the other) 
 it is extended, within certain limits, to compound words — and even, 
 in the Veda, to contiguous words in the sentence. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 5
 
 192—] III- Euphonic Combination. 66 
 
 192. Especially, a preposition or similar prefix to a root, if it 
 contain r or end in euphonic r for s (174), very often lingualizes the 
 n of a root or of its derived stems and forms. Thus: 
 
 a. The initial n of a root is usually and regularly so altered, in all 
 forms and derivatives, after para, pari, pra, nir (for nis), antar, dur 
 (for dus): thus, para naya, pari niyate, pra nudasva; paranutti, 
 parinama, pranava, nirmj, durna9a. Roots suffering this change are 
 -written with initial n in the native root-lists. The only exceptions of im- 
 portance are nrt, nabh, nand, and nag when its 9 becomes s (as in 
 
 pranasta). 
 
 b. The final n of a root is lingualized in some of the forms of an 
 and han: thus, pra 'niti, prana, pra hanyate, prahanana. 
 
 c. The class-signs nu and na are altered after the roots hi and ml: 
 thus, pari hinomi, pra minanti (but the latter not in the Veda). 
 
 d. The 1st sing. impv. ending ani is sometimes altered: thus, pra 
 
 bhavani. 
 
 e. Derivatives by suffixes containing n sometimes have n by influence 
 
 of a preposition : thus, prayana. 
 
 f. The n of the preposition ni is sometimes altered, like the initial 
 of a root, after another preposition; thus, pranipata, pranidlii. 
 
 193. In compound words, an altering cause in one member sometimes 
 lingualizes a n of the next following member — either its initial or final 
 n, or n in its inflectional or derivative ending. The exercise of the altering 
 influence can be seen to depend in part upon the closeness or frequency 
 of the compound, or its integration by being made the base of a derivative. 
 Examples are: gramani, trinaman, urunasa; vrtrahanam etc. (but 
 vrtraghna etc.: 195a), nrmanas, drughana; pravahana, nrpana, 
 puryana, pitryana; svargena, durgani, usrayamne, tryanganam. 
 
 194. Finally, in the Veda, a n (usually initial) is occasionally lingual- 
 ized even by an altering sound in another word. The toneless pronouns 
 nas and ena- are oftenest thus affected : thus, pari nas, prai 'nan, indra 
 enam; but also the particle na like: thus, var na; and a few other 
 cases, as var nama, punar nayamasi, agner avena. More anomalous, 
 and perhaps to be rejected as false readings, are such as trin iman and 
 aksan ava and suharn nah (MS.), and vyrsan va (Apast.). 
 
 195. a. The immediate combination of a n with a preceding guttural 
 or labial seems in some cases to hinder the conversion to n : thus, vrtraghna 
 etc., ksubhnati, trpnoti (but in Veda trpnu), ksepnu, susumna. 
 
 b. The RV. has the exceptions ustranam and rastranam. 
 
 Conversion of dental mutes to Unguals and palatals. 
 
 196. When a dental mute conies in contact with a 
 lingual or palatal mute or sibilant, the dental is usually 
 assimilated, becoming lingual or palatal respectively.
 
 67 Dental Mutes to Linguals and Palatals. [ — 199 
 
 The cases are the following: 
 
 197. A dental surd mute or nasal, or the dental sibilant, when 
 immediately preceded by a s, is everywhere converted into the cor- 
 responding lingual. 
 
 a. Under this rule, the combinations st, sth, and sn. are very common ; ' 
 ss is rarely so written, the visarga being put instead of the former sibilant 
 (^172).- thus, jyotihsu instead of jyotissu. 
 
 b. Much less often, dh is changed to dh after final s of a root or 
 tense-stem, with loss of the s or its conversion to d: see 226 c. 
 
 C. Those cases in which final s becomes t before SU (e. g. dvitsu; 
 226 b) do not, of course, fall under this rule. 
 
 198. In the other (comparatively infrequent) cases where a dental 
 is preceded by a lingual in internal combination, the dental (except 
 of SU loc. pi.) becomes lingual. Thus: 
 
 a. A n following immediately a n made such by the rule given at 
 189, above — or, as it may be expressed, a double as well as a single n 
 — is subject to the lingualization: thus, the participles arnna, ksunna, 
 ksvinna, chrnna, trnna; and, after prefixes (185 a), nisanna, pari- 
 vinna, visanna, visyanna. But TS. has adhiskanna, and RV. yajuh. 
 skannam. 
 
 b. Only a very few other instances occur: itte and aitta from yid', 
 saddha (also saddha and sodha), and sannam (sas + nam: anomalous 
 gen. pi. of sas: 483). A small number of words follow the same rule in 
 external combination: see below, 199. 
 
 c. But tadhi (Vedic: ytad + dhi) shows loss of the final lingual 
 after assimilation of the dental, and compensatory lengthening. 
 
 d. Some of the cases of abnormal occurrence of d are explained in a 
 similar way, as results of a lingualized and afterward omitted sibilant before 
 d : thus nida from nisda, }/pid from pisd, |/mrd from mrsd. For 
 words exhibiting a like change in composition, see below, 199 C. / 
 
 199. In external combination — 
 
 a. A final t is directed to be assimilated to an initial lingual mute : 
 thus, tat-tika, tad dayate, tat-thalini, tad dhaukate: but the case 
 never occurs in the older language, and very rarely in the later. For final 
 n before a lingual, see 205 b. 
 
 b. An initial dental after a final lingualjusually remains unchanged; i 
 and SU of the loc. pi. follows the same rule: thus, sattrin9at, anad J 
 divah, ekarat tvam; satsii, ratsu. 
 
 C. Exceptions are: a few compounds with sas six showing double n 
 (198 b): namely, sannavati, sannabhi (and one or two others not 
 quotable) ; and JB. has san niramimita. 
 
 d. In a few compounds, moreover, there appears a lingualized dental, with 
 compensatory lengthening, after a lost lingual sibilant or its representative: 
 
 5*
 
 199 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 68 
 
 namely, in certain Vedic compounds with dus; dudabha, duda9, dudhi, 
 duna9a, duna9a (compare the anomalous puroda9 and -da9a: puras + 
 |/da9) ; and, in the language of every period, certain compounds of sas, 
 with change of its vowel to an a'terant quality (as in vbdhum and sodhum: 
 224 b): s6da9a, sodha (also saddha and saddha), sodant. 
 
 e. Between final t and initial s, the insertion of a t is permitted — 
 or, according to some authorities, required: thus, sat sahasrah or sa^t 
 sahasrah. 
 
 200. The cases of assimilation of a dental to a contiguous palatal 
 occur almost only in external combination, and before an initial palatal. 
 There is but one case of internal combination, namelj': 
 
 201. A ^ n coming to follow a palatal mute in internal 
 combination is itself made palatal. 
 
 Thus, yacna (the only instance after c), yajna, jajne, ajnata, 
 rajna, rajni. 
 
 202. a. A final cT t before an initial palatal mute is 
 
 assimilated to it, becoming rK e before tJ" c or ^ ch, and fT j 
 
 before sT i (^ jh does not occur). 
 
 Thus, uc carati, etac chattram, vidyuj jayate; yatayajjana, 
 vidyujjihva, brbacchandas, Baccarita. 
 
 b. A final ^ n is assimilated before sT j, becoming oT n. 
 
 c. All the grammarians, of every period, require this assimilation of 
 n to j ; hut it is more often neglected, or only occasionally made, in the 
 manuscripts. 
 
 d. For n before a surd palatal, see below, 208. 
 
 203. Before the palatal sibilant 5T 9, both cT t and ^ n 
 
 are assimilated, becoming respectively ^ c and o\ n; and 
 
 then the following 5T 9 may be, and in practice almost 
 
 always is, converted to ^ ch. 
 
 Thus, vedavic churah (-vit 9u-)» tac chrutva, hreehaya (hrt + 
 9aya); brhan chesah or 9esah, svapan chete or 9ete. 
 
 a. Some authorities regard the conversion of 9 to ch after t or n as 
 everywhere obligatory, others as only optional; some except, peremptorily 
 or optionally, a 9 followed by a mute. And some require the same con- 
 version alter every mute save m, reading also vipat chutudri, anat 
 chuci, anustup charadi, 9uk chuci. The manuscripts generally write 
 ch, instead of cch, as result of the combination of t and 9. 
 
 b. In the MS., t and 9 are anomalously combined into n 9: e. g. 
 tan 9atara, etavan9as.
 
 g9 Combinations of final n. [ — 207 
 
 Combinations of final ^ n. 
 
 204. Fiual radical n is assimilated in internal combination to a 
 following sibilant, becoming anusvara. 
 
 Thus, vansi, vansva, vansat, mansyate, jighansati. 
 
 a. Accoiding to the grammarians, it is treated before bh and su in 
 declension as in external combination. But the cases are, at best, excess- 
 ively rare, and RV. has ransu and vansu (the only Vedic examples). 
 
 b. Final n of a derivative suffix is regularly and usuany,dr<^pped before 
 a consonant in inflection and composition — in composition, even before a 
 vowel; and a radiral n occasionally follows the same rule: see 421 a, 439, 
 1203 c, 637. 
 
 c. For assimilation of n to a preceding palatal, see 201. 
 Thus remaining cases are those of external combination. 
 
 205. a. The assimilation of n in external combination to a follow- 
 ing sonant palatal and the palatal sibilant 9 have been already treated 
 (202 b, 203). 
 
 b. The n is also declared to be assimilated (becoming n) before 
 a sonant lingual (d, dh, n), but the case rarely if ever occurs. 
 
 206. A n is also assimilated to a following initial 1, becoming 
 (like m: 213 d) a nasal 1. 
 
 a. The manuscripts to a great extent disregard this rule, leaving the 
 n unchanged; but also they in part attempt to follow it — and that, either 
 by writing the assimilated n (as the assimilated m, 213 f, and just as 
 reasonably) with the anusvara-sign, or else by doubling the 1 and putting 
 a sign of nasality above; the latter, however, is inexact, and a better way 
 would be to separate the two I's, writing the first with virama and a nasal 
 sign above. Thus (from trin lokan) : 
 
 manuscripts "^1(^1 l^iH or ^l^loJiM; better "^^ ^TT^TR- 
 
 -\ •>-, -v^ "^ 
 
 The second of these methods is the one ol'tenest followed in printed texts. 
 
 207. Before the lingual and dental sibilants, s and s, final n 
 remains unchanged; but a t may also be inserted between the nasal 
 and the sibilant: thus, tan sat or tant sat; mahan san or ma- 
 haut san. 
 
 a. According to most of the grammarians of the Pratigakhyas (not RPr.), 
 the insertion of the t in such cases is a necessary one. In the manuscripts 
 it is very frequently made, but not uniformly. It is probably a purely 
 phonetic phenomenon, a transition-sound to ease the double change of sonant 
 to surd and nasal to non-nasal utterance — although the not infrequent 
 cases in which final n stands for original nt (as bharan, abharan, 
 agniman) may have aided to establish it as a rule. Its analogy with the 
 conversion of n 9 into nch (203) is palpable.
 
 208—] III. Euphonic Combination. 70 
 
 208. Before the surd palatal, lingual, and dental mutes, there is 
 inserted after final n a sibilant of each of those classes respectively, 
 before which the n becomes anusvara: thus, d.evan9 ca, bhvang 
 chidyate, kumarans trin, abharans tatah, dadhancj (^425 e) earum. 
 
 a. This rule, which in the classical language has established itself in 
 the form here given, as a phonetic rule of unvarying application, really 
 involves a historic survival. The large majority of cases of final n in the 
 language (not far from three quarters) are for original ns; and the retention 
 of the sibilant in such cases, when once its historical ground had been forgotten, 
 was extended by analogy to all others. 
 
 b. Practically, the rule applies only to n before c and t, since cases 
 involving the other initials occur either not at all, or only with extreme 
 rarity (the Veda does not present an example of any of them). In the Veda, 
 the insertion is not always made, and the different texts have with regard 
 to it different usages, which are fully explained in their Praticakhyas ; in 
 general, it is less frequent in the older texts. When the 9 does not appear 
 between n and c, the n is of course assimilated, becoming n (203). 
 
 209. The same retention of original final s after a nasal, and 
 consequent treatment of (apparent) final an, in, uu, rn as if they were 
 ans, ins, uns, rns (long nasalized vowel with final s), shows itself 
 also in other Vedic forms of combination, which, for the sake of unity, 
 may be briefly stated here together: 
 
 a. Final an becomes an (nasalized a) before a following vowel : that 
 is to say, ans, with nasal vowel, is treated like as, with pure vowel (177) : 
 thus, devan e 'ha, lipabaddhan iha, mahan asi. This is an extremely 
 common case, especially in RV. Once or twice, the s appears as h before 
 p: thus, svatavanh payiih. 
 
 b. In like manner, s is treated after nasal i, u, r as it would be after 
 those vowels when pure, becoming r before a sonant sound (174), and 
 (much more rarely) h before a surd (170): thus, ra9minr iva, siinunr 
 yuvanyunr ut, nrnr abhi; nfnh patram (and nrns p-, MS.). 
 
 c. RV. has once -in before y. MS. usually has an instead of an. 
 
 210. The nasals n, n, n, occurring as finals after a short vowel, 
 are doubled before any Initial vowel: thus, pratyanh lid esi, udyann 
 adityah, as4nn-isu. 
 
 a. This is also to be regarded as a historical survival, the second 
 nasal being an assimilation of an original consonant following the first. It 
 is always written in the manuscripts, although the Vedic metre seems to 
 show that the duplication was sometimes omitted. The RV. has the com- 
 pound vrsana9va. 
 
 211. The nasals n and n before a sibilant are allowed to in- 
 sert respectively k and t — as n (207) inserts t: thus, pratyank 
 somah.
 
 71 COMBINATIOKS OF FINAL m. [ — 213 
 
 Combinations of final ^ m. 
 
 212. Final radical ^ m, in internal combination, is as- 
 similatecl to a following mute or spirant — in the latter case, 
 becoming aniisvara; in the former, becoming the nasal of 
 the same class with the mute. 
 
 a. Before m or v (as -when final: 143a), it is changed to n: thus, 
 from |/gam come aganma, aganmahi, ganvahi, jaganvans (which 
 appear to he the only quotable cases). According to the grammarians, the 
 same change is made in the inflection of root-stems hefore bh and su : thus, 
 praqanbhis, pra9ansu (from praQam: pra + i/qam). No derived nouu- 
 stem ends in m. 
 
 b. The QB. and K^S. have kamvant and 9amvant. 
 
 213. Final q" m in external combination is a servile sound, 
 being assimilated to any following consonant. Thus: 
 
 a. It remains unchanged only before a vowel or a labial mute. 
 
 b. But also, hy an anomalous exception, before r of the root raj in 
 Bamraj and its derivatives samrajni and samrajya. 
 
 c. Before a mute of any other class than labial, it becomes the 
 nasal of that class. 
 
 d. Before the semivowels y, 1, v it becomes, according to the 
 Hindu grammarians, a nasal semivowel, the nasal counterpart of each 
 respectively (see 71). 
 
 e. Before r, a sibilant, or h, it becomes anusvara (see 71). 
 
 f. The manuscripts and the editions in general make no attempt to 
 distinguish the nasal tones produced by the assimilation of m before a follow- 
 ing semivowel from that before a spirant. 
 
 g. But if h be immediately followed by another consonant (which can 
 only be a nasal or semivowel), the m is allowed to be assimilated to that 
 following consonant. This is because the h has no position of the mouth- 
 organs peculiar to itself, but is uttered in the position of the next sound. 
 The Praticakhyas do not take any notice of the case. 
 
 h. Cases are met with in the Veda where a fln,aJt jn appears to be 
 dropped before a vowel, the final and initial vowels being then combined 
 into one. The pada-text then generally gives a wrong interpretation. Thus, 
 samvanano 'bhayamkaram (RV. viii. 1. 2; pada-text: -nana ubh-; 
 SV. -nanam). 
 
 i. It has been pointed out above (73) that the assimilated m is 
 generally represented in texts by the anusvara-sign, and that in this 
 work it is transliterated by m (instead of a nasal mute or n).
 
 214 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 72 
 
 The palatal mutes and sibilant^ and ^ h. 
 
 214. These sounds show in some situations a reversion (43) 
 to the original gutturals from which they are derived. The treat- 
 ment of j and h, also, is different, according as they represent the 
 one or the other of two different degrees of alteration from their 
 originals. 
 
 215. The palatals and h are the least stable of alphabetic sounds, 
 undergoing, in virtue of their derivative character, alteration in many 
 cases where other similar sounds are retained. 
 
 216. Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels, and 
 nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases 
 are the following: 
 
 a. Before a of suffix a, final e becomes k in auka, Qvanka, arka, 
 paka, vaka, guka, parka, marka, vrka, pratika etc., reka, seka, 
 moka, roka, Qoka, toka, mroka, vraska; — tiiial j beiomes g in 
 tyaga, bhaga, bhaga, yaga, anga, bhanga, sanga, svanga, rnga, 
 tunga, yunga, varga, marga, mrga, varga, sarga, nega, vega, bhoga, 
 yuga, yoga, loga, roga; — final h becomes gh in agha, magha, argha, 
 dirgha (and dragMyas, draghistha), degha, laegha, ogha, dogha, 
 drogha, mogha; and in diighana and meghamana. In neka (^/nij) 
 we have further an anomalous substitution of a surd for the final sonant of 
 the root. 
 
 b. In another series of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears: 
 examples are aja, yaja, 9uca, 90ca, vraja, vevija, yuja, urja, doha. 
 
 e. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears : 
 namely, in ankas, okas, rokas, 96kas, bhargas, and in rogana; also 
 in abhogaya. 
 
 d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in abhogi, 
 ogiyans, tigita, moki, sphigi): thus, aji, tuji, ruci, 93,01, vivici, 
 rocisnu. 
 
 e. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the cases are fevr) : thus, 
 anku, vanku, reku, bhrgu, marguka, raghii (and raghiyans). 
 
 f. 15efore n, the examples of reversion are few, except of j (becoming 
 g) before the participial ending na (957 c): thus, reknas, vagnu (with 
 the final also made sonant); and participles bhagna, rugna, etc.; and 
 apparently prgna from yprc. 
 
 g. Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generally 
 appears: thus, rukma, tigma, yugma, rgma (with sonant change) ; tak- 
 man, vakman, sakman, yugman; rukmant; rgmin and vagmin 
 (with sonant change): — but ajman, ojman, bhujman. 
 
 h. Before y, the altered sound is used: thus, pacya, yajya, yajyu, 
 yujya, bhujyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubt- 
 less secondary derivatives from bhoga etc.
 
 73 Combinations of final Palatals. [ — 218 
 
 i. Before r, the cases are few, and the usage apparently divided: thu8, 
 takra, sakra, vakra, Qukra, vigra, ugra, tugra, mrgra, vankri; 
 but vajra ami pajra(?3. 
 
 j. Before v (of the suffixes va, van, vin, etc., and paitifipial vans) 
 the guttural is regularly preserved : thus, rkva, pakva, vakva; vakvan, 
 fkvan, rikvan, 9ukvan, mrgvan, tiigvan, yugvan; rkvant, prk- 
 vant; vagvin, vagvana, vagvanu (with further sonant change); vivak- 
 vans, ririkvans, vivikvans, rurukvans, qu^ukvans; 9U9i;kvana, 
 9U9ukvani: also before the union-vo\\el i in okivans (liV., once). An 
 exception is yajvan. 
 
 k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final 
 j which is analogous ■with 9 (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion 
 than that which corresponds with c. 
 
 1. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in conjugational 
 stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural 
 after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desi^lerative or intensive 
 stems, or in derivatives, of the roots ci, cit, ji, hi, han, and in jaguri (/jr): 
 and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has 
 vivakmi from ]/vac and vavakre from |/vahc; and SV. has sasrgmahe 
 (RV. -srj-). And before ran etc. of 3d pi. mid. we have g for radical j 
 in asrgran, asrgram, asasrgram (all in RV.). 
 
 217. Final tI c of a root or stem, if followed in internal 
 combination by any other sound than a vowel or semivowel 
 or nasal, reverts (43) to its original guttural value, and shows 
 everywhere the same form which a ^ k would show in the 
 same situation. 
 
 Thus, vakti, uvaktha, vaksi, vaksyami, vagdhi; vagbhis, 
 vaksii; ukta, uktha, vaktar. 
 
 a. And, as final c becomes k (above 142), the same rule applies 
 also to c in external combination : thus, vak ca, vag api, van me. 
 
 Examples of c remaining unchanged in inflection are: ucyate, 
 riricre, vaci, mumuemahe. 
 
 218. Final 5T 9 reverts to its original Wi k, in internal 
 combination, only before the H s of a verbal stem or ending 
 (whence, by 180, ^ ks) ; before rT t and ST th, it everywhere 
 becomes ^ s (whence, by 197, ^ st and "^ sthi ; before U dh, 
 H bh, and H su of the loc. pi., as when final (145), it 
 regularly becomes the lingual mute (77 t or i d). 
 
 Thus, aviksata, veksyami; vasti, vista, didestu; dididdhi, 
 vidbhis.
 
 218 — ] in. Euphonic Combination. 74 
 
 a. But a few roots exhibit the reversion of final 9 to k before 
 bh and su, and also when final (145): they are di9, dr9, spr9, and 
 optionally na9; and vi9 has in V. always viksu, loc. pi., but vit, 
 vidbhis, etc. Examples are diksam9ita, drgbhis, hrdisprk, nak 
 (or nat). 
 
 Examples of 9 remaining unchanged before vowels etc. are: vi9i, 
 vivi9yas, avi9ran, a9nomi, va9mi, U9masi. 
 
 b. A 9 remains irregularly unchanged before p in the compound vi9pati. 
 
 219. Final sT j is in one set of words treated like ^ e, 
 
 and in another set like 5T Q. 
 
 -\ ' 
 
 Thus, from yuj: ayukthas, ayukta, yunkte, yukti, yoktra, 
 yoksyami, yviksu; yungdhi, ayugdhvam, yugbhis. 
 
 Again, from mrj etc. : amrksat, sraksyami ; marsti, mrsta, 
 sfsti, rastra: mrddhi, mrddhvam, radbhis, ratsu, rat. 
 
 a. To the former or yuj-class belong (as shown by their quotable 
 forms) about twenty roots and radical stems: namely, bhaj, saj, tyaj (not 
 v.), raj color, svaj, majj, nij, tij, vij, 1 and 2 bhuj, yuj, ruj, vrj, 
 anj, bhanj, 9inj ; urj, sraj, bhisaj, asrj ; — also, stems formed with 
 the suffixes aj and ij (^383. IV), as trsnaj, vamj ; and rtvij, though 
 containing the root yaj. 
 
 b. To the latter or mrj-class belong only about one third as many: 
 namely, yaj, bhrajj, vraj, raj, bhraj, mrj, srj. 
 
 c. A considerable number of j-roots are not placed in circumstances 
 to exhibit the distinction; but such roots are in part assignable to one or 
 the other class on the evidence of the related languages. The distinction 
 appears, namely, only when the j occurs as final, or is followed, either in 
 inflection or in derivation, by a dental mute (t, th, dh), or, in noun- 
 inflection, by bh or su. In derivation (above, 216) we find a g some- 
 times from the mrj-class: thus, marga, sarga, etc.; and (216,1) before 
 Vedic mid. endings, sasrgmahe, asrgran, etc. (beside sasrjrire) — 
 while from the yuj-class occur only yuyujre, ayujran, bubhujrire, 
 with j. And MS. has vi9vasrk from )/srj. 
 
 220. Final ch falls under the rules of combination almost only 
 in the root prach, in which it is treated as if it were 9 (pra9 being, 
 indeed, its more original form): thus, praksyami, prsta, and also the 
 derivative pra9na. As final and in noun-inflection (before bh and svi), 
 it is changed to the lingual mute: thus, pradvivaka. 
 
 a. Miirta is called the participle of murch, and a gerund murtva 
 is given to the same root. They (with murti) must doubtless come from a 
 simpler form of the root. 
 
 b. Of jh there is no occurrence: the grammarians require it to 
 be treated like c.
 
 75 Combinations of final ks, h. (—223 
 
 221. The coinpouud ks is uot infrequent as final of a root (gener- 
 ally of demonstrably secondary origin), or of a tense-stem (s-aorist: 
 see below, 878 If.) ; and, in the not very frequent cases of its internal \ 
 combination, it is treated as if a single sound, following the rules 
 for 9: thus eakse (caks-|-sel, caksva; caste, acasta, asrastam, 
 aBrsta, tvastar. As to its treatment when fiual, see 148. 
 
 a. Thus, -we are taught by the grammarians to make such forms as 
 gorat, goradbhis, goratsu (from goraks) ; and we actually, have sat, 
 sadbhis, satsu from saks or sas (146 b). For jagdha etc. from ]/jaks, 
 see 233 f. 
 
 b. In the single anomalous root vraqc, the compound 9c is said to 
 follow the rules for simple 9. From it are quotable the future vraksyati, 
 the gerunds vrstva (AV.) and vrktvl (RV.), and the participle (957 c) 
 vrkna. Its c reverts to k in the derivative vraska. 
 
 222. The roots in final ^ h, like those in sT j, fall into 
 two classes, exhibiting a similar diversity of treatment, ap- 
 pearing in the same kinds of combination. \ 
 
 a. In the one class, as duh, we have a reversion of h (as of c) 
 to a guttural form, and its treatment as if it were still its original gh: 
 thus, adhuksam, dhoksyami; dugdham, dugdha; adhok, dhuk, 
 dhugbhis, dliuksu. 
 
 b. In the other class, as ruh. and sah, we have a guttural re- 
 version (as of 9) only befores in verb-formation and derivation: thus, 
 aruksat, roksyami, sakslya, saksani. As final, in external combi- 
 nation, and in noun-inflection before bh and su, the h (like 9) becomes 
 a lingual mute: thus, turasat, prtanasad ayodhyah, turasadbhis, 
 turasatsii. But before a dental mute (t, th, dli) in verb-iniiection 
 and in derivation, its euphonic effect is peculiarly complicated: 
 it turns the dental into a lingual (as would 9;; but it also makes 
 it sonant and aspirate (as would dh: see 160): and further, it 
 disappears itself, and the preceding vowel, if short, is lengthened: 
 thus, from rub. with ta comes rvidha. from leh with ti^ come& ledhi. 
 from guh with tar comes gudhar, from meh witli turn comes medhum, 
 from lib with tas or thas come.5 lidhas, from lib with dhvam comes 
 lidhvam, etc. 
 
 c. This is as if we had to assume as transition sound a sonant aspirate 
 lingual sibilant zh, with the euphonic effects of a lingual and of a sonant 
 aspirate (160), itself disappearing under the law of the existing language 
 which admits no sonant sibilant. 
 
 223. The roots of the two classes, as shown by their forms found 
 in use, are: 
 
 a. of the first or duh-class: dab, dih, duh, drirh, muh, snih 
 (and the final of usnih is similarly treated);
 
 223 — ] III. Euphonic Combination. 76 
 
 b. of the second or ruh-class: vah, sah, mih, rih or lih, guh, 
 ruh, drnh, trnh, brh, banh, sprh(?). 
 
 c. But muh forms also (not in RV.) the participle mudha and agent- 
 noun mudhar, as well as mugdha and mugdhar; and druh and snih 
 are allowed by the grammarians to do likewise: such forms as drudha and 
 snidha, however, have not been met with in use. 
 
 d. From roots of the ruh.-rlass we find also in the Veda the forms 
 gartariik, nom. sing., and pranadhfk and dadhrk; aud hence purusprk 
 (the only occurrence) does not certainly prove }/sprh to be of the duh- 
 class. 
 
 e. A number of other h-roots are not proved by their occurring forms 
 to belong to either class; they, too, are with more or less confidence assigned 
 to the one or the other by comparison with the related languages. 
 
 f. In derivation, before certain suffixes (216), we have gh instead of 
 ti from verbs of either class. 
 
 g. The root nah comes from original dh instead of gh, and its reversion 
 is accordingly to a dental mute : thus, natsyami, naddha, upanadbhis, 
 upanadyuga, anupanatka. So also the root grah comes from (early 
 Vedic) grabh, and shows labials in many forms and derivatives (though 
 it is assimilated to other h-roots in the desiderative stem jighrksa). In 
 like manner, h is used for dh. in some of the forms and derivatives of 
 }/dha 'put; and further analogous facts are the stem kakuha beside 
 kakubha, the double imperative ending dhi and hi, and the dative 
 mahyam beside tubhyam (491). 
 
 224. Irregularities of combination are: 
 
 a. The vowel r is not lengthened after the loss of the h-element: thus, 
 drdha, trdha, brdha (the only cases; and in the Veda their first syllable 
 has metrical value as heavy or long). 
 
 b. The roots vah and sah change their vowel to o instead of leng- 
 thening it: thus, vodham, vodham, vodhar, sodhum. But from sah 
 in the older language forms with a are more frequent: thus, sadha, asadha 
 (also later), sadhar. The root trnh changes the vowel of its class-sign 
 na into e instead of lengthening it: thus, trnedhi, trnedhu, atrnet 
 (the grammarians teach also trnehmi and trneksi: but no such forms are 
 quotable, and, if ever actually in use, they must have been made by false 
 analogy with the others). 
 
 C. These anomalous vowel-changes seem to stand in connection with 
 the fact that the cases showing them are the only ones where other than 
 an alterant vowel (180) comes before the lingualized sibilant representative 
 of the h. Compare sodaca etc. 
 
 d. Apparently by dissimilation, the final of vah in the anomalous 
 compound anadvah is changed to d instead of d: see 404.
 
 77 Combinations of final s. [—226 
 
 The lingual sibilant ^ s. 
 
 225. Since the lingual sibilant, in its usual and normal occurren- 
 ces, is (182) the product of lingualization of s after certain alterant 
 sounds, we might expect final radical s, when (in rare cases) it comes 
 to stand where a s cannot maintain itself, to revert to its original, 
 and be treated as a s would be treated under the same circumstances. 
 That, however, is true only in a very few instances. 
 
 a. Namely, in the prefix dus (evidently identical with ]/dus) ; in 
 sajtis (adverbially used case-form from y^jus]; in (RV.) vives and avives, 
 from )/vis; in aiyes (RV.), from |/Is; and in a9is, from (jis as second- 
 ary form of Yqas. All these, except the first two, are more or less open 
 to question. 
 
 226. In general, final lingual ^ s, in internal combination, 
 is treated in the same manner as palatal 5T 9. Thus: 
 
 a. Before t and th it remains unchanged, and the latter are as- 
 similated: e. g. dvistas, dvisthas, dvestum. 
 
 This is a common and perfectly natural combination. j 
 
 b. Before dh, bh, and su, as also in external combination (145), 
 it becomes a lingual mute; and dh is made lingual (by 188) after it: ' 
 0. g. pinddhi, viddhi, vividdhi, dviddhvam, dvidbhis, dvitau; 
 bhinnavitka. 
 
 c. So also the dh of dhvam as ending of 2d pi. mid. becomes dh 
 after final s of a tense-stem, whether the s be regarded as lost or as con- 
 verted to d before it (the manuscripts write simply dhv, not ddhv; bnt 
 this is ambiguous: see 232). Thus, after s of s-aorist stems (^881 a), asto- 
 dhvam, avrdhvam, cyodhvam (the only quotable cases), fromastos + 
 dhvam etc.; but aradhvam from ara8 + dhvam. Further, after the s 
 of is-aorist stems (901 a), aindhidhvam, artidhvam, ajanidhvam, 
 vepidhvam (the only quotable cases), from ajanis + dlivam etc. Yet 
 again, in the precative (924), as bhavisidhvam, if, as is probable 
 (uiifortunately, no example of this person is quotable from any part of the 
 literature), the precative-sign 8 (s) is to be regarded as present in the form. 
 According, however, to the Hindu grammarians, the use of dh or of dh in 
 the is-aorist and precative depends on whether the i of is or of isi is or 
 is not "preceded by a semivowel or h" — which both in itself appears 
 senseless and is opposed to the evidence of all the quotable forms. Moreover, 
 the same authorities prescribe the change of dh to dh, under the same 
 restriction as to circumstances, in the perf. mid. ending dhve also : in this 
 case, too, without any conceivable reason; and no example of dhve in the 
 ^d pi. perf. has been pointed out in the literature. 
 
 d. The conversion of s to t (or d) as final and before bh and su is 
 parallel with the like conversion of 9, and of j and h in the mrj and ruh
 
 226—] III. Euphonic Combination. 78 
 
 classes of roots, and perhaps with the occasional change of s to t (167-8). 
 It is a very infrequent case, occurring (save as it may be assumed in the 
 case of sas) only once in RV. and once in AV. (-dvit and -prut), although 
 those texts have more than 40 roots -with final s; in the Brahmanas, 
 moreover, have been noticed further only -prut and vit (^B.), and -Qlit 
 (K.). From pins, RV. has the anomalous form pinak (2d and 3d sing., 
 for pinas-s and pinas-t). 
 
 e. Before s in internal combination (except su of loc. pi.) it be- 
 comes k: thus, dveksi, dveksyanai, adviksam. 
 
 f. This change is of anomalous phonetic character, and difficult of 
 explanation. It is also practically of very rare occurrence. The only RV. 
 examples (apart from pinak, above) are viveksi, from /vis, and the 
 desid. stem ririksa from ]/ris; AV. has only dviksat and dviksata, 
 and the desid. stem 9i9liksa from Y<}li3- Other examples are quotable 
 from yykra and pis and vis (QB. etc.), and ^is (QB.); and they are by 
 the Hindu grammarians prescribed to be formed from about half-a-dozen 
 other roots. 
 
 Extension and Abbreviation. 
 
 227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians 
 to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming 
 ceh (which the manuscripts sometimes write chch). 
 
 a. The various authorities disagree with one another in detail as to 
 this duplication. According to Panini, ch is doubled within a word after 
 either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and 
 after the particles a and raa, and optionally everywhere after a long. In 
 RV., initial ch is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain special 
 cases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other 
 Vedic texts, see their several Praticakhyas. The Kathaka writes for original 
 ch (not ch from combination of t or n with <j : 203) after a vowel 
 everywhere ^ch. The manuscripts in general write simple ch. 
 
 b. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has 
 an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the 
 fact that ch makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes 
 "position": 79). As the duplication is accepted and followed by most 
 European scholars, it will be also adopted in this work in words and sen- 
 tences (not in roots and stems). 
 
 228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is 
 by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an 
 aspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 164). 
 
 Thus: 
 
 r r r _ r _ 
 
 Wf\ arka, or ET^ arkka; WiTU karya, or W\Jm karyya; 
 ^^ artha, or 5ff^ arttha; ^^ dirgha, or ^TTII dirggha.
 
 79 Extension and Abbreviation. [ — 231 
 
 a. Some of the authorities include, along with r, also h or 1 or v, or 
 more than one of them, in this rule. 
 
 b. A doubled consonant after r is very common in manuscripts and 
 inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions pre- 
 pared hy European scholars — in later ones, the duplication is universally 
 omitted. 
 
 c. On the other hand, the manuscripts often write a single consonant 
 after r where a donble one is etymologically required: thus, kartikeya, 
 vartika, for karttikeya, varttika. 
 
 229. The first consonant of a group — whether interior, or initial 
 after a vowel of a preceding word — is by the grammarians either allowed 
 or required to be doubled. 
 
 a. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Praticakhyas 
 — in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain 
 exceptions, see the Praticakhyas; the meaning of the whole matter is too 
 obscure to justify the giving of details here. 
 
 230. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by 
 some of the grammatical authorities, are the following: 
 
 a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called 
 yamas {ttvins), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Praticakhyas (and 
 assumed in Panini's commentary) : see APr. i. 99, note. 
 
 b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Praticakhyas teach the 
 insertion of a nasal sound called nasikya: see APr. i. 100, note. 
 
 C. Between r and a following consonant the Praticakhyas teach the 
 insertion of a svarabhakti or votvel-fragmoit: see APr. 1. 101-2, note. 
 
 d. Some authorities assume this insertion only before a spirant; the 
 others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other con- 
 sonant — namely, a half or a quarter mora before the former, a quarter or 
 an eighth before the latter. One (VPr.) admits it after 1 as well as r. It 
 is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of r (or 1). 
 
 e. The RPr. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant 
 and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called 
 sphotana (^distinguish er) between a guttural and a preceding mute of 
 another class. 
 
 f. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the 
 Praticakhyas. 
 
 231. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes may 
 be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both: 
 thus, yundhi for yungdhi, yundhvam for yungdhvam, antam for 
 anktam, panti for pankti, chintam for chinttam, bhintha for 
 bhinttha, indhe for inddhe. 
 
 a. The abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the 
 other Praticakhyas take no notice of it). It is the more usual practice of 
 the manuscripts, though the full group is also often written.
 
 232—] III. Euphonic Combination. 80 
 
 232. In general, a double consonant (including an aspirate which 
 is doubled by the prefixion of a non-aspirate) in combination with any- 
 other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple. 
 
 a. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the manusoripts makes no 
 difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed 
 liy the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication 
 is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written 
 ttv, so dattva and tattva may be, and almost invariably are, written as 
 datva and tatva. As kartana is also properly karttana, so karttika 
 (from krtti) is written as kartika. So in inflection, we have always, for 
 example, majna etc., not majjna, from majjan. Even in composition 
 and sentence-PoUocation the same abbreviations are made: thus, hrdyota 
 for hrddyota; chinaty asya for chinatty asya. Hence it is impossible 
 to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard 
 adhvam or addhvam (from >/as), advidhvam or adviddhvam (from 
 |/dv"is), as the true form of a second person plural. 
 
 233. a. Instances are sometimes met with of apparent loss (perhaps 
 after conversion to a semivowel) of i or u before y or v respectively. Thus, 
 in the Brahmanas, tu and nu with following vax etc. often make tvai, 
 nvai (also tvava, anvai); and other examples from the older language 
 are anvart- (anu + y^vart) ; paryan, paryanti, paryayat, paryana 
 (pari -\- yan, etc.) ; abhyarti (abhi + iyarti) ; antaryat (antar + iyat) ; 
 carvae, earvaka, earvadana (caru + vae, etc.); kyant for kiyant; 
 dvyoga (dvi + yoga) ; anva, anvasana (anu + va, etc.) ; probably 
 vyunoti for vi yunoti (RV.), urvaQl (uru-vaQi), 9i9vari for QiQu-vari 
 (RV.); vyama (vi+yama); and the late svarna for suvarna. More 
 anomalous abbreviations are the comuion trca (tri-(-rea); and dvrca 
 (dvi+rca: S.), and treni (tri + eiii: Apast.). 
 
 Further, certain cases of the loss of a sibilant require notice. Thus: 
 
 b. According to the Hindu grammarians, the s of s-aorist stems is 
 lost after a short vowel in the 2d and 3d sing, middle: thus, adithas 
 and adita (1st sing, adisi), akrthas and akrta (1st sing, akrsi). It 
 is, however, probable that such cases are to be explained in a different 
 manner : see 834 a. 
 
 c. The s between two mutes is lost in all combinations of the 
 roots stha and stambh with the prefix ud: thus, ut thus, utthita, 
 lit thapaya, uttabdha, etc. 
 
 d. The same omission is now and then made iu other similar cases: 
 thus cit kambhanena (for skambh-: RV.); tasmat tute (for stute) 
 and puroruk tuta (for stuta : K.); the compounds rktha (rk-f-stha: 
 PH.) and utphulinga; the derivative utphala (i/sphal). On the other 
 hand, we have vidyut stanayanti (RV.), utsthala, kakutstha, etc. 
 
 e. So also the tense-sign of the s-aorist is lost after a final consonant 
 of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, achantta (and
 
 81 Abbreviation of Consonant-groups. [—235 
 
 for this, by 231, achanta) for achantsta, Qapta for qapsta, taptam 
 for tapstam, abhakta for abhaksta, amauktam for amaukstam. 
 These are the only quotable cases: compare 883. 
 
 f. A final s of root or teuse-stem is in a few instances lost after a 
 sonant aspirate, and the combination of mutes is then made as if no sibilant 
 had ever intervened. Thus, from the root ghas, with omission of the 
 vowel and then of the final sibilant, we have the form gdha (for ghs-ta: 
 3d sing, mitl.), the participle gdha (in agdhad), and the derivative gdhi 
 (for ghs-ti; in sa-gdhij; and further, from the reduplicated form of the 
 same root, or j/jaks, we have jagdha, jagdhum, jagdhva, jagdhi (from 
 jaghs-ta etc.); also, in like manner, from baps, reduplication of bhas, the 
 form babdham (for babhs-tam). According to the Hindu grammarians, 
 the same utter loss of the aorist-sign s takes place after a final sonant 
 aspirate of a root before an ending beginning with t or tli: thus, from 
 }/rudh, s-aorist stem arauts act. and aruts mid., come the active dual 
 and plural persons arauddham and arauddham and arauddha, and the 
 middle singular persons aruddhas and aruddha. None of the active 
 forms, however, have been found quotable from the literature, ancient or 
 modern; and the middle forms admit also of a different explanation: see 
 834, 883. 
 
 Strengthening and Weakening Processes. 
 
 234. Under this head, we take up first the changes that affect 
 vowels, and then those that affect consonants — adding for convenience's 
 sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and consonant elements 
 that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. 
 
 Guna and Vrddhi. 
 
 235. The so-called guna- and vrddhi-changes are the most 
 regular and frequent of vowel-changes, being of constant 
 occurrence both in inflection and in derivation. 
 
 a. A guna- vowel (guna secondary quality) differs from 
 the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element 
 which is combined with the other according to the usual 
 rules; a vrddhi- vowel (vyddhi growth, increment], by the 
 further prefixion of a to the guna-vowel. Thus, of ^ i or 
 ^ 1 the corresponding guna is (a + i=) ^ e; the correspond- 
 ing vrddhi is (a-i-e=) 17 ai. But in all gunating processes 
 ^ a remains unchanged — or, as it is sometimes expressed, 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 6
 
 I 
 
 235—] III. Euphonic Combination. 82 
 
 ^ a is its own guna; STT a, of course, remains unchanged 
 for both guna and vrddhi. 
 
 236. The series of corresponding degrees is then as 
 follows: 
 
 simple vowel 
 
 a a 
 
 i i 
 
 u u 
 
 r 
 
 1 
 
 guna 
 
 a a 
 
 e 
 
 o 
 
 ar 
 
 al 
 
 vrddhi 
 
 a 
 
 ai 
 
 au 
 
 ar 
 
 
 a. There is nowhere any occurrpnce of f in a situation to nndergo 
 either guna or vrddhi-change ; nor does 1 (26) ever suffer change to 
 vrddhi. Theoretically, f would have the same changes as r; and the 
 vrddhi of 1 would be al. 
 
 • • 
 
 b. In secondary derivatives requiring vrddhi of the first syllable 
 (1204), the o of go (361 c) is strengthened to gau: thus, gaumata, 
 gausthika. 
 
 237. The historical relations of the members of each vowel-series are 
 still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view 
 of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the 
 original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their 
 increment or strengthening, in two several degrees — so that the rules of 
 formation direct a, i, u, r, 1 to be raised to guna or vrddhi respectively, 
 under specified conditions. But r has loiig been so clearly spen to come 
 by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or ra) that many European 
 grammarians have preferred to treat the guna-forms as the original and 
 the other as the derivative. Thus, for example: instead of assuming certain 
 roots to be bhr and vrdh, and making from them bharati and vardhati, 
 and bhrta and vrddha, by the same rules which from bhu and ni and 
 from budh and cit form bhavati and nayati, bodhati and cetati, 
 bhuta and nlta, buddha and citta — they assume bhar and vardh to 
 be the roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse. In this 
 work, as already stated (104 e), the r-form is preferred. 
 
 238. The guna-increraent is an Indo-Earopean phenomenon, and 
 is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on the 
 increased syllable. It is found — 
 
 a. In root-syllables: either in inflection, as dvesti from ]/dvis, 
 dohmi from |/duh; or in derivation, as dvesa, dohas, dvestum, 
 dogdhum. 
 
 b. In formative elements: either conjugational class-signs, as 
 tanomi from tanu; or suffixes of derivation, in inflection or in further 
 derivation, as mataye from mati, bhanavas from bhanu, pitaram 
 from pitr (or pitar), hantavya from hantu. 
 
 239. The vrddhi-increment is specifically Indian, and its occur- 
 rence is less frequent and regular. It is found —
 
 38 GuNA AND Vrddhi. [ — 242 
 
 a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of guna: thus, staiiti 
 from yatu, sakhayam from sakhi, anaisam from ]/ni, akarsara 
 and karayati and karya from )/kr (or kar), dataram from datf (or 
 datar). 
 
 b. Especially often, in initial syllables in secondary derivation: 
 thus, manasa from manas, vaidyuta from vidyut, bhauma from 
 bhumi, parthiva from prthivi (1204). 
 
 But — 
 
 240. The guna-increment doea not usually take place in a heavy 
 syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing 
 guna in processes of derivation and inflection do not apply to a short 
 vowel which is "long by position", nor to a long vowel unless it be 
 final: thus, cetati from ydt, but nindati from ]/nind; nayati from 
 ]/ni, but jivati from |/jiv. 
 
 a. The vrddhi-increment is not liable to this restriction. 
 
 b. Exceptioi^^,^jtbfi^.-rule are occasionally met with : thus, eha, ehas 
 from yih; hedayami, hedas, etc., from yhld; cosa etc. from Vcus; 
 ohate etc. from yuh consider; and especially, from roots in iv: dideva 
 devisyati, devana, etc, from ]/div; tistheva from }/sthiv; srevayami, 
 srevuka, from }/sriv — on account of which it is, doubtless, that these 
 roots are written with iv (div etc.) by the Hindu grammarians, although 
 they nowhere show a short i, in either verb-forms or derivatives. 
 
 c. A few cases occur of prolongation ingtead of increment: thus 
 diiaayati from )/dus, guhati from yguh. 
 
 The changes of r (more original ar or ra) are so various as to 
 call for further description. 
 
 241. The increments of r are sometimes ra and ra, instead of 
 ar and ar: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult com- 
 bination of consonants is avoided: thus, from y'dr9, draksyami and 
 adraksam; but also prthu and prath, prch and prach, krpa and 
 akrapista. 
 
 242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending 
 in r (for more original ar), the r changes both with ar, and more 
 irregularly, in a part of the forms, with ir — or also with ur (espe- 
 cially after a labial, in pr, mr, vr, sporadically in others): which ir 
 and ur, again, are liable to prolongation into ir and lir. Thus, for 
 example, from tr (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatara, atarisam, 
 by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tirtva, -tlrya, tirna, 
 and even (V.) turyama, tuturyat, tarturana. The treatment of such 
 roots has to be described in speaking of each formation. 
 
 a. For the purpose of artificially indicating this peculiarity of treatment, 
 such roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long r, or with both 
 r and r: no r actually appears anywhere among their forms. 
 
 6*
 
 242 — ] III- Euphonic Combination. 84 
 
 b. The (qiiotaWe) r-roots are 2 kr strexo, 1 gr sing, 1 gr sicallow, 
 1 jr wear out, tr, 1 Qr crush. 
 
 e. The (quotahle) r and r-roots are r, 1 dr pierce, 1 pr Jill, 1 mr die, 
 2vr choose, str, hvr. 
 
 d. Forms analogous T^ith these are sometimes made also from other 
 roots: thus, cirna, cirtva, carcurya, from )/car; spurdhan and spur- 
 dhase from ysprdh. 
 
 243. In a few cases r comes from the contraction of other syllables 
 than ar and ra: thus, in trta and trtiya, from ri; in 9rnu, fromru; in 
 bhrkuti, from ru. 
 
 Vowel-lengthening. 
 
 244. Vowel-lengthening concerns especially i and u, since the 
 lengthening of a is in part (except where in evident analogy with 
 that of i and vi) indistinguishable from its increment, and r is made 
 long only in certain plural cases of stems in r (or ar: 369 ff.). Length- 
 ening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than increment, 
 and its cases will in general be left to be pointed out in connection 
 with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only will be 
 mentioned here. 
 
 245. a. Final radical i and u are especially liable to prolongation 
 before y: as in passive and gerund and so on. 
 
 b. Final radical ir and ur (from variable r-roots: 242) are liable to 
 prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely, 
 before y and tva and na: and in declension before bh and s (392). 
 Radical is has the same prolongation in declension (392). 
 
 246. Compensatory lengthening, or absorption by a vowel of the time 
 of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain instances 
 of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 c, d, 199 d, 222 b). Perhaps 
 such cases as pita for pitars (371 a) and dhani for dhanins (439) are 
 to be classed here. 
 
 247. The final vojrel.of a fprmer member of a compound is often 
 made long, especially in the Veda. Prolongations of final a, and before v, 
 are most frequent; but cases are found of every variety. Examples are: 
 devavi, vayunavid, pravrs, rtavasu, indravant, sadanasad, 9ata- 
 magha, vi9vanara, ekada9a; apiju, parinah, virudh, tuvimagha, 
 tviBimant, 9aktivant; vasuju, anurudh, stimaya, puruvasu. 
 
 248. In the Veda, the final vowel of a word — generally a, much 
 less often i and u — is in a large number of cases prolonged. Usually 
 the prolongation takes place where it is favored by the metre, but some- 
 times even where the metre opposes the change (for details, see the various 
 Pratifakhyas). 
 
 Words of which the finals are thus treated are:
 
 8 5 Vowel-lengthening.. [—250 
 
 a. Particles : namely, atha, adha, eva, uta, gha, ha, iha, iva, 
 ca, sma, na, anga, kila, atra, yatra, tatra, kutra, anyatra, ubhay- 
 atra, adya, accha, apa, pra; ati, nl, yadi, nahl, abhl, vi; u, tu, 
 nu, su, zaaksu. 
 
 b. Case-forms: especially iristr. sing., as ena, t6na, yena, svena, 
 and others ; rarely gen. sing., as asya, harinasya. Cases besides these 
 are few: so sfma, vrsabha, hariyojana (voc); tanvi (loc); and uru 
 and (not rarely) purij. 
 
 C. Verh-forms ending in a, in great number and variety: thus (nearly 
 in the order of their comparative frequency), 2d sing, inrpv. act., as piba, 
 sya, gamaya, dharaya; — 2d pi. act, in ta and tha, as stha, atta, 
 bibhrta, jayata, Qrnuta, anadata, nayatha, jivayatha (and one or 
 two in tana: avistana, hantana); — 1st pi. act. in ma, as vidma, 
 risama, rdhyama, ruhema, vanuyama, cakrma, marmrjma; — 
 2d sing. impv. mid. in sva, as yuksva, idisva, dadhisva, vahasva; 
 — 1st and 3d sing. perf. act., as veda, vive9a, jagrabha; 2d sing. perf. 
 act., vettha; — 2d pi. perf. act., anaja, cakra. Of verb-forms ending 
 in i, only the 2d sing. impv. act. : thus, krdhi, krnuhi, kaidhi, ^rudlil, 
 Qrnudhi, 9rnuhi, didihi, jahi. 
 
 d. To these may be added the gerund in ya (993 a), as abhigurya, 
 acya. 
 
 Vowel-lightening. 
 
 249. The alteration of short a to an i- or u-vowel in the formative 
 processes of the language, except in r or ar roots (as explained above); 
 is a sporadic phenomenon only. 
 
 250. But the lightening of a long a especially to an i-vowel 
 (as also its loss), is a frequent process; no other vowel is so un- 
 stable. 
 
 a. Of the class-sign na (of the krl-class of verbs: 717 ff.), the 
 a is in -weak forms changed to i, and before vowel-endings dropped alto- 
 gether. The final a of certain roots is treated in the same manner: thus, 
 ma, ha, etc. (662-6). And from some roots, a- and i- or i-forms so 
 interchange that it is difficult to classify them or to determine the true 
 character of the root. 
 
 b. Radical a is weakened, to the semblance of the union-vowel i in 
 certain verbal forms : as perfect dadima from |/da etc. (794 k) ; aorist 
 adhithas from |/dha etc. (834 a}; present jahimas from yTia etc. (665). 
 
 e. Radical a is shortened to the semblance of stem-a in a number 
 reduplicated forms, as tistha, piba, dada, etc.: see 671-4; also in a 
 few aorists, as ahvam, akhyam, etc. : see 847. 
 
 d. Radical a sometimes becomes e, especially before y : as stheyasam, 
 deya.
 
 251—] in. Euphonic Combination. 86 
 
 251. Certain a-roots, because of their peculiar exchanges with i and 
 i-forms, especially in forming the present stem, are given hy the Hindu 
 grammarians as roots ending in e or ai or o. Thus, from 2 dha suck (dhe) 
 come the present dhayati and participle and gerund dhita, dhitva; the 
 other forms are made from dha, as dadhus, adhat, dhasyati, dhatave, 
 dhapayati. From 2 ga sing (gai) come the present gayati, the parti- 
 ciple and gerund gita and gitva, and passive giyate, and the other forms 
 from ga. From 3 da cut (do) come the present dyati and participle dita 
 or dina, and the other' form^" 'from da. The irregularities of these roots 
 will he treated below, under the various formations (see especially 761 d ff.). 
 
 252. By a process of ahbreviation essentially akin with that of ar or 
 ra to r, the va (usually initial) of a number of roots becomes. u, and the 
 ya of a much smaller number becomes i, in certain verbal forms and deriv- 
 atives. Thus, from vac come uvaca, ueyasam, uktva, ukta, ukti, 
 uktha, etc. ; from yaj come iyaja, ijyasam, istva, ista, isti, etc. See 
 below, under the various formations. 
 
 a. To this change is given by European grammarians the name of 
 samprasarana, by adaptation of a term used in the native grammar. 
 
 253. A short a, of root or ending, is not infrequently lost between 
 consonants in a weakened syllable: thus, in verb-forms, ghnanti, apaptam, 
 jagmus, jajniis, ajnata; in noun-forms, rajne, rajni. 
 
 254. Union-vowels. All the simple vowels come to assume in 
 certain cases the aspect of union-vowels, or insertions between root or stem 
 and ending of inflection or of derivation. 
 
 a. That character belongs oftenest to i, which is very widely used: 
 1. before the s of aorist and future and desiderative stems, as in ajivisam, 
 jivisyami, jijivisami; 2. in tense-inflection, especially perfect, as jiji- 
 vima; occasionally also present, as aniti, roditi; 3. in derivation, as 
 jivita, khanitvim, janitr, rocisnu, etc. etc. 
 
 b. Long i is used sometimes instead of short: thus, agrahisam, 
 grahisyami; braviti, vavaditi; taritr, savitf ; it is also oftesi intro- 
 duced before s and t of the 2d and 3d sing, of verbs: thus, asis, asit. 
 
 C. For details respecting these, and the more irregular and sporadic 
 occurrences of u- and a-vowels in the same character, see below. 
 
 Nasal Increment. 
 
 255. Both in roots and in endings, a distinction of stronger and 
 weaker forms is very often made by the presence or absence of a 
 nasal element, a nasal mute or anusvara, before a following con- 
 sonant. In general, the stronger form is doubtless the more original; 
 but, in the present condition of the language, the nasal has come in 
 great measure to seem, and to some extent also to be used, as an 
 actually strengthening element, introduced under certain conditions 
 in formative and inflective processes.
 
 87 Nasal Increment. [ — 260 
 
 a. Examples are, of roots: ac and ane, grath and granth, vid 
 and vind, da9 and danq, sras and srans, drh and drnh: of endings, 
 bharantam and bharata, manasi and manansi. 
 
 256. A final n, whether of stem or of root, is less stable than any 
 other consonant, where a weaker form is called for: thus, from rajan we 
 have raja and rajabhis, and in composition raja; from dhaiun, dhani 
 and dhanibhis and dhani; from yhan we have hatha and hata, etc. 
 A final radical m is sometimes treated in the same way: thus, from }/gaia, 
 gahi, gatam, gata, gati. 
 
 257. Inserted n. On the other hand, the nasal n has come to he 
 used with great — and, in the later history of the language, with increasing 
 — frequency as a union-consonant, inserted between vowels: thus, from agni, 
 agnina and agnmam ; from madhu, madhunas, madhuni, madhuni ; 
 from 9iva, givena, givani, 9ivanain. 
 
 258. Inserted y. a. After final a of a root, a y is often found as 
 apparently a mere union-consonant before another vowel : thus, in inflection, 
 adhayi etc. (844), qayayati etc. (1042), 9ivayas etc. (363 e), gayati 
 etc. (761 e); further, in derivation, -gaya, -yayara, dayaka etc.; 
 -sthayika; payana, -gayana; dhayas, -hayas; sthayin etc. (many 
 cases); -hitayin, -tatayin; sthayuka. 
 
 b. Other more sporadic cases of inserted y — such as that in the 
 pronoun-forms ayara, iyara, vayam, yuyara, svayam; and in optative 
 inflection before an ending beginning with a vowel (566) — will be point- 
 ed out below in their connection. 
 
 Reduplication. 
 
 259. Reduplication of a root (originating doubtless in its com- 
 plete repetition) has come to be a method of radical increment or 
 strengthening in various formative processes: namely, 
 
 a. in present-stem formation (642 ft".): as dadami, bibharmi; 
 
 b. in perfect-stem formation, almost universally (782 ff.;: astatana, 
 dadhau, cakara, rireca, lulopa; 
 
 c. in aorist-stem formation (856 ff.): as adidharam, acucyavam; 
 
 d. in intensive and desiderative-stem formation, throughout(1000ff., 
 1026 if.): as janghanti, johaviti, marmrjyate; pipasati, jighansati ; 
 
 e. in the formation of derivative noun-stems (1143 e): as papri, 
 carcara, sasahi, cikitu, malimluca. 
 
 f. Rules for the treatment of the reduplication in these several cases 
 will be given in the proper connection below. 
 
 260. As, by reason of the strengthening and weakening changes 
 indicated above, the same root or stem not seldom exhibits, in the 
 processes of inflection and derivation, varieties of stronger and weaker 
 form, the distinction and description of these varieties forms an im- 
 portant part of the subjects hereafter to be treated.
 
 261—] IV. Declension. 88 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DECLENSION. 
 
 261. The general subject of declension includes nouns, adjectives, 
 and pronouns, all of which are inflected in essentially the same manner. 
 But while the correspondence of nouns and adjectives is so close that 
 they cannot well be separated in treatment (chap. V.), the pronouns, 
 which exhibit many pecularities, will be best dealt with in a separate 
 chapter (VII.); and the words designating number, or numerals, also 
 form a class peculiar enough to require to be presented by them- 
 selves (chap. VI.). 
 
 262. Declensional forms show primarily case and num- 
 ber ; but they also indicate gender — since, though the 
 distinctions of gender are made partly in the stem itself, 
 they also appear, to no inconsiderable extent, in the changes 
 of inflection. 
 
 263. Gender. The genders are three, namely mascu- 
 line, feminine, and neuter, as in the other older Indo-Euro- 
 pean languages; and they follovr in general the same laws 
 of distribution as, for example, in Greek and Latin. 
 
 a. The only words which show no sign of gender-distinction are the 
 personal pronouns of the first and second person (491), and the numerals 
 above /owr (483). 
 
 264. Number. The numbers are three — singular, dual, 
 
 and plural. 
 
 a. A few words are used only in the plural: as daras wife, apas watet", 
 the numeral dva two, is dual only; "and," as in other languages, many words 
 are, by the nature of their use, found to occur only in the singular. 
 
 265. As to the uses of the numbers, it needs only to be remarked 
 that the dual is (with only very rare and sporadic exceptions) used 
 strictly in all cases where two objects are logically indicated, whether 
 directly or by combination of two individuals: thus, Qive te dya- 
 vaprthivi ubhe stara may heaven and earth both he propitious to thee! 
 daivam ca manusam ea hotarau vrtva having chosen both the divine 
 and the human sacrijicers ; pathor devayanasya pitryanasya ca of 
 the two jiaths leading respectively to the gods and to the Fathers.
 
 89 Cases. [—268 
 
 a. The dual is used alone (without dva ttvo') properly when the 
 duality of the objects indicated is well understood ; thus, a9vinau the ttcn 
 Acvins ; indrasya hari Indras two hays ; but tasya dvav a9vau stall 
 he has two horses. But now and then the dual stands alone pregnantly : 
 thus, vedam vedau vedan va one Veda or two or more than ttvo., 
 ekasaste 9 ate two hu7idrecl and sixty-one. 
 
 266. Case. The cases are (including the vocative) eight: 
 nominative, accusative, instrumental, dative, ablative, gen- 
 itive, locative, and vocative. 
 
 a. The order in which they are here mentioned is that established for 
 them by the Hindu grammarians, and accepted from these by Western 
 scholars. The Hindu names of the cases are founded on this order: the 
 nominative is called prathama Jirst, the accusative dvitiya second, the 
 genitive sasthi sixth (sc. vibhakti division, i. e. case), etc. The object 
 sought in the arrangement is simply to set next to one another those cases 
 which are to a greater or less extent, in one or another number, identical 
 in form ; and, putting the nominative first, as leading case, there is no 
 other order by which that object could be attained. The vocative is not 
 considered and named by the native grammarians as a case like the rest; 
 in this work, it will be given in the singular (where alone it is ever dis- 
 tinguished from the nominative otherwise than by accent) at the end of the 
 series of cases. 
 
 A compendious statement of the uses of the cases is given in 
 the following paragraphs: 
 
 267. Uses of the Nominative. The nominative is the case 
 of the subject of the sentence, and of any word qualifying the sub- 
 ject, whether attributively, in apposition, or as predicate. 
 
 268. One or two peculiar constructions call for notice: 
 
 a. A predicate nominative, instead of an objective predicate in the 
 accusative, is used with middle verb-forms that signify regarding or calling 
 one's self: thus, somam manyate papivan (RVT) %e thinks he has been 
 drinking soma; sa many eta puranavit (AV.) he may regard himself as 
 wise in ancient things: durgad va aharta 'vocathah (MS.) thou hast 
 claimed to be a savior out of trouble; indro brahmano briivanah 
 (TS.) Indra pretending to be a Brahman; katthase satyavadi (R.) thou 
 boastest thyself truthful. Similarly with the phrase riipajri kr : thus, 
 krsno rupam krtva (TS.) talcing on a black form (i. e. making shape 
 for himself as one that is black). 
 
 b. A word made by iti (1102) logically predicate to an object is 
 ordinarily nominative: thus, svargo loka iti yam vadanti (AV.) what 
 they call the heavenly world; tam agnistoma ity acaksate (AB.) it 
 they style agnistoma; vidarbharajatanayam damayanti 'ti viddhi 
 mam (MBh.) know me for the Vidarbha-king's daughter, Damayanti by
 
 268—] IV. Declension. 90 
 
 name. Both constructions are combined in ajnam hi balam ity ahuh 
 pite 'ty eva tu mantradam (M.) for to an ignorant man they give the 
 name of ^ child' , but that of father'' to one who imparts the sacred texts. 
 c. A nominative, instead of a second vocative, is sometimes added to 
 a vocative by ca and: thus, indra9 ca somam pibatam brhaspate 
 (RV.) together tvith Indra, do ye two drink the soma, O Brhaspati! vi9ve 
 deva yajaniana9 ca sidata (TS.) O ye All- Gods, and the sacrijicer, 
 take seats! 
 
 269. Uses of the accusative. The accusative is especially 
 the case of the direct object of a transitive verb, and of any word 
 qualifying that object, as attribute or appositive or objective predi- 
 cate. The construction of the verb is shared, of course, by its par- 
 ticiples and infinitives; but also, in Sanskrit, by a number of other 
 derivatives, having a more or less participial or infinitival character, 
 and even sometimes by nouns and adjectives. A few prepositions 
 are accompanied by the accusative. As less direct object, or goal 
 of motion or action, the accusative is construed especially with verbs 
 of approach and address. It is found used more adverbially as ad- 
 junct of place or time or manner; and a host of adverbs are accus- 
 ative cases in form. Two accusatives are often found as objects of 
 the same verb. 
 
 270. The use of the accusative as direct object of a transitive verb 
 and of its infinitives and participles hardly needs illustration; an example 
 or two are: agnim ide I praise Agni; namo bharantah bringing 
 homage; bhuyo datum arhasi thou shouldsi give more. Of predicate 
 ■words qualifying the object, an example is tarn ugraiii krnomi tarn 
 brahmanam (RV.) him I make formidable, him a priest. 
 
 271. Of verbal derivatives having so far a participial character that 
 they share the construction of the verb, the variety is considerable: thus — 
 
 a. Derivatives in u from desiderative stems (1038) have wholly the 
 character of present participles: thus, damayantim abhipsavah (MBb.) 
 desiring to tcin Damayanti; didrksur janakatmajam (R.) desiritig to 
 see Janaka's daughter. Rarely, also, the verbal noun in a from such a root: 
 thus, svargam abhikanksaya (R.) with desire of paradise. 
 
 b. So-called primary derivatives in in have the same character: thus, 
 mam kamini (AV.) loving me; enam abhibhasini (MBh.) addressing 
 him. Even the obviously secondary garbhin has in ^B. the same con- 
 struction : thus, sarvani bhiitani garbhy abhavat he became pregnant 
 with all beings. 
 
 c. Derivatives in aka, in the later. language: as, bhavantam abhi- 
 vadakah (MBh.) intending to salute you; mithilam avarodhakah (R.) 
 besieging Mithild. 
 
 d. Nouns in tar, very frequently in the older language, and as peri- 
 phrastic future forms (942 ff.) in the later: thus, hanta yo vrtram
 
 91 Uses op the Accusative. [—273 
 
 sanito 'ta vajam data maghani (RV.) ivho slayeth, the dragon, toinneth 
 booty, hestoweth largesses; tau hi 'dam sarvam hartarati (JB.) for 
 they seize on this universe; tyaktarah samyuge pranan (MBh.) risking 
 life in battle. 
 
 e. The root itself, in the older language, used with the -value of a 
 present participle at the end of a compound : thus, yam yajnam paribhur 
 asi (RV.) ivhat offering thou surromulest [protectest); ahim. apah. pari- 
 stham (RV.) the dragon confining the tvaters. Also a superlative of a 
 root-stem (468, 471): thus, tvam vasu devayate vanisthah (RV.) thou 
 art chief winner of loealth for the pious; ta somam somapatam.a (RV.) 
 they two are the greatest drinkers of soma. 
 
 f. The derivative in i from the (especially the reduplicated) root, in 
 the older language: thus, babhrir vajram papih somam dadir gah. 
 (RV.) bearing the thunderbolt, drinking the sotna, bestowing kine; yajnam 
 atanih (RV.) extendiiig the sacrifice. 
 
 g. Derivatives in uka, very frequently in the Brahmana language: 
 thus, vatsariQ ca ghatuko vrkah (AV.) and the loolf destroys his calces; 
 
 'veduko vaso bhavati (TS.) he wins a garmetit ; kamuka enam striyo 
 bbavanti (MS.) the loomen fall in love loitJi him. 
 
 h. Other cases are more sporadic: thus, derivatives in a, as mdro 
 drdha cid arujah (RV.) Indra breaks up even tvhat is fast; nai 'va 
 'rhah paitrkam riktham (M.) by no means entitled to his father's 
 estate; — in atnu, as vidu cid arujatnubhih (RV.) tvith the breakers 
 of whatever is strong; — in atha, as yajathaya devan (RV.) to make 
 offering to the gods; — in ana, as tarn nivarane (MBh.) in restraining 
 hitn; svamansam: iva bhojane (R.) as if in eating one's own flesh; — 
 in ani, as samatsu turvanih prtanyun (RV.) overcoming foes in 
 combats; — in ti, as na tarn dhiirtih (RV.) there is no injuring him; — 
 in van, as apa9eaddaghva 'nnam bhavati (MS.) he does not come 
 short of food; — in snu, as sthira ein namayisnavah (RV.) bowing 
 even firm things. 
 
 272. Examples of an accusative with an ordinary nonn or adjective 
 are only occasional: such words as anuvrata faithful to, pratirupa 
 corresponding to, abhidhrsmi daring to cope with, pratyane opposite 
 to, may be regarded as taking an accusative in virtue of the preposition they 
 contain; also anuka, as anuka deva varunam (MS.) the gods are inferior 
 to Varuna. RV. has tam antarvatih pregnant ivith him; and AV. has 
 mam kamena through loving me. 
 
 273. The direct construction of cases with prepositions is compara- 
 tively restricted in Sanskrit (1123 ff.). "With the accusative are oftenest 
 found prati, opposite to, in reference to, etc.; also anu after, in the course 
 of; antar or antara between; rarely ati across; abhi against, to; a3>l 
 others (1129). Case-forms which have assumed a prepositional value are 
 also often used with the accusative: as antarena, uttarena, daksinena, 
 avarena, urdhvam, rte.
 
 274—] Declension. 92 
 
 274. The accusative is very often found also as object of verbs -which 
 in the related languages are not transitive. 
 
 a. It stands especially as the goal of motion, with verbs of going, 
 bringing, sending, and the like : thus, vidarbhan agaman (MBh.) they 
 went to Vidarhha; divam yayuh (MBh.) ^Aey went to Jieaven; vanagul- 
 man dhavantah (MBh.) running to woods and bushes; apo divam. ud 
 vahanti (AV.) they carry up waters to the sky; devan yaje (AV.) / 
 make offering to the gods. 
 
 b. With verbs meaning go, this is an extremely common construction ; 
 and the use of such a verb with an abstract noun makes peculiar phrases 
 of becoming: thus, samatam eti he goes to equality (i. e. becomes equal); 
 sa gacehed badhyatam mama (MBh.) he shall become liable to be slain 
 by me\ sa pancatvam agatah {B..') he was resolved into the Jive elements 
 {underwent dissolution, died). 
 
 c. Verbs of speaking follow the same rule: thus, tam abravit he 
 said to him; prakro9ad uccair naisadham (MBh.) she cried out loudly 
 to the Nishadhan; yas tvo 'vaca (AV.) who spoke to thee. 
 
 « 
 
 d. The assumption of an accusative object is exceptionally easy in 
 Sanskrit, and such an object is often taken by a verb or phrase which is 
 strictly of intransitive character: thus, sahasa pra 'sy anyan (RV.) in 
 might thou excellest (lit. art ahead) others; deva vai brahma sam. 
 avadanta (MS.) the gods were discussing (lit. loere talking together) 
 brahman; antar vai m.a yajnad yanti (MS.) surely they are cutting 
 me off (lit. are going between) from the offering; tam sam babhiiva 
 (^B.) he had intercourse with Iter. 
 
 275. Examples of the cognate accusative, or accusative of implied 
 object, are not infrequent: thos, tapas tapyamahe (AV.) we do penance; 
 te hai 'tam edhatum edham cakrire (^B) they prospered with that 
 prosperity; usitva sukhavasam. (R.) abiding happily. 
 
 276. The accusative is often used in more adverbial constructions. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. Occasionally, to denote measme. of space: thus, yojana9atam 
 gantum (MBh.) to go a hundred leagues; sad vicchrito yojanani (MBh.) 
 six leagues high. 
 
 b. Much more often, to denote measure arduratiftn of time: thus, sa 
 samvatsaram iirdhvo 'tisthat (AV.) he stood a year upright; tisro 
 ratrir diksitah syat (TS.) let him be consecrated three nights; gatva 
 trin ahoratran (MlJh.) having traveled three complete days. 
 
 c. Sometimes, to denote the point of space, or, oftener, of time: thus, 
 yam asya di^am dasyuh syat (yB.) whatever region his enemy may 
 he in; tenai 'tam ratrim saha " jagama ((,'B.) he arrived that night 
 with him; imam rajanim vyustam (MBh.) this current night. 
 
 d. Very often, to denote manner or accompanying circumstance. 
 Thus, the neuter accusative of innumerable adjectives, simple or compound
 
 93 Uses of the Accusative. [—279 
 
 (1111), is used adverbially, while certain kinds of compounds are thus 
 used to such an extent that the Hindu grammarians have made of them a 
 special adverbial class (1313). 
 
 e. Special cases are occasionally met with: thus, brahmacaryam 
 uvasa f^B.) he kept a term of studentship ; phalam pacyante (MS.) thei/ 
 ripen their fruit; gam divyadhvam (MS., S.) gamble for a cow. 
 
 277. The accusative is, of course, freely used with other cases to limit 
 the same verb, as the sense requires. And whenever it is usable with a 
 verb in two different constructions, the verb may take two accusatives, one 
 in each construction: and such combinations are quite frequent in Sanskrit. 
 Thus, with verbs of appealing, asking, having recourse: as, apo yacami 
 bhesajam (RV.) I ask the waters for medicine; tvam aham satyam 
 icchami (R.) I desire truth from thee; tvam vayam (jaranam gatah 
 (MBh.) we have resorted to thee for succor; — with verbs of bringing, 
 sending, following, imparting, saying: as, gurutvam naram nayanti (H.) 
 they bring a man to respectability; sita ca 'nvetu mam vanam (R.) 
 and let Situ accompany me to the forest: supe9asam ma 'va srjanty 
 astam (RV.) they let me go home well adorned; tam idam abravit (MBh.) 
 this he said to her; — and in other less common cases: as, vrksam pakvam 
 phalam dhunuhi (RV.) shake ripe fruit from the tree; ta.m. visam 
 eva 'dhok (AV.) poison he jnilked from her; jitva rajyam nalam 
 (MBh.) having won the kingdom from Nala; amusnitam panim gah (RV.) 
 ye robbed the Pani of the kine; drasttim icchavah putram paqcimadar- 
 Qanam (R.) we toish to see our son for the last time. 
 
 a. A causative form of a transitive verb regularly admits two accu- 
 sative objects: thus, devan ucjatah payaya havih (RV.) make the eager 
 gods drink the oblation : osadhir eva phalam grahayati (MS.) he makes 
 the plants bear fruit; vanijo dapayet karan (M.) he should cause the 
 jnerchants to pay taxes. But such a causative sometimes takes an instru- 
 mental instead of a second accusative: see 282 b. 
 
 278. Uses of the Instrumental. The instrumental is orig- 
 inally the tcith-ca.se: it denotes adjacency, accompauiment, association 
 — passing over into the expression of means and instrument by the 
 same transfer of meaning which appears in the English prepositions 
 with and by. 
 
 a. Nearly all the uses of the case are readily deducible from this 
 fundamental meaning, and show nothing anomalous or difficult. 
 
 279. The instrumental is often used to signify accompaniment : thus, 
 agnir devebhir a gamat (RV.) may Agni come hither along lotth the 
 gods ; marudbhi rudram hiivema (RV.) tee would call Rudra icith the 
 Maruts; dvaparena sahayena kva yasyasi (MBh.) whither wilt thou 
 go, tvith Bvapara for companion ? kathayan naisadhena (MBh.) talking 
 with the Nishadhan. But the relation of simple accompaniment is more 
 often helped to plainer expression by prepositions (saha etc.: 284).
 
 280—] IV. Declension. 94 
 
 280. Tlie instrumental of means or instrument or agent is yet more 
 frequent: thus, bhadram karnebhih 9rnuyama (RV.) may we hear 
 with our ears what is propitious; 9astrena nidhanam (MBh.) death by 
 the sword] kecit padbhyam hata gajaih (MBh.) some were slain by the 
 elephants with their feet; prthak panibhyam darbhatarunakair 
 navanitena 'ngusthopakanisthikabhyam aksini ajya (AGS.) anoint- 
 ing their eyes with fresh butter, by help of the bunches of da,rhh.a,-gr ass, 
 with the thumb and ring-Jlnger, using the tivo hands successively. And 
 this passes easily over into the expression of occasion or reason (for which 
 the ablative is more frequent): thus, krpaya through pity; tena satyena 
 in virtue of that truth. 
 
 281. Of special applications, the following may be noticed: 
 
 a. Accordance, equality, likeness, and the like: thus, saiuS,m jyotih 
 suryena (AV.) a brightness equal with the sun; yesam aham na 
 padarajasa tulyah (MBh.) to the dust of whose feet I am not equal. 
 
 b. Price (by which obtained): thus, dagabhih krinati dhenubbih 
 (RV.) he buys tvith ten kine; gavam 9atasahasrena diyatam 9abala 
 mama (U.) let (^abala be given me for a hundred thousand cows; sa te 
 'ksahrdayam data raja '9vahrdayena vai (MBh.) the king will give 
 thee the secret science of dice in return for that of horses. 
 
 c. Medium, and hence also space or .distance or road, traversed: thus, 
 udna na navam anayanta (RV.) tJiey brought [him] as it were a ship 
 by water; e 'ha yatam pathibhir devayanaih (RV.) ccme hither by 
 god-traveled paths; jagmur vihayasa (MBh.) they went off through 
 the air. 
 
 d. Time passed through, or by the lapse of which anything is brought 
 about: thus, vidarbhan yatum iechamy ekahna (MBh.) I tvish to go 
 to Vidarbha in the course of one day; te ea kalena mahata yauvanam 
 pratipedire (R.) and they in a long time attained adolescence; tatra 
 kalena jayante manava dirghajivinah (M.) there in time are born 
 men long-lived. This use of the instrumental borders upon that of the 
 locative and ablative. 
 
 e. The part of the body on (or by) which anything is borne is usually 
 expressed by the instrumental: as, kukkurah skandheno 'hyate (H.) 
 a dog is carried on the shoulder; and this construction is extended to such 
 cases as tulaya krtam (H.) put on (i. e. so as to be carried by) a balance. 
 
 f. Not infrequent are such phrases as baUuna kim pyalapena (R.) 
 what is the use of (i. e. is gained by) much talking'? ko nu me jivitena 
 'rthah (MBh.) ivhat object is life to me? nirujas tvi kim ausadhaih 
 (H.) but ivhat has a tvell man to do with medicines? 
 
 g. An instrumental of accompaniment is occasionally used almost or 
 quite with the value of an instrumental absolute: thus, na tvaya 'tra 
 maya 'vasthitena ka 'pi cinta karya (Pane.) ivith me at hand, thou 
 need\st feel no anxiety whatever on this point.
 
 95 Uses of the Instrumental. [—286 
 
 282. a. The construction of a passive verb (or paiticiplo) with an 
 instrumental of the agent is common from the earliest period, and becomes 
 decidedly more so later, the passive participle with instrumental taking to 
 no smal extent the place of an active verb vcith its subject. Thus, yamena 
 dattah (RV.) giveti hy Yama\ fsibhir Idyah (RV.) to be praised by 
 sages; vyadhena jalam vistirnam (H.) by the himte}' a net \icas] spread; 
 tac chrutva jaradgaveno 'ktam (U.) Jaradgava, hearing this, said; 
 maya gantavyam (H.) I shall go. A predicate to the instrumental subject 
 of such a construction is, of course, also in the instrumental : thus, adhuna 
 tava 'nucarena maya sarvatha bhavitavyam (H.) heiicefnrth I shall 
 always be thy companion; avahitair bhavitavyam bhavadbhih (Vikr.) 
 you must be attentive. 
 
 b. A causative verb sometimes takes an instrumental instead of an 
 accusative as'Tecond object: thus, tarn 9vabhih khadayed raja (M.) 
 the king should have her devoured by dogs; ta varunena 'grahayat 
 (MS.) he caused Varuna to seize them. 
 
 283. Many instrumental constructions are such as call in translation 
 for other prepositions than with or by; yet the true instrumental relation is 
 usually to be traced, especially if the etymological sense of the words be 
 carefully considered. 
 
 a. More anomalously, however, the instrumental is used interchangeably 
 with the ablative with words signifying separation: thus, vatsair viyutah 
 (RV.) separated from their calves ; ma 'ham atmana vi radhisi (AV.) 
 let me not be severed from the breath of life; sa taya vyayujyata 
 (MBh.) he was parted from her ; papmanai 'vai 'nam vi punanti (MS.) 
 they cleanse him from evil (compare English parted with). The same 
 meaning may be given to the case even when accompanied b)^_9alia«>jyi: 
 thus, bhartra saha viyogah (MBh.) separation from her husband. 
 
 284. The prepositions taking the instrumental (1127) are those sig- 
 nifying icith and the like: thus, saha, with the adverbial words containing 
 sa as an element, as sakam, sardham, saratham ; — and, in general, 
 a word compounded with sa, sam, saha takes an instrumental as its regular 
 and natural complement. But also the preposition vina without takes 
 sometimes the instrumental (cf. 283 a). 
 
 285. Uses of the Dative. The dative is the case of the 
 indirect object — or that toward or in the direction of or in order 
 to or for which anything is or is done (either intransitively or to a 
 direct object). 
 
 a. In more physical connections, the uses of the dative approach those 
 of the accusative (the more proper ^o-case), and the two are sometimes 
 interchangeable; but the general value of the dative as the toward- ox for- 
 case is almost everywhere distinctly to be traced. 
 
 286. Thus, the dative is used with — 
 
 a. Words signifying give, share out, assign, and the like: thus, yo na 
 dadati sakhye (RV.) loho gives not to a friend; yaccha 'smai 9arma 
 (RV.) bestoto upon him. protection.
 
 286—] IV. Declension. 96 
 
 b. Words signifying shoio, announce, declare, and the like: thus, 
 dhanur darQaya ramaya (R.) sJiow the how to JRama; avir ebhyo 
 abhavat siiryah (RV.) the sun teas manifested to them] rtuparnam 
 bhimaya pratyavedayan (MBh.) they announced Rituparna to Bhima\ 
 tebhyah pratijnaya (MBh.) having jn-omised to them. 
 
 c. Words signifying give attention, have a regard or feeling, aspire, 
 and the like: thus, nive9aya mano dadhuh (MBh.) they set their minds 
 upon encamping; mate 'va putrebhyo mrda (AV.) be gracious as a 
 mother to her sons: kim asmabhyam hrnise (RV.) ivhy art thou angry 
 at us? kamaya sprhayaty atrna (Spr.) the soul longs for love. 
 
 d. Words signifying ^?e«se, suit, conduce, and the like: thus, yadyad 
 rocate viprebliyah (M.) whatever is pleasing to Brahmans; tad 
 anantyaya kalpate (KU.) that makes for immortality. 
 
 e. Words signifying inclination, obeisance, and the like: thus, mahyam 
 namantam pradi9a9 catasrah (RV.) let the four quarters bow themselves 
 to me; devebhyo namaskrtya (MBh.) having paid homage to the gods. 
 
 f. Words signifying hurling or casting: as yena duda9e asyasi (AV.) 
 xvith which thou hurlest at the impious. 
 
 g. In some of these constructions the genitive and locative are also 
 used: see below. 
 
 287. In its more distinctive sense, as signifying for, for the benefit 
 of, with reference to, and the like, the dative is used freely, and in a 
 great variety of constructions. And this use passes over intc that of the 
 dative of end or purpose, which is extremely common. Thus, isum krn- 
 vana asanaya (AV.) making an a7-roiv for hurling ; grhnami te sau- 
 bhagatvaya hastam (RV.) I take thy hand in order to happiness; rastraya 
 mahyam badhyatam sapatnebhyah parabhuve (AV.) be it bound 
 on in order to royalty for me, in order to destruction for my enemies, 
 
 a. Such a dative is much used predicatively (and oftenest with the 
 copula omitted), in the sense oi makes for, tends toward; also is intetided 
 for, and so tnust; or is liable to, and so can. Thus, upade90 murkhanam 
 prakopaya na 9antaye (H.) good counsel [tends] to the exasperation, 
 not the conciliation, of fools; sa ca tasyah samtosaya na 'bhavat (H.) 
 and he was not to her satisfaction; sugopa asi na dabhaya (RV.) thou 
 art a good herdsman, not one for cheating (i. e. not to he cheated'). 
 
 b. These uses of the dative are in the older language especially illus- 
 trated hy the dative infinitives, for which see 982. 
 
 288. The dative is not used with prepositions (1124). 
 
 289. Uses of the Ablative. The ablative is the /rom-oase 
 in the various senses of that preposition ; it is used to express removal, 
 separation, distinction, issue, and the like. 
 
 290. The ablative is used where expulsion, removal, distinction, re- 
 lease, defense, and other kindred relations are expressed : thus, te sedhanti 
 patho vrkam (AV.) they drive away the wolf from the path ; ma pra
 
 97 Uses of the Ablative. [—292 
 
 gama pathah (RV.) may we not go away from the path; eti va esa 
 yajnamukhat (MS.) he eerily goes away from the face of the sacrifice: 
 are asmad astu hetih (AV.) far from us be your missile-, patam no 
 vrkat (KV.) save us front the wolf; astabhnad dyara avasrasah (RV.) 
 he kept (lit. 7nade Jirm~) the sky from falliny. 
 
 291. The ablative is used where procedure or issue from somcthiug 
 as from a source or starting-point is signified: thus, ^ukra krsnad aja- 
 nista (RV.) the bright one has been born from the black one; lobhat kro- 
 dhah pr abhavati (MBh.) ^assj'on arises from greed; vatat te pranam 
 avidam (AV.) I have icon thy life-breath from the ivind; ye pracya diqo 
 abhidasanty asman (AV.) who attack us from the eastern quarter ; tac 
 chrutva sakhiganat (MBh.) having heard that from the troop of friends; 
 vayur antariksad abhasata (MBh.) the tvind spoke from the sky. 
 
 a. Hence also, procedure as from a cause or occasion is signified hy 
 the ablative : this is especially frequent in the later language, and in tech- 
 nical phraseology is a standing construction ; it borders on instrumental 
 constructions. Thus, vajrasya Qusnad dadara (RV.) from {by reason 
 of) the fury of the thunderbolt he burst asunder; yasya dandabhayat 
 sarve dJiarmam anurudhyanti {MBh.) frotn fear of whose rod all are 
 constant to duty; akaramigritatvad ekarasya (Tribh.) because e co7i- 
 tains an element of a. 
 
 b. Very rarely, an ablative has the sense of after: thus, agacchann 
 ahoratrat tirtham (MBh.) they went to the shrine after a whole day: 
 takarat sakare takarena (APr.) after t, before s, is inserted t 
 
 292. One or two special applications of the ablative construction are 
 to be noticed: 
 
 a. The ablative with words implying fear (terrified recoil from): thus, 
 tasya jatayah sarvam abibhet (AV.) everything was afraid of her at 
 her birth; yasmad rejanta krstayah (RV.) at ivhom mortals tremble; 
 yusmad bhiya (RV.) through fear of you ; yasman no 'dvijate lokah 
 (BhG.) of whom the world is not afraid. 
 
 b. The ablative of comparison (distinction from) : thus, pra ririce 
 diva indrah prthivyah (RV.) Indra is greater than the heaven and the 
 earth. With a (comparative, or other word used in a kindred way, the abla- 
 tive is the regular and almost constant construction: thus, svadoh svadi- 
 yah (RV.) siveeter than the siceet; kim tasniad dvLhkhataram (MBh.) 
 what is more painful than that? ko mitrad anyah (H.) who else than a 
 
 friend; ga avrnitha mat (AB.) thou hast chosen the kine rather than me; 
 ajnebliyo granthinah 9restha granthibhyo dharino varah (M.) 
 possessors of texts are better tha/i ignorant men ; rememberers are better 
 than possessors; tad anyatra tvan ni dadhmasi (AV.) tve set this 
 dotvn elsewhere {away) from thee; purva vi9vasniad bhuvanat (RV.) 
 earlier than all beings. 
 
 c. Occasionally, a probably possessive genitive is used with the com- 
 parative; or an instrumental (as in a comparison of equality): thl^s. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 7
 
 292—] IV. Declension. 98 
 
 na 'sti dhanyataro mama (II.) there is no one more fortunate than I 
 (i. e, my superior in fortune')^ putram mama pranair gariyasam 
 (MBh.) a son dearer than my life. 
 
 d. Occasionally, an ablative is used instead of a partitive genitive: 
 thus, m.ithunad ekam jaghana (R.) he slew one out of the pair; 
 tebhya ekam (KSS.) one of them. 
 
 293. The ablative is used with a variety of prepositions and words 
 sharing a prepositional character (1128); but all these have rather an ad- 
 verbial value, as strengthening or defining the yVom-r elation, than any 
 proper governing force. We may notice here : 
 
 a. In the Veda, adhi and pari are much used as directing and strength- 
 ening adjuncts with the ablative: as, jato him.avatas pari (AY.) born 
 from the Himalaya (forth); samudrad adhi jajnise (AV.) thou art 
 born from the ocean; carantam pari tasthiisah (RV.) moving forth 
 from that which stands fast. 
 
 b. Also pura (and puras), in the sense oi forivard from^ and hence 
 before: as, pura jarasah (RV.) before old age: and hence also, with 
 words of protection and the like, from: as 9a9amanah pura nidah 
 (RV.) securing from ill-will. 
 
 c. Also a, in the sQn&e oi hither frotn^ all the ivay from: as, a mulad 
 anu 9usyatu (AV.) let it dry completely up from the root; tasmad a 
 nadyo nama stha (AV.) since that time ye are called rivers. But usu- 
 ally, and especially in the later language, the measurement of interval 
 implied in a is reversed in direction, and the construction means «Z^ the 
 way to., until: as yati giribhya a samvidrat (RV.) going from the 
 mountains to the ocean; a 'sya yajnasyo 'dfcah (VS.) tmtil the end of 
 this sacrifice; a sodagat (M.) till the sixteenth year; a pradanat (<jX) 
 until her marriage, 
 
 294. Uses of the Genitive, a. The proper value of the 
 genitive is adjectival; it belongs to and qualifies a noun, designating 
 something relating to the latter in a manner which the nature of the 
 case, or the connection, defines more nearly. Other genitive con- 
 structions, with adjective or verb or preposition, appear to arise out 
 of this, by a more or less distinctly traceable connection. 
 
 b. The use of the genitive has become much extended, espe- 
 cially in the later language, by attribution of a noun-character to the 
 adjective, and by pregnant verbal construction, so that it often bears 
 the aspect of being a substitute for other cases — as dative, instru- 
 mental, ablative, locative. 
 
 295. The genitive in its normal adjective construction with a noun 
 or pronoun is classifiable into the usual varieties; as, genitive of possession 
 or appurtenance, including the complement of implied relation — this is, 
 as elsewhere, the commonest of all; the so-called partitive genitive; the 
 subjective and objective genitives; and so on. Genitives of apposition or
 
 99 Uses of the Genitive. [—297 
 
 equivalence {city of Rome), and of characteristic {man of honor), do not 
 occur, and hardly that of material {house of ivood). P^xamples are: indra- 
 sya vajrah Indras thunderbolt; pita ■pxLtra.n&m. father of sons ; putrah 
 pituh son of the father; pituh kamah putrasya the father's love of the 
 son : ke nah iihich of us ; 9atam dasinam a hundred female slaves. 
 
 a. The expression of possession etc. on the part of pronouns is made 
 almost entirely by the genitive casCj ^and not hy a derived possessive ad- 
 jective (516). 
 
 b. Exceptional cases like nagarasya margah the road to the city 
 (cf. le chemin de Paris), yasya 'ham diita ipsitah (MBh.) as messenger 
 to whom I am tvanted, are occasionally met -with. 
 
 296. The genitive is dependent on an adjective: 
 
 a. A so-called partitive genitive with a superlative, or another word 
 of similar substantival value: thus, Qrestham viranam. best of heroes; 
 virudham viryavati (AV.) of plants the mighty {mightiest) one. 
 
 b. Very often, by a transfer of the possessive genitive from noun to 
 adjective, the adjective being treated as if it had nonn-value: thus, tasya 
 samah or anurupah. or sadr9ah resembling him (i. e. his like) ; tasya 
 priya dear to him {his dear one) ; tasya 'viditam unknotvn to him {his 
 tmknotim thing); havya9 carsaninam (RV.) to be sacrificed to by mortals 
 {their object of sacrifice) : ipsito naranarinam (MBh.) desired of men 
 and women {their object of desire); yas ya kasya prasutah. fH .) of 
 whomsoever born {his son); hantavyo 'smi na te (MBh.) I am not to 
 be slain of thee; kim arthinam vancayitavyaia asti (H.) why should 
 there be a deceiving of suppliants f 
 
 C. In part, by a construction similar to that of verbs which take a 
 genitive object: thus, abhijna rajadharmanam (R.) understanding the 
 duties of a king. 
 
 297. The genitive as object of a verb is : 
 
 a. A possessive genitive of the recipient, by pregnant constrnction, 
 with verbs signifying give, impart, communicate, and the like : thus, varan 
 pradaya 'sya (MBh.) having bestowed gifts upon him {made them his by 
 bestowal); rajno niveditam (H.) it tvas inade known to the king {made 
 his by knowledge); yad anyasya pratijnaya punar anyasya diyate 
 (M.) that after being promised to one she is given to another. This con- 
 struction, by which the genitive becomes substitute for a dative or locative, 
 abounds in the later language, and is extended sometimes to problematic 
 and difficult cases. 
 
 b. A (in most cases, probably) partitive genitive, as a less complete 
 or less absolute object than an accusative: thus, with verbs meaning ^>a/'^«rA'e 
 {eat, drink, etc.), as piba sut&sya (AV.) drink {of) the soma; madhvah 
 payaya (RV.) cause to drink the sweet draught; — with verbs meaning 
 impart (of the thing imparted) etc., as dadata no amrtasya (RV.) bestow 
 upon tis immortality; — with verbs mea.ning~e)ifoyil,.b^^S(itisfied or filled 
 
 7*
 
 298—] IV. Declension. 100 
 
 loith: a?, matsy andhasah (RV.) do thou enjoy the juice; ajyasya 
 purayanti (S.) they Jill loith butter-^ — with verbs meaning perceive, note, 
 care for regard with feeling of various kinds: as, vasisthasya stuvata 
 indro acrot (RV.) Indra listeyied to Vasishtha who was praising him; 
 yatha mama smarat (AV.) that he may think of me; tasya cukopa 
 (MBh.) he was angry at him. 
 
 c. A genitive of more doubtful character, with verbs meaning rule or 
 have authority: as, tvam 19186 vasunam (RV.) ihou art lord of good 
 things; yatha *liam esam virajani (AV.) that I may rule over them; 
 katham mrtyvxh prabhavati veda9astravidam (M.) how has death 
 poiver over those tcho know the Vedas and treatises? 
 
 d. A genitive, instead of an ablative, is sometimes found used with a 
 verb of recei\ing of any kind (hearing included), and with one of fearing: 
 thus, yo rajnah pratigrhnati lubdhasya (M.) whoever accepts a gift 
 from a greedy king; 9rnu me (MBh.) learn from me; bibhimas tava 
 (MBh.) ive are afraid of thee. 
 
 298. A genitive in its usual possessive sense is often found as predi- 
 cate and not seldom with the ropula omitted: thus, yatha 'so mama 
 kevalah (AV.) that thou may est he wholly tnine; sarvah sampattayas 
 tasya samtustam yasya manasam (H.) all good fortunes are his who 
 has a contented mind; — as objective predicate, bhartuh putram vija- 
 uanti (M.) they recognise a son as the husband's. 
 
 299. a. The prepositional constructions of the genitive (1 130) are for 
 the most part with such prepositions as are really noun-cases and have the 
 government of such : thus, agre, arthe, kyte, and the like ; also with 
 other prepositional words which, in the general looseness of use of the 
 genitive, have become assimilated to these. A few more real prepositions 
 take the genitive: either usually, like iipari above, or occasionally, like 
 adhas, antar, ati. 
 
 b. A genitive is occasionally used in the older language with an 
 adverb, either of place or of time : thus, yatra kva ca kuruksetrasya 
 (QB.) in whatever part of Kurukshetra ; yatra tu bhumer jayeta (MS.) 
 on ivhat spot of earth he may be born; idanim ahnah (RV.) at this 
 time of the day; yasya ratryah pratah (MS.) on the morn of tvhat 
 7iight; dvih samvatsarasya (K.) iivice a year. Such expression as the 
 last occur also later. 
 
 300. a. The genitive is very little used adverbially; a few genitives 
 of time occur in the older language: as, aktos by night, vastos by day; 
 and there are found later such cases as kasya cit kalasya (^) after a 
 certain time; tdtah kalasya mahatah prayayau (R.) then after a long 
 time he went forth. 
 
 b. A genitive, originally of possession, passing over into one of general 
 concernment, comes in the later language (the construction is unknown 
 earlier) to be usei.jjiaojiij^x,, jiJJtJU. ai»-a«xeeJJl«,fW:.ticijp,la,,^^
 
 101 Uses of the Locative. [—302 
 
 an adjective. Form such cases as the following — pagyato bakamurkha- 
 sya nakulair bhaksitah sutah (H.) of the foolish heron, while he 
 looked on, the ymng uere eaten by the ichneumons, or gato 'rdharatrah 
 kathah kathayato mama (KSS.) half mi/ night was passed in telling 
 stories, or kartavyasya karmanah ksipram akriyamanasya kalah 
 pibati tadrasam (^H.) of a work needing to be done but left undone time 
 quickly drinks up its essence — come into currency, by increasing indepen- 
 dence of the genitive, such other cases as: divam jagama muninam 
 pagyatam tada (H.) he went then to heaven, the ascetics looking on; evam 
 lalapatas tasya devadutas tada 'bhyetya vakyam. aha (MBh.) as he 
 thus lamented, a divine messenger coming addressed him ; iti vadina eva 
 'sya dhenur avavrte vanat (Ragh.) ivhile he thus spoke, the cow came from 
 the forest. The genitive always indicates a living actor, and the participle is 
 usually one of seeing or hearing or uttering, especially th^ former. The con- 
 struction is said hy the Hindu grammarians to convey an implication of disregard 
 or despite; and such is often to be recognized in it, though not prevailingly. 
 
 301. Uses of the Locative, a. The locative is properly the 
 «w-case, the case expressing situation or location; but its sphere of 
 use has been somewhat extended, so as to touch and overlap the 
 boundaries of other cases, for which it seems to be a substitute. 
 
 b. Unimportant variations of the sense of in are those of ainid 
 or among, on, and at. Of course, also, situation in time as well as 
 place is indicated by the case; and it is applied to yet less physical 
 relations, to sphere of action and feeling and knowledge, to state of 
 things, to accompanying circumstance; and out of this last grows the 
 frequent use of the locative as the case absolute. 
 
 c. Moreover, by a pregnant construction, the locative is used 
 to denote the place of rest or cessation of action or motion [iido or 
 on to instead of iw or o«; German i« with accusative instead of dative: 
 compare English there for thither). 
 
 302. a. The locative of situation in space hardly needs illustration. 
 An example or two are: ye deva divi stha (AV.) which of you gods 
 are in heave7i; na devesu na yaksesu tadrk (MBh.) not amotig gods 
 or Yakshas is such a one ; parvatasya prsthe (RV.) on the ridge of the 
 mountain ; vidathe santu devah (RV.) may the gods be at the assembly ; 
 dagame pade (MBh.) at the tenth step. 
 
 b. The locative of time indii-ates the point of time at which anything 
 takes place : thus, asya usaso vyustau (RV.) at the shining forth of 
 this dawn; etasminn eva kale (MBh.) at just that time; dvada9e varse 
 (MBh.) in the twelfth year. That the a.^cusative is occasionally used in 
 this sense, instead of the locative, was pointed out above (276 c). 
 
 c. The person with whom, instead, of thfipteo^-^t -,whi^^ one is or 
 remains is put in the locative: thus, tisthanty asmin pagavah (MS.) 
 animals abide ivith him; gurati vasan (M.) living at a teacher's; and, 
 pregnantly, tavat tvayi bhavisyami (MBh.) so long will I cleave to thee.
 
 303— J IV. Declension. 102 
 
 303. The locative of sphere or coudition or circumstance is of very 
 frequent use: thus, made ahim indro jaghana (RV.) in fury Indra slew 
 the dragon ; mitrasya siimatau syama (UV.) may we he in the favor 
 of Mitra\ te vacane ratam (^MBh.) delighted in thy toords. 
 
 a. This constructioii is, oa the one hand, generalized into an expres- 
 sion for in the matter or case of, or ti^ith reference to, respecting, and 
 takes in the later language a very -wide range, touching upon genitive and 
 dative constructions : thus, e 'mam bhaja grame aqvesu gosu (AV.) he 
 generous to him in retainers, in horses, in cattle; tarn it sakhitva imahe 
 (RV.) him we beg for friendship; upayo 'yarn maya drsta anayane 
 tava (MBh.) this means teas devised by me for (with reference to') bringing 
 thee hither ; satitve karanam striyah (H.) the cause of (in the case of) 
 a loomans chastity; na Qakto 'bhavan nivarane (MBh.) he ivas not 
 capable of preventing. 
 
 b. On the other hand, the expression by the locative of a condition of 
 things in which anything takes place, or of a conditioning or accompanying 
 circumstance, passes over into a well-marked absolute construction, which is 
 known even in the earliest stage of the language, but becomes more frequent 
 later. Transitional examples are : have tva siira udite have ma- 
 dhyamdine divah (RV.) / call to thee at the arisen sun (tvhen the sun 
 has risen^, I call at midtime of the day; aparadhe krte 'pi ca na me 
 kopah (MBh.) and ecen in case of an offence committed, (here is no 
 anger on my part. 
 
 c. The normal condition of the absolute construction is A-ith a parti- 
 ciple accompanying the noun: thus, stirne barhisi samidhane agnau 
 (RY.) when the barhis is strewn and the fire kindled; kale 9ubhe prapte 
 (MBb.) a propitious time having arrived; avasannayam ratrav astacala- 
 cudavalambini candramasi (H.) the night having drawn to a close, 
 and the moon resting on the summit of the western mountain. 
 
 d. But the nouu may be wanting, or may be replaced by an adverbial 
 substitute (as evam, tatha, iti): thus, varsati when it rains; [siirye] 
 astamite after sunset; adityasya dr^yamane (S.) while there is seen 
 [some part] of the su7i; ity ardhokte (0 ) with these words half uttered; 
 asmabhih samanujnate (MBh.) it being fully assented to by us ; evam 
 ukte kalina (MBh.) it being thus spoken by Kali; tatha 'nusthite (H.) 
 it being thus accomplished. So likewise the participle may be wamting (a 
 copula sati or the like having to be supplied): thus, diire bhaye the cause 
 of fear being remote; while, on the other hand, the participle sati etc. is 
 sometimes redundantly added to the other participle: thus, tatha krte sati 
 it being thus done. 
 
 e. The locative is frequently used adverbially, qi prepositionally (1116): 
 thus, -arthe or -kyte in the matter of, for the sake of; agre in front 
 of; yte without; samipe near. 
 
 304. The pregnant construction by which the locative comes to ex- 
 press the goal or object of motion or action or feelin^g exercised is not
 
 103 Uses of the Locative. [—307 
 
 uncommon from the earliest time. It is by no means to be sharply distin- 
 guished from the ordinary construction; the two pass into one another, with 
 a doubtful territory between. It occurs: 
 
 a. Especially with verbs, as of arriving, sending, placiQg^, camjtanni- 
 catiug, bestowing, and many others, in situations where^ajL.aACU^atiye or 
 a dative (or a genitive, 297 a) might be looked for, and exchangeable with 
 them: thus, sa id devesu gacehati (RV.) that, truly, goes to {to be amojiy) 
 the gods; imam no yajnam amrtesu dhehi (KV.) set this offering of 
 ours among the immortals; ya asincanti rasam osadhisu (AV.) who 
 pour in the Juice t7ito the plants (or, thn Juice that is in the plants) ; ma 
 prayacche ''gvare dhanam (H.) do not offer tvealth to a lord; papata 
 medinyam (MBh.) he fell to {so as to he upo?i) the earth; skandhe 
 krtva {U.) putti?ig on the shoulder; samgrutya piirvam asmasu (MBh.') 
 having before promised us. 
 
 b. Often also with nouns and adjectives in similar constructions (the 
 instances not always easy to separate from those of the locative meaning 
 ivith reference to: above, 303a): thus, daya sarvabhiitesu compassion 
 totvard all creatures; anuragam naisadhe (MBh.) affection for the 
 Nishadhan; raja samyag vrttah sada tvayi (MBh.) the king has always 
 behaved properly toward thee. 
 
 305. The prepositions construed with the locative (1126) stand to it 
 only in the relation of adverbial elements strengthening and directing its 
 meaning. 
 
 306. Declensional forms are made by the addition of 
 endings to the stem, or base of inflection, 
 
 a. The stem itself, however, in many words and classes 
 of words, is liable to variation, especially assuming a stronger 
 form in some cases and a weaker in others. 
 
 b. And between stem and ending are sometimes inserted 
 connecting elements (or what, in the recorded condition of 
 the language, have the aspect of being such). 
 
 C. Respecting all these points, the details of treatment, as exhibited 
 by each class of words or by single words, will be given in the following 
 chapters. Here, however, it is desirable also to present a brief general view 
 cf them. 
 
 307. Endings: Singular, a. In the nominative, the usual 
 masc. and fern, ending is s — which, however, is wanting in derivative 
 a and i-stems; it is also euphonically lost (150; by consonant-stems. 
 Neuters in general have no ending, but show in this case the bare 
 stem; a-stems alone add m (as in the accus. masc). Among the 
 pronouns, am is a frequent masc. and fem. nom. ending (and is found 
 even in du. and p].]; and neuters show a form in d.
 
 307 — ] IV. Declension. 104 
 
 b. In the accusative, m or am is the masc. and fern, ending 
 — am being added after a consonant and r, and after i and u in the 
 radical division, and m elsewhere after vowels. The neuter accusative 
 is like the nominative. 
 
 c. The instrumental ending for all genders alike is a. With 
 final i- and u-vowels, the a is variously combined, and in the older 
 language it is sometimes lost by contraction with them. Stems in a 
 make the case end in ana (sometimes ena in V.), and those in a make 
 it end in aya; but instances occur, in the early language, of immediate 
 addition of a to both a and a. 
 
 d. The dative ending is in general e; and with it likewise the 
 modes of combination of i and u final are various (and disappearance 
 by contraction not unknown in the oldest language). The a-stems 
 are quite irregular in this case, making it end in aya — excepted is 
 the pronominal element -sma, which combines (apparently) with e to 
 -smai. In the personal pronouns is found bhyam (or hyam). 
 
 e. A fuller ending ai (like gen.-abl. as and loc. am: see below] 
 belongs to feminine stems only. It is taken (with interposed y) by 
 the great class of those in derivative a; also by those in derivative i, 
 and (as reckoned in the later language) in derivative u. And later 
 it is allowed to be taken by feminine stems in radical i and u, and 
 even by those in i and u: these last have it in the earliest language 
 in only exceptional instances. For the substitution of ai for abl.-gen. 
 as, see below, h. 
 
 f. The ablative has a special ending, d (or t), only in a-stems, 
 masc. and neut., the a being lengthened before it (except in the per- 
 sonal pronouns of 1st and 2d person, which have the same ending 
 at in the pi., and even, in the old language, in the dual). Everywhere 
 else, the ablative is identical with the genitive. 
 
 g. The genitive of a-stems (and of one pronominal u-stem, 
 amu) adds sya. Elsewhere, the usual abl.-gen. ending is as; but its 
 irregularities of treatment in combination with a stem-final are con- 
 siderable. With i and u, it is either directly added (only in the old 
 language), added with interposed n, or fused to es and os respect- 
 ively. With r (or ar) it yields ur (or us: 169 b). 
 
 h. The fuller as is taken by feminine stems precisely as ai is 
 taken in the dative: see above. But in the language of the Brah- 
 manas and Sutras, the dative-ending ai is regularly and commonly used 
 instead of as, both of ablative and of genitive. See 365 d. 
 
 i. The locative ending is i in consonant- and r- and a-stems 
 (fusing with a to e in the latter). The i- and u-stems (unless the 
 final vowel is saved by an interposed n) make the case end in au; 
 but the Veda has some relics or traces of the older forms (ay-i [?] 
 and av-i) out of which this appears to have sprung. Vedic locatives
 
 1 05 Case-endings. [—309 
 
 from i-stems end also in a and i. The pronominal element -sma 
 makes the locative -smin. Stems in an in the older language often 
 lose the i, and use the bare stem as locative. 
 
 j. The ending am is the locative correspondent to dat. ai and 
 abl.-gen. as, and is taken under the same circumstances: see above. 
 
 k. The vocative (unless by accent: 314) is distinguished from 
 the nominative only in the singular, and not quite always there. In 
 a-stems, it is the unaltered stem, and so also in most consonant-stems; 
 but neuters in an and in may drop the n; and the oldest language 
 has sometimes a vocative in s from stems in nt and ns. Stems in r 
 change this to ar. In masc. and fem. i- and u-stems, the case ends 
 respectively in e and o; in neuters, in the same or in i and u. Stems 
 in a change a to e; derivative i and u are shortened; radical stems 
 in long vowels use the nominative form. 
 
 308. Dual. a. The dual has — except so far as the vocative 
 is sometimes distinguished from nominative and accusative by a dif- 
 ference of accent: 314 — only three case-forms: one for nom., accus., 
 and voc. ; one for instr., dat., and abl.; and one for gen. and loc. 
 
 b. But the pronouns of 1st and 2d person in the older language 
 distinguish five dual cases : see 492 b. 
 
 c. The masc. and fem. ending for nom.-accus. -voc. is in the 
 later language usually au; but instead of this the Veda has pre- 
 vailingly a. Stems in a make the case end in e. Stems in i and u, 
 masc. and fem., lengthen those vowels; and derivative i in the Veda 
 remains regularly unchanged, though later it adds au. The neuter 
 ending is only i; with final a this combines to e. 
 
 d. The universal ending for the instr. -dat. -abl. is bhyam. 
 before which final a is made long. In the Veda, it is often to be 
 read as two syllables, bhiam. 
 
 e. The universal ending of gen. -loc. is os; before this, a and 
 a alike become e (ai). 
 
 309. Plural, a. In the nominative, the general masculine 
 and feminine ending is as. The old language, however, often makes 
 the case in asas instead of as from a-stems, and in a few examples 
 also from a-stems. From derivative i-stems, is instead of yas is the 
 regular and usual Vedic form. Pronominal a-stems make the masc. 
 nom. in e. 
 
 b. The neuter ending (which is accusative also) is in general i; 
 and before this the final of a stem is apt to be strengthened, by 
 prolongation of a vowel, or by insertion of a nasal, or by both. But 
 in the Veda the hence resulting forms in ani, ini, tini are frequently 
 abbreviated by loss of the ni, and sometimes by further shortening 
 of the preceding vowel.
 
 309—] IV. Declension. 106 
 
 c. The accusative ending is also as in consonant-stems and 
 in the radical division of i- and u-stems (and in the old language 
 even elsewhere). Stems in short vowels lengthen those vowels and 
 add in the masculine n (for ns, of which abundant traces remain), 
 and in the feminine s. In the neuter, this case is like the nominative. 
 
 d. In the instrumental, the case-ending is everywhere bhis 
 except in a-stems, where in the later language the case always ends 
 in ais, but in the earlier either in ais or the more regular ebhis 
 
 abhis in the two personal pronouns; and the pronominal stem a [501] 
 makes ebhis only). 
 
 e. The dative and ablative have in the plural the same form, 
 with the ending bhyas (in Veda often bhias), before which only a 
 is altered, becoming e. But the two personal pronouns distinguish 
 the two cases, having for the ablative the singular ending (as above 
 pointed out), and for the dative the peculiar bhyam (almost never in 
 Veda bhiam), which they extend also into the singular. 
 
 f. Of the genitive, the universal ending is am; which (except 
 optionally after radical i and u, and in a few scattering Vedic in- 
 stances) takes after final vowels an inserted consonant, s in the pro- 
 nominal declension, n elsewhere; before n, a short vowel is length- 
 ened; before s, a becomes e. In the Veda, it is frequently to be 
 pronounced in two syllables, as a-am 
 
 g. The locative ending is su, without any exceptions, and the 
 only change before it is that of a to e. 
 
 h. The vocative, as in the dual, differs from the nominative 
 only by its accent. 
 
 310. The normal scheme of endings, as recognized by 
 the native grammarians (and conveniently to be assumed as 
 the basis of special descriptions), is this: 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 Dual. 
 
 Plmal. 
 
 
 m. f. n. 
 
 m. f. u. 
 
 m. f. n 
 
 N. 
 
 S — 
 
 au 1 
 
 as i 
 
 A. 
 
 am — 
 
 au i 
 
 as i 
 
 I. 
 
 a 
 
 bhyam 
 
 bhis 
 
 D. 
 
 e 
 
 bhyam 
 
 bhyas 
 
 Ab. 
 
 as 
 
 bhyam 
 
 bhyas 
 
 G. 
 
 as 
 
 OS 
 
 am 
 
 L. 
 
 i 
 
 OS 
 
 SVl 
 
 a. It is taken in bulk by the consonantal stems and by the rad- 
 ical division of i- and ii-stems; by other vowel-stems, with more or 
 less considerable variations and modifications. The endings which 
 have almost or quite unbroken range, through stems of all classes, 
 are bhyam and os of the dual, and bhis, bhyas, am, and su of the 
 plural.
 
 107 Strong and Weak Stem. [—312 
 
 311. Variation of Stem. a. By far the most im- 
 portant matter under this head is the distinction made in 
 large classes of words (chiefly those ending in consonants) 
 between strong and weak stem-forms — a distinction stand- 
 ing in evident connection with the phenomena of accent. 
 In the nom. and accus. sing, and du. and the nom, pi. 
 ■the five cases whose endings are never accented: 316 a), 
 the stem often has a stronger or fuller form than in the 
 rest: thus, for example (424), ^sTR^T rajan-am, J'isTRT rajan- 
 au, ^isiMH rajan-as, against J\m rajn-a and ^WT'TR raja- 
 bhis; or (450 b) JT^TtFT mah5nt-am and (447) 5I?WT adant- 
 am against J^rTT mahat-a and Uri^cW adat-a. These five, 
 therefore, are called the cases with strong stem, or, briefly, 
 the strong cases; and the rest are called the cases with 
 Aveak stem, or the weak cases. And the weak cases, 
 again, are in some classes of words to be distinguished into 
 cases of weakest stem, or weakest cases, and cases of 
 middle stem, or middle cases: the former having endings 
 beginning with a vowel (instr., dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing.; 
 gen.-loc. du. ; ace. and gen. pi.); the latter, with a consonant 
 (instr.-dat.-abl. du.; instr., dat.-abl., and loc. pi.). 
 
 b. The class of strong cases, as above defined, belongs 
 only to masculine and feminine stems. In neuter inflection, 
 the only strong cases are the nom.-acc.pl.; while, in those 
 stems that make a distinction of weakest and middle form, 
 the nom.-acc. du. belongs to the weakest class, and the nom.- 
 acc. sing, to the middle: thus, for example, compare (408) 
 Mr'JI^ pratyanc-i, nom.-acc. pi. neut., and Hr'J^H praty- 
 anc-as, nom. pi. masc. ; ycfl^t pratic-i, nom.-acc. du. neut., 
 and yril^lH pratlc-6s, ffen.-loc. du.; VfrHT^ pratyak, nom.- 
 ace. sing, neut., and yr^l^^ pratyag-bhis, instr, pi. 
 
 312. Other variations concern chiefly the final vowel of a stem, and 
 may he mainly left to he pointed out in detail helow. Of consequence
 
 312—] lY. Declensiok. 108 
 
 enough to mention here is only the guna-strengtheniiig of a final i or u, 
 "^\hieh in th3 later language is always made before as of nom. pi. and e 
 of dat. sing, in ma;c. and fem. ; in the Veda, it does not always take place; 
 nor is it forbidden in dat. sing. neut. also; and it is seen sometimes in 
 loc. sing. Final r has guna-strengthening in loc. sing. 
 
 313. Insertions between Stem and Ending. After vowel-stems, 
 an added n often majies its appearance before an ending. The appendage 
 is of least questionable origin in nom. -ace. pi. neut, where the interchange 
 in the old language of the forms of a- and i-stems with those of an- and 
 in-stems is pretty complete; and the u-stems follow their analogy. Else- 
 where, it is most widely and firmly established in the gen. pi., where in 
 the great mass of cases, and from the earliest period, the ending is virtu- 
 ally nam after a vowel. In the i- and u-stems of the later language, the 
 instr. sing, of ma.sc. and neut. is separated by its presence from the fem., 
 and it is in the other weakest cases made a usual distinction of neuter form.s 
 from masculine; but the aspect of the matter in the Veda is very different : 
 there the appearance of the n is everywhere sporadic; the neuter shows no 
 special inclination to take it, and it is not excluded even from the femi- 
 nine. In the ending ena from a-stems (later invariable, earlier predomi- 
 nating) its presence appears to have worked the most considerable trans- 
 formation of original shape. 
 
 a. The place of n before gen. pi. am is taken by s in pronominal 
 a- and a-stems. 
 
 b. The y after a before the endings ai, as, and am is most probably 
 an insertion, such as is made elsewhere (258J. 
 
 Accent in Declension. 
 
 314. a. As a rule without exception, the vocative, if accented 
 at all, is accented on the first syllable. 
 
 b. And in the Veda (the case ii a rare one), whenever a syllable written 
 as one is to be pronounced as two by restoration of a semivowel to vowel 
 form, the first elemjnt only has the vocative accent, and th3 syllable as 
 wri'ten is circumflex (83-4): thus, dyaus (i. e. diaus) when dissyllabic, 
 but dyaus when monosyllabic; jyake when for jiake. 
 
 c. But the vocative is accented only when it stands at the be- 
 ginning of a sentence — or, in verse, at the beginning also of a 
 metrical division or pada; elsewhere it is accentless or enclitic: thus, 
 &gae yam yajnam paribhur asi (RV.) O Agni! tvhatever offerimj 
 thou protectest ; but upa tva 'gna e 'masi (RV.) unto thee, Agni, we 
 come. 
 
 d. A word, or more than one. ■word,, qyjilifying. a vocative- — usually 
 an adjective or appositive noun, but sometimes a dependent noun in the 
 g'^nitivc (very rarely in any other case) — constitutes, so far as accent is 
 
 ^ ■' 1"J- ■■-■A-..,,- V<;. -->■■:,..-- •
 
 109 Accent. [—316 
 
 concerned, a unity with the vocative: thus (all the examples from RV.), 
 at the beginning of a pada, with first syllable of the combination accented, 
 {ndra bratah O brother Indra! rajan soma hing Soma! yavistha 
 diita most youthful messenger! hotar yavistha sukrato most youthful 
 skilled offirer! urjo napat sahasvan mighty son of strength! — in the 
 interior of a pada, without acceit, somasa indra girvanah the somas, 
 O song-loving Indra! tav aqvina bhadrahasta supani ye, O Acvins 
 of propitious and beautiful hands! a rajana maha rtasya gopa hither, 
 ye two kingly guardians of great order! 
 
 e. On the other hand, two or more independent or coordinate vocatives 
 at the beginning of a pada are regularly and usually both accented : thus, 
 pitar matah O father! O mother! agna indra varuna mitra devah 
 Agni! Indra! Varuna! 3Iitra! gods! 9atamute 9atakrato thou of 
 a hundred aids! of a hundred arts! vasistha 9ukra didivah pavaka 
 best, bright, shining, cleansing one! urjo napad bhadraqoce soti of 
 strength, propitiously bright one! But the texts offer occasional irregular 
 exceptions both to this and to the preceding rule. 
 
 f. For brevity, the vocative dual and plural will be given in the par- 
 adigms below along with the nominative, without taking the trouble to 
 specify in each instance that, if the latter be accented elsewhere than on 
 the first syllable, the accent of the vocative is different. 
 
 315. As regards the other cases, rules for change of accent in 
 declension have to do only with monosyllables and with stems of 
 more than one syllable which are accented on the final ; for, if a stem 
 be accented on the penult, or any other syllable further back — as 
 is sarpant, vari, bhagavant, sumanas, sahasravaja — the accent 
 remains upon that syllable through the whole inflection (except in the 
 vocative, as explained in tlie preceding paragraph). 
 
 a. The only exceptions are a few numeral stems: see 483. 
 
 316. Stems accented on the final (including monosyllables) are 
 subject to variation of accent in declension chiefly in virtue of the 
 fact that some of the endings have, while others have not, or have 
 in less degree, a tendency themselves to take the accent. Thus: 
 
 a. The endings of the nominative and accusative singular and dual 
 and of the nominative plural (that is to say, of the strong cases: 311) have 
 no tendency to take the accent away from the stem, .ai)d aie therefore only 
 accented when a final vowel of the stem and the vowel of the widiag are 
 blended together ii.to a single vowel or diphtlong. Thus, from datta come 
 dattau (= datta + au) and dattas (= datta + as) ; but from nadl come 
 nadyau (=nadi-|-au) and nadyas (=nadi + as). 
 
 b. All the other endings sometimes take the accent; but those beginning 
 with a vowel (i. e. of the weakest cases: 311) do so more readily than 
 those beginning with a consonant (i. c. of the middle cases: 311). Thu.s, 
 from naus come nava aiid naubhis; from mahant, however, come 
 mahata but mahadbhis.
 
 317—] IV. Declension. 110 
 
 The general rules of accent, then, may be thus stated: 
 
 317. In the declension of monosyllabic stems, the accent falls 
 upon the ending in all the weak cases (without distinction of middle 
 and weakest): thus, nava, naubhyam, navam, nausu; vaci, vagbhis, 
 vacam, vaksii. 
 
 a. But some monosyllable stems retain the accent throughout:, thus, 
 gobhis, gavam, g6§u. For such cases, see below, 350, 361 c, d, 372, 
 390, 427. And in the ace. pi. the stem is even oftener accented than 
 the ending, some words also admitting either accentuation. 
 
 318. Of polysyllabic stems ending in consonants, only a few shift 
 the accent to the ending, and thai; in ^^^.-wej?t^,es| JgQt .t^^ 
 cases. Such are: 
 
 a. Present participles in ant or at: thus, from tudant, tudata and 
 tudatos and tudatam; hut tudadbhyam and tudatsu. 
 
 b. A few adjectives having the form of such participles, as mahata, 
 brhatis. 
 
 c. Stems of which the accented flnal loses its syllabic chaiaftteT by 
 syncopation of the vowel : thus, majjna, murdhne, damnas (from majjan 
 etc.: 423). 
 
 d. Other sporadic cases -will be noticed under the different declensions. 
 
 e. Case-forms used adverbially sometimes show a changed accent: 
 see lllOff. 
 
 319. Of polysyllabic stems ending in accented short vowels 
 the final of the stem retains the accent if it retains its syllabic 
 identity: thus, dattena and dattaya from datta; agnina and agnaye 
 from agni; and also dattebhyas, agnibhis, and so on. Otherwise, 
 the accent is on the ending: and that, whether the final and the end- 
 ing are combined into one, as in dattaas, dhenau, agnin, dhenus, 
 and so on: or whether the final is changed into a semivowel before 
 the ending: thus, dbenva, pitra, jamyos, bahvos, etc. 
 
 a. But am of the gen. pi. from stems in i and u and f may, and in 
 the older language always does, take the accent, though separated by n from 
 the stem : thus, agninam, dhenunam, pitfnam. In RV., even derivative 
 i-stems show usually the same shift: thus, bahvinam. Of stems in a, 
 only numerals (483 a) follow this rule: thus, saptanam, da9anam. 
 
 320. Root-words in i and u as final members of compounds retain the 
 accent throughout, not shifting it to any of the endings. And in the older 
 language there are polysyllabic words in long flnal vowels which follow in 
 this respect as in others the analogy of the root-declension (below, 355 ff.). 
 Apart from these, the treatment of stems in derivative long vowels is, as 
 regards accent, the same as of those in short vowels — save that the tonj 
 is not thrown forward upon the ending in gen. plural.
 
 J 1 1 Classification. [—323 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 
 
 321. a. The accordance in inflection of substantive 
 and adjective stems is so complete that the two cannot be 
 separated in treatment from one another. 
 
 b. They may be classified, for convenience of descrip- 
 tion, as follov^^s: 
 
 I. Stems in 51 a; 
 II. Stems in ^ i and 3 u; 
 
 III. Stems in EIT a, ^ i, and 3" u: namely, A. radical- 
 stems (and a few others inflected like them); B. derivative stems ; 
 
 IV. Stems in ^ r (or 5i;|" ar) ; 
 V. Stems in consonants. 
 
 C. There is nothing absolute in this classification and arrangement; 
 it is merely believed to be open to as few objections as any other. No 
 general agreement has been reached among scholars as to the number and 
 order of Sanskrit declensions. The stems in a are here treated first because 
 of the great predominance of the class. 
 
 322. The division-line between substantive and adjective, always 
 an uncertain one in early Indo-European language, is even more 
 wavering in Sanskrit than elsewhere There are, however, in all the 
 declensions as divided above — unless we except the stems in r or 
 ar — words which are distinctly adjectives; and, in general, they 
 are inflected precisely like noun-stems of the same final: only, among 
 consonant-stems, there are certain sub-classes of adjective stems with 
 peculiarities of inflection to which there is among nouns nothing cor- 
 responding. But there are also two considerable classes of adjective- 
 compounds, requiring special notice: namely — 
 
 323. Compound adjectives having as final member a bare verbal 
 root, with the value of a present participle (383 a fif.): thus, su-dfQ icell- 
 luoking; pra-budh forehioiving; a-druh not hating; veda-vid Veda- 
 Jcnowing; vrtra-han Vitra-slaying; upastha-sad sitling in the la}). 
 Every root is liable to be used in this way, and such compounds are 
 not infrequent in all ages of the language : see chapter on Compounds, 
 below (1269).
 
 323—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 1 1 2 
 
 a. This class is essentially only a special class of compound adjectives, 
 since in the earliest Veda the simple as well as the compounded root was 
 sometimes used adjectively. But the compounded root was from the hegiuning 
 much more often so used, and the later the more exclusively, so that 
 practically the class is a separate and important one. 
 
 324. Compound adjectives having a noun as final member, but 
 obtaining an adjective sense secondarily, by having the idea of 
 possession added, and being inflected as adjectives in the three gen- 
 ders (1293 flf.). Thus, prajakama desire of progeny, whence the ad- 
 jective prajakama, meaning desirous (i. e. having desire) of progeny; 
 sabharya (sa + bharya) having one's wife along; and so on. 
 
 a. In a few cases, also, the final noun is syntactically object of the 
 preceding memher (1309-10): thus, atimatra immoderate (ati matram 
 heyond measure) ; yavayaddvesas driving aivay enemies. 
 
 325. Hence, under each declension, we have to notice how a 
 root or a noun-stem of that declension is inflected when final member 
 of an adjective compound. 
 
 a. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked here that a root- 
 word ending a compound has the accent, but (320) loses the pecu- 
 liarity of monosyllabic accentuation, and does not throw the tone 
 forward upon the ending (except anc in certain old forms: 410). 
 
 Declension I. 
 
 stems (masculine and neuter) in 5T a. 
 
 326. a. This declension contains the majority of all the 
 declined stems of the language. 
 
 b. Its endings deviate more widely than any others 
 
 from the normal. 
 
 327. Endings: Singular. a. The nom. masc. has the normal 
 ending s. 
 
 b. The ace. (masc. and neut.) adds m (act am); and this form has 
 the office also of nom. neuter. 
 
 c. The instr. changes a to ena uniformly in the later language; and 
 even in the oldest Vedlc this is the predominant ending (in RV., eight 
 ninths of all cases). Its final is in Vedic verse frequently made long (ena). 
 But the normal ending a — thus, yajna, suhava, mahitva (for yajnena 
 etc.) — is also not rare in the Veda. 
 
 d. The dat. has aya (as if by adding aya to a), alike in all ages 
 of the language. 
 
 e. The abl. has t (or doubtless d: it is impossible from the evi- 
 dence of the Sanskrit to tell which is the original form of the ending).
 
 113 Declension I., a-STEMS. [ — 329 
 
 before which a is made long: this ending is found in no other noun- 
 declension, and elsewhere only in the personal pronouns (of all numbers). 
 
 f. The gen. has sya added to the final a; and this ending is also 
 limited to a-stems (with the single exception of the pronoun amusya: 
 501). Its final a is in only three cases made long in the Veda; and its 
 y is vocalized (asia) almost as rarely. 
 
 g. The loc. ends in e (as if by combining the normal ending i with 
 the final of the stem), without exception. 
 
 h. The vol", is the bare stem. 
 
 328. Dual. a. The dual endings in general are the normal ones. 
 
 b. The nom., ace, and voc. masc. end in the later language always in 
 au. In the Veda, however, the usual ending is simple a (in RV., in 
 seven eighths of the occurrences). The same cases in the neut. end in e, 
 which appears to be the result of fusion of the stem-final with the normal 
 ending I. 
 
 c. The instr., dat., and abl. have bhyam (in only one or two Vedic 
 instances resolved into bhiam), with the stem-final lengthened to a before it. 
 
 d. The gen. and loo. have a y inserted after the stem-final before OS 
 (or as if the a had been changed to e). In one or two (doubtful) Vedic 
 instances (as also in the pronominal forms enos and yos), OS is substituted 
 for the final a. 
 
 329. Plural, a. The nom. masc, has in the later language the 
 normal ending as combined with the final a to as. But in the Veda the 
 ending asas instead is frequent (one third of the occurrences in RV., but 
 only one twenty-fifth in the peculiar parts of AV.). 
 
 b. The ace. masc. ends in an (for earlier ans, of which abundant 
 traces are left in the Veda, and, under the disguise of apparent euphonic 
 combination, even in the later language : see above, 208 ff.). 
 
 C. The nom. and ace. neut. have in the later language always the 
 ending ani (like the an-stems: see 421; or else with n, as in the gen. 
 pi., before normal i). But in the Veda this ending alternates with simple 
 a (which in RV. is to ani as three to two, in point of frequency; in AV., 
 as three to four). 
 
 d. The instr. ends later always in ais; but in the Veda is found 
 abundantly the more normal form ebhis (in RV., nearly as frequent as ais; 
 in AV., only one fifth as frequent). 
 
 e. The dat. and abl. have bhyas as ending, with e instead of the 
 final a before it (as in the Vedic instr. ebhis, the loc. pi., the gen. loc. 
 du. [?], and the instr. sing.). The resolution into ebhias is not infrequent 
 in the Veda. 
 
 f. The gen. ends in anam, the final a being lengthened and having 
 n inserted before the normal ending. The a of the ending is not seldom 
 (in less than half the instances) to be read as two syllables, aam: opinions 
 are divided as to whether the resolution is historical or metrical only. A 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 8
 
 329—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 114 
 
 very small number (half-a-dozen) of examples of simple am as ending 
 instead of anam occur in RV. 
 
 g. The loc. ends in esu — that is to say, with the normal ending, 
 hefore which the stem-final is changed to e (with consequent change of s 
 to s: 180). 
 
 h. Of accent, in this declension, nothing requires to be said; the 
 syllable accented in the stem retains its own accent throughout. 
 
 330. Examples of declension. As examples of the 
 
 inflection of a-stems may be taken ^^^ kSma m. love', 
 
 ^ deva m. god; ^THT asya n. mouth. 
 
 Singular : 
 
 N. 
 
 
 <ci4^ 
 
 
 
 kamas 
 
 devas 
 
 asyam 
 
 A. 
 
 ^M^ 
 
 •v 
 
 
 
 kamam 
 
 devam 
 
 asyam 
 
 
 -X 
 
 
 -X 
 
 I. 
 
 =him 
 
 yrvTiH 
 
 
 kamena 
 
 devena 
 
 asyena 
 
 D. 
 
 i^ia 
 
 yiwjiu 
 
 
 kamaya 
 
 devaya 
 
 asyaya 
 
 Ah. 
 
 
 ^c|H^ 
 
 
 
 kamat 
 
 devat 
 
 asyat 
 
 G. 
 
 ^^^VTJ 
 
 <^VU 
 
 SfTHTF?J 
 
 
 kamasya 
 
 devasya 
 
 asyasya 
 
 L. 
 
 ^iiq 
 
 "^ 
 
 fc<lvu 
 
 
 kame 
 
 deve 
 
 asye 
 
 "V. 
 
 ^IH 
 
 ^ 
 
 tllfU 
 
 
 kama 
 
 deva 
 
 asya 
 
 Dual : 
 
 
 
 TVT A xr 
 
 ^IMI 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 yif<4 
 
 
 kamau 
 
 devau 
 
 asye 
 
 I.D.Ab. 
 
 ^JTT^TTFl^ 
 
 "^^I^UIH^ 
 
 
 
 kamabhyam 
 
 devabhyam 
 
 asyabhyam 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 -N -S 
 
 ~s 
 
 G. L, 
 
 
 
 yi^uum^ 
 
 
 kamayos 
 
 devayos 
 
 asyayos 
 
 Plural: 
 
 <c|iH^ 
 
 tll^UlfH 
 
 N. V. 
 
 
 
 kamas 
 
 devas 
 
 asyani
 
 115 
 
 Declension I., a-sxEMS. 
 
 [—332 
 
 A. 
 
 D.Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 kaman 
 
 devan 
 devais 
 devebhyas 
 
 asyani 
 1 '^i 
 
 kamais 
 
 t4l*r'JH 
 asyais 
 
 kamebhyas 
 
 asyebhyas 
 
 kamatiam 
 
 o 
 
 kamesu 
 
 devanam 
 devesu 
 
 asyanam 
 asyesu 
 
 Examples of the peculiar Vedic forms are: 
 
 a. Sing. : instr. ravathena, yajna (sucli genitive forms as a9vasia 
 are purely sporadic). —- - - 
 
 b. Du.: nom. etc. masc. deva; gen.-loc. pastyos (stem pastya). 
 
 c. PI.: nom. -TO':, masc. devasas; neut. yuga; instr. devebhis ; gen. 
 caratham, devanaam. 
 
 331. Among nouns, there are no irregularities in this declension. 
 For irregular numeral bases in a (or an), see 483-4. For the irreg- 
 ularities of pronominal stems in a, which are more or less fully 
 shared also by a few adjectives of pronominal kindred, see the chapter 
 on Pronouns (495 ff). 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 332. Original adjectives in a are an exceedingly large class, the 
 great majority of all adjectives. There is, however, no such thing as 
 a fjminine stem in a; for the feminine, the a is changed to a — or 
 often, though far less often, to I ; and its declension is then like that 
 of sena or devi (364). An example of the complete declension of an 
 adjective a-stem in the three genders will be given below (368). 
 
 a. Whether a masc. -neut. stem in a shall form its feminine in a or 
 in i is a question to he determined in great part only by actual usage, and 
 not by grammatical rale. Certain important classes of words, however, can 
 be pointed out which take the less common ending i for the f:;minine: thus, 
 1. the (very numerous) secondary derivatives in a with vrddhi of the first 
 syllable (1204): e. g. amitra -tri, manusa -si, pavamana -ni, paur- 
 namasa -si; 2. primary derivatives in ana with accent on the radical syllable 
 (1150): e. g. codana -ni, samgrahana -ni, subhagamkarana -ni; 
 3. primary derivatives in a, with strengthening of the radical syllable, 
 having a quasi-participial meaning; e. g. divakara -ri avakrama -mi, 
 
 8*
 
 332—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 116 
 
 rathavaha -hi (but there are many exceptions); 4. secondaiy derivatives 
 iu maya (1225) and tana (1245 e): e. g. ayasmdya -yi; adyatana 
 -nl; 5. most ordinal numerals (487 h): e. g. pancama -mi, navada9a 
 -qi, trin^attama -ml. Not a few -words make the feminine in either a 
 or i: e. g. kevala or -li, ugra or -rl, papa or -pi, rama or -mi; but 
 ordinarily only one of these is accepted as regular. 
 
 333. There are no verbal roots ending in a. But a is sometimes 
 substituted for the final a of a root (and, rarely, for final an), and it 
 is then inflected like an ordinary adjective in a (see below, 354). 
 
 334. a. A noun ending in a, when occurring as final member of 
 an adjective compound, is inflected like an original adjective in a, 
 making its feminine likewise in a or i (367). 
 
 b. For the most part, an adjective compound having a noun in a as 
 final member makes its feminine in a. But there are numerous exceptions, 
 certain nouns taking, usually or always, i instead. Some of the commonest 
 of these are as follows: aksa et/e (e. g. lohitaksi, dvyaksi, gavaksi), 
 parna leaf (e. g. tilaparni, saptaparni; but ekaparna), mukha face 
 (e. g. krsnamukhi, durmiikhi; but trimukha etc.), anga limb, body 
 (e. g. anavadyangi, sarvangi; but caturanga etc.), ke§a Iiai?- (e. g. 
 suke^i, muktakegi or -Qa, etc.), karna ear (e. g. mahakarni; but 
 gokarna etc), udara belli/ (e. g. lambodari), mula root (e. g. pafi- 
 camuli; but oftener (jatamQla etc.). The very great majority of such 
 nouns (as the examples indicate) signify parts of the body. 
 
 c. On the other hand, a feminine noun ending in derivative a 
 shortens its final to a to form a masculine and neuter base: see 367 c. 
 
 d. In frequent cases, nouns of consonant ending are, as finals of com- 
 pounds, transferred to the a-declansion by an added suffix a (1209 a) or 
 ka (1222). 
 
 Declension II. 
 
 stems (of all genders) in ^ i and 3 u. 
 
 335. The stems in ^ i and 3 u are inflected in so close 
 accordance with one another that they cannot be divided 
 into two separate declensions. They are of all the three 
 genders, and tolerably numerous — those in ^ i more 
 numerous than those in 3 u, especially in the feminine 
 (there are more neuters in 3 u than in ^ i). 
 
 a. The endings of this declension also differ frequently and 
 widely from the normal, and the irregularities in the older language 
 are numerous.
 
 jl7 Declension II., i- and u-stems. [ — 336 
 
 336. Endings: Singular, a. The nom. masc. and fem. adds to the 
 stem the normal ending s. The nom. and ace. neut. is the bare stem, 
 •without ending. In the Veda, the final u of a few neuters is lengthened 
 (248 b) : thus, uru, puru. 
 
 b. The ace. masc. and fem. adds m to the stem. Vedic forms in iam 
 and uam, and, with n, inam and unam, are excessively rare, and doubtful. 
 
 c. The instr. fem. in the later language takes the normal ending a 
 simply, while the masc. and neut. insert n before it, making ina and una. 
 But in the Veda, forms in ya and va (or ia and ua) are not infrequent 
 in masc. and neut. also; while ina is found, very rarely, as a fem. ending. 
 Moreover, fem. ya is often (in two thirds of the occurrences) contracted to 
 i; and this is even sometimes shortened to i. An adverbial instr. in uya 
 from half-a-dozen stems in u occurs. 
 
 d. The dat. masc. and fem. gunates the final of the stem before the 
 ending e, making aye and ave. These are the prevailing endings in the 
 Veda likewise; but the more normal ye and ve (or ue) also occur; and 
 the fem. has in this case, as in the instr., sometimes the form i for ie. 
 In the later language, the neuter is required in this, as in all the other 
 weakest cases, to insert n before the normal ending: but in the Veda such 
 forms are only sporadic; and the neut. dat. has also the forms aye, ve, 
 ave, like the other genders. 
 
 e. The abl. and gen. masc. and fem. have regularly, both earlier and 
 later, the ending s with gunated vowel before it: thus, es, os; and in the 
 Veda, the neut. forms the cases in the same way; although unas, required 
 later, is also not infrequent (inas does not occur). But the normal forms 
 yas (or ias) and vas (or uas) are also frequent in both masc. and neuter. 
 As masc. ending, unas occurs twice in RV. The anomalous didyot (so TS. ; 
 in the corresponding passages, vidyot VS., didyaut K., didivas MS.) 
 is of doubtful character. 
 
 f. The loc. masc. and fem. has for regular ending in the later lan- 
 guage au, replacing both finals, i and u. And this is in the Veda also the 
 most frequent ending; but, beside it, the i-stems form (about half as often 
 in RV.) their loc. in a: thus, agna; and this is found once even in the 
 neuter. The RV. has a number of examples of masc. and neut. locatives 
 in avi (the normal ending and the u gunated before it) from u-stems ; 
 and certain doubtful traces of a corresponding ayi from i-stems. Half-a- 
 dozen locatives in i (regarded by the Vedic grammarians as pragrhya or 
 uncombinable: 138 d) are made from i-stems. The later language makes 
 the neuter locatives in ini and uni; but the former never occurs in the 
 oldest texts, and the latter only very rarely. 
 
 g. The later grammar allows the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. fem. to be 
 formed at will with the fuller fem. terminations of long-vowel stems, namely 
 ai, as (for which, in Brahmana etc., ai is substituted: 307 h), am. Such 
 forms are quite rare in the oldest language even from i-stems (less than 
 40 occurrences altogether in RV. ; three times as many in AV.); and from 
 u-stems they are almost unknown (five in RV. and AV.).
 
 336—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 118 
 
 h. The voc. gunates the final of the stem, in masc. and fern., alike 
 in the earlier and in the later language. In the neut., it is later allowed 
 to be either of the same form or the unaltered stem; and this was prohahly 
 the usage in the older time also; not instances enough are quotable to 
 determine the question (AV. has u once, and VS. o once). 
 
 337. Dual. a. The later and earlier language agree in making the 
 nom.-ace.-vcc. masc. and fem. by lengthening the final of the stem. The 
 same cases in the neuter (according to the rule given above) end later in 
 ini and uni; but these endings are nearly unknown in the Veda (as, indeed, 
 the cases are of only rare occurrence): AV. has ini twice [RY. perhaps 
 once); VS. has uni once; RV. has ui from one u-stem, and i, once short- 
 ened to i, from one or two i-stems. 
 
 b. The unvarying ending of ins(r.-dat.-abl., in all genders, is bhyam 
 added to the unchanged ttem. 
 
 c. The gen.-loc. of all ages add os to the stem in masc. and fem.; 
 in neut, the later language interposes, as elsewhere In the weakest cases, 
 a n; probably in the earlier Vedic the form would he like that of the other 
 genders; but the only occurrence noted is one unos in AV. 
 
 338. Plural, a. The nom.-voc. masc. and fem. adds the normal end- 
 ing as to the gunated stem-final, making ayas and avas. The exceptions 
 in the Veda are very few: one word (ari) has ias in both gender?, and a 
 few feminines have is (like i-stems); a very few u-stems have uas. The 
 neut. nom.-acc. ends later in ini and iini (like ani from a: 329 c); but the 
 Veda has i and i (about equally frequent) much oftener than ini; and u 
 and (more usually) u, more than half as often as uni. 
 
 b. The accus. mate, ends in in and un, for older ins and uns, of 
 which plain traces remain in the Veda in nearly half the instances of occur- 
 rence, and even not infrequently in the later language, in the guise of 
 phonetic combination (208 ff.)- The accus. fem. ends in is and us. But both 
 masc. and fem. forms in ias and uas are found sparingly in the Veda. 
 
 c. The instr. of all genders adds bhis to the f^tem. 
 
 d. The dat.-abl. of all genders adds bhyas (in V., almost never bhias) 
 to the stem. 
 
 e. The gen. of all genders is made alike in inam and tinam (of 
 which the a is not seldom, in the Veda, to be resolved into aam). Stems 
 with accented final in the later language may, and in the earlier always 
 do, throw forward the accent upon the ending. 
 
 f. The loc. of all genders adds su (as su : 180) to the stem-final. 
 
 g. The accent is iu accordance with the general rules already 
 laid down, and there are no' irregularities calling fur special notice. 
 
 339. Examples of declension. As models of i-stems 
 
 may be taken ^fu agni m. Jlre; JlfFT gati f. (/ait; ^\\\ 
 
 vSri n. ivater.
 
 119 
 
 Declension II., i- and u-stems. 
 
 [-339 
 
 Singular : 
 
 N. 
 
 D. 
 
 AT). G. 
 
 L. 
 
 N..A.V 
 
 I.D.Ab 
 
 G. L. 
 
 N. V. 
 
 A. 
 
 I. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 
 
 ^T\l 
 
 agnis 
 
 gatis 
 
 vari 
 
 r^ 
 
 ^^N 
 
 r^ 
 
 
 JllHH 
 
 ^ll( 
 
 agnim 
 
 gatim 
 
 vari 
 
 =^lf(Ull 
 
 stturt 
 
 JlrUI 
 
 agnina 
 
 gatya 
 
 varina 
 
 yuu 
 
 i\r\di, iW% 
 
 STII^m 
 
 agnaye 
 
 gataye, gatyai 
 
 varine 
 
 
 
 ^iRiiiH^ 
 
 agnes 
 
 gates, gatyas 
 
 varinas 
 
 =5^ 
 
 -s 
 
 ^if^mi 
 
 tliJT 
 
 
 agnau 
 
 gatau, gatyam 
 
 varini 
 
 m 
 
 Mr\ 
 
 di\\{> ^ 
 
 agne 
 
 gate 
 
 vari, vare 
 
 Dual: 
 
 
 
 ■• yu1 
 
 Jlrfi 
 
 mi(uii 
 
 agni 
 
 gati 
 
 varini 
 
 r^ 
 
 ilirl^UH^ 
 
 (^ 
 
 
 sn^^^jiq^ 
 
 agnibhyam 
 
 gatibhyam 
 
 varibhyam 
 
 --X 
 
 "^ 
 
 ^- "s 
 
 
 •V, 
 
 c^il^miH^ 
 
 agnyos 
 
 gatyos 
 
 varinos 
 
 Plural: 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ftfm 
 
 agnayas 
 
 gatayas 
 
 varini 
 
 .-, 
 
 
 ^i^im 
 
 
 agnin 
 
 gatis 
 
 varini 
 
 
 
 ^mn 
 
 agnibhis 
 
 gatibhis 
 
 varibhis 
 
 
 illrl^U?! 
 
 c=ii[(^aH^ 
 
 agnibhyas 
 
 gatibhyas 
 
 varibhyas 
 
 *^UHI^ 
 
 agnin am 
 
 gatinam 
 
 varinam 
 
 o 
 
 
 ="R^ 
 
 agnisii 
 
 gatisu 
 
 varisvi
 
 340—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 120 
 
 340. Iq order to mark more plainly the absence in Vedic language of 
 some of the forms which are common later, all the forms of Vedic occurrence 
 are added below, and in the order of their frequency. 
 
 .a. Singular. Nom. agnis etc., as above. 
 
 b. Ace: masc. agnim, yayiam, urminam (v) ; fem. and neut. as 
 above. 
 
 c. Instr. : masc. agnina, rayya and iirinia; fem. acitti, utia, 
 matya, suvrkti, dhasina; neut. wanting. 
 
 d. Dat. : masc. agnaye; fem. tujaye, uti, turyai; neut. 9u,caye. 
 
 e. Gen.-abl. : masc. agnes, avyas, arias; fem. adites, hetyas and 
 bhiamias; |ieiit.,bhures. 
 
 f. Loc. : masc. agnau, agna, ajayi('?); fem. agatau, udita, dha- 
 nasatayi(?), vedi, bhumyain; neut. aprata, saptara9mau. 
 
 g. Voc: as above (neut. wanting). 
 
 h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc. : masc. hari; fem. yuvati; neut. 9UCI, 
 mahi, harini(?). 
 
 i. lustr.-dat.-abl.: as above. 
 
 j. Gen. -loc. : masc. harios; fem. yuvatyos and jamios; neut. wanting. 
 
 k. Plural. Nom.: masc. agnayas ; fem. matayas, bhumis; neut. 
 9uci, bhuri, bhiirmi^ 
 
 1. Accus.: masc. agnin; fem. ksitls, 9ucayas(?). 
 
 m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc. : as above. 
 
 n. Gen.: masc. fem. kavinam, rsinaam etc. (neut. wanting). 
 
 341. As models of u-stems may be taken 51"^ 9atru m. 
 enemy \ ^^ dhenii f. cow\ W\ madhu n. honey. 
 
 o 
 Singular; 
 
 N. 
 
 9atrus 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 o --. 
 9atrum 
 
 9atruna 
 
 9atrave 
 
 9atros 
 
 9atrau 
 
 9&tro 
 
 o -x 
 
 dhenus 
 
 o ^ 
 
 dhenum 
 dhenva 
 
 madhu 
 
 o 
 
 madhu 
 madhuua 
 
 dhenave, dhenvai madhune 
 
 -\ -V O -s 
 
 dhenos, dhenvaa m.adhunaB 
 dhenau, dhenvam madhuni 
 dheno madhu, madho
 
 121 
 
 Declension II., i- and u-stbms. 
 
 [342— 
 
 Dual; 
 
 N.A.V. 
 
 I.D.At. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 N. V. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 
 
 IW7T 
 
 9atru 
 
 dhenu 
 
 madhuni 
 
 
 
 O -V, 
 
 9atrubhyam 
 
 dhenubhyam 
 
 madhubhyam 
 
 -^ 
 
 ■V -^ 
 
 "*v 
 
 
 
 O *s 
 
 9atrvos 
 
 dhenvos 
 
 madhunos 
 
 Plural : 
 
 
 
 
 
 ;-, 
 
 -V. 
 
 
 Qatravas 
 
 dhenavas 
 
 madhuni 
 
 kW^ 
 
 "ijHH^ 
 
 
 9atrun 
 
 dhenus 
 
 madhuni 
 
 o ^ 
 
 
 
 Qatrubhis 
 
 dhenubhis 
 
 madhubhis 
 
 
 
 o ^ 
 
 9atrubhyas 
 
 dhenubhyas 
 
 madhu.bhyas 
 
 
 
 
 9atrun.am 
 
 dhenunam. 
 
 madhunam 
 
 
 ^-m 
 
 •^~i 
 
 
 9atrusu 
 
 dhenusu 
 
 • 
 
 madhusu 
 
 342. The forms of Vedic occurrence are given here for the u-stems 
 in the same manner as for the i-stems ahove. 
 
 a. Singular. Nom.: masc. and fern, as ahove; neut. uru, uru. 
 
 b. Accus.: masc. ketum, abhiruam, sucetunam (?) ; fem. dhenum. 
 
 c. Instr, : masc. ketiina, pa9va and kratua: fem. adhenua and 
 panva, a9uya; neut. madhiina, madhva. '^ 
 
 d. Dat. : masc. ketave, 9i9ve; fem. 9arave, isvai; neut. pa9ve (?), 
 urave, madhune. 
 
 e. Abl.-geu.: masc. manyos, pitvas, carunas; fem. sindhos, isvas; 
 neut. madhvas and madhuas, madhos, madhunas. 
 
 f. Loc. : masc. purau, sunavi; fem. sindhau, rajjvam; neut. 
 sanau, sanavi, sano, sanvini. 
 
 g. Yoc. : as above. 
 
 h. Dual. Nom.-acc.-voc. : masc. and fem. as above; neut. urvi, 
 janujii. 
 
 i. Instr.-dat.-abl. : as above. 
 
 j. Gen. -loc. : as above (but vos or uos). 
 
 k. Plural. Nom.: masc. rbhavas, madhuas and madhvas: fem. 
 dhenavas, 9atakratvas; neut. puruni, puru, puru.
 
 342—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 122 
 
 1. Accus. : masc. rtun, paQvas; fem. isus, madhvas. 
 
 m. Instr., dat.-abl., and loc. : as above; also gen. (but with the reso- 
 lution ianaara in part). 
 
 343. Irregular declension. There are no irregular u-stems, 
 and only a very few i-stems. 
 
 a. Sakhi m. friend has for the five strong cases a peculiarly 
 strengthened base (vriddhied), namely sakhay, which in the uom. 
 sing, is reduced to sakha (witliout ending), and in the other cases 
 takes the normal endings. The instr. and dat. sing, have tbe normal 
 endings simply, without inserted n or guna; the abl.-gen. sing, adds 
 us; and the loc. sing, adds au: the rest is like agni. Thus: 
 
 Sing, sakha, sakhayam, sakhya, sakliye, sakhyus, sakhyau, 
 sakhe; Du. sakhayavi, sakhibhyam, sakhyos; PL sakhayas, sakhin, 
 etc. etc. 
 
 b. The Veda has usually sakhaya du., and often resolves the y to i, 
 in sakhia, sakliius, etc. The compounds are usually declined like the 
 simple word, unless (1315 bj sakha be sulstituted. 
 
 e. There is a corresponding fem., sakbi (declined like devi: 364); 
 but the forms of sakhi are also sometimes found used with feminine value. 
 
 d. Pati m. is declined regularly in composition, and when it has 
 the meaning lord, master; when uncompouuded and when meaning 
 husband, it is inflected like sakhi in the instr., dat., abl.-gen., and 
 loc. sing., forming patya, patye, patyus, patyau. There are occasional 
 instances of confusion of the two classes of forms. 
 
 e. For pati as final member of a possessive compound is regularly 
 and usually substituted patni in the fem.: thus, jivapatni havmg a living 
 husband; dasapatni Jiavi)7g a barbarian for master. 
 
 f. Jani f. u-ife has the gen. sing, janytis in the Veda. 
 
 g. Ari eager, greedy, hostile has in the Veda aryas in pi. nom. and 
 accus., masc. and fem. Its accus. sing, is ariin or aryam. 
 
 h. Vi bird has in RV. the uom. ves (beside vis). In the plural it 
 accents vibhis, vibhyas, but vinam. 
 
 i. The stems aksi et/e, asthi bone, dadhi curds, and sakthi thigh, 
 are defective, their forms exchanging with and complementing forms from 
 stems in an (aksan etc.): see the stems in an, below (431). 
 
 j. The stem pathi road is used to make up part of the inflection of 
 panthan: see below, 433. 
 
 k. Krostu m. jackal lacks the strong cases, for which the correspond- 
 ing forms of krostr are substituted. 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 344. Original adjective stems in i are few; those in u are much 
 more numerous (many derivative verb-stems forming a participial
 
 123 Declension II., i- and u-stems. [—346 
 
 adjective in vi). Tlieir inflection is like that of nouns, and has been 
 included in the rules given above. In those weak ca.«es, however — 
 namely, the dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing., and the gcu.-loc. dual — 
 in which neuter nouns differ from masculines in the later language 
 by an inserted n (we have seen above that this difference does not 
 exist in the Veda', the neuter adjective is allowed to take either 
 form. The stem is the same for masculine and neuter, and generally 
 (and allowably always) for feminine also. 
 
 a. There are a few instances of a feminine noun in i standing (some- 
 times with changed accent) beside a masculine in i: ihu,«, krimi m., krimi 
 f. ; sakhi (343 a) m., sakhl f . ; dundubhi m., dundubhi f. ; dhuni 
 m., dhuni f . ; (jakuni m., 9akuni or -ni f. In the later language, espe- 
 cially, there is a very frequent interchange of i and i as finals of the same 
 stem^ No adjective in i makes a regular feminine in i. 
 
 b. With stems in u the case is quite different. While the feminine 
 may, and in pait tloe?, end in u, like the masculine, and neuter, a spe- 
 cial feminine-stem is often made by lengthening tKe-u -to % or also by 
 adding i; and for some stems a feminine is formed into twfr of -th«8e three 
 ways, or even in all the three: thus, karii, -dipsu, 9undhyu, carisnu, 
 vacaeyii; -anvi, urvi, gurvi, purvi (vith prolongation of u before r: 
 compare 245 b), bahvi, prabhvi, raghvl, sadhvl, svadvl; — prthii 
 and prthvl, vibhd and vibhvl, mrdu ar d mrdvl, laghu and laghvi, 
 vasu and vasvi; babh.ru and babliru, bibhatsu and bibhatsu, bhiru 
 and bhiru; — tanii ai;d tanu and tanvf, phalgu and phalgu and 
 phalg\'i, madhu and madhii and madhvi. There are also some femi- 
 nine noun-stems in u standing (usually with changed accent) beside mas- 
 culines in u: thu>, agru m., agru f. ; kadru m.. kadru f . ; guggulu 
 Di-) guggulu f . ; jatu m., jatli f . ; prdaku m., prdaku f. 
 
 345. Roots ending in i or u (or r: 376 b) regularly add a t when 
 used as root-words or as root-fiuals of compounds; and hence there 
 are no adjectives of the root-class in this declension. 
 
 a. Yet, in the Veda, a few words ending in a short radical u are 
 declined as if this were sufflxal: thus, asmrtadhru, sustu; and the AV. 
 has prtanaji (once). Roots in ii sometimes also slioiten ti to u: thus, 
 prabhii, vibhu, etc. (S54); go (361 e) becomes gu in imposition ; and 
 re perhaps becomes ri (^361 e); while roots in a sometimes apparently 
 weaken a to i (in -dhi from ]/dha etf . : 1155). 
 
 346. Compound adjectives having nouns of this declension ?.s 
 final member are inflected in general like original adjectives of the 
 same endings. 
 
 a. But in such compounds a final i or u is sometimes lengthened to 
 form a feminine stem : thns, suqroni, svayoni or -ni, -gatrayasti or 
 -ti; vamorii or -ru, durhanu or -nu, varatanii, matrbandhia; and 
 RV. has aQiqvi from qiqn.
 
 347—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 124 
 
 Declension III. 
 
 Stems in long vowels: 5TT a, < i, 3" u. 
 
 347. The stems ending in long vowels fall into two 
 well-marked classes or divisions: A. monosyllabic stems — 
 mostly bare roots — and their compounds, with a compar- 
 atively small number of others inflected like them; B. de- 
 rivative feminine stems in STT a and ^ i, with a small num- 
 ber in 3 u which in the later language have come to be 
 inflected like them. The latter division is by far the larger 
 and more important, since most feminine adjectives, and 
 considerable classes of feminine nouns, ending in STF a or 
 ^ 1, belong to it. 
 
 A. Root-words, and those inflected like them. 
 
 348. The inflection of these stems is by the normal 
 endings throughout, or in the manner j)f, consonant-stems 
 (with 3^ am, not ^ m, in the accus. sing.) ; peculiarities 
 like those of the other vowel-declensions are wanting. The 
 simple words are, as nouns, with few exceptions feminine; 
 as adjectives (rarely), and in adjective compounds, they are 
 alike in masculine and feminine forms. They may, for con- 
 venience of description, be divided into the following sub- 
 classes : 
 
 1. Root-words, or monosyllables having the aspect of such. Those 
 in a are so rare that it is hardly possible to make up a whole scheme 
 of forms in actual use; those in i and u are more numerous, but still 
 very few. 
 
 2. Compounds having such words, or other roots with long final 
 vowels, as last member. 
 
 3. Polysyllabic words, of various origin and character, including 
 in the Veda many which later are transferred to other declensions. 
 
 4. As an appandix to this class we may most conveniently 
 describe the half-dozen stems, mostly of regular inflection, ending in 
 diphthongs.
 
 1 25 Declension III., a-, i-, and u-stems. [ — 351 
 
 349. Monosyllabic stems. Before the endings beginning with 
 vowel?, final i is changed to iy and u to uv; while final a is dropped 
 altogether, except in the strong cases, and in the ace. p!., which is 
 like the nominative (according to the grammarians, a is lost here also: 
 no instances of the occurrence of such a form appear to be quotable). 
 Stems in i and ii are in the later language allowed to take optionally 
 the fuller endings ai, as, am in the singular (dat., abl.-gen., loc); but 
 no such forms are ever met with in the Veda (except bhiya{[?], RV., 
 once). Before am of gen. pi., n may or may not be inserted; in the 
 Veda it is regularly inserted, with a single exception [dhiyam, once). 
 The vocative is like the nominative in the singular as well as the 
 other numbers; but instances of its occurrence in uncompounded stems 
 are not found in the Veda, and must be extremely rare everywhere. 
 The earlier Vedic dual ending is a instead of au. 
 
 350. To the i- and ii-stems the rules for monosyllabic accent 
 apply : the accent is thrown forward upon the endings in all the weak 
 cases except the accus. pi., which is like the nom. But the a-stems 
 appear (the instances are extremely few) to keep the accent upon the 
 stem throughout. 
 
 351. Examples of declension. As models of mon- 
 osyllabic inflection we may take slT j5 f. progeny \ ^1 dhi f. 
 thought] and ^ bhu f. earth. 
 
 a. The first of these is rather arbitrarily extended from the four cases 
 which actually occur; of the loc. sing, and gen. -Ice. du., uo Vedic examples 
 from a-stems are found. 
 
 N. 
 
 D. 
 
 Ah. G. 
 
 L. 
 
 Singular : 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 jas 
 
 dhis 
 
 bhus 
 
 silH 
 
 fqUH 
 
 O -V. 
 
 jam 
 
 dhiyam 
 
 bhuvam 
 
 m 
 
 fqm 
 
 o 
 
 ja 
 
 dhiya 
 
 bhuva 
 
 
 ^m, iti^ 
 
 -o o 
 
 je 
 
 dhiye, dhiyai 
 
 bhuve, bhuvai 
 
 
 
 
 jas 
 
 dhiyas, dhiyas 
 
 bhuvaSjbhuvas 
 
 i% 
 
 
 O O -^. ^ 
 
 ji 
 
 dhiyi, dhiyam 
 
 bhuvi, bhuvam 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 jas 
 
 dhis 
 
 bhus
 
 351—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 126 
 
 Dual; 
 
 N.A.V. 
 
 sTT 
 
 
 jau 
 
 I.D.Ab. 
 
 
 
 jabhyam 
 
 G. L. 
 
 
 
 jos 
 
 dhiyau 
 
 dhibhyam 
 
 dhiyos 
 
 bhuvau 
 ;TVTrrq 
 
 (TV -^v 
 
 bhubhyam 
 bhuvos 
 
 Plural: 
 
 N. sTTH 
 
 jas 
 
 jas, jas 
 
 I. mm 
 
 jabhis 
 
 D. Ab. sFP-TFT 
 jabhyas 
 
 G. sTHFT (^TiT?J 
 
 janam, jam 
 
 L. ?rT?T 
 
 o 
 
 jasu 
 
 vjim 
 
 o -^ 
 
 bhuvas 
 
 dhiyas 
 dhiyas 
 dhibhis 
 dhibhyas 
 
 dhiyam, dhinam bhuvam, bhunam 
 
 o 
 dhisii 
 
 bhuvas 
 
 bhubhis 
 
 bhubliyas 
 
 m 
 
 bhusu 
 
 352. Monosyllabic stems in composition. When the nouns 
 above described occur as final member of a compound, or when any 
 root in a or i or u is found in a like position, the inflection of an 
 a-stem is as above. But i- and u-stems follow a divided usage: the 
 final vowel before a vowel-ending is either converted into a short 
 vowel and semivowel (iy or uv, as above) or into a semivowel simply 
 (y or v). The accent is nowhere thrown forward upon the endings; 
 and therefore, when i and u become y and v, the resulting syllable 
 is circumflex (83-4j. Thus: 
 
 Masc. 
 
 and fem. Siiigi 
 
 iilar 
 
 
 
 
 N. V. 
 
 ■ 
 
 •dhi 
 
 [3 
 
 -bhds 
 
 A. 
 
 -dhiyam 
 
 
 -dhyam 
 
 -bhuvam 
 
 -bhvam 
 
 1. 
 
 -dhiya 
 
 
 -dhya 
 
 -bhuva 
 
 -bhva 
 
 D. 
 
 -dhiye 
 
 
 -dhye 
 
 -bhuve 
 
 -bhve 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 -dhiyas 
 
 
 -dhyas 
 
 -bhuvas 
 
 -bhvas 
 
 L. 
 
 -dhiyi 
 
 
 -dhyi 
 
 -bhuvi 
 
 -bhvi
 
 1 27 Declension III., a-, i-, and u-stems. [—354 
 
 Dual: 
 
 N. A. V. -dhiyau -dhyau -bhuvau -bhvau 
 I. D. Ab. -dhibhyam -bhubhyam 
 
 G. L. -dhiyos -dhyos -bhuvos -bhvos 
 
 Plural : 
 
 N. A. V. -dhiyas -dhyas -bhuvas -bhvas 
 
 I. -dhibhis -bhubhis 
 
 D. Ab, -dhibhyas -bhubhyas 
 
 ^ f-dhiyam ,, ^ f-bhuvam , , ^ 
 
 G. ^ -i,.-^ - -dhyam i , , ^ _ -bhvam 
 
 l-dhmam l-bhunam 
 
 L. -dhisu -bhusu 
 
 a. As to the admissibility of the fuller endings ai, as, and am in the 
 singular (feminine), grammatical authorities are somewhat at variance; but 
 they are never found in the Veda, and have been omitted from the above 
 scheme as probably unreal. 
 
 b. If two consonants precede the final i or u, the dissyllabic forms, 
 with iy and uv, are regularly written ; after one consonant, the usage is 
 varying. The grammarians prescribe iy and uv when the monosyllabic stem 
 has more the character of a noun, and y and v when it is more purely a 
 verbal root with participial value. No such distinction, however, is to be seen 
 in the Veda — where, moreover, the difference of the two forms is only 
 graphic, since the ya- and va-forms and the rest are always to be read as 
 dissyllabic: ia or la and ua or ua, and so on. 
 
 c. As to neuter stems for such adjectives, see 367. 
 
 353. A few further Vedie irregularities or peculiarities may be briefly 
 noticed. 
 
 a. Of the a-stems, the forms in as, am, a (du.) are sometimes to 
 be read as dissyllables, aas, aam, aa. The dative of the stem used as 
 infinitive is ai (_as if a + e): thus, prakhyai, pratimai, paradai. 
 
 b. Irregular transfer of the accent to the ending in compounds is seen 
 in a case or two : thus, avadyabhiya (RV.), adhia (AV.). 
 
 354. But compounds of the class above described are not in- 
 frequently transferred to other modes of inflection: the a shortened 
 to a for a masculine (and neuter) stem, or declined like a stem of 
 the derivative a-class (below, 364) as feminine; the i and u short- 
 ened to i and u, and inflected as of the second declension. 
 
 a. Thus, compound stems in -ga, -ja, -da, -stha, -bhu, and others, are 
 found even in the Veda, and become ftequent later (being made from all, or 
 nearly all, the roots in a) ; and sporadic cases from yet others occur: for example, 
 Qrtapan, vayodhais and ratnadhebhis, dhanasais (all RV.); and, 
 from i and u compounds, vesagris (TS.), ahrayas (RV.), ganaQribhis 
 (RV.), karmanis (QB.) and rtanibhyas (RV.) and senanibhyas (VS.) 
 and gramanibhis (TB.), supiina (AV.), ^itibhrave (TS.). 
 
 b. Still more numerous are the feminines in a which have lost their
 
 354 — ] v. Nouns and Adjectives. 128 
 
 root-declension: examples are praja (of which the further compounds in 
 part have root-forms), svadha, 9raddha, pratima, and others. 
 
 C. Then, in the later language, a few feminines in i are made from 
 the stems in a shortened from a: thus, gopi, gosthi, pannagi, pankaji, 
 bhujagi, bhujamgi, surapi. 
 
 355. Polysyllabic Stems. Stems of this division (A) of more 
 than one syllable are very rare indeed in the later language, and by 
 no means common in the earlier. The Rig-Veda, however, presents 
 a not inconsiderable body of them; and as the class nearly dies out 
 later, by the disuse of its stems or their transfer to other modes of 
 declension, it may be best described on a Vedic basis. 
 
 a. Of stems in a, masculines, half-a-dozen occur in the Veda: pantha, 
 mantha, and rbhuksa are otherwise viewed by the later grammar: see 
 below, 433-4; uqkna. (nom. pr.) has the anomalous nom. sing, ugana 
 (and loc. as -well as dat. U9ane); maha great is found orly in accus. sing, 
 and abundantly in composition; ata frame has only atasu not derivable 
 from ata. 
 
 b. Of stems in i, over seventy are found in the Veda, nearly all 
 feminines, and all accented on the final. Half of the feminines are formed 
 from masculines with change of accent: thus, kalyani (m. kalyana), 
 purusi (m. purusa); others show no change of accent: thus, yaml (m. 
 yama); others still have no corresponding masculines: thus, nadl, laksml, 
 siirmi. The masculines are about ten in number: for example, rathl, 
 pravi, stari, ahi, apathi. 
 
 c. Of stems in vl, the number is smaller: these, too, are nearly all 
 feminines, and all accented on the final. The majority of them are the 
 feminine adjectives in u to masculines in u or u (above, 344 b) : thus, 
 caranyii, carisnu, jighatsu, madhu. A few are nouns in u, with 
 change of accent: thus, agru (agru), prdakii (pfdaku), 9va9rd (9va- 
 9Ura); or without change, as nrtu. And a few have no corresponding 
 masculines: thus, tanu, vadhu, camiS. The masculines are only two or 
 three : namely, pra9ii, krkada9ii, maksii (?) ; and their forms are of the 
 utmost rarity. 
 
 356. The mode of declension of these words may be illustrated 
 by the following examples: rathi m. charioteer; nadi f. stream; tanii 
 f. body. 
 
 a. No one of the selected examples occurs in all the forms; forms for 
 which no example at all is quotable are put in brackets. No loc. sing, from 
 any i-stem occurs, to determine what the form would be. The stem nadi 
 is selected as example partly in order to emphasize the difference between 
 the earlier language and the later in regard to the words of this division : 
 nadi is later the model of derivative inflection.
 
 129 
 
 Declension III., Radical a-, i-, and u-stems. 
 
 [—358 
 
 rat his 
 
 nadis 
 
 tanus 
 
 rathiam 
 
 nadiam 
 
 tanuam 
 
 rathia 
 
 nadia 
 
 tanua 
 
 rathie 
 
 nadie 
 
 tanue 
 
 rathias 
 
 nadias 
 
 tanuas 
 tanui 
 
 rathi (?) 
 
 nadi 
 
 tanu 
 
 rathia 
 
 nadia 
 
 taniia 
 
 [rathibhyam] 
 
 nadibhyam 
 
 [tanubhyam] 
 
 [rathios] 
 
 nadios 
 
 tanuos 
 
 rathias 
 
 nadias 
 
 tanuas 
 
 [rathibhis] 
 
 nadibhis 
 
 tanubhis 
 
 [rathibhyas] 
 
 nadibhyas 
 
 tanubhyas 
 
 rathinam 
 
 nadinam 
 
 tantinam. 
 
 [rathisu] 
 
 nadisu 
 
 tanusu 
 
 Singular: 
 N. 
 A. 
 I. 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 L. 
 V. 
 
 Dual: 
 N. A. V. 
 I. D. Ab. 
 G. L, 
 
 Plural : 
 N. A. 
 I. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 G. 
 L. 
 
 b. The cases — nadiam, tanuam, etc. — are -written above accord- 
 ing to their true phonetic form, almost invariably belonging to them in 
 the Veda; in the written text, of course, the stem-final is made a semi- 
 vowel, and the resulting syllable is circumflexed: thus, nadyam, tan- 
 vam, etc. ; only, as usual, after two consonants the resolved forms iy and 
 uv are written instead; and also where the combination yv would other- 
 wise result: thus, cakriya, [agruvai,] and mitrayiivas. The RV. really 
 reads staryam etc. twice, and tanvas etc. four times ; and such con- 
 tractions are more often made in the AV. The ending a of the nom.-acc.-voc. 
 du. is the equivalent of the later au. The nom. sing, in s from i-stems 
 is found in the older language about sixty times, from over thirty stems. 
 
 357. Irregularities of form, properly so called, are very few in this 
 division: camu as loc. sing, (instead of camvi) occurs a few times; and 
 there is another doubtful case or two of the same kind; the final u is re- 
 garded as pragrhya or uncorabinable (138); tanui is lengthened to tanvi 
 in a passage or two ; -yuvas is once or twice abbreviated to -y^us. 
 
 358. The process of transfer to the other form of i- and u-declension 
 (below, 362 ff.), which has nearly extinguished this category of words in 
 the later language, has its beginnings in the Veda; but in RV. they are 
 excessively scanty: namely, diitiam, loc. sing., once, and 9va9ruam, do., 
 once, and dravitnua, instr. sing., with two or three other doubtful cases. 
 In the Atharvan, we find the ace. sing. kuhHm, tanum, vadhum; the 
 instr. sing, palalia and one or two others ; the dat. sing, vadhvai, 9va- 
 qruai, agruvai; the abl.-gen. sing, punarbhuvas, prdakuas, 9va9ruas; 
 and the loc. sing, tanuam (with anomalous accent). Accusatives plural in 
 is and us are nowhere met with. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 9
 
 359—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 130 
 
 359. Adjective compounds from these words are very few ; those which 
 occur are declined like the simple stems: thus, hiranyavacjis and sahas- 
 rastaris, ataptatanus and sarvataniis, all nom. sing, masculine. 
 
 Stems ending in diphthongs. 
 
 360. There are certain mohdsyllabic stems ending in diphthongs, 
 which are too few and too diverse in inflection to make a declension 
 of, and which may be most appropriately disposed of here, in con- 
 nection with the stems in i and u, with which they have most affinity. 
 They are: 
 
 a. stems in au: nau and glau; 
 
 b. stems in ai: rai; 
 
 c. stems in o: go and dyo (or dyu, div). 
 
 361. a. The stem nau f. ship is entirely regular, taking the 
 normal endings throughout, and following the rules for monosyllabic 
 accentuation (317) — except that the accus. pi. is said (it does not 
 appear to occur in accented texts) to be like the nom. Thus: naiis, 
 navam, nava, nave, navas, navi; navau., naubhyam, navos; navas, 
 navas, naubhis, naubhyas, navam, nausu. The stem glau m. ball 
 is apparently inflected in the same way; but few of its forms have 
 been met with in use. 
 
 b. The stem rai f. (or m.) tvealth might be better described as 
 ra with a union-consonant y (258) interposed before vowel endings, 
 and is regularly inflected as such, with normal endings and mono- 
 syllabic accent. Thus : ras, rayam, raya, raye, rayas, rayi ; rayau, 
 rabhyam, rayos; rayas, rayas, rabhis, rabhyas, rayam, rasu. But 
 in the Veda the accus. pi. is either rayas or rayas; for accus. sing. 
 and pi. are also used the briefer forms ram (RV. once: rayam does 
 not occur in V.) and ras (SV., once); and the gen.-sing. is sometimes 
 anomalously accented rayas. 
 
 e. The stem go m. or. fv-$«// or (COtGij much more irregular. In 
 the strong cases, except accus. sing., it is strengthened to gau, form- 
 ing (like, nau) gaus, gavau, gavas. In accus. sing, and pi. it has 
 (like rai) the brief forms gam and gas. The abl.-gen. sing, is gos 
 (as if from gu). The rest is regularly made from go, with the normal 
 endings, but with accent always remaining irregularly upon the stem: 
 thus, gava, gave, gavi, gavos, gavam ; gobhyam, gobhis, gobhyas, 
 gosu. In the Veda, another form of the gen. pi. is gonam ; the nom. 
 etc. du. is (as in all other such cases) also gava; and gam, gos, and 
 gas are not infrequently to be pronounced as dissyllables. As ace. 
 pi. is found a few times gavas 
 
 d. The stem dyo f. (but in V. usually m.) sky, day is yet more 
 anomalous, having beside it a simpler stem dyu, which becomes div 
 before a vowel-ending. The native grammarians treat the two as
 
 131 Declension III., Diphthongal Stems. [ — 362 
 
 independent words, but it is more convenient to put them together. 
 
 The stem dyo is inflected precisely like go, as above described. The 
 
 complete declension is as follows (with forms not actually met with 
 
 in use bracketed): 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural. 
 
 N. dyaiis t rj' - n j -^ - divas dyavas 
 
 ,, , -i [divau] dyavau ,. , , _^ rj -=^ n 
 
 A. divam dyam } ^ divas, dyun [dyas] 
 
 I. diva [dyava] ] dyubhis [dyobhis] 
 
 D. dive dyave 
 
 Ab. divas dyos 
 
 G. divas dyos } r , ■ - , r -, [divam dyavam] 
 
 . . \ rlTOTis fl-o-n.Trns . _ . _ 
 
 . [dyubhyam dyobhyam] j ^^^^^^^^^ dyobhyas] 
 
 L. divi dyavi | '■ y J dyusu [dyosu] 
 
 e. The dat. sing, dyave is not found in the early language. Both 
 dfvas and divas occur as accus. pi. in V. As nom. etc. du., dyava is, 
 as usual, the regular Vedic form : once occurs dyavi (du.), as if a neuter 
 form ; and dyaus is found once used as ablative. The cases dyaus, dyam 
 and dyiiii (once) are read in V. sometimes as dissyllables; and the first 
 as accented vocative then becomes dyaus (i. e. diaus : see 314 b). 
 
 f. Adjective compounds having a diphthongal- stem as final member 
 are not numerous, and tend to shorten the diphthong to a vowel. Thus, 
 from nau we have bhinnanu; from go, several words like agu, saptagu, 
 sugu, bahugu (f. -gu TB.) ; and, correspondingly, rai seems to be reduced 
 to ri in brhadraye and rdhadrayas (RV.). In derivation, go maintains 
 its full form in gotra, agota, -gava (f. -gavi), etc.; as first member of 
 a compound, it is variously treated: thus, gavagir, gavisti (but gaa9ir, 
 gaisti K.), etc.; goa9va or go'Qva, gorjika, goopaga, etc. In certain 
 compounds, also, dyu or dyo takes an anomalous form: thus, dyaurda 
 (K.), dyaurloka (9^.), dyausam9ita (AV.). In revant (unless this is 
 for rayivant) rai becomes re. RV. has adhrigavas from adhrigu (of 
 questionable import); and AV. has ghrtastavas, apparently accus. pi. of 
 ghrtastu or -sto. 
 
 B. Derivative steins in a, i, u. 
 
 362. To this division belong all the a and i-stems which 
 have not been specified above as belonging to the other or 
 root- word division; and also, in the later language, most 
 of the 1 and ii-stems of the other division, by ' transfer to 
 a more predominant mode of inflection. Thus: 
 
 1. a. The great mass of derivative feminine a-stems, substantive 
 and adjective. 
 
 b. The inflection of these stems has maintained itself with little change 
 through the whole history of the language, being almost precisely the same 
 in the Vedas as later. 
 
 9*
 
 362—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 132 
 
 2. c. The great mass of derivative feminine i-stems. 
 
 d. This class is -without exception in the later language. In the earlier, 
 it suffers the exception pointed out above (355 b): that feminines made 
 ■with change of accent follow this mode of declension only -when the accent 
 is not on the I: thus, tavisi, parusni, palikni, rohinl. 
 
 e. The i-stems of this division in general are regarded as made hy 
 contraction of an earlier ending in ya. Their inflection has become in the 
 later language somewhat mixed with that of the other division, and so far 
 different from the Vedic inflection: see below, 363 g. 
 
 f. Very few derivative stems in i are recognized by the grammarians 
 as declined like the root-division; the Yedic words of that class are, if 
 retained in use, transferred to this mode of inflection. 
 
 g. A very small number of masculine i-stems (half-a-dozen) are in the 
 Veda declined as of the derivative division: they are a few rare proper 
 names, matali etc.; and rastri and sirl (only one case each). 
 
 3. h. The a-stems are few in number, and are transfers from the 
 other division, assimilated in inflection to the great class of derivative 
 i-stems (except that they retain the ending b of the nom. sing.). 
 
 363. Endings. The points of distinction between this and the other 
 division are as follows : 
 
 a. In nom. sing, the usual s-ending is wanting : except in the u-stems 
 and a very few i-stems — namely, laksmi, tari, tantri, tandri — which 
 have preserved the ending of the other division. 
 
 b. The accus. sing, and pi. add simply m and s respectively. 
 
 c. The dat., abl.-gen., and loc. sing, take always the fuller endings 
 ai, as, am; and these are separated from the final of the a-stems by an 
 interposed y. In Brahmana etc., ai is generally substituted for as (307 h). 
 
 d. Before the endings a of instr. sing, and os of gen. -loc. du., the final 
 of a-stems is treated as if changed to e; but in the Veda, the instr. end- 
 ing a very often (in nearly half the occurrences) blends with the final to a. 
 The ya of i-stems is in a few Vedic examples contracted to i, and even 
 to i. A loc. sing, in i occurs a few times. 
 
 e. In all the weakest cases above mentioned, the accent of an i- or 
 u-stem having acute final is thrown forward upon the ending. In the 
 remaining case of the same class, the gen. pL, a n is always interposed 
 between stem and ending, and the accent remains upon the former (in RV., 
 however, it is usually thrown forward upon the ending, as in i and u-stems). 
 
 f. In voc. sing., final a becomes e; final i and vl are shortened. 
 
 g. In nom.-acc.-voc. du. and nom. pi. appears in i (and u)-stems a 
 marked difl'erence between the earlier and later language, the latter borrow- 
 ing the forms of the other division. The du. ending au is unknown in 
 RV., and very rare in AV.; the Vedic ending is i (a corresponding dual 
 of u-stems does not occur). The regular later pi. ending aa has only a
 
 133 
 
 f)ECLENSiOK III., Derivative a-, i-, and u-stems. [ — 364 
 
 doubtful example or two in RV., and a very small number in AV. ; the 
 case there (and it is one of very frequent occurrence) adds s simply; and 
 though yas-forms occur in the Brahmanas, along with is-forms, both are 
 used rather indifferently as nom. and accus. (as, indeed, they sometimes 
 interchange also in the epics). Of a-stems, the du. nom, etc. ends in e, 
 both earlier and later; in pi., of course, s-forms are indistinguishable from 
 as-forms. The RV. has a few examples of asas for as. 
 
 h. The remaining cases call for no remark. 
 
 364. Examples of declension. As models of the 
 inflection of derivative stems ending in long vowels, we 
 may take WTJ sena f. army, ^cTT kanya f. girl] ^^ devi 
 f. goddess; ^^Ji vadhd f. woman. 
 
 N. 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 Singular: 
 sena 
 
 senam 
 
 senaya 
 
 senayai 
 
 senayas 
 
 senayam 
 
 sene 
 
 kanya 
 kanyam 
 kanyaya 
 kanyayai 
 
 kanyayas 
 
 4rUIUIH 
 kanyayam 
 
 kanye 
 
 devi 
 devim 
 
 "Nit 
 
 devya 
 
 devyai 
 
 devyas 
 
 devyam 
 
 devi 
 
 vadhtis 
 vadhdm 
 
 ^^^\ 
 
 vadliva 
 vadhvai 
 vadhvas 
 vadhvam 
 
 o 
 
 vadhu 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 Dual: 
 '^— » 
 
 Wl 
 sene 
 
 senabhyam 
 
 senayos 
 
 kanye 
 
 devyau 
 
 "Nt^TTFT 
 
 kanyabhyam devibhyam 
 
 kanyayos 
 
 devyos 
 
 vadhvau 
 
 vadhubhyam 
 
 vadhvos
 
 364—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 134 
 
 N. V. 
 
 A, 
 
 Plural: 
 Senas 
 
 fHTH 
 senas 
 
 kanyas 
 kanyas 
 
 D.Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 senabhis 
 
 senabhyas 
 
 senanam 
 
 -J 
 senasu 
 
 devyas 
 
 devis 
 
 devibhis 
 
 vadhvas 
 vadhus 
 
 devibhyas 
 
 devinam 
 
 ^ o 
 
 devisu 
 
 vadhubhyas 
 
 vadhunam 
 
 vadhtisu 
 
 I. H^THH ^FITTTW ^TPTH ^PiTT 
 
 kanyabhis devibhis vadhubhis 
 
 kanyabhyas 
 
 kanyanam 
 
 o 
 kanyasu 
 
 a. In the Veda vadhu is a stem belonging to the other division (like 
 tanu, above, 356). 
 
 365. Examples of Vedic forms are : 
 
 a. a-stems: instr. sing, manisa (this simpler form is especially com- 
 mon from stems in ta and ia); nom, pi. va9asaB (about twenty examples); 
 accus. pi. aramgamasas (a case or two). Half the bhyas-cases are to 
 be read as bhias; the am of gen. pi. is a few times to be resolved into 
 aam; and the a and am of nom. accus. sing, are, very rarely, to be 
 treated in the same manner. 
 
 b. i-stems: instr. sing. 9ami, Qami; loc. gauri; nom. etc. du. devi; 
 nom. pi. devis; gen. pi. biahvinam. The final of the stem is to be read 
 as a A'owel (not y) frequently, but not in the majority of instances: thus, 
 devia, devias, deviam, rodasios. 
 
 c. The sporadic instances of transfer between this division and the 
 preceding have been already sufficiently noticed. 
 
 d. Of the regular substitution made in the Brahmaua language (307 h, 
 336 g, 363 c) of the dat. sing, ending ai for the gen.-abl. ending as, in 
 all classes of words admitting the latter ending, a few examples may be given 
 here: abhibhiityai riipam (AB.) a sign of overpowerinr/; tristubhag 
 ca jagatyai ca (AB.) of the metres tristubh and jagafi; vaco daivyai 
 ca manusyai ca (^ A. A.) of speech, both divine and human; striyai payah 
 (AB.) woman's milk ; dhenvai va etad retah (TB.) that, forsooth, is the 
 seed of the cotv; jirnayai tvacah (KB.) of dead skin; jyayasi yajyayai 
 (AB.) superior to the yajya; asyai divo *smad antariksat ((^'(^S.)frotn 
 this heaven, from this atmosj}here. The same substitution is made once in 
 the AV. : tlius, svdpantv asyai jiiatayah let her relatives sleep.
 
 135 Declension, III. Derivative a-, i-, and u-stems. [—368 
 
 366. The noun strl f. looman (probably contracted from sutrl gene- 
 ratrix), follows a mixed declension: thus, strl, striyam or strlm, striya, 
 striyai, striyas, striyam, stri; striyau, stribliyam, striyos; striyas, 
 striyas or stris, stribhis, stribhyas, strinam, strisu (but the accus- 
 atives strlm and stris are not found in the older language, and the voc. 
 stri is not quotable). The accentuation is that of a root-word; the forms 
 (conspicuously the nom. sing.) are those of the other or derivative division. 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 367. a. The occurrence of original adjectives in long final vowels, 
 and of comjDounds having as final member a stem of the first division, 
 has been sufficiently treated above, so far as masculine and feminine 
 forms are concerned. To form a neuter stem in, composition, the rule 
 of the later language is that the final long vowel be shortened; and 
 the stem so made is to be inflected like an adjective in i or u (339, 
 341, 344). 
 
 b. Such neuter forms are very rare, and in the older language almost 
 unknown. Of neuters from i-stems have been noted in the Veda only 
 harlQriyam, ace. sing, (a masc. form), and suadhias, gen. sing, (same 
 as masc. and fem.) ; from ix-stems, only a few examples, and from stem- 
 forms which might be masc. and fem. also: thus, vibhu, subhu, etc. (nom.- 
 acc. sing.: compare 354); supua and mayobhuva, instr. sing.; and 
 mayobhu, acc.pl. (compare puru: 342 k); from a-stems occur only half- 
 a-dozen examples of a nom. sing, in as, like the masc. and fem. form. 
 
 c. Compounds having noun's of the second division as final 
 member are common only from derivatives in a; and these shorten 
 the final to a in both masculine and neuter: thus, from a not and 
 praja progeny come the masc. and neut. stem apraja, fom. apraja 
 childless. Such compounds with nouns in i and u are said to be in- 
 flected in masc. and fem. like the simple words (only with in and tin 
 in ace. pi. masc); but the examples given by the grammarians are 
 fictitious. 
 
 d. Stems with shortened final are occasionally met with : thus, eka- 
 patni, attalaksmi ; and such adverbs (neut. sing, accus.) as upabhaimi, 
 abhyujjayini. The stem stri is directed to be shortened to stri for all 
 genders. 
 
 368. It is convenient to give a complete paradigm, 
 for all genders, of an adjective-stem in 51 a. We take for 
 the purpose Tm papa evil., of which the feminine is usu- 
 ally made in 5IT a in the later language, but in ^ I in the 
 older.
 
 368—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 136 
 
 N, 
 
 Singular: 
 m. 
 
 papas 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 Dual: 
 
 mm 
 
 papau 
 
 N. 
 
 A. 
 
 I. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 n. 
 papam 
 
 Plural: 
 
 papas 
 
 qFTH 
 pap an 
 
 papam 
 papena 
 
 wmj 
 
 papaya 
 papat 
 
 wwu 
 
 papasya 
 
 pape 
 
 papa 
 
 pape 
 papabhyam 
 papayos 
 
 papani 
 papani 
 
 papais 
 
 papebhyas 
 
 f. 
 
 f. 
 
 qni 
 
 mim1 
 
 papa 
 
 papi 
 
 MiqiM 
 
 
 papam 
 
 papim 
 
 MIMUI 
 
 m'M\ 
 
 papaya 
 
 papya 
 
 qnm 
 
 MI'-U 
 
 papayai 
 
 papyai 
 
 
 
 papayas 
 
 papyas 
 
 
 
 papayas 
 
 papyas 
 
 MNIUH 
 
 
 papayam 
 
 papyam 
 
 Mm 
 
 ^\\'^ 
 
 pape 
 
 papi 
 
 "V 
 
 
 m^ 
 
 ^\LiJ\ 
 
 pape 
 
 papyau 
 
 
 
 papabhyam 
 
 papibhyam 
 
 -N 
 
 •^ 
 
 
 
 papayos 
 
 papyos 
 
 MIMIH 
 
 -X 
 
 papas 
 
 papyas 
 
 
 
 papas 
 
 papis 
 
 
 
 papabhis 
 
 papibhis 
 
 
 
 papabhyas 
 
 papibhyas
 
 137 
 
 Decl 
 
 EKSION IV., 
 
 r-STEMS. 
 
 
 G. 
 
 
 
 MIMHIH 
 
 
 papauam 
 
 
 papanam 
 
 papinam 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 L. 
 
 o 
 
 
 papesu 
 
 Declension 
 
 papasu 
 IV. 
 
 paplsu 
 
 371 
 
 Stems in ^ r (or 5^" ar). 
 
 369. This declension is a comparatively limited one, 
 being almost entirely composed of derivative nouns formed 
 with the suffix r{ tr (or rT^" tar), which makes masculine 
 nomina agentis (used also participially), and a few nouns of 
 relationship. 
 
 a. But it includes also a few nouns of relationship not made 
 with that suffix: namely devf m., svasr and nanandr f.; and, besides 
 these, nr m., str (in V.) m., usf (in V.) f , savyasthr m., and the 
 feminine numerals tisr and catasr (for which, see 482 e, g). The 
 feminines in tr are only matf, duhitr, and yatr. 
 
 b. The inflection of these stems is quite closely analogous with 
 that of stems in i and u (second declension); its peculiarity, as 
 compared with them, consists mainly in the treatment of the stem 
 itself, which has a double form, fuller in the strong cases, briefer in 
 the weak ones. 
 
 370. Forms of the Stem. In the weak cases (excepting the 
 loc. sing.) the stem-final is r, which in the weakest cases, or before 
 a vowel-ending, is changed regularly to r (129). But as regards the 
 strong cases, the stems of this declension fall into two classes: in 
 one of them — which is very much the larger, containing all the 
 nomina agentis, and also the nouns of relationship naptr and svasr, 
 and the irregular words stf and savyasthr — the r is vriddhied, or 
 becomes ar; in the other, containing most of the nouns of relationship, 
 with nr and usr, the r is gunated, or changed to ar. In both classes, 
 the loc. sing, has ar as stem-final. 
 
 371. Endings. These are in general the normal, but with the 
 oUowing exceptions: 
 
 a. The nom. sing, (masc. and fem.) ends always in a (for original ars 
 or ars). The voc. sing, ends in ar, 
 
 b. The accus. sing, adds am to the (strengthened) stem ; the accus. 
 pi. has (like i- and u-stems) n as maso. ending and s as fem. ending, with 
 the r lengthened before them.
 
 371 — ] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 138 
 
 c. The abl.-gen. sing, changes r to ur (or us: 169 5). 
 
 d. The gen. pi. (as in i and u-stems) inserts n before am, and 
 lengthens the stem-final before it. But the r of nr may also remain short. 
 
 e. The above are the rules of the later language. The older presents 
 certain deviations from them. Thus: 
 
 f. The ending in nom.-acc.-voc. du. is (as universally in the Veda) 
 regularly a instead of au (only ten au-forms in RV.). 
 
 g. The i of loc. sing, is lengthened to i in a few words: thus, kartari. 
 h. In the gen. pi., the RV. has once svasram, without inserted n ; 
 
 and naram instead of nrnam is frequent. 
 
 {.Other irregularities of nf are the sing, dat. ndre, gen. naras, and 
 loc. nari. The Veda writes always nrnam in gen. pi., but its r is in a 
 majority of cases metrically long. 
 
 j. The stem usr f. daicn has the voc. sing, usar, the gen. sing, usras; 
 and the accus. pi, also usras, and loc, sing, usram (which is metrically 
 trisyllabic: usram), as if in analogy with i and u-stems. Once occurs 
 usri in loc. sing., but it is to be read as if the regular trisyllabic form, 
 usari (for the exchange of s and s, see 181 a). 
 
 k. From str come only taras (apparently) and strbhis. 
 
 1. In the gen.-loc. du., the r is almost always to be read as a sepa- 
 rate syllable, r, before the ending os: thus, pitros, etc. On the contrary, 
 nanandari is once to be read nanandri. 
 
 m. For neuter forms, see below, 375. 
 
 372. Accent. The accentuation follows closely the rules for 
 i- and u-stems: if on the final of the stem, it continues, as acute, on 
 the corresponding syllable throughout, except in the gen. pi., where 
 it may be (and in the Veda always is) thrown forward upon the 
 ending; where, in the weakest cases, r becomes r, the ending has the 
 accent. The two monosyllabic stems, nr and str, do not show the 
 monosyllabic accent: thus (besides the forms already given above), 
 nfbhis, nrsu. 
 
 373. Examples of declension. As models of this 
 mode of inflection, vre may take from the first class (with 
 W:^ ar in the strong forms) the stems ^ datf m. giver 
 and FHFI svasr f, sister \ from the second class (with ^ ar 
 in the strong forms), the stem FFT pitr m. father. 
 
 Singular : ; 
 
 N. ^TrTT TcTHT ftrTT 
 
 data svasa pita 
 
 A. ■ ^^TT\ T^TT\ ™H^ 
 
 dataram svasaram pitaram
 
 139 
 
 Declension IV., t-stems. 
 
 [—373 
 
 I. 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 V. 
 
 ^T5rT 
 datra 
 
 datre 
 
 datur 
 
 datari 
 
 ^^ 
 datar 
 
 svasra 
 
 svasre 
 
 Bvasur 
 
 svasari 
 
 svasar 
 
 pitra 
 pitre 
 
 %T 
 
 pitur 
 
 pitari 
 
 pitar 
 
 Dual: 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 datarau 
 
 ' c -^ 
 
 datrbhyam 
 ' datros 
 
 Plural: 
 
 N. V. 
 
 dataras 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 datrn 
 datfbhis 
 
 datfbhyas 
 
 <IHUIIH^ 
 datfnam 
 
 datrsu 
 
 svasarau 
 
 svasrbhyam 
 
 svasros 
 
 svasaras 
 
 svasfs 
 
 svasrbhis 
 
 svasrbhyas 
 
 svasrnam 
 
 svasrsu 
 
 pitarau 
 
 pitrbhyam 
 
 pitros 
 
 pitaras 
 
 fqrH 
 pitfn 
 
 pitfbhis 
 
 pitrbhyas 
 
 fqcnrnq 
 . ^ ^ *^ 
 
 pitrnam 
 
 CO 
 
 pitrsu 
 
 a. The feminine stem iTFcT matf, mother^ is inflected pre- 
 cisely like f^rT pitr, excepting that its accusative plural is 
 
 qTrlTT matrs.
 
 373—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 140 
 
 b. The peculiar Vedic forms have heen sufficiently Instanced above; 
 the only ones of other than sporadic occurrence being the nom. etc. du. 
 datara, svasara, pitara, and the gen. pi. of nr, narara. 
 
 c. The nom. pi. forms pitaras and mataras etc. are found used also 
 as accus. in the epics. 
 
 374. The stem krostr m. jackal (lit'ly hoioler) substitutes in the 
 middle cases the corresponding forms of krostu (343 k). 
 
 375. Neuter forms. The grammarians prescribe a complete 
 neuter declension also for bases in tr, precisely accordant with that 
 of vari or madhu (above, 339, 341). Thus, for example: 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Du. 
 
 Plnr. 
 
 N. A. 
 
 dhatf 
 
 dhatrni 
 
 dhatrni 
 
 I. 
 
 dhatrna 
 
 dhatfbhyam 
 
 dhatrbhis 
 
 G. 
 
 dhatrnas 
 
 dhatrnos 
 
 dhatrnam 
 
 V. 
 
 dhatr, dhatar 
 
 dhatrni 
 
 dhatrni. 
 
 a. The weakest cases, however (as of i- and u-stems used ad- 
 jectively: 344), are allowed also to be formed like the corresponding 
 masculine cases: thus, dhatra etc. 
 
 b. No such neuter forms chance to occur in the Veda, but they begin 
 to appear in the Brahmanas, under influence of the common tendency 
 (compare Germ. Hetter, Jtetterin; Fr. menteur, menteuse) to give this 
 nonien agentis a more adjective character making it correspond in gender 
 with the noun which it (oppositively) qualifies. Thus, -ye have in 
 TB. bhartr and janayitr, qualifying antariksam; and bhartrni and 
 janayitrni, qualifying naksatrani; as, in M., grahitrni, qualifying 
 indriyani. 
 
 C. When a feminine noun is to be qualified in like manner, the usual 
 feminine derivative in i is employed: thus, in TB., bhartryas and bhar- 
 tryau, janayitryas and janayitryau, qualifying apas and ahoratre; 
 and such instances are not uncommon. 
 
 d. The RV. shows the same tendency very curiously once in the accus. 
 pi. matrn, instead of matrs, in apposition with masculine nouus (RV. 
 X. 35.2).' 
 
 e. Other neuter forms in RV. are sthatur gen. sing., dhmatari loc. 
 sing.; and for the nom. sing., instead of -tr, a few more or less doubtful 
 cases, sthatar, sthatur, dhartari. 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 376. a. There are no original adjectives of this declension: for 
 the quasi-adjectival character of the nouns composing it, see above 
 (375b). The feminine stem is made by the suffix i: thus, datri, dhatrl. 
 
 b. Roots ending in r (like those in i and u: 345) add a t to make 
 a declinable stem, when occurring as final member of a compound:
 
 141 Declension V., Consonant-stems. [ — 379 
 
 thus, karmakrt (i/kr), vajrabhrt (]/bhr), balihft (yhr). From some 
 r-roots, also, are made stems ia ir and ur: see below, 383 a, b. 
 
 c. Nouns in r as finals of adjective compounds are inflected in 
 the same manner as when simple, in the masculine and feminine; in 
 the neuter, they would doubtless have the peculiar neuter endings in 
 nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. 
 
 d. But TS. has once tvatpitaras, nom. pi., having thee for father. 
 
 Declension V. 
 
 stems ending in Consonants. 
 
 377. All stems ending in consonants may properly be 
 classed together, as forming a single comprehensive declen- 
 sion: since, though some of them exhibit peculiarities of 
 inflection, these have to do almost exclusively with the stem 
 itself, and not with the declensional endings. 
 
 378. In this declension, masculines and feminines of 
 the same final are inflected alike; and neuters are peculiar 
 (as usually in the other declensions) only in the nom.-acc.- 
 voc. of all numbers. 
 
 a. The majority of consonantal stems, however, are not 
 inflected in the feminine, but form a special feminine deriv- 
 ative stem in ^ i (never in ^ a), by adding that ending to 
 the weak form of the masculine. 
 
 b. Exceptions are in general the stems of divisions A and B — 
 namely, the radical stems etc., and those in as and is and us. For 
 special cases, see below. 
 
 379. Variations, as between stronger and weaker forms, 
 are very general among consonantal stems: either of two 
 degrees (strong and weak), or of three (strong, middle, and 
 weakest): see above, 311. 
 
 a. The peculiar neuter forms, according to the usual 
 rule (311 b), are made in the plural from the strong stem, in 
 singular and dual from the weak — or, when the gradation 
 is threefold, in singular from the middle stem, in dual from 
 the weakest.
 
 379—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 142 
 
 b. As in the case of stems ending in short vowels (asyani, 
 varini, madhuni, datfni, etc.), a nasal sometimes appears in the 
 special neuter plural cases which is found nowhere else in inflection. 
 Thus, from the stems in as, is, us, the nora.-acc.-voc. pi. in -ansi, 
 -insi, -iinsi are very common at every period. According to the 
 grammarians, the radical stems etc. (division A) are treated in the 
 same way; but examples of such neuters are of extreme rarity in the 
 language; no Vedic text offers one, and in the Brahmanas and Siitras 
 have been noted only -hunti (AB. vii. 2. 3), -vrnti (PB. xvi. 2. 7 et al.), 
 -bhanji (KB. xxvii. 7), -bhrnti (QB. viii. 1. 3i), and -yunji (LgS. ii. 1. 8); 
 while in the later language is found here and there a case, like 
 -9ruiiti (Ragh.), -piirisi (Qig.) ; it may be questioned whether they are 
 not later analogical formations. 
 
 380. The endings are throughout those given above (310) 
 
 as the "normal". 
 
 a. By the general law as to finals (150), the s of the nom. sing, 
 masc. and fern, is always lost; and irregularities of treatment of the 
 final of the stem in this case are not infrequent. 
 
 b. The gen. and abl. sing, are never distinguished in form from 
 one another — nor are, by ending, the nom. and accus. pi.: but these 
 sometimes differ in stem-form, or in accent, or in both. 
 
 381. Change in the place of the accent is limited to monosyllabic 
 stems and the participles in ant (accented on the final). For details, 
 see below, under divisions A and E. 
 
 a. But a few of the compounds of the root ane or ac show an irregular 
 shift of accent in the oldest language: see below, 410. 
 
 382. a. For convenience and clearness of presentation, 
 it will be well to separate from the general mass of conson- 
 antal stems certain special classes which show kindred pe- 
 culiarities of inflection, and may be best described together. 
 Thus : 
 
 B. Derivative stems in as, is, us; 
 
 C. Derivative stems in an (an, man, van); 
 
 D. Derivative stems in in (in, min, vin) ; 
 
 E. Derivative stems in ant (ant, mant, vant); 
 
 F. Perfect active participles in vans; 
 
 G. Comparatives in yans or yas. 
 
 b. There remain, then, to constitute division A, espe- 
 cially radical stems, or those identical in form with roots,
 
 143 Declension V., Consonantal Root-stems. [—383 
 
 together with a comparatively small number of others Avhich 
 are inflected like these. 
 
 They will be taken up in the order thus indicated. 
 
 A. Root-stems, and those inflected like them. 
 
 383. The stems of this division may be classified as 
 folloves: 
 
 I. a. Root-stems, having in them no demonstrable element added 
 to a root: thus, re verse, gir song, pad foot, diQ direction, mah (V.) 
 great. 
 
 b. Such stems, however, are not always precisely identical in form 
 with the root: thus, vac from }/vac, sraj from ]/srj, mus from -j/nius, 
 vri9 from ^/vraqc (V), us from y'vas sliine; — from roots in final r come 
 stems in ir and ur: thus, gir, a-9ir, stir; jur, tur, dhiir, pur, mur, 
 stur, sphur; and psur from ]/psar. 
 
 c. "With these may he ranked the stems with reduplicated root, as 
 cikit, yaviyudh, vanivan, sasyad. 
 
 d. Words of this division in uncompounded use are tolerahly frequent 
 in the older language : thus, in EV. are found more than a hundred of them ; 
 in AV., ahout sixty; hut in the classical Sanskrit the power of using any 
 root at will In this way is lost, and the examples are comparatively few. 
 In all periods, however, the adjective use as final of a compound is very 
 common (see helow, 401). 
 
 e. As to the infinitive use of various cases of the root-noun, see 971. 
 
 II. f. Stems made by the addition of t to a final short vowel of 
 a root. 
 
 g. No proper root-stem ends in a short vowel, although there are (354) 
 examples, of transfer of such to short-vowel-declensions; but i or u or r 
 adds a t to make a declinable form: thus, -jit, -9rut, -krt. Roots in r, 
 however, as has just been seen (b), also make stems in ir or ur. 
 
 h. As regards the frequency and use of these words, the same is true 
 as was stated above respecting root-stems. The Veda offers examples of 
 nearly thirty such formations, a few of them (mit, rit, stut, hriit, vft, 
 and dyut if this is taken from dyu) in independent use. Of roots in r, 
 t is added by kr, dhr, dhvr, bhr, vr, sr, spr, hr, and hvr. The roots 
 ga (or gam) and han also make -gat and -hat by addition of the t to 
 an abbreviated form in a (thus, adhvagat, dyugat, dvigat, navagat, 
 and samhat). 
 
 III. i. Monosyllabic (also a few apparently reduplicated) stems 
 not certainly connectible with any verbal root in the language, but 
 having the aspect of root-stems, as containing no traceable suffix
 
 383 — ] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 144 
 
 thus, tvac skin, path road, hid heart, ap and var ivater, dvar doo7; 
 as mouth, kakubh and kakud sutmnit. 
 
 j. Thirty or forty such words are found in the older language, and 
 some of them continue in later use, while others have been transferred to 
 other modes of declension or have become extinct. 
 
 k. Stems more or less clearly derivative, but made with suffixes 
 of rare or even isolated occurrence. Thus: 
 
 1. derivatives (V.) from prepositions with the suffix vat: arvavat, 
 avat, udvat, nivat, paravat, pravat, samvat ; — 2. derivatives (V.) 
 in tat (perhaps abbreviated from tati), in a few isolated forms: thus, 
 uparatat, devatat, vrkatat, satyatat, sarvatat; — 3. other deriva- 
 tives in t preceded by various vowels : thus, dagat, vehat, vahat, sravat, 
 sa9eat, vaghat; napat; tadit, divit, yosit, rohit, sarit, harit; 
 marut; yakrt, gakrt; and the numerals for 30, 40, 50, trin9at etc, 
 (475); — 4. stems in ad: thus, drs&d, dhrsad, bhasad, vanad, 
 garad, samad; — 5. stems in j preceded by various vowels : thus, trsnaj, 
 dhrsaj, sanaj, bhisaj ; U91J, vamj, bhurij, ninij (?) ; asrj ; — 6. a 
 few stems ending In a sibilant apparently formative : thus, jnas, -das, 
 bhas, mas, bhis; — 7. a remnant of un classifiable cases, such as vistap, 
 vipa9, kaprth, 9urudh, isidh, prksudh, ragliat(?), saragh, visruh, 
 usnih, kavas. 
 
 384. Gender. The root-stems are regularly feminine as nomen 
 actionis, and masculine as nomen agentis (which is probably only a 
 substantive use of their adjective value: below, 400). But the femi- 
 nine noun, without changing its gender, is often also used concretely: 
 e. g., druh f. (i/druh. be inimical] means harming, enmity, and also 
 harmer, hater, enemy — thus bordering on the masculine value. And 
 some of the feminines have a completely concrete meaning. Through 
 the whole division, the masculines are much less numerous than the 
 feminines, and the neuters rarest of all. 
 
 a. The independent neuter stems are hrd (also -hard), dam, var, 
 svar, mas Jlesh, as mouth, blias, dos (with which may be mentioned 
 the indeclinables 9am and yos) ; also the apparent derivatives yakrt, 
 9akrt, kaprth, asrj. 
 
 385. Strong and weak stem-forms. The distinction 
 of these tvro classes of forms is usually made either by 
 the presence or absence of a nasal, or by a difference in 
 the quantity of the stem- vowel, as long or short; less often, 
 by other methods. 
 
 386. A nasal appears in the strong cases of the following words: 
 1. Compounds having as final member the root ac or ane: see below, 
 
 407 ff.; and RV. has once uruvyaneam from root vyac; — 2. The
 
 145 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [—389 
 
 stem yuj, sometimes, iu the older language: thus, nom. sing, yun (for 
 yunk), accus. yunjam, du. yunja (but also yujam and yuja); — 
 3. The stem -dr9, as final of a compound in the older language; hut only 
 iu the nom. sing, masc, and not always: thus, anyadfn, idrn, kidfri, 
 tadrn, etadrn, sadrn and pratisadrn: but also idfk, tadrk, svardrk, 
 etc. ; — 4. For path and pums, which substitute more extended stems, 
 and for dant, see below, 394 — 6. 
 
 387. The vowel a is lengthened in strong cases as follows: 
 
 1. Of the roots vac, sac, sap, nabh, Qas, in a few instances (V.), 
 at the end of compounds; — 2. Of the roots vah and sah, but irregularly; 
 see below, 403 — 5; — 3. Of ap xoater (see 393); also in its compound 
 rityap; — 4. Of pad /ooi: in the compounds of this word, in the later 
 language, the same lengthening is made in the middle cases also; and in 
 RV. and AV. the nom. sing. neut. is both -pat and -pat, while RV. has 
 once -pade, and padbhis and patsu occur in the Brahmanas ; — 5. Of 
 nas nose (? nasa nom. du. fem., RV., once); — 6. Sporadic cases (V.) 
 are: yaj (V), voc. sing.; pathas and -rapas, accus. pi.; vanivanas, 
 nom. pi. The strengthened forms bhaj and raj are constant, through all 
 classes of cases. 
 
 388. Other modes of differentiation, by elision of a or contraction 
 of the syllable containing it, appear in a few stems: 
 
 1. In -han: see below, 402; — 2. In ksam (V.), along with pro- 
 longation of a: thus, ksama du., ksamas pi.; ksama instr. sing., ksami 
 loc. sing., ksmas abl. sing.; — 3. In dvar, contracted (V.) to dur in weak 
 cases (but with some confusion of the two classes); — 4. In svar, which 
 becomes, in RV., siir in weak cases; later it is indeclinable. 
 
 389. The endings are as stated above (380). 
 
 a. Respecting their combination with the final of the stem, as 
 well as the treatment of the latter when it occurs at the end of the 
 word, the rules of euphonic combination (chap. III.) are to be con- 
 sulted; they require much more constant and various application here 
 than anywhere else in declension. 
 
 b. Attention may be called to a few exceptional cases of combination 
 (v.): madbhis and madbhyas from mas month] the wholly anomalous 
 padbhis (RV. and VS.: AV. has always padbhis) from pad; and sarat 
 and saradbhyas corresponding to a nom. pi. saraghas (instead of sarahas: 
 222). Dan is apparently for dam, by 143 a. 
 
 c. According to the grammarians, neuter stems, unless they end in a 
 nasal or a semivowel, take in nom.-acc.-voc. pi. a strengthening nasal before 
 the final consonant. But no such cases from neuter noun-stems appear ever 
 to have been met with iu use; and as regards adjective stems ending in a 
 root, see above, 379 b. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3, ed. 10
 
 390—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 146 
 
 390. Monosyllabic stems have the regular accent of such, throw- 
 ing the tone forward upon the endings in the weak cases. 
 
 a. But the accusative plural has its normal accentuation as a 
 weak case, upon the ending, in only a minority (hardly more than a 
 third) of the stems: namely in datas, pathds, padas, nidas, apas, 
 usas, jnasas, pumsas, masas, mahas; and sometimes in vacas, 
 srucas, hrutas, sridhas, ksapas, vipas, duras, isas, dvisas, druhas 
 (beside vacas etc.). 
 
 b. Exceptional instances, in -which a weak case has the tone on the 
 stem, occur as follows : sada, nadbhyas, tana (also tana) and tane, 
 badhe (infln.), rane and ransu, vansu, svani, vipas, ksami, sura 
 and suras (but sure), anhas, and vanas and bfhas (in vanaspati, 
 brhaspati). On the other hand, a strong case is accented on the ending 
 in mahas, nom. pi., and kasam (AV.: perhaps a false reading). And 
 presa, instr. sing., is accented as if pres were a simple stem, instead of 
 pra-is. Vimrdhah is of doubtful character. For the sometimes anomalous 
 accentuation of stems in ac or anc, see 410. 
 
 391. Examples of inflexion. As an example of 
 normal monosyllabic inflection, we may take the stem 
 ^r^T v5c f. voice (from y^r[ vac, with constant prolongation); 
 of inflection with strong and weak stem, cj^ pad to., foot \ 
 of polysyllabic inflection, h (>rl marut m. wi7id or wmd-god\ 
 of a monosyllabic root-stem in composition, f^^rT^trivrt 
 three-fold^ in the neuter. Thus: 
 
 Singular: 
 N. V. 
 
 c -s 
 
 I. 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 
 
 q^^ 
 
 
 vak 
 
 pat 
 
 marut 
 
 trivrt 
 
 
 3T^rI\ 
 
 
 vaeam 
 
 padam 
 
 marut am 
 
 trivrt 
 
 =INI 
 
 ^ 
 
 H^HI 
 
 
 vaca 
 
 pada 
 
 maruta 
 
 trivrta 
 
 NN 
 
 ^ 
 
 T^rT 
 
 
 vace 
 
 pade 
 
 marute 
 
 trvrte 
 
 ^NU 
 
 q^cTH^ 
 
 
 vacas 
 
 padas 
 
 marutas 
 
 trivftas 
 
 r^ 
 
 qt 
 
 r^ 
 
 r^- f^ 
 
 ^n^ 
 
 H^IH 
 
 
 vaci 
 
 padi 
 
 maruti 
 
 trivrti
 
 147 
 
 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. 
 
 [—391 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G.L. 
 
 N. V. 
 
 Dual: 
 
 vacau 
 
 vagbhyam 
 
 vacos 
 Plural: 
 
 vacas 
 
 vacas, vacas padas 
 
 padau 
 
 padbhyam 
 
 pados 
 
 
 marutau 
 
 trivrti 
 marudbhyam trivrdbhyam 
 
 marutos 
 
 padas 
 
 "N 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 vagbliis 
 
 vagbhyas 
 
 vacam 
 
 o 
 
 vaksu 
 
 qrsTT 
 
 padbhis 
 
 padbhyas 
 
 padam 
 
 patsu 
 
 marutas 
 
 marutas 
 
 marudbhis 
 
 marudbhyas trivrdbhyas 
 
 marutam 
 
 marutsu 
 
 trivftos 
 
 
 
 trivrnti 
 
 c. 
 
 trivrnti 
 trivrdbhis 
 
 c -s. 
 
 trivrtam 
 trivrtsu 
 
 By way of illustration of the leading methods of treatment of 
 a stem-final, at the end of the word and in combination with case- 
 endings, characteristic case-forms of a few more stems are here added. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. Stems in j: yuj-class (219 a, 142), bhisaj p7ti/sicia?i: bhisak, 
 bhisajam, bhisagbhis, bhisaksu; — mrj-class (219 b, 142), samraj 
 universal ruler: samrat, samrajam, samradbhis, samratsu. 
 
 b. Stems in dh: -vrdh increasing: -vrt, -vrdham, -vrdbhis, 
 -vftsu; -budh (155) waking: -bhut, -budham, -bhudbhis, -bhutsu. 
 
 c. Stems in bh: -stubh praising: -stvip, -stubliam, -stubbhis, 
 -stupsu. 
 
 d. Stems in 9: di9 (218a, 145) direction: dik, di9am, digbhis, 
 diksu; — V19 (218, 145) the people: vit, vi9am, vidbhis, vitsii (V. 
 viksu: 218 a). 
 
 e. Stems in s (226 b, 145): Avis enemy: dvit, dvisam, dvidbhis, 
 dvitsii. 
 
 f. Stems in h: duh-class (232-3 a, 155 b, 147), -d\xh milking, 
 
 10*
 
 391—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 148 
 
 yielding : -dhuk, -duham, -dhiigbhis, -dhuksu ; — ruh-class (223 b, 
 147), -lih licking: -lit, -liham, -lidbhis, -litsu. 
 
 g. Steins in m (143 a, 212a: only pra9an, nom. sing., quotable): 
 -9am quieting: -9aii, -9amani, -ganbhisi -gansu. 
 
 392. The root-stems in ir and ur (383 b) lengthen their vowel 
 when the final r is followed by another consonant (245 b), and also 
 in the nom. sing, (where the case-ending s is lost). 
 
 a. Thus, from gir f. song come gir (gih), giram, gira etc.; 
 girau, girbhyam, giros; giras, girbhis, girbhyas, giram, girsu 
 (165); and, in like manner, from piir f. strongliolcl come pur (pub), 
 puram, pura, etc.; piirau, purbhyam, puros ; puras, purbhis, piir- 
 bhyas, puram, ptirsu. 
 
 b. There are no roots in is (except the excessively rare pis) or in 
 US; but from the root 98,8 with its a weakened to i (250) comes the 
 noun a9is f. blessing, which is inflected like gir: thus, a9is (a9iW, 
 a9isam, a9isa, etc.; a9isau, a9irbhyam, a9isos; a9isas, a9irbhis, 
 a9irbhyas, aQisam, a9ihsu. And sajus together Is apparently a stereo- 
 typed nominative of like formation from the root jus. The form astapriit 
 (TS.), from the root-stem prus, is isolated and anomalous. 
 
 c. These stems in ir, ur, is show a like prolongation of vowel also 
 in composition and derivation: thus, girvana, purbhid, dhiirgata, 
 dhlistva, a9irda, a9lrvant, etc. (but also girvan, girvanas). 
 
 d. The native grammar sets up a class of quasi-radical stems like 
 jigamis desiring to go, made from the desiderative conjugation-stem (1027), 
 and prescribes for it a declension like that of a9is: thus, jigamis, jiga- 
 misa, jigamirbhis, jigamihsu., etc. Such a class appears to be a mere 
 figment of the grammarians, since no example of it has been found quotable 
 from the literature, either earlier or later, and since there is, in fact, no 
 more a desiderative stem jigamis than a causative stem gamay. 
 
 393. Th'e stem ap f. ivater is inflected only in the plural, and 
 with dissimilation of its final before bh to d (151 e): thus, apas, 
 apas, adbliis, adbhyas, apam, apsu. 
 
 a. But RV. has the sing, instr. apa and gen. apas. In the earlier 
 language (especially AY.), and even in the epics, the nom. and accus. pi. 
 forms are occasionally confused in use, apas being employed as accus., 
 and apas as nominative. 
 
 b. Besides the stem ap, case-forms of this word are sometimes used 
 in composition and derivation; thus, for example, abja, apodevata, 
 apomaya, apsumant. 
 
 394. The stem pums m. 7nan is very irregular, substituting 
 pumans in the strong cases, and losing its s (necessarily) before 
 initial bh of a case-ending, and likewise (by analogy with this, or 
 by an abbreviation akin with that noticed at 231) in the loc. plural. 
 The vocative is (in accordance with that of the somewhat similarly
 
 149 Decleksiox V., Coksoxaxtal Stejis. [—393 
 
 inflected perfect participles: see 462 a) puman in the later language, 
 but pumas in the earlier. Thus: puman, piimansam, pumsa, 
 pumse, pumsas, piimsi, puman ; pumansau, pumbhyam, pumsos ; 
 pumansas, pumsas, pumbhis, pumbhyas, pumsam, pumsu. 
 
 a. The accentuation of the weak forms, it will be noticed, is that of 
 a true monosyllabic stem. The forms with bh-endings nowhere occur in the 
 older language, nor do they appear to have been cited from the later. 
 Instances of the confusion of strong and weak forms are occasionally met 
 with. As to the retention of s unlingualized in the weakest cases (whence 
 necessarily follows that in the loc. pi.), see 183 a. 
 
 b. This stem appears under a considerable variety of forms in com- 
 positioii and derivation: thus, as pums in pum9cali, pumstva, pums- 
 vant, -pumska, etc. ; as pum in pumvatsa, pumriipa, pumvat, 
 pumartha, etc.; as pumsa in pumsavant; — at the end of a compound, 
 either with its full inflection, as in stripums etc. ; or as pumsa, in 
 stripumsa, mahapumsa; or as puma in stripuma (TS. TA.). 
 
 395. The stem path m. road is defective in declension, forming- 
 only the weakest cases, while the strong are made from pantha or 
 panthan, and the middle from pathi: see under an-stems, below, 433. 
 
 396. The stem dant m. tooth is perhaps of participial origin, and 
 has, like a participle, the forms dant and dat, strong and weak: 
 thus (V.), dan, dantam, data, etc.; datas ace. pi. etc. But in the 
 middle cases it has the monosyllabic and not the participial accent: 
 thus, dadbhis, dadbhyas. In nom. pi. occurs also -datas instead 
 of -dantas. By the grammarians, the strong cases of this word are 
 required to be made from danta. 
 
 397. A number of other words of this division are defective, 
 making part of their inflection from stems of a different form. 
 
 a. Thus, hfd heart, mans or mas n. meat, mas m. month, nas 
 f. nose, ni9 f. nujlit (not found in the older language), pft f. army, are 
 said by the grammarians to lack the nom. of all numbers and the accus. 
 sing, and du. (the neuters, of course, the ace. pi. also), making them 
 respectively from hrdaya, mansa, masa, nasika, niga, prtana. But 
 the usage in the older language is not entirely in accordance with this 
 requirement : thus, we find mas flesh accus. sing. ; mas montli nom. sing. ; 
 and nasa nostrils du. From prt occurs only the loc. pi. prtsu and (RV., 
 once) the same case with double ending, prtsusu. 
 
 398. On the other hand, certain stems of this division, allowed 
 by the grammarians a full inflection, are used to fill tip the deficien- 
 cies of those of another form. 
 
 a. Thus, asrj n. hlood, Qakrt n. ordure, yakrt n. liver, dos n. 
 (also m.) fore-arm, have beside them defective stems in an: see below, 
 432. Of none of them, however, is anything but the nom.-acc. sing, found 
 in the older language, and other eases later are but very scantily represented.
 
 398—] V. Nouns and Adjetives. 150 
 
 b. Of as n. mouth, and lid ivater, only a case or two are found, in 
 the older language, beside asan and asya, and udan and lidaka (432). 
 
 399. Some of the alternative stems mentioned above are instances of 
 transition from the consonant to a vowel declension: thus, danta, masa. 
 A number of other similar cases occur, sporadically in the older language, 
 more commonly in the later. Such are -pada, -mada, -da9a, bhraja, 
 vistapa, dvara and dura, pura, dhura, -drga, nasa, nida, ksipa, 
 ksapa, a9a, and perhaps a few others. 
 
 a. A few irregular stems will find a more proper place under the head 
 of Adjectives. 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 400. Original adjectives having the root-form are comparatively 
 rare even in the oldest language. 
 
 a. About a dozen are quotable from the RV., for the most part only 
 in a few scattering cases. But mah great is compion iu KV., though it 
 dies out rapidly later. It makes a derivative feminine stem, mahi, which 
 continues in use, as meaning earth etc. 
 
 401. But compound adjectives, having a root as final member, 
 with the value of a present participle, are abundant in every period 
 of the language. 
 
 a. Possessive adjective compounds, also, of the same form, are 
 not very rare: examples are yatasruc ivith offered hotel; suryatvac 
 sun-skinned; catuspad four-footed; suhard kind-hearted, friendly; 
 rityap (i. e. riti-ap) having streaming waters; aahsiSieidvax furnished 
 with a thousand doors. 
 
 b. The inflection of such compounds is like that of the simple root- 
 stems, masculine and feminine being throughout the same, and the neuter 
 varying only in the nom.-acc.-voc. of all numbers. But special neuter forms 
 are of rare occurrence, and masc.-fem. are sometimes used instead. 
 
 c. Only rarely is a derivative feminine stem in i formed : in the older 
 language, only from the compounds with ac or anc (407 £f.), those with 
 han (402), those with pad, as ekapadi, dvipadi, and with dant, as 
 vrsadati, and mahi, amuci (AV.), upasadi (H'^)- 
 
 Irregularities of inflection appear in the following: 
 
 402. The root han slay, as final of a compound, is inflected 
 somewhat like a derivative noun in an (below, 420 ff.), becoming ha 
 in the nom. sing., and losing its n in the middle cases and its a in 
 the weakest cases but only optionally in the loc. sing.). Further, when 
 the vowel is lost, h in contact with following n reverts to its orig- 
 inal gh. Thus:
 
 151 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [—404 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural. 
 
 N. vrtraha \ ^ , , _ vrtrahanas 
 
 V , , vvrtrahanau * • , 
 
 A. vrtrahanam / ' • vrtraghnas 
 
 I. vrtraghna ] vrtrahabhis 
 
 D. vrtraghne Urtrahabhyam \^rtrahabhyas 
 
 _, ■ Vvrtraghnas > ^ ^ . ^ 
 
 G. f \ f ii ' vrtraghnam 
 
 L. vrtraghni, -hani / ' vrtrahasu 
 
 V. vrtrahan vrtrahanau vrtrahanas. 
 
 a. As to the change of n to n, see 193, 195. 
 
 b. A feminine is made by adding i to, as usual, the stem-form shown 
 in the weakest cases: thus, vrtraghni. 
 
 c. An accus. pi. -hanas (like the nom.) also occurs. Vrtrahabhis 
 (RV., once) is the only middle case-form quotable from the older language. 
 Transitions to the a-declension begin already in the Veda: thus, to -ha 
 (RV. AV.), -ghna (RV.), -hana. 
 
 403. The root vah carry at the end of a compound is said by 
 the grammarians to be lengthened to vah in both the strong and 
 middle cases, and contracted in the weakest cases to uh, which with 
 a preceding a-vowel becomes au(137e): thus, from havyavah sacri- 
 Jice-bearing (epithet of Agni), havyavat, havyavaham, havyauha, 
 
 etc.; havyavahau, havyavadbhyam, havyauhos; havyavahas, 
 havyaiihas, havyavadbhis, etc. And 9vetavah (not quotable) is 
 said to be further irregular in making the nom. sing, in vas and the 
 vocative in vas or vas. 
 
 a. In the earlier language, only strong forms of compounds with vah 
 have been found to occur: namely, -vat, -vaham, -vahau. or -vaha, and 
 -vahas. But feminines in I, from the weakest stem — as turyauhi, 
 dityauhi, pasthauhi — are met with in the Brahmanas. TS. has the 
 irregular nom. sing, pasthavat. 
 
 404. Of very irregular formation and inflection is one common 
 compound of vah, namely anadvah (anas + vah hurden-bearimi or 
 cart-dratvinff, i. e. ox). Its stem-form in the strong cases is anadvah, 
 in the weakest anaduh, and in the middle anadud (perhaps by dis- 
 similation from anadud). Moreover, its nom. and voc. sing, are made 
 in van and van (as if from a vant-stem). Thus: 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural. 
 
 N, anadvan ^ , ji, _ anadvahas 
 
 ; -., janadvahau " , 
 A. anadvaham j ' anaduhas 
 
 I. anaduha 
 D. anaduhe 
 
 lanadiihas 
 
 anadudbhis 
 
 ■anadudbhyam \ , . ,, , 
 
 •^ anadudbhyas 
 
 Ab. 
 
 ^ .„„„«„„ anaduliam 
 
 T J ' ,. • anaduhos • , ^ 
 
 L. anaduhi / anadutsvi 
 
 V. anadvan anadvahau anadvahas
 
 404—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 152 
 
 a. Anadudbhyas (AV., once) is tlie only middle case-form quotable 
 from the older language. But compounds showing the middle stem — as 
 anaducehata, anadudarha — are met with in Brahmanas etc. 
 
 b. The corresponding feminine stem (of very infrequent occurrence) 
 is either anaduhi (QB.) or anadvahi (K. MS.). 
 
 405. The root sah overcome has in the Veda a double irregularity: 
 its s is changeable to s even after an a- vowel — as also in its single oc- 
 currence as an independent adjective (RV., tvam sat) — while it some- 
 times remains unchanged after an 1 or u-vowel; audits a is either prolonged 
 or remains unchanged, in both strong and weak cases.^ The quotable forms 
 are : -sat, -saham or -saham or -saham, -saha, -sahe or -sahe, -sahas 
 or -saiias or -sahas; -saha (du.); -sahas or -sahas. 
 
 406. The compound avayaj {y-^a,} mahe offering) a certain priest qx 
 (BR.) a certain sacrifice is said to form the uom. and voc. sing, avayas, 
 and to make its middle cases from avayas. 
 
 a. Its only quotable form is avayas, f. (RV. and AV., each once). 
 If the stem is a derivative from ava + y'yaj conciliate^ avayas is very 
 probably from ava + ]/ya, which has the same meaning. But sadhamas 
 (RV., once) and purodas (RV. twice) show a similar apparent substitution 
 in nom. sing, of the case-ending s after long a for a final root-consonant 
 (d and 9 respectively). Compare also the alleged 9vetavas (above, 403). 
 
 407. Compounds with anc or ac. The root ac or ane 
 makes, in combination with prepositions and other words, a consid- 
 erable class of familiarly used adjectives, of quite irregular formation 
 aud inflection, in some of which it almost loses its character of root, 
 and becomes an ending of derivation. 
 
 a. A part of these adjectives have only two stem-forms : a strong 
 in anc (yielding an, from anks, in nom. sing, masc), and a weak in 
 ac; others distinguish from the middle in ac a weakest stem in c, 
 before which the a is contracted with a preceding i or u into i or u. 
 
 b. The feminine is made by adding i to the stem-form used in 
 the weakest cases, and is accented like them. 
 
 408. As examples of inflection we may take pranc forward, east, 
 pratyanc o]}posite, loest, visvahc going apart. 
 
 Singular : 
 
 N. V. prah prak pratyaia pratyak visvan visvak 
 
 A. prancam prak pratyancam pratyak visvancam visvak 
 
 I^ praca pratica visuca 
 
 D, prace pratiee visuce 
 
 Ab. a. pracas pratlcas visucas 
 
 L, praci pratici vfsuci 
 
 Dual: 
 
 N. A. V. prancavi praci pratyancau pratici visvancau visuci 
 
 I. D. Ab. pragbhyam pratyagbhyam vjsvagbhyam 
 
 G. L. pracos praticos visucos
 
 153 Declension V., Consonantal Stems. [—412 
 
 Plural : 
 
 N. V. prancas praiiei pratyancas pratyanci visvaneas visvanci 
 
 A. praeas pranci praticas pratyanci visucas visvanci 
 I. pragbhis pratyagbhis visvagbhis 
 
 D. Al). pragbhyas pratyagbhyas visvagbhyas 
 
 G. pracam pratlcam visucam 
 
 L. praksu pratyaksu visvaksu 
 
 • • • • 
 
 a. The feminine stems are praci, pratici, visucl, respectively. 
 
 b. No example of the middle forms excepting the nom. etc. sing, 
 neut. (and this generally used as adverb) is found either in RV. or AV. 
 In the same texts is lacking the nom. etc. pi. neut. in nei; but of this a 
 number of examples occur in the Brahmanas : thus, pranci, pratyaiaei 
 arvanci, samyanci, sadhryanci, anvanci. 
 
 409. a. Like pranc are inflected apanc, avanc, paranc, arvanc, 
 adharanc, and others of rare occurrence. 
 
 b. Like pratyanc are inflected nyanc (i. e. nianc), samyaiic 
 (sam+anc, with irregularly inserted i), and udanc (weakest stem 
 udic: ud + ane, with i inserted in weakest cases only), with a few 
 other rare stems. 
 
 e. Like visvane is inflected anvanc, also three or four others of 
 which only isolated forms occur. 
 
 d. Still more irregular is tiryane, of which the weakest stem is 
 tiraqc (tiras + ac: the other stems are made from tir + ane or ac, 
 with the inserted i). 
 
 410. The accentuation of these words is irregular, as regards both 
 the stems themselves and their inflected forms. Sometimes the one element 
 has the tone and sometimes the other, without any apparent reason for the 
 difference. If the compound Is accented on the final syllable, the accent 
 is shifted in RV. to the ending in the weakest cases provided their stem 
 shows the contraction to i or ii: thus, praca, arvaca, adharacas, but 
 pratica, anucas, samici. But AV. and later texts usually keep the 
 accent upon the stem: thus, pratici, samlci, anuci (RV. has pratlcim 
 once). The shift of accent to the endings, and even in polysyllabic stems, 
 is against all usual analogy. 
 
 B. Derivative stems in as, is, us. 
 
 411. The stems of this division are prevailingly neuter; 
 but there are also a few masculines, and one or two 
 feminines. 
 
 412. The stems in ^JT as are quite numerous, and 
 mostly made with the suffix SfH as (a small number also
 
 412- 
 
 NouNS AND Adjectives. 
 
 154 
 
 with rITf tas and ^ nas, and some are obscure) ; the others 
 are few, and almost all made with the suffixes ^ is and 
 3H us. 
 
 413. Their inflection is almost entirely regular. But 
 masculine and feminine stems in 5fH as lengthen the vowel 
 of the ending in nom. sing. ; and the nora.-acc.-voc. pi. neut. 
 make the same prolongation (of ^ a or ^ i or 3 u) before 
 the inserted nasal (anusvara). 
 
 414. Examples of declension. As examples we 
 may take W\T\ manas n. mind; ^rf^^ angiras m. Angiras; 
 
 ^STH^Hav 
 
 IS n. oblaUon. 
 Singular: 
 
 manas 
 manas 
 
 ..C~ .__..- 
 
 r-v 
 
 N. 
 
 angiras 
 
 havis 
 
 A. 
 
 angirasam 
 
 havis 
 
 I. 
 
 manasa 
 manase 
 
 angirasa 
 angirase 
 
 havisa 
 
 D, 
 
 havis e 
 
 Ab. G 
 
 manasas 
 
 angirasas 
 
 havisas 
 
 L. 
 
 wm 
 
 manasi 
 
 manas 
 Dual : 
 
 angirasi 
 angiras 
 
 angirasau 
 angirobhyam 
 
 havisi 
 
 , r^ ... 
 
 V. 
 
 havis 
 
 N. A. 
 
 manasi 
 
 havisi 
 
 /- r 
 
 I. D. 
 
 Ab. HHI^UTiT^ 
 manobliyam 
 
 havirbhyam 
 
 G. L. 
 
 manasos 
 
 angirasos 
 
 havisos
 
 155 
 
 Declension V., Stems in as, is, us. 
 
 [—416 
 
 Plural : 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 JpTfTH 
 mauaxLsi 
 
 manobhis 
 
 manobhyas 
 
 raanasam 
 
 augirasas 
 angirobhis 
 angirobhyas 
 angirasam 
 
 havinsi 
 havirbhis 
 havirbhyas 
 havisam 
 
 manahsu angirahsu havihsu 
 
 In like manner, rl^ eaksns n, eye forms t^^ caksusa, 
 ^^TTFT caksurbhyam, r^^f^ caksunsi, and so on. 
 
 415. Vedic etc. Irregularities. a. la the older language, the 
 endings -asam (ace sing.) and -asas (generally nom.-acc. pi. ; once or 
 twice gen.-abl. sing.) of stems in as are not infrequently contracted to -am, 
 -as — e. g. a9am, vedham; suradhas, anagas — and out of such forms 
 grow, both earlier and later, substitute-stems in a, as a9a, jara, medha. 
 So from other forms grow stems in a and in asa, which exchange more or 
 less with those in as through the whole history of the language. 
 
 b. More scattering irregularities may be mentioned, as follows: 1. The 
 usual masc. and fem. du. ending in a instead of au; — 2. usas f. dawn 
 often prolongs its a in the other strong cases, as in the nom. sing.: thus, 
 usasam, usasa, usasas (and once in a weak case, usasas) ; and in its 
 instr. pi. occurs once (RV.) usadbhis instead of usobhis; — 3. from 
 tocjas is once (RV.) found a similar dual, togasa; — 4. from svavas 
 and svatavas occur in RV. a nom. sing. masc. in van, as if from a stem 
 in vant ; and in the Brahmanas is found the dat.-abl. pi. of like formation 
 svatavadbhyas. 
 
 c. The stems in is and us also show transitions to stems in i and 
 u, and in isa and usa. From janua is once (RV.) made the nom. sing. 
 janus, after the manner of an as-stem (cf. also janiirvasas ^B.). 
 
 416. The grammarians regard u^anas m. as regular stem-form of the 
 proper name noticed above (355 a), but give it the irregular nom. U9ana 
 and the voc. U9anas or U9ana or U9anan. Forms from the as-stem, 
 even nom., are sometimes met with in the later literature. 
 
 a. As to forms from as-stems to ahan or dhar and udhan or udhar, 
 see below, 430.
 
 417—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 156 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 417. a. A few neuter nouns in as with accent on the radical 
 syllable have corresponding adjectives or appellatives in as, with 
 accent on the ending: thus, for example, apas tvorh, apas active; 
 taras quicJmess, taras quick; yagas glori/, yagas glorious. A few 
 other similar adjectives — as tavas mighty, vedhas pious — are without 
 corresponding nouns. 
 
 b. Original adjectives iu is do not occur (as to alleged desider- 
 ative adjectives in is, see 392 d). But in us are found as many ad- 
 jectives as nouns (about ten of each class); and in several instances 
 adjective and noun stand side by side, without difference of accent 
 such as appears in the stems in as: e. g. tapus heat 2^^^ hot; vapus 
 tvonder and wonderful. 
 
 418. Adjective compounds having nouns of this division as final 
 member are very common: thus, sumanas /a»ora6^2/ minded; dirgh.- 
 ayus long-lived; 9ukra90cis having brilliant brightness. The stem- 
 form is the same for all genders, and each gender is inflected in the 
 usual manner, the stems in as making their nom. sing. masc. and 
 fem. in as (like angiras, above). Thus, from sumanas, the nom. 
 and accus. are as follows: 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural, 
 
 m. t. u. m. f. n. m. f. n. 
 
 > sumanasau -nasi sumanasas -nansi 
 A. sumanasam -nas / 
 
 and the other cases (save the vocative) are alike in all genders. 
 
 a. In Veda and Brahmana, the neut. nom. sing, is in a considerable 
 number of instances made in as, like the other genders. 
 
 b. From dirghayus, in like manner: 
 
 ■ _ ]:^^ ^^^^^ \ dirghayusau -yusi dirghayusas -yunsi 
 A. dirghayusam -yus / 
 
 I. dirghayusa dirghayurbhyara dirghayurbhis 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 419. The stem anehas unrivalled (defined as meaning time in the 
 later language) forms the nom. sing. masc. and fem. aueha. 
 
 C. Derivative stems in an. 
 
 420. The stems of this division are those made by the 
 three suffixes W\ an, rpi man, and ^^ van, together with 
 a few of more questionable etymology which are inflected 
 like them. They are almost exclusively masculine and 
 neuter. 
 
 421. The stem has a triple form. In the strong cases
 
 157 
 
 Declension V., Stems in an. 
 
 [-424 
 
 of the masculine, the vowel of the ending is prolonged to 
 50" a; in the weakest cases it is in general struck out 
 altogether; in the middle cases, or before a case-ending 
 beginning with a consonant, the final ^ n is dropped. The 
 ^ n is also lost in the nom. sing, of both genders (leaving 
 ^T a as final in the masculine, 51 a in the neuter). 
 
 a. The peculiar cases of the neuter follow the usual 
 analogy (311b): the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. have the lengthening 
 to tn a, as strong cases; the nom.-acc.-voc. du., as weakest 
 cases, have the loss of 5T a — but this only optionally, not 
 necessarily. 
 
 b. In the loc. sing., also, the a may be either rejected or retained 
 (compare the corresponding usage with r-stems: 373). And after the 
 m or V of man or van, when these are preceded by another con- 
 sonant, the a is always retained, to avoid a too great accumulation 
 of consonants. 
 
 422. The vocative sing, is in masculines the pure stem; 
 in neuters, either this or like the nominative. The rest of 
 the inflection requires no description. 
 
 423. As to accent, it needs only to be remarked that when, in 
 the weakest cases, an acute a of the suffix is lost, the tone is thrown 
 forward upon the ending. 
 
 424. Examples of declension. As such may be 
 taken ^TsFI rajan m, Mng\ 51F^ atman m. soul, self\ 
 
 Thus: 
 
 ^W\ naman n. name 
 
 N. 
 
 D. 
 
 lingular : 
 
 
 
 ^Isll 
 
 yirHI 
 
 ^Fl 
 
 raja 
 
 atma 
 
 nama 
 
 
 
 'IN 
 
 rSjanam 
 
 atmanam 
 
 nama 
 
 ^Utl 
 
 tllr^HI 
 
 -imi 
 
 rajna 
 
 atmana 
 
 namna 
 
 -N 
 
 ^ 
 
 ,.7^ 
 
 (T^ 
 
 yiHH 
 
 Hit! 
 
 rajne 
 
 atmane 
 
 namne
 
 424—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 158 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 N. 
 
 I, 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 rajnas 
 rajni, rajani 
 
 atmanas 
 
 namnas 
 
 atmani 
 
 namni, namani 
 
 raj an 
 
 Dual: 
 
 atman 
 
 naman, nama 
 
 rajanau 
 
 tITrHHI 
 atmanau 
 
 namni, namani 
 
 rajabhyam 
 
 atmabhyam 
 
 namabhyam 
 
 rajnos 
 Plural : 
 
 atmanos 
 
 namnos 
 
 raj anas 
 
 atmanas 
 
 HMIH 
 namani 
 
 rajnas 
 rajabhis 
 
 atmanas 
 atmabhis 
 
 HIHIH 
 namani 
 
 namabhis 
 
 rajabhyas 
 
 atmabhyas 
 
 namabhyas 
 
 rajnam 
 
 atmanam 
 
 namnam 
 
 ^ o 
 
 rajasu 
 
 o 
 atmasu 
 
 o 
 namasu 
 
 G. 
 
 L. 
 
 a. The weakest cases of murdhan m. head, would be accented 
 miirdhna, murdhne, mtirdhnos, murdhnas (ace. pi.), murdhnam, 
 etc.; and so in all similar cases (loc. sing., murdhni or murdhani). 
 
 425. Vedic Irregularities, a. Here, as elsewhere, the ending of 
 the nom.-acc.-voc. du. masc. is usually a instead of an. 
 
 b. The briefer form (with ejected a) of the loc. sing,, and of the neut. 
 nom.-acc.-voc. du., is quite unusual in the older language. RV. writes 
 once 9atadavni, but it is to be read Qatadavani; and similar cases occur 
 in AV. (but also several times -mni). In the Brahmanas, too, such forms 
 as dhamani and samani are very much more common than such as ahni 
 and lomni.
 
 159 Declension V., Stems in an. [ — 428 
 
 c. But throughout both Veda aud Brahmana, an abbreviated form of 
 the loc. sing., with the ending i omitted, or identical with the stem, is of 
 considerably more frequent occurrence than the regular form : thus, miir- 
 dhan, karman, adhvan, beside miirdhani etc The n has all the 
 usual combinations of a flnal n: e. g. murdhann asya, murdhant sa, 
 murdhans tva. 
 
 d. In the nom.-acc. pi. neut., also, an abbreviated form is common, 
 ending in a or (twice as often) a, instead of ani: thus, brahma and 
 brahma, beside brahmani : compare the similar series of endings from 
 a-stems, 329 c. 
 
 e. From a few stems in man is made an abbreviated instr. sing., with 
 loss of m as well as of a: thus, mahina, prathina, varina, dana, 
 prena, bhuna, for mahimna etc. And draghma and ra9raa (RV., 
 each once) are perhaps for draghmana, ra9mana. 
 
 f. Other of the weakest cases than the loc. sing, are sometimes found 
 with the a of the suffix retained : thus, for example, bhumana, damane, 
 yamanas, uksanas (accus. pi.), etc. In the infinitive datives (970 d) 
 — tramane, vidmane, davane, etc. — the a always remains. About as 
 numerous are the instances in which the a, omitted in the written form 
 of the text, is, as the metre shows, to be restored in reading. 
 
 g. The voc. sing, in vas, which is the usual Vedic form from stems 
 in vant (below, 454 b) is found also from a few in van, perhaps by a 
 transfer to the vant-declension: thus, rtavas, evayavas, khidvas (?), 
 prataritvas, matarigvas, vibhavas. 
 
 h. For words of which the a is not made long in the strong cases, 
 see the next paragraph. 
 
 426. A few stems do not make the regular lengthening of a in 
 the strong cases (except the nom. sing.). Thus: 
 
 a. The names of divinities, pusan, aryaman: thus, pusa, piisa- 
 nam, piisna, etc. 
 
 b. In the Veda, uksan, hull (but also uksanam); yosan maiden; 
 vfsan virile^ bull (but vrsanam and vrsanas are also met with); tman, 
 abbreviation of atman; and two or three other scattering forms: anarva- 
 nam, jemana. And in a number of additional instances, the Vedic metre 
 seems to demand a where a is written. 
 
 427. The stems jijvan m, doc/ and yuvan yotm^ have in the 
 weakest cases the Contracted form 9un and yun (with retention of 
 the accent); in the strong and middle cases they are regular. Thus, 
 9va, 9vanam, 9una, 9une, etc., 9vabhyam, 9vabhis, etc.; yuva, 
 yuvanam, yuna, yiivabhis, etc. 
 
 a. In dual, RV. has once yuna for yuvana. 
 
 428. The stem maghavan generous (later, almost exclusively a 
 name of Indra) is contracted in the weakest cases to maghon : thus, 
 maghava, maghavanam, maghona, maghone, etc.
 
 428—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 160 
 
 a. The RV. has once the weak form maghonas in nom. pi. 
 
 b. Parallel -with this is found the stem maghavant (division E); 
 and from the latter alone in the older language are made the middle cases: 
 thus, maghavadbhis, maghavatsu, etc. (not maghavabhis etc.). 
 
 429. a. Stems in a, ma, va, parallel with those in an, man, van, 
 and douhtless in many cases derived from them through transitional forms, 
 are frequent in both the earlier and the later language, particularly as final 
 members of compounds. 
 
 b. A number of an-stems are more or less defective, making a 
 part of their forms from other stems. Thus: 
 
 430. a. The stem ahan n. day is in the later language used 
 only in the strong and weakest cases, the middle (with the nom. 
 sing., which usually follows their analogy) coming from aharordhas: 
 namely, ahar nom. -ace. sing., ahobhyam, ahobhis, etc. (PB. has 
 aharbhis); but ahna etc., ahni or ahani (or ahan, ahni or ahani, 
 ahani (and, in V., aha). 
 
 b. In the oldest language, the middle cases ahabhis, ahabhyas, 
 ahasu also occur. 
 
 c. In composition, only ahar or ahas is used as preceding member; 
 as final member, ahar, ahas, ahan, or the derivatives aha, ahna. 
 
 d. The stem udhan n. udder exchanges in like manner, in the old 
 language, with udhar and udhas, but has become later an as-stem only 
 (except in the fem. udhni of adjective compounds): thus, udnar or udhas, 
 udhnas, udhan or iidhani, udhabhis, udhahsu. As derivatives from 
 it are made both iidhanya and udhasya. 
 
 431. The neuter stems aksan eye, asthan bone, dadhan curds, 
 sakthan thigh, form in the later language only the weakest cases, 
 aksna, asthne, dadhnas, sakthni or sakthani, and so on; the rest 
 of the inflection is made from stems in 1, aksi etc.: see above, 
 3431. 
 
 a. In the older language, other cases from the an-stems occur : thus, 
 aksani, aksabhis, and aksasu; asthani, asthabhis, and asthabhyas; 
 sakthani. 
 
 432. The neuter stems asan blood, yakan liver, 9akan ordure, 
 asan mouth, udan water, dosan fore-arm, yusan broth, are required 
 to make their nom.-acc.-voc. in all numbers from the parallel stems 
 asrj, yakrt, 9akrt, asya, udaka (in older language udaka;, dos, 
 yusa, which are fully inflected. 
 
 a. Earlier occurs also the dual dosani. 
 
 433. The stem panthan m. road is reckoned in the later language 
 as making the complete set of strong cases, with the irregularity that 
 the nom.-voc. sing, adds a s. The corresponding middle cases are 
 made from path!, and the weakest from path. Thus:
 
 161 Declension V., Derivative Stems in an. f— 438 
 
 from panthan — panthas, pdnthanam ; panthanau ; panthanas ; 
 
 from pathf — pathfbhyam ; pathibhis, pathibhyas, pathisu ; 
 
 from path — patha, pathe, pathas, pathi; pathos; pathas or 
 p&thas (accus.), patham. 
 
 a. In the oldest language (RV.), however, the strong stem is only 
 pantha: thus, panthas, nom. sing.; pantham, ace. sing.; panthas, 
 nom. pi. ; and even in AV., panthanam and panthanas are rare com- 
 pared -with the others. From pathi occur also the nom. pi. pathayas and 
 gen. pi. pathinam. RV. has once pathas, ace. pi., with long a. 
 
 434. The stems manthan m. stirring-stick, and rbhuksan m., an 
 epithet of Indra, are given by the grammarians the same inflection with 
 panthan ; but only a few cases have been found in use. In V. occur from 
 the former the ace. sing, mantham, and gen. pi. mathinam (like the 
 corresponding cases from panthan); from the latter, the nom. sing, rbhu- 
 ksas and voc. pi. rbhuksas, like the corresponding Vedic forms of panthan ; 
 but also the ace. sing, rbhuksanam. and nom. pi. rbhuksanas, which 
 are after quite another model. ,^- - 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 ci 
 
 \ 
 
 c 
 
 (i 
 
 -V 
 
 435. Original adjective stems in an are almost exclusively those 
 
 made with the suffix van, as yajvan sacrificing, siitvan pressing the I /\-^ ( 
 
 sotna, jitvan conquering. The stem is masc. and neut. only (but ^ 
 
 sporadic cases of its use as fern, occur in RV.f; the corresponding 
 fem. stem is made in vari: thus, yajvari, jitvari. 
 
 436. Adjective compounds having a noun in an as final mem- 
 ber are inflected after the model of noun-stems; and the masculine 
 forms are sometimes used also as feminine; but usually a special 
 feminine is made by adding i to the weakest form of the masculine 
 stem: thus, somarajni, kilalodhni, ekamlirdhni, durnamni. 
 
 437. But (as was pointed out above: 420a) nouns in an occurring 
 as final members of compounds often substitute a stem in a for that in 
 an: thus, -raja, -janma, -adhva, -aha; their feminine is in a. Occa- 
 sional exchanges of stems in van and in vant also occur: thus, vivasvan 
 and vivasvant. 
 
 a. The remaining divisions of the consonantal declension are 
 made up of adjective stems only. 
 
 D. Derivative stems (adjective) in in. 
 
 438. The stems of this division are those formed with 
 the suffixes ^ in, frpT min, and I^R vin. They are mas- 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 8. ed. 11
 
 438—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 162 
 
 culine and neuter only ; the corresponding feminine is made 
 
 by adding ^ i. 
 
 a. The stems in in are very numerous, since almost any noun 
 in a in the language may form a possessive derivative adjective with 
 this suffix: thus, bala strength, balin m. n. balini f. possessing strength, 
 strong. Stems in vin ,1232), however, are very few, and those in 
 min (1231} still fewer. 
 
 439. Their inflection is quite regular, except that they 
 lose their final ^ n in the middle cases (before an initial 
 consonant of the ending), and also in the nom. sing., where 
 the masculine lengthens the ^ i by way of compensation. 
 The voc. sing, is in the masculine the bare stem; m the 
 neuter, either this or like the nominative. 
 
 a. In all these respects, it will be noticed, the in-declension 
 agrees with the an-declension ; but it differs from the latter in never 
 losing the vowel of the ending. 
 
 440. Example of inflection. As such may be taken 
 
 G^f^H balin strong. Thus: 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural. 
 
 N. 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 L. 
 
 V. 
 
 m. 
 ball 
 balinam 
 
 ■ sd^ 
 
 balina 
 baline 
 
 n. 
 
 m. 
 
 n. 
 
 ball 
 ball 
 
 balinau balini 
 
 balinas 
 
 r-^ r^ 
 
 balini "^: ' 
 b&lin balin, ball 
 
 ballbhyam 
 
 ^iHTH 
 
 balinos 
 
 bd,linau 
 
 balini 
 
 balinas balini 
 
 balibhis 
 balibhyas 
 
 balinam 
 balisu 
 balinas balini
 
 163 Declension V., Derivative Stems in in. [ — 444 
 
 a. The derived feininiue stem in ini is inflected, of course, like 
 any other feminine in derivative i (364;. 
 
 441. a. There are no irregularities in the inflection of in-stems, 
 ip either the earlier language or the later — except the usual Vedic 
 dual ending in a instead of au. 
 
 b. Stems in in exchange -with stems in i throughout the whole his- 
 tory of the language, those of the one class being developed out of those 
 of the other often through transitional forms. In a much smaller number 
 of cases, stems in in are expanded to stems in ina: e. g. (jakina (RV.), 
 9usmina (B.), barhina, bhajina. 
 
 E. Derivative stems (adjective) in ant (or at). 
 
 442. These stems fall into two sub-divisions: 1. those 
 made by the suffix Sltl ant (or 33fT at), being, with a very 
 few exceptions, active participles, present and future; 
 2. those made by the possessive sviffixes i^ mant and 
 oTfT vant (or iTrT mat and ^ vat). They are masculine and 
 neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by ad- 
 ding I 1. 
 
 1. Participles in ant or at. 
 
 443. The stem has in general a double form, a stronger 
 
 and a weaker, ending respectively in ^fT ant and ^cT at. 
 
 The former is taken in the strong cases of the masculine, 
 
 with, as usual, the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neuter; the latter is 
 
 taken by all the remaining cases. 
 
 a. But, in accordance with the rule for the formation of the feminine 
 stem (below, 449), the future participles, and the present participles of 
 verbs of the tud-class or accented a-class (752), and of verbs of the ad- 
 class or root-class ending in a, are by the grammarians allowed to make 
 the nom,-acc.-voc. du, neut. from either the stronger or the weaker stem ; 
 and the present participles from all other present-stems ending in a are 
 required to make the same from the strong stem. 
 
 444. Those verbs, however, which in the 3d pi. pres. 
 active lose ^ n of the usual ending frT nti (550 b), lose it 
 also in the present participle, and have no distinction of 
 strong and weak stem. 
 
 11*
 
 /\ 
 
 444—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 164 
 
 a. Such are the verhs forming their present-stem by reduplication 
 without added a: namely, those of the reduplicating or hu-class (655) and 
 the intensives (1012): thus, from yhn, present-stem juliu, participle- 
 stem' juh vat ; iutensive-stem johu, intensive participle-stem johvat. 
 Further, the participles of roots apparently containing a contracted redupli- 
 cation: namely, caksat, dacjat, dasat, 9asat, sdqcat ; the aorist parti- 
 ciple dhaksat, and vaghat (•')• Vavrdhant (RV., once), which has the n 
 notwithstanding its reduplication, comes, like the desiderative participles 
 (1032), from a stem in a: compare vavrdhanta, vavrdhasva. 
 
 b. Even these verbs are allowed by the grammarians to make the 
 nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut. in anti. 
 
 445. The inflection of these stems is quite regular. The 
 nom. sing. masc. comes to end in 5FT an by the regular 
 (150) loss of the tvro final consonants from the etymological 
 form Wri ants. The vocative of each gender is like the 
 nominative. 
 
 446. Stems accented on the final syllable throw the accent 
 forward upon the case-ending in the weakest cases (not in the middle 
 also). 
 
 a. In the dual neut. (as in the feminine stem) from such participles, 
 the accent is anti if the n is retained, atl if it is lost. 
 
 447. Examples of declension. 
 >7SIH bhavant beniff, ^^ adant eating, 
 Jicing. 
 
 As such may serve 
 sT^rT juhvat sacri- 
 
 N. 
 
 Thus: 
 
 Singular: 
 bhavau 
 
 bhavat 
 
 adan 
 
 W^^ ^H 
 
 adat 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 bhavant am bhavat 
 bhavata 
 bhavate 
 bhavatas 
 bh6.vati 
 
 adantam adat 
 
 adata 
 adate 
 adatas 
 adati 
 
 jiihvat jiihvat 
 juhvatam juhvat 
 
 juhvata 
 
 juhvate 
 
 jiihvatas 
 
 juhvati
 
 165 
 
 Declension V., Derivative Stems in ant. [ — 448 
 
 bhavan bhavat 
 
 Dual : 
 N.A.V. H^ H^ 
 
 bhavantau bhavanti 
 
 i.D.Ab. m^m 
 
 bhavadbhyam 
 
 G.L. v{^m\ 
 
 bhavatos 
 Plural : 
 
 adan 
 
 adat 
 
 ^^ 
 
 adantau adati 
 adadbhyam 
 adatos 
 
 N. V. iT^rrlH 
 
 bhavantas bhavanti adantas adanti 
 
 A. 
 
 I. 
 
 bhavatas 
 
 bhavanti 
 
 adatas 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 bhavadbhis 
 
 bhavadbhyas 
 
 bhavatam 
 
 adanti 
 adadbhis 
 adadbhyas 
 adatam 
 
 o 
 
 bhavatsu 
 
 juhvat 
 
 juhvatau juhvatl 
 juhvadbhyam 
 juhvatos 
 
 o -v o - 
 
 juhvatas juhvatl 
 juhvatas juhvatl 
 juhvadbhis 
 juhvadbhyas 
 juhvatam 
 
 juhvatau 
 
 adatsu 
 
 a. The future participle bhavisyant may form in nom. etc. dual 
 neuter either bhavisyanti or bhavisyati; tudant, either tudanti or 
 tudati; yant ()/ya), either yanti or yati. And juhvat, in nom. etc. 
 plural neuter, may make also juhvanti (beside juhvatl, as given in 
 the paradigm above). 
 
 b. But these strong forms (as well as bhavanti, du., and its like 
 from present-stems in unaccented a) are quite contrary to general analogy, 
 and of somewhat doubtful character. No example of them is quotable, 
 either from the older or from the later language. The cases concerned, 
 indeed, would be everywhere of rare occurrence. 
 
 448. The Vedic derivations from the model as above given are few. 
 The dual ending au is only one sixth as common as a. Anomalous accent 
 is seen in a case or two: acodate, rathirayatam, and vaghadbhis (if 
 this is a partipiple). The only instance in V. of nom. etc. pi. neut. is 
 santi, with lengthened a (compare the forms in anti, below, 461 a, 454 c); 
 one or two examples in anti are quotable from B.
 
 449—] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 166 
 
 449. The feminine participle-stem, as already stated, 
 is made by adding S i to either the strong or the weak 
 stem-form of the masc.-neut. The rules as to which of the 
 two forms shall be taken are the same with those given 
 above respecting the nom. etc. dual neuter; namely: 
 
 a. Participles from tense-stems ending in unaccented a add i to 
 the strong stem-form, or make their feminine in anti. 
 
 b. Such are the bhu or unaccented a-class and the div or ya-class of 
 present-stems (chap. IX.), and the desideratives and catisatiyes (chap. XIV.): 
 thus, from ]/bhu (stem bhava), bhavanti; from ydlv (stem divya), 
 divyanti ; from biibhusa and bhavaya (desid. and caus. of |/bhii), 
 bubhusanti and bhavayanti. 
 
 c. Exceptions to this rule are now and then met with, even from the 
 earliest period. Thus, RV. has jarati, and AV. the desiderative aiaasati; 
 in B. occur vadatT, qoeati, trpyati, and in S. further tiathati, and the 
 causative namayati; while in the epics and later such cases (including 
 desideratives and causatives) are more numerous (about fifty are quotable), 
 though still only sporadic. 
 
 d. Participles from tense-stems in accented a may add the femin- 
 ine-sign either to the strong or to the weak stem-form, or may make 
 their feminines in anti or in ati (with accent as here noted). 
 
 e. Such are the present-stems of the tud or accented a-class (751 ff.), 
 the s-futures (932 ff.), and the denominatives (1053 ff.): thus, from |/tud 
 (stem tuda), tudanti or tudati; from bhavisya (fut. of ybhti), bha- 
 vlsyanti or bhavisyati ; from devaya (denom. of deva), devayanti 
 or devayati. 
 
 f. The forms in anti from this class are the prevailing ones. No 
 future fern, participle in ati is quotable from the older language. From 
 pres.-stems in a are found there rnjati and sincati (RV.), tudati and 
 pinvati (A.V.). From denominatives, devayati (RV.), durasyati and 
 gatriiyati (AV.). In BhP. occurs dhaksyati. 
 
 g. Verbs of the ad or root-class (611 ff.) ending in a are given 
 by the grammarians the same option as regards the feminine of the present 
 participle: thus, from >/ya, yanti or yati. The older language affords no 
 example of the former, so far as noted. 
 
 h. From other tense-stems than those already specified — that 
 is to say, from the remaining classes of present-stems and from the 
 intensives — the feminine is formed in ati (or, if the stem be other- 
 wise accented than on the final, in ati; only. 
 
 i. Thus, adati from ]/ad; juhvati from |/hu; yufijati from >/yuj; 
 sunvati from Ybvl; kurvati from >/kr; krinati from j/kri; dedi9ati 
 from dedi(j (intens. of V'di9).
 
 167 Declension V., Derivative Stems in ant. [—452 
 
 j. Feminine stems of tbis class are occasionally (but tbe case is much 
 less frequent than its opposite: above, c) found with the nasal: thus, 
 yanti (AV,, once), undanti (QB,; but probably from the secondary a-stem), 
 grhnanti (S.), and, in the epics and later, such forms as bruvanti, 
 rudanti, cinvanti, kurvanti, jananti, musnanti. 
 
 450. A few words are participial in form and inflection, though 
 not in meaning. Thus: 
 
 a. brhant (often written vrhant) great; it is inflected like a 
 participle (with brhati and brhanti in du. and pi. neut.). 
 
 b. mahant great; inflected like a participle, but with the irreg- 
 ularity that the a of the ending is lengthened in the strong forms: 
 thus, mahan, mahantam; mahantau (neut. mahati); mahantas, 
 mahanti: instr. mahata etc. 
 
 c. pfsant speckled, and (in Veda only) ru9ant shining. 
 
 d. jagat 7novahle, lively (in the later language, as neuter noun, tvorld), 
 a reduplicated formation from }/gam go; its nom. etc. neut. pi. is allowed 
 by the grammarians to be only jaganti. 
 
 e. rhant small (only once, in RV., rhate). 
 
 f. All these form their feminine in ati only: thus, brhati, 
 mahati, prsati and ru9ati (contrary to the rule for participles), 
 jagati. 
 
 g. For dant tooth, which is perhaps of participial origin, see above, 
 396. 
 
 451. The pronominal adjectives iyant and kiyant are inflected 
 like adjectives in mant and vant, having (452) lyan and kiyan as 
 nom. masc. sing., lyati and kiyati as nom. etc. du. neut. and as 
 feminine stems, and iyanti and kiyanti as nom. etc. plur. neut. 
 
 a. But the neut. pi. iyanti and the loc. sing. (?) kiyati are found 
 in RV. 
 
 2. Possessives in mant and vant. 
 
 452. The adjectives formed by these two suffixes are 
 inflected precisely alike, and very nearly like the participles 
 in 3EIrT ant. From the latter they differ only by lengthening 
 the 51 a in the nom. sing. masc. 
 
 a. The voc. sing, is in an, like that of the participle (in the 
 later language, namely: for that of the oldest, see below, 454 b). 
 The neut. nom. etc. are in the dual only atl (or ati), and in the plural 
 anti (or anti). 
 
 b. ThQ feminiiie ia always made from the weakstem: thus mati, 
 vati (or mati, vati). One or two cases of ni instead of i are met 
 with: thus, antarvatni iB. and later), pativatni (C).
 
 452—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 168 
 
 c. The accent, however, is never thrown forward (as in the 
 participle) upon the case-ending or the feminine ending. 
 
 453. To illustrate the inflection of such stems, it will 
 
 be sufficient to give a part of the forms of "T^FIrT pacumant 
 
 possessing cattle^ and M^Mrl bhagavant fortunate, blessed. 
 
 Thus? 
 
 Singular; 
 
 m. 
 
 N. 
 
 n. 
 
 O -N 
 
 pa9umat 
 
 m. 
 
 o ^ 
 
 I. 
 
 paguman 
 pa^umantam pa^umat 
 
 o 
 
 paQumata 
 
 etc. 
 
 o -s 
 
 pa9umat 
 
 >TTRR 
 bhagavan 
 
 n. 
 bhagavat 
 
 bhagavantam bhagavat 
 
 ■ bhagavata 
 
 etc. 
 
 O "V 
 
 paguman 
 
 Dual: 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 ^3 
 
 N. V. 
 
 o 
 
 pa9umantau pa9Uinati 
 
 etc. 
 Plural : 
 
 pa9umantas pa9umanti 
 pa9umatas pa9umanti 
 
 pa9umidbliis 
 
 etc. 
 
 bhagavan 
 
 >7TT^?TT 
 
 bhagavat 
 
 HTRrft 
 
 a, 
 
 bhagavantau bhagavati 
 
 etc. 
 
 bhd,gavantas bhagavanti 
 
 bhagavanti 
 
 bhagavadbhis 
 etc. 
 
 In dual masc. nom. etc., a (for 
 
 bhagavatas 
 
 454. Vedic Irregularities. 
 au) is the greatly prevailing ending. 
 
 b. In voc. sing, masc, the ending in the oldest language (RV.) is 
 almost always in as instead of an (as in the perfect participle: below, 
 462 a) : thus, adrivas, harivas, bhanumas, havismas. Such vocatives 
 in RV. occur more than a hundred times, while not a single unquestionahle 
 instance of one in an is to he found. In the other Vedic texts, vocatives 
 in as are extremely rare (but bhagavas and its contraction bhagos are 
 met with, even in the later language); and in their production of RV.
 
 169 Declension V., Derivative Stems in ant. [—458 
 
 passages the as is usually changed to an. It was pointed out ahovc (425 g) 
 that the RV. makes the voc. in as also apparently from a few an-stems. 
 
 C. In RV., the nom. etc. pi. neut., in the only two instances that 
 occur, ends in anti instead of anti : thus, ghrtavanti, pa9umanti. 
 No such forms have been noted elsewhere in the older languag'^: the SV. 
 reads anti in its version of the corresponding passages, and a few exam- 
 ples of the same ending are quotahle from the Brahmanas: thus, tavanti, 
 etavanti, yavanti, ghrtavanti, pravanti, rtumanti, yugmanti. Com- 
 pare 448, 451. 
 
 d. In a few (eight or ten) more or less douhtful cases, a confusion 
 of strong and weak forms of stem is made; they are too purely sporadic to 
 require reporting. The same is true of a case or two where a masculine 
 form appears to he used with a feminine noun. 
 
 455. The stem arvant running, steed, has the nom. sing, arva, 
 from arvan ; and in the older language also the voc. arvan and accus. 
 arvanam. 
 
 456. Besides the participle bhavant, there is another stem bha- 
 vant, frequently used in respectful address as substitute for the 
 pronoun of the second person (but construed, of course, with a verb 
 in the third person), which is formed with the suffix vant, and so 
 declined, having in the nom. sing, bhavan; and the contracted form 
 bhos of its old-style vocative bhavas is a common exclamation of 
 address: you, sir! Its origin has been variously explained; but it is 
 doubtless a contraction of bhagavant. 
 
 457. The pronominal adjectives tavant, etavant, yavant, and the 
 Vedic ivant, mavant, tvavant, etc., are inflected like ordinary derivatives 
 from nouns. 
 
 F. Perfect Participles in vans. 
 
 458. The active participles of the perfect tense-system 
 
 are quite peculiar as regards the modifications of their stem. 
 
 In the strong cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc. pi. neut, 
 
 the form of their suffix is Sfj^ vans, which becomes, by 
 
 regular process (150), van in the nom. sing., and which is 
 
 shortened to W{ van in the voc. sing. In the weakest 
 
 cases, the suffix is contracted into 3^ us. In the middle 
 
 ■ "s * 
 
 cases, including the nom.-acc.-voc, neut. sing., it is changed 
 
 to ^ vat. 
 
 a. A union-vowel i, if present in the strong and middle cases, 
 disappears in the weakest, before us.
 
 459—] V. NouNf5 AND Adjectives. 170 
 
 459. The forms as thus described are masculine and 
 neuter only; the corresponding feminine is made by adding 
 R 1 to the weakest form of stem, ending thus in 3^1 usi. 
 
 460. The accent is always upon ihe guffix^ whatever be its form. 
 
 461. Examples of inflection. To show the inflection 
 of these participles, we may take the stems fetH^vidvans 
 knowing (which has irregular loss of the usual reduplication 
 and of the perfect meaning) from y1%^ vid, and rlf^SI^i^ 
 tasthivSns having stood from vT^TT stha. 
 
 Singular : 
 m. 
 
 n. m. n. 
 
 N. 
 
 vidvan vidvat tasthivan tasthivat 
 
 vidvansam vidvat tasthivansam tasthivat 
 vidusa tasthusa 
 
 viduse tasthuse 
 
 Ab. G. f%^^ rTTfrn^ 
 
 vidusas tasthusas 
 
 L. i%f^ HT* 
 
 vidusi tasthusi 
 
 I. 
 
 D. 
 
 .vidvan vidvat tasthivan tasthivat 
 
 Dual: 
 
 vidvansau vidusi tasthivansau tasthusi 
 
 I. D. Ab. feSIFT^ ^ 
 
 vidvadbhyam tasthivadbhyam 
 
 G. L. 'k^^^^ rlF^^ 
 
 "S. 
 
 vidusoB tasthusos
 
 171 
 
 Dkclension v., Participles in vans. 
 
 [—462 
 
 N. V. 
 
 A. 
 
 Plural : 
 
 vidvansas 
 
 vidusas 
 fef 
 
 ferm 
 
 vidvansi 
 
 fetlTI 
 vidvansi 
 
 tasthivansaa 
 tasthusas 
 
 tasthivansi 
 tasthivansi 
 
 
 D. 
 
 Ab. G. 
 
 L. 
 
 vidvadbhis 
 
 vidvadbhyas 
 
 vidusam 
 
 tasthivadbhis 
 tasthivadbhyas 
 tasthusam 
 tasthivatsii 
 
 vidvatsu 
 
 a. The feminine stems of these two participles are H^ '4t 
 vidusi and fTRTTT tasfchusi. 
 
 o 
 
 b. Other examples of the different stems are: 
 from >/kr — eakrvans, cakrvat, cakrus, eakrusi ; 
 from y'ni — ninivans, ninlvat, ninyus, ninyiisi; 
 
 from I bhu — babhuvans, babhuvat, babhuvus, babhuvusi; 
 from ]/tan — tenivans, tenivat, tenus, tenusi. 
 
 462. a. In the oldest language (RV.), the vocative sing. masc. (like 
 that of vant and mant-stems : above, 454 b) has the ending vas instead 
 of van: thus, cikitvas (changed to -van in a parallel passage' o?"AY!), 
 titirvas, didivas, midhvas. 
 
 b. Forms from the middle stem, in vat, are extremely rare earlier: 
 only three (tatanvat and vavrtvat, neut. sing., and jagrvadbhis, instr. 
 pi.), are found in RV., and not one in AV. And in the Veda the weakest 
 stem (not, as later, the middle one) is made the basis of comparison and 
 derivation: thus, vidustara, ada9ustara, midhustama, midhusmant. 
 
 c. An example or two of the use of the weak stem-form for cases 
 regularly made from the strong are found in RV.: they are cakrusam, 
 ace. sing., and abibhyusas, uom. pi.; emtisam, by its accent (unless an 
 error), is rather from a derivative stem emusa; and QB. has prosusam. 
 Similar instances, especially from vidvans, are now and then met with 
 later (see BR., under vidvans). 
 
 d. The AV. has once bhaktivansas, as if a participial form from a 
 noun ; but K. and TB. give in the corresponding passage bhaktivanas ; 
 cakhvansam (RV., once) is of doubtful character; okivansa (RV., once) 
 shows a reversion to guttural form of the final of ]/uc, elsewhere unknown.
 
 463—] 
 
 V. Nouns and Adjectives. 
 
 172 
 
 G. Comparatives in yans or yas. 
 
 463. The comparative adjectives of primary formation 
 (below, 467) have a double form of stem for masculine and 
 neuter: a stronger, ending in TTTH yans (usually ^ntH lyans), 
 in the strong cases, and a weaker, in TIH^yas (or ^nTT^iyas), 
 in the weak cases (there being no distinction of middle and 
 weakest). The voc. sing. masc. ends in ZpT^yan (but for 
 the older language see below, 465 a). 
 
 a. The feminine is made by adding ^ i to the weak 
 masc.-neut. stem. 
 
 464. As models of inflection, it will be sufficient to 
 give a part of the forms of ^H^9reyas better^ and of 
 JT^tlTH gariyas heavier. Thus: 
 
 Singular : 
 
 N. 
 
 ^reyan 
 9reyansam 
 
 9reyas 
 Qreyas 
 
 9reyasa 
 
 etc. 
 
 N.A.V. 
 
 N. V. 
 
 9reyan 
 
 Dual: 
 
 mrfm 
 
 9reyanBau 
 etc. 
 Plural : 
 
 wraH 
 
 9reyan8aB 
 9reyaeas 
 
 9reya8 
 
 gariyan 
 gariyansam 
 
 gariyasa 
 
 etc. 
 
 gariyan 
 
 gariyas 
 gariyas 
 
 gariyas 
 
 ^W^ J|(lUiMI nf^JTRt 
 
 9reyasi 
 
 etc. 
 
 mrtfH 
 
 9reyansi 
 
 ifirtiTT 
 
 9reyansi 
 
 gariyansau gariyasi 
 etc. etc. 
 
 gariyansas 
 TffkrHH 
 
 JTfkrtfH 
 gariyansi 
 
 I. 
 
 9reyobhis 
 
 etc. 
 
 gariyasas g6,riyansi 
 
 JTfimmH^ 
 
 gariyobhis 
 etc.
 
 173 Comparison of Adjectives. [ — 467 
 
 a. The feminine stems of these adjectives are WJ^^ 
 
 9reya8i and J|(1uh1 gariyasi. 
 
 465. a. The Vedic voc. masc. (as in the two preceding divisions: 
 454 b, 462 a) is in yas instead of yan : thus, ojiyas, jyayas (KV. : no 
 examples elsewhere have Ijeen noted). 
 
 b. No example of a middle case occurs in IIV. or AV. 
 
 c. In the later language are found a very few apparent examples of 
 strong cases made from the weaker stem-form: thus, kaniyasam and 
 yaviyasam ace. masc, kanlyasau du., yaviyasas nom. pi. 
 
 Comparison. 
 
 466. Derivative adjective stems having a comparative 
 and superlative meaning — or often also (and more origin- 
 ally) a merely intensive value — are made either directly 
 from roots (by primary derivation), or from other derivative 
 or compound stems (by secondary derivation). 
 
 a. The subject of comparison belongs more properly to the chapter of 
 derivation ; but it stands in such near relation to inflection that it is, in 
 accordance with the usual custom in grammars, conveniently and suitably 
 enough treated briefly here. 
 
 467. The suffixes of primary derivation are ^7J?T lyas 
 
 (or ^uiH lyans) for the comparative and ^ istha for the 
 
 superlative. The root before them is accented, and usually 
 
 strengthened by gunating, if capable of it — or, in some 
 
 cases, by nasalization or prolongation. They are much more 
 
 frequently and freely used in the oldest language than 
 
 later; in the classical Sanskrit, only a limited number of 
 
 such comparatives and superlatives are accepted in use; and 
 
 these attach themselves in meaning for the most part to 
 
 other adjectives from the same root, vs^hich seem to be 
 
 their corresponding positives; but in part also they are 
 
 artificially connected vs^ith other words, unrelated with them 
 
 in derivation. 
 
 a. Thus, from yksip hurl come ksepiyas and kaepistha, which 
 belong in meaning to ksipra quicky from yvr encompass come vari- 
 yas and v&ri^^ha, which belong to uru broad; while, for example,
 
 467 — ] V. Nouns and Adjectives. 174 
 
 kaniyas and kanistha are attached by the grammarians to yuvan 
 young, or alpa small; and varsiyas and var|istha to vrddha oW. 
 
 468. From Veda and Brahmana together, considerably more than 
 a hundred instances of this primary formation in iyas and istha (in 
 many cases only one of the pair actually occurring) are to be quoted. 
 
 a. About half of tliese (in RV., the decided majority) belong, in 
 meaning as in form, to the bare root in its adjective value, as used espe- 
 cially at the end of compounds, but sometimes also independently: thus, 
 from ]/tap hum comes tapistha excessively burning ; from }/yaj offer come 
 y&jiyas and yajistha letter and best (or very well) sacrijicing; from |/yudh 
 fight comes yodhiyaa Jlghting better; — in a few instances, the simple 
 root is also found used as corresponding positive: thus, ju hasty, rapid 
 with javiyas and javistha. 
 
 b. In a little class of instances (eight), the root has a preposition 
 prefixed, which then takes the accent: thus, agamistha especially coming 
 hither; vicayistha best clearing away; — in a couple of cases (a9rami- 
 stha, aparavapistha, astheyas), the negative particle is prefixed; — 
 in a single word (Qambhavistha), an element of another kind. 
 
 c. The words of this formation sometimes take an accusative object 
 (see 271 e). 
 
 d. But even in the oldest language appears not infrequently the 
 same attachment in meaning to a derivative adjective which (as point- 
 ed out above) is usual in the later speech. 
 
 e. Besides the examples that occur also later, others are met with like 
 varistha choicest (vara choice), barhistha greatest (brhant great), 
 osistha quickest (osam quickly), and so on. Probably by analogy with 
 these, like formations are in a few cases made from the apparently radical 
 syllables of words which have no otherwise traceable root in the language: 
 thus, kradhiyas and kradhistlia (K.) from krdhu, sthaviyas and 
 sthavistha from sthura, 9a9iyas (RV.) from 9a9vant, aniyas (AV.) 
 and anistha (TS.) from anu; and so on. And yet again, in a few excep- 
 ti:nal cases, the suffixes iyas and istha are applied to stems which are 
 themselves palpably derivative: thus, a9istha from a9U (RV.: only case), 
 tiksniyas (AV.) from tiksna, brahmiyas and brahmistha (TS. etc.) 
 from brahman, dharmistha (TA.) from dharman, dradhista (TA.i 
 instead of d&rhistha) from drdha, raghiyas (TS.) from raghu. These 
 are beginnings, not followed up later, of the extension of the formation to 
 unlimited use. 
 
 f. In naviyas or navyas and navistha, from nava tiew, and in 
 sanyas from sana old (all RV.), we have also formations unconnected 
 with verbal roots. 
 
 469. The stems in istha are inflected like ordinary adjectives 
 in a, and make their fcminines in a; those in iyas have a peculiar 
 declension which has been described above (463 ff.).
 
 175 Comparison of Adjectives. [—471 
 
 470. Of pecularitiea and irregularities of formation, the follow- 
 ing may be noticed: 
 
 a. The suffix iyas has in a few instances the briefer form yas, gener- 
 ally as alternative with the other : thus, t^viyas and tavyas, naviyas 
 and nivyas, vasiyas and vasyas, paniyas and pdnyas; and so from 
 rabh and sah; sanyas occurs alone. From bhii come bhuyaa and 
 bhuyistha, beside which RV. has also bhaviyas. 
 
 b. Of roots in a, the final blends with the initial of the suffix, to e: 
 thus, stheyas, dhestha, yestlia; but such forms are in the Veda gener- 
 ally to be resolved, as dhaistha, yaistha. The root jya forms jyestha, 
 but jyayas (like bhuyas). 
 
 c. The two roots in i, pri and (jri, form preyaa and prestha and 
 (jreyas and Qrestha. 
 
 d. From the root of rju come, without strengthening, rjiyas and 
 rjistha; but in the older langaage also, more regularly, rajiyas and 
 rajistha. 
 
 471. The suffixes of secondary derivation are K( tara 
 and cT^ tama. They are of almost unrestricted application, 
 being added to adjectives of every form, simple and com- 
 pound, ending in vowels or in consonants — and this from 
 the earliest period of the language until the latest. The 
 accent of the primitive remains (with rare exceptions) un- 
 changed; and that form of stem is generally taken which 
 appears before an initial consonant of a case-ending (weak 
 or middle form). 
 
 a. Examples (of older as well as later occurrence) are : from 
 vowel-stems, priyatara, vahnitama, rathitara and rathltama (RV.), 
 carutara, potftama, samraktatara ; — from consonant-stems, 9am- 
 taraa, 9a9vattania, mrdayattama, tavastara and tavastama, tuvis- 
 tama, vapustara, tapasvitara, ya9asvitama, bhagavattara, hira- 
 nyava9irQattama ; — from compounds, ratnadhatama, abhibhutara, 
 sukrttara, ptarbhittama, bhiiyisthabhaktama, bhtiridavattara, 
 9ucivratatam.a, strikamataiaa. 
 
 b. But in the Veda the final n of a stem is regularly retained: thus, 
 madintara and madintama, vrsantama; and a few stems even add a 
 nasal: thus, surabhintara, rayintama, madhuntama. In a case or 
 two, the strong stem of a present participle is taken : thus, vradhanttama, 
 sahanttama; and, of a perfect participle, the weakest stem: thus, vidus- 
 tara, iaidh.ustama. A feminine final i is shortened : thus, devitama 
 (RY.), tejasvinitama (K.).
 
 471 — J V. Nouns and Adjectives. 176 
 
 e. In the older language, the words of this formation are not much 
 more frequent than those of the other: thus, in RV. the stems in tara 
 and tama are to those In iyas and istha as three to two; in AV., only 
 as six to five: but later the former win a great preponderance. 
 
 472. These comparatives and superlatives are inflected like 
 ordinary adjectives in a, forming their feminine in a. 
 
 473. a. That (especially in the Veda) some stems which are 
 nouns rather than adjectives form derivatives of comparison is natural 
 enough, considering the uncertain nature of the division-line between 
 substantive and adjective value. Thus, we have viratara, viratama, 
 vahnitama, matrtama, nftama, maruttama, and so on. 
 
 b. The suffixes tara and tama also make forms of comparison 
 from some of the pronominal roots, as ka, ya, i (see below, 520); 
 and from certain of the prepositions, as ud; and the adverbially used 
 accusative (older, neuter, -taram; later, feminine, -taram) of a com- 
 parative in tara from a preposition is employed to make a corres- 
 ponding comparative to the preposition itself (below, 1119); while 
 -taram and -tamam make degrees of comparison from a few ad- 
 verbs: thus, nataram, natamam, kathamtaram, kutastaram, 
 addhataraam, nicaistaram, etc. 
 
 e. By a wholly barbarous combination, finding no warrant in the 
 earlier and more genuine usages of the language, the suffixes of comparison 
 in their adverbial feminine form, -taram and tamam, are later allowed 
 to be added to personal forms of verbs: thus, sidatetaram (R. ; the only 
 case noted in the epics) is more despondent, vyathayatitaram disturbs 
 more, alabhatataram ohtained in a higher degree, hasisyatitaram will 
 laugh more. No examples of this use of -tamam are quotable. 
 
 d. The suffixes of secondary comparison are not infrequently added 
 to those of primary, forming double comparatives and superlatives : thus, 
 gariyastara, 9resthatara and (jresthatama, papiyastara, papistha- 
 tara and -tama, bhiiyastaram, etc. 
 
 e. The use of tama as ordinal suffix is noted below (487f]; with 
 this value, it is accented on the final, and makes its feminine in i: 
 thus, 9atatama m. n., (jatatami f,, hundredth. 
 
 474. From a few words, mostly prepositions, degrees of com- 
 parison are made by the briefer suffixes ra and ma: thus, ddhara 
 and adhami, apara and apama, avara and avama, upara and 
 upama, dntara, antama, parama, madhyama, carama, antima, 
 adima, pa9cima. And ma is also used to make ordinals (below, 487).
 
 177 
 
 Numerals. 
 
 [—475 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 NUMERALS. 
 
 475. The simple cardinal numerals for the first ten 
 numbers (which are the foundation of the whole class), 
 with their derivatives, the tens, and with some of the higher 
 members of the decimal series, are as follows: 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 10 
 
 ^ 
 
 100 
 
 W[ 
 
 eka 
 
 
 da9a 
 
 
 9ata 
 
 2 ^ 
 
 20 
 
 i^>|[H 
 
 lOOO 
 
 Mc^M 
 
 dva 
 
 
 vin(jat{ 
 
 
 sahasra 
 
 3 f^ 
 
 30 
 
 l^'inrT^ 
 
 10,000 
 
 fclUH 
 
 
 
 tri 
 
 
 trin9at 
 
 
 ayuta 
 
 ^^H,i 
 
 40 
 
 ^^■11751?]^ 
 
 100,000 
 
 ^RT 
 
 catiir 
 
 
 catvarincjat 
 
 
 laksa 
 
 ■ 
 
 6 ^^ 
 
 50 
 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 
 
 panca 
 
 
 pancaijat 
 
 
 prayuta 
 
 ^Cf 
 
 60 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 10,000,001 
 
 ^ilR, 
 
 sds 
 
 
 sast{ 
 
 • • 
 
 
 koti 
 
 r 
 
 7 m 
 
 70 
 
 hh[h 
 
 108 
 
 *^^< 
 
 sapta 
 
 
 saptati 
 
 
 arbuda 
 
 r 
 
 8 ^^^ 
 
 80 
 
 109 
 
 Ht:N< 
 
 as^a 
 
 
 a9iti 
 
 
 maharbuda 
 
 9 H=( 
 
 90 
 
 H'Mfd 
 
 loio 
 
 l5|c( 
 
 nava 
 
 
 navatf 
 
 
 kharva 
 
 10 ^ 
 
 100 
 
 lilH 
 
 loll 
 
 Pld4 
 
 dsKja 
 
 
 9ata 
 
 
 nikhai'va 
 
 a. The accent saptd and asta is that belonging to these words in all 
 accentuated texts; according to the grammarians, they are sapta and asta 
 in the later language. See below, 483. 
 
 b. The series of decimal numbers may be carried still further; 
 but there are great differences among the different authorities with 
 
 WUituey, Giaininar. 3. ed. 12
 
 475—] 
 
 VI. Numerals. 
 
 178 
 
 regard to their names; and there is more or less of discordance even 
 from ayuta on. 
 
 c. Thus, in the TS. and MS. we find ayuta, niyuta, prayuta, 
 arbvida, nyarbuda, samudra, madhya, anta, parardha; K. reverses 
 the order of niyuta and prayuta, and inserts badva after nyarbuda 
 (reading nyarbudha): these are probably the oldest recorded series. 
 
 d. In modern time, the only numbers in practical use above thousand 
 are laksa {lac or lakK) and koti [crore); and an Indian sum is wont to 
 be pointed thus: 123,45,67,890, to signify 1-23 crores, 45 lakhs, 67 thou- 
 sand, eight hundred and ninety. 
 
 e. As to the alleged stem-forms pancan etc., see below, 484. Aa 
 to the form saks instead of sas, see above, 146 b. The stem dva appears 
 in composition and derivation also as dva and dvi; catur in composition 
 is accented catur. The older form of asta is asta: see below, 483. 
 Forms in -^at and -(jati for the tens are occasionally interchanged: e. g. 
 vin9at (MBh. R.), trin9ati (AB.), pancaqati (IIT.). 
 
 f. The other numbers are expressed by the various composition 
 and syntactical combination of those given above. Thus: 
 
 476. The odd numbers between the even tens are made by 
 prefixing the (accented) unit to the ten to which its value is to be 
 added: but with various irregularities. Thus: 
 
 a. eka in 11 becomes eka, but is elsewhere unchanged; 
 
 b. dva becomes everywhere dva; but in 42-7&_ aad aiL.S? it is 
 interchangeable with dvi, and in 82 dvi alone is used; 
 
 c. for tri is substituted its nom. pi. masc. trayas ; but tri itself is 
 also allowed in 43-73 and in 93, and in 83 tri alone is used ; 
 
 d. sas becomes §0 in 16, and makes the initial d of daQa lingual 
 (199 d) ; elsewhere its final undergoes the regular conversion (226 b, 198 b) 
 to t or d or n; and in 96 the n of navati is assimilated to it (199 e); 
 
 e. as^a becomes asta (483) in 18-38, and . has .either form in the 
 succeeding combinations. 
 
 f. Thu3: 
 
 1 1 ekadaqa 
 
 12 dvada9a 
 
 31 ekatrin9at 
 
 32 dvatrin9at 
 
 62< 
 
 13 trayoda9a 33 trayastrin9at 
 
 14 edturda9a 
 
 15 pancada9a 
 10 86da9a 
 
 17 8aptada9a 
 
 18 astada9a 
 
 19 navada9a 
 
 34 catustrin9at 
 
 35 pancatrin9at 
 
 36 sattriri9at 
 
 3 7 saptatrin9at 
 
 38 astatrin9at 
 
 39 ndvatrin9at 
 
 61 ekasasti 
 
 fdvasasti 
 
 dvisasti 
 
 {trayahsasti 
 trisasti 
 64 catuhsasti 
 6 5 pancasasti 
 00 satsasti 
 
 • • • • ■ 
 
 6 7 saptasasti 
 (astasasti 
 lastasasti 
 
 09 navasas^i 
 
 81 eka9iti 
 
 82 dvya9iti 
 
 8 3 trya9iti 
 
 8 4 catura9iti 
 
 8 5 panca9iti 
 
 8 6 sada9iti 
 
 87 sapta9iti 
 
 88 a8ta9iti 
 
 89 nava9iti
 
 179 Odd Numbers. [—478 
 
 g. The numbers 21-29 are made like those for 31-39; the numbers 
 41-49, 51-59, 71-79, aud 91-99 are made like those for 61-69. 
 
 h. The forms made with dva and trayas are more usual than those 
 with dvi and tri, which are hardly to be quoted from the older literature 
 (V. aud Br.). The forms made with asta (instead of asta) are almost ex- 
 clusively used in the older literature (483), and are not infrequent in the 
 later. 
 
 477. The above are the normal expressions for the odd num- 
 bers. But equivalent substitutes for them are also variously made. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. By use of the adjectives una deficient and adhika redundant, iu 
 composition with lesser numbers which are to be subtracted or added, and 
 either independently qualifying or (more usually) in composition with larger 
 numbers which are to be increased or diminished by the others: thus, 
 tryiinasastih sixty dejicient by three (i. e. 57); as^adhikanavatih 
 ninety increased by eight (i. e. 98); ekadhikam 9atam a hundred in- 
 creased by one (i. e. 101); panconam 9atam lOU less 5 (i. e. 95). For 
 the nines, especially, such substitutes as ekonavin9atih 20 less 1, or 19, 
 are not uncommon ; and later the eka 1 is left off, and iinavinQati etc. 
 have the same value. 
 
 b. A case-form of a smaller number, generally eka one is connected 
 by na not with a larger number from which it is to be deducted: thus, 
 ekaya nd trifiQat (QB. PB. KB.) not thirty by one (^29); dvabhyam 
 na 'qitim (^B.) not eighty by two (78) ; pancabhir na eatvari Qatani 
 (^1B.) not four hundred by five (395); ekasman na pancacjat (in ordinal) 
 49 (TS.); ekasyai (abl. fem.: 307 h) napanca^at Jy (TS.); most often, 
 ekau (i. e. ekat, irregular abl. for ekasmat) na vinQatili 19; ekan na 
 9atani 99. This last form is admitted also in the later language ; the 
 others are found in the Brahmanas. 
 
 C. Instances of multiplication by a prefixed number are occasionally 
 met with: thus, trisapta thrice seven; ti'inava thrice nine; tridacja 
 thrice ten. 
 
 d. Of course, the numbers to be added together may be expressed by 
 independent words, with connecting and: thus, nava ca navati9 ea, or 
 nava navati9 ca ninety and nine; dvau ea vin9ati9 ca tioo and 
 twenty. But the connective is also (at least, in the older language) not 
 seldom omitted: thus, navatir nava 99; trin9atam trin 33; a9itir 
 astaii 88. 
 
 478. The same methods are also variously used for forming the 
 odd numbers above 100. Thus: 
 
 a. The added number is prefixed to the other, and takes the accent: 
 for example, eka9atam 101; a8ta9atam 108; trin9dcchatam 130; 
 astavin9ati9atani 128; catnhsahasram (RV. : unless the accent is 
 wrong) 1004; a9itisahasram 1080. 
 
 12*
 
 478—] VI. Numerals. 180 
 
 b. Or, the number to be added is compounded with adhika redundant, 
 and the compound is either made to qualify the other number or is further 
 compounded with it: thus, pancadhikam Qatam or pancadhika9atam 
 100. Of course, nnsi dejicietit (as also other words equivalent to una or 
 adhika) may be used in the same way: thus, panconam gatam 95, 
 sastih pancavarjita 55; 9atara abhyadhikarh sastitah 160. 
 
 c. Syntactical combinations are made at convenience : for example da9a 
 9ataih ca 110; 9atam ekam ca lOl. 
 
 470. Another usual method (beginning in the Brahmanas) of 
 forming the odd numbers above 100 is to qualify the larger number 
 by an adjective derived from the smaller, and identical with the 
 briefer ordinal (below, 488): thus, dvada9am 9atam, 112 (lit'ly a 
 hundred of a 12-sort, or characterised by 12); catu9.catvarin9aih 9atam 
 144; satsastam 9atam. 166. 
 
 480. To multiply one number by another, among the higher or 
 the lower denominations, the simplest and least ambiguous method 
 is to make of the multiplied number a dual or plural, qualified by 
 the other as any ordinary noun would be ; and this method is a com- 
 mon one in all ages of the language. For example: panca panca- 
 9atas _/?«je fifties [250); nava navatayas 7iine nineties [810]; a9itibhi8 
 tisrbhis with three eighties 1240); panca 9atani Jive hundreds; trini 
 sahasrani three thousands; sastim sahasrani 60,000; da9a ca sahas- 
 rany astau ca 9atani 10,800: and, combined with ad'lition, trini 
 9atani trayastrin9ataih ca 333; sahasre dve panconam 9atam eva 
 ca 2095. 
 
 a. In an exceptional case or two, the ordinal form appears to take 
 the place of the cardinal as multiplicand in a like combination: thus, sat- 
 trin9an9 ca caturah [RV.) 36X4 (lit. four of the thirty-six kitid); 
 trinr ekada9an (RV.) or traya ekada9asali (^^S. viii. 21. 1) 11X3. 
 
 b. I5y a peculiar and wholly illogical construction, such a combination 
 as trini sasti9atani, which ought to signify ^Sy (3x100 + 60), is repeat- 
 edly used in the Brahmanas to mean 360 (3x100 + 60); so also dve 
 catu3trin9e 9ate 234 (not 268); dvasastani trini 9atani 362; and 
 otiier like cases. And even R. has trayah 9ata9atardliah 350. 
 
 481. But the two factors, multiplier and multiplied, are also, 
 and in later usage more generally, combined into a compound accented 
 on the final); and this is then treated as an adjective, qualifying the 
 numbered noun; or else its neuter or feminine (in i) singular is used 
 substantively: thus, da9a9atas lOOO; sat9ataih padatibhih (MBh.) 
 icith 600 foot-soldiers; trayastrin9at tricjatah satsahasrah (AV.) 6333; 
 dvi9at4ra or dvi9ati 200; astada9a9ati 1800. 
 
 a. In the usual absence of accentuation , there arises sometimes a 
 question as to how a compound number shall bo understood : whether asta- 
 9atam, foi example, is asta9atam 10a or asta9atam 800, and the like.
 
 181 Inflection. [ — 482 
 
 482. Inflection. The inflection of the cardinal numerals 
 is in many respects irregular. Gender is distinguished only 
 by the first four, 
 
 a. Eka one is declined after the manner of a pronominal adjec- 
 tive (like sarva, below, 524i; its plural is used in the sense of some, 
 certain ones. Its dual does not occur. 
 
 b. Occasional forms of the ordinary declension are met with : thus, eke 
 (loc. sing.), ekat (477 b). 
 
 e. In the late literature, eka is used in the sense of a certain 
 or even sometimes almost of a, as an indefinite article. Thus, eko 
 vyaghrah (H.) a certain tiger; ekasmin dine on a certain day; haste 
 dandam ekam adaya H.) taking a stick in his hand. 
 
 d. Dva tico is dual only, and is entirely regular: thus, N. A. V. 
 dvau (dva, Veda) m., dve f. n.; I. D. Ab. dvabhyam; G. L. dvayos. 
 
 e. Tri three is in masc. and neut. nearly regular, like an ordinary 
 stem in i; but the genitive is as if from traya (only in the later 
 language: the regular trinam occurs once in RV.). For the feminine 
 it has the peculiar stem tisr, which is inflected in general like an 
 r-stem; but the nom. and accus. are alike, and show no strengthening 
 of the r; and the r is not prolonged in the gen. (excepting in the 
 Veda). Thus: 
 
 
 m. n. 
 
 f. 
 
 N. 
 
 trayas trini 
 
 tisras 
 
 A. 
 
 trin trini 
 
 tisras 
 
 I. 
 
 tribhis 
 
 tisfbhis 
 
 D.Ab. 
 
 tribhyas 
 
 tisybhyas 
 
 G. 
 
 trayanam 
 
 tisfnam 
 
 L. 
 
 trisu 
 
 tisfsu 
 
 f. The Veda has the abbreviated neut. nom. and accus. trI. The 
 accentuation tisrbhis, tisrbhyas, tisrnam, and tisrsu is said to be 
 also allowed in the later laugiiage. The stem tisr occurs in composition 
 in tisrdhanva (B.) a bow with three arrows 
 
 g. Catur four has catvar (the more original form) in the strong 
 cases; in the fem. it substitutes the stem catasr, apparently akin 
 with tisr, and inflected like it (but with anomalous change of accent, 
 like that in the higher numbers: see below, 483^. Thus: 
 
 
 m. n. 
 
 f. 
 
 N. 
 
 catvar as catvari 
 
 catasras 
 
 A. 
 
 caturas catvari 
 
 catasras 
 
 I. 
 
 caturbhis 
 
 catasfbhis 
 
 D.Ab. 
 
 caturbhyas 
 
 catasrbhyas 
 
 G. 
 
 caturnam 
 
 catasrnam 
 
 L. 
 
 catursu 
 
 oatasrfu.
 
 482—] VI. Numerals. 182 
 
 h. The use of n iDefore am of the gen. masc. and neut. after a final 
 consonant of the stem is (as in aas: below, 483) a striking irregularity. 
 The more regular gen. fern, catasrnam also sometimes occurs. In the 
 later language, the accentuation of the final syllable instead of the penult 
 is said to be allowed in instr., dat.-abl., and loc. 
 
 483. The numbers from 5 to 19 have no distinction of gender, 
 nor any generic character. They are inflected, somewhat irregularly, 
 as plurals, save in the nom.-acc, where they have no proper plural 
 form, but show the bare stem instead. Of sas (as of catur), nam 
 is the gen. ending, with mutual assimilation (108 b) of stem-final and 
 initial of the termination. Asta (as accented in the older language) 
 has an alternative fuller form, asta, which is almost exclusively used 
 in the older literature (V. and B.), both in inflection and in compo- 
 sition (but some compounds with asta are found as early as the AV.); 
 its nom.-acc. is asta usual later: found in RV. once, and in AV.), 
 or asta (RV.), or astaii (most usual in RV.; also in AV., B., and 
 later). 
 
 a. The accent is in many respects peculiar. In all the accented texts, 
 the stress of voice lies on the penult before the endings bhis, bhyas, and 
 su, from the stems in a, \yhatever be the accent of the stem: thus, pan- 
 cabhis from panca, navabhyas from nava, da9asu from dacja, nava- 
 daijabhis from nava-daga, ekada9abhyas from ekadacja, dvada9asu 
 from dvada9a (according to the grammarians, either the penult or the 
 linal is accented in these forms in the later language). In the gen. pi., 
 the accent is on the ending (as in that of i-, U-, and r-stems) ; thus, pan- 
 cada9anam, saptada9anam. The cases of sas, and those made from 
 the stem-form asta, have the accent throughout upon the ending. 
 
 b. Examples of the inflection of these words are as follows: 
 
 N. A. 
 
 panca 
 
 sat 
 
 astau asta 
 
 I. 
 
 pancabhis 
 
 sadbhis 
 
 astabhis astabhis 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 pancabhyas 
 
 sadbhyas 
 
 astabhyas astabhyas 
 
 G. 
 
 pancanam 
 
 sannam 
 
 astanam 
 
 L. 
 
 pancasu 
 
 satsu 
 
 astasu astasti. 
 
 c. Sapta (in the later language sapta, as asta for asta) and nava 
 and da9a',"'with the compounds of da9a Ql-19), are declined like panca, 
 and with the "sanies'hift of acceiit l^or with alternative shift to the endings, 
 as pointed out above). 
 
 484. The Hindu grammarians give to the stems for 5 and 7-19 a 
 final n: thus, pancan, saptan, astan, navan, da9an, and ekada9an 
 etc. This, however, has nothing to do with the demonstrably original final 
 nasal of 7, 9, and 10 (compare septem, nnvem, decern; seven, nine., 
 ten); it is only owing to the fact that, starting from such a stem-form, 
 their inflection is made to assume a more regular aspect, the nom.-acc. 
 having the form of a neut. sing, in an, and the instr., dat.-abl., and loc. 
 that of a neut. or masc. pi. in an: compare nama, namabhis, nama-
 
 183 Inflection. [—487 
 
 bhyas, namasu — the gen. alone being, rather, like that of an a-stem : 
 compare da^anam with {ndranam and namnam or atmanam. No trace 
 whatever of a final n is found anywhere in the language, In inflection or 
 derivation or composition, from any of these words (though QB. has twice 
 da9amda9in, for the usual da9ada9in). 
 
 485. a. The tens, vin9ati and trin9at etc., with their comjjounds, 
 are declined regularly, as feminine stems of the same endings, and in 
 all numbers. 
 
 b. (JJata and sahasra are declined regularly, as neuter (or, rarely, 
 in the later language, as masculine) stems of the same final, in all 
 numbers. 
 
 c. The like is true of the higher numbers -^ which have, indeed, 
 no proper numeral character, but are ordinary nouns. 
 
 486. Construction. As regards their construction with the 
 nouns enumerated by them — 
 
 a. The words for i to 18 are in the main used adjectively, 
 .agreeing in case, and, if they distinguish gender, in gender also, with 
 the nouns: thus, da9abhir viraih with ten heroes; ye deva divy 
 ekada9a stha (AV.) tvhat eleven gods of you are in heaven; pancasii 
 janesu arnoti;/ the five tribes; catasrbhir glrbhih ivith four songs. 
 Rarely occur such combinations as da9a kala9anam RV.) ten pitchers, 
 rtiinam sat R.) six seasons. 
 
 b. The numerals above 19 are construed usually as nouns, either 
 taking the numbered noun as a dependent genitive, or standing in 
 the singular in apposition with it: thus, 9atam dasih or 9ata]ii 
 dasinam a hundred slaves or a hundred of slaves; vin9atya haribhili 
 with tiventy hays; sastyam 9aratsu in 60 autumns; 9atena pa9aih. 
 with a hundred fetter's; 9atam sahasram ayiitam nyarbudam ja- 
 ghana 9akr6 dasyunam (AV.) the mighty [Indra] sletv a hundred, a 
 thousand, a myriad, a hundred million, of demons. Occasionally they 
 are put in the plural, as if used more adjectively: thus, panca9ad- 
 bhir banaih ivith fifty arrows. 
 
 c. In the older language, the numerals for 5 and upward are 
 sometimes used in the nom.-acc. form (or as if indeclinably) with 
 other cases also: thus, panca krstisu among the Jive races; sapta 
 rsinam of seven bards; sahasram rsibhih with a thousand bards; 
 9atairi purbhih with a hundred strongholds. Sporadic instances of a 
 like kind are also met with later. 
 
 487. Ordinals. Of the classes of derivative words 
 coming from the original or cardinal numerals, the ordin- 
 als are by far the most important; and the mode of their 
 formation may best be explained here.
 
 487—] VI. Numerals. 184 
 
 Some of the first ordinals are irregularly made: thus, 
 
 a. eka 1 forms no ordinal; instead is used prathama (i. e. pra- 
 tam.a. foremost); adya (from adi beginning) appears first in the Sutras, 
 and adima much later; 
 
 b. from dva 2, and tri 3, come dvitiya and trtiya (secondarily, 
 tlirough dvita and abbreviated trita) ; 
 
 c. catur 4, sas 6, and sapta 7, take the ending tha: thus, 
 caturtha, sastha, saptatha ; but for fourth are used also turiya and 
 turya, and saptatha belongs to the older language only; pancatha, 
 for fifth, is excessively rare ; 
 
 d. the numerals for 5 and 7 usually, and for 8, 9, W, add ma, 
 forming pancama, saptama, astama, navama, dagama; 
 
 e. for nth to I9th, the forms are ekadaqa, dvadaqa, and so 
 on (the same with the cardinals, except change of accent); but eka- 
 da^ama etc. occasionally occur also; 
 
 f. for the tens and intervening odd numbers from 20 onward, 
 the ordinal has a double form — one made by adding the full (super- 
 lative) ending tama to the cardinal : thus, vinqatitama, trin9attama, 
 agititama, etc.; the other, shorter, in a, with abbreviation of the 
 cardinal: thus, vinqd 20th; trihqk 30th; catvarinqa 40th; panca9a 
 50th; sasta 60th; saptata 70th; agita 80th; navata 90th; and so 
 likewise ekaviriQa 21st; catustrin9a 34th; astacatvarin9a 48th\ 
 dvapanca9a 52d; ekasasta 61st; and ekannavin9a and unavin9a 
 and ekonavin9a 19th; — and so on. Of these two forms, the latter 
 and briefer is by far the more common, the other being not quotable 
 from the Veda, and extremely rarely from the Brahmanas. From 50th 
 on, the briefer form is allowed by the grammarians only to the odd 
 numbers, made up of tens and units; but it is sometimes met with, 
 even in the later language, from the simple ten. 
 
 g. Of the higher numbers, 9ata and sahasra form 9atatama and 
 sahasratama ; but their compounds have also the simpler form: thus, 
 eka9ata or eka9atatama 10 1st. 
 
 h. Of the ordinals, prathama (and adya), dvitiya, trtiya, and 
 turiya (with tiirya) form their feminine in a; all the rest make it 
 in I. 
 
 488. The ordinals, as in other languages, have other than ordinal 
 offices to fill; and in Sanskrit especially they are general adjectives to the 
 cardinals, with a considerable variety of meanings, as fractionals, as signi- 
 fying composed of so many iiarts or so-many-fold, or containing so many, 
 or (as was seen above, 479) having so many added. 
 
 a. In a fractional sense, the grammarians direct that their accent be 
 shifted to the first syllable: thus, dvftiya Aa^/"; tftiya third part; catur- 
 tha quarter; and so on. But in accented texts only trtiya third, and 
 caturtha (^T).) and turiya quarter, are found so treated; for half occurs
 
 185 Numeral Derivatives. [ — 491 
 
 only ardha; and caturtha (MS. etc.), pancama, and so on, are accented 
 as in their ordinal use. 
 
 489. There are other numeral derivatives: thus — 
 
 a. multiplicative adverbs, as dvis twice, tris thrice, catus four 
 times ; 
 
 b. adverbs with the suffixes dha (1104) and gas (1106): fm- 
 example, ekadha in one ivai/, 9atadha in a hundred wat/s; eka<;aB 
 one hy one, 9ata9as hy h'oidreds; 
 
 c. collectives, as dvftaya or dvaya a j)air. dacjataya or dapat 
 a decade; 
 
 d. adjectives like dvika composed of two, pancaka consisting of 
 Jive or fives; 
 
 and so on; but their treatment belongs rather to the dictionary, or 
 to the chapter on derivation. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 PRONOUNS. 
 
 490. The pronouns differ from the great mass of nouns 
 and adjectives chiefly in that they come by derivation from 
 another and a very limited set of roots, the so-called pro- 
 nominal or demonstrative roots. But they have also many 
 and marked peculiarities of inflection — some of which, 
 however, find analogies in a few adjectives; and such ad- 
 jectives will accordingly be described at the end of this 
 chapter. 
 
 Personal Pronouns. 
 
 491. The pronouns of the first and second persons are 
 the most irregular and peculiar of all, being made up of 
 fragments coming from various roots and combinations of 
 roots. They have no distinction of gender.
 
 491—] 
 
 VII. Pronouns. 
 
 186 
 
 a. Their inflection in the later 
 Singular : 
 
 N. 
 
 A. 
 
 I. 
 
 D. 
 
 language is a follows: 
 
 Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 L. 
 
 1st pers. 
 
 2d pers. 
 
 Mc^H^ 
 
 
 aham 
 
 tvam 
 
 
 •V. 
 
 mam, ma 
 
 tvam, tva 
 
 Mill 
 
 HUI 
 
 maya 
 
 tvaya 
 
 -V. 
 
 -s 
 
 
 
 mahyam, me 
 
 tubhyam, te 
 
 TJrl 
 
 Wl 
 
 •^ 
 
 mat 
 
 tvat 
 
 IFT, "^ 
 
 rT^^ 
 
 mama, me 
 
 tava, te 
 
 hRi 
 
 P^[U 
 
 mayi 
 
 tvayi 
 
 Dual: 
 
 
 
 N. A. V. 
 
 
 
 avam 
 
 yuvam 
 
 I.D.Ab. 
 
 yi^i^'um^ 
 
 
 
 avabhyam 
 
 yuvabhyam 
 
 
 •^ 
 
 -\ 
 
 G. L. 
 
 MNUW^ 
 
 O -v. 
 
 
 avayos 
 
 yuvayos 
 
 andA.D.G. 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 nau 
 
 vam 
 
 Plural: 
 
 
 
 N. 
 
 o|UH^ 
 
 
 
 vayam 
 
 tlVHH, ^ 
 asman, nas 
 
 yuyam 
 
 A. 
 
 o ^ -s 
 
 yusman, vas 
 
 I. 
 
 asmabhis 
 
 yuSmabhis 
 
 D. 
 
 yni^UM, ^n 
 
 n^^'JJT, ^^ 
 
 asmabhyam, nas yusmabbyam, vas
 
 187 Personal Pronouns. [—493 
 
 asmat yusmat 
 
 asmakam, nas yusmakam, vas 
 
 o o o 
 
 asmasu yusmasu 
 
 b. The briefer second forms for accus., dat., and gen., in all 
 numbers, are accentless; and hence they are not allowed to stand at 
 the beginning of a sentence, or elsewhere where any emphasis is laid. 
 
 c. But they may be qualified by accented adjuncts, as adjectives: e. g. 
 te jayatah of thee when a conqueror, vo vrtabhyah for you that ivere 
 confined, nas tribhyah to us three (all RV.). 
 
 d. The ablative mat is accentless in one or two AV. passages. 
 
 482. Forms of the older language. All the forms given 
 above are found also in the older language; which, however, has also 
 others that afterward disappear from use. 
 
 a. Thus, we find a lew times the iustr. sing, tva (only IIV.: like 
 manisa for manisaya); further, the loc. or dat. sing, me (only VS.) 
 and tve, and the dat. or loc. pi. asme (which is by far the commonest 
 of these e-forms) and yusme: their final e is uncombinable (or pra- 
 grhya: 138 b). The VS. makes twice the ace. pi. fern, yusmas (as if 
 yusman were too distinctively a masculine form). The datives in bhyam 
 are in a number of cases written, and in yet others to be read as if written, 
 with bhya, with loss of the final nasal; and in a rare instance or two we 
 have in like manner asmaka and yusmaka in the gen. plural. The usual 
 resolutions of semivowel to vowel are made, and are especially frequent in 
 the forms of the second person (tuam for tvam etc.). 
 
 b. But the duals, above all, wear a very different aspect earlier. In 
 Veda and Brahmana and Sutra the nominatives are (with occasional 
 exceptions) avam and yuvam, and only the accusatives avam and yuvam 
 (but in RV. the dual forms of 1st pers. chance not to occur, unless in 
 vam[?], once, for avam); the instr. in RV. is either yuvabhyam (occurs 
 also once in AQS.) or yuvabhyam; an abl. yuvat appears once in RV., 
 and avat twice in TS.; the gen. -loc. is in RV. (only) ytivos instead of 
 yuvayos. Thus we have here a distinction (elsewhere unknown) of five 
 different dual cases, by endings in part accordant with those of the other 
 two numbers. 
 
 493. Peculiar endings. The ending am, appearing in the nom. 
 sing, and pi. (and Vedic du.) of these pronouns, will be found often, 
 though only in sing., among the other pronouns. The bhyam (or hyam) 
 of dat. sing, and pi. is met with only here; its relationship with the 
 bhyam, bhyas, bhis of the ordinary declension is palpable. The t (or
 
 493—] VII. Pronouns. 188 
 
 d) of the abl., though here preceded by a short vowel, is doubtless the 
 same with that of the a-declension of nouns and adjectives. That the nom., 
 dat., and abl. endings should be the same in sing, and pi. (and in part 
 in the earlier du. also), only the stem to which they are added being dif- 
 ferent, is unparalleled elsewhere in the language. The element sma appear- 
 ing in the plural forms will be found frequent in the inflection of the 
 singular in other pronominal words : in fact, the compound stem asma 
 which underlies the plural of aham seems to be the same that furnishes 
 part of the singular forms of ayam (501), and its value of we to be a 
 specialisation of the meaning these persojis. The genitives singular, mama 
 and tava, have no analogies elsewhere; the derivation from them of the 
 adjectives mamaka and tavaka (below, 516 b) suggests the possibility 
 of their being themselves stereotyped stems. The gen. pL, asmakam and 
 yusmakam, are certainly of this character: namely, neuter sing, caseforms 
 of the adjective stems asmaka and yusmaka, other cases of which are 
 found in the Veda. 
 
 494. Stem -forms. To the Hindu giaiumarians, the stems of 
 the personal pronouns are mad and asmad, and tvad and ytismad, 
 because these are forms used to a certain extent, and allowed to be 
 indefinitely used, in derivation and composition (like tad, kad, etc.: 
 sec below, under the other pronouns). Words are thus formed from 
 them even in the older language — namely, matkrta and matsakhi 
 and asmatsakhi (RV.), tvadyoni and mattas (AV.\ tvatpitr and 
 tvadvivacana (TS.), tvatprasuta and tvaddevatya and yuvad- 
 devatya and yusmaddevatya (QB !, asmaddevatya ;PB.); but much 
 more numerous are those that show the proper stem in a, or with 
 the a lengthened to a: thus, mavant; asmatra, asmadriih, etc.; 
 tvayata, tvavant, tvadatta, tvanid, tvavasu, tvahata, etc.; yu§- 
 madatta, yusmesita, etc.; yuvavaut, yuvaku, yuvadhita, yuva- 
 datta, yuvanlta, etc. An.l the later language also has a few words 
 made in the same way, as madrQ. 
 
 a. The Vedas have certain more irregular combinations, with complete 
 forms : thus, tvamkama, tvamahuti, mampaijya, mamasatya, asme- 
 hiti, ahampiirva, ahamuttara, ahamyu, ahamsana. 
 
 b. From the stems of the grammarians come also the derivative 
 adjectives madiya, tvadlya, asmadiya ytismadiya, having a pos- 
 sessive value: see below, 516 a. 
 
 o. For sva and evayam, see below, 513. 
 
 Demonstrative Pronouns. 
 
 495. The simplest demonstrative, ^ ta, which answers 
 also the purpose of a personal pronoun of the third person, 
 may be taken as model of a mode of declension usual in
 
 189 Demonstrative Pronouns, [—495 
 
 so many pronouns and pronominal adjectives that it is 
 
 fairly to be called the general pronominal declension. 
 
 a. But this root has also the special irregularity that in the 
 
 nom. sing, inasc. and feni. it has sas (for whose peculiar euphonic 
 treatment see 176a,b) and sa, instead of tas and ta (compare Gr. 
 o, Ti, TO, and Goth, sa, so, thatu). Thus: 
 
 Singular: 
 
 m. n. f. 
 
 N. Jqrr cTrT HT 
 
 sas tat sa 
 
 A- fTT (TFT (TR 
 
 tam tat tam 
 
 I- ^ WJl 
 
 tena taya 
 
 tasmai! tasyai 
 
 tasmat taayas 
 
 tasya tasyas 
 
 tasmin tasyam 
 
 Dual: 
 
 N.A.V. m ^ ^ 
 
 tau te te 
 
 I. D. Ab. ciP-Trm cTFirm 
 
 tabhyamj tabhyam 
 
 G. L. cTW cnnH 
 
 tiyos tayos 
 
 Plural: 
 
 •>v 
 
 •N 
 
 te tani tas 
 
 A. (TH rnl^ cTTH 
 
 tan tani tas 
 
 tafs tabhis 
 
 •V,
 
 495—] VII. Pronouns. 190 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 "d^UH, 
 
 
 tebhyas 
 
 tabhyas 
 
 
 
 tesam 
 
 tasam 
 
 
 
 tesu tasu 
 
 b. The Vedas show no other irregularities of inflection than those 
 which helong to all stems in a and a: namely, tena sometimes; usually 
 ta for tali, du. ; often ta for tani, pi. neut.; usually tebhis for tais, 
 instr. pi.; and the ordinary resolutions. The RV. has one more case-form 
 from the root sa, namely sasruin (occurring nearly half as often as tds- 
 min) ; and ChU. has once sasmat. 
 
 496. The peculiarities of the general pronominal declension, it 
 will be noticed, are these: 
 
 a. In the singular, the use of t (properly d) as ending of nom.-acc. 
 neut.; the combination of another element sma with the root in masc. and 
 neut. dat., abl., and loc, and of sy in fern, dat, abl.-gen., and loc; and 
 the masc. and neut. loc. ending in, which is restricted to this declension 
 (except in the anomalous yadrgmin, RV., once). The substitution in B. 
 of ai for as as fern, ending (307 h) was illustrated at 365 d. 
 
 b. The dual is precisely that of noun-stems in a and a. 
 
 e. In the plural, the irregularities are limited to te for tas in nom. 
 masc, and the insertion of s instead of n before am of the gen., the stem- 
 flnal being treated before it in the same manner as before su of the loc. 
 
 497. The stem of this pronoun is by the grammarians given 
 as tad; and from that form come, in fact, the derivative adjective 
 tadiya, with tattva, tadvat, tanmaya; and numerous compounds, 
 such as tacehila, tajjna, tatkara, tadanantara, tanmatra, etc. 
 These compounds are not rare even in the Veda: so tadanna, tadvld, 
 tadvagd, etc. But derivatives from the true root ta are also many: 
 especially adverbs, as tatas, tatra, tatha, tada; the adjectives ta- 
 vant and tati; and the compound tadr9 etc. 
 
 498. Though the demonstrative root ta is prevailingly of the 
 third person, it is also freely used, both in the earlier language and 
 in the later, as qualifying the pronouns of the first and second person, 
 giving emphasis to them: thus, so 'ham, tliis 7, or / here; sa or sa 
 tv&m tJwu there ; te vayam, ive here ; tasya mama of me here^ tasmins 
 tvayi in thee there, and so on. 
 
 499. Two other demonstrative stems appear to contain ta as 
 an element; and both, like the simple ta, substitute sa in the nom. 
 sing. masc. and fern.
 
 191 Demonstrative Pronouns. [ — 501 
 
 a. The one, tya, is tolerably common (although only a third 
 of its possible forms occur) in RV., but rare in AV., and almost 
 unknown later, its nom. sing., in the three genders, is., syas, sya, 
 tyat, and it makes the accusatives tyam, tyam, tyat, and goes on 
 through the remaining cases in the same manner as ta. It has in 
 RV. the instr. fem. tya (for tyaya). Instead of sya as nom. sing. 
 fem. is also found tya. 
 
 b. The other is the usual demonstrative of nearer position, this 
 here, and is in frequent use through all periods of the language. 
 It prefixes e to the simple root, forming the nominatives esas, esa, 
 etat — and so on through the whole inflection. 
 
 c. The stem tya has neither compounds nor derivatives. But 
 from eta are formed both, in the same manner as from the simple 
 ta, only much less numerous: thus, etadda (^B.). etadartha, etc., 
 from the so-called stem etad; and etady9 and etavant from eta. 
 And esa, like sa 498), is used to qualify pronouns of the 1st and 
 2d persons: e. g. esa 'ham, ete vayam. 
 
 500. There is a defective pronominal stem, ena, which is accent- 
 less, and hence used only in situations where no emphasis falls upon 
 it. It does not occur elsewhere than in the accusative of all numbers, 
 the instr. sing., and the gen.-loc. dual: thus. 
 
 m. n. f. 
 
 Sing. A. enam enat enam 
 
 I. enena enaya 
 
 Du. A. enau ene ene 
 
 G. L. enayos enayoa 
 
 PI. A. enan enani anas 
 
 a. The RV. has enos instead of enayos, and in one or two instances 
 accents a form : thus, enam, enas (?). AB. uses enat also as nom. neut. 
 
 b. As ena is always used substantively, it has more nearly than ta 
 the value of a third personal pronoun, unemphatic. Apparent examples 
 of Its adjectival use here and there met with are doubtless the result of 
 confusion with eta (499 b). 
 
 c. This stem forms neither derivatives nor compounds. 
 
 501. The declension of two other demonstratives is so 
 irregularly made up that they have to be given in full. The 
 one, SfiPT ayam etc., is used as a more indefinite demon- 
 strative, tJds or t}iat\ the other, STRT asati etc., signifies 
 especially the remoter relation, yo7i or yotider. 
 
 a. They are as follows:
 
 501—] 
 
 N. 
 
 D 
 
 Al). 
 
 G. 
 
 N. A. 
 
 I. D. Ab. 
 
 G. L. 
 
 N. 
 
 D. Ab. 
 
 G. 
 
 L. 
 
 
 VII. PronO 
 
 UNS. 
 
 19 
 
 Singular : 
 
 
 
 
 m. n. 
 
 f. 
 
 m. n. 
 
 f. 
 
 m^^ ^^ 
 
 ^^1 
 
 ^k\} g^ 
 
 y5Pii 
 
 ayam id&m 
 
 iyam 
 
 asau adas 
 
 asau 
 
 Wl ¥.\ 
 
 ^^"1 
 
 ^. ^^. 
 
 
 imam idam 
 
 imam 
 
 amum adas 
 
 amum 
 
 tlH-l 
 
 y-iui 
 
 
 anena 
 
 anaya 
 
 amuna 
 
 amiiya 
 
 c^ 
 
 MV^ 
 
 S5i 
 
 =*, 
 
 y^rH 
 
 yW 
 
 
 asmai 
 
 asyai 
 
 atausmai 
 
 amusyai 
 
 s^FTTcT 
 
 yHa^H 
 
 y^f^^w 
 
 •V 
 
 •s 
 
 o ^ 
 
 o -^ 
 
 asm at 
 
 asyas 
 
 amusmat 
 
 amusyas 
 
 yvu 
 
 titum 
 
 yijf^U 
 
 yn^^uiH 
 
 
 •^v 
 
 o 
 
 O -S^ 
 
 asya 
 
 asyas 
 
 amusya 
 
 amusyas 
 
 yf^HH 
 
 y^ym 
 
 y^f^H 
 
 y^^UH 
 
 •\ 
 
 "s 
 
 o -\ 
 
 O -s 
 
 asmin 
 
 asyam 
 
 amusmin 
 
 amusyam 
 
 Dual: 
 
 
 
 
 C!> -S 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 
 ^Hl ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 imau ime 
 
 ime 
 
 amu 
 
 
 ^TFiJW 
 
 
 tlH^UIH 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 C^ "^ 
 
 
 abhyam 
 
 
 amubhyam 
 
 MHUIH^ 
 
 ynyiH 
 
 
 
 
 O -S 
 
 
 andyos 
 
 
 amuyos 
 
 
 Plural : 
 
 
 . n f^ 
 
 
 4HI^^ 
 
 
 ex's 
 
 ime imani 
 
 imas 
 
 ami amuni 
 
 amus 
 
 ^qn ^^TH 
 
 ^^"l 
 
 
 
 iman imani 
 
 imas 
 
 amun amuni 
 
 amus 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 yqlfHH^ 
 
 
 ebhis 
 
 abhis 
 
 amibhis 
 
 <-> 
 
 amubhis 
 
 e-^H 
 
 
 CN, -S 
 
 ebhyas 
 
 abhyas 
 
 amibhyas 
 
 amubhyas 
 
 ^^'4, 
 
 
 (r\ -s 
 
 esam 
 
 asam 
 
 amisam 
 
 amusam 
 
 '^ 
 
 MTH 
 
 MHlq 
 
 
 esu 
 
 asu 
 
 amisu 
 
 amusu
 
 193 Demonstratives. [—503 
 
 b. The same forms are used in the older language, •without variation, 
 except that (as usual) ima occurs for imau and imani, and amu for 
 amuni; amuya when used adverbially is accented on the final, amuya ; 
 asau (with accent, of course, on the first, asau, or without accent, asau: 
 314) is used also as vocative; ami, too, occurs as vocative. 
 
 502. a. The former of these two pronouns, ayam etc., plainly shows 
 itself to be pieced together from a number of defective stems. The majority 
 of forms come from the root a, with which, as in the ordinary pronominal 
 declension, sma (f. ay) is combined in the singular. All these forms from 
 a have the peculiarity that in their substantive use they are either accented, 
 as in the paradigm, or accentless (like ena and the second forms from 
 aham and tvara). The remaining forms are always accented. From ana- 
 come, with entire regularity, anena, anaya, anayos. The strong cases 
 in dual and plural, and in part in singular, come not less regularly from a 
 stem ima. And ayam, iyam. Mam are , evidently ,|g{,,^J)e referred to a 
 simple root i (idam being apparently a double form: .id, like tad etc., 
 with ending am). 
 
 b. The Veda has from the root a also the instrumenfals ena and aya 
 (used in general adverbially), and the gen. loc. du. ayos; from ima, 
 imasya occurs once in RV., imasmai in AA., and imais and imesu 
 later. The RV. has in a small number of instances the irregular accen- 
 tuation asmai, asya, abhis. 
 
 c. In analogy with the other pronouns, idam is by the gram- 
 marians regarded as representative stem of this pronominal declen- 
 sion; and it is actually found so treated in a very small number of 
 comj^^nds (idammaya and idamriipa are of Brahmana age). As 
 reg^^ the actual stems, ana furnishes nothing further; from ima 
 comes only the adverb imatha (RV., once); but a and i furnish a 
 number of derivatives, mostly adverbial; thus, for example, atas, 
 atra, atha, ad-dha(?); itas, id (Vedic particle), ida, iha, itara, im 
 (Vedic particle), idr9, perhaps eva and evam, and others. 
 
 503. The other pronoun, asau etc., has amu for its leading stem, 
 which in the singular takes in combination, like the a-stems, the element 
 sma (f. By), and which shifts to ami in part of the masc. and neut. 
 plural. In part, too, like an adjective u-stem, it lengthens its final in the 
 feminine. The gen. sing, amusya is the only example in the language 
 of the ending sya added to any other than an a-stem. The nom. pi. ami 
 is unique in form; its i is (lik^, that of a dual) pragrhya, or exempt 
 from combination with a following vowel (138 b). Asau and adas are 
 also without analogies as regards their endings. 
 
 a. The grammarians, as usual, treat adas as representative stem 
 of the declension, and it is found in this character in an extremely 
 small number of words, as adomula; adomaya is of Brahmana age. 
 The ^B. has also asaunaman. But most of the derivatives, as of 
 
 WliLtney Griimniar. 3. ed. 13
 
 503—] VII. Pronouns. 194 
 
 the cases, come from amu: thus, amutas, amutra, amutha, amuda, 
 amurhi, amuvat, amuka. 
 
 b. In the older language occurs tbe root tva (aoceiitless), meaning 
 one, many a one\ it is oftenest found repeated, as one and another. It 
 follows the ordinary pronominal declension. From it is made the (also 
 accentless) adverb tvadanim (MS.). 
 
 c. Fragments of another demonstrative root or two are met with: thus, 
 amas he occurs in a formula in AV. and in Brahmanas etc.; avos as 
 gen.-loc. dual is found in RV, ; the particle u points to a root u. 
 
 Interrogative Pronoun. 
 
 504. The characteristic part of the interrogative pro- 
 nominal root is ^ k; it has the three forms ^ ka, f% ki, 
 m ku; but the whole declensional inflection is from W\ ka, 
 excepting the nom.-acc. sing, neut., which is from t% ki, 
 and has the anomalous form fsffq kim (not elsewhere known 
 in the language from a neuter i-stem). The nom. and 
 accus. sing., then, are as follows: 
 
 N. 
 
 A. 
 
 and the rest of the declension is precisely like that of "^ 
 ta (a,bove, 495). 
 
 a. The Veda has its usual variations, ka and kebhis for kani and 
 kals. It also has, along with kfm, the pronominally regular neuter kad; 
 and kam (or kam) is a frequent particle. The masc. form kis, corres- 
 ponding to kim, occurs as a stereotyped case in the combinations nakis 
 and makis. 
 
 505. The grammarians treat kim as representative stem of the 
 interrogative pronoun; and it is in fact soused in a not large number 
 of words, of which a few — kimmaya, kimkara, kimkamya, kim- 
 devata, kimqila, and the peculiar kimyu — go back even to the 
 Veda and Bralimanu. In closer analogy with the other pronouns, the 
 form kad, a couple of times in the Veda (katpayi, kadartha), and 
 not infrequently later, is found as first member of compounds. Then, 
 from the real roots ka, ki, ku are made many derivatives; and 
 from ki and ku, especially the latter, many compounds: thus, kati, 
 
 m. 
 
 n. 
 
 f. 
 
 •s. 
 
 
 m 
 
 kas 
 
 kim 
 
 ka 
 
 
 
 
 kam 
 
 kim 
 
 kam
 
 195 
 
 Relatives. 
 
 [—509 
 
 katha, katham, kada, katara, katama, kai'hi; kiyant, kidr9; kutas, 
 kutra, kuha, kva, kucara, kukarmaii, kumantrin, etc. 
 
 506. Various forras of this pronoun, as kad, kim, aud ku (and 
 rarely, ko), at the beginning of compounds, have passed from an 
 interrogative meaning, through an exchimatory, to the value of pre- 
 fixes signifying an unusual quality — either something admirable, or, 
 ofteuer, something contemptible. This use begins in the Veda, but 
 becomes much more common in later time. 
 
 507. The interrogative pronoun, as in other languages, turns 
 readily in its independent use also to an exclamatory meaning. 
 Moreover, it is by various added particles converted to an indefinite 
 meaning: thus, by ea, eana, eld, api, va, either alone or with the 
 relative ya (below, 511) prefixed: thus, ka<j caua any one; na ko 
 'pi not any one; yani kani cit whatsoever; yatamat katamac ca 
 wJiatever one. Occasionally, the interrogative by itself acquires a 
 similar value. 
 
 Relative Pronoun. 
 
 508. The root of the relative pronoun is U ya, which 
 
 from the earliest period of the language has lost all trace 
 
 of the demonstrative meaning originally (doubtless) belonging 
 
 to it, and is used as relative only. 
 
 509. It is inflected with entire regularity according to 
 
 the usual pronominal declension: thus, 
 
 Singular. Dual. Plural, 
 
 m. n. f. ni. ii. f. m. n. f. 
 
 N. 
 
 A. 
 
 yas 
 
 yat 
 
 m 
 
 ya 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 
 ye yani 
 
 urn 
 
 yas 
 
 
 >Jrl 
 
 
 yau 
 
 ye ye 
 
 
 
 yam 
 yena 
 
 yat 
 
 yam 
 yaya 
 
 
 ■V, 
 
 yabliyam 
 
 yan yani 
 yais 
 
 yas 
 
 UIIHU 
 
 yabhis 
 
 UH 
 
 d^UM^ 
 
 
 yasmai 
 
 yasya 
 
 L 
 
 
 yebhyas 
 
 yabhyaa 
 
 etc. 
 
 
 etc. 
 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 D, 
 
 a. The Veda shows its usual variations of these forms: ya for yau 
 and for yani, and yebhis for yais; yoa for yayos also occurs once; 
 yena, with prolonged final, is in RV. twiiie as common as yena. Reso- 
 
 16*
 
 509—] VII. Pronouns. 196 
 
 lutions occur iu yabhias, and yesaam and yasaam. The conjunction 
 yat is an ablative form according to the ordinary declension. 
 
 510. The use of yat as representative stem begins very early, 
 we have yatkama in the Veda, and yatkarin, yaddevatya iu the 
 Brahmana; later it grows more general. From the proper root come 
 also a considerable series of derivatives: yatas, yati, yatra, yatha, 
 yada, yadi, yarhi, yavant, yatara, yatama; and the compound 
 yadrcj. 
 
 511. The combination of ya with ka to make an indefinite 
 pronoun has been noticed above (507). Its own repetition — as 
 yad-yat — gives it sometimes a like meaning, won through the dis- 
 tributive. 
 
 512. One or two marked peculiarites in the Sanskrit use of the 
 relative may be here briefly noticed: 
 
 a. A very decided preference for putting the relative clause before 
 that to which it relates: thus, yah sunvatah sakha tasma indraya 
 gayata (R V.) ivho is the friend of the sotna-presser, to that Indra sing ye ; 
 yam yajnam paribhur asi sa id devesu gacchati (RV.) what offering 
 thou protectest, that in truth goeth to the gods; ye trisaptah pariyanti 
 bala tesam dadhatu me (AY.) what thrice seven go about, their strength 
 may he assign to me; asau yo adharad grhas tatra santv arayyah 
 (AV.) what house is yonder in the depth, there let the witches he\ saha 
 yan me asti tena (TB.) along with that which is mine; hansanam 
 vaeanam yat tu tan mam dahati (MBh.) but what the words of the 
 sivans were, that burns me; sarvasya locanam 9a3tram yasya na 'sty 
 andha eva sah (H.) ivho does not possess learning, the eye of everything, 
 blind indeed is he. The other arrangement, though frequent enough, is 
 notably less usual. 
 
 b. A frequent conversion of the subject or object of a verb by an 
 added relative into a substantive clause : thus, me 'mam pra "pat pau- 
 ruseyo vadho yah (AV.) may there not reach him a human deadly 
 wea])on (lit'ly, what is such a weapon); pari no pahi yad dhanam 
 (AV.) protect of us what wealth [there is'] ; apamargo 'pa marstu 
 ksetriyam 9apatha9 ca yah (AV.) may the cleansing ^ilant cleanse 
 away the disease and the curse; puskarena hrtam rajyam yac ca 
 'nyad vasu kimeana (MBh.) by Pushkara was taken away the kingdom 
 and ivhatever other property {there was\ 
 
 Other Pronouns: Emphatic, Indefinite. 
 
 513. a. The isolated and uninflected pronominal word 
 FSRH svayam (from the root sva) signifies self, oivn self. 
 By its form it appears to be a nom. sing., and it is often-
 
 197 Pronominal Derivatives. [ — 516 
 
 est used as nominative, but along with words of all persons 
 and numbers; and not seldom it represents other cases also. 
 
 b. Svayam is also used as a stem in composition: thus, sva- 
 yamja, svayambhu. But sva itself (usually adjective: below, SlSe) 
 has the same value in composition; and even its inflected forms are 
 (in the older language very rarely) used as reflexive pronoun. 
 
 c. In RV. alone are found a few examples of two indefinite 
 pronouns, sama (accentless) any^ every, and sima every, all. 
 
 Nouns used pronominally. 
 
 514. a. The noun atman soul is widely employed, in the sin- 
 gular (extremely rarely in other numbers), as reflexive pronoun of all 
 three persons. 
 
 b. The noun tanu hody is employed in the same manner (but in all 
 numbers) in the Yeda. 
 
 c. The adjective bhavant, f. bhavati, is used (as already pointed 
 out: 456) in respectful address as substitute for the pronoun of 
 the second person. Its construction with the verb is in accordance 
 with its true character, as a word of the third person. • 
 
 Pronominal Derivatives. 
 
 515. From pronominal roots and stems, as well as from 
 the larger class of roots and from noun-stems, are formed 
 by the ordinary suffixes of adjective derivation certain words 
 and classes of words, which have thus the character of pro- 
 minal adjectives. 
 
 Some of the more important of these may be briefly noticed here. 
 
 516. Possessives. a. From the representative stems mad etc. 
 are formed the adjectives madiya, asmadiya, tvadiya, yusmadiya, 
 tadiya, and etadiya, which are used in a possessive sense: relating 
 to me, mine, and so on. 
 
 b. Other possessives are mamaka (also mamaka, RV.) and 
 tavaka, from the genitives mama and tava. And RV. has once 
 makina. 
 
 c. Au analogous derivative from the genitive amusya is amusya- 
 yana (AV. etc.) descendant of such and such a one. 
 
 d. It was pointed out above (493) that the "genitives" asmakam 
 and yusmakam are really stereotyped cases of possessive adjectives.
 
 516—] VII. Pronouns. 198 
 
 e. Corresponding to svayam (513) is the possessive sva, meaning 
 own^ as relating to all persons and numbers. The RV. has once the 
 corresponding simple possessive of the second person, tva thy. 
 
 f. For the use of sva as refLexive pronoun, see above, 513 b.j 
 
 g. All these words form their feminines in a. 
 
 h. Other derivatives of a like value have no claim to be mentioned 
 here. But (excepting sva) the possessives are so rarely used as to make 
 but a small figure in the language, -which prefers generally to indicate the 
 possessive relation by the genitive case of the pronoun itself. 
 
 517. By the suffix vant are formed from the pronominal roots, 
 with prolongation of their final vowels, the adjectives mavant, tva- 
 vant, yusmavant, yuvavant, tavant, etavant, yavant, meaning of 
 my sort, lihe me, etc. Of these, however, only the last three are in 
 use in the later language, in the sense of iantus and quantus. They 
 are inflected like other adjective stems in vant, making their femi- 
 nines in vati (452). 
 
 a. Words of similar meaning from the roots i and ki are lyant 
 and kiyant, inflected in the same manner: see above, 451. 
 
 518. The pronominal roots show a like prolongation of vowel 
 in combination with the root drcj see, look, and its derivatives -d.r9a 
 and (quite rarely) drksa: thus, madrcj, -dr9a; tvadr^, -drqa; yvis- 
 madr9, -drQa; tadrq, -drqa, -drksa; etadr9, -dr9a, -drksa; yadr9, 
 -dr9a; idr9, -dr9a, -drksa; kidr9, -dr9a, -drksa. They mean o/ wiy 
 sort, like or resembling me, and the like, and tadr9 and the following 
 are not uncommon, with the sense of talis and qualis. The forms in 
 dr9 are unvaried for gender; those in dr9a (and drksa?) have fe- 
 minines in i. 
 
 519. From ta, ka, ya come tati so many, kati hoiv many? yati 
 as many. They have a quasi-numeral character, and are inflected' 
 (like the numerals panca etc.: above, 483) only in the plural, and 
 
 .with the bare stem as nom. and accus.: thus, N.A. tati; I. etc. tati- 
 bhis, t^tibhyas, tatmani, tatisu. 
 
 520. From ya (in V. and B.) and ka come the comparatives and 
 superlatives yatara and yatama, and katara and katama ; and from 
 i, the comparative itara. For their inflection, see below, 523. 
 
 521. Derivatives with the suffix ka, sometimes conveying a 
 diminutive or a contemptuous meaning, are made from certain of the 
 pronominal roots and stems (and may, according to the grammarians, 
 be made from them all): thus, from ta, takam, tak&t, takas; from 
 sa, saka; from ya, yakis, yaka, yake; from asau, asakau; from 
 amu, amuka. 
 
 a. For the numerous and frequently used adverbs formed from pro- 
 nominal roots, see Adverbs (below, 1097 ff.).
 
 199 Adjectives declined pronominally. [—526 
 
 Adjectives declined pronominally. 
 
 522. A number of adjectives — some of them coming 
 from pronominal roots, others more or less analogous with 
 pronouns in use — are inflected, in part or wholly, accord- 
 ing to the pronominal declension (like rT ta, 495), with 
 feminine stems in a. Thus: 
 
 523. The comparatives and superlatives from pronominal roots 
 — namely, katara and katama, yatara and yatama, and itara; 
 also anya other, and its comparative anyatara — are declined like 
 ta thYoligTrdift. 
 
 a. But even from these words forms made according to the adjective 
 declension are sporadically met with (e. g. itarayam K.). 
 
 b. Anya takes occasionally the form anyat in composition : thus, 
 anyatkama, anyatsthana. 
 
 524. Other words are so inflected except in the nom.-acc.-voc. 
 slug, neut., where they have the ordinary adjective form am, instead 
 of the pronominal at (ad). Such are sarva all, vicjva all, every, 
 eka one. 
 
 a. These, also, are not without exception, at least in the earlier 
 language (e. g. vi9vaya, viQvat, viqve RV.; eka loc. sing., AV.). 
 
 525. Yet other words follow the same model usually, or in some 
 of their significations, or optionally; but in other senses, or without 
 known rule, lapse into the adjective inflection. 
 
 a. Such are the comparatives and superlatives from prepositional stems : 
 adhara and adhama, antara and antama, dpara and apama, avara 
 and avama, uttara and uttama, lipara and upama. Of these, pro- 
 nominal forms are decidedly more numerous from the comparatives than 
 from the superlatives. 
 
 b. Further, the superlatives (without corresponding comparatives) 
 parama, carama, madhyama; and also anyatama (whose positive and 
 comparative belong to the class first mentioned : 523). 
 
 c. Further, the words para distant, other; purva^^/^'o;-, eas<; daksina 
 right, south ; pacjcima hehiml, loestern ; ubhaya (f. ubhayi or ubhayi) 
 of both kinds or parties; nema the one, half; and the possessive Bva. 
 
 526. Occasional forms of the pronominal declension are met with from 
 numeral adjectives: e. g. prathamasyas, trtiyasyam; and from other 
 words having an indefinite numeral character: thus, klpa few; ardhk half; 
 kevala all; dvitaya of the two kinds; bahya outside — and others. RV. 
 has once samanasmat.
 
 527—] VIII. Conjugation. 200 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CONJUGATION. 
 
 527. The subject of conjugation or verbal inflection 
 involves, as in the other languages of the family, the dis- 
 tinctions of voice, tense, mode, number, and person. 
 
 a. Further, besides the simpler or ordinary conjugation 
 of a verbal root, there are certain more or less fully de- 
 veloped secondary or derivative conjugations. 
 
 528. Voice. There are (as in Greek) two voices, active 
 and middle, distinguished by a difference in the personal 
 endings. This distinction is a pervading one : there is no 
 active personal form which does not have its corresponding 
 middle, and vice versa; and it is extended also in part to 
 the participles (but not to the infinitive). 
 
 529. An active form is called by the Hindu grammarians 
 parasraai padam a loord for another, and a middle form is called 
 atmane padam a tvord for one's self: the terms might be best para- 
 phrased by transitive and reflexive. And the distinction thus expressed 
 is doubtless the original foundation of the difference of active and 
 middle forms; in the recorded condition of the language, however, 
 the antithesis of transitive and reflexive meaning is in no small 
 measure blurred, or even altogether effaced. 
 
 a. In the epics there is much eifacement of the distinction between 
 active and middle, the choice of voice being very often determined by 
 metrical considerations alone. 
 
 530. Some verbs are conjugated in both voices, others 
 in one only ; sometimes a part of the tenses are inflected 
 only in one voice, others only in the other or in both; of 
 a verb usually inflected in one voice sporadic forms of the 
 other occur; and sometimes the voice diff'ers according as 
 the verb is compounded with certain prepositions.
 
 201 Tense and Mode. [—533 
 
 531. The middle forms outside the present-system (for 
 which there is a special passive inflection : see below, 768 fF.), 
 and sometimes also within that system, are liable to be 
 used likewise in a passive sense. 
 
 532. Tense. The tenses are as follows: 1. a present, 
 with 2. an imperfect, closely related with it in form, having 
 a prefixed augment; 3. a perfect, made with reduplication 
 (to which in the Veda is added, 4. a so-called pluperfect, 
 made from it with prefixed augment) ; 5. an aorist, of three 
 different formations : a. simple; b. reduplicated; e. sigmatic 
 or sibilant; 6. a future, with 7. a conditional, an augment- 
 tense, standing to it in the relation of an imperfect to a 
 present; and 8. a second, a periphrastic, future (not found 
 in the Veda). 
 
 a. The tenses here distinguished (in accordance with prevailing 
 usage) as imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist receive those 
 names from their correspondence in mode of formation with tenses 
 so called in other languages of the family, especially in Greek, and 
 not at all from differences of time designated by them. In no period 
 of the Sanskrit language is there any expression of imperfect or 
 pluperfect time — nor of perfect time, except in the older language, 
 where the "aorist" has this value ; later, imperfect, perfect, and aorist 
 are so many undiscriminated past tenses or preterits: see below, 
 under the different tenses. 
 
 533. Mode. In respect to mode, the difference between 
 the classical Sanskrit and the older language of the Veda 
 — and, in a less degree, of the Biahmanas — is especially 
 great. 
 
 a. In the Veda, the present tense has, besides its indicative 
 inflection, a subjunctive, of considerable variety of formation, an 
 optative, and an imperative (in 2d and 3d persons). The same three 
 modes are found, though of much less frequent occurrence, as belong- 
 ing to the perfect; and they are made also from the aorists, being 
 of especial frequency from the simple aorist. The future has no modes 
 (an occasional case or two are purely exceptional). 
 
 b. In the classical Sanskrit, the present adds to its in- 
 dicative an optative and an imperative — of which last,
 
 533—] VIII. Conjugation. 202 
 
 moreover, the first persons are a remnant of the old sub- 
 junctive. And the aorist has also an optative, of somewhat 
 peculiar inflection, usually called the precative (or bene- 
 tlictive), 
 
 534. The present, perfect, and future tenses have each 
 of them, alike in the earlier and later language, a pair of 
 participles, active and middle, sharing in the various pe- 
 culiarities of the tense-formations; and in the Veda are 
 fovind such participles belonging also to the aorist. 
 
 535. Tense-systems. The tenses, then, with their 
 accompanying modes and participles, fall into certain well- 
 marked groups or systems: 
 
 I. The present-system, composed of the present 
 tense with its modes, its participle, and its preterit which 
 we have called the imperfect. 
 
 II. The perfect-system, composed of the perfect 
 tense (with, in the Veda, its modes and its preterit, the 
 so-called pluperfect) and its participle. 
 
 III. The aorist-system, or systems, simple, re- 
 duplicated, and sibilant, composed of the aorist tense 
 along with, in the later language, its "precative" opta- 
 tive (but, in the Veda, with its various modes and its 
 participle). 
 
 IV. The future-systems: 1. the old or sibilant 
 future, with its accompanying preterit, the conditional, 
 and its participle; and 2. the new periphrastic future. 
 
 536. Number and Person. The verb has, of course, 
 the same three numbers with the noun: namely, singular, 
 diial, and plural; and in each number it has the three per- 
 sons, first, second, and third. All of these are made in 
 every tense and mode — except that the first persons of 
 the imperative numbers are supplied from the subjunctive.
 
 203 Verbal Adjectives and Nouns. [—540 
 
 537. Verbal adjectiA'es and nouns: Participles. 
 The participles belonging to the tense-systems have been 
 already spoken of above (534). There is besides, coming 
 directly from the root of the verb, a participle, prevailingly 
 of past and passive (or sometimes neuter) meaning. Future 
 passive participles, or gerundives, of several different for- 
 mations, are also made. 
 
 538. Infinitives. In the older language, a very con- 
 siderable variety of derivative abstract nouns — only in a 
 few sporadic instances having anything to do with the tense- 
 systems — are used in an infinitive or quasi-infinitive sense ; 
 most often in the dative case, but sometimes also in the 
 accusative, in the genitive and ablative, and (very rarely) 
 in the locative. In the classical Sanskrit, there remains a 
 single infinitive, of accusative case-form, having nothing to 
 do with the tense-systems. 
 
 539. Gerunds. A so-called gerund or absolutive) — 
 being, like the infinitive, a stereotyped case-form of a de- 
 rivative noun — is a part of the general verb-system in 
 both the earlier and later language, being especially frequent 
 in the later language, where it has only two forms, one 
 for simple verbs, and the other for compound. Its value 
 is that of an indeclinable active participle, of indeterminate 
 but prevailingly past tense-character. 
 
 a. Another gerund, an adverbially used accusative in form, is 
 found, but only rarely, both earlier and later. 
 
 540. Secondary conjugations. The secondary or 
 derivative conjugations are as follows : 1. the passive; 2. the 
 intensive; 3. the desiderative ; 4. the causative. In these, 
 a conjugation-stem, instead of the simple root, underlies 
 the whole system of inflection. Yet there is clearly to be 
 seen in them the character of a present-system, expanded 
 into a more or less complete conjugation; and the passive is
 
 540—] VIII. Conjugation. 204 
 
 so purely a present-system that it will be described in the 
 chapter devoted to that part of the inflection of the verb. 
 
 a. tinder the same general head belongs the subject of 
 denominative conjugation, or the conversion of noun and 
 adjective-stems into conjugation-stems. Further, that of 
 compound conjugation, whether by the prefixion of prepo- 
 sitions to roots or by the addition of auxiliary verbs to noun 
 and adjective-stems. And finally, that of periphrastic con- 
 jugation, or the looser combination of auxiliaries with verbal 
 nouns and adjectives. 
 
 541. The characteristic of a proper (finite or personal) 
 verb-form is its personal ending. By this alone is deter- 
 mined its character as regards number and person — and 
 in part also as regards mode and tense. But the distinc- 
 tions of mode and tense are mainly made by the formation 
 of tense and mode-stems, to which, rather than to the pure 
 root, the personal endings are appended. 
 
 a. In this chapter will be given a general account of the per- 
 sonal endings, and also of the formation of mode-stems from tense- 
 stems, and of those elements in the formation of tense-stems — the 
 augment and the reduplication — which are found in more than one 
 tense-system. Then, in the following chapters, each tense-system 
 will be taken up by itself, and the methods of formation of its stems, 
 both tense-stems and mode-stems, and their combination with the 
 endings, will be described and illustrated in detail. And the com- 
 plete conjugation of a few model verbs will be exhibited in syste- 
 matic arrangement in Appendix C. 
 
 Personal Endings. 
 
 542. The endings of verbal inflection are, as was pointed out 
 above, different throughout in the active and middle voices. They 
 are also, as in Greek, usually of two somewhat varying forms for 
 the same person in the same voice: one fuller, called primary; the 
 other briefer, called secondary. There are also less pervading differ- 
 ences, depending upon other conditions. 
 
 a. IiL,, the epics, exfth,aiig.e8 of primary and secondary active endings, 
 (especially the substitution of ma, va, ta, for mas, vas, tha) are not 
 infrequent.
 
 205 Personal Endings. [—545 
 
 b. A condensed statement of all the varieties of ending for each per- 
 son and number here follows. 
 
 543. Singular: First person, a. The primary ending in 
 the active is mi. The subjunctive, however (later imperative), has 
 ni instead; and in the oldest Veda this ni is sometimes wanting, | 
 and the person ends in a (as if the ni of ani Mere dropped). The f 
 secondary ending is properly m; but to this m an a has come to 
 be 30 persistently ])refixed, appearing regularly where the tense-stem 
 does not itself end in a (vam for varm or varam in RV., once, and I 
 abhum MS., avadhim TS. etc., sanem TB., are rare anomalies), that i 
 it is convenient to reckon am as ending, rather than m. But the per- * 
 feet tense has neither mi nor m; its ending is simply a (sometimes) 
 a : 248 c) ; or, from a-roots, au. 
 
 b. The primary middle ending, according to the analogy of the 
 other persons, would be regularly me. But no tense or mode, at | 
 any period of the language, shows any relic whatever of a m in this 
 person; the primary ending, present as well as perfect, from a-stems t 
 and others alike, is e; and to it corresponds i as secondary ending, I 
 which blends with the final of an a-stem to e. The optative has, I 
 however, a instead of i; and in the subjunctive (later imperative) 
 appears ai for e. 
 
 544. Second person, a. In the active, the primary ending 
 is si, which is shortened to s as secondary; as to the loss of this 
 s after a final radical consonant, see below, 555. But the perfect 
 and the imperative desert here entirely the analogy of the other 
 forms. The perfect ending is invariably tha (or tha: 248 c). The 
 imperative is far less regular. The fullest form of its ending is dhi; 
 which, however, is more often reduced to hi; and in the great ma- 
 jority of verbs (including all a-stems, at every period of the language) 
 no ending is present, but the bare stem stands as personal form. 
 In a very small class of verbs (722-3), ana is the ending. There is 
 also an alternative ending tat; and this is even used sporadically in 
 other persons of the imperative (see below, 570-1). 
 
 b. In the middle voice, the primary ending, both present and 
 perfect, is se. The secondary stands in no apparent relation to this, 
 being thas; and in the imperative is found onlj^ sva (or sva: 248 c), 
 which in the Veda is not seldom to be read as sua. In the older 
 language, se is sometimes strengthened to sai in the subjunctive. 
 
 545. Third person, a. The active primary ending is ti; the 
 secondary, t; as to the loss of the latter after a final radical con- 
 sonant, see below, 555. But in the imperative appears instead the 
 peculiar ending tu; and in the perfect no characteristic consonant is 
 present, and the third person has the same ending as the first. 
 
 b. The primary middle ending is te, with ta as corresponding 
 secondary. In the older language, te is often strengthened to tai in
 
 545—] VIII. Conjugation. 206 
 
 the subjuuctive. In the perfect, the middle third person has, like the 
 active, the same ending with the first, namely e simply; and in the 
 older language, the third person present also often loses the distinctive 
 part of its termination, and comes to coincide in form with the first 
 fand MS. has adxiha for adugdha). To this e perhaps corresponds, 
 as secondary, the i of the aorist 3d pers. passive (842 flf.). The im- 
 perative has tarn (or, in the Veda, rarely am) for its ending. 
 
 546. Dual: First person. Both in active and in middle, the 
 dual first person is in all its varieties precisely like the correspond- 
 ing plural, only with substitution of v for the m of the latter: thus, 
 vas (no vasi has been found to occur), va, vahe, vahi, vahai. The 
 person is, of course, of comparatively rare use, and from the Veda 
 no form in vas, even, is quotable. 
 
 547. Second and Third persons, a. In the active, the primary 
 ending of the second person is thas, and that of the third is tas; 
 and this relation of th to t appears also in the perfect, and runs 
 through the whole series of middle endings. The perfect endings are 
 primary, but have u instead of a as vowel; and an a has become so 
 persistently prefixed that their forms have to be reckoned as athus 
 and atus. The secondary endings exhibit no definable relation to 
 the primary in these two persons; they are tarn and tarn; and they 
 are used in the imperative as well. 
 
 b. In the middle, a long a — which, however, Avith the final a 
 of a-stems becomes e — has become prefixed to all dual endings 
 of the second and third persons, so as to form an inseparable part 
 of them (didhitham AV., and jihitham ^B., are isolated anomalies). 
 The primary endings, present and perfect, are athe and ate; the 
 secondary (and imperative) are atham and atam (or, with stem-final 
 a, ethe etc.). 
 
 e. The Rig- Veda has a very few forms in aithe and aite, apparently 
 from ethe and ete with subjunctive strengthening (they are all detailed 
 below: see 615, 701, 737, 752, 836, 1008, 1043). 
 
 548. Plural: First person, a. The earliest form of the 
 active ending is masi, which in the oldest language is more frequent 
 than the briefer mas (in RV, as five to one; in AV., however, only 
 as three to four). In the classical Sanskrit, mas is the exclusive 
 primary ending; but the secondary abbreviated ma belongs also to 
 the perfect and the subjunctive (imperative). In the Veda, ma often 
 becomes ma (248 c), especially in the perfect. 
 
 b. Tlie primary middle ending is mahe. This is lightened in 
 the secondary form to mahi; and, on the otiier hand, it is regularly 
 (in the Veda, not invariably) strengthened to mahai in the subjunctive 
 (imperative). 
 
 549. Second person, a. The active primary ending is tha. 
 The secondary, also imperative, ending is ta (in the Veda, ta only
 
 207 Personal Endings. [—550 
 
 once in impv.)- But in the perfect any characteristic consonant is 
 wanting-, and the ending is simply a. In the Veda, the syllable na, 
 of problematic origin, is not infrequently added to both forms of the 
 ending, making thana (rarely thana) and tana. The forms in which 
 this occurs will be detailed below, under the different formations ; the 
 addition is very rarely made excepting to persons of the first general 
 conjugation. 
 
 b. The middle primary ending is dhve, which belongs to the 
 perfect as well as to the present. In the subjunctive of the older lan- 
 guage it is sometimes strengthened to dhvai. The secondary (and 
 imperative) ending is dhvam (in RV., once dhva); and dhvat is 
 once met with in the imperative (571 d). In the Veda, the v of all 
 these endings is sometimes to be resolved into u, and the ending 
 becomes dissyllabic. As to the change of dh of these endings to dh, 
 see above, 226 c. 
 
 550. Third person, a. The full primary ending is anti in 
 the active, with ante as corresponding middle. The middle second- 
 ary ending is anta, to which should correspond an active ant; but 
 of the t only altogether questionable traces are left, in the euphonic 
 treatment of a final n (207); the ending is an. In the imperative, 
 antu and antam take the place of anti and ante. The initial a of 
 all these endings is like that of am in the 1st sing., disappearing 
 after the final a of a tense-stem. 
 
 b. Moreover, anti, antu, ante, antam, anta are all liable to be 
 weakened by the loss of their nasal, becoming ati etc. In the active,^ 
 this weakening takes place only after reduplicated non-a-stems (and 
 after a few roots which are treated as if reduplicated: 639 ff.); in the 
 middle, it occurs after all tense-stems save those ending in a. 
 
 e. Further, for the secondary active ending an there is a sub- 
 stitute us (or ur: 169 b; the evidence of the Avestan favors the 
 latter form), which is used in the same reduplicating verbs that 
 change anti to ati etc., and which accordingly appears as a weaker 
 correlative of an. The same us is also used universally in the per- 
 fect, in the optative (not in the subjunctive), in those forms of the 
 aorist whose stem does not end in a, and in the imperfect of root- 
 stems ending in a, and a few others (621). 
 
 d. The perfect middle has in all periods of the language the 
 peculiar ending re, and the optative has the allied ran, in this per- 
 son. In the Veda, a variety of other endings containing a r as dis- 
 tinctive consonant are met with: namely, re (and ire) and rate in 
 the present; rata in the optative both of present and of aorist); 
 rire in the perfect; ranta, ran, and ram in aorists (and in an im- 
 perfect or two); ram and ratam in the imperative; ra in the imper- 
 fect of duh (MS.). The three rate, ratam, and rata are found even 
 in the later language in one or two verbs (629), 

 
 551—] 
 
 VI. CONJUaATION. 
 
 208 
 
 551. Below are given, for convenience, in tabular form, the 
 schemes of endings as accepted in the classical or later language: 
 namely, a. the regular primary endings, used in the present indicative 
 and the future (and the subjunctive in part) ; and b. the regular 
 secondary endings, used in the imperfect, the conditional, the aorist, 
 the optative (and the subjunctive in part); and further, of special 
 schemes, c. the perfect endings (chiefly primary, especially in the 
 middle) ; and d. the imperative endings (chiefly secondary) . To the 
 so-called imperative endings of the first person is prefixed the a which 
 is practically a part of them, though really containing the mode-sign 
 of the subjunctive from which they are derived. 
 
 552. Further, a part of the endings are marked with an accent, 
 and a part are left unaccented. The latter are those which never, 
 under any circumstances, receive the accent; the former are accented 
 in considerable classes of verbs, though by no means in all. It will 
 be noticed that, in general, the unaccented endings are those of the 
 singular active; but the 2d sing, imperative has an accented ending; 
 and, on the other hand, the whole series of 1st persons imperative, 
 active and middle, have unaccented endings (this being a characteristic 
 of the subjunctive formation which they represent). 
 
 553. The schemes of normal endings, then, are as follows: 
 
 a. Primary Endings. 
 
 p- 
 mahe 
 
 dhve 
 
 ante, ate 
 
 mahi 
 
 dhvam 
 
 auta, ata, ran 
 
 mahe 
 
 dhve 
 
 re 
 
 amahai 
 
 dhvam 
 
 antam, atam 
 
 554. In general, the rule is followed that an accented ending, if dis- 
 syllabic, is accented on its first syllable — and the constant nnion-vowels 
 arc regarded, in this respect, as integral parts of the endings. But the 
 
 
 
 active. 
 
 midd] 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 p. s. d. 
 
 1 
 
 ml 
 
 vas 
 
 mas e vahe 
 
 2 
 
 si 
 
 thas 
 
 tha se athe 
 
 3 
 
 ti 
 
 tas 
 
 anti, ati te ate 
 b. Secondary Endings. 
 
 1 
 
 am 
 
 va 
 
 ma i, a vahi 
 
 2 
 
 s 
 
 tarn 
 
 ta thas atham 
 
 3 
 
 t 
 
 tarn 
 
 an, us ta atam 
 c. Perfect Endings. 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 va 
 
 ma e vahe 
 
 2 
 
 tha 
 
 athus 
 
 a se athe 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 atus 
 
 lis e ate 
 d. Imperative Endings. 
 
 1 
 
 ani 
 
 ava 
 
 ama ai avahai 
 
 2 
 
 rthi, hi, - 
 
 tarn 
 
 ta sva atham 
 
 :i 
 
 tu 
 
 tam 
 
 antu, atu tam atam
 
 209 Personal Endings. [—557 
 
 3d pi. ending ate of the pres. iiidic. middle has in RV. the accent ate in 
 a number of verbs (see 613, 685, 690, 719); and an occasional instance 
 is met -with in other endings: thus, mahe (see 719, 735). 
 
 655. The secondary endings of the second and third persons singular, 
 as consisting of an added consonant without vowel, should regularly (150) 
 be lost whenairer the root or stem to which they are to be added itself ends 
 in a consonant. And this rule is in general followed ; yet not without ex- 
 ceptions. Thus: 
 
 a. A root ending in a dental mute sometimes drops this final mute 
 instead of the added s in the second person; and, on the other hand, a root 
 or stem ending in s sometimes drops this s instead of the added t in the 
 third person — in either case, establishing the ordinary relation of s and t 
 in these persons, instead of s and s, and t and t. The examples noted are: \ 
 
 2d sing, aves (to 3d sing, avet), j/vid. AB.; 3d sing, akat, }/kr, (^B.; j 
 aghat, |/gh.as, JB. A^S. ; acakat, /cakas, RT. ; a9at, Yqas, AB. MBh. * 
 R. ; asrat, ]/sras, YS. ; ahinat, ]/hins, (;B. TB. GB. Compare also the | 
 s-aorist forms ayas and sras (146 a), in which the same influence is to | 
 be seen; and further, ajait etc. (889 a), and precative yat for yas (837). j 
 A similar loss of any other final consonant is excessively rare ; AT. has 1 
 once abhauas. for -nak, yhhanj. There are also a few cases where a » 
 1st sing, is irregularly modeled after a 3d sing. : thus, atrnaxa (to atrnat), "' 
 ytrd, KU., acchinam (to acchinat), y'chid, MBh. : compare further 
 the 1st sing, in m instead of am, 543 a. 
 
 b. Again, a union-vowel is sometimes introduced before the ending, 
 either a or i or i: see below, 621b, 631, 819, 880, 1004 a, 1068 a. 
 
 c. In a few isolated cases in the older language, this i is changed to 
 ai: see below, 904 b, 936, 1068 a. 
 
 556. The changes of form which roots and stems undergo in 
 their combinations with these endings will be pointed out in detail 
 below, under the various formations. Here may be simply mentioned 
 in advance, as by far the most important among them, a distinction 
 of stronger and weaker form of stem in large classes of verbs, stand- 
 ing in relation with the accent — the stem being of stronger form 
 when the accent falls upon it, or before an accentless ending, and of 
 weaker form when the accent is on the ending. 
 
 a. Of the endings marked as accented in the scheme, the ta of 2d pi. 
 is not infrequently in the Veda treated as unaccented, the tone resting on 
 the stem, which is strengthened. Much less often, the tarn of 2d du. is 
 treated iu the same way; other endings, only sporadically. Details are given 
 under the various formations below. 
 
 Subjunctive Mode. 
 
 557. Of the subjunctive mode (as was pointed out above) only 
 fragments are left in the later or classical language: namely, in the 
 
 Whitney, Crrammar. 3. ed. 14
 
 557—] VIII. Conjugation. 210 
 
 so-called first persons imperative, and in the use (579) of the imper- 
 fect and aorist persons without augment after ma prohibitive. In 
 the oldest period, however, it was a very frequent formation, being 
 three or four times as common as the optative in the Rig- Veda, and 
 nearly the same in the Atharvan; but already in the Brahmanas it 
 becomes comparatively rare. Its varieties of form are considerable, 
 and sometimes perplexing. 
 
 558. In its normal and regular formation, a special mode-stem 
 is made for the subjunctive by adding to the tense-stem an a — which 
 combines with a final a of the tense-stem to a. The accent rests 
 upon the tense-stem, which accordingly has the strong form. Thus, 
 from the strong present-stem doh (]/duh) is made the subjunctive- 
 stem doha; from juho (|/hu), juhava; from yunaj (/yuj), yunaja; 
 from suno (i/su), sunava; from bhava (/bhii), bhava; from tuda 
 (j/tud), tuda; from ucya (pass., |/vac), ucya; and so on. 
 
 559. The stem thus formed is inflected in general as an a-stem 
 would be inflected in the indicative, with constant accent, and a for 
 a before the endings of the first person (733 i) — but with the follow- 
 ing peculiarities as to ending etc.: 
 
 560. a. In the active, the 1st sing, lias ni as ending: tlius, dohani, 
 yunajani, bhavani. But in tlie Rig- Veda sometimes a simply: thus, 
 aya, brava. 
 
 b. lu 1st du., 1st pi., and 2d pL, the endings are the secondary : thus, 
 dohava, dohama, dohan; bhavava, bhavama, bhavan. 
 
 c. In 2d and 3d dvi. and 2d pi., the endings are primary: thus, 
 dobathas, dohatas, dohatha; bhavathas, bhavatas, bhavatha. 
 
 d. In 2d and 3d sing., the endings are either primary or secondary: 
 thus, dohasi or dohas, dohati or dohat; bhavasi or bhavas, bhavati 
 or bhavat. 
 
 e. Occasionally, forms with double mode-sign a (by assimilation to 
 the more numerous subjunctives from tense-stems in a) are met with from 
 non-a-stems: thus, asatha from as; ayas, ayat, ayan from e C]/i). 
 
 561. In the middle, forms with secondary instead of primary end- 
 ings are very rare, being found only in the 3d pi. (where they are more 
 frequent than the primary), and in a case or two of the 3d sing, (and AB. 
 has once asyathas). 
 
 a. The striking peculiarity of subjunctive middle inflection is the fre- 
 quent strengthening of e to ai in the endings. This is less general in the 
 very earliest language than later. In 1st sing., ai alone is found as ending, 
 even in RV. ; and in 1st du. also (of rare occurrence), only avahai is met 
 •with. In 1st pi., amahai prevails in RV. and AV. (amahe is found a 
 few times), and is alone known later. In 2d sing., sai for se does 
 not occur in RV., but is the only form in AV, and the Brahmanas. In 
 3d sing., tai for te occurs once in RV., and is the predominant form
 
 211 
 
 Subjunctive Mode. 
 
 [—565 
 
 in AV., and the only one later. In 2d pi., dhvai for dhve is found in 
 one word in RV., and a few times in the Brahmanas. In 3d pi., utai 
 for nte is the Brahmana form (of far from frequent occurrence) ; it occurs 
 neither in RV, nor AV. No such dual endings as thai and tai, for the 
 and te, are anywhere found; hut RV. has in a few words (nine: ahove, 
 547 c) aithe and aite, which appear to he a like suhjunctive strengthening 
 of ethe and ete (although found in one indicative form, krnvaite). Be- 
 fore the ai-endings, the vowel is regularly long a; hut autai instead of 
 antai is two or three times met with, and once or twice (TS. AB.) atai 
 for atai. 
 
 562. The subjunctive endings, theu, in combination with the 
 subjunctive mode-sign, are as follows: 
 active. 
 
 p. s. 
 
 am 
 
 /asi 
 las 
 (ati 
 tat 
 
 d. 
 
 ava 
 
 athas 
 
 atas 
 
 ama 
 
 atha 
 
 an 
 
 ai 
 
 middle 
 
 d. 
 
 favahai 
 lavahe 
 
 /ase 
 lasai 
 /ate 
 I atai 
 
 aithe 
 
 aite 
 
 p. 
 
 famahai 
 lamahe 
 fadhve 
 ladhvai 
 J ante, anta 
 I antai 
 
 a. And in further combination with final a of a tense-stem, the 
 initial a of all these endings becomes a: thus, for example, in 2d pers., 
 asi or as, athas, atha, ase, adhve. 
 
 563. Besides this proper subjunctive, with mode-sign, in its triple 
 form — with primary, with strengthened primary, and with secondary end- 
 ings — the name of suhjunctive, in the forms "imperfect subjunctive" and 
 "improper suhjunctive", has been also given to the indicative forms of imper- 
 fect and aorist when used, with the augment omitted, in a modal sense 
 (below, 587): such use being quite common in RV., hut rapidly dying out, 
 so that in the Brahmana language and later it is hardly met with except 
 after ma prohibitive. 
 
 a. As to the general uses of the suhjunctive, see below, 574 ff. 
 
 Optative Mode. 
 
 564. a. As has been already pointed out, the optative is of com- 
 paratively rare occurrence in the language of the Vedas; but it gains 
 rapidly in frequency, and already in the Brahmanas greatly out- 
 numbers the subjunctive, and still later comes almost entirely to take 
 its place. 
 
 b. Its mode of formation is the same in all periods of the 
 language. 
 
 565. a. The optative mode-sign is in the active voice a dif- 
 ferent one, according as it is added to a tense-stem ending in a, or | 
 
 14*
 
 565—] 
 
 VIII. CONJUGATIOK. 
 
 212 
 
 to one ending in some other final. In the latter case, it is ya, accented ; 
 this ya is appended to the weaker form of the tense-stem, and takes 
 the regxilar series of secondary endings, with, in 3d plur., us in- 
 stead of an, and loss of the a before it. After an a-stem, it is i, 
 unaccented ; this i blends with the final a to e (which then is accented 
 or not according to the accent of the a); and the e is maintained 
 unchanged before a vowel-ending (am, usi, by means of an interposed 
 euphonic y. 
 
 b. In the middle voice, the mode-sign is i throughout, and takes 
 the secondary endingS; with a in 1st sing., and ran in 3d pi. After 
 an a-stem, the rules as to its combination to e, the accent of the 
 latter, and its retention before a vowel-ending with interposition of 
 a y, are the same as in the active. After any other final, the weaker 
 form of stem is taken, and the accent is on the ending (except in 
 one class of verbs, where it falls upon the tense-stem: see 645); and 
 the i (as when combined to e) takes an inserted y before the vowel- 
 endings (a, atham, atam). 
 
 c. It is, of course, impossible to tell from the form whether i or i is 
 comhined with the final of an a-stem to e ; hut no good reason appears to 
 exist for assuming i, rather than the i which shows itself in the other class 
 of stems in the middle voice. 
 
 566. The combined mode-sign and endings of the optative, then, 
 are as follows, in their double form, for a-stems and for ethers: 
 
 a. for non-a-stems. 
 
 s. 
 
 active. 
 d. 
 
 s. 
 
 yam 
 
 yas 
 
 yat 
 
 eyam 
 
 es 
 
 et 
 
 yava 
 
 yatam 
 
 yatam 
 
 lya 
 
 ithas 
 
 ita 
 
 middle. 
 
 d. 
 
 ivahi 
 
 iyatham 
 
 iyatam 
 
 P- 
 imdhi 
 idhvam 
 Iran 
 
 em alii 
 
 edhvam 
 
 eran 
 
 P- 
 yama 
 yata 
 yiis 
 
 1). combined with the final of a-stenis. 
 eva ema eya evahi 
 
 etam eta ethas eyatham 
 
 etam eyus eta eyatam 
 
 c. The ya is in the Veda not seldom resolved into ia. 
 
 d. The contracted sanem, for saneyam, is found in TB. and Apast. 
 Certain Vedic 3d pi. middle forms in rata will be mentioned below, under 
 the various formations. 
 
 567. Precative. Precative forms are such as have a sibi- 
 lant inserted between the optative-sign and the ending. They are 
 made almost only from the aorist stems, and, though allowed by the 
 grammarians to be formed from every root — the active precative 
 from the simple aorist, the middle from the sibilant aorist — are
 
 213 Optative Mode. [—570 
 
 practically of rare occurrence at every period of the language, and 
 especially later. 
 
 a. The inserted s runs in the active through the whole series of per- 
 sons; in the middle, it is allowed only in the 2d and 3d persons sing, and 
 du. and the 2d pi., and is quotable only for the 2d and 3d sing. In the 
 2d sing, act., the precative form, by reason of the necessary loss of the added 
 s, is not distinguishable from the simple optative; in the 3d sing, act., the 
 same is the case in the later lauguage, which (compare 555 a) saves the 
 personal ending t instead of the precative-sign s ; but the RV. usually, and 
 the other Vedic texts to some extent, have the proper ending yas (for 
 yast). As to dh in the 2d pi. mid., see 226 e. 
 
 b. The accent is as in the simple optative. 
 
 568. The precative endings, then, accepted in the later language 
 (including, in brackets, those which are identical with the simple 
 optative), are as follows: 
 
 
 
 active. 
 
 
 
 middle. 
 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 p. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 1 
 
 yasam 
 
 yasva 
 
 yasma 
 
 [lya] ^ 
 
 [ivahi] 
 
 [imahij 
 
 2 
 
 [yasj 
 
 yastam 
 
 yasta 
 
 isthas 
 
 • • 
 
 lyastham 
 
 idhvam 
 
 3 
 
 [yat] 
 
 yast am 
 
 yasus 
 
 ista 
 
 • • 
 
 iyastam 
 
 [Iran] 
 
 a. Respecting the precative, see further 921 ff. 
 
 b. As to the general uses of the optative, see below, 573 ff. 
 
 Imperative Mode. 
 
 569. The imperative has no mode-sign; it is made by 
 adding its own endings directly to the tense-stem, just as 
 the other endings are added to form the indicative tenses. 
 
 a. Hence, in 2d and 3d du. and 2d pL, its forms are indistinguishable 
 from those of the augment-preterit from the same stem with its augment 
 omitted. 
 
 b. The rules as to the use of the different endings — especially in 
 ^d sing., where the variety is considerable — wUl be given below, in connec- 
 tion with the various tense-systems. The ending tat, however, has so much 
 that is peculiar in its use that it calls for a little explanation here. 
 
 570. The Imperative in tat. An imperative form, usually 
 having ihe value of a 2d pera. sing., but sometimes also of other per- 
 sons and numbers, is made by adding tat to a present tense-stem — 
 in its weak form, if it have a distinction of strong and weak form. 
 
 a. Examples are: briitat, hatat, vittat; piprtat, jahitat, 
 dhattat; krnu.tat, kurutat; grhnitat, janitat; avatat, raksatat, 
 vasatat; viqatat, srjatat; asyatat, naijyatat, chyatat; kriyatat;
 
 570—] VIII. Conjugation. 214 
 
 gamayatat, cyavayatat, varayatat; ipsatat; jagrtat. No examples 
 have been found from a nasal-class veil) (690), nor any other than those 
 here given from a passive, intensive, or desiderative. Tlie fevr accented 
 cases indicate that the formation follows the general rule for one made with 
 an accented ending (552). 
 
 b. The imperative in tat is not a very rare formation in the older 
 language, being made (in V., B., and 8.) from about fifty roots, and in 
 toward a hundred and fifty occurrences. Later, it is very unusual: thus, 
 only a single example has been noted in MBh., and one in R. ; and corres- 
 pondingly few in yet more modern texts. 
 
 571. As regards its meaning, this form appears to have pre- 
 vailingly in the Brahmanas, and traceably but much less distinctly in 
 the Vedic texts, a specific tense-value added to its mode-value — as 
 i signifying, namely, an injunction to be carried out at a later time than 
 I the present: it is (like the Latin forms in to and tote) a posterior 
 I or future imperative. 
 
 a. Examples are: ihai 'va ma tisthantam abhyehl 'ti briihi 
 tarn tu na agatam pratiprabrutat (QB.) say to her ^^come to me as I 
 stand Just here" and \^aftericar(l\ announce her to us as having come; yad 
 urdhvas tistha dravine 'ha dhattat (RV.) when thou shalt stand up- 
 right, [then'] bestoiD riches here (and similarly in many cases); utkulam. 
 udvaho bhavo 'duhya prati dhavatat (AV.) he a carrier up the ascent; 
 after having carried up, rim back again; vanaspatir adhi tva sthasyati 
 tasya vittat (TS.) the tree tvill ascend thee, [then] take note of it. 
 
 b. Examples of its use as other than 2d sing, are as follows: 1st sing., 
 avyusam jagrtad aham (AV. ; only case) let me ivatch till day-hreak; 
 as 3d sing., punar ma "vi9atad rayili (TS.) let wealth come again to 
 me, ayam tyasya raja murdhanam vi patayatat (^B.) the king here 
 shall make his head fly off; as 2d du., nasatyav abruvan devah 
 punar a vahatad iti (RV.) the gods said to the tivo Acvins "b7'ing them 
 back again'''; as 2d pL, apali . . . devesu nah sukfto brCitat (TS.) ye 
 ivaters, announce us to the gods as ivell-doers. In the later language, the 
 prevailing value appears to be that of a 3d sing. : thus, bhavan prasadam 
 kurutat (MBh.) may your tvorship do the favor, enam bhavan 
 abhiraksatat (DKC.) let your excellency protect him. 
 
 c. According to the native grammarians, the imperative in tat is to be 
 used with a benedictive implication. No instance of such use appears to 
 be quotable. 
 
 d. In a certain passage repeated several times in different Brahmanas 
 and Sutras, and containing a number of forms in tat used as 2d pi, 
 varayadhvat is read instead of varayatat in some of the texts (K. AB. 
 AgS. 99s.). No other occurrence of the ending dhvat has been anywhere 
 noted.
 
 215 Uses of the Modes. [—573 
 
 Uses of the Modes. 
 
 572. Of the three modes, the imperative is the one 
 most distinct and limited in office, and most unchangred in 
 use throughout the whole history of the language. It signi- 
 fies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise 
 of the speaker's will upon some one or something outside 
 of himself. 
 
 a. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no 
 means always of the same force; the command shades off into a 
 demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire. 
 The imperative also sometimes signifies an assumption or concession; 
 and occasionally, by pregnant construction, it becomes the expression 
 of something conditional or contingent; but it does not acquire any 
 regular use in dependent-clause-making. 
 
 b. Tlie imperative is now and then used in an interrogative sentence : 
 thus, bravihi ko 'dyai 'va maya viyujyatam (R.) speak! tcho shall 
 now be separated by mef katham ete gunavantah kriyantam (H.) 
 how are they to be made virtuous ? kasmai pindah pradiyatam (Vet.) 
 to whom shall the offering be given? 
 
 573. The optative appears to have as its primary office 
 the expression of wish or desire; in the oldest language, 
 its prevailing use in independent clauses is that to which 
 the name "optative" properly belongs. 
 
 a. But the expression of desire, on the one hand, passes naturally 
 over into that of request or entreaty, so that the optative becomes 
 a softened imperative; and, on the other hand, it comes to signify 
 what is generally desirable or proper, what should or ought to be, 
 and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is weakened 
 into signifying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so 
 becomes at last a softened statement of what is. 
 
 b. Further, the optative in dependent clauses, with relative 
 pronouns and conjunctions, becomes a regular means of expression 
 of the conditional and contingent, in a wide and increasing variety 
 of uses. 
 
 c. The so-called precative forms (567) are ordinarily used in the 
 proper optative sense. But in the later language they are occasionally met 
 with in the other uses of the optative : thus, na hi prapa^yami mama 
 'panudyad yac chokam (BhG.) for I do not perceive tvhat should dispel 
 my grief] yad bhuyasur vibhiitayah (BbP.) that there should be 
 changes. Also rarely with m.a: see 579 b.
 
 574—] ^'III. Conjugation. 216 
 
 574. The subjunctive, as has been pointed out, becomes 
 nearly extinct at an early period in the history of the 
 language; there are left of it in classical usage only two 
 relics: the use of its first persons in an imperative sense, 
 or to signify a necessity or obligation resting on the speak- 
 er, or a peremptory intention on his part; and the use of 
 unaugmented forms (579), with the negative particle JTT mi, 
 in a prohibitive or negative imperative sense. 
 
 a. And the general value of the subjunctive from the beginning 
 was what these relics would seem to indicate: its fundamental mean- 
 ing is perhaps that of requisition, less peremptory than the imperative, 
 more so than the optative. But this meaning is liable to the same 
 modifications and transitions with that of the optative; and sub- 
 junctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the 
 oldest language in their use in independent clauses, and are hardly 
 distinguishable in dependent. And instead of their being (as in Greek) 
 both maintained in use, and endowed with nicer and more distinctive 
 values, the subjunctive gradually disappears, and the optative assumes 
 alone the offices formerly shared by both. 
 
 575. The difference, then, between imperative and sub- 
 junctive and optative, in their fundamental and most char- 
 acteristic uses, is one of degree: command, requisition, wish; 
 and no sharp line of division exists between them; they 
 are more or less exchangeable with one another, and com- 
 binable in coordinate clauses. 
 
 a. Thus, in AV., we have in impv.: (jatam jiva qaradah. do 
 tlwu live a hundred autumns; ubhau tau jivatam jaradasti let them 
 both live to attain old age; — in subj., adyd jivani let me live this 
 day; qatam jivati Qaradah he shall live a hundred autumns; — in opt., 
 jivema qaradam ^atani may we live hundreds of autumns; sarvam 
 ayur jlvyasam (prcc.) / ivould fain live out my whole term of life. 
 Here the modes would be interchangeable with a hardly perceptible 
 change of meaning. 
 
 b. Examples, again, of different modes in coordinate construction 
 are: iyam agne nari patim videsta . . . suvana putran mahisi 
 bhavati gatva pdtim subhaga vi rajatu (AV.) may this woman, 
 O Agni! find a spouse; giving birth to sons she shall become a chief- 
 tainess: having attained a spouse let her rule in happiness; gopaya 
 nah svastdye prabudhe nah punar dadah (TS.) ivatch over us for
 
 217 Uses of the Modes. [—579 
 
 our ivelfare; (jrant unto us to wake again; syan nah sunuh . . . sa te 
 sumatir bhutv asme (RV.) may there be to us a son ; let that favor 
 of thine be ours. It is not very seldom the case that versions of 
 the same passage in diflferent texts show different modes as various 
 readings. 
 
 c. There is, in fact, nothing iu the earliest employment of these 
 modes to prove that they might not all be specialized uses of forms 
 originally equivalent — having, for instance, a general future meaning. 
 
 576. As examples of the less characteristic use of subjunctive 
 and optative in the older language, in independent clauses, may be 
 quoted the following : a gha ta gacchan uttara yugani (RV.) those 
 later ages will doubtless come] yad . . . na mara iti manyase (RV.) 
 if thou thinkesi "I shall not die" ; na ta nacjanti na dabhati taskarah 
 (RV.) thei/ do not become lost; no thief can harm them; kasmai devaya 
 havisa vidhema (RV) to what god shall we offer oblation f agnina rayim 
 agnavat . . . dive-dive (RV.) bi/ Agni one may gain wealth erery day; 
 utai 'nam brahmane dadyat tatha syona qiva syat (AV.) one 
 should give her, hoivever, to a Brahman ; in that case she loill be propitious 
 and favorable; ahar-ahar dadyat (^B.) one should give every day. 
 
 577. The uses of the optative in the later language are of the 
 utmost variety, covering the whole field occupied jointly by the two 
 modes in earlier time. A few examples from a single text (MBh.) 
 will be enough to illustrate them : ucchistam. nai 'va bhunjiyam na 
 kuryam padadhavanam I will not eat of the remnant of the sacrifice, 
 I will not perform the foot-lavatio7i ■■, jnatin vrajet let her go to her 
 relatives ; nai 'vam sa karhicit kuryat she should not act thus at any 
 time; katham vidyam nalam nrpam hotv can I knoio king JValaf 
 utsarge samqayah syat tti vindeta 'pi sukham kvacit but in case 
 of her abandonment there may be a chance; she may also find happiness 
 sometchere; katham vaso vikarteyam na ea budhyeta me priya 
 hotv can I cut off the gai-ment and my beloved not tvakef 
 
 578. The later use of the first persons subjunctive as so-called 
 imperative involves no change of construction from former time, but 
 only restriction to a single kind of use: thus, divyava let us ttvo 
 play; kim karavani te tvhat shall I do for thee"? 
 
 579. The imperative negative, or prohibitive, is from the earliest 
 period of the language regularly and usually expressed by the particle 
 mS with an augmentless past form, prevailingly aorist. 
 
 a. Thus, pra pata me 'ha ramsthah (AV.) fy away, do not stay 
 here; dvisanq ca mahyam radhyatu ma ca 'ham dvisate radham 
 (AV.) both let my foe he subject to me, and let me not be subject to my foe; 
 urv a9yam abhayam jyotir indra ma no dirgha abhi na^an 
 tamisrah (RV.) / would win broad fearless light, O Indra; let not the 
 long dai-knesses come upon us; ma na ayuh pra mosih (RV.) do not
 
 579—] VIII. Conjugation. 218 
 
 steal away our life; samaQvasihi ma gucah (MBh.) be comforted; do 
 not grieve; ma bhaisih or bhaih (MBh. E.) dot not be afraid; ma bhut 
 kalasya paryayah (R.) let not a chancje of time tahe place. Examples with 
 the imperfect are: ma bibher na marisyasi (RV.) do not fear ; thou ivilt 
 not die ; mia smai 'tant sakhin kuruthah (A V.) do not make friends 
 of them; ma putram. anutapyathah (MBh.) do not sorrow for thy son. 
 The relation of the imperfect to the aorist construction, in point of 
 frequency, is in RV. about as one to five, in AV. still less, or about 
 one to six; and though instances of the imperfect are quotable from 
 all the older texts, they are exceptional and infrequent; while in the 
 epics and later they become extremely rare. 
 
 b. A single optative, bhujema, is used prohibitively witli ma in 
 RV, ; tlie older language presents no other example, and the construction 
 is very rare also later. In an example or two, also, the precative (bhuyat, 
 R. Pane.) follows ma. 
 
 c. The RV. has oace apparently ma with an imperative; hut the 
 passage is probably corrupt. No other such case is met with in the older 
 language (unless srpa, TA. i. 14; doubtless a bad reading for srpas); but 
 in the epics and later the construction begins to appear, and becomes an 
 ordinary form of prohibition : thus, ma prayacche "qvare dhanam (H.) 
 do not bestoiv ivealth on a lord\ sakhi mai 'vam vada (Vet.) friend, 
 do not speak thus. 
 
 d. The ^B. (xi. 6. li) appears to offer a single example of a true 
 subjunctive with ma, ni padyasai; there is perhaps something wrong 
 about the reading. 
 
 e. In the epics and later, an aorist form not deprived of augment is 
 occasionally met with after ma: thus, ma tvam kalo 'tyagat (MBh.) 
 let not the time pass thee; raa valipatham anv agah (R.) do not follow 
 Van's road. But the same anomaly occurs also two or three times in the 
 older language : thus, vyapaptat (9^.), agas (TA.), anaQat (KS.). 
 
 580. But the use also of the optative with na not in a prohibitive 
 sense appears in the Veda, and becomes later a familiar construction: 
 thus, na risyema kada cana (RV.) may we suffer no harm at any 
 time; na ea 'tisrjen na juhuyat (AV.) and if he do not graiii permissiott, 
 let him not sacrifice; tad u tatha na kuryat (CB.) but he must not 
 do that so; na diva 9ayita (^GS.) let him not sleep by day; na tvam 
 vidyur janah (MBh.) let not people know thee. This in the later 
 language is the correlative of the prescriptive optative, and both are 
 extremely common; so that in a text of prescriptive character the 
 optative forms may come to outnumber the indicative and imperative 
 together (as is the case, for example, in Manu). 
 
 581. In all dependent constructions, it is still harder even in 
 the oldest language to establish a definite distinction between sub- 
 junctive and optative; a method of use of cither is scarcely to be 
 found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent —
 
 219 Uses of the Modes. [—581 
 
 and then, in the later language, such uses are represented by the 
 optative alone. A few examples will be sufficient to illustrate this: 
 
 a. After relative pronouns and conjunctions in general: ya 
 vyusur ya9 ca nunam vyucchan (RV.) tchich have shone forth [hith- 
 erto^, and ichich shall hereafter shine forth; yo 'to jayata asmakam 
 sa eko 'sat (TS.) xchoever shall be born of her, let him be one of us; 
 yo vai tan vidyat pratyaksam sa brahmS vedita syat (AV.) 
 whoever shall know them face to face, he may pass for a knowing priest ; 
 putranam . . . jatanam janaya9 ca yan (AV. of sons born and whom 
 thou mayest bear; yasya . . . atithir grhan agacchet (AV. to whose- 
 soever house he may come as yuest ; yatamatha kamayeta tatha kuryat 
 (QB.) in whatever way he may choose, so may he do it; yarhi hota yaja- 
 manasya nama grhniyat tarhi bruyat TS.) when the sacrificing 
 priest shall name the name of the offerer, then he may speak; svarupam 
 yada drastum icchethah (MBh.) when thou shalt desire to see thine 
 oion form. 
 
 b. In more distinctly conditional constructions: yajama devan 
 yadi 9aknavaina (RV.) we will offer to the gods if we shall be able; yad 
 agne syam aham tvam tvam va gha sya aham syus te satya 
 iha "Qisah (RV.) if I icere thou, Agni, or if thou icert I, thy wishes 
 should be realized on the spot; yo dyam atisarpat parastan na sa 
 mucyatai varunasya rajnah. (AV.) though one steal far away beyond 
 the sky, he shall not escape king Varuna; yad anaQvan tipavaset kso- 
 dhukah syad yad a9niyad rudro 'sya pa9un abhi manyeta (TS.) 
 if he should continue tcithout eating, he would starve; if he should eat, 
 JRudra would attack his cattle; prarthayed yadi mam ka9cid dandyah 
 sa m.e pvunan bhavet (MBh.) if any man soever should desire me, he 
 should suffer punishment. These and the like constructions, with the 
 optative, are very common in the Brahmanas and later. 
 
 c. In final clauses: yatha 'ham 9atruh6 'sani ;AV.) that I may 
 be a slayer of my enemies; grnana yatha pibatho andhah (RV.) that 
 being praised icith song ye may drink the draught; urau yatha tava 
 9arman madema (RV.) in order that we rejoice in thy wide protection; 
 upa janita yathe 'yam punar agacchet (^B.) cotitrive that she come 
 back again; krpam kuryad yatha mayi (MBh.) so that he may take pity 
 on me. This is in the Veda one of the most frequent uses of the 
 subjunctive; and in its correlative negative form, with ned in order 
 that not or lest (always followed by an accented verb), it continues 
 not rare in the Brahmanas. 
 
 d. The indicative is also very commonly used In final clauses after 
 yatha: thus, yatha 'yam piiruso 'ntariksam anucarati (Q'B.") in order 
 that this man may traverse the atmosphere; yatha na vighnah kriyate 
 (R.) 50 that no hindratice may arise; yatha 'yam na9yati tatha vidhe- 
 yam (H.) it must be so managed that he perish.
 
 581—] VIII. Conjugation. 220 
 
 e. With the conditional use of subjunctive and optative is further to 
 be compared that of the so-called conditional tense: see below, 950. 
 
 f. As is indicated by many of the examples given above, it is usual 
 in a conditional sentence, containing protasis and apodosis, to employ always 
 the same mode, whether subjunctive or optative (or conditional), in each 
 of the two clauses. For the older language, this is a rule well-nigh or 
 quite without exception. 
 
 582. No distinction of meaning has been established between 
 the modes of the present-stem and those (in the older language) of 
 the perfect and aorist-systems. 
 
 Participles. 
 
 583. Participles, active and middle, are made from all 
 the tense-stems — except the periphrastic future, and, in 
 the later language, the aorist (and aorist participles are rare 
 from the beginning). 
 
 a. The participles unconnected with the tense-systems are treated in 
 chap. Xm. (952 ff.). 
 
 584. The general participial endings are ^^ ant (weak 
 form 5(rr at; fern. J^rft anti or i^fsft atl: see above, 449) for 
 the active, and ^H ana (fern. ^FTT ana) for the middle. But — 
 
 a. After a tense-stem ending in a, the active participial suffix 
 is virtually nt, one of the two a's being lost in the combination of 
 stem-final and suffix. 
 
 b. After a tense-stem ending in a, the middle participial suffix 
 is mana instead of ana. But there are occasional exceptions to the 
 rule as to the use of mana and ana respectively, which will be 
 pointed out in connection with the various formations below. Such 
 exceptions are especially frequent in the causative: see 1043f. 
 
 c. The perfect has in the active the peculiar suffix vans (weakest 
 form us, middle form vat; fem. usi: see, for the inflection of this 
 participle, above, 458 ff.). 
 
 d. For details, as to form of stem etc., and for special exceptions 
 see the following chapters. 
 
 Augment. 
 
 585. The augment is a short ^ a, prefixed to a tense- 
 stem — and, if the latter begin with a vowel, combining with 
 that vowel irregularly into the heavier or vrddhi diphthong
 
 221 Augment, [—587 
 
 (136 a). It is always (without any exception) the accented 
 element in the verbal form of which it makes a part. 
 
 a. In the Veda, the augment is in a few forms long a: thus, anat, 
 avar, avrni, avrnak, avidhyat, ayunak, ayukta, ayuksatam, 
 arinak, araik, (and yas ta avidhat, RV. ii. 1. 7, 9?). 
 
 586. The augment ia a sign of past time. And an augment- 
 preterit is made from each of the tense-stems from which the system 
 of conjugation is derived: namely, the imperfect, from the present- 
 stem; the pluperfect (in the Veda only), from the perfect-stem; the 
 conditional, from the future-stem ; while in the aorist such a preterit 
 stands without any corresponding present indicative. 
 
 587. In the early language, especially in the RV., the occurrence 
 of forms identical with those of augment-tenses save for the lack of 
 an augment is quite frequent. Such forms lose in general, along with 
 the augment, the specific character of the tenses to which they belong; 
 and they are then employed in part non-modally, with either a pres- 
 ent or a past sense; and in part modally, with either a subjunctive 
 or an optative sense — especially often and regularly after ma pro- 
 hibitive (579) ; and this last mentioned use comes down also into the 
 later language. 
 
 a. In RV., the augmentless forms are more than half as common as 
 the augmented (about 2000 and 3300), and are made from the present, 
 perfect, and aorist-systems, but considerably over half from the aorist. 
 Their non-modal and modal uses are of nearly equal frequency. The tense 
 value of the jxon^mpdally used forms is more often past than present. Of 
 the modally used forms, nearly a third are construed with ma prohibitive; 
 the rest have twice as often an optative as a proper subjunctive value. 
 
 b. In AV., the numerical relations are very different. The augment- 
 less forms are less than a third as many as the augmented (about 475 to 
 1460), and are prevailingly (more than four fifths) aoristic. The non-modal 
 uses are only a tenth of the modal. Of the modally used forms, about 
 four fifths are construed with ma prohibitive; the rest are chiefly optative 
 in value. Then, in the language of the Brahmanas (not including the 
 mantra-material which they contain), the loss of augment is, save in 
 occasional sporadic cases, restricted to the prohibitive construction with ma; 
 and the same continues to be the case later. 
 
 c. The accentuation of the augmentless forms is throughout in accord- 
 ance with that of unaugmented tenses of similar formation. Examples will 
 be given below, under the various tenses. 
 
 d. Besides the augmentless aorist-forms with ma prohibitive, there 
 are also found occasionally in the later language augmentless imperfect-forms 
 (very rarely aorist-forms), which have the same value as if they were aug- 
 mented, and are for the most part examples of metrical license. They are 
 especially frequent in the epicS (whence some scores of them are quotable).
 
 588—] VIII. Conjugation. 222 
 
 Reduplication. 
 
 588. The derivation of conjugational and declensional 
 stems from roots by reduplication, either alone or along 
 with other formative elements, has been already spoken of 
 (259), and the formations in which reduplication appears 
 have been specified: they are, in primary verb-inflection, 
 the present (of a certain class of verbs), the perfect (of 
 nearly all), and the aorist (of a large number); and the in- 
 tensive and desiderative secondary conjugations contain in 
 their stems the same element. 
 
 589. The general principle of reduplication is the pre- 
 fixion to a root of a part of itself repeated — if it begin 
 with consonants, the initial consonant and the vowel; if it 
 begin with a vowel, that vowel, either alone or with a follow- 
 ing consonant. The varieties of detail, however, are very 
 considerable. Thus, especially, as regards the vowel, which 
 in present and perfect and desiderative is regulaily shorter 
 and lighter in the reduplication than in the root-syllable, 
 in aorist is longer, and in intensive is strengthened. The 
 differences as regards an initial consonant are less, and 
 chiefly confined to the intensive; for the others, certain 
 general rules may be here stated, all further details being 
 left to be given in connection with the account of the sep- 
 arate formations. 
 
 590. The consonant of the reduplicating syllable is in 
 general the first consoniint of the root : thus, ^^T^ paprach 
 from vTT^ prach; fllf^ ci9ri from yf^ cri; ^^^ bubudh 
 from y^^. But — 
 
 a. A non-aspirate is substituted., in redugUcation for an 
 aspirate: thus, ^JfT dadha from ym; f^T bibhr from yvf bhr. 
 
 b. A palatal is substituted for a guttural or for ^ h:
 
 223 Keduplication. [—592 
 
 thus, rTSfl cakr from >/^kr; filfe^ eikhid from yf^^ khid; 
 sT^H jagrabh from yXIH grabh; 5f^ jahp from /c^ hr. 
 
 c. The occasional reversion, on the other hand, of a palatal in the 
 radical syllable to guttural form has been noticed above (216,1). 
 
 d. Of two initial consonants, the second, if it be a 
 non-nasal mute preceded by a sibilant, is repeated instead 
 of the first : thus, c{TH tastr from yTrT str ; rlF^ tastha from 
 |/^T stha; ?TFfF^ easkand from ]/FFr^ skand; tTPsI^ 
 caskhal from i/FIsFT skhal; ^WT cuccut from i/WT eeut; 
 qFW pasprdh from yT^^ sprdh; WT^Z pusphut from vT'TI^ 
 sphut: — but ^^ sasna from y^J sna; HF7 sasmr from 
 ]/FT smr ; HW susru from y^ sru ; f^fk^ 91911? from yf^ 
 
 clis. 
 
 Accent of the Verb. 
 
 591. The statements which have been made above, and those 
 which will be made below, as to the accent of verbal forms, apply 
 to those cases in which the verb is actually accented. 
 
 a. But, according to the grammarians, and according to the in- 
 variable practice in accentuated texts, the verb is in the majority of 
 its occurrences unaccented or toneless. 
 
 b. That is to say, of course, the verb in its proper forms, its personal 
 or so-called finite forms. The verbal nouns and adjectives, Or the infinitives 
 and participles, are subject to precisely the same lavrs of accent as other 
 nouns and adjectives. 
 
 592. The general rule, covering most of the cases, is this: The 
 verb in an independent clause is unaccented, unless it stand at the 
 beginning of the clause — or also, in metrical text, at the beginning 
 of a pada. 
 
 a. For the accent of the verb, as well as for that of the vocative 
 case (above, 314 c), the beginning of a pada counts as that of a sentence, 
 whatever be the logical connection of the pada with what precedes it. 
 
 b. Examples of the unaccented verb are: agnim ide purohitam 
 Agni I praise, the house-priest ; sa id devesu gacehati that, truly, goes 
 to the gods; ague supayano bhava O Agni, be easy of access; idam 
 indra Qrnuhi somapa this, O Indra, soma-drinker, hear; namas te 
 rudra krnmah homage to thee, Rudra, we offer; yajamanasya pa9un 
 pahi the sacrijicer^s cattle protect thou. 
 
 c. Hence, there are two principal situations in which the verb 
 retains its accent:
 
 593—] VIII. Conjugation. 224 
 
 593. First, the verb is accented when it stands at the beginning 
 of a clause — or, in verse, of a pada. 
 
 a. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the sentence are, in 
 prose, Qundhadlivam daivyaya karmane he pure for the divine 
 ceremony \ apnoti 'mam lokam he icins this loorld; — in verse, where 
 the head of the sentence is also that of the pada, syarae 'd indrasya 
 9armiam may ice be in Indra's protection ; darQaya ma yatudhanan 
 show me the sorcerers., gamad vajebhir a sa nah may he come with good 
 things to ms ; — in verse, where the head of the clause is -within the pada, 
 tesam pahi Qrudhi havam drink of them, hear our call] sastu raata 
 sastu pita sastu. 9va sastu vi9patih let the mother sleep, let the father 
 sleep, let the dog sleep, let the master sleep ; vi9vakarman. namas te 
 pahy asm^an Vicvakarman, homage to thee ; protect us ! yuvam . . . rajua 
 uce duhita prcehe vam nara the king's daughter said to you "7 pray 
 you, ye men'; vayam te vaya indra viddhi su nah pra bharamahe 
 we offer thee, Indra, strengthening ; take note of us. 
 
 b. Examples of the verb accented at the head of the pada when this 
 is not the head of the sentence are : atha te antamanam vidyama 
 sum.atinam. so may toe enjoy thy most intimate favors; dhata 'sya 
 agruvai patim dadhatu pratikamyam Dhatar hestoiv upon this girl 
 a husband according to her wish; yatudhanasya somapa jahi prajam 
 slay, O Soma-drinker, the progeny of the sorcerer. 
 
 594. Certain special cases under this head are as follows: 
 
 a. As a vocative forms no syntactical part of the sentence to which 
 it is attached, but is only an external appendage to it, a verb following 
 an initial vocative, or more than one, is accented, as if it were itself initial 
 in the clause oy pada: thiis, a9rutkarria 9rudhi havam O thou of 
 listening ears, hear our call! site vandamahe tva O Stta, ive reverence 
 thee ; vi9ve deva vasavo raksate 'mam all ye gods, ye Vasus, protect 
 this man; uta "ga9 cakrusam deva deva jivayatha punah likewise 
 him, O gods, ivho has committed crime, ye gods, ye make to live again. 
 
 b. If more than one verb follow a word or words syntactically con- 
 nected with them all, only the first loses its accent, the others being treated 
 as if they were initial verbs in separate clauses, with the same adjuncts 
 understood: thus, tardnir ij jayati kseti pusyati successful he conquers, 
 rules, thrives; amftran . . . paraca indra pra mrna jahi ca our foes, 
 Indra, drive far away u7id slay; asmabhyam jesi yotsi ca for us 
 conquer and fight ; agnisoma havisah prasthitasya vitam haryatam 
 vrsana jusetham O Agni and Soma, of the oblation set forth pat-take, 
 enjoy, ye mighty ones, take pleasure. 
 
 c. In like manner (but much less often), an adjunct, as subject or object, 
 standing between two verbs and logically belonging to both, is reckoned to the 
 first alone, and the second has the initial accent: thus, jahi prajam nayasva 
 ca slay the progeny, and bring [it\ hither; 9rn.6tu nah subhdga bodhatu 
 tmdna may the blessed one hear us, [a)id may she] kindly regard [ms].
 
 225 Accent. [—595 
 
 d. It has even come to be a formal rule that a verb immediately 
 following another verb is accented: thus, sa ya etam evam upaste 
 puryate prajaya paqubhih (^I^O ivhoever ivorships him thus is Jilled 
 tvith offspring and cattle. 
 
 595. Second, the verb is accented, whatever its position, in a 
 dependent clause. 
 
 a. The dependency of a clause is in the very great majority of cases 
 conditioned by the relative pronoun ya, or one of its derivatives or com- 
 pounds. Thus: yam yajnan\paribhur asi what offering thou protectest ; 
 6 te yanti ye aparisvi pa9yan thei/ are coming who shall behold her 
 hereafter; saha yan me asti tena along tvith that which is mine; yatra 
 nah purve pitarah pareyuh whither our fathers of old departed; 
 adya muriya yadi yatudhano asmi let me die on the spot, if I am 
 a sorcerer ; yatha 'hany anupurvam bhavanti as days follow one 
 another in order; yavad idam bhuvanam vi9vain asti how great this 
 whole creation is; yatkamas te juhumas tan no astu ivhat desiring 
 we sacrifice to thee, let that become ours; yatamas titrpsat whichever 
 one desires to enjoy. 
 
 b. The presence of a relative word in the sentence does not, of course, 
 accent the verb, unless this is really the predicate of a dependent clause : 
 thus, apa tye tayavo yatha yanti they make off like thieves [as thieves 
 do] ; yat stha jagac ca rejate tvhatever [is] immovable and movable 
 trembles; yathakam.am ni padyate he lies down at his pleasure. 
 
 c. The particle ca when it means if, and ced (ca -f-id) if give an 
 accent to the verb : thus, brahma ced dhastam agrahit if a UraJiman 
 has grasped her hand; tvam ca soma no vaqo jivatum na maramahe 
 if thou. Soma, ivillest us to live, tve shall not die; a ca gacchan mitram 
 ana dadhama if he tvill come here, we will make friends ivith him. 
 
 d. There are a very few passages in which the logical dependence of a 
 clause rontaining no subordinating word appears to give the verb its accent: 
 thus, sam a(jvaparna9 caranti no naro 'smakam indra rathino 
 jayantu when our men, horse-winged, cotne into conflict, let the chariot- 
 fighters of our side, O Indra, win the victory. Rarely, too, an imperative 
 
 so followug another imperative that its action may seem a consequence of 
 the latter's is accented : thus, tuyam a gahi kanvesu su saea piba 
 come hither quickly; drink along tvith the Kanvas (i. e. in order to drink). 
 
 e. A few other particles give the verb an accent, in virtue of a slight 
 subordinating force belonging to them : thus, especially hi (with its negation 
 nahl), which in its fullest value means for, hut shades off from that into 
 a mere asseverative sense; the verb or verbs connected with it are always 
 accented : thus, vi te muncantam vimuco hi santi let them release 
 him, for they are releasers; yac cid dhi . . . anacjasta iva smasi if 
 we, forsooth, are as it were unrenowned; — also ned (na + fd), meaning 
 lest, that not: thus, net tva tapati siiro arcfsa that the sun may not 
 hum thee with his beam; virajam ned vicchinadani 'ti saying to himself , 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 15
 
 595—] VIII. CoNJuaATiON. 226 
 
 ^'lest I cut off the virqf^ (such cases are frequent in the Erahmanas) ; — 
 and the interrogative kuvid tvhethei'? thus, ukthebhih kuvid agamat 
 tvill he come hither for our praises? 
 
 596. But further, the verb of a prior clause is not infrequently 
 accented in antithetical construction. 
 
 a. Sometimes, the relation of the two clauses is readily capable of 
 heing regarded as that of protasis and apodosis ; but often, also, such a 
 relation is very indistinct; and the cases of antithesis shade off into those 
 of ordinary coordination, the line between them appearing to be rather 
 arbitrarily drawn. 
 
 b. In many cases, the antithesis is made distincter by the presence in 
 the two clauses of correlative words, especially anya — anya, eka — eka, 
 va — va, ca — ca: thus, pra-pra 'nye yanti pary anyd, asate some go 
 on and on, others sit about (as if it where while some go etc.) ; lid va 
 sincadhvam upa va prnadhvam either pour out, or Jill up; sam ce 
 'dhyasva 'gne pra ca vardhaye 'mam both do thou thyself become 
 kindled, Agni, and do thou increase this person. But it is also made with- 
 out such help: thus, pra 'jatah praja janayati pari prajata grhnati 
 {lie unborn progeny he getterates, the born he embraces ; apa yusm.ad akra- 
 min na 'sman upavartate ^though] she has gone aicay from you, she 
 does not come to us; na 'ndho 'dhvaryiir bhavati na yajnam raksansi 
 ghnanti the priest does not become blind, the demons do not destroy the 
 sacrifice; kena soma grhyante kena huyante by whom [on the one hand] 
 are the somas dij^ped out? by ivhom [on the other hand] are they offered? 
 
 597. Where the verb would be the same in the two antithetical clauses, 
 it is not infrequently omitted in the second : thus, beside complete expres- 
 sions like urvi ca 'si vasvi ca 'si both thou art broad and thou art good, 
 occur, much oftener, incomplete ones like agnir amusmin loka asid 
 yamo 'smin Agni tvas in yonder ivorld, Yama [was] in this; asthna 
 'nyah. prajah pratitisthanti mansena 'nyah by bone some creatures 
 utatul firm, by flesh others ; dvipac ca sarvam no raksa catuspad 
 yac ca nah svam both protect everything of ours that is biped, and 
 also whatever that is quadriip>ed belongs to us. 
 
 a. Accentuation of the verb in the former of two antithetical clauses 
 is a rule more strictly followed in the Brahmanas than in the Veda, and 
 least strictly in the RV. : thus, in RV., abhi dyam mahina bhuvam 
 (not bhuvam) abhi 'mam prthivim mahim I am superior to the sky 
 in greatness, also to this great earth; and even indro vidur ahgirasag 
 ca ghorah Indra ktiows, and the terrible Angirases. 
 
 598. There are certain more or less doubtful cases in which a 
 verb-form is perhaps acuented for emphasis. 
 
 a. Thus, sporadically before cana in any wise, and in connection 
 with asseverative particles, as kfla, ahga, ev&, and (in ^B., regularly) 
 h&nta: thus, hante 'mam prthivim vibhajamahai co}7ie on! let us 
 share up this earth.
 
 227 IX. Present-system. [—601 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE PRESENT-SYSTEM. 
 
 599. The present-system, or system of forms coming 
 from the present-stem, is composed (as was pointed out 
 above) of a present indicative tense, together with a sub- 
 junctive (mostly lost in the classical language), an optative, 
 an imperative, and a participle, and also a past tense, an 
 augment-preterit, to which we give (by analogy with the 
 Greek) the name of imperfect. 
 
 a. These forms often go in Sanskrit grammars lay the name of 
 "special tenses", while the other tense-systems are styled "general tenses" 
 — as if the former were made from a special tense stem or modified root, 
 while the latter came, all alike, from the root itself. There is no reason 
 why such a distinction and nomenclature should be retained; since, on the 
 one hand, the "special tenses" come in one set of verbs directly from the 
 root, and, on the other hand, the other tense-systems are mostly made from 
 stems — and, in the case of the aorist, from stems having a variety of form 
 comparable with that of present-stems. 
 
 600. Practically, the present-system is the most prom- 
 inent and important part of the whole conjugation, since, 
 from the earliest period of the language, its forms are very 
 mvich more frequent than those of all the other systems 
 together. 
 
 a. Thus, in the Veda, the occurrences of personal forms of this system 
 are to those of all others about as three to one; in the Aitareya Brahmana, 
 as five to one ; in the Hitopadeca, as six to one ; in the ^akuntala, as 
 eight to one; in Manu, as thirty to one. 
 
 601. And, as there is also great variety in the manner 
 in which different roots form their present stem, this, as 
 being their most conspicuous difference, is made the basis 
 of their principal classification; and a verb is said to be of 
 this or of that conjugation, or class, according to the way 
 in which its present-stem is made and inflected. 
 
 15*
 
 eo2— ] IX. Present-system. 228 
 
 602. In a small minority of verbs, the present-stem is 
 identical with the root. Then there are besides (excluding 
 the passive and causative) seven more or less different meth- 
 ods of forming a present-stem from the root, each method 
 being followed by a larger or smaller number of verbs. 
 These are the "classes" or "conjugation-classes", as laid 
 down by the native Hindu grammarians. They are ar- 
 ranged by the latter in a certain wholly artificial and un- 
 systematic order (the ground of which has never been dis- 
 covered) ; and they are wont to be designated in European 
 works according to this order, or else, after Hindu example, 
 by the root standing at the head of each class in the Hindu 
 lists. A different arrangement and nomenclature will be 
 followed here, namely as below — the classes being divided 
 (as is usual in European grammars) into two more general 
 classes or conjugations, distinguished from one another by 
 wider differences than those which separate the special 
 
 classes. 
 
 603. The classes of the First or NON-a-CoNjuGATioN 
 
 are as follows: 
 
 I. The root-class (second class, or ad-class, of the 
 Hindu grammarians) ; its present-stem is coincident with 
 the root itself: thus, ^ ad eat] \i go] ^Tm^as sit] m 
 ya go] fu^ dvis hate] 3^ duh tJiilk. 
 
 II. The reduplicating class (third or hu-class) ; 
 the root is reduplicated to form the present-stem: thus, 
 sT^ juhu from y^ hu sacrifice] ^ dada from ]/^ da 
 give] fe bibhr from }AT bhr hear. 
 
 HI. The nasal class (seventh or rudh-class); a 
 nasal, extended to the syllable ^ na in strong forms, is 
 inserted before the final consonant of the root: thus, 
 TFtT rundh (or "TUFT runadh) from >/^J^rudh obstruct] 
 U^ yufij (or IRsT yunaj) from }/^yuj Join. 
 
 O -s.
 
 229 Conjugation-classes. [—605 
 
 IV. a. The nu-class (fifth or su-class); the syllable 
 ^ nu is added to the root: thus, WJ sunu from i/fT su 
 
 o oo o 
 
 press out; 5nT? apnu from /^TR ap obtain. 
 
 to. A very small number (only half-a-dozen) of roots 
 
 ending already in "T n, and also one very common and 
 
 quite irreg'ularly inflected root not so ending (^ kr make), 
 
 add 3 u alone to form the present-stem. This is the 
 
 eighth or tan-class of the Hindu grammarians; it may 
 be best ranked by us as a sub-class, the u-class: thus, 
 
 cR tanu from j/fT'^ tan stretch. 
 
 V. The na-class (ninth or kri-class) ; the syllable 
 ^ na (or, in weak forms, ^ ni) is added to the root ; 
 thus, ^FftrrfT krlna (or shlnfl krlni) from Y^ kri huy\ 
 FrPTT stabhna for FrPft stabhni) from vTrR stabh estah- 
 lish. 
 
 604. These classes have in common, as their most found- 
 amental characteristic, a shift of accent: the tone being 
 now upon the ending, and now upon the root or the class- 
 sign. Along with this goes a variation in the stem itself, 
 Avhich has a stronger or fuller form when the accent rests 
 upon it, and a weaker or briefer form when the accent is 
 on the ending: these forms are to be distinguished as the 
 strong stem and the weak stem respectively (in part, both 
 have been given above). The classes also form their opta- 
 tive active, their 2d sing, imperative, their 3d pi. middle, 
 and their middle participle, in a different manner from 
 the others. 
 
 605. In the classes of the Second or a-CoNjuGATioN, 
 the present-stem ends in a, and the accent has a fixed 
 place, remaining always upon the same syllable of the 
 stem, and never shifted to the endings. Also, the optative, 
 the 2d sing, impv., the 3d pi. middle, and the middle
 
 605—] IX. Present-system. 230 
 
 participle, are (as just stated) unlike those of the other 
 conjugation. 
 
 606. The classes of this conjugation are as follows: 
 
 VI. The a-class, or unaccented a-class (first or 
 bhu-class); the added class-sign is a simply; and the 
 root, which has the accent, is (if capable of it) strength- 
 ened by guna throughout: thus, ^^ bhava from y^ bhu 
 be; mj naya from y^ ni lead; ^TU bodha from V^^ 
 budh wake; Hf^ vada from y^ vad speak. 
 
 VII. The a-class, or accented a-class (sixth or 
 tud-class) ; the added class-sign is a, as in the preceding 
 class; but it has the accent, and the unaccented root 
 remains unstrengthened : thus, cT^ tuda from yK^ tud 
 thrust; ^ srja from yTlsT srj let loose; T^ suva from 
 ]/^ sti ffive birth. 
 
 VIII. The ya-class (fourth or div-class); ya is 
 added to the root, which has the accent: thus, ^S^ 
 divya from yfef div (more properly ?^ div: see 765) 
 play; R^ nahya from y^ nah bitid; W^ krudhya 
 from y^fm krudh be angry. 
 
 IX. The passive conjugation is also properly a 
 present-system only, having a class-sign which is not 
 extended into the other systems; though it differs mark- 
 edly from the remaining classes in having a specific 
 meaning, and in being formable in the middle voice 
 from all transitive verbs. Its inflection may therefore 
 best be treated next to that of the ya-class, with which 
 it is most nearly connected, differing from it as the 
 a-class from the a-class. It forms its stem, namely, by 
 adding an accented yd to the root: thus, W^ adya from 
 ]/g^ ad eat; ■p-TT rudhya from V'^ rudh obstruct; 
 ^U budhya from ]/^ budh wake; K^ tudya from 
 yrT^ tud thrust. 
 
 o -x
 
 231 Conjugation-classes. [—611 
 
 607. The Hindu grammarians reckon a tenth class or cur-class, 
 having a class-sign aya added to a strengthened root (thus, coraya 
 from ycur), and an inflection like that of the other a-stems. Since, 
 however, this stem is not limited to the present-stem, but extends 
 also into the rest of the conjugation — while it also has to a great 
 extent a causative value, and may be formed in that value from a 
 large number of roots — it will be best treated in full along with 
 the derivative conjugations (chap. XIV., 1041 ff.). 
 
 608. A small number of roots add in the present-system a ch, 
 or substitute a ch for their final consonant, and form a stem ending 
 in cha or cha, which is then inflected like any a-stem. This is 
 historically, doubtless, a true class-sign, analogous with the rest; but 
 the verbs showing it are so few, and in formation so irregular, that 
 they are not well to be put together into a class, but may best be 
 treated as special cases falling under the other classes. 
 
 a. Roots adding ch are r and yu, which make the stems rccha and 
 yuccha. 
 
 b. Roots substituting ch for their final are is, us (or vas shine), 
 gam, yam, which make the stems iccha, uceha, gaccha, yaccha. 
 
 c. Of the so-called roots ending in ch, several are more or less 
 clearly stems, whose use has been extended from the present to other systems 
 of tenses. 
 
 609. Roots are not wholly limited, even in the later language, to 
 one mode of formation of their present-stem, but are sometimes reckoned 
 as belonging to two or more different conjugation-classes. And such variety 
 of formation is especially frequent in the Veda, being exhibited by a 
 considerable proportion of the roots there occurring; already in the Brahmanas, 
 however, a condition is reached nearly agreeing in this respect with the 
 classical language. The different present-formations sometimes have differ- 
 ences of meaning; yet not more important ones than are often found belong- 
 ing to the same formation, nor of a kind to show clearly a difference of 
 value as originally belonging to the separate classes of presents. If anything 
 of this kind is to be established, it must be from the derivative conjugations^ 
 which are separated by no fixed line from the present-systems. 
 
 610. We take up now the different classes, in the order in which 
 they have been arranged above, to describe more in detail, and with 
 illustration, the formation of their present-stems, and to notice the 
 irregularities belonging under each class. 
 
 I. Root-class (second, ad-class). 
 
 611. In this class there is no class-sign; the root itself 
 is also present-stem, and to it are added directly the per-
 
 en—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 232 
 
 sonal endings — but combined in subjunctive and optative 
 with the respective mode-signs; and in the imperfect the 
 augment is prefixed to the root. 
 
 a. The accented endings (552) regularly take the accent — except 
 in the imperfect, where it failfsToh the augment — and before them 
 the root remains unchanged; before the unaccented endings, the root 
 takes the guna-strengthening. 
 
 b. It is only in the first three classes that the endings come imme- 
 diately in contact with a final consonant of the root, and that the rules for 
 consonant combination have to be noted and applied. In these classes, then, 
 additional paradigms will be given, to illustrate the modes of combination. 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 612. The endings are the primary (with ^r{ ate in 3d 
 pi. mid.), added to the bare root. The root takes the accent, 
 and has guna, if capable of it, in the three persons sing. act. 
 
 Examples of inflection: a. active, root ^ i go] 
 strong form of root-stem, ^ e; weak form, ^ i; middle, root 
 as sit, stem ds (irregularly accented throughout: 628). 
 
 active. 
 d. 
 
 emi 
 
 ^i 
 esi 
 
 ^^ 
 eti 
 
 ivas 
 
 ithas 
 
 itas 
 
 P- 
 
 ^^ 
 imas 
 
 itha 
 
 yanti 
 
 s. 
 ase 
 asse 
 aste 
 
 middle, 
 d. 
 
 asvahe asmahe 
 
 asathe 
 asate 
 
 addhve 
 asate 
 
 For 
 
 b. root dvis hate: strong stem-form, dves; weak, dvis, 
 rules of combination for the final b, see 226. 
 
 1 dvesmi dvisvas dvismas dvise dvisvahe dvismahe 
 
 2 dveksi dvisthas dvistha dvikse dvisathe dviddhve 
 
 3 dvesti dvistas dvisanti dviste dvisate dvisate 
 
 c. root duh milk: strong stem-form, doh; weak, dvih. For rules 
 of combination for the final h,,iand for the conversion of the initial 
 to dh, see 222 a, 155, 160. ' 
 
 1 dohmi duhvas duhmas duhe duhvahe duhmahe 
 
 2 dhoksi dugdhas dugdha dhukse duhathe dhugdhve 
 
 3 dogdhi dugdhas duhanti dugdhe duhate duhate
 
 233 
 
 Root-class (second, ad-CLASs). 
 
 [—615 
 
 d. root lih lick; strong stem, leh; weak, lih. For rules of 
 combination of the final h, see 222 b. 
 
 1 lehmi lihvas lihmaa' lihe lihvahe lihmahe 
 
 2 
 
 leksi 
 
 lidhas 
 
 lidha 
 
 likse 
 
 lihathe 
 
 lidhve 
 
 3 
 
 ledhi 
 
 lidhas 
 
 lihanti 
 
 lid lie 
 
 lihate 
 
 lihate 
 
 613. Examples of the 3d sing. mid. coincident in form with the 1st 
 sing, are not rare in the older language (both A^aiidB?) ; the most frequent 
 examples are i^e, duhe, vide, 9aye; more sporadic are cite, bruve, huve. 
 To tha of the 2d pi, is added na in sthana, pathana, yathana. 
 The irregular accent of the 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in rihate, duhate. 
 Examples of the same person in re and rate also occur: thus (besides 
 those mentioned below, 629-30, 635), vidre, and, with auxiliary vowel, 
 arhire (unless these are to be ranked, rather, as perfect forms without 
 reduplication : 790 b). 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 614. Subjunctive forms of this class are not uncommon in the 
 older language, and nearly all those which the formation anywhere 
 admits are quotable, from Veda or from Brahmana. A complete 
 paradigm, accordingly, is given below, with the few forms not 
 actually quotable for this class enclosed in brackets. We may take 
 as models (as above), for the active the root i go, and for the middle 
 the root as sit, from both of which numerous forms are met with 
 (although neither for these nor for any others can the whole series 
 be found in actual use). 
 
 a. The mode-stems are aya (e + a) and asa (as + a) respectively, 
 active. 
 
 I ay ani 
 I ay a 
 (ayasi 
 I ay as 
 jayati 
 I ay at 
 
 615. 
 
 d. 
 
 ayava 
 
 P- 
 ayama 
 
 ayathas ayatha 
 ayatas ayan 
 
 8. 
 
 asai 
 
 /asase 
 lasasai 
 fasate 
 lasatai 
 
 middle. 
 
 d. p. 
 
 I asavahai j asamahai 
 j[asavalie] j[asainahe] 
 ([asadhve] 
 I asadhvai 
 )[asante]-nta 
 I asantai 
 
 [asaithe] 
 
 asaite 
 
 The RV. has no middle forms in ai except those of the first 
 person. The 1st sing. act. in a occurs only in RV., in aya, brava, 
 Stava. The 2d and 3d sing. act. with primary endings are very unusual 
 in the Brahmanas. Forms irregularly made with long a, like those from 
 present-stems in a, are not rare in AV. and B. : thus, ayas, ayat, ayan; 
 asat, bravat; bravathas; asatha, ayatha, bravatha, hanatha; 
 adan, dohan. Of middle forms with secondary endings are found hananta, 
 3d pi., and i9ata, 3d sing, (after ma prohibitive), which is an isolated 
 example. The only dual person in aite is bravaite.
 
 616—] IX. Present-system. 234 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 616. The personal endings combined with the mode- 
 signs of this mode (ITT ya in act., ^ i in mid.) have been 
 given in full above (566). The stem-form is the unaccented 
 and unstrengthened root. 
 
 s. 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 iyava 
 
 P- 
 iyama 
 
 iyata 
 
 iyus 
 
 s. 
 
 middle, 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 asimahi 
 
 asidhvam 
 
 iyam 
 
 asiya 
 
 asivahi 
 
 ■N 
 
 asiyatham 
 asiyatam 
 
 iyas 
 
 iyatam 
 
 asithas 
 asita 
 
 iyat 
 
 iyatam 
 
 asirau 
 
 a. In the same manner, from ydvis, dvisyam and dvisiya; from 
 l/duh, duhyam and duhiya; from ]/lih, lihyam and lihiya. The 
 inflection is so regular that the example above given is enough, with 
 the addition of dvisiya, to show the normal accentuation in the 
 middle: thus, sing, dvisiya, dvisithas, dvisita; du. dvisivahi, 
 dvisiyatham, dvisiyatam; pl. dvisimahi, dvisidhvam, dvisiran. 
 
 b. The RV. has once tana in 2d pl. act. (in syatana). 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 617. The imperative adds, in second and third persons, 
 its own endings (with ^r^^ atam in 3d pl. mid.) directly 
 to the root-stem. The stem is accented and strengthened 
 in 3d sing, act.; elsewhere, the accent is on the ending 
 and the root remains unchanged. The first persons, so called, 
 of the later language are from the old subjunctive, and 
 have its strengthened stem and accent; they are repeated 
 here from where they were given above (614 a). In the 2d 
 sing, act., the ending is regularly (as in the two following 
 classes) f^ dhi if the root end with a consonant, and f% hi 
 if it end with a vowel. As examples we take the roots 
 already used for the purpose.
 
 235 
 
 EOOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASS). 
 
 [—619 
 
 middle. 
 
 a. Thus, from the roots S i and Wr\ as: 
 active. 
 s. d. p. 
 
 ayava ayama 
 
 dyani 
 
 ih{ 
 
 etu 
 
 itam 
 itam 
 
 ita 
 yantu 
 
 asai 
 assva 
 
 d. 
 
 asavahai 
 
 asatham 
 
 asaraahai 
 
 ^^FT 
 
 astam 
 b. From the roots dvis and duh and lih 
 
 ^HTrTFr 
 asatara 
 
 addhvam 
 yiHHIH 
 
 ■N. 
 
 asatam 
 
 1 dvesani dvesava dvesama 
 
 2 dviddhi dvistam dvista 
 
 3 dvestu dvistam dvisantvi 
 
 • • • • • 
 
 1 dohani dohava dohama 
 
 2 dugdhi dugdham dugdha 
 
 3 dogdhu dugdham, duhantu 
 
 dvesai dvesavahai dvesamahai 
 
 dviksva dvisatham dviddhvam 
 
 dvistam dvisatam dvisatam 
 
 • • • • 
 
 dohai dohavahai dohamahai 
 
 dhuksva duhathami dhugdhvam 
 
 dugdham duhatam duhatam 
 
 1 lehani 
 
 lehava 
 
 lehama 
 
 lehai 
 
 lehavahai 
 
 lehamahai 
 
 2 lidhi 
 
 lidham 
 
 lidha 
 
 liksva 
 
 lihatham 
 
 lidhvam 
 
 3 ledhu 
 
 lidham. 
 
 lihantu 
 
 lidham 
 
 lihatam 
 
 lihatam 
 
 618. The 2d sing. act. ending tat is found in the older language in 
 a few verhs of this class: namely, vittat, vitat, briitat, hatat, yatat, 
 stutat. In 3d sing, mid., two or three verbs have in the older language 
 the ending am: thus, duham (only RV. case), vidam, ^ayam; and in 
 3d pi. mid. AV. has duhram and duhratam. The use of tana for ta 
 in 2d pi. act. is quite frequent in the Veda: thus, itana, yatana, attana, 
 etc. And in stota, eta etana, bravitana, 9astana, hantana, we have 
 examples in the same person of a strong (and accented) stem. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 619. a. The active participle has the ending 5|rl ant 
 (weak stem-form ^3[^ at) added to the unstrengthened root. 
 Mechanically, it may be formed from the 3d pi. by dropping 
 the final Z i. Thus, for the verbs inflected above, the active 
 participles are HrT yant, ^c^rl duhant, TS^TtT dvisant, T^T^?T 
 lihant. The feminine stem ends usually in ^cTt ati: thus, 
 KKi yati, l"^cft duhati, Q»Mril dvisati, fd^rO lihati: but. 
 from roots in a, in ^\^ anti or STfrft ati (449 gl
 
 619—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 236 
 
 b. The middle participle has the ending ^m ana, added 
 to the unstrengthened root: thus, ^?TT'T iyana, 3"^^H duhana, 
 fi^qim dvisana, [^c^R lihana. 
 
 c. The root as forms the anomaloua and isolated asina (in RV. 
 also asana). 
 
 d. But a number of these participles in the older language have 
 a double "accent, either on the ending o>r on the radical syllable: 
 thus, i(jana and igana, Ghana and ohana, duhana and duhana (also 
 dughana), rihana and rihana, vidana and vidana, suvana and 
 suvana, stuvana and stavana and stavana — the last having in part 
 also a strong form of the root. 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 620. This tense adds the secondary endings to the root 
 as increased by prefixion of the augment. The root has the 
 guna-strengthening (if capable of it) in the three persons of 
 the singular active, although the accent is always upon the 
 augment. Examples of inflection are: 
 
 a. From the roots S i and ^TTH as: 
 
 active. 
 
 middle. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 \^ 
 aima 
 
 aita 
 
 ayan 
 
 s. 
 asi 
 asthas 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 1^ 
 
 aiva 
 
 asvahi 
 
 asmahi 
 
 aitam 
 
 asatham 
 
 addhvam 
 
 aitam 
 
 asta 
 
 asatam 
 
 asata 
 
 s. 
 
 1 ^ninr 
 
 ayam 
 
 ais 
 
 ait 
 
 b. From the roots dvis and 
 
 1 advesam advisva advisma 
 
 2 advet advistam advista 
 
 3 advet advistam advisan 
 
 1 adoham aduhva aduhma 
 
 2 adhok ^dugdham ddugdha 
 
 3 adhok adugdham aduhan 
 
 1 41eham alihva alihma 
 
 2 alet alidham alidha 
 
 3 klet alidham alihau 
 
 621. a. Roots ending in a 
 take us instead of an in 3d pi. 
 
 duh and lih: 
 
 advisi advisvahi advismahi 
 
 advisthas advisatham adviddhvam 
 advista advisatam advisata 
 
 aduhi aduhvahi aduhmahi 
 
 adugdhas aduhatham adhugdhvam 
 adugdha aduhatam aduhata 
 
 alihi alihvahi alihmahi 
 
 alidhas alihatham dlidhvam 
 
 alidha alihatam alihata 
 
 may in the later language optionally 
 
 act. (the a being lost before it); and
 
 237 Root-class (second, ad-cLASS). [—625 
 
 in the older they always do so: thus, ayus from ]/ya, apus from 
 ]/pa protect, abhus from ]/bha. The same ending is also allowed 
 and met with in the case of a few roots ending in consonants: namely 
 vid know, caks, dvis, duh, mrj. RV. has atvisus. 
 
 b. The ending tana, 2d pi. act., is found in the Veda in ayatana, 
 asastana, aitana, ^bravitana. A strong stem is seen in the 1st pi. 
 homa, and the 2d pi. abravita and abravitana. 
 
 C. To save the characteristic emlings in 2d and 3d sing, act., the root 
 ad inserts a: thus, adas, adat; the root as inserts i: thus, asis, asit 
 fsee below, 636); compare also 631-4. 
 
 622. The use of ihe persons of this tense, without augment, in the 
 older language, has been noticed above (587). Augmentless imperfects of 
 this class are rather uncommon in the "Veda: thus, han, ves, 2d sing.; 
 han, vet, staut, dan. (?), 3d sing.; bruvan, duhus, caksus, 3d pi.; 
 vasta, suta, 3d sing. mid. 
 
 623. The first or root-form of aorist is identical in its formation with 
 this imperfect: see below, 829 ff. 
 
 624. In the Veda (but hardly ontside of the RV.) are found certain i 
 2d sing, forms, having an imperative value, made by adding the ending si l 
 to the (accented and strengthened") root. In part, they are the only root-forms 
 belonging to the roots from which they come: thus, josi (for jossi, from ]/jus), 
 dhaksi, parsi (}/pr pass), prasi, bhaksi, ratsi, satsi, hosi; but the 
 majority of them have forms (one or more) of a root-present, or sometimes 
 of a root-aorist, beside them : thus, ksesi (|/ksi rule), jesi, darsi, naksi 
 (y'na^ attain), nesi, matsi, masi (yxaa, measure), yaksi, yamsi, yasi, 
 yotsi, rasi, vaksi (/vah), vesi, qrosi, saksi. Their formal character 
 is somewhat disputed ; but they are probably indicative persons of the root- 
 class, used imperatively. 
 
 625. Forms of this class are made from nearly 150 roots, either 
 in the earlier language, or in the later, or in both : namely, from 
 about 50 through the whole life of the language, from 80 in the older 
 period (of Veda, Brahraana, and Siitra) alone, and from a few (about 15) 
 in the later period (epic and classical) only*. Not a few of these 
 roots, however, show only sporadic root-forms, beside a more usual 
 conjugation of some other cIhss; nor is it in all cases possible to 
 separate clearly root-present from root-aorist forms. 
 
 a. Many roots of this class, as of the other classes of the first 
 conjugation, show transfers to the second or a-conjugation, forming 
 a conjugation-stem by adding a to their strong or weak stem, or 
 
 
 * Such statements of numbers, with regard to the various parts of the 
 system of conjugation, are in all cases taken from the author's Supplement 
 to this grammar, entitled "Roots, Verb-Forms, and Primary Derivatives of 
 the Sanskrit Language", where lists of roots, and details as to forms etc., 
 are also given.
 
 625—] IX. Present-system, 238 
 
 even to both: thus, from >/mrj, both marja (627) and mrja. Such 
 tansfers are met with even in the oldest language; but they usually- 
 become more frequent later, often establishing a new mode of present 
 inflection by the side of, or in substitution for, the earlier mode. 
 
 b. A number of roots oflfer irregularities of inflection; these are, 
 in the main, pointed out in the following paragraphs. 
 
 Irregularities of the Root- class. 
 
 626. The roots of the class ending in u have in their strong 
 forms the vrddhi instead of the guna-strengthening before an ending 
 beginning with a consonant: thus, from ]/stu, staumi, astaut, and 
 the like: but astavam, stavani, etc. 
 
 a. Roots found to exhibit this peculiarity in actual use are ksnu, yu 
 unite, SU (or su) im2}el, sku, stu, snu (these in the earlier language), 
 nu, ru, and hnu. RV. has once stosi and anavan. Compare also 633. 
 
 627. The root mrj also has the vrddhi-vowel in its strong 
 forms: thus, marjmi, amarjam, amart (150b); and the same streng- 
 thening is said to be allowed in weak forms before endings beginning 
 with a vowel: thus, marjantu, amarjaa; but the only quotable case 
 is marjita (LQS.). Forms from a-stems begin to appear already 
 in AV. 
 
 a. In the other tense-systems, also, and in derivation, mrj shows often 
 the vrddhi instead of the guna-strengthening. 
 
 628. A number of roots accent the radical syllable throughout, 
 j both in strong and in weak forms: thus, all those beginning with a 
 ! long vowel, as, id, ir, 19; and also caks, taks, tra, nins, vas clothe, 
 \ qihj, 91 lie, and su. All these, except taks and tra (and tra also in 
 I the Vedic forms), are ordinarily conjugated in middle voice only. 
 
 Forms with the same irregular accent occur now and then in the Veda 
 f from other verbs: thus, matsva, yaksva, saksva, saksva, rdhat. 
 ' Middle participles so accented have been noticed above (619 d,'. 
 
 629. Of the roots mentioned in the last p^aragraph, 91 ;«> has 
 j the guna-strengthening throughout: thus, 9aye, 9ese, 9"ayiya, 9ayana, 
 ! and so on. Other irregularities in its inflection (in part already noticed) 
 
 are the 3d pi. persons 9erate (AV. etc. have also 9ere), 9eratam, 
 a9erata (RV. has also a9eran), the 3d sing. pres. 9aye (R.) and impv. 
 9ayam. The isolated active form a9ayat is common in the older 
 language; other a-forms, active and middle, occur later. 
 
 630. Of the same roots, id and 19 insert a union-vowel i before 
 certain endings: thus, i9ise, i9idhve, idisva (these three being the only 
 forms noted in the older language); but RV. has ikse beside i9ise ; the 
 gvU. has once i9ite for iste. The 3d pi. i9ire (on account of its accent) 
 is also apparently present rather than perfect. The MS. has once the 3d sing, 
 impf. ai9a (like aduha : 635).
 
 239 Root-class (second, ad-cLASs). [—636 
 
 631. The roots rud tveep, svap sleep, an breathe, and 9vas blotc 
 insert a union-vowel i before all the endings beginning with a con- 
 sonant, except the s and t of 2d and 3d sing, impf., where they insert 
 instead either a or I: thus, svapimi, 9vasisi, aniti, and anat or 
 anit. And in the other forms, tlie last three are allowed to accent 
 either root or ending: thus, svapantu and 9vasantu (AV.), or 
 svapantu etc. The AV. has svaptu instead of svapitu. 
 
 a. In the older language, ]/vara makes the same insertions : thus, 
 vamiti, avamit; and other cases occasionally occur: thus, jdnisva, vasisva 
 (|/va8 clothe), 9nathihi, stanihi (all RV.), yamiti (JB.), 9ocimi (MBh.). 
 On the other hand, ]/an early makes forms from an a-stem: thus, anati 
 (A v.); pple anant (^"B.); opt. anet (AB.). 
 
 632. The root brii speak, say (of very frequent use) takes the | 
 union-vowel i after the root when strengthened, before the initial f 
 consonant of an ending: thus, bravimi, bravisi, braviti, abravis, { 
 abravit; but brumas, bmyam, abravam, abruvan, etc. Special 
 occasional irregularities are briimi, bravihi, abruvam, abruvan, 
 bruyat, and sporadic forms from an a-stem. The subj. dual bravaite 
 has been noticed above (615); also the strong forms abravita, 
 abravitana (621 a). 
 
 633. Some of the roots in u are allowed to be inflected like brii: 
 namely, ku, tu, ru, and stu; and an occasional instance Is met with of 
 a form io made (in the older language, only taviti noted; in the later, 
 only stavimi, once). 
 
 634. The root am (hardly found in the later language) takes i as 
 union-vowel: thus, amisi (RV.), amiti and amit and amisva (TS.). From 
 y'9am occur 9atnisva (VS.; TS. 9amisva) and 9amidlivam (TR. etc.). 
 
 635. The irregularities of ]/duh in the older language have been 
 already in part noted: the 3d pi. indie, mid. duhate, duhre, and duhrate; 
 3d sing. impv. duham, pi. duhram and duhratam; impf. act. 3d sing. 
 aduhat (which is found also in the later language), 3d pi. aduhran 
 (beside aduhan and duhiis); the mid. pple dughana; and (quite un- 
 exampled elsewhere) the opt. forms duhiyat and dnhiyan (RV. only). 
 The MS. has aduha 3d sing, and aduhra 3d pi. impf. mid., apparently 
 formed to correspond to the pres. duhe (613] and duhre as adugdha and 
 aduhata correspond to dugdhe and duhate: compare ai9a (630), related 
 in like manner to the 3d sing. 196. 
 
 Some of the roots of this class are abbreviated or otherwise 
 weakened in their weak forms: thus — 
 
 636. The root 5Tn as be loses its vowel in weak forms 
 (except where protected by combination with the augment). 
 Its 2d sing, indie, is ?rfH asi (instead of assi); its 2d sing, 
 impv. is T^J edhi (irregularly from asdhi). The insertion of
 
 636—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 240 
 
 5 1 in 2d and 3d sing. impf. has been noticed already 
 above. 
 
 a. The forms of this extremely common verb, are, then, 
 as follows : 
 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 
 Optative. 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 tll^JT 
 
 
 VU \-A 
 
 UJIH 
 
 asmi 
 
 svas 
 
 smas 
 F5T 
 
 syam 
 
 syava 
 
 syama 
 
 
 HnrTfT 
 
 ^Ulri 
 
 asi 
 
 sthas 
 
 stha 
 
 syas 
 
 syatam. 
 
 syata 
 
 ^ffFrT 
 
 
 
 F^TRF]^ 
 
 O -s 
 
 asti 
 
 stas 
 
 santi 
 
 syat 
 
 syatam 
 
 syus 
 
 r^ 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 yiH 
 
 
 MWH 
 
 tJVIN 
 
 ^J?IFT 
 
 yiVH 
 
 asani 
 
 asava 
 
 asama 
 
 asam 
 
 yiHl4 
 
 asva 
 
 asma 
 
 
 F(T 
 
 tllHH^ 
 
 yiH 
 
 edhi 
 
 stam 
 
 sta 
 Hrl 
 
 o 
 
 asis 
 
 astam 
 
 asta 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 yiVI'1 
 
 astu 
 
 stam 
 
 santu 
 
 asit 
 
 astam 
 
 asan 
 
 Participle HH sant (fern. WTt sati). 
 
 b. Besides the forms of the present-system, there is made from 
 this root only a perfect, asa etc. (800), of wholly regular inflection, 
 
 e. The Vedic subjunctive forms are the usual ones, made upon the 
 stem asa. They are in frequent use, and appear (asat especially) even 
 in late texts where the subjunctive is almost lost. The resolution siam 
 etc. (opt.) is common in Vedic verse. As 2d and 3d sing. impf. is a few 
 times met with the more normal as (for as-s, as-t). Sthana, 2d pi., was 
 noted above (613). 
 
 d. Middle forms from ]/as are also given by the grammarians as allow- 
 ed with certain prepositions (vi-f ati), but they are not quotable; smahe 
 and syamahe (1) occur in the epics, but are merely instances of the ordi- 
 nary epic confusion of voices (529 a). Confusions of primary and secondary 
 endings — namely, sva and sma (not rare), and, on the other hand, syavas 
 and syamas — are also epic. A middle present indicative is said to be 
 compounded (in 1st and 2d persons) with the nomen agentis in tr (tar) 
 to form a periphrastic future in the middle voice (but see below, 947). 
 The 1st sing, indie, is he; the rest is in the usual relation of middle to 
 active forms (in 2d pers., se, dhve, sva, dhvam, with total loss of the 
 root itself).
 
 
 Imperfect. 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 ahanam 
 
 ahanva 
 
 ahanma 
 
 4han 
 
 ahatam 
 
 dhata 
 
 dhan 
 
 dhatara 
 
 aghnan 
 
 I 
 
 241 EOOT-CLASS (SECOND, ad-CLASS). [—640 
 
 637. The root han smite, slay is treated somewhat after the 
 manner of noun-stems in an in declension (421): in weak forms, it 
 loses its n before an initial consonant (except m and v) of a personal 
 ending (not in the optative), and its a before an initial vowel — and 
 in the latter case its h, in contact with the n, is changed to gh (com- 
 pare 402). Thus, for example: 
 
 Present Indicative. 
 s. d. p. 
 
 1 hanmi hanvas hanmas 
 
 2 hansi hathas hatha 4han ahatam dhata ' 
 
 3 hanti hatas ghnanti 
 
 a. Its participle is ghndnt (fem. ghnati). Its 2d sing. impv. is 
 jahi (by anomalous dissimilation, on the model of reduplicating 
 forms). 
 
 b. Middle forms from this root are frequent in the Brahmanas, and 
 thosp that occur are formed in general according to the same rules: thus, 
 hate, hanmahe, ghnate; ahata, aghnatam, aghnata (in AB., also 
 ahata); ghnita (but also hanita). Forms from transfer-stems, hana and 
 ghua, are met with from an early period. 
 
 638. The root vaq be eager is in the weak forms regularly and 
 usually contracted to U9 (as in the perfect: 794b): thus, u9rQasi 
 (V.: once apparently abbreviated in EV. to 9niasi), uQanti ; pple 
 TKjant, u^ana. Middle forms (except the pple) do not occur; nor do 
 the weak forms of the imperfect, which are given as au9va, austam, etc. 
 
 a. RV. has in like manner the participle usana from the root vas clothe. 
 
 639. The root 93-3 order shows some of the peculiarities of a 
 reduplicated verb, lacking (646) the n before t in all 3d persons pi. 
 and in the active participle. A part of its active forms — namely, 
 the weak forms having endings beginning with consonants (including 
 the optative) — are said to come from a stem with weakened vowel, 
 9i8 (as do the aorist, 854, and some of the derivatives); but, except- 
 ing the optative (9isyarn etc., U. S. and later), no such forms are 
 quotable. 
 
 a. The 3d sing. impf. is a9at (555 a), and the same form is said 
 to be allowed also as 2d sing. The 2d sing. impv. is 9adhi (with total 
 loss of the s); and RV. has the strong 2d pi. qastana (with anomalous 
 accent); and a-forms, from stem 9asa, occasionally occur. 
 
 b. The middle inflection is regular, and the accent (apparently) 
 always upon the radical syllable (9aste, 9asate, 9asana). 
 
 c. The root da9 worship has in like manner (RV.) the pple da9at 
 (uot da9ant). 
 
 640. The double so-called root jaks eat, laugh is an evident redu- 
 plication of ghas and has respectively. It has the absence of n in act. 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 16
 
 640—] IX. Present-system. 242 
 
 3d persons pi. and pple, and the accent on the root before vowel-endings, 
 ■wMcli belong to reduplicated verbs; and it also takes the union-vowel i 
 in the manner of rud etc. (above, 631). For its forms and derivatives 
 made with utter loss of the final sibilant, see 233 f. 
 
 641. Certain other obviously reduplicated verba are treated by 
 tbe native grammarians as if simple, and referred to this conjugation: 
 such are the intensively reduplicated jagr (1020 a), daridra (1024 a), 
 and vevi (1024 a), didhi etc. (676), and cakas (677). 
 
 II. Reduplicating Class (third, hu-class). 
 
 642. This class forms its present-stem by prefixing a 
 redviplication to the root. 
 
 643. a. As regards the consonant of the reduplication, 
 the general rules which have already been given above (590) 
 are follow^ed. 
 
 b. A long vowel is shortened in the reduplicating syl- 
 able: thus, ^ dada from j/^ da; f^^^ bibhl from ]/>ft bhi; 
 sT^ juhu from y^ hu. The vowel ^ r never appears in the 
 reduplication, but is replaced by ^ i: thus, f^ bibhr from 
 yvf bhr; fWT piprc from y^'^ pre. 
 
 c. For verbs in which a and a also are irregularly represented in the 
 reduplication by i, see below, 660. The root vxt (V. B.) makes vavartti 
 etc. ; cakrant C^^V.) is very doubtful. 
 
 d. The only root of this class with initial vowel is r (or ar); 
 it takes as reduplication i, which is held apart from the root by an 
 interposed y: thus, iyar and iyr (the latter has not been found in 
 actual use). 
 
 644. The present-stem of this class (as of the other 
 classes belonging to the first or non-a-conjugation) has a 
 double form: a stronger form, with gunated root-vowel; 
 and a weaker form, without guna: thus, from y^ hu, the 
 two forms are sT^ juho and sT^ juhu; from y^\ bhi, they 
 are f^ bibhe and f%>ft bibhi. And the rule for their use 
 is the same as in the other classes of this conjugation: the 
 strong stem is found before the unaccented endings (552), 
 and the weak stem before the accented.
 
 243 
 
 Reduplicating Class (third, hu-CLASS). 
 
 [-647 
 
 645. According to all the analogies of the first general conju- 
 gation, we should expect to find the accent upon the root-syllable 
 when this is strengthened. That is actually the case, however, only 
 in a small minority of the roots composing the class: namely, in hu, 
 bhi (no test-forms in the older language), hri (no test- forms found in 
 the older language), mad (very rare), jan (no forms of this class 
 found to occur), ci notice (in V.), yu separate (in older language only), 
 and in bhr in the later language (in V. it goes with the majority: 
 but RV. has bibharti once, and AV. twice; and this, the later 
 accentuation, is found also in th& Brahmanas); and RV. has once 
 iyarsi. In all the rest — apparently, by a recent transfer — it rests 
 upon the reduplicating instead of upon the radical syllable. And in 
 both classes alike, the accent is anomalously thrown back upon the 
 reduplication in those weak forms of which the ending begins with 
 a vowel; while in the other weak forms it is upon the ending (but 
 compare 666 a). 
 
 a. Apparently (the cases -with written accent are too few to determine 
 the point satisfactorily) the middle optative endings, iya etc. (566), are 
 reckoned throughout as endings with initial vowel, and throw back the 
 accent upon the reduplication. 
 
 646. The verbs of this class lose the ^ n in the 3d 
 
 - . -■ ...,,,..-.,.,-% 
 
 pi. endings in active as well as middle, and in the imper- 
 fect have 3H us instead of ^ an — and before this a final 
 radical vowel has guna. 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 647. The combination of stem and endings is as in 
 the preceding class. 
 
 Examples of inflecti< 
 stem-form, sT^ juho; weak 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 on: a. y^ hu sacrifice', strong 
 form, sT^ juhu (or jiihu). 
 
 middle. 
 
 sT^rfq sT^^ sT^HH 
 
 juhomi juhuvas juhumas 
 
 jvihosi juhuthasjuhutha 
 
 sT^tfH sT^rm ST^fk 
 
 juhoti juhutas juhvati 
 
 8. 
 
 juhve 
 
 o 
 juhuse 
 
 juhute 
 
 d. 
 juhuvahe 
 jiihvathe 
 juhvate 
 
 P- 
 
 juhumahe 
 
 juhudhve 
 
 juhvate 
 16*
 
 647—] IX. Present-system. 244 
 
 b. Root ^ bhr bear (given with Vedic accentuation): 
 strong stem-form, 1%^ bibhar; weak, '^^ bibhr (or bibhr), 
 
 1 f^nfR R^T^TH fWFT f^ f%^l^ fwi% 
 bibharmi bibhrvas bibhrmas bibhre bibhrvahe bibhrraahe 
 
 bibharsi bibhrthas bibhrtha biblirse bibhrathe bibhrdhve 
 
 3 fefn fwrn f^^ i%>TH f^^TH f^# 
 
 bibharti bibhrtas bibhrati bibhrte bibhrate bibhrate 
 
 c. The u of hu (like that of the class-signs nu and u: see below, 
 697 a) is said to be omissible before v and m of the endings of 1st du. 
 and pi.: thus, juhvas, juhvahe, etc.; but no such forms are quotable. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 648. It is not possible at present to draw a distinct line between 
 those subjunctive forms of the older language which should be reckoned as 
 belonging to the present-system and those which should be assigned to the 
 perfect — or even, in some cases, to the reduplicated aorist and intensive. 
 Here will be noticed only those which most clearly belong to this cla-s; 
 the more doubtful cases will be treated under the perfect-system. Except 
 in first persons (which continue in use as "imperatives" down to the later 
 language), subjunctives from roots having unmistakably a reduplicated 
 present-system are of far from frequent occurrence. 
 
 649. The subjunctive mode-stem is formed in the usual manner, 
 with the mode-sign a and guna of the root-vowel, if this is capable 
 of such strengthening. The evidence of the few accented forms met 
 with indicates that the accent is laid in accordance with that of the 
 strong indicative forms: thus from i/hu, the stem would be juhava; 
 from v^bhr, it would be bibhara (but bibMra later). Before the 
 mode-sign, final radical a would be, in accordance with analogies 
 elsewhere, dropped: thus, dada from yda., dadha from }/dha (all the 
 forms actually occurring would be derivable from the secondary roots 
 dad and dadh). 
 
 650. Instead of giving a theoretically complete scheme of 
 inflection, it will be better to note all the examples quotable from 
 the older language (accented when found so occurring). 
 
 a. Thus, of 1st persons, we have in the active juhavani, bibharani, 
 dadani, dadhani, jahani; juhavama, dadhama, jahama; — in the 
 middle, dadhai, mimai ; dadhavahai; juhavamahai, dadamahe, 
 dadamahai, dadhamahai. 
 
 b. Of other persons, we have with primary endings in the active 
 bibharasi (with double mode-sign: 560 e), dadhathas, juhavatha (do.)
 
 245 Reduplicating Class (third, hu-cLASs). [—653 
 
 and juhavatha; in the middle, dadhase; dadhate, rarate, dadhatai, 
 dadatai; — with secondary endings, dadhas, vivesas, juhavat, bibharat, 
 yuyavat, dadhat, dadhanat, babhasat; dadhan, yuyavan, juhavan. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 651. To form this mode, the optative endings given 
 above (566 a), as made up of mode-sign and personal endings, 
 are added to the unstrengthened stem. The accent is as 
 already stated (645 a). The inflection is so regular that it is 
 unnecessary to give here more than the first persons of a 
 single verb: thus, 
 
 active. middle, 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 sl^UIH sT^ITT^ ^^Um ir^% sT^l^ sT^fi% 
 
 juhuyam juhuyava juhuyama juhviya juhvivahi juhvimahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 652. The endings, and the mode of their combination 
 with the root, have been already given. In 2d sing, act., 
 the ending is f% hi after a vowel, but fu dhi after a con- 
 sonant: ^ hu, however, forms sl^ill juhudhi (apparently, 
 in order to avoid the recurrence of ^ h in two successive 
 syllables) : and other examples of f^ dhi after a vowel are 
 found in the Veda. 
 
 653. a. Example of inflection : 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 sT^^ri^ ^^ sT^^ sT^^ ^^^1^ s|c^ci|i|^ 
 
 juhavani juhavava juhavama juhavai juhavavahai juhavamahai 
 
 juhudhi juhutara juhutd juhusvd juhvatham juhudhvAm 
 
 juhotu juhutam jiihvatu jvihutam juhvatam juhvatam 
 
 b. The verbs of the other division differ here, as in the indicative, 
 in the accentuation of their strong forms only: namely, in all the
 
 653—] 
 
 IX. Present-sytem. 
 
 246 
 
 first persons (borrowed subjunctives), and in the 3d sing, act.: thus, 
 (in the older language) bibharani etc., bibhartu, bibharai etc. 
 
 654. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the occasional use of 
 strong forms in 2d persons: thus, yuyodhi, qiqadhi (beside qIqiIii); 
 yuyotam (beside yuyutam); iyarta, dadata and dadatana, dadhata 
 and dadhatana (see below, 668), pipartana, juhota and juhotana, 
 yuyota and yuyotana; rarasva (666); 2. the use of dlii instead of 
 hi after a vowel (only in the two instances just quoted); 3. the ending 
 tana in 2d pi. act.: namely, besides those just given, in jigatana, 
 dhattana, mamattana, vivaktana, didistana, bibhitana, jujustana, 
 juhutana, vavrttana: the cases are proportionally much more numerous 
 in this than in any other class; 4. the ending tat in 2d sing, act, in 
 dattat, dhattat, piprtat, jahitat. 
 
 ' 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 655. As elsewhere, the active participle-stem may be 
 made mechanically from the 3d pi. indie, by dropping ^ i: 
 thus, sT^rT juhvat, f^ycT bibhrat. In inflection, it has no 
 distinction of strong and weak forms (444). The feminine 
 stem ends in ^BTrft ati. The middle participles are regularly 
 made: thus, sT^H jiihvana, f^^FIT bibhrana. 
 
 a. RV. shows an irregular accent in pipana (|/pa drink). 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 656. As already pointed out, the 3d pi. act. of this 
 class takes the ending 3H us, and a final radical vowel has 
 guna before it. The strong forms are, as in present indic- 
 ative, the three singular active persons. 
 
 657. Examples of inflection: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 8. d. p. 
 
 ajuhavam ajuhuva Sjuhuma 
 
 ajilhos ajuhutam ajuhuta 
 
 ^5 ^ -S O "-^ O O "V 
 
 ajuhot Ajuhutam djuhavus 
 
 s. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ajuhvi 
 
 d. p. 
 
 ajuhuvahi ajuhumahi 
 
 ajuhuthas ajuhvatham djuhudhvam 
 
 ajuhuta &juhvatam ajuhvata
 
 247 Reduplicating Class (third, hu-CLASs). [—663 
 
 a. From y^ bhr, the 2cl and 3d sing. act. are ?rf^^ 
 abibhar (for abibhar-s and abibhar-t) — and so in all other 
 cases where the strong stem ends in a consonant. The 3d 
 pi. act. is *J^H(iiH abibharus; and other like cases are 
 abibhayus, acikayus, asu^avus. 
 
 b. In MS., once, abibhrus is doubtless a false reading. 
 
 658. The usual Vedic irregularities in 2d pi. act. — strong forms, 
 and the ending tana — occur in this tense also : thus, adadata, adadhata; 
 adattana, ajahatana. The RV, has also once apiprata for apiprta 
 in 3d sing, mid., and abibhran for abibharus in 3d pi. act. Examples 
 of angmentless forms are 9198.8, vives, jigat; jiMta, 9i9ita, jihata; 
 and, with irregular strengthening, yuyoma (AV.), yuyothas, yuyota. 
 
 659. The roots that form their present-stem by reduplication are 
 a very small class, especially in the modern language; they are only 
 50, all told, and of these only a third (16) are met with later. It is, 
 however, very difficult to determine the precise limits of the class, 
 because of the impossibility (referred to above, under subjunctive : 648) 
 of always distinguishing its forms from those of other reduplicating 
 conjugations and parts of conjugations. 
 
 a. Besides the irregularities in tense-inflection already pointed out, 
 others may he noticed as follows. 
 
 Irregularities of the Reduplicating Class. 
 
 660. Besides the roots in r or ar — namely, r, ghr (usually 
 written ghar), tr, pr, bhr, sr, hr, pre — the following roots having 
 a or a as radical vowel take i instead of a in the reduplicating 
 syllable: ga go, ma measure, ma belloiv, 9a, ha remove (mid.), vac, 
 sac; va9 has both i and a; ra has i once in RV. ; for stha, pa drink, 
 ghra, han, hi, see below (670-4). 
 
 661. Several roots of this class in final a change the a in weak 
 forms to i (occasionally even to i), and then drop it altogether before 
 endings beginning with a vowel. 
 
 a. This is in close analogy with the treatment of the vowel of the 
 class-sign of the na-class: below, 717. 
 
 These roots are: 
 
 662. 9a sharpen, act. and mid. : thus, 9i9ati, 9i9imaBi, 9i9ihi (also 
 9i9adhi: above, 654), 9i9atu, a9i9at, 919^6, 9i9lta. 
 
 663. ma bellow, act., and ma measure, mid. (rarely also act.): thus, 
 mimati, mimiyat; mimite, mimate, amimita; mimihi, mimatu. 
 RV. has once miraanti 3d pi. (for mimati).
 
 664—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 248 
 
 664. h.& remove, mid.: thus, jihite, jihidhve, jihate; jilaiBva, 
 jihatam; ajihita, ajihata. QB. has jihitham (for jihatham). 
 
 665. ha quit, act. (originally identical with the former), may further 
 shorten the i to i: thus, jahati, jahita, jahitat (AV.); jahimas (AV.), 
 jahitas (TB.), jahitam (TA.), ajahitam (TS. AB.). In the optative, 
 the radical vowel is lost altogether; thus, jahyam, jahyus (AV.). The 
 2d sing, impv., according to the grammarians, is jahihi or jahihi or 
 jahahi; only the first appears quotable. 
 
 a. Forms from an a-stem, jaha, are made for this root, and even 
 derivatives from a quasi-root jah. 
 
 666. ra give, mid.: thus, raridhvam, rarithas (impf. without 
 augment); and, with i in reduplication, ririhi. But AV. has rarasva. 
 
 a. In those verhs, the accent is generally constant on the reduplicating 
 syllable. 
 
 667. The two roots da and dha (the commonest of .the class) 
 lose their radical vowel altogether in the weak forms, being shortened 
 to dad and dadh. In 2d sing. impv. act., they form respectively 
 dehi and dhehi. In combination with a following t or th, the final 
 dh of dadh does not follow the special rule of combination of a 
 final sonant aspirate (becoming ddh with the t or th: 160), but — 
 as also before s and dhv — the more general rules of aspirate and 
 of surd and sonant combination; and its lost aspiration is thrown 
 back ujpon the initial of the root (155). 
 
 668. The Inflection of /dha is, then, as follows: 
 
 Present Indicative. 
 
 active. 
 s. d. p. s. 
 
 1 dadhami dadhvas dadhmas dadhe 
 
 2 dadhasi dhatthas dhattha dhatse 
 
 3 dadhati dhattas dadhati dhatte 
 
 middle. 
 d. 
 dadhvahe 
 dadhathe 
 dadhate 
 
 dadhmahe 
 
 dhaddhve 
 
 dadhate 
 
 Present Optative. 
 1 dadhyam dadhyava dadhyama dadhiya dadhivahi dadhimahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 Present Imperative. 
 
 1 dadhani dadhava dadhama dadhai dadhavahai dadhamahai 
 
 2 dhehi dhattam dhatta dhatsva dadhatham dhaddhvam 
 
 3 dadhatu dhattam dadhatu dhattam dadhatam dadhatam 
 
 Imperfect, 
 
 1 adadham ddadhva adadhma adadhi adadhvahi adadhmahi 
 
 2 ddadhas adhattam adhatta adhatthas adadhatham adhaddhvam 
 
 3 ddadhat ddhattam adadhus adhatta adadhatam adadhata
 
 249 Reduplicating Class (third, hu-CLASS). [ — 676 
 
 Participles: act. dS^dhat; mid. dadhaua. 
 
 a. In the middle (except impf.), only those forms are here accented 
 for which there is authority in the accentuated texts, as there is discordance 
 hetween the actual accent and that which the analogies of the class would 
 lead us to expect. RV. has once dhatse : dadhe and dadhate might he 
 perfects, so far as the form is concerned. RV. accents dadhita once 
 (dadJiIta thrice); several other texts have dadhita, dadhirau, dadlta. 
 
 b. The root da is inflected in precisely the same way, with 
 change everywhere of (radical) dh to d. 
 
 669. The older language has irregularities as follows: 1. the usual 
 strong forms in 2d pi., dadhata and adadhata, dadata and adadata; 
 2. the usual tana endings in the same person, dhattana, dadatana, etc. 
 (654, 658); 3. the 3d sing, indie, act. dadhe (like 1st sing.); 4, the 2d 
 sing. impv. act. daddhi (for both dehi and dhehi). And R. has dadmi. 
 
 670. A number of roots have been transferred from this to the 
 a- or bhu-class (below, 749), their reduplicated root becoming a 
 stereotyped stem inflected after the manner of a-stems. These roots 
 are as follows: 
 
 671. In all periods of the language, from the roots stha stand, 
 pa dritik, and ghra smell, are made the presents tisthami, pibami 
 (with irregular sonantizing of the second p), and jighrami — which 
 then are inflected not like mimami, but like bhavami, as if from 
 the present-stems tistha, piba, jighra. 
 
 672. In the Veda (especially; also later), the reduplicated roots da 
 and dha are sometimes turned into the a-stems dada and dadha, or 
 inflected as if roots dad and dadh of the a-class; and single forms of the 
 same character are made from other roots: thus, miraanti (^yma, bellotv), 
 rarate (l^ra give: 3d sing. mid.). 
 
 673. In the Veda, also, a like secondary stem, jighna, is made from 
 yhan (with omission of the radical vowel, and conversion, usual in this 
 root, of h to gh when in contact with n: 637); and some of the forms 
 of sa9C, from ysac, show the same conversion to an a-stem, sagca. 
 
 674. In AB. (viii. 28), a similar secondary form, jighya, is given to 
 yhi or ha: thus, jighyati, jighyatu. 
 
 675. A few so-called roots of the first or root-class are the products 
 of reduplication, more or less obvious: thus, jaks (640), and probably 
 qas (from ]/9as) and caks (from ]/ka9 or a lost root kas see'). la the 
 Veda is found also sage, from v^sac. 
 
 676. The grammarians reckon (as already noticed, 641) several roots 
 of the most evidently reduplicate character as simple, and belonging to the 
 root-class. Some of these Qagr, daridra, vevi) are regular intensive 
 stems, and will be described below under Intensives (1020 a, 1024 a); 
 didhi shine, together with Vedic didi shine and pipi swell, are sometimes 
 also classed as intensives ; but they have not the proper reduplication of
 
 676—] IX. Present-system. 250 
 
 such, and may perhaps be hest noticed here, as reduplicated present-stems 
 ■with irregularly long reduplicating vowel. 
 
 a. Of pres. indie, occurs in the older language only didyati, 3d pi., 
 with the pples dldyat and dldhyat, and mid. didye, didhye, didh- 
 yatham, with the pples didyana, didhyana, pipyana. The suhj. stems 
 are didaya, didhaya, pipaya, and from them are made forms with both 
 primary (from didaya) and secondary endings (and the irregularly accented 
 didayat and didayat and didhayan). No opt. occurs. In impv. we have 
 didihi (and didihi) and pipihi, and pipyatam, pipyatam, pipyata. 
 In impf., adides and pipes, adidet and adidhet and apipet (with 
 augmentless forms), apipema (with strong form of root), and adidhayus 
 and (irregular) apipyan. 
 
 b. A few forms from all the three show transfer to an a-inflection: 
 thus, didhaya and pipaya (irapv.), apipayat, etc. 
 
 c. Similar forms from i/mi bellotv are amimet and mimayat. 
 
 677. The stem cakas shine (sometimes caka9) is also regarded by 
 the grammarians as a root, and supplied as such with tenses outside the 
 present-system — which, however, hardly occur in genuine use. It is not 
 known in the older language. 
 
 678. The root bhas chew loses its radical vowel in weak forms, 
 taking the form baps: thus, babhasti, but bapsati (3d pi.), bapsat 
 (pple). For babdham, see 233 f. 
 
 679. The root bhi fear is allowed by the grammarians to shorten 
 its vowel in weak forms: thus, bibhimas or bibhimas, bibhiyam or 
 bibhiyam; and bibhiyat etc. are met with in the later language. 
 
 680. Forms of this class from ]/jan give birth, with added i — thus, 
 jajnise, jajnidhve — are given by the grammarians, but have never been 
 found in use. 
 
 681. The roots ci and eit have in the Veda reversion of c to k in 
 the root-syllable after the reduplication : thus, cikesi, eikethe (anomalous, 
 for cikyathe), cikitam, aciket, cikyat (pple); eikiddhi. 
 
 682. The root vyac has 1 in the reduplication (from the y), and is 
 contracted to vie in weak forms: thus, viviktas, aviviktam. So the 
 root hvar (if its forms are to be reckoned here) has u in reduplication, 
 and contracts to hur: thus, juhurthas. 
 
 III. Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-class). 
 
 683. The roots of this class all end in consonants. And 
 their class-sign is a nasal preceding the final consonant: in 
 the weak forms, a nasal simply, adapted in character to the 
 consonant; but in the strong forms expanded to the syllable 
 R na, which has the accent.
 
 251 
 
 Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-CLASS). 
 
 [—686 
 
 a. In a few of the verbs of the class, the nasal extends also into 
 other tense stems: they are anj, bhanj, bins: see below, 694. 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 684. Examples of inflection: a. the root TJsT yaj 
 j'oifi: strong stem-form, ERsTyunaj; weak, IT^ yunj. 
 
 •s 
 
 For the rules of combination of final j, see 219. 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 s. d. p. 
 
 THm m^^ ?j¥^m 
 
 O O •% O -s 
 
 yunajmi yvinjvas yxmjmas 
 
 yunaksi yunkthas yunktha 
 
 yunakti yttnktas yunjanti 
 
 s. 
 o 
 
 yunje 
 
 middle. 
 
 d. p. 
 
 yimjvahe yunjmahe 
 
 yunkse yunjathe 
 yunkte yunjate 
 
 yungdhve 
 
 o 
 
 yiinjate 
 
 b. the root "^[U^rudh obstruct; bases "^WJ runadh and 
 ■^CI rundh. 
 
 For the rules of combination of final dh, see 153, 160. 
 
 1 ■^JTnfc'q "p^ "P'=^ "^ "^^^ ^^ ' cM^ 
 
 runadhmi rundhvas rimdhmas rimdhe rundhvahe rundhmahe 
 
 2 -^mn 
 
 runatsi runddhas runddha runtse 
 
 ■^mT% "p^ "pyl^ "^ "^r^TH 
 rvmaddhi rvinddhas rundhanti runddhe rundhate 
 
 rundhathe runddhve 
 
 rundhate 
 
 c. Instead of yunkthas, yungdhve, and the like {here and in 
 the impv. and impf.), it is allowed and more usual (231) to write 
 yuhthas, yundhve, etc.; and, in like manner, rundhas, rundhe, for 
 runddhas, runddhe; and so in other like cases. 
 
 685. Vedic irregularities of inflection are: 1. the ordinary use of a 
 3d sing. mid. like the 1st sing., as vrnje; 2. the accent on te of 3d pi. 
 mid. in anj ate, indhate, bhunjate. 
 
 a. Yunanksi, in BhP., is doubtless a false reading. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 686. The stem is made, as usual, by adding a to the strong 
 present-stem: thus, yunaja, runadha. Below are given as if made
 
 686—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 252 
 
 from i/yuj all the forms for which examples have been noted us 
 actually occiiring in the older language. 
 
 middle. 
 
 active. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 yunajani yunajava yunajama yunajai 
 
 yunajas 
 
 yunajat yunajatas yunajan yunajate 
 
 yunajamahai 
 yunajadhvai 
 
 687. The RV. has once anjatas, which is anomalous as heing made 
 from the weak tense-stem. Forms with double mode-sign are met with: 
 thus, trnahan (AV.), radhnavat and yunajan (QB.); and the only 
 quotable example of 3d du. act. (besides anjatas) is hinasatas (QB.). 
 9B. has also hinasavas as 1st du. act. : an elsewhere unexampled form. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 688. The optative is made, as elsevehere, by adding the 
 compounded mode-endings to the weak form of present- 
 stems. Thvis : 
 
 1 U?U1M 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 Tmm 
 
 o 
 
 p- 
 
 7mm 
 
 yunjyam yunjyava yunjyama 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 middle. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 o o ^ 
 
 yunjiya yunjivahi 
 
 etc. etc. 
 
 yunjimahi 
 
 etc. 
 
 a. AB. has once the anomalous 1st sing. act. vrnjiyam. And forms 
 like bhunjiyam -yat, yunjiyat, are here and there met with in the 
 epics (bhunjiyatam once in GGS.). MBh., too, has once bhunjitam. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 689. In this class (as the roots all end in consonants) 
 the ending of the 2d sing. act. is always ilT dhi. 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 s. 
 yunajani yvmajava yunajama 
 
 o 
 
 
 O -S 
 
 yungdhi yunktam yunkta 
 
 URW n^rq HUrT 
 yunaktu yunktam yunjantu 
 
 s. 
 
 o 
 
 middle. 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 yunajavahai yundjamahai 
 
 o -\ O -s ^ 
 
 yunksva yunjatham yungdhvam 
 
 ^3 f" -s -o ^ ^-' ^ 
 
 yunktam yunjatam yunjatam 
 
 yunajai
 
 253 
 
 Nasal Class (seventh, rudh-CLASS). 
 
 [—694 
 
 690. There is no occurrence, so far as noted, of the ending tat in 
 verbs of this class. The Veda has, as usual, sometimes strong forms, and 
 sometimes the ending tana, in the 2d pi. act. : thus, uuatta, yunakta, 
 anaktaua, pinastana. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 691. The participles are made in this class as in the 
 preceding ones: thus, act. a^n yunjant (fem. U^rTl yunjati); 
 mid. ir^'I yunjana (but RV. has indhana). 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 692. The example of the regular inflection of this tense 
 needs no introduction: 
 
 s. 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 ^3 
 
 o -s 
 
 ayunajam ayunjva 
 
 ayunjma ayunji 
 
 middle. 
 
 d. p. 
 
 ayunjvahi ayunjmahi 
 
 o -\ 
 ayunak 
 
 o -^ 
 ayxinak 
 
 ^U 
 
 ^ 
 
 ayunktam ayunkta 
 ayufiktam. ayunjan 
 
 5iir3^2fm EfTTKi^FT yu^-jy^T 
 
 ayunkthas ayvinjatham ayungdhvam. 
 
 1 "< o -so 
 
 ayunjatara ayunjata 
 
 o ' 
 
 ayunkta 
 
 a. The endings s and t are necessarily lost in the nasal class 
 throughout in 2d and 3d sing, act., unless saved at the expense of the 
 final radical consonant: which is a case of very rare occurrence (the 
 only quotable examples were given at 555 a). 
 
 693. The Veda shows no irregularities in this tense. Occurrences of 
 augmentless forms are found, especially in 2d and 3d sing, act., showing 
 an accent like that of the present: for example, bhinat, prnak, vrnak, 
 pinak, rinak. 
 
 a. The tst sing. act. atrnam and acchinam (for atrnadam and 
 acchinadamj were noted above, at 555 a. 
 
 694. The roots of this class number about thirty, more than 
 half of them being found only in the earlier language; no new ones 
 make their first appearance later. Three of them, anj and bhanj and 
 bins, carry their nasal also into other tense-systems than the present. 
 Two, rdh and ubh, make present-systems also of other classes having 
 a nasal in the class-sign: thus, rdbnoti (nu-class) and ubhnati 
 (na-class).
 
 694 — ] IX. Present-system. 254 
 
 a. Many of the roots make forms from secondary a-stems: thus, from 
 anja, unda, umbha, chinda, trnha, pinsa, prnca, bhunja, rundha, 
 Qinsa, etc. 
 
 Irregularities of the Nasal Class. 
 
 695. The root trh combines trnah with ti, tu, etc. into trnedhi, 
 trnedhu; and, according to the grammarians, has also such forms as 
 trnehmi : see above, 224 b. 
 
 696. The root bins (by origin apparently a desiderative from >/han) 
 accents irregularly the root-syllable_ in the weak forms : thus, hinsanti, 
 hinste, hmsana (but hinasat etc. and hinsyat ^B.). 
 
 IV. Nu- and u-classes (fifth and eighth, su- and tan-classes). 
 
 697. A. The present-stem of the nu-class is made by 
 adding to the root the syllable ^ nu, which then in the 
 strong forms receives the accent, and is strengthened to ^ no. 
 
 B. The few roots of the u-class (about half-a-dozen) 
 
 end in =T n, with the exception of the later irregular ^ kr 
 
 (or kar) — for which, see below, 714. The two classes, 
 
 then, are closely correspondent in form; and they are wholly 
 
 accordant in inflection. 
 
 a. The u of either class-sign is allowed to be dropped before 
 V and m of the 1st du. and 1st pi. endings, except when the root 
 (nu-class) ends in a consonant; and the u before a vowel-ending 
 becomes v or uv, according as it is preceded by one or by two 
 consonants (129 a). 
 
 1. Present Indicative, 
 
 698. Examples of inflection: A. nu-class; root 
 
 H su press out; strong form of stem, W^ suno; weak form, 
 
 W{ sunu. 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 8. d. p. s. d, p. 
 
 1 V^^ VF^^ H^TJTH H^ FR^ W{^^ 
 sunomi sunuvds sunumas sunve sunuvahe sunumahe 
 
 2 ^Hjp^ 5FR5TH W^ H^ VF^^ VF^ 
 
 •O OO -s, OO -J-5 ^5 ^O 
 
 Bunosi sunuthas sunuthd sunuse sunvathe sunudhve
 
 255 Nu- AND U- (FIFTH i ND EIGHTH, 8U- AND tan-CLASSES). [ — 700 
 
 H^TtfrT 
 
 sunoti 
 
 FRrm 
 sunutas 
 
 ?T^ 
 
 sunute sunvate 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 sunvate 
 
 suvanti 
 
 a. The forms sunvas, sunmas, sunvahe, sunmahe are alter- 
 native with those given here for 1st du. and pi., and in practice are 
 more common. From >/ap, however (for example), only the forms 
 with u can occur: thus, apnuvas, apnumahe; and also only apnu- 
 vanti, apnuve, apnuvate. 
 
 B. u-class; root FFf tan stretch: strong form of stem, 
 
 rTTT tano; weak, rTT tanu. 
 
 HHim 
 
 
 
 FF^ 
 
 rl^t! 
 
 ri'^H^ 
 
 tanomi 
 
 tanvas 
 
 tanmas 
 
 tanve 
 
 tanvahe 
 
 tanmahe 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 b. The inflection is so precisely like that given above that it 
 is not worth writing out in full. The abbreviated forms in 1st du. 
 and pi. are presented here, instead of the fuller, which rarely occur 
 (as no double consonant ever precedes). 
 
 699. a. In the older language, no strong 2d persons du. or pi., 
 and no thana-ending, chance to occur (but they are numerous in the 
 impv. and impf. : see below). The RV. has several cases of the irregular 
 accent in 3d pi. mid. : thus, krnvate, tanvate, manvate, vrnvate, 
 sprnvate. 
 
 b. In RV. occur also several 3d pi. mid. in ire from present-stems 
 of this class : thus, invire, rnvire, pinvire, Qrnvire, sunvire, hinvire. 
 Of these, pinvire, and hinvire might be perfects without reduplicatiou 
 from the secoudary roots pinv and hinv (below, 716). The 2d sing. mid. 
 (with passive value) Qrnvise (RV.) is of anomalous and questionable 
 character. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 700. The subjunctive mode-stem is made in the usual manner, 
 by adding a to the gunated and accented class-sign: thus, sunava, 
 tan&va. In the following scheme are given all the forms of which 
 examples have been met with in actual use in the older language 
 from either division of the class; some of them are quite numerously 
 represented there. 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 sunavani sunavava sunavama sundvai sunavavahai sunavamahai 
 aunavas sunavatha sunavase sunavaithe 
 
 fsunavate 
 
 3unavat 
 
 sunavan 
 
 Isunavatai 
 
 sunavanta
 
 701 ] IX. Present-system. 256 
 
 701. Of tbe briefer 1st sing, act., RV. has krnava and hinava. 
 Forms with double mode-sign occur (not in RV.): thus, krnavat and 
 karavat (AV.); aqnavatha (K.), krnavatha (VS.; but -vatha in 
 Kanva-text), karavatha (^B.). On the other hand, a9navatai is found 
 once (in TS.). Forms like apnuvani, ardhnuvat, aqnuvat, met with 
 now and then in the older texts, are doubtless to be regarded as false 
 readings. RV. has in a single passage krnvaite (instead of krnavaite); 
 the only form in aithe is aQnavaithe. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 702. The combined endings (566) are added, as usual, 
 to the weak tense-stem: thus, 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 TRiTFr wmm wmr^ h^it ^F^t^ ?f^^ 
 
 sunuyam sunuyava sunuyama sunviya sunvivahi sunvimahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 a. From i/ap, the middle optative would be apnuviya — and so 
 in other like cases. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 703. The inflection of the imperative is in general like 
 that in the preceding classes. As regards the 2d sing, act., 
 the rule of the later language is that the ending 1% hi is 
 taken whenever the root itself ends in a consonant; other- 
 wise, the tense- (or mode-) stem stands by itself as 2d per- 
 son (for the earlier usage, see below, 704). An example of 
 inflection is: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. 8. ■ d. p. 
 
 q^^ n^^n^ w[^^ H# gjq^TTs?% g^^iH^c 
 
 o o 
 
 sunavani sunavava sunavama sunavai sunavavahai sunavamahi 
 
 oo oo -X oo oo o ^ -s. oo -N 
 
 sunu sunutam sunuta sunusva sunvatham sunudhvam 
 
 mtn FFlrHH W^r\ H^^cTm w^m^^ wmT\ 
 
 ■o ^5 oo -s o o 
 
 Bunotu sunutam sunvantu sunutam sunvatam sunvatam
 
 257 Nu- AND U- (FIFTH AND EIGHTH, SU- AND tan-)CLASSES. [—708 
 
 a. From yap, the 2d sing. act. would be apnuhi; from ya,q, 
 a9nuhi; from }/dhrs, dhrsnuhi; and so on. From ]/ap, too, would 
 be made apnuvantu, apnuvatham, apnuvatam, apnuvatam. 
 
 704. lu the earliest language, the rule as to the omission of hi 
 after a root with final vowel, does not hold good: in RV., such forms as 
 inuhi, krnuhf, ciniihf, dhunuhi, qrnuhi, sprnuhi, hinuhi, ami 
 tanuhi, santihi, are nearly thrice as frequent in use as inu, 91'nu, 
 sunii, tanu, and their like; in AV., however, they are only one sixth 
 as frequent; and in the Brahmanas they appear only sporadically: even 
 9rnudhi (with dhi) occurs several times in RV. RV. has the 1st sing, 
 act. hinava. The ending tat is found in krnutat and hinutat, and 
 kurutat. The strong stem-form is found in 2d du. act. in hinotam and 
 krnotam ; and in 2d pi. act. in krnota and krnotana, 9rn6ta and 
 9rnotana, sunota and sunotana, hinota and hinotana, and tanota, 
 karota. The ending tana occurs only in the forms just quoted. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 705. The endings ^FT ant and ^TR ana are added to the 
 weak form of tense stem: thus, from y^ su come act. H^SfrT 
 sunvant (fern. H'^rfi sunvati), mid. H^^TR sunvana; from yfR 
 tan, rF^FT tanvant fern. rT^frft tanvati), rT'^TR tanvana. From 
 y^^^ ap, they are BTPRcTtT apnuvant and STra^TR apnuvana, 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 706. The combination of augmented stem and endings 
 is according to t .e rules already stated: thus, 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 STFR^^ ^^.^ m^^ ^rni^ ?m^sife sm^^qfe 
 
 o -s 00 00 o 00 ^ 00 ^ 
 
 asunavam asTinuva aaunuma asunvi asunuvahl asvinumahi 
 
 ^TFRTTI ^nTRrFl WHr\ tWH^^IU MH-^IMIH 5I?RUq 
 asunos asunutam asunuta asunuthas asunvatham asunudhvam. 
 
 3TO^ ^m^rTFT ^ra^^R g^RcT tlH-^IHH h\iA^^ 
 asunot asunutam asunvan asunuta asunvatam asunvata 
 
 a. Here, as elsewhere, the briefer forms asunva, asunma, asun- 
 vahi, asunmahi are allowed, and more usual, except from roots 
 with final consonant, as dhrs: which makes, for example, always 
 adhrsnuma etc., and also adhrsnuvan, adhrsnuvi, adhrsnuvatham, 
 adhrsnuvatam, adhrsnuvata. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 17
 
 707—] IX. Present-system. 258 
 
 707. Strong stem-forms and tana-ending are found only in RV., in 
 akrnota, akrnotaua. Augmentless forms with accent are minvan, 
 rnuta. 
 
 708. About fifty roots make, either exclusively or in part, their 
 present-forms after the manner of the nu-class: half of them do so 
 only in the older language; three or four, only in the later. 
 
 a. As to transfers to the a-conjugation, see below, 716. 
 
 709. The roots of the other division, or of the u-class, are 
 extremely few, not exceeding eight, even including tr on account 
 of tarute RV., and han on account of the occurrence of hanomi 
 once in a Sutra (PGS. i. 3. 27). BR. refer the stem inu to in of the 
 u-class instead of i of the nu-class. 
 
 Irregularities of the nu and u-elasses. 
 
 710. The root trp be pleased is said by the grammarians to retain 
 the n of its class-sign unlingualized in the later language — where, however, 
 forms of conjugation of this class are very rare ; while in the Veda the 
 regular change is made : thus, trpnu. 
 
 711. The root qvyxhear is contracted to 91" before the class-sign, 
 forming 9rn6 and 9rnu as stem. Its forms 9rnvise and 9rnvire 
 have been noted above (699 b). 
 
 712. The root dhu shake in the later language (and rarely in 
 B. and S.) shortens its vowel, making the stem-forms dhuno and 
 dhunu (earlier dhuno, dhunu). 
 
 713. The so-called root urnu, treated by the native grammarians as 
 dissyllabic and belonging to the root-class (I.), is properly a present-stem 
 of this class, with anomalous contraction, from the root vr (or var). In 
 the Veda, it has no forms which are not regularly made according to the 
 nu-class ; but in the Brahmana language are found sometimes such forms 
 as urnauti, as if from an u-root of the root class (626) ; and the gram- 
 marians make for it a perfect, aorist, future, etc. Its 2d sing. impv. act. 
 is urnu or urnuhi; its imp f., aiirnos, aurnot; its opt. mid., iirnuvita 
 (K.) or urnvita (TS.). 
 
 714. The extremely common root ^ kr (or kar) make 
 is in the later language inflected in the present-system ex- 
 clusively according to the u-class (being the only root of 
 that class not ending in ^ n). It has the irregularity that 
 in the strong form of stem it (as well as the class-sign) has 
 the gu^a-strengthening, and that in the weak form it is
 
 259 Nu- AND U- ^FIFTH AND EIGHTH, SU- AND tan.-) CLASSES. [—714 
 
 changed to kur, so that the two forms of stem are of^ karo 
 and ^FT^ kuru. The class-sign 3 u is always dropped be- 
 fore ^ V and ij m of the 1st du. and pi., and also before 
 TJ y of the opt. act. Thus: 
 
 s. 
 
 karomi 
 
 karosi 
 
 karoti 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 kurvas 
 
 o ^ •% 
 kuruthas 
 
 kurutas 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 middle. 
 
 P- 
 
 O -s. 
 
 kurraas 
 
 kurutha 
 
 o 
 kurvanti 
 
 s. 
 o 
 
 kurve 
 kuruse 
 
 kurute 
 
 d. 
 
 kurvahe 
 
 o 
 kurvathe 
 
 o 
 
 kurvate 
 
 P- 
 kurmahe 
 
 kurudhve 
 
 kurvate 
 
 O "v. 
 
 kuryam 
 
 etc. 
 
 2. Present Optative, 
 
 -o 
 
 kuryava 
 etc. 
 
 kuryama 
 etc. 
 
 Op 
 
 kurviya 
 etc. 
 
 kurvlvahi 
 
 etc. 
 
 kurvlmahi 
 
 etc. 
 
 karavani karavava karavama 
 
 kuruta 
 
 3. Present Imperative. 
 
 karavai karavavahai karavamahai 
 
 ^ 
 
 o 
 
 kuru 
 
 kurutam 
 
 WW 
 
 ^^Miq 
 
 
 kurusva kurvatham kurudhvam 
 
 karotu 
 
 o V -v 
 
 kurutam 
 
 o o 
 
 kurvantu 
 
 
 kurutam^ kurvatam 
 4. Present Participle. 
 
 kurvatam 
 
 ^FtcTH kurvant (fem, SfiSf^fj- kurvati) ^^^nTTT kurvana 
 
 akaravam akurva 
 
 o 
 
 5. Imperfect. 
 
 O o 
 
 akurma akurvi 
 
 akurvahi akurmahi 
 
 5r^^ 
 
 akaros 
 
 ^ -v. 
 
 akarot 
 
 akurutam, akuruta 
 
 O V •% O -s 
 
 akurutam akurvan 
 
 ^T^iT^HH ^T^^FT 3gRfT»?iq 
 
 OV ^O -\ -oV->^ 
 
 akuruthas akurvatham akurudhvam. 
 
 akuruta akurvatam akurvata 
 
 
 17*
 
 715 — ] ' IX. Present-system. 260 
 
 715. In RV., this root is regularly inflected in the present-system 
 according to the nu-class, making the stem-forms krno and krnu; the 
 only exceptions are kurmas once and kiiru twice (all in the tenth book); 
 in AV., the nu-forms are still more than six times as frequent as the 
 ii-forms (nearly half of which, moreover, are in prose passages); but in 
 the Brahmana language and later, the u-forms are used to the exclusion 
 of the others. 
 
 a. As 1st sing. pres. act. is found kurmi in the epos. 
 
 b. "What irregular forms from kr as a verb of the nu-class occur in 
 the older language have been already noticed above. 
 
 c. The isolated form tarute, from ytr, shows an apparent analogy 
 ■with these u-forms from kr. 
 
 716. A few verbs belonging originally to these classes have been 
 shifted, in part or altogether, to the a-class, their proper class-sign 
 having been stereotyped as a part of the root. 
 
 a. Thus, in RV. we find forms both from the stem inu (|/i or in), 
 and also from inva, representing a derivative quasi-root inv (and these 
 latter alone occur in AV.). So likewise forms from a stem rnva beside 
 those from rnu (]/r); and from hinva beside those from hinu (ylii). 
 The so-called roots jinv and pinv are doubtless of the same origin, although 
 no forms from the stem pinu are met with at any period — unless pinvire 
 (above, 699b) be so regarded; and AV. has the participle pinvant, f. 
 pinvati. The grammarians set up a root dhinv, but only forms from 
 dhi (stem dhinu) appear to occur in the present-system (the aorist 
 adhinvit is found in PB.). 
 
 b. Occasional a-forms are met with also from other roots : thus, 
 cinvata etc., dunvasva. 
 
 V. Na-class (ninth or kri-class). 
 
 717. The class-sign of this class is in the strong forms 
 the syllable ^ n5, accented, which is added to the root; 
 in the weak forms, or where the accent falls upon the end- 
 ing, it is ^ ni; but before the initial vowel of an ending 
 the ^ I of ^ ni disappears altogether. 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 718. Example of inflection: root cfft krx buy: strong 
 form of stem, ^bluii krinS; weak form, ^rftnft krini (before 
 a vowel, ^ri^rn krln).
 
 261 
 
 Na-CLASS (NINTH, kri-CLASS). 
 
 [—722 
 
 active. 
 
 s. (1. p. 
 
 ^tTl'illlH ^fWtHTH ^"IUIImH 
 
 krinivas krinimas 
 
 middle. 
 
 krinami 
 
 2 ^ImifH ^llft?IR W^^ 
 krinasi krinithas krinitha 
 
 3 wtmm w?mv^ ^^mm 
 
 krinati krlnitas krinanti 
 719. In the Veda, the 3d sing. mid. has the same form 
 in grne ; the peculiar accent of 3d pi. mid. is seen in punate 
 and vrnimahe (beside vrnimahe) occurs once in RV. 
 
 krine krinivahe 
 krinise krlnathe 
 
 • a • 
 
 krinite krinate 
 
 krinimahe 
 
 krinidhve 
 
 krinate 
 with the 1st 
 and rinate ; 
 
 
 active. 
 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 p. 
 
 krinani 
 
 
 krinama 
 
 krinas 
 
 
 krlnatha 
 
 krinat 
 
 
 krinan 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 720. The subjunctive forms which have been found exemplified 
 in Veda and Brahmana are given below. The subjunctive mode-stem 
 is, of course, indistinguishable in form from the strong tense-stem. 
 And the 2d and 3d sing. act. (with secondary endings) are indistin- 
 guishable from augmentless imperfects. 
 
 middle, 
 s. d. p. 
 
 krinai krinavahai krinamahai 
 
 • • • 
 
 krinasai 
 
 krinatai krinantai 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 721. This mode is formed and inflected with entire 
 regularity ; owing to the fusion of tense-sign and mode-sign 
 in the middle, some of its persons are indistinguishable from 
 augmentless imperfects. Its first persons are as follows: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. 1>. s. d. p. 
 
 1 ^rrTnfnTTJT^ ^Fftmtm^ ^TfrtrnmiT ^mtu ^FftnfNn^ wTtmtqf^ 
 
 kriniyam kriniyava krinlyama kriniya krinlvahi krinimahi 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 722. The ending in 2d sing, act., as being always pre- 
 ceded by a vowel, is f% hi (never jIT dhi) ; and there are no 
 examples of an omission of it. But this person is forbidden
 
 722 — ] IX. Present-system. 262 
 
 to be formed in the classical language from roots ending in 
 a consonant; for both class-sign and ending is substituted 
 the peculiar ending 5TH ana. 
 
 active. middle, 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 5h1miH wtm^ wtw^ "^^ "^m^^ ^tilmn^ 
 
 krinani krinava krinama krinai krinavahai krinamahai 
 
 • • • • • • 
 
 2 ^Wf% ■^ftufirFr ^tnk wtwt^ wtmmR ^Fftm^q 
 
 krinihi kriuitam krinita krinisva krmatham krmidhvam 
 
 • « * « ■ • • 
 
 3 W^nm ^WrTFT Wt^rl Wtrntc^ ^Pfklrnq ^'klcTFT 
 
 O "NO -V -S -V. 
 
 krinatu krinitam krinantvi krinitam krinatara krinatam 
 
 • • • • • • 
 
 a. Examples of the ending ana in 2cl sing. act. are a^ana, 
 grhana, badhana, stabhana. 
 
 723. The ending ana is known also to the earliest "language ; of the 
 examples just given, all are found in AV., and the first two in RV. ; others 
 are isana, musana, skabhana. But AV. has also grbhnihi (also AB.), 
 and even grhnahi, with strong stem; BhP. has badlinihi. Strong stems 
 are further found in grnahi and strnahi (TS.), prnahi (TB.), and 
 9rinah.i (Apast.), and, with anomalous accent, punahi and grnahi (SV.) ; 
 and, in 2d pi. act., in punata (RV.). The ending tat of 2d sing. act. 
 occurs in grhnitat, janitat, punitat. The ending tana is found in 
 ptmltana, prnitana, grinitana. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 724. The participles are regularly formed: thus, for 
 example, act. ^fhlTtT krinant (fem. ^ffhTfcft krinati); mid. 
 ^FftniR krinana. 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 725. There is nothing special to be noted as to the 
 inflection of this tense : an example is — 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 akrinam akriniva akrinima akrini dkrinivahi akrinimahi 
 
 • ■ • • • • 
 
 2 y^il'iim sT^fTtmlrnT ^r^rrtmlrr ^rwftnfkTH 5T5ffi''nT^TFr ti^blurhjq 
 
 akrinas akrinitam akrinita akrinithas akrinatham akrinidhvam 
 akrinat akrinitam dkrinan akrinita akrinatam akrinata
 
 263 Na-CLASS (ninth, kri-CLASS). [—732 
 
 726. It has been pointerl out above that augmentless persons of this 
 tense are in part indistinguishable in form from subjunctive and optative 
 persons. Such as certainly belong here are (in V.) kainam; a^nan, 
 rinin; grbhnata, vrnata. The AV. has once minit Instead of minat. 
 MBh. has aqnis after ma. 
 
 a. AB. has the false form ajanimas, and in AA. occurs avrnita as 
 3d plural. 
 
 727. The roots which form their present-systems, wholly or in 
 part, after the manner of this class, are over fifty in number: but, for 
 about three fifths of them, the forms are quotable only from the older 
 language, and for half-a-dozen they make their first appearance later; 
 for less than twenty are they in use through the whole life of the 
 language, from the Veda down. 
 
 a. As to secondary a-stems, see 731. 
 
 Irregularities of the na-class. 
 
 728. a. The roots ending in u shorten that vowel before the 
 class-sign: thus, from ypu, punati and punite; in like manner also 
 jii, dhu, lu. 
 
 b. The root vli (B.S.) forms either vlina or vlina. 
 
 729. The root grabh or grah (the former Vedic) is weakened 
 to grbh or grh. 
 
 a. As the perfect also in weak forms has grbh or grh, it is not 
 easy to see why the grammarians should not have written r instead of ra 
 in the root. 
 
 730. a. A few of the roots have a more or less persistent nasal 
 in forms outside the present-system ; such are without nasal before 
 the class-sign: thus, grath or granth, badh or bandh, math or 
 manth, skabh or skambh, stabh or stambh. 
 
 b. The root jna also loses its nasal before the class-sign: thus, 
 janati, janite. 
 
 731. Not rarely, forms showing a transfer to the a-conjugation 
 are met with: thus, even in RV., minati, minat, aminanta, from 
 )/mi; in AV., 9rna from Yqr; later, grhna, jana, prina, mathna, 
 etc. And from roots pr and mr are formed the stems prna and 
 mrna, whicli are inflected after the manner of the d-class, as if from 
 roots prn and mrn. 
 
 732. In the Veda, an apparently denominative inflection of a 
 ste'm in aya is not infrequent beside the conjugation of roots of this 
 class: thus, grbhaya, mathayati, a9rathayas, skabhayata, astabh- 
 ayat, prusayante, musayat, and so on. See below, 1066 b.
 
 733 — ] |IX. Present-system. 264 
 
 Second or a-Conjugation. 
 733. We come now to the classes which compose the 
 Second or a-Conjugation. These are more markedly 
 similar in their mode of inflection than the preceding classes ; 
 their common characteristics, already stated, may be here 
 repeated in summary. They are: 1. A final a in the present- 
 stem; 2. a constant accent, not changing between stem and 
 ending; 3. a briefer form of the optative mode-sign in the 
 active, namely i instead of ya (combining in both voices 
 alike with a to e); 4. the absence of any ending (except 
 when tat is used) in 2d sing. impv. act.; 5. the conversion 
 of initial a of the 2d and 3d du. mid. endings with final a 
 of the stem to e; 6. the use of the full endings ante, anta, 
 antam in 3d pi, rnid. forms; 7. the invariable use of an 
 not us) in 3d pi. impf. act.; 8. and the use of mana instead 
 of ana as ending of the mid. pple. Moreover, 9. the stem- 
 final a becomes a before m and v of 1st personal endings — 
 but not before am of 1st sing, impf.: here, as before the 
 3d pi. endings, the stem-final is lost, and the short a of the 
 ending remains (or the contrary): thus, bhavanti (bhava-f 
 anti), bhavante (bhava -|- ante) , abhavam (abhava-f-am). 
 
 a. All these characteristics belong not to the inflection of the 
 a-present-system alone, but also to that of the a-, reduplicated, and 
 sa-aorists, the s-future, and the desiderative, causative, and demon- 
 inative present-stems. That is to say, wherever in conjugation an 
 a-stem is found, it is inflected in the same manner. 
 
 VI. A-class (first, bhu-class). 
 
 734. The present-stem of this class is made by adding 
 
 ^ a to the root, which has the accent, and, Avhen that is 
 
 possible (235, 240), is strengthened to guna. Thus, H^T 
 
 bhava from )/H bhu; sT?T jaya from >/% ji; ^-T bodha from 
 
 r 
 
 yWJ budh; ^q sarpa from ]/Tm srp; — but STT vada from 
 y^ vad; jffri krida from ]/^Z: krid.
 
 s. d. 
 
 p. s. 
 
 d. 
 
 bhavami bhavavas 
 
 bhavaraas bhave 
 
 bhava-v 
 
 265 A-CLASS (FIRST, bhU-CLASS). [—737 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 735. The endings and the rules for their combination 
 with the stem have been already fully given, for this and 
 the other parts of the present-system; and it only remains 
 to illustrate them by examples. 
 
 a. Example of inflection: root >T bhu be; stem H^ 
 
 bhava [bho-f a: 131). 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 P- 
 
 e bhavamahe 
 bhavasi bhavathas bhavatha bhavase bhavethe bhavadhve 
 
 3 mfk mrm mm m^ >^ m% 
 
 bhavati bhavatas bhavanti bhavate bhavete bhavante 
 
 b. The V. has but a single example of the thana-ending, namely 
 vadathana (and no other in any class of this conjugation). The 1st pi. 
 mid. manamahe (RV., once) is prohably an error. RV, has Qobhe once 
 as 3d singular. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 736. The mode-stem is bhava ^bhava + a). Subjunctive forms 
 of this conjugation are very numerous in the older language; the 
 following scheme instances "^11 that have been found to occur. 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 bhavani bhavava bhavama bhavai bhavavahai bhavamahai 
 
 (bhavasi , _ , _ (bhavase 
 
 2 1, , , _ bhavathas bhavatha ■!, , , _ _. bhavadhvai 
 Ibhavas Ibhavasai 
 
 Ibhavati , , , _^ , , . _ Ibhavate , , , _.^ (bhavanta 
 
 3 1, , . -^ bhavatas bhavan ^, , , _^_. bhavaite ■», , , _ ^ . 
 (bhavat Ibhavatai Ibhavantai 
 
 737. The 2d du. mid. (bhavaithe) does not chance to occur in this 
 class; and yataite is the only example of the 3d person. No such pi. 
 mid. forms as bhavadhve, bhavante are made from any class with stem- 
 final a; such as bhavanta (which are very common) are, of course, prop- 
 erly augmentless imperfects. The Brahmanas (especially ^B.) prefer the 
 2d sing. act. in asi and the 3d in at. AB. has the 3d sing. mid. haratai ; 
 and a 8d pi. in antai (vartantai KB.) has been noted once. RV. has 
 examples, area and mada, of the briefer 1st sing. act.
 
 738—] 
 
 IX. Present-system. 
 
 266 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 738. The scheme of optative endings as combined with 
 the final of an a-stem was given in full above (566). 
 active. 
 
 middle. 
 
 s, d. p. s. 
 
 ymq i^ m^ mu 
 
 bhaveyam bhaveva bhavema bhaveya 
 
 P- 
 bhavemahi 
 
 bhaves 
 
 >^ 
 
 bhavet 
 
 d. 
 bhavevahi 
 bhavetam bhaveta bhavethas bhaveyatham bhavedhvam 
 
 bhavetam bhaveyus bhaveta bhaveyatam bhaveran 
 
 a. Tlie RV. has once tlie 3d pi. mid. bharerata (for one other 
 example, see 752 b). AV. has udeyam from }/vad. 
 
 b. A few instances are met -with of middle 3d persons from a-stems 
 ia ita and (very rarely) Iran, instead of eta and eran. For convenience, 
 they may he put together here (excepting the more numerous causative 
 forms, for which see 1043 c); they are (so far as noted) these: nayita S. 
 and later, Qansita S., 9rayita S. ; dhayita S., dhyayita U., hvayita 
 AB. S. and hvayiran S., dhmayita U. An active form qanslyat C. is 
 isolated and anomalous. 
 
 739. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 An example of the imperative inflection is: 
 
 active. 
 d. 
 
 bhavani 
 bhava 
 
 bhavava 
 
 P- 
 bhavama 
 
 s. 
 
 middle, 
 d. 
 
 
 P- 
 
 bhavatam bhavata 
 
 o 
 
 bhavatu 
 
 mrTR 
 
 '\ 
 
 o 
 
 bhavai bhavavahai bhavamahai 
 
 v{^Tt^ ■i^mm ^^m 
 
 bhavasva bhavetham bhavadhvam 
 
 ym^m m^m n^rm 
 
 -'^ -S -N 
 
 bhavatam bhdvantu bhavatam bhavetam bhavantam 
 
 740. The ending tana in 2d pi. act. is as rare in this whole conjuga- 
 tion as is thana in the present: the V. affords only bhajatana in the 
 a-class (and nahyatana in the ya-class : 760 c). The ending tat of 2d 
 sing, act., on the other hand, is not rare; the KV. has avatat, osatat, 
 dahatat, bhavatat, yacchatat, yacatat, raksatat, vahatat ; to which 
 AV. adds jinvatat, dhavatat; and the Ikahmanas bring other examples. 
 MS. has twice svadatu (parallel texts both times svadati): compare 
 similar cases in the a-class: 752 e.
 
 207 A-CLASS (FIRST, bhU-CLASS). [—744 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 741. The endings ^r{ ant and ITR mana are added to 
 the present-stem, with loss, before the former, of the final 
 stem-vowel: thus, act. H^TH bhavant (fem. H^rft bhavanti); 
 mid. H^PTPf bhavamana. 
 
 a. A small number of middle participles appear to be made from 
 stems of this class (as of other a-classes: see 752 e, 1043 f) by the 
 suffix ana instead of mana : thus, namana, pacana, (jiksana, svajana, 
 hvayana (all epic), majjana and kasana (later); and there are Vedic 
 examples (as cyavana, prathana, yatana or yatana, 9urabhana, all 
 RV.) of which the character, whether present or aorist, is doubtful : compare 
 840, 852. 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 742. An example of the imperfect inflection is: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 a. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 ^^^ ^^^^m ^mm ^^ m^mf^ wm^ 
 
 abhavam abhavava abhavama abhave abhavavahi abhavamahi 
 
 m^^ w\^^{^ ^mn em^ft ^'^m^ mw^ 
 
 abhavas abhavatam abhavata abhavathas abhavetham abhavadhvam 
 
 abhavat abhavatam abhavan abhavata abhavetam abhavanta 
 
 743. No forms in tana arc made in this tense from any a-class. 
 Examples of augmentless forms (which are not uncommon) are: cyavam, 
 avas, dahas, bodhat, bharat, caran, na9an; badhathas, vardhata, 
 96cauta. The subjunctively used forms of '2d and 3d sing. act. are more 
 frequent than those of either of the proper subjunctive persons. 
 
 744. A far larger number of roots form their present-system 
 according to the a-class than according to any of the other classes : 
 in the RV., they are about two hundred and forty (nearly two fifths 
 of the whole body of roots); in the AV., about two hundred (nearly 
 the same proportion) ; for the whole language, the proportion is still 
 larger, or nearly one half the whole number of present-stems: namely, 
 over two hundred in both earlier and later language, one hundred 
 and seventy-five in the older alone, nearly a hundred and fifty in the 
 later alone. Among these are not a few transfers from the classes 
 of the first conjugation: see those classes above. There are no roots 
 ending in long a — except a few which make an a-stem in some 
 anomalous way: below, 749 a.
 
 745—] IX. Present-system. 268 
 
 Irregularities of the a-elass. 
 
 745. A few verbs have irregular vowel-changes in forming tlie 
 present-stem: thus, 
 
 a. uh consider has guna-strengthening (against 240): thus, ohate. 
 
 b. krp (or krap) lament, on the contrary, remains unchanged: thus, 
 krpate. 
 
 c. guh hide has prolongation instead of guna: thus, guhati. 
 
 d. kram stride regularly lengthens its vowel in the active, but not 
 in the middle: thus, kraraati, kramate; but the vowel-quantities are 
 somewhat mixed up, even from the oldest language down; — klam tire is 
 said to form klamati etc., but is not quotable; — cam with the prepo- 
 sition a rinse the mouth forms acamati. 
 
 e. In the later language are found occasional forms of this class from 
 mrj loipe ; and they show the same vrddhi (instead of guna) which belongs 
 to the root in its more proper inflection (627) : thus, marjasva. 
 
 f. The grammarians give a number of roots in urv, which they declare 
 to lengthen the u in the present-stem. Only three are found in (quite 
 limited) use, and they show no forms anywhere with short u. All appear 
 to be of secondary formation from roots in r or ar. The root mureh or 
 mtireh coagulate has likewise only u in quotable forms. 
 
 g. The onomatopoetic root sthiv spew is written by the grammarians 
 as sthiv, and declared to lengthen its vowel in the present-system: com- 
 pare 240 b. 
 
 746. The roots dan9 hite, ranj color, sanj hang, svanj embrace, 
 of which the nasal is in other parts of the conjugation not constant, 
 lose it in the present-system: thus, daqati etc.; sanj forms both 
 sajati and sajjati (probably for sajyati, or for sasjati from sasa- 
 jati); math or manth has mathati later. In general, as the present 
 of this class is a strengthening formation, a root that has such a nasal 
 anywhere has it here also. 
 
 747. The roots gam. go and yam reach make the present-stems 
 gaccha and yaccha: thus, gacchami etc.: see 608. 
 
 748. The root sad sit forms sida (conjectured to be contracted 
 from sisda for sisada): thus, sidami etc. 
 
 749. Transfers to this class from other classes are not rare, as 
 has been already pointed out above, both throughout the present- 
 system and in occasional forms. The most important cases are the 
 following : 
 
 a. The roots in a, stha stand, pa drink, and ghra siiiell, form 
 the present-stems tistha (tisthami etc.), piba (plbami etc.), and 
 jighra (jighrami etc.): for these and other similar cases, see 671-4. 
 
 b. Secondary root-forms like inv, jinv, pinv, from simpler roots
 
 2(59 
 
 Accented a-CLASS (sixth, tud-CLAss). 
 
 [—752 
 
 of the nu-class, are either found alongside their originals, or have 
 crowded these out of use: see 716. 
 
 750. On the other hand, the root dham or dhma bloio forms 
 its present-stem from the more original form of the root: thus, 
 dhamati etc. 
 
 VII. Accented a-ciass (sixth, tud-class). 
 
 751. The present-stem of this class has the accent on 
 the class-sign ^ a, and the root remains unstrengthened. In 
 its whole inflection, is follows so closely the model of the 
 preceding class that to give the paradigm in full will be 
 unnecessary (only for the subjunctive, all the forms found 
 to occur will be instanced). 
 
 752. Example of inflection: root fipH vie enter \ stem 
 FTUT vied: 
 
 1. Present Indicative, 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 viQami 
 
 etc. 
 
 vi9avas 
 
 etc. 
 
 N'JiIMM 
 
 vigamas 
 
 etc. 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 viqe vi9avahe vicjamahe 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 vigani 
 jvi(jasi 
 \vi9as 
 
 {viqati 
 vi9at 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 vi9ava vi9ama 
 vi9atha 
 
 vi9atas vi9an 
 
 vi9ai 
 
 fvi9ase 
 
 \vi9asai 
 
 rvi9ate 
 \vi9atai 
 
 vi9avahai vi9amahai 
 vi9aithe 
 
 vi9aite vigantai 
 
 a. A single example of the briefer 1st sing. act. is mrksa. The only 
 forms in aithe and aite are prnaithe and yuvaite. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 1 Ni^iuH T^5i^ mm 
 
 vi9eya vi9evalii vi9emahi 
 
 vi9eyam vi9eva vi9ema 
 
 etc. etc. etc. efc. etc. etc. 
 
 b. The RV. has the ending tana once in tiretana 2d pi. act., and 
 rata in juserata 3d pi. mid.
 
 752—] IX. Present-system. 270 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 The first persons having been given above as subjunc- 
 tives, the second are added here: 
 
 viqa, vicjatam viqata vi^asva vicjetham vicjadhvam 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 c. The ending tat is found in RV. and AV. in mrdatat, vrhatat, 
 suvatat; other examples are not infrequent in the Brahmana language: 
 thus, khidatat, chyatat, prcchatat, viQatat, srjatat; and later, sprqa- 
 tat. The 3d sing. act. nudatu and muncatu occur in Sutras (cf. 740). 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 The active participle is T%?lfT^ vieant; the middle is 
 
 I^JH'TH vieamana. 
 
 d. The feminine of the active participle is usually made from the 
 strong stem-form: thus, vlQanti; hut sometimes from the weak: thus, 
 sincanti and sincatl (RV. and AV.), tudanti and tudati (AV.): see 
 ahove, 449 d, e. 
 
 e. Middle participles in ana instead of mana are dhuvana, dhrsana, 
 ligana, 9yana, in the older language; kr9ana, muncana, spr9ana in 
 the later (^f. 741 a). 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 1 5fm5i^ mmj^ Jbii^tiii'H ^fm ^fensrf^ 5feiTqf% 
 
 avi9am avi9ava avi9ama avi9e avi9avalii avi9amahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 f. Examples of augmentless forms accented are srjas, srjat, tiranta. 
 
 g. The a-aorist (846 ff.) is in general the equivalent, as regards its 
 forms, of an imperfect of this class. 
 
 753. Stems of the a-class are made from nearly a hundred and 
 fifty roots : for about a third of these, in both the earlier and the 
 later language; for a half, in the earlier only; for the remainder, 
 nearly twenty, only in the later language. Among them are a number 
 of transfers from the classes of the non-a-coujugation. 
 
 a. In some of these transfers, as prn and mrn (731), there takes 
 place almost a setting-up of independent roots. 
 
 b. The stems iccha, uccha, and rccha are reckoned as Ijelonging 
 respectively to the roots is desire, vas shine, and r go. 
 
 c. The roots written hy the Hindu grammarians with final o — 
 namely, cho, do, 90, and so — and forming the present-stems chya,
 
 271 Accented a-CLASS (sixth, tud-CLASS). [—759 
 
 dya, 9ya, sya, are more properly (as having an accented a in the stem) 
 to be reckoned to this class than to the ya-class, where the native classi- 
 fication puts them (see 761 g). They appear to be analogous with the 
 stems ksya, sva, hva, noted below (755). 
 
 754. The roots from which a-stems are made have certain noticeable 
 pecularities of form. Hardly any of them have long vowels, and none have 
 long interior vowels ; very few have final vowels ; and none (save two or 
 three transfers, and yi&jj be ashamed, which does not occur in any accen- 
 tuated text, and is perhaps to be referred rather to the a-class) have a as 
 radical vowel, except as this forms a combination with r, which is then 
 reduced with it to r or some of the usual substitutes of r. 
 
 Irregularities of the a-class. 
 
 755. The roots in i and u and u change those vowels into iy 
 and uv before the class-sign: thus, ksiya, yuva, ruva; suva, etc.; 
 and sva, hva occur, instead of suva and huva, in the older language, 
 while TS. has the participle ksyant. K. has dhiiva from /dhu, 
 
 756. The three roots in r form the present-stems kira, gira 
 (also gila), tira, and are sometimes written as kir etc.; and gur, jur, 
 tur are really only varieties of gr, jr, tr; and bhur and sphur are 
 evidently related with other ar or r root-forms. 
 
 a. The common root prach ask makes the stem prccha. 
 
 757. As to the stems -driya and -priya, and mriya and dhriya, 
 sometimes reckoned as belonging to this class, see below, 773. 
 
 758. Although the present-stem of this class shows in general 
 a weak form of the root, there are nevertheless a number of roots 
 belonging to it which are strengthened by a penultimate nasal. Thus, 
 the stem munca is made from ]/muc release; sinea from ysie sprinkle; 
 vinda from |/vid Jind; krnta from >/krt cut; piri9a from }/pi9 
 adorn; trmpa from i/trp enjoy; lumpa from ylup break] limpa from 
 ]/lip smear; and occasional forms of the same kind are met with frOm" 
 a few others, as tunda from )/tud thrust; brnha from |/brh strengthen; 
 drnha (beside dfnha) from /drh make firm; 9umbha (beside 9unibha) 
 from }/9ubh shine; TS. has 9rnthati from >/9rath (instead of 9rathnati) ; , 
 uncha, vindha, sumbha, are of doubtful character. 
 
 a. Nasalized a-stems are also in several instances made by transfer 
 from the nasal class : thus, unda, umbha, riaja, pinsa, yunja, rundha, 
 9insa. 
 
 VIII. Ya-class (fourth, div-class). 
 
 759. The present-stem of this class adds IJ ya to the 
 accented but unstrengthened root. Its inflection is also pre-
 
 759—] IX. Present-system. 272 
 
 cisely like that of the a-class, and may be presented in the 
 
 same abbreviated form as that of the a-class. 
 
 760. Example of inflection: root ^ nah hind\ 
 
 stem ^^ nahya, 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 ^^t1^ ^-^m^ ^T^Frn^ ^# ^^T# H^iH^ 
 
 nahyami nahyavas nahyamas nahye nahyavahe nahyamahe 
 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 1 nahyani nahyama nahyai nahyavahai nahyamahai 
 
 2 •! , _ nahyasai nahyadhvai 
 Inahyas 
 
 3 ] 't, -J. nahyatas nahyan nahyatai nahyantai 
 
 a. A 3d pi. mid. in antai (jayantai) occurs once in TS. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 1 ^%^^ ^w^ =^#t ^wn =^#^ ^i#Tf% 
 
 nahyeyam nahyeva nahyema nahyeya nahyevahi nahyemahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 b. For two or three 3d sing. mid. forms in ita (for eta), see 738 b. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 nahya nahyatam. nahyata nahyasva nahyetham nahyadhvam 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 c. Of the ending tana, KV. has one example, nahyatana ; the end- 
 ing tat is found in asyatat, khyayatat, na9yatat. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 The active participle is ^'^J^ nahyant (fem. ^T^rfl nah- 
 yanti); the middle is ^T^^TR nahyamana. 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 1 wFfF\ ww^ sgR^^rnr wm sR^i^f% ?R^^mf% 
 
 anahyam anahyava ^nahyama anahye anahyavahi anahyamahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc.
 
 273 Ya-CLASS (fourth, div-CLASS): [—761 
 
 d. Examples of augmentless forms showing the accent belonging to the 
 present-system are gayat, pa^yat, pa9yan, jayathas. 
 
 761. The ya-class stems are more than a hundred and thirty in 
 number, and nearly half of them have forms in use in all periods of 
 the language, about forty occurring only in the earlier, and about 
 thirty only in th§ paodern period. 
 
 a. Of the roots making ya-stems, a very considerable part (over flfty) 
 signify a state of feeling, or a condition of miud or body : thus, kup be 
 angry ^ "klam &e weary, ksudh he hungry, muh be confused, lubh be 
 lustful, 9U8 be dry, etc. etc. 
 
 b. A further number have a more or less distinctly passive sense, 
 and are in part evident and in part presumable transfers from the passive 
 or ya-class, with change of accent, and sometimes also with assumption of 
 active endings. It is not possible to draw precisely the limits of the divi- 
 sion; but there are in the older language a number of clear cases, in vhioh 
 the accent wavers and changes, and the others are to be judged by analogy 
 with them. Thus, |/inuc forms mucyate once or twice, beside the usual 
 mucyate, in IIV. and AV.; and in the Brahmanas the former is the 
 regular accent. Similar changes are found also in ya-forms from other 
 roots : thus, from ksi destroy, ji or jya injure, tap heat, drh make firm, 
 pac cook, pr Jill, mi damage, ric leave, lup break, ha leave. Active 
 forms are early made from some of these, and they grow more common 
 later. It is worthy of special mention that, from the Yeda down, jayate 
 is born etc. is found as altered passive or original ya-formatiou by the side \ 
 of yjan give birth. 
 
 c. A considerable body of roots (about forty) differ from the above in 
 having an apparently original transitive or neuter meaning: examples are 
 as throw, nah bind, pa9 see, pad go, glis clasp. 
 
 d. A number of roots, of various meaning, and of somewhat doubti'ul 
 character and relations, having present-stems ending in ya, are by the native 
 grammarians written with final diphthongs, ai or e or o. Thus: 
 
 e. Roots reckoned as ending in ai and belonging to the a- (or bhu-) ! 
 class, as gai sing (gayati etc.). As these show abundantly, and for the ' 
 most part exclusively, a-forms outside the present-system, there seems to j 
 be no good reason why they should not rather be regarded as a-roots of 
 the ya-class. They are ksa burn, ga sing, gla he weary, tra save, dhya 
 think, pya Jill up, mla relax, ra hark, va he blown, 9ya coagulate, 9ra 
 boil, stya stiffen. Some of them are evident extensions of simpler roots I 
 by the addition of a. The secondary roots tay stretch (beside tan), and j 
 cay observe (beside ci) appear to be of similar character. 
 
 f. Roots reckoned as ending in e and belonging to the a- (or bhu-) 
 class, as dhe suck (dhayati etc.). These, too, have a-forms, and some- 
 times i-forms, outside the present system, and are best regarded as a-roots, 
 either with a weakened to a before the class-sign of this class, or with a 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. jg
 
 781— J IX. Present-svstem. 274 
 
 weakened to i or i and inflected according to the a-claBS. Tlioy are dha 
 suck, ma I'xchaiiije, vS weave, vy& envelop, hvft rail (secondary, from 
 hu). As ol' kindred form may be mentioned day shan- aiul vyay expend 
 (probably denominative of vyaya). 
 
 g. A lew roots artificially written with final o and reckoned to the 
 ya-class, with radical vowel lost before the rlass-sign : thas, do cut, bind, 
 preH. dy&ti etc. These, as having an accented a in the sign, have 
 plainly no right to be put in this class; and they are better referred to the 
 A.-ilas8 (see above, 753 o). Outside the present-system they show a- and 
 i-forms; and in that system th< ya is uften resolved into ia in the oldest 
 language. 
 
 762. The ya-class is the only one thus far described which shows 
 any teinlency toward a restriction to a certain variety of meaning. In this 
 tendency, as well as in the form of Its sign, it appears related with the 
 class of distinctly defined meaning which is next to be taken up — the 
 passive, with ya-sign. Though very far from being as widely used as the 
 latter beside other present-systems, it is in some cases an intransitive 
 conjugation by the side of a transitive of some other rlass. 
 
 Irregularities of the ya-class. 
 
 763. The roots of this class ending in am lengthen their vowel 
 in forming the present-stem: they are klam, tam, dam, bhram, <jam 
 he quiet, qram: for example, tamyati, Qramyati. From ksam, how- 
 ever, only ksamyate occurs; and (japi lahm- makes <;amyati B.). 
 
 764. The root mad has the same lengthening: thus, madyati. 
 
 765. The roots in iv — namely, div, aiv, sriv or (jriv, and 
 sthiv (from which no forms of this class are quotable) — are written 
 by the grammarians with iv, and a similar lengthening in the present- 
 system is prescribed for them. 
 
 a. They appear to be properly diu etc., since their vocalized final 
 in other forms is always u; div is by this proved to have nothing to do 
 with the assumed root div shine, which changes to djni (361 d): compare 
 240 b. 
 
 766. From the roots jr and tr (also written as jur and tir or tur) 
 come the stems jirya and tlrya, and jurya and turya (the last two only 
 in RV.); from pr comes purya. 
 
 767. The root vyadh is abbreviated tovidh: thus, vidhyati. And 
 any root which in other forms has a penultiraate nasal loses it here: thus, 
 dfhya from drnh or drh ; blira9ya from bhranq or bhra9 : rajya from 
 rafij or raj.
 
 275 Accented ya-CLASS (Passive). [ — 771 
 
 IX. Accented ya-class: Passive conjugation. 
 
 768. A certain form of present-stem, inflected with middle 
 endings, is used only in a passive sense, and is formed 
 from all roots for which there is occasion to make a passive 
 conjugation. Its sign is an accented IT ya added to the 
 root: thus, ^^ hanya from y^^ han slat/, H\^i} apya 
 from VWT ap obtain, J\^ grhya from Y^^ grh (or grab) 
 seize: and so on, without any reference to the class accord- 
 ing to which the active and middle forms are made. 
 
 769. The form of the root to which the passive-sign is added 
 is (since the accent is on the sign) the weak one: thus, a penultimate 
 nasal is dropped, and any abbreviation which is made in the weak 
 forms of the perfect 794), in the aorist optative (922 b), or before 
 ta of the passive participle (954), is made also in the passive present- 
 system: thus, ajya from >/anj, badhya from )/bandh, ucyA from 
 |/vac, ijyd from >^yaj. 
 
 770. On the other hand, a final vowel of a root is in general 
 liable to the same changes as in other parts of the verbal system 
 where it is followed by y: thus — 
 
 a. Final i and u are lengthened: thus, miya from |/mi; suy4 
 from ]/su; 
 
 b. Final a is usually changed to i: thus, diya from yda.; hiya 
 from yha.: but jnaya from Yina, and so khyaya, khaya, ranaya, etc.; 
 
 c. Final r is in general changed to ri: thus, kriya from v'kr; 
 but if preceded by two consonants (and also, it is claimed, in the root 
 r), it has instead the guna-strengthening: thus, smarya from ]/snir 
 (the only quotable case) ; — and in those roots which show a change 
 of r to ir and ur (so-called f- verbs : see 242), that change is made 
 here also, and the vowel is lengthened: thus, qirya from ]/9r;Tpury4 
 from YVV- 
 
 771. The inflection of the passive-stem is precisely like 
 that of the other a-stems ; it differs only in accent from that 
 of the class last given. It may he here presented, therefore, 
 in the same abbreviated form : 
 
 a. Example of inflection: root ^ kr make\ passive- 
 stem XW\Ti kriya: 
 
 18*
 
 771 — 1 IX. Present-system. 276 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 B. 
 
 fc+iU 
 
 r-:+.^JIM<. 
 
 I-^.UIH'^ 
 
 kriye 
 
 kriyavahe 
 
 krlyamahe 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 etc. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 b. Tho forma noticed as occurring in the older language are alone 
 
 here instanced: 
 
 s. d. p. 
 
 1 kriyal kriyamahai 
 
 2 kriyadhvai 
 
 , /kriyate kriy^ntai 
 
 Ikriyatai 
 
 c. The 3d pi. ending antai is found once (ucyantai K.). 
 
 3, Present Optative. 
 
 kriyeya kriyevahi kriyemahi 
 etc. etc. etc, 
 
 d. No forms of the passive optative chance to occur in BV. or AV.; 
 they are found, however, in the Brahmanas. ChU. has once dhmayita. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 kriyasva kriyetham kriyadhvam 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 e. This is made with the suffix qH mana : thus, i^.uHim 
 
 kriyamana. 
 
 f. In use, this participle is well distinguished from the other passive 
 participle hy its distinctively present meaning: thus, krta done, but kriya- 
 mana in process of doing, or being done. 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 akriye akriyavalii akriyamahi 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 g. The passive-sign is never resolved into la in the Veda. 
 
 772. The roots tan and khan usually form their passives from 
 parallel roots in a: thus, tayate, khayate (but also tanyate, khan-
 
 277 So-called Tenth or cur-CLASS. [—775 
 
 yate) ; and dham. in like manner, makes either dhamyate or dhtaayate. 
 The corresponding form to )/jan. namely jayate (above, 761b;, is 
 apparently a transfer to the preceding class. 
 
 773. By their form, mriyate dies, and dhriyate mamtains itself, 
 is steadfast, are passives from the roots mr die and dhr hold; although 
 neither is used in a proper passive sense, and mr is not transitive 
 except in the derivative form mrn (above. 731). With them are to 
 be compared the stems a-driya heed and a-priya be busy, which are 
 perhaps peculiar adaptations of meaning of passives from the roots 
 dr pierce and pr Jill. 
 
 774. Examples of the transfer of stems from the ya- or passive 
 class to the ya- or intransitive class were given above (761b); and it was 
 also pointed out that active instead of middle endings are occasionally, even 
 in the earlier language, assumed by forms properly passive; examples are 
 a dhmayati and vy aprusyat (?B.), bhuyati (MaiU.). In the epics, 
 however (as a part of their general confusion of active and middle forms: 
 529a), active endings are by no means infrequently taken by the passive: 
 thus, 9akyati, Qruyanti, bhriyantu, ijyant-, etc. 
 
 The so-called Tenth or cur-Class, 
 
 775. As was noticed above (607 , the Hindu grammarians — and, 
 after their example, most European also — recognize yet another 
 conjugation-class, coordinate with those already described; its stems 
 show the class-sign aya, added to a generally strengthened root (for 
 details as to the strengthening, see 1042). Though this is no proper 
 class, but a secondary or derivative conjugation (its stems are partly 
 of causative formation, partly denominative with altered accent) an 
 abbreviated example of its forms may, for the sake of accordance 
 with other grammars, be added here. 
 
 a. Example: root cint think, meditate; stem cintaya: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 Pres. Indie, cintayami cintaye 
 
 Subj. cintayani cintayai 
 
 Opt. cintayeyam cintayeya 
 
 Pple. cintayant cintayamana 
 
 Impf. acintayam acintaye 
 
 b. The inflection, of course, is the same with that of other forms from 
 a-stems (733 a). 
 
 c. The middle participle, in the later language, is more often made 
 with ana instead of mana: thus, cintayana: see 1043f.
 
 776— J IX. Present-system. 278 
 
 Uses of the Present and Imperfect. 
 
 776. The uses of the mode-fonus of the present-system have 
 been already briefly treated iii the preceding chapter (572 ff.;. The 
 tense-uses of the two indicative tenses, present and imperfect, call 
 here for only a word or two of explanation. 
 
 777. The present has, besides its strictly present use, the same 
 subsidiary uses which belong in general to the tense: namely, the 
 expression of habitual action, of future action, and of past action in 
 lively narration. 
 
 a. Examples of I'utaro meaning are: imam ced va ime cinvate 
 t&ta eva no 'bhibhavanti (<;B.) verily if these hiiild thin up. then they 
 will sir ail ihtw ay (jet the better of us; agnir atmabhavam pradad yatra 
 vanchati naisadhah (MUh.) Agni gave his own presence wherever the 
 Nishadhan should desire; svagatam te 'stu kim karomi tava (H.) wel- 
 come to thee; what shall I do for thee? 
 
 b. Examples of past meaning are: uttara Bur adharah putr6, asid 
 danuh 9aye sahavatsa na dhenuh (^RV.) the mother teas over, the son 
 under; there Danu lies, like a cow icith her calf; prahasanti ca tarii 
 kecid abhyasuyanti ca 'pare akurvata dayam kecit (MI'.li.j some 
 ridicule her, some revile her. aome pitied her; tato yasya vacanat tatra 
 'valambitas tarn sarve tiraskurvanti (U.) thereupon they all fall to 
 reproaching him by whose advice they had alighted there. 
 
 778. In connection with certain particles, the present has rather 
 more definitely the value of a past tense. Thus: 
 
 a. Mitb pura formerly: thus, saptarsin u ha sma vai pura 
 rksa ity acaksate (^B.) the seven sages, namely, are of old called the 
 bears; tanmatram api cen mahyam na dadati pura bhavan (MBh.) 
 if you have never before given me even an atom. 
 
 b. With the asseverative particle sma: thus, qramena ha sma va£ 
 tad deva jayanti yad esam jayyam asa rsayaQ ca (^B.) in truth, 
 both gods and sages were wont to win by penance what was to be won ; 
 avistah kalina dyute jiyate sma nalas tada (MBh.) tJten Nala, being 
 possessed by Kali, ivas beaten in play.] 
 
 c. No example of this last construction is found in either RV. or AV., 
 ■or elsewhere [in the metrical parts of the Veda. In the Brahmanas, only 
 hahitual action is expressed by it. At all periods of the language, the use 
 of sma M'ith a verb as pure asseverative particle, with no effect on the 
 tense-meaning, is very common; and the examples later are hardly to be 
 distinguished from the present of lively narration — of which the whole 
 construction is doubtless a form. 
 
 779. The imperfect has remained unchanged in value through 
 the whole history of the language: it is the tense of narration: it 
 expresses simple past time, without any other implication. 
 
 a. Compare what is said later (end of chap. X. and chap. XI.) as to 
 the value of the other past tenses, the peifect and aorist.
 
 279 Characteristics of the Perfect. [—782 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PERFECT-SYSTEM. 
 
 780. The perfect-system in the later language, as has 
 
 been seen above (535), consists only of an indicative tense 
 
 and a participle — both of them in the two voices, active 
 
 and middle. 
 
 a. In the oldest language, the perfect has also jts^modes and 
 its augment-preterit, or pluperfect, or is not less full in its apparatus 
 of forms than is the present-system (see 808 ff.). 
 
 781. The formation of the perfect is essentially alike 
 in all verbs, diflferences among them being of only subord- 
 inate consequence, or having the character of irregularities. 
 The characteristics of the formation are these: 
 
 1. a stem made by reduplication of the root; 
 
 2. a distinction between stronger and weaker forms of 
 stem, the former being used (as in presents of the First 
 or non-a-conjugationi in the singular active, the latter in 
 all other persons; 
 
 3. endings in some respects peculiar, unlike those of 
 the present; 
 
 4. the frequent use, especially in the later language, of 
 a union-vowel ^ i between stem and endings. 
 
 782. Reduplication. In roots beginning with a con- 
 sonant, the reduplication which forms the perfect-stem is 
 of the same character with that which forms the present- 
 stem of the reduplicating conjugation-class (see 643) — but 
 with this exception, that radical 51 a and ^T a and ^ r or 
 ^3r ^^) have only 5T a, and never ^ i, as vowel of the re- 
 duplicating syllable: thus, from y^ ^v Jill comes the present- 
 stem N^ pipr, but the perfect-stem qcf papr; from ym ma
 
 782 — J X. Perfect-svstem. 2S0 
 
 measure comes the present-stem Ftttt mima, but the perfect- 
 stem ryiTT mama; and so on. 
 
 a. Irregularities of roots with initial consonant* will be given below. 784. 
 
 783. For roots beginning with a vowel, the rules of 
 reduplication are these: 
 
 a. A root with initial 5J a before a single final consonant 
 repeats the 51 a, which then fuses with the radical vowel to m a, 
 (throughout the whole inflection^ thus, W^ ad from \TK^ ad 
 eat] and in like manner STHT aj, ?IR an, ETFI as, ^TTv- ah. The 
 
 ^N. "V *^ 
 
 root ^ V forms likewise throughout ^TJ ar as if from 5rj ar . 
 
 b. A root with ^ i or 3 u before a single final conso- 
 nant follows the same analogy, except in the strong- forms 
 (sing, act.); here the vowel of the radical syllable has guna. 
 becoming 7 "^ "^ ^ o; and before this, the reduplicating 
 vowel maintains its independent form, and is separated from 
 the radical syllable by its own semivowel : thus, from ) JT^ 
 i? comes ^ 19 in weak forms, but ^TJT iye? in strong; from 
 yS^ uc, in like manner, come 3^ uo and 3^^ uvoc. The 
 root S i, a single vowel, also falls under this rule, and forms, 
 ^ ly (y added before a vowel) and jq" iye. 
 
 c. Roots which begin with vowels long by nature or by 
 position do not in general make a perfect-system, but use 
 instead a periphrastic formation, in which the perfect tense 
 of an auxiliary verb is added to the accusative of a verbal 
 noun (see below, chap. XV.: 1070 ff.). 
 
 d. To this rule, however, )/ap obtain (probably originally ap: 1087 f) 
 constitutes an exception, making the constant perfect-stem ap (as if from 
 ap: above, a). Also are met with ide (RV.) and idire from )/Id, and 
 irire (V.) from |/ir. 
 
 e. For the peculiar reduplication an, belonging to certain roots with 
 initial vowels, see below. 788. 
 
 784. A number of roots beginning with va and ending with a 
 single consonant, which in varioas of their verbal forms and deriv- 
 atives abbreviate the va to u, do it also in the perfect, and are 
 treated like roots with initial u (above, 783 b , except that they retain 
 
 I
 
 28 1 Reduplication. [—788 
 
 the full form of root in the strong persons of the singular active. 
 Thus, from |/vac speak come uc and uvac; from >/vas dicell come 
 u% and uvas; and so on. 
 
 a. The roots showing this abbreviation are vac, vap, vad, va9, 
 vas, vah; and va weave is said to follow the same rule. 
 
 b. A single root beginning with ya, namely yaj offer, has the 
 same contraction, forming the stems iyaj and ij. 
 
 c. Occasional exceptions are met -with : as, vavaca and vavakse 
 (RV.); vavapa and vavaha and vavahatus (E. and later); yeje (V.). 
 
 785. A number of roots having ya after a first initial consonant 
 take i (from the y) instead of a in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
 from )/vyac comes vivyac; from Vpya comes pipya. 
 
 a. These roots are vyac, vyath, vyadh, vya, jya, pya, syaud; 
 and, in the Veda, also tyaj, with cyu and dyut, which have the root- 
 vowel u. Other sporadic cases occur. 
 
 b. A single root with va is treated in the same way: namely 
 svap, which forms susvap. 
 
 C. These roots are for the most part abbreviated in the weak forms: 
 see below, 794. 
 
 786. A considerable number of roots have in the Veda a long 
 vowel in their reduplication. 
 
 a. Thus, of roots reduplicating with a: kan, kip, grdh, trp, trs, 
 drh, dhr, dhrs, nam, mah, mrj, mr9, ran, radh, rabh, vane, van, 
 vaq, vas clothe, va9, vrj, vrt, vrdh, vrs, (jad prevail, sah, skambh. 
 Some of these occur only in isolated cases; many have also forms with 
 short vowel. Most are Vedic only; but dadhara is common also in the 
 Brahmana language, and is even found later. As to jagr, see 1020 a. 
 
 b. Of roots reduplicating with i: the so-called roots (676) didhi and 
 didi, which make the perfect from the same stem with the present: thus 
 didetha, didaya; didhima, didhyus (also didhiyus, didiyus). But 
 pipi has pipye, pipyus, etc., with short i. In AV. occurs once jihida, 
 and in AB. (and AA.) bibhaya. 
 
 c. Of roots reduplicating with u: tu, jii, and 911 (or 9va). 
 
 787. A few roots beginning with the (derivative: 42) palatal mutes 
 and aspiration show a reversion to the more original guttural in the radical 
 syllable after the reduplication: thus, ^ci forms ciki; j'cit forms cikit; 
 }/ji forms jigi; yTii forms jighi; ^/han forms jaghan (and the same 
 reversions appear in other reduplicated forms of tliese roots; 216, 1). A 
 root da protect is said by the grammarians to form digi ; but neither root 
 nor perfect is quotable. 
 
 788. A small number of roots with initial a or r ar) show the 
 anomalous reduplication an in the perfect. 
 
 a. Thus (the forms occurring mainly in the older language only):
 
 788—1 
 
 X. PERFECT-SV8TEM. 
 
 282 
 
 >/anj or aj, which forms tlio pn-p. anakti, has the perfect dnanja 
 and anaje etf. (with anaj& ami anajyat); 
 
 y&q attain (from which comes once in UV. anaQ&mah&i), has the 
 weak forms ana9ma cti-. (witli opt. anacjyam), ana^e etc. (and Lf'S. 
 has anacjadhvej, and the strong fornix tinnn^a nnd &n&9a — alonp «!♦'> 
 the regular Aqa etc.; 
 
 l/ydh (from wlilch comes once fnadhat) hue aufdhus an-l anfdhe; 
 
 I yc (ir arc ha* anrcus :n\<\ anyce, and later anarca and anarcuB; 
 
 }/arh has (in TS. ) anfhus; 
 
 anaha (KV., once) has been referred to a root ah, elsewhere unknown, 
 and explained as of this formation; but with altogether doubtful propriety 
 
 b. Thu later grammar, then, sets up the rule that root* beginning 
 with a and ending with more than one consonant have an as their regular 
 reduplication; and such perfects are taught from roots like eJts, arj, and 
 anc or ac; but the only other quotable forms appear to be anarchat 
 (MBh.l and anarsat (TA.); which are accordingly reckoned as "pluperfects". 
 
 789. One or two individual cases of irregularity are the following: 
 
 a. The extremely common root bhu be baa the anomalous redu- 
 plication ba, forming the stem babhu; and, in the Veda, ysu forms 
 in like manner sasu. 
 
 b. The root bhr f>ear has in the Veda the anomalous reduplication ja 
 (as also in intensive: 1002); but RV. has once also the regular babhre, and 
 pple babhrana. 
 
 c. The root sthiv spew forms either tis^hiv ((jB. et al.) or ^isthiv 
 (not quotable). 
 
 d. Vivakvan (liV., once) is doubtless participle of j^vac, with 
 irregular reduplication (as in the present, 660). 
 
 790. Absence of reduplication is met with in some cases. Thus: 
 
 a. The root vid know has, from the earliest period to the latest, 
 a perfect without reduplication, but otherwise regularly made and 
 inflected: thus, veda, vettha, etc., pple vidvans. It has the mean- 
 ing of a present. The root vid jind forms the regular viveda. 
 
 b. 4. few othei apparently perfect forms lacking a reduplication are 
 found in RV. : they are taksathus and taksus, yamatus, skambhathus 
 and skambhus, niudima (tor ninidiiaa?), dhise and dhire (? j dha), 
 and vidre an.l arhire (? fee 613). And AV. SV. have cetatus. The 
 participial words daijvans, midhvans, sahvans are common in the oldest 
 language; and RV. has once janiisas (>/jna), and khidvas (voc), perhaps 
 for cikhidvas. 
 
 e. A few sporadic cases also are quotable from the later language, 
 especially from the epics: thus, karsatus, casta and cestatus, bhra- 
 jatus, sarpa, 9ansu8 and 9ansire, dhvansire, sransire, j alp ire, 
 edhire; also the pples 9ansivans and dar9ivans, the latter being not 
 infrequent.
 
 283 Strokg and Weak Stem-forms. [—793 
 
 791. For an anomalous case or two of reduplicated preposition, see 
 below, 1087 f. 
 
 792. Strong and weak stem-forms. In the three 
 persons of the singular active, the root-syllable is accented, 
 and exhibits usually a stronger form than in the rest of the 
 tense-inflection. The diff"erence is efl'ected partly by strength- 
 ening the root in the three persons referred to, partly by 
 weakening it in the others, partly by doing both. 
 
 793. As regards the strengthening: 
 
 a. A final vowel takes either the guna or vrddhi change 
 in 1st sing, act., guna in 2d, and vrddhi in 3d: thus, from 
 vm bhi, 1st RH bibhe or f%H bibhai; 2d f^ bibhe; 3d 
 \^^ bibhai; from y'Ti kr, 1st T\d^J(' cakar or ^TT\T^ cakSr, 
 2d Tjct,^^ cakar, 3d ^^X cakSr. 
 
 b. But the u of ) bhu remains unchanged, and adds v before a 
 vowel-ending: thus, babhdva etc. 
 
 c. Medial ^ a before a single final consonant follows 
 the analogy of a final vowel, and is lengthened or vriddhied 
 in the 3d sing., and optionally in the first: thus, from yr{^ 
 tap, 1 St cFPT tatap or rTrTFT tatdp. 2d rFH tatap, 3d cTrTT^ 
 tatap. 
 
 d. In the earlier language, however, the weaker of the two forms 
 allowed by these rules in the first person is almost exclusively in use: thus, 
 1st only bibhaya, tatapa; 3d bibhaya, tatapa. Exceptions are cakara 
 and jagraha (doubtful reading) in AV., cakara in A^S. and BAU. i CB. 
 cakara), jigaya in A^S., as first persons. 
 
 8. A medial short vowel has in all three persons alike 
 
 the guna-strengthening (where this is possible: 240): thus, 
 
 from y^ druh comes T?rTc$ dudroh; from y\^^ vie comes 
 
 R^5T vivee ; from i/^rT krt comes TT^rT cakart. 
 
 f. An initial short vowel before a single final consonant is to be 
 treated like a medial, but the quotable examples are very few: namely, 
 iyesa from ]/is seek, uvoeitha and uvoca from y/xic, uvosa from 
 yus. As to roots i and r. whose vowels are both initial and final, 
 see above, 783 a, b. 
 
 g. These rules are said by the grammarians to apply to the 2d sing, 
 always when it has simple tha as ending; if it has itha (below, 797 d),
 
 793—] X. Perffx't-systkm. 284 
 
 the accent is allowed to fall on any one of the syllables of the word, and 
 the root-syllable if unaccimtcd has sometimes the weak form (namely, In 
 contracted stems with e for medial a: below, 794 e; and In certain other 
 verbs, as vivijitha). The earlier language, however, affords no example 
 of a 2d sing., whatever its ending, accented on any other than the radical 
 syllable, or failing to conform to the rules of streugtheninK as given above 
 (in a, c, e). 
 
 h. Occasional instances of str<ngthpning in other than the siri^ular 
 persons are met with; thus, yuyopima and vivecjUB (ItV.) paspar^uB 
 (KeU."), and, in the epics, cakartUB and cakartire, cakarsatus, jugu- 
 hire, nanamire, bibheduB, vavahatuB, viveijatuB, vavarsuB. The 
 roots df, pf, iind q^, and optionally jf, are said by the grammarians to 
 have the strong stem in weak forms; bnt no examples appear to be quotable. 
 AV., however, has ome jaharuB (probably a false reading); and in the 
 later language occur caskare ()/kf scatter) and taatare. 
 
 i. The root mfj has (as in the present-system: 627j vrddhi instead 
 of guna in strong forms: thus, mamarja; and v^gnh (also as In present: 
 745 c) has u Instead of o (bat also juguhe E.). 
 
 794. As regards the weakening in weak forms: 
 
 a. It has been seen above (783 b that roots beginning with i or 
 u fuse reduplii-ating and radical syllable together to i or u in the 
 weak forms; and (7841 that roots contracting va and ya to u or i 
 in the reduplication do it also in the root in weak forms, the two 
 elements here also coalescing to u or i. 
 
 b. A few roots having ya and va after a first initial consonant, and 
 reduplicating from the semivowel (785), contract the ya and va to i and 
 u: thus, vivic from ] vyac, vividh from yvy&dh. (but vivyadhus 
 MBh.), susup from ] svap. The ext nded root* jya, pya, vya, 9va, 
 hva show a similar apparent contraction, making their weak forms from 
 the simpler roots ji, pi, vi, 9U, hu, while hva must and 9va may get 
 their strong forms also from the same (and only jijyau is quotable from 
 the others). 
 
 I c. The root grabh or grab (if it be written thus: see 729 a) con- 
 
 tracts to grh, making the three forms of stem jagrah (Ist and 21 sing. 
 
 ] act.), jagrah (3d), and jagrh; but praeh [if it be so written: see 756 a) 
 remains unchanged throughout. 
 
 d. Some roots omit in weak forms of this tense, or in some of them, 
 a nasal which is found in its strong forms : thus, we have cakrade etc. 
 (RV.) from )^krand ; tatasre (RV.) from ]/tan8 ; dada9van9 (liV.) from 
 ydaAq; bedhiis, bedhe, etc. (AV.) from >/bandh; sejus (^B.) from 
 ysanj ; caskabhana (AV.) from yskainbh ; tastabhus etc. (V.), 
 tastabhana (V.B.), from |/starabh. Compare also 788 a. 
 
 \\ e. A number of roots having medial a between single consonants 
 ! drop that vowel. These are, in the later language, gam, khan, jan,
 
 285 Strong and Weak Stem-forms. [—795 
 
 han, ghas; they form the weak stems jagm, cakhn, jajn, jaghn ' 
 (compare 637 , jaka (compare 640): but RV. has once jajaniis. i 
 
 f. In the old language are found in like manner mamnathe and 
 mamuate from y'man ; vavne from ]/van ; tatne, tatnise, tatnire 
 from |/tan (beside tatane, and tate, as if from ]/ta); paptima and 
 paptiis and paptivana from ]/pat (beside pet-forms ; below, g) ; papne 
 from /pan; aaqcima and Ba9cu3, sacjce and aa^cire, from /aae. 
 
 g. Roots in general having medial a before a single final con- 
 sonant, and beginning also with a single consonant that is repeated 
 unchanged in the reduplication — that is, not an aspirate, a guttural 
 mute, or h — contract their root and reduplication together into one 
 syllable, having e as its vowel: thus, ]/aad forms the weak stem aed, 
 /pac forms pec, | yam forms yem; and so on. 
 
 h. Certain roots not having the form here defined are declared by the 
 grammarians to undergo the same contraction — most of them optionally; 
 and examples of them are in general of very rare occurrence. They are as 
 follows: raj (E.G.) and radh (radh?), notwithstanding their long vowel; 
 phan, phal (phelire C), bhaj (occurs from RV. down), though their ini- 
 tial is changed in reduplication; trap, tras (tresua E.G.). 9rath, ayam, 
 avail, though they begin with more than one consonant; dambb (debhua, 
 RV., from the weaker dabh), though it ends with more than one; and 
 bhram (bhremua etc. KSS.), bhraj, granth, avanj, in spite of more 
 reasons than one to the contrary. And ^B. has aejua from ]/8anj, and 
 KB. has 9remu8 from yqT&ra. On the other hand, RV. has once rarabh- 
 ma, and R. has papatua, for petus, from y/pat. 
 
 i. This contraction is allowed also in 2d sing. act. when the ending 
 is itha: thus, tenitha beside tatautha (but no examples are quotable 
 from the older language). 
 
 j. The roots QaQ and dad (from da: 672) are said to reject the 
 contra' tion ; but no perfect forms of either appear to have been met with 
 in use. 
 
 k. From |/tr (or tar) occurs terua (R.); and jerua from )/jr is 
 authorized by the grammarians — both against the general analogy of roots in r. 
 
 1. Roots ending in a lose their a before all endings beginning 
 with a vowel, including those endings that assume the union-vowel i 
 (796) — unless in the latter case it be preferred to regard the i as a 
 weakened form of the a. 
 
 795. Endings, and their union with the stem. 
 
 The general scheme of endings of the perfect indicative has 
 
 been already given (553 c); and it has also been pointed out 
 
 (543 a) that roots ending in 5fT a have m au in 1st and 3d 
 
 sing, active.
 
 796— J X. PERFFXT-SyfiTEM. 2S6 
 
 a. The ending mas instead of ma is found in QU^rumas (E.G.). 
 For the alleged occurrence of (jlhve instead of dhve in 2d pi. mid., see 226 c. 
 
 796. Those of the endings which begin with a con- 
 sonant — namely ^ tha, ^ va, IT nia in active ; ^ se, -^ 
 vahe, IT^ maho, ^J dhvo, J re in middle — are very often, 
 and in the later language usually, joined to the base with 
 the help of au interposed union-vowel ^ i- 
 
 a. Thi! union-TOWcl i is fmind widely used also in other parts of the 
 guneriil verbal system : namely, in the sibilant aorist, the futures, and the 
 verbal nouns and adjcctiTes (as also in other classes of derivative stems). 
 In the later language, a certain degree of correspondence is seen among the 
 difl'erent parts of the same verb, as regards their use or non-use of the 
 connective: but this correspondence is not so close that general rules res- 
 pecting it can be given with advantage; and it will be best to treat each 
 formation by itself. 
 
 b. The perfect is the tense iu which the use of i has established 
 itself most widely autl firmly in the later language. 
 
 797. The most important rules as to the use of ^ i in 
 tiie later language are as follows: 
 
 a. The J re of :^d pi. mid. has it always. 
 
 b. The other consonant-endings, except ^ tha of 2d 
 sing, act., take it in nearly all verbs. 
 
 c. But it is rejected throughout by eight verbs — namely kf wioAe, 
 bhr hear, sr go, vr choose, dru run, 9ru hear, stu praise, sru flow; 
 and it is allowably (not usually rejected by some others, in general 
 accordance with their usage in other formations. 
 
 d In 2d sing, act., it is rejected not only by the eight 
 
 verbs just given, but also by many others, ending in vowels 
 
 oi: in consonants, which iu other formations have no ^ i; 
 
 but it is also taken by many verbs which reject it in other 
 
 formations; — and it is optional in many verbs, including 
 
 those in 3^ a (of which the 57 a is lost when the ending 
 
 is ^ itha), and most of those in $ i, ^ i. and. 3 u. 
 
 e. The rules of the grammarians, especially as regards the use of tha 
 or itha, run out into infinite detail, and are not wholly consistent with 
 one another; and, as the forms are very infrequent, if is not possible to 
 criticise the statements made, and to tell how far they are founded on the 
 facts of usage.
 
 287 Endings. [—800 
 
 f. With this i, a final radical i or i is not combined, but chang- 
 ed into y or iy. The u of j/bhii becomes vlv throughout before a 
 vowel. 
 
 798. In the older language, the usage is in part quite other- 
 wise. Thus : 
 
 ^. In the RV., the union-vowel i is taken by roots ending in con- 
 sonants provided the last syllable of the stem is a heavy one, but not other- 
 wise: thus, asitha, uvocitha, viveditha, but tatantha and vivyaktha; 
 ucima, paptima, sedima, yuyopima, but jaganma, jagrbhma, yuyuj- 
 ma; ucise, jajnise, sasahise, but vivitse and dadrkse; bubhujraahe 
 and 9a9admah.e etc. (^no examples of ivahe or imahe rhance to occur. 
 nor any of either idlive or dhve) ; ijire, jajnire, yetire, tataksire, 
 but eaklpre, vividre, dudvUire, pasprdhre. tatasre (and so on: 
 twenty-two forms). The only exception in RV. is vettha from l/vid, 
 without i (in Br., also attha from y/sih: below, 801 a). The other Vedic 
 texts present nothing inconsistent with this rule, hut in the Brahmanas 3d 
 pt. forms in ire are made after light syllables also: thus, sasrjire, bubudh- 
 ire, yuyujire, rurudhire. 
 
 b. lu roots ending with a vowel, the early usage is more nearly like 
 the later. Thus: for roots in a the rule is the same (except that no 2d 
 sing, in itha is met with), as dadhima, dadhise. dadhidhve, dadhire 
 (the only persons with i quotable from RV. and AV. ; and RV. has dadhre 
 twice); — roots in r appear also to follow the later rule: as cakrse, 
 paprse, vavrse, vavrmahe, but dadhrise and jabhrise, and in 3il 
 pi. mid. both cakrire and dadhrire; — v'^hu has both babhutha 
 (usually) and babhuvitha, but only babhiiviina (AV.). But there are 
 found, against the later rules, susuma, cicyuse, juhure, and juhiire, 
 without i : the instances are too few to found a rule upon. 
 
 799. The ending rire of 3d pi. mid. is found in RV. in six forms: 
 namely, cikitrire, jagrbhrire, dadrire, bubhujrire, vividrire, sasrj- 
 rire; to which SV. adds dudiihrire, and TB. dadr9rire. 
 
 800. Examples of inflection. By way of illustra- 
 tion of the rules given above may be given in full the per- 
 fect indicative inflection of the folloAving verbs: 
 
 a. As example of the normal inflection of a root with 
 final consonant, we take the root ^-T budh know, its strong 
 form of perfect-stem is 5RFT bubodh; weak form, ^gR 
 
 bubudh. 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s, d. p. 
 
 bubodha bubudhiva -dhima bubudhe -dhivahe -dhim^he
 
 800— J 
 
 X. Perfect-system. 
 
 2SS 
 
 2 r^Mli^J^ -MMM^M ^PT'J 
 
 bubodhitha -dhuthuB -dha 
 
 o 
 
 bubodha 
 
 -dhatus -dhus 
 
 bubudhi^e -dhathe -dhidhve 
 
 bubudhe 
 
 -dhate -dhire 
 
 b. The asserted variety of possible accent in 2d sing. act. (above 793 g) 
 needs to be noted both in this and in the remaining paradigms. 
 
 c. As example of the normal inflection of a root with 
 final i or u-vowel, we may take the root ^ nl /cad: its forms 
 of stem are f^FPJ ninay or f^rTTTJ ningy, and FRT ninl. 
 
 1 i^TJ, FRPJ 
 ninaya, ninaya 
 
 2 ^^, hhFu^j 
 
 FTPTJ^ HF7FT FF7T FTF7RT HF^FT^ 
 
 ninyiva 
 
 ninyima ninye ninyivahe ninyimahe 
 FF7I HTTPT H-'JH FTFTTJ 
 
 ninetha, ninayitha niny6.thus ninya ninyise ninySthe ninyidhve 
 
 f^Fmj FRJrm FR3TT PRI H'/JH RF<J7 
 
 ninaya ninydtus ninyus ninye ninyate ninyire 
 
 d. Tlie root kri would niako ;129a; in weak forniB cikriyiva, 
 cikriyatuB, cikriyus, etc.; and )/bhu is inflected as follows in the 
 active (middle forms not quotable : 
 
 1 babhuva babhuviva babhuvima 
 
 2 babhutha, babhuvitha babhuvathus babhuva 
 
 3 babhQva babhiivatus babhuvua 
 
 Other roots in ii or u change this to uv before the initial vowel of 
 an ending. 
 
 e. As example of the inflection of a root ending in ^ a, 
 we may take ZJ da give: its forms of stem are ^ dada and 
 ^ dad (or ^ dadi: see above, 794,1). 
 
 dadiva 
 
 dadima 
 
 dade 
 
 dadivahe dadimahe' 
 
 dadau 
 
 dadatha, daditha dadathus dada dadise dadathe dadidhve 
 
 ^m^ ^ 
 
 t-'t 
 
 
 dadau 
 
 dadatus 
 
 dadus 
 
 dade 
 
 dadate 
 
 dadire 
 
 f. The RV. bas once papra for paprau (and jaba for jahau ?).
 
 289 
 
 Examples of Inflection. 
 
 [—800 
 
 tataua, tatana 
 2 cTrFSr, ^fe 
 
 teniva 
 
 tatantha, tenitha tenathus 
 
 g. As example of a root with medial 9 a showing fusion 
 of root and reduplication, resulting in medial ^ e, in the 
 weak forms 794 g), we may take rPT tan stretch: its forms 
 of Stem are rTrR tatan or rTrTR tatan, and W\ ten. 
 
 tenima tene tenivahe tenimahe 
 
 tena tenise tenathe 
 
 rR rPTrT 
 tene tenate 
 
 h. The root jan, with the others which expel medial a iu weak 
 forms (794 e, makes jajantha or jajnitha, jajniva, jajnus; jajne, 
 jajnimahe, jajnire; aud so on. 
 
 i. As example of a root with initial ^ va contracted 
 to 3 u in the reduplication, and contracted with the redu- 
 plication to 3" u in weak forms (784), we may take cf^T vac 
 speak: its forms of stem are 3^ uvac or 6d(\x\ uvac, and 
 
 3 (TrTH 
 tatana 
 
 rFTrm 
 tenatus 
 
 rpm 
 
 tenus 
 
 tenidhve 
 tenire 
 
 ^37^ tic. 
 
 1 3eTTT, 3crm 
 uvaca, uvaca 
 
 3T^ 
 uciva 
 
 ^^!k^ 
 
 ucima 
 
 O -N. 
 
 uvaktha, uvacitha ucathus uca 
 
 3^TR ^^HH 3^ 
 
 uvaca ucatus ucus 
 
 3^ 
 vice 
 
 ucise 
 
 uce 
 
 ucivahe 
 
 ucathe 
 
 ucate 
 
 3 
 
 f^m^ 
 
 ucimahe 
 
 ucidhve 
 
 3f^ 
 ucire 
 
 j. In like manner, /yaj forms iyaja or iyaja, iyastha or iyajitha; 
 ije, ijiBe, and so on; ]/ue has uvoca aud uvocitha iu the strong 
 forms, and all the rest like vac. 
 
 k. Of the four roots in ^ r mentioned at 797 o, the 
 
 inflection is as follows: 
 
 cakara, cakara 
 
 r 
 
 cakrva 
 
 t. 
 cakrma 
 
 i cakra 
 
 ^5h 
 
 cakre 
 
 cakrse 
 
 cakre 
 
 cakrvahe 
 
 cakrmahe 
 
 cakartha 
 
 O -X 
 
 cakrathus 
 
 cakrathe 
 
 cakrdhve 
 
 cakara 
 
 Whitnny, Gramma 
 
 cakratus 
 
 r. 3. ed. 
 
 ^5h^ 
 
 O -y 
 
 cakrus 
 
 cakrate 
 
 cakrire 
 19
 
 800 I X. Perfect-system. 290 
 
 1. Of the roots in fl r in general, the first persons are 
 made as follows: 
 
 dadhara, dadhara dadhriva dadhrima dadhre dadhrivdhe dadhrimahe 
 
 xn. Wo may furtlicr add here, tlnally, tin- active inflection (ihi- middle 
 is not in use) of the perfect of as he, which (like babhuva and cakara. 
 given above) i» frequently employed as an auxiliary. 
 
 1 asa asivd asima 
 
 2 asitha asathuB asa 
 
 :< asa asatus asiiB 
 
 801. A few miscellaneous irregularities call still for 
 
 notice: 
 
 a. The root ah speak occurs only in the perfect indicative, and 
 only in the 3d persons of all uuuibers and in the 2d eing. and du.. 
 in active (and in 2d sing, the h is irregularly changed to t before 
 the ending]: thus, attha, aha; ahathus. ahatus ; ahUB in V,. only 
 aha and ahuB are met with). 
 
 b. From }/v& tneave, the Sd pi. act. UVUB occurs in RV., and no 
 other perfect form appears to have been met with In use. It is allowed 
 by the grammarians to be inflected regularly as va; and also as vay (the 
 present-stem is vaya : 761 f), with contraction of va to u in weak forms: 
 and further, in the weak forms, as simple u. 
 
 c. The root vya envelop has in RV. the perfect-forms vivyathus and 
 vivye, and no others have been met with in use; the grammarian? require 
 the strong forms to be made from vyay, and the weak from vl. 
 
 d. The root i go forms in RV. and AV. the 2d sing. act. iyatha 
 beside the regular iyetha: and beside irire from yTi, RV. has several 
 times erire. 
 
 e. RV. has an anomalous accent in dadrqe and dadr9re (beside 
 dadrkse) and the pple dadrqana. And ciketa (once, beside ciketa) is 
 perhaps a kindred anomaly. 
 
 f. Persons of the perfect from the ir-forms of roots in changeable r 
 (242) are titirus and tistire (both RV.); and they have corresponding 
 participles. 
 
 g. The bastard root urnu (713) is said by the grammarians to make 
 the perfect-stem urnunu; the roots majj and n&q are said to insert a 
 nasal in the ^d sing, active, when the ending is simple tha: thus, ma- 
 manktha, nananstha (also mamajjitha and necjitha). 
 
 h. Further may be noted sasajjatus (MBh.: y'sanj, which has i-i 
 passive the secondary form sajj), rurundhatus (R.), and duduhus (BhP). 
 
 1. The auomalous ajagrabhaisam (AB. vi. 35) seems a formation *>n 
 the perfect-stem (but perhaps for ajigrabhisan, desid. ?).
 
 291 Participle. [—805 
 
 Perfect Participle. 
 
 802. The ending of the active participle is ^iTI vans 
 (that is to say, in the strong forms : it is contracted to 3^ 
 lis in the weakest, and replaced by ^FT vat in the middle 
 forms: see above, 458 if.). It is added to the weak form 
 of the perfect stem — as shown, for example, in the dual 
 and plural of the active inflection of the given verb; and, 
 mechanically, the weakest participle-stem is identical with 
 the 3d pi. active. Thus. ^J^TUm bubudhvSns, HTNtH 
 ninivSiis, Tj^ncTPR oakrvans. 
 
 803. If the weak form of the perfect stem is monosyl- 
 labic, the ending takes the union-vowel S i (which, however, 
 disappears in the weakest cases): thus, ciN^liH tenivSns, 
 37^T=nTT ucivSns, 5rr5l=rtH jajnivdns, ^V[^^T^ adivdns ifrom 
 V^f^ ad : 783 a), and so on ; ^T^WvT dadivdns and its like, 
 from roots in STT a, are to be reckoned in the one class or 
 the other according as we view the ^ i as weakened root- ! 
 vowel or as union-vowel (794, 1). 
 
 a. But participles of which the perfect-stem is mouosyllabic by ab- 
 sence of the reduplication do not take the union-vowel: thus, vidvans, 
 and in V., daQvans (SV. daQivans), midhvans, sahvans, khid- 
 vans ('.') ; and R. has also dadvans (AV. dadivans and once dadavans) 
 from |/da (or dad: 672); an an-a9vans ()/a(j eat) occurs in TS. and 
 TB. But AV. has vi9ivari8 and varjivans (in negative fem. avarjusi). 
 
 804. Other Vedic irregularities calling for notice are few. The long 
 vowel of the reduplication (786) appears in the participle as in the indicative: 
 thus, vavrdhvans, sasahvans, jiijuvans. RV. and AV. have sasavans 
 from |/8an or sa. RV. makes the participial forms of |/tr or tar from 
 different modifications of the root; thus, titirvans, but tatariisas. Re- 
 specting the occasional exchanges of strong and weak stem ia inflection, 
 see above, 462 c. 
 
 805. a. From roots gam and han the Veda makes the strong stems 
 jaganvans (as to the n, see 212 a) and jaghanvans; the later language 
 allows either these or the more regular jagmivans and jaghnivans (the 
 weakest stem-forms being everywhere jagmus and jaghnus). RV. has 
 also tatanvans. 
 
 19*
 
 806 — J X. Perfect-svstem. 292 
 
 b. From three roots, vid Jind, vif^, ami df9, the later laiif^uage allows 
 strong participle-stems to be made with the union-vowel, as well as in the 
 regular manner without it; thuH, viviijivaAfl or viviQvanfl; dadf<jivanfl 
 occurs in KthU. FB. has once cicchidivans. 
 
 806. The ending of the middle participle is ana. It 
 is added to the we.ik form of perfect-stem, as this appears 
 in the middle inflection : thus, '^^TR bubudhana, 'FFTn'? 
 ninyana, TTR dadant\. H^TR tonana, ^fiR jajnana, "ET^FT 
 ucana. 
 
 a. In the Veda, the long rrdaplicating vowel is sLuwu by many middle 
 participles: thus, vfivydhanA, vavasana, dacirhftna, tutujand, et'-. 
 KV. has Qaqayana Irom j/(ji (with irregular glina. as in tin- prrgent- 
 aystem : 629j; tistirana from )/Btf; and once, with mana, sasfmana 
 from ]/8f. A few participles with long redupl. vowel have it Irregularly 
 ac'.enled (as if rather intensive: 1013): thus, tdtujana (also tutujanil), 
 babadhana, 9a9adana, 9U9ujana, 9ti9uvana. 
 
 807. In the later laDguage, the perfect participles have nearly gone 
 out of u«e; even the active appears but rarely, and is made from 
 very few verbs, and of the middle hardly any examples are quotable, 
 save such as the proper name yuyudhana. tlie adjective anucana 
 learned in ncripture, etc. 
 
 Modes of the Perfect, 
 
 808. Modes of the perfect belong only to the Vedic language, 
 and even are seldom found outside of the Rig- Veda. 
 
 a. To draw the line surely and distinctly between these and the 
 mode-forms from other reduplicated tense-stems — the present-stem of the 
 reduplicating class, the reduplicated aorist, and tlie intensive — is not pos- 
 sible, since no ciiteriou of form exists which does not in some cases fail, and 
 since the geiieral equivalence of modal forms from all stems (582), and the 
 common use of th;- perfect as a present in the Veda (823), deprive us of 
 a criterion of meaning. There can be no reasonable doubt, however, that 
 a considerable body of forms are to be reckoned here; optatives like ana- 
 9yam and babhtiyas and babhtiyat, imperatives like babhiitu. subjunc- 
 tives like jabharat, show such distinctive characteristics of the perfect 
 formation that by their analogy other similar words are confidently classed 
 as belonging to the perfect. 
 
 809. The normal method of making such forms would appear 
 to be as follows: from a reduplicated perfect-stem, as for example) 
 mumuc, an imperative would be made by simply ajjpending, as 
 usual, the imperative endings; the derived subjunctive mode-stem 
 would be mumoca (accented after the analogy of the strong forms
 
 293 Modes. [—812 
 
 of the perfect indicative , and would take either primary or secondary 
 endings; and the optative mode-stems would be mumucya in the 
 active, and mumuci (accent on personal endings) in the middle. 
 
 And the great majority of the forms in question about three 
 quarters) are made in these ways. Thus: 
 
 810. Examples of the regular subjunctive formation are: 
 
 a. with secondary endings, active: '2d slug., paprathas, cakanas, 
 mamahas, piprayas, bubodhas, rardnas; 3d sing., cakanat, jabharat, 
 raranat, sasahat, pasparqat, piprayat; 1st pi., cakanama, tatanama, 
 (jucjavania; 3d pi., tatanan, paprathan (other persons do not occur). 
 This is tlie largest class of cases. 
 
 b. with primary endings, active: here seem to belong only dadhar- 
 sati and vavartati: compare the formation with different accent below, 
 811 a. 
 
 e. of middle forms occur only the 3d sing, tatapate, (jacjamate, 
 yuyojate, jujosate (SV. ; RV. has jujosate"); and the 3d pi. cakananta, 
 tatauanta (and perhaps two or three others: below, 811 b, end). 
 
 811. But not a few subjunctives of other formation occur; thus: 
 
 a. With strengthened root-syllable, as above, but with accent on the 
 reduplication (as in the majority of present-forms of the reduplicating class: 
 above, 645). Here the forms with primary endings, a'^tive, preponderate, 
 and are not very rare: for example, jujosasi, jujosati, jujosathas, 
 jujosatha (other persons do not occur). With secondary endings, jujOBas, 
 jujosat, andjujosan are the forms that belong most distinctly here (since 
 dada9a8 and susudas etc. are perhaps rather aorists). And there Is no 
 middle form but jujosate (RV. : see above, 810 c). 
 
 b. With unstreiigthened root-syllable occur a small body of forms, 
 which are apparently also accented on the reduplication (accented examples 
 are found only in 3d pi. mid.): thus, active, for example, mumucas; 
 vavrtat, vividat, Qiicjuvat; the only middle forms are dadhrsate, 
 vavrdhate, 3d sing.; and cakramants, dadhrsanta, rurucanta (with 
 dadabhanta, paprathanta, mamahanta, juhuranta, which might also 
 belong elsewhere: 810 e). 
 
 c. Accented on the ending are vavrdhanta and cakrpanta (which 
 are rather to be called augmentless pluperfects). 
 
 d. As to forms with double mode-sign, or transfers to an a-conjugation, 
 see below, 815. 
 
 812. Examples of the regular optative formation are: 
 
 a. In active: 1st sing., anaqyam, jagamyam, paprcyam, riric- 
 yam; 2d sing., vavrtyas, vivi9ya3, QUQriiyas, babhuyas; 3d sing., 
 jagamyat, vavrtyat, tutujyat, babhuyat; Id du., jagmyatam, 9U(jru- 
 yatara; 1st pi., sasahyama, vavrtyama, Qii^uyama; 3d pi., tatanyua, 
 vavrjyus, vavrtytis. The forms are quite numerous.
 
 812 — ] X. Fkhfect-systkm. 294 
 
 b. Ill middle, tho formg are few: namely, 1st sing., vavytiya; 'id 
 slnp., vavydhithas, caksamithas; 3d Ring., jagraBita, vavytita, 
 mamrjita, dudhuvita, (jUQUCita; Ist pi., vavftimahi. And easa- 
 his^has .md ririflis^a ajipcar to furnlsli ixaniplcK if precative optativr- 
 lornis. 
 
 C. There is no irregular mode of formation of perfect optativen. Indi- 
 vidual irregularities are shown by certain forms: thus, cakriyas, papiyat, 
 9U9ruya8 and <ju(;ruyatam, with treatment of thi- dual as before tlw 
 pishivc-sigM yi (.770J, anajyat with ^hort Initial; qi<fTitk from y^Ti, 
 jak^iyat i.s anomalous: rlri^es In the only form that shows a unlon-vowcl 
 a (nnless also Bi^et, from yB&). 
 
 813. Of regular Imperative forms, only a very small number are to 
 bf quote! : namely, a< tlvo, cakandhi, rarandhl, cikiddhi, titigdhi. 
 mumugdhi, (;u9ugdhi, and piprihi ; cakantu, rarantu, mumoktu, 
 and babhutu; mumuktam and vavrktam; jujustana and vavyttana 
 (unless we are to add mamaddhi, mamattu, mamattana); — mid<'.. 
 vavTtsva and vavrddhvam. AV. has once dadr^ram. 
 
 814. As irregular imperatives niay be reckoned several which sho-.* 
 a union-vowel a, or lave been transfcrrt'd to an a-coiijugation. Such arc 
 in the active, muiu6catain and jujo^atam (2d du.'), and mumocata 
 (2d pi.); ill the middle, piprayasva (only one found with accent), and 
 mamahasva, vavrdhasva, vavrsasva ('2d sing.^ and mamahantam 
 (3d pi.: probably to be accented -dsva and -antam). 
 
 816. Such imperatives as these, taken in connetion with some of 
 the subjunctives given above (and a few of the "pluperfect" forms: below. 
 820), suggest as plausible the assumption of a double present-stem, with 
 reduplication and added a (with which the desidc-rative stems would l-e 
 comparable: below, 102611.): for eTauiplo. jujosa from VJUB, from whicli 
 would come jujosasi etc. and jujosate (811a) as indicative, jujosaa 
 etc. as subjunctively used augmentless imperfect, and jujosatam as im- 
 perative. Most of the forms given above as subjunctives with primary 
 ending lack a marked and constant subjunctive character, and would pa€s 
 fairly well as indicatives. And it appears tolerably certain that from one 
 root at least, vrdh. such a double stem is to be recognized ; from vavrdha 
 come readily vavrdhate, vavrdhanta, and from it alone can come regu- 
 larly vavrdhasva, vavrdhete and vavrdhati (on^e. RY.) — and, y^ t 
 more, the participle vavrdhant (RV. ; AY. vavrdhant: an isolated case): 
 yet even here we have also vavrdhithas, not vavrdhethas. To assume 
 double present-stems, however, in all the cases would be highly implau- 
 sible; it is better to recognize the formation as one hegun, but not car- 
 ried out. 
 
 a. Only one other subjunctive with doable mode-sign — namely, 
 paprcasi — is found to set heside vavrdhati. 
 
 816. Forms of different model are not very seldom made from the 
 same root: for example, from |/muc, the subjunctives mumocas, mumo-
 
 295 Pluperfect. [—821 
 
 cati, aud mumucas; from ydhra, dadharsati and dadhrsate; from 
 j/pri, the imperatives piprihi and piprayasva. 
 
 Pluperfect. 
 
 817. Of an augment-preterit from the perfect-stem, to which the 
 name of pluperfect is given on the ground of its formation (though 
 not of its meaning', the Veda presents a few examples; and one or 
 two forms of the later language (mentioned above, 788 b, have also 
 been referred to it. 
 
 a. There is much of the same difficulty in distinguishing the pluperfect 
 as the perfect modes from kindred reduplicated formations. Between it and 
 the aorist, however, a difference of meaning helps to make a separation. 
 
 818. The normal pluperfect should show a strong stem in the singular 
 active, and a weak one elsewhere — thus, mumoc and mumuc — with 
 augment prefixed and secondary endings added (us in 3d pi. act., ata in 
 M pi. mid.). 
 
 a. Of forms made according to this model, we have, in the active: 
 1st sing., ajagrabham and acacaksam (whicli, by its form, might be 
 aorist: 860J : 2d sing, ajagan; 3d sing., ajagan and aciket; 2d du., 
 amvimuktam ; 2d pi. djaganta, and ajagantana and ajabhartana (a 
 strong form, as often in this person: 556a); Sd pi. (perhaps), ama- 
 mandus and amamadus. To these may be added the angmentless cakan 
 and raran, ciketam and cakaram. In the middlf, the 3d pi. acakriran 
 and ajagmiran (with Iran instead of ata), and the augmeutless 2d sing, 
 jugurthas and susupthas, are the most regular forms to be found. 
 
 819. Several forms from roots ending in consonants save the endings 
 in 2d and 3d sing. art. by inserting an i (555 b) : thus, abubhojis, 
 avivegis; arireeit, ajagrabhit (avavarit and avava9itam are rather 
 intensives); and the augmeutless jihinsis (accent?) and dadharait belong 
 with them. 
 
 820. A few forms show a stem ending in a: they a' e, in the active: 
 3d sing., asasvajat, acikitat, acakrat; in the middle: 3d sing., dpip- 
 rata; 2d du., apasprdhetham ; 3d pi., atitvisanta (wliich by its form 
 might be aorist), adadrhant..; and cakradat, cakrpanta, vavrdhanta, 
 juhuranta, would perhaps be best classified here as augmentless forms 
 (compare 811, above). 
 
 Uses of the Perfect. 
 
 821. Perfects are quotable as made from more than half the 
 roots of the language, and they abound in use at every period and 
 in almost all branches of the literature, though not always with the 
 same value. 
 
 a. According to the Hindu grammarians, the perfect is used in the
 
 821— J X. rERFECT-8V8TKM. -iOfJ 
 
 narration of facts not witnessed by the narrator; but there it no .evidence 
 of its being either exclusively or dl*tinctivLly so employed at any period. 
 
 b. In the later liinfrnaf^e. it ia simply a preterit or past tense, 
 equivalent with the imperfect, and freely interchangeable or coor- 
 dinated \vith it. It is on the whole less common than the imperfect, 
 although the preferences of diflFerent authors are diverse, and it some- 
 times exceeds the imperfect in frequency compare 927 
 
 o. The ])erfect8 veda and aha are everywhere u.scd with present 
 value. In the Bruhmana?, also others, especially dadhftra, also didaya, 
 bibhaya, etc. 
 
 822. In the lirahmanas, the distinction of tense-value between per- 
 fect and imperfect Is almost altogethrT^ lost, as in the later language. But 
 in most of the texta the imperfect is the ordinary tense of narration, the 
 perfect being only exceptionally used. Thus in PB., the imperfects are to 
 the perfects as more than a hundred to one; in the Brahmana parts of Tb. 
 and TB., as over thirty-four to one; and in those of MS. in about the 
 same proportion; in AH., as more than four to one, the perfect appearing 
 mostly in certain passages, where it takes the place of imperfect. It is 
 only in t^B. thut the perfect is much more commonly used, and even, to 
 a consiierable extent, in coordination with the imperfect. Throughout the 
 Brahmaiiis. however, the perfect participles have in general the true "per- 
 fect" value, indicating a completed or proximate past. 
 
 823. In the Veda, the case is very different. The jperfeais used 
 as past tense in narration, but only rarely; sometimes also it has a true 
 "perfect" sense, or signifies a completed or proximate past (like the aorist 
 of the older language : 928) ; but oftenest it has a value hardly or not 
 at all distinguishable in point of time from the present. It is thus the 
 equivalent of imperfect ..,ri>t iml present: .md it occurs coordinated with 
 them all. 
 
 a. Examples are : of perfect with present, na 9ramyanti na vi 
 muncanty ete vayo na paptuh (RV.) th^ weary not nor stop, they fy 
 like birdi; se 'd u raja ksayati carsaninam aran na nemih pari 
 ta babhuva (KV.) he in truth rules king of men; he embraces th'in all, 
 as the tcheel the spokes; — of perfect with aorist, upo ruruce yuvatir 
 na yosa . . . abhud agnih samidhe manusanam akar jyotir badh- 
 amana tamansi (RV.) she is come beaming like a young maiden ; Agm 
 hath appeared for the kindling of mortals; she hath made light, driving auay 
 the darkness: — of perfect with imperfect, ahann ahim anv apas tatarda 
 (RV.) he slew the dragon, he penetrated to the icaters. Such a coordination 
 as this last is of constant occurrence in the later lauguage: e. g. mumude 
 'pujayae eai 'nam (R.) he icas glad, and paid honor to her; vastrante 
 jagraha skandhadeQe 'srjat tasya srajam (MBh.) she took hold of 
 the end of his garmetit, and dropped a garland on his shoulders.
 
 297 Varieties of Aorist. [ — 824 
 
 CHx^PTER XL 
 
 THE AORIST SYSTEMS. 
 
 824. Under the name of aorist are included (as was 
 pointed out above, 532) three quite distinct formations, each 
 of which has its sub-varieties : namely — 
 
 I. A SIMPLE AORIST (equivalent to the Greek "second 
 aorist''), analogous in all respects as to form and inflection 
 with the imperfect. It has two varieties: 1. the root-aorist, 
 with a tense-stem identical with the root (corresponding 
 to an imperfect of the root-class); 2. the a-aorist, with a 
 tense-stem ending in 51 a, or with union-vowel ^T a before 
 the endings (corresponding to an imperfect of the a-class). 
 
 II. 3. A REDUPLICATING AORIST, perhaps in origin iden- 
 tical with an imperfect of the reduplicating class, but having 
 come to be separated from it by marked peculiarities of form. 
 It usually has a union-vowel ^ a before the endings, or is 
 inflected like an imperfect of one of the a-classes; but a 
 few forms occur in the Veda without such vowel. 
 
 III. A siGMATic or SIBILANT AORIST (corresponding to the 
 Greek "first aorist''], having for its tense-sign a H s added 
 to the root, either directly or with a preceding auxiliary 
 ^ i; its endings are usually added immediately to the tense- 
 sign, but in a small number of roots with a union-vowel 
 ^ a; a very few roots also are increased by i^^ s for its 
 formation; and according to these diff'erences it falls into 
 four varieties : namely, A. without union-vowel ^ a before 
 endings: 4. s-aorist, with ?I s alone added to the root; 
 5 . i§ - a o r i st, tKe*"sai3i^wTlh " mt eirpos ect $ i ; '^§r^is -aorist, 
 the saine'^'as" the preceding with H s added, at the end of 
 the root; B. with union-vowel ST a, 7. sa-aorist.
 
 \ 
 
 826— J XI. A0HIST-8Y8TEM8. 298 
 
 825. All these varieties are hound together and made 
 into a single complex system by certain correspondences of 
 form and meaning. Thus, in regard to form, they are all 
 alike, in the indicative, augment-preterits to which there does 
 not exist any corresponding present ; in regard to meaning, 
 although in the later or classical language they are simply 
 preterits, exchangeable with imperfects and perfects, they 
 all alike have in the older language the general value of 
 a completed past or "perfect", translatable by /tave done and 
 the like. 
 
 826. The aorift-system is a forma'ion of infrequent occanence in 
 much of the classiial Sanskrit [\\.6 forme are found, for example, only 
 twenty-ono times in the Nala, eight in the llitopade<,a, seven in Mann, six 
 each in the Bhagavad-Gita and ^'akuntali, and sixty-six times, from four- 
 teen foots, in the first book, of about 2600 lines, of the Kamayana: com- 
 pare 927 bj. and it possesses no partiiipie, nor any modes ^ excepting in 
 the prohibitive use of its auRmeiitlfSS forms: see 679; and the so-called 
 precative: see 921 ff.); in the older language, on the other hand, it it 
 quite common, and has the whole variety of modes belonging to the present, 
 and sometimes participles. Its description, accordingly, must be giTMJ 
 mainly as that of a part of the older language, with due notice of its res- 
 triction in later use. 
 
 827. a. In the RV., nearly half the roots occurring show aorist formi 
 of one or another class; in the AV., rather U-ss than one third; and in tho| 
 other texts of the older language comparatively few aorists occur which 
 not found in these two. 
 
 b. More than fifty roots, in RV. and AV. together, make aorist formtl 
 of more than one class [nox. taking into account the reduplicated or "caaBar| 
 live" aorist); but no law appears to underlie this variety; of any relatioul 
 such as is Uught by the grammarians, between active of one class anij 
 middle of another as correlative, there is no trace discoverable. 
 
 c. Examples are: of classes 1 and 4, adham and dhasus froii 
 V dha, ayuji and ayuksata from VY^i ; — "t 1 aud 5. agrabham andj 
 agrabhisma from > grabh, mrsthas aud marsisthas from y/nars:— J 
 ot 1 and '2, arta and arat from )/r; — of 2 and 4, avidam and avitflii 
 from y^iA Jind, anijam and anaiksit from }/iiij; — of 1 and 5. 8an6-J 
 ma aud asanisam from v'san;— f 2 and 7. aruham and aroksat 
 from i/ruh; — of 4 and 5, amatsus and amadisus from > mad; 
 of 4 and 6, hasmahi and hasisus from j^lia; — of 1 and 2 and l»1 
 atnata and atanat and atan from |/tan ; — of 1 and 4 and 5, abudh-^ 
 ran and abhutsi and bodhisat from ybudh, astar and strsiya and
 
 •299 
 
 1. ROOT-AORIST. 
 
 [—831 
 
 astaris from ]/str. Often the second, or second and third, class is rep- 
 resented by only an isolated form or two. 
 
 1. Simple Aorist. 
 
 828. This is, of the three principal divisions of aorist, the one 
 least removed from the analogy of forms already explained; it is 
 like an imperfect, of the root-class or of the a-class, without a corres- 
 ponding present indicative, but with (more or less fragmentarily) all 
 the other parts which go to make up a complete present-system. 
 
 1. Root-aorist. 
 
 829. a. This formation is in the later language limited 
 to a few roots in ^TT a and the root >T bhu, and is allovsred 
 to be made in the active only, the middle using instead 
 the s-aorist (4), or the is-aorist (5). 
 
 b. The roots in ^ a take 3TT us as 3d pi. ending, and, 
 as usual, lose their 5n a before it; ^ bhu (as in the perfect: 
 793 a) retains its vowel unchanged throughout, inserting 
 ^ V after it before the endinars W^ am and ^^ an of 1st 
 sing, and 3d pi. Thus: 
 
 6. 
 
 adara 
 
 >l. 
 adava 
 
 ddas 
 
 adatam 
 
 adat 
 
 adatam 
 
 adama 
 adata 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 abhiivam abhiiva 
 
 abhtis 
 
 abhiitam 
 
 abhut 
 
 P- 
 
 Tx 
 
 abhuma 
 
 abhiita 
 
 abhuvan 
 
 adus abhut abhiitam 
 
 For the classical Sanskrit, this is the whole story. 
 
 830. In the Veda, these same roots are decidedly the most fre- 
 quent and conspicuous representatives of the formation: especially 
 the roots ga, da, dha, pa drink, stha, bhu; while sporadic forms 
 are made from jna, pra, sa, ha. As to their middle forms, see 
 below, 834 a. 
 
 a. Instead of abhuvam, RV. has twice abhuvam. BhP. has agan, 
 3d pi., instead of agus. 
 
 831. But aorists of the same class are also made from a num- 
 ber of roots in r, and a few in i- and u-vowels (short or long) —
 
 831—] XI. AOKIST-SVSTEMS. 300 
 
 with, as required by the analogy of the tense with an imperfect of 
 the root-class, guna-strengtliening in the tliroe pcrsonB of the Binnular. 
 a. Thus (in the active), froHi v/9ru, aqravam arnl a9rot; fnmi y'qri, 
 ^(jres and a9ret; from ykx "'«^'''. akaram iniil akar (fur akars and 
 akart); from vf tur/otie, avar (685 aj; aiil ho astar, aapar. Iiual and 
 plural forms are much less frequent than Hiiigular: but for the most part 
 they also show an irregular strcngtliening of the root-vowel : thus (iiioluding 
 augniontless forms), dkarma ami kanna sw\ dkarta, vartam, spartam, 
 ahema and ^hetana, bhema, aijravan; ngular an <iiil> avran, akran, 
 ahyan, and aQriyan. 
 
 832. Further, from a few roots with medial (or initial) vowel 
 capabli; of guna-strengthening and having in general that strengthen- 
 ing only in the ttingiil:ir. 
 
 a. Tlius, abhedam and abhet from j/bhid; amok from ymuc; 
 yojam from yyuj : rok (V.S.) froui yruj ; arodham and arudhma from 
 yrudh; avart from )/vrt ; v&rk fr^ in i^v^-j (AV. has once avyk): adar- 
 (jam from V'drcj; ardhma from j/pdh : and adf^an, avrjan, aQvitan. 
 lint chedma with guna, from j/chid, and adar^ma (IS.J from j'df9. 
 
 833. Again, from a lar^'or number of roots with a as radical 
 vowel : 
 
 a. Of these, gam (with n for m when Wnal or followed by m : 143a, 
 212 a) is of decidedly most frequent occurrence, and shows th"! preat«»t 
 variety of forms: thus, dgamam, dgan ('2d and 3d sing.), &ganma, 
 aganta (strong form), agmau. The other cases are akran from )'kram; 
 atan from }/taii; abhra^ from /bhraj : askan from ^skand: asrat 
 from j/srana (? V.'^.); dhak and daghma from >/dagh : aaa^ (585 a) 
 and anastam from ] na9 .- aghas or aghat, Sghastam, aghasta, and 
 aksau (for aghsan. like agman) from j^ghas: and the M \>]. in ub, 
 akramus, ayamus, dabhus, nrtus (pf. '•')■ mandus. 
 
 834. So far only active forms have been considered. In the 
 middle, a considerable part of the forms are such as are held by the 
 grammarians 881' to belong to the s-aorist. with omission of the a: 
 they doubtless belong, however, mostly or altogether, here. Thus: 
 
 a. From roots ending in vovrels, we have adhithas, adhita (also 
 ahital, and adhimahi ; adithas, adita, and adimahi (and adimahi 
 {torn yda, cuty. a9ita(.''): simahi: asthithas and asthita and asthiran, 
 forms of a-roots: — of r-roots, akri, akrthas, akrta, akratam, akrata 
 (and the anomalous kranta); avri, avrthas, avrta; arta, arata: mrthas, 
 amrta ; dhrthas ; adrthas ; astrta ; alirthas ; gurta ; — of i and u roots, 
 the only examples are ahvi (? AV.. once), ahumahi. and acidhvam. 
 The absence of any analogies -whatever for the omission of a 8 in such 
 forms, and the occurrence of avri a'ld akri and akrata, show that their 
 reference to the s-aorist is probably without sufficient reason. 
 
 b. .\s regards roots ending in consonants, the case is more question- 
 able, since loss of 8 after a final consonant before thas and ta (and, of
 
 301 ^- EOOT-AORIST. [—836 
 
 course, dhvam) would be in many cases required by euplionic rule (233 c ff.). 
 We find, however, such unmistakable middle inflection of the root-aorist as 
 ayuji, ayukthas, ayukta, ayujmahi, ayugdhvam, ayvijran; asta 
 and a^ata; nangi; apadi (1st sing.) and apadmahi and apadran; 
 amanmahi; ganvahi and aganmahi and agmata; atnata; ajani 
 (1st sing.) and ajnata (3d pi.); from j/gam are made agathas and agata, 
 from |/tan, atathas and atata, and from }/man, amata, with treatment 
 of the final like that of han in present inflection (637). The ending ran 
 is especially frequent in 3d pi., being taken by a number of verbs which 
 have no other middle person of this aorist : thus, agrbhran, asrgran, 
 adrqran, abudhran, avrtran, ajusran, akrpran, asprdhran, avas- 
 ran, avlQran; and ram is found beside ran in adr9ram, abudhram, 
 aBrgram. 
 
 C. From roots of which the final would combine with 3 to ks, it 
 seems more probable that aorist-forms showing k (instead of s) before the 
 ending belong to the root-aorist: such are amukthas (and amugdhvam), 
 aprkthas and aprkta, abhakta, avrkta, asakthas and asakta, rik- 
 thas, vikthas and vikta, arukta; aprasta, ayasta, aspasta, asrsthas 
 and asrsta, and mrsthas would be the same in either case. 
 
 d. There remain, as cases of more doubtful belonging, and probably 
 to be ranked in part with the one formation and in part with the other, 
 according to their period and to the occurrence of other persons: chitthas, 
 nutthas and anutta and anuddhvam, patthas, bhitthas, amatta, 
 atapthas, alipta, asrpta; and finally, arabdha, alabdha, aruddha, 
 abuddha, ayuddha, and drogdhas (MBh.: read drugdhas): see 883. 
 
 Modes of the Root-aorist. 
 
 835. Subjunctive. In subjunctive use, forms identical with the 
 augmentless indicative of this aorist are much more frequent than the -more 
 proper subjunctives. Those to which no corresponding form with augment 
 occurs have been given above; the others it is unnecessary to report in 
 detail. 
 
 836. a. Of true subjunctives the forms with primary endings are 
 quite few. In the active, karani, gani, gamani (for bhuvani, see be- 
 
 •, c); karasi; sthati, dati and dhati (which are almost indicative in 
 .aiue), karati, josati, padati, bhedati, radhati, varjati; sthathas, 
 fcarathas and karatas, dar9atha8, Qravathas and (jravatas; and 
 apparently) karanti, gimanti. In the middle, josase; idhate (v), 
 Isarate, bhojate, yojate, varjate; dhethe and dhaithe; karamahe, 
 Ihamahe, gamamahai. 
 
 b. Forms with secondary endings are, in the active, darQam, bho- 
 am, yojam; karas, tardas, parcas, yamas, radhas, varas; karat, 
 ;amat, garat, josat, daghat, padat, yamat, yodhat, radhat, varat, 
 'artat, 9ravat, saghat, sparat; karama, gamama, radhama; gaman.
 
 836—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 302 
 
 garan, dkrqan, yaman. No middle forms are classifiable with confidence 
 here. 
 
 c. The series bhuvam, bhuvas, bhiivat, bhuvan, and bhuvani 
 (compare abhuvam: 830 a), and the isolated (jruvat, are of doubtful 
 belongings; with a different accent, they would seem to be of the next 
 class; here, a guna-strengthening would be more regular (but note the 
 absence of guna in the aorist indicative and the perfect of ]/bhu). 
 
 837. Optative. The optative active of this aorist constitutes, with 
 a 8 interposed between mode-sign and personal endings (567), the preca- 
 tive active of the Hindu grammarians, and is allowed by them to he made 
 from every verb, they recognizing no connection between it and the aorist. 
 But in the 2d sing, the interposed s is not distinguishable from the personal 
 ending; and, after the earliest period (see 838), the ending crowds out the 
 sibilant in the 3d sing., which thus comes to end in yat instead of yas 
 (compare 555 a). 
 
 a. In the older language, however, pure optative forms, without the s, 
 are made from this tense. From roots in a occur (with change of a to e 
 before the y : 250 d) deyam, dheyam and dheyus, and stheyama ; 
 in u-vowels, bhiiyama; in r, kriyama; in consonants, a9yani and 
 acjyama and a9yus, vrjyam, Qakyam, yujyava and yujyatam, sahya- 
 ma, and trdyus. 
 
 b. The optative middle of the root-aorist is not recognized by the 
 Hindu grammarians as malsing a part of the precative formation. The RV. 
 has, however, two precative forms of it, namely padista and mucista. 
 Much more common in the older language are pure optative forms: namely, 
 aijiya and a9iraahi (this optative is especially common), indhiya, gmiya, 
 muriya, ruciya; arita, uhita, vurita; idhimalii, naQimahi, nasi- 
 mahi, preiraahi, mudimahi, yamimahi; and probably, from a-roots, 
 simahi and dhimahi (which might also be augmentless indicative, since 
 adhimahi and adhitam also occur). All these forms except the three 
 in 3d sing, might be precative according to the general understanding of 
 that mode, as being of persons which even by the native authorities are not 
 claimed ever to exhibit the inserted sibilant. 
 
 838. Precative active forms of this aorist are made from the earliest 
 period of the language. In RV., they do not occur from any root which 
 has not also other aorist forms of the same class to show. The RV. forms 
 are: 1st sing,, bhiiyasam; ^d sing., avyas, jneyas, bhiiyas, mrdhyas, 
 sahyas; 3d sing, (in -yas, for -yast; RV. has no 3d sing, in yat, which 
 is later the universal ending), avyas, aQyas, rdhyas, gamyas, daghyas, 
 peyas, bhuyas, yamyas, yiiyas, vrjyas, 9ruyas, sahyas; 1st pi., 
 kriyasma (beside kriyama: 837 a). AV. has six 1st persons sing, in 
 -yasam, one 2d in -yas, one 3d in -yat (and one in -yas, in a RV. 
 passage), three 1st pi. in -yasma (beside one in yama, in a RV. passage), 
 and the 2d bhuyastha (doubtless a false reading : TB. has -sta in the 
 corresponding passage). From this time on, the pure optative forms nearly
 
 303 '• ROOT-AORIST. [—840 
 
 disappear (tho exceptions are given in 837 a). But the precatlve forms are 
 nowbere common, excepting as made from ]/bhu; and from no other root 
 is anything like a complete series of persons quotable (only bhuyasva 
 and bhiiyastam being wanting; and these two persons have no represent- 
 ative from any root). All together, active optative or precative forms are 
 made in the older language from over fifty roots; and the epic and classical 
 texts add them from hardly a dozen more: see further 925. 
 
 839. Imperative. Imperative forms of the root-aorist are not rare 
 in the early language. In the middle, indeed, almost only the 2d sing. 
 occurs: it is accented either regularly, on the ending, as krsva, dhisva, 
 yuksva, or on the root, as matsva, yaksva, vansva, rasva, saksva; 
 disva and masva are not found with accent; the 2d pi. is represented 
 hy krdhvam, vodhvam. In the active, all the persons (2d and 3d) are 
 found in use; examples are: 2d sing., krdhi, vrdhi, Qagdhi, 9rudhi, 
 gadhi, yamdhi, gahi, mahi, sahi, mogdhi; 3d sing., gamtu, datu, 
 astu, qrotu, sotu; 2d du., datam, jitam, Qaktam, (jriitam, bhutam, 
 sprtam, gatam, riktam, vodham, sitam, sutam; 3d du., only gam- 
 tam, datam, vodham; 2d pi., gata, bhiita, Qruta, krta, gata, data, 
 dhatana; 3d pi., only dhantu, Qruvantu. These are the most regular 
 forms ; but irregularities as to both accent and strengthening are not infre- 
 quent. Thus, strong forms in 2d du. and pi. are yamtam, varktam, 
 vartam ; karta, gamta (once gamta), yamta, vartta, beta, 9r6ta, sota ; 
 and, with tana, kartana, gamtana, yamtana, sotana, and the irregular 
 dhetana (}/dha) ; in 3d du., gamtam. Much more irregular are yodhi 
 (instead of yuddhi) from |/yudh, and bodhi from both ]/budh and |/bhu 
 (instead of buddhi and bhiidhi). A single form (3d sing.) in tat is 
 found, namely 9a3tat. We lind krdhi also later (MBh. BhP.). 
 
 a. As to 2d persons singular in si from the simple root used in an 
 imperative sense, see above, 624. 
 
 Participles of the Root-aorist. 
 
 840. In the oldest language, of the RV., are found a number of 
 participles which must be reckoned as belonging to this formation. 
 
 a. In the active, they are extremely few: namely, krant, citant (?), 
 gmaut, sthant, bhidant, vrdhant, dyutant- (only in composition) 
 and probably rdhant. And BhP. has mrsant (but probably by error, for 
 mrsyant). 
 
 b. In the middle, they are in RV. much more numerous. The accent 
 is usually on the final of the stem: thus, arana, idhana, krana, jusana, 
 trsana, nidana, piqan^, prcana, prathana, budhana, bhiyana, 
 raanana, mandana, yujana, rucana, vipana, vrana, urana, 9ubh- 
 ana, sacana, suvana or svana, srjana, sprdhana, hiyana; — but 
 sometimes on the root-syllable: thus, citana, cyavana, riihana, uhana 
 (pres.v), vasana, 9umbhana; — while a few show both accentuations
 
 840—] XI. AORIST-STSTEMS. 304 
 
 (compare 619 d): thus, dr^ana and df(jana, dyutana and dyutana, 
 yataua and yatana; and cetaua and hrayana occur only in composition. 
 A very few of these are found once or twice in other texts, namely citana, 
 dyutana, ruhana, vasana, suvana; and -kupana occurs once in 
 Apast. (xiv. 28. 4). 
 
 841. All together, the roots exhibiting in the older language 
 forms which are with fair probability to be reckoned to the root- 
 aorist-system are about a hundred and thirty; over eighty of them 
 make such forms in the RV. 
 
 Passive Aorist third person singular. 
 
 842. A middle third person singular, of peculiar formation and 
 prevailingly passive meaning, is made from many verbs in the older 
 language, and has become a regular part of the passive conjugation, 
 being, according to the grammarians, to be substituted always for the 
 proper third person of any aorist middle that is used in a passive 
 sense. 
 
 843. This person is formed by adding ^ i to the root, 
 which takes also the augment, and is usually strengthened. 
 
 a. The ending i belongs elsewhere only to the first person; and this 
 third person apparently stands in the same relation to a first in i as do, 
 in the middle voice, the regular 3d sing, perfect, and also the frequent 
 Vedic 3d sing, present of the root-class (613), which are identical in form 
 with their respective first persons. That a fuller ending has heen lost oft" 
 is extremely improbable; and hence, as an aorist formation from the simple 
 root, this is most properly treated here, in connection with the ordinary 
 root-aorist. 
 
 844. Before the ending ^ i, a final vowel, and usually 
 also a medial ^ a before a single consonant, have the vrddhi- 
 strengthening ; other medial vowels have the guna-strengthen- 
 ing if capable of it (240); after final ^TT a is added 7J y. 
 
 a. Examples (all of them quotable from the older language) are: 
 from roots ending in a, ajnayi, adhayi, apayi; in other vowels, a9rayi, 
 astavl, ahavi, akari, astari; — from roots with medial i, u, r, aceti, 
 acchedi, a9esi, abodhi, amoci, ayoji, adarQi, asarji, varhi ; from 
 roots with medial a strengthened, agami, dpadi, ay ami, avaci, vapi, 
 aeadi (these are all the earlier cases); with a unchanged, only ajani (and 
 KV. has once jani), and, in heavy syllables, amyaksi, vandi, Qansi, 
 syandi; with medial a, abhraji, aradhi; — from roots with initial 
 Towel, ardhi (only case). 
 
 b. According to the grammarians, certain roots in am, and yvadh, 
 retain the a unchanged: quotable are ajani (or ajani), agami (or agami),
 
 305 Simple Aokist: 2. a-AORiST. [—846 
 
 asvani, avadhi, also araci; and there are noted besides, from roots 
 sometimes showing a nasal, adan9i, arambhi, arandhi, ajambhi, 
 abhanji or abhaji, alambhi (always, with prepositions) or alabhi, 
 astambhi; (^B. has asanji. 
 
 c. Angmentless forms, as in all other like cases, are met -with, with 
 either indicative or subjunctive value: examples (besides the two or three 
 already given) are: dhayi, 9ravi, bhari, reel, vedi, roei, jani, padi, 
 sadi, ardhi. The accent, when present, is always on the root-syllabld 
 (SV. dhayi is doubtless a false reading). 
 
 846. These forms are made in RV. from forty roots, and all the other 
 earlier texts combined add only about twenty to the number; from the 
 later language are quotable thirty or forty more; in the epics they are 
 nearly unknown. When they come from roots of neater meaning, as gam, 
 pad, sad, bhraj, radh, rue, sanj, they have (like the so-called passive 
 participle in ta: 952) a value equivalent to that of other middle forms; 
 in a case or two (RV. vii. 73. 3[?]; VS. xxviil. 15; TB. ii. 6. 102) tliey 
 appear even to be used transitively. 
 
 2. The a-aorist. 
 
 846. a. This aorist is in the later language allowed to 
 be made from a large number of roots (near a hundred). 
 It is made in both voices, but is rare in the middle, most 
 of the roots forming their middle according to the s-class 
 (878 ff.) or the is-class (898 ff.). 
 
 b. Its closest analogy is with the imperfect of the a-class 
 (751 if.); its inflection is the same with that in all particulars; 
 and it takes in general a weak form of root — ^save the roots in 
 ^ r (three or four only), which have the guna-strengthening. 
 
 e. As example of inflection may be taken the root 
 irR sic pour. Thus: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 srfeq^ 51TOH h\[k\rm ^m^ 5rf?T^TFif% ^rfH^rmf^ 
 
 dsieam asicava asicama asice d.sicavahi asicamahi 
 
 2 mm^ yMTHH ^feirr m^mr^ ^irr^^iTq ^^.ft 
 
 asieas asicatam asicata asieathas asicetham aaieadhvam 
 asicat asicatam asican asieata asieetam asieauta 
 
 Whitney, Graniniar. 3. ed. 20
 
 847—] XI. AORI8T-8Y8TEM8. 306 
 
 847. The a-aorist maketi in the RV. & email figure beside the root- 
 aorist, being represented by less than half the latter's number of roots. It 
 becomes, however, more common later (it is the only form of aorist which 
 is made from more verbs in AV. than in KV^); and in Veda and Rrahmana 
 together about eighty roots exhibit the formation more or less fully. Of 
 those a large number (fully half) .ire of the type of the roots which make 
 their present-system according to the ^-class, having a vowel capable of 
 guna-strength<ning before a Unal couhonant (754): thus, with i, chid, 
 bhid, nij, ric, rie, lip, vid, 1 <;i8 (gas), 2918, (jris, (jlis, aic, sridh; 
 — with u, krudh, ksudh, guh, due, dyut, druh, puB, budh, bhuj, 
 muo, mruc, yuj, rue, rud, rudh, muh, ruh, que; — with f, fdh, 
 kft, gfdh, grh, typ, tye, tyh, drp, dfQ, dhre, nrt, mrdh, mpB, vpt, 
 vrdh, vrs, Sfp, krs. A small number end in vowels : thus, r, kp, Bf 
 (which have the guna-strengthening throughout), hi ('.' ahyat once in 
 AV.), and several in a, apparent transfers from the root-class by the weak- 
 ening of their a to a: thu8, khya, hva, vya. qva., and d& and dha; 
 and asthat, regarded by the gramiuarians as aorist to y&B Oiroic, is doubt- 
 less a like formation from |/8tha. A few have a penultimate na«al in the 
 present and elsewhere, wLirh in this aorist is lott: thus, bhrafiq, tans, 
 dhvans, srariB, krand, randh. Of less classifiable character are &<f, 
 kram, gam, ghas, tarn, gam, gram, tan, aan, sad, ap, das, yas, 
 eak, dagh. The root* pat, nag, vac form the tense-stems papta, neqa, 
 VOCa, of which the flr-t is palpably and the other two are probably the 
 result of reduplication; but the language has lost the sense of their being 
 such, and makes other reduplicated aorists from the same roots (see be- 
 low, 854). 
 
 a. Many of these aorists are simply transfers of the root-aorist to an 
 a-inflection. Conspicuous examples are akarat etc. and agamat etc. (in 
 the earliest period only akar and £igan). 
 
 848. The inflection of this aorist is in general so regular that it will 
 be sufficient to give only examples of its Vedic formg. We may take as 
 model avidam, from yvid Jind, of which the various persons and modes 
 are more frequent and in fuller variety than those of any other verb. Only 
 the forms actually quotable are instanced; those of which the examples 
 found are from other verbs than vid are bracketed. Thus: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 avidam avidava avidama avide [Avidavahi] avidamahi 
 
 2 avidas [avidata] [avidathas] 
 
 3 avidat avidan [avidata] [avidetam] avidanta 
 
 a. The middle forms are rare in the earlier language, as in the later: 
 we have ahve etc., akhye etc., avide (v) and avidanta, avocathas 
 and avocavahi (and avidamahe GB. and asicamahe KB. are doubtless 
 to be amended to -mahi).
 
 307 Simple Aorist: 2. a-AORiST. [ — 853 
 
 b. Augmentless forms, with indicative or subjunctive value, are not 
 infrequent. Examples, showing accent on the tense-sign, according to the 
 general analogies of the formation, are: ruham, srpas, bhvijat, vidat, 
 aratam, vocata, qakan; vidata and vyata (3d sing.), aramahi, 
 9i8ainahi, vidanta, budhanta, mrsanta (for exceptions as regards 
 accent, see below, 853). 
 
 Modes of the a-aorist. 
 
 849. The subjunctive forms of this aorist are few; those which occur 
 are Instanced below, in the method which was followed for the indicative: 
 
 1 [vidava] vidama [vidamahe] 
 
 2 I . ,^ vidathas vidatha 
 Ividas 
 
 3 vidat [vidatai,?] 
 
 a. The ending thana is found once, in risathana. Of middle forms 
 occur only Qisatai (AV. : but doubtless misreading for ^isyatai) and 
 9isaraahe (A V. , for RV. qisamahi). The form sadathas seems an iudic- 
 ative, made from a secondary present-stem. 
 
 850. The optatives are few in the oldest language, but become more 
 frequent, and in the Brahmanas are not rare. Examples are : in active, 
 bhideyam, videyam, saneyam (TB. once sanem); vides, games; 
 garnet, vocet; gametam; gamema, qakema, sanema; vareta; in 
 middle, (only) videya; gamemahi, vanemahi: ruhethas etc. in the 
 epics must be viewed rather as present forms of the a-class. 
 
 a. A single middle precative form occurs, namely videsta (AV., 
 once); it is so isolated that how much may be inferred from it is very 
 questionable. 
 
 851. A complete series of active imperative forms are made from 
 ]/sad (including sadatana, 2d pi.), and the middle sadantam. Other 
 imperatives are very rare: namely, Sana, sara, ruha, vida; ruhatara, 
 vidatam; khyata. TS. has once vrdhatu (compare 740). 
 
 Participles of the a-aorist. 
 
 862. a. The active participles trpant, risant or risant, vrdhant, 
 9isant, 9ucant, sadant, and (in participial compounds, 1309) krtant-, 
 guhant-, vidant- (all RV.), are to be assigned with plausibility to this 
 aorist. 
 
 b. Likewise the middle participles guhamana, dhrsdmana, dasa- 
 luana (?), nrtamana, 9ueamana, and perhaps vrdhana, sridhana. 
 
 Irregularities of the a-aorist. 
 
 853. A few irregularities and peculiarities may be noticed here. 
 The roots in y, which (847) show a strengthening like that of the 
 
 20*
 
 853—] XI. AOIUST-SVSTFMS 308 
 
 present of the una'^cented a-rlass, have likfwise the acceit upon the 
 radiral syllable, like tliat class: thus, from yi^ 4ranta (augmentleag 3d 
 pi.), B^rat and s^ra. Thi; rout sad follows the same rule: thuis, 8&da- 
 tam; and from }/Ban are foiiml sanas ami sanat and B&nema and 
 B&na, beside Baneyam and Banema. It is questionable whether these 
 are not true analo^jnes of the bhu-class (unarc-nted a-class) pregent-system. 
 On th.i other hand, ruhat (i-esilo ruham, ruhava, ruhdtam), (fi^at 
 and 9{9atai (?), and r{§ant or ri^ant are mon- i^olat -d caues. In view 
 of sinh as these, the forms from the stem bhliva and ^ruva (836 c) 
 are jorhaps to be referrd hither. From >/vac, the optative is accented 
 voceyam, voceB, vocdma, voceyuB; clst-where the accent is on the root- 
 syllable: thus, voce, vocat, vocati, vocanta. 
 
 854. a. The stem VOC has in Vedic nse well-nigh assumed thi' 
 value of a root; its forms are very various and of frequent use, in HV. 
 especially far outnumbering in occurrences all other forms from y/vac 
 Besides those already given, we find vocft (1st sing, impv.) and vocati, 
 vocavahai; voces, voceya, vocemahi; vocatat C2d sing.), vocatu, 
 vooatam, vocata. 
 
 b. Of the stem ne^a only nefat occurs. 
 
 c The root (jfts (as in some of it« present forms: 639) is weakened 
 to qiB, and makes a^isam. 
 
 855. Isolated forms which have more or less completely the 
 aspect of indicative presents are made in the oldest language from 
 some roots besitle the aorist-svstems of the first two classes. It must 
 be left for maturer research to determine how far they may be relics 
 of original presents, and how far recent productions, made in the way 
 of conversion of the aorist-stem to a root in value. 
 
 a. Smh forms are the following: from ]/kr ??u7Ac. karsi, krthas, 
 krtha, krse; from Ygam, gath&; from yd gather, eeti; frr.m > da 
 gire, dati, datu; from ydha. put, dhati; from |/pa drinA-. pathas, 
 panti; from /bhr, bharti; from ymnc, mucanti; from yrradh, rudh- 
 mas (V) ; from >' vrt, vartti. 
 
 II. (3) Reduplicated Aorist. 
 
 856. The reduplicated aorist is different from the other 
 forms of aorist in that it has come to be attached in almost 
 all cases to the derivative [causative etc.) conjugation in 
 3gir aya, as the aorist of that conjugation, and is therefore 
 liable to be made from all roots which have such a conju- 
 gation, beside the aorist or aorists which belong to their 
 primary conjugation. Since, however, the connection of
 
 309 3- Reduplicated Aorist. [ — 859 
 
 the two is not a formal one (the aorist being made directly 
 from the root, and not from the causative stem), but rather 
 a matter of established association, owing to kinship of 
 meaning, the formation and inflection of this kind of aorist 
 is best treated here, along with the others. 
 
 857. Its characteristic is a reduplication of the radical 
 syllable, by which it is assimilated, on the one hand, to 
 the imperfect of the reduplicating class (656 ff.), and, on the 
 other hand, to the so-called pluperfect (817 ff.). But the 
 aorist reduplication has taken on a quite peculiar character, 
 with few traces left even in the Veda of a different con- 
 dition which may have preceded this. 
 
 858. a. As regards, indeed, the consonant of the re- 
 duplication, it follows the general rules already given (590). 
 And the quality of the reduplicated vowel is in general as 
 in the formations already treated: it needs only to be noted 
 that an a-vowel and r (or ar) are usually (for exceptions, 
 see below, 860) repeated by an i-vowel — as they^are, to a 
 considerable extent, in the^r^eduplicated present also (660). 
 
 b. But in regard to quantity, this aorist aims always at 
 establishing a diversity between the reduplicating and radical 
 syllables, making the one heavy and the other light. And 
 the preference is very markedly for a heavy reduplication 
 and a light root-syllable — which relation is brought about 
 wherever the conditions allow. Thus: 
 
 859. If the root is a light syllable having a short 
 vowel followed by a single consonant), the reduplication is 
 made heavy. 
 
 a. And this, usually by lengthening the reduttlicating vowel, with 
 i for radical a or r or 1 'in the single root containing that vowel): 
 thus, aririsam, adtidusam, ajijanam, avivrdham, aciklpam. The 
 great majority of reduplicated aorists are of this form. 
 
 b. If, however, the root begins with two consonants, so that the 
 reduplicating syllable will be heavy whatever the quantity of its vowel,
 
 859— J XI. AOKIST-SVSTEMS. 3)0 
 
 the vowel remains short: thus, acikBipam, acukrudham, atitrasam, 
 apisprQam. 
 
 860. If the root is a heavy syllable having a long 
 vowel, or a short before two consonants , the vowel of the 
 reduplication is short: and in this case ^ a or ^ 5, and 
 ^ X (if it occurs, are reduplicated by ^ a. 
 
 a. Thus, adidiksam, abubhusam (nut quotable), adadak^am, 
 adadhgvam, atatafisam. Ami, in the cases in which a root shuuM 
 Itoth be;^MU and end with two consonants, both syllables would be 
 necessarily heavy, notwitlistamlinf? the short vowel in the former: 
 thus, apapraccham, acaskandam [but no such forms are found in use). 
 
 b. A medial f is allowed by tlie grammariang to retain the ttrengthen- 
 ing of the causative stem, together with, of cotirse, reiluplicatlon by a: tho», 
 acakarsat, avavartat (beside acQcfsat, aviv^tat); but no such forms 
 have been met with in use. 
 
 C. These aorists are not distinguishable in form from the so-called 
 pluperfects (817 ff.). 
 
 861. a. In order, however, to bring about the favored relation 
 of heavy reduplication and light radical syllable, a heavy root is 
 30uietiines made lii,'ht: either by shortening its vowel, as in ariradham 
 from i^radh, avivacjam from v'vaQ, asisadham from v'sftdh, ajijlvam 
 from yjlv, adidipam K. and later: KV. lias didipas, from ydlp, 
 abibhisam from j/bhis, asusucam from yauc; or by dropping a 
 penultimate uasal, as in acikradam from ylcrand, asisyadam from 
 j/Byand. 
 
 b. In those cases in which 1047j an aorist is formed directly 
 from a causal stem in ap, the a is abbreviated to i: thus, atisthip- 
 am etc.. ajijnipat but KSS. ajijnapat , jihipas, ajijipata (but VS. 
 ajijapata); but from 9rap comes aQiQrapama X'Bj- 
 
 862. Examples of this aorist from roots with initial vowel are very 
 rare; the older language has only amamat (or amamat) from y'am, 
 apipan (^B. : BAU. apipipat) from /ap, and arpipam (augment'ess) 
 from the ca\isative stem arp of )/r — in which latter the root is excess- 
 ively abbreviated. The grammarians give other similar formations, as arci- 
 cam from yarc, aubjijam from )/ubj, arjiham from y&rh., aiciksam 
 from ) ^^> ardidbam from ) rdh. Cou.pare the similar reduplication in 
 desiderative stems: 1029 b. 
 
 863. Of special irregularities may be mentioned: 
 
 a. From >/dyut is made (V.B.) the stem didyuta, taking its redu- 
 plicating vowel from the radical semivowel. From j/gup, instead of jugu- 
 pa (B.S.), JB. has jugupa, and some texts (BS.) have jugupa: and 
 jihvara (B.l is met with beside the regular jihvara (V.B.). In caccha-
 
 311 3. Reduplicated Aorist. [—867 
 
 da (Nir.), and the more or less doubtful papratha and Qaqvaea and 
 sasvaja (RV.) we have a instead of i in the reduplication. 
 
 b. In support of their false view of this aorist as made from the 
 causative stem instead of directly from the root, the native grammarians 
 teach that roots ending in an u-vowel may reduplicate with i, as represent- 
 ing the a of the strengthened stem: thus, bibhava from bhav-aya, as 
 well as bubhuva from bhu. No example of such a formation, however, 
 is met with except apiplavam {^QB., once); against it we find dudruva, 
 bubhuva, ruruva, 9U9ruva, and others. 
 
 c. As to apaptam, avocam, and ane9aiu, see above, 847. 
 
 864. The inflection of the reduplicated aorist is like 
 that of an imperfect of the second general conjugation: that 
 is to say, it has 3^ a as final stem-vowel, with all the pe- 
 culiarities which the presence of that vowel conditions (733a). 
 Thus, from yfH jan give birth (stem jijana): 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 ajijanam ajijanava ajijanama ajijane ajijanavahi ajijanamahi 
 
 mtwm y^n^HH^T jy^ilsHH w^^fp^ttr yylsHyw ^T^TRTT^ 
 
 ajijanas ajijanatam ajijanata ajijanathaa ajijanetham ajijanadhvam 
 
 ajijanat ajijanatam ajijanan ajijanata ajijanetam ajijananta 
 
 865. The middle forms are rare in the older language (the 3d 
 : pi. is decidedly the most commou of them, being made from eleven 
 
 roots; the 3d s. from seven); but all, both active and middle, are 
 quotable except 1st and 2d du. middle and Ist du. active. 
 
 a. Atitape appesrs to be once used (RV.) as 3d sing., with passive 
 nse. 
 
 866. A final r has the guna-strengthening before the endings: 
 thus, acikarat, apiparam, atitaras, didaras, adidharat, amimarat, 
 avivaran, jihvaras. Of similar strengthened forms from i and u-roots 
 are found apiprayan (TS.), abibhayanta fRV.), apiplavam (^B.), 
 acucyavat (K.), a9U9ravat (MS.), atustavam (RV.). Not many roots 
 
 lending in other vowels than r make this aorist: see below, 868. 
 
 867. Forms of the inflection without union-vowel are occasionally 
 uiet with: namely, from roots ending in consonants, sisvap (2d sing., 
 augmentless) from /svap, and a9i9nat from |/9natli; from roots in r 
 
 lor ar, didhar ('2d sing.), and ajigar (2d and 3d sing.); for roots in i- 
 . I u-vowels, see 868. Of 3d pi. in us are found almost only a form
 
 867—] XI. AOKIST-SVSTEMS. 312 
 
 or two from i- and u-root?, witli guna before the ending: thup, a<ji<jrayus, 
 AcucyavuB, a(ju<;ravuB, asusavus; but aho abibhajus (<,'*J, a»d 
 nina9UB ( MHh.J. 
 
 868. In tlie later luiifruage, a few roots are eaid by tlie {jraui- 
 uiariuns to make this aorist as a part of their primary conjuf^afion: 
 they arc <;ri and Qvi, dru and sru, kam, and dh& suck (fvi and dh& 
 optionally). 
 
 a. Ill the iilder language are faimd from j-'ijri a(ji<jret and a9i(jrayu8 
 (noticed in the prc'eding paragraph) and a9i<;riyat (',HJ; ^ton\ /dru, 
 adudrot and adudruvat (TB.: not used asaorist); from ysru, aeusrot 
 and (augraeotless) susios and Busrot; from ykam, acikamet&m and 
 -manta (B.8.). Of fo^m'? analogous with thi se O'cur a number fiom root* 
 in u or u: thn?, anunot md riunot from \nyx\ yuyot from v'yu 
 separate; dudhot from j/dhu; apupot frim )/piij tutOB and tutot fruin 
 yt\x.\ asusot from j/su; — and on»^ or two from roots in i or i: tbii-, 
 siset from j/Bi (or si.) bind\ amimet from yvia, bellow, apiprea (with 
 apiprayan, noticed above) from v^pri (and the "impfrfects" from didhi 
 ttc, 676, are of corresponding form). And from ^'Cyu are mid<*, wiih 
 union-vowel i, acuoyavit and acucyavitana. Few of these forms possess 
 a necessarily causative or a decidedly aoristic value, and it is very doubtful 
 whether they should not be as^igued to the perfect-sy-tcm. 
 
 b. From the later language aie quotable only a9i9riyat etc. (3d jl.. 
 -yan or -yuB) and adudruvat. 
 
 Modes of the Reduplicated Aorist. 
 
 869. a. As in other preterit formations, the augmentlesB indicative 
 persons of this aorist are used subjuuctively, and thty are very much 
 more frequent than true subjunctives. 
 
 b. Of the latter are found only riradha '(1st sing.); titapasi; 
 ciklpati and sisadhati, and pi8pr9ati (as if corresponding to an iiulic- 
 ative apisprk, ike a9i9nat); and perhaps the 1st sing. mid. 9a9vaca{. 
 
 c. The augmentless indicative forms are accented in eeneral on the 
 reduplication: thus, didharas, nina9as ; jijanat, plparat; jijanan; 
 also sfsvap; but, on the other hand, we have also piparat, 9i9ratha3 
 and 9i9nathat, and dudravat and tustavat (which may perhaps belong 
 to the perfect: compare 810). According to thu- native grammarians, the 
 accent rests either on the radical syllable or on the one that follows it. 
 
 870. Optative forms are even rarer. The least questionable case is 
 the middle "precative" ririsista i ririsista has be^n raiked above with 
 sasahista, as a peifect: 812 b). Cucyuvimahi and eucyavirata he- 
 long either here or to the jerfect-system. 
 
 871. Of imperatives, Tve have the indubitable forms piipurantu and 
 9i9rathantu. And jigrtam and jigrta, and didhrtam and didhrta,
 
 313 Sibilant Aorist. [—876 
 
 and jajastara (all RV. only), and perhaps susudata (AV.), are to be 
 referred hither, as corresponding to the indicatives (without union-vowel) 
 ajigar and adidhar: their short reduplicating vowel and their accent 
 assimilate them closely to the reduplicated imperfects (656 ff.), with whith 
 we are prohaLly to regard this aorist as ultimately related. 
 
 872. No participle is found belonging to the reduplicated aorist. 
 
 873. The number of roots from which this aorist is met with 
 in the earlier language is about a hundred and twenty. In the later 
 Sanskrit it is unusual; in the series of later texts mentioned above 
 (826) it occurs only twice; and it has been found quotable from hardly 
 fifty roots in the whole epic and classical literature. 
 
 III. Sigmatic or Sibilant Aorist. 
 
 874. a. The common tense-sign of all the varieties of 
 this aorist is a H s (convertible to q" s: 180) which is added to 
 the root in forming the tense-stem. 
 
 b. This sibilant has no analogues among the class-signs of the present- 
 system; but it is to be compared with that which appears (and likewise 
 with or without the same union-vowel i) in the stems of the future tense- 
 system (932 £f.) and of the desiderative conjugation (1027 ff.). 
 
 c. To the root thus increased the augment is prefixed 
 and the secondary endings are added. 
 
 875. In the case of a few roots, the sibilant tense-stem 
 I always ending in j^ ks is further increased by an ^ a, 
 and the inflection is nearly like that of an imperfect of the 
 second or a-conjugation. 
 
 876. a. In the vast majority of cases^.^ the sibilant is 
 the final of the tense-stem, and the inflection is like that 
 of an imperfect of the first or non-a-conjugation. 
 
 b. And these, again, fall into two nearly equal and 
 strongly marked classes, according as the sibilant is added 
 immediately to the final of the root, or with an auxiliary 
 vowel ^ i, making the tense-sign ^^ is. Finally, before this 
 ^ is the root is in a very small number of cases increased 
 by a H s, making the whole addition "Rm sis.
 
 877 — ] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS. 314 
 
 877. We have, then, the following classification for the 
 varieties of sibilant-aorist: 
 
 A. With endings added directly to the sibilant: 
 
 4. with ^ s simply after the root: s-aorist; 
 
 5. with ^ i before the H s: is-aorist; 
 
 6. the same, with H s at end of root: sis-aorist. 
 
 B. With ^ a added to the sibilant before the endings: 
 
 7. with sibilant and ^ a: sa-aorist. 
 
 a. As regards the distinction tetween the fourth and fifth forms, it 
 may he said in a general way that those roots incline to take the auxiliary 
 i in the aorist which take it also in other formations ; but it is impossible 
 to lay down any strict rules as to this accordance. Compare 903. 
 
 4. The s-aorist. 
 
 878. The tense-stem of this aorist is made by adding 
 H s to the augmented root, of which also the vowel is usu- 
 ally strengthened. 
 
 879. The general rules as to the strengthening of the 
 root- vowel are these: 
 
 a. A final vowel (including ^ r) has the vrddhi-change 
 in the active, and (excepting ^ r) guna in the middle : thus, 
 from |/^ lead, active stem 5R^ anais, middle stem ^R^" anes; 
 from |/5f cru /tear, Sp^fnT aeraus and STSTTW acres; from 
 
 f- ^ 
 
 V^ kr make, ^^^ akars and W^ akrs. 
 
 t. -\ • t. -\ ' • 
 
 b. A medial vowel has the vyddhi-change in the active, 
 and remains unaltered in the middle: thus, from v^^ chand 
 seem, active stem 5T^^7^H acehants, middle stem ^ESTH 
 acchants; from j/f7tl rio leave, 3^7^ araiks and tiiirri ariks; 
 from y^'J rudh obstruct, ti^irH arauts and ^"^[fTf aruts ; 
 from v^^ srj pour out, EIRT^ asraks and STH^ asrks. 
 
 880. a. The endings are the usual secondary ones, with 
 3TT us (not 'ETR' an) in 3d pi. act., and WJ ata (not 5E|?T anta) 
 in 3d pi. mid.
 
 315 Sibilant Aorist; 4. s-aorist. [—882 
 
 b. But before H s and cT t of 2d and 3d sine. act. is in 
 the later language always inserted an ^ i, making the end- ^ 
 ings ^ IS and ^ it. 
 
 c. This insertion is unknown in the earliest language (of the RV.) : 
 see below, 888. 
 
 881. a. Before endings beginning with t or th, the tense-sign s 
 is (233 c-e) omitted after the final consonant of a root — unless this 
 be r, or n or m (converted to anusvara). 
 
 b. The same omission is of course made before dhvam after a con- 
 sonant; and after a -vowel the sibilant is either omitted or assimilated (the 
 equivalence of dhv and ddhv in the theories of the grammarians and the 
 practice of the manuscripts makes it impossible to say which: 232); and 
 then the ending becomes dhvam, provided the sibilant, if retained, would 
 have been s (226 c) : thus, astodhvam and avrdhvam (beside astos- 
 ata and avTsata) ; drdhvam (l/dr regard: ^I^-i once), which is to 
 drthas (2d sing.) as avrdhvam and avrsata to avri and avrthas; and 
 krdhvam (M.). 
 
 c. According to the grammarians, the omission of s before t and th 
 takes place also after a short vowel (the case can occur only in the 2d and 
 3d sing, mid.) ; but we have seen above (834 a) that this is to be viewed 
 rather as a substitution in those persons of the forms of the root-aorist. 
 Neither in the earlier nor in the later language, however, does any example 
 occur of an aorist-form with s retained after a short vowel before these 
 endings. 
 
 d. After the final sonant aspirate of a root, the sibilant before the 
 same endings is said by the Hindu grammarians to disappear altogether, the 
 combination of the aspirate with the th or t of the ending being then 
 made according to the ordinary rule for such cases (160): thus, from the 
 stem arauts, for araudh-s, is made arauddha, as if from araudh ■{- ta 
 directly. No example of such a form is quotable from the literature; but 
 the combination is established by the occurrence of other similar cases 
 (233 f). In the middle, in like manner, arut8-|-ta becomes aruddha, 
 as if from arudh + ta; but all surh forms admit also of being understood 
 as of the root-aorist. Those that have been found to occur were given 
 above (834 d); probably they belong at least in part to this aorist. 
 
 e. From the three nasal roots gam, tan, man are made the 2d and 
 3d sing. mid. persons agathas and agata, atathas and atata, and amata 
 (amathas not quotable), reckoned by the native grammarians as s-aorist 
 forms, made, after loss of their final root-nasal, with loss also of the sibilant 
 after a short vowel. They are doubtless better referred to the root-aorist. But 
 JB. has a corresponding 1st sing, atasi from y'tan. 
 
 882. As examples of the inflection of this variety of
 
 882—] 
 
 Xf. AORIRT-SYSTKMS. 
 
 ;i 1 
 
 sibilant aorist we may take the roots ^ ni icatf, and T^T 
 chid ruf off. Thus: 
 
 active. 
 B. d. p. 
 
 anaisam anaisva anaisma 
 
 2 JERTtq ^FT^fq ^T? 
 
 8. 
 
 ^nesi 
 
 middle. 
 
 <l. 
 
 inesvahi 
 M'l'-II'JIM 
 
 anesmahi 
 ^FF5I7 
 
 &n&isis 
 dnaisit 
 
 anaiB^am anaisma 
 anaistata anai^us 
 
 ancBthas AneBathfim dne^hvam 
 
 anes^a 
 active. 
 8. d. 
 
 dcchaitsam acchaitsva 
 
 dcchaitsis acchaittam 
 
 acchaittam 
 middle. 
 
 acchitsvtihi 
 
 y-INIHFT 
 anesatatn 
 
 anesata 
 
 2 y-^rHIH^ 
 
 acchaitslt 
 
 1 tlh^kH 
 acchitsi 
 
 2 tlh^rykl^ 
 acchitthas 
 
 3 ijh^rl 
 acchitta 
 
 accliaitsma 
 
 acchaitta 
 
 ^"^^^ 
 acchaitsus 
 
 :rqT^Fr 
 acchitsatham 
 
 acchitsmahi 
 acchiddhvam 
 
 acchitsatam acchitsata 
 a. From v^^dh obstruct, the 2d and 3d dii. and 2d pi. act. and 
 the 2d and 3d sing. mid. would be arauddham, arauddham, 
 arauddha, aruddhas, aruddha; from y&r'i pour out, asrastam, 
 asrastam, asrasta, asrsthas, asrsta; from >^dr9 see, adrastam etc 
 (as from srj . But from y/kr do the same persons in the active are 
 akarstam, akarstam, akarsta; from yt&a. stretch they are atanstam, 
 atanstaui, atansta. 
 
 883. The omission of s in the active persons (acchaittam, acchait- 
 tam, acchaitta) is a case of very rare occurrence; all the quotable exam- 
 ples were given above (233 e). As to the like omission in mid'ile persons, 
 see 881. The ChU. has twice avastam for avats-tam (^v'vas dwell)-- 
 this may be viewed as another case of total disappearance of the sibilant, 
 and consequent restoration of the final radical to its original form.
 
 317 Sibilant Aorist: 4. s-aorist. [—888 
 
 884. Certain roots in a weaken the a in middle inflection to i 
 (as also in the root-aorist: above, 834 a): these are said to be stha, 
 da, and dha; in the older language have been noted ddisi and adisata 
 from >'da give (and adisi perhaps once from ]/da bind], adhisi and 
 adhisata (with the optative dhisiya) from |/dha put, and asthisata; 
 also agisthas and agisata from >/ga go (with adhi). 
 
 a. The middle inflection of the aorist of >/da would be, then, 
 according to the grammarians: adisi, adithas, adita; adisvahi, 
 adisatham, adisatam; adismahi, adidhvam, adisata. 
 
 885. Roots ending in changeable y (^o-called roots in r: 242) are 
 said by the grammarians to convert this vowel to ir in middle forms: thus, 
 astirsi, astirsthas etc. (from )/str); of such forms, however, has been 
 found in the older language only akirsata, PB. 
 
 886. The s-aorist is made in the older language from about a 
 hundred and forty roots (in RV., from about seventy; in AV., from 
 about fifty, of which fifteen are additional to those in RV.); and the 
 epic and classical literature adds but a very small number. It has in 
 the Veda certain peculiarities of stem-i'ormation and inflection, and 
 also the full series of modes — of which the optative middle is re- 
 tained also later as a part of the "precative" (but see 925 b). 
 
 887. Irregularities of stem-formation are as follows: 
 
 a. The strengthening of the root-syllable is now and then irregularly 
 made or omitted: thus, ayoksit (AB.), chetsis (R.S.; also occurs in 
 MBh., which has further yotsis), rotsis (KU.) ; amatsus ( RV.) ; ayamsi 
 and arautsi (AB.), asaksi etc (V.B. : }/sah), mansta ( AV.) and manstam 
 (TA.); lopsiya (U.); and MBh. has drogdhas. From }/saj is made 
 sanksit (U. et(;.), and from |/inajj, amanksit (not quotable). The form 
 ayiinksmahi (BhP.) is doubtless a false reading. 
 
 b. A radical final nasal is lost in agasmahi (RV.) and gasatham 
 (TA.) from ygam, and in the optatives masiya and vasimahi (RV.) 
 from yman and van. 
 
 c. The roots hu, dhii, and nu have xi instead of o in the middle: 
 thus, ahiisata, adhiisata, aniisi and aniisatam and aniisata; y'dhur 
 (or dhiirv) makes adhursata. 
 
 d. ^B. has once atrasatam for atrastam (]/tra). 
 
 888. The principal peculiarity of the older language in regard 
 to inflection is the frequent absence of i in the endings of 2d and 
 3d sing, act., and the consequent loss of the consonant-ending, and 
 
 :uetimes of root-finals (150). The forms without i are the only ones 
 luund in RV. and K., and they outnumber the others in AV. and 
 TS.; in the Brahmanas they grow rarer (only one, adrak, occurs in 
 
 ').; one, ayat, in KB.; and two, adrak and ayat, in ^^-i PB. has 
 inone).
 
 889—] XI. AORIST-SYSTEMS, 318 
 
 889. If the root ends in a vowel, only the consonant of the ending 
 is necessarily lost: thus, apras (for both apras-s and apras-t") from >/pra; 
 and in like manner ahas from ]/ha; — ajais (for ajais-tj from }/ji; and 
 in like manner acais from yd, and nais (augmentless) from j/ni; — and 
 yaus (for ayaus-t) from y/ya. 
 
 a. But (as in other like cases : 555 a) the ending is sometimes preser- 
 ved at the expense of the tense-sign; and we have in 3d sing, ajait (be- 
 side ajais and ajaisit) from yji; and in like manner acait, a9rait, 
 ahait, nait (no examples have been noted except from roots in i and i) ; 
 compare ayas and sras, 2d sing., 890 a. 
 
 890. a. If the root (in either its simple or strengthened form) ends, 
 in a consonant, the tense-sign is lost with the ending. Thus, abhar (for 
 abhars-t: beside abharsam, abharstam) from yhhr; other like cases 
 are ahar, and (from roots in ar) aksar, atsar, asvar, hvar. Further, 
 araik (585 a: ifor araiks-t) from |/ric; like oases are a9vait from 
 yqvit, and (from roots with medial u) adyaut from }/dyut, araut from 
 yrudh, and mauk from ymnc. Further, from roots ending in the pala- 
 tals and h, aprak from >/prc, asrak from ]/srj, abhak from ybhaj, 
 adrak from ]/dr§, adhak from ]/dah; but, with a difl'erent change of 
 the final, ay at from ]/yaj, aprat from |/preh, avat from ]/vah, and 
 asrat from /srj ; and (above, 146 a) sras appears to stand twice in AV. 
 for sras-s from >/srj ; RV. has Jilso twice ayas from |/yaj. Further,' 
 from roots ending in a nasal, atan from |/tan, khan from j/khan, ayan 
 and anan from |/]/yam and nam (143 a). 
 
 b. If, again, the roots end in a double consonant, the latter of the 
 two is lost along with tense-sign and ending: thus, aechan (for acchants-t; 
 beside aechan tta and aechantsus) from j/ehand; and other like cases 
 are akran, askan, and asyan. 
 
 891. A relic of this peculiarity of the older inflection has been 
 preserved to the later language in the 2d sing, bhais, from ]/bhi. 
 
 Modes of the s-Aorist. 
 
 892. The indicative forms without augment are used in a sub- 
 junctive sense, especially after naa prohibitive, and are not uncommon. 
 Examples with accent, however, are extremely rare; there has been 
 noted only vansi, middle; judging from this, the tone would be found 
 on the radical syllable. According to the Hindu grammarians, it may 
 be laid on either root or ending. 
 
 893. Proper subjunctive forms are not rare in RV., but are 
 markedly less common in the later Vedic texts, and very seldom met 
 with in the Brahmanas. They are regularly made with guna-strength- 
 ening of the radical vowel, in both active and middle, and with accent 
 on the root.
 
 319 Sibilant Aorist: 4. b-aorist. [ — 895 
 
 a. The forms with primary endings are: in active, stosani; darsasi; 
 nesatj, parsati, pasati, matsati, yosati, vaksati, saksati; dasathas, 
 dhasathas, parsathas, vaksathas, varsathas; pasatas, yamsatas, 
 yaksatas, vaksatas; dhasatha, nesatha, parsatha, matsatha; — 
 in middle, namsai, mahsai; mansase; kramsate, trasate, darsate, 
 mausate, yaksate, raaate, vansate, saksate, hasate; trasathe (not 
 trasaithe, as we should rather expect); namsante, mansante : and, 
 with the fuller ending in 3d sing., masatai. 
 
 b. The forms with secondary endings are (active only): jesas, vaksas; 
 d4rsat, nesat, paksat, parsat, presat, ydksat, yosat, vansat, vaksat, 
 vesat, satsat, chantsat, etc. (some twenty others); yaksatam; van- 
 sama, saksama, stosama; parsan, yamsan, yosan, rasan, vaksan, 
 cesan, erosan. Of these, yaksat and vaksat are found not rarely in 
 the Brahmanas; any others, hardly more than sporadically. 
 
 894. Of irregularities are to be noted the following: 
 
 a. The forms dfksase and prksase (2d sing, mid.) lack the guna- 
 strengthening. 
 
 b. Jesam, stosam, and yoaam (AV. yusam, with u for o as in 
 aniisata etc.) appear to be first persons formed under government of the 
 analogy of the second and third — unless they are relics of a state of 
 things anterior to the vrddhi-strengthening: in whii-h case jesma is to 
 be compared with them (we should expect jaisma or jesama). 
 
 c. From roots in a are made a few forms of problematic character: 
 namely, yesam (only case in RV.), khyesam, jnesam, gesam and 
 gesma, desma, sesam and set, sthesam and sthesus. Their value 
 is optative. The analogy of jesam and jesma suggests the possibility of 
 their derivation from i-forms of the a-roots; or the sibilant might be of 
 a precative character (thus, ya-i-s-am). That they really belong to the 
 ia-aorist appears highly improbable. 
 
 d. The RV. has a few difficult first persons middle in se, which are 
 perhaps best noted here. They are: 1. from the simple root, krae, hise 
 (and ohiae ?), stuae; 2. from present-stems, arcase, rnjase, yajase, 
 gayiae, grnise and punise. They have the value of indicative present. 
 Compare below, 897 b. 
 
 895. Optative forms of this aorist are made in the middle only, and 
 they have in 2d and 3d sing, always the precative 8 before the endings. 
 Those found to occur in the older language are: disiya, dhisTya, bhak- 
 siya, masiya (for miansiya), inuksiya, raslya, lopsiya, saksiya, 
 strsiya; mansisthas; darsista, bhaksista, mansista, mrksista; 
 bhaksimahi, dhuksimahi, mansimahi, vansimahi, vasimahi, 
 sakslmahi; mansirata. PB. has bhuksislya, which should belong to 
 a sis-aorist. The RV. form traaitham (for trasiyatham or trasatham) 
 is an isolated anomaly. 
 
 a. This optative makes a part of the accepted "precative" of the later 
 language: see below, 923, 925 b.
 
 896 — ] Al. Aoui.ST-.sv«TKM>> ;J20 
 
 806. Imperitive jxrAmis from this aorist are nxtr<-m-ly rare: we find 
 tho 2d Hing. act. netf& aii'l parsa and (ht- 2d pi. yaxbsata ( from a-atema, 
 and showing riitlar, therefore, a treatment of th" aorltt-itein m a root), 
 and the M sing. mil. r&sat&m and pi. r&aanUlm (of whicb the tame 
 
 nny lio said). 
 
 Participles of tho B-aorlst. 
 
 897. a. A<'tlvo partirlpjcs aro ddki^at m dh&k^at, and sikfAt 
 (both UV.). 
 
 b. If fiijUHe (.iiii.\,-^ bB4 dj !•• t<> bi- rrrkonci m an B-i<<ri»t Inrin, 
 |'iija8&n& \* ;in B-aorlHl pnrtliiplc ; and of a kindred < liarjirtf r, apparent'.)', 
 arc ar^asand, ohasana, jrayasAn^, dhiyaB&n&, manda8&n&, yama- 
 Bana, rabhasand, v|'dhaB&nd, Bahas&na, QavasAnd, all in ItV.; with 
 namasand, bhiydsana, in AV. In KV. occurs also on^u} dhlfam&na 
 apparently an a-iorm of an B-aorist of }/dhi. 
 
 5. Tho i^-aorist. 
 
 898. The tense-stem of this aorist .ttids tlic general 
 tense-sign IT s by help of a prefixed auxiliary vowel ^ i, 
 making ^ if, to the root, which is usually strengthened, 
 and which has the augment. 
 
 899. The rules as to the strengthening of the root are 
 as follows: 
 
 a. A final vowel has vrddhi in the active, and giqta in 
 the middle: thus. ^TTTTTT apavi? and WTFTJ apavis from 
 V^ pu cleanse] 5T-| i ^ '4 ataris, act., from j?T ty pass; tl'jINM 
 a9ayis, mid., from ]/l(ft 91 h'c. 
 
 b. A medial vowel has guna, if capable of it, in both 
 voices: thus, 3BI§Tr5m ale9is, act. and mid., from vT^UT 119 
 tear\ i~rnir:r^ arocis from y^ rue shme\ ^a^aVA'A avarsis 
 from y^^ vrs raiyi ; but ^T^RTT ajlvis from v^TH jiv lire. 
 
 c. Medial ^ a is sometimes lengthened in the active; 
 but it more usually remains unchanged in both voices. 
 
 d. The roots in the older language which show the lengthening are 
 kan, tan, ran, stan, svan, ban, vraj, sad, mad, car, tsar, svar, 
 jval, das, tras. From ran, san, kram, vad, raks, and sab occur fTms 
 of both kii\d-. From ]/math or mautb are made the two stems mathis 
 and naanthia.
 
 321 Sibilant Aorist: 5. Is-aorist. [—903 
 
 900. a. Of exreptions may be noted: ]/mrj has (as elsewhere: 627) 
 vrddhi instead of guna : thus, amarjisam; /str has astaris, and ^/qr 
 has acjarit (also aqarait in AV.), with guna in active. 
 
 b. The root grabh or grah has (as in future etc, below, 936 e, 956) 
 long! instead of i b. fore the sibilant: ihus, agrabhisma, agrahista, 
 agrabhisata. The roots in changeable r (so-called roots in r: 242), and 
 yvx are said by the grammarians to do the same optionally; but no forms 
 with long 1 from such roots have been found quotable. A Siitra (PGS.) 
 has once anayista from yni (doubtless a false reading). 
 
 901. The endings are as in the preceding formation 
 
 (3TT^U8 and ^[^ ata in ?d pi.). But in 2d and 3d sing., 
 
 the combinations is-s and is-t are from the earliest period 
 
 of the language contracted into ^ Is and ScT it. 
 
 a. The 2d pi. mid. should end always in idhvam^ (or iddhvam, 
 from ia-dhvam : 226 ; and this is in fact the form in the only exam- 
 ples (juotable. namely ajanidhvam, artidhvam, aindhidhvam, ve- 
 pidhvam; as to the rules of the native grammarians respecting the 
 matttr, see 226 c. 
 
 902. As examples of the inflection of the is-aorist may 
 be taken the roots ^ pu cleanse, and ^yj budh wake. Thus: 
 
 c\ ' o ^ 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 MMiHMH^ wmrj ?n7%q ^irmf mt^^[f^ m^^^n f^ 
 
 Apavisam apavisva apavisma apavisi apavisvahi apavismahi 
 
 2 Hm-AW\ miU'c^ mm^ MMN^m w^mm^ mUb^ 
 
 dpavls apavistam apavista dpavisthas apavisatham dpavidhvam 
 
 &pavit apavistam apavisus apavista apavisatam apavisata 
 
 1 g^TfTT^^ ?T%r-T^ wni^ ^^-if% 5r^tfef% ^ptf^orf^ 
 
 dbodhisam abodhisva abodhiama abodhisi abodhisvahi abodhismahi 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 903. The number of roots from which forms of this aorist have 
 been noted in the older language is nearly a hundred and fifty (in 
 RV., about eighty; in AV., more than thirty, of which a dozen are 
 additional to those in RV.) ; the later texts add less than twenty. 
 Among these are no roots in a; but otherwise they are of every 
 variety of form (rarest in final i and i}. Active and middle persons 
 are freely made, but sparingly from the same root; only about fifteen 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 21
 
 903 — ] XI. AORIfiT-RY8TEM8. 322 
 
 rootB liavo botli active and middle forms in the older lnnKUiM^e, and 
 of these a jmrt only oxcoptionally in the one voice or the other. 
 
 a. No rule appearn to govern the choice of usage between the 
 is- and tlio s-aorint ; and in no small number of caBco the same root 
 ehowfl forms of botli classcH. 
 
 904. Irroj^ularitios are to be notic-eil as follows 
 
 a. Tht! rontrartod forms akramlm, agrabhim, .mkI avadblm (with 
 augmentlosB v&dhim) are fiuii'l In l«t biiig. act. 
 
 b. Tor d^arit orcurR in AV. d(;ar&it; alao (in a part of the manutcripti) 
 9arai8 for ^aris; aR^rahftieam i» found in AH. (alio the monitrout form 
 ajagrabh&isam: see 801 i). Ajayit, with nhort 1 in the ending, occura 
 
 in TS. 
 
 c. AV. has onre niidiB^h&s, without guna. 
 
 d. The forms atarima (KV.), av&diran (AV.), and b&dhithfta 
 (TA.), though they lack the HJbilant, are perhaps to be ref>'rred to thi* 
 aorist: compare avita, 908. A fi-w similar cAses occur in the eptca, and 
 are of like doubifnl character: thii«. j&nith&a, m&dith&a, vartithfts, 
 Qankith&s, anl (the causative: 1048) agh&tayith&8. Ag|-bit&in and 
 grhithas ami g|-hita, if not false readings for g^hni-, are probably 
 irregular present-formations. 
 
 Modes of the is-aorist. 
 
 905. As usual, augmentless indicative forms of this aorist are more 
 common than proper subjunctives. Examples, of all the persons found to 
 occur (and Including all the accented words), are, in the active: ^aftsisam, 
 vMhim; mdthis, vAdhls. yavis, savis ; avlt, jiirvit, m&thit, vadh- 
 it, veQit; mardhistam, doBiBtatn, hinsistam; avistam, janis^am, 
 badhistam; (jramisma, vadisma; vadhista and vadhis^ana, math- 
 ietana, hihsista; hvarisus, grahisus; — in the middle: radhisi; 
 janisthas, marsisthas, vyathisthaa ; kramista, janista, pavista, 
 prathista, mandista; vyathismabi. The accent is on the root-syllable 
 (tarisus, AV. once, is doubtless an error). 
 
 906. a. Of subjunctive forms with primary endings occur only the 
 1st sing. act. davisani, and the 1st pi. mil. (with nnstrengthened e) 
 yacisamahe and sanisamahe. 
 
 b. Forms with secondary endings are almost limited to 2d and 3d 
 sing. act. There are found : avisas, kanlsas, tarisas, raksisas, vadh- 
 isas, vadisas, vesisas, (jansisas; karisat, jambhisat, josisat, 
 taksisat, tarisat, nindisat, parisat, bodhisat, mardhisat, yacisat, 
 yodhisat, raksisat, vanisat, vyathisat, (jansisat, sanisat, savisat. 
 They are made, it will be noticed, with entire re-rularity, by adding a to the 
 tense-stem in is before the endings. The only other persons found to occur 
 are the 3d pi. act. sanisan and mid. sanisanta (and TS. has vanisanta.
 
 323 Sibilant Aorist: 5. Is-aorist. [—911 
 
 for the problematic vanusanta of RV.), which are also regular. Bhavisat 
 (AB. once) is a solitary example of a form with double mode-sign ; canis- 
 that (RV.; SV. instead janisthat) seems hopslessly corrupt. The radical 
 syllable always has the accent, and its vowel usually accords with that of 
 the indif-ative: but we have Ban- in the subjunctive against asanisam 
 (as to cay- and ran-, see below, 908). 
 
 907. The middle optative of this aorist also forms a part of the ac- 
 cepted "precative"' of the later language (923, 925 b). It is very rare at 
 all periods, being made in RV. from only five roots, and in AV. from two 
 of the same and from three additional ones (six of the eight have other 
 i§-forms); and the remaining texts add, so far as noticed, only four other 
 roots. All the forms found to occur are as follows: janisiya, indhisiya, 
 edhisiya, rucisiya and rocisiya, gmisiya; modiBisthas; janisista; 
 vanisista; sahisivahi; idhisimahi, edbisimahi, janisimahi, tarisi- 
 mahi, mandislmahi, vandisimahi, vardhisimahi, sahisimahi and 
 sahislmahi. The accent is on the ending, and this would lead us to ex- 
 pect a weak form of root throughout; but the usage in this respect appears 
 to be various, and the cases are too few to allow of setting up any rule. 
 The forms janiseyam and -ya. from a secondary a-stem, occur in K. 
 
 908. Of imperative forms, we have from y&v a series: namely, 
 aviddhi, avistu, avistam, avltd (if this, as seems probable, stands 
 anomalously for avista) and avistana; two of these are of unmistakably 
 imperative form. Other forms occur only in 2d dii. and 2d pi., and are 
 accordingly such as might also be subjunctives used imperatively (which 
 \i further made probable for two of them by their accentuation on the 
 root-syllable): they are kramistam, gamistam, canistam, cayistam 
 (against acayisam), taristam, yodhistam, vadhistam, 9nathistain; 
 ranistana (against aranisus), Qnathistana. 
 
 909. No words having a participial ending after is are found 
 anywhere to occur. 
 
 910. This is the only aorist of which forms are made in the 
 secondary and denominative conjugations: see below, 1035, 1048, 
 1068. 
 
 6. The sis-aorist. 
 
 911. According to the grammarians, this aorist is made 
 from roots in ^T a including f^ rnijix, fq mi (or ml) damage 
 and ^ li cling, which substitute forms in a), and from 
 qiT nam bow, IFT yam reach, and J^ ram be content, and is 
 used only in the active; the corresponding middle being of 
 the 8-form (878 ff.-. Its inflection is precisely like that of 
 the is-aorist; it is unnecessary, then, to give more than 
 
 21*
 
 911 — ] XI. A0KI8T-SYfiTRMK. 324 
 
 its first persons, which we may form from the roots TJT yft 
 go and ^^ nam hotr. Thus: 
 
 B. <i. V »• ''• p 
 
 1 ^rmfn^n *\n \ W'\ ^xn\U'M m-Immh ^m ^x^m^M 
 
 ayasisam ^yasi^va dyasisma anathsi^am dnaifani^va anadisii^ma 
 
 oic. «tc. etc. etc. etc etc. 
 
 912. The si^-Horist is properly only « sub-forni oi \h'- if-aoriAi, 
 hiving tho tciise-Bigii au<I endings or the Utter added to • form of root 
 increased by an addcl B. It in of extreme rarity In the older language, 
 being made in UV. only from the roots g& sing and yft go^ and in AV. 
 only from ha lvalue, and doubtless also from pyft fill up and van win 
 (see below, 914 b); the remaining older texts add Jfift Anoir (I'..), jyft over- 
 power, dhya think (rB. once: the edition reads -dhft-), an<t rt^^e con- 
 tent (SV,: a bad variant for UV. r&siyal; other Hralimana'7orms wbieh 
 might be also of the a-aorlst are adr&Bit, avaait, an'l ahvaait; and bhtik- 
 sisiya (PB. S.) mu-t bo regarled bb an annninlnus forniiticm fn.m ^ bhuj, 
 unless we prefer to admit a secondary root bhuk^, like bhak^ from bhaj. 
 In the later language have been found quotable from other roots only gl&sui, 
 adhmasit, anamsit, ap&sit, mlasiB, aiid amn&slBUB. 
 
 a. The participle haaamana and causative h&aayanti (UV.) show 
 that has had assumed, cvlh at a very early period, •' ■ ^ ' "■ "f ? secon- 
 dary root beside ha for other forms than the aorist. 
 
 913. The whole series of older indicative forms (omitting, as doubt- 
 ful, the 2d and 3d sing.) is as follows: agaslBam, ajnasisam, ayfts- 
 isam, adhyasisam ; ajyasistam, ayasis^am ; ajnasisma; ajnaaista, 
 ayasiata; ftgasisuB, ayasisuB (aksisua is ffm \ aks at fain). 
 
 a. Fcrnis without .lugmcnt are these: jnasisam, ramBisam, h&ai- 
 sam; hasistam; hasis^am; hasista; haaisus, gasisua, jnaaisus. 
 The accent would doubtless be upon the root-syllable. 
 
 914. a. Of proper subjunctives are found two, gasisat and y&aisat 
 (both RV.). 
 
 b. Optatives are not less rare : namely. yasisiBthas and pyaaiBunahi 
 (for which the AV. manuscripts read pya9i8imahi. altered in the edition 
 to pyayis-); and doubtless van9iBiya (^AV., twice) is to be corrected to 
 vansisiya, and belongs here. As to bhuksisiya. see above. 912. 
 
 c. The accent of yasistam (like aviatam. 908) shows it to be a 
 true imperative form; and yasista (liV.. once) is doubtless the same, with 
 anomalous i for i. 
 
 915. Middle forms of this aorist, it will be noticed, occur from the 
 optative only; but, considering the great rarity of the whole formation, we 
 are hardly justified in concluding that in the ancient language the middle 
 persons in -sisi, -sisthas, etc., were not allowable, like those in -isi, 
 -isthas, and the others of the is-aorist.
 
 325 Sibilant Aorist: 7. sa-AORiST. [—019 
 
 7. The sa-aorist. 
 
 916. In the later language, the roots allowed to form 
 
 this aorist end in !<I 9, ^ s, or ^ h — all of them sounds 
 
 which in combination with the tense-sign make ^ ks; and 
 
 they have ^ i, 3 u, or ?t r as radical vowel, 
 
 a. They aie as follows: diq, ri9, 119, viq, Miq, krug, ru9, mrq, 
 spf9; tvis, dvis, 9li8, vis, kys; dih, mih, lib, gvih, duh, ruh, trh, 
 vyh, Btfh ; from about half of them sa-forms, earlier or later, are quotable. 
 Some of them may, or with certain meanings must, take aorists of other form?. 
 And a few are allowed to drop both tense-sign and union-vowel a in cer- 
 tain persons of the middle: that is. they may make instead forms of the 
 root-aorlst. 
 
 917. As the tense-stem ends in 51 a, the inflection is 
 in the main like that of an imperfect of the second general 
 conjugation. But (according to the grammarians: the forms 
 unfortunately have not been found quotable) the 1st sing. 
 mid. ends in ^ 1 instead of ^ e, and the 2d and 3d du. 
 mid. in ^TT^TR atham and ^IrllM atam, as in imperfects of 
 the other conjugation. Both active and middle inflection 
 is admitted. The root is throughout unstrengthened. 
 
 918. As example of inflection Ave may take the root 
 
 f^ di9 point. Thus: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 5. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 adiksain adiksava adiksama adiksi adiksavahi adiksamahi 
 
 yk-HH ^RrlrFT ^H^r^ Jblk^^M m^^mi^ ^J^^ 
 adiksas adiksatam adiksata adiksathas adiksatham adiksadhvam 
 
 adiksat adiksatam adiksan adiksata adiksatam adiksanta 
 
 919. In the earlier language, the forms of the sa-aorist are hardly 
 
 more than sporadic. They are made in RV. from seven roots; iu AV., 
 
 from two of those and from two others ; and the remaining texts add ten 
 
 more, making nineteen in all (the later language makes no additions to 
 
 this number). As later, all have i or u or r as root-vowel, and a final 
 
 „„ ant which combines with s to ks; but there are in the list also two 
 conson • '
 
 919— J XI. A0KIHT-8V.STKM8. 326 
 
 ending In j, namely mrj »"•! vfj All the cxauplei ijyt«d »re glveu 
 below. 
 
 a. So far as the middle forms are roncerned, tbU aorlst would be fully 
 explained as a transfer of certain B-aorltts to an a-lnflectiun. The marked 
 difference In the strength of radical vowel in the active, however, sUudt 
 In the way of the successful application of such an eiplanatlon to the active 
 forms. 
 
 020. a. In the imlicative, we find, in the active, avrkfam; adruk^as, 
 adhukflas, aruk^as, akrukfleia, aspfkBaa (and MBh aMdn amck^aa); 
 adiksat, amikijat, aliksat, avlk^at, akruksat, aghuk^at, aduk^at 
 and adhuksat, aruk?at, avj-k^at, akj-ksat, anifk^at, asprk^at; 
 aghuksatftm; aruk§ama, amj-k^Ama, avfk(j4ma; adhuk^an, aplk- 
 ^an (1 pi^), aruk^an, aspfkBan; — in th«5 middi.-, only akfk^ath&a 
 (V^kfB), adhuk^ata, and amrk^anta (and MHb. adds arork^ataPj. 
 
 b. lorms without augniL-ni ( ip> true subjunctives occur) ar<-, In the 
 active: d^kBam, mrksam; duk^aa, rtikBaa, mrk^as; dvik^at; 
 mrksata; dhuk^an and duk^an; — in the middle, dvik^ata, duk^ata 
 and dhuksata, dhuk^anta. 
 
 C. There are no optative form?. 
 
 d. Imperative are: in the active, mf ksatam : in the middle, dhuk- 
 §asva. 
 
 e. The few accented forms without augment which occur have the 
 tone on the tense-sign si, in analogy with the a-aorist (2) and the imper- 
 fect of the d-class: a single exception is dhuksata, which probably needa 
 emendation to dhuksata. 
 
 f. The aspiration of Initial d and g, after losa of the aspirated quality 
 of the root-flnal (155), is seen in forms from the root* dtlh and guh, but 
 not from druh (only a single case, AB.): UV., however, has also aduksat 
 and duksas, duksan, duksata. 
 
 Precative. 
 
 921. A3 the so-called precative is allowed I'V the grammarians 
 to be made in the later language from every root, and in an inde- 
 pendent way, without reference to the mode of formation of the 
 aorist from the same root, it is desirable to put together here a brief 
 statement of the rules given for it. 
 
 922. The precative active is made by adding the active 
 precative endings above, 56S; directly to the root. But: 
 
 a. Of final root-vowels (as before the passive-sign ya: 770), 1 and 
 u are lengthened; r is usually changed to ri, but to ir and ur in those 
 roots which elsewhere show ir- and tir- forms (so-called y-rcots^ 242 \ and 
 to ar in r and smr; a is changed to e in the roots da, dha, stha, pa 
 drink, ga sing, and a few others, in part optionally.
 
 327 
 
 Precative. 
 
 [—924 
 
 b. The root in general assumes its weakest form: a penultimate nasal 
 ia lost, as in badhyaaam from ]/bandh ; the roots -which are abbreviated 
 in the weak persons of the perfect (794) have the same abbreviation here, 
 as in ucyasam, ijyasam, vidhyasam, supyasam, grhyasam; yq&a 
 forms qisyasam (compare 639, 854 c): and so on. 
 
 c. It has been pointed out above (837) that the active precative is an 
 optative of the root-aorist, with a problematic insertion of a sibilant between 
 mode-sign and ending. 
 
 923. a. The precative middle is made by adding the 
 middle precative endings (above, 568) to the root increased 
 by H^ 8 or ^ if — that is, to the tense-stem of an s-aorist 
 or of an if-aorist but without augment). 
 
 b. The root is strengthened according to the rules that 
 apply in forming the middle-stem of the s and of the is- 
 aorists respectively: in general, namely, a final vowel is 
 gunated in both formations; but a medial vowel, only be- 
 fore ^ i?. 
 
 c. As was pointed out above (567) the middle precative is really the 
 optative of certain aorists, with the insertion of a sibilant between mode- 
 sign and ending only (so far as authenticated by use) in the 2d and 3d 
 singular. In the older language, such forms are oftenest made from the 
 8-aorist (895) and the is-aorist (907); but also from the root-aorist (837 b), 
 the a-aori>t (850 a), the reduplicated aorist (870), and the sis-aorist 
 (914 b); and even from the perfect (812b). 
 
 924. As example of inflection, we may take the root 
 >T bhti be, which is said (no middle aorist or precative from 
 it is quotable] to form its middle on the is-stem. Thus: 
 
 8. 
 
 bhuyasam 
 
 bhiiyas 
 HZTTfT 
 
 5\ -s. 
 
 bhuyat 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 ex, 
 
 bhilyasma 
 
 bhtiyasva 
 bhuyastam bhtiyasta 
 bhuyastam bhuyasus
 
 924— J 
 
 XI. AuKlST-KVKTKMS. 
 
 :i2S 
 
 1 >IHNld 
 bhavi^iyi 
 
 bhaviBi^V^u8 
 
 bhaviBim&hi 
 
 mtadU-. 
 d. 
 
 JTFTfmJr 
 bhavi^ivahi 
 
 bhavi^iyaetham bhavifi(jlhvam 
 
 •'IN'-Tl'JU-IR 'TFnTT'l 
 bhavi^'iyaatam bhavi^irdn 
 
 a. The forms given by th ) er»uituari>n« u 2<1 and 3d du«l are of 
 \ery quctttionablo value, a« reg«ril» the pUce assigned to the •! llant. 
 Tbose porsone, and the 2-1 pi., have ncTir b.en m. t with li u*-. Kur the 
 iiuestion respe-ting the endin;: '<f il>- '^J j-l *' dhvam ' .• dhvam. »ei- 
 
 2iec. 
 
 925. a. The precative active is a form of very rare occurrence in lh<- 
 classical language. In each of the UixU already more than onco referred to 
 (Manu, Nala, Bbagavad-Gita, (.•akuntala, Hitopadein) it occurs once and no 
 more, and not half-a-iloit-n forms have been f. nil (Mu.iib'. fr.iin the cj'lcs 
 As to its value, see 573 O. 
 
 b. The procative middle is virtually unknojvn in the whjle later 
 literature, not a' single occurrence of it haviug been brought to light. Th 
 Bbr. has once ririsls^a. which is also a RV. form, belo:iging probably to 
 the reduplicated aorist: see 870. 
 
 Uses of the Aorist. 
 
 926. The uses of the .lorist mode-forms ,a8 li.i3 been already 
 pointed out: 582; appear to accord with those of the mode-forms of 
 the present-system. The predilection of the earlier langaage, con- 
 tinued sparingly in the later, for the augmenfless forms in proliibitive 
 expression after ma was sufficiently stated and illustrated above 
 .579,. 
 
 a. The tense-value of the aorist indicative has also been more than 
 once referred to, and calls only for somewhat more of detail and for illus- 
 tration here. 
 
 927. The aorist of the later language is simply a pret- 
 erit, equivalent to the imperfect and perfect, and frequently 
 coordinated with them. 
 
 a. Thus, tatah sa gardabham lagudena tadayamasa ; tena 
 
 'sau pancatvam agamat (H.) thereupon lie heat th' donk-u icdh a stick : 
 
 and hereof the latter died; tatah sa vidarbhan agamat punah; tarn 
 
 tu bandhujanah samapiijayat (MBh.) thereupon she went back to 
 
 Vidarhha; and her kindred paid her reverence; pritiman abhut, uvaca
 
 329 Uses of the.Aorist. [—929 
 
 cai 'nam (MBh.) he was filed tvith affection, and said to him; tarn ada- 
 hat kas^haih so 'bhud divyavapus tada (R.) he burned him with 
 wood, and he became then a heavenly form. 
 
 928. Th^ aorist of the older language has the value of a proper 
 "perfect'": that is, it signifies something past which is viewed as 
 completed with reference to the present; and it requires accordingly 
 to be rendered by our tense made with the auxiliary have. In general, 
 it indicates what has just taken place; and oftenest something which 
 the speaker has experienced. 
 
 a. Examples from the Verla are: pari 'me gam anesata pary 
 agnim ahrsata, devesv akrata 9ravah ka iman a dadharsati (RV.) 
 these here have led about a cow, they have carried around the fire, they 
 have done honor to the gods — tcho shall venture anything against themf 
 ykm aichama manasa so 'yam a 'gat (RV.) he whotn toe {formerly, 
 impf.) sought with our iniid has (now, aor.) co)ne; yene 'ndro havisa 
 kftvy abhavad dynmny uttamah, idam tad akri deva asapatnah. 
 kila 'bhuvam (RV.) that libation by which Indra, making it, became (impf.) 
 of highest glory, I have now made, ye gods; Ihavebecome free from enemies. 
 
 b. Examples from the Brahmana language are: sa ha 'smin jyog 
 uvasa . . . tato ha gandharvah sam udire: jyog va iyam urvagi 
 manusyesv avatsit ((j'B.) she lived with him a long time. Then the 
 Gandharcas said to one another, "this Urvaci, forsoo.'h, has dtcelt a long 
 time among mortals"; tasya ha dantah pedire: tarn ho'vaca: apat- 
 Bata va asya dantah (Al'>.) his teeth fell out. Me said to him: '^'his teeth 
 truly havr fallen out"; indrasya vrtram jaghniisa indriyam viryam 
 prthivim anu vy arehat tad osadhayo viriidho 'bhavan sa 
 prajapatim upa 'dhavad vrtram me jaghniisa indriyam viryam 
 Pfthivim anu vy arat tad osadhayo viriidho 'bhiivann iti (TS.) 
 of Indra, when he had slain Vritra, the force a)id might loent away into the 
 earth, and became the herbs and plants ; he ran to Prajapati, saying: "my 
 force and might, after slaying Vritra, have gone away into the earth, and 
 have become the her'js and plants" ; svayam enam abhyudetya briiyad 
 vratya kvS. 'vatsih (AV., in prose passage) going up to him in j)erson, 
 let him say: " Vratya, where hast thou abode''? yad idanim dvau vivada- 
 manav eyatam aham adar9am aham agrausam iti ya eva brGyad 
 aham adarQam. £ti tasma eva (jraddadhyama ("jB.) if now two should 
 come disputing with one another, [the one] saying "I have seen'', [the other} 
 "I have heard''', we should believe the one who said "/ liave seen''\ 
 
 929. a. This distinction of the aorist from the imperfect and parfect 
 83 tenses of narration is very common in the Brahmana language (including 
 the older fpanishads and the Sutras), and is closely observed; violation of 
 it is very rare, ani is to be regarded as either due to corruption of text or 
 indi-ative of a late origin. 
 
 b. In the Vedic hymns, the same distinction is prevalent, but is both 
 lass clear ani less strictly maintained; many passages would admit an
 
 929—] XII. FUTURE-SVHTEMS. 330 
 
 interpretation implyini^ titiier sense; nnd evident aoritt-formt are sometime* 
 usud narratively, wbiic imperfcct-formt are also occaiioaally employed iu 
 the aorist sense. 
 
 930. The boundary between what has Just been and what is is an 
 evanescent one, and Is sometimes overstepped, so that an aorist appears 
 where a present nilifht stand, or was even rather to be exported Thus: 
 Bvaeasthe bhavatam indave na iti somo vai rAje 'ndu^i BomA- 
 yai 'vai 'ne etad rajfia Asade 'ciklput (AH. i. 29. 7) "6e y« comfor- 
 table seats for our Indu-\ he says; Indu u king Sotna; by this means he 
 ha.s made them (ihhteal of mahrx them) suitable for kiiuj Sotna to stt upon, 
 varunir apo yid adbhir abhi^incati varu^am eva{ 'nam akar 
 (MS. iv. 3. 10) the waters are t'aruna's: in that he bepours him tcith uraters, 
 he has made him Varuna, pancabhir vyagharayati pahkto yajfio 
 yavan evA yajnns tam alabdha *tho yavan ev4 yajftaa tasmad 
 rdksafiBy apahanti (MS. iii. '2. bj he smears trith five ; fivefold is the offer- 
 iiKj ; as great as is the offering, of it he has [thereby] taken hold; then, as 
 great as is the offering, from it he smites away the demons. This Idiom is 
 met with in all the Rrahmsnas; but it is especially frequent io the MS. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE FUTURE-SYSTEMS. 
 
 931. The verb has two futures, of very different age 
 and character. The one has for tense-sign a sibilant followed 
 l>y ^ yft; and is an inheritance from the time of Indo- 
 European unity. The other is a periphrastic formation, made 
 by appending an auxiliary verb to a. derivative noun of 
 agency, and it is a recent addition to the verb-system; its 
 beginnings only are met with in the earliest language. The 
 former may be called the s-future (or the old future, or 
 simply the future ; the latter may be distinguished as the 
 periphrastic future.
 
 331 The s-future. [—934 
 
 I. The s-future. 
 
 932. The tense-sign of this future is the syllable HT sya, 
 added to the root either directly or by an auxiliary vowel 
 ^ i (in the latter case becoming ^^J isya). The root has 
 the guna-strengthening. Thus, from y^ da ffive is formed 
 the future tense-stem ^THT dasya; from y^ i ffo, the stem 
 ^t:?J esya; from v^^ duh milk, the stem UT^ dhoksya; 
 from VH bhti be, the stem ^\r^r,^ bhavisya ; from y^U rdh 
 thrive, the stem ^V'X^ ardhi§ya; and so on. 
 
 a. But from j/jiv live the stem is jivisya, from )/uks sprinkle it 
 is uksisya, and so on (240). 
 
 b. There are hardly any Vedic cases of resolution of the tense-sign 
 eya into sia; UV. has ksesiantas once. 
 
 933. This tense-stem is then inflected precisely like a 
 present-stem ending in ^ a (second general conjugation : 
 733 a\ We may take as models of inflection the future of 
 y^ da give, and that of y^ kr make. Thus: 
 
 active. middle. 
 
 6. <). p. 8. d. p. 
 
 dasyami dasyavas dasyamas dasye dasyavahe dasyamahe 
 
 dasyasi dasyathas dasyatha dasyase dasyethe dasyadhve 
 
 3 ^THn?T ^TFinTH^ ^THTm ^THJH' ^TF^FT ^TH1% 
 dasyati dasyatas dasyanti dasyate dasyete dasyante 
 
 1 ERfr^OTFT ^rnpJT^ ct,r('-;jHH^ ^f^^ c+ifl^UN^ ^rfjWFJ^ 
 karisyamikarisyavas karisyamas karisye karisyavahe karisyamahe 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 a. In the epics are found occasional cases of 1st du. and pi. in va and 
 ma: e. g. ramsyava (R.), bhaksyava (causative: MBh.); esyama 
 (MBb.), vatsyama (R.). 
 
 934. With regard to the use or non-use of the auxiliary vowel 
 i before the sibilant, there is a degree of general accordance between 
 this tense and the other future and the desiderative; but it is by no 
 means absolute, nor are any definite rules to be laid down with re- 
 gard to it (and so much the less, because of the infrequency of the 
 two latter formations in actual use): between this and the aorist
 
 934—] XII. FUTUKB-8Y8TBMH. 332 
 
 (B-aori8t on the one side, ur i^-uoriuL on the other , uny eorrespoudenee 
 is still less traceable. Prjutically, it is UfCCBBury to learu, u a luat- 
 ter of usage, how any given root makes these various parts of it» 
 conjugational system. 
 
 935. Iklow is added a statement of tbe uaage, at regard* the auxiliary 
 vowel of uU the roots found quotable — for the ino»t part, In the form of 
 a specittration of those whlrh add the t«'n«e-ilgn directly to the root; In 
 brackets arc further mentioned the other roota which according to the gram- 
 marlans also refuhe the auxiliary Towel. 
 
 a. Of roots ending in ToweU, the gnat majority (^.ircptiu;.' tlio!»i- m 
 X) take no i. Thus, all In ft (num.Tous, and unner.afcary to opccify: but 
 compare o below); — those In 1, as kfi poaae*, cl (father, cl note, mi, sl 
 or sft hind (ai^yal, hi; from i, kfli destroy, and ji occur forms of both 
 classes; ^ri [and (jvi) has 1; — those In i, as kri, bhi, mi, vli; but qi 
 lie and ni have both forms [and (Ji takes 1]; — those in u, a» oyu, dru, 
 plu, (;ru, hu; but bu press out and ttu have b"th forms [and k^U, 
 ksnu, nu, yu, ru, snu take i]; — of those in u, dhu and bhu uke i; 
 Sti has both forms. Hut all in f (numerous, and unneressary to specify) 
 take i [those in chanpeabie f. or so-called f-root-* (242). are said by the 
 grammarians to take oitiier i or i; no I-formsi, however, are quotable], 
 
 b. Of roots cndinR in routes, about half add the tense-sien directly. 
 Thus, of roots ending in gutturals, Qak; — in palatals: in C, pac, muc, 
 ric, vac, vie, vracjc, sic (but yac takes i); in ch, prach; in j, bhafij, 
 mrj (marksya ami mraksya), yaj, bhuj, yuj, vyj, sfj fals.. bhrajj, 
 ranj, sanj, svanj, nij, ruj], while tyaj, bhaj, and majj (mank^ya and 
 majjisya) have both forms, and vij (vijisya and veji^ya) and vraj 
 take i; — in dentals: in t, krt cut and vyt [also crt and n^t] make 
 both forms; in d, ad, pad, qad faH. skand, syand, chid, bhid, vid 
 Jiiid, nud [also had, khid, avid, ksud, tudj; while Bad satsya and 
 sidisya) and vid kiiotc make both forms [also chfd an.l tfdj, and vad 
 has i ; in dh, vyadh (vetsya), radh, sidh succeed, budh, yudh, rudh, 
 vrdh [also sadh, krudh, ksudh, gudh], and bandh and sidh repel 
 liave both forms; in n, tan, wldle man .ind han have both forms; — in 
 labials : in p, ap, ksip, gup, trp, srp (srapsya and sarpsyaj [also 
 9ap, lip, lup], while tap, vap, Bvap, drp» and l^lP *>*^* ^* forms; 
 in bh, yabh and rabh, labh having both forms; in m, ram, while kram, 
 ksam, nam, and yam. make both forms. 
 
 e. Of the roots reckoned by the grammarians as ending in semivowels 
 (761 d-g) all take i. And va or vi ureave, vya or vi envelop, and hva 
 or hii call take "a "y- form, as in their present-system, to which then i is added: 
 thus, vayisya, vyayisya, hvayisya (but also hvasyal. 
 
 d. Of roots ending in spirants, the minority (about a third) are with- 
 out the auxiliary vowel. They are: roots in 9, di(j, vii;, drij (draksya), 
 spr9 (spraksya) [also dang, rig, lig, krug, mrg], ^^bile nag he lost 
 has both forms (nanksya and nagiaya) ; — in s, pis, vis, gis [also
 
 333 The s-future. [—938 
 
 tvis, dvis, (jlis, tus, dus, pus, qus], while krs has both forms (krak- 
 §ya and karsisya); — in s, vas shine, vas clotJie [also ghas], while vas 
 dicell has both forms; — in h, mih, duh, druh [also nah, dih, lib], 
 while dah, vah, sah and ruh have both forms. 
 
 e. In the older language, a majority (about five ninths) of simple roots 
 add the sya without auxiliary i; of the futures occurring in the later 
 language only, nearly three quarters have the i, this being generally taken 
 by any root of late origin and derivative character — as it is also uniformly 
 taken in secondary conjugation (1019, 1036, 1050, 1068). 
 
 936. As the root is strengthened to form the stem of this future, so, 
 of a root that has a stronger and a weaker form, the stronger form is used : 
 thus, from j/bandh or badh. hind, bhantsya or bandhisya. 
 
 a. By an irregular strengthening, nanksya (beside naqisya) is made 
 from |/na(j be lost, and manksya (beside majjisya) from ]/majj sitik. 
 
 b. Rut a few roots make future-stems in the later language without 
 strengthening: thus, likhisya, milisya (also TS.), vijisya (also vejisya), 
 8i§ya (|/8a or si), susya (939 b), sphutisya; and j/vyadh makes 
 vetsya from the weaker form vidh. 
 
 c. The (^B. has once the monstrous form aQnuvisyamahe, made 
 upon the present-stem atjnu (697) of Y&<} attain. And the later language 
 makes sidi^ya and jahisya from the present-stems of )/sad and ]/lia. 
 Compare farther hvayisya eti^., 935 c. Also khyayisya from ]/khya 
 (beside khyasya) appears to be of similar character. 
 
 d. A number of roots with medial r strengthen it to ra (241): thus, 
 kraksya, trapsya, drapsya, draksya, mraksya (beside marksya), 
 sprsLksya, sraksya, srapsya (beside sarpsya), and mradisya (beside 
 mardisya); and yklp forms klapsya (beside kalpisya). 
 
 e. The root grab (also its doublet glah) takes i instead of i, as it 
 does also in the aorist and elsewhere. 
 
 937. This future is comparatively rare in the oldest language — in 
 part, apparently, because the uses of a future are to a large extent answered 
 by subjunctive forms — but becomes more and more common later. Thus, 
 the RV. has only seventeen occurrences of personal forms, from nine different 
 roots (with participles from six additional roots); the AV. has fifty occurrences, 
 from twenty-five roots (with participles from seven more); but the TS. has 
 occurrences (personal forms and participles together) from over sixty roots; 
 and forms from more than a hundred and fifty roots are quotable from the 
 older texts. 
 
 Modes of the s-future. 
 
 938. Mode-forms of the future are of the utmost . rarity. The only 
 example in the older language is karisyas, 2d sing. subj. act., occurring 
 once (or twice) in RV. (AB. has once notsyavahai, and GB. has esya- 
 mahai, tansyamahai, sthasyamahai, but they are doubtless false
 
 938—1 XIF riITURE-8Y8TEM8. XM 
 
 readings for -he. Two or three optative formR are found in the epirc tbua, 
 dhak^yet ami maAsyeran f.MlWi.). ami drak^yeta (R.)i *l«o "Q imper- 
 ative patayantu (liar.). And several 'id pi. mid. in dhvam are quotable 
 from ther<|iiis: thiin, vetByadhvam, savi^yadhvam, and (the causative) 
 kalayisyadhvam (I'H ) «nd jivayifjyadhvam (Ml'.h.: and on<- text has 
 moksyadhvam at i. 133. 13, when; the other n-ada mokijayadhvam), 
 and bhavisyadhvam (MIth. It.): it i« a matter of queation whether theae 
 arc to bo accounted a real imperative formation, or an epic aubatltution of 
 secondary for primary eiullngh (compar.- 642 a). 
 
 Participles of the s-future. 
 
 939. Participles are made from the future-stem precisely 
 as from a present-stem in ^ a: namely, by adding in the 
 active the endinp; fT nt, in the middle the ending ^TR mSna; 
 the accent remains xi])on the stem. Tluis, from the verbs 
 instanced above, -i i ♦- u r\ dasyant and TFTTTFT dasyamSoa, 
 Mifl'-'jn kari^yant and ^mT^TnTTTT kari^yam&^a. 
 
 a. According to the grammarians, the feminine of the active participle 
 is made either in anti or in atl; but only the former has been noted as 
 occarring in the older language, and the latter is everywhere extremely 
 rare : see above, 449 e, f . 
 
 b. In RV. occurs once Biisyanti. from } bQ. with anomalous accent' 
 nation. 
 
 Preterit of the s-future : Conditional. 
 
 940. From the future-stem is made an augment-preterit, 
 by prefixing the augment and adding the secondary endings, 
 in precisely the same manner as an imperfect from a present- 
 stem in g a. This preterit is called the conditional. 
 
 a. It stands related to the future, in form and meaning, as the French 
 conditional aurat's to the future aurai, or as the English tcouM hate to 
 trill have — nearly as the German tciirde haben to icerdf habeti. 
 
 b. Thus, from the roots already instanced: 
 
 active. middle, 
 
 s. d. p. s. d. p. 
 
 1 W\TTR y^lfUM M'J-dkl 5TTF^ 3^F7TTW J:Jck'Jl^i% 
 adasyam adasyava adasyama adasye adasyavahi adasyamahi
 
 335 The Conditional. 
 
 [—943 
 
 2 ^^HTR g^?jrm ^^wm 3^^^rHmTH g^TT^m ^-^^mm 
 
 adasyas adasyatam adasyata adasyathas adasyethsin adasyadhvam 
 ddasyat adasyatam adasyan adasyata adasyetam adasyanta 
 
 1 ^TT^jq^ mArMH ^^rft^^wT mifp^ Jbiohq^dNret- feict,q^^mi^ 
 
 ^karisyam akarisyava akarisyama akarisye akarisyavahi akarisyamahi 
 ^«^- et.-. etc. etc. etc. 'etc. 
 
 041. The conditional is the rarest of all the forms of the Sanskrit 
 verb. The RV. has but a single example, abharisyat was going to carry 
 of, and none of the Vedic texts furnishes another. In the Brahmanas it 
 is hardly more common — except in gB., where it is met with more' than 
 fifty times. Nor does it, like the future, become more frequent later: not 
 an example occurs in Nala, Bhagavad-Glta, or Hitopadeca; only one in 
 Mann; and two in ^akuntala. In the whole MBh. (Holtzm'ann) it is found 
 about twenty-flve times, from thirteen roots. The middle forms are ex- 
 tremely few. 
 
 II. The Periphrastic Future. 
 
 942. a. This formation contains only a single indicative 
 active tense (or also middle: see 947), without modes, or 
 participle, or preterit. 
 
 b. It consists in a derivative nomen agentis, having the 
 value of a future active participle, and used, either with 
 or without an accompanying auxiliary, in the office of a 
 verbal tense with future meaning. 
 
 943. The noun is formed by the suffix r\ tr (or WX 
 tar ; and this (as in its other than verbal uses: see 1182; 
 is added to the root either directly or with a preceding 
 auxiliary vowel ^ i, the root itself being strengthened by 
 guna, but the accent resting on the suffix: thus, ZTrT datf 
 from vTT da give ; ^kT kartf from yW^ kr make ; J^f^ bhavitf 
 from vH bhu be. 
 
 ex 
 a. As regards the presence or absence of the vowel i, the usage is 
 sail by the grammarians to be generally the same as in the s-future from 
 the same root (above, 935). The most important exception is that the 
 roots in r take no i: thus, kartr (against karisya) ; roots han and gam 
 show the game difference; while vrt, vrdh, and syand have 1 here, though
 
 943- 
 
 M I. FUTUUK-SVSTEMH. 
 
 336 
 
 not ir> tlio B-luturo. Tl o few form* which occur in the older Itiigi »«• 
 agreo with thene ^tatcmL•nt». 
 
 044. In tilt' third persons, the non). ni.isc. of the noun, 
 in the three numbers respectively (373), is used without 
 auxiliary: thus, 'Tmr bhavitS he or she or it trill lfe\ 
 ^Tf^lft bhavitdrau hofh nill hv\ MiMMWM bhavitfiras they 
 icill be. In the other persons, the first and second persons 
 present of \W\ as be 636 are used as auxiliary; and they 
 are combined, in all numbers with ihe sinjfulnr nom. masc. 
 of the noun. 
 
 a. Thus, from yTT da yice: 
 
 1 TFTFTT 
 datasmi 
 
 2 TFTTR 
 datdsi 
 
 data 
 
 ■rtive. 
 d. 
 
 datasvas 
 datasthaa 
 
 TPntr 
 
 datar&u 
 
 '.l^|U*l-l 
 dutusmas 
 
 datastha 
 
 d&taraa 
 
 b. Occasionally, in (he cpl<-8 aid later (almost never in the older 
 language), the norm of the tenfo as gl^en above is in varioiu respect* de- 
 parted from: thus, by u-^e of the auxiliary in the 3d person also; by ita 
 omission in the 1st or '2d pcrscn; by iiivcrsion of the order of noun and 
 auxiliary; ly interposition of other words between them; by use of a dual 
 or plural nom. with the auxiliaiy; and by use of a feminine form of the 
 noun. Examples are: vakta 'ati (MBh.) he tcili speak; nihanta (MBh.) 
 I shall or tfmu icilt strike dotcii. yoddha 'ham (H.I I shall Jiyht, aham 
 drasta (MBh.) I shall see, karta Tiam te (IbP.) / \cHl do for thee^ 
 tvam bhavita (Mlh. Megh.) thou tcilt be; asmi ganta (MBh.) / shall 
 go; pratigrahita tain asmi (MBh.) I trill receive her. hanta tvam asi 
 (MBh.) thou icilt slay; kartarau svah (MBh.) we tic n shall do; drastry 
 asmi (MFh.) / (f.) shall see, udbhavitri (Nais.) she will increase, 
 gantri (Y.) she tcill go. AB. has once sota as ^d sing., thou icili press; 
 JIB. makes the combination 9ma9anani bhavitaras the cemeteries 
 will be. 
 
 c. An optative of the auxiliary appears to be once used^ iji ^yoddha 
 syam / tcould fght (R. i. 11. 25 Peterson ; but the Bombay edition reads 
 yoddhum yasyami). 
 
 945. The accent in these combinaiion?, as in all the ordinary 
 cases of collocation of a verb with a preceding predicate noun or
 
 337 Periphrastic Future. [—948 
 
 adjective 592 . is on the noun itself; and, unlike all the true verbal 
 forms, the combination retains its accent everywhere even in an in- 
 dependent clause: thus, tarhi va atinastro bhavitasmi (QB.) then I 
 shall be out of danger (where bhavisyami, if used, would be accent- 
 less). Whether in a dependent clause the auxiliary verb would take 
 an accent (595), and whether, if so, at the expense of the accent of 
 the noun (as in the case of a preposition compounded with a verb- 
 form : 1083 b), we are without the means of determining. 
 
 946. In the Veda, the ?iomitta agentis in tr or tar, like various other 
 derivative nouns (271), but with especial frequency, are used in participial 
 construction, governing the accusative if they come from roots whose verbal 
 forms do so (1 182). Often, also, they are used predicatively, with or without 
 accompanying copula; yet without any implication of time; they are not the 
 beginnings, but only the forerunners, of a new tense- formation. Generally, 
 when they have a parti<'ipial value, the root-syllable (or a prefix preceding 
 it) has the accent. The tense-use begins, but rather sparingly, in the 
 Brahmanas (from which about thirty forms are quotable); and it grows more 
 common later, though the periphrastic future is nowhere nearly so frequent 
 as the B-future (it is quotable later from about thirty additional roots). 
 
 947. a. A few isolated attempts are made in the Brahmanas to form 
 by analogy middle persons to this future, with endings corresponding after 
 the usual fashion to those of the active persons. Thus, TS. has once pra- 
 yoktase / u-ill apply (standing related to prayoktasmi as, for example, 
 9a8e to (jasmi) ; (,'3. has (jayitase thou shalt lie (similarly related to 
 (jayitaai); and TB. has yastasmahe we will make offering. But in TA. 
 Is found (i. 11) yastahe as 1st sing., showing a phonetic correspondence of 
 a problematic character, not elsewhere met with in the language. 
 
 b. On the basis of such tentative formations as these, the native 
 grammarians set up a complete middle inflection for the periphrastic future, 
 as follows : 
 
 
 ■ 8. 
 
 d. 
 
 P- 
 
 1 
 
 datahe 
 
 datasvahe 
 
 datasmahe 
 
 2 
 
 datase 
 
 datasathe 
 
 datadhve 
 
 3 
 
 data 
 
 datarau 
 
 dataras 
 
 c. Only a single example of such a middle has been brought to light 
 in the later language, namely (the causative) dar9ayitalie (Nais.). 
 
 Uses of the Futures and Conditional. 
 
 948. As the s-future is the commoner, so also it is the one 
 more indefinitely used. It expresses in general what is going to take 
 place at some time to come — but often, as in other languages, add- 
 ing on the one hand an implication of will or intention, or on the 
 other hand that of promise or threatening. 
 
 Whitney, Orammar. ;{. ed. 22
 
 948 1 Ml FnuuK-svHTKMs ;J38 
 
 a. A few ixMiipleH are: var^l^ydty fti^amah parjiinyo Vftf^lm&n 
 bhavi^yati («.'l') H «» {/"'"'J <« rain; J'arjani/a in ijoiuy to be rieh in rain 
 thin year; yaa tiin ni v6da k{m fca kari^yati (UV.) uhorvrr ilnr* not 
 hnoir that, nhul trill he tin iiif/t rtrtef a val vayiim agnl dh&syamabe 
 *tha yuyiuh kiih kari^yatha (<,'•*•) ire are ijnituj to tnuM th> tttojire*: 
 then uhat will i/ou dof tAm indro 'bhyadudrava hani^yan (VB) 'owi 
 luilra ran at, intending to slay, yAdy eva kurl^y&tha sakath devftir 
 yajftlyaso bhaviByatha (IlV.) if ;/>■ trill ilo tliu\ y nhall he trorihy of 
 the surri/irc iitntnj u ith the ij-kU; dantaa to ^atayanti (AV.) thy teeth tfill 
 fall out; nu mari^yasl ma bibheh (AV.) thou ihalt not dit: he nut 
 afraid; bruhi kva y&syasl (MIUi.) tell us; irhere are you going to got 
 yadi maifa pratyakhyasyaBi vi^am ABth&aye (MIUi.) if you ihallrii,<t 
 me, 1 irill remirl to poison. A* in ulhcr Uiigiugt-K, the teu»« li »l»o i- n.e- 
 tinms U8cil for the expreiisloii of a conJe>ture or presumption: that: ko 
 'yam devo gandharvo vfi bhavi^yati (MHh.) u-ho is thitf he u dnuHU*i 
 a god, or a (iandharra ; adya 8vapByanti(.MHh. ) they mujit he $Ueping nou-. 
 
 b. Tho spberut of future and ilesiderativo border upon one another, 
 and the one in somttlnics met with where the other might be expected. 
 i'lxaniples of the future taken in ^ iiuasi-de«lderative iieiKi* are aa fullowa- 
 yad da<ju§e bhadraih karl^yaai tave 't tat satydm (KV.) what 
 favor thou wiliest to bistoir on thy tcorshiper, that of thee hecometh actual 
 [is surely brought about ; yithft 'nyad vadiay&nt b6 'nyid vadet 
 ((,"B.) as if intending to say one thing, one tccrc to say another. 
 
 940. The periphrastic future is defined by the ^rHtntDaritDB aa 
 expressinf!^ soinethiug to be done at a definite time to come. And 
 this, thoufrli but faintly traceable in later use. is a distinct character- 
 istic of the formation in the language where it first makes its ap- 
 pearance. It is especially often used along with qvka tomorrow. 
 
 a. A few examples are: ady4 varaisyati ... <;v6 vras^a fMS.) it i« 
 i/oing to rain today; it uill rain tomorroic . yataran va ime (jvah kami- 
 taras te jetaras (K.) irhichever of two parties these shall choose tomorrow, 
 they will conquer; pratar yastasmahe (TB.) we shall sacrifice tomorrow 
 »iornitig; ityahe vah paktasmi (.".R) "" ^"<'^ ^'"^ ""''^ " '^"S/ ^ "■''' 
 cook for you: tan ma ekaih ratrim ante (jayitase jata u te 'yam 
 tarhi putro bhavita (^<jB.) then you shall lie with me one night, and at 
 that time this son of yours will be born. lu other rases, this deflnitenesa 
 of time is ^ranting, but an emphasis, as of special certainty, seems perhaps 
 to belong to the form: tlius. bibhrh{ ma parayisyami tve 'ti: kasman 
 ma parayisyasi 'ty augha imah sarvah praja nirvodha. tatas tva 
 parayitasmi 'ti ('i'B.) support me and I will save you, said it. From 
 uhat will you save mef said he. A flood is going to carry off all these 
 creatures; from that I will save you. said it: paridevayam cakrire 
 mahac chokabhayam praptaamah (GB) they set up a I unentatiou ■ "we 
 are going to meet with great pain and dread^ : yaje 'yaksi yastahe ca 
 (TA.) I sacrijice, I have sacrijiced. and I shall sacrijice. In yet other cases.
 
 339 Uses of the Futures and Conditional. [—950 
 
 In the older language even, and yet more in the later, this future appears 
 to be equivalent to the other: thns, prajayam enam vijnatasmo yadi 
 vidvan va juhoty avidvan va (AB.) in his children tee shall know him, 
 uhether he ('*■ one that sacrifices with hnoicledge or icithout knowledge; vak- 
 tasino va idam devebhyah (AB.) we shall tell this to tlie gods; yadi 
 svartho mama 'pi bhavita tata evam svartham karisyami (MBh.) 
 if later my own affair shall come up, then I will attend to my own affair; 
 katham tu bhavitasy eka iti tvam nrpa 90cimi (MBh.l but hoiv will 
 ynu get along alone ^ that, O king, is the cause of my grief about you. 
 
 950. The conditional would seera to be most originally and 
 properly used to signify that something was going to be done. And 
 this value it has in its only Vedic occurrence, and occasionally else- 
 where. But usually it has the S'^nse ordinarily called "conditional"; 
 and in the great majority of its occurrences it is found (like the sub- 
 junctive and the optative, when used with the same value) in both 
 clauses of a conditional sentence. 
 
 a. Thus, yo vytraya sfnam atra 'bhariayat pra tarn janitri 
 vidusa uvaca (RV.) him, wh/j teas going here to carry off Vritras wealth; 
 his mother proclaimed to the knoxcing one; 9atayum gam akarisyam 
 I AB.) / H-as going to make {should have made} the coiv live a hundred years 
 (in other versions of the same story is added the other clause, in which the 
 conditional has a value more removed from its original: thus, in GR., if 
 you. villain, had not stopped [pragrahisyah] my mouth ,; tata eva 'sya 
 bhayarii vi 'yaya kasmad dhy abhesyad dvitiyad vai bhayam 
 bhavati (<,'^j t^iereupon his fear departed; for of ichom ivas he to he 
 afraid f occasion of fear arises from a second person ; litpapata ciram 
 tan mene yad vasah paryadhasyata (^'H.) he leaped up; he thought 
 it long that he should put on a garment; sa tad eva na 'vindat 
 prajapatir yatra 'hosyat (MS.) Prajapati. verily, did not then find 
 where he was to {should) sacrifice; evam cen na Vaksyo murdha te 
 vyapatisyat (GB.) if you should not speak thus, your head icould fly 
 off. sa yad dhai 'tavad eva 'bhavisyad yavatyo hai 'va 'gre prajah 
 sfB^aa tavatyo hai 'va 'bhavisyan na pra 'janisyanta (^B.) if he 
 had been only so much, there icould have been only so many living creatures 
 as were created at first; they icould have had no progeny; kim va 
 'bhavisyad arunaa tamaaam vibhetta tarn cat aahasrakirano 
 dhxiri na 'kariayat (<,'.) would the Dawn, forsooth, be the scatterer of 
 the darkness, if the thousand-rayed one did fiot set her on the front of 
 his chariot f 
 
 22*
 
 961 — 1 Xlll. Vkuhal Ahjixiivks and Nol'n«. 340 
 
 ( II \ I' IKK Mil 
 
 VKKUAL ADJKCTIVKS AND NOUNS: PAUTKiPLKS, 
 INIINITIVES. (JEUUNDS. 
 
 951. a. 1 II08K verbal jnljectlveB, «>r participlcH, which arc luade 
 from tonso-Hti'iiiH, hiuI so constituto :i part uf tht.- varioiiH toDse- 
 systeius, have boen alrcaily treated. It reinaiua to dfneribe certain 
 ollicrs, wbicb. boiii^ made directly from the root its<'lf, belong to the 
 verbal syatem as a whole, and not to any particular j)art of it. 
 
 b. Till' iutinitive (with a few nporadic exceptions in the older 
 lan^i^uagoj also comes in all cases from the root directly, and not from 
 any of the derived teuse-Btema. 
 
 c. The same is true of the so-called gerunds, or indeclinable 
 p.'iiticiplos. 
 
 Passive Participle in tii or na. 
 
 952. i{y the acceipj^ed suffix ^ ta — or, in a conipar- 
 alivelv small number of verbs, ^ na — is formed a verbal 
 adjective which, when coming from transitive verbs, quali- 
 fies anything as having endured the action expressed by 
 the verb: thus, ^ datta gicen\ 3^ ukta spoken. Hence 
 it is usually called the passive participle; or, to distinguish 
 it from the participle belonging to the passive present- 
 system (771), the past passive participle. 
 
 a. When made from an intransitive or neuter verb, the 
 same participle, as in other languages, has no passive but 
 only an indefinite past sense: thus, JPT gata (/one; *'FT bhuta 
 been; TTrFT patita ya//e;i. 
 
 953. In general, this participle is made by adding rT 
 ta to the bare verbal root, with observation of the ordinary 
 rules of euphonic combination. 
 
 a. Some roots, however, require the prefixion of the auxiliary 
 vowel i to the suffix. For these, and for the verbs that add na 
 instead'" of ta, see below. 956, 957.
 
 341 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—955 
 
 b. As to the accent when the root is preceded by a preposition, 
 see 1085 a. 
 
 954. The root before rf ta has usually its weakest form 
 if there is anywhere in the verbal system a distinction of 
 weak and strong forms. Thus: 
 
 a. A penultimate nasal is cot seldom dropped: examples are 
 akta } anj , baddha ')1bandh , (jrabdha v^rambh, dasta (] dang , 
 srasta j srans , badha ) banh . 
 
 b. Roots which are abbreviated in the we.a,k. forms of the per- 
 icct 794) siillVr the same abbreviation here: examples are ukta 
 
 V'vac, uata j'vas shine, upta ^vap: also vapta, udha yvah}, 
 supta (I svap , ista yyaj , viddha i}vyadh ; — aud, by a similar 
 procedure, v^prach or praQ makes prsta, Vbhran^ makes bhr^ta 
 (beside the rogiilar bhrasta , and /(jra Ao»7 makes 9rta, (beside 9rata). 
 
 c. Final a is^weakeiied jo i in gita (]^gsLsing)^ dhltk (ydha, suck'), 
 pita ( v'pa driii/c), sphita; and jita, vita, 9ita are made from tlie roots 
 jya, vya, (jya, (or jl etc.); — and further to_J^m chita (beside ehata), 
 dita () da divide and da hiyxtl), drita (? y/dixa. sleep), hita {y dUxSi jmi: 
 with h for dh; bnt dhita also occurs in V.). mitd, (}/ma wjeaswre), 9ita 
 (also 9ata), sita, sthita. 
 
 d. A final m is lost alter a in gata, nata, yata, rata (from /gam 
 til-.); and a final n in kiata, tata, mata, liata. As to the other roots 
 in am and an taking ta, see 955 a, b. 
 
 e. More isolated cases are -iita (RV. : |/av), uta or uta (>/va tceave), 
 9i8ta (also 9asta : t^as), murta (referred to }/niurch). A? to -gdha 
 and jagdha. ? o 233 f. 
 
 f. Ou the other hand, ^/svad makes svatta. 
 
 955. Of more irregular character are the following: 
 
 a. A number of roots ending in am retain the nasal, and lengthen 
 the radical vowel (as also in some others of their verbal forms: thus, 
 kaiiita, kramta, klamta, ksamta, camta, tamta, damta, bhramta, 
 variita, 9arrita 9am he quiet , 9rairita (from ^ kam etc.); and one 
 in an. dhvan sound, makes dhvanta. 
 
 b. A few roots in an make their participle from another root-fonn 
 in a: thus, khata, jataf^vata, sata; dham has both dhamita and 
 dhmata. 
 
 C. Certain to ts in iv take their yu-form (765 a) : thus, dyuta (/div 
 /</flvO. Bthyuta, syuta; but |/miv makes -miata. 
 
 d. From roots in changeable r (generally taking na: 957b) are made 
 also piirta (j/pr fill: beside prta), 9irta and 9urta (v'9i* crush); and 
 9irta is further made from y<}vi mix.
 
 966 I Xlll. Vkuiiai AiuK.fTivES and Noi'nk. 342 
 
 e. Double rorms arc mugdhi hikI mu(]lha, Ba^ha »u\ BO(^ha, dh&rta 
 and dhruta, hvyta and hruti. 
 
 f. The rodt dft f/he makes datta (from the i-p'-ond»r> root-foruj dad; 
 but d&ta albu In V.j. Rut tb« anumtluusly rontrkctcd foru -tta (a* if 
 for d&ta, with the radl<-ftl vowel lost) is aUo rr(><{uent in r/mi{>oti(tun, e»- 
 pecially with prepositions: thus, atta, dnutta, paritta, pratta, pr4titta ; 
 rarely with other eleuienU, ai dev&tta, punartta, maruttal'i. And tb< 
 samo abbreviated form cumcH frau \ dft divielf in avatta 
 
 g. The roota malilnK participles In both ta and ita <>r ta »tid na. or 
 In all three, will bo noted in the neit two parajtraphp 
 
 956. The suffix with J i, or in the form ^ ita. ia 
 
 used especially with roots having finals that are only with 
 
 difficulty, if at all, comhinahle with R" t according to the 
 
 usual analogies of the language, and often with roots of a 
 
 secondary, derivative, or late character; but also not seldom 
 
 with original roots. 
 
 a. Thus, of roots prt'Senting diffl'-ultith il ci'ialnnatioii ; — 1. all that 
 ond in two consonants (^ave those of whirh one coneonaut is lost by a weak- 
 ening process: 954 a, b): e. g. 9ank, valg, v&iich, lajj, ubj, ce^V, 
 ghurn, katth, nind, jalp, cumb, umbh, khall, pinv, <jaf»8 («Uo 
 9a8ta), rak^, hixiB, garh (in all, ovt r ilfty); but tak^ makcR ta^fa ; — 
 '2. all that oixi in liuf^unls (including: ^ after a or &): c. g. a(, tru(, pa^llt 
 lu^h, I<J, vrud, bhan, kas, bh6§; — H. all that end In surd spirants: 
 e. g. likh, grath, nath, kuth, riph, guph; — 4. all that end in 1: c. g. 
 cal, gil, mil, lul, khel; — 6. all that end in other persistent femivowels: 
 namely, carv (aUo curna), jiv (for the other roots in iv, see 956 o), 
 dhav run, sev, day, vyay, pQy; — 0. ujh. — This class includes more 
 than half of the whole number that take only ita. 
 
 b. Of other roots ending in consonants: — 1. in gutturals, oak, (jLhauk 
 (9ak has both ta and ita): 9lagh; — 2. in palauls, ac (also akzia), 
 uc, kuc, khac, yac, rue; aj P, kuj, vraj, also tyaj and mj-j in late 
 texts (usually tyakta and mrs^a) ; — 3. in dentals, at, pat, (jcut, also 
 yat in epos (elsewhere only yatta); krad, khad, gad, cud, nad, mud, 
 m^d, rad, rud, vad, vid know, hrad; also nud in epos (elsewhere 
 nutta and nunna): mad has both matta and madita (the majority 
 of roots in d take na : 957 d); edh, ksudh, gadh, dudh, nadh, 
 badh, spardh; an, in, kvan, dhvan, pan, ran nm/. van, stan, 
 Bvan, and dhvan (also dhvanta); — 4. in labials, cup, yup, rup, 
 and usually kup (kupta late) and lap (lapta epic), occasionally ksip, 
 gup, tap, drp, vap, 9ap, while jap has both ta and ita : grabh 
 (gybhita), 9Ubh, skabh, and occasionally lubh, while ksubh anl 
 Btabh have both forms ; tim, dham, 9am labor, Btim, and ksam in 
 epos (also ksamta); — 5. in spirants, a9 eat, 19, ka9, kf9, va9, 9a9,
 
 343 Passive Participle in ta or na. [—957 
 
 while pi<j has both forms, and mrg takes ita only late ; is send, is, kus, 
 trs, tvis, prus, mis, rtis, hes, hres, also mus except late, while dhrs, 
 rus, and hrs show both forms; as, bhas, bhas, ras, las, vas clothe, 
 has, also as throic occasioually, while kas, gras, yas, vas shine, vas 
 dtrell, qas (with (jista and Qasta), 9vas, and hras make both forms; 
 ih, grah (grhita), jah (secondary form of ha), mah, rah, and occasionally 
 uh remove, vhiU- gah has both forms. 
 
 c. Of roots ending in vowels, only 91 lie, which makes (jayita (with 
 guna of root, as elsewhere: 629). ■■'-'--'* 
 
 d. In general, a root maintains its full form before ita; but there 
 are a few exceptions: thus, grbhita and grhita (the root being reckoned 
 as grabh and grah: see 729 1, udita (also vadita in the later language), 
 usita (I vas shine; beside usta), usita (|/vas (hcell: also sporadically 
 vasita and usta), uksita (vvaks increase), Qrthitd (]/9rath). From 
 \ mf j are made both mrjita and marjita (with strengthening as in present 
 and elsewhere : 627), beside mf sta. 
 
 e. Instead of i, long i is taken in grbhita and grhita. 
 
 957. The suffix ^ na (always without auxiliary S i) is 
 taken instead of rT ta by a number of roots (about seventy). 
 Thus: 
 
 a. Certain roots in a: thus, ksa, gla, dra run, dra sleep, (also 
 dritaP), mla (also mlata), va bloic (also vata), 9ya (also 9ina), stya, 
 ha leave (also hina and hata). ha go forth; and da divide makes dlna 
 (also dita and -tta). Further, certain roots in i- and u-vowels: thus, ksi 
 (lest my (ksiua ; also ksita), di, pi, li cling,' vli, 91 or 9ya coagulate 
 (beside 9yana and qita), hri (beside hrita); dii burn (also duta), lii, 
 9U ; and div lament makes dyuna (compare 765). 
 
 b. Koots in r, whiih before the suffix becomes ir or ur: the forms 
 art-, arna (late; besid' rta). kirna (yT^r scatter), girna (/gr swallotr), 
 jirna and jurna (>/jr tcaste awaij), tirna and turna (also turta), dirna 
 (j/'dy pierce: also drta). purna {y-grjill: also piirta and prta), miirna 
 (j my crush), 9irna (1/9? crush: also 9irta and 9Cirta?), stirna (also 
 strta). Of like character with these are irna from ylr, cirna (beside 
 carita) from ]/car, giirna (besiJe giirta) from ]/gur, a secondary form 
 of gT> *""' ciirna (beside carvita) from j/carv, which is also plainly a 
 secondary root. 
 
 c. A few roots ending in j (which becomes g before the suffix against 
 the usual rule of internal combination: 216 f): thus, bhagna (|/bhanj). 
 bhugna (>/bhuj bend), magna (>/majj), rugna, vigna (beside vikta). 
 Further, two or three ending in c (similarly treated): thus, akna (]/ac 
 or one: also acita and ancita), vrkna (}/vra9c), and apparently -prgna 
 (RV., once: with doubly irregular change of root-final, from >/prc). And 
 one root in g, lagna.
 
 967 ) Xlll. Vkhhai. AnJECTiVES and Nouns. 344 
 
 d. A congidorable mimber, •oroe of them Tery rommon ouM, *<f root* 
 in d (which, ai-aluBt ordinary rule, ij«POiiie* n bi forr the iufflx . 167 b). 
 TJii- forms arc: unna (al«(> utta), arnnaP, klinna. k^unna, kfvin^a, 
 khinna, channa, chlnna, chj-nna, tunna, trnna, nunna (aUo nutt4 
 and nudita), panna, bhinna, vlnna ( \ vid Jind: aUo vlttA), ^anna 
 (j/<;ad /Vi//), sanni (alho aattdi. skanna {\ akand). syannA (Kiyand). 
 BvinnA, hanna. Ami &nna /'•'•'I. in »pit.- of lt» .liflrcrcnt actcnt, appear* 
 to be a llltc lorniaiion from j'ad <•«/. 
 
 968. Iho native grammarians reckon as participles of this for- 
 mHti«»n a few miscellaneous derivative adjectives, coming from roots 
 which do not make n r(p:iilar i):irticiple; such are k^tnaei hurnt . kr<ja 
 nnaciated, pakva rip,-, phulla rxpaudtd. QUfka dry. 
 
 Past Active Participle in tavant or navant). 
 
 069. From the past passive participlo. of whatever 
 formation, is made, l»y adding the jKissessive suffix rTrf 
 vant, a secondary derivative having the meaning and con- 
 struction of a perfect active participle: for example, ?FT^ 
 TTTTR tat krtavSn having done that\ tam nigin?av5n hariug 
 swaUoiced him down. Its inflection is like that of other 
 derivatives made with this suffix (452 ff. . its feminine ends 
 in cfrff vati; its accent remains on the participle. 
 
 960. Derivative words of this formation are found In RV., but without 
 anything like a participial value. The AV. ha» a single example, with par- 
 ticipial meaning: aqitSvaty atith&u onet guest having eaten (loc. abs.). 
 In the Brahmanas also It is hardly met with. In the later language, however, 
 it comes to be quite common. And there it is chiefly used predic^tively, 
 and oftenest without copula expressed, or with the value of a personal verb- 
 form in a past tense: primarily, and not seldom, signifying immediate pa<t, 
 or having a true "perfect" value ; but also (like the old perfect and the old 
 aorist in later use) coming to be freely used for indefinite time, or with the 
 value of the imperfect (7791. For example: mam na ka<;cid drs^ivan 
 no one has seen (or sate) me; sa nakulam vyapaditavan he destroyed 
 the ichneumon; or, with copula, mahat krcchram praptavaty asi thou 
 hast fallen upon great misery. Although originally and properly made 
 only from transitive verbs (with an object, to which the participle in ta 
 stands in the relation of an objective preli'^ative), it is finally found also 
 from intransitives: thus, cutena 8am9ritavatl (^.) has become untied 
 icith the mango-tree ; gatavati (ib.) she has gone. 
 
 a. The same participle is also made in the secondary conjugations: 
 e. g. dar9itav8uit having shown., prabodhitavant having awakened.
 
 345 Gerundives. 
 
 [-963 
 
 b. PossessiTes also ia in made from passive participles are some- 
 times found used in an analogues manner, nearly as perfect active partici- 
 ples: e. g. istfn haviyig sacrifced, vijitino manyamanah (AB.) thinking 
 theinselre^ to have conquered. 
 
 Future Passive Participles : Gerundives. 
 
 961. Certain derivative adjectives (for the most part 
 more or less clearly secondary derivatives) have acquired in 
 the language a value as qualifying something which is to, 
 or which ought to, suffer the action expressed by the root 
 from which they come; and they are allowed to be made 
 from every verb. Hence they are, like more proper par- 
 ticiples, sometimes treated as a part of the general verbal 
 system, and called future passive participles, or gerundives 
 (like the Latin forms in ndt/s, to which they correspond in 
 meaning). 
 
 962. The suffixes by which such gerundives are regu- 
 larly and ordinarily made are three: namely IT ya, cTSlJ" tavya, 
 and Wnn aniya. 
 
 a. Derivatives in ya having this value are made in all periods of the 
 language, from the earliest down; the other two are of more modern origin, 
 being entirely wanting in the oldest Veda (RV.), and hardly known in the 
 later. Other derivatives of a similar character, which afterward disappear 
 from nee, are found in the Veda (966). 
 
 963. The suffix ya in its gerundive use has nothing to dis- 
 tiuguisli it from the same suffix as employed to make adjectives and 
 nouns of other character (see below, 1213). And it exhibits also the 
 same variety in the treatment of the root. 
 
 a. The original value of the suffix is ia, and as such it has to be read 
 in the very great majority of its Vedic occurrences. Hence the conversion 
 of e and o to ay and av before it (see below). 
 
 b. Thus: 1. Final a becomes e before the suffix: deya, dhyeya, 
 khyeya, meya .perhaps da-ia etc., with euphonic y interposed); but 
 RV. has once -jnaya. — 2. The other vowels either remain unchang- 
 ed, or have the guna or the vrddhi strengthening; and e usually 
 and o always are treated before the ya as they would be before a 
 vowi'l: thus, -ksayya, jayya, bhayya, layya; navya, bhavya, havya, 
 bhavya; varya: and, iu the later language, niya, jeya, dhuya (such 
 cases are wanting earlier . lu a few iustances, a short vowel adds t
 
 963—] XIII. VkUIIAI Al.lKCTIVKH AND NofNB. A4(S 
 
 before tlio suffix: tliiiB. itya, mitya, 9rutya, atutya, kftya (tbo only 
 Vodic cxumi)l08). — 3. Moiliul a reiimlnB uncIiaii{jo<l or Is lengthened: 
 thiiH, dabhya, vAndya, a&dya; miLdya, vacya. — 4. Medial i-, U-, 
 and r-vowcln are iincliiin;,'ed or lias.- tin- guna-Hlrc•n^'tlleMin^r lhui». 
 i<Jya, guhyn, dhf^ya ; dve^ya, yodhya, mdrjya. 
 
 O. The KV. has about forty examplea of thU gerundive, and the AV. 
 adds half a« many more. Kxcipt In bh&vi4 (onc«), ibe accent In IIV. 
 iB always on thf root; AV. ha* sovrral r»»t-» uf accent o!i the i of the 
 sufax (heiipo wrlttiii &dya, A^ya, -vyadhya, -dhar^yai. According to 
 tho grammarians, tbi) arrcnt U on the root or eUe tbi- ending li elrcum- 
 nexed: always the former, If the ya follow • vowel. 
 
 964. a. The Buftix tavya ia a secondary adjective derivative 
 from tho infinitival noun in tu (below. 968 . made by addinjj tho 
 sjiffix ya 'projjorly la. whence the accent ya . before which the final u, 
 as usual 1203 a, has gu^a-strengtbening, and is resolved into av. 
 
 b. Hence, as regards both the form taken by tb«* root and the 
 use or omi.ssion of an auxiliary vowel i before the tavya. the rules 
 are tho same as for the formation of the infinitive (below. 968). 
 
 C. No example of this formation it found In RV., and in AV, oecur 
 only two, janitavya and hlAsitavya. In the Ilrahmana language It be- 
 gins to bo not rar«\ and is maiie both from the simple root and from the 
 derived coiijugational stems (next chapter); in tho classical language It is 
 still more frequent. According to the grammarians, the accent of the word 
 Is either circumflex on the final or acute on the penult: thus, kartavya 
 or kartavya; in the arcentuated texts, It is always the former (the acent 
 tdvya given to certain gerundives In the Petersburg Icxlrons is »n prr<.r 
 growing out of the ambiguous a<'centuation of ^"B. : 88 o). 
 
 966. a. The suffix aniya is in like manner the product of 
 secondary derivation, made by adding the adjective suffix lya 1216) 
 to a nomen actionis formed by the common suffix ana. 
 
 b. It follows, then, as regards its mode of formation, the rules 
 for the suffix ana (below, 1150. 
 
 0. Thi< derivative also is unknown in RV.. and in AV. is found only 
 in upajivaniya and amantraniya (in both of whi<'h. moreover, its dis- 
 tinct gerundive value admits of question). lu the Brahmanas (where less 
 than a dozen examples of it have been noted), and in the later language, 
 it is less common than the gerundive in tavya. Its accent, as in all the 
 derivatives with the suffix iya, is on the penult: thus, karaniya. 
 
 966. Other formations of kindred value are found in the Veda as 
 follows : 
 
 a. Gerundives in tua or tva. apparently made from the infinitival 
 noun in tu with the added suffix a (1209). They are kartua (in two 
 occurrences kartva), -gamtva, jantua, jetua, namtua, vaktua, sotua.
 
 347 Infinitives. 
 
 [—968 
 
 snatua, hantua, hetua, hotva; and, with auxiliary i (or i), janitva 
 sanitva, bhdvitva. 
 
 b. Gerundives in enia or enya (.ompare 1217): they are ikseria, 
 i^enia, carenia, dr9enia, -dvisenia, bhusenya, yudhenia, varenia 
 (and bhajenya BhP.) ; -with one example from an apparent aorist-stem, 
 yamsenya, and three or four from secondary verb-stems (see below, 1019, 
 1038, 1068 a). 
 
 c. Gerundives in ajda (once ayya: compare 1218): they are dak- 
 sayia, panayia, vidayia, (jravayia, hnavayia ; with a few from secon- 
 dary conjugation-stems (below. 1019, 1038, 1051, 1068a); and stuseyia 
 is of close kindred with them. 
 
 d. A few adjectives in elima, as pacelima, bhidelima (only these 
 quotable), are reckoned as gerundives by the grammarians. 
 
 967. The division-line between participial and ordinary adjec- 
 tives i8 less strictly drawn in Sanskrit than in the other Indo-Euro- 
 pean languages. Thus, adjectis'es in u, as will be seen later (1178), 
 from secondary conjugational stems, have participial value; and in 
 the Brahnianas with an example or two in AV.) is found widely and 
 commonly used a participial adjective formed with the suffix uka 
 (1180). 
 
 Infinitives. 
 
 968 The later language has only a single infinitive, 
 which is the accusative case of a verbal noun formed by the 
 suffix FT tu, added to the root usually directly, but often also 
 with aid of the preceding auxiliary vowel ^ i. The form of 
 the infinitive ending, therefore, is rPT tum or ^^"R itum. The 
 root has the gui;ia-strengthening, and is accented. Thus, for 
 example, y^ etum from yl i; o},^_M kartum from YT\ ky; 
 rTlTrR caritum from ) ^TJ" ear ; Hr^FFT bhavitum from jAf bhu. 
 
 a. As rg^rd-S the use or omission of i, the infinitive (as also 
 the gerund in tva; 99r, follows in general the analogy of the passive 
 participle 956"" ErSmples are with the gerund added) as follows: 
 dagdha, dagdhum, dagdhva froiu >'dah; bhinna, bhettum, bhittva 
 from \ bhid; mata, mantum, matva from }/man; udha, vodhum, 
 u<^hva from yvah; patita, patitum, patitva from /pat; yacitd, 
 yacitvuB, yacitva from yjac; (jayita, (jayitum, 9ayitva from Yql. 
 But certain exceptions and special cases require notice. Thus: 
 
 b. Of roots having no quotab!'- participle, infinitive stems in tu are 
 made from ad, Bagh; in itu from unch, uh consider, ksap, lun^h, 
 lok, Bvar; and in both from yabh.
 
 96a— I Mil Vkuhai. Ad.pkctivek and Nouns. :U8 
 
 o. Of roots iiiakiiiK |)«rtlciploi» of both fortnf, «n infinitive tU-m in 
 tu only is ([uotablf for k^ip, k^ubh, tap, tyaj, m^q, lubh, va« nhinr, 
 (;ak, Btabh; only in itu T-r gah, carv, jap, mad, yat, van. qafta, 
 Qvaa; in I'oili for as fhroir, uh ininnr. guj), car, mp (mArtjVu, mar- 
 jituj, lap, vaa </»/«•//, Qap, q&B. 
 
 d. AI<<o in a nuuibor of other raites (b<-8idet thotc already noticed) an 
 intlnitivo stem is niaJv both with and without 1. Thut, in addition to thi 
 nioro roguliir form, a. item in itu it o.cmionally in<t with from rool« a^ 
 attain, i^ i.rA. bandh, bhaj, yaj (ijitum), rudh ohntrurt, ruh, vff, 
 Bad (Biditum), aah, hon, hf; and one in tu from root* as, bha^, vid 
 know. Hoth forms occur alto from certain am-roota, namely nam, yam, 
 rnm, ami, with ft btforo tu at in the pple, kram and bhram (kiyam 
 has only k^aiiltu. against tho analngy of kB&lfata : further, from '••ruin 
 root!* in variable f, nnimly tf ( tartu, tarituj, vx ''"^'^^ (vartu, varitu), 
 and Btf (startu, Btaritu, aturitu) (but from Qf crmh occur only Qantu, 
 <;aritu, and from vx choose only varitu ; while gj arralhtc and pj JiiJ 
 luakt" their infinitive from other root-fnrmt. namely f^iritutti, puritum); 
 further, from a f<w vowcl-rooU, namely ni, cy\t, BU iBUful »,, 1 dually 
 from kr?, nft, 9UC. 
 
 e. Against the analogy of tho participle, inflnitiTc-«tem« In itu afl«r 
 a final consonant are made from the root* av, k^an, khan and jaui (the 
 pples coming from kha m.i jft). guh, jabh. tarn, div />//»// an-i div 
 lament (both devitu). majj, vjt, v^dh, arp ; and after a final viw-l. 
 from roots in u, namely pu, bhu, su (also Butu), and from Qrl and <fvi : 
 as to roots in variable j", see just above, d. 
 
 f. As the infinitive is made from the (accented and) strengthened 
 root, so it naturally has, as a rule, the stronger or fuller root-form wherr 
 a •weaker or contra'ted form is talien by the participle (and gerund in 
 tva): e. p. vaktu against uktA (and uktval. yas^u agairK-t i^^ (and 
 is^va), banddhum against baddha (and baddhva), and so on. Deserv- 
 ing special notice are gatu (v'ga sin(/) against giti. and dhatu (vdhfi 
 sncfi) against dhita^ md t^o from da pice anl ha learc are made only 
 datii and hatu : but dha })tit, ma measure, and stha adi to the regular 
 dhatu, matu, sthatu the late forms -dhitu, -mitu, -Bthitu; and aa 
 or si has satu, setu, and -situ; va tceave (pple uta) ha* both vatu 
 and otu; hu or hva has havitu, hvayitu, and hvatu. The root vyadh 
 malics its only quotable inflnitive. veddhum. irom its vidh-form; from 
 sanj or saj occur both sahktu and saktu. The anomalous epic forms 
 ijitum (] yaj) and siditum (j sad ), were mentioned above. The root 
 grah makes grahitum. 
 
 g. In the later language, the influitive-stem forms possessive com- 
 pounds with kama and manas (especially the former): e. g. svaptu- 
 kama ?iav{?ig the ici^h to sleep, yastukama dtsimits of sacrijicino. 
 vaktumanas minded to speak. 
 
 h. In very rare instances, dative infinitives in tave or tavai an
 
 349 Infinitives. r 970 
 
 made from the iuflnitive stem in the later language (as abundantly in the 
 earlier: 970b): thus, pratihartave (BhP.). And jivase (973a) is 
 once found in MBh. (i. 3. 67 = 732), in a quasi- Vedic hymn to the Acvins. 
 
 969. In the Veda and Brahmana, however, a number of verbal 
 nouns, nomina acttonis, in various of their cases, are used in con- 
 structions wliich assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages 
 — although, were it not for these other later and more developed 
 and pronounced infinitives, the constructions in question might pass 
 as ordinary case-constructions of a somewhat peculiar kind. 
 
 970. The nouns thus used infinitively are the following: 
 
 a. The root-noun, without derivative suffix, is so used in its 
 ac'usative in am, its dative in e or ^from a-roots) ai, its genitive 
 and ablative is as, and its locative in i. 
 
 b. The verbal noun in tu is so used in its accusative in turn, 
 its dative in tave or tavai, and its ablative and genitive in tos. 
 
 Of other nouns only single cases, generally datives, are reckoned as 
 used with Iuflnitive value; thus: 
 
 c. From the verbal noun in as, the dative in ase ; and also, in 
 an extremely small number of instances, a dative in se (or se), from 
 a noun formed with s simply. 
 
 d. From nouns in man and van, datives in mane and vane. 
 
 e. From nouns in ti, datives in taye, or (from one or two verbs) 
 in tyai. 
 
 f. From nouns in i. datives in aye. 
 
 g. From nouns in dhi and si, datives in dhyai and syai. 
 
 h. A few infinitives in sani are perhaps locatives from nouns in 
 an ailded to a root increased by s. 
 
 i. From a single root, dhr, are made infinitively used forms in 
 tari, of which the grammatical character is questionable. 
 
 j. Among all these, the forms which have best right to special treat- 
 ment as infinitives, on account of being of peculiar formation, or from 
 suffixes not found in other uses, or for both reasons, are those in se, sani, 
 tari, dhyai, and tavai. 
 
 k. Except the various cases of the derivative in tu, and of fhe root- 
 noun, these infinitives are almost wholly unknown outside the Rig- Veda. 
 
 1. Other suffixes and forms than those noticed above might be added; 
 for it is impossible to draw any fixed line between the uses classed as 
 infinitive and the ordinary case-uses: thus, prajapatim praQnam aitam 
 (TS.) they went to ask Prajapati; ^n.qvam jivam prasuvanti earayai 
 (UV.) qtiirkening every licing being to motion; apah sarmaya codayan 
 (RV.) impvlliiuj the tcaters to Jloic ; 9aknuyad grahanaya (instead of the 
 usual grahitum: V^^O "'«.'/ *« able to apprehend; a tamanat (instead of 
 the usual tamitoh: S.) until exhaustion. And the so-called infinitives
 
 970—] XIII. Vkkhai. Adjf.ctivkh and Nouns. 3r»(> 
 
 are found coijrdlnatcd In the «aine «ent«nci- with rommon nouiw, »nd even 
 with compound nouns: o. g. cdritavo . . . AbhoRdya l^^^ye r&y6 (HV.) 
 to (JO abroad, to enjoy, to seek uealth; ftrtatrAnftya na prahartum 
 anagaai ( (,'. I fnr the rennie of the diBtreised, not for Uurhmj ui Vie 
 innocent. 
 
 More Bpccial rules as to the various formations are as follows: 
 
 971. The root-noun used as Infinitive has the same form (except that 
 it docs not talie an added t; 383 f), and the same accent, both when simple 
 and when combined with preposition*, as in its other uses. In the very 
 uriat majority of instances, it is ninde from roots ending In a consonant; 
 but also from a few in & (khyft, da, dhft, p& ?, mft, yft), from two or 
 three in i- and u-vowols (hi, mi, bhu), and from one or two In changeable 
 X, which takes the ir-form (tir, stir). 
 
 a. Tho roots in a form the aocus. in ftm. tliu dat. in fli. the abl. in 
 as (understanding avasa before a as for avaeaa and not avasai in KV. 
 iii. 53. '20), and tlio locative in e (only two examples, of which one is per- 
 haps bettor understood as dative). 
 
 972. The infinitive noun in tu in made freely from rooU of every 
 form. The root takes thf guna-strengthening, if capable of it, and ofu-n 
 adds the auxiliary vowel i before tho suffix (according to the rules already 
 stated, 908). The root is accented, unless the noun be combined with a 
 preposition, in which case the later has the accent Instead: thus, k&rtum, 
 etave, hantoa; but nfkartum, nfretave, nfrhantOB. 
 
 a. The dative in tavai is in two respects anomalous : In having the 
 heavy feminine ending ai along with a strengthened u ; and in taking a 
 double accent, one on the root or on the prefixed preposition, and the other 
 on the ending ai: thus, dtavai, h4ntava{, atyetava{, apabhartavai. 
 
 973. a. The infinitive in ase is made In RV. from about twenty- 
 flve roots; in AV. and later there have been noted no other examples of 
 it. In nearly three quarters of the cases, the accent Is on the suffix : e. g. 
 rnjase, jivdse, bhiyase, tuj^e; the exceptions are caksaise; dhayaae 
 (with y inserted before the suffix: 258); and ay ase, bharase, BpkroBe, 
 hdrase (with guna-strengthening of the root). Strengthening of the root 
 is also shown by javise, dohaae, bhojase, (jobhAse. Im pusy&se is 
 seen, apparently, the present-stem instead of the root. 
 
 b. The ending se is extremely rare, being found only in jisd and 
 perhaps stuse, and one or two still more doubtful cases. 
 
 974. Infinitives in mane are made from only five roots: thus, tra- 
 mane, damane, darmane, bharmane, and (with different accent) vid- 
 m&ne. From y'da comes davane ; turvane may come directly from ytr, 
 or through the secondary root turv: dhurvane is rather from }'dhtirv 
 than from ydhvr. 
 
 975. a. The infinitives in tay are istaye (V^b). pitaye (j pa 
 drink), vitaye, sataye, and perhaps iitaye (.utaye nrn to help his men:
 
 351 Infinitives. [—981 
 
 RV.). Ill tyai, the only examples noted are ityaf (RV.) and sadhyai 
 (MS. AB.). 
 
 b. Witb aye are formed iaaye, tujaye, drqaye, mahaye, yudhaye, 
 sanaye; and citaye (VS.), grhaye (K.). 
 
 976. The ending dhyai is, more than any other, irregular and vari- 
 ous in its treatment. It has always an a before it; and in the majority 
 of cases it is accented upon this a, and added to a weak form of root: 
 thus, (jucadhyai, prnadhyai, dhiyadliyai, huvadhyai. But the form 
 of root is the strong one in a few cases: namely, (jayadhyai, stavadh- 
 yai, taradhyai, jaradhyal, mandadhyai, vandadhyai. In half-a- 
 dozi-n forms, .igain, the root has the accent: namely, ksaradhyai, gamadh- 
 yai, yajadhyai (but once or twice also yajadhyai), vahadhyai, 
 sdhadhyai, bharadhyai. In a single instance, pibadhyai, the suffix 
 is added distinctly to a present-stem; and in one, vavrdhadhyai, to a 
 perfect stem. Finally, in a number of instances (ten), this infinitive is 
 made from a causative stem in ay: thus, madayadhyai, riaayadhyai, etc. 
 
 a. This infinitive is by no means rare in RV., being made in thirty- 
 five different forms (with seventy-two occurrences). But it is hardly known 
 outside of the RV. ; the AV. has it but once (in a passage found also in 
 RV.); and elsewhere half-a-dozen examples have been noticed, in mantra- 
 passages (one of them TS. falsely reads gamadhye); in the Brahmana 
 language proper it appears to be entirely wanting. 
 
 977. An example or two are met with of an infinitive in syai: thus, 
 rohisyai (TS.), avyathisyai (K. Kap.; MS. avyathise; VS. vyathisat), 
 uid perliaps -dhasyai (PQS.). 
 
 978. The infinitives in sani are: isani (v) from yis se?id, -bhusani 
 from >/bhu; (jusani from ycfu or 9va; nesani from ynl; saksani 
 from vaah; paraani from VP?* tariaani from ytr; and grmaani and 
 -atfniaani from yygr and atr — the last containing evident present tense- 
 signs (compare the 1st sing, grniae, 884 d). 
 
 979. The only infinitive in tari is dhartari (with its compound 
 vidhartari), from ydhr. 
 
 Uses of the Infinitives. 
 
 980. The uses of the so-called infinitives are for the most part 
 closely accordant with those of the corresponding cases from other 
 abstract nouns. Thus: 
 
 981. The accusative, which is made only from the root-noun and 
 the noun in tu, is used as object of a verb. 
 
 a. Especially, of forms from the root qeik be able, and arh be worthy, 
 halt the right or the power. Thus, qakema tva aamfdbam (RV.) may 
 we accomplish thy kindling; ma qakan pratidham iaum (AV.) may they 
 not be able toft the arrow to the string; mano va imam aadyah pary-
 
 981— J XIII. Vriuial Adjectivkh an'd Nouns. 'Ab2 
 
 aptum arhati manah pAribhavitum {'I'ii.) the mind, for tooth, can at 
 once attain and Hurpans her; ko hy etdsya 'rhati guhyam narna gr&- 
 hitum («!n.) for who is icorthtj U» take his secret name r In the Vt-d«. the 
 (•(instruction with theao vorbs is only one among others; in the Brahiiiana, 
 it boconiO!} thi> gn-ntly prevalent one (three quarter! or more of all the casea). 
 b. Further, of verbs of motion (next most frequent caae): thui, 
 daksinani h6tum etl (TS.) he yoea to tacrijice things pertaining to 
 sacrijicial gifts; Indradi piatiram emy ayuti (UV.) / go to Indra for 
 (i. e. beseech of him) the hngiluniiK/ out of /ife;—i<f y/dhf persist in, 
 undertake: as, sa idarh jatah sarvam eva dagdhum dadhre (rH."l he, 
 as soon as born, began to burn this universe; — of verbs meaning desire, 
 hope, notice^ know, ami the like: as, paijan vicftaifa vettha sarvftn 
 (AV.) thou knowent how to loosen all bonds ; tdsmad agnim na " driyeta 
 p&rihantum (','*•> therefore one ^houl.l >,o( /„ r.trrful (<• smother (he 
 fire: — nnd of others. 
 
 982. Of the infinitive datives, the fundamental aud usual souse 
 is that expressed by for, in order to. for the purpose of. 
 
 Examples are: viijvam jivam caraae bodhayantl I RV.) awakening 
 every living creature to motion: tan upa ySta plbadhyai (KV.) come 
 to drink them; nai 'tarn te deva adadur attave (AV ) the gndx did 
 not give her to thee for eating; prfil "d yudhaye dasyum (ndrah 
 (RV.) Indra went forward to fight the demon; cikfur no dhehi vikhyai 
 (RV.) give us sight for looking abroad. 
 
 Some peculiar constructions, however, grow out of this use of the in- 
 finitive dative. Thus: 
 
 a. The noun whii-h is logically the subj.-ct or the object of the action 
 expressed by the infinitive is frequently put beside It in the dative (by a 
 construction which is in part a perfectly simple one, but which is stretched 
 beyond its natural boundaries by a kind of attraction): thus, cakara 
 siiryaya pantham anvetava u (RV.) he made a track for the sun to 
 follow (made for the sun a track for his foUoicing); Qiqite 9rnge 
 raksobhyo vinikse (RV.) he tchets his horns to pierce the demons; 
 rudraya dhanur a tanomi brahmadvise 9arave hantava u (RV.) 
 I stretch the bow for Rudra, that with hi« arrow he mag slag the brahma- 
 hater; asmabhyam dr9aye suryaya piinar datam asiim (RV.) 7nag 
 they grant life again, that tee niay see the sun. 
 
 b. An infinite with >^ tnake is used nearly in the sense of a 
 causative yerb: thus, pra 'ndham 9ronaih caksaaa etave kfthah (RV.) 
 ye make the blind and lame to see and go; agnim samidhe cakartha 
 (RV.) thou hast made the fire to be kindled. Ol similar character is an 
 occasional construction with another verb: as, yad im U9ma8i kartave 
 karat tat (RV.) ichat we wish to be done, may he do that; kavinr 
 icchami samdr9e (RV.) I desire to see the sages. 
 
 c. A dative infinitive is not seldom used as a predicate, sometimes
 
 ^^^ Uses of the Lnfinitives. [-984 
 
 with but more usually without, a copula expressed: thus, agnfr iva na 
 praUdhrse bhavati (TS.) like fre, U is not ^. 5. ...4,;Tah^^ te 
 
 ifeZuTT" ".f ''T "' ^"^'^ Pari^aktave (RV.) lla is no 
 to be put down, the mighty one is not to be overpoioered. 
 
 d Sometimes an infinitive so used without a copula has quite nearly 
 the value of an imperative: thus, tya me vacasa anmiA y, - ^u - 
 Foofn rxiv ^ tj i ■ ''•y^ "^** ya9asa . . . au9ijo huvadhyai 
 
 (asti, (R\.) these glorious ones shall the son of Ucij invoke for me- 
 
 s^tebhir vah . fndra nv agni avase huvacihyai sLif (I^V j 
 w^th your hymn, shall ye call noio on Indra and Agni for aid; vandadhya 
 agnim namobhlh [asmi] (RV.) let me greet Agni with homage; asm^a- 
 sag ca surayo vi9ya a9as tarisani (RV.) and let our sacrificers cross 
 <dl regions t^r, nai 'vam kartavai (MS.) that must not be done so- 
 brahmadvisah 9arave hantav^ u (RV.) let the arrow slay the brahma- 
 haters. The infinitives iu dhyai and sani (which latter is iu all its uses 
 accordant with datives) are those in which the imperative value is most 
 distinctly to be recognized. 
 
 e. In the Brahmanas and Sutras (especially in ^B.) the dative in tavai 
 is not seldom used with a verb signifying speak (bru, vac, ah), to express 
 the ordering of anything to be done : thus, tasmad osadhinam eva miilany 
 ucchettavaf bruyat (C'B.) therefore let him direct the roots of the plants 
 to be cut up [speak in order to their cutting up : cf. ye va9aya adanaya 
 vadanti who dissuade from giving the cow : AV.). 
 
 983. The ablative infinitive — which, like the accusative, is made 
 only from the root-noun and that in tu — is found especially with 
 the prepositions a until and pura before. 
 
 a. Thus, a tamitoh (TS. etc.) until exhaustion; pura vacah pra- 
 vaditoh (TS.) before utterance of the voice. In the Brahmana language 
 this is the well-nigh exclusive construction of the ablative (it occurs also 
 with prak, arvak, etc.); in the Veda, the latter is used also after rte 
 icithout, and after several verbs, as tra and ^a. protect, yu separate, bhi, etc. 
 
 b. In a few instances, by an attraction similar to that Illustrated 
 above for the dative (982 a), a noun dependent on this infinitive is put in 
 the ablative beside it: thus, pura vagbhyah sampravaditoh (PB.) 
 before the utterance together of the voices; tradhvam kartad avapadah 
 (RV.) save us from falling doicn into the jrit; pura daksinabhyo netoh 
 (Apast.) before the gifts are taken away. 
 
 984. The genitive infinitive (having the same form as the ab- 
 lative is in common use in the Brahmana language as dependent on 
 i9vard lord, master, employed adjectively in the sense of capable or 
 likely or exposed to. 
 
 a. Examples are: ta [devatah] 19 vara enam pradahah (TS.) 
 tJiey are likely to burn him up; dtha ha va i9var6 'gnfm citva kim- 
 cid dauritam apattor vi va hvalitoh (^B.) so in truth he is liable, 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. :i. ed. 23
 
 984—] Xlll. \'kiuiai. Ak.ikctivks ani» Nmun«. :^r»4 
 
 after pilinii the fire, to meet with nome minhap or other, or to stagger; 
 iQvaram vui ruthuntarain udgatu(j cak^uh prainathitoh (I'll.) the 
 rathairlara is liable to knock out the eye of the chanter. 
 
 b. Tlio datire is used In (,'11. initeid of the genitive in a single 
 pLras<' (i9varau jAnayitava{) ; and, in the later l»nguaji?f, ►oinetlnieit the 
 nccunatlve in tum. In a case or two tli<' m»gr. uing. iioni. iQvarah iit 
 used, without reK»rd to the gender or number of the word which it qualiflei: 
 thus, tdsye "(jvarah praja p^piyasi bhivltoh ((.B ) hin progeny w 
 liable t<> deteriorate. And in a \iry lew instaii't's the word iqvara ii> 
 omitted, and the genitive has the Bame value without It: thui, dve madhy- 
 aihdinam abhi pratyetoh (AB.) two may be added to the noon libation; 
 tuto dik^itah pamano bhavitoh ('.B) </'«•" '''« comecrated is liable 
 to get the itch. 
 
 c. This construction with iqvara, which is the only one for the geni- 
 tive inflnitlve in the Hrahraaiia, is unknown In the Veda, where the geni- 
 tive is found in a very small number of examplea with tnadhya. and wKh 
 the root 19: thus, madhya kartoh fRV.) in the midst of action; Iqe 
 rayo datoh (UV.) he in matiter >f the giring of wealth; 196 yotoh (KV.j 
 J.S able to keep away. 
 
 985. Unless the infinitives in sani and tari are locative in form 
 (their uses are those of datlres), the locative infinitive is so rare, and has 
 so little that is pecoliar in its use, that it is hardly worth making any 
 a.count of. An example is U8&B0 budhi (RV.) at the awakening of the 
 dawn. 
 
 986. lu the Veda, the dative infinitive forms are very much 
 more numerous than the accusative in RV.. their occurrences are 
 twelve times as many; in AV., more than three times ; and the ac- 
 cusative in tum is rare 'only four forms in RV.. only eight in AV. . 
 In the Rrahmanas, the accusative has risen to comparatively much 
 greater frequency its forms are nearly twice as many as those of the 
 dative ; but the ablative-genitive, which is rare in the Veda, has 
 also come to full equality with it. The disappearance in the classical 
 language of all excepting the accusative in turn but see 968 h is a 
 matter for no small surprise. 
 
 987. The later infinitive in tum is oftenest used in constructions 
 corresponding to those of the earlier accusative: thus, na vaapam 
 a9akat sodhum he coitUl not restrain his tears; tarn drastum arhasi 
 thou oughtest to i^ee him; praptum icchanti they desire to obtain: sam- 
 khyatum arabdham having begun to count. But also, not infrequently, 
 in those of the other cases. So, especially, of the dative: thus, 
 avasthatum sthanantaram cintaya derive another place to stay tn; 
 tvam anveatum iha "gatah he has cotne hither to seek for thee: — 
 but likewise of the genitive: thus, samartho gantum capable of 
 going; samdbatum i9varah able to mend. Even a construction as 
 nominative is not unknown: thus, yuktam tasya maya 8ama9va-
 
 355 Gerunds. [ — 990 
 
 sajritum bharyam MBh.) it is proper- for me to comfort his wife; 
 na naptaram svayam nyayyam 9aptuin evam (R.) it is not suitable 
 thus to curse one's oion grandson; tad vaktum na paryate (^atr.) it 
 is not possible to say that. 
 
 988. In the later language, as in the earlier, the infinitive in cer- 
 tain connections has what we look upon as a passive value. Thus, kartum 
 arabdhah begun to be made; (jrotum na yujyate it is not fit to he 
 heard (for hearing^ This is especially frequent along with the passive 
 forms of >/9ak: thus, tyaktum na Qakyate it cannot be abandoned; 
 (jakyav iha "netum they twu can be brought hither; na ca vibhutayah 
 9akyani avaptum iirjitah nor are tnighty successes a thiiig capable of 
 being attained. 
 
 Gerunds. 
 
 989. The so-called gerund is a stereotyped case (doubt- 
 less instrumental) of a verbal noun, used generally as ad- 
 junct to the logical subject of a clause, denoting an accom- 
 panying or (more often) a preceding action to that signified 
 by the verb of the clause. It has thus the virtual value of 
 an indeclinable participle, present or past, qualifying the 
 actor whose action it describes. 
 
 a. TliiiB, for example: Qrutvai Va ca 'brvivan and hearing (or 
 having heard) they spole; tebhyah pratijnaya 'thai 'tan paripa- 
 praccha having given them his promise, he then questioned them. 
 
 990. The gerund is made in the later language by one 
 of the two suffixes pTT tva and TJ ya, the former being used 
 with a simple root, the latter with one that is compounded 
 with a prepositional prefix — or, rarely, with an element 
 of another kind, as adverb or noun. 
 
 a. To this distribution of uses between the two suffixes there are 
 occasional exceptions. Thus, gerunds in ya from simple roots are not 
 very rare in the epic language (e. g. grhya, usya [|/vas dtvell], arcya, 
 iksya, cintya, tyajya, laksya; also from causatives and denominatives, 
 as vacya, yojya, plavya), and are not unknown elsewhere (e. g. arcya 
 and iksya M., prothya AG.S., sthapya (,'vU.). And gerunds in tva 
 from compounded roots are met with in considerable numbers from AV. 
 (only pratyarpayitva) down: e. g. samirayitva MS., virocayitva 
 TA., utksiptva U., pratyuktva S., pratyasitva S., prahasitva 
 MBh., samdarqayitva MBh., vimuktva R., nivedayitva R., proktva 
 Pane, anupitva VBS.: the great majority of them are made from the 
 causative stem. 
 
 23*
 
 990—1 Xlll. \ KKiiAi. Amjeciives a.m> Nui nm. ;i5t) 
 
 b. Tbc preflxioii of the negative partl'lo, a or an, iloi-n not caii«t* 
 the K'-ru'x' to tako tli«' form in ya: thll^, akj-tva, anirayitvA (but K. 
 h;i!< acintya). Of compouiulB with othir thmi vi-rl^al preU\*-i, KV. hat 
 punarcluya, karnaRfhya, p&daf^fhya, haBtaprfhya. araifakftya, 
 ukklKilikrtya, mitluiapj-ilhyu; A \ . i..^ lurtlitT immaakftya 
 
 991. The suffix T\ tva has ihc accent. It is UHually 
 aiUU'd directly to the mot. Inil often also with interposition 
 of the auxiliary vowel I. i - with regarti to which, as well 
 as to the form of the root before it. the formation nearly 
 agrees with that of the participle in ?T ta (952 fl'.'. 
 
 a. Kxaiupii'B of tlio general accordance of passive participle, iu- 
 fiiiitive, and j,'oriuid in regard to the use of i were given above, 
 968a: fiu'tlier spccitii-atious are called fur. as follows: 
 
 b. Tlio quotable roots in variable f (242) ihaiig.- it to ir: thus, 
 tirtva, stirtva (al o BtftvS); and car makes also oirtvft (like cirijal; 
 — roots in a sliow in general the same weakening as in the participle; but 
 from dhSi put is quotable only dhitva (hitva), from m& nu-asure mitva 
 Hill mitva, from da. (/ire only dattva. from cha chayitva; — of rooti in 
 am, kram -nul bhram an.l yam niake forms both with and without i 
 (as in the infinitive), but ram has ratva and ramtvfi, and dam and vam 
 make damitva and vamitva. 
 
 c. The auxiliary vowel Is taken by roots gras, mUB, 9ap, and Qis 
 ((jasitva) (whose participles have both forms); also by cay, nft (nar- 
 titva), lag, .uid svaj (against analogy of ppl'*); *"<* <juc makes (jocitva. 
 On the other hand, from ruj (rugna) and vraQC (vfkna) come ruktva 
 and vrBtva. And both forms are made (as also in inflnitiv- or partioiplej 
 from car, vaB direll (uB^va, usitva), ni (nitva, nayitva), and mrj 
 (mrstva, marjitva). 
 
 d. While the formation is in general one requiring, like the passive 
 participle (e. g. uptva, like upt&; uditva, like udita). a weak or weakened 
 root, there arc some cases in which it is made from a strong or strength- 
 ened root-form. Thus (besides the instances already ?iven: chayitva, 
 ramtva, 9asitva, cayitva, 90citva, nayitva, marjitva), we find 
 charditva (Apast.). danstva, and spharitva, and, from a number of 
 roots, a second strong form beside the more regular weak one: namely, 
 ariktva, bhanktva, bhunktva, syanttva (beside aktva etc.); cayitva, 
 smayitva, smaritva (beside citva etc.); roditva (beside ruditva), 
 and sincitva (beside siktva). The last shows the influence of the 
 present-stem; as do also marjitva (above) and jighritva (y^ghra). The 
 form sthutva (Apast.) is doubtless a false reading, for sthyutva. 
 
 992. The suffix U ya is added directly to the root, 
 which is accented, but has its weak form. A root ending
 
 357 Gerund in ya. r 993 
 
 in a short vowel takes m tya instead of TJ ya : thus, f^rTT 
 -jitya, FrTFTJ -stutya, WU -kftya. 
 
 a. Roots in variable r (242) change that vowel to ir or ur: thus, 
 kirya, girya, tirya (and turya), dirya, purya, qirya, stirya (also 
 strtya) ; — roots in a have for the most part -aya; but dha suck makes 
 dhiya, and double forms are found from ga sw(/ (gaya, giya), pa drmk 
 (paya, piyal, da give (daya, dadya), da divide (daya, ditya), ma 
 measure, exchange (maya, mitya), sa bind (saya, sya) ; li cling has 
 laya or liya, as if an a-verb ; and khan and dham make khaya and 
 dhmaya, from their a-forms; — the roots in an and am making their 
 participle in ata (954 d) make the gerund in atya, but also later in anya, 
 amya (e. g. gatya, gamya; hatya, hanya; but tan makes as second 
 form taya. and from ram only ramya is quotabb;); — the roots in iv 
 add ya to their iv-form : thus, sthivya, Bivya; — a few roots in i and 
 u add ya to the lengthened vowel besides adding tya: thus, i 170 (iya, 
 ftya; also ayya), ci gather (ciya, citya), and plu, yu unite, su, stu 
 (pluya, plutya, etc.); while ksi destroy has only ksiya. 
 
 b. This gerund, though accented on the root-syllable, is generally a 
 weakening formation: thus are made, without a strensthening nasal found 
 in some other forms, acya, ajya, idhya, udya, ubhya, grathya, tacya, 
 da<jya, badhya, bhajya, lipya, lupya, vlagya, 9rabhya, sajya, 
 skabhya, stabhya, syadya, svajya; with weakening of other kinds, 
 grhya and grbhya, prcchya, ucya, udya. lipya, lisya (vas divelf), 
 uhya, vidhya, viya, vrijcya, sprdhya, hiiya; — but from a number 
 of roots are made both a stronger and a weaker form : thus, manthya and 
 mathya, marjya and mfjya, rundhya and rudhya, 9ansya and (jas- 
 ya, 9asya and 9isya, skandya ami skadya, sransya and srasya; — 
 and only strong forms are found from roots arc, av, cay, 91 (9ayya), as 
 well as from certain roots with a constant nasal : e. g. unch, kamp, 
 nand, lamb, 9ank; isolated cases are osya (Yua burn), prothya (also 
 pruthya). 
 
 c. other special cases are uhya and uhya (l/iih remove), gurya and 
 giirya, guhya and gHhya, ruhya and ruhya, bhramya and bhramya, 
 ayya (beside itya, iya), ghraya and jighrya; and urnutya (beside 
 vftya). 
 
 993. The older language has the same two gerund formations, 
 having the same distinction, and used in the same way. 
 
 a. In RV., however, the final of ya is in the great majority of in- 
 stances (fully two thirds) long (as if the instrumental ending of a deriv- 
 ative noun in i or ti). In AV., long a appears only once in a RV. 
 passage. 
 
 b. Instead of tva alone, the Veda has three forms of the suffix, namely 
 tva, tvaya, and tvi. Of these three, tvl is decidedly the commonest in 
 RV. (thirty-five occurrences, against twenty-one of tva); but it is unknown
 
 993—] XIII. Vkkhal Adjectives and Nouns. 358 
 
 in AV., and vi-ry rare elscwbere In the older language; tvaya la fuuud nine 
 tlmus in KV. (only once outside tlic tentli Book), twice in AV.. ninl Imt half-a- 
 dozen tiuHs ilsowhere (in (,b., ouco from a camtalive sti-m : BpaQsyitvaya). 
 The historlral relation of tho three forms it obscure. 
 
 c. Two other gerund safUxes. tvanam and tvlnam, are mentioned 
 by the grammarians as of Vedic use, but they have nowhere been found 
 to occur. 
 
 994. The uso of this gerund, though not chHiiging iu its char- 
 actor, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in tlie later 
 language. 
 
 a. ThuN, in the Nala and Uha^avad-Gita, which hare only one tenth 
 as many verb-forms as UV., there are more than three times as many ex- 
 amplen of the gerund as in the latter. 
 
 b. In ginoral, the gerund is an adjunct to tlio subject of a sentenrp, 
 anil expresses .in act or conditicn belonging to tlie subject; thus, vajrena 
 hatva n{r apah sasarja (ItV.) smiting tcith his thunderbolt, ht poured 
 forth the waters; pitvi somasya vavfdhe (RV.) having drunk of the 
 soma, he traxeil utromj; te yajnasya riisaiii dhitva vidiihya yajfiaiii 
 yupena yopayitva tiro 'bhavan {^^W.) haiiixj sutkcd out the aajj of the 
 offering, haiiny milked the offering dry, hating blocked it with the sacrijicial 
 post, they disappeared; (jrutvai 'va eft 'bruvan (.MHh.) and having heard, 
 they said; tam ca dure drs^va gardabhi 'yam iti matva dhavitah 
 (M.) and having seen him in the di.stance, thinking 'i/ w a xhe-ans , he ran. 
 
 C. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by the ronstrnrtion 
 of the sentence in a dependent case, it is still quali&cd by tb« gerund: 
 thus, striyam drstvaya kitavam tatapa (KV.) it distresses tlte gambler 
 (i. e the gambler is distressed) at seeing his wife; tam hai 'naiii dr§tva 
 bhir viveda (','B. ) fear came upon him (i. e. he teas afraid) ichcn he 
 saiv him: vidhaya pro§ite vrttim (.M.) trhen he stays atcay after provid- 
 ing for her sttpport; kim nu me syad idam krtva (.Ml'h.) what, I 
 tconder. tcotdd happen to me if I did this; — and especially, wbcu a passive 
 form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental 
 case (282 a): thus, tatah qabdad abhijnaya sa vyaghrena hatah (H.J 
 thereupon he teas slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice; 
 tvaya sa raja 9akuntalam puraskrtya vaktavyah (r.) presenting 
 CakuntaFi, thou must say to the king: hansanam vacanam qrutva 
 yatha me (gen. for instr.) naisadho vrtah (MBh.) as the Xishadhan 
 teas chosen by me on hearing the icords <f the swans: this construction 
 is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit. 
 
 d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite 
 one, that is unexpressed : thus, tada 'trai 'va paktva khaditavyah 
 (H.) then he shall be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot: yad anyasya 
 pratijnaya punar anyasya diyate (M.) that, after being promised (lit. 
 ichen one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another: sucintya 
 CO 'ktam suvicarya yat krtam (H.) what one says after mature thought,
 
 359 Uses of the Gerund. [—095 
 
 a7id does after/till deliberation. Hence, still more elliptically, after alam: 
 thus, alam vicarya (r.) enougJi of hesitation; tad alam te vanam 
 gatva (U.) so have done icith going to the forest. 
 
 e. Other less regular constructions are met with, especially in the 
 older language : thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like 
 (268 a), as tarn hinsitve 'va mene ((,'B.) he thought he had hurt him ; 
 ta adbhir abhisicya nijasyai 'va 'manyata (AB.) having sprinkled 
 them ivith water, he believed himself to have exhausted them; — in the 
 manner of a participle forming a cantinuous tense with }/i (1075 a), as 
 indram evai 'tair arabhya yanti (AB.) hy means of them they keep 
 taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, 
 as puroda9am eva kurmam bhutva sarpantam ((,'B.) to the sacri- 
 ficial cake creeping about, havi?ig become a tortoise; ayodhyam . . . 
 saphenam sasvanam bhiitva jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhya, like a 
 .surge that had been foamy and roaring ; — even absolutely, as atithyena 
 vai deva istva tant samad avindat (CB.) tchen the gods had sacri- 
 ficed tvith the guest-offering, strife befel them. 
 
 f. As in the two examples before ]the last, a predicate word with 
 bhutva is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, tad iyam 
 evai 'tad bhutva yajati (<,'B.) so having thus become this earth he 
 makes offering; yena vamanena 'pi bhiitva (Vet.) by ivhom, even ivhen 
 he had become a dicarf. The construction is a rare one. 
 
 g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to 
 the semblance of a preposition or adverb : such are adhikrtya making a 
 subject of, i. e. respecting, of; adaya, upagrhya taking, i. e. with; ud- 
 di9ya pointing toward, i. e. at; asadya, arriving at, i. e. along, by; 
 arabhya beginning, \.e.fro7n; Bavahliuy a being with, i.e. with; samhatya 
 striking together, i. o. in unison; prasahya using force, i. c. violently; 
 tyaktva, parityajya, muktva, vihaya, uddhrtya, varjayitva leaving 
 nut etc., i. 0. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: Qakuntalaai 
 adhikrtya bravimi (^'.) / am s^ieaking of (^akuntala ; tarn uddi9ya 
 kaiptalagudah (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittam kimcid 
 asadya (H.) for some reason or other. 
 
 h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in compo- 
 sition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharana taking tvith violence; 
 pretyabhava existence after death; vibhajyapatha separate enunciatioti; 
 sambhuyagamana going together. It is aho often repeated (1260), in a 
 distributive sense: e. g. sa vai sammrjya-sammrjya pratapya-pra- 
 tapya pra yacchati (f'B.) in each case, after tviping a?id war7ning them, 
 he hands them over; grhitva-grhitva (KgS.) at each taking; unnamyo- 
 'nnamya (Pane.) every time that they arise. 
 
 Adverbial Gerund in am. 
 
 995. The accusative of a derivative nomen actionis in a, used 
 adverbially, assumes sometimes a value and coustraction so accord-
 
 995 -] XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 3(10 
 
 ant with that of the usual gt*rtind that it cauiiot well be called by 
 a (lifTcrent iiuiuo. 
 
 a. Nil i-xaiiiplo of a peculiar i^crundial construction with tuch a form 
 occurs either in KV. or AV., although a dozen adverbial accuiativcs are to 
 bo classed as n-preseiitlti)? the formation: thus, abhy&kramam, prat4h- 
 kam, pranodam, nil^yam, abhiakandam, etr. Thiis pi-rund U found 
 especially in tlic iir.ihinaii.is and Sutrait, whert' It ii not ran*; in the epics 
 it is extremely infroquent; later, also, it occur* very sparingly. 
 
 b. A llnal vowel has vrddhi-strengthening before the sufflx: thus, 
 nftvam, (jravam, k&ram; ilnal & alls y: thus, khyftyam, yftyam; a 
 nii'iiinj viiwel li/is ^una I if < a|>al>le of it. 240j: thus, k^epatn, kroqam, 
 vartam (but ik^am, piiram); a m<"dial a bi-forc a single consonant is 
 lengthened: thus, kramam, caram, gr&ham, sv&dam (but grantham, 
 lambham). The accent is on the radical syllable. No unconipounded ex- 
 amples are found in the older langnagt-. and ixtromcly few in the later. 
 
 c. Examples are: kamam va imany ang&ni vyatyaaam qete 
 (<,'B.") he lies chiwgiiig the position of thrte limbs at pleasure] uttar&m- 
 uttaraih 9akham samalambham rohet (Vl'O *« tcottld elimh. taking 
 hold of a higher ami erer a higher limb: apari^U mah&n&g^m Ivft 
 'bhiBamsararii didrk^itarah i «, u.) hereafter, running together as it utre 
 about a great snake, they will irish to see him; namSny ftsam etani 
 namagraham ((,'B.) tcith separate naming of these their names; yo 
 viparyasatn uvaguhati (Vl'O tchoeter buries it upside doxcn; bahutk^e- 
 pam kranditum pravrttfi ((.'.} she proceeded t" rru. throwing up hrr 
 arms {with arm-tossing): navacutapallavani dar^am-dar^am madhu- 
 karanam kvanitani (jravam-Qravam paribabhrama (DKC.) he 
 wandered about, constantly seeing the young shoots of the mango, and hear- 
 ing the humming of the bees. Repeated forms, like those in the last ex- 
 ample, are approved in the later language j they do not occur "arlier (but 
 instead of thom tlie repeated ordinal y gerund: 894 hj. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 DERIVATIVE OR SECONDARY CONJUGATION. 
 
 996. Secondary conjugations are those in which a 
 whole system of forms, like that already described as made 
 from the simple root, is made, with greater or less com- 
 pleteness, from a derivative conjugation-stem ; and is also
 
 36 1 Passive. [—998 
 
 usually connected with a certain definite modification of 
 
 the original radical sense. 
 
 a. We have seen, indeed, that the tense-systems are also for the most 
 part made from derivative-stems; and even that, in some cases, such stems 
 assume the appearance and value of roots, and are made the basis of a 
 complete conjugational system. Nor is there any distinct division-line to 
 be drawn between tense-systems and derivative conjugations; the latter are 
 present-systems which have been expanded into conjugations by the addition 
 of other tenses, and of participles, infinitives, and so on. In the earliest 
 language, their forms outside of the present-system are still quite rare, 
 hardly more than sporadic ; and even later they are — with the exception 
 of one or two formations which attain a comparative frequency — much less 
 common than the corresponding forms of primary conjugation. 
 
 997. The secondary conjugations are: I. Passive; 
 II. Intensive; III. Desiderative; IV. Causative; V. Denom- 
 inative. 
 
 a. The passive is classed here as a secondary conjugation because of 
 its analogy with the others in respect to specific value, and freedom of 
 formation, although it does not, like them, make its forms outside the 
 present system from its present-stem. 
 
 I. Passive. 
 
 998. The passive conjugation has been already in the 
 main described. Thus, we have seen that — 
 
 a. It has a special present-system, the stem of which 
 is present only, and not made the basis of any of the re- 
 maining forms : this stem is formed with the accented class- 
 sign 7J ya, and it takes (with exceptions: 774) the middle 
 endings. This present-system is treated with the others, 
 above, 768 ff. 
 
 b. There is a special passive 3d sing, of the aorist, 
 ending in ^ i: it is treated above, 842 ff. 
 
 c. In the remaining tenses, the middle forms are used 
 also in a passive sense. 
 
 d. Bat the passive use of middle forms is not common; it is oftenest 
 met with in the perfect. The participle to a great extent takes the place 
 of a past passive tense, and the gerundive that of a future. On the other
 
 998—] XIV. Skcondauy foNJUciATiON. 3r»2 
 
 hand, in the oldest languagt? (I^V.), iniddli- forois of other present-tytteiD* 
 aro III :i considerable nuuibcr of cases eniployod with passive meaning. 
 
 e. According to the grammarians, there may be formed ffom souk 
 verbs, for passive use, a special t>tem for the aurist and the tw'> futun 
 systems, coincidiiig in form with the peculiar 3d sing, aorist. 
 
 f. Thus, from ydft (aor. 3d sing, ad&yi), beside &dftai, d&sye, 
 datahe, aUo ad&yi§i, d&yi^ye, d&yitahe. The pormitsion to make this 
 (loiibic furmation extends to all root- • ndiiig in vowels, and to p^'A^t ^T9' 
 and han. No ftiich passive forms occur in the older language, and nut half- 
 a-dozen are quotable from the later (wc find adh&yi^i and asth&yi^i in 
 DKC, and an&yiijata In Kuval.). 
 
 g. As to the alleged passive inflection of the periphrastic perfect, tee 
 below, 1072. 
 
 h. liesides the participle from the present tense-stem 
 
 (771. .")), the passive has a past participle in 5T ta (952;, or 
 
 ^ na 957), and future participles, or j^erundivcs, of various 
 
 formation 961 fl'.), made directly from the root. 
 
 999. As already pointed out 282 a, the language, eBpccially 
 later has a decided predilection for the pausive form of the sentence. 
 This is given in part by the use uf linite passive luruis, but oftener 
 by that of the passive participle and of the gerundive: the participle 
 being taken in part in a present sense, but more usually in a past 
 (whether indefinite or pro.vimate past', and sometimes with a copula 
 expressed, but much oftener without it; and the gerundive represi ut- 
 iug either a pure future or one with the sense of necessity or duty 
 added. A further example is: tatrai Tco yuva brahmano drstah: 
 tarii drstva kamena pidita samjata: sakhya agre kathitam : sakhl 
 puruso 'yam grhitva mama matuh samipam anetavyah \ et. 
 there she saw a yoiDnj Urahman; at sight nf him she felt the pangs of 
 love; she said to her friend: "friend, you must take and bring this man 
 to my tnother^\ In some styles of later Sanskrit, the prevailing ex- 
 pression of past time is by means of the passive participle (thus, in 
 Vet., an extreme case, more than nine tenths . 
 
 a. As in other languages, a 3d sing, passive i? freely made from 
 intransitive as well as transitive verbs: thus, iha "gamyatam cowj€ Ai<A<t; 
 tvaya tatrai 'va sthiyatam do you stand Just there; sarvair jalam 
 adayo 'ddiyatam (^11.) let all fly up tcith the net. 
 
 II. Intensive. 
 
 1000. The intensive (sometimes also called frequent- 
 ative) is that one of the secondary conjugations which is 
 least removed from the analogy of formations already
 
 363 Intensive. [ — 1002 
 
 described. It is, like the present-system of the second con- 
 jugation-class (642 fF.), the inflection of a reduplicated stem, 
 but of one that is peculiar in having a strengthened redu- 
 plication. It is decidedly less extended beyond the limits 
 of a present-system than any other of the derivative con- 
 jugations. 
 
 a. The intensive conjugation signifies the repetition or 
 the intensification of the action expressed by the primary 
 conjugation of a root. 
 
 1001. According to the grammarians, the intensive 
 conjugation may be formed from nearly all the roots in the 
 language — the exceptions being roots of more than one 
 syllable, those conjugated only causatively (below, 1056), 
 and in general those beginning with a vowel. 
 
 a. In fact, however, intensives in the later language are very rare, 
 so rare that it is hard to tell precisely what value is to be given to the 
 rules of the native grammar respecting them. Nor are they at all common 
 earlier, except (comparatively) in the RV., which contains about six sevenths 
 of the whole number (rather over a hundred) quotable from Veda and Brah- 
 mana and Sutra-texts; AV. has less than half as many as RV., and many 
 of them in RV. passages ; from the later language are quotable about twenty 
 of these, about forty more, but for the most part only in an occurrence 
 or two. 
 
 b. Hence, in the description to be given below, the actual aspect of 
 the formation, as exhibited in the older language, will be had primarily and 
 especially in view; and the examples will be of forms found there in use. 
 
 1002. The strong intensive reduplication is made in 
 three different ways: 
 
 I. a. The reduplicating syllable is, as elsewhere, composed of a 
 single consonant with following vowel, and, so far as the consonant 
 is concerned, follows the rules for present and perfect reduplication 
 ;590;;"but the vowel is a heavy one, radical a and r (or ar) being 
 reduplicated with a, an i-vowel by e, and an u-vowel by o. 
 
 Examples are: vavad, babadh, 9a9vas, rarandh; dadr, dadhr; 
 cekit, tetij, neni, vevli; 909UC, popruth, cosku, johu. 
 
 II. b. The reduplicating syllable has a final consonant, taken 
 from the end of the root. With an exception or two, this consonant 
 is either r (or its substitute 1) or a nasal.
 
 1002—] XIV. SECONDAUV CONJirOATlON, 3^)4 
 
 KnampliH nre: carcar, calcal, sarsr, marmrj. jarhr«; cankram, 
 janghan, taAstan, dan(la9 ( yd&iiq "t dac; I, janjabh ( \ jambh <.r jabh I, 
 tantas (v'tahs ..r taa), nannanf (ynam), yariiyam U yam) 1 1> ii»i«iil 
 Is acHiniiliited to the initial roiiHoiiiiit. 
 
 c. Only rooU having a or f as vowol make this form of reduplication, 
 but with such roolB it is more loniraon than tlthcr of the other formi. 
 
 d. Irregular formations of this class are: with a final other than r 
 or n in the ro.lnpliratlon. badbadh N^ith a lln.il na»ial in the redupli- 
 cation which is not found in the root, jangah (.K^'J. jo&jap («;n.; and 
 jahRuyat \'l\. is perhaps from ^gU; the later language has further 
 dandah); with an anomalous Initial consonant in reduplication, jarbhur 
 from vTjhur (compare the Vedic perfect jabhara from y'bhx, 789 b). 
 galgal from j gal . with various treatment of an j- or ar-el-in.nt. dardar 
 and dardir, carkar and carkir, tartar and tartur, carcar and car- 
 cur, jargur and jalgul. 
 
 e. The roots i and y are tlie only ones with vowel inltUl forming sn 
 intensive stem: i makes iyfty (? PU., once): j makes the Irregular alar 
 or aly. As to the stem lya, see below, 1021 b. 
 
 III. f. The rediiidication is disByllaliic. an i-vuwi'l lielnK added 
 after a final consonant of the reduplicating .syllable. This i-vowel is 
 in the older langnag' short before a double consonant, and long be- 
 fore a single. 
 
 Examples are: ganigam (i)ut ganigmatam), varivyt, vanivfth, 
 caniskad, sanisvan; navinu, davidyut (and tlie participles davidhvat 
 but tavituatj. A .--inglf exception i- to the quantity of thi- i is davi- 
 dhava. 
 
 g. This method of reduplication l» followed in the older language 
 by about thirty roots. Thus, of roots having final or penultimate n (onre 
 m), and n in the reduplicatin-r syllable, pan, phan, san, Bvan, han; 
 gam; krand, (jcand, skand, syand; of roots having final or medial y. 
 and r in the reduplicating syllable, kr make, tr, bhr, vr, mrj, mrq, 
 vrj, vrt, srp; also mluc (malimluc): — further, of roots assuming in 
 the reduplication a n not found in the root, only vah (<i'B. : the gram- 
 marian.* allow also kas, pat, pad; and panipad is quotable later; and A(,S. 
 has canikhudat, for which TB. reads kanikhunat) ; finally, of roots 
 having u or a as radical vowel, with av before the i-vowel, tu, dhii, 
 nu, dyut. 
 
 h. In this class, the general rules as to the form of the reduplicating 
 consonant (590) are violated in the case of ghanighan and bharibhr, 
 and of ganigam, karikr (but the regular carikr also occurs), kani- 
 krand, and kaniskand (but also caniskand occurs); also in kanikhun. 
 
 i. The reversion to more original guttural form after the reduplication 
 in cekit^ and janghan and ghanighan. is in accordance with what takes 
 place elsewhere (216, 1).
 
 365 Intensive. [—1006 
 
 1003. The same root is allow^ed to form its intensive stem in 
 more than one way. 
 
 Thus, in the older language, dadr and dardr; dadhr and dardhr; 
 cacal and carcar (and carcur); tartar (and tartur) and tai'itr; 
 jaugam and ganigam; janghan and ghanighan; pamphan and 
 paniphan; marmrj and raarimrj ; marmr9 and marimrQ; varvrt 
 and varivrt; jarbhr and bharibhr; dodhii and davidhu; nonu and 
 navinu; babadh and badbadh. 
 
 1004. The model of normal intensive inflection is the 
 present-system of the reduplicating conjugation-class (642 ff".); 
 and this is indeed to a considerable extent followed, in 
 respect to endings, strengthening of stem, and accent. But 
 deviations from the model are not rare ; and the forms are 
 in general of too infrequent occurrence to allow of satis- 
 factory classification and explanation. 
 
 a. The moat marked irregularity is the frequent insertion of an 
 i between the stem and ending. According to the grammarians, this 
 is allowed in ail the strong forms before an ending beginning with 
 a consonant; and before the i a final vowel has guna-strengthening, 
 but a medial one remains unchanged. 
 
 Present-System. 
 
 1005. We will take up the parts of the present-system in their 
 order, giving tirst what is recognized as regular in the later language, 
 and then showing how the formation appears in the earlier texts. As 
 most grammarians do not allow a middle inflection, and middle forms 
 are few even in the Veda, no attempt will be made to set up a par- 
 adigm for the middle voice. 
 
 1006. As example of inflection may be taken the root 
 flrr vid knoic, of which the intensive stem is irf^ vevid, 
 or, in strong forms, ^^ veved. 
 
 a. Neither from this uor from any other root are more than a few scat- 
 tering forms actually quotable. 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 s. d. p. 
 
 vevedmi, vevidimi vevidvas vevidmas
 
 lOOe — 1 XIV. SKrON'DAUY CONJIIOATION. 'MS 
 
 2 WJ^. #TflFT 'lf^^W\ '&\r<i 
 
 vevetsi, vevidiei vevitthds vevittha 
 
 1 qimr. ^TFrfrrH '^nhh^ -tpttft 
 
 vevetti, veviditi vevittAa vevldatl 
 
 b. Irom J it: hQ. llie ninf^ular forms wilh auxiliary vowel 
 would he TT^^'tFT johavimi. '.|I'?.'4in j6havl9i. -AUr^AlU 
 
 johaviti, 
 
 1007. a. The f»rmi found In the older hiigiitRc agree In general 
 with ili>- piniliirii). r.xanipleg are: ii*i sinp., carkarmi, veve^mi; '2d 
 Mi«g., alarsi, ddrdarei ; ;m Mue., alarti, dadharti, veveti, nenekti, 
 janghanti, kdnikrantti, ganigamti ; M du., jarbhrtaa; l»t pi., nonu- 
 mae; il pi., jagratha; :M pi., dadhrati, nanadati, bharibhrati, 
 varvytati, davidyutati, nenijati, .md, irrcj^ulariy, vevieanti; and, with 
 tlu" auxiliary vowel, johavimi, caka9imi; oaka^iti, nonaviti, darda- 
 riti, jarbhuriti. No stem with dissyllabl.- reduplication takes the •mil- 
 iary i in any of its forms. 
 
 b. A single dual form with I and strong stem occurs: namely, tar- 
 tarithas 
 
 c. TLi" middle forms found to occur .itv. l»i sing., joguve, nenije; 
 ■Id sing., nenikte, Barsyte; and, with Irr.gular accent, tetikte, dedia^e; 
 with irregular loss of tlnal radical nasal, ndnnate ; with ending e Instead 
 of te, cekite, jangahe, joguve, yoyuve, babadhe, and (with irregular 
 accent) badbadhe; 3d du., sarsrate; ;JJ pi., dedicate. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 1008. a. Subjunctive forms with primary eiidiuga are extremely rare: 
 there have been noticed only janghanani, jagarasi (.AV.l: and, in the 
 middle, tantasaite (3d du.). 
 
 b. Forms with secondary endings are more fr«*quent: thus, 2d sing., 
 janghanas, jalgulas; 3d sins., jagarat, cekitat, bobhavat, carkrsat, 
 janghanat, barbrliat, marmrjat, mdrmr9at, parpharat, dardirat, 
 caniskadat, davidyntat, sanisvanat; 1st du.. janghanava; 1st pi., 
 carkirama, vevidama; Hd pi., papatan, 969ucan, earkiran; and, 
 with double mode-sign, caka9an (AV.). Of the middle are found only 
 3d persons plural: thus, janghananta, jarhrsanta, marmrjanta, nonu- 
 vanta, 909ucanta. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 1009. This mode would show the unstrengthened stem, 
 with the usual endings 666), accented. Thus:
 
 367 Intensive. 
 
 8- d. p. 
 
 [—1012 
 
 ' --^iM'/jiH^ ^h\h\\^ %fenq 
 
 vevidyam vevidyava vevidyama 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 a. The optative is represented by only an example or two in the older 
 language : thus, active, vevisyat (AV.), jagryas (FiB.), jagriyat (AB.), 
 jagryama (VS. MS.; but jagriyama T.S.); RV. has only cakanyat (pft.?);' 
 middle, nenijita (K.). 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 1010. The regular forms of the imperative, including 
 the usual subjunctive first persons, would be as follows: 
 
 8- d. p. 
 
 vevidani vevidava vevidama 
 
 veviddhi vevittam vevitta 
 
 vevettu, veviditu vevittam vevidatu 
 
 1011. a. Older imperative forms arc less rare than optative. The 
 first persons have been given above (janghanani, the only accented ex- 
 ample, does not correspond with the model, but is in conformity with the 
 subjunctive of the reduplicating present); the proper imperatives are: 2d 
 sing., dadrhi, dardrhi, earkrdhi, jagrhi, nenigdhi, raranddhi; the 
 ending tat is found in carkrtat and jagrtat; and the latter (as was 
 pointed out above, 571 b) is used in AV. as first person sing.; barbrhi 
 shows au elsewhere unparalleled loss of h before the ending hi; 3d sing., 
 dadhartii, vevestu, dardartu, marmarttu; 2d du., jagrtam; 3d du., 
 jagrtam; 2d pi., jagrta; cankramata (RV., once) has an anomalous 
 union-vowel. In the middle voice is found only neniksva (QB.). 
 
 b. Of imperative forms with auxiliary i, RV. has none ; AV. has 
 vavaditu and johavitu, and such are sometimes found in the Brahmanas ; 
 AV. has also, against rule, tanstanihi and janghanihi; VS. has caka9ihi. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 1012. The intensive participles, both active and middle, 
 are comparatively common in the older language. They are 
 formed and inflected like those of the reduplicating present, 
 and have the accent on the reduplicating syllable.
 
 1012—1 
 
 XIV. Skc'ondauy Conjugation. 
 
 UH 
 
 Examples are: active, cakaqat, nanadat, c6kitat, memyat, 969U- 
 cat, roruvat, dardrat, murmrjat, jaiiKhanat, nannamat, p4nl- 
 phanat, kanikradat, davidyutat;— mill. 11.-, babadhana, memy&na, 
 cekituiia, yoyuvana, roruoana, jdrbhurftna, Bai'Hr&na, janjabh&na, 
 nauntiuiunu, duiidaijana. No miil'lle purtlipk* hln.wit tin- dlcbyllaljlo 
 rudiiplicdtioii. 
 
 1013. u. On account of their accent, r&rah&^ii, rarak^ana, and 
 jahfBun^ (beside j^rhf^ana) are prubably to be regarded an perfect parti- 
 ciples, altliough iiu other perfect forms with heavy reduplication from the 
 same root* occur. Tiie infi-niici- l^ iiow>*ver, rendered uncertain by the 
 unmistiilkably inteiisiv.- badbadhanii iin<l marmfjana (betide maruicj ana). 
 As to 9U9Ucana etc., see 806 a. 
 
 b. Thf KV. has once jdnghnatas, gen. sing., with root-vowel cut 
 out; kdnikrat appears to be used once for kdnikradat; if c&k&t ii to 
 be roferre>l to ^'ka (Grassniann), it W the only .xmnplo of an intensive 
 from a root in &, and Its accent is anomalous. Marm{'9anta8 (AH.) is 
 perhaps a false reading; but forms with the nasal irregularly retained are 
 found repeatedly In the epics and later: thus, lelihan, dedipyantlm 
 (MIUi.), jajvalant (Mlili. H ). eariBn^antau (UhP.). raratanti K.) 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 1014. The imperfect is regularly iuflectetl as follows 
 
 1 M-^IMiH 
 uvevidam 
 
 avevet, avevidis 
 
 avevet, dvevidit 
 
 d. 
 
 avevidva 
 
 avevittam 
 
 avevittam 
 
 avevidma 
 avevitta 
 
 dvevidus 
 
 1015. The imperfect forms found in the earlier texts are not numer- 
 ous. They are, Including those from which the augment is omitted, as 
 follows: in active, 1st sing., acaka9ain, dediQam; 2d sing., ajagar, 
 adardar, dardar; 3d sing., adardar, adardliar, avarivar, dardar, 
 kaniskan, davidyot, navinot ; '2d du., adardrtam; 1st pi., marmrjma; 
 3d pi., anannamus, adardiruB, acarkrsus, ajohavus, anonavus; 
 and, with auxiliary I. in 3d sing., avavacit, avava9it, avavarit, 
 ayoyavit, aroravit, ajohavit; and, irregularly, in 3d dn., avava9itain. 
 The middle forms are extremely few: namely, 3d sing., adedista, anan- 
 nata (With loss of the final radical in a weak form of root); 3 J pi. 
 ruarmrjata, and avava9anta (which, if it belongs here, shows a transfer 
 to an a-steui).
 
 369 Intensive. [ ioi7 
 
 1016. Derivative Middle Inflection. From every 
 intensive stem, as above described, may be formed in the 
 present-system a further derivative conjugation which is 
 formally identical with a, passive, being made by the accented 
 sign JJ ya, along with middlg endings only. It has not, 
 however, a passive value, but is in meaning and tjsjb^ in- 
 distinguishable from the simpler conjugation. 
 
 
 a. A final vowel before this ya is treated as before the passive- 
 sign ya (770). 
 
 b. The inflection is precisely like that of any other stem ending 
 in a in the middle voice: thus, from ymrj, intensive stem marmrj, 
 is made the present indicative marmrjye, marmrjyase, marmrjyate, 
 etc.; optative marmrjyeya, marmrjyethas, marmrjyeta, etc.; im- 
 perative marmrjyasva, marmrjyatam, ere; participle marmrjya- 
 mana; imperlect amarmrjye, amarmrjyathas, amarmrjyata, etc. 
 subjunctive forms do not occur. 
 
 c. In a very few sporadic cases, these ya-forms are given a passive 
 value: thus, janghanyamana in MdU.; bambhramyate, dadhma- 
 yamana, pepiyamana in the later language. And active participles 
 (629a) are not unknown: thus, dedipyantim (MBh.), dodhiiyant 
 (MiUi. r.l.P.). 
 
 1017. This kind of intensive inflection is more common 
 
 than the other in the later language; in the earlier, it is 
 
 comparatively rare. 
 
 a. In RV., ya-forms are made from eight roots, five of which have 
 also forms of the simpler conjugation; the AV. adds one more; the other 
 earlier texts (so far as ohserved) about twenty more, and half of them have 
 likewise forms of the simpler conjugation. Thus: from |/mrj, marmrj- 
 yate etc., and marimrjyeta; from ytr, tartury ante ; from |/car, 
 carcvlryamana; from yni, neniyeran, etc.; from ]/vi, veviyate; from 
 yrih, rerihyate etc.; from vij, vevijyate; from j/sku, coskuyase etc.; 
 from ydiq, dedicjyate; from y'kaq, caka9yate etc.; from |/vad, 
 vavadyamana; from ]/nam, nannamyadhvam; from /vah, vanivah- 
 yeta etc. (with lengthened root-vowel, elsewhere unknown); from ]/krand, 
 kanikradyamana; from /vrt, varivartyamana (^B.: should be 
 varivrty-); from }/mr<j, amarimrgyanta (^B. ? the text reads amarimrt- 
 syanta); from |/yup, yoyupyante etc.; from }/nud, anonudyanta; 
 from |/vli, avevllyanta; from yjahh, janjabhyate etc.; from >/jap, 
 janjapyamana; and so on. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 24
 
 1018— J XIV. SeCONDAUY CONJL'OATION, I^O 
 
 Perfect. 
 
 1018. Tlu: grammarians are at variance as to whether 
 a perfect may be formed directly from the intensive stem, 
 or whether only a periphrantic j)erfect [helow, 1070 ff.1 is 
 to be admitted. 
 
 a. Nil exaaiplu uf uii liiteiiKiM- peiipliraotic pcrfert hat anywhere come 
 tu liglit (except Trom jAgf: 1020 a). A fow unmistakable perftct formh are 
 made from the inteM>i\ely r><lu|>li<'ate(i root in UV. : namely, davidh&va 
 anil non&va, 3d ning., and nonuvuB. Hd pi.; and there occur further 
 dodrava (TS.), yoyfiva md lelaya (MS.), and leliya (' V"). *" "*«*' 
 ill llip sense of presents. To them may be adled J&^ara \^t sing, and 
 jagara ;Jd sinp. : but as to the^e, see below, 1020 u. 
 
 Aorist, Future, etc. 
 
 1019. As to the remaininj? parts of a full verbal con- 
 jugation, also, the grammarians are not agreed occurrences 
 of such forms, apparently, being too rare to afford even 
 them any basis for rules ; in general, it is allowed to treat 
 the intensive stem further as a root in filling up the scheme 
 of forms, using always the auxiliary vowel (! i where it is 
 ever used in the simple conjugation. 
 
 a. Thus, trorn I'^vid. iutensive stem vevid, would be made the 
 aorist avevidisam with jtrecative vevidyasam. the fntuiof« vevid- 
 isyami aud veviditasmi, the participlea vevidita, veviditavya, etc., 
 the infinitive veviditum, aud the gerunds veviditva and -vevidya. 
 And, where the iutensive conjugation is the derivative middle one. 
 the aorist aud futures would take the corresponding middle form. 
 
 b. Of all this, in the ancient language, there is hardly a trace. The 
 RV. has carkrse. 3d sin?, mid., of a formation like hise and etuse 
 [894 d), and the gerundives vitantasayya, and marmrjenya and vavr- 
 dhenya; and ^B. has the participle vauivahita, and the infinitive dediyi- 
 tavai. As to jagarisy&nt and jagarita, see the next paragraph. 
 
 1020. There are systems of indection of certain roots, the in- 
 tensive character of which is questioned or questionable. Thus: 
 
 a. The root gr (or gar) tcake has from the first no present-system 
 save one ~v?ifli''lnten,sive leduplicatioii ; and its intensive stem, jagr, begins 
 early to assume the value of a root, and form a completer conjugation ; 
 while by the grammarians this stem is reckoned as if simple and belong- 
 ing to the root-class, and is inflected throughout accordingly. Those of 
 its forms which occur in the older language have been given along with
 
 371 Intensive. 
 
 [—1024 
 
 same 
 
 the other iiitensives above. They are, for the present-system, the 
 with those acknowledged as regular later. The older perfect is like the 
 other intensive ^perfects found in RV.: namely, jagara etc., with the 
 participle jagrvans ; and a future jagarisya-, a passive participle jagarita. 
 and a gerundive jagaritavya, are met with in the Brahmanas. The old aorist 
 (RV.) is the usual reduplicated or so-called causative aorist: thus, ajigar. The 
 grammarians give it in the later language a perfect with additional redupli- 
 cation, jajagara etc., an is-aorist, ajagarisam, with precative jagaryasam, 
 and everything else that is needed to make up a complete conjugation. 
 The perf. jajagara is quotable from the epics and later, as also the peri- 
 phrastic jagaram aaa. And MBh. has the mutilated jagrmi, and also 
 a-forms, as jagarati and jagramana. 
 
 1021. a. The stem irajya (active only) regulate, from which a 
 number of forms are made in RV., has been viewed as an intensive from 
 ]/raj or rj. It lacks, however, any analogy with the intensive formation. 
 The same is true of iradh propitiate (only iradhanta and iradhyai, 
 apparently for iradhadhyai). 
 
 b. The middle stem iya, not infrequent in the oldest language, is 
 often called an intensive of ]/i go, but without any propriety, as it has no 
 analogy of form whatever with an intensive. The isolated 1st pi. Imahe, 
 common in RV., is of questionable character. 
 
 1022. The root li totter, with constant intensive reduplication, leli 
 is quite irregular in inflection and accent: thus, pres., lelayati and lela- 
 yate, pples lelayanti and lelayatas (gen. sing.) and lelayamana, impf. 
 alelayat and alelet and aleliyata, perf. lelaya and lelaya (?). 
 
 1023. The RV. anomalous form dart (or dard), 2d and 3d sing, 
 from ]/dr or dar, is doubtfully referred to the intensive, as if abbreviated 
 from dardar. RV. has once avarivus (or -vur) where the sense requires 
 a form from /vrt, as avarivrtiis. The form raranata (RV., once) seems 
 corrupt. 
 
 1024. A marked intensive or frequentative meaning is not always 
 easily to be traced in the forms classed as intensive ; and in some 
 of them it is quite eflfaced. Thus, the roots cit, nij, vis use their 
 intensive present-.system as if it were an ordinary conjugation-class; 
 nor is it otherwise with gf jagr;. The grammarians reckon the 
 inflection of nij and vis as belonging to the reduplicating present- 
 system, with irregularly strengthened reduplication; and they treat in 
 the same way vie and vij ; jagr, as we have seen, they account a 
 simple root. 
 
 a. Also daridra, intensive^ of j/dra 77<h^ is mad^^ 
 a simple root, and furnished. with .?i.AO.inplete^§et- of. conju^ forms: 
 
 as dadaridrau; adaridrasit, etc. etc. It does not occur in the older 
 language (unless daridrat TS., for which VS. MS. read daridra). The 
 so-called root vevi flutter is a pure intensive. 
 
 24*
 
 1025 -j XIV. Secondary Conjugation. 372 
 
 1025. It is allowed by tbu gramroarians to make from the iiitenBive 
 atom also a |ni(isivo, ile»itlerativ<», causatlvp, and *» on : thus, from vevld, 
 pass, vevidye; de>i(l. vevidl^auii; caua. vevidayami; deaiti. of <aii»a- 
 tive, vevidayiijami. Itut such formaiiona are exreabivelj rare; quotable 
 aro varivarjayanti AV., Jag;ar4yant TH. etc.; d&dhurayati JB., 
 danda(jayitva DKC. 
 
 Mi. Desiderative. 
 
 1026. liy tlie desiderative conjuj^ation is signified a de- 
 sire for the action or condition denoted by the simple root: 
 thus, fniFT pibumi / dri/i/c, desid. TTTRTFT pip&sami / wi,s/i 
 to drink\ ^fNnPT jivami / //fv, desid. l-ii'iiiNMllM jijivi^ami 
 I desire to live. Such a conjugation is allowed to be formed 
 from any simple root in ihi- language, and aUn from any 
 causative stem. 
 
 a. The desiderative conjugation, altliuugh its forms otitsidc the 
 present-system are extreim-iy rare in the ohleHt language, is earlier 
 and more fully expanded into a whole verbal system ihau the inten- 
 sive. Its forms are also of increasing frequency: much fewer than 
 the intensives in RV., more numerous in the Brahmanas and later; 
 not one third of the whole numlicr of roots about a hundred, noted 
 as having a desiderative conjugation in Veda and Brahmana have 
 such in RV. 
 
 1027. The desiderative stem is formed from the simple 
 root by the addition of two characteristics: 1 . a r ed uplica tion, 
 which always has the accent; 2. an appended T{ sa — which, 
 however (like the tense-signs of aorist and future], sometimes 
 takes before it the auxiliary vowel ^ i, becoming ^ isa. 
 
 a. A few instances in the concluding p^rt of ^B. in \v^bich the accent 
 is otherwise laid — thus, tisthaset, yiyasantam, vividisanti, ipsantas 
 — must probably be regarded as errors. 
 
 1028. The root in general remains unchanged; but with 
 the following exceptions: 
 
 a. A final i or u is lengthened before sa: thus, ciksisa, cikisa, 
 jigisa; (juQriisa, juhusa, cuksusa. 
 
 b. A final r becomes ir or ur before sa: thus, cikirsa, titirsa 
 (also irregularly tutursa RV.», didhirsa, sisirsa, tistirsa (also tu- 
 sturaa), jihirsa; bubhursa, mtuniirsa (the only examples quotable'.
 
 373 Desiderative. [—1029 
 
 c. Before isa, a final i- or u-_orr-vqwel^^^n and a 
 penultimate i or u or r optionaily, have the guna-sti^ngtheningrno 
 examples are quotable from the older texts; later occur 9i9ayisa, 
 9i9arisa; cikartisa, ninartisa, mimardisa, vivarsisa, 9U9obhisa; 
 but riirudisa. 
 
 More special exceptions are: 
 
 d. A few roots in a weaken this vowel to i or even i: thus, jigisa 
 from |/ga go; pipisa (beside pipasa) from ^pa drink, jihisa (AV.) 
 from |/ha remove (jihite: 664); didhisa (beside dhitsa) from Vdha. 
 
 e. A few roots in an or am lengthen the vowel : thus, jigansa (beside 
 jigamisa) from ygsim.; jighansa from )/han; mimansa from |/man; 
 a7id titansa from |/tan. 
 
 f. Reversion to guttural form of an initial after the reduplication is 
 seen in cikisa from yd, cikitsa from j/cit, jigisa from yji, jighansa 
 from |/han; and |/hi is said to make jighisa (no occurrence). 
 
 g. The roots van and san make vivasa and sisasa, from the root- 
 forms va and sa. 
 
 h. The root jiv forms jujyusa (^B.: jijivisa, VS.); and the other 
 roots in iv (765) are req^uired to make the same change before sa, and to 
 have guna before isa: thus, susyiisa or sisevisa from ]/siv. Svap 
 forms susupsa. Dhurv forms dudhiirsa. 
 
 i. Initial s is usually left unchaiiged to § after the reduplii^ation 
 when the desiderative sign has b (184 e): thus, sisanksa (^B.: |/sanj), 
 and susyiisa and sisanisa, according to the grammarians; but tustiisa 
 is met with. 
 
 j. Further may be mentioned as prescribed by the grammarians : 
 ninanksa (or nina9isa) from ynaq be lost; mimaiiksa from y'majj 
 (occurs in mimanksvi) ; mimarjisa (or mimrksa) from ]/mrj. 
 
 1029. The consonant of the reduplication follows the 
 
 general rules (590); the vowel is s i if the root has an a- 
 
 vowel, or 5R' p, or an i-vowel; it is 3. u if the root has an 
 
 u-vowel. But: 
 
 a. A few roots have a long vowel in the reduplicating syllable: thus, 
 bibhatsa from yhadh or badh ; mimansa from j/man ; and tiitiirsa (RV.) 
 from )/tur; dadhiau (AV.) and dadanksu (C.) are probably false forms. 
 
 b. From |/a9 is made (QB.) a9i9isa, and from yedh (VS.) 
 edidhisa (with a mode of reduplication like that followed sometimes in 
 the reduplicating aorist: 862). In the older language, these are the only 
 roots with initial vowel which form a desiderative stem, except ap and 
 fdh, which have abbreviated stems: see the next paragraph. In the later 
 language occur further esisisa (yis seek) and iciksisa (]/iks); and the 
 grammarians add others, as arjihisa iya.vh), undidisa (j/und), ardi- 
 dhisa (]/rdh).
 
 1029— j XIV. Sf( oNDAuv Conjugation. 374 
 
 O. RV. has the stems {nak^a aii.i {yakHa. regarded at Je»lder»tivf« 
 from yynaq attain and yaj, with nnitilatid redupJlcalioii. 
 
 1030. A number of roots, including some of very com- 
 mon use, form an .il.breviatetl stem .ipjiarently by a con- 
 traction of reduplication and r.x.t together into one syllable: 
 thus, ir^ Ipsa from (/^TT^^P ', TT^ ditsa from vTT dft. 
 
 a. Such abbr. elated stcmi are found in the older language aa follo>»>: 
 dhitsa (besid.- didhi^a) from ) dha; ditsa (beside did&sa) from |/da ; 
 dipsa (dhipsa JH.) from vdabh; (jik^a from v«jak; aik^a from yaah . 
 those are found In UV. . in AV. ar<- n.ldod ipsa from v ftp (KV. bss apsa 
 once), and irtsa frum yx^h; the oth< r texts furnish lipsa (<.H.) or 
 lipsa (TH.) from y\a.\3h, ripsa (tJH.) from >/rabh, pitsa (.«,B.) from 
 Vpad, and dhikaa (rH.) from ydah (not ydih, since no roots with i .s 
 medial vowel show the contrnctfd form). In the later lan^uajc are furth. r 
 found pitsa from )/pat also, jnipsa irnm the causativ.- quasi-rool jnap 
 (below, 1042 j), and the anomalous mitsa from ym& measure (allowed 
 also from roots mi and mi); and the grammarians give ritsa from y/rftdh. 
 Also moksa is (ver> questionably) viewed ^sideratiTe stem from 
 
 |/muc. 
 
 1031. The use of the auxiliary vowel ^ i it. (juite rare 
 in the early language, but more common later: and it is 
 allowed or prescribed by the grammarianj« in many stems 
 which have not been found in actual use. 
 
 a. It is declared to follow in general, thoagh not without ex- 
 ceptions, necessary or optional, the analogy of the futures 934, 
 943 a . 
 
 b. No example of the use ol" i is found in KV.. and only one each in 
 AV. (pipatiaa), VS. (jijivisa), and TS. (jigamisaj. The other examples 
 noted in the early texts are a9i9i8a, cikramisa, jigrahisa (with i for i. 
 as elsewhere in this root), cicariaa, edidhisa, jijaniaa, didlksisa, 
 bibadhisa, rurucisa, vivadisa, vividisa, 9i9asi8a, tistigtiisa, jihin- 
 sisa: most of them are found only in V''- ?tems also without the auxil- 
 iary vowel are made from roots gam, grab, car, jiv, pat, badh, vid. 
 
 1032. Inflection: Present-System. The desider- 
 ative stem is conjugated in the present-system with per- 
 fect regularity, like other a-stems (733 a , in both voices, in 
 all the modes (including, in the older language, the sub- 
 junctive\ and with participles and imperfect. It will be 
 sufficient to give here the first persons only. We may take
 
 375 
 
 Desiderative. 
 
 [—1032 
 
 as active model ^ ipsa seek to obtain, from yim ap oMain- 
 as middle, f^^ titiksa etidure, from yfe tij b^ sharp (see 
 below, 1040). "^ 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 middle. 
 P- s. d. d. 
 
 s. 
 
 active, 
 d. 
 
 ipsami ipsavas ipsamas titikse titiksavahe titiksamahe 
 ^*"- ^**'- etc. etc. etc. eic. 
 
 fn^if^ 
 
 •< 
 
 ipsani 
 
 etc. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 ^^^H7^ prq mf?i% fHTHtH ic ^ fMFraT# 
 
 ipsava ipsama tftiksai ti'tiksavahai tftiksamahai 
 etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 ipseyam ipseva ipsema titikseya titiksevahi titiksemahi 
 ®tc. etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 2 ^ 
 Ipsa 
 
 . etc. 
 
 
 ipsatam Ipsata 
 
 etc. etc. 
 
 4. Present Imperative. 
 
 THTcT^^R^ frlPHdyiJT %m?TiJJT 
 
 titiksasva titiksetham titiksadhvam 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 
 ^n^ipsant (f. ^cqfft ipsanti) fdW^^IUI titiksamana 
 
 6. Imperfect. 
 
 1 >^ %^HT^ l^v^ ^M^ 5nM??^^f% 5f%fFRTmf% 
 
 aipsam aipsava aipsama atitikse atitiksavahi atitiksamahi 
 et*^- etc. etc. etc. etc. etc. 
 
 a. There are almost no irregularities of inflection to be reported from 
 the older language. No 1st pi. in masi, or 2d pi. in thana or tana, is 
 met with; of the impv. in tat, only ipsatat. The quotable subjunctive 
 forms are those in sanl, sat and sat, san, and santa. KBU. has jijnasita 
 (cf. 738 b). But the fem. pple sisasati (instead of sisasanti) occurs 
 once or twice in the older texts; and RV. has didhisana. 
 
 b. In the epics and later are found sporadic forms of the non-a-
 
 1032— J XIV. Secondary Conjugation. '^^^j 
 
 conjugation: thuN, Bisfk^mas (Klil*.), titikBiuahe .>iiU bubhusate .3J 
 I>I. (MISh.); and tho rtin. p.irlp iphfi lipsatl ami uikiri^ati (Mlib.: agaitiht 
 449 b). The aiioinaloas JigliaAsiyAt occiirB also iu MHb. an<l Va«. 
 
 1033. a. Desiderativo foruis outuidc the present-systHiu uru 
 extremely rare in the oldest lanjjuaKe. Tlie HV. has only perfect 
 forms from a stem mimik^ — thus, mimikBathua, mimik^atus, 
 mimikflUB; mimik^e, mimik§ire — almj^ with the pri'«i'Ui forms 
 mimiksuti, mimiksa etc., mimik^ant pjile;: they hhow that mimikf 
 or mik^ has tiiken on the cliaructur of hu independent root. In AV^ 
 are found two aoriut forms, irtaiB and acikitsis. and a participle or two 
 from inimafiBa isce below, 1037 a, 1039 a — all of them from Bti-ms 
 which have lost their diHtinct (it»iderativ«> uiriinin;.'. and couie to hoar 
 an independent value. The forms nutod from the other earlier texts 
 will bo given in full below. 
 
 b. In the later languag;t', a complete system of verbal 
 
 forms is allowed to be made in the desiderative conjugation, 
 
 the desiderative stem, less its final vowel, being treated as 
 
 a root. Thus: 
 
 1034. Perfect. The desiderative perfect is the peri- 
 phrastic (1070 ff.). 
 
 a. Thus, ipsam cakara etc.: titiksam cakre etc. Such fonns 
 are made in ("1?. from ) i kram. dhurv, badh, ruh ; aid in ChU. 
 from man. 
 
 b. App.irent perfect forms of the ordinary kind made from mimiks 
 in RV. have been noticed in tho preceding paragraph. And AB. (viii. 21. lU) 
 has once didasitha thou hast desired tn give. 
 
 1035. Aorist. The aorist is of the i^-form: thus 
 ^fcnrq aipsisam, ^TPTtNwT atitiksisi. 
 
 a. The AV. has acikitsis. an^l irtsis i .mgmentless, with ma pro- 
 hibitive : 579). TB. has aipsit: (, !?. airtsiC, acikirsis and ajighansis, 
 and amiinansisthas ; IvB. jijnasisi; Jl H. aipsisnia; and A.A. adhit- 
 sisam. No examples have been found in the later language. 
 
 b. A precative is also allowed — thus, ipsyasam, titiksisiya; but it 
 never occurs. 
 
 1036. Futures. The futures are made with the auxil- 
 iary vowel ^ i: thus. ^K-H-'JIW ipsisySmi and <r-H'^(il^H 
 Ipsitgsmi; HHRi^^ titiksisye and f?n?ri%RT% titiksitahe. 
 
 a. The ^B. has titiksisyate and didrksitaras. Such forms as 
 jijnasyamas (MBh.), didhaksyami (R.), and mimansyant (GGS.) are 
 doubtless presents, with -sya- blunderingly for -sa-.
 
 377 Desiderative. [_1039 
 
 1037. Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These too 
 
 are made with the auxiliary vowel ^ i, in all cases where 
 
 that vowel is ever taken. 
 
 a. In the older language have been noted: participle in ta, miman- 
 sita (AV., GB.), jijyusita (AB.), 9U9rusita and dhiksita (^^B.); — 
 gerundive in tavya, lipsitavya (AB.), didhyasitavya (QB.); in ya, 
 jijnasya (^B.) ; — gerund in tva, mimansitva (K.). 
 
 1038. Of other decliiiahle stems derived from the desiderative stem, 
 by far the most common are the adjective in u — e. g. titiksu, dipsu, 
 bibhatsu, sisasu (RV. once didfksu) — and the abstract noun in a — 
 e. g. ipsa, bibhatsa, mimansa, 9U(jriisa — both of which are made 
 ■with increasing freedom from an early epoch of the language: especially the 
 former, which has the value and construction (271 a) of a present parti- 
 ciple. A few adjectives in enya (having a gerundive character: 966 b) 
 occur in the earlier language : thus, didrksenya (RV.), Quqrusenya (TS.), 
 ninisenya (PB.), jijnasenya (AB.), and, with irregular reduplication 
 (apparently) paprksenya (RV.), dadhisenya (JB.) ; and didrkseya (RV.) 
 is a similar formation. RV. has also sisasani and ruruksani, and sisa- 
 8atu(?). In the later language, besides some of the formations already 
 instanced (those in u and a. and in sya and sitavya), are found a few 
 derivative=i in aka, as cikitsaka, bubhiisaka; in ana, as jijnasana, 
 didhyasana; and, very rarely, in aniya (cikitsaniya) and tr (9U9rusitr) ; 
 further, secondary derivatives (doubtless) in in from the noun in a, as 
 ipain, jigisin (one or two of these occur in the older language). And of 
 an adjective in a we have an example in bibhatsa (B.S., and later), and 
 perhaps in avalipsa (AVP.); such words as ajugupsa, du9Cikitsa, are 
 rather to be understood as possessive compounds with the noun in a. As 
 to noun-stems in is, see 392 d. 
 
 1039. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. A 
 passive is allowed to be made, by adding the passive-sign 
 TJ ya to the desiderative root (or stem without final a): thus, 
 |cF7j% ipsyate it is desired to be obtained; — and a causautive, 
 by adding in like manner the causative-sign ^HT aya (1041): 
 thus, 5^f|U I H ipsayami / cause to desire obtainmenf. 
 
 a. Of these formations in the older language are found mimansya- 
 mana (doubtless to be read for -samana, AV.), lipsyamana (QB.), and 
 rurutsyamana (K.)- Half-a-dozen such passives are quotable later, and 
 one or two causatives: e. g. cikitsyate, vivaksyate, jijnasyate; cikir- 
 sayant, cikitsayisyati. 
 
 b. For the desiderative conjugation formed on causative stems, 
 which is found as early as the Brahmanas, see below, 1052 b.
 
 1040 — ] XIV Sr-coNDAKY Conjugation. 378 
 
 1040. Soino Btems wliich arc desiderative in form have lost the 
 peculiarity of desiderative nioaoing, and aHSUuicd the value of inde- 
 poiident roots: oxainplcs arc cikitB run-, jugups ilrnpisr, titik^ endure, 
 bibhatB abhur, mimans pomhr, (ju^ru^ t.hry. iJoubtleKH some of tlio 
 apparent roots in the lauf(Uttf?o with sibilaul Hnal arc akin with the 
 desiderativcH in origin: e. g. ^ik^, desiderative of <jak 
 
 a. On account of the near relation of desiderative and future (rf. 
 948 b), the foriiicr is oc aslon.illy fouml whcro thi- latter wa« rather t/> be 
 oxpectcil: tliii-, rajanam prayiyasantam (<,H.) a kimj about to depart 
 prana ucoikraraisan (Clil.) the hreath on the point of espiring; mu- 
 murfur iva 'bhavat (II.) he tr as fain to die. 
 
 IV. Causative. 
 
 1041. a. In the later language is allowed to be made 
 from most roots a complete causative conjugation. The 
 basis of this i.*? a causative stem, formed by appending the 
 causative-sign Wl aya to the, usually strengthened, root. 
 
 b. lUil by no means all conjugation-stems formed by 
 the sign Wi aya are of causative value; and the grammarians 
 regard a part of them as constituting a conjugation-class, 
 the tenth or cur-class, according to which roots may be 
 inflected as according to the other classes, and either alone 
 or along with others 775 . 
 
 c. In KV., the proportion without causative value is fully one third. 
 The formation is a more obviously denominative one than any of the other 
 conjugation-classes, an intermediate between them and the proper denom- 
 inatives. A causative meaning has esublished itself in connection with 
 the formation, and become predominant, though not exclusive. A number 
 of roots of late appearance and probably derivative character are included 
 in the class, and some palpable denominatives, which lack only the usual 
 denominative accent (below, 1056). 
 
 d. The causative formation is of much more frequent use, and more 
 decidedly expanded into a full conjugation, than either the intensive or the 
 desiderative. It is made from more than three hundred roots in the early lan- 
 guage (in RV., from about one hundred and fifty) ; but in the oldest, its 
 forms outside the present-system are (_apart from the attached reduplicated 
 aorist: 1046) exceedingly few. 
 
 1042. The treatment of the root before the causative- 
 sign Wl aya is as follows:
 
 ^^^ Causative. [—1042 
 
 a. Medial or initial ,i, ,u,, r, 1 have the guna-strengthening (if 
 capable ofit: 240); thus, vedaya from yvid, codaya from i/eud 
 tarpaya from ]/trp; and kalpaya from >/klp (only example): but 
 cmtaya, gulphaya, drnhaya. 
 
 b. But a few roots lack the strengthening: these are, in the older 
 language, cit (citaya and eetaya), is, il, ris (risaya and resaya), 
 vip (vipaya and vepaya), tuj, tur, tus (tusaya and tosaya), ' dyut 
 (dyutaya and dyotaya), rue (rueaya and rocaya), quo (9ucaya and 
 90caya), qubh (qubhaya and 9obhaya), krp, mrd, sprh; and grabh 
 makes in RV. grbhaya. Dus and guh lengthen the vowel instead. Mrj 
 sometimes has vrddhi, as in other forms: thus, marjaya (beside mar- 
 jaya). On the other hand, guna appears irregularly (240 b) in srevaya 
 (beside 9rivaya), hedaya. meksaya. Similar irregularities in the later 
 language are giraya, tulaya (also tolaya), churaya (also ehoraya}, 
 musaya, spl:iuraya. No forms made without strengthening have a causative 
 value in the older language. 
 
 c. A final vowel has the vrddiii-strengthening: thus, cayaya, 
 9ayaya, cyavaya, bhavaya, dharaya, saraya. 
 
 d. But no root in i or i has vrddhi in the Veda (unless payaya 
 [k, below] comes from pi rather than pa) — as, indeed, regular causa- 
 tives from such roots are hardly quotable: only RV. has ksayaya (beside 
 ksepaya) from ]/ksi possess; for a few alternatively permitted forms, see 
 below, 1. In B. and S., however, occur 9ayaya and sayaya (j/si or sa); 
 and later -ayaya, cayaya, smayaya, dayaya, nayaya. 
 
 e. A few roots have a form also with guna-strengthening: thus, cyu, 
 dru, plu, yu separate, qru, pu, stu, sru; jr tvaste awaxj, dr pierce, sr, 
 smr, hr; vr choose makes varaya later (it is not found in V.; epic also 
 varaya). 
 
 f. A medial or initial a in a light syllable is sometimes length- 
 ened, and sometimes remains unchanged: thus, bhajaya, svapaya, 
 adaya; janaya, 9rathaya, anaya (but mandaya, valgaya, bhaksaya). 
 
 g. The roots in the older langua^ie which keep their short a are jan, 
 pan, svan, dhan, ran, stan, gam (gamaya once in RV.), tarn, dam, 
 raj (usually ranjaya), prath, 9rath, 9nath, vyath, svad, chad please 
 (also chandaya), nad, dhvas (also dhvansaya), rah, mah (also 
 manhaya), nabh (also nambhaya), tvar, svar, hval. In the later 
 language, further, kvan, jvar, trap, day, pan, rae, ran rincf, vadh, 
 val, va9, 9lath, skhal, sthag. Both forms are made (either in the 
 earlier or in the later language, or in both taken together) by ad, kal, 
 kram, ksam, khan, ghat, cam, cal, jval, tvar, dal, dhvan, nad, 
 nam, pat, bhram, math, mad, yam, ram, lag, lal, vam, vyadh, 
 9ain be quiet, 9ram, 9vas, svap. The roots which lengthen the vowel 
 are decidedly the more numerous. 
 
 h. If a nasal is taken in any of the strong forms of a root, it usually 
 appears in the causative stem: e. g. dambhaya, dan9aya, indhaya,
 
 1042— J XIV. Secondary Conjugation-. 380 
 
 limpaya, rundhaya, Qundhaya, kfntaya, df&haya. From a number 
 of roots, etcms butli with auU witbout the ii&iial ar« made: thui ( beildec 
 those iiiintiniipd above, g), kuftcaya arwl kocaya, granthaya and grath- 
 aya, bffihaya mid barhaya, bhraft9aya ainl bhra9aya, ^undhaya 
 and (jodhaya, safijaya and sajjaya, sificaya aii-1 socaya. lii a few of 
 these is seen the influein-o of pruscnt-sl m«. 
 
 i. Most roots in finni &, uud the root f, add p before the con- 
 jugation-sign : thus, dapaya, dhftpaya, Bthapaya*, arpaya. 
 
 j. Such fitcins arr ii>:» If in the elder lsn;;iia;;c froiu thu roots kfft, 
 khya, gS. sint/ (also K&yayai, gla, ghrft, j&ft, da rjire, da r/ieiV/r, dra 
 run, dhi. put and dha A»r/.-, mSi nn-asurr, mla, y&, vtt blotr, sthft, ana, 
 h& remove; the later language adds k^ma, dhma, and ha leave. From 
 j&a niid ana are found jn AV. and lati-r the shortened forms jfiapaya 
 and snapaya, and from (jra only <jrapaya (not in RV). A'-' '■> ''■ 
 later lanpuajri-. gift forms glapaya, and mlft f'rm'* mlapaya. 
 
 k. Stem u-roots showing no p n: ', gayaya (als'j gapa- 
 
 ya) from |^ga sttig, chfiyaya, pftyaya from ypA drink (or pi I, pyty- 
 aya from |/pya or pyay; sayaya from y'sA (or si); aUo, later, hvfty- 
 aya from yhva (or hu); — and furiher, from roots v& tteave. vya. and 
 (ja (or (ji). according to the grammarians. 
 
 1. The same p is taken also by a few i- and i-roots, with other 
 accompanying irregularities: thus, in the older language, ksepaya (HV., 
 beside ksayaya) from y^si possess; japaya (VS. and lafor; from yji; 
 lapaya (TiV and later; Liter .tIso layaya) from yli clitifj: ^rapaya (VS., 
 once) from ]^9ri ; adhyapaya (S. and later) from adhi-f-]!; — In the 
 later, ksapaya (beside ksayaya) from j^^i destroy; mapaya from 
 ]/mi; smapaya (hej^i'ie smayaya) from yemi: hrepaya from yhri; 
 — and the grammarians make furtlier krapaya from ] kri ; capaya (beside 
 cayaya) from yd gather; bhapaya (bi-side bhayaya and bhisaya) 
 from |/bhi; repaya from yti, and vlepaya from yvll. Moreover, j^mh 
 makes repay a (B. and later) beside rohaya (V, and later), and y/knu 
 makes knopaya (late). 
 
 m. More anomalous e.i>L.- m which the so-called cansative is palpably 
 the denominative of a derived noun, are: palaya from ypsi protect: prinaya 
 from >^prl; linaya (according to grammarians) from yli; dhunaya (not 
 causative in sense) from ]/dhii; bhisaya from ylDhi: ghataya from vhan; 
 sphavaya from )/spha or sphay. 
 
 n. In the Prakrit, the causative stem is made from aIV root* by the 
 addition of (the equivalent of) apaya; and a number (about a dozen) of 
 like formations are quotable from Sauskiit texts, mostly of the latest period : 
 but three, kridapaya, jivapaya, and diksapaya, occur in the epics: 
 and two, aqapaya and ksalapaya, .even in the Sutras. 
 
 1043. Inflection: Present-System. The causative 
 
 stem is inflected in the present-system precisely like other
 
 381 Causative. 
 
 [—1043 
 
 stems in g a (733 a) : it will be sufficient to give here in 
 general the first persons of the different formations, taking 
 as model the stem ^TJU dharaya, from y^ dhr. Thus: 
 
 1. Present Indicative. 
 
 active. 
 s- d. p. 
 
 1 yiTTTTm ^-n^^^ qT^TTFTfl^ 
 
 dharayami dharayavas dharayamas 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 middle, 
 s- d. p. 
 
 dharaye dharayavahe dharayamahe 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 a. The 1st pi. act. in masi greatly outnumbers (as ten to one) that 
 in mas in both RV. and AV. No example occurs of 2d pi. act. in thana, 
 nor of 3d sing. mid. in e for ate. 
 
 2. Present Subjunctive. 
 
 For the subjunctive may be instanced all the forms noted as 
 occurring in the older language: 
 
 active. 
 
 1 dharayani dharayava dharayama 
 
 (dharayasi _ _ _ , _ 
 
 2 i „ _ , _ dharayathas dharayatha 
 Idharayas 
 
 (dharayati 
 Idharayat 
 
 dharayatas dharayan 
 
 middle. 
 
 1 dharayai dharayavahai 
 
 , _ , _ fdharayadhve 
 
 2 dharayase jj, - - -j, -• 
 
 Idharayadhvai 
 
 {dharayate ,, _ , _., 
 , _ , _^_. dharayaite 
 dharayatai 
 
 b. Only one dual mid. form in aite occurs: madayaite (RV.). The 
 only RV. mid. form in ai, except in 1st du., is madayadhvai. The 
 primary endings in 2d and 3d sing. act. are more common than the secondary. 
 
 3. Present Optative. 
 
 active. 
 
 1 uT^mm^ yiT^ W^ 
 
 dharayeyam dharayeva dharayema 
 
 etc. etc. etc.
 
 1043 — 1 XIV. Secondauy Conjugation. 3S2 
 
 uittldie. 
 
 dharayeya dhftr&yevahi dhardyemahi 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 c. Optitivo forms arc vt-ry ran; in the oldest lansuai;e (four in KV., 
 two in AV.)j they become mort- rommon in the llrshinanaf. A 31 sing, 
 mid. in ita instead of eta (cf, 738 b) occurs onct< in 11. (kftmayita AB.), 
 ii not VL-ry rare in S. (a score or two of examples are quotable), and 
 is also found in MBb. and later. Of a corresponling, 3J pi. in Iran only 
 one or two instances can be pointed out (kamaylran A(,S., kalpayiran 
 AGS.). 
 
 4. Present Imporativo. 
 active. 
 
 dharaya dharayatam dharAyata 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 middle. 
 
 ■i '-jvpT^ 'mWq 'UTTpm^ 
 
 dharayasva dharayetham dharayadhvam 
 etc. I'tc. etc. 
 
 d. Imperative persons with the ending tftt occur: dharayat&t (AV.) 
 and cyavayatat (VB.) are 2d sing.; patayatat ((,'B.) is 3d sing.; gama- 
 yatat and cyavayatat (K. etc.), and varayatat (TB.) are used as 2d pi. 
 Varayadhvat (K. etc.) is 2d pi., and ttn- inly in iwu example of such 
 an ending (se? above, 549 b). 
 
 5. Present Participle. 
 ?nT?JrT dharayant '-IICJHI'U dharayamana. 
 
 e. The feminine of the active participle is regularly and usually made 
 in anti (449 c). But a very few examples in ati are met with (one in 
 the older language: namayati Apast.). 
 
 f. The middle participle in mana is made through the wholp history 
 of the language, from RV. (only yatayamana) down, and is the only 
 one met with in the earlier language (for irayanas [sic I], MS. ii. 7. 12, 
 is evidently a false reading, perhaps for iraya nas). But decidedly more 
 common in the epics and later is one formed with ana: e. g. kamayana, 
 cintayana, palayana, vedayana. It is quotable from a larger number 
 of roots than is the more regular participle in mana. As it occurs in no 
 acceutaated text, its accent cannot be given.
 
 3 S3 Causative. r io46 
 
 6. Imperfect, 
 active. 
 
 1 ^TOTTinT 5rq||^N ^rqrpjT^ 
 
 adharayam adharayava adharayama 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 middle. 
 
 adharaye adharayavahi adharayamahi 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 1044. As was above pointed out, the formations from the causative 
 stem aya outside the present-system are in the oldest language very 
 limited. In IIV. are found two forms of the future in syami, one passive 
 participle (codita), and ten infinitives in dhyai; also one or two deriv- 
 ative nouns in tr (bodhayitr, codayitri), five in isnu, seven in itnu, 
 and a few in a (atiparaya, nidharaya, vaeaminkhaya, vi9vaniejaya), 
 and in u (dharayu, bhavayii, mandayii). In AV., also two s-future 
 forms and four gerunds in tva; and a few derivative noun-stems, from 
 one of which is made a periphrastic perfect (gamayam eakara). In the 
 Brahmanas, verbal derivative forms become more numerous and various, as 
 will be noted in detail below. 
 
 1045. Perfect. The accepted causative perfect is the 
 periphrastic (1071a); a derivative noun in 5 is made from 
 the causative stem, and to its accusative, . in dm, is added 
 the auxiliary: thus, 
 
 'JTpJJ ^4il( dharayam eakara (or asa: 1070 b) 
 
 yjinjT rp^ dharayam cakre 
 a. Of this perfect no example occurs in RV. or SV. or VS., only one 
 — gamayam eakara — in AV., and but half-a-dozen in all the various 
 texts of the Black Yajur-Veda, and these not in the mantra-parts of the 
 text. They are also by no means frequent in the Brahmanas, except in 
 yB. (where they abound: chiefly, perhaps, for the reason that this work 
 uses in considerable part the perfect instead of the imperfect as its narrative 
 tense). 
 
 1046. Aorist. The aorist of the causative conjugation 
 is the reduplicated, which in general has nothing to do 
 with the causative stem, but is made directly from the root. 
 
 a. It has been already fully described (above, 856 ff.). 
 
 b. Its association with the causative is probably founded on an 
 original intensive character belonging to it as a reduplicated form, 
 and is a matter of gradual growth ; in the Veda, it is made from a
 
 1046— J XIV. SeCONDAKY CONJUOATION. 381 
 
 consitk-ralile imiiiher of roots (in RV., more than a third of itn In- 
 atancuu; in AV., ubout u fifth) which have- uo cuusativo Btcio in aya. 
 
 e. The causative aorist of y^J dhy, then, is a« follows: 
 
 I '^^n ^^T1 nfVlTR 
 
 ddidharam udidhar&vu adidhuramu 
 etc. tu\ etc. 
 
 adidharo ddidharavahi udidharumahi 
 
 ctf. I'lf. etc. 
 
 An example was intloctcd in full nt 864. 
 
 1047. In :i few casos, where the root lias aHMunied a j>ffuliar 
 form before the causative 8if,'n — as by the addition of a p or f 
 (above, 1042 i ff.) — the rednplicatod aorist is made from this form 
 instead of from the simple root: thus, ati^^hipam from sth&p (stem 
 Bthapaya for v'sthfi. Aori8t-.stem8 of thi» charjicti-r from (juasi-roots 
 in ap are arpipa 'y'l, Jijapa or jijipa, JiJAapa or jijnipa, ^l^rapa, 
 ti^(hipa, jihipa; the only other e.vattiple from the older language is 
 bibhisa from bhi^ for y/bhi. 
 
 1048. Hut a few sporadic forniA of an i^-aorist from causative con- 
 jugation-stems are met with: thus, dhvanayit (RV. ; TS. has instead the 
 wholly anomalous dhvanayit). vyathayiB and ailaylt (AV.), py&yayi^ 
 ^has and avadayis^has (KliU.), in the older lanenspo (I!V. has also 
 unayis from a dononiiimtive stem); in the later, ahladayi^ata (DKC), 
 and probably aghatayithaa (MBh.; for -isthas: cf. 804 d). The passive 
 3d sing, aropi, from tlie cau^ative ropaya, has a late occurrt-nce (^atr.). 
 
 1049. .\ precative is of coarse allowed by the grammarians to be 
 made lor the causative conjugation: in the middle, from the causative stem 
 with the auxiliary i substituted for its final a; in the active, from the 
 form of the root as strengthened in the causative stem, but without the 
 causative sign: thus. 
 
 ^I^IHH dharyasam etc. ^TJUT'TTTJ dharayisiya etc. 
 
 This formation is to be regarded as purely fictitious. 
 
 1050. Futures. Both futures, with the conditional, 
 are made from the causative stem, with the auxiliary ^ i, 
 which takes the place of its final 51 a. Thus: 
 
 S-Future. 
 Ul^mi^UIH dharayisyami etc. '-4 1 ( kj -U dharayisye etc. 
 m(Rj5v<Jtl dJiarayisyant m^iu'-UHIUI dharayisyamana
 
 385 Causative. [—1051 
 
 Conditional. 
 ^I^iy^UH^adharayisyam etc. ^^T^fir^ adharayisye etc. 
 
 Periphrastic Future. 
 ^(iucilU-H dharayitasmi etc. 
 
 a. It has been mentioned above that RV. and AV. contain only two 
 examples each of the s-future, and none of the periphrastic. The former 
 begin to appear in the Brahmanas more numerously, but still sparingly, 
 ■with participles, and conditional (only adharayisyat (^B.; alapayisya- 
 thas ChU.); of the latter, QB. affords two instances (parayitasmi and 
 janayitasi). Examples of both formations are quotable from the later 
 language (including the middle form dar^ayitahe: 947 c). 
 
 1051, Verbal Nouns and Adjectives. These are 
 made in two different ways: either 1. from the full causa- 
 tive stem (in the same manner as the futures, just des- 
 cribed] ; or 2. from the causatively strengthened root-form 
 (with loss of the causative-sign\ 
 
 a. To_lli£_latter class belong the passive participle, as dharita; 
 the geruniiive and gerund in ya, as dharya, -dtiarya; and the gerund 
 in am, as dharam; also, in the older language, the root-infinitive, 
 as -dharam etc. (970 a;. To the former class belong the infinitive 
 and the gerund in tva, as dharayitum, dharayitva, and the gerundive 
 in tavya, as dharayitavya 'also, in the older language,^ the infinitives 
 in tavai and dliyai, as janayitavai, irayadhyai, etc.). The auxiliary 
 ijs taken in every formation which ever admits that vowel. 
 
 b. Examples of the passive partioiple are: irita, vasita, (jravita. 
 Bnt from the quasi-root jnap (1042j) is made jnapta, -without union- 
 vowel. 
 
 c. Examples of the infinitive and gerund in tva are: josayitvim, 
 dharayitum ; kalpayitva, arpayitva. But in the epics, and even later, 
 infinitives are occasionally made with loss of the causative-sign: e. g. 
 9e8itum, bhavitum, dharitum, m.ocitum. 
 
 d. Examples of the gerunds in ya and am are: -bhajya, -gharya, 
 -padya, -vasya, nayya, -sthapya; -bhajam, sthapam. But stems 
 showing in the root-syllable no difference from the root retain ay of the 
 causative-iign in the gerund, to distinguish it from that belonging to the 
 primary conjugation: e. g. -kramayya, -gamayya, -janayya, -jvalayya, 
 -kalayya, -cjamayya, -raeayya, -apayya. 
 
 e. Examples of the gerundive in tavya are: tarpayitavya, gam- 
 ayitavya, hvayayitavya ; of that in ya, sthapya, harya, yajya; of 
 that in aniya, sthapaniya, bhavaniya. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 25
 
 1061 — I XIV. SKCONDARy Con III. \ HON. 3S6 
 
 f. Kxaiiipli'8 of other formations ocurring In the older laDguai^e are 
 as follows: root-iiifliiltive, -Bthapum, -vfiBaB;— iiinnltivc In tu, other 
 cases than accii8atl\f, -janayitavo; jdnayitavaf, payayltavfti, -(jcot- 
 ayitavfi{; (jdmayitos; inilniilv. in dhyai, iHnyudhyai. irayidhyai, 
 tanBayadliyai, nft(jayddhyai, manduyudhyai, madayddhy&i, rl^- 
 ayddhyai, vartayddhyai, vajayadhyai, ayandayddhyai (all BV.); 
 — gerundive In ftyya, panaytiyya, apfhayayya, trayayayya (? ytrft). 
 
 g. Other iii>un-tli.Tlviiti\eb from the raugativc hteni are m^t infrequent, 
 lieing iltii'idcdly moru numi-rniiti and various than from any other of the 
 secondary conjugation-itoms. Eiamples (of other kinds than those iuttanoed 
 in 1044) are: drpana, dapana, prinana, bhisana; jndpaka, ropaka; 
 patayalu, Bpyhayalu ; janayati, jnapti. 
 
 h. All thi- ••lasses "1 derivatives, it will be noticed, follow in regard 
 to accent the analogy of similar formations from the simple root, and show 
 no influence of the special accent of the causative-stem. 
 
 1052. Derivative or Tertiary Conjugations. 
 From the causative stem are made a passive and a de- 
 siderative conjugation. Thus: 
 
 a. The passive-stem is formed liy adding the usual 
 passive-sign U yd to the causatively strengthened root, the 
 causative-sign being dropped: thus, ^TIFT dharyate. 
 
 b. Such passives are hardly found in the Veda (I'lily bhAjya- AV.\ 
 but some thirty instances are met with In the Brahmanas and Sutras: ex- 
 amples are jnapyd- (TS.), sadya- (K.), padya- (AB.), vadya- (TB.), 
 sthapya- (GB.); and they become quite common later. 
 
 o. The desiderative stem is made by reduplication and 
 
 addition of the sign J^ i^a, of which the initial vowel replaces 
 
 the final of the causative stem: thus, TTTTrnTTR didharayisati. 
 
 d. These, too, are found here and there in the Brahmanas and later 
 (about forty stems are quotable): examples are pipayayisa (K.), bibhav- 
 ayisa and cikalpayisa and lulobhayisa (AB.). didrapayisa and riradh- 
 ayisa (yB.), and so on. 
 
 e. As to causatires made from the intensive and desiderative stems, 
 see above, 1025, 1039. 
 
 V. Denominative. 
 
 1053. A denominative conjugation is one that has for 
 its basis a noun-stem. 
 
 a. It is a view now prevailingly held that most of the present- 
 systems of the Sanskrit verb, along with other formations analogous with a
 
 387 Denominative. 
 
 [—1056 
 
 present-system, are iu their ultimate origin denominative; and that many 
 apparent roots are of the same character. The denominatives which are so 
 called differ from these only in that their origin is recent and undisguised. 
 
 1054. The grammarians teach that any noun-stem in 
 the language may be converted, without other addition than 
 that of an g a (as union-vowel enabling it to be inflected 
 according to the second general conjugation) into a present- 
 stem, and conjugated as such. 
 
 a. But such formations are rare, ia actual use. The IIV. has a few 
 isolated and doubtful examples, the clearest of which is bhisakti he heals, 
 Irom bhisaj physician; it is made like a form of the root-clLss; abhisnak 
 >eems to be its imperfect according to the nasal class ; and patyat'e he 
 rules appears to be a denominative of pati master; other possible cases 
 are isanas etc., krpananta, tarusema etc., vanusanta, bhurajanta, 
 vananvati. From the other older texts are quotable kavyant (IS.), 
 acjlonat (TB.), unmaiati (SB.), svadhamahe (g^S.). And a consider- 
 able number of instances, mostly isolated, are found in the later language : 
 e. g. kalahant (MBh.), arghanti (Pane), abjati (gatr.), gardabhati 
 (SD.), utkanthate (SD.), jagannetrati (Pras.), keli9vetasahasra- 
 pattrati (Pras.). 
 
 1055. In general, the base of denominative conjugation 
 is made from the noun-stem by means of the conjugation- 
 sign U ya, which has the accent. 
 
 a. The identity of this ya with the ya of the so-called causative 
 conjugation, as making with the final a of a noun-stem the causative-sign 
 aya, is hardly to be questioned. What relation it sustains to the ya of 
 the ya-class (759), of the passive (768), and of the derivative intensive 
 stem (1016), is much more doubtful. 
 
 1056. Intermediate between the denominative and causative 
 conjugations stands a class of verbs, plainly denominative in origin, 
 but having the causative accent. Examples, beginning to appear at the 
 earliest period of the language, are mantrayate speaks, takes cowisel, 
 (from mantra, |/man + tra). kirtayati coitimemorates (from kirti, 
 >/kr praise), arthayati or -te makes an object of, seeks (from artha goal, 
 object , varnayati depicts (from varna color), kathayati or -te gives 
 the how of anything, relates (from katham hoivf), and so on. These, 
 along with like forms from roots which have no other present-system 
 
 though they may make scattering forms outside that system from 
 the root directly), or which have this beside other present-systems 
 without causative meaning, are reckoned by the grammarians as a 
 separate conjugation-class, the cur-class (above, 607, 775). 
 
 25*
 
 1067—] XIV. Skconi>ary Conjugation. 38S 
 
 1057. Denominatives are formed at every period in the 
 
 history of the liinguage, from the earliest down. 
 
 n. I'licy iiru froquont in KV., wliicli contains ovor a hundred, 
 of all varii-ticH; AV. Iiiis unly hiilf hh tnany (and p<>rMon:il furino from 
 lianily u third as many: from the rc8t, preaent pariiciplcB, or deriv- 
 ativt) noiiiiH ; AIJ., Iiss than twenty; (^'B., hardly more than a dozen; 
 and tio on. In tho later lan^ua^o they are ({uotablc* hy huudrcdfi, 
 but from tho vattt majority of stirms occur only an exauiplo or two; 
 tiie only ones that have won any currency are those that have assumed 
 the character of "cur-clasb" verbs. 
 
 1058. The (lonominative meaninj^ is, as in other lan- 
 guages, of the greatest variety; some of the most frequent 
 forms of it are: be like, a<t «*, pl^iy tfie part of: regard 
 or treat as; cause to be, make into: use, make appliration 
 of: desire, tcis/i for. crave — tliat which is signified by the 
 noun-stem. 
 
 a. Tho modes of treatment of the stem-final are also various; 
 and tho granmiarians make a certain more <ir lesa definite assignment 
 of the varieties of moaning to the varieties of form ; but this allot- 
 ment finds only a dubious support in the usages of the words as met 
 with even in the later laiigua;,'C, and still less in the earlier. Henco 
 tho formal classification, according to the final of tho noun-stem 
 and the way in which this is treated before the denominative sign yi, 
 will be tho best one to follow. 
 
 1059. From stems in a. a. The final a of a noun-stem 
 oftenest remains unchanged: thus, amitraydti plays the enemy, is 
 hostile; devayati cultivates the gods, is pious. 
 
 b. But final a is also often lengthened : thus, aghaydti plans 
 mischief; priyayate hoUls dear; acjvayati seeks for horses; a^anayati 
 desires food. 
 
 c. "While in the Veda the various modes of denominatlTe formation 
 are well distributed, no one showing a marked preponderance, in the later 
 language the vast majority of denominatives (^ fully seven eighths) are of 
 the two kin<ls jnst noticed: namely, made from a-stems, and of the lorm 
 aya or aya, the former predominating. And there is seen a decided ten- 
 dency to give the denominatives in aya an active form and transitive mean- 
 ing, and those in aya a middle form and intransitiVe or reflexive meaning. 
 In not a few cases, parallel formations from the same stem illustrate this 
 distinction: e. g. kalusayati mokes turbid, kalusayate t5 or becomes 
 turbid; tarunayati rejuvenates, tarunayate is rejuvenated ; 9ithilayati 
 loosens, 9ithilayate grotcs loose. No distinct traces of this distincton are
 
 389 Denominativk. [ — 1064 
 
 recognizable in the Veda, although there also corresponding forms with short 
 a and -with long a sometimes stand side by side. 
 
 d. Final a is sometimes changed to i (very rarely i) : thus, adhvariyati 
 I)erforms the sacrifice; tavisiyati is mighty; putriyati or putriyati desires 
 a son; mansiyati craves Jtesh; sajjiyate is ready; candrakantiyati ts 
 moonstonelike. Not fifty stems of this form are quotable. 
 
 e. It is occasionally dropped (after n or r) : thus, turanyati is rapid; 
 adhvaryati performs the sacrifice. 
 
 f. Other modes of treatment are sporadic: thus, the addition of s, as 
 in stanasyati seeks the hreast ; the change of a to e, as in vareyati 
 plays the wooer. 
 
 1060. From stems in a. Final a usually remains, as in gopay- 
 ati plays the herdsman, protects; prtanayati ^^Ais ; but it is sometimes 
 treated in the other methods of an a-stem ; thus, prtanyati j^'grAis ; tilotta- 
 miyati acts Tilottama. 
 
 1061. From stems in i, i, and u, Vi. Such stems are (especially 
 those in u, u) very rare. They show regularly i and u before ya: thus, 
 aratiydti (also -tiy-) plots injury; janlyati (also -niy-) seeks a wife; 
 sakhiyati desires friendship; nariyate turns wo7nan; — 9atriiyati acts 
 the foe; rjuyati is straight; vasuyati desires wealth; aauykti grumbles, 
 is discontented : with short u, gatuyati sets in motion. 
 
 a. More rarely, i or u is treated as a (or else is gunated, with loss 
 of a y or v) : thus, dhunayati comes snorting; laghayati makes easier. 
 Sometimes, as to a (above, 1059 fj, a sibilant is added: thus, avisyati 
 is vehement; urusyati saves. From dhi, RV. makes dhiyayate. 
 
 1062. From other vowel-stems, a. Final r is changed to ri: 
 thus, matriyati treats as a mother (only quotable example). 
 
 b. The diphthongs, in the few cases that occur, have their final ele- 
 ment changed to a semivowel : thus, gavyati seeks cattle, goes a-raiding. 
 
 1063. From consonant-stems. A final consonant usually remains 
 before ya : thus, bhisajyati plays the physician, cures ; uksanyati acts 
 like a bull; apasyati is active; namasyati pays reverence; sumanasyate 
 is favorably disposed; tarusyati fights. 
 
 a. But a final n is sometimes dropped, and the preceding vowel treated 
 as a final: thus, rajayate or rajiyati is kingly, from rajan; -karma- 
 yati from -k arm an; svamiyati treats as master, from svamin: vrsa- 
 yate from vrsan is the only example quotable from the older language. 
 Sporadic cases occur of other final consonants similarly treated : thus, oja- 
 yate from ojas, -manayate from -manas; — while, on the other hand, 
 an a-vowel is occasionally added to such a consonant before ya: thus, isa- 
 yati from is, satvanayati from satvan. 
 
 1064. The largest class of consonantal stems are those showing a s 
 before the ya; and, as has been seen above, a sibilant is sometimes, by 
 analogy, added to a final vowel, making the denomitive-sign virtually sya
 
 1064— J XIV. Secondaky Conjugation. 390 
 
 — or oven, with a «Uo «dd«(l after an i- or u-vowfcl, aeya ; »nd thl« nomM 
 to bo rucogiiiztd by the gratnm»ri«n8 as &u indopeiident tign, forming denom- 
 inatlvoB that exprcbs doi»iro: thug, Bumakhosyite m vu-ny, Jlva&asya- 
 (In -sya lor,- nf life), vrsaByati <lti,trci, the tnalr (the only quotable eiam- 
 pleHj; madhusyati it madhvasyati lotiya for honry \ k^iraayati cravea 
 milk. 
 
 1005. Thf granimarlant- rc-kon ai a apccial claaa of denominativea 
 in kamya what are really only ordinary ones mad<- from a compound nour- 
 sKm huviiig kftma as lt« llnal member: thus, rathak&myati long» for 
 tfir chariot (^K.: only exampl.- found in the older langua>r..ji arthak&m- 
 yati (lenireit trealth; putrakamyati iri^he* a son (the only quoUble exam- 
 ples); coming from the po»Bc»»ivo compounds rathakama etc. And arthft- 
 pftyati treats as properti/ it- a (-'•le <iuolableJ exau.pl.- of a stem having 
 the PraWrltlc causative form (1042 n), 
 
 a. Stems of anomaloui* formation are draghaya from dirRha, dra^h- 
 aya from dr(Jha. and perhaps mradaya from mfdu. 
 
 1066. a. A number of denominative stems occur in the Veda fot 
 which no corresponding noun-stems are found, although for all or nearly 
 all of them related words upear: tbu>, afikuyi, stabhuyA, ifudhya; 
 dhisanyA, ri^anyi, ruvanya, huvanya, isanya; ratharya, (jratharya, 
 saparya; iyasya l».H.), irasya, dacjasyu, makhasya, panasya, sa- 
 casyd. Those in anya, especially, look like the beginnings of a new 
 conjugation-class. 
 
 b. Having still more that aspect, however, are a Neo.c group <j1 Mtms 
 in aya, which in general have allied themselves to present-systems of the 
 na-clajs (^732), und are found alongside the forms of that class: thuc, 
 grbhay&ti beside grbhnati. Of such. UV. has gj-bhaya, mathayi, 
 prusaya, musaya, (jrathaya, skabhaya, stabhaya. A few oth.rs 
 have no na-dass . onipanioiir^ : thus, damaya, 9amaya, tudaya (A\ .)•, 
 and panaya, na9aya, vysaya (x'vra rai>A. vasaya (y vaa clothf), and 
 perhaps a<jaya (l'^a9 attain). 
 
 c. Here may be mentioned also quasi-denominatives made from ono- 
 matopoetic combinations of sounds, generally with repetition: e. g. k^aki- 
 taya, thatathataraya, misamisaya, qaracjarfiya. 
 
 1067. The denominative stems in UV. and AV. with causative accent- 
 uation are: RV. ankhaya, arthaya, iaaya (also isaya), urjaya, rtAya, 
 krpaya, mantraya, mrgiya, vavraya, vajaya (also vajaya), vilaya, 
 susvaya (also susvaya); AV. adds kirtaya, dhiipaya, palaya, viraya, 
 sabhagaya. 
 
 a. The accent of anniya and hastaya (RV.) is wholly anomalous. 
 
 1068. Inflection. The denominative stems are in- 
 flected with regularity like the other stems ending in ?Ia 
 (733 a) throughout the present-system. Forms outside of
 
 391 Denominative. [ — 1069 
 
 that system — except from the stems which are reckoned 
 to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all re- 
 spects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity. 
 
 a. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except 
 unayis (with ma prohibitive), an is-aorist 2d sing. (cf. 1048). Further 
 examples of this aorist are asuyit ('j'B.), papayista (TS.: pi., -with ma 
 prohibitive), and avrsayisata (VS. etc.). The form asaparyait (AV- 
 xiv. 2. 20), with ai for i (555c), might be aorist; but, as the metre 
 shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyait, certainly imperfect, 
 appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 83). Other forms begin to appear in the 
 Brahmanas: e. g. the futures gopajrisyati (^'B.), meghayisyant, kan- 
 (^iijdsyant, (jikayisyant (TS.), the participles bhisajyita (? JB. -jita) 
 and iyasita (^B.), kanduyita, 9Lkita, and meghita (TS.), the gerund 
 BamQlaksnya (f"B.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms out- 
 side tho present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and 
 of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any. examples are the cansa- 
 tives dhumayaya and asuyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhisisena- 
 yisa (<;ic.). 
 
 b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of 
 those from causative stems (1051g). In the older language, those in u 
 and a (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in 
 ana prevails over all others. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 
 
 1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic 
 future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has 
 become in the later language a recognized part of every 
 verbal conjugation, and since, though still remainig essen- 
 tially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and al- 
 tered in construction as to assume in considerable measure 
 the semblance of an integral tense-formation. 
 
 By far the most important other formation of the 
 class is —
 
 1070—1 XV. PEUll'liUANTlC AND COMI'OUND CONJUGATION. 392 
 
 The Periphrastic Perfect. 
 1070. Tills though almost uukimwu in tlie Veda, and 
 coming only f^radually into use in the lirahrnan;i« ia a 
 tense wiilcly made and frequently used in the classical 
 Sanskrit. 
 
 a. It is made hy prctixing the acusative of a deriva- 
 tive noun-stem in Ul ft accented to the perfect tense of an 
 auxiliary verb: namely, of j^kf make, more often of 
 yW\ as be, and very rarely of y"*] bhQ fjc. 
 
 b. In the older lan(tuagt< (see below, 1073 dj, kf is almost tbo onJy 
 auxiliary used iu making this tunsf, as urourring very few times, and bbu 
 never. Later, also, bhu Js, quite rare (it is found nine timet in Mlth., 
 six times in Kgli., ami a ffw timt's elsewhere), but as g^ins very f;reatly 
 in currency, having become the usual auxiliary, while kf is only exceptional. 
 
 c. Somewhat similar formations with yet other auxiliarieo are not 
 absolutely unknown in the later language: thus varay&ih pracakramus 
 (Mllh.), puray&m (etc.) vyadhus (Viracaritra), infe^ay&m avatsit (ib). 
 
 1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs aa follows: 
 
 a. It is the accepted perfect of the derivative conjuga- 
 tions: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative; 
 the noun in m a being made from the present-stem which is 
 the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from y"^J budh, 
 intensive ^VJ'JV^ bobudham, desiderative HT'lrHUI bubhutsam. 
 
 ^-= ;^ ^ -- 
 
 causative '=4iMUm bodhayam; denominative ^FTTR mantray- 
 am. 
 
 b. The formation ftom causative .'teni? (^mcluiiing those deuonjiuatives 
 which have assumed the aspect of causatives: 1056) is by far the moat 
 frequent. Only a few desideratives are quotable (1034 a), and of inten- 
 sives only jagaram asa (1020a; beside jajagara). 
 
 c. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syl- 
 lable long by nature or long by position make this perfect 
 onlv, and not the simple one: thus. *Jihh asam from i^TR 
 as stt: MFT iksam from >3^ Iks see: ZT^FFT ujjham from 
 ] 3^ ujh forsake; Y^JTR edham from yy-J edh thrive (the 
 only examples quotable).
 
 393 Periphrastic Perfect. [_1073 
 
 d. Excepted are the roots ap and anch, and those beginning with a 
 before two consonants (and taking an as reduplication: 788). 
 
 e. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of 
 more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, eakasam. 
 But urnu (713) is said to form urnonava only; while jagr (1020) 
 makes a perfect of either formation, and daridra (1024 a) is said to do 
 the same. 
 
 f. A few other roots make the periphrastic in addition to the usual 
 reduplicated perfect. Thus, in the older language only are found the stems 
 cay am, tayam, nilayam, vasam (j/vas dwell), vidam (]/vid know), 
 vyayam, and the reduplicated stems bibhayam and juhavam; the later 
 language adis ayam, jayam, dayam, nayam, smayam, hvayam, and 
 the rednplicafed bibharam ; and the grammarians teach like formations 
 from us, kaa, and the reduplicating hri. The stem is made in every case 
 from the present-stem with guna of a final vowel. 
 
 1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is 
 made with the middle inflection of y^\ kr. For passive 
 use, the auxiliaries W\ as and H bhu are said to be allowed 
 to take a middle inflection, 
 
 a. One or two late examples of bhu with middle inflection have been 
 pointed out, but none of as. 
 
 b. It is unnecessary to give a paradigm of this formation, as 
 the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent 
 use: for that of )/kr, see 800k; of |/bhu, see 800 d; of }/as, see 800m. 
 
 e. The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other 
 words are not occasionally allowed to come between them : thus, raiman- 
 sam eva cakre ((j'B.) he merely sjjecidated ; vidam va idam ayam 
 cakara (JB.) he verily kneiv this; prabhranijayam yo naghusam ca- 
 kara who made Naghusha fall headlong (Rgh.). 
 
 1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation 
 with a derivative noun in am as it appears especially in the later 
 language; earlier, its aspect is rather that of a more general, but 
 quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of 
 the root kr. Thus: 
 
 a. Of the periphrastic perfect occurs only a single example in the 
 whole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayam cakara (AV.). 
 In the Brahmanas examples from causative stems begin to appear more 
 freely, but are everywhere few in number except in ^B. (which has them 
 from twenty-four roots, and a few of these in several occurrences). From 
 desiderative stems they are yet rarer (only seven occurrences, five of them 
 in gB.: see 1034 a); and from intensives they are unknown. The peri- 
 phrastic perfects of primary conjugation were noted above (1071 f: in QB,,
 
 1073—) \V. rKltU'lIUAWTK' A.NU COMI'OL'NU CONJUGATION. 394 
 
 eight steiuB Biiil tbout eighty ocrurrenrea, chiefly from ik^, bhi, aii<l vid; 
 that fruiii vid lit fuiind in the gn-atcit number of tvxU). 
 
 b< i-'oriiid with the aoritt of the auxiliary are in the cl'l«-kt lir^hir 
 iiB iiunnrnu.s as thoie with the perfect. '1 hiif, with akar o'cur rama>i>iii 
 (K.), janayam mxl BAdayam and avadayam mi'l athapayam (M>.J, 
 and with akran, vidain (T8. TB. MS). Wlih the aoriat oputtro or pre. 
 intivu has been found only p&vayaih kriy&t (M.S.). 
 
 c. Lil(o roiiibiiutiotib with other tenaea are not entirely unkn" 
 tlius, Juhav&ih karoti (VV*^)- •*'<' ■'*<' '" **"' '•"' laiieii«c<-. where 
 buon found <|iioublf half-a-<luzen luih r«sea «a vid&lh karoti (f 
 vidam karotu and kurvantu (Pafic. ote.J. 
 
 d. Only two or three catea of the nae of aB inkt<-ad of k|> ta aatil- 
 iiiry are mot with in the older lantrniifce: they are mantray&m Ma (.\B. 
 on.), janay&m &8a IV*^')- *"'* ik^am Aaa («,', ^J- 
 
 e. A binglu example of an accented auxiliary ia met with in the accent- 
 uated texts: namely, atiracayam cakrus (VB.). Am waa to be expected, 
 from the nature of the combination, the noun alao rctainf it* accent (com- 
 pare 045). 
 
 Participial Periphrastic Phrases. 
 
 1074. The freiiuent use, especially in the later language, 
 
 of a past or a future paasive participle with the copula (or 
 
 also without it) to make participial phrases havnng a value 
 
 analogous to that of verb-tenses, has been already noticed 
 
 (999\ Hut other similar combinations are not unknown in 
 
 any period of the language, as made with other auxiliaries, 
 
 or with other participles. 
 
 a. TUcy occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and 
 conspicuous in the Brahmanas, and become again of minor account in the 
 later laiignage. 
 
 1076. Examples of the various formations are as follows: 
 a. A (usually present) participle with the teases of the verb i go. 
 This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most freqaeut occur- 
 rence. Thus: ayajvano vibhajann eti vedah (RV.) he ever gives aic ay 
 the icealth of the non-offerer : yatha sucya vasah samdadhad iyad 
 evam evai 'tabhir yajnasya chidram samdadhad eti (AB.) jtut as 
 one would mend [habituallg] a garment tctth a needle, so with these one 
 mends any defect of the sacrijice ; agnir va idam vai9vanaro dahann 
 ait (PB.) Agni Vaicvanara kept burning this creation: te 'snrah para- 
 jita yanto dyavaprthivi upa9rayan (TB.) those Asuras, getting beaten., 
 took refuge tcith heaven and earth ; te 'sya grhEh pa9ava upamiirya- 
 mana iynh (^B.) the animals, his family, tcould be continually destroyed.
 
 395 Participial Phrases. 
 
 r— 1076 
 
 b. The same with the verh car go [continually or habitually) signifying 
 still more distinctly than the preceding a continued or hahitual action. Thus: 
 agnav agni9 carati pravistah (AV.) Agni is constantly present in the 
 
 fire; adandyam dandena ghnantag earanti (PB.) they mahe a practice 
 of beating icith a rod what is undeserving of punishment. 
 
 c. The same with the verhs as sit and stha stand, with a like mean- 
 ing. Thus, juhvata asate (K.) they continue sacrificing; te 'pakramya 
 prativavadato 'tisthan (AB.) they, having gone of, kept vehemently 
 refusing. In Jthe later language, stha is the verb oftenest used, with predi- 
 cates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance. 
 
 d. A present or future or perfect participle with as and bhu be. 
 The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative, 
 bhu usually in other forms. Thus: yah purvam anijanah syat (AB.) 
 tchoever may not have made sacrifice before; samavad eva yajne kur- 
 vana asan (GB.) they did the same thing at the sacrifice; parikridanta 
 asan (MS.) they tvere playing about; yatra suptva punar na Vadra- 
 syan bhavati ((^B.) when, after sleeping, he is not going to fall asleep 
 again ; havyam hi vaksyan bhavati (AB.) for he is inte^iding to carry 
 the sacrifice; dasyant syat (K.) 7nay be going to give; yena vahanena 
 syantsyant syat (VB.) with what vehicle he may be about to drive. True 
 expressions tor perfect and pluperfect and future perfect time are capable 
 of being made by such means, and now and then are made, but in no 
 regular and continued fashion. 
 
 Composition with Prepositional Prefixes. 
 
 1076. All the forms, personal and other, of A'erbal con- 
 jugation — of both primary and secondary conjugation, 
 and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the 
 denominative stems have become assimilated in value to 
 simple roots) — occur very frequently in combination with 
 certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character 
 (see the next chapter, the so-called prepositions (according 
 to the original use of that term, or the verbal prefixes. 
 
 a. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root 
 were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation 
 (with derivatives: below, chap. XVII.) is made, just as from the simple 
 root. Yet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081 a-c), the 
 combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent 
 value, that in most dictionaries (that of Sir Monier Williams is an exception) 
 the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root, 
 and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative v.'ords, however.
 
 1076 ] XV. I'liUUMIllAHIK' AM. COMI'OUNU CONJUGATION. 390 
 
 are by univcriial agreumunt given in tbt-ir iii(le|)eii(ieiit alpliabetic plaee, like 
 feimple wuhIh. 
 
 1077. 'I'hoBi' verliiil prelixcM which liavc value da such 
 throuj»:houl the whole hibtory of the language are given 
 below in alphabetic order with their fundamental meauingM: 
 
 Ulr\ liti arross, beyond, pudt, over, to excvm ; 
 ^'} ddhi above, ocer, on, on to; 
 »n linu cjfvr, (do /I (J, totcaid\ 
 rTrTT ;»ntar between, amont/, tcitliin; 
 W\ upu (itvuy, forth, off; 
 ^T tipi unto, close upon or on; 
 
 JTT'T abhi to, unto, ayainst (often with implied violence); 
 ^ tiva doicn, off; 
 m a to, unto, at; 
 T^ lid uj), up forth or out: 
 '5^ lipa to, unto, toward; 
 H ni down; in, into; 
 HH nis out, forth ; 
 ^^ para to a distance, away, forth: 
 ^\J pari round about, around; 
 !T pra forward, onward, forth, fore; 
 
 ITTFT prati in reversed direction, back to or against, 
 in return; 
 
 Tc? vi apart, asunder, away, out; 
 Vm ^am along, tcith, togethei'. 
 
 a. Some of these, of course, are used much more widely aud frequently 
 thau others. lu order of frequency in the older language (as estimated by 
 the number of roots with vrhich they are found used in RV. aud AV.), they 
 stand as follows : pra, a, vi, sam, abhi, ni, ud, pari, anu, upa, prati, 
 ava, nis, ati, apa, para, adhi, api. antar. Api i» of very limited 
 use as prefix in the later language, having become a conjunction, too, also. 
 
 b. The meanings given above are only the leading ones. In combinations 
 of root and prefix they undergo much modification, both literal and figurative 
 — yet seldom in such a way that the steps of transition from the fund- 
 amental sense are not easy to trace. Sometimes, indeed, the value of a
 
 397 Verbal Prefixes. r iqsi 
 
 root is hardly perceptibly modified by the addition of the prefix An in- 
 tensive force is not infrequently given hy pari, vi, and sam. 
 
 1078. Prefixes essentially akin with the above, but more dis- 
 tinctly adverbial, and of more restricted use, are these: 
 
 acha (or acha) to, unto: tolerably frequent in RV. (used with 
 over twenty roots), but already unusual in AV. (only two roots), quite 
 restricted in B., and entirely lost in the later language; 
 
 avis forth to sight, in view: used only with 4;he roots bhti, as, 
 and kr; 
 
 tiras through, crossicays; out of sight: hardly used exgent with 
 kr. dha, bhu (in Ry., with three or four others); ' " "^"" ' 
 
 puras in front, forivard: used with only half-a-dozen roots, 
 especially kr, dha, i; 
 
 pradus forth to view: only with bhu, as, kr. 
 
 a. A' few others, as bahis outside, vina without, alam (with bhii 
 and kr) suffieienily, properly, saksat in view, are still less removed from 
 ordinary adverbs, 
 
 1079. Of yet more limited use, and of noun- rather than adverb- 
 value, are: 
 
 (jrad (or Qrath?), only with dha (in RV., once also with kr): 
 <;raddha believe, credit: 
 
 hin, only with kr (and ahsolete in the classical language): hirikr 
 make the sound hing, low, murmur. 
 
 a. An.l beside these stand yet more fortuitous combinations: see 
 below, 1091. 
 
 1080. More than one prefix may be set before the same 
 
 root. Combinations of two are quite usual; of three, much 
 
 less common; of more than three, rare. Their order is in 
 
 general determined only by the requirements of the meaning, 
 
 each added prefix bringing a further modification to the 
 
 combination before which it is set. But ^ d is almost 
 
 never allowed, either earlier or later, to be put in front 
 
 of any of the others. 
 
 a. The very rare cases of apparent preflxion of a to another prefix 
 (as avihanti MBh., avitanvanah BhP.) are perhaps best explained as 
 having the a used independently, as an adverb. 
 
 1081. In classical Sanskrit, the prefix stands immediately 
 
 before the verbal form. 
 
 a. In the earlier language, however (especially in the Veda; in 
 the Brahmana less often and more restrictedly), its position is quite
 
 1081—] XV. Peuiimiuastic and Compound Conjugation. 398 
 
 free: it may ho bqiarutcd from the verb by auuibor word or words, 
 and iiiiiy even eoiue after tlit- form to wliicli it buiougit; it may alitu 
 .stuiid iiloiie, qualifyiiij,' u verb that is understood, or coujoiutly witli 
 aiiotlier prefix one that iu uxprcHsed. 
 
 b. 'Jlius, ah devoA 6 'hk vakijyatl H'V.) he thatl bring Vu yodt 
 hither; pra na ayufi^i tftri^at (AV.) may % lengthen out our livet; tiv 
 a ydtam upa dravat (KV.) do yr two come hither f/uirkly; g4niAd 
 vujebhir a ak nah (UV i mai/ he rome trith tjiftn hither to ui\ p&ri 
 mtiiii pari mo prajtidi pari ijah pahi yad dhanain (AV.) protect me, 
 my progeny, and tchat treallh ice own \ y&tah 8ady& & ca para oa y&nti 
 ( AV.) from tchence every day they advance and retire; vy ahaih aarve^A 
 p&pman& favctamj vi yak^mena aim ayu^A (AV.) / have teparated 
 
 from nil evil, front dinfime, \I have joined myself] with life, vl hy 
 
 enena pa<jyati (AIJ) for by it he $eei\ vi va e^k prajaya pa^iibhir 
 rdhyate (TB.) he is deprived of progeny and cattle. 
 
 o. Three or four instances have been cited from the Ittcr laofiuge 
 of a prolix separated from, or following, a Torb ; perhaps the prefix in every 
 
 such case mluiits of beiti); refrardi-d a" an al\crb. 
 
 1082. As regardfl the accent of verb-forms compounded with 
 preBxes, only the case necd.s to bo considered in which the prefix 
 stands (as always in the later language) immediately before the verb; 
 otherwise, verb and prefix are treated as two independent words. 
 
 1083. a. A personal verbal form, as has been seen above (50S), 
 is ordinarily unaccented; before such a form, the prefix has its own 
 accent ; or, if two or more precede tlie same form, the ono noarest 
 the latter is so accented, and the others lose their accent 
 
 b. If, however, the verb-form is accented, the prefix or prefixes 
 lose their accent. 
 
 c. That is, in every case, the verb along with its normally 
 situated prefix or prefixes so far constitutes a unity that the whole 
 eombiuation is allowed to take but a single accent. 
 
 d. Examples are: pare 'hi nari punar e 'hi kaipram (AV.) go 
 away, woman : come again quickly ; atha 'stam viparetana (RV. ) then 
 scatter ye away to your home; samacinusva 'nusamprayahi (AV.) 
 gather together, go forth together after: yad grhan upodaiti ( AV.) when 
 he goes up to the house; eva ca tvam sarama ajagantha (RV.) nmr 
 that you, Sarama, have thus come hither; yena "Vistitah praviv6(jitha 
 'pah (RV.) enveloped in which thou didst enter the waters. 
 
 1084. A prefix, however, not seldom has a more independent 
 value, as a general adverb of direction, or as a preposition [in the 
 usual modern sense of that term), belonging to and governing a noun; 
 in such case, it is not drawn in to form part of a verbal compound, 
 but has its own accent. The two kinds of use shade into one another, 
 and are not divisible by any distinct and fixed line.
 
 399 Verbal Prefixes. 
 
 [—1087 
 
 a. There is in RV.^a considerate number of cases (some thirty) in 
 which the pada-text giv'es unnecessarily, and probably wrongly, an inde- 
 pendent accent to a prefix before an accented verb (or other prefix): re- 
 solving, for example, artihat into a aruhat, vyacet into vi acet, 
 abhyavarsit into abhi avarsit, vyasarat into va a asarat (instead of 
 a-aruhat etc.). 
 
 1085. In combination with the non-personal parts of the verb- 
 Bystem — with participles, infinitives, and gerunds — the general rule 
 is that the prefix loses its accent, in favor of the other member of the 
 compound. But the prefix instead has sometimes the accent: namely, 
 when combined — 
 
 a. with the passive participle in ta or na: thus, pareta gone 
 forth; antarhita concealed; avapanna fallen; sampurna complete \ 
 ^cf. 1284. ■ ! 
 
 b. But some t-xceptions to this rule are met with: e. g., in RV., nicita, 
 niakrta, pra9a8ta, nisatta, etc.; in AV., apakrita. 
 
 c. with the infinitive in tu (972 1, in all its cases: thus, sam- 
 hartum to collect; apidhatave to cover up; avagantos of descendiiig. 
 Tlie doubly accented dative in tavai retains its final accent, but 
 throws the other back upon the prefix : thus, anvetavai for follotv- 
 ing; apabhartavai /or carrying off. 
 
 1086. The closeness of combination between the root and the 
 prefix is indicated not only by their unity of accent, but also by the 
 euphonic rules (e. g. 185, 192;, which allow the mutual adaptations 
 of the two to be made to some extent as if they were parts of a 
 unitary word. 
 
 1087. A few special irregularities call for notice: 
 
 a. In the later language, api, adhi, and ava, in connection, with 
 certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel: namely, 
 api with nah and dha, adhi with stha, ava with gah etc.: e. g. 
 pinaddha, pihita, dhisthita, vagahya, vatansa, vadanya, vastabhya, 
 vamajjana, veksana, valepana. In the Veda, on the other hand, is 
 i- in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with Y^r. 
 
 b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the 
 older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g. 
 pratikara, nlvrt, parihara, virudh, adhivasa, apivrta, abhivarta; 
 anurudh; avayati, pravrs, upavasu. In the Veda, the initial of anu 
 is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. ananuda, ananukrtya. 
 
 c. In combination with j/i^Oj,^ the j>refixes para, pari, and pra 
 sometimes change their r to 1. In this way is .form,ed a kifld of derivative 
 bteui palay Jiee., inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which 
 is not uncommon from the Brahmanas down, and has so lost the con- 
 soiousuess of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus, 
 apalayisthas (^rs.), apalayata (R.), apalayanta (MBh.); it makes
 
 1087-1 XV. I'KIIIRMUA.STIC ANI* CoMl'OUND CONJUGATION. 100 
 
 t|jo periphrnNlic ptrfoct palayaiii cakre. Tb«« Btem palyay, •imllar'.y 
 iiiflccU'd, occur.M only in one or two texts (^'U. JB. JUB.); and plfty hi* 
 been found ndwiioro excipt in MH. AUo th« iinjiorleri nil&yata (T>. TB.: 
 not separated In the pada-loxt) and p-rfitt nilayam cukre (*,U) are 
 doubtless a rorrcBpoiidini; forniation fruui yi with nia. tbuii|;K nearly akin 
 in form an«l mianing with fornin from ^l -J- ni. So aUo pari becomea 
 pali in Ibo combination palyang (<.'H. VV'*^). ^'hethc-r vlriwtd a« a deiiom- 
 iniitivo formation or as yahfi -]- pari. And MS. has once plaks&rayan 
 (iii. in. 'i ; in an itymo!o;;y). 
 
 d. Iho root kf malce Konn-timeB axaumcs (or retains from a more 
 original condition) an initial s afti-r the prellxes Bum, pari, nis, and upa 
 thuo, Badiskurute, Bamaskxirvan, Bmfaakrta, itc; pariBkfnvanti, 
 pariBkrta, etc.; nlr aakfta; upaBkfta. And y/kf Bcatter it> haid by 
 the gruniniiirian.s to aiid B in tlio same manner, under rcriain rlrruni8lanc<-», 
 after apa and prati (only apaskiramana, praticaekare, both la»e, are 
 quotable). 
 
 e. The passive participle of the roott d& give and dft cut ha« oftL-n 
 the abbrevialed form tta afier a prefix — of whiih the final %owei, jf i, Is 
 lengthened (poniparo 865 f, and the derivative in ti. below, 1157cJ. 
 
 f. In a few sporadic cases, the augment is taken before a prefix, 
 instead of between it and the root: thus, ava^a^karfit (GB.); udapra- 
 patat (AB); anvaaamcarat, pratyasamharat, pratyavyuhat, anv- 
 avikBetam, apraisit, asambhramat (MBh ); abhyanimantrayat 
 (llir.); vyavasthapi (SDS.); romp ire al?o the forms fmm palay, above, c. 
 And AB. has once ninlyoja (for niyuyoja, as read in the corresponding 
 passage of <,"<^S.). Some of the apparent roots of the language have been 
 suspected of being results of a similar unifl<ation of root and prefix: e. g. 
 ap from a + ap, vyac from vi + ac, tyaj from ati + aj. 
 
 g. The loss of the initial 8 of Btha and Btambh after the prefix 
 ud has been noticed above (233c) Also (137 a, c). certain peculiarities 
 of combination of a prefix with the initial vowel of a root. 
 
 1088. As to the more general adverbial uses of the prefixes, 
 and their prepositional uses, see the next chapter. 
 
 1089. As to the combination of the parti' les a or an privative, du8 
 ill, ami su icell, with verb-forms, see 1121b, g, i. As to the addition of 
 the comparative and superlative suffixes taram and tamam to verbs, see 
 above, 473 e. 
 
 Other Verbal Compounds. 
 
 1090. It has been seen above that some of the prepositional 
 prefixes are employed in combination v\ith only very small clagses 
 of roots, namel)" those whose meaning makes them best fitted for 
 auxiliary and periphrastic uses — such as kr make, bhu and as be, 
 dha put, i (70 — and that the first of these are widely used in com-
 
 401 Verbal Compounds. [ — 1093 
 
 bination with a derivative in am to make a periphrastic conjugation. 
 Such roots have also been, from the earliest period of the language, 
 but with increasing frequency, used in somewhat analogous combi- 
 nations with other elements, substantive and adjective as well as 
 adverbial; and this has become, in part, developed finally into a 
 regular and indefinitely extensible method of increasing the resources 
 of verbal expression. 
 
 1091. a. The older language has a miml)er of (mostly) reduplicative 
 onomatfpootic compounds with roots kr and bhix, the prefixed element end- 
 ing in a or i (generally the former): thus, in RV., akkhalikrtya croah- 
 ing, janjanabhavant flimmering, alalabhavant making merry, kikira 
 krnu tear; in AV., masmasa 'karam I have crushed; in VS., mas- 
 masa falso TS.; MS. mrsmrsa) kuru; in TS., malmalabhavant; in K., 
 manmalabhavant, kikkitakara; in MS., bibibabhavant, bharbhara 
 'bhavat; in AB., bababakurvant. The accentuation, wLere shown, is 
 like that of a verb-form with accompanying prefix. 
 
 b. Further, combinations with -j/kr of utterances used at the sacrifice, 
 and mo tly ending in a: thus, svaha, svadha, svaga; also vaaat. In 
 these, too, the accentuation is generally that of a verb with prefix: e. g. 
 Bvagakaroti ((,'R.; but svadha karoti [?] TA.), vasatkuryat (MS.); 
 and, with another prefix, anuvasatkaroti (^'B.). 
 
 c. Au instance or two also occur of ordinary words in such combi- 
 nations, put in corresponding form: thus, 9iila kuryat (^B.) may roast 
 on a pit (Qula); anrnakartos (AB.) of getting clear of debt; aikya- 
 bhavayant (A A.) uniting. 
 
 1092. a. The noun namas obeisance, homage, in a still more purely 
 noun-value, becomes combined with |/kr: in the Veda, only with the gerund, 
 in namaskrtya (beside hastagrhya and karnagfhya: above, 990 b). 
 
 b. A siilitary combination with ]/i go is shown by the accusative as- 
 tam home; which, appearing only in ordinary phrases in RV., is in AV. 
 compounded with the participles — in astamyant, astamesyant, asta- 
 mita (with accent like that of ordinary compounds with a prefix) — and 
 in the Brahmanas and the later language is treated quite like a prefix: 
 thus, astameti (CB.). 
 
 c. Other ordinary accusative forms of adjectives in combination with 
 verbal derivatives of kr and bhii are found here and there in the older 
 language: thus, Qrtamkftya and nagnamkftya (TS.); nagnambhavuka, 
 pamanambhavuka etc. (TS. et al.); anaruskaroti (^'B.). 
 
 1093. In the early but not in the earliest language, a noun- 
 stem thus compounded with kr or bhu (and very rarely with as), 
 in verbal nouns and ordinary derivatives, and then also in verbal 
 forms, begins to assume a constant ending i (of doubtful origin). 
 
 a. There is no instance of this in RV., unless the I of akkhalikrtya 
 (above, 1091 a) is to be so explained. In AV., besides the obscure 
 Whitney, Qraromar. 3. ed. 26
 
 1093—1 XV. PKUII'IIUANTK AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 402 
 
 vfttikfta aiul vfttikdrA, Is fountl only phullkarana. lu tin- Hrahmana 
 language, examples bfg;ln to occur more often: thui, In TS., 9yeti, mith- 
 uni, mimti; In TB., furth.r, phali, kriiri, udvftai; In (,U., behi<)eb 
 some of tliese, also eki, kftlv&li, tivrl, daridri, br&hmanl, mithuni, 
 Bvl; and a^vabhidhani, of wliith («» of mu^^ij tlic i nil.-lit be th»t of 
 nn ordinary grammatical form; In K., dvl; in OH., pravanl; in SB., 
 vajri; in AH., mati (from matya). From Upanishad and Sutra are to 
 be added dvaiti (Ml .), sami (K«,S.), navi and ku^ali (AGS.). Th 
 accent Is in cumral liko tint of t)i<- itiiuitir conibiiiatiou» treated abovi- < 1081 ) : 
 e. g. krurikurvinti, svikj-tya, brahmanlbhuya, mithunibhavantyau, 
 phulikartuvai, krurikfta; but sometimes a mere coUoratlou talies place: 
 tiiu.s, mithuni bhavantis (TS.), phali kriy&m&n&n&m (TU.), vajri 
 bhutva (TA. I. I ht I is variously trcitel ; now at> an uncomblnable final, 
 as in 9yeti akuruta and mithuni abhavan (TS.); now as liable to the 
 ordinary conversions, as in mithuny enayA sy&m, mithuny abhih 
 syam, and avyakurvata (<,'U.j. 
 
 b. Out of such beginnings has gro^vn in th<- later language the follow- 
 ing rule: 
 
 1094. Any noun or adjective stem is liable to be com- 
 pounded with verbal forms or derivatives of the roots m 
 kr and H bhu and of SR as also; but such cases are ex- 
 tremely rare, in the manner of a verbal prefix. If the 
 final of the stem be an a- or i-vowel, it is changed to ^ I; 
 if an u-vowel, it is changed to 3" u. 
 
 a. Examples are: stambhibhavati becomes a post; ekacittibhuya 
 becomingof one mind\ upahArikaroBi thou makest an offering; nakhapra- 
 harajarjarikrta torn to pieces with blows of the clairs: 9ithilibhavajiti 
 becotne loose: kundeQikrta ring-shaped; surabhikrta made fragrant; 
 adhikarana pawning: rjukrtya straightening: hetukarana taking as 
 cause. As in the case of the denominatives (1059 c), the combinations 
 with a-stems are the immense majority, and occur abundantly (hardly less 
 than a thousand are quotable) in the later language, but for the most part 
 only once or twice each ; those made with i- and u-stems are a very small 
 number. In a few instances, stems in an and as, with those finals 
 changed to i, are met with: e. g. atmi-kr, yuvi-bhu; unmanikr, 
 amani-bhii; final ya after a consonant is contracted to i: e. g. kaosi-kr; 
 and anomalous cases like kamdi9i-bhii occur. Final f is said to become 
 ri, but no examples are quotable. The combinations with kr are about 
 twice as frequent as those with bhu. and examples with as do not appear 
 to have been brought to light. 
 
 b. Similar combinations are occasionally made with elements of ques- 
 tionable or altogether obscure character: e. g. \irari-kr, uri-kr. 
 
 C. Examples are not altogether wanting in the later language of a as
 
 403 Noun- and Adjective-compounds. [ — 1098 
 
 final of the compounded noun-stem (cf. 1091): thus, duhkha-kr, niskula- 
 kr, 9amba-kr, and one or two others. 
 
 1095. Of all the forms which constitute or are attached to the 
 verbal system, the passive participle is the one most closely assimi- 
 lated in its treatment as a combinable element to an ordinary adjective. 
 Next to it come the genind and the gerundives. Combinations of the 
 kind above treated of are quite common with passive participles and 
 gerunds. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 INDECLINABLES. 
 
 1096. The indeclinable words are less distinctly divided 
 into separate parts of speech in Sanskrit than is usual 
 elsewhere in Indo-European language — especially owing 
 to the fact that the class of prepositions hardly has a real 
 existence, but is represented by certain adverbial words 
 which are to a greater or less extent used prepositionally. 
 They will, however, be briefly described here under the 
 usual heads. 
 
 Adverbs. 
 
 1097. Adverbs by suffix. Classes of adverbs, some- 
 times of considerable extent, aie formed by the addition 
 of adverb-making suffixes especially to pronominal roots or 
 stem^ but also to noun and adjective stems. 
 
 a. There is no ultimate difference between such suffixes and the case- 
 endings in declension; and the adverbs of this division sometimes are used 
 in the manner of cases. 
 
 1098. With the suffix tas are made adverbs having an ablative 
 sense, and not rarely also an ablative construction. Such are made: 
 
 a. From pronominal roots, in atas, itas, tatas, yatas, kutas, 
 amutaa, svatas (not found earlier);- from the pronominal stems in t or 
 
 26*
 
 1098— J XVI. iNDKCLlNAHMiH. 404 
 
 d (494) of tlin ptTsofiftl pronouns: thiiB, mattas (only «'x»mplti In V.), 
 tvattas, aBmattas, yuBmattas; ami from pronominal ili-rlvatlTei: thus 
 itar&tas, katarataa. 
 
 b. From noun ami aiiioctivc •.tums "t . v.-ry ■ I .«■'. dnro tlip far'-' • 
 poriol, Itnt mor.. frr.ly Inter f. c mukhatiB, apfratafl, fbhutAB, fktu^-, 
 hrttas, (jir^at&B, janmataB, nast&B, yaju^^as, parAtaa, anyitaB, 
 anyatardtaB, BarvAtaB, dakBinataa, abhipataa (our*', in UV., from * 
 rane-form: patBUtaa). 
 
 o. From a few proposltioriH: thin, abh(taB, paHtaB, intitas. 
 
 d. F.xainplc-t of nlilativn i:onHtriirtioii arc: ato bhl'iyah (KV.) morr 
 ihnn that, t&tah saB^hat (AV.l /rom that nixth, ato 'nyena ((.B.) trtth 
 am/ other than this; sarvato bhayat (AGS.) /r/)m all fear \ kutaQ cid 
 decad agatya (H.) arriving from itmne region or other ; piirad itah (K.) 
 frnm this city; tasmat pretakftyatah (KSS.) /rom that dead hody. 
 
 e. But the (listlnftlve ablntlTt- meaning is not infrequently cffarf<l. hmI 
 tilt! adverb has a moro Reneral. esperially a locative, value: thus, a^atos 
 in front; asmatBamlpataa in our presence; dhanDataa m acrordanrr 
 irith duty ;• ohaga,ta.B (li.) trith reference to the goat; ^nato 'dhikah 
 (M.) superior in virtue. 
 
 1099. With the suffix tra in the older langungc often trSi) are 
 made adverbs having ii locative sense, and occasionally also a loca- 
 tive construction. 
 
 a. These adverbs are very few, compared with \hr«p in taa. Th-y 
 are formed chiefly from pronominal stems, and from oth.-r stems having a 
 qiiasl-pronominal character: namely, in tra, 4tra, tatra, y&tra, kutra, 
 amutra, anyAtra, viqvatra, aarvatra, ubhayatra, aparatra, uttara- 
 tra, itaratra, anyataratra, pui^atra, paratra, aamanatra, ekatra, 
 anekatra, ekaikatra; in tra, aamatra, aatra, purutra, bahutra, 
 dakainatra. Hut a few in tra cme from ordinary nonne: thn«, deva- 
 tra, martyatra, purusatra, manuayatra, pakatra, (jayutra, kuru- 
 pancalatra. Those in tra are distinguished from the others by their 
 accent. 
 
 b. Examples of locative construction are: hasta a dakainatra (RV.) 
 in the right hand; yatra 'dhi (RV.) in tchich; ekatra puruae (MRh.") 
 in a single man; atra maratmake (H.) t»j this murderous creature; 
 prabhutvam tatra ytijyate (H.) sovereignty hefiU him. And, as the 
 locative case is used also to express the goal of motion (304), so the ad- 
 verbs in tra have sometimes an accusative as well as a locative value: 
 thus, tatra gaccha go there or thither; patho devatra yanan (RV.) 
 roads that go to the gods. 
 
 1100. One or two other suffixes of locality are: 
 a. ha, in iha here, kulia where ? and the Vedic vi(jvaha (also vi9- 
 vaha, vi9vah.a) always (compare below, 1104b): and iha (like atra etc.:
 
 405 Adverbs by Dekivatiox. [—1102 
 
 1099b) is sometimes used with locative-case value: e. g. iha samaye 
 (H.) at this conjuncture. 
 
 b. tat, which is added to words having already a local or directive 
 value: thus, to adverbial accusatives, praktat, udaktat, tavattat; to 
 adverbial ablatives, arattat, uttarattat, parakattat; and to prepositional 
 adverbs, pa9catat, adhastat, avastat, parastat, purastat, bahistat. 
 Apparently by analogy with these last, the suffix has the form stat in 
 uparistat (and BhP. has udastatj. 
 
 c. hi, in uttarahi ((,B.) and daksinahi (not quotable). 
 
 1101. By the suffix tha are made adverbs of manner, especially 
 from pronominal roots or stems. 
 
 a. Thus, tatha, yatha; katha and ittha (by the side of which stand 
 katham and ittham; and gB. has itthat); and the rare imatha and 
 amutha. And atha (V. often atha) so then doubtless belongs with them. 
 Further, from a lew adjective and noun stems, mostly of quasi-pronominal 
 character: thus, vi9vatha, sarvatha, anyatha, ubhayatha, aparatha, 
 itaratha, yataratha, yatamatha, kataratha, katamatha, purvatha, 
 pratnatha, urdhvatha, tira9catha, ekatha (JB.), rtutha, namatha 
 (once, AV.); and evatha. 
 
 b. Yatha becomes usually toneless in V., when used in the sense of 
 iva after a noun forming .the si^ject Qf comparison : thus, tayavo yatha 
 (UV.) like thieves. 
 
 1102. One or two other suffixes of manner are: 
 
 a. ti, in iti thus, very commonly used, from the earliest period, 
 especially as particle of quotation, following the words quoted. 
 
 b. Examples are: brahmajaye 'yam iti ced avocan (RV.) if they 
 hace -said "this is a Brahman's wife''; tarn deva abruvan vratya kim 
 uu tisthasi 'ti (AV.) the yods said to him : '^^ Vratya, lohy do you standi'''' 
 I'ften, the iti is used more pregnantly: thus, yah 9raddadhati santi 
 deva iti (AY.) whoever has faith that the gods exist; tam vyaghram 
 munir miasiko 'yam iti pa9yati (H.) the sage looks upon that tiger as 
 being really a mouse; yuyam kim iti sidatha (H.) ivhy (lit. alleging 
 tchat reasoii) do you sit? 
 
 c. But iti is sometimes used in a less specialized way, to mark au 
 onomatopujia, or to indicate a gesture: e. g. bahis te astu bal iti (AV.) 
 let it come out of you with a splash ; ity agre krsaty athe 'ti (^'B.) 
 he plouglis first this way, theii this way; or it points forward to something 
 to be said: e. g. yan nv ity ahur anyani chandansi varsiyansi kas- 
 mad brhaty ucyata iti (PB.) whe?i notv they say thus: "the other 
 metres are greater; ivhy is the brhati spoken T^ It also makes a number 
 of derivatives and compounds: e. g. ititha the so-many-eth; itivat in this 
 fashion; ityarthSiJli. for this purpose; itiljasa a s^ory or legend (lit. thus 
 forsooth it was). As to the use of a nominative with iti as predicate to 
 an accusative, see 268 b.
 
 1102—1 \Vl lM)KrMNAI»LE8. 4U6 
 
 d. With the bufflx of (tl is to be compared that of tiXi tic. (619). Tie 
 word Is abbreviated to tl two or thrive times In V**- 
 
 e. va in iva (toneles-i) like, as, and evk (In V. often ev4), <»r ' 
 thus, Utir a iMrliile eniphatii/lnj? thf preceding >»or<l ; for thus io u»»d Ui- j 
 the r. lilted evam, which hardly <.rcur« in KV., and in AV. only with yvid 
 ag, ev&ih vidvan knowing than 
 
 f. Ill liitor Vedic (AV. etc., and th.: later partu of RV.) iva more often 
 counts for only a single syllable, 'va. 
 
 1103. u. By tho suffix d4 are made adverba of time, but almost 
 only from proaomiual roots. 
 
 b. Thus, tada, yada, kada (in UV. also k&dft). idi (only In V.); 
 and sida, besldt! which is u.iind earlier 8&dam. liesldes these, in the 
 older language, only Barvada; later a few others, anyadft, ekad&, nit- 
 yada. .\ quasi-locative case use is seen occasionally in such phranes as 
 kadaoid divaae (H.) on a certain day. 
 
 c. Hy tiie pirli.Tps related dfinlm «re msio idanim, tadanim, 
 vigvadanim, tvadftnim (toneless). Vigvaddni occur' as adjortivc in TB 
 
 d. With rhi AT.' lUAdi-, fmni prononiiiial root.«. t4rhi, etarhi, y&rhi, 
 karhi, amurhi 
 
 e. The ftulllx di, found only in y4dl if, is perhaps related with d&, 
 in form as in meaning. Sadadi (M.S.) is of doubtful character. 
 
 1104. By the suffix dha are formed adverbs especially from 
 numerals, signifying -fold, times, ways, etc. 
 
 a. Thus, ekadha, dvidha (.^bo dvidha and dvedhal, tridhft 
 (in the tli.^ oldtr luiL'uao' usually tredha i. eaddha (also ^odha and ^a^- 
 dha), dvada<jadha, ekannavinqatidha, sahasradha, and so on. Also, 
 naturally, from words having a quasi-numeral character: thus, anekadhfi, 
 katidha tatidha, bahudha, punidha, viQvadhS, cjacjvadha, 
 aparimitadha, yavaddha, etavaddha, masadha. In » v. ry few case?, 
 also from general noun and adjective stems: thus, mitradha (AV.). 
 priyadha (T.S. ; predha, MS.), rjudha (IB.), urudha and citradha 
 (BhP.); and from one adverb, bahirdha. 
 
 b. The particle adha or adha. a Vedic equivalent of atha. probably 
 belongs here (purudha and vi9vadha. with shortened final, occur a few 
 times in RV.); also addha in truth: and perhaps sahA with, which has 
 an equivalent sadha- in several Vedic compounds. And the other adverbs 
 In ha (1100 a) may be of like origin. 
 
 1105. From a few numerals are made multiplicarive adverbs with 8: 
 namely, dvi3, tris, and catur (probably, for caturaV 489 a. 
 
 a. The oorresponding word for once. Bakrt, is a compound rather 
 thati a derivative: and the same character belongs still more evidently to 
 pancakftvas, navakrtvas, aparimitakrtvas, etc., though krt and 
 krtvas are regarded by the native grammarians as suffixes; the earlier
 
 407 Adverbs by Derivation. [ — 1109 
 
 texts (AV. ^B. MS.) have sapta krtvas, da9a kftvas, dvada9a krtvas, 
 astav eva krtvas, etc. AB. has the redundant combination tris krtvah. 
 
 • • • 
 
 b. The quasi-siifflx dyus, from a case-form of div day, is in a 
 similar manner added to various determining words, generally made to end 
 in e: e. g. anyedyus another day, ubhayedyus (AV. -yadyus) on either 
 day, purvedyiis the day before. 
 
 1106. By the suffix 93,3 are made, especially from numeral or 
 quantitative stems, many adverbs of quantity or measure or manner, 
 generally used distributively. 
 
 a. Examples are: eka9as one by one, 9ata9as by hundreds, rtu9as 
 season by season, pacchas foot by foot, aksara9as syllable by syllable, 
 gana9a8 in croiods, stainba9as by bunches, paru99as limb by liinb, 
 tavacchas in such and such number or quantity: and, in a more general 
 way, 8arva9a8 wholly, iiiukhya9as principally, krch.ra9as stingily, 
 mauina9a8 as minded. 
 
 1107. By the suffix v4t are made with great freedom, in every 
 period of the language, adverbs signifying after the manner of, like, etc. 
 
 a. Thus, angirasvat like Angiras, manusvat (RV.) as Mann did, 
 jamadagnivat after the manner of Jamadagni, piirvavat or pratnavat 
 or puranavat as of old, kakataliyavat after the fashion of the crow 
 and the palm-fruit. 
 
 b. This is really the adverbially used accusative (with adverbial shift 
 of accent: b^lo'w, llll g) of the suffix vant (1233 f), which in the Veda 
 makes certain adjective compounds of a similar meaning: thus, tvavant 
 like thee, mavant of my sort, etc. 
 
 1 1 08. By the suffix sat are made from nouns quasi-adverbs signify- 
 ing in or into the co7idition or the posse sion of what is indicated by the 
 noun; they are used only with verbs of being, of becoming, and of making: 
 namely, oftenest kr and bhu, but also as, gam, ya, and ni (and, accord- 
 ing to the grammarians, sam-pad). Some twenty-five examples are quo- 
 table from the later literature; but none from the earlier, which also 
 appears to contain nothing that casts light upon the origin of this formation. 
 The 8 of sat is not liable to conversion into s. The connection with the 
 verb is not so close as to require the use of the gerund in ya instead of 
 that in tva (990) ; and other words are sometimes interposed between the 
 adverb and verb. 
 
 a. Examples are: sarvakarmani bhasmasat kurute (MBh.) ree/wces 
 all deeds to ashes; loko 'yam dasyusad bhaved (MBh.) this tvorld 
 would become a prey to barbarians ; yasya brahmanasat sarvam vittam 
 asit (MBh.) whose tchole property was given to Srahmans; niyatam bhas- 
 masad yati (Har.) it is inevitably reduced to ashes; agnin atmasat 
 krtva (Y.) having taken the fires to one's self. 
 
 1109. a. Suffixes, not of noun-derivation or of inflection, may be 
 traced with more or less plausibility in a few other adverbs. Thus, for
 
 1109-1 XVI. iNIiECLlNAbLEB. iO 
 
 example, in prfttdr tarly, and aanutar airat/, in dak^inft tcith ritjht hand^ 
 and cikitvlt tvitft rumideriitinu , in nunam now, and nananim turiotuly. 
 lUit the cases are in thu utain too rare and doubtful to be word notice Lert-. 
 
 b. In the epl<-H begin tu bo fuuud a luiall cU»a (.about a doz«n are 
 quotable) of adverb* having the form of a rep»-ated noun-ateiu with lt» ftrtt 
 occurrence ending In & aud lU aftcoud lu i: e. >:. haBt&haati hand to 
 ham!, rathftrathi chariot ayaitut rhunot, karn&karni ear to ear. 
 
 0. The utlvorbs thus far df»cribed arc iiliu(j«t never used prc- 
 pOBitimuiliy. Those of tlio m-xt divi»i"ii Ikiwi-mt :ir<' in luiinv iu- 
 Btanci'H 8o used. 
 
 1110. ("ase-formtj used a« Adverbs. A large num- 
 ber ot" adverbs are more or less evidently cases in form, 
 made from stems which are not otherwise in use. Also 
 many cases of known stems, pronominal or noun or adject- 
 ive, are used with an adverbial value, being distinguished 
 from proper cases by some difference o( application, which 
 is sometimes accompanied by an irregularity of form. 
 
 nil. The accusativo is the case most frequently aud widely 
 used adverbially. Thus: 
 
 a. Of prononiinal stems . as, yad if, tchen, that. etc. ; t4d then, etc. ; 
 kim why, whether, etc.; id&m now, here; adas yonder, and so on. Of 
 like value, apparently, are the (mosUy Vedic) particles kad, kam and 
 kam(?3, id, cid (common at every periodj, amad and aumad, im aud 
 aim (by some regarded as still possessing pronoun-value), -kim. Com- 
 pounds with id are ced if, ned le.si. ed, avid, kuvid; with cid, kdcid; 
 witli -kim, naklm and m^kim, and akim. 
 
 b. Of noun-stems: a*, nama by name: sukham happily: kamam 
 at will, if you please; uaktam by night, tahas secretly; osam quickly 
 (V.); aud so on. 
 
 c. Of adjective stems, iu unlimited numbers: as. aatyam truly; 
 ciram long; purvam formerly: nityam constantly: bhuyas tnore, 
 again; viqrabdham^ confidently: praka^am openly: and so on. 
 
 d. The neuter singular is the case commonly employed in this way; 
 and it is so used especially as made from great numbers of compound ad- 
 jective stems, often from such as hardly occur, or are not at all found, in 
 adjective use. Certain of these adverbial compounds, having an indecli- 
 nable as prior member, are made by the Hindu grammarians a special class 
 of compounds, called avyayibhava (1313). 
 
 e. But the feminine singular also is sometimes used, especially in 
 the so-called adverbial endings of comparison, taram .^iid tamam, vrhich 
 are attached to particles (cf. 1119), and even (473 c) to verb-forms:
 
 409 Case-forms as Adverbs. [ — 1112 
 
 e. g. nataram, kathamtaram, uccaistaram, ganaistaram, jyokta- 
 mam. In the oldest language (RV. and AV.), the neuter instead of the 
 leminiiie form of these suffixes is almost alone in use: se 1119. 
 
 f. Many adverbs of obscure form or connection are to be explained with 
 probability as accusatives of obsolete noun or adjective stems: examples are 
 tusnim in silence; sayam at evenijig; sakam thogether, with Cprep.); 
 aram or alam sufjicient (in the later-language used with |/kr in the manner 
 of a prefix: 1078 a); pray as usually; isat somewhat; amnas unex- 
 pectedly; bahis outside; mithu and mithas, muhu and muhus, jatu, 
 <iud so on. Madrik etc., and ninik (in RV.), are perhaps contracted 
 forms of adjectives having y&o or anc as their final (407 ff.). The pres- 
 ence of other roots as final members is also probable for utjadhak, anu- 
 sak and ayusak, anusthu and susthu, yugapat, etc. Compare also 
 the forms in am beside those in a, above, 1101a, 1102 e, 1103 b. 
 
 g. In (Vedic) dravat quickly is to be seen a change of accent for 
 the adverbial use (pple dravant rmming); and drahyat stoutly (RV., 
 
 ■ uce) may be another example. The comparative and superlative suffixes 
 (above, e) show a like change; and it is also to be recognized in the deriv- 
 atives with vat (1107). 
 
 1112. The instrumental is also often used with adverbial 
 value: generally in the singular, but sometimes also in the plural. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. Of pronominal stems : as, ena and aya, kaya, ana, ama, amuya. 
 
 b. Of noun-stems: as, ksanena instantly; a9eBena completely; 
 viqeaena, especially ; diva, by day; diaty a fortunately ; ssihasa, suddenly ; 
 aktubhis by night; and so on. 
 
 c. Of adjectives, both neuter (not distinguishable from masculine) and 
 feminine: as, akhilena wholly; prayena mostly; daksinena to the south- 
 uttarena to the north; antarena ivithin; cii'ena long; — 9anais and 
 9anakais slowly; uccais on high; nicais below; paracais afar; 
 tavisibhis mightily; and so on. 
 
 d. More doubtful cases, mostly from the older language, may be in- 
 stanced as follows : tiraQcata, devata, bahuta, and sasvarta (all RV.), 
 homonymous instrumentals from nouus in ta; dvita, taditna, irma, 
 mrsa, vrtha, saca, astha (?), mudha (not V.), adhuna (B. and later). 
 
 e. Adverbially used instrumentals are (in the older language), oftener 
 than any other case, distinguished from normal instrumentals by differences 
 of form: thus, especially, by an irregular accent: as, ama and diva 
 (given above); perhaps guha; apaka, asaya, . kxihaya (?) ; naktaya, 
 Bvapnaya, samana; adatraya, rtaya, ubhay^, sumnaya(?); dak- 
 sina, madhya; nica, praca, ucca, pa9ca, tira9ca; vasanta; — in 
 a few u-stems, by a y inserted before the ending, which is accented: thus, 
 amuya (given above), a9uya, sadhuya, raghuya, dhrsnuya, anus-
 
 1112—] XVI. 1m>eci.inahlks. 410 
 
 thuya, mithuyii; — ami urvlya (lor urvyaj aii-l v{9vyi (properly 
 vi9vay&l are mure Nlightly Irri'gular. 
 
 1113. Till! dative hu8 only very KCldoiu an adverbial u$e. 
 
 a. KxAinples ar« aparaya /"or ^Ar /'i/furc (KV.: with cbaiigttd arceot); 
 oirfiya Inncj; arth&ya /"/• the sake i>f\ ahn&ya pretently. 
 
 1114. 'I'lif ;il)l;i t i vf i- not iiifn-tjiiontly lined adverbially. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. or pronominal Rtemii: as, kdsmat tchyf akastuAt coMually, un- 
 expectedly: at, tit, yit (V : normal form*, Inttead of the pronominal 
 asmat etc.). 
 
 b. Of noun->t'm»: .ih, uatit nmr. arat nfnr. balftt /"orriA/y; kutQ- 
 halat einulously; eaka^at on the part of. 
 
 0. Oftt'nt'st, of aiijcctive stems: as. durat rt/or; nicat ftf/oir; pa9cat 
 behind; seik^at plainly, actually; Batn&ntAt completely ; acir&t not lony ; 
 pratyaksatam&t (AH.) mngt obvioualy; pratyantfit (.S,| to the end. 
 
 d. In a lew instances, adverbi illy n^ei sMstlvLxt likewise show a 
 changed afi.'cMit in the t-arly language: thus, apikat/"rf>wi a /Vir: am^t/roni 
 near f>y; sanat /rowj of old (but insir. B4n&); uttarat /row the north; 
 adharat belotr. 
 
 1115. The genitive is almost never used adverbially. 
 
 a. In the older language occur aktOB by night, and vaetOB f>y day: 
 later, eirasya lony. 
 
 1116. Tho locative id soiootimcs used witli adverbial v.ilue. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. From noun and adjective stems: &ke near; 4r6 and dure afar: 
 abhisvare behind; astamike at home; fte trithout (prep.); a^e in front; 
 Bthane suitably: sapadi inunediatcly: -arthe n»d -Iq'te (common in com- 
 position) for the sake of: aparisu i» after time: adau Jirst: rahasi 
 in secret. 
 
 1117. Even a nominative form appears to be stereotyped into an ad- 
 verbial value in (Vedic) kis, interrogative particle, and its compounds 
 n4kis and makis, negative particles. And masc. nominatives from anc- 
 stems (as paran AB., nyan Apast) are sometimes found used by sub- 
 stitution for neuters. 
 
 ^118. Verbal Prefixes and kindred words. The 
 verbal prefixes, described in the preceding chapter 1076 ff.\ 
 are properly adverbs, having a special office and mode of 
 use in connection with verbal roots and their more imme- 
 diate derivatives. 
 
 a. Their occasional looser connection with the verb has been 
 noticed above (1084). In the value of general adverbs, however.
 
 411 Adverbial Prefixes. [ — 1121 
 
 they only rarely occur (except as api has mainly changed its office 
 from prefix to adverb or conjunction in the later language); but their 
 prepositional uses are much more frequent and important: see below, 
 1125 b. 
 
 b. In composition with nouns, they (like other adverbial elements) not 
 infrequently have an adjective value: see below, 1281 ff., 1305. 
 
 1119. Several of the prefixes, (as noticed above, 473-4) form com- 
 parative and superlative adjectives, by the suffixes tara and tama, or ra 
 and ma: thus, uttara and uttama, adhara and adhama, apara and 
 apama, avara and avama, upara and upama, and prathama is 
 doubtless of the same character; also, antara and autama. And accusa- 
 tives of such derivative adjectives (for the most part not otherwise found in 
 use) have the value of comparatives, and rarely superlatives, to the prefixes 
 themselves: thus, 8am9itam cit samtaram sam giQadhi (AV.) w/ta^ewer 
 »j quickened do thou still further quicken ; vitaram vi kramasva (RV.) 
 stride out yet more widely ; pra tarn naya prataram vasyo acha (RV.) 
 lead him forward still further toivard advantage; lid enam uttarani 
 naya (AV.) lead him up still higher. 
 
 a. Besides those instanced, are found also nitaram, apataram, abhi- 
 taram, avataram, parataram, parastaram. In the Brahmanas and 
 later (above, 1111 e), the feminine accusative is used instead: thus, ati- 
 taram and atitamam, abhitaram, anutamam, atamam, pratitaram, 
 nitaram, uttaram, prataram and pratamam, vitaram, samtaram 
 (also RV., once). 
 
 1120. Kindred in orij^in and character with the verbal pre- 
 fixes, and used like them except in composition with verbs, are a 
 few other adverbs: thus, avas doivn; adhas helow (and adhastaram); 
 paras /a;- off (and parastaram); pura before; antara (apparently, 
 antar+ai among, hettceen; anti near; upari above; and saha (already 
 mentioned, 1104 b) along, with, and saca together, with, may be noticed 
 with them. Vina without, and visu- apart, appear to be related 
 with vi. 
 
 1121. Inseparable Prefixes. A small number of 
 adverbial prefixes are found only in combination with other 
 
 elements. Thus: 
 
 a. The negative prefix a or an — an before vowels, a before. 
 
 consonants. 
 
 b. It is combined especially with innumerable nouns and adjectives; 
 much more rarely, with adverbs, as akutra and apunar (RV.), aneva 
 (AV) anadhas (TB.), akasmat, asakrt; in rare cases, also with pro- 
 nouns (as atad, akiriicit); and even, in the laterlanguage, now and then 
 with verbs, as asprhayanti (BbP. gic.) they do not desire, alokayati 
 (SD.) he does not view. Now and and then it is prefixed to itself: e. g. 
 anakamamara, anaviprayukta, anavadya(?).
 
 1121— J X\'l lM>l.< l-lNAHLKH, J j 2 
 
 c. Ill a very tuw i'u8u», the iit-^ativi- a itppfara to be uiadc lung: 
 thus, asat non-existent, adeva yodlena, ar&ti enemy, &^&uca impurity, 
 atura t//(V). 
 
 d. Thu hidepciKliiit iiuKutlve ii<lvirbb, nu aii<i ma, are oitly in ex- 
 cttptioiittl iiiiituii''eM used in ruiiipoBitluii : ki-c bolow, 1122e. 
 
 e. Tlio comitativo pretix sa, UHt-U iuHtead ot' tin- prepuMitioit sam, 
 ;iud iutercliaufffiibly with Bah4, bcfort* uuuiih and adjfctiveu. 
 
 f. The prolix <if disprniao due ill, hadly idi-iitical with f^duf : 
 225 a . 
 
 g. It ib ouuibiiK'd ill the taniu manner aa a or an. of rouibiiiattuiia 
 witli a verlinl form, at liaiit a single exaiiiplu apprarA to bo quutable: 
 duijcaranti (K.) behave ill. 
 
 h. i'liu curroHpondin^ laudatory prulix bu well is in geocrai so 
 closely iicourduut iu ita uho with thu preceding that it is beat men- 
 tioned here, thou^cli it occurs not rarely as au iudept-udeut particle 
 iu the oldest lauf^uuge (in liV., uiorc than two huudred tiuii-B; in the 
 lieculiar parts «>!' AV., ouly fourieou times , and even occasioually 
 later. 
 
 i. Thu particle su sometimes appears in B. and later before a verb- 
 forui, and loiisidoring its rapid loss of independent use in V., and the 
 analogy of a ami dus (above, b, g) it is probably at least in part to be 
 re(:arded as in lomposilion with the verb. The pada-teit of AV. x'\x. 4y. 
 10 reads su-apayati, but \U testimony is of little or no value. K. has 
 na 8u vijnayete and na vai su viduh, and KeU. has bu veda; TH. 
 has 8U8umbodhayati(?); MHh. and lihF. hav. siJpataBthe; H. has su- 
 9akyante. 
 
 j. The exclamatory and usually depreciative prefixed forms of the 
 interrogative prououn (506) arc most analogous with the inseparable 
 prefixes. 
 
 1122. Miscellaneous Adverbs. Other words of ad- 
 verbial character and office, not clearly referable to any of 
 the classes hitherto treated, may be mentioned as follows: 
 
 a. Asseverative particles (in part, only in the older langruage): 
 thus, anga, hanta, kila, khalu, tu rare iu older language,, vaf, vava 
 .(in Brahmana lauguage only;, hi, hina, u, aha, ha, gha, samaha, 
 sma, bhala. 
 
 b. Of these, hanta is a word of assent and iudtement ; hi has won 
 also an illative meaning, and accents the verb with which it stands in 
 connection (585 e); sma sometimes appears to give a past meaiiing to a 
 present tense (778 b); u is often combined with the final a of other par- 
 ticles: thus, atho, no, mo, uto, upo, pro; but also with that of verb- 
 forms, as datto, vidmo. The final o thus produced is prag^'hya or uu- 
 combinable (138 c). Particles of kindred value, already mentioned above,
 
 413 Adverbs. [—1122 
 
 are id, kam or kam, cid, j^tu. eva. Some of the asseverative particles 
 are mnch used in the later artificial poetry with a purely expletive value 
 as devices to help make out the metre (padapurana verse-mers); so 
 especially ha, hi, tu, sma. 
 
 c. Negative particles are: na, signifying simple negation; ma, 
 signifying jprohibition. - - 
 
 d. As to the constrn-tion of the verb with ma, see ahove, 579. In 
 the Veda, nu (or nu: 248 a) has also sometimes a negative meaning. For 
 the Vedic na of comparison, see below, g, h. 
 
 e. In nahi, na is combined with hi, both elements retaining their 
 full meaning; also with id in ned le.st. It is perhaps present in nanu 
 and cana, but not in hina (RV., onre). In general, neither na nor ma 
 is used in pomposition to make negative compounds, but, instead, the in- 
 separable negative prefix a or an (1122 a): exceptions are the Vedic par- 
 ticles nakis and makis, nakim and makim; also naeiram and ma- 
 Ciram, napumsaka, and, in the later language, a number of others. 
 
 f. Interrogative particles are only those already given : kad. Mm, 
 kuvid, svid, nanu, of which the last introduces an objection or ex- 
 postulation. 
 
 g. Of particles of comparison have been mentioned the toneless 
 iva, and yatha lalso toneless when used in the same way). Of fre- 
 quent occurrence in the oldest language is also na, having (without 
 loss of accent) the same position and value as the preceding. 
 
 h. Examples of the na of comparison are : rsidvisa isum na srjata 
 dvisam (RV.) let loose your enmity like an arroiv at the enemy of the 
 singer; vayo na vrksam (AV.) as birds to the tree; gauro na trsitah 
 piba (RV.) drink like a thirsty buffalo. This use is generally explained 
 as being a modification or adaptation of the negative one: thus, [although, 
 to be sure] not [precisely] a thirsty buffalo; and so on. 
 
 i. Of particles of place, besides those already mentioned, may be 
 noticed kva tcheref (in V., always to be read kua). 
 
 j. Particles of time are: nxinow 'also nii: nunam was mentioned 
 above, 1109 a, adya and sadyas and sadivas (RV., once) today, 
 at once (all held to contain the element div or dyu), hyas yesterday, 
 Qvds tomorrow, jyok ^also related with dyu) lotig; piinar again. 
 
 k. Of particles of manner, besides those already mentioned, may 
 be noticed nana variously (for nananam, its derivative, see 1109 a); 
 sasvar (RV.) secretly. 
 
 1. In the above classifications are included all the Vedic adverbial 
 words, and most of those of the later language: for the rest, see the dic- 
 tionaries.
 
 1123 — J X\'I Inuecmnahles. 11 1 
 
 Prepositions. 
 
 1123. There is, .as already stated, no proper claas of 
 prepositions in the modern sense of that term), no body of 
 words having for their j)revailing office ihe "government" 
 of nouns. Hut many of the advorhial words indicated above 
 are used with nouns in a way which approximates them 
 to the more fully developed prepositions of other languages. 
 
 a. If on.' and another of i*ucU woriU — as viD&, fte — occur* almost 
 solily iti prcpo«tttoual uif, this U merely fortuitous and untsscntlal. 
 
 1124. Words are thus used prepositionally along uiih all the 
 noun-cases excepting the dative. Hut in general their oftice is direc- 
 tive only, determining more definitely, or strengthening, the proper 
 case-use of the noun. Souictinios, however, the case-use is not easy 
 to trace, and the noun theu seems to be more immediately "governed** 
 by the preposition — that is, to have its case-form more arbitrarily 
 determined by its association with the latter. This is ofiencBt true 
 of the accusative; and also of the genitive, which has. here as else- 
 where (294 b\ suflfered an extension of its normal sphere of use. 
 
 1125. a. The adverbs by derivative form 1097 ff.; have least 
 of a prepositional value (exceptions are especially a few made with 
 the suffix tas: 1098). 
 
 b. Most of the verbal prefixes exceptions are ud, nl, para, pra; 
 and ava and vi arc almost such have their prepositional or quasi- 
 prepositional uses with cases; but much more widely in the older 
 time than in the later: in the classical language the usage is mainly 
 restricted to prati, anu and &. 
 
 c. Most of the directive words akin with the more proper pre- 
 fixes are used prepositionally: some of them — as saha, vina, upeuri, 
 antara, pura — freely, earlier and later. 
 
 d. The case-forms used adverbially are in many instances used 
 prepositionally also: oftenest. as was to be expected, with the gen- 
 itive; but frequently, and from an early time, with the accusative; 
 more rarely with other cases. 
 
 e. We will take up now the cases for a brief exposition, beginning 
 with those that are least freely used. 
 
 1126. The Locative. This case is least of all used with words 
 that can claim the name of preposition. Of directives, antar and its later 
 derivative antara, meaning icithtn. in. are oftenest added to it, and in the 
 classical language as well as earlier. Of frequent Ve^iic use with it are a and 
 adhi: thus, martyesv a among ?nortah: prthivyam adhy osadhih 
 the plants upon the earth ; tejo mdyi dharaya 'dhi (AT.) establish glory
 
 415 Prepositions. [—1129 
 
 tnme; — api and lipa are much rarer: thus, ya apam api vrate [santi] 
 (RV.) tcho are in the domain of the waters; amur ya upa surye [santi] 
 (RV.) icho are up yonder in the sun; — aaca along leith is uot rare in 
 RV., but almost entirely unknown later: thus, pitroh saca Bati staying 
 with her parents. 
 
 1127. The Instrumental. The directives used with this ca'se are 
 almost only those which contain the associative pronominal root sa : as saha 
 (most frequent), sakam, sardham, samam, samaya, saratham ; and, in 
 the Veda, the pretix sam : as, te sumatibhih sam patnibhir na vfsano 
 
 • • • • 
 
 nasimahi (RV.) may we be united tcith thy favors as men with their 
 spouses. By substitution of the instrumental for the ablative of separation 
 (283 a), vina icithout (not Vedic) takes sometimes the instrumental; and 
 so, in the Veda, avas down and paras beyond, with which the ablative is 
 also, and much more normally, construed. And adhi, in RV., is used with the 
 instrnmentals snuna and snubhis, where the locative would be expected. • 
 
 1128. The Ablative. In the prepositional constructions of the ab- 
 lative (as was pointed out and partly illustrated above, 293), the ablative 
 value of the case, and the merely directive value of the added particle, are 
 for the most part clearly to be traced. Many of the verbal prefixes are 
 more or less frequently joined in the older language with this case: often- 
 est, &dhi and pari; more sporadically, 4nu, apa, ava, prati, and the 
 separatives niB and vi. The change of meaning of the ablative with a 
 hither, by which it comes to fill the office of its opposite, the accusative, 
 was sufficiently explained above (293 c). Of directive words akin with 
 the prefixes, many — as bahfs, puras, avas, adhas, paras, pura, vina, 
 and tiras out of knowledge of — accompany this case by a perfectly regular 
 construction. Also the case-forms arvak, prak, pa9cat, urdhvam, 
 ptarvam, pd.ram, and rte without^ of which the natural construction with 
 an ablative is predominant earlier. 
 
 1129. The Accusative. Many of the verbal prefixes and related 
 words take an accompanying accusative. Most naturally (since the accusa- 
 tive is essentially the <o-case), those that express a motion or action to- 
 ward anything: as abhi, prati, anu, upa, a, ati and adhi in the sense of 
 over on to, or across, beyond, tiras through, antar and antara when mean- 
 ing between, pari around. Examples are: yah pradigo abhi suryo 
 vicas^e (AV.) what quarters the sun looks abroad unto; abodhy agnih 
 praty ayatim usasam (RV.) Agni has been atcakened to meet the ad- 
 vancing dawn; gacchet kadacit svajanam prati (MBh.) she might go 
 somewhither to her own people; imam praksyami nrpatim prati (MBh.) 
 him I will ask with reference to the king; mama cittam anu cittebhir 
 e 'ta i^AV.) follow after my mind with your minds; e 'hy a nah (AV.) 
 come hither to us; upa na e 'hy arvan (RV.) come hither mito us;^y6 
 devo martyan ati (AV.) the god tcho is beyond mortals; adhisthaya 
 varcasa 'dhy anyan (AV.) excelling above others in glory. A^so^abhitas 
 and paritas, which have a like value with the simple abhi and pari;
 
 1129—1 XVI. Indecmnaules. 416 
 
 and up&li (thnre foftfiier with genitiv.-). I,p»i •cfor<1aiit with ordinary 
 accusative roiintriKtiong is t»ie u«f of Uil» i-^n,- ^Ith adhas, paras, puraa, 
 vinfi, boHi-le other i-ases whl h fi^tn more snltcil to the iiifunliig of thote 
 partMes. And tho "ame may be said (,f mont of the adT«-rblal ca««^-fornn 
 witli vlilch tho arciicitive la usnd. Thus, a number of InitrumeiitaU of 
 aitnati'ni or .lircctlon: at ye *varcn& ''ditydm, yh parenft "dltyAm 
 (TH 1 those trfio are hflmr the tttti, thnxe tiho arc hnjoud the ituii. dntarei^ 
 yonim («;H.) tvUhin the trom/i , te hi 'dam antarona sarvam (AB ) for 
 ail this uuiverte is hettreen them; uttaroria K^rhapatyam (^B.) to the 
 north of the hotmeholder'n Jire; dakuincna vedim ((.H.) to the touUt of 
 the Hacrijiriiil hearth. dukBinena vrk^ava^ikftm fr.) to the riijht of the 
 nrcharii; nikasd yamunam (ll>rj mar the Yamuua. Similarly, urdh- 
 vam aii'l purvam hivo an arcnaativ» object as well as an abUttre; and 
 the Ramo is true later of fte. Abhimukham totrard has a more natural 
 rlglit to constrution with tliU case. 
 
 1130. The Genitive. The words whi<h are acompanlod by the 
 genitive are mostly cuie-formt of nouns, or of adjectives uneJ substantlTely, 
 rotaininp; enough of the noun-'harartT to take this ra«<- as tbelr natural 
 a.ljiMKt. Such are the lorailvi-s agre in front of^ abhy&^e near, arthe 
 and kfte for the sake of, nimitte nul hetftu ^y reason of mndhye i>i 
 the midst of; and other cases, as arthftya, karanfit, paka^dt, hetOB. And 
 really, although less direct'y and obviously, of thi- Hame cliarartcr are other 
 adjective lases (some of tlum showiti? other ronstrui'tions, .Iready notlc©«l): 
 as adharona, uttarena and uttarfit, dakainena and daksinat, paqcat, 
 urdhvam, anantaram, san-.aksrm, saksat. More questionable, and 
 illustrations rather of the gi^neral looseness of the use of the genitive, are its 
 constnirtions (almost wholly unknown in the oldest larpnag. ) with more 
 proper words of direction: thus, with the derivative paritas, parataB, 
 and antitas, aid parastat and puraatat (these found in the Brahmana 
 language: as, samvatsarasya paraa'at after a year ; Buktasya puraa- 
 tat before the hi/twi fAH.J); with anti, adhas. avas, puraB; with upari 
 iihove (common later); ind with antar. 
 
 Conjunctions. 
 
 1131. The conjunctions, also, as a distinct class of words, 
 are almost wanting. 
 
 a. The combination of clauses is in San.«krit in general of a very 
 simple character; much of what in other Indo-European larguaeres '9 
 effected by subordinating conjunctions is here managed by means of 
 composition of words, by the use of the gerunds 994. of iti 1102. 
 of abstract nouns in case-forms, and so on. 
 
 1132. The relative derivative adverbs, already ijiven
 
 417 Conjunctions. [—1135 
 
 (1098 ff.), may properly be regarded as conjunctions; and a 
 few other particles of kindred value, as ced and ned (1111a). 
 
 1133. Purely of conjunctive value are rf ca and, and 
 m va or (both toneless, and never having the first place 
 in a sentence or clause). 
 
 a. Of copulative value along with ca> is in the older language 
 especially uta (later it becomes a particle of more indefinite use); and 
 api, tatas, tatha, kim ca, with other particles and combinations of 
 particles, are used often as connectives of clauses. 
 
 b. Adversative is tu hut (rare in the older language); also, less 
 strongly, u (toneless;. 
 
 c. Of illative value is hi for (originally, and in great part at 
 every period, asseverative only): compare above, 1122b. 
 
 d. To ca (as well as to its compound ced) belongs occasionally the 
 meaning if. 
 
 e. It is needless to enter into further detail with regard to those uses 
 which may be not less properly, or more properly, called conjunctive than 
 adverbial, of the particles already given, under the head of Adverbs. 
 
 Interjections. 
 
 1134. The utterances which may be classed as inter- 
 jections are, as in other languages, in part voice-gestures, 
 in part onomatopoeias, and in part mutilations and corrup- 
 tions of other parts of speech. 
 
 1135. a. Of the class of voice-gestures are, for example: a, ha, 
 haha, ahaha, he, hai (AV.), ayi, aye, haye (RV.), aho, bat (RV.), 
 bata RV.) or vata, and (probably) hirvik and huruk (RV.). 
 
 b. Onomatopoetic or imitative utterances are, for example (in 
 the older language): ciqca ivhiz (of an arrow: RV.): kikira (palpita- 
 tion: RV.); bal and phdt 'phaB?j or phal splash (AV.); bhuk bow- 
 wow [AN.,; 98,1 pat (AV.); as, his, as, and has (PB.); and see the 
 words already quoted in composition with the roots kr and bhu, 
 above, 1091. 
 
 c. Nouns and adjectives which have assumed an interjectional 
 character are, for example: bhos (for the vocative bhavas, 456); are 
 or re voc. of ari enemy); dhik alas! (may be mere voice-gesture, but 
 perhaps related with ydih); kastam woe is me! distya thank heaven! 
 avasti hail! susthu, sadhu good, excellent! None of these are Vedic 
 in interjectional use. 
 
 Whitney GrHmmar. 3. ed. 27
 
 1136—1 W'll. iJliKlVATION "K DKCLInA.-.I 1. STEMS. 4lS 
 
 cm A VVVAl X\II 
 
 l)El:l\ ATION (»F DKCMNAl'.I.L .STEMS. 
 
 1136. TiiK formation from roots of conjujfable stems — namely, 
 tense-Htcms, modo-BttMiiB, and stems of secondary coniTi;.':itii>n (not 
 CBscntiHlIy dilToront from one another, nor, it is believed, ultimately 
 from the foriuatiou nf declined stems) — was most conveniently treat- 
 ed above, in tlie chapters devoted to the verb. Lilcewiso the for- 
 mation of adverbs by derivation not essentially different from case- 
 formation\ in the chiiiiter devoted to particles. And the formation 
 of tliose declinable .stems — namely, of comparison, and of infinitives 
 and participles — which attach themselves most closely to the sys- 
 tems of inrtoction, has also been more or less fully exhibited. But 
 the extensive and intricate subject of the formation of the ^eat body 
 of declinable stems was reserved for a special chapter. 
 
 a. Of course, only a brief and compendious exhibition of the subject 
 can bo attempted within the here necessary limits: no exbanstlTe tracing 
 out of the formative elements of every period; still less, a complete state- 
 ment of the yaried uses of each element; least of all, a discussion of ori- 
 gins; but enough to help the student in that analysis of wordi which mast 
 form a part of his labor from the outset, giving a general outline of the 
 field, and preparing for more penetrating investigation. 
 
 b. The material from accented texts, and especially the Vedic material, 
 will be had especially in view (nothing that is Vedic being intentionally 
 left unconsidered); and the examples given -will be. so far as is possible, 
 ■words found in such texts •with their accent marked. No word not thus 
 vouched for -will be accented unless the fact is specifically pointed out. 
 
 1137. The roots themselves, both verbal and pronom- 
 inal, are used in their bare form, or without any added 
 suffix, as declinable stems. 
 
 a. As to this use of verbal roots, see below. 1147. 
 
 b. The pronominal roots, so-called, are essentially declinable; 
 and hence, in their further treatment in derivation, they are through- 
 out in accordance with other declinable stems, and not with verbal 
 roots. 
 
 1138. Apart from this, every such stem is made by a 
 suffix. And these suffix^es fall into two general classes:
 
 419 Primary and Secondary Suffixes. [_1140 
 
 A. Primary suffixes, or those which are added directly 
 to roots; 
 
 B. Secoiidary suffixes, or Jthose which are added to de- 
 rivative steins (also to pronominal roots, as just pointed out, 
 and sometimes to particles). 
 
 a. The division of primary suffixes nearly corresponds to the . ky ii- 
 (more regular) and }madi (less regular) suffixes of the Hindu grammarians ; 
 the secondary, to thei r taddhite i-sufflxes. 
 
 1139. But this distinction, though one of high value, 
 theoretically and practically, is not absolute. Thus: 
 
 a. Suffixes come to have the aspect and the use of primary which 
 really contain a secondary element — that is to say, the earliest 
 words exhibiting them were made by addition of secondary suffixes 
 to words already derivative. 
 
 b. Sundry examples of this will be pointed out below: thus, the 
 gerundival suffixes, tavya, aniya, etc., the suffixes uka and aka, tra, 
 and others. This origin is probable for more cases than admit of demon- 
 stration ; and it is assumble for others which show no distinct signs of 
 composition, 
 
 c. Less often, a suffix of primary use passes over in part into 
 secondary, through the medium of use with denominative "roots" or 
 otherwise: examples are yu, iman, iyas and istha, ta. 
 
 1140. Moreover, primary suffixes are added not only 
 to more original roots, but, generally with equal freedom, 
 to elements which have come to wear in the language the 
 aspect of such, by being made the basis of primary con- 
 jugation — and even, to a certain extent, to the bases of 
 secondary conjugation, the conjugation-stems, and the bases 
 
 of tense-inflection, the tense-stems. 
 
 a. The most conspicuous examples of this are the participles, present 
 and future and perfect, which are made alike from tense and conjugation- 
 stems of every form. The infinitives (968 fif.) attach themselves only in 
 sporadic instances to tense-stems, and even from conjugation-stems are made 
 but sparingly earlier; and the same is true of the gerundives. 
 
 b. General adjectives and nouns are somewhat widely made from con- 
 jugation-stems, especially from the base of causative conjugation: see below 
 the suffixes a ril48j, k^, a (1149c, d), ana (llSOm), as (1151f), 
 ani (1159b), u (1178g-i), ti lll57g), tr (1182e), tnu (1196b), 
 snu (1194b', uka(1180d), aku (1181 d), alu (1192 b), tu (1161 d). 
 
 . 27*
 
 1140 — ) XVII. I'uiMARv Dkrivation. 420 
 
 O. From tenso-Btetns the cxample« an- f*r fewer, but not unknown 
 thus, from present-gtema, occaBional derivatives In a (1148j), ft (1149d, e), 
 ana (1150n), i (1156d), u (1178f), ta (11766), tu (lieid), uka 
 (1180d), tra (1185e), ti (1167k), vin (or in: 1232b. Il83aj; from 
 stems in a 8 apparently ol aorislic charactrr (br^ldea innnttiveit and g«-run<l- 
 Ives), oreagional derivatives In a (1148j), ana (llBOj), ani (1169 b), 
 an (lieOa), Ana (1176), as (1161c), i (llBBb), i^^Jia (1184a), 
 u (ll78f), UB (llB4a), tf |1182e), in (1183a). 
 
 1141. The primary suffixes are added also to roots as 
 
 compounded with the verbal prefixes. 
 
 a. Whatever, namely, may have been originally and strictly the 
 mode of production of tho derivatives with i)rf'fixo8. it is throupjhout 
 the recorded life of the lanKua^'o as if the root and its proBx or prc- 
 6xes coHBtituted a unity, fntui which a derivative is formed in the 
 same manner as from the simple root, with that modification of the 
 radical meaning which appears also in the proper verbal forms as 
 compounded with the same prefixes. 
 
 b. Not derivatives of every kind are thus made; but. in the main, 
 those classes which have most of the verbal force, or which are moat 
 akin in value with infinitives and participles. 
 
 c. The occurrence of such derivatives with prefixes, and their accent, 
 will be noted under each safflx below. They are chiefly (In nearly the 
 order of their comparative frequency), besides root-stems, those In a, in 
 ana, in ti, in tar and tra, and in in, ya, van and man, i and a, as, 
 and a few others. 
 
 1142. The suffixes of both classes are sometimes joined to their 
 primitives by a preceding union-vowel — that is to say, by one which 
 wears that aspect, and, in our ignorance or uncertainty as to its real 
 origin, may most conveniently and safely be called by that name. 
 The line between these vowels and those de8er>nng to be ranked as 
 of organic suffixal character cannot be sharply drawn. 
 
 Each of the two great classes will now be taken up by itself, 
 for more particular consideration. 
 
 A. Primary Derivatives. 
 
 1143. Form of root. The form of root to which a 
 primary suffix is added is liable to more or less variation. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. By far the most frequent is a strengthening change, by ?una- 
 or vrddhi-iucrement The former may occur under all circumstances 
 (except, of course, where guna-change is in general forbidden: 235, 
 240); thus, veda from i/vid, moda from ymud, vardha from j/vrdh;
 
 421 Form of Root. [—1145 
 
 ayana from yi, savana from ysu, sarana from yar; and so on. 
 But the latter is only allowed under such circumstances as leave long 
 a as the resulting vowel: that is to say, with non-final a, and with 
 a final i- or u-vowel and r before a vowel (of the ending): thus, nada 
 from i/nad, grabha from /grbh or grabh, vaha from }/vah, naya 
 from ]/ni, bhava from yhh% kara from |/kr ; such strengthening as 
 would make vaida and mauda does not accompany primary derivation. 
 
 b. Strengthening in derivation does not stand in any such evident 
 connection with accent as strengthening in conjugation; nor can any gene- 
 ral rules he laid down as to its occurrence; it has to be pointed out in 
 detail for each suffix. So also with other vowel-changes, which are in 
 general accordance with those found in inflection and in the formation of 
 tense- and mode-stems. 
 
 c. The reversion of a final palatal or h to a guttural has been already 
 noticed (216). A final n or m is occasionally lost, as in formations already 
 considered. 
 
 d. After a short final vowel is sometimes added a t: namely, where 
 a root is used as stem without suffix (1147d), and before a following y 
 or V of van (1168), vara and vari (1171), yu once (1165a), and ya 
 (1213 a). The presence of t before these suffixes appears to indicate an 
 original secondary derivation from derivatives in ti and tu. 
 
 e. The root is sometimes reduplicated: rarely in the use without suffix 
 (1147c, e); oftenest before a (1148kl, i (1155e), u (1178d); but 
 also before other suffixes, as a (1149e), ana (llSOra), vana (1170a), 
 van and vari (lie9d, 1171a, b), vani (1170b), vi (1193), vit 
 (1193b), ani (1159b), in (1183a), tnu (1196a), ta (117ea), ti 
 (1157d), tha (1163a), tr (1182b), tra (1185 f), uka (1180f), aka 
 (1181a), ika (1186c), ma (1166b). 
 
 1144. Accent. No general laws governing the place of the 
 accent are to be recognized: each suffix must in this respect be con- 
 sidered by itself. 
 
 a. In connection with a very few suffixes is to be recognized a cer- 
 tain degree of tendency to accent the root in case of a nomen actionis or 
 infinitival derivative, and the ending in the case of a nomen agentis or 
 participial derivative: see the suffixes a, ana, as, an, and man, below, 
 where the examples are considerd. Differences of accent in words made 
 by the same suffix are also occasionally connected with differences of gender : 
 see the suffixes as and man. 
 
 1145. Meaning. As regards their signification, the primary 
 derivatives fall in general into two great classes, the one indicating 
 the action expressed by the verbal root, the other the person or 
 thing in which the action appears, the agent or actor — the latter, 
 either substantively or adjectively. The one class is more abstract, 
 infinitival; the other is more concrete, participial. Other meanings
 
 1146— J 
 
 XYII. PitiMAuv Dkuivation. 
 
 422 
 
 may in tlio uiaiu be viewed us uioditicatiuQH or HpecializatiuuB of 
 these two. 
 
 a. Even the words iiiiJi'Uiins ruiipn-nco <>i action, the pasbive parti- 
 ciples, are, as thuir use also at neuti^r or n-flexivc shows, only notably 
 inoilillod words of agency. The gerundives arc, as was pointed out above 
 (961 (T.), secondary derivatives, originally indicating only concerned tcith 
 the action. 
 
 1146. But those two classes, in the processes of formation, arc 
 not held Hharply a)»art. There is liardly a suffix by wliich action- 
 noiins arc formed which <ioes not alsct make a^ciit-uouns or adjec- 
 tives; although there are not a few by which are made only the latter. 
 In treating them in detail below, we will first take up the suffixes 
 by which derivatives of both classes are made, and then those form- 
 ing only ageut-nouus. 
 
 a. To facilitate the finding of the different suffixes is given the 
 following list of them, in their order as treated, with references to paragraphs: 
 
 — 
 
 1147 
 
 yu 
 
 1165 
 
 in 
 
 1183 
 
 a 
 
 1148 
 
 ma 
 
 1166 
 
 lyas, i^^ha 
 
 1184 
 
 a 
 
 1149 
 
 mi 
 
 1167 
 
 tra 
 
 1185 
 
 ana 
 
 1150 
 
 man 
 
 lies 
 
 ka 
 
 1186 
 
 aa 
 
 1151 
 
 van 
 
 1169 
 
 ya 
 
 1187 
 
 tas, nas, sas 
 
 1162 
 
 vana, -ni, -nu 
 
 1170 
 
 ra 
 
 1188 
 
 is 
 
 1153 
 
 vara 
 
 1171 
 
 la 
 
 1189 
 
 us 
 
 1154 
 
 ant 
 
 1172 
 
 va 
 
 1190 
 
 i 
 
 1156 
 
 vans 
 
 1173 
 
 ri 
 
 1191 
 
 1 
 
 1156 
 
 mana 
 
 1174 
 
 ru 
 
 1192 
 
 ti 
 
 1157 
 
 ana 
 
 1175 
 
 vi 
 
 1193 
 
 ni 
 
 1158 
 
 ta 
 
 1176 
 
 snu 
 
 1194 
 
 ani 
 
 1159 
 
 na, ina, vuia 
 
 1177 
 
 sna 
 
 1195 
 
 an 
 
 1160 
 
 u 
 
 1178 
 
 tnu 
 
 1196 
 
 tu 
 
 1161 
 
 u 
 
 1179 
 
 sa 
 
 1197 
 
 nu 
 
 1162 
 
 uka 
 
 1180 
 
 aai 
 
 1198 
 
 tha 
 
 1163 
 
 aka 
 
 1181 
 
 abha 
 
 1199 
 
 thu 
 
 1164 
 
 tr or tar 
 
 1182 
 
 sundries 
 
 1200-1 
 
 1147. Stems without suffix; Root-words. These 
 words and their uses have been already pretty fully consid- 
 ered above (323, 348 ff.. 383 if.. 400. 401). 
 
 a. They are used especially (in the later language, almost solely) 
 as finals of compounds, and have both fundamental values, as action- 
 nouns ^frequeutl)' as infinitives: 971). and as agent-nouns and adject- 
 ives (often governing an accusative: 271 e. As action-nouns, they 
 are chiefly feminines ^384: in many instances, however, they do not 
 occur in situations that determine the gender,.
 
 423 Root-Stems; Stems in a. [—1148 
 
 b. In a small number of words, mostly of rare occurrence, the 
 reduplicated root is used without suffix. 
 
 c. The Vedic cases are: with simple reduplication, sasyad, cikit, 
 dadrh, d^^ and didyut, juhu, and perhaps ganga and 9i(ju; with 
 intensive reduplication, -neni, malimluc, yaviyudh, and jogii and 
 vanivan {vfith the intensive instead of the usual radical accent). In 
 daridra is seen a transfer to the a-decleusion. Astisii is probably to be 
 understood as a compound, asu-su. 
 
 d. If the root end in a short vowel, a t is regularly and usually 
 added 383 f-h). 
 
 e. Examples have been given at the place just quoted. In jagat the 
 t is add ed to the mutilated form of ]/gam reduplicated, and rnayat 
 (TS., once) appears to put it after a long vowel. In a single instance, 
 9rutkarna (.^^0 <l/ listening ears, a stem of this class occurs as prior 
 member of a compound. 
 
 f. Words of this form in combination with verbal prefixes are 
 very numerous. The accent rests (as in combination of the same with 
 other preceding elements) on the root-stem. 
 
 g. A few exceptions in point of accent occur: thus, avasa, upastut; 
 and. with other irregularities of form, parijri, upastha, xiparistha. 
 
 1148, TJi. a. With the suffix 5[ a is made an immensely 
 huge and heterogeneous body of derivatives, .^of ^various 
 meaning and showing various treatment of the root: guna- 
 strengthening, vrddhi-strengthening, retention unchanged, 
 
 and reduplication. 
 
 In good part, they are classifiable under the two usual general 
 heads; but in part they have been individualized into more special 
 senses. 
 
 1. a. With gtma-strengthening of the root (where that is poss- 
 ible: 235, 240,. These are the great majority, being more than 
 twice as numerous as all others together. 
 
 b. Many nomina actionis: as, qrama tveariness, graha seizure, aya 
 movement, veda knoicledcje, hava call, krodha ivratli, josa enjoyment, 
 tara crossing, sarga emission. 
 
 c. Many iiomina jxgentis: as, "kBainik patient, svajk constrictor, jiva 
 living, megha cloud, coda inciting, plava boat, sara brook, sarpa ser- 
 pent. bhoja generous, khada devouring. 
 
 d. 01' the examples here given, those under b accent the radical syl- 
 lable and those under c the ending. And this is in perhaps a majority 
 of cases the fact as regards the two classes of derivatives; so that, taken 
 in connection with kindred facts as to other suffixes, it hints at such a 
 difference of accent as a general tendency of the language. A few sporadic
 
 1148— "I XVII riuMAUY Derivation. 424 
 
 instances are met with of the same form having the one or the other value 
 according to ita accent: thus, 69a hagte, eaa halting; qiaA order, (jtLBk 
 orderer (other examples ar« coda, <;&ka, (joka: compare a aimilar differ- 
 ence with other derivatives in as, ana, an, man). Hut excej>tlone are 
 numerous — thus, for example, jay&, jav6., smar^., action-nouna ; qr&va, 
 iu6gha, Btdva, agent-nouns — and the aubject calls for a much wider 
 and deeper investigation than it has yet reoived, before the accentuation 
 referred to can bo set up as a law of the language in derivation. 
 
 2. e. With vrddhi-strengtbeuing of tho root — but only where 
 ft is tho reHultiug radical vowel : that i», of medial a, and of final y 
 (moBt often), u or u, i or J 'rare). 
 
 f. Examples of action-nouns are : kama love, bhaga share, n&dA 
 noise, d&va Jire, tftr& crossing. Very lew forms of clear derivation and 
 meaning are quotable with accent on the root-syllable. 
 
 g. Examples of agent-nouns are : grabhd seiziuy. vfiha carrying, 
 naya h-adini/, jara lover. 
 
 3. h. ^Vith unstrengthened root, the examples are few : e. g. kf<;4 
 lean, tuxik rapid, yngk yoke, BTXlvk sjwon, priyi dear, vra troop, ^uca 
 bright. 
 
 i. A number of words of this class, especially as occurring in com- 
 position, are doubtless results of the transfer if root-stems to the a-declen- 
 siou : e. g. -ghusa, -sphura, -tuda, -dfQa, -vida, -kira. 
 
 j. A few a-stems are made, especially in the older language, from conju- 
 gation-stems, mostly causative: thus, -amaya, ilaya, -inkhaya, -ejaya, 
 -dharaya, -paraya, -mrdaya, -9amaya ('-ompare the a-stems, 1 149c, d); 
 also desiderative, as bibhatsa (compare 1038). Occasional examples also 
 occur from tense-stems: thus, from nu-items, or secondary stems made 
 from such, -hinva, -inva, -jiBva, -pinva, -sinva, -sunva, -a9nuva; 
 from others, -priia, -mrna, -strna, -puna, -jana, -pa<jya, -manya, 
 -dasya, -jurya, -ksudhya, -sya, -ti^tha, -jighra, -piba; from future- 
 stems, karisya (JB. , janisya, bhavisya, rucisyai^.'j : apparently from 
 aorist-stems, jesa, nesa-, parsa, prksa(r), -hosa. 
 
 4. k. Derivatives in a from a reduplicated root-form are a consider- 
 able class, mostly occurring in the older language. They are sometimes 
 made with a simple reduplication: thus, cacara, cikita, dydhra, dadhrsa, 
 babhasa, -babhra, vavra, 9i9aya, 9i9natha (an action-noun), sasra; 
 tut ofteuer with an intensive rbduplication : thus, merely strengthened. 
 caksma, cacala, jagara, nauada, lalasa, vivadh.a(?), -memisa, 
 reriha and leliha, vevija, nonuva, momugha, -roruda, lolupa; with 
 consonant added, -c£inka9a, -cankrama, jangama, cancala, -jan- 
 japa, dandhvana, -nannama, -jarjalpa, jarjara, -tartura, -dardira, 
 murmura, gadgada ; dissyllabic, -karikra, kanikrada, caracara and 
 calacala, inarimr9a, malimluca, varivrta, sarisrpa, panispada, 
 sanisyada, sanisrasa, patapata, madamada, -vadavada, ghana-
 
 425 Stems in a, a. [—1149 
 
 ghana. Many of these are to be regarded as from an intensive conjngation- 
 stem; but some of them show a form not met with in intensive conju- 
 gation. 
 
 5. 1. Derivatives with this suffix from roots as compounded with 
 the verbal prefixes are quite common, in all the modes of formation 
 (in each, in proportion to the frequency of independent words): con- 
 stituting, in fact, considerably the largest body of derivative stems 
 with prefixes. They are of both classes as to meaning. The accent 
 is, with few exceptions, on the ending — and that, without any re- 
 ference to the value of the stem as action-noun or agent-noun. 
 
 m. Examples are: samgama assembly, nimesa wink, abhidroha 
 enm%ty, anxxkara assistance, udana inspiratioii, pratya9rava response; 
 — paricara wandering, samjaya victorious, vibodha tvakeful, atiyaja 
 over-pious, udara inciting, elevated, uttuda rousing, samgira sioallowing, 
 adardira crushing, adhicankrama climbing. 
 
 n. The only definite class of exceptions in regard to accent appears 
 to be that of the adverbial gerunds in am (above, 995), which are accent- 
 ed on the root-syllable. A very few other stems have the same tone: for 
 example, utpata 'portent, aqresa plague. A few others, mostly agent- 
 nouns, have the accent on the prefix: for example, vyosa (i. e. vi-osa) 
 buruitig, prative9a neighbor, abhaga sharing; but also samka9a ap- 
 pearance. 
 
 o. For the remaining compounds of these derivatives, with the insep- 
 arable prefixes and with other elements, see the next chapter. It may be 
 merely mentioned here that such compounds are numerous, and that the 
 a-derivative has often au active participial value, and is frequently preceded 
 by a case-form, oftenest the accusative. 
 
 p. Many words in the language appear to end with a suffix a, while 
 yet they are referable to no root which can be otherwise demonstrated 
 as such. 
 
 1149. ^J a. The vast majority of stems in 3^1 a are 
 feminine adjectives, corresponding to masculines and neuters 
 in ?I a (332, 334). But also many suffixes ending in 5f a 
 have corresponding feminine forms in long ^ a, making a 
 greater or less number of action-nouns. These will be 
 given under the different suffixes below. 
 
 a. There is further, however, a considerable body of feminine 
 action-nouns made by adding a to a root, and having an independent 
 aspect; though they are doubtless in part transfers from the root- 
 noun 1147 . Usually they show an unstrengthened form of root, and 
 (such as occur in accented texts) an accented suffix.
 
 1149—] XVII ruiMAKY Dkhivation. 420 
 
 b. J;miiiij)Il-ij aic it^ainiii.tJiijj. kviiiix jjltii/, daya. pit ;/, ninda reproach, 
 Qanka douht, hinsa injunj, keama putiince. k^udlm /miK/rr, bh&^a 
 spterli, seva service, spfha cuijernesx. 
 
 c. liut e8|)<u-i;illy, such nouu» iu & are ujudc in large iiuiuberB, 
 and witli porfi loin, fnnu soeoudary coujugatiou-BtemH. 
 
 d. Til UN, especially truiu ilfsidcrativo stciii- Jigi^a, bhikf^ 
 virtsa, bibhatea, etc, (hoc 1038); in the foruiaiijii o) iicrli>Lra8tIc 
 |)or(Vct6, ospuciiiUy from <.au»alivi- htt-uiB, but also from *leKiderati\e and 
 intensivo, and evun from primary prt-si-nt-stemB (1071 c-f); from denomina- 
 tive Btoms, in the oMur language, ah a9vaya, Bukratuya, apasya, uru- 
 sya, aBuya, a9anaya, jivanaeya, etc., and quite rarely in ibc later, 
 as nifgaya. 
 
 e. i he only i'.\am|ilu from a Tedupli<'ated stem is the late paspa^A ; 
 for Busa, jaiighu, and jihva, which have a reduplicated aspect, are of 
 doubtl'ul origin. From present-stems come icchfi and probabl> -fccha. 
 
 1150. W\ ana. With this suftix as with Tl a) are form- 
 ed iuuumerahle derivatives, of both the princi])al classes of 
 meaning, and with not infrequent specializations. The root 
 has oftenest guna-strengthening, hut not seldom vyddhi 
 instead; and in a few cases it remains unstrengthened. 
 Derivatives of this formation are frequent from roots with 
 prefixes, and also in composition with other elements. 
 
 a. The normal and greatly prevalent accent is upon the root- 
 syllable, without regard to the difference of meaning; but cases occur 
 of accented final, and a few of accented penult. The action-nouns 
 are in general of the neuter gender. The feminine of adjectives is 
 made either in a or in i ;for details, see below. And a few feminine 
 action-nouns in ana and ani occur, which may be ranked as belong- 
 ing to this suffix. 
 
 1. b. With strengthened and accented root-syllable. Under this 
 head fall, as above indicated, the great mass of forms. 
 
 c. AVith guna-strengthening: examples of action-nouns are sadana 
 seat, raksana protection, dana giving, cayana collection, vedana pro- 
 perty, havana call, bhojana enjoyment, karana deed, vardhana increase', 
 — of agent-nouus. tapana burning, cetana visible, codana impelling. 
 
 d. "With vrddhi-streugthening (only in such circum?tances that a 
 remains as vowel of the radical syllable): examples are -catana, na9ana, 
 madana, -vacana, -vasana, -vahana, -sadana, -spa9ana, svadana, 
 -ayana, -yavana, -sravana, -parana. 
 
 6. From roots with prefixes, the derivatives of this formation are very 
 numerous, being exceeded in frequency only by those made with the suffix
 
 427 Stems in a, ana. [—1150 
 
 a (above, 1148 1, m). A few examples are: akramana striding on, 
 ixdyana upgoing, nidhana receptable, pranana expiration, vimocana 
 release and releasing, samgamana assembly and assembler., adhivikartana 
 cutting ojf, avaprabhran9ana falling aicay cloivn. For other compounds 
 of these derivatives, showing the same accent (and the same feminine 
 stem), see the next chapter (below, 1271). A few exceptions occur: 
 vicaksana, upari9ayana, and the femininespramandaniand nirdahani. 
 
 f. The adjectives of this formation, simple or compound, make their 
 feminine usually in i: thus, codani, pe9ani, sparani, jambhani; 
 prajnani, proksani, samgrahani, abhisavani, vidharani (cetani 
 is of doubtful meaning: below, i), An adjective compound, however, 
 having a noun in ana as final member, makes its feminine in a: thus, 
 siipasarpana of easy approach, sadvidhana of sextuple order, anapava- 
 cana not to be ordered away. 
 
 2. The more irregular formations may be classed as follows: 
 
 g. With accent oiji, the final : a number of agent-nouns and adjectives, 
 as karana active (against karana act) krpana miserable (against krpana 
 misery), tvarana hasting, rocana shining, kro9ana yelling, svapana 
 sleepy, ksayana habitable. 
 
 h. These, unlike the preceding class, make their feminine in a : e. g. 
 tvarana, spandana. A few femine action-nouns in the older language 
 have the same form: thus, a9ana, asana, manana, dyotana, rodhana, 
 9vetana, hasana (and compare kapant, ra9ana); those of the later 
 language in ana (rather nnmerous) are doubtful as regards accent. 
 
 i. Beside these may be mentioned a few femlnines in ani, of more 
 or less doubtful character: arsani, cetani (to cetana), tapani (to tap- 
 ana), pr9ani, vrjani (with vrjana), rajani, tedani. 
 
 j. With accent on the penult: a small number of adjectives: as 
 turana hasting, dohana milking, manana considerate, bhandana and 
 mandana rejoicirig, saksana overcoming, and perhaps vaksana carrying 
 (the la<t two with aoristic s) ; and a still smaller number of neuter action- 
 nouns: dansana great deed, vrjana enclosure, tow?i, vesana service, 
 krpana misery, (against krpana miserable), with the masculine kirana dust. 
 k. The only noticed example of a feminine is in a: turana. And 
 a few feminine nouns have the same form: arhana, jarana, barhana, 
 bhandana, manhana, mehana, vadbana, vanana, vaksana. (And 
 compare the anomalous masc. name U9ana: 355a.) 
 
 1. Without strengthening of the root are made a sinall number of 
 derivatives: thus (besides those already noted, krpana and krpana, 
 vrjana and vrjani, kirana, turana), further accented examples are 
 urana, dhuvana, pf9ana, bhuvana, vrjana, vfsana, -suvana; and 
 later are found sphurana, sphutana, sprhana, -hnuvana, likhana, 
 rudana, etc. RV. makes denominatives from risana-, ruvana-, vipana-, 
 huvana-.
 
 1160— J XVII. I'HiMAKY Dkrivation. 428 
 
 m. Stems in ana are ni»de also from in'Con<lary conjugatioii-etpms: 
 thus, from .leBldcriitivfs, iih cikitsana (see 1038); from .-auBitlves, u 
 hapana, bhisana (sie 1051 g); frum denominatlveg, with ^tMt fr«e<loin, 
 la tho later langunsf, as akarnana, unmulana, (jlaksnana, cihnana; 
 from intoiiBivoB and other reduplicated btenu, only caiikrumana, jan- 
 gamana, jagaranA, yoyupana. 
 
 n. A fiw isolated cased may bo further mcMitioiied : from tcnBe-stema, 
 -jighrana, -iirnavana, -pa<;yana, yacchana, -aincana; from prepo- 
 sitions, antarana md samana; aatamana from the qua«l-prcflji (1092bj 
 astum. Fuminint-s in ana of doubtful connection are yo^ana uomau 
 (bebldo yo^an, yosa, rtc.J and pf-tanA. 
 
 1151. ^^ as. Hy this suffix are maile (usually with 
 guna-strcu^thening of the root-vowel especially a large claaa 
 of neuter nouns, mostly abstract (action-nouns , but some- 
 times assuming a concrete value; and also, in the older 
 language, a few agent-nouns and adjectives, and a consid- 
 eraj)le number of infinitives. 
 
 a. The accent iu words of the first class is on the root, and in 
 the second on the ending; and in a few instances words of the two 
 classes having the same form are distinguished by their accent; the 
 infinitives have for tho most part the accent on the suffix. 
 
 1. b. Exanii»les of the first and principal class are: avaa aid, 
 favor, tdpas wdnnth. prayas pl.asurc. tejas splemlnr, 9ravas fame, 
 dohaa milkitxj, karas deed, prathaa breadth, cetaa and manas jnind, 
 caksas eye. saras pond, v&cas speech. 
 
 c. A few words of this class are of irregular formation: {thus, iirithout 
 strengthening of the root, juvas quick/teas (beside javas), uras breast. 
 mrdhas contempt: and iras- (irasy-) and vipas-, and the adverbs tiris, 
 mithas, huras-, also 9iras head, are to be compared; — with vrddlii- 
 strengthening, -vacas, vasas, vahas, -svadas, and. of doubtful connect- 
 ions, pajas, pathaa, and -hayas; — perhaps with an aoristic b, heaas 
 missile; — pivas contains a v apparently not radical. 
 
 d. After final a of a root is usually inserted y before the suffix 
 (258): thus, dhayas, -gaya8. B<it there are in the oldest language appar- 
 ent remains of a formation in which as was added directly to radical a: 
 thus, bhas and -das (often to he pronounced as two syllables), jnas, 
 mas ; and -dhas and -das, from the roots dha and da. 
 
 2. e. The instances in ' which an agent-noun is differentiated by its 
 accent from an action-noun are: apas work, and apas active; yac^OB 
 beauti/, and yaqas beauteom; taraa quickness, and taras (VS., once) 
 quick; tavas strength, and tavas strong; dtivas tcorship. and duvas 
 
 [•?); mahas greatness, and mahas great; between raksas n. and
 
 429 Stems in ana, as, tas, nas, sas. [—1152 
 
 raksas m., both meaning deinon, and between tyajas n. ahandonment{:>^ 
 and tyajas m. descendentC>), the antithesis is much less clear. 
 
 f. Adjectives in as without corresponding abstracts are: to^as be- 
 stowing, yajas offering, vedhas pious, probably ahanas headi/: and a few 
 other words of isolated occurence, as veQas, dhvaras. From a denomina- 
 tive stem is made mrgayas wild animal (RV., once). 
 
 g. But there are also a very few cases of abstract nouns, not neuter 
 accented on the ending: thus, jaras old age, bhiyas fear; and doubtless 
 also havas call, and tvesas impulse. The femine usas dawn, and dosas 
 night, might belong either here or under the last preceding head. 
 
 h. Apparently containing a suffix as are the noun upas lap. and 
 certain proper names: angiras, nodhas, bhalanas, arcananas, naci- 
 ketas. The feminine apsaras nym2Jh is of doubtful derivation. 
 
 i. The irregular formation of some of the words of this division will 
 be noticed, without special remark. 
 
 3. j. The infinitives made by the suffix as have been explained 
 above (973): they show various treatment of the root, and various 
 accent (which last may perhaps mark a diflference of gender, like that 
 between sahas and jaras). 
 
 4. k. The formation of derivatives in as from roots compounded with 
 prefixes is very restricted — if, indeed, it is to be admitted at all. No infin- 
 itive in as occurs with a prefix; nor any action-noun; and the adjective 
 combinations are in some instances evidently, and in most others apparently, 
 possessive compounds of the noun with the prefix used adjectively: the 
 most probable exceptions are -nyokas and vispardhas. As in these 
 examples, the accent is always on the prefix. 
 
 1. Certain Vedic stems in ar may be noticed here, as more or less 
 exchanging with stems in as, and apparently related with such. They were 
 reported above, at 169 a. 
 
 In connection with this, the most common and important suffix 
 ending in s, may be best treated the others, kindred in office and 
 possibly also in origin, which end in the same sibilant. 
 
 1152. rT^ tas, ^ nas, H^ sas. With these suffixes are 
 
 ■^ ■^. ~v 
 
 made an extremely small number of action-nouns. ThusL 
 
 a. With tas are made retas seed, and srotas stream. 
 
 b. With nas are made dpnas acquisition, arnas tvave, -bhdrnas 
 offering, reknas riches; and in dravinas wealth, and parinas fulness 
 is apparently to be seen the same suffix, with prefixed elements having the 
 present value of union-vowels. Probably the same is true of damiinas 
 house-friend, and rjiinas (RV.) n. pr., U9anas (or -na) n. pr. 
 
 C. With sas is perhaps made vapsas beauty; and tariisas may be 
 mentioned with it (rather tarus-a?).
 
 1163—] XVn I'lMMAUY Dkkivatiox. .]V\ 
 
 1153. i*T is. \N ith the suffix is is formed a small num- 
 
 ber al)Out a dozen) of nouns. 
 
 a. They aro in part nouns of action, but most are used concretely. 
 Tho radical syllabli* has thu f^una-strciigthening, anJ tho accent if> oii t)i« 
 8ufllx (exi-ept in jyotia /('////^ vyathiB, anl amis rafc meat). Exmnples 
 arc : atcIb, rociB, .m-l gocis /ti/fit, chadis or chardia mrer, barhis 
 straw, vartis track, sarpis hntttr. havis oUatiou. dyotis light, and 
 krnvfs rate Jlesh. Avis-, pathis. bhr&jis-, and mahis- are isolated 
 variants of stecns in as; and tuvis-, Qucis-, and Burabhis- appear in- 
 orgaiiiciilly for tuvi etc. in a few compounds or derivatiM-s. 
 
 1154. '^^ us. With this suffix arc made a few words, 
 of various meaning, root-form, and accent. 
 
 a. They are word^ signifying both action and aceut. A few have 
 both meanings, without di (Terence of accent: thus, t4pu8 heat and hot; 
 aruB tcound and sore; caksus hrightuest and neeing, eye; vapuB vconder- 
 ful and tconiler. The nounis arc mostly neuter, aud accented on tho root- 
 syllable: thus, ayus, tdruB, puruB, muhuB (V only adverbial), mfthtis 
 (do.), y&jus, (jasus; exiiptiun» are; in regarl to accent, janUB birth; In 
 regard to gender, manus mati, and n&hus n. pr. Of adjectives, are 
 accented on the ending jayus, vaniis, and daksiia burning (vrhich 
 appears to attach itself to the aorist-stem). 
 
 1155. 5i. Wi^h this suffix aje.. formed a large body 
 of derivatives, of all genders: adjectives aud masculine 
 agent-nouns, feminine abstracts, and a few neuters. They 
 show a various form of the root: strong, weak, and re- 
 duplicated. Their accent is also various. Many of them 
 have meanings much specialized; and many including most 
 of the neuters) are hardly to be connected with any root 
 
 elsewhere demonstrable. 
 
 1. a. The feminine action-nouns are of very various form: thus, 
 with weak root-form, ruci brightness, tvisi sheen, krsi ploughing, nrt{ 
 datxce; — with guna-strengthening (where possible), TO^i pain, (joci heat, 
 vani and sani gain ; — with vrddhi-strengthening, gralii seizure, dhraji 
 course, aji race; from ^/dus comes diisi (compare dusayati, 1042b). 
 The variety of accent, which seems reducible to no rule, is illustrated by 
 the examples given. The few inflnitively used words of this formation 
 (above, 975b) have a weak root-form, with accent on the ending. 
 
 2. b. The adjectives and masculine agent-nouns exhibit the same 
 variety. Thus : 
 
 c. With unstrengthened root: Qiici bright, bhrmi lively ()'bliram), 
 grbhi container.
 
 431 Stems in is, us, i, i. [ — usq 
 
 d. With imstrengthened root (or root incapable of guna-change}: ari 
 enemy, mahi great, arci beam, granthi knot, kridi playing; with vrddhi- 
 increment, karsi, jani, -dhari, qari, saci, sadi, sahi, and a few words 
 of ohscure connections: thus, drapi mantle, racji heap, pani hand, etc. 
 The isolated -anaqi appears to come from the perfect-stem (788) of }/ac. 
 
 e. With reduplicated root. This is in the older language a consider- 
 able class, of quite various form. Thus: with weak or abbreviated root, 
 cakri, jaghri, (>/ghar), papri, sasri, -mamri, babhri, vavri, jagmi, 
 -jajni (yjan), -tatni, jaghni, sasni, susvi, -9i9vi; and, with displace- 
 ment of final a (or its weakening to the semblance of the suffix), dadi, 
 papi, yayi (with a case or two from yayi), -jajni, dadlii; — from the 
 ur-forra of roots in changeable r, jaguri, taturi, papuri (pupuri SV.); 
 — with simple reduplication, cikiti, yuyudhi, viviei; — with strength- 
 ened reduplication, -cacali, tatrpi, dadhrsi, vavahi, sasahi, tutuji 
 and tutuji, yiiyuvi, yuyudhi; and jarbhari and bambhari. And 
 karkari lute and dundubhi drum have the aspect of belonging to the 
 same class, but are probably onomatopoetic. The accent, it will be noticed, 
 is most often on the reduplication, but not seldom elsewhere (only once on 
 the root). It was noticed above (27 If) that these reduplicated derivatives 
 is i not seldom take an object in the accusative, like a present participle. 
 
 f. Formations in 1 from the root compounded with prefixes are not 
 at all numerous. They are accented usually on the suffix. Examples are: 
 ayaji, vyanaiji, rijaghni, paradadi, visasahi; but also ajani, amuri, 
 vivavri. As compounded with other preceding words, the adjectives or 
 agent-nouns in i are not rare, and are regularly accented on the root: see 
 the next chapter, 1276. 
 
 g. From }/dha comes a derivative -dhi, forming many masculine 
 compounds, with the value both of an abstract and a concrete : thus, with 
 prefixes, antardhi, uddhi, nidhi, paridhi, etc. From y'da is made in 
 like manner adi beginning, and from ■j/stha, pratisthi resistance. Opin- 
 ions are at variance as to whether such forms are to be regarded as made 
 with the suffix i, displacing the radical a, or with weakening of a to i. 
 
 3. h. Neuter nouns in i are few, and of obscure derivation : examples 
 are aksi eye, asthi bone, dadhi curds, etc. 
 
 1156. I 1. Stems in ^ i (like thoSe in ^J a, above, 
 .1149 are for the most part feminine adjectives, correspond- 
 ing to masculines and neuters of other terminations. 
 
 a. Thus, feminines in i are made from a-stems (332, 334: and see 
 also the different suffixes), from i-stems (344, 346), from u-stems (344b), 
 from r-stems (376 a), and from various consonant-stems (378 a). 
 
 b. But there are also a few steins in i wearing the aspect of iiide- 
 pendent derivatives. Examples 'are: daksi, dehi, nadl, nandi, pesi,
 
 1156— J XVII. ruiMAKV Dekivation. 432 
 
 vakiji (apparently with aoriHtic b), ve9i, gaki, ^aoi, Q^mi, ^{mi, tari, 
 v&pi; tht^y arc cither action-nouns or sKent-nouiu. In the later lanKuagc 
 (as noticeil at 344 a) there is very frequent interchange of !• and i-tteuji 
 and thi) furnis fruiu them. 
 
 0. In the oldest language there are even a few matcnlines in I. They 
 were noticed, and their inflection illugtratod, above, at 355 b, 356. 
 
 1157. H ti. This suffix forms a large cl;u>b of fre- 
 quently used feminine nouns of action : and also a few 
 agent-nouns (masculine] and adjectives. The root has in 
 general the same form aa before the suffix ^ ta of the pass- 
 ive participle 962 ff.) — that is to say, a weak, and often 
 a weakened or abbreviated, form. 
 
 a. The accent ought, it would appear, in anaioffy with that of 
 the particij)le, to rest always upon the suffix; but in the recorded 
 condition of the language it does so only in a minority of cases: 
 namely, about lifty, against sixty ra.st'(* of accent on the radical syl- 
 lable, and a hundr«'d and forty of undetprmined accent; a number of 
 words — iti, fti, citti, typti, pakti, pu^^i. bhuti, bhyti, vj^^i, ^akti, 
 (jruB^i, Brs^i, sthiti — have both accentuations. 
 
 1. b. Examples of the normal formation are: riti (J'/t. utl aid, 
 Titi Jloti; stuti praise, bhaktf diritton, vis^i service, kirtl fatne. purti 
 bestotcal, mati thought, piti drink (ypa; pple pita), dh&uti iitream 
 () dhav; pple dhauta); — and with accented root, gati motion, Qaofati 
 repose, diti division (Vda; pple dita), dfq\i sight. i^\i <tffering {\ Y^'i'- 
 pple lata), ukti speech () vac: pple \ikt&), vfddhi increase. 
 
 C. The roots which form their participle in ita (956) do not have 
 the i also before ti: thus, only gupti, d^ti. A few roota having their 
 participle in na instead of ta (957) form the abstract nonn also in ni 
 (below, 1158). And from the roots tan and ran occur tanti and r&nti, 
 beside the more regular tati and rati; also ahanti (once. VS.) beside 
 ahati. From the two root^ da give and da divide, the derivative in com- 
 position is sometimes -tti (for dati. with loss of radical vowel: compare 
 the participle-form -tta, above, 955f): thus, niravatti (K.), aampratti 
 (^B), paritti (TB.) vasutti, bhagatti, maghatti (all RV.). 
 
 d. A few derivatives are made from reduplicated roots; tbelr accent 
 is various: thus, carkrti, didhiti and -diditi, jigarti, and perhaps the 
 proper name yayati; also jagdhi from y'jaks (233f). 
 
 e. Derivatives from roots with prefixes are numerous, and have (as in 
 the case of the participles in ta. and the action-nouns in tu) the accent 
 on the prefix: examples are aniunati, abhlti, ahuti, nirrti, vyapti, 
 samgati. The only exceptions noticed are asakti and asuti, and abhi-
 
 433 Stems in i, ti, ni. [—1158 
 
 sti (beside abhisti). In other combinations than "with prefixes, the accen- 
 tuation is in general the same: see the next chapter (1274). 
 
 2. f. The adjectives and agent-nouns — which, as masculines, are to 
 be connected with these rather than with the feminine abstracts ^ are very 
 few : thus, puti putrid, vasti eager, dhuti shaker, jnati relative, patti 
 footman, pati master; and a few others, of more or less dubious character. 
 The accent is various, as in the other class. 
 
 3. g. A few words show the suffix ti preceded by various vowels, 
 union- or stem-vowels. The ordinary indermediate i of the ta-participle etc. 
 is seen in saniti, ujhiti, -grhiti (i, as usual with this root: 900b), 
 pathiti, bhaniti; and with them may be mentioned the adjective rjiti, 
 th proper names turviti and dabhiti, and snlhiti and snehitl, not- 
 withstanding their long final. With ati are made a few derivatives, va*- 
 riously accented : thus, the action-nouns anliatf, drqatj, paksati, mith- 
 ati, vasati, ramati, vratati, amati and amati, -dhrajati; and the 
 agent- words arati, khalati, vrkati, ramati, dahati. In some of these 
 is to be seen with probability a stem-vowel, as also in janayati and 
 rasayati (and RV. has gopayatya). The grammarians' method of re- 
 presenting a root by its 3d sing. pres. indie, declining this as a ti-stem, 
 begins in the older language: e. g. etivant (TB.), ksetivant (AB.), 
 yajati and juhoti and dadati (S.), nandati (MBh.). The feminine 
 yuvati young, maiden is of isolated character. 
 
 h. Ill some of the words instanced in the last paragraph, ti is per- 
 haps applied as a secondary suffix. A kindred character belongs to it in 
 the numeral derivatives from pronomineJ roots, kati, tati, yati, and from 
 numerals, as daqati, vin9ati, sasti, etc., with pankti (from panca); 
 in padati; and in addhati, from the particle addha. 
 
 1158. H ni. This suffix agrees in general in its uses 
 
 and in the form of its derivatives with the preceding; but 
 
 it makes a very much smaller number of words, among 
 
 which the feminine abstracts are a minority. 
 
 a. As was noticed above (1157 c), a few verbs (ending in vowels) 
 making their pas.<ive participle in na instead of ta inake their action-noun 
 in ni' instead of ti. From thei older language are quotable jyani injury, 
 jurnf heat, hani ahandonment (and the masculines ghrni and jir^i); 
 later occur glani, -mlani, sanni-. 
 
 b. Words of the other class are: a^ni eating, -usni burning, vahni 
 carrying, jur^ singing, turni hasty, bhurni excited, dharni sustaining^ 
 preni "/outnf// vrsm and vrsni virile; and with them may be mentioned 
 pf(jni speckled. 
 
 c. In preni, yoni, meni, qreni, 9r6ni is seen a strengthening of 
 the radical syllable, such as does not appear among the derivatives in ti. 
 
 d. Derivatives in ni from roots with prefixes do not appear to occur. 
 Whitney, Qranimar. 3. ed. 28
 
 1L68— ] XVII. I'uiMAUY Dekivation. 434 
 
 e. Ill hraduui and hl&duni we h&ve » prefixed u. In the words 
 endint; in ani, the a has probably the g&ine value with that of ati (above, 
 1167g); but ani has gained a more independent statuii, and may be best 
 treated as a Hcparate BUfttx. 
 
 1159. ^FT ani. The words made l»y this suffix have 
 the same double value with those made by the preceding 
 suffixes. Their accent is various. Thus: 
 
 a. Feminine action-noun«, (lOmctimes with roncreted meaning: u, i^ai^i 
 impulse, (jarani injurt/, dyoteuif hritjhtnexii, ksipanf hlntr, a^&ni tni$tile, 
 vartani (ruck; and -ar<;ani, udani-, jarani-. 
 
 b. Adjei'tive.s and othi;r agt-iit-wnrd.s arc?: araiii jirc-stich, carani 
 miicahlv, oaksani fnli(jhirner, tarani ijuick, dhamani pipe, dhvaadni 
 scattering, vaksani strenythener, sarani track. Dharani and one or two 
 other late words arc prubably varianti> to btems in ani. Frum a redu- 
 plicated root-form romes -paptani. From de«id<'raiivo stems are made 
 ruruksdni, sisasdni, and (s^ith prefix) A-^u^uksani. And a small 
 numbur of word^ appear to attach themselves tu an 8-aorist stem: thus, 
 parsani, saksani, carsanf. 
 
 C. It is questionable wheth*»r the infinitives in sani (978) are to be 
 
 put here, as accusatives of a formation in ani, or under the next suffix, 
 
 as locatives of a formation in an, from root* and stems increased by an 
 aoristic 8. 
 
 1160. W\ an. Not many words are made with a suffix 
 of this form, and of these few are plainly to be connected 
 with roots. Certain rare neuters (along with the doubtful 
 infinitives) are nouns of action; the rest are masculine and 
 neuter agent-nouns. The accent is various. 
 
 a. The infinitives which admit of being referred to this suffix, as 
 locative cases, are those in sani. of which the sibilant may be the final 
 of a tense-stem. They are all given above (978). 
 
 b. The other action-nouns in an are mahan greatness, rajan authority 
 (RV., once: compare rajan; the accent-relation is the reverse of the usual 
 one), and gambhan depth (VS., once); and PB. has ksepna once. 
 
 c. Agent-nouns (in part of doubtful connection) are : uksan ox, 
 caksan eye, taksan carpenter, dhvasan proper name, pusan name of 
 a god. majjan marroic, rajan king, vfsan virile, bull, saghan, snihan 
 (sniihan Apast.); also -gman, jman, -bhvan, -qvan, with 9van, yu- 
 van, yosan, and the stems ahan, udhan, etc. (430-4), filling up the. 
 inflection of other defective stems. 
 
 d. With priflxes occur pratidivan and atidivan, vibhvan, ni- 
 kaman.
 
 435 Stems in ni, ani, an, tu, nu. [ — 1162 
 
 1161. g tu. The great mass of the words of this form- 
 ation are the infinitives — accusatives in the later lan- 
 guage, in the earlier likewise datives and ablative-genitives: 
 see above, 970 b, 972. But a few are also used independ- 
 ently, as action-nouns or with concreted meaning; and an 
 extremely small number, of somewhat questionable charac- 
 ter, appear to have the value of agent-words. They are of 
 all genders, but chiefly masculine. The root has the guna- 
 strengthening. 
 
 a. The infinitive words are accented on the radical syllable when 
 simple, and most of the others have the same accent; but a few have 
 the tone on the ending. 
 
 b. Examples are: of the regular formation, masc. datu share, jatu- 
 hirth, dhatu element, tantu thread, mantu counsel, otu loeft, satu 
 receptacle, Qet\x tie, BOtM pressure; also kratu capac%, and saktu ^rj^s; 
 fern, vastu morning; neut. vastu thing, vastu abode; — with accent 
 on the ending, aktu ray, jantii hei^ig, gatii tcaij and song, yatii (?) 
 demon, hetu cause, ketu banner (all masc); — with unstrengthened root, 
 rtu season, pitu drink, sutu birth, and apparently krtu (in krtvas 
 times); with vrddhi-strengthening, vastu (above). Agent-nouns appear 
 to be dhatu drinkable and krostu jackal. 
 
 c. The infinitives in tu have (968) often the union-vowel i before 
 the suffix, and this in a few cases is lengthened to i. In other use occur 
 also -staritu and -dharitu (both with dus), -havitu (with su); tur- 
 pharitu seems of the same formation, but is obscure. 
 
 d. In a few instances, the suffix tu appears to be added to a tense- 
 or conjugation-stem in a; thus, edhatii and vahatu; tamyatu and 
 tapyatu; and sisasatu. The accent of the last is paralleled only by that 
 of jivatu life, which is further exceptional in showing a long a; it is 
 used sometimes in the manner of an infinitive. 
 
 1162. ^ nu. This suffix forms a comparatively small 
 body of words, generally masculine, and having both the 
 abstract and the concrete value. 
 
 a. The accent is usually on the ending, and the root unstrength- 
 ened. 
 
 b. Thus: ksepnu jerk, bhanu light (later sun'), vagnu sound, 
 sunu son, danu (with irregular accent) m. f. demon, n. drop, dew; dhenu 
 f. cow ; — grdhnu hasty, tapnu burning, trasnu fearful, dhrsnii bold; 
 — and visnu Vishnu, and perhaps sthanii pillar. Compare also suffix 
 tnu, 1 1 96 a. 
 
 28*
 
 1162— J XVII. Fkimarv Derivation. .136 
 
 C. Thin also (like tu) itpp<-«rii HOtnctiiiieh with » pn-llxid a: thut, 
 ksipanu mittsile, krandanii ami nadanu roarimj, nabhanii (and -n(it 
 f.) fountain, vibhanjanu (only liuUn'-o with prefli) breaking to pieces; 
 and perhaps the proper iiamui) d&aanu and kfQanu beloiif; here. 
 
 1163. ^ tha. The words made with this suffix are 
 almost without exception action-nouns (though some have 
 assumed a concrete value. They are of all {genders. The 
 root is of a weak (or even weakonod form, nnd thn arront 
 
 usually on the suffix. 
 
 a. Thus: raasc, -itha ;/"«»</. drtha i/oa/. -kftha making, g&thii 
 sontj, paktha. n. pr., bhrtha offering, -yatha mad, -9itha lying dotrn. 
 cotha swelling, Biktha sediment ; and, of less clear connectioiia, yutha 
 herd, ratha chariot; — neut., uktha sagivg. tirtha ford, nith4 tony, 
 riktha heritage, and appsrontly pf8(h& hack; — f<-ni. (with a), gathd 
 song, nitha way. Kali 'al & la weakened to i in githa song and -pitha 
 drink tuui -pitha protection; a final nacal is lost in -gatha going and 
 hatha slaying. In vijigitha (^B.; but HAU -ita) is apparently seen a 
 formation from a reiluplii-aiion of j/ji, victorious. 
 
 b. A fi'w examples "f combinatinn wiHi fireflies occur, with accent 
 on the llnnl: thus, nirftha destruction, samgathi union, etc. 
 
 C. Still more lonimon in the older language is a form of this suffix 
 to which has become prefixed an 4, which is probably of thematic origin, 
 though become a union-vowel. Thus: -an&tha breathing, ay kthSi foot, 
 oar&tha mobility, tvesatha vehemence, and so prothatha, yajtitha, ra- 
 vatha, vaksatha, ucatha, vidatha, gansatha, Qapatha, gayatha, 
 9vayatha, (jvasatha, sacatha, stanatha, stavatha, sravatha, and. 
 with weak root-form, ruvatha; the later language adds karatha, taratha, 
 camatha, savatha. With a prefix, the accent is thrown forward upon 
 the final: thus, avasatha abode, pravasathd absence; but pran&tha 
 breath is treated as if pran were an integral root. 
 
 d. Isolated combinations of tha with other prere<1ing vowels occur: 
 thus, varutha protection, jarutha uastingi^i); and matutha (}/man?). 
 
 1164. q thu. This suffix like <I tha, above] has an 51 a 
 
 attached to it, and, in the very few derivatives which it 
 
 makes, appears only as Wi athu. 
 
 a. The only Vedic examples are ejathu quaking, vepathu trembling, 
 stanathu roaring. Later cases are nandathu (TS.), nadathu (U.). 
 ksavathu i^S.). davathu, bhran9athu, majjathu, vamathu, (jvayathu, 
 sphurjathu- 
 
 1165, U yu. With this suffix are made a very few nouns,
 
 437 Stems in nu, tha, thu, yu, ma, mi, man. [—1168 
 
 both of agent and of action, with unstrengthened root and 
 various accent. Thus: 
 
 a. Abstracts (masc.) are manyu tcrath, mrtyii death (with t added 
 to the short final of the root). 
 
 b. Adjectives etc. are druhyu n. pr., hh-ajyu pliahle, mucyn (GB. 
 i. 1. 7), 9undhyu pure, yajyu 2Jious, sahyu strong, dasyu enewy; and, 
 with vrddhi-strengthening, jayu victorious. 
 
 c. For other derivatives ending in yu, see the suffix u, below, 1 1 78 h, i. 
 
 1166. q ma. The action-nouns made by this suffix are 
 almost all masculine; and they are of various root-form and 
 accent, as are also the agent-nouns and adjectives. 
 
 a. Examples of action-nouns are : ajma course, gharma heat, ema 
 progress, bhama brightness, sarma Jiow, stoma so7ig of praise. 
 
 b. Examples of agent-nouns etc. are: tigma sharp, bhima terrible, 
 9agma mighty, idhma fud, yudhma warrior. A single instance from 
 a reluplicated root is tutuma powerful Sarama f., with a before the 
 suffix, is of doubtful connection. 
 
 c. A number of stems in ma have stems in man beside them, and 
 appear, at least in part, to be transfers from the an- to the a-declension. 
 Surch are ajma, oma, enia, arma, tokma, darma, dharma, narma, 
 yama, yugma, vema, 9usma, soma, sarma, homa. 
 
 1167. \^ mi. A very small number of nouns, masculine and 
 feminine, formed with mi, may be conveniently noticed here. 
 
 Thus, from r-ro t', urm{ tcave, -kurmi actioi^, siirmi f. tube; from 
 others. S^vai relation, bhumi or bhumi f. earth, laksmi sign; also prob- 
 ably ra9mi line, ray; and the adjective krudhmi (? RV., once). 
 
 1168. q^ man. The numerous derivatives made with 
 
 this suffix are almost only action-nouns. The great majority 
 
 of them are neuter, and accented on the root-syllable; a 
 
 much smaller number are masculine, and accented on the 
 
 suffix. The few agent-words are, if nouns, masculine, and 
 
 have the latter accent: in several instances, a neuter and 
 
 a masculine, of the one and the other value and accent, 
 
 stand side by side. The root has in general the guna- 
 
 strengthening. 
 
 1. a. Examples of regularly formed neuters are: karman action, 
 janman birth, naman name, vartman track, ve9man dwelling, homan 
 sacrifice, -dyotman splendor.
 
 1168—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 438 
 
 b. Examples of masculine abstracts are: orakn favor, ojxn.kn strength, 
 jeman conquest, svadman sweetness, heman irnpuhe. 
 
 c. Corresponding neutur action-nouns and mascnliiie agent-nouns are: 
 hvsi}nxaa.n worship and hr^Yivako. priest; daman ^(/"i^ and daman ^tVer; 
 dharman rule and dharman orderer; sadman seat and sadman sitter. 
 But bvn&ia. friend stands in the contrary relation to oman m. favor. Very 
 few other agent-nouns occur; and all, except brahman, are of rare occurrence. 
 
 d. On the other hand, jeman and varsman and svadman (and 
 variman) have the difference of gender and accent without a corresponding 
 difference of meaning. 
 
 e. The noun aQman stone, though masculine, is accented on the 
 radical syllable; and two or three other questionable cases of the same kind 
 occur. 
 
 f. The derivatives in man used as infinitives (974) have for the most 
 part the accent of neuters : the only exception is vidmane. 
 
 g. A few words, of either class, have an irregular root-form: thus, 
 udman, usman or usman, bhuman earth, bhiiman abundance, syu- 
 naan, siman, bhujman, vidman, 9ikman, Qusman, sidhman; and 
 kai'sman, bharman, 9akman. 
 
 h. Derivatives in man from roots with prefixes are not numerous. 
 They are usually accented on the prefix, whether action-nouns or adjectives: 
 thus, prabharman forthhringing, prayaman departure; anuvartman 
 following after: the exceptions, vijaman, prativartman, visarman, 
 arc perhaps of possessive formation. 
 
 2. i. The same suffix, thovigh only ^^•ith its abstract-iuakiug value, 
 has in a number of cases before it a union-vowel, i or i; and iman 
 comes to be used as a secondary suffix, forming abstract nouns (mas- 
 culine) from a considerable number of adjectives. 
 
 j. The neuters in iman and iman are primary formations, belonging 
 almost only to the older language: tlius, janiman, dbariman (M.). vari- 
 man (beside variman, as noticed above); and dariman, dhariman, 
 pariman (and pareman SV., once), bhariman, variman, sariman, 
 stariman, saviman, and haviman. Those in iman are hardly met 
 with outside the Kig-Veda. 
 
 k. The masculines in iman are in the oldest language less frequent 
 than "the neuters just described: they are taniman (?), jariman, prathi- 
 man, mahiman, variman (beside the equivalent variman and vari- 
 man), varsiman (beside the equivalent varsman and varsman), hari- 
 man, and draghiman (VS.) beside dragbman (V.B.). Some of these, 
 as well as of the derivatives in simple man, attach themselves in meaning, 
 or in form also, to adjectives, to which they seem the accompanying ab- 
 stracts: compare the similar treatment of the primary comparatives and 
 superlatives (above, 468): such are papman (to papa, papiyas etc.); 
 draghman etc. (to dirgha, draghiyas, etc.); variman etc. (to uru,
 
 439 Stems in man, van, vana, vani, vanu. [ — 1170 
 
 variyas, etc.); prathiman (to prthu, prathistha) ; hariman (to hari 
 or harita); varsman etc. (to varsiyas etc.); svadman etc. (to svadu, 
 svadiyas, etc.). Then in the Brahmana language are found further ex- 
 amples: thus, dhumriman (TS. K.), dradhiman (MS. K.: to drdha, 
 dradhiyas, etc.), animan (^B.; and animan n. hit), stheman, stha- 
 viman (n. hig piece), taruniman (K.), parusiman (AB.J, abaliman 
 (ChL'.), lohitiman (KB.); and still later such as laghiman, krsniman, 
 piirniman, niadhuriman, goniman, etc., etc. 
 
 1169. W\ van. By this suffix are made almost only- 
 agent- words, adjectives and nouns, the latter chiefly mas- 
 culines. The root is unstrengthened, and to a short final 
 vowel is added a rT t before the suffix. The accent is almost 
 always on the root, both in the simple words and in their 
 compounds. 
 
 a. The insertion of t is an intimation that the words of this form are 
 originally made by the addition of an to derivatives in u and tu; yet 
 van has the present value of an integral suffix in the language, and must 
 be treated as such. 
 
 b. Examples of the usual formation are : masc. yajvan offering, 
 druhvan harming, qakvan capable, -rikvan leaving, -jitvan cotiquering, 
 sutvan pressing, kf tvan active, -gatvan (like -gat, -gatya) going, sat- 
 van (]/san) warrior; neut. parvan _y'oj«i, dhanvan bow. Irregular, with 
 strengthened root, are arvan courser, -yavan (? AV.) driving off; and, 
 •with accent on the suffix, drvan (? VS.) and vidvan (? AY.). 
 
 c. Examples from roots with prefixes (which are not rare) are: atltvan 
 excelliiig, upahasvan reviler, sambhrtvan collecting; and perhaps vivas- 
 van shining: abhisatvan is a compound with governing preposition (1310). 
 For the compounds with other elements, which, except in special cases, 
 have the same accent, see below, 1277. 
 
 d. The stems musivan robber and sanitvan (each RV., once) are the 
 only ones with a union-vowel, and are perhaps better regarded as second- 
 ary derivatives — of which a few are made with this suffix : see below, 
 1234. From a reduplicated root are made raravan and cikitvan (and 
 possibly vivasvan). 
 
 e. Action-nouns made with the suffix van are only the infinitival words 
 mentioned at 974 — unless bhurvani (liV., once) is to be added, as 
 locative of bhurvan. 
 
 f. The ferainines corresponding to adjectives in van are not 
 made (apparentlyj" directly from this suffix, but from vara, and end 
 in vari; see below, 11711). 
 
 1170. 5R vana, cTR vani, ^ vanu. The very few words
 
 1170 — ] XVII. Primary Derivation. 440 
 
 made with these suffixes may best be noticed here, in con- 
 nection with ^r\ van (of which the others are probably sec- 
 ondary extensions). 
 
 a. With vana are made vagvana talkative, satvana warrior (beside 
 satvan, above) ; and, from a reduplicated root, (ju^ukvana shining. 
 
 b. With vani are made from simple roots turvani excelling, and 
 bhurvani restless, and, from reduplicated roots, QUQukvani shining, da- 
 dhrsvani daring, tuturvani striving after, and jugurvani praising; 
 arharisvani is obscure. 
 
 c. With vanu is made only vagvanu tone, noise. 
 
 1171. cf^ vara. With this suffix are made a feAv deriv- 
 atives, of all genders, having for the most part the value 
 of agent-nouns and adjectives. Much more common are the 
 feminine stems in ^ft vari, which, from the earliest period, 
 serve as corresponding feminines to the masculine stems in 
 c|^ van. 
 
 a. A few masculine adjectives in vara occur, formally accordant (ex- 
 cept in accent) with the feminines: thus, itvara going, -advara eating; 
 and so, further, in the older language, i9vara, -javara, pharvara, 
 bharvara, bhasvara, vyadhvara (v), -sadvara, sthavara, and doubt- 
 less with them belongs vidvala; later, -kasvara, gatvara, ghasvara 
 (also ghasraara), -jitvara, na9vara, pivara, madvara, -srtvara ; 
 from a reduplicated root, yayavara (B. and later). Many of these have 
 feminines in a. 
 
 b. The feminines in vari accord in treatment of th-e root and in 
 accent with the masculines in van to which they correspond : thus, yaj- 
 vari, -jitvari, srtvari, -qlvari, -yavari, and so on (ahout twenty-flve 
 such formations in RV.); from a reduplicated root, -9i9vari. 
 
 c. A very small number of neuters occur, with accent on the root: 
 thus, karvara deed, gahvara (later also gabhvara) thicket; and a femin- 
 ine or two, with accent on the penult: urvara ^eld, and urvari tow 
 (both of doubtful etymology). 
 
 We take up now the suffixes by which are made only stems 
 having the value of agent-nouns and adjectives; beginning with a 
 brief mention of the participial endings, which in general have been 
 already sufficiently treated. 
 
 1172. 3BIrT ant (or SH at). The office of this suffix, in 
 making present and future participles active, has been fully 
 explained above, in connection with the various tense-stems 
 and conjugation-stems (chaps. VIII. -XIV.), in combination
 
 441 Stems IN vana etc., vara, ant, vans, mana, ana, ta. [ — 1176 
 
 with which alone it is employed (not directly with the root, 
 
 unless this is also used as tense-stem). 
 
 a. A few words of like origin, but used as independent adjectives, 
 were given at 450. With the same or a formally identical suffix are made 
 from pronominal roots lyant and kiyant (451, 517 a). And advayant 
 not double-tongued (RV., once), appears to contain a similar formation from 
 the numeral dvi — unless we are to assume a denominative verb-stem as 
 intermediate. 
 
 1173. oTTH vans (or ^^ vas). For the (perfect active) par- 
 ticiples made with this suffix, see above, 802-6, and 458 fF. 
 
 a. A few words of irregular and questionable formation were noticed 
 at 462, above. Also, apparent transfers to a form us or usa. RV. voca- 
 lizes the V once, in jujuruan. 
 
 b. The oldest language (RV.) has a very few words in vas, of doubt- 
 ful relations: fbhvas and" qikvas skilful (beside words in va and van), 
 and perhaps khidvas (]/kliad). The neuter abstract varivas breadth, 
 room (belonging to uru broad, in the same manner with variyas and 
 variman), is quite isolated. MBh, makes a nominative pivan, as if from 
 pivans instead of pivan. 
 
 1174. ITR mana. The participles having this ending 
 are, as has been seen (584 b), present and future only, and 
 have the middle, or the derived passive, value belonging in 
 general to the stems to which the suffix is attached. 
 
 1175. 5[FT ana. The participles ending in mH ana are 
 
 of middle and passive value, like those just noticed, and 
 
 either present, perfect, or (partly with the form TW{ sana: 
 
 above, 897 b) aorist. 
 
 a. A few other words ending in the same manner in the old language 
 may be mentioned here. The RV. has the adjectives takavana, bhfga- 
 vana, vasavana, urdhvasana, apparently made on the model of par- 
 ticipial stems. Also the proper names apnavana, prthavana, and eya- 
 vana and eyavatana. Pargana abyss is doubtful; rujana (RV., once) 
 is probably a false reading; apnana is of doubtful character. 
 
 1176. rT ta. The use of this suffix in forming parti- 
 ciples directly from the root, or from a conjugational (not 
 a tense) stem, was explained above, 952-6. The participles 
 thus made are in part intransitive, but in great part passive
 
 1176 — ] XVII. Primary Derivation. 442 
 
 in value (like those made by the two preceding suffixes, but 
 in much larger measure, and more decidedly). 
 
 a. A few general adjectives, or nouns ■with concrete meaning, are 
 adaptations of this participle. Examples are: trsta rough, qita cold, dr- 
 dha (for drdha: 224 a) firm; duta niessenfjer, suta charioteer; rta ririht, 
 ghrta (jhee, jata kind, dyiita gambling, nrtta dance, jivita life, caritd 
 behavior, smita smile. The adjective tigita (RV.) sharp shows anomalous 
 reversion of palatal to guttural hefore the i (216 d). Vavata dear is a 
 single example from a reduplicated root. 
 
 b. Doubtless after the example and model of participles from denomi- 
 native storas (of which, hovrever, no instances are quotable from the Veda 
 — unless bhamita KV.), derivatives in ita are in the later language made 
 directly from noun and adjective-stems, having the meaning of endowed 
 with, affected by, made to he, and the like (compare the similar English 
 formation in ed, as horned, barefooted, bluecoated). Examples are rathita 
 furnished tvith a chariot, duhkhita pained, kusumita flowered, dur- 
 balita weakened, nihsam9ayita indubitable, etc. etc. 
 
 c. A few words ending in ta are accented on the radical syllable, 
 and their relation to the participial derivatives is very doubtful: such are 
 asta hotiie, marta mortal, vata icind; and with them may he mentioned 
 garta high seat, nakta night, hasta hayid. Vrata is commonly viewed 
 as containing a suffix ta, but it doubtless comes from |/vrt (vrat-a, like 
 trada, vraja) and means originally course. 
 
 d. Several adjectives denoting color end in ita, but are hardly con- 
 nectible with roots of kindred meaning: thus, palita gray, asita black, 
 rohita and lohita red, liarita green ; akin with them are eta variegated, 
 gyeta white. The feminines of these stems are in part irregular: thus, 
 eni and 9yeni; rohini and lohini, and harini (but the corresponding 
 masc. harina also occurs); and asikni, palikni, and harikni. 
 
 e. A small number of adjectives in the older language ending in ata 
 are not to be separated from the participial words in ta, although their 
 specific meaning is in part gerundive. They are : pacata cooked, darcjata 
 and pa9yata seen, to be seen, toorth seeing; and so yajata, haryata, 
 bharata. The y of pagyata and haryata indicates pretty plainly that the 
 a also is that of a present tense-stem. Eajata silvery is of more obscure 
 relation to ^raj color; parvata mountain must be secondary. 
 
 1177. ^ na (and "^ ina, 3^ una). The use of the suffix 
 
 ^ na in forming from certain roots participles equivalent to 
 
 those in "rl ta, either alongside the latter or instead of them, 
 
 was explained above, at 957. 
 
 a. With the same suffix are made a number of general adjectives, 
 and of nouns of various gender (fein. in na). The accent is on the suffix 
 
 -<1 efVtT'.^^'^iVr
 
 443 Stems in ta, na, ina, una, u. [ — 1178 
 
 or on the root. A few examples are : usna hot, quna fortunate, aQna 
 ravenous, 9vitna lohite; masc, praqna question, yajna offerincj, ghrna 
 heat, varna color, svapna sleep; neut., parna tving, rktna, Jetvel (?) ; 
 fem. trsna thirst, yacna supplication. But many of the stems ending in 
 na are not readily connectible with roots. An antithesis of accent is seen 
 in karna car and karna eared. 
 
 b. The few words ending in ina are of doubtful connection, but may 
 be mentioned here: thus, amlna violent, vrjina crooked, daksina ririht, 
 drkvina, j)r op erty, druhina, -9resina, harina ; and kanina may be added. 
 
 C. The words ending in una are of various meaning and accent, like 
 those in ana: they are arjuna, karuna, -cetiina, taruna, daruna, 
 dharuna, naruna, pi9una, mithuna, yatiina, vayuna, varuna, 9a- 
 liina, and the feminine yamuna; and bhriina may be added. 
 
 d. These are all the proper participial endings of the language. 
 The gerundives, later and earlier, are in the main evident secondary 
 formations, and will be treated under the head of secondary derivation. 
 
 We take up now the other suffixes forming agent-nouns and 
 adjectives, beginning with those which have more or less a parti- 
 cipial value. 
 
 1178. 3 u. With this suffix are made a considerable 
 body of derivatives, of very various character — adjectives, 
 and agent-nouns of all genders, with different treatment of 
 the root, and 'with different accent. It is especially used 
 with certain conjugational stems, desiderative (particularly 
 later) and denominative (mainly earlier), making adjectives 
 with the value of present participles; and in such use it 
 wins in part the aspect of a secondary suffix. 
 
 a. The root has oftenest a weak (or weakened) form; but it is 
 sometimes vriddhied; least often (when capable of guna), it has the 
 guna-strengtheuing — all without any apparent connection with either 
 accent or meaning or gender. After final radical a is usually added 
 y (258) before the suffix. A few derivatives are made from the re- 
 duplicated root. But many words ending in u are not readily, or not 
 at all, connectible with roots; examples will be given especially of 
 those that have an obvious etymology. 
 
 b. Examples of ordinary adjectives are : uru wide, rju straight, prthu 
 broad, mrdu soft, sadhu good, svadu stveef, tapu hot, vasu good; jayu 
 conquering, daru bursting; qayu lying, reku emptij; dhayu thirst;/, payu 
 protecting. Final a appears to be lost before the snflix in -sthu (susthu, 
 anustbu), and perhaps in yu, -gu (agregu), and -khu (akhu). 
 
 c. Examples of nouns are: masc, an9U rai/, ripu deceiver, vayu
 
 1178—] XVII. TRiMAiiY Derivation. 444 
 
 wind, asu life, manu man, Manu ; fern., isu (also masc.) arrow, sindhu 
 (also masc.) river, tanu or tanu body; iie\it., "ksyx. food. 
 
 d. Derivatives from reduplicated roots are: cikitu, jagmu, jigyu, 
 jljnu, sisnu, -tatnu (unless this is made with nu or tnu), didyu (v), 
 dadru, yayu or yayu and yiyu (with final a lost), pipru (proper name), 
 -didhayu; and titaii, babhrii, -raru (araru), malimlu (v) have the 
 aspect of being similar formations. 
 
 e. A few derivatives arc made from roots with prefixes, with various 
 accentuation : for example, upayu on-comincj, pramayii goijKj to destruc- 
 tioti, viklindu a certain disease, abhi9U rein (^directer), samvasu dwell- 
 ing together. 
 
 f. From tense-stems, appareiltly, are made tanyu thundering, bhindu 
 splittitig, -vindu ^nding, and (with aoristic s) daksu and dhaksu (all RV.). 
 
 g. Participial adjectives in u from desiderative "roots" (stems with 
 loss of their final a) are sufficiently numerous in the ancient language (RV. 
 has more than a dozen of them, AV. not quite so many) to show that the 
 formation was already a regular one, extensible at will ; and later such 
 adjectives may be made from every desiderative. Examples (older) are: 
 ditsu, dipsu, cikitsu, titiksu, pipisu, mumuksu, iyaksu, 9i9lik- 
 sii; with prefix, abhidipsu; with anomalous accent, didrksu. These ad- 
 jectives, both earlier and later, may take an object in the accusative (271 a). 
 
 h. A few similar adjectives are made in the older language from caus- 
 atives: thus, dharayu {persiste?it), bhajayii, bhavayu, manhayu, man- 
 dayii, Qramayu; and mrgayu from the caus.-denom. mrgaya. 
 
 i. Much more numerous, however, are such formations from the more 
 proper denominatives, especially in the oldest language (RV. has toward 
 eighty of them; AV. only a quarter as many, including six or eight which 
 ara not found in RV. ; and they are still rarer in the Brahmanas, and 
 hardly met with later). In a majority of cases, personal verbal forms from 
 the same denominative stem are in use : thus, for example, to aghayxi, 
 aratiyu, rjiiyu, caranyu, manasyu, sanisyii, urusyu, saparyu; in 
 others, only the present participle in yant, or the abstract noun in ya 
 (1149 d), or nothing at all. A few are made upon denominative stems from 
 pronouns : thus, tvayii (beside tvayant and tvaya), yuvajm or yuvayu, 
 asmayu, svayii, and the more anomalous ahamyu and kimyu. Espe- 
 cially where no other denominative forms accompany the adjective, this has 
 often the aspect of being made directly from the noun with the suffix yu, 
 either with a meaning of seeking or desiring, or with a more general adjec- 
 tive sense: thus, yavayu seeking grain, varahayu hoar-hmiting, stanasyu 
 desiring the breast; urnayii looolen, YViV3inj\x youthful, bhimayu terrible. 
 And so the "secondary suffix yu" wins a degree of standing and application 
 as one forming derivative adjectives (as in ahamyu and kimyu, above, 
 and doubtless some others, even of the RV. words). In three RV. cases, 
 the final as of a noun-stem is even changed to o before it: namely, an- 
 hoyu, duvoyii (and duvoya; beside duvasyu), askrdhoyu.
 
 445 Stems in u, u, uka. [_11S0 
 
 j. The words in yu do not show in the Veda resolution into iu (ex- 
 cept dhasius AV., once). 
 
 1179. 3" u. Stems in 3" u are very few, even as 
 compared with those in ^ i (1156). They are for the most 
 part feminines corresponding to masculines in u {344 b), 
 with half-a-dozen more independent feminines see 355 c). 
 
 a. To those already mentioned above are to be added karsu pit, -calu 
 (in pum9calu), -janu (in prajanu), Qumbhu. 
 
 1180. 3^ uka. With this suffix are made derivatives 
 having the meaning and construction (271 g) of a present 
 participle. The root is strengthened, and has the accent. 
 
 , a. The derivatives in uka are hardly known in the Veda; but they 
 be^come frequent in the Brahmanas, of whose language they are a marked 
 characteristic (about sixty different stems occur there); and they are found 
 occasionally in the later language. In all probability, they are originally and 
 properly obtained by adding the secondary suffix ka (1222) to a derivative 
 in u; but they have gained fully the character of primary formations, and 
 in only an instance or two is there found in actual use an u-word from 
 which they should be made. 
 
 b. The root is only so far strengthened that the radical syllable is a 
 heavy (79) one ; and it has the accent, whether the derivative Is made from 
 a simple root or from one with prefix. 
 
 c. Examples, from the Brahmana language, are: vaduka, na9uka, 
 upakramuka, prapaduka, upasthayuka (258), vyayuka, veduka, 
 bhavuka, ksodhuka, haruka, varsuka, samardhuka, dan9uka, 
 alambuka, giksuka (GB.: RV. has qiksu), pramayuka (SB. has 
 pramayu). 
 
 d. Exceptions as regards root-form are : nirmargurka (with vrddhi- 
 strengthening, as is usual with this root : 627), -kasuka, rdhnuka (from 
 a tense-stem ; beside ardhuka). AV. accents samkasuka (QB. has 
 samkasuka) and vikasuka; RV. has sanvika (which is its only example 
 of the formation, if it be one; AV. has also ghatuka from j/han, and 
 apramayuka) ; vasuka (TS. et al.) is probably of another character. 
 A9anayuka (PB. et al.) is the only example noticed from a conjugation-stem. 
 
 e. Of later occurrence are a few words whose relation to the others is 
 more or less doubtful : karmuka and dharmuka, tsaruka, tarkuka, 
 nanduka, paduka, pecuka, bhiksuka, lasuka, seduka, hindiaka, 
 hresuka. Of these, only lasuka appears like a true continuer of the 
 formation; several are pretty clearly secondary derivatives. 
 
 f. A formation in uka (a suffix of like origin, perhaps, with uka) 
 may be mentioned here: namely, indhuka, majjuka, and, from redu-
 
 1180—] XVII. Primary Druivation. 446 
 
 plicated roots, jagaruka ivakefiil, janjapuka (later) muttering, danda- 
 9uka hitiny, yayajuka sacrijiciny much, vavaduka (later) talkative; 
 salaluka is questionable. 
 
 1181. Wf{ aka. Here, as in the preceding case, we 
 doubtless have a suffix made by sefcondary addition of ^ ka 
 to a derivative in 5f a; but it has, for the same reason as 
 the other, a right to be mentioned here. Its free use in 
 the manner of a primary suffix is of still later date than 
 that of uka; it has very few examples in the older language. 
 
 a. In RV. is found (besides pavaka, which has a different accent, 
 and -which, as the metre shows, is really pavaka) only sayaka missile; 
 AV. adds piyaka and vadhaka, and VS. abhikroQaka. But in the later 
 language such derivatives are common, more usually with raising of the root- 
 syllable by strengthening to heavy quantity: thus, nayaka, dayaka (258J, 
 pacaka, grahaka, bodhaka, jagaraka; but also janaka, khanaka. 
 They are declared by the grammarians to have the accent on the radical 
 syllable. They often occur in copulative composition -with gerundives of 
 the same root: thus, bhaksyabhaksaka eaiaWe and eater, vacyavacaka 
 designated and designatioii, and so on. 
 
 b. That the derivatives in aka sometimes take an aecasative object 
 was pointed out above (271 c). 
 
 c. The corresponding feminine is made sometimes in aka or in aki, 
 but more usually in ika: thus, nayika (with nayaka), pacika, bodhika; 
 compare secondary aka, below^, 1222. 
 
 d. Derivatives in aka are made from a few roots: thus, jalpaka, 
 bhiksaka; but very few occur in the older language: thus, pavaka (above, 
 a), nabhaka, smayaka, jab.aka('?), -calaka, pataka. With aku is 
 made in RV. rardayaku, from the causative stem : prdaku and the pro- 
 per name iksvaku are of obscure connection. 
 
 e. Derivatives in ika and ika will be treated below, in connection 
 with those in ka (1186 c). 
 
 1182. rT tr (or cTI" tar). The derivatives made by this 
 suffix, as regards both their mode of formation and their 
 uses, have been the subject of remark more than once 
 above (see 369 ff., 942 ff.). Agent-nouns are freely formed 
 with it at every period of the language ; these in the oldest 
 language are very frequently used participially, governing 
 an object in the accusative (271 d) ; later they enter into 
 combination with an auxiliary verb, and, assuming a future
 
 447 Stems in uka, aka, tr, in. [ — 1183 
 
 meaning, make a periphrastic future tense (942). Their 
 corresponding feminine is in tri. 
 
 a. The root has regularly the guna-strengtheniDg. A union-vowel 
 i (very rarely, one of another character) is often taken: as regards 
 its presence or absence in the periphrastic future forms, see above 
 (943 a). 
 
 b. Without guna-change is only \xatv plough-ox (no proper agent-noun: 
 apparently uks-tr: compare the nouns of relationship further on). The root 
 grab has, as usual, i — thus, grahitr; and the same appears in -taritr, 
 -pavitr, -maritf, -varitr, -savitr. An u-vowel is taken instead hy 
 tarutr and tarutf, dhanutr, and sanutr; long in vartitf; strengthened 
 to o in manotr and manotr. From a reduplicated root comes vavatr. 
 
 c. The accent, in the older language, is sometimes on the suffix 
 and sometimes on the root; or, from roots combined with prefixes, 
 sometimes on the suffix and sometimes on the prefix. 
 
 d. In general, the accent on the root or prefix accompanies the parti- 
 cipial use of the word; but there are exceptions to this: in a very few in- 
 stances (four), a word with accented suffix has an accusative object; very 
 much more often, accent on the root appears along with ordinary noun 
 value. The accent, as well as the form, of manotr is an isolated irreg- 
 ularity. Examples are: jeta dhanani loinning treasures; yuyam mar- 
 tam 9r6tarah ye listen to a mortal; but, on the other hand, yamta 
 vasiini vidhate bestowing good things on the pious ; and jeta jananam 
 conquerer of peoples. 
 
 6. The formation of these nouns in tr from conjugation-stems, regular 
 and frequent in the later language, and not very rare in the Brahmanas, 
 is met with but once or twice in the Veda (bodhayitr and codayitri, 
 RV.). In nestr a certain priest (RY. and later), is apparently seen the 
 aoristic s. 
 
 f. The words of relationship which, in whatever way, have gained 
 the aspect of derivatives in tr, are pitf, niatf, bhratr, yatr, duhitr, 
 naptr, jamatr. Of these, only matf and yatr are in accordance with 
 the ordinary rules of the formation in tr. 
 
 g. Instead of tr is found tur in one or two RV. examples : yamtur 
 sthatur. 
 
 h. Apparently formed by a suffix r (or ar) are usr, savyasthr, 
 nanandr, devr, the last two being words of relationship. For other words 
 ending in r, see 369. 
 
 1183. ?7 in. This is another suffix which has assumed 
 
 a primary aspect and use, while yet evidently identical in 
 
 real character with the frequent secondary suffix of the 
 
 same form denoting possession (below, 1230).
 
 1183—] XVII. PiuMAUY Derivation. 448 
 
 a. How far it had gained a primary value in the early language is 
 not easy to determine. Most of the words in in occurring in RV. and AV. 
 are explainable as possessives; in many the other value is possible, and in 
 a few it is distinctly suggested: thus, kevaladin, bhadravadin, nitodin, 
 a9araisin, anamin, vivyadhin; from a tense-stem, -a9nuvin, -pa9yin 
 (late); with aoristic B, -saksin; and, with reduplication, niyayin, vada- 
 vadin. As the examples indicate, composition, both with prefixes and 
 with other elements, is frequent; and, in all cases alike, the accent is on 
 the suffix. 
 
 b. Later, the primary employment is unquestionable, and examples of 
 it, chiefly in composition, are frequent. The radical syllable is usually 
 strengthened, a medial a being sometimes lengthened and sometimes remain- 
 ing \inchanged. Thus, satyavadin truth-speaking, abhibhasin addressing 
 manoharin soul-tvimii/^g. In bhavin has established itself a prevailingly 
 future meaning, about to be, 
 
 C. The use of an accusative object with words in in was noticed 
 above (271 b). 
 
 1184. ^UTT iyas and "^ istha. These suffixes, which, from 
 forming intensive adjectives corresponding to the adjective of root- 
 form, have come to be used, within somewhat narrow limits, as suf- 
 fixes of adjective comparison, have been already sufficiently treated 
 above, under the head of comparison (466-470). 
 
 a. It may be further noticed that jyestha has in the older language 
 (only two or three times in RV.) the accent also on the final, jyesthd, 
 and that its correlative also is kanistha in the oldest language; parsistha 
 is made from a secondary form of root, with aoristic s added. 
 
 b. When the comparative suffix has the abbreviated form yas (470 a), 
 its y is never to be read in the Veda as i. 
 
 c. No other suffixes make derivatives having participial value 
 otherwise than in rare and sporadic cases; those that remain, there- 
 fore, will be taken up mainly in the order of their frequency and 
 importance. 
 
 1185. "^ tra. With this suffix are formed a few ad- 
 jectives, and a considerable number of nouns, mostly neuter, 
 and often having a specialized meaning, as signifying the 
 means or instrument of the action expressed by the root. 
 The latter has usually the guna-strengthening, but some- 
 times remains unchanged. The accent is various, but more 
 often on the radical syllable. 
 
 a. Here, as in certain other cases above, we have doubtless a suffix
 
 449 Stems in iyas, istha, tra etc., ka. [ — 1186 
 
 originally secondary, made by adding a to the primary tr or tar (1182); 
 but its use is in great part that of a primary suffix. 
 
 b. Examples of neuter nouns are : gatra limh, pattra ivitig, patra 
 cup, yoktra hondi vastra garment, grotra ear; astra missile, stotra 
 song of praise, potrd vessel; of more general meaning, ddttra gift, kse- 
 tr& field, mutra urine, laotiek sacrifice. The words accented on the final 
 have often an abstract meaning : thus, ksatra authority, rastra kingdom, 
 Qastra doctrine, sattrd sacrificial session (also jnatra knowledge). 
 
 c. Masculines are: danstra tusk, mantra prayer, attra (or atra: 
 232) devourer, listra buffalo, camel, and a few of questionable etymology, 
 as mitrd. friend, putra son, vrtra foe. Mitra and vrtra are sometimes 
 neuters even in the Veda, and mitra comes later to be regularly of that gender. 
 
 d. Feminines (in tra) are : astra goad, matra measure, hotra sac- 
 rifice (beside hotra), danstra (later, for danstra); nastra destroyer. 
 
 e. Not seldom, a "union- vow el" appears before the suffix; but this is 
 not usually the equivalent of the union-vowel used with tr (above, 11 82 a). 
 For the words in itra have the accent on i : thus, aritra (aritra AV., 
 once) impelling, oar, khanltra shovel, pavitra sieve, janitra birth-place, 
 san£tra gift; and so -avitra, acjitra, earitra, -taritra, dhamitra, 
 dhavitra, bhavitra, bharitra, vaditra (with causative root-strengthening), 
 vahitra:' the combination itra has almost won the character of an in- 
 dependent suffix. The preceding vowel is alno in a few cases a (sometimes 
 apparently of the present-stem): thus, ykiatra venerable, krntatra sArerf, 
 gayatra (f. -tri) song, -damatra, patatra iving; but also dmatra violent, 
 vadhatra deadly weapon; and varatra f. strap. Tarutra overcoming 
 corresponds to tarutr. Naksatra asterism is of very doubtful etymology. 
 Samskrtatra (RV., once) seems of secondary formation. 
 
 f. The words still used as adjectives in tra are mostly such as have 
 union-vowels before the suffix. A single example from a reduplicated root 
 is johlitra crying out. 
 
 g. A word or two in tri and tru may be added here, as perhaps of 
 kindred formation with those in tra : thus, attri devouring, arcatri beam- 
 ing, ratri or ratri night; 9atru (qattru: 232) enemy. 
 
 1186. 5fl ka. The suffix ^ ka is of very common use in 
 
 secondary derivation (below, 1222) ; whether it is directly 
 
 added to roots is almost questionable: at any rate, extremely 
 
 few primary derivatives are made with it. 
 
 a. The words which have most distinctly the aspect of being made 
 from roots are puska-, -meka (]/mi fix), yaska n. pr., Quska dry^ 
 9l6ka (V'9ru hear) noise, report, etc., and -sphaka teeming; and stiika 
 flake and stoka drop seem to belong together to a root stu; raka f., name 
 of a goddess, may be added. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 29
 
 1186—] XVII. Priitarv Derivation. 450 
 
 b. But ka enters, in its value as secondary, into the composition of 
 certain suffixes reckoned as primary; see aka and uka (above 1 180, 1181). 
 
 C. A few words in which ika and ika seem added to a root, thoujjh 
 they are really of a kindred formation with the preceding, may be most 
 conveniently noticed hero: thus, vf(jcika (>/vra<;c) scorpion; Anika (V) 
 face, dr<jika aspect, dfbhika n. pr., mrdikd grace, irrdhik6, increaser. 
 a9arika and v{9arika vrt;je.v, -yjika heamituj, rsika; fkslka; and, from 
 reduplicated root, parpharika .vra^^eriw^ ('.'). Compare secondary suffix ka 
 (below, 1222). 
 
 1187. T[ ya. It is altogether probable that a part of the de- 
 rivativeB made with this siiftix are not less entitled to be ranked as 
 primary than some of those which are above bo reckoned. Such, 
 however, are with so much doubt and difficulty to be separated from 
 the great mass of secondary derivative.s made with the same suffi.v 
 that it is preferred to treat them all together under the head of sec- 
 ondary formation (below, 1210-13). 
 
 1188. ^ ra. With this suffix are made a laige number 
 of adjectives, almost always with weak root-form, and usually 
 with accent on the suffix. Also, a few words used as nouns, 
 of various gender. In some cases, the Suffix is found with 
 a preceding vowel, having the aspect of a union-vowel, 
 
 a. Examples of adjectives in ra are: ksiprd quick, chidra split. 
 turd strong, bhadrfi, pleasing, 9akrd 7nighty, 9ukra bright, hinsra in- 
 furious; — with accent on the root, only gfdhra greedy, tumra stout. 
 dhira icise (secondary?), vipra inspired, tiigra n. pr. 
 
 b. From roots with prefixes come only an example or two: thus, nicira 
 attentive, nimrgra joining on. 
 
 c. Nouns in ra are: masc, &JT& Jield, vira maw, vajra thunderbolt, 
 9Gra /*ero; neut., agTA point, Is.slrk tnilk, randhra hollow, riprk dejile- 
 ment; fern., dhara stream, qipra, j'atc, sura intoxicating drink. 
 
 The forms of this suffix with preceding vowel may best be considered 
 here, although some of them have nearly or quite gained the value of inde- 
 pendent endings. Thus: 
 
 d. "With ara are made a few rare words: the adjectives dravara 
 running, patara flying, (with prefixl nyocara suiting; and the iwnns 
 gambhara depth, tasara and trasara shuttle, sanara gaiti. -rksara 
 thorn: bharvara and vasara are doubtless of secondary formation; and 
 the same thing may be plausibly conjectured of others. As made with ara 
 may be mentioned mandara a tree, marjara cat. 
 
 e. With ira are made a few words, some of which are in common 
 use: thus, ajira quick, khadira a tree, timira dark, dhvasira stirring 
 up, rasidira, pleasing, mudira cloud, badhira deaf, Tncira, bright, isira
 
 451 Stems in ka, ya, ra etc., la, va, ri, ru. [—1192 
 
 lively, dsira missile, sthavira ^rm ; and sthira hard, and sphira /a<, 
 with displacement of final radical a; also sarira wave (usually salila)! 
 With ira are made gabhira or gambhira, profound aud 9avira mighty, 
 and perhaps 9arira body. 
 
 f. With ura are made a few words, of some of which the secondary 
 character is probable: thus, anhura (anhu-ra ?) warroM', asura (asu-ra?) 
 living, chidura tearing, bhangura breaking, bhasura shining, bhidura 
 splitting, va.edw.Ta. fat, ya.A.MTa, uniting, vitlimra, tottering, vidiMTSi know- 
 ing, vidhura lacking. With ura, apparently, are made sthiira stout 
 (compare sthavira), kharjura a tree, mayura peacock (or imitative?). 
 
 1189. ^ la. This suffix is only another form of the 
 preceding, exchanging with it in certain words, in others 
 prevalently or solely used from their first appearance. 
 
 a. Conspicuous examples of the interchange are 9ukla, sthula, -mi9la, 
 9ith.ila, salila. 
 
 b. Examples of the more independent use are: pala, protecting, anila 
 (or anila) wind, trpala Joyous; later capala and tarala (said to be 
 accented on. the final), and harsula (the same). Many words ending in la 
 are of obscure etymology. 
 
 1190. ^ va. Very few words of clear derivation are 
 made with this suffix — too few to be worth classifying. 
 They are of various meaning and accent, and generally show 
 a weak root- form. 
 
 a. Thus : rkva praising, rsva lofty, takva quick, dhruva fixed, 
 pakva ripe, padva going, yahva quick{f), 9arva n. pr., hrasva sAor^, 
 9ikva artful, ra.ia.va, joyful, urdhva lofty, vakva tivisting, urva stall; 
 eva quick, course, aqva horse, srakva or srkva corner; and perhaps 
 ulba caul; a feminine is priisva (TS. pfsva, AV. prusva) ; with union- 
 Towel are made saciva companion, dmiva disease, and vidhava loidow. 
 
 b. The words in va exhibit only in sporadic cases resolution of the 
 ending into ua. 
 
 1191. T^ ri. With this suffix are formed, directly or 
 with preceding u, a small number of derivatives. 
 
 a. Thus: anghri or a,rih.vi foot, kqri edge, usri dawn, tandri or 
 -drl iveariness, bhuri abundant, vankri rih, siiri patron, -takri quick, 
 vadhri eunuch, 9ubhri beautiful, sthuri single (teafn); and, with uri, 
 iaauri exhausted, da,(}uri pious, bhaguri n. pr., sahuri mighty; anguri 
 (or anguli) finger. 
 
 1192. Ti ru. This suffix makes a few adjectives and 
 neuter nouns, either directly or with a preceding vowel. 
 
 29*
 
 1192—] XVII. Primary Derivation. 452 
 
 a. Thus: d(jru tear, caru dear, dharu sucking, bhiru timid; — 
 with preceding a-vowel: arkru inimical, ^aXkvM Jlying, vandaxn jjraising, 
 p{yaru scoffing, ^araru harming; — with preceding e, tameru relaxed, 
 maderu rejoicing, saneru obtaining, himeru chilly, the evidently sec- 
 ondary mitreru ally, and peru (of doubtful meaning). 
 
 b. The sondary suffix lu (see 1227 b) is apparently added to certain 
 nouns in a from conjugation-stems, making derivatives that have a primary 
 aspect : thus, patayalii fiying, spfhayalu desiring. 
 
 1193. f% vi. By this suffix are made: 
 
 a. Two or three derivatives from reduplicated roots: jagrvi awake, 
 d&dhrvi sustaining, dldivi shining; and a very few other words: ghrsvi 
 lively, dhruvi firm, jirvi worn out (AV. ; elsewhere jivri); -pharvi is 
 doubtful. 
 
 b. Here maybe mentioned cikitvit (RV., once), apparently made with 
 a suffix vit from a reduplicated root-form. 
 
 1194. P snu. With this suffix, with or without a union- 
 vowel, are made a few adjective derivatives from roots, but 
 
 also from causative stems. 
 
 a. From simple roots: direct, liBesnh 2>erishable. -glaanxi sick, jisnu 
 victorious, danksnu biting, bhusnu thriving, ni-satsnu sitting down, 
 sthasnu fixed; with union-vowel i, karisnu, ka9i8nu, ksayisnu, ga- 
 misnu, grasisnu, grahisnu, carisnu, -janisnu, jayisnu, tapisnu, 
 -trapisnu, -patisnu, -bhavisnu, brajisnu, madianu, -mavisnu, 
 yajisnu, yacisnu, -vadisnu, vardhisnu, -sahisnu. 
 
 b. From secondary conjugation-stems: kopayisnu, ksapayisnu, 
 eyavayisnu, janayisnu, tapayisnu, namayisnu, patayisnu, posa- 
 yisnu, parayisnu, bodhayisnu, madayisnu, yamayisnu, ropayisnu, 
 -varayisnu, -(jocayisnu; and jagarisnu. An anomalous formation is 
 ulbanisnu. 
 
 c. These derivatives are freely compounded with prefixes : e. g. 
 nisatsnu, prajanisnii, abhiqocayisnu, samvarayisnu. 
 
 d. It is not 'unlikely that the s of this suffix is originally that of a 
 stem, to which nu was added. Such a character is still apparent in kra- 
 visnu cravi7ig raw fiesh (gravis) ; and also in vadhasnu, vrdhasnu (?), 
 and prathasnu ('?). 
 
 ' 1195. ^ sna. Extremely few words have this ending. 
 a. It is seen in tiksna sharp, and perhaps in Qlaksna, -raksna, 
 -martsna; and in gesna and desna (usually trisyllabic: daisna) gift. 
 Unless in the last, it is not found preceded by i; but it has (like snu, 
 above) a before it in vadhasna deadly weapon, karasna fore-arm; na- 
 disna skilled seems to be secondary. Feminines are mrtsna loatn, jyot- 
 sna moonlight.
 
 453. Stems in ru, vi, snu, sna, tnu, sa, asi, abha, etc. [—1201 
 
 1196. ^ tnu. This suffix is used in nearly the same way 
 
 with ^ snu (above, 1194). 
 
 a.- As used with simple roots, the t is generally capable of being 
 considered the adscititious t after a short root-final, to which nu is then 
 added : thus, krtnu active, gatnu (V RV.), hatnu deadli/, -tatnu (?) 
 stretching; and, from reduplicated roots, jigatnti hasting, and jighatnu 
 harming; but also dartnu bursting. Also, with union-vowel, dravitnu 
 running, dayitnu (? L^S.). 
 
 b. With causative stems: for example, dravayitnu hasting, posay- 
 itnu nourishing, madayitnu intoxicating, tanayitnii and stanajdtnu 
 thunder, sudayitnu flowing, -amayitnu sickening. 
 
 c. With preceding a, in piyatnu scoffing, mehatnu a river, a-ru- 
 jatnu breaking into; and kavatnu miserly (obscure derivation). 
 
 1197. H sa. The words ending in suffixal ^ sa, with or 
 without preceding union-vowel, are a heterogeaeoua group, and in 
 considerable part of obscure derivation. Thus: 
 
 a. With sa simply : grtsa clever, jesa winning (rather, aoristic s P 
 1148J), -6r^aa looking, rukBa, shi7iing, rnksk rough ; ntsA n. fountain; 
 bhisa f. fear (or from the secondary root bhis). 
 
 b. With preceding i-vowel : tavisa (f. tavisi) strong, mahisa (f. 
 loakhisl mightg, hh.a,ri3a,(^^') seeking booty; t jiBa, rushitig, ■pxxTlsa 7-ubbish, 
 manisa f. devotion; and compare rayisin (? SV.). 
 
 e. With preceding u-vowel: arusa (f. arusi) red, atjusa ravenous, 
 tkruBa over comer, piirusa and manusa (-us-a ?} wiaw ; -plyuaa. biestings. 
 
 1198. ^m asi. A few words in the oldest language are made 
 with a suffix having this form (perhaps produced by the addition of 
 i to as). 
 
 a. Thus, a,taai vagabond, dharnasi _^rwa, sanasi ivinning; and dhasi 
 m. drink, f. station, sarasi (?) pool, 
 
 1199. ^ abha. A few names of animals, for the most part 
 of obscure derivation, show this ending. 
 
 a. Thus, vrsabtia and rsabha bull. Qarabha a certain fabulous 
 animal, i^erabha a certain snake, gardabha and rasabha ass; further, 
 kanabha, karabha and kalabha, latabha, (jalabha; and, with other 
 union-vowels, tundibha, nundibha, and kukkubha. The feminine, if 
 occurring, is in i; and katabhi is found without corresponding masculine, 
 AV. has the adjective sthulabha, equivalent to sthuid. 
 
 1200. A few words ending in the consonants t, d, j, etc., and 
 for the most part of doubtful root-connections, were given above, at 
 383 k (3-5, 7) ; it is unnecessary to repeat them here. Certain of those 
 in at are perhaps related to the participles in ant (1172). 
 
 1201. A number of other primary suffixes are either set. up by
 
 1201—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 454 
 
 the grammarians and supported with examples of questionable value, 
 or are doubtfully deducible from isolated words traceable to known 
 roots, or from words of obscure connection. 
 
 a. A few such may be mentioned here: an<jLa in karanda and va- 
 randa and certain unquotable words (prakritized a-forms from the present 
 participle); era or era in unquotable words, and elima (above, 966 d: 
 perhaps a further derivative with secondary ima from era); mara (ma or 
 man with secondary ra added) in ghasmara, srmara, etc.; — sara in 
 matsara, kara in puekara and other obscure words, pa in pu^pa, 
 stupa, stupa, and a number of other obscure words; and so on. 
 
 B. Secondary Derivatives. 
 
 1202. Words of secondary derivation are made by the 
 addition of further suffixes to stems already ending in evi- 
 dent suffixes. 
 
 a. But also, as pointed out above fll37b), to pronominal roots. 
 
 b. Further, in exceptional cases, to indeclinables, to case-forms, and 
 to. phrases: e. g. antarvant, apitv&, paratastva, sahatva, sarva- 
 trika, aikadhya, mamaka, amuemika, amusyayana, apsumant, 
 apsavya, kimcanya, kimkartavyata, kvacitka, nastika, akimcin- 
 maya. 
 
 1203. Changes of the stem. The stem to which the 
 suffix is added is liable to certain changes of form. 
 
 a. Before a suffix beginning with a vowel or with y fwhich in 
 this respect is treated as if it were i), final a- and i-vowels are regularly 
 lost altogether, while a final u-vowel has the guna-strengthening and 
 becomes e^v; r and o and au all of rare occurrence) are treated in 
 accordance with usual euphonic rule. 
 
 b. An u-vowel also sometimes remains unstrengthened : see 1208 e. 
 
 c. A final n is variously treated, being sometimes retained, and 
 sometimes lost, even along with a preceding a; and sometimes an a 
 is lost, while the n remains: thus, vrsanvant, vrsana, vrsa, vrsatva, 
 vrsnya, from vrsan. Of a stem ending in ant, the weak form, in at, 
 is regularly taken: thus, vaivasvata (vivasvant). 
 
 d. In general, the masculine form of a primitive stem is that from 
 which a further secondary derivative is made. But there are not very rare 
 cases in which the feminine is taken instead ; examples are : satitva, 
 bharyatva, pranitatva, bharativant, raksSvant, priyavant. On the 
 other hand, a final long vowel — i, much more rarely a — generally of a 
 feminine stem, is sometimes shortened in derivation : thus, yajyavant, 
 praQakhavant, gosatama, va9atarQa, sadhanitva, jaratika, anna-
 
 455 Changes of Stem. [—1204 
 
 ditama (cf. 471b), rohinitva (TB.; -nitva gB.), prthivitva, prati- 
 patnivat, sarasvativant. 
 
 e. As was pointed out aTsove (1 11 C, d), the combination of a secondary 
 suffix with a stem is sometimes made according to the rules of external 
 combination. Such cases are pointed out under the suffixes iya (1215 e), 
 ka (1222 m), maya (1225 a), min (1231b), vin (1232 c), vant 
 (1233 i); van (1234 c), mant (1235 f), tva (1239 c), taya (1245 a), 
 tya (1245 c), tana (12451). 
 
 1204. The most frequent change in secondary derivation 
 is the vrddhi-strengthening of an initial syllable of the stem 
 to which a suffix is added. 
 
 a. The strengthened syllable may be of any character: radical, 
 of a prefix, or of tbe first member of a compound: thus, aqvina 
 (a9vin), saumya (soma), parthiva (prthivi), amitra (amitra), sam- 
 rajya (samraj), saukrtya (sukrta), maitravaruna (mitravaruna), 
 auccaihgravasa (uccaih9ravasj. As to the accompanying accent, 
 see the next paragraph. 
 
 b. If a stem begins with a consonant followed by y or v, the semi- 
 vowel is sometimes vriddhied, as if it were i or u, and the resulting ai 
 or au has y or v farther added before the succeeding vowel. 
 
 e. This is most frequent where the y or v belongs to a prefix — as 
 ni, vi, su — altered before a following initial vowel : thus, naiyayika 
 from nyaya (as if niyaya), vaiyagva from vya9va (as if viyaQva), 
 8auva9vya from 8va9va (as if 8uva9va); but it occurs also in other 
 cases, as sauvara from svara, 9auva from 9van, against svayambhuva 
 (svayambhu), and so on. AV. has irregularly kaveraka from kuvera 
 (as if from kvera, without the euphonic v inserted). 
 
 d. This strengthening takes place especially, and very often, before the 
 suffixes a and ya; also regularly before i, ayana, eya (with ineya), and 
 later iya; before the compound aka and ika, and later aki; and, in 
 single sporadic examples, before na, ena, ra, and tva (?) : see these various 
 suffixes below. 
 
 e. Sometimes an unstrengthened word is prefixed to one thus strength- 
 ened, as if the composition were made after instead of before the strength- 
 ening: e. g. indradaivatya having Indra as divinity (instead of ain- 
 dradevatya), carania9air8ika with head to the loest, jivalaukika 
 belonging to the ivorld of the living, antarbhauma within the earth, 
 somaraudra, gurulaghava (cf. tamasam gunalaksanam M. xii. 35). 
 But especially when the first word is of nuineral value: as 9ata9arada 
 of a hundred years, pafi.ca9aradiya, trisamvatsara, bahuvarsika- 
 astavarsika, anekavarsaaahasra, da9a3aha8ra, trisahasri, tripau 
 rusa, caturadhyayi or -yika of four chapters, etc. etc.
 
 1204 — ] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 45(5 
 
 f. More often, both members of a compotind word have the initial 
 strengthening: e. g. saumapausna, kaurupancala, caturvaidya, 
 aihalaukika, aikabhautika, trais^ubjagata, yajurvaidika. Such 
 cases are not rare. 
 
 g. The guna-strengthening (except of a final u-vowel: 1203 a) is 
 only in the rarest cases an accompaniment of secondary derivation. Excep- 
 tions are dvaya and traya and nava (12091), bhesaja and dev4 
 (1209J), drona (1223 g), 9ekhara (1226 a). 
 
 1205. Accent, a. The derivatives with initial vrddhi-strength- 
 ening always iiave their accent on either the first or the last syllable. 
 And uBiially it is laid, as between these two situations, in such a 
 way as to be furthest removed from the accent of the primitive; yet, 
 not rarely, it is merely drawn down upon the suffix from the final of 
 the latter; much less often, it remains upon an initial syllable without 
 change. Only in the case of one or two suftixos is th(3 distinction 
 between initial and final accent connected with any difference in the 
 meaning and use of the derivatives (see below, suftix eya: 1216). 
 
 b. No other general rules as to accent can be given. Usually 
 the suffix takes the tone, or else this remains where it was in the 
 primitive; quite rarely, it is thrown back to the initial syllable (as in 
 derivation with initial vpddhi); and iu a single case (ta: 1237) it is 
 drawn down to the syllable preceding the suffix. 
 
 1206. Meaning, a. The great mass of secondary suffixes are 
 adjective-making: they form from nouns adjectives indicating appur- 
 tenance or relation, of the- most indefinite and varied character. But, 
 as a matter of course, this indefiniteness often undergoes speciali- 
 zation: 80, particularly, into designation of procedure or descent, so 
 that distinctive patronymic and metronymic and gentile words are the 
 result; or, again, into the designation of possession. Moreover, while 
 the masculines and feminines of such adjectives are employed as 
 appellatives, the neuter is also widely used as an abstract, denoting 
 the quality expressed attributively by the adjective; and neuter ab- 
 stracts are with the same suffixes made from adjectives. There are 
 also special suffixes (very few) by which abstracts are made directly, 
 from adjective or noun. 
 
 b. A few suffixes make no change in the part of speech of the 
 primitive, but either change its degree (diminution and comparison), 
 or make other modifications, or leave its meaning not sensibly altered. 
 
 1207. The suffixes will be taken up below in the following 
 order. First, the general adjective-making suffixes, beginning with 
 those of most frequent use (a, ya and its connections, i, ka'; then, 
 those of specific possessive value (in, vant and mant, and their con- 
 nections); then, the abstract-making ones ta and tva, and their con- 
 nections); then, the suffixes of comparison etc.; and finally, those by 
 which derivatives are made only or almost only from particles.
 
 457 
 
 Stems in a. 
 
 [—1208 
 
 a. For convenience of reference, a list 
 is here added: 
 
 1208-9 
 1210-13 
 
 1214 
 1215 
 1216 
 1217 
 1218 
 1219 
 1220 
 1221 
 1222 
 
 of them in their order as treated 
 
 a 
 
 ya 
 
 iya 
 
 iya 
 
 eya, eyya 
 
 enya 
 
 ayya 
 
 ayana 
 
 ayi 
 
 i, aki 
 
 na, ana, Ina, 
 
 ina, ena 
 ma, ima, mna 
 
 1223 
 
 1224 
 
 maya 
 
 ra, ira, etc. 
 
 la, lu 
 
 va, vala, vaya, 
 
 vya 
 (ja 
 in 
 min 
 vin 
 vant 
 van 
 mant 
 ta 
 tati, tat 
 
 1225 
 
 tva, tvata 
 
 1239 
 
 1226 
 
 tvana 
 
 
 1240 
 
 1227 
 
 tara. 
 
 tama 
 
 1242 
 
 
 ra, ma 
 
 » 
 
 1228 
 
 tha 
 
 
 » 
 
 1229 
 
 titha 
 
 
 » 
 
 1230 
 
 taya 
 
 
 1245 
 
 1231 
 
 tya 
 
 
 » 
 
 1232 
 
 ta 
 
 
 )} 
 
 1233 
 
 na 
 
 
 » 
 
 1234 
 
 tana. 
 
 tna 
 
 » 
 
 1235 
 
 vat 
 
 
 » 
 
 1237 
 
 kata 
 
 
 » 
 
 1238 
 
 vana. 
 
 ala 
 
 » 
 
 1208. 51 a. With this suffix are made an immensely 
 large class of derivatives, from nouns or from adjectives 
 having a noun-value. Such derivatives are primarily and 
 especially adjectives, denoting having a relation or connection 
 (of the most various kind) with that denoted by the more 
 primitive word. But they are also freely used substantively : 
 the masculine and feminine as appellatives, the neuter, 
 especially and frequently, as abstract. Often they have a 
 patronymic or gentile value. 
 
 a. The regular and greatly prevailing formation is that which 
 is accompanied with vyddhi-strengthening of the first syllable of 
 the primitive word, simple or compound. Examples of this for- 
 mation are: 
 
 b. From primitives ending in consonants: with the usual shift of 
 accent, ayasa of metal (ayas), manasa relating to the mind (manas), 
 saumanasa friendliness (sumanas\ brahmana priest (brahman), 
 haimavata from the Himalaya (himavant), angirasa of the Angiras 
 family (angiras); hastina elephantine (hastm), maruta pertaining to 
 (he Maruts (marut); — with accent thrown forward from the final upon the 
 suffix, (jarada autumnal, vairaja relating to the viraj, pausnd belong- 
 ing to Picshdn] gairiksita son of GiriksMt; — with accent unchanged, 
 manusa descendant of Mdnus. 
 
 c. The suffix is added (as above instanced) to the middle stem-form 
 of stems in vant; it is added to the weakest in maghona and vartraghna; 
 the ending in remains unchanged; an usually does the same, hut some-
 
 1208—1 XVII. Secondary Deuivation. 458 
 
 timeg loses its a, as in pausna, traivrsna, daQarajnd; and sometimes 
 its n, as in brahma, aiik§a, barhatsama. 
 
 d. From primitives in r: jaftra victorious (jetr or jety conqueror), 
 tv&Btrk"i-clatin(/ to Tvdshtar, savltra (lesccn(la7it of the .sun (savitr), 
 audbhetra, paitra. 
 
 e. From primitives in u: usually with guna-strengthening of the u, 
 as vaaavA relating to the Vdsus, artava concerning the seasons (rtu), 
 danava child of Danu (danu), saindhava /rom the Indus (sfndhu); 
 — but somotimos without, as madhva /m// of siceets (madhu), par9va 
 side (par9U rib), paidvi belonging to Pedti, tanva of the body (tanuj, 
 yadva of Yfidu. 
 
 f. From primitives in i and i, which vowels are supplanted by the 
 added suffix : parthiva earthly (prthivi), sarasvata of the Sdrasvati, 
 aindragna belonging to Indra and Agni (indragni); pankta y{te-/oW 
 (pankti), nairrta belonging to Nirrti, parthuraqma of Prthuracmi, 
 pa9upata of Pacupdti. 
 
 g. From primitives in a, which in like manner disappears : yamuna 
 of the Yamuna, saragha honey etc (sar&gha bee), kanina natural child 
 (kanina girl). 
 
 h. A large number (more than all the res*" together) from primitives, 
 in a, of which the final is replaced by the suffix: lor example, with the 
 usual shift of accent, amitra inimical (amitra enemy), varuna of Vdruna, 
 vai9vadeva belonging to all the gods (vi9vadeva), nairhasta handless- 
 ness (nirhasta), vaiya9va descendant of Vyucva; gardabha asinine 
 (gardabha), daiva divine (deva), madhyamdina meridional (madh- 
 yamdina), pautra grandchild (putra son), saubhaga good fortune 
 (subhaga), vadhrya9va of Vadhryafvd's race; with urn-hanged accent 
 (comparatively few), vasanta vernal (vasanta .spring), maitra Mitras, 
 atithigva of Atithigvds race, daivodasa Divoddsas. In a few instances, 
 ya is replaced by the suffix: thus, saura, pausa, yajnavalka. 
 
 i. The derivatives of this last form are sometimes regarded as made by 
 internal change, without added suffix. Considering, however, that other 
 final vowels are supplanted by this suffix, that a disappears as stem-final 
 also before various other suffixes of secondary derivation, and that no ex- 
 amples of derivation without suffix are quotable from primitives of any 
 other final than a, it seems far too violent to assume here a deviation from 
 the whole course of Indo-European word-making. 
 
 j. Adjectives of this formation make their feminines in i (see 832 a). 
 
 1209. The derivatives made by adding ^ a without 
 vrddhi-change of the initial syllable are not numerous, and 
 are in considerable part, doubtless, of inorganic make, results 
 of the transfer to an a-declension of words of other finals.
 
 459 Stems in a, ya. [ — 1210 
 
 a. A number of examples of stems in a made by transfer were noticed 
 above (399). The cases of such transition occur most frequently in com- 
 position (1315): thus, further, apa- (for ap or ap ivatei-), -rca, -nara, etc.; 
 from stems in an, -aha, -vrsa, etc., but also -ahna and -vrsna and 
 vfsana; from stems in i, -angula, -ratra, etc.; from the weakest forms 
 ^Jt^^c-stems (407) ucea, nica, paraca, etc. 
 
 b. Also occurring especially in composition, yet likewise as simple 
 words often^ enough to have an independent aspect, are derivatives in a 
 from nouns in as (rarely is, us): thus, for example, tamasa, rajasa, 
 payasa, brahmavarcasa, sarvavedasa, devainasa, parusa, tryayusa, 
 and probably manusa. 
 
 c. Similar derivatives from adjectives in in are reckoned by the 
 grammarians as made with the suffix ina: thus, vaaluiai polluted, para- 
 mesthina etc. (see 441 b). 
 
 d. A number of words formed with the so-called suffix anta are evi- 
 dent transfers from stems in ant. A few of them are found even from 
 the earliest period: thus, panta draught, 9vanta (?], vasanta spring, 
 hemanta tcinter, veQanta etc. tank, jivanti a certain healing plant; and 
 others occur later, as jayanta, taranta, madhumanta, etc. They are 
 said to be accented on the final. 
 
 e. From anc-stems (407) are made a few nouns ending in k-a: thus, 
 anuka, apaka, upaka, pratika, paraka, etc. 
 
 f. From stems in r, hotra, netra, nestra, potra, pracjastra, etc., 
 from titles of priests; also dhatra, bhratra, etc. 
 
 g. Other scattering cases are: savidyuta, avyusa, vlrudha, ka- 
 kuda, kakubha, aqusa, bhumya, sakhya, adhipatya, jaspatya, 
 aratva, pandva. 
 
 h. The Vedic gerundives in tva (tua), made by addition of a to 
 abstract noun-stems in tu, have been already (966 a) fully given. 
 
 i. Traya and dvaya come with guna-strengthening from numeral 
 stems; nava new in like manner from nii now; and antara apparently 
 from antar. 
 
 j. Bhesaja ynedicine is from bhisaj healer, with guna-change; and 
 probably deva, heavenlt/, divine, god, in like manner from dxv sky, heaven 
 (there is no "root div shine''' in the language). 
 
 1210. JX ya. With this suffix are made a very large 
 
 class of words, both in the old language and later. 
 
 a. The derivatives in ya exhibit a great and perplexing variety of 
 form, connection, and application; and the relations of the suffix to others 
 containing a ya-element — iya, iya, eya, ayya, eyya, enya — are 
 also in part obscure and difficult. In the great majority of instances in 
 the oldest language, the ya when it follows a consonant is dissyllabic in
 
 1210—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 460 
 
 metrical value, or la to be read as ia. Thus, la RV., 266 words (excluding 
 compounds) have ia, and only 75 have ya always; 46 are to be read now 
 with ia and now with ya, but many of these have ya only in isolated 
 cases. As might be expected, the value ia is more frequent after a heavy 
 syllable: thus, in RV., there are 188 examples of ia and 27 of ya after 
 such a syllable, and 78 of ia and 96 of ya after a light syllable (the 
 circiimflexed ya — that is to say, fa — being, as is pointed out below, 
 1212,1, more liable to the resolution than ya or yk). It must be left for 
 further researches to decide whether in the ya are not included more than 
 one suffix, with different accent, and different quantity of the i-element ; 
 or with an a added to a final i of the primitive. It is also matter for 
 question whether there is a primary as well as a secondary suffix ya; the 
 suffix at least comes to be used as if primary, in the formation of gerun- 
 dives and in that of action-nouns: but it is quite impossible to separate 
 the derivatives into two such classes, and it lias seemed preferable there- 
 fore to treat them all together here. 
 
 b. The derivatives made with ya may be first divided into those 
 which do and those which do not show an accompanying vrddhi- 
 increment of the initial syllable. 
 
 jc. Adjectives in ya, of both these divisions, make their feminines 
 regularly in ya. But in a number of cases, a feminine -in i is made, 
 either alone or beside one in ya: e. g. caturmasi, agniveQi, 9andili, 
 ari (and arya), daivi (and daivya), saumi (and saumya); dhirl, 
 Qirsani, svari, etc. 
 
 1211. Derivatives in IT ya with initial vrddhi-strength- 
 
 ening follow quite closely, in form and meaning, the analogy 
 
 of those in 5ET a (above, 1208). They are, however, decidedly 
 
 less common than the latter (in Veda, about three fifths as 
 
 many). 
 
 a. Examples are: with the usual shift of accent, daivya divine 
 (deva), palitya grayness (palita), graivya cervical (griva), artvijya 
 priestly office (rtvij), garhapatya Aowse/joWer's (grhapati), janarajya 
 kingship (janaraj), samgramajitya victory in battle (samgramajit), 
 sauvaQvya wealth in horses (svaqva), aupadrastrya iviiness (upa- 
 drastr) ; aditya Aditya (aditi), saumya relating to soma, atithya hos- 
 pitality (atithi), prajapatya helongitig to Prajupati, vaimanasya mind- 
 lessness (vimanas), sahadevya descetidant of Sahddeva; — with accent 
 thrown forward from the final upon the ending, laukya of the tvorld (lokd), 
 kavya of the Kavi-race, sLrtvyk . desce)ida7it of JRitu, vajavyk belonging 
 to the wind (vayu), raivatya wealth (revant); — with unchanged ac- 
 cent (very few), adhipatya lordship (adhipati), 9raisthya excellence 
 (9restha), vai^ya belonging to the third caste {yiq people)^ paumsya 
 manliness (pums).
 
 461 Stems in ya. [—1212 
 
 b. The AV. has once nairbadhya, with circumflexed final ; if not 
 an error, it is doubtless made through nairbadha; vaisnavyau (VS. 1. 12) 
 appears to be dual fern, of vaisnavi. 
 
 1212. Derivatives in IT ya without initial vrddhi- 
 
 stiengthening are usually adjectives, much less often (neuter, 
 
 or, in UT ya, feminine) abstract nouns. They are made from 
 
 every variety of primitive, and are very numerous (in Veda, 
 
 three or four times as many as the preceding class). 
 
 a. The general mass of these words may be best divided accord- 
 ing to their accent, into: 1. Words retaining the accent of the prim- 
 itive; 2. Words with retracted accent; 3. Words with acute ya (ia); 
 4. Words with circumflexed ya (la). Finally may be considered the 
 words, gerundives and action-nouns, which have the aspect of primary 
 derivatives. 
 
 1. b. Examples of derivatives in ya retaining the accent of their 
 primitives are : aQvya equine (a^va), angya of the linihs (anga), mukh- 
 ya foremost (mukha inoutli), avya ovine (avi), gavya bovine (gol, 
 vi9ya of the people (V19), durya of the door (diir), iiaxja. manly (nr), 
 VTsnya virile (vfsan), svarajya autocracy (svaraj), suvTrya wealth in 
 retai7iers (suvTra), vi9vajanya of all men, vi9vadevya of all the gods 
 (vi9vadeva), niayura9epya peacock-tailed. 
 
 c. In the last -words, and in a few others, the ya appears to be used 
 (like ka, 1222 h: of. 1212 m) as "a "iofflx simply helping to make a 
 possessive compound: and so further suhastya (beside the equivalent 
 suhasta), madhuhastya, da9amasya, mi9radhLanya, anyodarya, 
 saraanodarya. 
 
 2. d. Examples with retraction of the accent to the first syllable fas 
 in derivation with vrddhi-increment) are: kanthya guttural (kantha), 
 skandhya Jiumeral (skandha), vratya of a ceremony (vrata), meghya 
 in the clouds (megha), pitrya of the Fathers (pitf), pratljanya adverse 
 (pratijana). Hiranyaya 0/ ^oZ(? (hiranya), is anomalous both in draw- 
 ing the accent fojrward and in retaining the final a of the primitive; and 
 gavyaya and avyaya (also a,vyaya) are to be compared with it as to 
 formation. 
 
 3. e. Examples with acute accent on the suffix are: divya heaveiily 
 (div), satya true (sant), vyaghrya tigriiie (vyaghra), kavya tvise 
 (kavi), gram y a of the village (grama), somya relating to the soma, 
 anenasya sinlessness (anenas), adaksinya not fit for daksina. 
 
 4. f. Of derivatives ending in circumflexed ya (which in the Veda are 
 considerably more numerous than all the three preceding classes together), 
 examples are as follows:
 
 1212—] XVir. Secondary Derivation. 462 
 
 g. From consonant-stems : viijya of the clan (RV. : V19), hrdya of 
 the heart (hrd), vidyutya of the lightning (vidyut), rajanya of the 
 royal cla.^s (rajan), dosanya nf the arm (dosan), Qirsanya of the head 
 (9irsan ), karmanya active (karman), dhanvanya of the plain (dhan- 
 van), namasya reverend (namas), tvacasya cuticular (tvacas), bar- 
 hisya of barhis, ayusya giving life (ayus), bhasadya of the buttocks 
 (bhasad), pracya eastern (pranc), etc. Of exceptional formation is ar- 
 yamya i?itimate (aryaman), with which doubtless belong satmya (sat- 
 man) and saksya (saksinj. 
 
 h. From u-stems: hanavya ofthejatos (hanu), \r&yavyai belonging 
 to Vuyu, pa9avya relating to cattle (pa9u), isavya relating to arrows 
 (isu), inadhavya of the siveet (madhu), apsavya of the tcaters (apsu 
 loc), rajjavya 0/ ro^e (rajju); qaravya i. arrow (Qaru, do.); and there 
 may be added navya navigable (especially in fem., navya navigable stream: 
 nau boat). The RV. has pra9avya to be partaken of (jpra,-\- }/&<}), with- 
 out any corresponding noun pra9U; and also urjavya rich in nourishment 
 (urj), without any intermediate urju. 
 
 i. Under this head belong, as was pointed out above (964), the so- 
 called gerundives in tavya, as made by the addition of ya to the infinitive 
 noun in tu. They are wholly wanting in the oldest language, and hardly 
 found in later Vedic, although still later tavya wins the value of a primary 
 suffix, and makes numerous verbal derivatives. 
 
 •■) 
 
 j. From i- and i-stems hardly any examples are to be quoted. VS. 
 has dundubhya from dundubhi. 
 
 k. From a-stems : svargya heavenly (svarga), devatya relating to 
 a deity (devata), prapathya guiding (prapatha), budknya funda- 
 mental (budhna), jaghanya hindmost (jaghana), varunya Vdruna's, 
 virya might (vira), udarya abdominal (udara), utsya of the fountain 
 (litsa); and from a-stems, ^xt^^Sir^ya, of cultivated la7id {uvvkrai), svahya 
 relating to the exclamation svaha. 
 
 1. The circumflexed ya is more generally resolved (into la) than the 
 other forms of the suffix: thus, in RV. it is never- to be read as ya after 
 a heavy syllable ending with a consonant; and even after a light one it 
 becomes la in more than three quarters of the examples. 
 
 m. There are a few cases in which ya appears to be used to help 
 make a compound with governing preposition (next chapter, 1310: cf. 
 1212 c): thus, apikaksya about the a7-m-pit, upapaksya mjjom the sides, 
 udapya up-stream; and perhaps upatrnya lying in the grass (occurs only 
 in voc). But, with other accent, anvantrya through the entrails, lipa- 
 masya in each month, abhinabhya m^j to the clouds, antahpar9avya 
 between the ribs, adhigartya on the chariot seat ; of unknown accent, adhi- 
 hastya, aniiprsthya, anunasikya, aiiuv"an9ya. 
 
 1213. The derivatives in TJ ya as to which it may be 
 
 I
 
 463 Stems in ya. [—1213 
 
 questioned whether they are not, at least in part, primary 
 derivatives from the beginning, are especially the gerund- 
 ives, together with action-nouns coincident with these in 
 form; in the later language, the gerundive- formation (above, 
 963) comes to be practically a primary one. 
 
 a. In RV. occur about forty instances of gerundives in ya, of toler- 
 ably accordant form : the root usually unstrengtliened (but cetya, bhavya, 
 -havya, marjya, yodhya; also -madya, -vacya, bhavya); the accent 
 on the radical syllable when the word is simple, or compounded with prepo- 
 sitions: thus, pra9asya, upasadya, vihavya (but usually on the final 
 after the negative prefix: thus, anapya, anapavrjya) — exceptions are 
 only bhavya and the doubtful akayya; the ya resolved into ia in the 
 very great majority of occurrences ; a final shprt vowel followed by t (in 
 -itya, -krtya, -qrutya, -stutya, and the reduplicated carkftya, beside 
 carkrti: not in navya and -havya), and a changed to e (in -deya 
 only). If regarded as secondary, they might be made with ya, in accord- 
 ance with other formations by this suffix, in part from the root-noun, as 
 anukrt-ya, in part from derivatives in a, as bhavya (from bhava). 
 
 b. The AV. has a somewhat smaller number (about twenty-five) of 
 words of a like formation ; but also a considerable group (fifteen) of deriv- 
 atives in ya with the same value : thus, for example, adya eatable, kar- 
 ya to he done, samapya to be obtamed, atitarya to be overpassed, 
 nivibharya to be carried in the apron, prathamavasya to be first worn. 
 These seem more markedly of secondary origin : and especially such forms 
 as parivargya to be avoided, avimokya not to be gotten rid of, where 
 the guttural reversion clearly indicates primitives in ga and ka (216 h). 
 
 C. Throughout the older language are of common occurrence neuter 
 abstract nouns of the same make with the former of these classes. They 
 are rarely found except in composition (in AV., only citya and steya as 
 simple), and are often used in the dative, after the manner of a dative 
 infinitive. Examples are: brahmajyeya, vasudeya, bhagadheya, 
 purvapeya, qataseya, abhibhiiya, devahtiya, mantra9rutya, kar- 
 makrtya, vrtraturya, hotrviarya, ahihatya, sattrasadya, 9irsa- 
 bhidya, brahmacarya, nrsahya. Of exceptional form are rtodya ()/vad 
 and sahageyya (1/91); of exceptional accent, sadhastutya. And AV. 
 has one example, ranya, with circumflexed final. 
 
 d. Closely akin with these, in meaning and use, is a smaller class 
 of feminines in ya: thus, krtya, vidya, itya, agnicitya, vajajitya, 
 mustihatya, devayajya, etc. 
 
 e. There remain, of course, a considerable number of less classifiable 
 words, both nouns and adjectives, of which a few from the older language 
 may be mentioned, without discussion of their relations : thus, siiirya (with
 
 1213—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 464 
 
 fern, surya), ajya, pusya, nabhya; yujya, grdhya, irya, arya and 
 arya, marya, madhya. 
 
 The suffixes apparently most nearly akin with ya may best be 
 next taken up. 
 
 1214. ^ iya. This suffix is virtually identical with 
 the j)receding, being but another written form of the same 
 thing. It is used only after two consonants, where the 
 direct addition of U ya would create a combination of diffi- 
 cult utterance. It has the same variety of accent with ya. 
 Thus: 
 
 a. With accent fya (= la or ya): for example, abhriya (also abh- 
 riya) frofu the clouds (abhra), ksatriya having autho7-ity (ksatra), 
 yajniya reverend (yajna), hotriya lihational (hotra), amitriya inimical 
 (amitra). 
 
 b. With acceut iya (= ia orya): for example, agriya (also agriya) 
 foremost (agra), indriya Indras (later, sense: indra), ksetriya of the 
 field (ksetra). 
 
 c. With accent on the primitive: 9r6triya learned (9r6tra), ftviya 
 (also rtv^a) in season (rtii). 
 
 r _ 
 
 1215. T?J iya. This suffix also is apparently by origin a ya 
 (la) of which the first element has maintained its long quantity by the 
 interposition of a euphonic y. It is accented always on the i. 
 
 a. In RV. occur, of general adjectives, only arjikiya and grhame- 
 dhiya, and examples in the later Vedic are very few : e. g. parvatiya 
 mountainous (AV., beside RV. parvatya). In the Brahmanas are found 
 a number of adjectives, some of them from phrases (first vFords of verses 
 and the like): thus, anyarastrlya, pancavatiya, marjallya, kaya- 
 9ubliiya, svaduskillya, apohisthiya, etc. 
 
 b. It was pointed out above (965) that derivative adjectives in iya 
 from action-nouns in ana begin in later Veda and in Brahmana to be 
 us^ed gerundivally, and, are a recognized formation as gerundives in the 
 classical language. But adjectives in aniya without gerundive character 
 are also common. 
 
 c. Derivatives in iya with initial vrddhi are sometimes made in 
 the later language: e. g. parvatiya, paitaputriya, aparapaksiya, 
 vairakiya. 
 
 d. The pronominal possessives madiya etc, (516 a) do not occur either 
 in Veda or in Brahmana; but the ordinals dvitiya etc. (467 b, c: with 
 fractionals tftiya and turiya: 488 a) are found from the earliest period. 
 
 e. The possessives bhagavadiya and bhavadiya, with the final of 
 the primitive made sonant, have probably had their form determined by the 
 pronominal possessives in -diya.
 
 465 Stems in iya, iya, eya, eyya, enya. [—1217 
 
 1216. ^ eya. With this suffix, accompanied by vyddhi- 
 increment of an initial syllable, are made adjectives, often 
 having a patronymic or metronymic value. Their neuter 
 is sometimes used as abstract noun. The accent rests 
 usually on the final in adjectives of descent, and on the 
 first syllable in others. 
 
 a. Examples are: araeya descendant of a sage (^si), janaQruteya 
 son of Janacruti, sarameya of Sardmd's race, 9atavaneya ^'atavani's 
 descendant, rathajiteya son of Rathajit; asneya of the blood (as&n), 
 vasteya of the bladder (vasti), pauruseya coming from man (purusa), 
 paitrsvaseya of a paternal aunt (pitrsvasr), etc. 
 
 b. A more than usual proportion of derivatives in eya come from 
 primitives in i or i; and probably the suffix first gained its form by addition 
 of ya to a gunated i, though afterward used independently. 
 
 c. The gerundive etc. derivatives in ya (above, 1213) from a-roots 
 end In eya; and, besides such, EV. etc, have sabheya from sabha, and 
 didrkseya worth seeing, apparently from the desiderative noun didrksa, 
 after their analogy. M. has once adhyeya as gerund of }/i. 
 
 d. Derivatives in the so-called suffix ineya — as bhagineya, 
 jyaisthineya, kanisthineya — are doubtless made upon proximate 
 derivatives in -ini (fern.). 
 
 e. In eyya (i. e. eyia) end, besides the neuter abstract saha9eyya 
 (above, 1213 c), the adjective of gerundival meaning stuseyya (with aor- 
 istic s added to the root), and gapatheyya curse-bringing (or accursed), 
 from 9apatha. 
 
 1217. ^^ enya. This suffix is doubtless secondary in 
 origin, made by the addition JX ya to derivatives in a na- 
 suffix; but, like others of similar origin, it is applied in some 
 measure independently, chiefly in the older language, where 
 it has nearly the value of the later aniya (above, 1215b), 
 as making gerundival adjectives. 
 
 a. The y of this suffix is almost always to be read as vowel, and the 
 accent is (except in varenya) on the e: thus, -enia. 
 
 b. The gerundives have been all given above, under the different 
 conjugations to which they attach themselves (986b, 1019 b, 1038). The 
 RV. has also two non-gerundival adjectives, virenya manly (vira), and 
 kirtenya /amows (kirti), and TS. has anabhiqastenya (abhi9asti); 
 vijenya (RV.) is a word of doubtful connection; 9ikseriya instructive is 
 found in a Sutra; pravrsenya of the rainy season occurs later. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 30
 
 1218—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 466 
 
 1218. h\\i.U ayya. With this suffix are made gerundival adjec- 
 tives almost only in RV. They have been noticed above (966 c). 
 The ending is everywhere to be read ayia. 
 
 a. A few adjectives without gerundival value, and neuter abstracts, 
 also occur; thus, bahupayya protecting many, nrpayya men-guarding; 
 kundapayya, and purumayya, proper names; purvapayya ^rs< drinh, 
 mahayayya enjoyment; — and rasayya nervous, and uttamayya summit, 
 contain no verbal root. Alayya is doubtful; also akayya, which its ac- 
 cent refers to a different formation, along with prahayya (AV.: yhi) 
 messenger, and pravayya (AV.), of doubtful value. 
 
 1219. yiU^ ayana. In the Brahmanas and later, patro- 
 nymics made by this suffix are not rare. They come from 
 stems in ^ a, and have vrddhi-strengthening of the first 
 
 syllable, and accent qn the final. 
 
 a. In RV., the only example of this formation is kanvayana (voc: 
 k4nva); AV. has in metrical parts daksayana and the fern, ramayani; 
 and amusy ayana son of so-and-so (516) in its prose; TB. has raja- 
 stambayana beside -bayana. The RV. name uksanyayana is of a 
 different make, elsewhere unknown. 
 
 1220. 5rnft ayi. Only a very few words are made with this 
 suffix, namely agnayi (agni) Agnis wife vrsakapayi wife of Vrisha- 
 Jcapi; and later putakratayi, and manayi 3fanus wife (but manavi CB). 
 
 a. They seem to be feminines of a derivative a made with vrddhi- 
 increment of the final i of the primitive. 
 
 1221. Si. Derivatives made v«^ith this suffix are patro- 
 nymics from nouns in a. The accent rests on the initial 
 syllable, which has the vrddM-strengthening. 
 
 a. In RV. are found half-a-dozen patronymics in i: for example, ag- 
 niveqi, paurukutsi, pratardani, samvarani; AV. has but one, pra- 
 hradi; in the Brahmanas tliey are more common: thus, in AB., sauyavasi, 
 janamtapi, aruni, janaki, etc. A single word of other value — sarathi 
 charioteer (saratham) — is found from RV. down. 
 
 b. The words made with the so-called suffix aki — as vaiyasaki 
 descendent of Vyasa — are doubtless properly derivatives in i from others in 
 ka or aka. That the secondary suffix ika is probably made by addition 
 of ka to a derivative in i is pointed out below (1222J). 
 
 c. RV. has tapusi, apparently from tapus with a secondary i added. 
 and the n. pr. qucanti; bhuvanti is found in B., and jivanti later. 
 
 1222. m ka. This is doubtless originally one of the 
 class of suffixes forming adjectives oL appurtenance. And
 
 467 Stems in ayya, ayana, ayi, i, ka. [—1222 
 
 that value it still has in actual use; yet only in a small 
 minority of occurrences. It has been, on the one hand, 
 specialized into an element forming diminutives; and, on 
 the other hand, and much more widely, attenuated into an 
 element without definable value, added to a great many 
 nouns and adjectives to make others of the same meaning 
 — this last is, even in the Veda, and still more in the 
 later language, its chief office. 
 
 a. Hence, ka easily associates itself with the finals of deriv- 
 atives to which it is attached and comes to seem along with them 
 an integral suffix , and is further used as such. Of this origin are 
 doubtless, as was seen above (1180, 1181); the so-called primary suf- 
 fixes vika and aka; and likewise the secondary suffix ika (below, j). 
 
 b. The accent of derivatives in ka varies — apparently without 
 rule, save that the words most plainly of diminutive character have 
 the tone usually on the suffix. 
 
 c. Examples (from the older language) of words in which the suffix 
 has an adjective-making value are: antaka (anta) end-making, balhika 
 (balhi) of Balkh, andika '(anda) egg-bearing, sticika (sucl) stinging, 
 urvaruka fruit of the gourd (urvaru), paryayika (paryaya) strophic ; 
 from numerals, ekaka, dvaka, trika, astaka; trtiyaka of the third 
 day ; from pronoun-stems, asmaka ours', yusmaka yours, mamaka mine 
 (516b): from prepositions, antika near, anuka following, avaka a plant 
 (later adhika, utka); and, with accent retracted to the initial syllable 
 (besides astaka and trtiyaka, already given), rupaka (rupa) with form, 
 babhruka (babhru brotcn) a certain lizard. Bhavatka your worship's 
 has an anomalous initial vrddhi. 
 
 d. Of words in which a diminutive meaning is more or less probable: 
 aqvaka nag, kaulnaka and kumaraka boy, kanluaka or kanlnika 
 girl, padaka little foot, putraka little son, raj aka princeling, gakun- 
 taka birdling. Sometimes a contemptuous meaning is conveyed by such 
 a diminutive: for formations with this value from pronominal stems, see 
 above, 521; other examples are anyaka (KV.), alakam (RV.: from alam), 
 and even the verb-form ySmaki (for yami: KB.). 
 
 e. The derivatives in ka with unchanged meaning are made from 
 primitives of every variety of form, simple and compound, and have the 
 same variety of accent as the adjective derivatives (with which they are at 
 bottom identical). Thus : 
 
 f. From simple nouns and adjectives : astaka home, nasika nostril, 
 maksika fly, avika eice, istika arrow, diiraka distant, sarvaka all, 
 dhenuka (dhenu) cow, nagnaka (nagna) naked, baddhaka (baddha) 
 captive, abhinnataraka by no means different, anastaraitake before 
 
 30*
 
 1222—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 4G8 
 
 sunset, vamraka ant, arbhaka small, qiqukk youtig, aniyaeka ^ner, 
 ejatka trembliiig, abhimadyatkd intoxicated, patayienukk Jii/ing. Such 
 derivatives in the later language are innumerable; from almost any given 
 noun or adjective may be made an equivalent, ending in ka or ka (accord- 
 ing to the gender). 
 
 g. From compound primitives: Bvalpaka verg small, vimanyuka 
 removing wrath, viksinatkA (fes^roytxjr . pravartamanakd moving for- 
 ivard, viksinak^, desiroi/ed. 
 
 h. In the Brahmanas and later, ka is often added to a possessive 
 adjective compound (1307), sometimes redundantly, but usually in order 
 to obtain a more managtable stem for inflection : thu;:, anaksika eyeless, 
 atvakka s7ci7dess, aretaska irithout seed, vyasthaka boneless. 8a<jira8ka 
 along icith the head, ekagayatrika containing a single gayatri-t-erse, 
 grhitavasativarika one who has taken yesterday s water, sapatnika with 
 his spouse, bahuhastika having many elephants. Badiksopasatka tcxth 
 diksa and upasad, ahitasamitka uith his fuel laid on, abhinavava- 
 yaska of youthful age, angusthamatraka of thumb size. 
 
 i. The vov?el by which the ka is preceded has often an irregular 
 character; and especially, a feminine in ika is ao commou beside a mas- 
 culine in aka as to be its regular correspondent (as is the case with the 
 so-criled "primary aka: above, 1181). In RV. are found beside one an- 
 other only iyattaka and iyattika; but AV. has several examples. 
 
 j. Two suffixes made up of ka and a preceding vowel — namely, 
 aka and ika — are given by the grammarians as independent secondary 
 suffixes, requiring initial vrddhi-strengthening of the primitive. Both of 
 them are doubtless originally made by addition of ka to a final i or a, 
 though coming to be used independently. 
 
 k. Of vrddbi-derivatives in aka no examples have been noted from 
 the older language (unless mamaka mine is to be so regarded); and they 
 are not common in the later: thus, avaqyaka necessary; varddhaka 
 old age, ramaniyaka delightfulness. 
 
 1. Of vrddhi-derivatives in ika, the Veda furnishes a very few 
 cases : vasantika vernal, varsika of the rainy season, haimantika wintry 
 (none of them in RV.); AV. has kairatika of the Kiratas, apparent fem. 
 to a masc. kairataka, which is not found till later. Examples from a 
 more recent period (when they become abundant) are: vaidika relating to 
 the Vedas, dharmika religious, ahnika daily, vainayika u-eU-behuved, 
 dauvarika doorkeeper, naiyayika vej'sed in the Nyaya. 
 
 m. Before the suffix ka, some finals show a form which is character- 
 istic of external rather than internal combination. A final sonant mute, 
 of course, becomes surd, and an aspirate loses its aspiration (117 a, 114); 
 cf. -upasatka, -samitka, above, h. So also a palatal becomes guttural 
 (as before t etc.: 217): e. g. -srukka, -rukka, -tvakka, anrkka. 
 A s remains after a, and becomes s after an alterant vowel (180): e. g. 
 sadyaska, jyotiska, dirghayuska. But the other sibilants take the form
 
 469 Stems in ka, aka, ika, am, ma, na, ima. [—1224 
 
 they would have in composition: thus, adikka (di9), satka, -vitka, 
 -tvitka (aas etc.). Ana9irka (TS.: aQis) is anomalous; and so is pa- 
 rutka (Apast.), if it comes from parus. 
 
 1223. Several suffixes, partly of rare occurrence and questionable 
 character, contain a ^ n as consonantal element, and may be grouped 
 together here. *^"'*' " 
 
 a. A few derivatives in ajja in RV. were given above (1175 a). 
 
 b. With ani (which is perhaps the corresponding feminine) are made 
 a small number of words, chiefly wife-names: thus, indranl, varunanl 
 (these, with U9inarani, purukutsani, mudgalani, iarjani, are found 
 in RV.), rudrani, matulani maternal uncles wife, 9arvani, bhavani, 
 i9anani, 9akrani, upadhyayani, mrdani, brahmani; and yavani. 
 
 e. The feminines in ni and kni from masculine stems in ta have 
 been already noticed above (llTSd). From pati master, husband the 
 feminine is patni, both as independent word, spouse, and as final of an 
 adjective compound: thus, devapatni having a god for husband, sin- 
 dhupatni having the Indus as master. And the feminine of parusa rough 
 is in the older language sometimes parusni. 
 
 d. With ina are made a full series of adjective derivatives from the 
 words with final anc (407 ff.); they are accented usually upon the penult, 
 but sometimes on the final; and the same word has sometimes both ac- 
 cents: for example, apaelna, niciaa, pracina, arvaclna and arva- 
 cina, praticina and praticina, samicina. Besides these, a number of 
 other adjectives, earlier and later: examples are samvatsarina yearly, 
 pravrsina of the rainy season, vi9vajanina of all people, jnatakulina 
 of known family, adhvanina traveller (adhvan toay), a9vina day's 
 
 jurney on horseback (a9va horse'). RV. has once makina mine. 
 
 e. With ena is made samidhena (f. -ni), from samidh, with initial 
 strengthening. 
 
 f. As to a few words in ina, compare 1209 c. 
 
 g. The adjectives made with simple na fall partly under another head 
 (below, 1245 f); here may be noted 9urana heroic^?), phalguna, 9ma- 
 9runa, dadruna, and, with vrddhi-strengthening, straina woman's (its 
 correlative, paumsna, occurs late) and cyautna inciting. If drona comes 
 from dru icood, it has the anomaly of a guna-strengthening. 
 
 1224. Certain suffixes containing, ji^..|T in may be similarly 
 grouped. 
 
 a. With i^ia are made a small number of adjectives from nouns in 
 tra: thus, khanitrima made by digging, krtrima artificial, dattrima, 
 paktrima, putrima; in other finals, kuttima, ganima, talima, tulima, 
 paktma, udgarima, vyayogima, samvyuhima, nirvedhima, asan- 
 gima, all late. In agrima (RV.) foremost the ma has perhaps the ordi- 
 nal value. 
 
 b. The uses of simple ma in forming superlatives (474) and ordinals 
 (487 d, e) have been already noticed, and the words thus made specified.
 
 1224—] XVII. Secondahv Derivation. 470 
 
 c. A few neuter abstracts end in mna: thus, dyumnS, hrightnesH, 
 nymnd manliness; and, froja particles, nimnA. depth and sumnd welfare. 
 The suffix comes perhaps from man with an added a. 
 
 d. For the words showing a final min, see below, 1231. 
 
 1225. IT7T maya. With this suffix are formed adjectives 
 signifying made or composed or consist{?ig of, also abound- 
 ing iti, that which is denoted by the primitive. 
 
 a. The accent is always on the ma, and the feminine is regularly 
 and usually in m&yi. In the oldest language (V.), final as remains un- 
 changed before the suffix: thus, manasmaya, nabhasmaya, ayasmaya; 
 but d is treated as in external combination: thus, mrnmaya; and in the 
 Brahmanas and later, finals in general have the latter treatment: e. g. te- 
 jomaya, adomaya, apom&ya, jyotirmaya, yajurmaya, etanmaya, 
 asfumaya, vanmaya, ammaya, pravrnmaya. KV. has aQmsinm&ya 
 (later aQmamaya). In hiranmaya (B. and later) the primitive (hira- 
 nya) is peculiarly mutilated. RV. has siimaya of good make, and kim- 
 maya made of ichat? 
 
 b. A very few examples of a feminine in ya occur in the later 
 language. 
 
 1226. ^ ra. A few derivative adjectives are made with 
 this suffix. Accent and treatment of the primitive are va- 
 rious. 
 
 a. With simple addition of ra are made, for example: pansura 
 dustt/, -(jrira (also -Qlila) in a9rira ugli/, dhiimra dusky (dhuma smoke), 
 madhura (late) sweet. In an example or two, there appears to be accom- 
 panying initial strengthening: thus, agnidhra of the fire-kindler (agnidh), 
 (jankura stake-like (9anku); and in (jekhara (also 9ikliara), a guna- 
 strengthening. 
 
 b. "With an inorganic vowel before the ending are made, for example, 
 niedhira icise, rathira m a chariot; karmara smith ; dantura (late) 
 tusked; acchera (? MS.), 9ramarLera, samgamanera. 
 
 e. The use of ra in forming a few words of comparative meaning was 
 noticed above (474), and the words so made were given. 
 
 1227. ^ la. This and the preceding suffix are really 
 but two forms of the same. In some words they exchange 
 with one another, and ^ la is usually,^ but not always, the 
 later form in use. 
 
 a. Examples are : bahula abundant, madhula (later madhura) and 
 madhtila sweet, bhimala fearful, jivala lively, a9lila (and a9rira) 
 icretchedj with a, vacala talkative (late); with i, phenila /oamy (late:
 
 471 Stems in mna, maya, ra, la, va, 9a, in. [ — 1230 
 
 phena); with u, vatula, and vatula ivindy (late: vata); and matula 
 maternal uncle is a somewhat irregular lormatiou from matr mother. 
 
 b. In the later language are found a few adjectives in lu, always 
 preceded by a; examples are: krpalu and dayalu compassionate, irs- 
 yalu jealous^ usnalu heated, 9ayalu and svapnalu sleepy, lajjalu mod- 
 est, lalalu drooling, 9raddhalu trusting, krodhalu passionate. One or 
 two such derivatives having a primary aspect were noticed at 1192 b. 
 
 1228. ^ va. A small number of adjectives have this 
 ending (accented, added to an unaltered primitive). 
 
 a. Examples are: arnava hillotvy, ke9ava hairy; rasnava girded; 
 anjiva slippery, 9antiva tranquillizing, 9raddliiva credible, amaniva 
 Jewelless, rajiva striped. 
 
 b. There are a very few adjectives in vala and vaya which may he 
 noticed here: thus, krsivala peasant (krsi ploughing), tirnavala tcooly, 
 rajasvala, urjasvala, payasvala, 9advala, nadvala, 9ikh,avala, dan- 
 tavala ; druvaya tcooden dish, caturvaya fourfold. 
 
 c. With vya are made two or three words from names of relation- 
 ship, thus, pitrvya paternal uncle, bhratrvya nephew, enemy. 
 
 1229. 5T ca. A very few adjectives appear to be made 
 by an added ending of this form. 
 
 a. Thus, roma9a or loma9a hairy, eta9a (also eta9a) variegated, 
 arva9a or arva9a hasting, babhlu9a or babiiru9a and kapi9a broivnish, 
 krsna9a blackish, ya.va.qk youthful, bali9a childish, karkaqa harsh, kar- 
 ina9a (?) n. pr.; and giri9a, vari9a (?), vrksa9a are doubtless of the 
 same character (not containing the root 91). The character of liarirQa9a, 
 ka9ina9a, kala9a is doubtful. 
 
 b. Many of the adjective derivatives already treated have some- 
 times a possessive value, the general meaning of being concerned with, 
 having relation to being specialized into that of being possession of. 
 But there are also a few distinctively possessive suffixes; and some 
 of these, on account of the unlimited freedom of using them and 
 the frequency of their occurrence, are very conspicuous parts of the 
 general system of derivation. These will be next considered. 
 
 1230. ^^ in. Possessive adjectives of this ending may 
 be formed almost unlimitedly from stems in ^ or ^T a, 
 and are sometimes (but very rarely) made from stems with 
 
 other finals. 
 
 a. A final vowel disappears before the suffix. The accent is on 
 the suffix. As to the inflection of these adjectives, see above, 438 ff. 
 They are to be counted by hundreds in the older language, and are 
 equally or more numerous in the later.
 
 1230 — ] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 472 
 
 b. Examples from a-stems are: aQvin possessing Jiorses, dhanin 
 wealthy, paksm ivinged, balin strong, bhagin fortunate, vajrin wield- 
 ing the thunderbolt, Qikliandin crested, hastin possessing hands, Boda9in. 
 of sixteen, gardabhanadfn having an ass^s voice, brahmavarcasfn of 
 eminent sanctity, sadhudevin having luck at play, kucidarthin having 
 errands everywhither; — from a-stems, manisfn wise, 9ikhin crested, 
 rtayxn pious. 
 
 C. Derivatives from other stems are very few in comparison: thus, 
 ,.fe.QIR..i-stems, atithin(?), abhimatin, arein, a9anin, urmin, kala- 
 nemin, khadm, -panin, maricirij maunjin, maulin, -yonin, venin, 
 samdhiu, samrddhin, surabhin (of those found only at the end of a 
 possessive compound the character is doubtful, since case-forms of i- and 
 in-stems are not seldom exchanged); — £ra».jgu'6t©ms, gurvin, catagvin 
 (?), venavin (with guna of the u); — from stems, in an, varmfn, 
 karmin, earmin, -chadmin, janmin, dhanvin, -dharmin, namin, 
 brahmin, yaksmin, garmin, and 9vanin ; — in as, retin rich in seed, 
 and probably varcin n. pr.; also (perhaps througli' stems in -sa) 9avaB{n 
 and sahasin, manasin, -vayasin; — isolated are parisrajin garlanded, 
 and hiranm (hiranya). 
 
 d. It was pointed out above (1183) that derivatives in in have assum- 
 ed on a large scale the aspect and value of primary derivatives, with the 
 significance of present participles, especially at the end of compounds. The 
 properly secondary character of the whole formation is shown, on the one 
 hand, by the frequent use in the same manner of words bearing an unmis- 
 takably secondary form, as pra9nin, garbhm, jurnin, dhiimin, sna- 
 nin, homin, matsarm, paripanthm, pravepanin, samgatin; and, 
 on the other hand, by the occurrence of reverted palatals (216) before the 
 in, which could only be as in replaced a: thus, arkin, -bhangin, -san- 
 g£n, -rokin. 
 
 e. In a few cases, there appears before the in a y preceded by an 
 a of inorganic character: thus, dhanvayin, tantrayin, 9vetayin, 
 srkayin, atatayin, pratihitayin, marayin, rtayin, svadhayin (VS.: 
 TB. -vin). The y in all such words is evidently the inserted y after a 
 (258 a), and to assume for them a suffix yin is quite needless. 
 
 f. The accentuation pravrajin, prasyandin, in the concluding part 
 of QB., is doubtless false; and the same is to be suspected for 9aki, sari, 
 iri (RV. each once). 
 
 g. A very few words in in have not suffered the possessive speciali- 
 zation. Such are vanxn tree, hermit, kapotin dovelike, andin scrotum- 
 like (cf. 1233f.). 
 
 1231. ftpi min. With this suffix are made an extremely 
 
 small number of possessive adjectives, 
 
 a. In the old language, the words in min have the aspect of deriv- 
 atives in in from nouns in ma, although in two or three cases — ismin
 
 473 Stems in in, min, vin, vant. [—1233 
 
 and rgmin in RV., vagmin in ^'B. — no such nouns are fonnd in actual 
 use teside them. In the later language, min is used as independent ele- 
 ment in a very few words: thus, gomin possessing cattle, svamin (Sutras 
 and later) mastei; lord (sva oicn), kakudmin humped. 
 
 b. The two words rgmin and vagmin show not only reversion but 
 also sonantizing of an original palatal. 
 
 1232. f^_^vin. The adjectives made with this suffix 
 are also not numerous. They have the same meanings with 
 those in ^ in. The accent is on the suffix, 
 
 a. The RV. has ten adjectives in vin; they become rather more com- 
 mon later. Though for them may he suspected a similar origin to those in 
 yin and min (ahove), signs of it are much less clearly traceable. 
 
 b. The great majority have vin added after as: e. g. namasvin 
 reverential, tapasvm heated, tejasvin hrilUant, yagasvin heautifiil, and 
 so retasvin, enasvin, harasvm, etc.; and 9atasvin, 9rotasvin, rii- 
 pasvin have an inserted s, by analogy with them. Most others have a 
 (sometimes, by lengthening): thus, glavin, medhavin, mayavin, sa- 
 bhavm, astravin ohedient to the goad, dvayavin double-minded, ubha- 
 yavin possessing of both kinds, dhanvavin, tandravin, amayavin, 
 atatavin. More rarely, vin is added after another consonant than s: thus, 
 vagvm, dhrsadvin, atmanvin, kumudvin, sragvin, yajvin, ajvin. 
 The doubtful word vyaQnuvin (VS., once: TB. vyaQniya) appears to add 
 the ending (or in, with euphonic v) to a present tense-stem. 
 
 C. An external form of combination is seen only in vagvm and 
 dhrsadvin (both Vedic), with the common reversion of a palatal in sragvin. 
 
 1233. ^fT vant. Very numerous possessive adjectives 
 are made by this suffix, from noun-stems of every form, 
 both in the earlier language and in the later. 
 
 a. The accent generally remains upon the primitive, without 
 change ; but an accent resting on a stem-final, if this be anything but 
 a or a, is in the majority of cases thrown forward upon the suffix. 
 As to inflection, formation of feminine, etc., see 452 ff. 
 
 b. A final vowel — oftenest a, very rarely u — is in many words 
 lengthened in the older language (247) before this ending, as in compo- 
 sition. Nouns in an more often retain the n. 
 
 C. Examples of the normal formation are : with unchanged accent, 
 kegavant hairy, putravant having a son, prajananavant procreative, 
 pundarikavant rich in lotuses, hiranyavant rich in gold, apupavant 
 having calces, rajanyavant allied icitli a kshatriya; praia,va.nt having pro- 
 geny, urnavant wooly, daksinavant rich in sacrificial gifts ; sakhivant 
 having friends, saptarsivant acco7npanied by the seven sages; Qacivant 
 poiverful; tavisivant vehement, patnivant ivith spouse, dhivant devoted,
 
 1233—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 474 
 
 dyavaprthivivant (94b) tcith heaven and earth; v{snuvant accompanied 
 by Vishnu; haritvant golden, avrtvant hither turned, aqirvant juized 
 ivithmilk, svhrvant splendid, qarkdvant full of years, ^xxmavant having 
 a male, payasvant rich, tamasvant dark, brahmanvant accompanied 
 ivith worship, romanvant hairy (but also romavant, lomavant, vrtraha- 
 vant, etc.), kakubhvant containing a kakubh; — -with accent on the 
 suffix, agnivant having fire, rayivant tcealthy, nrvant manly, padvant 
 having feet, nasvant tvith nose, asanvant having a mouth, qirsanvant 
 headed (also 9irsavant). 
 
 d. With final stem-vowel lengthened: for example, a9vavant (beside 
 a9vavant) possessing horses, sutavant having soma expressed, vfsnyavant 
 of virile force (about thirty sucli cases occur in V.) ; 9aktivant mighty, 
 svadhitivant havitig axes, ghrnivant hot ; visuvant dividing (visu apart). 
 
 e. Certain special irregularities are as follows: an inserted 8 in in- 
 drasvant, mahisvant; inserted n in vananvant, budhanvant, va- 
 dhanvant, gartanvant, mansanvant ; shortening of a final of the primi- 
 tive in mayavant, yajyavant, puronuvakyavant, amiksavant, 
 sarasvativant ; abbreviation in hiranvant; inserted a in gavasavant, 
 sahasavant, and the odd mahimavant ; anomalous accent in kr9ana- 
 vant (if from kr9ana pearl); derivation from particles in antarvant 
 pregnant, visiivant (above, d). 
 
 f. Instead of the specialized meaning of possessing, the more general 
 one of like to, resembling is seen in a number of words, especially in the 
 derivatives from pronominal stems, mavant like me etc. (517: add 
 ivant, kivant). Other examples are indrasvant like Indra, nidavant 
 nestlike, nilavant blackish, nrvant n%a7dy, prsadvant speckled, ksai- 
 tavant princely; compare the later paravant dependent. It was pointed 
 out above (1107) that the adverb of comparison in vat is the accusative 
 neuter of a derivative of this class. 
 
 g. In a few words, vant has the, aspect of forming primary deriv- 
 atives: thus, vivasvant (or vivasvant) shitiing, also n. pr., anupa- 
 dasvant, arvant, pipisvant (?), yahvant. 
 
 h. For the derivatives in vat from prepositions, which appear to have 
 nothing to do with this suffix, see 1245j. 
 
 i. While this suffix is generally added to a primitive according to the 
 rules of internal combination (see examples above, c), treatment also as 
 in external combination begins already in RV., in prsadvant (prsat), 
 and becomes more common later: thus, tapovant, tejovant, angirovant 
 (beside tapasvant etc.); vidyudvant (beside vidyutvant), brhadvant, 
 jagadvant, sadvant, etc.; tristubvant (against kakubhvant), sam- 
 idvant, vimrdvant; vagvant (against rkvant); svaradvant; havya- 
 vadvant; a9irvant. 
 
 j. None of the suffixes beginning with v show in the Veda resolution 
 of V to u.
 
 475 Stems in vant, van, mant. [—1235 
 
 1234. Gp7 van. The secondary derivatives in this suffix belong 
 to the older language, and are a small number, of which extremely 
 few have more than an occurrence or two. 
 
 a. They have the aspect of being produced tinder the joint influence 
 of primary van and secondary vant. A final short vowel is usually length- 
 ened before the suffix. The accent is various, but often est on the penult 
 of the stem. The feminine (like that of the derivatives in primary van: 
 1 1 69 f) is in vari. 
 
 b. The Vedic examples are : from a-stems, rnavan or rnavd,n, rta- 
 van (and f. -vari), fghavan, dhitavan, satyavan, sumnavari, and 
 maghavan; from a-stems, sunftavari, svadhavan (and f. -vari); from 
 i-stems, amativan, arativan, Qrustivan, musivan, and krsivan (only 
 in the further derivative karsivana); dhivan; from consonant-stems, 
 atharvan, samadvan, sahovan (bad AV. variant to RV. sahavan); 
 hardvan (TA. also hardivan). Somewhat anomalous are sahavan, 
 indhanvan (tor indhanavan ?), and sanitvan (for sanitivan?). The 
 only words of more than sporadic occurrence are rtavan, maghavan, 
 atharvan. 
 
 c. Sahovan (see b) is the only example of external combination 
 with this suffix. 
 
 1235. JTtT mant. This is a twin-suffix to ^H vant (above, 
 1233]; their derivatives have the ^ame value, and are to 
 some extent exchangeable with one another. But possess- 
 ives in ^^ mant are much less frequent (in the older lan- 
 guage, about a third as many), and are only very rarely 
 
 made from a-stems. 
 
 a. If the .^accent of the primitive word is on the final, it is in 
 the great majority of instances (three quarters) thrown forward upon 
 the added suffix ; otherwise, it maintains its place unchanged. A final 
 vowel before the suffix is in only a few cases made long. Exam- 
 ples are: 
 
 b. With the accent of the primitive unchanged: kanvamant, yava- 
 mant rich in harley, and vibhavamant n. pr. (these alone from a-stems, 
 and the first only occurring once); avimant possessing sheep, a9animant 
 bearing the thunderbolt, osadhimant rich in herbs, vaQimant carrying an 
 axe, vasumant possessing good things, madliumant rich in streets, tvas- 
 trmant accompanied by Tvashtar, hotrm&nt provided to ith priests, ayus- 
 mant long-lived, jyotismant /m/^ of brightness; — ulkusimant accom- 
 panied toith meteors, pilumant(?), prasdmant having young shoots, 
 gomaht rich in kine, garutmant tvinged, vihutmant icith libation, 
 kakudmant humped, vidyunmant (with irregular assimilation of t: "VS. 
 has also kakunmant) gleaming, virukmant shining, havismant with 
 libations, viprusmant with drops.
 
 1235—] XVII. Secondary Derivation. 476 
 
 c. With the accent thrown forward upon the ending : asim^nt with 
 knives, agnimant havi7ig Jire, isudhimant with a quiver, pa9umant 
 possessing cattle, vayumant with tvind, pitrmant (AV. pitrmant) accom- 
 panied hy the Fathers, matrmant having a mother; no long final vowels 
 are found before the suffix in this division, and only once a consonant, in 
 dasmat (RV., once). 
 
 d. Protraction of a final vowel is seen in tvisimant, dhrajimant, 
 hirimant; in jyotisimant is irregularly inserted an i (after the analogy 
 of tavisimant); in 9ucisraant, mahismant, an s; susumant (RV., 
 once) appears to be primary. 
 
 e. The adverb aQumat appears to be related to adverbs in vat as 
 the suffix mant to vant. 
 
 f. By the side of derivatives made with internal combination appears 
 vidyunmant even in RV.; and other like cases occur later: thus, pari- 
 srunmant, kakunmant, ksunmant, purorunmant, vanmant, kakum- 
 mant, gudalinmant, yaqomant. 
 
 1236. It has been seen above (especially in connection with the 
 suffixes a and ya) that the neuter of a derivative adjective is fre- 
 quently used as an abstract noun. There are, however, two suffixes 
 which have in the later language the specific office of making abstract 
 nouns from adjectives and nouns; and these are found also, more 
 sparingly used, in the oldest language, each having there one or two 
 other evidently related suffixes beside it. 
 
 a. For derivatives of the same value made with the suffix iman, see 
 above, llGSi-k. 
 
 1237. cTT ta. With this suffi?: jire ma^^^^ 
 
 tract nouns, denoting the quality of heingj<pi,vn^^ s^y from 
 both adjectives and nouns. 
 
 a. The form of the primitive is unchanged, and the accent is 
 uniformly on the syllable preceding the suffix. 
 
 b. Examples (from the older language) are: devata divinity, Virata 
 manliness, purusata human nature, agnita firehood, apa9uta cattle-less- 
 ness, bandhiita relationship, vasiita ivealth; nagnata 7iakedness, suvi- 
 rata zvealth in retainers, anapatyata lack of descendants, agota jmverty 
 in cattle, abrahmata lack of devotion, aprajasta absence of progeny; 
 also doubtless stinrta (from sUnara), although the word is a few times 
 used as an adjective (like gamtati and satyatati: see next paragraph). 
 
 c. Of special formation are mamata selfishness, treta triplicity, astita 
 actuality. RV. has avirata, with exceptional accent. In ekapatnita is 
 seen a shortened final vowel of the primitive. Janata has acquired ^a con- 
 crete meaning, people, folk; also gramata (once) villages collectively. 
 
 1238. cTTTFT tati, cHH tat. These suffixes are Yedic only, and 
 the latter is limited to RV. Their relationship to the preceding is
 
 477 Stems in mant, ta, tati, tat, tve, tvana. [—1240 
 
 I man 
 
 evident, but opinions are at variance as to its nature. The accent is 
 as in the derivatives with ta. 
 
 a. The quotable examples in tati are: aristatati uninjuredness, 
 ayaksmatati freedom from disease, grbhitatati the being seized, jyes- 
 thatati supremacy, devatati divinity, vasutati ivealth, (jdmtati good- 
 fortune, sarvatati completeness; and, with exceptional accent, astatati 
 home, and daksatati cleverness; 9ivatati and 9ubhatati occur (once 
 each) in the later language. Two words in tati are used adjectively (in- 
 organically, by apposition?): gamtati (RV., twice; and AV. xix. 44. 1, 
 in manuscripts), and satyatati (RV., ouce: voc). 
 
 b. The words in tat (apparently made by abbreviation from tati) 
 occur in only one or two case-forms; they were all mentioned above (883k. 2). 
 
 1239. ^ tva. With this suffix are made neuter nouns, 
 
 of the same value as the feminines in rTT ta (above, 1237). 
 
 a. The neuter abstracts in tva are in the older language con- 
 siderably more common than the feminines in ta, although them- 
 selves also not very numerous. The accent is without exception on 
 the suffix. 
 
 b. Examples (from the older language) are: amrtatva immortality, 
 devatva divinity, auhhagsitvsi good-fortune, ahamuttaratva struggle for 
 precedency, qucitva purity, patitva hushandship, taranitva energy, dir- 
 ghayutva long life, 9atrutva enmity, bhratrtva brotherhood, vrsatva 
 virility, satmatva soulfulness, maghavattva liberality, raksastva sorcery. 
 In anagastva and -prajastva there is a lengthening of a final syl- 
 lable of the primitive; and in sauprajastva (AV., once) this appears to 
 be accompanied by Initial vrddhi (saubhagatva is doubtless from saii- 
 bhaga, not subhaga) ; and in these and pratyanastva there is an appa- 
 rent insertion of b. In sadhanitva (RV.), vasativaritva (TS.), rohi- 
 nitva (TB.), there is shortening of final feminine i before the suffix. Of 
 peculiar formation are astitva actuality and sahatva tmion. The apparent 
 feminine datives yuthatvayai and ganatvayai (KS.) are doubtless false 
 forms. 
 
 c. Besides the usual guttural reversions in samyaktva, sayuktva, 
 we have external combination in samittva (-idh-) and purvavattva 
 (-vah-). 
 
 d. In isitatvata (RV., once) incitedness, and purusatvata (RV., 
 twice) human quality, appears to be a combination of the two equivalent 
 suffixes tva and ta. 
 
 e. The v of tva is to be read in Veda as u only once (raksastu&). 
 
 1240. W\ tvana. The derivatives made with this suffix are, 
 like those in tva, neuter abstracts. They occur almost only in RV., 
 and, except in a single instance (martyatvana), have beside them 
 equivalent derivatives in tva. The accent is on the final, and the 
 tva is never resolved into tua.
 
 1240—1 XVII. Secondary Derivation. 478 
 
 a. The words are: kavitvana, janitvana^ patitvana (also JB.), 
 martyatvana, mahitvana, vasutvana, vrsatvana, sakhitvana. 
 
 1241. A few suffixes make no change in the character as part 
 of speech of the primitive to which they are added, but either are 
 merely formal appendages, leaving the value of the word what it was 
 before, or make a change of degree, or introduce some other modi- 
 fication of meaning. 
 
 1242. The suffixes of comparison and ordinal suffixes 
 have for the most part been treated already, and need only 
 
 a reference here. 
 
 a. cTT tara and rFT tama are the usual secondary suffixes of 
 adjective comparison: respecting their use as such, see above, 471 -473 j 
 respecting the use of tama as ordinal etc. suffix, see 487-8; respect- 
 ing that of their accusatives as adverbial suffixes to prepositions 
 etc., see lllle. 
 
 b. In vrtratara and purutama (RV.) the accent is anomalous ; 
 in mrdayattama, it is drawn forward to the final of the participle, as 
 often in composition (1309); 9a9vattania (RV.) has the ordinal accent; 
 samvatsaratama (^B.) is an ordinal; divatara (RV., once: an error?) 
 is an ordinary adjective, of the day ; surabhistama and tuvistama insert 
 a s; karotara and kanlitara are probably vrddhi-derivatives in a. In 
 vatsatara (f. -ri) tveanling, a9vatara tnule, and dhenustari cow losing 
 her milk, the application of the suffix is peculiar and obscure; so also in 
 rathamtara, name of a certain saman. 
 
 c. ^ ra and rf ma, like tara and tama, have a comparative and 
 superlative value; and the latter of them forms ordinals: see above, 
 474, 487. 
 
 d. ^ tha, like tama and ma, forms ordinals from a few nume- 
 rals: see 487 e; also (with fem. in -thi) from tati, kati, yati, iti: 
 thus tatitha so-matiy-eth etc. 
 
 e. Apparently by false analogy with tatitha etc. (above, d), the 
 quasi-ordinals tavatitha, yavatitha, bahutitha are made, as if with a 
 suffix titha (also katititha, late, for katitha) ; and, it is said, from other 
 words meaning a number or collection, as gana, piiga, samgha; but none 
 such are quotable. 
 
 1243. Of diminutive suffixes there are none in Sanskrit with 
 clearly developed meaning and use. The occasional employment of 
 ka, in a somewhat indistinct way, to make diminutives, has been 
 noticed above (1222). 
 
 1244. Of the ordinary adjective-making suffixes, given above, 
 some occasionally make adjectives from adjectives, with slight or 
 imperceptible modification of value. The only one used to any con- 
 siderable extent in this way is ka: as to which, see 1222.
 
 479 Stems in tara, tama, tha, taya, ta, na, tana etc. [ — 1245 
 
 1245. A few suffixes are used to make derivatives from certain 
 limited and special classes of words, as numerals and particles. Thus: 
 
 a. cUT taya makes a few adjectives meaning of so many divi- 
 sions or kinds (used in the neuter as collectives), from numerals: 
 thus, ekataya (MS.), dvitaya, tritaya, catustaya (AV.), sattaya (KB.: 
 with external combination), saptataya [QB.), astataya (AB.), da9ataya 
 (RV.), bahutaya (TS.). Their fem. is in -yi. " 
 
 b. cU tya makes a class of adjectives from particles: e. g. nftya 
 otvn, nfstya foreign, amatya companion, etc. As the examples show, 
 the accent of the primitive is retained. The fem. is in -tya. 
 
 c. The other quotable examples are : dpatya, avistya, sanutya, 
 antastya, anyatastya-, tataatya, kutastya, atratya, tatratya, ya- 
 tratya, kutratya, ihatya, upatya, adhitya, pratastya, daksinatya 
 (Instead of -which, the regular form, is generally found daksinatya, appa- 
 rently a further vrddhi-derivative from it: as if belonging to the southern- 
 ers^, and pa9cattya and paurastya (of a similar character: these three 
 last are said l)y the grammarians to be accented on the final, as is proper 
 for vrddhi-derivatives) ; aptyd and aptya perhaps contain the same suffix. 
 In antastya and pratastya is seen external combination. 
 
 d. The y of tya is in RV. always to be read as i after a heavy 
 syllable. 
 
 e. cT ta forms ekata, dvita, and trita, also muhtirta moment, 
 and apparently avata well (for water). 
 
 f. With ^ na are made purand ancient, visuna various, and 
 perhaps samana like. 
 
 g. With cT^ tana or (in a few cases) W tna are made adjectives 
 trom adverbs, nearly always of time: e. g. pratna ancient, nutana 
 or nutna present, sanatana or sanatna lasting, divatana of the day, 
 qvastana of tomorrow, hyastana of yesterday. The accent is various. 
 The feminine is in ni. 
 
 h. The other quotable examples are : agretana, adyatana, adhu- 
 natana, idamtana, idanimtana, etarhitana, ciramtana, tadanim- 
 tana, dosatana, puratana, praktana, pratastana, sadatana, sa- 
 yamtana; from adverbs of place, adhastana, arvaktana, uparitana, 
 kutastana; — with tna, parastattna, purastattna. A further vrddhi- 
 derivative, with equivalent meaning, nautana (cf. above, c), occurs late. 
 In PB. is once found tvattana belonging to thee. 
 
 i. Besides the obvious cases, of au assimilated final m before this 
 suffix, we have external combination in pratastana. 
 
 j. ^^ vat makes from particles of direction the feminine nouns 
 mentioned above (383k, 1). 
 
 k. ^fX kata, properly a noun in composition, is reckoned by the
 
 1245—] XVIII. Composition. 4g0 
 
 grammarians as a suffix, in utkata, nikata, prakata, vikata (RV., 
 once, voc), and samkata (all said to be accented on the final). 
 
 1. A suffix vana is perhaps to be seen in nivand, pravana ; — 
 and ala in antarala. 
 
 m. Occasional derivatives made with the ordinary suffixes of 
 primary and secondary derivation from numerals and particles have 
 been noted above: thus, see ana (1150n), ti (1157h), ant (1172a), 
 u (11781), a (12091), ka (1222 c), mna (1224c, maya (1225 a), vant 
 (1233e). 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 FORMATION OF COMPOUND STEMS. 
 
 1246. The frequent combination of declinable stems 
 with one another to form compounds which then are treated 
 as if simple, in respect to accent, inflection, and construc- 
 tion, is a conspicuous feature of the language, from its 
 
 earliest period. 
 
 a. There is, however, a marked difference between the earlier 
 and the later language as regards the length and intricacy of the 
 combinations allowed. In Veda and Brahmana, it is quite rare that 
 more than two stems are compounded together — except that to some 
 much used and familiar compound, as to an integral word, a further 
 element is sometimes added. But the later the period, and, especially, 
 the more elaborate the style, the more a cumbrous and difficult aggre- 
 gate of elements, abnegating the advantages of an inflective language, 
 takes the place of the due syntactical union of formed words into 
 sentences. 
 
 1247. Sanskrit compounds fall into three principal 
 
 classes : 
 
 I. a. Copulative or aggregative compounds, of which 
 the members are syntically coordinate: a joining together 
 into one of words which in an uncompounded condition 
 would be connected by the conjunction and (rarely or).
 
 481 Classes of Compounds. [—1247 
 
 b. Examples are: fndravarunau Indra and Varuna, satyanrte 
 truth and falsehood, krtakrtam done and undone, devagandharvama- 
 nusoragaraksasas gods and Gandharvas and men and serpetits and 
 demons. 
 
 c. The members of such a compound may ohviously be of any num- 
 ber, two or more than two. No compound of any other class can contain 
 more than two members — of which, however, either or both may be com- 
 pound, or decompound (below, 1248). 
 
 II.% d. Determinative compounds, of which the former 
 member is syntactically dependent on the latter, as its 
 determining or qualifying adjunct: being either, 1. a noun 
 (or pronoun) limiting it in a case-relation, or, 2. an adjective 
 or adverb describing it. And, according as it is the one 
 or the other, are to be distinguished the two sub-classes: 
 
 A. Dependent compounds; and B. Descriptive com- 
 pounds. Their difference is not an absolute one. 
 
 e. Examples are : of dependent compounds, amitrasena anny of 
 enemies, padodaka water for the feet, ayurda life-giving, hastakrta 
 made with the hands; of descriptive compounds, maharsi great sage, priya- 
 sakhi dear friend, am^itra enemy, sukrta well done. 
 
 f. These two classes are of primary value; they have undergone 
 no unifying modification in the process of composition; their charac- 
 ter as parts of speech is determined by their final member, and they 
 are capable of being resolved into equivalent phrases by giving the 
 proper independent form and formal means of connection to each 
 member. That is not the case with the remaining class, which accor- 
 dingly is more fundamentally distinct from them than they are from 
 one another. 
 
 III. g. Secondary adjective compounds, the value 
 of which is not given by a simple resolution into their 
 component parts, but which, though having as final member 
 a noun, are themselves adjectives. These, again, are of two 
 sub-classes: A. Possessive compounds, which are noun- 
 compounds of the preceding class, with the idea of possess- 
 ing added, turning them from nouns into adjectives; 
 
 B. Compounds in which the second member is a noun syn- 
 tactically dependent on the first: namely, 1. Prepositional 
 compounds, of a governing preposition and following noun ; 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 31
 
 1247—] XVIII. Composition. 482 
 
 2. Participial compounds (only Vedic), of a present par- 
 ticiple and its following object. 
 
 h. The sub-class B. is comparatively small, and its second division 
 (participial compounds) is hardly met with even in the later Vedic. 
 
 i. Examples are: virasena possessing a hero-arnnj, prajakama 
 having desire of progeny, tigma9rnga sharphorned, haritasraj loearing 
 greett garlands ; atimatrd excessive.; yavayaddvesas driving away 
 enemies. t 
 
 j. The adjective compounds are, like simple adjectives, liable to be 
 used, especially in the neuter, as abstract and collective nouns, and in the 
 accusative as adverbs ; and out of these uses have grown apparent special 
 classes of compounds, reckoned and named as such by the Hindu gram- 
 marians. The relation of the classification given above to that presented in 
 the native grammar, and widely adopted from the latter by the European 
 grammars, will be made clear as we go on to treat the classes in detail. 
 
 1248. A compound may, like a simple word, become a 
 
 member in another compound, and this in yet another — 
 
 and so on, without definite limit. The analysis of any 
 
 compound, of whatever length (unless it be a copulative), 
 
 must be made by a succession of bisections. 
 
 a. Thus, the dependent compound piirvajanmakrta done in a previous 
 existence is first divistble into krta and the descriptive purvajanman, 
 then this into its elements ;. the dependent sakalaniti9astratattvajna 
 kttoiving the essence of all books of behavior has first the root-stem jna 
 (for yjna) knowing separated from the rest, which is again dependent; then 
 this is divided into tattva essence and the remainder, which is descriptive ; 
 this, again, divides into sakala all and niti9astra books of behavior, of 
 which the latter is a dependent compound and the former a possessive (sa 
 and kala having its parts together). 
 
 1249. a. The final of a stem is combined with the initial 
 of another stem in composition according to the general 
 rules for external combination: they have been given, with 
 their exceptions, in chap. III., above. 
 
 b. If a stem has a distinction of stronaf and weak forms, 
 it regularly enters into composition as prior member in its 
 weak form; or, if it has a triple distinction (311), in its 
 middle form.
 
 483 Form op Prior Member of Compound. [—1250 
 
 c. That is, especially, stems in r or ar, at or ant, ac or anc, etc., 
 show in composition the forms in r, at7"ac, *eTc.; whil'eT^se in an 
 an^JLa. usually (exceptions sometimes" occur, as vrsana9va, vrsan- 
 vasii) lose their final n, and are combined as if a and i were their 
 proper finals. «— <•««<— .«—>*- 
 
 d. As in secondary derivation (1203 d), so also as prior member of 
 a compound, a stem sometimes shortens its final long vowel (usually i rare- 
 ly a): thus, in V., rodasipra, prthivistha, prthivisad, dharaputa, 
 dharavaka; in B., prthivi-da, -bhaga, -loka, sarasvatikrta, sena- 
 nigramanyau; in S., garbhinipraya9eitta, samidhenipraisa, vas- 
 ativaripariharana, ekadaQinilinga, prapharvida, devatalaksana. 
 devatapradhanatva; later, devakinandana, laksmivardhana, ku- 
 maridatta, istakacita, etc. 
 
 e. Occasionally, a stem is used as prior memher of a compound which 
 does not appear, or not in that form, s^ an independent word : examples 
 are maha great (apparently used independently' in V. in accusative), tuvl 
 mighty (V.), dvi two. 
 
 f^ Not infrequently, the final member of a compound assumes a special 
 form: see below, 1315. 
 
 « 
 
 1250. But a case-form in the prior member of a compound is by 
 no means rare, from the earliest period of the language. Thus: 
 
 a. Quite often, an accusative, especially before a root-stem, or a deriv- 
 ative in a of equivalent meaning : for example, patamgd. going by flight, 
 dhanamjaya ivinning icealth, abhayamkara causing absence of danger, 
 pustimbhara bringing prosperity, vacaminkhaya inciting the voice; but 
 also sometimes before words of other form, as EKjvamisti horse-desiring, 
 9ubliamyavan going in splendor, subhagamkarana 7naJcing happy, 
 bhayamkartr causer of fear. In a few cases, by analogy with these, a i 
 word receives an accusative form to which it has no right: thus, hrdamsani, 
 makaumgama, vasumdhara, atmambhari. 
 
 b. Much more rarely, an instrumental : for example, giravfdh t'wcrea*- 
 ing by praise, vacaatena stealing by incantation, kratvamagha gladly 
 bestowing, bhasaketu bright with light, vidmanapas active with wisdom. 
 
 c. In a very few instances, a dative : thus, nareatha serving a man, 
 asmehiti errand to us, and perhaps kiyedha and mahevrdh. 
 
 d. Not seldom, a locative; and this also especially with a root-stem or 
 a-derivative : for example, agrega going at the head, diviksft dtcelling 
 in the shy, vaneaah prevailing in the ivood, angestha existing in the 
 limbs, proathe9aya lying on a couch, autekara active with the soma, 
 divicara moving in the sA-y; are9atru having enemies far removed, 
 sumnaapi near in favor, maderaghu hasting in excitement, yudhiathira 
 
 firm in battle, antevaain dwelling near; apauja born in the waters, 
 hrtavaa hurling at hearts. 
 
 e. Least often, a genitive: thus, rayaakama desirous of wealth, 
 
 31*
 
 1250—] XVIII. Composition. 484 
 
 akasyavid knowing no one. But the older language has a few examples 
 of the putting together of a genitive with its governing noun, each member 
 of the combination keeping its own accent: see below, 1267 d. 
 
 f. Ablative forms are to be seen in balatkara violence and balat- 
 krta, and perhaps in paratpriya. And a stem in r sometimes appears in a 
 copulative compound in its nominative form: thus, pitaputrau ^a^/ter a«rf 
 son, hotapotarau the invoke?' and jjiirijier. Anyonya one another is a 
 fused phrase, of nominative and oblique case. 
 
 g. In a very few words, plural meaning is signified by plural form : 
 thus, apsuja etc. (in derivation, also, apsu is used as a stem), hrtsvas, 
 nfnhpranetra conducting men, rujaskara causing pains, (and dual) 
 haniikampa tremhling of the two jaws. 
 
 h. Much more often, of words having gender-forms, the feminine is 
 used in composition, when the distijjotive feminine sense is to be conveyed: 
 e. g. gopinatha master of the shepherdesses, dasiputra son of a female 
 slave, mrgidr9 gazelle-eyed, pranitapranayana vessel for consecrated 
 water. 
 
 1251. The accent of compounds is very various, and liable to 
 considerable irregularity even within the Hmits of the same formation; 
 and it must be left to be pointed out in detail below. AH possible 
 varieties are found to occur. Thus: 
 
 a. Each member of the compound retains its own separate accent. This 
 is the most anomalous and infrequent method. It appears in certain Vedic 
 copulative compounds chiefly composed of the names of divinities (so-called 
 devata-dvandvas : 1255 ff.), and in a small number of aggregations 
 paftlV" containing a genitive case-form as prior member (1267 d). 
 \ b. The accent of the compound is that of its prior member. This is 
 
 I especially the case in the great class of possessive , compounds ; but also in 
 ! determinatives having the participle in ta or na as final member, in those 
 ■ beginning with the negative a .oi,:an, and in other less numerous and im- 
 portant classes. 
 
 c. The accent of the compound is that of t he fln ^l member. This is not 
 on so large a scale the case as the preceding; but it is nevertheless quite 
 common, being found in many compounds having a verbal noun or adjective 
 as final member, in compounds beginning with the numerals dvi and tri 
 or the prefixes su and dus, and elsewhere in not infrequent exceptions. 
 
 d. The compound takes an accent of its own, independent of that of 
 either of its constituents, on its final syllable (not always, of course, to be 
 distinguished from the preceding case). This method is largely followed: 
 especially, by the regular^opulatives, and by the great mass of dejajident 
 and descriptive noun-compounds, by most possessives beginning with the 
 negative prefix; and by others. 
 
 e. The compound has an accent which is altered from that of one of 
 its members. This is everywhere an exceptional and sporadically occurring
 
 485 Copulative Compounds. [—1253 
 
 case, and the instances of it, noted below under each formation, do not 
 require to be assembled here. Examples are: medhasati (medha>, ti- 
 lamiqra (fila), khadihasta (khadf), yavaydddvesas (yavayant); 
 9akadhiama (dhupja), amrta (mrta), suvira " (vira), tuvigriva 
 (griva). A few words — as viQva, purva, and sometimes sarva — take 
 usually a changed accent as prior members of compounds. 
 
 I. Copulative Compounds. 
 
 1252. Two or more nouns — much less often adjectives, 
 and, in an instance or two, adverbs — having a coordinate 
 construction, as if connected by a conjunction, usually a»f/, 
 are sometimes combined into compounds. 
 
 a. This is the class to which the Hindu grammarians give the 
 name of dvandva pair, couple; a dvandva of adjectives, however, is 
 not recognized by them. 
 
 b. Compounds in which the relation of the two members is alternative 
 instead of copulative, though only exceptional, are not very rare: examples 
 are nyunadhika defective or redundayd, jayaparajaya victory or defeat, 
 kritotpanna purchased or on hand, kasthalostasama like a log or 
 clod, paksimrgata the condition of being bird or beast, trin(jadvin9a 
 numberiyig twenty or thirty, catuspancakrtvas four or Jive times, 
 dvyekantara different by one or two. A less marked modification of the 
 copulative idea is seen in such instances as priyasatya agreeable though 
 true, prarthitadurlabha sought after but hard to obtain ; or in (jranta- 
 gata arrived weary. 
 
 1253. The noun-copulatives fall, as regards their in- 
 flective form, into two classes: 
 
 1. a. The compound has the gender and declension of 
 
 its final member, and is in number a dual or a plural, 
 
 according to its logical value, as denoting two or more than 
 
 two individual things. 
 
 b. Examples are: pranapanau inspiration and expiration, vrlhi- 
 yavau rice and barley, rksame verse and chant, kapotoliikau dove 
 and owl, eandradityau moon and sun, hastya9vau the elephant and 
 horse, ajavayas goats and sheep, devasuras the gods and demons, 
 atharvangirasas the Atharvans and Angirases, sambadhatandryas 
 anxieties and fatigues, vidyakarmani knowledge and action, hastyaijvas 
 elephants and horses', of more than two members (no examples quotable 
 from the older language), Qayyasanabhogas lying, sitting, and eating, 
 bralimanaksatriyavit9udras a Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaicya, and gftdra,
 
 1253—] XVIII. Composition. 486 
 
 rogaQokaparitapabandhanavyasanani disease, pain, grief, captivity, 
 and misfortune. 
 
 2. e. The compound, without regard to the number de- 
 noted, or to the gender of its constituents, becomes a neuter 
 singular collective. 
 
 d. Examples are: istapurtam what is offered and bestowed, aho- 
 ratram a day and night, krtakrtam the done and undone, bhutabhav- 
 skva. past and future, ke9a9ma9ru hair and beard, osadliivanaspati 
 plants and trees, candratarakam moon and stars, ahinakulam snake 
 and ichneumon, 9irogrivain head and neck, yukamaksikamatkunam 
 lice, flies, and bugs. 
 
 1254. a. That a stem in r. as prior member sometimes takes its 
 nominative form, in a, was noticed above, 1250 f. 
 
 b. A stem as final member is sometimes changed to an a-foim to make 
 a neuter collective : "fKuT, chattropanaham an umhrettadnd a shoe. 
 
 c. The grammarians give rules as to the order of the elemexits com- 
 posing a copulative compound: thus, that a- more important, a briefer, a 
 vowel-initial member should stand first; and that one ending in a should 
 be placed last. Violations of them all, however, are not infrequent". 
 
 1255. In the oldest language (RV.), copulative compounds such 
 as appear later are quite rare, the class being chiefly represented by 
 dual combinations of the names of divinities and other personages, 
 and of personified natural objects. 
 
 a. In these combinations, each name has regularly and usually 
 the dual form, and its own accent; but, in the very rare instances 
 (only ffiree occurrences out of more than three hundred) in which 
 other cases than the nom.-acc.-voc. are formed, the final member only 
 is inflected. 
 
 b. Examples are: indrasoma, indravisnti, mdrabrhaspati, agnl- 
 somau, turvaQayadii, dyavaprthivi, usasanakta (and, with inter- 
 vening words, nakta ... usasa), suryamasa. The only plural is indra- 
 marutas (voc). The cases of other than nominative form are mitra- 
 varunabhyam and mitravarunayos (also mitrayor varunayoh), and 
 indravarunayos (each once only). 
 
 c. From dyavaprthivi is made the very peculiar genitive divdspy- 
 thivyos (4 times: AV. has dyavaprthivibhyam and dyavaprthivyos). 
 
 d. In one compound, parjanyavata, the first member (RV., once) 
 does not have the dual ending along with the double accent (indrana- 
 satya, voc, is doubtful as to accent). In several, the double accent is 
 wanting, while yet the double designation of number is present: thus, 
 indrapusnoa (beside indrapusang,), somapusabhyam (somapusana 
 occurs only as voc), vataparjanya, suryacandramasa, and indragni 
 (with indragnibhyam and indragny os) : somarudrau is accented only
 
 487 Copulative Compounds. [—1267 
 
 in ^B. And in one, indravajru, loini and accent are both accoidant wltli 
 the usages of tlie later language, 
 
 e. Of other copulatives, like those made later, the UV, has the plural 
 ajavayas, the dlials rksame, satyanrte, saijananaqand ; also the neu- 
 ter collective istapurtam, and the substantively used neuter of a copu- 
 lative adjective, nilalohit&ni. Further, the neuter plurals ahoratrani 
 nucthemera, and uktharka iiraises and songs, of which the tiiial inembcrs 
 as independent words are not neuter. No one of these words has more than 
 a single occurrence. 
 
 1256. In the later Vedic (AV.), the usage is much more nearly 
 accordant with that of the classical language, save that the class of 
 neuter singular collectives is almost wanting. 
 
 a. The words with double dual form are only a small minority (a 
 quarter, instead of three quarters, as in RV.); and half of them hare only 
 a single accent, on the tinal : thus, besides those in RV., bhavarudrau, 
 bhavacarvau ; . agnavisnii, voc, is of anomalous form. The whole num- 
 ber of copulatives is more than double that in RV. 
 
 b. The only proper neuter collectives, composed of two nouns, are 
 keqaQmaqru hair and heard, anjanabhyanjanam salve and ointment, and 
 kaqipiipabarhanam tnat and pillow, unilied because of the virtual unity 
 of the two objects specified. Neuter singulars, used in a similar collective 
 way, of adjective compounds, are (besides ttose in RV.): krtakrtam what 
 is done and undone (instead of what is done and tvhat is undone), citta- 
 katam thought and desire, bhadrapapam good and evil, bhutabhavyam 
 past and future. . 
 
 1257. Copulative compounds composed of adjectives 
 which retain their adjective character are made in the same 
 manner, but are in comparison rare. 
 
 a. Examples are: 9uklakrsna light and dark, sthalajaudaka ter- 
 restrial a7id aquatic, dantarajatasauvarna of ivory and silver and gold 
 used distributively; and vrttapina round and plwij/^, 9antanxikula 
 tranquil and propitious, hrsitasragrajohina wearing fresh garlands and 
 free from dust, ni8ekadi9ma9ananta beginning with conception and 
 ending with burial, used cumulatively; na 'ti9itosna not over cold or 
 hot, used alternatively ; ksanadrstanasta seen for a moment and then 
 lost, cintitopasthita at hand as soon as thought of, in more pregnant 
 sense. • 
 
 b. In the Veda, the only examples noted are the cumulative nila- 
 lohita .and istapiirta etc., used in the neut. sing, as collectives (as point- 
 ed out above)* with tamradhumra dark tawny; and the distributive 
 daksinasavya right and left, saptamastamA seventh and eighth, and 
 bhadrapapa good and bad (beside tho correspond i. is neut. c^oUectlvi-). 
 Such combinations as satyanrte truth andfaUehood, priyapriyani things
 
 1257—] XVIII. Composition. . 488 
 
 agreeable and disagreeable, where each component is used substantively, are, 
 of course, not to be separated from the ordinary noun-compounds. 
 
 e. A special case is that of the compound adjectives of direction; as 
 uttarapiirva north-east, pragdaksina south-east, daksinapaQcima 
 south-ioest, etc.: compare 1291 b. 
 
 1258. In accentuated texts, the copulative compounds have 
 uniformly the accent (acute) on the final of the stem. • 
 
 a. Exceptions are a case or two in AV., where doubtless the reading 
 is false: thus, vataparjanya (once: beside -nydyos), devamanusyas 
 (once: QB. -sya), brahmarajanyabhyam (also VS.); further, vako- 
 pavakya (^B.), aganayapipase (^B.). 
 
 1259. An example or two are met with of adverbial copulatives: 
 thus, ahardivi day by day, sayampratar at evening and in the morning. 
 They have the accent of their prior member. Later occur also bahyantar, 
 pratyagdaksina, pratyagudak. 
 
 1260. Kepeated words. In all ages of the language, nouns 
 and pronouns and adjectives and particles are not infrequently repeated, 
 to give an intensive, or a distributive, or a repetitional meaning. 
 
 a. Though these are not properly copulative compounds, there is no 
 better connection in which to notice them than here. They are, as the 
 older language shows, a sort of compound, of which the prior member has 
 its own independent accent, and the other is without accent: hence they 
 are most suitably and properly written (as in the Vedic pada-texts) as 
 compounds. Thus : jahy esam varam-varam slay of them each best man ; 
 dive-dive or dyavi-dyavi from day to day; angad-angal lomno-lom- 
 nah parvani-parvani yro»i every limb, from ev^y hair, in each joint; 
 pra-pra yajnapatim tira make the master of the sacrifice live on and on; 
 bhuyo-bhiiyah 9vah-9vah. further and further, tmnorrow and again to- 
 morroio; ekayai-'kaya ivith in each case one; vayam-vayam our very 
 selves. 
 
 b. Exceptional and rare cases are those of a personal verb-form re- 
 peated: thus, piba-piba (RV.)> yajasva-yajasva (QB.), veda-veda 
 (? QB.); — and of two words repeated: thus, yavad va-yavad va (QB.), 
 yatame va-yatame va (<JB.). 
 
 c. In a few instances, a word is found used twice in succession with- 
 out that loss of accent the second time which makes the repetition a vir- 
 tual composite: thus, nil nu (RV.), sam sam (AV.), the 'ha (AV.), 
 aijaya- 'naya (QB.), stuhi stuhi (RV., ace. to pada-text). 
 
 d. The class of combinations here described is called by the native 
 grammarians amredita added unto(y). 
 
 1261. Finally may he noticed in passing the compound numerals, 
 ekadaqa 11, dvavin9ati 22, triqata 103, catuhsahasra 1004, and 
 so on (476 ff.), as a special and primitive class of copulatives. They are 
 accented on the prior member.
 
 489 Determinative Compounds. [—1264 
 
 II. Determinative Compounds. 
 
 1262. A noun or adjective is often combined into a 
 compound with a preceding determining or qualifying word 
 — a noun, or adjective, or adverb. Such a compound is 
 conveniently called determinative. 
 
 1263. This is the class of compounds Avhich is of most 
 general and frequent occurrence in all branches of Indo- 
 European language. Its two principal divisions have been 
 already pointed out: thus, A. Dependent compounds, in 
 which the prior member is a substantive word (noun or pro- 
 noun or substantively used adjective), standing to the other 
 member in the relation of a case dependent on it; and 
 B. Descriptive compounds, in which the prior member is 
 an adjective, or other word having the value of an adject- 
 ive, qualifying a noun; or else an adverb or its equivalent, 
 qualifying an adjective. Each of these divisions then falls 
 into two sub-divisions, according as the final member, and 
 therefore the whole compound, is a noun or an adjective. 
 
 a. The whole class of determinatives is called by the Hindu 
 grammarians tatpurusa (the term is a specimen of the class, mean- 
 ing his mati); and the second division, the descriptives, has the 
 special name of karmadharaya (of obscure application: the literal 
 sense is something like office-hearing). After their example, the two 
 divisions are in European usage widely known by these two names 
 respectively. 
 
 A. Dependent Compounds. 
 
 1264. Dependent Noiin-compounds. In this di- 
 vision, the case-relation of the prior member to the other 
 may be of any kind; but,, in accordance with the usual re- 
 lations of one noun to another, it is oftenest genitive, and 
 
 least often accusative. 
 
 a. Examples are: of genitive relation, devasena arm]) of goch, 
 yamaduta Yarnas messenger, jivaloka the tcorld of the living, indra-
 
 1264—] XVIII. Composition. 490 
 
 dhanus Indras bote, brahmagavi the Brahman s cow, visagirf poison- 
 mount, mitralabha acquisition of friends, inurkha9atani hundreds of 
 fools, virasenasuta Virasena's son, rajendra chief of kings, asmat- 
 putras our sons, tadva,ca,3 his words; — of dative, padodaka water for 
 the feet, masanicaya accutnulaiio7i for a month; — of instrumental, at- 
 masadrQya likeness ivith self, dhanyartha loealth acquired by grain, 
 dharmapatni lawful spouse, pitrbandhu pa^er?2aZ relation; — of ablative, 
 apsarahsambhava descent from a nymph, Toaadviyoga separation from 
 me, eaurabhaya fear of a thief; — of locative, jalakrida sport in the 
 water, gramavasa abode in the village, purusanrta untruth about a man ; 
 — of accusative, nagaragamana going to the city. 
 
 1265. Dependent Adjective-compounds. In this 
 division, only a very small proportion of the compounds 
 have an ordinary adjective as final member; but usually a 
 participle, or a derivative of agency with the value of a 
 participle. The prior member stands in any case-relation 
 which is possible in the independent construction of such 
 
 words. 
 
 a. Examples are : of locative relation, sthalipakva cooked in a pot, 
 acjvakovida knowing in horses, vayahsama alike in age, yudhisthira 
 steadfast in battle, tantiQubhra beautiful in body; — of instrumental, 
 matrsadr^a like his mother; — of dative, gohita good for cattle; — of 
 ablative, bliavadanya other- than you, garbhastama eighth from birth, 
 dr9yetara other than visible (i. e. invisible']; — of genitive, bharata9restha 
 best of the Bharatas, dvijottama foremost of Brahmans : — with particip- 
 ial words, in accusative relation, vedavid Veda-knoicing, aunada food- 
 eating, taniipana body-protecting, satyavadin truth-speaking, pattragata 
 committed to paper (lit. gone to a leaf] ; — in instrumental, madhupu 
 cleansing ivith honey, svayamkrta self-made, indragupta protected by 
 Indra, vidyahina deserted by [i. e. destitute of) knowledge ; — in loca- 
 tive, hrdayavidh pierced in the heart, rtvij sacrificing in due season, 
 divicara moving in the sky; — in ablative, rajyabhrasta yaWe» yrowt 
 the kingdom, vrkabMta afraid of a wolf; — in dative, 9aranagata come 
 for refuge. 
 
 1266. We take up now some of the principal groups of compounds 
 falling under these two heads, in order to notice their specialities of 
 formation and use, their relative frequency, their accentuation, and so on. 
 
 1267. Compounds having as final member ordinary nouns (such, 
 namely, as do not distinctly exhibit the character of verbal nouns, 
 of action or agency) are quite common. They are regularly and usu- 
 ally accented on the final syllable, without reference to the accent of 
 either constituent. Examples were given above (1264 a).
 
 491 Dependent Compounds. [—1270 
 
 a. A principal exception with regard to accent is pdti master, lord 
 (and its feminine patni), compounds with whlrh usually rr-taiii the accej.t 
 of the prior member : thus, prajapati, vasupati, atithipati, gopati, 
 grhapatni, etc. etc. (compare the verbal nouns in ti, below, 1274). Hut 
 in a few words pati retains its own accent: thus, vi9p&ti, rayipdti, 
 pa9upati, vasupatni, etc.; and th§ more general rule is followed in 
 apsarapati and vrajapati (AV.), and nadipatl (VS.),' citpat{ (.MS.; 
 elsewhere citpati). 
 
 b. Other exceptions are sporadic only: for example, janarajan, deva- 
 varman, hiranyatejas, prtanahava, godhiima and 9akadhiima (but 
 dhuma); vacastena. 
 
 c. The appearance of a case-form in such compounds is rare: examples 
 are divodasa, vacastena, uccaih9ravas, uccairghoaa, diirebhaa 
 (the three last in possessive application). 
 
 d. A number of compounds are accented on both members : thus, 
 95,cipati, sadaspati, brhaspati, vanaspati, rathaspdti, jaapdti (also 
 jaspati), nara9ansa, tanunaptr, tanunapat i tanu as independent word), 
 9unah9epa. And ^B. has a. long list of metronymlca having the anoma- 
 lous accentuation kautsiputra, garglputra, etc. 
 
 1266. The conjpounds having an ordinary adjective as final mem- 
 ber are (as already noticed) comparatively few. 
 
 a. So "far as can be gathered from the scanty examples occurring in 
 the older language, they retain the accent of the prior member: thus, 
 gavisthira (AV gavisthira), tanu9ubhra, maderaghu, yajnadhira, 
 samavipra, tilaini9ra (but tfla); but krstapacya ripening in culti- 
 vated soil. 
 
 1269. The adjective dependent compounds having as final mem- 
 ber the bare root — or, if it end in a short vowel, generally with 
 an added t — are very numerous in all periods of the language, as 
 has been already repeatedly noticed (thus, 383 f-h, 1147). They are 
 accented on the root. 
 
 a. In a very few instances, the accent of words having apparently or 
 conjecturally this origin is otherwise laid: thus, ansatra, anarvi9, svavrj, 
 pratyaksadr9, puramdhi, osadhi, dramis, U9adagh, vataapa, abda. 
 
 b. Before a final root-stem appears not very sfldom a rasc-form ; for 
 example, patamga, giravfdh, dhiyajiir, aksnayadruh, hrdi8pf9, 
 divispr9, vanesah, divisad, angestha, hrtsvas, prtsutiir, apsujA. 
 
 C. The root-stem has sometimes a middle or passiv* value : for ex- 
 ample, manoyuj yoked {yoking themselvesy by the tcill, hrdayavidh 
 pierced to the heart, manuja born of 3fanu. 
 
 1270. Compounds made with verbal derivatives in a, both of 
 action and of agency, are numerous, and take the accent usually on 
 their final syllable (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 
 1148 m).
 
 1270—] XVIII. Composition. 492 
 
 a. Examples are : hastagrabha hand-grasping , devavanda god- 
 praising, havirada devouring the offering, bhuvanacyava shaking the 
 ivorld, vratyabruva calling one's self a vratya ; aksaparajaya failure 
 at play, vasatkara utterance of vasat, goposa prosperity in cattle, 
 angajvara pain in the limbs. 
 
 b. la a few instances, the accent is (as in compounds with ordinary 
 adjectives: above, 1268) that of the prior member: thus, marddvrdha, 
 sutekara, divicara (and other more questionable words). And diigha 
 milking^ yielding is so accented as final: thus, madhudugha, kamadugha. 
 
 C. Case-forms are especially frequent in the prior members of compounds 
 with adjective derivatives in a showing guna-strengtheiiing of the root: 
 thus, for example, abhayamkard, yudhimgama, dhanamjaya, puram- 
 dara, vlQvambhara, divakara, talpeQaya, divistambha. 
 
 1271. Compounds with verbal nouns and adjectives in ana are 
 very numerous, and have the accent always on the radical syllable 
 (as in the case of compounds with verbal prefixes: 1150 e). 
 
 a. Examples are: keQavardhana hair-increasing, ayuspratarana 
 life-lengthening, taniipana body-protecting; devahedana hatred of the 
 gods, pumsuvana giving birth to males. 
 
 b. A very few apparent exceptions as regards accent are really cases 
 where the derivative has lost its verbal character: thus, yamasadana Yama's 
 realm, achadvidhana means of protection. 
 
 c. An accusative-form is sometimes found before a derivative in ana: 
 thus, sarupamparana, ayaksmamkarana, subhagamkarana, vanam- 
 karana. 
 
 1272. a. The action-nouns in ya (1213) are not infrequent in 
 composition as final member, and retain their own proper accent (as 
 in combination with prefixes). Sufficient examples were given above 
 (1213). 
 
 b. The same is true of the equivalent feminines in ya: see above, 
 1213d. 
 
 C. The gerundives in ya (1213) hardly occur in the older language 
 in combination with other elements than prefixes. The two nivibharya 
 and prathamavasya (the latter a descriptive) have the accent of the 
 independent words of the same form; balavijnaya and a9vabudhya (?) 
 are inconsistent with these and with one another. 
 
 1273. Compounds made with the passive participle in ta or na 
 have the acceni of their prior member (as do the combinations of the 
 same words with prefixes:. 1085 a). 
 
 a. Examples are: hastakrta made with the hand, virajata born of a 
 hero, ghosabuddha awakened by noise, prajapatisrsta created by Praja- 
 pati, devktta given by the gods; and, of participles combined with prefixes, 
 {ndraprasiita incited hy Indra, bfhaspAtipranutta driven away by 
 JBrihaspati, ulkabhihata struck by a thunderbolt, vdjravihata, samvat-
 
 493 Dependent Compounds. [ — 1276 
 
 sarasammita commensurate with the year. AV. has the anomiilous apsu- 
 samQita quickened by the waters. 
 
 b. A number of exceptions occur, in whiih the final syllable of the 
 compound has the accent: for example, eignitapta, indrotd., pitfvitti, 
 rathakrita, agnidagdh^ (beside agnidagdha), kavlQasta (besitle kavl- 
 9asta}, kavipra9asta. 
 
 c. One or two special usages may be noticed. The participle gata, 
 yoyie to, as final of a compound, is used in a loose way in the later lan- 
 guage to express relation of various kinds : thus, jagatigata existing in the 
 world, tvadgSitgi belonginy to thee, BSikhiga.t&relatin(jtoafriend, citra- 
 gata in a picture, putrAgatam sneham affection toward a son, etc. The 
 participle bhiita been, become is used in composition with a noun as hardly 
 more than a grammatical device to give it an adjective form: thus, idaih 
 tamobhtitani this creation, beincj darhness {^existing in the condition of 
 darkness); tarn ratnabhQtam lokasya her, being the pearl of the icorld ; 
 ksetrabhuta smrta nari bijabhutah. smrtah puman a tcoman is 
 regarded as afield; a man, as seed; and so on. 
 
 d. The other participles only seldom occur as finals of compounds : 
 thus, prasakarmukabibhrat bearing javelin and bow, a9a8travidvanB 
 not knowing the text-books, arjunadar9ivanB having seen Arjuna, apriya- 
 9ansivan8 announcing what is disagreeable, gautamabruvand calling 
 himself Gautama. 
 
 1274. Compounds with derivatives in ti have (like combinations 
 with the prefixes: 1157 e) the accent of the prior member. 
 
 a. Examples are: dhanasati tvintiing of wealth, somapiti soma- 
 drinking, devahiiti invocation of the gods, namaiikti utterance of 
 homage, havykdati presentation of offerings; and so tokasati, dev&hiti, 
 rudrahuti, suktokti, svagakrti, divisti. 
 
 b. In nemadhiti, medhasati, vanadhiti (all RV), the accent of 
 the prior member is changed from penult to final. 
 
 C. Where the verbal character of the derivative is lost, the general 
 rule of final accent (1267) is followed: thus, devaheti iceapon of the gods, 
 devasumati favor of the gods, brahmaeiti Brahjnan-pile. Also in sar- 
 vajyani entire ruin, the accent is that of compounds with ordinary nouns. 
 
 1275. Compounds with a derivative in in as final member have 
 (as in all other cases) the accent on the in. 
 
 a. Thus, uktha9ansin psalm-singing, vratacarfn vow-performing, 
 rsabhadayin bullock-giving, satyavadin truth-speaking, Ijronipratodin 
 thigh-pounding. 
 
 1276. There is a group of compounds with derivatives in i, 
 having the accent on the penult or radical Byllablo. 
 
 a. Thiis, pathiraksi road-protecting, havirmathl sacrifirc-di.sturbing, 
 atmadusi soul-harming, pathisadi sitting in the path, sahobhiri strength-
 
 1276—] XVIII. Composition. 494 
 
 hearing, vasuvani wimiing good-things, dhanasani gaining loealth, xaano- 
 musi 7nind-stealing, phalagrahi setting fruit; and, from reduplicated root, 
 urucakri making room. Compounds with -sani and -vani are especially 
 frequent in Veda and Brahmana; as independent words, nouns, these are 
 accented sani and vani. In many cases, the words are not found in 
 independent use. Combinations with prefixes do not occur in sufficient 
 number to establish a distinct rule, but they appear to be oftenest accented 
 on the suffix (1155fj. 
 
 b. From ]/han are made in composition -ghni and -ghni, with 
 accent on the ending: thus, sahasraghni, ahighni, 9vaghni; -dhi from 
 |/dha (1155g) has the accent in its numerous compounds: thus, isudhf, 
 garbhadhi, puechadhi. 
 
 1277. Compounds with derivatives in van have (like copabina- 
 tions with prefixes: 1169 c) the accent of the final member: namely, 
 on the radical syllable. 
 
 a. Thus, somapavan soma-dr inking, baladavan strength-giving, 
 papakrtvan evil-doing, bahusiivan much-yielding, talpa9ivan lying on 
 a couch, rathayavan going in a chariot, drusadvan sitting on a tree,- 
 agretvarl f. going at the head. The accent of the obscure words mata- 
 riQvan and mataribhvan is anomalous. 
 
 b. The few compounds with final raan appear to follow the same rule 
 as those with van : thus, svaduksadman sharing out sweets, aguheman 
 steed-impelling. 
 
 1278. Compounds with other "derivatives, of rare or sporadic occurrence, 
 may be briefly noticed : thus, in u, rastradipsu, d'evapiyu, govindu, 
 vanargii (?) : compare 1 1 78 e ; — in nu or tnu, lokakrtnu, suru- 
 pakrtnu: compare 1 196; — in tr, nrpatr, mandhatr, haskartr (vasu- 
 dhataras, AV., is doubtless a false reading). The derivatives in as are 
 of infrequent occurrence in composition (as in combination with prefixes: 
 above, 1151k), and appear to be treated as ordinary nouns: thus, yajna- 
 vacas (but hiranyatejas, AV.). 
 
 B. Descriptive Compounds. 
 
 1279. In this division of the class of determinatives, 
 the prior member stands to the other in no distinct case- 
 relation, But qualifies it adjectively or adverbially, accord- 
 ing as it (the final member) is noun or adjective. 
 
 a. Examples are: rtSlotpala blue lotus, sarvaguna all good quality, 
 priyasakha dear friend, raaharBi great-sage, rajatapatra siVtvr c?</j; 
 ajnata unknown, sukrta well done, duskft ill-doing, purustuta much 
 praised, piinarnava renetced. • 
 
 b. The prior member is not always an adjective before a noun, or
 
 '495 Descriptive Compounds. [—1280 
 
 an adverb before an adjective; other parts of speech are sometiiues used 
 adjectively and adverbially in that position. 
 
 c. The boundary between descriptive and dependent compounds la not 
 an absolute one; in certain cases it is opcMi to quistlon, for instance, whether 
 a prior noun, or adjective with noun-value, is used more in a case-relation, 
 or adverbially. 
 
 d. Moreover,, where the final member is a derivative having both noun 
 and adjective value, it is not seldom doubtful whether an adjective com- 
 pound is to be regarded as descriptive, made with final adjective, or pos- 
 sessive, made with final noun. Sometimes the accent of the word determines 
 its character in this respect, but not always. 
 
 e. A satisfactorily simple and perspicuous classification of the descrip- 
 tive compounds is not practicable ; we cannot hold apart throughout the com- 
 pounds of noun and of adjective value, but may better group both together, 
 as they appear with prefixed elements of various kinds. 
 
 1280. The simplest case is that in which a noun as 
 final member is preceded by a qualifying adjective as prior 
 member. 
 
 a. In this combination, both noun and adjective may be of any 
 kind, verbal or otherwise. The accent is (as in the corresponding 
 class of dependent noun-compounds: 1267) on the final syllable. 
 
 b. Thus, ajnatayaksma unknown disease, mahadhana great wealth, 
 ksipragyena swift haivk, krsna9akuni blatk bi)-d, daksinagni southern 
 fire, uruksiti xoide abode, adharahanu loioerjaw, itarajana other folks, 
 sarvatmau whole soul, ekavira sole hero, saptarsi seven sages, trtiya- 
 savana third libation, ekonavin9ati a score diminished by one, jagrat- 
 svapna waking slee2},ja,va,ja,taa.'k.h.k defending friend, apaksiyamana- 
 paksa loaning half. 
 
 c. There are not a few exceptions as regards accent. Especially, com- 
 pounds with vigva (in composition, accented viQva), which itself retains 
 the accent: thus, vigvadevas all the gods, vi9vamanusa every man. For 
 words in ti, see below, 1287 d. Sporadic cases are madhyamdina, 
 vrsakapi, both of which show an irregular shift of tone in the prior 
 member; and a few others. 
 
 d. Instead of an adjective, the prior member is in a few cases 
 a noun used appositionally, or with a quasi-adjective value. Thus, 
 rajayaksma king-disease, brahmarsi priest-sage, rajarsi king-sage, 
 rajadanta king-tooth, devajana god-folk, duhitpjana daughter-person, 
 (jamllata creeper named 9ami, musikakhya the 7iame "mouse^'', jaya- 
 9abda t?ie word "conquer''^ ujh.ita9abda the word "deserte(P'' ; or, more 
 liguratively, grhauaraka Jiouse-hell (liouse ichich is a hell, 9apagni 
 curse-fire [consuming curse). 
 
 e. This group is of consequence, inasmuch as in possessive application
 
 1280—] XVIII. Composition. 496 
 
 it is greatly extended, and forms a numerous class of appositional com- 
 pounds: see below, 1298. 
 
 f. This whole subdivision, of nouns with preceding qualifying adjec- 
 tives, is not uncommon ; but it is greatly (in AV., for example, more than 
 five times) exceeded in frequency by the sub-class of possessives of the 
 same form: see below, 1298. 
 
 1281. The adverbial words which are most freely and 
 commonly used as prior members of compounds, qualifying 
 the final member, are the verbal prefixes and the words of 
 direction related with them, and the inseparable prefixes, 
 a or an, su, dus, etc. (1121). These are combined not 
 only with adjectives, but also, in quasi-adjectival value, 
 with nouns; and the two classes of combinations will best 
 be treated together. 
 
 1282. Verbal adjectives and nouns with preceding 
 adverbs. As the largest and most important class under this head 
 might properly enough be regarded the derivatives with preceding 
 verbal prefixes. These, however, have been here reckoned rather 
 as derivatives from roots combined with prefixes (1141), and have 
 been treated under the head of derivation, in the preceding chapter. 
 In taking up the others, we will begin with the participles. 
 
 1283. The participles belonging to the tense-systems — those in 
 ant (or at), mana, ana, vans — are only rarely compounded with 
 any other adverbial element than the negative a or an, which then 
 takes the accent. 
 
 a. Examples are : anadant, adadat, ana9nant, asravant, alubh- 
 yant, adasyant, aditsant, adevayant; amanyamana, ahinsana, 
 achidyamana; adadivans, abibhivans, atasthana; and, with verbal 
 prefixes, anapasphurant, anagamisyant, anabhyagamisyant, avi- 
 radhayant, avicacalat, apratimanyuyamana. 
 
 b. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few: arundhati, ajaranti, 
 acodant (RV., once: doubtless a false reading; the simple participle is 
 codant); AV. has anipadyamana for RV. anipadyamana (and the 
 published text has asamyant, with a part of the manuscripts); ^B. has 
 akamayamaua. 
 
 e. Of other compounds than with the negative prefix have been noted 
 in the Veda -punardiyamana (in apunard-) and suvidvans. In alala- 
 bhavant and janjanabhavant RV., as in astamyant and astamesyant 
 (AV.), we have participles of a compound coJijugation (1091), in which, 
 as has been pointed out, the accent is as in combinations with the verbal 
 prefixes.
 
 497 Descriptive Compounds. [—1285 
 
 1284. The passive (or past) participle in ta or na is much iiioro 
 variously compounded; and in general (as in the case of the verbal 
 prefixes: 1085a) the preceding adverbial element has the accent. 
 
 a. Thus, with the negative a or an (by far the most common cane) : 
 akrta, adabdha, arista, anadhrsta, aparajita, asamkhyata, Ana- 
 bhyarudha, aparimitasamrddha; — with su, sujata, suhuta, susaih- 
 9ita, svaramkrta; — with dus, dutjearita, durdhita and durhita, 
 duh9rta ; — with other adverbial words, dansujuta, navajata, sana- 
 9ruta, svayamkrta, tripratisthita : aramkrta an.l kakaj akrta are 
 rather participles of a compound conjugation. 
 
 b. Ejcceptions in regard to accent are: with a or an, ana9a8ta, apra- 
 9asta, and, with the accent of the participle retracted to the root, amfta, 
 adfsta, acitta, ayuta 7ni/riad, aturta (Ijeside aturta), asurta ('.'beside 
 STirta); — with su (nearly half as numerous as the regular cases), subhiitd, 
 sxikta, supra9asta, svakta, snkrta and sujata (beside sukrta an. I 
 sujata), and a few Others; with dus (quite as numerous as the regular 
 cases), durita (also durita), durukta, duskrta (also duskrtal, dur- 
 bhiita; with sa, sajata; with other adverbs, amota, aristuta, tuvijata, 
 pracinopavita, tadanimdugdha, pratardugdha, etc., and thr com- 
 pounds with puru, purujata, puruprajata, purupra9asta, purustuta, 
 etc., and with svayam, svayamkrta etc. The proper name asadha 
 stands beside asadha; and AV. has abhinnd, for RV. abhinna. 
 
 1285. The gerundives occur almost only in combination with 
 the negative prefix, and have usually the accent on the final syllable 
 
 a. Examples are: anapya, anindyd, abudhya, asahyd, ayodhyd, 
 amokya; advisenya; ahnavayya; and, along with verbal prefixes, the 
 cases are asamkhyeya, apramrsya, anapavrjya, anatyudya, ana- 
 dhrsya, avimokya, ananukrtya (the accent of the simple word being 
 samkhyeya etc.). 
 
 b. Exceptions in regard to accent are: Anedya, adabhya, dgohya, 
 ajosya, ayabhya. The two anavadharsya and anativyadhya (both A V.) 
 belong to the ya-division (1213 b) of gerundives, and have retained the 
 accent of the simple word. And aghnya and aghnya occur together. 
 
 c. The only compounds of these words with other adverbial elements 
 in V. are suyabhya (accented like its twin Ayabhya) and prathamavasya 
 (which retains the flnal circumflex), and perhaps ekavadya. 
 
 d. The neuter nouns of the same form (1213 c: exi;ept sadhastutya) 
 retain their own accent after an adverbial prior member: thus, piirvapayya, 
 purvapeya, amutrabhuya; and saha9eyya. And the negatived gerun<lives 
 instanced above are capable of beiug viewed as possessive compounds with 
 such nouns. 
 
 e. Some of the other verbal derivatives which have rules of their 
 own as to accent etc. may be next noticed. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 32
 
 1286—] XVIII. Composition. 498 
 
 1286. The root-stem (pure root, or with t added after a short 
 final vowel: 1147d) is very often combined with a preceding adverbial 
 word of various kinds; and in the combination it retains the accent. 
 
 a. Examples are: -with inseparable prefixes, adruh not harming, asu 
 not giving birth, arue not shining; sukft well-doing, suqrut hearing well; 
 duskrt ill-doing, dudag (199 d) impious; sayuj joining together, samad 
 conflict; sahaja horn together, sahavah carrying together; — with other 
 adverbs, amajur growing old at home, uparisprQ touching upward, 
 punarbhu appearing again, prataryuj harnessed early, sadYahls.ri bought 
 the same day, sakamvrdh growing up together, sadamdi ever-binding, 
 visiivrt turning to both sides, vrthasah easily overcoming ; — with ad- 
 jectives used adverbially, uruvyae wide-spreadiiig, prathamaj a 7?rs<-&on!, 
 9ukrapi9 brightly adorned, dvija twice born, trivrt triple, svaraj self- 
 ruling ; — with nouns used adverbially, 9ambhu beneficent, suryaqvit 
 shining like the sun, iQanakrt acting as lord, svayambhii self-existent; 
 and, with accusative case-form, patamga going by 'flight. 
 
 b. When, however, a root-stem is already in composition, whether 
 with a verbal prefix or an element of other character, the further added 
 negative itself takes the accent (as in case of an ordinary adjective; below, 
 1 288 a) : thus, for example, dnaksit 7iot abiding, anavrt not turning hack, 
 avidvis not shoiving hostility, aduskrt not ill-doing, anaQvada not giving 
 a horse, apa9ulian not slaying cattle, (anagas would be an exception, if 
 it contained ]/ga: which is very unlikely). Similar combinations with su 
 seem to retain the radical accent: thus, supratur, svabhu, svayiij : 
 svavrj is an unsupported exception. 
 
 .c. A few other exceptions occur, mostly of doubtful character, as 
 prdtipra9, sadhastha, adhrigu, and the words having anc as final 
 member (407 ff.: if this element is not, after all, a suffix): compare 1269a. 
 
 1287. Other verbal derivatives, requiring to be treated apart 
 from the general body of adjectives, are few and of minor impor- 
 tance. Thus: 
 
 a. The derivatives in a are in great part of doubtful character, because 
 of the possibility of their being used with substantive value to make a pos- 
 sessive compound. The last ambiguous, probably, are the derivatives from 
 present-stems (1148j), which have the accent on the suffix: thus, asunva, 
 apa9y&, aksudhya, avidasya, anamrna, sadaprna, punarmanya; 
 and with them belong such cases as atrpa, avrdha, aramgama, urukrama, 
 evavada, satrasaM, punahsara, purahsara; and the nouns sayam- 
 bhavd,, sahacara, pratahsava, mithoyodhd,. Differently accented, on 
 the other hand, although apparently of the same formation, are such as 
 dnapasphura, 4navahvara (compare the compounds noticed at 1286 b). 
 sadavrdha, subharva, nyagrodha, pviroda9a, sadhamada, sudugha, 
 Bupaca, suhava, and others. Words like adabha, durhina, sukara, 
 . suyama, are probably possessives.
 
 499 Descriptive Compounds. [—1288 
 
 b. The derivatives in van keep in cfneral tlic acoont of tho final 
 member, on the root (oomparo llSDc, 1277): thus, fi9upatvan and 
 raghupatvan swift-fyiyuj, puroyavan going in front, Bukrtvan well- 
 doings and sutarraan and suvahman and raghiiyaman are probaldy to 
 be classed with them. Rnt the negative prefix has the .iccent even before 
 these: thus, dyajvan, Aravan, aprayutvan; and satyamadvan (if it 
 be not possessive) has the accent of its prior member. * 
 
 c. A few words in i seem to have (as in dc^pendent compounds: 12761 
 the accent on the radical syllable : thus, durgrbhi, pjuv&ni, tuviavani. 
 
 d. The derivatives in ti are varionsly troattd : the negative pri-llx has 
 always ihe accent before them: as, acitti, abhuti, anahiiti; witii su and 
 dus, the compound is accented now on the prefix and now on the final, and 
 in some words on either (suniti and sunlti, dustuti and dus^utl); with 
 other elements, the accent of the prefix prevails: thus, sahuti, sadhastuti, 
 purohiti, purvapiti, piirvyastuti. 
 
 e. The derivatives in in have, as in general, the accent on the suffix: 
 thus, pUrvasin, bahucarin, sadhudevfn, savasin, kevaladfn. Rut 
 with the negative prefix, d,namin, avitarin. 
 
 f. Other combinations are too various in treatment, or are represented 
 by too few examples in accentuated texts, to justify the setting up of rules 
 respecting them. 
 
 1288. Of the remaining combinations, these made with tho insep- 
 arable prefixes form in some measure a class by themselves. 
 
 1. a. The negative prefix a or an, when it directly negatives the 
 word to which it is added, has a very decided tendency to take the 
 accent. 
 
 b. We have seen above (1283) that it does so even in the case of 
 present and perfect and future participles, although these in combination 
 with a verbal prefix retain their own accent (1085: but there are exceptions, 
 as avadant, apa9yant, etc, ^B.); and also in the case of a root-stem, if 
 this be already compounded with another element (1286b). And the same 
 is true of its other combinations. 
 
 c. Thus, with various adjective words: atandra, adabhra, adacjuri, 
 Anrju, adevayu, atrsnaj, atavyans, anamin, advayavin, apracetas, 
 ^napatyavant, anupadasvant, apramayuka, amamri, aprajajni, 
 avididhayu, anagnidagdha, akamakar9ana, 4pa9caddaghvan. Fur- 
 ther, with nouns, apati, akumara, abrahmana, avidya, a9raddlia, 
 avratya. 
 
 d. But there are a number of exceptions, in which the accent is on 
 the final syllable, without regard to the original accentuation of the final 
 member: thus, for example, acitrd, a9rird, aviprd, ayajniya, aufi- 
 smaka, asthurf, ana9u, ajarayu, anamayitnii; ami in amftra enemy, 
 and avii-a unmanly, there is a retraction of the accent from the final syllabic 
 of the final member to its penult. 
 
 32*
 
 1288—] XVIII. Composition. 500 
 
 2. e. The prefixes su and dus have this tendency in a much 
 less degree, and their compounds are very variously accented, now 
 on the prefix, now on the final syllable, now on the accented syllable 
 of the final member; and occasionally on either of two syllables. 
 
 if. Thus, for example, subhadra, suvipra, supakva, subrahmana, 
 subhisaj ; sutirtha, suvasana, susarathi, supaga, sucitra ; su9eva, 
 suhotr: suvira is like avlra; — durmitra, duhsvapnya"; and ducchuna 
 (168 b), with irregular retractiou of accent (quna). 
 
 3. g. The compounds -with sa are too few to furnish occasion for 
 separate mention; and those with the interrogative prefix in its -yarious 
 forms are also extremely rare in the Veda: examples are kucara, kat- 
 paya, kabandha, kunannama, kumara, kuyava, kusava. 
 
 1289. The verbal prefixes are sometimes used in a general ad- 
 v^lsial way, qualifying a following adjective or noun. 
 
 a. Examples of such combinations are not numerous in the Veda. 
 Their accentuation is various, though the tone rests oftenest^ on the pre- 
 position. Thus adhipati over-lord, aparupa mis-form, pratlQatru oppos- 
 ing foe, prapada forepart of foot, pranapat great-grandchild, vipakva 
 quite done, sampriya mutually dear; upajihvika side tongue (with re- 
 traction of the accent of jihva); antarde9a intermediate direction, pradiv 
 forward heaven, prapitamaha (also ^prapitamaha) great-grandfather, 
 pratijana o/^^powen^, vyadhva midivay. These compounds are more fre- 
 q^uent with possessive value (below, 1305). 
 
 b. This use of the verbal prefixes is more common later, and some of 
 them have a regular value in such compounds. Thus, ati denotes excess, 
 as in atidura very far, atibhaya exceeding fear, atipurusa (^B.) chief 
 man; adhi, superiority, as in adhidanta upper- tooth adhistri chief woman; 
 abhi is intensive, as in abhinamra much inclining, abhinava span-new, 
 abhirucira delightful; a signifies somewhat, as in akutila someivhat crooked, 
 anila bluish; upa denotes something accessory or secondary, as in upa- 
 purana additional Purana ; pari, excess as in paridurbala very weak ; 
 prati, opposition, as in pratipaksa opposing side, pratipvistaka copy; 
 vi, variation or excess, as in vidiira very far, vipandu greyish, viksudra 
 respectively small; sam., completeness, as in sampakva quite ripe. 
 
 1290. Other compounds with adverbial prior members are quite irreg- 
 ularly accented. 
 
 Thus, the compounds with puru, on the final (compa,re the participles 
 with puru, 1284 b): as, purudasma, purupriy4, puru9candra; those 
 with punar, on the prior member, as punarnava, punarmagha, punar- 
 yuvan, punarvasu (but punahaara etc); those with satas, satina, 
 satya, the same, as satomahant, satinamanyu, satyamugra; a few 
 combinations of noujis in tr and ana with adverbs akin with the prefixes, 
 on the final syllable, as puraetr, purahsthatr, upari9ayana, pratahaa- 
 vana; and miscellaneous cases are mithoavadyapa, hdri9candra, alpa- 
 9ayu, sadhvaryd, yacchresthd and yavacchreatha, jyogamayavin.
 
 501 Secondauy Adjective Compounds. 1293— J 
 
 1291. One or two exceptional cases may bo noted, as follows: 
 
 a. An adjective is sometimes preceded by a noun standing toward it 
 in a quasi-adverbial relation expressive of comparison or likeness: e. g. 
 9ukababhrii (VS.) parrot-hroivn, iarnamrdii (TR.) snft as tvnol, prana- 
 priya dear as life, ku9e9ayavajomrdu .soft us lotus-jyoUeu, bakalina 
 hidden like a heron, mattamatangagamin moving like a maddened elephant. 
 
 b. An adjective is now and then qualified l)y another adjective: e. g. 
 krsnaita dark-gray. d-YmvarkrohitSi graijish red: and compare the adjec- 
 tives of intermediate direction, 1257 c. 
 
 e. The adjective purva is in the later language frequently usetl as 
 final member of a compound in which its logical value is that of an adverb 
 qualifying the other member (which is said to retain its own accent). Thus, 
 drstapurva previously seen, parinitapiirva already married, aparijnS,- 
 tapiirva not before known, somapitapurva having formerly drunk soma, 
 strip iirva formerly a looman. *.' 
 
 III. Secondary Adjective Compounds. 
 
 1292. a. A compound having a noun as its final mem- 
 ber very often wins secondarily the value of an adjective, 
 being inflected in the three genders to agree with the noun 
 which it qualifies, and used in all the constructions of an 
 adjective. 
 
 b. This class of compounds, as was pointed out above 
 (1247. III.), falls into the two divisions of A. Possessives, 
 having their adjective character given them by addition of 
 the idea of possessing/; and B. those in which the final 
 member is syntactically dependent on or governed by the 
 prior member. 
 
 A. Possessive Compounds. 
 
 1293. The possessives are noun-compounds of the pre- 
 ceding class, determinatives, of all its various subdivisions, 
 to which is given an adjective inflection, and which take 
 on an adjective meaning of a kind which is most conve- 
 niently and accurately defined by adding /laci/if/ or pos- 
 sessing to the meaning of the determinative. 
 
 a. Thus: the dependent suryatejas .■iuns brightness becomes the
 
 1293—] XVIII. Composition. 502 
 
 possessive suryatejas possessing the hrightness of the sun; yajnakama 
 desire of sacrifice becomes yajnakama having desire of sacrifice; the 
 descriptive brhadratha great chariot becomes the possessive brhad- 
 ratha having great chariots; ahasta ?zo^ ^aw J becomes &h.a.stBi, handless; 
 durghandi ill savor becomes durgandhi of ill savor; aud so on. 
 
 b. A copulatire compound is not convertible into an adjective directly, 
 any more than is a simple noun, but requires, like the latter, a possessive 
 suffix 01 other means: e. g. vagghastavant, dosagunin, rajastamaska, 
 acjirogriva, anrgyajus. A very small number of exceptions, however, 
 are found: thus, somendra (TS.), stomaprstha (VS. TS.), hastyrsabha 
 (^B.), dasiuiska (ChU.), and, later, cakramusala, sadananda, saccid- 
 ananda, sankhyayoga (as n. pr.), balabala, bhutabhautika. 
 
 C. The name given by the native grammarians to the possessive com- 
 pounds is bahuvrihi: the v?ord is an example of the class, meaning pos- 
 sessing much rice. 
 
 d. The name "relative", instead of possessive, sometimes applied to 
 this class, is an utter misnomer; since, though the meaning of such a com- 
 pound (as of any attribute word) is easily cast into a relative form, its 
 essential character lies in the possessive verb which has nevertheless to be 
 added, or in the possessive case of the relative wich must be used: thus, 
 mahakavi and ayurda, descriptive and dependent, are "relative" also, 
 tvho is a great poet, and that is life-giving, but brhadratha, possessive, 
 means who has a great chariot, or whose is a great chariot. 
 
 1294. a. That a noun, simple or compound, should be added to an- 
 other noun, in an opposite way, with a value virtually attributive, and that 
 such nouns should occasionally gain by frequent association and application 
 an adjective form also, is natural enough, and occurs in many languages ; 
 the peculiarity of the Sanskrit formation lies in two things. First, that 
 such use should have become a perfectly regular and indefinitely extensible 
 one in the case of compounded words, so that any compound with noun- 
 final may be turned without alteration into an adjective, while to a simple 
 noun must be added an adjective-making suffix in order to adapt it to 
 adjective use: for example, that while hasta must become hastin and 
 bahu must become bahumaut, hiranyahasta and mahabahu change 
 from noun to adjective value with no added ending. And second, that 
 the relation of the qualified noun to the compound should have come to be 
 so generally that of possession, not of likeness, nor of appurtenance, nor of 
 any other relation which is as naturally "involved in such a construction: 
 that we may only say, for example, mahabahuli purusah man tvith 
 great arms, and not also mahabahur -manih Jeivel for a great arm, or 
 mahabahavah 9akhah branches like great arms. 
 
 b. 'Ihere are, however, in the, older language a feTy,^cle,)Liyaliive ad- 
 jective compounds which impHy the relation of appuitenance j^they.than that 
 of possession, and which are with probability to he vieweii..as auivivals of 
 a state of things antecedent to the specialization of the general class as
 
 503 Possessive Compounds. [—1297 
 
 possessive (compare the similar exceptions under possessive 8iifflxe«, 1230(;, 
 1233 f). P^xamples are: vicjvanara of or for all men, htlrmgintj to all 
 (and so vi9vakr8ti, -carsani, -ksiti, -gotra, -manus, -ayu, aiwl ear- 
 vapa9U, saptamanusa), vi^vaqarada of every autumn, vipathd for 
 bad roads, dviraja [battle] of two kings, a<jvappstha carried on horseback, 
 virkpaatya, abiding uitfi heroes, ■purnkm.aBa. at full nwon, adevaka/^or 
 no divinity, bahudevata or -tya for many divinities, aparisamvateara 
 not lasting a full year, eksLdaqeikaTpala for eleven dishes. Bomendrk for 
 Soma and Indra. And the compounds with final membei in ana mentioned 
 at 1296 b are probably of the same character. But also in the later lan- 
 guage, some of the so-called dvigu-compounds (1313) belong vrith these: 
 so dvigu itself, as meaning worth two cows, dvinau bought for two ships; 
 also occasional cases like devasura [samgrama] of the gods and demons, 
 narahaya of man and horse, cakramvisala with discus of club, guru- 
 talpa violating the teacher s bed. 
 
 1295. The possessive compound is distingHished from its sub- 
 strate, the determinative, generally by a difference of accent. This 
 difference is not of the same nature in all the divisions of the class; 
 but oftenest, the possessive has as a compound the natural accent 
 of its prior member (as in most of tlie examples given above;. 
 
 1296. Possessively .used dependent compounds, or pos- 
 sessive dependents, are very much less coramon than 
 those corresponding to the other division of determinatives. 
 
 a. Further examples are : mayuraroman having the plumes of pea- 
 cocks, agnitejas havi7rg the brightness of fire, jnatimukha wearing the 
 aspect of relatives, patikama desiring a husband, hastipada having an 
 elephant's feet, rajanyabandhu having kshatriyas for relatives. 
 
 b. The accent is, as in the examples given, regularly that of the 
 Jrior member, and exceptions are rare and of doubtful character. A few 
 compounds ^ith derivatives in ana have the acccent of the final member: 
 e. g. indrapana sei-ving as drink for Indra, devasadana serving as seat 
 for the gods, rayisthana beitig source of icealth; but they contain no 
 implication of possession, and are possibly in character, as in accent, de- 
 pendent (but compare 1294 b). Also a few in as, as nrcaksas men- 
 beholding, nrv^has men-hearing, kBetras^dhas feld-prospenng, are pro- 
 bably to be judged in the same way. 
 
 1297. Possessively used descriptive compounds, or pos- 
 sessive descriptives, are extremely numerous and of 
 every variety of character; and some kinds of combination 
 which are rare in proper descriptive use are very common 
 
 as possessives. 
 
 a. They will be taken up below in order, according to the char-
 
 1297—] XVIII. Composition. 504 
 
 acter of the prior member — whether the noun-final be preceded by 
 a qualifying adjective, or noun, or adverb. 
 
 1298. Possessive compounds in which a noun is preceded by 
 a qualifying ordinary adjective are (as pointed out above, 1280fj 
 very much more common than descriptives of the same form. 
 
 a. They regularly and usually have the accent of their prior member: 
 thus, anyarupa of other form, ugrabahu having powerful arms, jiva- 
 putra having living sons, dirgha^maQru longhearded, brhacehravas of 
 great renown, bhurimula many-rooted, mahavadha hearing a great wea- 
 pon, vi9varupa having all forms, gukravarna of bright color, qivabhi- 
 iuar9ana of propitious touch, satyasamdha q/" ^rwe jjrown'ses, sarvanga 
 tvhole-linibed, svaya9as having own glory, haritasraj ivearing yellow 
 garlands. 
 
 b. Exceptions, however, in regard to accent are not rare (a seventh 
 or eighth of the whole number, perhaps). Thus, the accent is sometimes 
 that of the final member; especially with derivatives in as, as tuviradhas, 
 purupe9as, prthupaksas, and others in which (as above, 1296b) a 
 determinative character may be suspected : thus, urujrayas beside urujri, 
 uruvyacas beside uruvyac, and so on; but also with those of other 
 finals, as rjuhasta, 9itikaksa etc., krsnakarna, eitradr9ika, tuvi- 
 9usma, rjukratu, prthupar9u, puruvartman, raghuyaman, vidu- 
 patman. In a very few cases, the accent is retracted from the final to 
 the first syllable of the second member : thus, anhubheda, tuvigriva, 
 puruvira, pururupa, 9itibahu (also 9itibaliu). The largest class is 
 that of compounds which take the accent upon their final syllable (in part, 
 of course, not distinguishable from those which retain the accent of the 
 final member): for example, bahvanna, nilanakha, puruputraj 
 
 ■vi9vanga, svapati, tuviprati, pr9niparni f., dar9ata9rl, putirajjii, 
 asitajnu, prthugman, bahuprajas. ^ 
 
 C. The adjective vi9va all, as prior member of a compound (and also 
 in derivation), changes its accent regularly'^ to vi9va; sarva whole, all, 
 does the same in a few cases. 
 
 1299. Possessive compounds with a participle [preceding and 
 qualifying the 'final noun-member are numerous, although such a 
 compound with simple descriptive value is almost unknown.^ The 
 
 •accent is, with few exceptions, that of the prior member. 
 
 a. The participle is oftenest the passive !one, in ta or na. [Thus, 
 chinnapaksa tvith severed wing, dhrtarastra of firmly held royalty, 
 hatamatr whose mother is slai^i, iddhagni ichose fire is kindled, uttana- 
 hasta ivith outstretched hand, prkyatadaikBinsi having prese7ited sacrificial 
 gifts; and, with prefixed negative, ^ristavira whose men are unharmed, 
 ataptatanu of unhurned substatice, anabhimlatavarna of untarnished 
 color. Exceptions in regard to accent are very few : there have been noticed 
 only paryastaksa, vya3take9i f., achinnaparna.
 
 505 Possessive Compounds. [—1300 
 
 b. Examples occur of a present participle in the same situation. In 
 about half the (accentuated) instances, it gives its own accent to the com- 
 pound: thus, dyutadyaman, dhrsadvarna etc., Qucadratha, ru(jad- 
 vatsa etc., bhrajajjanman et*., samyadvira, stanayadama, sadhad- 
 isti; in the others, the accent is drawn forward to the llual syllablo of 
 the participle (as in the compounds with governing participle: hi low, 1309): 
 thus, dravatpani etc. (dravat also occurs as adverb), rapQadudhan, 
 svanadratha, arcaddhuma, bhandadisti, krandidisti. M'ith these last 
 agrees in form jaradasti attaining old age, long-lived; but its make-up, 
 in view 'of its meaning, is anomalous. 
 
 c. The RV. has two compounds with the perfect middle participle as 
 prior member: thus, yuyujanasapti with harnessed coursers (perhaps rather 
 havitig harnessed their coursers'), and dadrcjanapavi (with regular accent, 
 instead of dadrQana, as elsewhere irregularly in this participle) tiith con- 
 spicuous wheel-rims. 
 
 d. Of a nearly participial character is the prior element in 9rutkarna 
 (RV.) of listening ear; and with this are perhaps accordant didyagni and 
 Bthara9naan (RV., each once). 
 
 1300. Possessive compounds having a numeral as prior member 
 are very common, and for the most part follow the same rule of 
 accent which is followed by compounds with other adjectives: ex- 
 cepted are those beginning with dvi and tri, which accent in general 
 the final member. 
 
 a. Examples with other numerals than dvi and tri are: ekacakra, 
 ekaqirsan, ekapad, cattiranga, eatuspaksa, pancangixri, pancau- 
 dana, sada9va, satpad, saptajihva, saptamatr, astapad, astaputra, 
 navapad, navadvara, da9a9akha, da9a9irsan, dvada9ara, trin9ad- 
 
 ara, 9ataparvan, 9atadant, sahasranaman, sahasramula. 
 
 b. Exceptions in regard to accent are but few, and have the tone on 
 he final syllable, whatever may be that belonging originally to the final 
 member; they are mostly stems in final a, used by substitution for others 
 in an, i, or a consonant: thus, caturaksa etc. (aksan or dksi: 431), 
 sadaha etc. (ahan or ahar: 430 a), da9avrsa etc. (vfsan), ekaratra 
 etc. (ratri or ratri), ekarca etc. (fc); but also a few others, as sad- 
 yoga, astayoga, 9atargha, sahasrargha, ekapara(?). 
 
 c. The compounds with dvi and tri for the most part have the ac- 
 cent of their final member: thus, for example, dvijanman, dvidhara, 
 dvibandhvi, dvivartani, dvipad; tritantu, trinabhi, tri96ka, triva- 
 rutha, tricakra, tri9irsan, tripad. A number of words, however, follow 
 tho general analogy, and accent the numeral : thus, for example, dvipaksa, 
 dvi9avas, dvyasya, trisandhi, tryara, trya9ir, and sometimes dvi- 
 pad and tripad in AV. As in the other numeral compounds, as substi- 
 tuted stem in a is apt to take the a.-cent on the final: thus, dvivpfa 
 and trivrsa, dviraja, dviratra, tryayusa, tridiva; and a f»w of other
 
 1300—] XVIII. Composition. 506 
 
 character with tri follow the same rule: thus, trika9a, trinaka, tri- 
 bandhu, tryudhan, tribarhis, etc. 
 
 d. The neuter, or also the feminine, of numeral compounds is often 
 used substantively, with a collective or abstract value, and the accent is 
 then regularly on the final syllable: see below, 1312. 
 
 1301. Possessive compounds having as prior member a noun 
 which has a quasi-adjective value in qualifying the final member are 
 very frequent, and show certain specialities of usage. 
 
 a. Least peculiar is a noun of material as prior member (hardly to be 
 reckoned as possessive dependents, because the relation of material is not 
 regularly expressed by a case: 295): thus, hiranyahasta gold-handed, 
 hiranyasraj ivith golden garlands, ayahsthiina having brazen supports, 
 rajatanabhi of silver navel. 
 
 1302. Especially common is the use of a noun as prior 'member 
 to qualify the other appositionally, or by way of equivalence (the 
 occasional occurrence of determinatives of this character has been no- 
 ticed above, 1280 d). These may conveniently be called appo- 
 sitional possessives. Their accent is that of the prior member, 
 like the ordinary possessive descriptives. 
 
 a. Examples are: kqva.T^arna horse-winged, or having horses as wings 
 (said of a chariot), bhumigrha having the earth as house, indrasaklii 
 having Indra for friend, agnihotr having Agni as priest, gandharvapatni 
 having a Gandharva for spouse, 9iiraputra having hero-sons, jaramrtyu 
 havitig old age as mode of death, living till old age, agnivasas fire-clad, 
 tadanta ending with that, caracaksus usi7ig spies for eyes, vi8nu9ar- 
 manaman named Vishnucarman; and, with pronoun instead of noun, 
 tvaduta having thee as messenger, tadapas having this for work. Excep- 
 tions in regard to accent occur here, as in the more regular descriptive 
 formation : thus, agnijihva, vrsanaqva, dhiimaQikha, pavinasa, asau- 
 nama, tatkula, etc. 
 
 b. Not infrequently, a substantively used adjective is the final member 
 in such a compound: thus, indrajyestha having Indra as chief, manah- 
 saatha having the mind as sixth, s6ma9restha of ivhich soma is best, 
 ekapara of which the ace is highest (?), asthibhuyas having bone as the 
 larger part, chiefly of bone, abhiriipabhiiyistha chiefly composed of 
 ivorthy persons, da9avara having ten as the loivest number, cintapara 
 having meditatio)i as highest object or occupation, devoted to meditation, 
 nih9va8a-parama 7nuch addicted to sighing. 
 
 c. Certain words are .of especial frequency in the compounds here de- 
 scribed, and have in part won a peculiar application. Thus: 
 
 d. With adi beginning or adika or adya fitst are made compounds 
 signifying the person or thing specified along with others, such a person or 
 thing et cetera. For example, deva indradayah the gods having Itidra as 
 first, i. e. the gods Indra etc., maricyadin munin Martci and the other
 
 507 Possessive Compounds. [—1303 
 
 sages, svayambhuvadyah saptai 'te manavah those .screii Jlanun, 
 Svayambliuva etc., agnis^omadilcari the sacrijices Aguishtouia and so on. 
 Or the qualified noaii is omitted, as in annapanendhanadini/ryo^/, drink, 
 fuel, etc., danadharmadikam caratu bhavan let your honor practuse 
 liberality, religious rites, and the like. The particles evam ami iti are also 
 sometimes used ty substitution as prior members: thus, evamadi vaca- 
 nam words to this and the like effect; ato 'ham bravimi kartavyah 
 samcayo nityam ityadi hence I say "accimmlation is ever to he made" etc. 
 
 e. Used in much the same way, but less often, is prabhfti heqin- 
 ning: thus, vi9vava8uprabhrtibhir gandharvaih ivith the aandharvas 
 Vicvcivami etc.; especially adverbially, in measurements of spa'-e and time 
 
 as tatprabhrti or tatahprabhrti thenceforward. 
 
 f. Words meaning foregoer, predecessor, and the like — namely, 
 purva, parvaka, purahsara, puraskrta, purogama — are often 
 employed in a similar manner, and especially adverbially, but for the most 
 part' to denote accompaniment, rather than antecedence, of that which is 
 designated by the prior member of the compound : e. g. smitapiirvam 
 with a smile, anamayapragnapurvakam icitk inquiries after health 
 pitamahapurogama accompanied by the Great Father. 
 
 g. The noun matra measure stands as final of a compound which is 
 used adjectively or in the substantive neater to signify a limit that is not 
 exceeded, and obtains thus the virtual, value of )«cr<', only: thus, jala- 
 matrena vartayan living by water only (lit. by that which has water 
 for its measure or limit), garbhaeyutimatrena by merely issuing from 
 the womb, pranayatrikamatrah syat let him he one possessing what 
 does not exceed the preservatioti of life ; uktamatre tu vacane but the 
 tvoi'ds being merely uttered. 
 
 h. The noun artha object, purpose is used at the end of a compo\ind, 
 in the adverbial accusative neuter, to signify ybr the sake of or the like: 
 thus, yajnasiddhyartham in order to the accomplishment of the sacrifice 
 (lit. in a manner having the accomplishment of the sacrifice as its object), 
 damayantyartham for DamayantVs sake (with Damayantl as object). 
 
 i. Other examples are abha, kalpa, in the sense of /jAf, approaching: 
 thus, hemabha gold- like, mrtakalpa nearly dead, pratipannakalpa 
 almost accomplished; — vidha, in the sense of kind, .sort: thus, tvadvidha 
 of thy sort, purusavidha of human kind; — praya, in the sense of 
 mostly, often, and the like: thus, duhkhapraya/w^rt/jjaT/J, tj-napraya 
 abounding in grass, nirgaraanapraya often going out; — antara (in 
 substantive neuter), in the sense of other: thus, de9antara an"tlnr region 
 (lit. that which has a difference of region), janmantarani other eiistence«, 
 (jakhantare in another text. 
 
 1303. In appositional possessive compounds, the second member, if it 
 designates a, part of . the bofly,_sometimes logically signifies that part to which 
 whatir designated by, Jhe JE^M.-^?*-®?*^^? I'eloug*^ tl^t. «jL^^^ iU.,V[.§itKit is.
 
 1303—] XVIII. Composition. 508 
 
 a. Thus, ghrtaprstha butter-backed, madhujihva honey-tongued, 
 niskagriva and manigriva necklace-necked, patrahasta vessel-handed, 
 vajrabahu lightning-armed, asrnmukha blood-faced, kilalodhan mead- 
 udder ed, vajajathara sacrijice-bellied, vaspakantha with tears in the 
 throat, Qraddhamanas with faith in the heart; with irregular accent, 
 dhumaksi f. smoke-eyed, a9runiukhi f. tear-faced; and khadihasta 
 ring-handed (khadi). In the later language, such compounds are not in- 
 frequent -with words meaning hand: thus, gastrapani having a sword in 
 the hand, lagudahasta carrying a staff. 
 
 1304. Of possessive compounds having an adverbial element as 
 prior member, the most numerous by far are those made with the 
 inseparable prefixes. Their accent is various. Thus: 
 
 a. In compounds with the negative prefix a or an (in which the latter 
 logically negatives the imported idea of possession), the accent is prevailingly 
 on the final syllable, without regard to the original accent of the final member. 
 For example: ananta having no etid, abala not possessing stre^igth, aratha 
 without chariot, aqraddha faithless, amani without ornament, a9atru 
 without a foe, avarman not cuirassed, adant toothless, apad footless 
 atejas without brightness, anarambhana not to be gotten hold of, apra- 
 timaua incomparable, aducchuna bringing no harm, apaksapuccha 
 without sides or tail. 
 
 b. But a number of examples (few in proportion to those already in- 
 stanced) have the pfeflx accented (like the simple descriptives : 1288 a): 
 thus, aksiti indestructible, agu ki7ieless, agopa ivithout shepherd, ajivana 
 lifeless, anapi without friends, a9i9vi f. without young, amrtyu death- 
 less, abrahman without priest, avyacas toithout extension, ahavis without 
 oblation, and a few others; AV. has aprajas, but ^B. aprajas. A very 
 few have the accent on the penult: namely, a9esas, ajani, and avira 
 (with retraction, from vira). aputra (do., from putra); and AV, has 
 abhratr, but RV. abhratf. 
 
 c. In compounds with the prefixes of praise and dispraise, ^ji, and 
 dus, the accent is in the great majority of cases that"o'f the final member: 
 thus, sukalpa of easy make, subhaga tvell portioned, sunaksatra of 
 j)ropitioiis star, suputrd having excellent sons, sugopa well-shepherded, 
 sukirtf of good fame, angkadhi fragrant, auhahu well-anned, suyamtu 
 of easy control, sukratu of good capacity, suhard good-hearted, susraj 
 ivell-garlanded, suvarman ivell-cuirassed, suvasas well-clad, supraniti 
 tvell guiding; durbhaga ill-portioned, dnrdfc^ika of evil aspect, durdhara 
 hard to restrain, durgandhi ill-savored, duradhi of evil designs, dur- 
 dh&rtu hard to restrain, du8tS,ritu hard to excel, duratyetu hard to cross, 
 durdhur ill-yoked, durnaman ill-named, diiryasas ill-clad. 
 
 d. There are, however, a not inconsiderable number of instances in 
 which the accent of these compounds is upon the final syllable: thus, su- 
 qipvk well-lijiped, svapatya of good progeny, Bnaam'ka.qk of good aspect, 
 svanguri weil-fmgered, svisu having good arrows, supivas ivell fatted;
 
 509 Possessive Compounds, [—1305 
 
 and compounds with derivatives in ana, as suvljnana of eaxy discnim.vt, 
 supasarpana of easy approach, duqcyav&na fuirci to ahak,-; and AV has 
 suphala and subandhu against RV. suphAla and eubandhu. Like 
 avira, suvira shows retraction of accent. Only dura9ir has the tone on 
 the prefix. 
 
 e. On the vrhole, the distinction by accent of possessive from deter- 
 minative is less clearly shown in the words made with bu and dus th.iii 
 in any other body of compounds. 
 
 f. The associative prefix sa or (less often) saha is treated like an 
 adjective element, and itself takes the accent in a possessive compound: 
 thus, sakratu of Joint icill, sanaman of like name, sdrupa of similar 
 form, akjoni having a comtnon origin, savacas of a.sseiititig words, satoka 
 having progeny along, with one's progeny, sabrahmana together with the 
 Brahmans, samula tvith the root, 8antarde9a tcith the intermediate direct- 
 ions; sahagopa with the shepherd, sahavatBa. accompanied hy one's young, 
 sahapatni having her husband tvith her, sahapurusa along with our men. 
 
 g. In RV. (save lu a doubtful case or two), only saha in such com- 
 pounds gives the meaning of having tcith one, accompanied by; and, since 
 saha governs the instrumental, the words beginning with it might be of th.- 
 prepositional class (below, 1310). But in AV. both sa and saha have this 
 value (as illustrated by examples given above); and in the later language, 
 the combinations with sa are much the more numerous. 
 
 h. There are a few exceptions, in which the accent is that of the final 
 member: thus, sajosa, sajosas, sadr9a, saprathas, sabadhas, samanyii 
 and AV. shows the accent on the final syllable in sanga ((^'B. sanga) and 
 the substantivized (1312) savidyuta. 
 
 i. Possessive compounds with the exclamatory prefixes ka etc. are 
 too few in the older language to furnish ground for any rule as to accent: 
 kabandha is perhaps an example of such. 
 
 1305. Possessive compounds in which a verbal prefix is used 
 as prior member with adjective value, qualifying a noun as final 
 member, are found even in the oldest language, and are rather more 
 common later (compare the descriptive compounds, above, 1289: and 
 the prepositional, below, 1310). They usually have the accent of 
 the prefix. 
 
 a. Most common are those made with pra, vi, and sam: thu.'s, for 
 example, pramahas having exceeding might, pra9ravas widely famed; 
 vigriva of wry neck, -vyafiga having limbs atoay or gone, limbless, vfjani 
 ivifeless,-viparvasLndvi'par\X3jointless, vyadhvan of wide irays. vlmanaa 
 both of wide mi)id and mindless, vivacas of discordant speech; sampatni 
 having one's husband along, sammanas of accordant mind, samsahasra 
 accompanied by a thousand, samokas of joint abode. Examples of others 
 are: atyiirmi surging orer, ddtiivastra having a garment on. ddhynrdha 
 with a half over, adhyakaa overseer, apodaka "it/iont nafrr. abhirupa
 
 1305—] XVIII. Composition. 510 
 
 of adapted character^ avatoka that has aborted, amanas of favorable 
 mind, udojas of exalted potver, nimanyu of assuaged fury, nirmaya 
 free from guile, nirhasta handless. 
 
 b. Iq a comparatively small number of cases, the acceTit is otherwise, 
 and generally on the final: thus, avakeqa, upamanyu, vi9apha, vi9ikha 
 (AY. vi9ikha), vikarna, sammatf, etc. ; in an instance or t^o, that of 
 the final member: thus, sam9i9vari having a common young. 
 
 1306. Possessive compounds with an ordinary adverb as prior 
 member are also found in every period of the language. They usu- 
 ally have the accent which belongs to the adverb as independent word. 
 
 a. Examples are: antyuti bringing near help, avodeva calling dotvn 
 the gods, itauti helping on this side, ihacitta with mind directed hither, 
 daksinataskaparda ivearing the braid on the right side, nanadharman 
 of various character, purudhapratika of manifold aspect, vi9vatomukha 
 with faces on all sides, sadyaiati of immediate aid, visuriipa of various 
 form, smadiidhan with udder, adhastallaksman with mark below, eka- 
 tomukha icith face on one side, tathavidha of such sort. 
 
 b. An instance or two of irregular accent are met with: thus, puro- 
 ratha ichose chariot is foremost, evamkratu so-minded. 
 
 1307. a. It was pointed out in the preceding chapter (1222 h 
 that the indifferent suffix ka is often added to a pure possessive 
 compound, to help the conversion of the compounded stem into an 
 adjective; especially, where the final of the stem is less usual or 
 manageable in adjective inflection. 
 
 b. Also, the compound possessive stem occasionally takes further a pos- 
 sessive-making suffix: thus, ya9obhagin, su9iprin, varavarnin, dlrgha- 
 sutrin, punyavagbuddhikarmin, sutasomavant, tadrgrupavant, 
 trayoda9advipavant, narakapalakundalavant, amrtabuddhimant. 
 
 C. The frequent changes which are imdergone by the final of a stem 
 occurring at the end of a compound are noticed further on (1315). 
 
 1308. The possessive compounds are not always used in the 
 later language with the simple value of qualifying adjective; often 
 they have a pregnant sense, and become the equivalents of depen^ 
 dent clauses; or the having which is implied in them obtains virtu- 
 ally the value oi owx having as sign of past time. 
 
 a. Thus, for example, praptayauvana possessing attained adolescence, 
 i. 6. having arrived at adolescence; anadhigata9astra ivith unstudied books, 
 i. e. ivho has neglected study; krtaprayatna possessing performed effort, 
 i. e. on whom effort is expended; anguliyakadar9anavasana having the 
 sight of the ring as termination, i. e. destined to end on sight of the ring; 
 uddhrtavisada9alyah having an extracted despair-arroic, i. e. whe^i I shall 
 have extracted the barb of despair; 9rutavistarah kriyatam let hiin be 
 made tvith heard details, i. e. let him be informed of the details; drstaviryo 
 me ramah Rama has seen my prowess, bhagnabhando dvijo yatha like
 
 511 Participial AND Prepositionail Compounds. [—1310 
 
 the Brahman that broke the pots, uktanrtam ysim yatha like a saiji' 
 that has spoken falsely. 
 
 B. Compounds with Governed Final Member. 
 
 1309. Participial Compounds. This proup of compoTind.". 
 in which the prior member ia a present participle and the final meni- 
 ber^ its object, is a small one (toward thirty examples;' and exclusi- 
 vely Vedic — indeed, almost limited to the oldest Vedic (of tie Rig- i/' 
 Veda). The accent is on the final syllable of the participle, whatever 
 may have been the latter's accent as an independent word. 
 
 a. Examples are: vidadvasu wnming good things, k§ayadvira 
 governing (ksayant) heroes, taraddvesaa overcoming (t&rant) foes, 
 abharadvasti bringing good things, codayanmati inciting (codayant") 
 devotion, mandayatsakha rejoicing friends, dharayatkavi sustaining 
 sages, manhayadrayi bestowing tcealth. 
 
 b. In sadadyoni sitting in the lap (sadat quite anomalously for Bidat 
 or sadat), and sprhayadvarna emulous of color, the case-relation 'of the 
 final member is other than accusative. In patayan mandayatsakham 
 (RV. i. 4. 7), patayat, with accent changed accordingly, repruseiits patay- 
 atsakhara, the final member being understood from the following word. 
 Vidadaqva is to be inferred from its derivative vaidadaQvi. Of this 
 formation appear to be jamadagni, pratadvasvi (prathad?), and tras- 
 adasyu (for trasaddasyu ?). It was noticed above (_1299 c) that yuynja- 
 nasapti is capable of being understood as a unique compound of like 
 character, with a perfect instead of present participle; sadhadisti, on 
 account of its accent, is probably possessive. 
 
 1310. Prepositional Compounds. By this name may be 
 convenient!}' called those combinations in which the prior member 
 is a particle having true prepositional value, and the final member 
 is a noun governed by it. Such combinations, though few in num- 
 ber as compared with other classes of compoundsj are nol rare,-either 
 in the earlier language or in the later. Their accent is so various that 
 no rule can be set up respecting it. 
 
 a. Examples are: atyavi passing through the tcool, atiratra over- 
 night, atimatrd exceeding measure; adhiratha lying on the chariot, adhi- 
 gava belonging to the coiv ; adhaspada under the feet, adhoaks4 behtr 
 the axle; knupatha, following the road, anupiirva following the one pre- 
 ceding, one after another, anusatyA in accordance with truth, anukula 
 down stream, etc. ; antaspatha (with anomalously changed accent of antAr), 
 icithin the way, antardava icithinthefame{y), antarhasta in the hand; 
 antigrha near the house; apiprana accompanying the breath (prana), api- 
 vrata co7icerned tvith the ceremotiy, api9arvard, bordering on night, api- 
 ^axna. next the ear; abhijnu reaching to the knee, abhivira and abhlsatvan 
 overcoming heroes; apathi on the road, adeva going to the gods, ajarasa
 
 N 
 
 1310—] XVIII. Composition. 512 
 
 reaching old age, advada9a up to twelve ; upakaksa reaching to the arm- 
 pits, upottama next to last, penultimate ; uparibudhna above the bottom, 
 wpkrimarty a, rising abope mortals; tirojajXik bego7id people; nihsala out 
 of the house; paripad (^about the feet) snare, parihasta about the hand, 
 bracelet; paroksa out of sight, paroraatra beyond measure, parogavyuti 
 bet/ond the fields, parahsahasra (parahsahasra, (^B.) above a thousand; 
 puroksa in front of the eyes; pratidosa toward evening, pratiloma 
 against the grain, pratikula up stream, pratydksa before the eyes; bahih- 
 paridhi outside the enclosure; vipathi outside the road; samaksa close 
 to the eyes, in sight. 
 
 b. Compounds of this character are in the later language especially 
 common with adhi: thus, adhyatma relating to the soul or self, adhi- 
 yajna relating to the sacrifice, etc. 
 
 c. A sufflxal a is sometimes added to a final consonant, as in upanasa 
 on the wagon, avyusa until daybreak. In a few instances, the suffix ya 
 is taken (see above, 1212 m); and in one word the suffix in: thus, pari- 
 panthin besetting the path. 
 
 d. The prepositional compounds are especially liahle to adverbial use: 
 see below, 1313 b. 
 
 Adjective Compounds as Nouns and as Adverbs. 
 
 1311. Compound adjectives, like simple ones, are freely used 
 substantively as abstracts and collectives, especially in the neuter, 
 less often in the feminine; and they are also much used adverbially, 
 especially in the accusative neuter. 
 
 a. The matter is entitled to special notice only because certain forms 
 of combination have become of special frequency in these uses, and because 
 the Hindu grammarians have made out of them distinct classes of com- 
 pounds, with separate names. There is nothing in the older language which 
 by its own merits would call for particular remark under this head. 
 
 1312. The_substantively used compounds having a numeral as 
 prior member, along with, in part, the adjective compounds them- 
 selves, are treated by the Hindus as a separate class, called dyigu. 
 
 a. The name is a sample of the class, and means of two cows, said 
 to be used in the sense of worth two cows; as also pancagu bought for 
 five coivs, dvinau tvorth two ships, pancakapala made in five cups, and 
 
 so on. 
 
 b. Vedic examples of numeral abstracts and collectives are: dviraja 
 [combat] of two kings, triyuga three ages, triyojana space of three leagues, 
 tridiv4 the triple heaven, pancayojand space of five leagues, sadaha six 
 days' time, da<jangula ten fingers' breadth; and, with suffix ya, sahasrahnya 
 thousand days journey. Others, not numeral, but essentially of the same 
 character, are, for example: aaamitrk freedom from enemies, nikilbisd 
 freedom from guilt, savidyut^ thunderstorm, vihrdaya heartlessness, and
 
 513 Adjective Compounds as Nouns and Adverbs. (—1313 
 
 sdhrdaya heartiness, sudiva prosperity hy day, Bumrga an-l eugakuna 
 prosperity tvith beasts ayid birds. Feminlnes of like use are not quoUble 
 from RV. or AV.; later occur such as tri9ati three hundred, (481), triloki 
 the three worlds, pancamuli aggregate of Jive roots. 
 
 C. As the examples show, the accent of words thus used is various ; 
 but it Is more prevailingly on the final syllable than in the adjective com- 
 pounds in their ordinary use. 
 
 1313. Those adverbially used accusatives of secondary adjec- 
 tive compounds which have an indeclinable or particle as prior mem- 
 ber are reckoned by the Hindu grammarians as a separate class of 
 compounds, and called by the name avyayibhava. 
 
 a. This term is a derivative from the compound verb (10941 made up 
 of avyaya uninjlected and |/bhu, and means conversion to an indeclinable. 
 
 b. The prepositional compounds (1310) are especially frequent in this 
 use: thus, for example, anusvadhdm by one's oivn will, abhipurvim 
 and parovaram in succession, advada9aia up to twelve, pratidosam af 
 eve7iing, samaksam in sight. Instances given by the grammarians are: 
 adhihari upon Ilari, uparajam tvith the kifig, upanadam or upanadl 
 near the river, pcatyagni toward the Jire, pratini9am every night, nir- 
 maksikam with freedom frotn Jiies. 
 
 C. A large and important class is made up of words having a relative 
 adverb, especially yatha, as prior member. Thus, for example, yathava^am 
 as one chooses (va9a will), yathakrtam as done [ie/ore], according to 
 usage, yathanama by name, yathabhagam according to several portion 
 yathangam and yathaparii limb by limb, yatrakamam whither one will, 
 yavanmatram in some measure, yavajjivam as long as one lives 
 yavatsabandhu according to the number of relations. 
 
 d. These compounds are not common in the old language; RV. has 
 with yatha only four of them, AV. only ten ; and no such compound is 
 used adjectively except yacchresthd, RV., yavacchresthd, AV. as good as 
 possible. QB. has yathakarin, yathacarfn, yathakama, yathakratu as 
 adjectives (followed in each case by a correlative tatha). The adjective use 
 in the later language also is quite rare as compared with the adverbial. 
 
 e. Other cases than the accusative occasionally occur: thus, instrumental, 
 as yathasamkhyena, yatha9aktya, yathepsaya, yathapratigunfiis; 
 and ablative, as yathaucityat. 
 
 f. A class of adverbs of frequent occurrence is made with aa: e. p. 
 sakopam angrily, sadaram respectfully, sasinitam tcith a smile, savi- 
 9esain especially. 
 
 g. Other adverbial compounds of equivalent character occur earlier, and 
 are common later: for example, rtekarmam without worh, nanaratham 
 on different chariots, ubhayadyiis two days in succession, citrapadakra- 
 mara tvith wonderful progress, pradanaptirvam with accompaniment 
 ^f « 9^f*\ etc. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 33
 
 1314—] XVIII. Composition. 514 
 
 Anomalous Compounds. 
 
 1314. As in every language, compounds are now and then met 
 with which are of anomalous character, as exhibiting combinations 
 of elements not usually put together, or not after such a method, or 
 for such a purpose. Some of these, especially of those occurring in 
 the old language, may well be noticed here. 
 
 a. Compounds having a particle as final member: as, aprati having 
 no equal, tuviprati tnightili/ opposing, atatha refusing, vitatha false, 
 yathatatha at it really is, susaha prosperity in companionship, aniha 
 and anamutra having no here and no yonder, etc. 
 
 b. Agglomerations of two or more elements out of phrases : thus, aham- 
 purva eager to be first, ahamuttara contest for preeminetice, mamasatya 
 contest for possession, itihasa legend (iti ha "sa thus, indeed, it was), 
 naghamard and nagharisa not, surely, dying or coming to harm, kuvitsa 
 some unknown person, tadidartha having Just that as aim, kiicidarthin 
 having errands in every direction, kacitkara doing all sorts of things, 
 kuhacidvid wherever found, akuta9cidbhaya out of all danger, yad- 
 bhavisya What-is-to-he, etc. 
 
 C. Agglomerations in ■which the prior member retains a syntactic form: 
 as, anyonya and paraspara one another, avaraspara inverted. 
 
 d. Aggregations with the natural order Inverted: 6. g. pitamaha and 
 tatamaha grandfather, putrahata with his sons slain, janvakna and 
 -janvakta with bended knee, dantajata provided with teeth, somapahrta 
 deprived of soma, panktiradhas having groups of gifts, gojara old bull, 
 agrajihva, agranasika, etc. tip of the tongue, of the nose, etc. Compare 
 also 1291 c. 
 
 e. Aggregations of particles were pointed out above (1111 a) ; also 
 (1122 e) cases in which na and ma are used in composition. 
 
 f. In late Sanskrit (perhaps after the false analogy of combinations 
 like tad anu, viewed as tadanu, with tad as stem instead of neuter accu- 
 sative), a preposition is sometimes compounded as final member with the 
 noun governed by it: e. g. vrksadhas or vrksadhastat under the 
 tree, dantantah betioeen the teeth, bhavanopari on top of the house, 
 satyavina tvithout truth. 
 
 Stem-finals altered in Composition. 
 
 1315. Transfers to an a-form of declension from other less 
 common finals, which are not rare in independent use, are especially 
 common in the final members of compounds. Thus: 
 
 a. A stem in au often drops its final consonant (compare 429 a, 
 437); examples are aksa, adhva, arva, astha, aha, taksa, brahma, 
 miirdha, raja, loma, vrsa, 9va, saktha, sama.
 
 515 Loose Construction with Compounds. [ — 1316 
 
 b. An i or i is changed to a: examples are afigula, anjala, a9ra, 
 kuksa, khara, nada, nabha, bhuma, ratra, sakha. 
 
 C. An a is added after a final consonant, and Bometiines after an 
 u-vowel or a diphthong (compare 399): examples are yea, tvaca; uda, 
 pada, (jarada; apa; dhura, pura; ahna, a<;mana, udhna, rajna; 
 anasa, ayasa, ayvisa, urasa, enasa, tamasa, manasa, yajusa, rajasa, 
 rahasa, varcasa, vedasa, Qreyasa, sarasa; bhruva, diva, gava, 
 gava, nava. 
 
 d. More sporadic and anomalous cases are such as: apanna-da (-dant), 
 panca-sa (-sas), ajaika-pa (-pad), 9ata-bhisa (-bhiaaj), vipacj-ci 
 (-cit), yatha-pura (-puras). 
 
 Loose Construction with Compounds. 
 
 1316. In the looseness of unlimited and fortuitous combination, 
 especially in the later language, it is by no means rare that a word 
 in composition has an independent word in the sentence depending 
 upon or qualifying it alone, rather than the compound of which it 
 forms a part. 
 
 a. Examples are: rayaskamo viqv&psnyasya (RV.) desirous of 
 all-enjoyable tvealth; anhor urucakrih (RV.) causing relief from distress; 
 mahadhane arbhe (RV.) in great contest and in small; svanarii (jrais- 
 thyakamah (AQS.) desiring superiority over his fellows; brahmanan 
 ehrutaqilavrttasampannan ekena va (AGS.) Brahmans endowed tcith 
 learning, character, and behavior, or ivith one [of the th7'ee]; cittaprama- 
 thini bala devanam api (MRh.) a girl disturbing the minds even of 
 the gods ; vasisthavacanad rsya9rngasya co 'bhayoh (R.) at the icords 
 of both Vasishtha and Rishyacringa; sitadravyapaharane (jastranam 
 ausadhasya ca (M.) in case of stealing ploughing implements or weapons 
 or medicament; jyotisam madhyaeari (H.) moving in the midst of the 
 stars; darupatram ca mrnmayam (M.) a toooden and an earthen 
 vessel; syandane dattadrstih ((^.) loith eye fixed on the chariot; 
 tasmina uUambitamrtah (KSS.) dead and hanging upon it. 
 
 as"
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 A. The following text is given {as proposed above, 3) in order 
 to illustrate by an example the variety of Sanskrit type in use. It 
 is given twice over, and a transliteration into European letters follows. 
 The text is a fable extracted from the first book of the Hitopade§a. 
 
 The Hunter, Deer, Boar, and Jackal. 
 
 m^^^ I TTf ^T^ ^^^ferf^ I ^Wm I 
 
 ^"RTT rfT^IITf^ ^Tfl^ ^TRTTf^ f^T^ ^^IJ^TZ^^ ^T^^'sf ^T-
 
 Appendix. 5(7 
 
 qt^cgs^: e-^g^^m f^-b^TCoPrq^^ rrfr: m^ ?t^ ipr ^t7t 
 
 HIc<Td*4irH WldfH JTWrf^T ^TriVJ eJil34j^iiHlHH QTOsRJ M l eimirUt»r61 l 
 
 asit kalyanakatakfft-astavyo bhairavo nama vyadhah. aa 
 cai 'kada mansalubdhah san dhanur adaya vindhyatavimadhyam 
 gatah. tatra tena mrga eko vyapaditah. mrgam adaya gacchata 
 tena ghorakrtih sukaro drstah. tatas tena rargam bhumau ni- 
 dhaya sukarah 9arena hatah. sukarena 'py agatya pralayagha- 
 naghoragarjanamkrtva sa vyadho muskadecje hata9 chinnadruma 
 iva papata. yatah: 
 
 jalam agnim visam 9astram ksudvyadhi patanam gireh, 
 nimittam kimcid asadya dehi pranair vimucyate.
 
 518 Appendix. 
 
 atrantare dirgharavo nama jambukah paribhramann ahar- 
 arthl tan mrtan mrgavyadhasukaran apa9yat. alokya 'cintayad 
 asau: aho bhagyam. mahad bhojyam samupasthitam. athava: 
 acintitani duhkhani yathai 'va "yanti dehinam, 
 sukhany api tatha manye daivam atra 'tiricyate. 
 bhavatu; esam mansair masatrayam samadhikam bhojanam 
 me bhavisyati. tatah prathamabubhuksayam tavad imani sva- 
 duni mansani vihaya kodandatanilagnam snayubandham kbadami 
 'ty uktva tatha 'karot. tata«j chinne snayubandhe drutam utpa- 
 titena dhanusa hrdi bhinnah sa dirgharavah pancatvam gatab. 
 ato 'ham bravimi: 
 
 kartavyah samcayo nityam kartavyo na 'tisamcayah; 
 atisamcayadosena dhanusa jambviko hatah. 
 
 B. The folloving text is given in order to illustrate by a suffi- 
 cient example the usual method of marking accent, as described 
 above (87). In the manuscripts, the accent-signs are almost invariably 
 added in red ink. The text is a hymn extracted from the tenth or 
 last book of the Rig- Veda; it is regarded by the tradition as uttered 
 by Vac voice (i. e. the Word or Logos]. 
 
 Hymn (X. 125) from the Rig-Veda. 
 
 q^ ^m ?d^ ^[^^ri H^T^^ dsHHIU W^ ll ^^ ii 
 rtT 4t"^ Slf^: 5^T ^F^H^ iraTwi#T^ll ^ 11 
 
 ■■ mm ^ ^ " ^ i "^ ^Si 
 
 - - - vj -o - 
 
 Vi ^m^ (TrFr^ OTifq rT W^m rTRf^ rT HWH n H ii 
 
 5g^ "^1^ 'rJrT^ rpfrfq sf^tt^ 5lt§ ^W ^ '
 
 Appendix. 519 
 
 rTrTT f% f?fw H^RH f^^TR ^ sOTTTfI Fqum ii b ii 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^T qiycUrlNrll H^tiHI H ^FT ii "T ii 
 
 aham rudrebhir vasubhi<j caramy ah&m adityafr uta vigva- 
 devaih, aham mitravaruno 'bha bibharmy ahdm indragni aham 
 
 aQvino 'bha. 1. 
 aham somam ahanasam bibharmy ah&m tv&staram uta pusdnam 
 bhagam, aham dadhami dravinam havismate supravye yaja- 
 
 manaya sunvate. 2. 
 ahdm rastri samgamani vasunam cikitusi prathama yajnlyanam, 
 tarn ma deva vy adadhuh purutra bhuristhatram bhdry 
 
 ave9ayantim. 3. 
 maya so annam atti yo vipa9yati yah praniti ya im (jrijoty uktam, 
 amantavo mam ta upa ksiyanti qrudhi (jruta 9raddhiv6,m te 
 
 vadami. 4. 
 aham eva svayam idam vadami juatam devebhir uta manusebhih, 
 yam kamaye tam-tam^ ugram krnomi tarn brahmanam tim rsim 
 
 tarn sumedham. 5. 
 aham rudraya dhanur a tanomi brahmadvise 9arave hantava u, 
 aham janaya samadam krnomy aham dyavaprthivi a vive9a. 0. 
 aham suve pitaram asya murdh&n mdma yonir apsv antah sa- 
 mudre, tato v{ tisthe bhuvana 'nu v{9vo 'ta 'mum dyam vars- 
 
 mano 'pa spr9ami. 7. 
 aham eva vata iva pra vamy arabhamana bhuvanani vi9va, 
 paro diva para ena prthivyai 'tavati mahina sam babhuva. ^^. 
 
 C. On the next page is given, in systematic arrangement, a 
 synopsis of all the modes and tenses recognized as normally to be 
 made from every root in its primary conjugation, for the two common 
 roots bhu be and kr make (only the precative middle and peri- 
 phrastic future middle are bracketed, as never really occurring). 
 Added, in each case, are the most important of the verbal nouns and 
 adjectives, the only ones which it is needful to give as part of every 
 verb-system.
 
 520 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 
 B 
 
 O ^ > ^ '^ o ^ 
 
 o S! R P <J S 
 
 
 5 
 
 B • r' 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ^ '=' O t 
 
 C ITS B m «? 
 
 B 
 
 ■4 
 
 ^- 5. 
 
 E3-. C 
 
 »' >f >t >;• >^ 
 
 ^ fi ^ C ff 
 
 fl 4 S »^ i-i 
 
 < HI (D- 
 
 ?3I '< 
 
 HI. 5s. 
 
 P; !>;' {«r t^ >^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 < 
 
 < 
 
 pi- 
 
 H^ 
 
 •P 
 
 
 P' 
 
 ►T3 
 
 «f 
 
 ft> 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 09 
 
 
 ►tJ 
 
 
 'S- 
 
 
 
 (5 
 
 CD 
 
 P 
 
 t^ 
 
 i^ 
 
 •H 
 
 <-i 
 
 rt- 
 
 P' 
 
 gD. 
 
 •P 
 
 "l 
 
 P' 
 
 1 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 g» 
 
 
 r 
 
 
 t^ 
 
 
 «, 
 
 
 akrsi 
 rtum ; - 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 CD 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 
 &. 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 J*:* 
 
 
 •►^ 
 
 
 < 
 PI. 
 
 w 
 ^ 
 
 
 M. 
 
 ■ 
 
 •OJ 
 
 t»r 
 
 =<1 
 
 •H- 
 
 93, 
 
 ^ 
 
 B 
 
 P 
 
 PI 
 
 
 •p 
 
 
 p 
 
 a 
 
 •cc 
 
 i->i 
 
 50, 
 
 P 
 
 •m 
 '< 
 
 
 P HJ 
 P p. 
 
 c1- 
 
 fi p 
 
 t< O- 
 
 B - 
 
 a 
 p 
 
 !»!' 
 
 < 
 p* 
 
 OS 
 
 P- 
 PI 
 
 •CO 
 
 p 
 B 
 
 so. 
 
 Ch- 
 
 i'T' 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 >i 
 
 12. 
 
 •OD 
 
 .oo 
 
 «< 
 
 «< 
 
 P- 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 B 
 
 CI- 
 
 p 
 
 I'!' 
 PU 
 
 P 
 
 PU 
 IB 
 
 i 
 
 P 
 
 •CO 
 '< 
 
 PU 
 
 
 P' 
 
 cr 
 
 a- 
 
 p 
 
 ts" 
 
 gj. 
 
 P 
 
 <i 
 
 <! 
 
 p 
 
 (D 
 
 B 
 
 
 pi 
 
 
 tK 
 
 
 P 
 
 IT3 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 en 
 
 
 00 
 
 
 ni 
 
 
 •« 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 O* 
 
 C 
 
 cr 
 
 5* 
 
 01 
 
 5' 
 
 r+- 
 
 <4 
 
 SO, 
 
 pi 
 
 
 ts 
 
 1 
 
 so. 
 
 1— 4 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 C* 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 o* 
 
 
 tf p- 
 
 
 so, cr 
 
 
 < (3- 
 
 
 
 
 B -2. 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 CD 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 P- 
 
 
 w 
 
 cr 
 
 O" 
 
 tr 
 
 t:' 
 
 ^ 
 
 CI 
 
 < 
 
 jBj, 
 
 < 
 
 •CD 
 VJ 
 P' 
 
 1 
 
 B 
 
 cr 
 
 g' 
 
 tr 
 
 •p 
 
 «' 
 
 p 
 
 VI 
 
 
 ? 
 
 
 tr 
 so, 
 
 < 
 
 pi CD 
 P 
 
 a" 
 
 is' 
 
 go, 
 <! 
 
 CD 
 
 (D- 
 
 tr 
 p 
 
 p- 
 
 c 
 
 cr 
 p 
 < 
 
 •cc 
 
 (D- 
 
 cr 
 
 9 
 
 CD 
 
 C 
 
 cr 
 p 
 < 
 p 
 
 B 
 
 cr cr 
 
 tr cr 
 
 g3. P' 
 
 <1 <i . 
 
 P pi CD 
 
 P P *< 
 
 B 
 
 p 
 o* 
 cr 
 Ci 
 
 < 
 
 PN 
 P- 
 CO 
 
 cr 
 
 cr 
 
 < < 
 pi 
 
 B 
 
 so, 
 o* 
 
 cr 
 P 
 <! 
 
 I 
 
 cr 
 
 pi 
 
 '< 
 pi> 
 
 tn 
 
 i 
 
 P' o* 
 
 cr 
 
 cr cr 
 
 p- 
 
 cr p 
 
 p 
 
 p <^ 
 
 < 
 
 "d *-'• 
 
 M" 
 
 M. •CO 
 
 •CO 
 
 •to «<J 
 
 <4 
 
 eO g:. 
 
 PI. 
 
 B ^ 
 
 B 
 
 cr 
 
 cr 
 
 Si 
 
 Pk 
 
 09 
 
 
 
 -Td 
 
 cr 
 
 CD 
 
 §- 
 
 C5 
 
 cr 
 
 r 
 
 PN 
 
 CO 
 
 < 
 
 
 p 
 
 CD 
 
 
 B 
 
 > 
 
 o 
 
 CD 
 
 B 
 
 B
 
 SANSKRIT INDEX. 
 
 The references in both Indexes are to paragraphs. In this one, many 
 abbreviations are used; but it is believed that they will be found self- 
 explaining. For example , "pron." is pronunciation ; "euph." points out 
 anything relating to phonetic form or euphonic combination; "pres.", to 
 present-system; "int." is intensive; "des." is desiderative; and so on. A 
 prefixed hyphen denotes a suffix; one appended, a prefix. 
 
 a, pron. etc., 19-22; combination 
 with following vowel , 126 , 127 ; 
 loss of initial after e and o, 135, 
 175 a; resulting accent, 135 a; not 
 liable to guna, 235a; lightened 
 to i or u, 249; lost in weakened 
 syUable, 253. 
 
 a, as union-vowel in tense-inflection, 
 621c, 631. 
 
 -a. primy, 1148; srdry, 1208, 1209; 
 -a in -aka, 1181; — a-stems, 
 dcln, 326-34; from rdcl a-st., 333, 
 344; in compsn, 1270, 1287 a. 
 
 a- or an-, negative, 1121 a-c; in 
 compsn, 1283 ff., 1288 a. 1304 a, b. 
 
 -aka, prmy, 1181; aka-stems some- 
 times govern accus. , 271c; scdry, 
 1222 j, k. 
 
 -aki, see 1221b. 
 
 yaks, pf., 788. 
 
 aksara, 8. 
 
 aksan, aksi, 343 f, 431, 
 
 aghosa, 34 b. 
 
 ysLC or anc, pf., 788b; pple, 956 b, 
 957c; stems ending with, 407-10. 
 
 -aj, 219a, 383k. 5. 
 
 y&no, see ac. 
 
 |/anj. euph., 219a; pres., 694,687; 
 pf.,' 788; tva-ger'd, 991 d. 
 
 -anda, 1201 a. 
 
 -at, '383k. 3 — and see -ant. 
 
 -ata, see 1176 e. 
 
 -ati, see 1157g. 
 
 -atu, see 1161 d. 
 
 -atnu, see 1196c. 
 
 -atra, see 1185 e. 
 
 -atha, see 1163c. 
 
 -athu, see 1164. 
 
 ]/ad, impf., 621c; caus., 1042g. 
 
 -ad, 383 k. 4. 
 
 adhi, loss of initial, 1087 a. 
 
 adhika, in odd numbers, 477a, 478 b. 
 
 |/an, euph., 192b; pres., 631. 
 
 -an, UGO. 
 
 an-, see a-. 
 
 -ana, 1150; stems in compsn, 1271, 
 1296 b. 
 
 anadvah, euph., 224 b; decln, 404. 
 
 -ana, 1150. 
 
 -ani, 1159. 
 
 .ani, 1150. 
 
 -aniya, 962, 965, 1215b. 
 
 anu, changed to anu after an-, 108Tb. 
 
 -anu, see 1162c. 
 
 anudatta, 81. 
 
 anudattatara, 90c. 
 
 anunasika, 36 a, 73 a. 
 
 anuvrata, with accus., 272. 
 
 anustubh, euph., 161 d. 
 
 anusvara, pron. etc., 70-3; trans- 
 literation, 73 c. 
 
 anehas, dcln, 419. 
 
 -ant or -at, of pples, 584, 1172; 
 their dcln. 443 ff.
 
 522 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 -anta, 1209 d. 
 
 antahstha, 31, 51 a. 
 
 antara, in compsn, 1302i. 
 
 -anti, see 1221c. 
 
 anya, dcln, 523. 
 
 ap or ap, dcln, 151e, 393. 
 
 api, loss of initial, 1087 a. 
 
 -abha, 1199. 
 
 abhinihita-circumflex, 84 e. 
 
 ]/ain, pres., 634; aor., 862. 
 
 -am, infln. in, 970 a; gerund, 995. 
 
 -ama, see 11661). 
 
 -aye, infln. in, 970 f, 975 b. 
 
 -ara, see 1188d. 
 
 ari, dcln, 343 g. 
 
 -aru, see 1192a. 
 
 }/arth, so-called, 104b, 1056, 1067. 
 
 artha, in compsn, 1302 h. 
 
 aryaman, dcln, 426 a. 
 
 arvan, arvant, 455. 
 
 yarh, pres., 613; pf., 788; aor., 862; 
 
 desid., 1029 b. 
 -ala, see 1189b. 
 alpaprana, 37 d. 
 y&v, aor'., 838, 908; pple , 954 e; 
 
 Inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992c. 
 ava, loss of initial, 1087 a. 
 -ava, see 1190a. 
 avagraha, 16. 
 ■j/avadhir, so-called, 104 b. 
 avayaj, avaya, 406. 
 avyayibhava, 1111 d, 1313. 
 ]/a9 attain, pf. , 788; aor., 834b, 
 
 837-9, 847; fut. , 936 c; inf., 
 
 968 d. 
 y&q eat, pf. , 803a; des., 1029b, 
 
 1031; cans., 1042 u. 
 >/as he, pres., 636, 621 e; pf., 800 m; 
 
 in periphr. conjn, 1070-2, 1073 d; 
 
 in ppial periphr. phrases , 1075 d ; 
 
 in cmpd conjn, 1093, 1094. 
 y&s throiv, pres., 761c; aor., 847; 
 
 pple, 956 e; inf., 968 c. 
 as final, euph. treatment of, 175; 
 
 exceptional cases, 176. 
 -as, 1151; dcln of stems in, 411 ff.; 
 
 as-stems in compsn, 1278, 1296 e, 
 
 1298 b. 
 -as, infln. in, 970 a, 971. 
 asan, asrj, 398, 432. 
 -asi, 1198. 
 
 asrj, enph., 219: and see asan. 
 -ase, infin. in, 970 c, 973 a. 
 asthan, asthi, 343 i, 431. 
 -asna, see 1195a. 
 -asnu, see 1194 d. 
 yah. say, pf., 801 a. 
 
 }/ah connect [?), 788 a. 
 ahan, ahar, ahas, 430. 
 
 a, pron. etc., 19, 22; combination of 
 final, 126, 127; elision of initial, 
 135 d; vrddhi of a, 236 ff.; ligh- 
 tened to 1 or i, 250; to a, 250 c; 
 in pres., 661-6, 761 f, g; in aor., 
 884; in pple, 954 c; in des., 
 
 ^ 1028 d. 
 
 a, with ablative, 293 c, 983 a. 
 
 -a, 1149. 
 
 a-stems, dcln, 347 ff. 
 
 -aka, see 1181 d. 
 
 -aku, see 1181 d. 
 
 -atu, see 1161 d. 
 
 atman, used reflexively, 614 a. 
 
 atmane padam, 529. 
 
 adi, adika, adya, in compsn, 1302 d. 
 
 -aria, in pples, 584, 1175; used in- 
 stead of mana, 741 a, 752 e, 1043 f ; 
 -ana in other derivatives, 1175a. 
 
 -ani, see 1223b. 
 
 -anu, see 1162c. 
 
 anunasikya, 36 a. 
 
 )/ap, 1087f; pf., 783d; aor., 847, 
 862; des., 1030. 
 
 abha, in compsn, 13021. 
 
 am, impv. 3d sing, in, 618. 
 
 amredita, 1260 d. 
 
 -ayana, 1219. 
 
 -ayi, 1220. 
 
 -ayya, 966c, 1051 f, 1218. 
 
 -ara, see 1188d, 1226b. 
 
 -aru, see 1192a. 
 
 -ala, see 1227a, 12461. 
 
 -alu, see 1192b, 1227b. 
 
 >/as, pres., 619 c, 628; inf., 968 d; 
 periph. pf., 1071 c; in ppial periph. 
 phrases, 1075 c. 
 
 as, asan, asya, 398 b, 432. 
 
 as final, euph. treatment of, 177. 
 
 i', pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; i and y, 
 55; combinations of final, 126, 
 129, 797f. ; with preceding a-vowel, 
 127; from ya, 252, 784 c, 769, 
 922 b, 964 b; cases of loss before 
 y, 233 a. 
 
 i. union-vowel, 254, 556b; in pres., 
 
 ■ 630, 631, 634, 640; in pf., 796-8, 
 
 803; in aor., 876b, 877; in fut., 
 
 934, 935, 943; in pple, 956; in 
 
 infln., 968; in des., 1031. 
 
 i-stems, dcln, 335 fi".; from rdcl i- 
 st., 354; in compsn, 1276, 1287 c; 
 sometimes govern accus., 271 f.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 523 
 
 ]/i go, pf., 783 b, 80 Id; fut., 935a; 
 ya-ger'd, 992a, c; int., 1002 e, 
 1021b; caus., 10421; in ppial 
 periphr. phrases, 994 e, 1075a; 
 periphr. conj., 1071 f; irreg. comb, 
 ■with prefixes, 1087 c; in compd 
 conjn, 1092 b. 
 |/i (in, inv) se7id, 716 a. 
 -i, prmy, 1155; scdry, 1221, 
 -ika, prmy, 1186c; scdry, 1222j, I. 
 -ika, fern, to -aka, 1181c, 1222 i. 
 yich, 608b, 753 b. 
 -ij, 219 a, 383 k. 5. 
 -it, 383 k. 3; advbl, 1109 a. 
 -ita, 1170 a, b, d. 
 iti, uses of, 1102a-c; peculiar con- 
 struction with, 268b; abbrev'd to 
 ti, 1102 d. 
 -iti, see 1157 g. 
 -itu, see 1161 c. 
 -itnu, see 1196. 
 -itra, see 1185e. 
 ]/idh or indh, euph. , 160 c; aor., 
 
 836, 837, 840 b. 
 ]/in (or inv), 699b, 709, 716a, 
 
 749 b. 
 -in, 1183, 1230; in-stems, dcln, 
 438 ff.; in compsn, 1275, 1287 e; 
 sometimes govern accus., 271 b ; 
 used partlcipially, 960 b. 
 -ina, see 1177b, 1209c, 1223f. 
 inaksa, 1029 c. 
 -ineya, see 1216 d. 
 )/inv, see in. 
 -ibha, see 1199a. 
 -ima, 1224 a. 
 -iman, see 1168i-k. 
 iy in euph. comb'n from an i-vowel, 
 
 129a, c, d, 352b. 
 -iya, 1214. 
 lyaksa, 1029 c. 
 iyant, dcln, 451. 
 ir-stems, dcln, 392. 
 ira, see 1188e, 1226b. 
 irajya, iradha, 1021a. 
 \/i\, caus., 1042b. 
 -ila, see 1189b, 1227a. 
 iva, euph., 1102. 
 -iva, see 1190a. 
 -ivas, see 1173b. 
 1/is desire, pres., 608b, 753b; inf., 
 
 968 d; desid., 1029b. 
 yia send, cans., 1042 b, 
 -isa, see 1197b. 
 -istha, 467-70, 1184. 
 -isnu, 1194. 
 -is, 1153; is-stems, dcln, 411ff. 
 
 1, pron. etc., 16, 20, 22; combina- 
 tions of flnal, 126, 129, 797 f; 
 with preceding a-vow.l, 127; cir- 
 cumflex ed, 128; uncombinable in 
 dual etc., 138; i as flnal of stem 
 in verbal compsn, 1093, 1094. 
 
 i, union-vowel, 254; in tense-in- 
 flection, 655b, c; of pres., 632-1; 
 of impf., 621, 631-4; of s-aor.. 
 880b, 888-91; of int., l()04fr.; 
 i for i, 900b, 936 a, 968d, f. 
 
 i-3tems, dcln, 347 ff. 
 
 -i, 1166; to i before added sfi 
 471b, 1203 d, 1237 c, 1239 b; in 
 compsn, 1249d. 
 
 -ika, see 1186c. 
 
 ylks, aor., 862; desid., 1029 b; 
 periph. pf., 1071c, 1073a. 
 
 |/id, pres., 628, 630; pf., 783 d. 
 
 ita- for eta-forms in optative, 738 b 
 _771d, 1032 a, 1048 c. 
 
 -iti, see 1157 g. 
 
 -Itu, see 1161c. 
 
 -ina, prmy, see 1171b; scdry, 
 1223 d. 
 
 -iman, see 1168 j. 
 
 iya, conj.-stem, 1021b. 
 
 -iya, 1215. 
 
 -iyas, 467-70, 1184; stems in, dcln, 
 463 ff. 
 
 |/ir, pres., 628; pf., 783 d, 801 d; 
 pple, 957b. 
 
 -ira, see 1188e. 
 
 -iva, see 1190a. 
 
 yi9, pres., 628, 630. 
 
 i9vara, with infln., 984, 987. 
 
 j/Is, euph., 225a. 
 
 -isa, see 1197. 
 
 yth, euph., 240 b. 
 
 u, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; u and v, 
 57; combinations of flnal, 126, 
 129; with preceding a-vowel, 127; 
 from va, 252, 784, 769, 922 b, 
 954 b, 966 d; cases of loss before 
 V. 233 a; final u gunated In scdry 
 derivation, 1203 a. 
 
 u-stems , dcln, 335 ff. ; from rdcl li- 
 st., 354; desid. u-steras govern 
 accus., 27l a. 
 
 -u, 1178; -U in -uka. 1180a. 
 
 -uka, 1180; stems sonietlmcs govern 
 accus., 271 g. 
 
 uks&n, dcln, 426 b. 
 
 )/uch, 608 b, 753 b. 
 
 i/iajh, periphr. pf.. 107 1 r.
 
 524 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 y'unch, pres., 758. 
 
 unadi-sufflxes, 1138 a. 
 
 -ut, 383 k. 3. 
 
 -utra, see 1185e. 
 
 -utr, see 1182b. 
 
 -utiia, see 1163d. 
 
 y'ud or und , pres. , 694 a, 758 a 
 
 pple, 957d; desid., 10291). 5 
 
 ud, udaka, udan, 398 b, 432. 
 udatta, 81. 
 -una, see 1177e. 
 -uni, see 1158 e. 
 upadhmaniya, 69. 
 |/ubj, aor., 862. 
 
 j/ubh or umbh, pres., 694, 758a. 
 -ubha, see 1199e. 
 ubhaya, dcln, 525 e. 
 tir or U8 as 3 d pi. ending, 169 b. 
 ur-stems, dcln, 392. 
 -ura, see 1188f, 1226b. 
 -uri, 1191a. 
 
 -ula, see 1189b, 1227a. 
 uv in euph. comb'n from an u-vow- 
 
 el, 129 a, c, d, 352 b, 697 a. 
 uganas, U9ana, dcln, 355 a, 416. 
 ■/us, pres., 608b; ya-ger'd, 992b; 
 
 periphr. pf., 1071 f. 
 -usa, see 1197c. 
 usas, euph., 168a; dcln, 415b, 
 -usi, see 1221c. 
 usnih, euph., 223a. 
 -US, 1154; US-stems, dcln, 411 ff. 
 usr, 371 j. 
 ua or ur as 3d pi. ending, 169b. 
 
 u, pron. etc., 19, 20, 22; combina- 
 tions of final, 126, 129, 797 f; 
 with preceding a-vowel, 127; cir- 
 cumflexed , 128 ; uncombinable in 
 dual, 138 a. 
 
 u-stems, dcln, 347 ff. 
 
 -u, 1179. 
 
 -uka, see 1180 f. 
 
 -utr, see 1182b. 
 
 -litha, see 1163d. 
 
 udhan, udhar, udhas, 430 d. 
 
 una, in odd numbers, 477a, 478b. 
 
 -una, see 1177c. 
 
 -ura, see 1188f. 
 
 urj, euph., 219 a. 
 
 yurnu, so-called, 104b, 713; pf., 
 80ig, 1071 e; ya-ger'd, 992c. 
 
 -usa, see 1197c. 
 
 usman, 31, 59. 
 
 ]/uh remove, influ., 968 c; ya-ger'd, 
 992 c. . 
 
 ]/uh consider, euph., 240b, 745a; 
 pres., 894d, 897b. 
 
 r, pron. etc., 23-6; objectionable 
 pronunciation and transliteration 
 as ri, 24 a ; question of r or ar in 
 roots and stems, 104 d, e, 237; 
 combinations of final, 126, 129; 
 with preceding a-vowel, 127; ex- 
 ceptions, 127 a; impedes change of 
 preceding s to s, 181a; changes 
 succeeding n to n, 189 ff.; guna 
 and vrddhi increments of, 235 ff.; 
 irregular changes, 241, 243; vari- 
 able final r of roots (so-called f), 
 242. 
 
 r-roots, root-nouns from, 383 b, g. 
 
 r-stems, dcln, 369 ff. 
 
 r, variable (so-called r), roots in, 
 242, 245b; their passive, 770c; 
 aor., 885, 900b; prec, 922a; fut., 
 935 a; pple, 957b; root-infln., 971; 
 gerund in ya, 992 a. 
 
 l/r, euph.. 242c; pres., 608a, 699a, 
 '753 b, 643d, 645, 716a; passive, 
 770 c; pf., 783 a; aor., 834 a, 
 837b, 840 b, 847, 853, 862; pple, 
 957 b; int., 1002 e; caus., 1042 i; 
 cans, aor., 1047. 
 
 -r, see 1182 h. 
 
 ri, ri, bad transliterations for r, f, 
 24a. 
 
 }/rc or arc, pf. . 788a; aor., 862, 
 '894 d, 897 b; ya-ger'd, 992 b. 
 
 yrch, 608, 753 b; pf., 788 b. 
 
 -rj, 383 k. 5. 
 
 |/rnj or rj or arj stretch out, pres., 
 '758 a; 'pf., 788b; aor., 894 d. 897b. 
 
 ]/rnv, 716 a. 
 
 -r't,'^383k. 3. 
 
 rtvij, euph., 219. 
 
 >/rd, pple, 967 d. 
 
 ]/rdli, pres., 694; pf., 788a; aor., 
 '832, 837, 838, 840 a, 847, 862; 
 des., 1029b, 1030. 
 
 rbhuksan, dcln, 434. 
 
 >/rs. pf., 788b. 
 
 rhant, dcln, 450 e. 
 
 f, pron. and occurrence, 23-6; ob- 
 jectionable pronunciation and trans- 
 literation as ri , 24 a ; as alleged 
 final of roots, '104 d, 242 (and see 
 r, variable); changes succeeding 
 n to n, 189ff.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 525 
 
 1, pron. and occurrence, 13-9); ob- 
 jectionable pronunciation and trans- 
 literation as li or Iri, 24 a; Its 
 guna-increme'nt, 236. 
 
 li, Iri, bad transliterations for 1, 24 a. 
 
 1, 23 a. 
 
 e, pron. etc., 27-9; combinations of 
 final, 131-3, 136; with final a- 
 vowel, 127; uncombinable in dual 
 etc., 138 a, b, f; guna of i and i, 
 235 fif.; from radical's, 250 d; as 
 alleged final of roots, 251, 761 f. 
 
 e, infln. in, 970 a, 971. 
 
 eka, dcln, 483 a, b; used as article, 
 482c; in making 9's, 477a, b. 
 
 eka9ruti, 90 c. 
 
 yedh, pf., 790 c; desid., 1029 b, 
 1031b; peripb. pf., 1071c. 
 
 -ena, 1223 e. 
 
 -enya, 966 b, 1038, 1217. 
 
 -eya, 1216. 
 
 -eyya, 1216 e. 
 
 -era, see 1201a, 1226b. 
 
 -eru, see 1192a. 
 
 -elima, 966 d, 1201a. 
 
 esas, eiiph., 176 a. 
 
 ai, pron. etc., 27-9; combination 
 ■with final a-vowel, 127; as final, 
 131-3 ; vrddhi of i and i, 235 fif. ; 
 as alleged final of roots, 251, 761 e; 
 for union-vowel i in tense-inflec- 
 tion, 555 c; for e in subj. endings, 
 
 _ 561a. 
 
 ai as gen.-abl. ending, 365d. 
 
 o, pron. etc., 27-9; combination 
 ■with final a-vo'wel , 127; as final, 
 131, 132, 134, 135; before suffix 
 ya, 136b; uncombinable, 138c, f; 
 for final as, 175, 176; ar, 179a; 
 gtina of u and u, 235 ff.; as alleg- 
 ed final of roots, 251, 761 g. 
 
 om, euph., 137 b. 
 
 -otr. see 1182b. 
 
 odaua, euph., 137b. 
 
 -ora, see 1201a. 
 
 ostha, euph., 137 b. 
 
 osthya, 49. 
 
 au, pron. etc., 27-9; combination 
 ■with final a-vowel, 127; as final, 
 131, 132, 134b; vrddhi of u and 
 u, 235 ff. 
 
 h , pron. etc. , 67-9 ; makes heavy 
 syllable, 79; occurrence as final, 
 148, 170a; for the labial and gut- 
 tural spirants, 170d; from flnai b, 
 146, 17Ua, 172; fromr, lU, 17H; 
 allows change of b to 8, 183. 
 
 n or m, pron. etc., 70-3; makes 
 heavy syllable, 79; occurrence as 
 final, 148; allows change of s to 
 8, 183; occurrence, 204, 212, 213 e. 
 
 k, pron. etc., 39, 40; rolation to C, 
 42; to 9, 64; Sto B after, 180 ff. ; 
 added to final n, 2ll; from c, by 
 reversion, 214 ff.; as final, and in 
 internal combination, 142, 217; 
 from 9, do., 145, 218; from q, 
 266 e; anomalously from t, 161a; 
 to t, 151 c. 
 
 -ka, prmy, 1186; scdry, 1222; ka 
 in -vika, 1180 a; in -aka, 1181. 
 
 -kata, see 1245k. 
 
 kanthya guttural, 39. 
 
 >/kan, pf., 786 e; aor., 899 d. 
 
 ]/kath, so-called, 1056. 
 
 ykam, aor., 868; pple, 955a. 
 
 kampa, 78 d, 87 d, 90b. 
 
 kamvant, euph., 212. 
 
 -kara, 1201 a. 
 
 karmadharaya, 1263 a. 
 
 yksLl, cans., 1042 g. 
 
 kalpa in compsn, 1302 i. 
 
 ]/ka8, pple, 956 b. 
 
 yksL, int. (?), 1013 b. 
 
 kama, with accus., 272; in compsn, 
 with infin.-stem, 968 g.l 
 
 kamya as denom.-sign, 1065. 
 
 kara, in sound-names, 18. 
 
 yk.a.<}, int., 1017. 
 
 ]/ka8, periph. pf., 1071 f. 
 
 kiyant, dcln, 451. 
 
 >/kir, 756. _ 
 
 ykirt or krt, so-called, 1066. 
 
 yku, pres., 633. 
 
 ■(/kuc, caus., 1042 h. 
 
 ■^/kup , pres., 761a; aor., 840b; 
 pple, 966 h. 
 
 yTtumar, so-called, 104 b. 
 
 kuvid, accent of verb with. 695 e. 
 
 |/kr tnake, pres., 714, 715, 855 a; 
 pif. 797 c, 800 k; aor. 831, 834 a 
 -40, 847, 894 d; int., 1002 g, h; 
 prefixes s, 1087 d; in periph. conjn, 
 1070-3; in compd conjn 1091-4; 
 special constructions, 268 a.
 
 526 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 I kr, kir scatter^ 242 b; pres., 756; 
 
 aor., 885; prefixes s, 1087 d. 
 }/kr commemorate, int., 1002 d, 
 
 1*019 b. 
 }/krt cut, pres., 758; aor., 847, 
 
 852 a; flit., 935 b. 
 -krt, see 1105. 
 krt-sufflxes, 1183 a. 
 -krtvas, see 1105. 
 ]/krp, pres., 745b; aor., 834b; 
 
 c'aus., 1042 b. 
 kr9a as pple, 958. 
 >/krs 102a; euph., 226f; pf. 790c; 
 
 aor., 916a, 920a; fut., 935 d, 
 
 936 d; inf., 968 d. 
 ]/klp, 26; pf., 786a; fut, 935b, 
 
 936 d. 
 -kni, see 1176 d. 
 yknu, caus., 10421. 
 j/krand, pf., 794d; aor., 847, 861a, 
 
 890 b; int., 1002 g,h, 1017. 
 j/kram, pres., 745 d; aor. 833, 847, 
 
 899 d, 904 a; fut. 935 b; pple, 
 
 955a; inf., 968d; tva-ger'd, 991b; 
 
 des., 1031b; caus., 1042 g; in 
 
 periphr. conj., 1070c. 
 ykri, caus., 10421. 
 ylcrid., caus., 1042 n. 
 ^/krudh, aor., 847. 
 •j/kruQ, aor., 916 a, 920 a. 
 krostu, krostf, 343 k, 374. 
 yklam, pre3., 745 d, 761a, 763; 
 
 pple, 955 a. 
 >/klid, pple, 957 d. 
 |/kli9, aor., 916a. 
 ks, combinations of, 146, 221. 
 >/ksan, pple, 954 d; inf., 968 e. 
 >/ksam , pres. , 763 ; fut. , 935 b ; 
 
 pple, 955a, 956b; inf., 968 d; 
 
 caus., 1042g. 
 ksam, dcln, 388. 
 )/ksar, aor., 890. 
 yksal, caus., 1042n. 
 yksa, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a. 
 ksama as pple, 958. 
 y'ksi possess, pres., 755; caus., 
 
 1042 d, 1. 
 •j/ksi destroy, pres., 761b; fut., 
 
 935 a; pple, 967 a; ya-ger'd, 922 a; 
 
 caus., 10421. 
 )/kBud, pple, 967 d. 
 yksudh, pres., 761a; aor., 847. 
 j/ksubh, pple, 956 b. 
 ksaipra-circumflex, 84 a. 
 |/ksnu, pres., 626. 
 |/kBvid, pple, 957 d. 
 
 kh, pron. etc., 39; relation to s, 61b. 
 ]/klian or kha, 102a; pass.', 772; 
 
 pf., 794e; aor., 890a; pple, 955b; 
 
 inf., 968 e; ya-ger'd, 992a; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 /kha, 102 a. 
 
 Vkhid, pf., 790 b; pple, 957 d. 
 j/khud, khun, int., 1002 g, h. 
 }/khya, aor., 847, 894 c; fut., 936 c. 
 
 g, pron. etc., 29; relation to j, 42; 
 
 from j by reversion, 214 ff. 
 gata, in compsn, 1273 c. 
 >/gam, 102a; pres., 608b, 747, 
 
 855a; aor., 838, 834b, 837-40, 
 
 847, 881 e, 887b; pf., 794 e, 805a; 
 
 fut, 943 a; pple, 954 d; int, 
 
 1002g,h, 1003; des., 1028e, 1031b; 
 
 caus., 1042 g; root-noun, 383 h. 
 l/gal, int., 1002 d. 
 j/ga oo, 102a; pres., 660; aor., 830, 
 
 836, 839, 884, 894c; desid., 1028 d. 
 |/ga sinq, 251; pres., 761 e; aor., 
 
 894d, "912; pple, 954c; inf., 968f; 
 
 ya-ger'd, 992a; caus., 1042 j, k. 
 )/gah or gah, pple, 956 e; int., 
 
 1002d. 
 >/gir, gil, 756; caus., 1042 b. 
 >/gu, int., 1002 d. 
 guna, 27, 235 ff. 
 
 }/gup, aor., 863a; inf., 968 c; ya- 
 ger'd, 992c; des., 1040. 
 |/gur, pres., 756; aor., 834a; pple, 
 
 957 b. 
 /guh, euph., 166b, d, 223b, 240c ; 
 
 pres., 745c; pf., 793 i; aor., 847, 
 
 852, 916 a, 920a, f; inf., 968 e; 
 
 ya-ger'd, 992c; cans., 1042b. 
 ]/gr sing, eupli., 242b; aor., 894d. 
 l/gr swallow, eupb., 242b; pres., 
 
 756; aor., 836; inf., 968 d; int, 
 
 1002d._ 
 ]/gr (or jagr) wake, 1020; aor., 867, 
 
 871. 
 ygrdh, pf., 786a; aor., 847. 
 go,' euph., 134a, 236b; dcln, 361c, f. 
 gdha, gdhi, 233 f. 
 >/grath or granth , pres., 730a; 
 
 pf., 794 h; caus., 1042 h. 
 i/grabh orgrah, euph., 155b, 223 g; 
 
 pres., 723, 729, 731, 732, 904 d, 
 
 1066b; pf., 794c, 801i; aor., 
 
 834b, 847, 900b, 904a, b; fut, 
 
 936e; pple, 966d, e; infln., 968f; 
 
 pass., 998 f; des., 1031b; caus., 
 
 1042 b. 
 |/gras, pple, 956 b. .
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 527 
 
 |/gla, pres., 761 e; aor., 912; pplo, 
 
 957a; cans., 1042j. 
 glau, dcln, 361 a. 
 
 gh, pron. etc., 30; h deriyed from, 
 
 66; from h, by reversion, 214 ff., 
 
 402. 
 }/ghat, caus., 1042g. 
 ]/ghas, euph., 167, 233 f; jaks 
 
 from, 640; pf., 794 d; aor., 833^ 
 
 847; pple, 954 e. 
 ghosavant, 34. 
 l/ghra, pres., 671,749 a; tva-ger'd, 
 
 991 d; ya-ger'd, 992 c: caus., 
 
 1042 d. 
 
 n, pron. etc., 39; occurrence as final, 
 143, 387. 2, 3, 407 a; duplication 
 as final, 210; adds k before sibi- 
 lant, 211. 
 
 c, pron. etc., 42-4; as final, 142; 
 from t before a palatal, 202a, 
 203; n to n before it, 208b; inter- 
 nal combinations of, 217; reversion 
 to k, 216ff.; in pres., 681; pf., 
 787; int., 10021; des., 1028 f. 
 
 l/cakas or cakaQ, so-called, 677. 
 
 yoaks, pres., 444a, 621a, 628, 676. 
 
 eatur, dcln, 482 g, h. 
 
 >/cain, pres., 745 d; pple, 965a; 
 caus., 1042g. 
 
 }/car, euph., 242 d; aor., 899 d; pple, 
 957b; inf., 968c; tva-ger'd, 
 991b, c; int., 1002d, 1003, 1017; 
 des., 1031b; in ppial peripLr. 
 phrases, 1075 b. 
 
 ycarv, pple, 956 a, 957 b. 
 
 |/cal, int., 1003; caus., 1042g. 
 
 j/cay, pres., 761 e; tva-ger'd, 991 c; 
 ya-ger'd, 992b; periphr. pf., 1071 f. 
 
 ]/ci gather , reversion of e to k, 
 2161, 681, 787, 1028f; pres., 716b, 
 855a; aor.. 889; tva-ger'd, 991 d; 
 ya-ger'd, 992a; caus., 10421. 
 
 yd 7iote, pres., 645,'; aor., 834a. 
 
 ■j/cit, reversion of c to k. 2161, 
 681, 788, 10021, 1028f; pf.', 790b, 
 801 e; aor., 840 a, b; int., 1002 i, 
 1024; des., 1040; cans., 104'>b. 
 
 ycest, pf., 790 c. 
 
 yoyvL, pf., 786a; aor., 840b, 866, 
 867, 868a, 870; inf., 968c; caus., 
 1042 e. 
 
 ch, pron. etc., 42, 44; as final, 142; 
 from 9 after t or n , 203 ; after 
 
 other mutes, 203a; in Internal 
 combination, 220; dupli<ation be- 
 tween vowels, 227; ech for, 227a. 
 
 cha pnsc-nt-stems, 608. 
 
 V^chad, pple, 957 d. 
 
 >/chand, aor., 863a, 890b; 
 1042 g. 
 
 1042 g. 
 |/cha , pres 
 
 753c; pple, 964c ; 
 
 ycna, pres., iooc; pple, ao4c; 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991b; caus., 1042k. 
 ychid, pres., 694a; pf. , 805b; 
 
 aor., 832a, 884 d, 847, 887 »; 
 
 pple, 95Td. 
 j/chur, cans., 1042b. 
 i/chrd, pple, 967 d; U 
 
 D. 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991 d. 
 
 j, pron. etc., 42-4; as final, 142; 
 in internal combination, 219; n 
 to n before it, 202b; from t be- 
 fore sonant palatal, 202a; rever- 
 sion to g, 215 ff.; in pf., 787; in 
 des., 1028f.; before na of pple, 
 957 c; anomalously changed to d, 
 151c. 
 
 Vjaks, 102a; euph., 233f; pres., 
 
 - 640', 675; pple, 954e. 
 
 jagat, dcln, 450 d. 
 
 jagdha etc., 233 f. 
 
 >/jan, 102a; pres., 631a, 646, 680, 
 761b, 772; pf., 794 e; aor., 834 b, 
 904 d; pple, 955b; inf., 968 e; 
 des., 1031b. 
 
 jdni, ddn, 343 f. 
 
 janus, dcln, 415c. 
 
 ^/jap, pple, 956b; int., 1002d, 1017. 
 
 yjambh or jabh, inf., 968e; int., 
 1017. 
 
 |/jalp, pf., 790 c. 
 
 ]/ja8, aor., 871. 
 
 }/ja, 102a. 
 
 l/jagr, so-called, 104b, 1020; pf., 
 1071 e. 
 
 jatya-circumflex, 84 b. 
 
 yji conquer, reversion of j to g. 
 2161; inpf., 787; in des., 1028f; 
 aor., 839, 889, 894b, 904b; fut., 
 935a; caus., 10421; caus. aor., 
 1047, 861b; periph.pf., 1071 f. 
 
 ]/ji injure — see jya. 
 
 |/jinv, 716 a, 749 b. 
 
 jihvaniuliya, 39 a, 69. 
 
 |/jiv, aor.,861a; des., 1028 h, 1031 b; 
 caus., 1042 n. 
 
 i/jur, pres., 756, 766. 
 
 v-jus, aor., 834b, 836, 840b; in 
 sajus, 225a, 392 b. 
 
 l/ju. pres., 728; pf., 786c.
 
 528 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 l/ir waste aivay^ eiiph., 2161, 242 b; 
 
 pies., 756, 766; pf., 793h, 794k; 
 
 pple, 967 b; caus., 1042 e. 
 |/jna, pres., 730b, 731; pf., 790b; 
 
 aor., 830, 838, 894c, 912; caus., 
 
 1042 j; caus. aor., 1047, 861b; 
 
 caus. des., 1030; caus. pple, 1051b. 
 ■/jya or ji, pres., 761b; pf., 785a, 
 
 794b; aor., 912; pple, 964 c. 
 yjri, aor., 897 b. 
 l/jval, aor., 899d; caus., 1042 g. 
 
 jh, pron. and occurrence, 42; as 
 final, 142; in internal combination, 
 220 b. 
 
 n, pron. etc., 42; from n after a 
 palatal, 201; before j, 202b; 9, 
 203; e, 208b. 
 
 t, pron. etc., 45, 46; from a final 
 ' palatal, 142; 9, 146, 218; s, 145; 
 h, 147; adds t before s, 199 e; 
 added to final n before sibilant, 
 211; from j in internal combina- 
 tion, 219; ch, 220; ks, 221; h, ■ 
 222; s, 226 b. 
 
 th, pron. etc., 45, 46. 
 
 d, pron. etc., 45; ordinary derivation, 
 
 ' 46; 1 used for, 5 a, 54; from d with 
 
 preceding sibilant, 198d, 199 d. 
 
 dh, pron. etc., 45, 46; Ih used for, 
 54; from dh with preceding sibi- 
 lant, 199 d; from h with following 
 t or th or dh, 222 b. 
 
 dhvam or dhvam, 226 c, 881b, 
 
 ' 901a, 924 a. 
 
 n, pron, etc., 45; ordinary derivation, 
 46; as final, 143; change of n to, 
 189-96; from n with preceding 
 sibilant, 199b; doubled as final, 
 210; adds t before a sibilant, 211. 
 
 t, pron. etc., 47, 48; from final 
 radical s , 145 ; do. in internal 
 combn, 167, 168; with preceding 
 sonant aspirate, 160; assim. to 
 following 1, 162; added after t 
 before s, 199 e; after n before s 
 or 8, 207; to palatal before pal- 
 atal*, 202; before 9, 203; anoma- 
 lously changed to k, 151a; to t, 
 151b; from k and j, 151c. 
 
 -t, added after short final vowel of 
 
 root, 345, 376b, 383 f-h, 1143 d, 
 
 1147d, 1196 a, 1213 a; irregular 
 
 cases, 1147 e. 
 
 -ta, of pple, 952-6, 1176; ta-stems 
 
 in compsn, 1273, 1284; scdry, 
 
 1246 e. 
 
 |/tans or tas, pf., 794d; aor., 847. 
 
 ytaks, pres., 628; pf., 790 b; pple, 
 
 956'a. 
 |/tad, euph., 198 c. 
 tatpurusa, 1263 a. 
 taddhita-suflixes, 1138 a. 
 i/tan stretch, pass., 772; pf., 794 f, 
 805a; aor., 833a, 834b, 847, 
 881 e, 890a, 899 d; pple, 954 d; 
 ya-ger'd, 992a; des., 1028 e. 
 -tana, 1245 g-i. 
 tanii as refl. pronoun, 514 b. 
 ■(/tap, pres., 761b; aor., 834d, 233 e, 
 
 866a; fut., 935b. 
 }/tani, pres., 763; aor., 847; pple, 
 
 955a; inf., 968 e. 
 -tama, 471-3, 487_f, g, 1242 a, b. 
 -tamam and -tamam, llUe, 1119. 
 -taya, 1245 a. 
 
 -taye, infln. in, 970 e, 975. 
 -tar, see 1109a, and -tr. 
 -tara, 471-3, 1242a, b. 
 -taram and taram, 1111 e, 1119. 
 -tari, infln. in, 970 i, 979. 
 -tavant, pple in, 959, 960. 
 -tave and tavai, infln in, 970b, 
 
 972. 
 -tavya, 962, 964, 12121. 
 }/tas, see tans, 
 -tas, 1152; advbl, 1098. 
 -ta, 1237. 
 
 -tat, impv. forms in, 570, 671, 618, 
 654, 704, 723, 740, 752c, 760c, 
 839, 1011a, 1032 a, 1043 d. 
 -tat, 383 k, 1238; advbl, 1100 b. 
 -tati, 1238. 
 i/tay, pres., 761 e; periphr. pf., 
 
 1071 f. 
 talavya, 44 a. 
 
 -ti, 1157; ti-stems in compsn, 1274, 
 1287 d; scdry, 519, 1157h; advbl, 
 1102 a-d. 
 >/tij, euph., 219a; des., 1040. 
 -titha, 1242 e. 
 |/tir, 756, 766. 
 ytu, pres., 633; pf. , 786c; aor., 
 
 868 a; int., 1002g. 
 -tu, 1161, 970b, 972. 
 ytuj, cans., 1042b. 
 ytud, pres., 768; pple, 967 d.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 529 
 
 -turn, infill, in, 968, 970b, 972, 
 
 987, 988. 
 ]/tur, pres., 756, 766; des., 1029a; 
 
 caus., 1042 b. 
 -tur, 1182 g. 
 ytvLl, caus., 1042b. 
 ytUB, caus., 1042b. 
 >/tr,'euph., 242b; pres., 709, 715c, 
 
 756, 766; pf., 794k, 801 f, 804; 
 
 aor., 904(1; pple, 957 b; inf., 
 
 968d; ya-ger'd, 992a; int., 1002d, 
 
 g, 1003, 1017; desid., 1029 a. 
 -tr, 943, 1182; tr-stems, dcln, 369fF.; 
 
 govern accus., 271 d; verbal use 
 
 of, 946; make peripbr. fut., 942-7. 
 trca, euph., 233 a. 
 trta, trtiya, euph., 243. 
 ytrd, aor., 836 b, 837 a; pple, 957 d. 
 ytrp, pros., 710, 758; pf , 786a; 
 
 fut., 936 d; aor., 847, 852a. 
 ytrs, pf., 786a; aor., 840b, 847. 
 ytrh or trnh, euph., 223b, 224b; 
 
 pres., 694a, 695; aor., 847, 916 a. 
 tOQas, dcln, 415 b. 
 -tos, infin. in, 970 b, 972. 
 tta for data, 956 f, 1087 e. 
 tti for dati, 1157 c. 
 -tna, 1245 g, h. 
 -tnu, 1196. 
 tman, dcln, 416 b. 
 -tya, for -ya, 992; scdry, 1245 b-d. 
 |/tyaj, 1087f; euph., 219a; pf., 
 
 786 a; fut. 935 b; pple, 956 b. 
 -tyai, influ. in, 970 e, 976 a. 
 -tra, 1185; or tra, advbl, 1099. 
 >/trap, pf., 794 h. 
 |/tras, pf., 794h; aor., 899 d. 
 Vtra, 102a; pres., 628; aor., 887 d, 
 
 893 a, 895. 
 -tra, see -tra. 
 tri, dcln, 482a, f; in compsn, 
 
 1300 c. 
 -tri, see 1185 g. 
 tristubh, euph., 161 d. 
 -tri,' 376 c, 1182. 
 -tru, see 1186 g. 
 -tva, gerundival, 966 a, 1209 h: scdry, 
 
 1239. 
 -tvatai 1239 d. 
 -tvan, see 1169. 
 -tvana, 1240. 
 |/tvar, caus., 1042 g. 
 -tvara, see 1171. 
 -tva, 990, 991, 993. 
 -tvanam, 993 c. 
 -tvaya, 993 b. 
 ]/tvis, pres., 621a; aor., 916 a. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 
 
 -tvi, 993 b. 
 -tvinam, 993 c. 
 ^tsar, aor., 890 a, 
 
 899 d. 
 
 th, pron. etc., 47, 48; with preced- 
 ing sonant aspirate, 160. 
 
 -tha, 1163; ordinal, 4m7c, i242d; 
 or tha, advbl, 1101. 
 
 -tham, advbl, see llUla. 
 
 -tha, see tha, 
 
 -that, atlvbl, see 1101a. 
 
 -thu, 1164. 
 
 d, pron. etc., 47, 48; anomalously 
 
 changed to d, 151b; do. from h, 
 
 404. 
 daksina, dcln, 52.") c. 
 ydagh. euph., 156b, 160c; aor., 
 
 833, 836 b, 838, 847. 
 |/dad, 672; pf., 794 j. 
 >/dadh, 672; euph., 165 e, 160c. 
 dadhan, dadhi, 343 i, 431. 
 dan, euph., 389 b. 
 dant, dcln, 396. 
 dantya, 47. 
 ]/dabh or dambh, euph., 155b; 
 
 pf., 794 h; aor., 833; des., 1030. 
 ydam, pres., 763; pple, 955 a; tva- 
 
 ger'd, 991b. 
 -dam, advbl, see 1103b. 
 yday, pres., 761 f; periph. pf., 1071 f. 
 |/daridra, so-called, 104 b, 1024 a; 
 
 pf., 1071 e. 
 ]/dal, caus., 1042g. 
 ydaq or dan9, pres., 746; pf., 
 
 794 d; tva-ger'd, 991 d. 
 j/das, aor., 847, 852b, 899 d. 
 j/dah, enph., 155b, d, 223a; aor., 
 
 890a, 897a, 444a; fut., 936d ; 
 
 int., 1002 d; des., 1030. 
 yda. gioe, pres., 667-9, 672, 856 a; 
 
 pf., 803a; aor., 830, 834a, 836, 
 
 837, 839, 847, 884, 894 c; pple, 
 
 955 f, 1087 e, 1157c; inf., 968 f; 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991b; ya-ger'd, 992a; 
 
 des., 1030, 1034 b. 
 yda divide, 251; pres., 763 c, 761 g; 
 
 aor., 834a; pple, 954c, 966 f, 
 
 957a, 1087 e, 1157c; ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 a. 
 ]/da bind, pres., 763c, 761 g; aor., 
 
 884; pple, 954c. 
 yda, protect, alleged, pf., 787. 
 -da, advbl, 1103 a, b. 
 -danim, advbl, ll03c. 
 ydac, pres., 444, 639o; pf., 790b, 
 
 803 a. 
 
 34
 
 530 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 ]/das, pres., 444. 
 
 -di, advbl, 1103 e. 
 
 didyot etc., 336 e. 
 
 ydiv, see div. 
 
 div, dcln, 361 d. 
 
 y'di^, euph., 218a; aor., 916, 920a; 
 
 int., 1017. 
 |/dih, euph., 155b, 223 a; aor., 916. 
 }/diks, des., 1031b; caus., 1042 n. 
 i/didi, so-called, 676; pf., 786 b. 
 i/didhi, so-called, 104b, 676; pf., 
 
 786 b; aor., 897 b. 
 ]/dip, aor., 861 a. 
 ydiv plai/^ enph., 240b; pres., 765; 
 
 pple, 965 c; inf., 968 e. 
 ydlv or dev lament, pple, 957a; 
 
 inf., 968 e. 
 |/du or du, pres., 71Bb; pple, 967a. 
 ducehuna, euph., 168b. 
 ]/dudh, 102 a. 
 ]/du8, euph., 240c, 1155a; aor., 
 
 847; caus., 1042b. 
 dus-, 225a, 1 121 ; in compsn, 1284 a, b, 
 
 1288 e, f, g, 1304 c, d. 
 ]/duh, euph., 156b, d, f, 223a; pres., 
 
 621, 635; pf. , 801 h; aor., 916, 
 
 920 a-f. 
 ]/dr pierce, euph., 242 c; pf., 793 h; 
 
 pple, 957b; int., 1002d, 1003, 
 
 1023; cans., 1042 e. 
 |/dr heed, pres., 757, 773; aor., 
 
 834a, 881b. 
 /drp, aor., 847; fut., 935b, 936 d, 
 ydrq, euph., 218a; pf., 790 c, 801 e, 
 
 8*05 b; aor., 832, 834b, 836, 840b, 
 
 847, 890a, 894a; fut., 936 d; pass., 
 
 998f; root noun, dcln, 386. 3. 
 drc, dr9a, drksa, with pron.-stems, 
 
 518. ■ 
 ydrh. or drnh, euph., 155 b, 223 b, d ; 
 
 pres.^758_, 761b, 767; pf., 786 a. 
 devanagari, 1. 
 dosan, dos, 398 a, 432. 
 dyu and dyo, dcln, 361 d, e. 
 >/dyut, pf., 785a; aor., 840a, b, 
 
 847, 863a, 890a; int., 1002 g; 
 
 caus., 1042b. 
 -dyus, see 1105b. 
 ydra run, pple, 957 a; int., 1024 a. 
 ydra, sleep, aor., 912; pple, 954c, 
 
 957a; int., 1024a. 
 ydrra., pf. , 797 c; aor., 868; int., 
 
 1018a; caus., 1042e. 
 }/druh, euph., 155b, d, 223a, c; 
 
 aor., 834d, 847, 920 e, f. 
 dvandva, 1252 a. 
 dvar, dcln, 388. 3. 
 
 dvi, compds with, 1300 c. 
 dvigu, 1312. 
 
 >/dvis, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 621a; 
 aor., 916, 920 b. 
 
 dh, pron. etc., 47, 48; from t or th 
 
 after sonant aspirate, 160; h from, 
 
 223 g. 
 -dha, see -dha. 
 ydhsiva. or dhraa, pres., 750; pass., 
 
 772; aor., 912; pple, 955b; ya- 
 
 ger^d, 992 a. 
 |/dha put, euph., 223 g; pres., 667 
 
 -9, 672, 855a; aor., 830, 834- 
 
 7, 839, 847, 884; pple, 954c; 
 
 inf., 968 f; tva-ger'd, 991b; des., 
 
 1028 d, 1030, 1031a; in periphr. 
 
 conj., 1070 c. 
 |/dha suck, 251; pres., 761 f; aor., 
 
 868; pple, 964c; inf., 968 f; ya- 
 
 ger'd, 992 a. 
 -dha or -dha, advbl, 1104. 
 |/dhav rinse, pple, dhauta, 954 e. 
 ydhx (or dhinv), 716 a. 
 dhi, final of compds, 1155g, 1276 b. 
 >/dhu or dhu, pres., 712, 728a, 
 
 755; pf., 790 b; aor., 868a, 887 c; 
 
 int., 1002 g, 1003, 1018a; caus., 
 
 1042 m. 
 ]/dhurv, aor., 887c; des., 1028h. 
 ]/dhr, pres., 757, 773; pf., 786a; 
 
 aor., 834a, 867, 871; int., 1003. 
 >/dhrs, pf., 786a; aor., 847,852b; 
 
 pple, 956 b. 
 ydhma, see dham. 
 j/dhya, pres., 761 e; aor., 912. 
 -dhyai, infln. in, 970 g, 976, 1050 f. 
 ]/dhvaris or dhvas, euph., 168; 
 
 pf., 790c; aor., 847; caus., 1042 g. 
 ]/dhvan, pple, 955 a, 956 b; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 |/dhvr, pple, 955 e. 
 
 n, pron. etc., 47, 48; as final, 143; 
 for final rdcl m, 143a, 212a; 
 change to n, 189-95; |to n after 
 and before palatals, 201-3, 328b; 
 combinations as root-final, 204; 
 loss as stem-final, 204b; assim. 
 to palatals and Unguals, 205; to 
 1, 206; before sibilants, 207; 
 treated as ns, 208, 209; duplica- 
 tion of final, 210; instability as 
 final, 256, 1203 b; used as union- 
 cons., 257, 313, 482 h; question 
 of final of pancan etc., 484; final 
 n in secndry dervn, 1203 c.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 531 
 
 na, comparative, ll22li. 
 
 na added to tha or ta of 2 d pi., 
 
 549 a; forms so made, 613, 616 b, 
 
 618, 621b, 654, 658, 669, GilO, 
 
 704, 707, 723, 736 b, 740, 752 b, 
 
 760 c, 831a, 839, 849 a. 
 -na, of pples, 952, 957, 1177; euph., 
 
 161b; scdry, 1223 g, 1245 f; in 
 
 compsn, 1273, 1284, 
 |/naks, 102 a. 
 }/nad," caus., 1042g. 
 ^/nand, euph., 192 a. 
 j/nabh, euph., 192 a; cans., 1042 g. 
 j/nam, pf., 786a; aor., 890a, 897b, 
 
 911, 912; fut., 935b; pple, 954 d; 
 
 inf., 968 d; int., 1017; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 -nam, advbl, 1109 a. 
 y'na9 be lost, euph., 192a; aor., 
 
 847, 864 b, 867; fut., 935 d, 936 a; 
 
 des., 1028. 
 j/naQ attain, euph., 218a; pf., 801 g; 
 
 aor., 833, 834b, 837 b; des., 1029 c. 
 }/na8, aor., 837b. 
 nas, dcln, 387, 397. 
 -nas, 1152. 
 
 ]/nah, euph., 223g; pres., 761c. 
 -na, see 1177. 
 nagari, 1 a. 
 nasikya, 230 b. 
 nf, euph., 192 f. 
 -ni, 1158. 
 
 ynins, euph., 183a; pres., 628. 
 }/nij, euph., 219a; aor., 847; int., 
 
 1024. 
 nitya-circumflex, 84 b. 
 •j/nind, pf., 790b; aor., 840 b. 
 nilay, quasi-root, 1087 c. 
 ni9 and ni9a, 397. 
 nis, loss of initial of, 1087a. 
 yni, aor., 889, 896, 900b; fut., 
 
 936a; inf., 968c; tva-ger'd, 991c; 
 
 int., 1017, 1018a; periphr. pf., 
 
 1071 f. 
 -m, fem. ending, 1176 d, 1223 c. 
 nida, euph., 198d. 
 ■j/nu or nu, pres., 626a; aor., 868a, 
 
 887 c; int., 1002 g, 1003. 
 -nu, 1162. 
 ]/nud, aor., 834 d, 904c; pple, 956b, 
 
 957 d; int., 1017. 
 nf, dcln, 371. 
 y'nrt, euph., 192a; aor., 83;), 847, 
 
 852b; inf., 908 d; tva-ger'd, 991c. 
 ned, accent of verb with, 595 e. 
 nema, dcln, 525 c. 
 nau, dcln, 361 a. 
 
 p, pron. etc., 49, 60. 
 
 -p, caus.-sign, 1042 i-1; aor. from 
 
 such caus., 1047. 
 -pa, 1201. 
 pakva as pple, 968. 
 yp&O, pres., 761 b. 
 )/pat. pf., 794 f, h; aor., 847; int., 
 
 1002g; des., 1030, 1031; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 pati, dcln, 343 d, e; in dpndt compsn, 
 
 1267a; denom. conj. from, 106ia. 
 path, pathi, panthan, dcln, 3431, 
 
 395, 433. 
 ypad, pres., 761c; aor., 834b, d, 
 
 8,36, 837b; ppln, 957 d; int., 
 
 1002 g; des., 1030. 
 pad, dcln, 387, ,389 b. 
 pada. Ilia; pada-endings and cases. 
 
 Ilia, b. 
 ypan, pf., 794 f; int., 1002 g. 
 panthan, sec p&th. 
 para, dcln, 525c. 
 parasmai padam, 629. 
 parucchepa, euph.. 168b. 
 palay, quasi-root, 1087 c. 
 palyaiig, quasi-root, 1087 c. 
 palyay, quasi-root, 1087 c. 
 ]/pa9, pres., 761c. 
 pa9ciina, dcln, 626 c. 
 |/pa drink, pres., 671, 749a, 856a; 
 
 aor., 830, 838; pple, 954c; ya- 
 
 ger'd,' 992a; des., 1028d; cans., 
 
 1042 k. 
 |/pa ^roiec^, aor., 912 ; caus., 1042 m. 
 pada, 79, 93 d. 
 padapiirana, 1122 b. 
 pinak, euph., 190 c. 
 >/pinv, 699 b, 716 a. 749 b. 
 ypi<j, pres., 758; aor., 840b; pple, 
 
 956 b. 
 >/pis orpins, euph., 226d, f; pres., 
 
 694a, 920a; aor., 190c, 758a. 
 }/pis, euph., 181 d. 
 ■j/pid, oupb., 198d. 
 pipi. con j. -stem, 676, 786 b. 
 pums, piimans, euph.. 183 a; dcln, 
 
 394. 
 purahsara , puraakrta , puro- 
 
 gama, in compsn, 1302 f. 
 pura, pres. i" past souse with, 778 a. 
 puru, in compsn, 1284b, 1290. 
 |/pu8, aor., 847. 
 i^pu" pres., 728; aor. (?) , 868a, 
 
 894 d; inf., 968 e; caus., 1042 e. 
 pdrva, dcln, 525c; in compsn, 1261 e, 
 
 1291c, 1302 f. 
 
 34*
 
 532 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 pusan, dcln, 426 a. 
 
 i/pr Ml, euph. , 242c; pres. , 731, 
 
 7*61 b, 766; pf., 793 h; pple, 955 d, 
 
 957b; inf., 968 c. 
 ]/pr pass, pf., 793h; aor., 896. 
 ]/pr he busy, pres., 757, 773. 
 i/pre, pres., 694a; aor., 834c, 836b, 
 
 837 b, 840 b, 890, 894 a; pple, 
 
 957 c 
 /prn,*731, 753^ 
 prt, prtana, o97. 
 prsant, dcln, 450 c. 
 }/pya or pi, pres., 761 e; pf., 785, 
 
 794b; aor., 912, 914b; pple, 
 
 957a; cans.. 1042k. 
 pragrhya, 138. 
 
 praeaya or pracita accent, 90 a. 
 |/prach, euph., 220; pres., 756a; 
 
 pf., 794 c; aor., 834 c, 890; pple, 
 
 954b. 
 yprath, aor., 840 b, 863 a. 
 prabhrti, in compsn, 1302 e. 
 pra9lista-clrcumflex, 84 d. 
 ]/pra, aor., 830, 889. 
 praya, in compsn, 13021. 
 ypri, pres., 731; aor. (?), 866, 868; 
 
 cans., 1042 m. 
 /pruthj ya-ger'd, 992b. 
 i/prus, euph., 226 d, 302b; pres., 
 
 732,' 1066 b. 
 play, quasi-root, 1087 c. 
 >/plu, aor., 863b, 866; ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 a; caus., 1042 a. 
 pluta, 78. 
 j/psa, 102 a. 
 
 ph, pron. etc., 49, 50. 
 
 i/phan, pf. , 794 h; int., 1002 g, 
 
 1003. 
 j/phal, pf., 794 h. 
 phulld. as pple, 958. 
 
 b, pron. etc., 49, 50; Interchange 
 
 with V, 50 a. 
 yTjanh, euph., 223 b. 
 ybadh. or vadh, aor., 904 a; des.', 
 
 1029 a, 1040. 
 i/bancth, euph., 155b; pres., 723, 
 
 730a; pf., 794 d; fut., 935b; inf. 
 
 968 d. 
 bahuvrihi, 1293 b. 
 i/badh, euph., 156b; aor., 904d; 
 
 int., 1002 d, 1003; des., 1029a, 
 
 1031, 1040. 
 i/budh, euph., 155 b; aor., 834 b, d, 
 
 839, 840b, 847. 
 
 yhrh., euph., 223b; pre?., 758; int., 
 I'Oll; caus., 1042 h. 
 
 brhant, dcln, 450 a. 
 
 bbh, occurrence, 151 e. 
 
 }/bru, pres., 632; peculiar construc- 
 tion, 268 a. 
 
 bh, pron. etc., 49, 50; anomalous- 
 ly changed to a guttural', 151 d ; 
 • h from, 223 g. 
 ybhaks, 102 a. 
 ybhaj,' euph., 219a; pf. , 794 h; 
 
 aor., 834c, 867, 890a; fut., 935b; 
 
 inf., 968 d. 
 ybhanj , euph., 219a; pres., 694; 
 
 pple, 957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 d. 
 bhavant, 456, 514 c. 
 j/bhas, euph., 233 f; pres., 678. 
 ]/bhas, inf., 968 d. 
 ]/bliiks, 102 a. 
 ybhid,* aor., 832, 834 d, 836 a, 840 a, 
 
 847; pple, 957 d. 
 bhisaj, euph., 219a; denom. conj. 
 
 from, 1054 a. 
 i/bhi, pres., 645, 679; pf., 786b; 
 
 aor., 831a, 840b, 866, 891, 897b; 
 
 caus., 10421, m; caus. aor., 1047; 
 
 periphr. pf., 1071 f, 1073 a. 
 >/bMs, 1042 m; aor., 861a, 1047. 
 ■j/bhuj bend, euph., 219a; pple, 
 
 957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 d. 
 i/bhuj enjoy, euph., 219a; pres., 
 
 694 a; aor., 836 b, 847, 912. 
 >/bhur, pres., 756; int., 1002 d. 
 bbuvas, euph., 176c. 
 i/bliu,'pf., 789a, 793b, 800d; aor., 
 
 829, 830, 836-9, 853, 924; inf., 
 
 968 e; in periphr. conjn, 1070-72; 
 
 in ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 d; 
 
 in compd conjn, 1091-4. 
 bhiita in compsn, 1273 c. 
 >/bhr, pres., 645, 855a; pf., 789b, 
 
 797c; aor., 890a; int., 1002g, h, 
 
 1003; periphr. pf., 1071 f. 
 bhos, 456; euph., 174 b. 
 ]/bhranc or bhra9 , pres. , 767 ; 
 
 aor., 847; pple, 954 b; cans., 
 
 1042h. 
 ybhrajj or bhrjj, euph., 219b. 
 ]/blirain, pres., 763; pf., 794 h; 
 
 pple, 955 a; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 
 
 991b; ya-ger'd, 992 c; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 V/bhraj, euph., 219b; pf., 790c, 
 
 794 h; aor., 833.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 533 
 
 m, pron. etc., 49,50; as final, 143; 
 
 as final radcl, 143a, 212, 256; in 
 
 extrni combn, 213; before raj, 
 
 213 b. 
 -ma,.prmy, 1166; scdry, 474, 487a, d, 
 
 1224 b, 1242 c. 
 ymanh. or mah, pf., 786 a; caus., 
 
 1042 g. 
 maghavan, dcln, 428. 
 j/majj, euph., 219a; pf., 801 g; aor., 
 
 8y7a; fut., 926a; pple, 957 r,; inf., 
 
 968 e; des., 1028 j. 
 -mat, advbl, 1235 e. 
 ]/raath. or manth, pres. , 780 a, 
 
 731, 732, 1066b, 746; aor., 899d; 
 
 ya-ger'd, 992b; caus., 1042 g. 
 >/mad or mand, 102 a ; pres., 628, 
 
 645, 764; aor., 833, 834 d, 839, 
 
 840 b, 887 a, 897 b, 899 d, 904 d; 
 
 pple, 956 b; raus., 1042 g. 
 j/man, pf., 764 f; aor., 834b, 840b, 
 
 881 e, 887a, b; fut., 935b; pple, 
 
 954 d; des., 1028 e, 1029 a, 1040; 
 
 special construction, 268 a, 994 e. 
 -man, 1168; man- and ma-stems, 
 
 1166 c; man-stems in compsn, 
 
 1277 b. 
 manas, in comp. with infln.-stem, 
 
 968 g. 
 -mane, infin, in, 970d, 974. 
 -mant, 1236. 
 }/mantr, so-called, 104b, 1056, 
 
 1067, 1073 d. 
 manthan, dcln, 434. 
 }/mand, 102a: see mad. 
 -maya, 161a, 1225. 
 -mara, 1201a. 
 y'mah, s e e^ manh. 
 mah, mahi, 400 a. 
 mahant, dcln, 450 b. 
 maha, 355 a. 
 mahaprana, 37 d. 
 ]/ma measure, pres., 660, 063; aor., 
 . 839; pple, 954c; inf., 968 f; tva- 
 
 ger'd, 991b; ya-ger'd, 992a; des., 
 
 1030. 
 |/ma exchange, pres., 761 f. 
 j/ma bellow , pres. , (360, 663 , 672, 
 
 676 c; aor., 868 e. 
 mans, mansa (and mas), 397. 
 matra, in compsn, 1302 g; euph., 
 
 161a. 
 -mana, 584 b, 1174. 
 mas, euph., 108 a; dcln, 389b, 397: 
 
 and see mans. 
 ymx fix, aor., 911; des., 1030. 
 -mi, 1167. 
 
 )/mik§, 1033a; raus., 1042h. 
 
 mitrd, 1186 c. 
 
 -min, 1231. 
 
 vmil, fut., 936 h. 
 
 >/mi or mi damage, pres., 192c, 
 
 731, :61b; aor., 911; des., 1030; 
 
 caus., 10421. 
 ]/mih, euph., 223b; pf., 790b: aor., 
 
 916 a, 920 a. 
 l/miv, pple, 955 b. 
 )/muc, pres., 758, 761b, 8.')5a; a-r., 
 
 832, b34r,, 837 b, 839, 847,890 a; 
 
 des., i030. 
 ^/mud, aor., 837b. 
 )/mu8, pres., 7.32, 1066b; pple, 
 
 956b; caus., 1042 b. 
 j/muh, ouph., 223 a, c; pres., 761a; 
 
 aor., 847; pple, 955 e. 
 >/murch, 220a; pres., 745 f; pple, 
 
 954 c. 
 murdhanya, 45. 
 ]/mr die, euph., 242c; pres., 757, 
 
 773; aor., 834 a, 837 h. 
 |/mr crush, pres., 731. 
 ymrj , euph., 219b; pres., 621a, 
 
 627, 745 e; pf., 786a, 793 i; aor., 
 
 900a, 919, 920; fut., 935 b, 936 d; 
 
 pple, 956b, d; inf., 958c; tva- 
 
 ger'd, 991c; ya-ger'd, 992b; int., 
 
 1002g, 1003, 1017; des., 1028 j; 
 
 caus., 1042b. 
 ]/mrd, euph., 198d; caus., i042b. 
 ymrn, 731, 763 a. 
 ]/mjd, fut., 936 d. 
 >/mrdh, aor., 838, 847. 
 ymrq, pf., 786a; aor., 916, 920; 
 
 pple, 956b; int., 1002g, 1003, 
 
 1017. 
 yrnvB, aor., 834 c, 840 a, 847. 
 -mna, 1224 c. 
 )/mna, 102a; aor., 912. 
 >/mruc, aor., 847. 
 ymlei, pres., 761c; aor., 912; pple, 
 
 967 a; cans., 1042 J. 
 ymlvLC, int., 1002g. 
 
 y, pron. etc., 61, 55, 56; relation to 
 
 i-vowels, 56; nasal y, 71c, 213 d; 
 
 y as union- consonant, 258, 313 b, 
 
 844, 11120, 1151d, 12.86e, 995b; 
 
 resolved to i, 66, 113b, 129 e; 
 
 cases of loss of i before , 233 a ; 
 
 y of sfx treated as i, 1203 a. 
 ya rontracted to i, 262, 769, 784b, 
 
 794 b. 
 ya as conj. -class-sign, 606, 750; 
 
 as passive-sign, 606, 768, 998 a;
 
 534 
 
 Sanskrit Inde 
 
 X. 
 
 added to intens. stem , 1016 ; in 
 
 caus. sign, 1055 a; as denom. sign, 
 
 1055-67. _ 
 -ya (or ya) of gprund, 990, 992, 
 
 993 ; of gerundive, 962, 963, 1213. 
 -ya, prmy, 1187, 1213; ya-stems in 
 
 compsn, 1272; scdry, 1210-12. 
 yakan, yakrt, 398 a, 432. 
 ]/yaj , euph., 219b, 784b; pres., 
 
 628; pf., 784 b; aor., 834 c, 839, 
 
 890 a, 894 d; inf., 968 d; des., 1029c. 
 }/yat, aor., 840 b ; pple, 956 b. 
 yatha, accent, 1101b; in compsn, 
 
 1313 c— e. 
 yyam, pres., 608b, 631a, 747; 
 
 pf., 790b; aor., 833, 836-9, 887 a, 
 
 890 a, 896, 897b, 911; fut., 935 b; 
 
 pple, 954 d; inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 
 
 991b; caus., 1042 g. 
 yama, 230 a. 
 
 j/yas, aor., 847; pple, 956 b. 
 -yas for -iyas, 470 a.( 
 >/ya, 102a; aor., 894c, 912, 914c. 
 -ya, 1213 d. 
 -yin, see 1230 e. 
 )/yu unite, pres,, 626a, 756; ya- 
 
 ger'd, 992 a. 
 >/yu separate, pres., 608 a, 645; aor., 
 
 838, 868a, 889, 894b; int., 1018a; 
 caus., 1042 e. 
 
 -yu, 1165; see 1178 h-j. 
 }/yuj, euph., 219a; pres., 768a; 
 aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 837a, 
 
 839, 840b, 847, 887 a; root-nonn, 
 386. 
 
 ]/yudh, aor., 834 d, 836b, 839, 
 
 887 a. 
 >/yup, int., 1017. 
 yuvan, dcln, 427. 
 yusa, yiisan, 432. 
 yosan, dcln, 426 b. 
 
 r, pron. etc., 51, 52; r and 1, 53b; 
 r and s as corresponding sonant 
 and surd, 117b, 158a, 164; final, 
 144, 169; words ending in original 
 r, 169a; combination as final rdcl, 
 165; as other, 178; avoidance of 
 double, 179; s or r as final of 
 certain forms, 169b; from s after 
 a, 176 c ; s to 8 after, 180 ff. ; but 
 not beifore, 181 a, b; changes 
 succeeding n to n, 189 ff.; dupli- 
 cation of consonant after, 228; 
 svarabhakti after, 230 c. 
 
 r-endings in 3d pi., 613, 618, 629, 
 699b, 738a, 752b, 799, 813, 818a. 
 
 ra and ra as increments of r, 241. 
 -ra, prmy, 1188; scdry, 474, 1226, 
 
 1242 c. 
 ]/rak8, aor., 899 d. 
 ]/raj or ranj, euph., 219a; pres., 
 
 746, 767; caus., 1042g. 
 yradli or randh, pf., 786a, 794 h;. 
 
 aor., 847. 
 |/ran, pf., 786 a; aor., 899 d. 
 ]/rabh, pf., 786a, 794h; aor., 834d, 
 
 897b; des., 1030. . 
 }/ram, aor., 911, 9i2; pple, 954d; 
 
 inf., 968 d; tva-ger'd, 991b; caus., 
 
 l_042g. 
 ]/ra give, pres., 660, 666, 672; 
 
 aor., 839, 896. 
 ]/ra bark, pres., 761 e. 
 ]/raj, euph., 213b, 219b; pf., 794h. 
 i/radh, pf., 794h; aor., 836; des., 
 
 1030. 
 yri or ri, caus., 10421. 
 -ri, 1191. 
 l/rie, pres., 761b; aor., 834 c, 839, 
 
 847, 890. 
 }/ri9, aor., 916. 
 >/ris, euph., 226f; aor., 847, 852a, 
 
 853, 870; caus., 1042b. 
 >/rih, euph., 223b; int., 1017. 
 ]/ri, s e e ri. 
 
 }/ru, pres., 626, 633, 755. 
 -ru, 1192. 
 >/ruc, aor., 834c, 837b, 840b, 847; 
 
 desid., 1031b. 
 |/ruj, euph., 219a; aor., 832; pple, 
 
 957 c; tva-gefd, 991c. 
 ■j/rud, pres., 631; aor., 847; tva- 
 ger'd, 991 d. 
 }/rudli, pres., 694a, 758a, 856a; 
 
 pf., 801 h; aor., 832, 834 d, 847, 
 
 887a, 890a; inf., 968 d; ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 b. 
 y'ru9, aor., 916; caus., 1042 b. 
 ruQant, dcln, 450 c. 
 )/rus, pple, 956 b. 
 yr-ah, euph., 223b, d; aor., 840b, 
 
 847, 853, 916, 920a, b; fut., 935 d; 
 
 inf., 968d; ya-ger'd, 992c; caus., 
 
 10421. 
 repha, 18. 
 rai, dcln, 361b, f. 
 -rhi, advbl, 1103 d. 
 
 1, pron. etc., 51, 53; 1 and r, 53b 
 1 for r in certain verbal prefixes 
 1087 c; nasall, 71b, c, 206, 213 d 
 as final, 144; assim. to, 117g; oft 
 162; of n, 206; of m; 213d
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 535 
 
 asserted s to s after, 180b; du- 
 plication of consonant after, 228 a; 
 svarabhakti after, 230d. 
 
 -la, prmy, 1189; scdry, 1227. 
 
 ylag, pple, 957 c; tva-ger'd, 991 c; 
 caus., 1042g. 
 
 ylajj, pres., 754. 
 
 j/lap, pple, 956b; infln., 968c. 
 
 >/labh, aor., 834d; fut., 935b; des., 
 1030. 
 
 ]/lal, cans., 1042g. 
 
 ylikh, fut., 936 b. 
 
 yiip, pres., 753, 758; aor., 834 d, 
 847. 
 
 yli9, aor., 916. 
 
 ylih, euph., 223b; aor., 916,920a. 
 
 yii cling, aor., 911; pple, 957a; 
 ya-ger'd, 992 a; cans., 10421, m. 
 
 y\l totter, int., 1018a, 1022. 
 
 ylup, pres., 758, 761b; aor., 887 a. 
 
 ]/lubh, pres., 761 a. 
 
 yi% pres., 728 a; pple, 957a. 
 
 1, pron. etc., 5a, 54. 
 
 V, pron. etc., 51, 57, 58; relation 
 to u-YOwels, 57 a; interchange 
 with b, 50a; nasal v, 71c, 213d; 
 resolved to u, 58a, 113b; cases 
 of loss of u before, 233a; dupli- 
 cation of consonants after, 228a. 
 
 va, contracted to u, 252, 769, 784, 
 794 b. 
 
 -va, prmy, 1190; scdry, 1228; advbl, 
 1102e, f. 
 
 yvaks, pple, 956 b. 
 
 i/vac," euph., 2161; pres., 660; pf., 
 784, 789]d; aor., 847, 853, 854a. 
 
 yvane, euph., 2151; pf., 786 a. 
 
 -vat, advbl, 1107, 1233 f; scdry, 
 383 k. 1, 1245 j. 
 
 yvad, 102a; pres., 738a; pf., 784; 
 aor., 899 d, 904 d; pple, 966 d; 
 int., 1017; desid., 1031b. 
 
 yvadh, see badh. 
 
 yvan, pf., 786a, 794 f; aor., 839, 
 887 b, 912, 914; pple, 955 b; des., 
 1028g. 
 
 -van, prmy, 1169; scdry, 1234; van- 
 stems in compsn, 1277, 1287 b. 
 
 -vana, -vanl, -vanu, 1170; -vana, 
 12451. 
 
 -vane, infln. in, 970 d, 974. 
 
 -vant, 517, 959, 1233; prmy, 
 1233 g. 
 
 ]/vand, 102 a. 
 
 |/vap, pf., 784; fut., 935b; pple, 
 
 954 b. 
 |/vam , pres. , 631 a ; pple , 966 a ; 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991b; caus., 1042 g. 
 vam (from vr), 543 a. 
 -vam, advbl, *1102*b. 
 -vaya, 1228 b. 
 -vara, 1171. 
 -vari, fern, to van, 1169, 1171, 
 
 1234 a. 
 varga, 32. • 
 
 yvarn, so-called, 1056. 
 -vala," 1228 b. 
 yvae, pres., 638, 660; pf., 784, 
 
 786 a. 
 }/vaa shine^ euph., 167; pres., 608 b; 
 
 753b; pf., 784; aor., 834b; pple, 
 
 956b, d. 
 yvas, clothe, euph., 167; pres., 628, 
 
 631a, 638 a; pf., 786 a. 
 ]/vas, dwell, euph., 167; pf., 784; 
 
 aor., 840 b, 883; fut., 935 d; pple, 
 
 956b, d; inf., 968 c; tva-ger'd, 
 
 991c; in periphr. conj. 1070c; 
 
 periphr. pf., 1071 f. 
 -vas, 1173b: and see vans, 
 yvah, euph., 137c, 223b, 224b; 
 
 pf., 784; aor., 837b, 839, 840b, 
 
 890a; fut., 935 d; pple, 9o4b; 
 
 int., 1002 g, 1017; at end of 
 
 compds, 403. 
 ]/va blow, aor., 912; pple, 957 a. 
 )/va droop, pres., 761 e. 
 yva or vi weave, pres., 761 f; pf., 
 
 784, 801b; fut., 935 c; pple, 954 e; 
 
 inf., 968 f; caus., 1042k. 
 yvans (or -vas), of pples, 584c, 
 
 802-6, 1173; vans-stems, dcln, 
 
 458ff. 
 vaghat, dcln, 444 a. 
 Vvac, pf., 786 a; aor., 861a. 
 vi, dcln. 343 h. 
 -vi, 1193. 
 vikampana, 87 d. 
 )/vic, int., 1024. 
 yvij, euph., 219a; aor., 834c; fut., 
 
 936b, 936c; pple, 9^7 c; int., 
 
 1017, 1024. 
 -vit, see 1193b. 
 i/vid hnoic, 102e; pres., 613, 618, 
 
 621a; pf., 790a, 803a; fut., 935b; 
 
 inf., 968 d; des., 1031b; periphr. 
 
 pf., 1071 f, 1073a; periphr. aor. 
 
 and pres., 1073 b, c. 
 yvid find, 102a; pres., 758; pf., 
 
 805b; aor., 847, 852 a; pple, 967 d. 
 vidha, in compsn, 1302i.
 
 536 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 -vin, 1232. 
 
 j/vindh, pres., 758. 
 
 yvip, aor., 840b; caus., 1042b. 
 
 virama, 11. 
 
 i/vie, enph., 218 a; pf., 803 a, 805 b; 
 
 aor., 834 b, 916, 920 a. 
 vi(jva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e, 
 
 1280 c, 1298 c. 
 yvis, euph., 225a, 226 d, f; aor., 
 
 916; int., 1024. 
 visarga, visarjaniya, 67; and 
 
 S 6 P ll 
 
 |/vi, init.', 1017, 1024a. 
 
 ]/vr cover, 102a; pres. (urnu), 
 
 713; aor., 831a, 834a, 836b, 
 
 839, 840b, 900b; inf., 968 d; 
 
 int., 1002 g. 
 ]/vr choose, 102a; enph., 102a, 
 
 242 c; pf.,797c; aor., 837b, 840b; 
 
 inf., 968 d; cans., 1042 e. 
 yvrj, euph., 219a; pf., 786 a, 803 a; 
 
 aor., 832, 834c, 836-9, 919, 920a; 
 
 int., 1002 g. 
 ]/vrt, pres., 643 c, 855 a; pf., 786 a; 
 
 aor., 832, 834b, 836b, 839, 840 a, 
 
 847, 904 d; fut., 935b, 943 a; 
 
 inf., 968 e; int., 1002 g, 1003, 
 
 1017, 1023. 
 vrtra, 1185 c. 
 vrddhi, 27, 235 ff. 
 yvrdh, pf., 786 a; aor., 847, 852a, b, 
 
 897b; fut., 943 a; inf.. 968 e. 
 yvrs, pf., 786a; aor., 847; inf., 
 
 965 d. 
 vfsan, dcln, 426 b. 
 yvTh, aor., 916, 920 a. 
 voc, quasi-root, 854 a. 
 -vya 1228 c. 
 yvyae, 1087 f; pres., 682; pf!, 785, 
 
 794b. 
 vyanjana, 31. 
 yvyath, pf., 785. 
 yvyadh, pres., 767; pf., 785, 794b; 
 
 fut., 936b; pple, 954b; inf., 968 f; 
 
 caus., 1042g. 
 yvyay, pres., 761 f. 
 yvya, or vi, pres., 761 f; pf., 785, 
 
 794 b, 801c; aor., 847; fut., 935 c; 
 
 pple, 964 c; cans., 1042 k. 
 |/vraj, euph., 219b; aor., 899 d. 
 yvragc, euph., 221b; pple, 957c; 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991 c. 
 yvli, pres., 728b; pple, 957a; int., 
 
 1017; caus., 10421. 
 
 9, pron., etc., 59, 63, 64, 119; re- 
 lation to s, 63a; as final, 145; 
 
 in intrnl combn, 218; with pre- 
 ceding t or n, 203. 
 
 -9a, 1229. 
 
 ycjans, pf., 790c; ya-ger'd, 992 c. 
 
 Yqak, aor., 837 a, 869, 847; pple, 
 956 b; des., 1030, 1040. 
 
 9akan, 9akrt, 398, 432. 
 
 y9ank, aor., 904 d. 
 
 >/9ad prevail, pf., 786. 
 
 y9ad fall, pple, 957 d. 
 
 |/9ap, aor., 233 e; inf.. 
 
 y<j&va. labor, pres., 634 
 
 968 c. 
 763. 
 763 ; aor. 
 
 y9am be quiet , pres. 
 
 847; pple, 955a; cans., 1042g. 
 y9a9, pf., 794J. 
 y9as, aor., 839. 
 -9as, advbl, 1106. 
 y9a, pres., 660, 662, 753 c, 761 g; 
 
 aor. , 834 a ; pple , 964 c ; caus., 
 
 1042 k. 
 y9a8 (or 9i8), pres., 444, 639, 
 
 675; aoT., 847, 852a, 854 c; pple, 
 
 954e, 956b; inf., 968c^ ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 c; desid., 1031b; a9is from, 
 
 225 a, 392 b. 
 y9inj, euph., 219a; pres., 628. 
 y9is leave, euph., 226 f; pres., 694a, 
 
 758 a; aor., 847, 853. 
 y9iB, see 9as. 
 yt^i'lie, pres., 628, 629; pf., 806a; 
 
 fut., 935a; pple, 956c; ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 c. 
 y9UC, pres., 631a; aor., 847; inf., 
 
 968 d; tva-ger'd, 991c; caus., 
 
 1042 b. 
 y9udh, cans., 1042 h. 
 y9ubli, pres., 858; aor., 852a, b; 
 
 840b; caus., 1042 b. 
 y9U3, pres., 761 a. 
 9uska as pple, 958. 
 y9u, see 9va. 
 y9us, euph., 240 b. 
 yar'crush, euph., 242b; pres., 731; 
 
 pf. , 793 h; aor., 900a, 904b; 
 
 pple, 955d, 957b; inf., 968d. 
 y9caiid, int., 1002g. 
 y9nath, pres., 631a; aor., 867. 
 y9ya or 91, pres., 761 e; pple, 954c, 
 
 957 a. 
 y9rath, pres., 732, 1066b, 758; 
 
 pf., 794h; pple, 956 d. 
 y9ram, pres., 763; pf., 794h; aor., 
 
 847; pple, 955 a; cans., 1042 g. 
 y9ra, pres., 761 e; pple, 954b; 
 
 cans., 1042j; caus. aor., 861b, 
 
 1047.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 53" 
 
 >/<jri, aor., 831, 867, 868, 889 a; 
 
 inf., 968 e; caus., 10421. 
 ]/9ris, aor., 847. 
 j/^ri, pple, 955(1. 
 yqrxv, see sriv. 
 i/9ru, euph., 243; pres., 699b, 711; 
 
 pf., 798 c; aor.. 831, 836, 838, 
 
 839, 853, 866, 867; desid., 1040; 
 
 caus., 1042 e. 
 ]/9rus,. 102 a. 
 yclie, euph., 226 d, f; pres., 761c; 
 
 aor*., 847, 916. 
 }/(jvanc, aor., 863 a. 
 9van, dclii, 427. 
 V'9va8, pres., 631; pple, 966b; 
 
 caus., 1042g. 
 Yqva or 9vi or 9U , pf. , 786 c, 
 
 794 b; aor., 847, 868,897 b; pple, 
 
 953 a; inf., 968 e. 
 y'9vit, aor., 832, 790. 
 
 s, pron. etc., 59, 61, 62, 120, 182; 
 relation to 9, 63 a; ordinary deriv- 
 ation, 46; exceptional occurrence, 
 182; as final, 145, 145b; s chang- 
 ed to, 180-8; recurrence avoided, 
 181c, 184 e, 10281; as root final, 
 182a, 184 c, 225, 226; changes 
 succeeding n to n, 189 ff.; assim. 
 of dental after, 197; from 9, 218. 
 
 -sani, (or -sani), infin. in, 970 h, 
 '978, 1159 c, 1160 a. 
 
 sas, euph., 146 b, 199 c. 
 
 -se (or -se), infin. in, 970 c, 973b. 
 
 |/sthiv, euph., 240b; pres., 745 g, 
 765; pf., 789 c; pple, 955 c; tva- 
 ger'd, 991 d._ 
 
 -syai (or -syai), infin. in, 970 g, 
 '977. 
 
 B, pron. etc., 59, 60; s and r as 
 corresponding surd and sonant, 
 117b, 158a, 164; s or r as final 
 of certain forms, 169b; as final, 
 145, 169, 170 a; combinations of 
 final rdcl s, 145 b, 166-8; of 
 other, 170-7; exceptional cases, 
 171, 173; final as, 175, 176; as, 
 177; S to s, 180-8; exceptional 
 cases, 181, '184 e, 185c, d, 186a; 
 t adds t before, 199 e; final n 
 adds (retains) s, 208, 209; s lost 
 between mutes, 233 c-f; in s- aor., 
 834, 881, 883 ; after a vowel, 233 b ; 
 exceptional combination after such 
 loss, 233 f; 8 anomalously from 
 final root-consonant, 406 a; s before 
 
 am of gen. pi., 313a, ,496c; in 
 
 aor.. 874 ff.; in fut. , 931 ff.: in 
 
 desid., 1027 IT. 
 -8, advbl. 1106. 
 -sa, 1197. 
 sa-, 1121 e; in compsu, l'288g. 
 
 1304f-h, 1313 f. 
 samvrta a. 21. 
 a&khi. dcln, 343 a-c. 
 sakthan, sakthi, 343 i, 431. 
 |/8agh, aor., 836b. 
 j/sac, pres.. 660; pf., 794 f; aor.. 
 
 840b; 8a9c from, 673. 675. 
 j/saj or sanj , euph., 219a; pres.. 
 
 746; pf., 794 d. h, 801 h; aor., 
 
 834c, 887a; inf., 968 f; des., 
 
 10281; caus., 1042 h. 
 }/8ad, pres., 748; aor., 847, 852a. 
 
 853, 899 d; fut.. 935b, 936c': 
 
 pple, 957.d; inf., 968 d. 
 |/8an or sa. pf. , 804; aor., 847. 
 
 853, 899 d; pple, 965b; int.. 
 
 1002g; des., 1028g, i, 1032a. 
 -sani, infin. in, see -sani. 
 samdhi, 109. 
 samdhyaksara, 28 a, 30. 
 sannatara, 90 c. 
 ]/sabhag. so-called, 104b, 1067. 
 samanaksara, 30. 
 samprasarana, 252 a. 
 samraj etc., "213 b. 
 -sara. 1201a. 
 saragh or sarad, 389 b. 
 sarva, dcln, 524; in compsn, 1251 e, 
 
 1298 c. 
 |/sa9C, pres., 444, 673, 675. 
 sas, euph., 176a, b. 
 -sas, 1152. 
 V'sah, euph., 186 a, 223 b. 224 b; 
 
 pres., 628; pf., 786 a, 790 b. 
 
 803a; aor., 837, 838, 887a, 897a, 
 
 b, 899 d; fut., 935 d; pple, 955 e; 
 
 inf., 968 d; des., 1030; at end of 
 
 cmpds, 405. 
 sahd, in cmpsn, 1304 f, g. 
 i/sa or si bind, pres., 753 c; aor., 
 
 830, 834a, 839, 868a, 894c; 
 
 fut., 935a, 936b; pple, 964c; 
 
 inf., 968f; ya-ger'd, 992a; caus., 
 
 1042 k. 
 -sat, advbl, 1108. 
 |/sadh. aor., 861a. 
 -Sana, ppial wonls in, 897 b, 1175. 
 )/8antv, so-called, 104 b. 
 >/si, see sa. 
 l/sic. pres., 7f8; aor., 847; tva- 
 
 ger'd, 991 d; cans., 1042b.
 
 538 
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 }/sidh repel, fut., 935 h. 
 
 )/siv, pres., 761c, 765; pple, 955 c; 
 
 des'., 1028h, i. 
 ]/SU press out, Tpies., 699b; aor., 
 
 839, 840b, 867; fut., 935 a; ya- 
 
 ger'd, 992 a. 
 SU-, 1121 h, i; in compsn , 1284 a, 
 
 b, 1288, 1304 c, d. 
 -su, see 1178 f. 
 l/subh, pres., 758. 
 }/su or su, pres., 626, 628, 755; 
 
 pf., 789 a; aor., 868 a; fat., 935 a, 
 
 936 b, 939 b; inf., 968 d, e. 
 )/suc, aor., 861. 
 )/sud, aor., 871. 
 ysr, pf., 797 c, 806 a; aor., 847; 
 
 c*aus., 1042 e. 
 )/srj , eupb., 2161, 219b, c; aor., 
 
 834b, c, 840b, 890; fut., 936d. 
 ysrp, euph., 151 d; pf., 790 c; aor., 
 
 834 d, 847; fut., 935 b, 936 d; inf., 
 
 968 e; int., 1002 g. 
 -se, infill, in, see -se. 
 sosman, 37 d. 
 sk, original of ch, 42. 
 /skand, aor., 833, 890 b; pple, 
 
 957 d; ya-ger'd, 992 b; int., 
 
 1002g, h. 
 yskabhi or skambh, pres., 730, 
 
 732, 1066b; pf., 786a, 790b, 
 
 794 d. 
 ]/sku, pres., 626 a; int., 1017. 
 ystan, pres., 631a; aor., 899 d. 
 ystabh or stambh , euph., 233 c ; 
 
 pres., 730, 732, 1066b; pf., 794d; 
 
 pple, 956 b. 
 -Stat for -tat, advbl, 1100 b. 
 ]/stigh, desid., 1031b. 
 ystu, pres., 626, 633; pf., 797 c; 
 
 aor., 866, 894 b, d; fut., 935 a; 
 
 ya-ger'd, 992 a; desid., 1028 i; 
 
 caus., 1042 e. 
 ]/str, euph., 242 c; pf., 801 f, 806a; 
 
 ao'r., 831, 834 a, 885, 900 a; pple, 
 
 957b; inf., 968d; ya-ger'd, 992a. 
 Str, dcln, 371k. 
 ystrh, aor., 916. 
 j/stya, pres., 761 e; pple, 957 a. 
 stri, dcln, 366, 367c. 
 ]/stlia, euph., 233 c; pros., 671, 749a; 
 
 aor., 830, 834 a, 836, 837, 840a, 
 
 847, 884, 894 c; pple, 954c; inf., 
 
 968 f; caus. aor., •861b, 1047; in 
 
 ppial periphr. phrases, 1075 c. 
 -sna, 1195. 
 j/sna, cans., 1042 j. 
 ysnih, euph., 223 a, c. 
 
 )/snu, pres., 626 a. 
 
 -snu, 1194. 
 
 spar9a, 31, 32. 
 
 yspaQ, aor., 834c. 
 
 ]/spr, aor., 831, 836 b, 839. 
 
 j/sprdh, euph., 242 d; aor., 834 b, 
 
 840 b. 
 yspr9, euph., 218a; aor., 916, 920a; 
 
 fut., 936 d. 
 ]/sprh, euph., 223 b, d; caus., 1042d. 
 yspiia, pple, 954c; caus., 1042m. 
 l/sphut, fut., 936 b. 
 ]/sphr, pres., 756; tva-ger'd, 991 d; 
 
 caus*., 1042b. 
 sphotana, 230 e. 
 sma, in pronom'l dcln, 493, 496a, 
 
 503. 
 sma, pres. in past sense with, 778b, c. 
 |/srai, tva-ger'd, 991 d; caus., 
 
 10421; periph. pf., 1071 f. 
 ysmr, pass., 770c; tva-ger'd, 991 d; 
 
 caus., 1042e. 
 sya as denom. sign, 1064. 
 ■ysyand, pf., 785a; aor., 861a, 
 
 890b; fut., 943a; pple, 957 d; 
 
 tva-ger'd, 991 d; int., 1002 g. 
 }/syam, pf., 794 h. 
 syas, euph., 176a. 
 -syai, infln. in, see -syai. 
 sraj, euph., 219 a. 
 ]/sras or srans, euph., 168; pf., 
 
 790 c; aor., 833, 847; ya-ger'd, 
 
 992 b. 
 ysridh, aor.^ 847, 852 b. 
 j/sriv (or 9riv), euph., 240 b; pres., 
 
 765; caus., 1042 b. 
 ■j/sru, pf. , 797 c; aor., 868; caus., 
 
 1042 e. 
 sva, 513 b, 516 e; dcln, 525 c. 
 ]/svaj, euph., 219a; pres., 746; pf., 
 
 794h; aor., 863 a; tva-ger'd, 
 
 991c. 
 svatavas, euph., 168 a, 415 b. 
 }/svad, pple, 954 f. 
 ysvan, pf., '(94h; aor., 899 d; int., 
 
 1002 g. 
 ysvap, pres., 631; pf., 785 b, 794b; 
 
 aor., 867; fut., 935b; pple, 954b; 
 
 des., 1028 h; caus., 1042g. 
 svayam, in compsn, 1284 b. 
 1/svar, aor., 890 a, 899 d. 
 svar, dcln, 388. 
 svara, 30, 81. 
 svaral3hakti, 230 c-e. 
 svarita, 81. 
 
 svavas, euph., 168a, 415b. 
 ]/svid, pple, 957 d.
 
 Sanskrit Index. 
 
 )30 
 
 h, pron. etc., 69, 65, 66, 119; from 
 dh and bh, 223 g; as lliial, 147; 
 compensating aspiration of initial. 
 147, 156b; with following t or 
 th, 160a; with preceding final 
 mute, 163; m before h and an- 
 other cons., 213 g; reversion to gh, 
 214 £f., 222; in inflection, 402, 
 637; in pf., 787; in intens., 10U2i; 
 in desid., 1028 f; internal combn, 
 222-4 ; anomalously changed to 
 a sibilant, 160 f; to d, 404; du- 
 plication of a cons, after, 228 a; 
 nasikya added after, 23Ub; loss 
 before hi, 1011 a. 
 
 -ha, advbl, 1100a, 1104b. 
 
 j/had, pple, 957 d. 
 
 |/han, euph., 192 b, 2161, 402, 
 637, 787; pres., 637, 673, 709 
 pf., 794 e, 805 a; aor., 899 d; fut. 
 935b, 943a; pass., 998 f; pple 
 954 d; inf., 968 d; int., 1002 g 
 h, i, 1003; des., 1028 e, f; caus. 
 1042m; root-noun, 883 h, 402. 
 
 hanta, accent of verb with, 598 a. 
 
 |/has, jaks from, 640. 
 
 |/ha move, pres., 660, 664; des., 
 1028 d; caus., 1042 d.' 
 
 ]/ha leave, pres., 665, 761b; aor., 
 830, 889, 912; fut., 936 c; pple, 
 957 a; inf., 968 f; caus. aor., 861b, 
 1047. 
 
 j/has, 102a 912. 
 
 yhi, euph., 1920, 2161, 674, 7h7; 
 
 pres.. (;99b, 716a; aor.. 831,839, 
 
 840 b, 847, 889a, 894 d; den.. 
 
 1028 f. 
 hi, 595 e, 1122b. 
 -hi, advbl, 1100c. 
 l/hins, euph., 183 a; pres., 687, 690; 
 
 des.. 1031b. 
 ]/hinv. 7 16a. 
 ]/hid, euph., 240b; pf., 786b: cauf., 
 
 10*42 b. 
 |/hu. pres., 64.'), 647 c,, 652; periphr. 
 
 pf. etc., 1071 f, 1073c. 
 yhn or hva, pres., 761 f, 755 ; pf., 
 
 794 b; aor., 834 a, 847, 887 c, 
 
 912; fut., 935c; inf., 968 f; caus., 
 
 1042 k; periphr. pf., 1071 f. 
 ■j/hr seize, aor., 834a, 890a: inf., 
 
 968 d; caus., 1042 e. 
 yhrd, hrdaya, 397. 
 ]/hrs, aor., 847; pple, 956 b. 
 |/hnu, pres., 626a. 
 j/hras, pple, 956 b. 
 ]/hri, pres., 645; aor., 840b; pple, 
 
 957 a; caus., 10421; periphr. pf., 
 
 1071 f. 
 j/hva, see hii. 
 |/hvT or hvar, euph., 242c; pr<s., 
 
 682; aor., 863a, 890; pple. 955 e.
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 a-aorist (simple aorist, 2), 824, 846 
 -54: in the later language, 846; 
 roots forming it in the older lan- 
 guage, 847; inflection, 848; modes, 
 849-51; participles, 852; irregu- 
 larities, 853, 854. 
 
 a-class (first , bhii-class) of verbs, 
 606, 734-50: formation of stem, 
 734; inflection, 735-43; roots of 
 the class, 744; irregularities, 745 
 
 ^ -50. 
 
 a-class or accented a-class (sixth, 
 tud-class) of verbs, 606, 751-8: 
 formation of stem, 751 ; inflection, 
 762; roots of the class, 753, 754; 
 irregularities, 755-8. 
 
 a-conjugation — see coTijugations. 
 
 a- or a-declension , transference of 
 cons.-stems to, 399, 415a, 429a, 
 437, 441b; 1148 i, 1149 a, 1166 c, 
 1209, 1815. 
 
 a-stems (tense-stems), uniform in- 
 flection of, 733 a. 
 
 abbreviation of consonant- groups, 
 231-3. 
 
 ablative case, uses of, 289-93; ab- 
 lative of comparison, 292b; with 
 prepositions, 293, 1128; used ad- 
 verbially, 1114; abl. infinitive, 983; 
 abl. by attraction with infin., 983 b; 
 abl. use of adverbs in tas, 1098 d ; 
 abL as prior member of compound, 
 1250 f. 
 
 absolute use of instrumental, 281 g; 
 of genitive, 300b; of locative, 
 303 b-d; of gerund, 994 e. 
 
 absolutive — see gerund. 
 
 abstract nouns, secondary derivation 
 of, 1206, 1236-40. 
 
 accent, general, 80-97 : its varieties, 
 80-6; accentuated texts, 87; mo- 
 des of designating, 87, 88; illus- 
 tration of RV. method, pp. 518-9; 
 
 over-refinements of Hindu theory, 
 90; modern delivery of anrient 
 accented texts , 91 ; no sentence 
 accent, 92 ; accentless words , 93 ; 
 words doubly accented, 94, 1255, 
 1267 d; accent of protracted syl- 
 lable, 78 a; freedom of place of 
 accent, 95; — changes of accent 
 in vowel combination, 128, 130, 
 135 a; — accent in declension, 
 314-20; of vocative, 92a, 314; 
 change of accent in monosyllabic 
 etc. declension, 316-9; in nu- 
 meral , 482 g, 483 a-c ; of fraction- 
 als, 488a; of case-forms used as 
 adverbs, lUlg, 1112e, 1114d; 
 different accent of action-nouns 
 and agent-nouns, 1144 a; of deter- 
 minative and possessive com- 
 pounds, 1295; — accent of personal 
 endings, 552-4; in relation to 
 strong and weak forms, 556; of 
 personal verb-forms in the sen- 
 tence, 92 b, 591-8; of periphras- 
 tic formations, 945, 1073 e; of 
 compounded verb-forms, 1082-5; 
 — accent in primary derivation, 
 1144; in secondary, 1205; in 
 composition, 1251 ; — ordinary ac- 
 centuation of Skt. words by Western 
 scholars, 96. 
 
 accusative case, uses of, 269-77: 
 with verbs, 270, 274; with nouns 
 and adjectives, 271, 272; with pre- 
 positions, 273, 1129; with verbs 
 of motion and address etc., 274; 
 cognate, 275; adverbial, 276, 1111 ; 
 double, 277; accus. infinitive, 981, 
 986-8; gerund, 995; accus. as prior 
 member of compound, 1250 a. 
 
 action-nouns and agent-nouns , chief 
 classes of primary derivatives, 1146, 
 1146.
 
 General Index. 
 
 541 
 
 active voice, in verbs, 528, 529. 
 
 acute (udatta) accent, 81. 
 
 ad-class of verba — see root-class. 
 
 adjective, its distinction from noun, 
 322; from pple', 967; ^formation 
 of compound adj., 323-5,' 1292 fif.; 
 inflection of adj., 321-465; com- 
 parison, 466-74; adj. pronomiually 
 inflected, 522-6. 
 
 adjective compounds, secondary,1247g, 
 1292-1313; of other than possess- 
 ive value, 1294, 1309, 1310; adj. 
 copulative compounds, 1257. 
 
 adverbs, 1097-1122: adv. by deri- 
 vation, 1097-1109; case-forms 
 used as adv., 1110-17; adverbial 
 compounds, 1111 d, 1313; verbal 
 prefixes etc, as adv., 1118-20; 
 inseparable prefixes, 1121; other 
 miscellaneous adv., 1122; adv. 
 used prepositionally, 1123 0".; adv. 
 copulative compounds, 1259 ; forms 
 of comparison, 473 b. 
 
 agent-nouns — see action-nouns. 
 
 aggregative compounds — see copu- 
 lative compounds. 
 
 alphabets used for writing Sanskrit, 
 1; older Indian, 2; the Devana- 
 garl alph., 1-17; varieties of writ- 
 ing and of type for, 3, pp, 516-7 ; 
 characters and transliteration, 5; 
 arrangement, 7; theory of use, 8, 
 9; native mode of writing, 9a, b; 
 modifications of this in Western 
 practice, 9c-e; vowel-writing, 10; 
 consonant combinations , 12-15 ; 
 other signs, 11, 16; numeral fig- 
 ures, 17; names of characters, 18; 
 signs and transliteration of anu- 
 svara, 73. 
 
 alphabet , spoken — see system of 
 sounds. 
 
 alterant vowels , changing following 
 s to s, 180. 
 
 analysis of language into its elements, 
 98, 99; anal, of compound words, 
 1248. 
 
 antithetical construction, its influence 
 on accent of verb, 696, 597. 
 
 anusvara, its pronunciation etc., 
 70-2; signs and transliteration, 73, 
 16b; see also n, m. 
 
 aorist tense, 532 ; its uses , 926-30 ; 
 in prohibitive expression, 579; — 
 aor. system, 535, 824-930; classi- 
 fication of forms of aor., 824; 
 character and occurrence , 825-7 ; 
 
 variety from same root, 827b. c; 
 simple aor., 8'24, 828: 1. root-«or., 
 829-41; passive aor. 3d. sing., 
 842-5; 2. a-aor., 846-54; 3. re- 
 duplicated or rausativf aor., 866- 
 73; sibilant-aor., 874-920; 4. 8- 
 aor., 878-897; 5. ia-aor., b98-91U , 
 6. Bi9-aor., 911-15; 7. sa-aor., 
 916-20; aor. optative or precative 
 of later language, 921-5; aor. in 
 secondary conjugation, 1019, 1036, 
 1046-8, 1068; periphrastic aor., 
 1073 b; — 8-aor. stem in deriva- 
 tion, 1140c. 
 
 appositioiial compound8,1280d;appo8. 
 possessive compounds, 1302. 
 
 ar or r in root and stem forms, 104 e, 
 237.* 
 
 article, indefinite, lepresented later 
 by eka, 482 c. 
 
 aspirate mutes, phonetic character etc. 
 of, 37, 38; their deaspiration, 114, 
 153-5 ; restoration of lost aspira- 
 tion to, 141a, 147, 155; not be- 
 fore impv. ending dhi, 155 f; de- 
 rivation of h from , 66 ; sonant 
 aspirate with following t, th, 160; 
 non-aspirate for aspirate in redu- 
 plication, 590a: — and see the 
 di ffe rent letters. 
 
 aspiration (h), its pronunciation etc., 
 69, 65, 66: — and see h. 
 
 asseverative particles, 1122 a, b. 
 
 assimilation in euphonic combination, 
 115-20; with or without change 
 of articulate position, 116; surd 
 and sonant, 117, 156-64; nasal, 
 117g, 198b, 199c; 1, 117 g, 206; 
 dental to lingual and palatal, 118; 
 other cases, 118-20. 
 
 augment , 586-7 ; a as augment, 
 586 a; omission, 587; irreg. com- 
 bination with initial vowel of root, 
 136a; irregularly placed, 1087c, f; 
 uses of augmentless preterit per- 
 sons, 563, 687; with ma prohibit- 
 ive, 579. 
 
 avyayibhava compounds, 1313. 
 
 bahuvTilii compounds — see pos- 
 sessive compounds, 
 benedictive — see precative. 
 bhii-class of verbs — see a-class. 
 
 cardinal numerals, 475; thei^ combi- 
 nations, 476-81; inflection, 482
 
 542 
 
 General Index. 
 
 -5; construction, 486; derivatives, 
 487-9. 
 
 case-endings — see endings of de- 
 clension. 
 
 case-forms, prolongation of final vow- 
 el of, 248 b; used as adverbs, 
 1110-17; change of accent in such, 
 1111 g, 1112e, 1114d; their pre- 
 positional uses, 1125 d; derivatives 
 from case-forms, 1202 b; case-forms 
 in composition, 1250. 
 
 cases, 266; their order of arrange- 
 ment], 266a; uses, 267-305: — 
 and see the different cases. 
 
 causative conjugation, 540, 607, 775, 
 856 ff., 1041-52; relation to so- 
 called tenth or cur-class, 607, 
 1041b; to denominative, 1041c, 
 1056; formation of stem, 1041, 
 1042; inflection, present-system, 
 775, 1043; other older forms, 
 1044; perfect, 1045; attached re- 
 duplicated aorist, 1046, 1047, 
 856 ff.; other aorist forms, 1048, 
 1049; future etc., 1050; verbal 
 nouns and adjectives, 1051; deriva- 
 tive or tertiary conjugations from 
 caus. stem, 1052; caus. from in- 
 tens., 1025; from desid. , 1039; 
 declinable stems from caus. stem, 
 1140b; double object with cau- 
 satives, 277 a, 282 b. 
 
 cerebral mutes, 33, 46. 
 
 changeable or variable r of roots — 
 see variable. 
 
 circumflex (svarita) accent, 81-6, 
 90b; independent, 81-4; its va- 
 rieties, 84 ; enclitic, 85 ; their dif- 
 ference, 86 ; designation, 87-9 ; oc- 
 currence from vowel combinations, 
 128, 130, 135. 
 
 classes or series of mutes, 32 ff. 
 
 classes of verbs — see conjugation- 
 classes. 
 
 clauses, simplicity of combination oif, 
 1131 a; dependent clauses , mode 
 in, 581, 950; accent of verb in, 
 595. 
 
 collective singular form of copulative 
 compounds, 1263 c; in Veda, 1255 e, 
 1256 b. 
 
 combination of elements, 100, 101; 
 euphonic rules for, 109-260; dis- 
 tinction of internal and external, 
 109-12; general arrangement of 
 rules, 124; order of comb, of three 
 successive vowels, 127 b. 
 
 comparison of adjectives etc., 466- 
 74; primary, in iyas and istha, 
 467-70, 1184; secondary, in Vara 
 and tama, 471-3, 1242a, b; in ra 
 and ma, 474, 1242 c; inflection 
 of comparatives in yas, 463-5; 
 comp. of nouns, pronouns, prepo- 
 sitions, 473, 474, 520, 1119; of 
 verbs, 473 c; double comparison, 
 473 d; particles of comp., 1101 b, 
 1102e, 1107, 1122g, h. 
 
 comparison or likeness , descriptive 
 compounds of, 1291 a. 
 
 compensatory vowel-lengthening, 246. 
 
 composition of stems — see com- 
 pound stems. 
 
 compound conjugation, 540a, 1076 
 -95: roots with verbal prefixes and 
 like elements, 1076-89; accent 
 of comp. forms, 1082-6; irregula- 
 rities, 1087; roots with inseparable 
 prefixes, 1089, 1121b, g,i; with 
 noun and adjective stems, 1090-5. 
 
 compound stems, formation of, 101, 
 1246-1316: difference of earlier 
 and later language as to composition, 
 1246 a; classification of compounds, 
 1247; their analysis, 1248; rules 
 of phonetic combination , 1249 ; 
 case-forms as prior member, 1250; 
 accent, 1251; copulative comp., 
 1252-61; determinative: dependent, 
 1262-78; descriptive, 1279-91; se- 
 condary adjective: possessive, 1292 
 -1308; participial, 1309; prepo- 
 sitional, 1310; adjective comp. as 
 nouns and as adverbs, 1311-3; 
 anomalous comp., 1314 ; stem-finals 
 altered in comp., 1315; loose con- 
 struction with comp., 1316. 
 
 conditional tense, 532, 940, 941 ; its 
 uses, 950; conditional uses of op- 
 tative and subjunctive, 581 b, e, f. 
 
 conjugation, verbal inflection, 527- 
 1095; general, 527-98: voice, 528 
 -31; tenses and their uses, 592. 
 776-9, 821-3, 926-30, 948-50; 
 modes and their uses, 633, 557 
 -82, 921-5; tense-systems, 536; 
 present -system, 635, 699-779; 
 perfect -system, 780-823; aorist- 
 systems, 824-930 ; future-systems, 
 931-50; number and person, 536; 
 personal endings, 541-5B; verbal 
 adjectives and nouns, 537-9, 951 
 -95; secondary conjugations, 540, 
 996-1068; periphrastic and com-
 
 General Index. 
 
 54:{ 
 
 pound conjugation, 540 a, 1069-96; 
 examples of conjugation in syno- 
 psis, p. 520. 
 
 conjugation-classes, on what founded, 
 601; their characters, 602-10. 
 
 conjugations, first or non-a- and sec- 
 ond or a-conjugation, 601-8, 733; 
 transfers from the former to the 
 latter, 625a, 631a, 665a, 670-4, 
 694 a, 716, 731, 896. 
 
 conjunctions, 1131-3. 
 
 consonants , pronunciation etc. , 31- 
 75 : mutes , 32-50 ; semivowels, 
 51-8; spirants, 59-66; visarga 
 and anusvara etc., 67-78; quan- 
 tity, 76; cons, allowed as finals, 
 122, 139-52; occurring at end of 
 stems and endings, 139a: — and 
 see the different classes and 
 letters. 
 
 consonant-groups, how written in de- 
 vanagari, 9, 12-5; their ex- 
 tension and abbreviation, 121, 
 227-33. 
 
 consonantal stems, declension of, 377 
 -465; their classification, 382. 
 
 contemptuous prefix, 506, 1121 e; do. 
 suffix, 521, 1222 d. 
 
 copulative compounds, 1247 a -c, 
 1262-61; of nouns, 1253-6; ad- 
 jectives, 1257; adverbs, 1259; nu- 
 merals, 1261 ; copulatives in later 
 language, 1253, 1254; in Rig-Veda, 
 1255 ; in Atharva-Veda, 1256 ; ac- 
 cent, 1268; possessives from copu- 
 latives, 1293 b. 
 
 ciir-class of verbs, 607, 775, 1041 b, 
 1056: — and see causative con- 
 jugation. 
 
 dative case, uses of, 285-8; dat. 
 infinitive, 982, 986 ; dat. used ad- 
 verbially, 1113; dat. by attraction 
 with infln. , 982 a ; dat. as prior 
 member of compound, 1250 c. 
 
 deaspiration of aspirate mutes, 114, 
 153-5 ; consequent re-aspiration of 
 initial, 141a, 147, 155. 
 
 declension, in general, 261-320: 
 gender, 263; number, 264, 265; 
 case, 266; uses of the cases, 267 
 -305; endings of decl., 306-10; 
 variation of stem and insertions, 
 311-3; accent, 314-20; — decl. 
 of nouns and adjectives, 321-465: 
 classification, 321b. c; I. a-stems, 
 826-34; II. i-and u-stems, 336 
 
 -46; III. a-, i-, and u- (and diph- 
 thongal) stems, 347-68; IV. y- 
 stems , 369-76 ; V. consonant- 
 stems, 377-465: A. root-stems 
 etc., 383-410; B. derivative stems 
 in as, is, us, 411-9; C. in an. 
 420-37; I), in in, 438-41; E. in 
 ant, 442-57: F. in vans, 458 
 -62; G. in yas. 4('i3-5; — deiri. 
 of numerals, 482-6; of pronouns, 
 491-521; of adjectives inflected 
 pronominally, 622-6. 
 
 declinable stems, composition of, with 
 verbs, 1090-5; derivation of — see 
 derivation. 
 
 decompound compounds and their 
 analysis, 1248. 
 
 decrement and increment of elements, 
 123, 234 ff. 
 
 demonstrative pronouns, 495-603. 
 
 denominative conjugation, 540a, 1053 
 -68; formation without sign, 1054; 
 with sign ya, from stems of various 
 final, 1055-64; their occurrence. 
 1057; meaning, 1058; relation of 
 aya- and aya-stems, 1059 c; re- 
 lation to causative, 1041c, 1056. 
 1067; with signs sya, kamya, 
 apaya, 1064, 1065; with aya, 
 beside na-class verbs etc. , 732. 
 1066; from other stems, 1066a. c: 
 inflection, 1088; declinable stems 
 from denom. stem, 1068b. 1149d. 
 1178h, i, 1180d. 
 
 dental series of mutes (ti th, d, dh, 
 n), pronunciation etc., 33, 47, 48; 
 peculiar quality of Skt. dentals, 
 47 a; dent, character of 1, 26; of 
 1, 61, 63; of 8, 60; assimilation 
 of dent, to palatals and Unguals, 
 118, 196-203, 205; dent, sibilant 
 and nasal converted to lingual, 
 180-95; anomalous conversions to 
 guttural and lingual, 161a, b; 
 of guttural, palatal, and labial to 
 dental, 151c, e: — and see the 
 different letters. 
 
 dependent clause, accent of verb in, 
 595. 
 
 dependent compounds, 1247 d-f, 
 1263, 1264-78; noun, 1264; ad- 
 jective, 1265; their varieties, 1266 
 -78: with ordinary noun or ad- 
 jective as final member, 1267, 1268; 
 with root-stem, 1269; derivative 
 in a. 1270; ana. 1271; ya^l270; 
 participle in ta or na, 1273; ti,
 
 544 
 
 General Index. 
 
 1274; in, 1275; i, 1276; van, 
 man etc., 1277, 1278; dep. comp. 
 in possessive use, 129(3. 
 
 derivation of adverbs, 1097-1109; of 
 declinable stems, 1136-1245: in 
 general, 1136-42; primary, 1143 
 -1201; secondary, 1202-46. 
 
 derivative or secondary conjugation — 
 see secondary. 
 
 descent, adjectives and nouns indicat- 
 ing, 1206 a. 
 
 descriptive compounds, 1247 d-f, 
 1263, 1279-91; of ordinary ad- 
 jective with noun, 1280 ; of appo- 
 sitional noun with noun , 1280 d ; 
 ■with participle as final member, 
 1283, 1284; with gerundive, 1285; 
 with root-stem , 1286 ; with other 
 verbal derivatives, 1287; with in- 
 separable prefix as prior member, 
 1288; with verbal prefix etc., 1289; 
 with other adverbial words, 1290 ; 
 special cases , 1291 ; descr. comp. 
 in possessive use, 1297 ff. 
 
 desiderative conjugation, '540, 1026- 
 40; meaning, 1026,1040; used in 
 future sense, 1040 a; formation of 
 stem , 1027-9 ; abbreviated stems 
 1030 ; use of union-vowel i, 1031 
 inflection , present-system , 1032 
 other forms, 1033-6; derivative 
 or tertiary conjugations from desid. 
 stem, 1039 ; desid. from causative 
 stem, 1052c ; declinable stems from 
 desid. stem, 1035, 1036, 1140b, 
 1149 d, 1159b, 1161 d, 1178g; desid. 
 root-stems, 392 d; future in desid. 
 sense, 949; desid. in future sense. 
 1040 a. 
 
 determinative compounds , 1247 d-f, 
 1262-91; dependent, 1264-78; 
 descriptive, 1279-91; in possessive 
 adjective use, 1293 ff. 
 
 devata-dvandvacompounds,1251 a, 
 1255. 
 
 diminutives, secondary derivation of, 
 1206 b, 1222 d, 1243^ 
 
 diphthongs (e, ai, o, au), mode of 
 writing with consonants, 10 g, h; 
 pronunciation etc., 27-30; protrac- 
 tion of, 78 c ; euphonic combination 
 as finals, 131-5: — and see the 
 different letters. 
 
 diphthongal stems, declension of, 360, 
 361. 
 
 div- or div-class of verbs — see 
 ya-class. 
 
 double stems, present, 815; aorist, 
 894d, 897b. 
 
 doubling of aspirate mutes, 154; of 
 a final nasal, 210; of ch, 227; of 
 first consonant of a group, 229 ; of 
 a consonant after r (and h, 1, v), 
 228. 
 
 dual number, its use, 265; its forms 
 in declension, 308; in personal pro- 
 noun, 492 b. 
 
 dual finals e, i, ti uncombinable, 
 138a, g. 
 
 dvandva compounds — see copula- 
 tive. 
 
 dvigu compounds, 1312. 
 
 eighth class of verbs — see u-class. 
 
 elision of initial a, 135; how mark- 
 ed, 16; its infrequency in Veda, 
 135 c; elision of initial a, 135 d; of 
 final a or a, 137 b. 
 
 emphasis, accent of verb for, 598. 
 
 emphatic pronoun, 513. 
 
 enclitic or dependent circumflex, 85, 
 86. 
 
 endings, of inflection and derivation, 
 98-100; of declension, 306-10; of 
 singular, 307; dual, 308; plural, 
 309; normal scheme, 310; end. of 
 a-stems, 327-9; of i-and u- stems, 
 336-8; of radical a-, i-, ti-stems, 
 349; of derivative do., 363; of r- 
 stems, 371 ; of personal pronouns, 
 492, 493; of general pronominal 
 declension, 496; — end. of con- 
 jugation, 523, 541-69; of 1st 
 sing., 543; 2d, 544; 3d, 545; of 
 Istdu., 546; 2d and 3d, 547; of 
 1st pi., 548; 2d, 549; 3d, 550; 
 normal schemes, 553; accent, 552 
 -4; end. of 2d and 3d sing, tak- 
 ing the place of root-final , 555 a ; 
 union-vowels, 555b, c; end. of 
 subjunctive combined with mode- 
 sign, 560-2; of optative, 566; of 
 precative, 568; tat of imperative, 
 570; — end. of derivation — see 
 suffixes. 
 
 euphonic combination of elements,100, 
 101; rules respecting it, 109-226. 
 
 exclamatory pronoun, 507; exclam. 
 prefix from interrogative pronoun, 
 506, 1121 e. 
 
 extension of cons. -groups, 227-30. 
 
 external and internal combination, 
 distinction of, 109-12; cases of
 
 General Index. 
 
 545 
 
 external comb, in declension, Ilia b- 
 in derivation, 111c, d, 1203 e.' ' 
 
 feminine stems: to a-stems, 332, 
 334b; to i- and u-stems, 344-6 1 
 to r-stems, 376 a; to cons. -stems' 
 378 a, 401c, 435, 436, 449,452 b, 
 459, 463 d; fern, in i from ya- 
 stems, 1210 c; fern, forms in com- 
 position, 1250 h. 
 fifth class of verbs — see nu-class. 
 finals, permitted, 122, 139-52; most 
 usual, 149; only one final ronsonant 
 allowed, 150; exceptions, 150 b, c; 
 anomalous changes of final mutes, 
 151 ; final consonants of stems and 
 endings, 139 a. 
 final clauses, modes used in, 581 c, d. 
 first class of verbs — see a-class. 
 first or non-a-conjugation of verbs, 
 
 its characteristics, 604. 
 forms, stronger and weaker, of roots 
 and stems, 104e, 105, 106; — and 
 see variation of stem, 
 fourth class of verbs — see ya- 
 
 class. 
 fractional use of ordinals, 488. 
 frequentative conjugation — see in- 
 tensive, 
 future passive participles — see- ge- 
 rundives, 
 future tenses, 532; their uses, 948, 
 949; fut. systems, 535, 931-50; 
 s-future and conditional, 932-41; 
 periphrastic future, 942-7; future 
 use of pres., 777; of desid., 1040 a; 
 desid. use of fut., 948b; fut. par- 
 ticipial phrases, 1075 d. 
 
 gender in declension, 262, 263. 
 
 general and special tenses, 599 a. 
 
 genitive case, uses of, 294-300: 
 with adj., 296; with verb, 297, 
 298; with prepositions, 299a, 1130; 
 with adverbs, 299 b; gen. absolute, 
 300b; loss of accent of gen. with 
 vocative, 314d, e; gen. infinitive, 
 984j gen. used adverbially, 300a, 
 1115; as prior member of com- 
 pound, 1250 e. 
 
 gerunds, 539, 989-95; their uses, 
 989, 994; ger. in tva, 990, 991, 
 993; in ya or tya. 990, 992, 
 993; in tvaya and tvi, 993 b; 
 in tvanam and tvinam, 993 c; 
 adverbial gerund in am, 995. 
 
 Whitney, Grammar. 3. ed. 
 
 gerundives, or future passive parti- 
 ciples, 9B1-6, 12121, 1213. 1216 
 -8; ger. in ya, 962-3, 1213; in 
 tavya, 962, 964, 1212 i; in aniya, 
 962, 96r>, 1215b; in tva. 966a 
 1209h; in enya, 966b, 1217- 
 in ayya, 966c, 121rt; ir, elima, 
 966 d, 1201a; ger. in composition, 
 1285. 
 
 grave (anudatta) accent, 81. 
 
 guna-strengtheniiig, character and oc- 
 currence of, 27, 235-43, wi^pojisim ; 
 in primary derivation, 1143a; in 
 secondary, 1203 a, 1204g. 
 
 guttural series of mutes (k, kh, g, 
 gh, n), pronunciation etc., 33, 
 39-41, 180 a; asserted gutt. char- 
 actor of a, 20a; of h, 65 a; pal- 
 atals from original gutt, 41-3; 
 <J and h do., 64, 66; reversion of 
 palatals etc. to gult. form, 43, 64 
 142, 145, 147, 214-26: _ and 
 see the different letters. 
 
 beavy and light syllables, 79. 
 
 hiatus, avoidance of, 113, 125-38; 
 not avoided in Veda, 113 b, 125 c, 
 129 e; its occurrence as result of 
 euphonic processes, 132-4, 175 b, d, 
 177.- . ' . 
 
 hu-class of verbs — see reduplicat- 
 ing class. 
 
 imperative mode, 533, 569, 572, 575, 
 578; scheme of its endings, 553 d; 
 its 1st persons old subjunctive, 
 533, 574, 578; impv. form in tat 
 and its uses, 570, 571; with ma 
 prohibitive, 579c; Vedic. 2d sing, 
 in si, 624; impv. use of infini- 
 tives, 982 d. 
 
 imperfect, tense, 532, 699; its use. 
 779. 
 
 imperfept time, no real designation of, 
 532 a. 
 
 increment and decrement of elements, 
 123, 234 if. 
 
 indeclinables, 98 a, 1096-1136: ad- 
 verbs, 1097-1122; prepositions, 
 1123-30; conjunctions, 1131-3; 
 interjections, 1134, 1135; derivative 
 stems from indeclinables, 1202b, 
 1245; compounds with inded. as 
 final member, 1314 a, f. 
 
 indefinite pronouns, 513 c; indef. use 
 of interrogative and relative pro- 
 nouns, 507, 511. 
 
 35
 
 >46 
 
 General Index 
 
 influitives, 538, 968-88; later, 968, 
 987; earlier, 969-79; uses, 980-8; 
 relation to ordinary verbal nouns, 
 969, 9701. 
 
 inseparable prefixes, 11'21 ; in de- 
 s(;riptive composition, 1283 ft'., 1288; 
 in possessive, 1304. 
 
 insertions between stem and ending 
 in declension, 313. 
 
 instrumental case, uses of, 278-84; 
 of separation, 283 a; with preposi- 
 tions, 284, 1127; gerundial, 989; 
 used adverbially, 1112; as prior 
 member of compound, 1250 b. 
 
 intensive (or frequentative) conjuga- 
 tion, 540, 1000-2;'); character and 
 occurrence, 1000, 1001 ; redupli- 
 cation, 1002, 1003 ; inflection, pres- 
 ent-system , 1004-17; derivative 
 middle inflection, 1016, 1017; 
 forms outside present-system, 1018, 
 1019, 1025; doubtful intens. for- 
 mations, 1020-4; derivative or 
 tertiary conjugations from intens. 
 stem, 1025. 
 
 interjections, 1134, 1135; their final 
 vowel uncombinable, 138 f. 
 
 internal and external combination, 
 distinction of, 109-12. 
 
 internal change, question of deriva- 
 tion by, 12081. 
 
 interrogative particles, 1122 f. 
 
 interrogative pronoun, 504-7; its in- 
 definite use, 507 ; exclamatory prefix 
 from it, 506. 1121 j. 
 
 inverted compounds, 1291c, 1314 d. 
 
 is-aorist, 824, 898-910: formation 
 *of stem, 898-900; inflection, 901, 
 902; roots making it, 903; irregu- 
 larities, 904; modes, 905-8; from 
 secondary conjugations, 1010, 1035, 
 1048, 1068 a. 
 
 jihvamiiliya-spirant, 69, 170 d. 
 
 karmadharaya compounds — see 
 
 descriptive compounds, 
 kri-class of verbs — see na-class. 
 
 labial series of mutes (p, ph, b, 
 bh, m), pronunciation etc., 33, 
 49, 50; lab. character of, u, u, 
 20; of V, 51, 57, 58; anomalous 
 conversion of labial to guttural, 
 151 d; to dental, 151 e : — and 
 see the different letters. 
 
 lengthening of vowels in formation 
 
 and inflection , 244-6 ; of final 
 vowel in composition, 247, 1087 b; 
 in the sentence in Veda, 248. 
 
 light and heavy syllables, 79. 
 
 lightening of a or a to an i- or u- 
 vowel, 249 ff. 
 
 lingual series of mutes (t, th, d, dh, 
 nj, pronunciation etc., 33, 45, 46; 
 lion-originality and ordinary deriva- 
 tion 46; ling, character of r, 25; 
 of r, 51, 52; ling. 1, 6 a, 54; ling, 
 character of s, 61 ; assimilation of 
 dentals to ling., 118, 196ff.; lin- 
 gualization of s and n, 180-95: 
 — and see the different let- 
 ters. 
 
 locative case, uses of, 301-5; loc, 
 absolute, 303 b-d; of goal of mo- 
 tion or action, 301 e, 304; with 
 prepositions, 305, 1126; used ad- 
 verbially, 303 e, 1116; loc. infini- 
 tive, 985; loc. use of adverbs in 
 tra, 1099; in ha, 1100 a; in da, 
 1103 b; loc. as prior member of 
 compound, 1250 d. 
 
 long and short quantity, 76-9. 
 
 manner, particles of, 1101, 1102, 
 1107, 1122 k. 
 
 manuscripts , native Sanskrit , mode 
 of writing in, 9a, b. 
 
 middle stem-form in declension, 311. 
 
 middle voice, 528-30; its use as 
 passive, 531, 998 c, d. 
 
 mode in verbal inflection, 533; sub- 
 junctive, 557-63; optative, 564-8; 
 imperative, 569-71; uses of the 
 modes, 572-82. 
 
 multiplicative numeral adverbs, 489 a, 
 1104-6. 
 
 mutes, series of, their pronunciation 
 etc. , 32-50 : classification , 32-8 ; 
 guttural series, 39-41; palatal, 
 42-4; lingual, 45, 46; dental, 47, 
 48; labial, 49, 50; assimilation, 
 117 a, b; mutes permitted as finals, 
 141-3; anomalous conversions from 
 one series to another, 151: — and 
 see the different series. 
 
 na-class (ninth, kri-class) of verbs, 
 603, 717-32: formation of stem, 
 717; inflection, 718-26; roots^of 
 the class, 727; irregularities, 728 
 -32- accompanying' denominative 
 in aya, 732, 1066 b.
 
 Gknkral Index. 
 
 517 
 
 nasal assimilation, 117c, f, g, 161 
 198 b, 199 c. 
 
 nasal class (seventh , rudh-class) of 
 verbs, 603, 683-96: formation of 
 stem, 683; inflection, 684-92; 
 roots of the class, 694 ; irregulari- 
 ties, 693-6. 
 
 nasal increment in strong forms, 255, 
 386. 
 
 nasal mutes ( n, n, n, n, m), 34, 36 ; 
 their occurrence as finals, 143; 
 duplication, 210; assimilation of 
 preceding mute, 161, 198 b, 199 b; 
 abbreviation of consonant-group af- 
 ter, 231 ; — nasal spirant or anu- 
 svara, 70-3; — nasal semivowels, 
 71 c, 206, 213c; — nasal vowels, 71, 
 72: — and see the different 
 letters. 
 
 nasality, Hindu definition of, 36 a. 
 
 negative particles, 1122 c-e; nag. 
 prefix, 1121 a-c. 
 
 neutral pron. of a, 21. 
 
 ninth class of verbs — see na-class. 
 
 nominative case, uses of, 267, 268; 
 peculiar construction with verbs, 
 268 a; with itl, 268 b; with voc- 
 ative, 268 c; used adverbially, 
 1117; nom. use of infinitive, 987; 
 nom. form as particle, 1117; in 
 composition, 1250f. 
 
 noun and adjective, distinction of, 
 322; inflection of nouns — see 
 declension. 
 
 nu-class (fifth, su-class) of verbs, 
 603, 697-716: formation of stem, 
 697; inflection, 698-707; roots 
 of the class, 708; irregularities, 
 710-3, 716. 
 
 number in declension, 264, 265; in 
 conjugation, 536; number-forms in 
 composition, 1250 g. 
 
 numerals, 475-89; simple cardinals, 
 475 ; their combinations for odd 
 numbers, 476-81; inflection, 482 
 -5; construction, 486; ordinals 
 487, 488; other num. derivatives 
 489,1104-6, 1245; num. figures, 17 
 possessive compounds with num. 
 1300; num. or dvigu compounds 
 1312. 
 
 omission, sign indicating, 16. 
 
 onomatopoetic words, 109l, 1135b. 
 
 optative mode, 533, 564-8; its for- 
 mation, 564, 565; scheme of end- 
 ings combined with mode-sign. 
 
 666; precativo, 567, 921-6: scheme 
 of prec. endings, 668; uses of 
 opt., 673-82; with mfi prohib- 
 itive, 579 b; optative use of aug- 
 mentless preterit forms, 587. 
 
 order of subjects in the grammar, 
 107; as best taken up by a stu- 
 dent, 108, 112; of subjects in euph. 
 combination, 124. 
 
 ordinal numeral adjectives, 487. 488. 
 
 pada-endings in declension. Ilia. 
 
 palatal series of mutes (e, ch, j, jh, 
 n), pronunciation etc., 33, 42-4; 
 derived from original gutturals, 42; 
 reversion to guttural form, 43, 
 214flf. ; euphonic combinations, 11^, 
 119, 214-20; treatment as finals, 
 142; assimilation of dentals to, 
 196-203; pal. charaiter of i, i, 
 20; of y, 51, 56; of 9, 63, 64; 
 palatal for guttural in reduplica- 
 tion, 590b: — and see the dif- 
 ferent letters. 
 
 participial compounds, 1247 g, 1809. 
 
 participles, 534, 537, 683, 584, 1172 
 -7; of present-systems, 619 etc. 
 etc.; of perfect, 802-7; of aorist, 
 840, 852, 872, 897, 909 ; of future, 
 939; passive part., 962-8, 1176, 
 1177; active, in tavant, navant, 
 959, 960; future passive, 961-6; 
 of secondary conjugations, 1012, 
 1013, 1019, 1037, 1043 e,f, 1051, 
 1068; part, in possessive composi- 
 tion, 1299; — inflection of part, 
 in ant, 443-9; in vans, 468- 
 62; — part.-phrases, periplirastic, 
 1074, 1075; — relation of part. 
 and adjective, 967. 
 
 particles, 98a; prolongation of final 
 vowel of, 248a; part, giving ac- 
 cent to verb, 595c, e, 598a. 
 
 passive conjugation. 531, 640, 998; 
 present-system (yd-class), 606, 768 
 -74; aorist 3d sing., 842-5, 1048; 
 periphrastic perfect, 1072; parti- 
 ciple in ta or na, 962-8, 1051 b, 
 1176, ir.7; future participles, 961 
 -6 (and sec gerundives); pass, 
 use of infinitive, 988; pass, from 
 intransitives, 999 a; pa.^s. of secon- 
 dary conjugations, 1025, 1039. 
 1062a; pass, constructions, 282a, 
 999. 
 
 past use of present tense, 777, 778. 
 
 perfect tense, 532; scheme of its 
 
 35*
 
 548 
 
 General Index. 
 
 endings, 553c; uses, 821-3; — 
 perf.-system , 535, 780-823: for- 
 mation of stem, 781-94; redu- 
 plication, 782-91 ; strong and weak 
 stem-forms, 792-4; endings and 
 their combination with stem , 795 
 -9; union- vowel i, 796-8; in- 
 flection , 800 ; irregularities , 801 ; 
 participle, 802-7; its inflection, 
 458-62; modes, 808-16; pluper- 
 fect, 817-20; — periphrastic perf., 
 1070-73. 
 perfect time, expressed by so-called 
 aorist, 532 a, 825, 928: by perfect, 
 822, 823; by participial phrase.=, 
 1076 d. 
 periphrastic conjugation, 540 a, 1069 
 -75; periph. future, 532, 931, 942 
 -7; its uses, 949; perfect, 1070 
 -3, 1018, 1034, 1045; aorist and 
 precative, 1073 b; present, 1073 c; 
 periph. participial phrases , 1074, 
 1075. 
 person in verbal inflection, 536. 
 personal endings — see endings of 
 
 conjugation, 
 personal pronouns, 491-4; nouns used 
 
 as such, 514. 
 phrases, derivatives from, 1202 b; 
 
 compounds from, 1314b. 
 place, particles of, 1099, 1100, 1122 i. 
 pluperfect tense, 532, 817-20; plup. 
 time, no designation of, 532 a; 
 save by participial phrases, 1075 d. 
 position, length of syllable by, 79. 
 possessive adjectives, 1206a, 1229 b, 
 
 1230-35; pronominal, 516. 
 possessive compounds, 324, 1247 g, 
 1293-1308; poss. dependents! 
 1296; poss. descriptives, 1297 ff. : 
 ■with ordinary adjective as prior 
 member, 1298; -with participle, 
 1299; with numeral, 1300; with 
 appositive noun, 1301-3; with 
 adverb, 1304-6; added suffixes, 
 1212 c, 1307; pregnant use, 1308. 
 precative optative, 533b; its forma- 
 tion, 567; scheme of endings, 568; 
 prec. in later language, 921-5; 
 use, 573 c. 
 prepositions, 1123-30; words used 
 as such, 1123-5; cases construed 
 with them, 1126-30; gerunds used 
 as, 994g; — prep, in composition 
 with roots — see verbal prefixes, 
 prepositional compounds, 1 247g, 131 ; 
 with added suffix, 1212m. 
 
 present tense, 532; its uses, 777, 
 778 ; — pres. -system , 535 , 599- 
 779: prominence as part of verb- 
 system, 600; varieties of form and 
 their classification, 601-9; various 
 from same root, 609; conjugations 
 and conjugation-classes, 602-10; 
 first or non-a-conjngation: I. root- 
 class , 611-41; II. reduplicating 
 class, 642-82; III. nasal class, 
 683-96; IV. nu- and u-class, 
 697-716; V. na-class, 717-32; 
 second or a-conjugation, 733: "VI. 
 a-class , 734-50 ; VII. accented . 
 a-class, 751-8; VIII. ya-class, 
 759-67; JX. ya-class, or passive 
 conjugation, 768-74; so-called 
 cur- or tenth class, 775; uses of 
 tenses, 776-9; af modes, 572-81; 
 — pres. stems , derivatives from, 
 1140 c. 
 
 present use of perfect, 821 c, 823; 
 of aorist, 930. 
 
 presumption or conjecture, future of, 
 948. 
 
 primary and secondary personal end- 
 ings, 542 ff. ; confusion of them in 
 use, 636 d, 933a, 938; normal 
 schemes, 553. 
 
 primary derivation, 1138-1201: rela- 
 tion to secondary, 1139; from what 
 made, 1140, 1141; union-vowels, 
 1142; form of root, 1143; accent, 
 1144; meaning, 1145, 1146; prim, 
 suffixes and the derivatives made 
 with them, 1148-1201. 
 
 prohibitive expression, 574, 579, 580. 
 
 pronominal roots , 490 ; their char- 
 acter, in inflection and derivation, 
 1137b, 1138; adverbs from them, 
 1097ff. 
 
 pronouns , 490-521 : personal , 491 
 -4 ; demonstrative , 495-503 ; in- 
 terrogative, 504-7; relative, 508 
 -12; emphatic', indefinite, 513; 
 nouns used pronominally , 514 ; 
 pron. derivative adjectives, 515 
 -21 ; adjectives declined pronom- 
 inally, 522-6. 
 
 pronunciation — see system of 
 sounds. 
 
 protracted (pluta) quantity, 78; 
 protr. final vowel uncombinable, 
 138e. 
 
 punctuation, signs of, in devanagari, 
 16d.
 
 Geneuai. Index. 
 
 510 
 
 quantity vi consoiiimts ami vowols, 
 7G-S; of syllables, 79. 
 
 r-endiiigs of 3(1 pi., bitOd. 
 radical .stems — sec root-stems, 
 reduplicated (or caiisalivo) aorist, 8'24, 
 8f)G-T3, 104(5, 1047; formation of 
 stem, 857-G3; i nil. -it ion, 8G4-7; 
 use in primary eonjugation , 8G8; 
 in causative, 1046, 1047: mode.';. 
 869-71. 
 reduplicating class (third , hu-class) 
 of verbs, G0.3, G-i2-8'2; reduplica- 
 tion and accent, 642-6; inflection, 
 647-667; roots of tbe class, Qb9; 
 irreRularities, 658, (iGO-82. 
 reduplication, occurrence of, 2r)9: 
 general rules for forming, r)88-90; 
 present rod., 643, GGOff.; perfect, 
 782-91; aorist, 867-63; intensive, 
 1002; desiderativc, 1020; in deri- 
 vation, 1143e; anomalous, J087f. 
 relationship, nouns of, in r, 369 ff., 
 
 1182f. 
 relative clauses, peculiarities of, 612; 
 modes used in, 581a; accent of 
 verb in, 595. 
 relative compounds , improper name 
 
 for possessive, 1293 d. 
 relative pronoun, 608-12. 
 repeated words, 12G0. 
 resolution , in Veda , of semivowels 
 into vowels , and of vowels into 
 two syllables, 55 a, 58 a, 84 c, 113 b, 
 126 c, 129 e, 309 f, 353 a, 470 b, 
 566 c, 76 Ig, 771 g. 
 reversion, so-called, of palatal mutes 
 and sibilant, and of h, to truttural 
 form, 43, 64, 60, 119, 142, 146, 
 147, 214 ff., 681, 787, 1028f. 
 1176 a. 
 roots, 98-100; roots of the Skt. 
 language, 102-5; roots and root- 
 forms ace. to the native gramma- 
 rians, 103, 104. 
 root-aorist, 824, 829-4!'): in later 
 language, 829; in older, 830 fl.; 
 modes, 835-9; participles, 840: 
 passive aor. 3d sinp., 842-6. 
 root-class (second, ad-class) of verbs, 
 603, 611-41; inflection; 612-23; 
 roots of the class, 625; irregulari- 
 ties, 624, 620-41. 
 root-stems, their occurrence and use, 
 323, 383, 1137, 1147; as infini- 
 tives, 970a, 971; In dependent 
 composition, 1269; in descriptive, 
 
 128li; inflection of Buch sterns in 
 &, 1, U, 349 ;t(il ; In consouantg, 
 .383-410; somedmcii i^ovein acciu., 
 271 d; newt. pi. fdrnis, 37Ub. 
 rudh-class of verbs— see nasal cU>!«. 
 
 a-aorist, 824, 878-97: formation u{ 
 stem, 878, 879; endings and com- 
 bination with stem, 880, 881; 
 question of lo.s8 of b in certain 
 forms, 834, 881; inflccticii, 882; 
 irregularities, 8h4-91 ; absence of 
 1 in 2d and 3d sing, in older 
 language, 888-90; modes, 892-6; 
 participles, 897; — B-aor. stem in 
 derivation, 1140 c. 
 8-futiire, 931-9: formation of stem, 
 932, 93(1; use of union-vowel i, 
 934, 936; occurrence, 937; modes, 
 938; participles, 939; its preterit, 
 the conditional 940, 941; uses. 
 948. 
 sa-aorist, 824, 916-20: roots allow- 
 ed later to make it, 916; occur- 
 rence in older language, 919, 920; 
 inneetion, 917, 918. 
 second class of verbs — see root- 
 class, 
 second or s-conjugation of verbs, it-* 
 
 chara<Heristics, G05. 733. 
 secondary adjective compounds, 1247g, 
 
 1292-1310. 
 secondary conjugations, 640, 99G- 
 1068: passive, 998, 999; intensive, 
 1000-1025; desiderative 1026-40; 
 causative, 1041-52; denominative, 
 1063-68; tertiary, or derivative 
 from secondary, 1025. 1039, 1062. 
 secondary derivation, 1138, 1139, 
 1202-45; relation to primary, 1139; 
 union-vowels, 1142; forms of stem, 
 1203, 1204; accent, 1206; meaning, 
 1206 ; sec. Bufflxos and the deri- 
 vatives made with them, 1207-46; 
 external combinaUon in sec. deriva- 
 tion, 111c, d, 1203 e. 
 secondary personal endings, 5-12 IT. ; 
 
 normal scheme. 6.'i3b. 
 semivowels (y, r, I, v), pronuncia- 
 tion etc., 61-8; nasal seniiv., 71<\f, 
 206, 2i3d; semiv. assimilation. 
 117 d-f: — and sec the dil- 
 feron t letters, 
 sentence, rules of euphonic combi- 
 nation in, 101; their probable ar- 
 titlciality, 101 a. 
 series or classes of mutes, 32 ff.
 
 550 
 
 General Index. 
 
 seventh class of verbs — see nasal 
 
 class, 
 s/i-sounds (s and 9), 61, 63. 
 short and long quantity, 76-9. 
 sibilants (9, s, s), pronunciation etc., 
 60-4: — and see the different 
 letters, 
 sibilant or sigmatic aorist, 924, 874- 
 920: formation and classification, 
 874-7; 4. s-aorist, 878-97; 5. is- 
 aorist, 898-910 ; 6. sis-aorist, 911-5 ; 
 7. sa-aorist, 916-20'; its stem in 
 derivation, 1140 c. 
 simple aorist, 824, 828-65: 1. root- 
 aorist, 829-41; passive aor. 3d 
 sing., 842-5; 2. a-aorist, 846-55. 
 sis-aorist, 824, 911-5: formation of 
 stem, and inflection, 911 ; forms in 
 older language, 912, 913; modes, 
 914; middle forms, 915. 
 sixth class of verbs — see a-class. 
 sonant and surd sounds, 34, 35; Hindu 
 definition of their difference, 34b; 
 mutes, 34, 35; aspirates, 37, 38; 
 question as to character of h, 65 a : 
 of final mute, 141b; euphonic as- 
 similation of the two classes, 117, 
 156-78. 
 special and general tenses, 599a. 
 spirants, 59 ff.: sibilants, 59-64; 
 aspiration, 65; other breathings, 
 67-9. 
 stems, inflectible, 98-100, 106; their 
 
 derivation — see derivation, 
 strengthening and weakening process- 
 es, 234-60. 
 strong and weak, or strong, middle, 
 and weakest, forms of stems in 
 declension, 311; of roots and stems 
 in general, 104-6; confusions of 
 strong and weak forms in decl., 
 462 c; in conj., 566 a; strong forms 
 in 2d sing., 723; in 2d du., 704, 
 831a, 839, 1007b; in 3d du., 
 793h, 839; in 1st pi., 621 b, 668, 
 676a, 793 h, 831a, 832; in 2d pi., 
 618, 621b, 654, 658, 669, 690, 
 704, 707, 723, 831a, 839; in 3d 
 • pi., 793 h, 831a. 
 Sil-class of verbs — see nu-class. 
 subjunctive mode, 533; formation and 
 endings, 557-62; its first persons 
 used later as imperative, 533, 674, 
 578; subj. use of augmentless pret- 
 erit forms, 563,687; uses of subj. 
 mode, 574-82. 
 suffixes, 98-100; forming'^ adverbs, 
 
 1097-1109; do. declinable stems 
 — see derivation. 
 
 superlative — see comparison. 
 
 surd and sonant sounds — see sonant. 
 
 syllables, quantity of, 79; distin- 
 guished as heavy ■end light, 79. 
 
 system of sounds, 19-76: vowels 
 and diphthongs, 19-30; conson- 
 ants, 31 ff.; mutes, 32-50; semi- 
 vowels, 51-8; sibilants, 59-64; 
 aspiration, 65, 66; visarga and 
 other breathings, 68, 69; anu- 
 Bvara, 70-3; unwritten sounds 
 defined by Hindu grammarians, 
 74, 230; scheme of spoken alpha- 
 bet, with notice of comparative 
 frequency of the sounds, 76; quan- 
 tity, 76-9; accent and its desig- 
 nation, 80-97. 
 
 tan-class of verbs — see u-class. 
 
 tatpurusa-compounds — see deter- 
 minatives. 
 
 tense in verbal inflection, 532; tense- 
 systems, 536; present-system, 599 
 -779; perfect -system, 780-823; 
 aorlst-systems , 824-930 ; future- 
 systems, 931-950. 
 
 tenth class of verbs — see causative 
 conjugation, and cur-class. 
 
 tertiary, or derivative from secondary, 
 conjugations, 1026, 1039, 1052, 
 1068 a. 
 
 third class of verbs — see redupli- 
 cating class. 
 
 time, particles of, 1103, 1122j. 
 
 transliteration, general method of, 5; 
 of sign of elision, 135b; of com- 
 bined final and initial vowels, 126 a ; 
 of anusvara, 73 c; of accent, 83 a, 
 89. 
 
 tud-class of verbs — see a-class. 
 
 u-class (eighth, tan-class) of verbs, 
 603, 697-716; formation of stem, 
 697; inflection, 698-707; roots of 
 the class, 709; irregular root kr 
 orkar, 714, 715; other irregulari- 
 ties, 716. 
 
 uncombinable (pragrhya) final vow- 
 els, 138. 
 
 uninflected words — see indeclin- 
 ablt's. 
 
 union-vowels, 254, 565b, c; i in 
 present inflection, 630, 631, 640; 
 in perfect, 796-8, 803; in aorist,
 
 General Index. 
 
 r.r,, 
 
 Oi) I 
 
 876 b, 877; in 8-future, 934,935; 
 in periphrastic future, 943; in 
 desiderative, 1031 ; iu passive par- 
 ti(;iple, 9o6; in infinitive and ge- 
 rund, 968^ 991; in derivation, 
 1142; — 1 in present inflection, 
 631-4; iu 2d and 3d sing., o55b; 
 ill intensive, 1004 flf.; i for i, 900b; 
 ai for 1, 655 c. 
 upadhmaniya-spirant, 69, 170 d. 
 
 variable or changeable r of roots, 
 242; treatment of, 245 b; in pass- 
 ive, 770c; in s-aor., 885; in is- 
 aor., 900 b; in prec, 922 a; in s- 
 fut., 936 a; in pple, 965 d, 957 b; 
 in infln. , 968 d; in tva-gerund, 
 991b; in ya-gerund , 992a; in 
 desid., 1028 b. 
 
 variation of stem-form in declension, 
 311, 312; in r-stems, 370 b; in 
 consonantal stems, 379, 385-8, 
 421, 443, 444, 458, 463; — in 
 conjugation, 556; in present-stein, 
 604; in perfect, 792-4; in aorist, 
 831 fif., 879, 899; in intensive, 
 1004; in primary derivation, 1143; 
 in secondary, 1203, 1204; in com- 
 position, 1249 b, c. 
 
 verb — see conjugation. 
 
 verb-forms, accentuation of, in the 
 sentence, 92b, 591-8; prolonga- 
 tion of final a or i of, 248c, d; 
 comparison of, 473 c, 474; comb, 
 with insep. prefixes, 1121b, g, i. 
 
 verbal prefixes, 1076, 1077; kindred 
 wordsi) 1078, 1079, 1120; compo- 
 sition with roots, 1076-87, 137; 
 euph. effect on root, 185, 192, 
 1086; accent, 1082-6; their more 
 independent use, 1084, 1118; pre- 
 positional uses, 1125; forms of 
 comparison, 473 b, 1119; declinable 
 stems from roots compounded with 
 them, 1141, 1282; use in descrip- 
 tive composition, 1281, 1289; in 
 
 possessive, 1305; in iirciniMtional 
 1310. 
 
 visarga (nr visarjaniya), 67-9; 
 quaniitative value, 79; i)i:(;urrence, 
 144, 145, 170-72; alphabetic or- 
 der, 7a, 172a: — and see h. 
 
 vocative case, form of, 266a, 307 k ; 
 Vedic, in as, 425-;, 454b, 462a,' 
 465 a; accent falong with quali- 
 fying word), 92a, 314; verb ac- 
 cented after, 594 a. 
 
 voice in verbal inflection, 528-31. 
 
 vowels, how written in devanagari 
 with consonants, 10; sign of absence 
 of, 11; their pronunciation etc., 
 19-29: a-, i-, u-vowels, 19-22; 
 r-, 1-vowels, 23-6; diphthongs, 
 27-9; quantity, 77, 78; accent, 
 80 ff.; nasal vowels, 71*; rules of 
 vowel -combination, 125-38; re- 
 sulting accent, 128, 130, 135a; 
 exceptional cases, 136-8. 
 
 vrddhi-strengthtning, ciiaracter and 
 occurrence of, 27, 235-43, and 
 passim; in primary derivation, 
 1143 a; in secondary, 1204. 
 
 w-sound, belonging to v, 57. 
 
 weak, or weakest, form of stem in 
 declension, 311. 
 
 weakening and strengthening pro- 
 cesses, 234-60. 
 
 writing in India, 2a; mode of, in 
 Skt. manuscripts, 9a, b; its modi- 
 fications in western practice, 9c-e. 
 
 ya-class (fourth, div-class) of verbs, 
 606, 759-67: formation of stem, 
 759; inflection, 760; roots of the 
 class and their classifi'ation , 761, 
 762; irregularities, 763-7. 
 
 ya-class of verbs, or passive preseut- 
 system , 606, 768-74; formation 
 of stem, 768-70; infliction, 771; 
 irregularities, 772-4; ya-forma- 
 ti:)n from intensive stem, 1016. 
 1017
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 r 
 
 p. 147, 391, Plur. Loc. — for T^^fH read f^SffH 
 
 •^ O CO 
 
 265, 736, last 1. — « bhavaatai » bhavantai. 
 
 357, 992 c, 1. 2 — » guhya » guhya. 
 
 401, 1091a, 1. 3 — • » akkhalikrtya » akhkhalikrtya.
 
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